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HISTORICAL  PORTRAITS 


OP 


THE   TUDOE   DYNASTY    AND   THE 
REFORMATION  PERIOD. 


BY 


S.    HUBERT    BURKE. 

A* 

AUTHOE   OF    "THE    MEN    AND   WOMEN   OF    THE    EEFORMATION." 


"  Time  unveils  all  Truth." 


•  t     I 


VOL.    IV. 


JOHN     HODGES, 
13,      SOHO      SQUAEE,     LONDON. 

1883. 


0I709M 


S.  STRAKER  &  SONS,  PRINTERS, 
LONDON   &    REDHII.L. 


«.  ••.••'. 

.•••.•••.;••     •  • .  • 


INTKODUCTION, 


In  closing  this  work,  I  beg  to  express  my  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments to  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Northumberland  for  the 
kind  and  most  welcome  interest  they  have  taken  in  the  pub- 
lication of  the  "  Historical  Portraits  of  the  Tudor  Dynasty." 

Again,  I  must  express  my  respectful  acknowledgments  to 
those  clergymen  of  the  Established  Church  who,  in  the  course 
of  my  literary  inquiries,  have  afforded  me  opportunities  of 
consulting  MSS.,  documents,  rare  blackletter  books,  diaries, 
&c.,  in  their  possession. 

I  cheerfully  accord  to  all  those  who  have  in  any  way 
assisted  me  the  well-merited  expression  of  my  gratitude.  To 
the  officials  of  the  literary  department  of  the  British  Museum 
I  would  be  more  diffuse  in  my  thanks,  as  they  one  and  all 
have  so  long  deserved,  did  not  the  experience  of  two-and- 
twenty  years  prove  that  courtesy,  kindly  attention,  and 
delicate  consideration  seem  to  be  such  unavoidable  attributes 
of  the  gentlemen  who  officiate  in  that  important  department 
of  an  unrivalled  institution,  as  to  render  superfluous  the 
enunciation  of  individual  gratitude. 

434543 


iv  Introduction. 


The  reviewer  of  a  literary  journal  who  seems  to  be  par- 
ticularly hostile  to  my  style  of  relating  historical  narratives, 
recently  stated  that  I  "  re-appear  undaunted  and  unabashed." 
Yes,  I  do  "  re-appear  undaunted  and  unabashed,"  because  I 
am  the  advocate  of  "  Historical  Truth  " — a  sentiment  which  I 
believe  to  be  esteemed  and  honoured  by  every  high-minded 
and  chivalrous  Englishman.  And,  in  taking  leave  of  my 
kind  readers,  may  I,  without  presumption,  express  a  hope 
that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  Historical  Literature 
of  this  country  will  stand  forth  without  reproach,  and 
English  writers  will  commence  a  chivalrous  rivalry  in  the 
honourable  and  beneficent  work  of  disentombing  the  true 
history  of  the  noblest  and  the  grandest  nation  on  the  globe  ? 

S.  H.  Burke. 
London,  Ai^ril  13,  1883. 


HISTORICAL  POPJEAITS 


OF 


THE  TUDOE  DYNASTY  AND  THE 
EEEOEMATION  PEEIOD. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    QUEEN    AND    HER    KINDRED. 

At  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  she  had  four  covisins  who  had 
claims  to  the  Crown — namely,  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  the 
granddaughter  of  Margaret,  Queen  of  Scotland,  elder  sister  of 
Henry  VIII.  ;  next  came  Catherine  and  Mary  Gray,  daughters 
of  Henry,  Marquis  of  Dorset,*  and  granddaughters  of  Charles 
Brandon,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  by  Mary,  known  as  the  Queen- 
Duchess,  and  younger  sister  to  King  Henry  VIII.  Lady 
Eleanor  Brandon,  the  second  daughter  of  Mary,  the  Queen- 
Duchess,  became  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  and  the 
daughter  of  this  lady  was  known  in  early  life  as  Margaret 
Clifford,  and  subsequentlj^  Countess  of  Derby. 


*  The  reader  is  aware  that  the  Marquis  of  Dorset  was  created  Duke  of 
Suffolk  by  the  father-in-law  of  Jane  Dudley,  known  as  the  rebel  Lord 
Warwick,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Duke  of  Northumberland.  Several  of 
the  parties  in  question  perished  on  the  scaffold ;  and  confiscation,  misfor- 
tune, imprisonment,  or  exile,  formed  the  lot  of  their  descendants. 

VOL.   IV.  B 


The  Oucen  and  Jicr  Kindred. 


In  the  ".  Hattp;}  Leyer  ^ag'.'-^re  to  be  seen  four  letters 
which  thkJ-w-'s^mi  ^iglii  li^(5u'*fha  capricious  tyranny  exercised 
by  Elizabeth  towards  those  who  were  "  royally  connected 
with  her."  Three  of  the  letters  in  question  are  from  Mar- 
garet, Countess  of  Derby,  to  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  begging 
of  him  to  intercede  with  the  Queen  for  her.  This  "  poor, 
wretched,  abandoned  lady,"  as  she  touchingly  calls  herself, 
was  the  only  surviving  child  of  Henry  De  Clifford,  second 
Earl  of  Cumberland,  by  his  first  wife,  Eleanor,  daughter  and 
co-heiress  of  Cliarles,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  by  Mary,  daughter  of 
King  Henry  VII.,  and  "  some  short  time  "  Queen  Dowager  of 
France.  This  lady  was  consequently  first  cousin,  once  re- 
moved, to  Queen  Elizabeth.  Lady  Margaret  De  Clifl^ord,  in 
February,  1555,  married  Henry  Stanley,  fourth  Earl  of  Derby,* 
by  whom  she  had  four  sons.  The  letters  to  which  I  have  referred 
contain  the  only  evidence  known  of  the  Queen's  fierce  resent- 
ment to  the  Countess  of  Derby,  who  had  been  many  years  a 
captive  without  having  an  opportunity  of  being  publicly 
accused  of  any  crime. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  husband  of  Lady  Derby 
made  not  the  slightest  effort  to  obtain  her  liberation,  but 
continued  to  be  a  Eoyal  favourite  all  the  time  his  wife  was 
languishing  in  a  dungeon.f  Upon  this  case  of  Tudor  despot- 
\mx\  and  cruelty  oNIiss  Strickland  remarks,  "  The  ill-treatment 


*  Edward,  the  third  Earl  of  Derby  (of  the  House  of  Stanley),  was  cele- 
brated for  his  unbounded  liberality  in  money  transactions,  and  the  profuse 
style  of  his  different  establishments.  He  died  in  1572.  Camden  says, 
"  With  this  most  worthy  noble  of  the  House  of  Derby,  the  glory  of  English 
hospitality  was  in  a  manner  laid  asleep."  Lord  Derby  had  two  hundred 
and  twenty  servants  on  his  cheque  roll  for  forty-two  years.  Twice  a  day 
sixty  old  and  decrepid  poor  were  fed  with  bread,  meat,  and  beer  at  the 
expense  of  this  munificent  nobleman. 

t  Miss  Strickland's  Tudor  Princesses. 


TJie  Queen  a)id  her  Kindred. 


of  this  noble  lady  affords  a  striking  picture   of  the  Grolden 
Days  of  the  Grood  Queen  Bess." 

At  one  period  the  Earls  of  Derby  were  Kings  of  the  Isle 
of  Man,  and  kept  court  at  Eushen  Castle — once  a  very 
interesting  place.  The  Countess  of  Derby  in  question,  after 
her  marriage,  held  a  gay  court,  as  Queen,  in  the  Isle  of  Man, 
which  was  her  lawful  privilege.  It  was  supposed  that  this 
ancient  title  excited  the  jealousy  of  Elizabeth,  but  there 
were  other  causes. 

Lady  Derby  says  "  that  Hatton  was  the  only  person  in  the 
Court  that  had  shown  any  compassion  for  her,  and  he  exerted 
himself  in  obtaining  some  alleviation  of  her  suiFerings." 

It  is  said  that  the  Queen's  hatred  of  Lady  Derby  had  its 
origin  in  the  gossip  of  Court  ladies,  who  reported  that  the 
Countess  of  Derby  "  remarked  many  years  back  that  the 
descendants  of  Henry  VIII.'s  two  sisters  had  a  better  claim  to 
the  Crown  than  Nan-de-Boleyn^s  bastard.''^  It  was  also  bruited 
that  Lady  Derby  made  a  solemn  declaration  of  the  falsehood 
of  the  above  allegations  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  who 
appears  to  have  been  friendly  to  her  cause.  The  Countess  was 
on  intimate  terms  with  the  Queen  of  Scots,  which,  in  itself, 
would  create  a  suspicion  in  the  mind  of  Elizabeth.  JMary 
Stuart  frequently  wrote  of  the  English  Queen  "  as  Nan-de- 
Boleyn's  bastard."  Through  the  agency  of  Cecil,  more  than 
one  of  the  Queen  of  Scots'  letters,  using  those  epithets,  were 
shown  to  Elizabeth  by  Court  ladies.  Cecil  would  not  dare  do 
it  himself,  because  he  well  understood  the  fierce  passion  of  the 
Queen.  The  upper  classes  were  surrounded  by  Cecil's  secret 
agents,  who  coloured  and  misrepresented  everything  they 
heard  related  in  private  society.  It  was  likewise  difficult  to 
ascertain  who  were  playing  this  dishonourable  and  wicked 
game.     One    lady  who  had  been    the   most  trusted   by  the 

B  2 


TJic  Oueen  and  JiC7'  Kindred. 


courtiers — men  and  women — had  been  twelve  years  the  well- 
paid  spy  of  Cecil.  Two  years  after  her  death  the  secret  was 
accidentally  discovered,  but  was  quickly  hushed  up,  from 
the  fact  that  her  daughters  were  then  connected  with  the 
Court,  and  in  high  favour  with  Lord  Leicester — an  incident 
which  goes  far  to  impeach  their  honour. 

The  Queen  took  possession  of  the  Countess  of  Derby's  lands, 
and  acted  with  dishonesty  as  well  as  cruelty,  yet  the  unfor- 
tunate lady  writes  to  her  Royal  oppressor  in  the  most  abject 
style.     Here  is  a  specimen  : — 

"My  dread  and  gracious  Sovereign,  tnost  renoxvned  in  all  clemency 
and  justice,  I  do  prostrate  myself  and  most  humbly  crave  that  it  tvill 
please  your  Highness  favourably  to  read,  and  tnercifully  to  conceive, 
of  these  few  lines  and  wretched  estate  of  a  very  poor  distressed 
woman." 

The  purport  of  the  letter  was  to  supplicate  the  payment  of 
her  debts  out  of  the  rental  of  the  lands  which  the  Queen  had 
taken  into  her  own  hands.  Lady  Derby  concludes  in  these 
words  : — 

"  I  hneel  most  humbly  at  your  Royal  and  gracious  feet,  and  pray 
to  God  that  shortly  my  heavy  and  dry  sorrows  may  be  quenched 
with  the  sweet  dew  and  moisture  of  your  Mafestfs  abundayit  grace 
and  virtue.  .  .  .  And  again :  I  remain,  your  most  wo/ul  and 
miserable  thrall, 

*  Maegaket,  Countess  of  Dekby." 

The  Countess  of  Derby  was  a  close  prisoner  from  her  hus- 
band and  children  for  ten  years,  for  "  a  supposed  crime,"  of 
which,  with  all  the  judicial  machinery  of  the  Star  Chamber  at 
hand,  the  Queen  did  not  dare  to  offer  proois.  As  to  the  hus- 
band of  this  unfortunate  lady,  he  was  thoroughly  despised  by 
whatever  virtue  and  manliness  remained  amongst  the  venal 


T/ic  Queen  and  her  Kindred.  5 

aristocracy  of  the  realm.  The  last  infamous  action  of  his  life 
was  that  of  "  volunteering  "  his  services  to  the  Queen  in  carry- 
ing through  the  judicial  murder  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 

The  sad  history  of  the  granddaughter  of  the  Queen-Duchess 
is  still  a  mystery.  The  above  letter  was  written  about  1580- 
Lady  Derby  lived  sixteen  years  later,  and  it  is  supposed  that 
she  died  at  one  of  the  Queen's  private  prisons.  For  instance, 
Mary  Gray  and  Anne  Scudamore  were  in  the  "safe  keeping" 
of  Bishop  Home's  reputed  wife — a  dame  who  is  said  to  have 
been  as  great  a  virago  and  persecutor  of  female  prisoners  as 
"Bess  of  Hardwick"  (Lady  Shrewsbury),  had  been  to  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  when  at  Tutbury  Castle. 

In  the  thirty- third  year  ot  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  (1581) 
all  the  women  of  the  Gray  family,  including  Mary  Gray,  had 
passed  away  ;  persecution  and  poverty  were  their  fate  under 
the  rule  of  Elizabeth. 

Elizabeth  looked  upon  her  mother's  relatives  in  a  different 
light  from  the  descendants  of  her  father's  sisters — the  Princesses 
Margaret  and  Mary  Tudor — whom  she  hated  with  malignant 
fervour.  The  Butlers  of  Ormonde  were  Elizabeth's  Irish 
cousins  at  the  "Boleyn  side."  In  the  first  year  of  her  reign 
the  Queen  conferred  the  Order  of  the  Garter  on  the  young 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  was  her  second  cousin.  This  noble- 
man was  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  whom,  as  the  reader 
is  aware,  Henry  VIII.  sent  to  the  scaffold. 

Elizabeth's  great-uncle.  Lord  William  Howard,  was 
created  Baron  of  Effingham  by  Queen  Mary  ;  under  Elizabeth 
he  enjoyed  the  office  of  Lord  Chamberlain. 

Lord  Thomas  Howaed,  who  was  first  cousin  to  Anna 
Boleyn,  was  created  Viscount  Bindon  by  the  Queen,  and  con- 
tinued much  in  Royal  favour  to  the  end  of  his  life.  He  was 
a  zealous  Catholic,  but  her  Highness  never  interfered  with  his 


The  Queen  and  her  Kindred. 


practice  of  the  Olden  Creed.     Blanche  Parry  states  that  the 
Queen  had  immense  faith  in  her  Catholic  relatives. 

Sir  KiCHARD  Sackville,  another  of  Anna  Boleyn's 
cousins,  filled  different  fiscal  offices  under  the  Tudor  family. 
Sackville  was  a  man  of  varied  abilities  and  business  habits- 
talents  not  much  prized  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  The  fact 
of  being  one  of  the  Queen's  relatives  did  not  tend  to  make 
Sackville  popular  with  the  time-serving  courtiers ;  yet  he  fully 
represented  the  bad  qualities  of  those  who  censured  him,  for 
he  was  mean,  vindictive,  and  unprincipled.  He  derived  large 
estates  from  his  family  in  Sussex.  The  people  of  Sussex  dis- 
liked him  for  his  exacting  mode  of  dealing,  and  they  styled 
the  Royal  favourite  "  fill-sack."  In  Queen  Mary's  reign  Sack- 
ville returned  to  the  creed  of  his  fathers  ;  and  upon  the 
accession  of  Elizabeth  —  unsolicited  —  became  a  Protestant 
again.  Elizabeth  had  little  confidence  in  those  men  who 
were  constantly  changing  their  religion,  and  in  many  cases 
she  "  set  spies  upon  them."  The  complications  attending  the 
political  situation  of  Elizabeth  compelled  her  to  accept  the 
services  of  such  men  as  Sackville.  Eichard  Sackville  was 
father  of  the  poet  of  that  name,  subsequently  known  as  Lord 
Buckhurst,  who  succeeded  Lord  Burleigh  in  tlie  office  of 
Treasurer,  or,  as  now  styled,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 

Sir  Francis  Knollys,  whose  wife  was  a  near  kinswoman  to 
the  Queen,  became  a  Puritan  at  an  early  period  of  life.  His 
sons  gaijied  influence  at  Court,  and  received  various  grants  of 
land.  His  beautiful  daughter,  the  mother  of  the  ill-fated 
Robert,  Earl  of  Essex,  and  subsequently  the  wife  of  Lord 
Leicester,  was  long  an  object  of  deadly  hate  to  Queen 
Elizabeth. 

Of  all  Elizabeth's  relatives  the  one  who  deserved  most  at 
her  hands  was  Henry  Carey,  brother  to  Lady   Knollys    and 


J'Jie  Queen  and  her  Kindred. 


son  to  Mary  Boleyn,  the  Queen's  aunt.  Carey  had  expended 
a  large  portion  of  his  own  private  fortune  upon  Elizabeth 
during  her  imprisonment,  and  she  liberally  requited  his 
friendship  when  Queen.  He  was  created  Earon  Hunsdon,  and 
received  several  of  tlie  confiscated  estates.  He  proved  to  Eliza- 
beth a  most  loyal  subject  and  devoted  friend.  Lord  Hunsdon 
was  skilled  as  little  in  the  ceremonies  and  sentimental  gallantry 
which  his  Royal  JNIistress  required  from  her  courtiers  as  in 
the  "  circumspect  and  winding  policy"  which  she  so  much 
approved  in  the  actions  of  her  statesmen.  It  has  been 
affirmed  by  a  contemporary  that^  as  "  Hunsdon  lived  in  a 
ruffling  time,  so  he  loved  sword  and  bucklermen."  He  had 
the  reputation  of  "high  integrity,"  according  to  the  notions  of 
honesty  in  practice  in  those  days  of  religious  hypocrisy  and 
cant.  It  was  said  of  him  that  his  Latin  and  his  dissimulation 
were  both  alike — "equally  bad."  Elizabeth  thoroughly  un- 
derstood such  men,  but  "  circumstances  "  made  the  otherwise 
couraoeous  woman  silent. 

Thomas  Radclyffe,  Earl  of  Sussex,  has  been  styled  the 
"  most  courtly  and  grand  of  Elizabeth's  Peers."  He  hated 
Lord  Leicester,  and  openly  displayed  a  hostility,  which  was 
more  than  reciprocated  by  the  Royal  favourite.  The  manner 
in  which  the  mutual  rancour  was  exhibited  became  charac- 
teristic. It  was  courageous,  manly,  outspoken  on  the  part 
of  Sussex — base,  cowardly,  and  underhand  on  that  of  Leices- 
ter. Thomas  Radclyffe  was  the  third  of  his  name  who  bore 
the  title  of  Sussex.  He  was  the  son  of  the  man  styled  the 
"  good  Earl,"  who  so  effectually  befriended  Elizabeth  when 
in  adversity,  and  proved  in  all  ways  worthy  of  her  respect. 
The  Earl  of  whom  I  write  (Thomas)  was,  by  his  mother, 
daughter  of  Thomas,  second  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  first  cousin 
to    Anna    Boleyn.       During    the    reign  -of  Mary    his    high 


8  The  Queen  and  her  Kindre(^. 


character  and  Avell-known  loyalty  caused  him  to  be  employed, 
first  in  an  embassy  to  Charles  V.  to  arrange  the  Queen's 
marriage  articles,  and  afterwards  in  the  post  of  Lord-Deputy 
of  Ireland  ;  whilst  in  the  latter  office,  it  is  contended  that  Lord 
Sussex  acted  with  great  severity  to  the  native  L'ish.  The 
State  Papers  of  Mary's  reign  are  silent  as  to  such  proceedings.* 

In  September,  1556,  Sussex  was  in  Dublin  as  Queen  Mary's 
Lord  Deputy.  The  Catholic  worship  was  restored,  and  the 
"accommodating"  representative  of  the  Queen  went  to  Mass 
in  state,  surrounded  by  a  number  of  knights  and  squires  in 
elegant  attire.  So  far  he  was  popular  with  the  Irish — the  Irish 
of  the  Pale — but  the  O'Moores,  and  the  O'Connors,  like  other 
septs,  were  still  the  deadly  enemies  of  the  English  connection. 
About  the  period  of  Queen  Mary's  accession,  the  O'Moores  and 
neighbouring  clans  made  a  well-organised  attack  on  the 
English  of  the  Pale,  and  "  put  man,  woman,  and  child  to  the 
sword ;"  they  also  wantonly  destroyed  property  by  fire,  and  did 
many  acts  of  barbarism  uncalled  for  by  the  conduct  of  the 
settlers,  who  were  not  always  in  the  wrong — far  from  it.  At 
this  period  there  was  not  the  slightest  difference  in  doctrine 
or  discipline  between  the  Church  luithout  the  Pale  and  the 
Church  toithin. 

The  "  lawless  wanderers,"  who  lived  by  making  incursions 
upon  their  neighbours'  lands,  are  styled  in  the  despatches  to 
the  English  Council  as  "  Eedshanks." 

A  vast  expenditure  of  blood  and  money  took  place  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  in  order  to  put  down  the  movements  of 


*  A  fire  took  place  in  the  Government  Offices  of  Dublin  Castle  on  the 
15th  of  April,  1711,  by  which  a  large  quantity  of  State  Papers,  ranging 
over  centuries,  were  consumed.  Amongst  the  correspondence  were  the 
"high-handed"  letters  of  Wolsey,  suggesting  a  more  rigid  policy  for  subju- 
gating the  native  Irish. 


The  Queen  and  her  Kindred. 


the  O'Moores  and  O'Connors.  The  English  officials  of  those 
times  seldom  made  any  attempt  at  conciliating  the  native  in- 
habitants. To  exterminate,  debase,  and  insult  the  people 
seems  to  have  been  the  only  permanent  policy  adopted  by  the 
Lords  of  the  Privy  Council  in  Ireland. 

The  "  Scotch  intruders  "  were  the  people  who  gave  most 
trouble  to  the  Government  of  Queen  Mary  in  Ireland.  The 
Irish  Parliament — acting  in  the  interest  of  England — 
passed  a  statute  making  it  treason  "  to  encourage  in  any  form 
the  Scotch  soldiers  of  fortune."  In  the  reign  of  James  I.  the 
opposite  policy  was  unscrupulously  carried  out  by  the  exter- 
mination of  nine-tenths  of  the  Ulster  Catholics.*  According 
to  the  statement  of  Judge  Coxe  and  Father  Campion — both 
eminent  Englishmen  f  — it  was  made  felony  for  the  Irish  or 
the  English  of  the  Pale,  to  intermarry  with  the  Scots  without 
a  licence  under  the  Great  Seal. 

Queen  Mary's  Council  expended  the  sum  of  £25,000  in 
putting  down  "  risings  in  Ireland."  The  Queen  considered 
the  Irish  Catholics  very  ungrateful  to  her.  But  for  what,  it 
may  be  asked,  could  the  Irish  be  grateful  to  any  member  of 
the  Tudor  family,  whether  Catholic  or  Protestant  ? 

On  the  last  visit  of  Lord  Sussex  to  Ireland  he  represented 
Elizabeth.  On  this  occasion  he  aided  in  "  pulling  down  the 
Church  which  he  had  so  recently  uplifted."  It  would,  how- 
ever,   be    unjust    to   attach    all  the  censure    of  unreasoning 


*  See  Macnevin's  Plantation  of  Ulster. 

t  Coxe  filled  the  office  of  Eecorder  of  Kinsale,  a  place  of  some  importance 
in  those  days.  Mr.  Coxe  was  the  author  of  a  work  entitled  "  Hibernia 
Anglicana."  He  is  described  by  G'Dempsej',  "the  learned  Franciscan," 
as  "  a  man  of  extensive  learning,  wit,  and  honesty.'"  I  question  the  latter, 
for  honesty  was  a  lare  \irtue  amongst  public  men  in  those  times. 


10  The  Queen  and  her  Kindred. 


oppression  to  the  English  Protestant  party,  for  long  before 
Protestantism  appeared  in  this  realm  the  Celtic  Catholics 
were  ground  down  and  misgoverned  by  the  English  Catholics. 
The  State  Papers  of  Ireland,  and  the  records  of  Dublin 
Castle,  are  quite  conclusive  on  this  subject.  However,  Ireland 
under  Elizabeth's  rule  startles  humanity.  The  barbarous  and 
treacherous  conduct  of  her  Lord  Deputies  and  the  "  soldiers 
of  fortune"  who  visited  the  Irish  shore,  stand  forth  without  a 
parallel  in  the  history  of  civilised  nations.  Indeed  it  -would 
appear  altogether  incredible,  but  that  it  has  been  so  accurately 
certified  in  the  boastful  despatches  of  the  times,  where  the 
name  of  the  Almighty  is  so  frequently  invoked  in  papers 
recording  the  commission  of  deeds  of  wholesale  carnage  and 
plunder.     Anon  1  shall  return  to  the  "  Irish  difficulty." 

Queen  Elizabeth,  wishing  to  avail  herself  of  the  services  of 
Lord  Sussex  at  home,  recalled  him  in  1565. 

The  apparent  cause  of  quarrel  between  Sussex  and 
Leicester  seems  to  have  been  their  difference  of  opinion 
respecting  the  Austrian  match  for  the  Queen ;  but  this  was 
more  the  pretext  than  the  motive  of  an  animosity  deeply 
rooted  in  the  nature  and  position  of  each,  and  probably  called 
into  action  by  provocations  hitherto  unchronicled.  Accord- 
ing to  a  contemporary  of  critical  judgment,  the  disposition  of 
Sussex  was  courageous  and  sincere;  his  spirit  high,  his 
judgment  clear  and  strong  ;  his  whole  character  honourable 
and  upright.  In  the  arts  of  a  courtier,  which  he  despised,  he 
was  incomparably  inferior  to  Leicester.  Sussex  was,  however, 
endowed  with  penetration  sufficient  to  detect,  beneath  the 
garb  of  hypocrisy  and  artifice  in  which  they  were  involved, 
the  vices  of  Leicester's  disposition,  and  he  could  not  without 
nger  and  shame  behold  a  princess  whose  blood  he  shared, 
whose  character  he  honoured,  and  Avhose  service  he  had  him- 


TiLc  Qjiecn  and  her  Kindred.  1 1 

self  embraced  with  pure  devotion,  the  unconscious  dupe  of 
an  adventurer  so  despicable  in  the  estimation  of  all  honour- 
able  and  true  men. 

The  sarcasms  of  Sussex  roused  in  Leicester  an  animosity 
which  he  made  no  eiFort  to  disguise :  with  the  exception  of 
Cecil    and    his    friends,    who  stood   neuter,    the   whole  Court 
divided  into  factions  upon  the  quarrel  of  these  two  powerful 
Peers ;  and  to  such  an  extremity  were  matters  carried  that  for 
some    time  neither  of  them    would    stir    abroad  without    a 
numerous  train,  armed,  according  to  the  fiishion  of  the  day, 
with  daggers  and  spiked  bucklers.     Scarcely  could  the  (^ueen 
herself  restrain  these  "  angry  opposites  "  from  breaking  out  into 
acts  of  violence.     At  length,  however,  summoning  them  both 
into  her  presence,  her  Highness  forced  them  to  a  reconcilia- 
tion, just  as  sincere  as  such  pacifications  by  authority  have 
for  the  most  part  proved.     The  open  and  unmeasured  enmity 
of  Sussex  seems  to  have  been  productive  in  the  end  of  more 
injury  to  his  own  friends  than  to  Leicester.     The  storm  under 
which  the  latter  had  bent  for  the  instant  rapidly  passed  away, 
and  he  once  more  stood  erect  in  the  plenitude  of  power.     To 
revenge  himself  by  the  ruin  or  disgrace  of  Sussex  was  yet, 
however,  beyond  his  strength.     The  well-founded  confidence 
of  Elizabeth  in  the  abilities  and  attachment  of  Lord  Sussex, 
Leicester  found  to  be  invincible ;  but  against  his  friends  and 
adherents,   and    against    the    Duke  of   Norfolk    himself,    his 
malignant  arts  succeeded  to  his  best  wishes,  and  it  seems  not 
improbable  that  Leicester,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  without 
interruption  his  practices  against  them,  concurred  in  procuring 
for  his  adversary  an  honourable  exile  in  the  shape  of  an  em- 
bassy to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor,  on  which  he  departed  in 
the  year  1567.     After  his  return  from  this  mission,  the  Queen 
named  the  Earl  of  Sussex  Lord  President  of  the   North,  an 


12 


The  Oiiccn  and  Jier  Kindred. 


appointment  which  effectually  removed  hiin  from  the  theatre  of 

Court  intrigue. 

Lord  Sussex  died  in  June,  1583.  He  retained  his  hatred 
of  the  Koyal  favourite  to  the  last.  "  I  am  now  passing  into 
another  world,"  said  he  to  his  friends,  who  surrounded  his 
death-bed,  "and  I  must  leave  you  to  your  fortunes  and  the 
Queen's  grace  and  goodness.  But  beware  of  the  gipsy,* 
or  he  will  be  too  hard  for  you  all ;  you  know  not  the  nature 
of  the  beast  as  well  as  I  do."t 

On  his  death-bed  Sussex,  like  many  others,  returned  to  the 
religion  of  his  Others.    He  died  at  his  mansion  in  Bermondsey 

a  locality  where  many    of    the  notables  of   those   times 

resided.  The  domestic  life  of  Sussex  was  "clouded  and 
unhappy."  Queen  Elizabeth  had  some  personal  dislike  to 
the  Countess  of  Sussex,  and  caused  much  mischief  between 
husband  and  wife.  The  character  of  Lady  Sussex  was 
"  without  spot  or  stain." 

The  Queen  appointed  her  cousin,  Hunsdon,  to  fill  the 
office  vacated  by  the  death  of  Sussex.  Hunsdon  and  his 
Royal  mistress  did  not  agree  on  many  matters.  Elizabeth 
threatened  to  "put  him  up  by  the  heels ;"  or  to  imprison  him. 
He  coolly  replied,  "  Any  imprisonment  your  Highness  may 
put  on  me  shall  redound  to  your  dishonour,  because  1 
neither  have,  nor  will  I  deserve  it."  "The  cousins" 
understood  one  another.  Both  were  prone  to  outbursts  of 
violent  and  uncontrolled  passion.  On  those  occasions  Elizabeth 
seemed  to  forget  the  natural  modesty  of  her  sex  and  the 
dignity  and  honour  of  the  Sovereign. 

*  It  was  bruited  for  many  years  that  Leicester,  when  an  infant,  was 
carried  off  by  a  gijsy  woman,  and  not  discovered  for  three  years,  and  then 
"doubtful."  Subsequent  events,  however,  proved  tliat  the  child  was  "a 
thorough  Dudley.'' 

t  Naunton's  Fragmenta  Regalia. 


The  Queen  and  her  Kindred.  13 

I  refer  the  reader  to  a  chapter  further  on,  entitled  "  The 
Northern  Eebellion,"  for  some  particulars  concerning  Lord 
Hunsdon,  which  place  his  character  in  a  somewhat  amiable 
and  independent  light  before  posterity.  The  case  to  which  I 
refer  is  that  of  Hunsdon  and  his  noble  prisoner,  the  chival- 
rous and  unfortunate  Earl  of  Northumberland. 

Grreat  interest  naturally  attached  to  everything  connected 
with  Queen  Elizabeth.  Her  watch,  her  gloves,  her  riding 
whijj,  and  her  little  silver  goblet  are  preserved  by  some 
families  as  souvenirs  of  her  abiding  at  favoured  residences  of 
the  nobility.  Several  books  have  been  produced  by  persons 
who  alleged  that  they  were  once  the  property  of  Elizabeth, 
and  who  obtained  liberal  recompense  for  the  attestation.  It 
is  pleasant  to  be  able  to  endorse  a  few.  There  is  at  present 
in  the  county  of  Kerry,  Ireland,  an  ancient  and  honourable 
family — that  of  Denny.  It  is  probable  that  in  the  archives 
of  that  house  are  still  preserved  the  interesting  treasures 
bought  on  March  6,  I759,at  the  sale  of  "the  Earl  of  Arran's 
curiosities,"  which  sale  took  place  at  the  period  mentioned  at 
his  house  in  Covent  Grarden.  Sir  Thomas  Denny,  a  lineal 
descendant  of  Sir  Anthony  Denny,  one  of  the  executors  of 
Henry  Till.,  commissioned  the  following  purchases  : — The 
mittens  given  by  the  (Jueen  Elizabeth  to  "Sir  Edward  Denny's 
Lady  "  brought  £25  4s. ;  the  gloves  given  by  King  Henry  to 
Sir  Anthony  Denny  .£38  17s.  ;  the  gloves  given  by  James  the 
First  to  Edward  Denny,  Esq.,  son  of  the  above  Sir  Anthony, 
£22  Is.  ;  a  scarf  given  by  King  Charles  the  Fii'st,  for  ten 
guineas.  At  the  sale  of  the  Duchess  of  Portland's  valuable 
museum  in  1786,  some  genuine  books  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
were  offered  for  competition,  one  of  which  is  described  as  "Queen 
Elizabeth's  little  prayer  book,"  containing  six  prayers 
composed  by  her,  and  written  in  a  small  neat  hand  on  velhim. 


14  TJic  Queen  and  Jier  Kindred. 

It  is  said  the  writing  was  that  of  the  Queen  herself.     Two  of 

the  prayers  were  written  in  English,  the  other  four  in  Latin, 

Grreek,  Italian,  and  French.     On  the  inside  of  the  cover  were 

discovered  two  portraits,  one  of  Elizabeth  and  the  other    of 

the  Duke  of  Anjou.      The  binding  was  of  black  and  green, 

with  enamel  clasps,  and  in  the  centre  of  each  a  ruby.     After 

much  competition  for  this  interesting  memento  of  the  "  good 

Queen  Bess  "  it  was  sold  for  one  hundred  guineas.     Amongst 

the  curiosities  taken  by  Joseph  Buonaparte  from  Madrid  was  a 

picture  of  Elizabeth,  presented  by  her  to  the  astute  De  Quadra, 

the  Spanish  Ambassador  ;  and  likewise  a  rins^  containinof  a  lock 

of  her  hair  when  fourteen  years  of  age— that  period  of  life 

when  Blanche  Parry  described    her  as    "My  lovely   young 

mistress."     The  ring  is  traditionally  glorified  by  a  pervading 

belief  that  it  was   presente:!  to    Elizabeth    by    Sir    Thomas 

Seymour,  her  earliest  lover,  who  had  in  her  youth  so  many 

opportunities    of    "beseeching    the    golden    honours   of    her 

queenly  hair." 


Results  of  the  Clerical  Revolution.  15 


CHAPTEE    II. 

EESULTS    OF   THE    CLERICAL    REVOLUTION. 

The  pension  stipulated  for  certain  classes  of  the  monks  and 
nuns  was  subsequently  withdrawn  by  the  Protector  Somerset,* 
and  again  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  seldom  evinced  sympathy 
for  the  aged  religious  of  her  own  sex.  The  sum  granted  for  the 
old  nuns  was  so  scant  that,  in  the  words  of  Pomeroy,  "  it 
would  scarce  keep  body  and  soul  together."  Three  of  the 
nuns  received  back  their  pensions  through  the  intercession  of 
Lord  Leicester,  to  whom  they  Avere  related.  Tlie  prioresses 
of  some  partic^ilar  convents  received  a  pension  of  one  hundred 
shillings  per  annum.  This  allowance  did  not  continue  long, 
for  the  high  officials  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  were  thoroughly 
dishonest,  and  it  was  dangerous  for  the  pensioned  monks  to 
complain  of  not  having  received  their  moneys  at  the  stated 
period.  The  pensions  were  supposed  to  be  paid  by  the 
Treasurer  of  the  Court  of  Augmentation;  but  it  happened  that 
the  Treasurers  and  their  confidential  secretaries  were  not  un- 
frequently  defaulters  to  a  large  amount.  The  monks  were 
paid  more  regular  than  the  nuns,  for  some  of  them  "  spoke 
boldly,"  but  the  poor  old  ladies  feared  to  approach  the  officials, 
or  to  complain  of  their  grievances.  So  they  quickly  dis- 
appeared from   the   scene.     Canon    Dixon  admits  that   "  the 


*  Fuller's  Church  History,  p.  387. 


1 6  Residts  of  the  Clerical  Revolution. 


nuns  were  dashed  upon  the  world  in  a  state  of  destitution." 
Several  of  "  the  wandering  nuns  "  were  from  eighty  to  ninety 
years  of  age  ;  some  blind  ;  some  paralysed  from  the  cold  of 
winter  and  the  want  of  warm  clothing.  Many  of  those  ladies 
had  good  fortunes,  which  they  spent  in  the  relief  of  orphans, 
in  succouring  old  age,  in  attending  the  sick  ;  in  protecting 
young  maidens  from  the  snares  of  the  licentious  ;  and  in  re- 
leasing poor  debtors,  who  in  those  times  were  cruelly  used  by 
the  Lombard  Shylocks,  who  were  exacting  "  the  pound  of 
flesh  "  without  mercy  or  pity.  At  a  later  period  Archbishops 
Whito-ift  and  Hutton  were  the  unmanly  persecutors  of  the 
few  monks  and  nuns  that  remained.  The  last  monk  who  received 
the  pension  died  blind  in  the  reign  of  James  the  First.  Paul 
Whittington,  for  such  was  his  name,  had  reached  his  97th 
year,  a  few  days  before  his  death.  He  was  once  honoured  as  an 
eminent  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar.  He  died  in  great  poverty 
near  Bury  St.  Edmunds.  Whittington  was  possessed  of  a 
marvellous  memory,  and  in  his  old  age  he  received  visits  from 
Shakspeare,  Spenser,  Ben  Jonson,  and  Walter  Ealeigh. 
The  Story  Telling  Clubs  were  delighted  with  Whittington's 
anecdotes.  Many  eminent  scholars  met  the  fate  of  Whit- 
tington. 

Many  of  the  nuns  died  from  starvation  and  cold  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  ;  they  wandered  along  the  ditches  and  hedges  in 
the  rural  districts,  where  they  had  once  been  the  comfort  and 
hope  of  the  peasant  classes.  The  new  clergy  denounced  them, 
and  too  many  of  the  ungrateful  people  scoffed  at  them  ;  but 
there  were  some  who  sympathised  with  their  sufferings,  and 
divided  their  last  loaf  with  those  poor  ladies  who  had  once 
been  the  guardians  and  benefactors  of  their  fathers  and 
mothers.  The  populace  of  London  acted  in  the  vilest  spirit 
towards  them,  and  in  no  part  of  the  realm  had  more  been 


Results  of  the  Clerical  Revohction.  ly 

done  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  overcrowded  districts  than  by  the 
ladies  of  the  religious  orders,  who  were  both  physicians  and 
nurses.  In  the  second  volume  of  this  work  I  have  referred 
at  some  length  to  the  hospitals  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  religious  orders,  and  their  conduct  during  the  period  of 
the  plague  and  the  sweating  sickness.  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt 
has  left  on  record  a  description  of  a  visit  to  an  hospital  where 
hundreds  were  dying  of  the  plague.  The  groans  of  the  dying, 
and  the  wild  lamentations  of  widows  and  orphans,  are  depicted 
with  great  force  and  feeling  hy  the  courtier  Wyatt.  "  The 
monks  and  nuns,"  writes  Wyatt,  "  were  fearless  and  busy  in 
attending  the  sufferers,  whose  dreadful  agonies  lasted  some 
fifteen  hours  before  their  dissolution.  .  .  .  The  churches 
were  thrown  open  day  and  night  for  prayer  ;  and  the  con- 
fessors were  in  constant  attendance  to  receive  back  to  the  Fold 
the  fallen  and  the  wicked."  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  states  that, 
to  his  own  knciw ledge,  the  monks  and  nuns  buried  in  three 
days  nearly  five  thousand  bodies  of  people  who  died  of  the 
plague. 

For  centuries  London  was  noted  for  its  hospitals  in  con- 
nection with  the  monastic  houses,  and  the  kindness  with  which 
the  patients  were  treated.  French  and  Spanish  physicians 
have  left  on  record  their  opinions  as  to  the  London  hospitals, 
and  at  the  head  of  that  list  may  be  placed  Carlo  Logario  and 
Paul  de  jMonfred,  a  very  eminent  physician,  who  studied  in 
Paris,  and  was  known  in  all  the  high  social  circles  in  England. 

There  has  been  much  misrepresentation  as  to  the  amount  of 
property  held  by  many  of  the  monastic  houses,  which  were 
constantly  suffering  from  the  dishonesty  of  kings  and  nobles. 
Between  the  Conquest  and  the  accession  of  the  Lancastrian 
dynasty — during  the  reigns  of  twelve  kings — nearly  nine 
hundred  houses  of  monks,  or  of  friars,  were  founded,  which, 

VOL.    IV.  C 


1 8  Results  of  the  Clerical  Revobition. 


along  \s\\\\  those  that  were  in  existence  previously,  made  up  a 
total  number  of  about  twelve  hundred.     But  their  prosperity 
had  ceased  long  before  the  hour  of  their  destruction  arrived. 
From  tlie  time  of  Henry  the  Fourth  the  stream  of  benefaction 
was  diverted  from  them;  and  while  colleges  and  public  schools 
were  planted  in  numbers  and  magnificence,  the  scanty  sura  of 
six  or  seven  foundations  of  monks  and  friars  in  the  course  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  years  bore  witness  to  the  change  of 
the  inclinations  of  the  nation.     Nor  must  it  be  supposed  that 
the  religious  houses  had  been  suffered  to  remain  unmolested 
in  the  enjoyment  of  their   possessions  at  any   time.     In  their 
most  flourishing  days  they  were  never  in  peace ;  when  they 
acquired  most,  they  were  never  free   from  the  hands  of  the 
spoiler.     One  of  the  most  constant  characters  assigned  to  Lord 
Abbots  in  the  ancient  chronicles  is,  that  they  defended  the 
property  of  their  community.     King  John,  Edward  the  First, 
and  other  members  of  the  same  family  plundered  the  Abbey 
and  Church  lands  at  different  times.     Still  those  princes  gave 
large  endowments.     Henry  the   First  toolc  a  portion  of  the 
revenues    of   the    See    of    Ely    for    some    years,    and    at 
another  period  he  endowed  the  famous  Convent  of  Buckland, 
m  Somersetshire.     Henry  the  Fifth  sequestered  the  property 
of  several  monastic  houses.     The  statistics  put  forward  by 
Lord    Crumwell's    agents  as  to  the  value  of    the  monastic 
property  were  immensely  overrated. 

Glastonbury  was  certainly  a  wealthy  establishment,  present- 
ing the  most  Interesting  memories  of  any  monastic  house 
m  England.  The  most  remarkable  man  connected  with  Grlas- 
tonbury  at  the  period  of  its  fall  was  Hugh  Whiting,  the  aged 
Abbot.  He  was  a  model  of  the  monastic  virtues  of  the  olden 
times.  "This  grand  old  abbot,"  as  Leland  describes  him, 
"  became  renowned  as  the  preceptor  of  the  sons  of  the  English 


Results  of  the  Clerical  Revolution.  _  19 

nobles,  knights,  and  squires."  During  his  time  not  less  than 
three  hundred  young  gentlemen  Avere  educated  under  his 
inspection.  The  religious  training  was  of  a  grave  and  solid 
character,  and  the  pupils  retired  from  the  Abbey  "  well  fur- 
nished in  morals  and  learning."  The  Abbey  was  said  to  be 
the  richest  in  the  realm,  and  Fortescue  proclaims  its 
antiquity.*  It  had  an  annual  income  of  £3,000,  derived  from 
lands  ;  four  parks  ;  domains  and  manors  ;  furniture,  jewels, 
and  ornaments  reputed  to  be  of  priceless  value.  The  library 
was  also  a  treasure,  but  Crumwell's  inquisitors  cared 
little  for  books.  Amongst  the  charo^es  made  against  the 
Abbot  was,  first  high  treason ;  and  next  robbery  and  sacrilege. 
The  Abbot  went  through  the  form  of  a  trial,  and  was,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  pronounced  guilty.  The  robbery  with 
which  Whiting  was  charged  consisted  in  a  timely  removal 
of  money  and  plate  belonging  to  the  community.  Lay  ton, 
the  inquisitor,  declared  that  all  property  connected  with  the 
Abbey  was,  according  to  law,  belonging  to  the  King.  The  trial 
of  Abbot  Whiting  lasted  but  one  day.  Two  days  subsequently 
he  was  taken  from  Wells  to  Grlastonbury,  drawn  on  a  hurdle 
through  the  town  ;  and  on  tlie  tor,  or  hill,  which  overlooked 
the  Abbey,  where  still  stands  a  magnificent  tower,  which  once 
crowned  the  subjacent  structure,  the  learned  and  holy  Abbot 
was    executed  in    the  most    horrible    manner.       Fraarments 

O 

of  his  quartered  body  were  set  up  at  Wells,  Bath,  Ulchester, 
and  Bridgwater.  The  head  of  the  Abbot  was  placed  over  the 
grand  entrance  of  Glastonbury.  The  judicial  murder  of  the 
venerable  Hugh  Whiting  and  the  sack  of  Grlastonbury  created 


*  In  Volume  I.  of  the  "  Historical  Portraits  of  the  Tudor  Dynasty''  is  to 
be  seen  a  chapter  bearing  upon  the  topography  of  Glastonbury,  and  the  fate 
of  its  learned  and  self-sacrificing  community. 

C  2 


20  Results  of  the  Clerieal  Revolution. 


a  profound  sensation  throughout  England  ;  and  was  likewise 
a  topic  of  conversation  at  every  university  in  Europe,  for 
Glastonbury's  renown  for  learning  and  hospitality  was  known 
in  the  most  distant  climes,   and  wherever  civilisation  raised 

its  head. 

After  much  suffering  the  heroic  Katharine  Bulkeley  re- 
ceived a  pension  of  fifty  pounds.  Her  convent  at  G-odstow 
was  presented  to  Dr.  Owen,  one  of  the  King's  physicians. 
The  conduct  of  Dr.  London  to  this  good  lady  and  her  sister- 
hood has  been  described  by  contemporaries  as  "  base  and  in- 
famous." 

The  '  superb   and  venerable    foundations    of'  Westminster, 
Waltham,  and  Canterbury,  by  a  simultaneous  fall,  consummated 
the  extinction  of  the  abbeys.     Westminster,  the  great  foun- 
dation   of  the  East  Saxons,  second  perhaps  in  antiquity  to 
Canterbury  alone,  refounded  on  the  Benedictine  model  by  Ed- 
ward the  Confessor,  possessed  at  the  time  of  its  dissolution  a 
brotherhood  of  twenty-eight  religious,  and  a  revenue  of  nearly 
four  thousand  pounds.     Waltham,  the  rival  secular  foundation 
of  the  heroic  Harold,  which  had  been  changed  by  the  last  of 
the  purely  Norman  kings  into  a  convent  of  Austin  Eegulars, 
an  order  winch  rivalled  the  Benedictines  in  extent  and  wealth, 
consisted  of  eighteen  persons,  and  was  valued  at  one-fourth  of 
the  large  sum   set  down  by  the   monastic  inquisitors.     The 
mother  monastery  of  England,  Christ  Church  in  Canterbury, 
though'marked  to  have  fallen  amongst  the  first,  had  inspired 
some  caution  in  the  breast  of  the  spoiler,  and  it  was  by  care- 
ful degrees  that  the  dissolution  of  so  renowned  a  place  was 
managed.     It  had  been  visited  again   and  again  ;  it  had  been 
basely  defamed  by  art  and  malice,   for  those  were   the  days 
when  all  charitable  sentiment  was  cast    aside.       With  this 
noble   institution   fell   the  subsidiary  Eochester,   the  second 


Results  of  the  Clerieal  Revolution.  21 

foundation  of  the  Kentish  Ethelbert,  of  the  annual  return  of 
five  hundred  pounds.  Canterbury  College  in  Oxford  was  dis- 
solved at  the  same  time.  To  these  great  catastrophes  are  to 
be  added  Thetford  in  Norfolk,  a  Cluniac  priory  of  fourteen 
monks  and  three  or  four  hundred  pounds,  which  came  by  ex- 
change to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  had  the  intention  of  re- 
founding  it  for  secular  priests,  and  next  came  Walton,  the  last 
Grilbertine  priory  of  Yorkshire. 

A  great  mass  of  particulars  relating  to  the  property  of  the 
religious  houses  is  to  be  found  in  the  "  Ministers'  Accounts  " 
presented  to  Henry  VIII.  by  his  bailiffs  and  other  public 
officers,  who  -vV-ere  notorious  peculators,  so  that  it  is  difficult 
to  ascertain  the  real  financial  condition  of  the  monastic  pro- 
perty seized  upon  bj^L^ord  Crumwell  in  the  King's  name. 

Canon  Dixon  frankly  admits  that  the  old  monastics  had 
been  the  best  of  landlords.  They  always  resided  on  the 
property,  and  encouraged  local  trade  and  industry.  The 
abbot,  or  prior,  acted  as  a  magistrate,  and  settled  many  dis- 
putes between  the  farmers  and  their  men.  Abundance  of 
good  food  was  daily  distributed  at  the  monastery  and  church 
doors  to  the  "  wretched  and  the  unfortunate  of  both  sexes." 

Canon  Dixon,  and  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Blunt,  a  more  recent 
writer  upon  this  great  revolution  in  property,  candidly  ac- 
knowledge that  the  new  lords  of  the  soil  were  rack-renters, 
who  more  than  doubled  the  income  of  the  estates  which  they 
had  received  for  little  or  nothing  from  the  King,  and  in  some 
instances  as  the  reward  of  disgraceful  actions — for  instance, 
such  men  as  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  and  Lords 
Clinton,  Rutland,  and  Audley,  the  companions  of  the  monarch's 
convivial  and  gambling  pastimes.  Canon  Dixon's  immense 
research  amonsfst  the  records  of  those  disastrous  times 
affirms  that  the   face  of  the  kingdom  was  changed  by  those 


22 


Results  of  tlie  Clerical  Revolution. 


memorable  events.  Foreign  nations  stood  aghast  at  the  con- 
dition of  England.  The  land  was  strewn  with  hundreds  of 
ruins.  Stately  buildings,  churches,  grand  halls,  chambers, 
and  cloisters— a  whole  architecture,  into  which  the  genius  of 
ao-es  and  of  races  had  been  breathed  —were  laid  in  dust  and 
rubbish.  Vast  libraries,  the  priceless  records  of  antiquity,  the 
illuminated  treasures  of  the  Middle  Ages,  were  wrecked  with 
a  waste  so  ruthless  as  to  hav^  wrung  a  cry  of  anguish  from 
even  such  men  as  John  Bale.*  In  his  lamentation  over  the 
ruins  of  the  "grand  old  libraries,"  Canon  Dixon  remarks — 
"  We  cannot  tell  what  we  have  lost."'    Very  true  indeed. 

In  the  disposal  of  the  monastic  property,  the  King  rarely 
bestowed  his  bounty  according  to  virtue  or  public  service.  The 
courtiers  and  servants  of  the  palace  received  much  ;  every 
cook  who  could  please  the  Eoyal  palate  with  some  "new 
dainty"  received  "  something  from  the  confiscated  lands  or 
houses."  Even  the  Eoyal  tailor  was  not  forgotten.  The  King's 
ffamblins:  debts  were  also  discharged — for  a  time  at  least — 
from  the  monastic  funds.  Besides  the  creatures  of  the  palace, 
there  were  what  may  now-a-days  be  called  land-jobbers  of 
every  kind,  who  made  their  names  and  claims  known  to  the 
King,  t  Avho  was  "  a  liberal  dispenser "  of  his  subjects' 
property. 

By  his  last  "  testament "  the  dying  monarch  evidently 
desired  to  make  some  restitution,  however  small,  to  the  nation 
lor  his  wholesale  plunder  of  the  heritage  of  the  poor.  A  special 
clause  of  the  King's  will  provided  that  all  his  debts,  whether 
for  the  Crown  or  his  private  use,  were  to  be  discharged,  and 


*  See  Fuller's  Abbeys,  p.  335  ;  also  Leland's  Journal,  or  Eecord  of  bis 
Visits  to  tbe  English  Libraries  connected  with  the  Abbeys  and  Convents. 

t  Canon's  Dixon's  History  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  Abolition 
of  the  Roroan  Jurisdiction,  vol.  ii.  pp.  210-11. 


Results  of  the  Clerical  Revolution.  23 

the  servants'  wages  paid  up  to  a  certain  period,  "with  a  liberal 
sum  to  aid  them  in  the  social  battle  of  life."  The  Koyal  will 
was  violated  in  this,  as  well  as  in  every  other  bequest,  by  Lord 
Hertford  and  the  Council.  The  appetite  for  the  plunder  of 
property  intended  to  aid  "  God's  poor,"  was  not  confined  to 
any  party  or  creed.  However,  the  most  cruel  action  in 
connection  with  the  monastic  confiscation  was  that  of  seizing 
upon  the  very  limited  property  belonging  to  one  hundred 
and  ten  hospitals.  Let  the  admirers  of  Dr.  Cranmer  remem- 
ber that  the  Archbishop,  his  relatives,  and  retainers  received 
"  several  allotments "  of  this  property,  which  should  have 
been  held  almost  sacre'9  in  the  estimation  of  humanity.* 


*  See  Records  of  Monastic  Confiscation  ;  Strype's  Memorials  of  Archbishop 
Cranmer,  vol.  i. ;  Jenkyn's  Cranmer,  vol.  i.  p.  161 ;  Historical  Portraits  of  the 
Tudor  Dynasty,  vol.  ii.  p.  394. 


24  Elizabeth  as  a    Woman  of  Learning: 


CHAPTER  III. 

ELIZABETH    AS    A    WOMAN"    OF    LEAR^N^ING. 

It  has  been  oracularly  remarked  by  one  from  wliom  tlie 
world  would  not  have  expected  so  much  philosophic  acumen, 
that  "learning,  in  its  best  sense,  is  only  nature  at  the  rebound; 
it  is  only  the  discovery  of  what  is;  and  he  who  looks  upon 
nature  with  a  penetrating  eye  derives  learning  from  the 
source." 

With  the  art  of  printing,  and  a  more  peaceful  disposition 
amongst  the  rulers  of  the  people,  came  the  revival  of  a  more 
material  learning,  Avhich  was  soon  held  in  high  esteem  by  princes 
and  nobles.  To  speak  and  write  pure  classical  Latin  was 
regarded  as  a  valuable  and  polite  accomplishment,  to  attain 
which  was  the  ambition  of  the  highest  in  rank  of  both  sexes. 
To  aid  the  aspirations  of  these  knowledge-seekers,  the  greatest 
scholars  of  the  age — Erasmus,  Linacre,  Buchanan,  and  Ascham 
— spent  much  time  in  writing  grammars,  rudiments,  colloquies, 
and  vocabularies.  Henry  A'lII.  wrote  an  introduction  to 
grammar,  and  Cardinal  Wolsey  composed  a  system  of  instruc- 
tion for  the  school  which  he  founded  in  his  native  town  of 
Ipswich — a  task  for  which  he  was  the  better  qualified  from 
having  been  once  a  trainer  of  youth.  Erasmus  went  to 
Oxford  in  1-497,  but  he  received  less  encouragement  from  the 
College  than  from  lay  patrons,  several  of  whom  became 
proficients  in  Greek,  and  imparted  their  learning  to  others. 


Elisabeth  as  a    IVoniaii  of  Learning.  25 

Erasmus  bestows  high  praise  on  Wolsey  as  a  patron  of 
letters  and  learned  men.  By  his  generous  provisions  he 
secured  the  services  of  the  most  able  professors,  and  he  formed 
the  nuclei  of  some  libraries  which  are  still  the  glory  of 
bibliophilists.  He  founded  seven  lectures  at  Oxford,  and 
would  have  done  much  more  if  his  Eoyal  Master  had  not 
changed  his  opinions  of  what  were  the  duties  of  a  learned 
citizen.  G-ardyner,  Cranmer,  and  the  eccentric  Hooper  had 
also  drunk  deeply  of  the  "  Pierian  spring,"  and  exhibited 
many  proofs  of  sterling   scholarship   and  advanced  knowledge. 

In  imitation  of,  or  in  concurrence  with,  the  disquisitional 
tourneys  of  scholars  upon  the  Continent — especially  in  the 
universities  and  schools  of  Italy  and  Spain — the  abnormally 
learned  monarch  of  England;  the  gifted  Elizabeth,  would  like- 
wise have  her  literary  tournaments,  and  incite  to  the  learned 
arena  those  torpid  spirits  obscured  by  the  "  dust  of  the 
schools,  but  aroused  at  the  trumpet  voice  of  their  Queen  to 
manifest  the  lore  which  they  had  so  long  gathered  amidst  the 
groves  of  Academus."  Saturday,  the  5th  of  August,  1564, 
was  a  memorable  period  in  the  history  of  the  University  of 
Cambridge.  There  appeared  the  great  Greek  scholar, 
Eoger  Ascham,  and  his  illustrious  pupil,  the  young  Queen 
of  England,  to  discourse  upon  learned  and  classic  sub- 
jects to  the  delight  of  professors  and  students.  Eoger 
Ascham  considered  the  Queen's  visit  to  Cambridge  the 
proudest  and  the  happiest  period  of  his  existence.  Lord 
Leicester  was  present  as  Steward  of  the  University,  and  Cecil 
as  its  Chancellor.  Sir  William  Cecil  communicated  with  those 
"  learned  men  by  Cam-side,"  to  write  a  respectful  letter  to 
Leicester,  entreating  him  to  commend  to  her  Majesty  "  their 
good  intentions,"  and  that  "  she  might  excuse  their  default 
in  their  endeavour  to  do  honour  unto  her,  and  that  she  might 


26  Elisabeth  as  a    Woman  of  Learning. 

be  inclined  to  receive  in  good  part  all  their  efforts  to  entertain 
her."  This  letter  of  the  "  heads  of  colleges,"  who  should  be 
the  magistri  morum,  to  the  Queen's  favourite,  manifests  more 
worldly  wisdom  than  sense  of  self-respect  in  those  "  grave  and 
reverend  seigniors."  Everything  was  carried  on  at  this  visit  in 
consonance  with  the  characters  of  all  concerned.  Cecil  went 
to  Cambridge  the  day  before  the  Queen's  arrival,  to  see  all 
matters  arranged,  and  lay  down  the  programme.  In  com- 
pliance with  an  old  custom,  Cecil  received  an  offering  of  "  two 
pair  of  gloves,  two  sugar-loaves,"  and  other  things.  Leicester 
and  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  received  special  gifts ;  and  the 
Queen's  presentation  merely  varied  in  gloves  of  fine  texture 
and  confectionery,  all  fashioned  with  more  elaborate  and  ex- 
quisite taste  and  design.  The  Queen  was  dressed  on  the  first 
day  in  a  gown  of  black  velvet  pinked  ;  a  call  upon  her  head, 
set  with  pearls  and  precious  stones  ;  a  straw  hat  spangled 
with  gold,  and  a  profusion  of  flowers.  Some  twenty  ladies  of 
rank  and  learning  accompanied  the  Queen.  Amongst  those 
ladies  was  the  Queen's  faithful  friend,  Blanche  Parry,  one  of 
the  most  learned  women  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 

It  must  have  been  trying  to  the  Queen's  facial  muscles  to 
keep  countenance  at  the  door  of  King's  College  when  the 
Chancellor,  in  an  attitude  alternating  between  "all-fours"  and 
kneeling,  commenced  the  delivery  of  an  oration  lastino^  half- 
an-hour.*  "First,"  says  Kichols  in  his  "  Procrress,"  "he 
praised  and  commended  the  many  and  singular  virtues 
planted  and  set  in  her  ]\Iajesty,  which  her  Highness,  not 
acknowledging  of,    shaked  her   head,    bit  her   lips    and  her 


*  A  few  days  before  the  "learned  gathering,'"  Cecil  hurted  his  leg,  and 
had  to  walk  on  a  crutch  with  a  halting  step,  upon  which  the  Queen 
remarked,  "  I  hope  my  Treasurer  will  never  halt  in  doing  justice  to  my 
subjects." 


ElizabetJi  as  a    Woman  of  Learni7ig.  27 

fingers,  sometimes  broke  forth  into  passion,  and  these  words : 
Non  est  Veritas,  ct  utinam.  ('This  is  not  the  truth  ;  would 
that  it  were ! ')  "  The  Queen  had  the  honesty  not  to  use  the 
aspiration  when  the  orator  dwelt  on  the  praise  of  virginity, 
and  merely  exclaimed,  "  God's  blessing  of  thy  heart — there 
continue."  The  orator,  however,  pursued  that  theme  no 
longer,  and  launched  into  expressions  depicting  the  joy  and 
honour  felt  by  the  University  at  the  advent  of  their  iUustrious 
visitor. 

The  Queen  answered  the  Chancellor  that  she   Avould  reply 
in  Latin    but  from    fear    of  false   quantities,  and  consequent 
ridicule — fear    which,  if  her   humility    were    even   real,    she 
needed  not  to  stand  in  much  fear   of  amongst  the  obsequious 
scholiasts.    This  was  Saturday,  and  the  next  day  (Sunday),  after 
a  Latin   sermon  in  the  morning  at  seven  of  the  clock,   the 
church    was  transformed  into  a  theatre  for  "  evening  service," 
when   the    Queen    was    treated    to   the   performance    of    the 
"  Aulutaria  "  of  Plautus.     Anyone  who  has  read  the  original  of 
this  prurient  pla}^  will  acknowledge  that  a  Christian  Church 
and  a  virgin  (,)ueen  are  accessories  not  calculated    on   by  the 
modern   idea  of  the   fitness  of  things.     The  fifth  day  of  this 
celebrated  visit  was  the  most  remarkable,  for  on  that  day  the 
Queen  went  to  all  the  colleges  in  rotation,  and  at  each  received 
a  Latin  oration,  a  present  of  gloves,  and  the  aliquid  dulce  of 
"  confectioneries,"   which  seemed  to  intimate  that  even    the 
eloquence   of  Cambridge  lacked  some  dulcified   qualification. 
On  this,  the  last  day,    the    Queen    excelled  her    bygones  in 
bashful  consciousness  of  learning.     She  blushed  like  a  young 
virgin,  "as  she  was,"  when  informed  that  English  coidd  not  be 
spoken  openly  to  the   University,  and    "fluttered  like   a  rose 
leaf"  as  the  kneeling  Dudley  (her   own  "  Sweet  Kobin")  and 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  besought  her   to   say  something  to  tlie 


28  Elizabeth  as  a    Woman  of  Learnin^ 


cr 


University,  "and  in  Latin."  The  Bishop  of  Ely  (the 
<' wondrous  Coxe "),  also  kneeling,  said  "three  words  were 
enough,"  but  the  Queen  did  not  think  so,  and  accordingly 
delivered  a  speech,  the  facile  flow  of  which  proved  how  well  it 
deserved  the  claim  she  made  of  its  being  "  unstudied."  Some 
writers  state  that  this  speech  was  the  production  of  Cecil. 
Why  so  ?  The  Queen  was  well  able  to  write  it,  and  if  she 
presented  it  for  examination  to  Cecil,  she  merely  did  what  any 
laro-e-hearted  scholar  would  do  with  another — that  other  being 
the  most  devoted  servant,  for  evil,  or  for  good,  that  perhaps  any 
monarch  ever  possessed. 

The  following  passage  in  this  speech  is  well  worth  translation : 

*'  I    saw  this   morning    your    sumptuous    edifices    founded    by 
illustrious  princes,  my  predecessors,  for  the  benefit  of  learning  ;  but 
whilst  I  viewed  them   my  mind  was  affected   with  sorrow,  and  I 
sighed  like  Alexander  the  Great  when,  having  perused  the  records 
of  the  deeds  of  other  princes,  turning  to  his  friends  and  councillors, 
he  lamented  that  anyone   should    have    preceded  him  either  in 
time  or  in  actions.     When  I  beheld  your  edifices,  I  grieved  that 
I  had  done   nothing    in  this   kind;  yet   did   the    vulgar  proverb 
somewhat  lessen,  though  it  could  not  entirely  remove,  my  concern, 
that  '  Rome  was  not  built  in  a  day.'     For  my  age  is  not  yet  so 
far  advanced,  neither  is  It  yet  so  long  since  I  began  to  reign,  but 
that   before    I  pay  my  debt    to    nature — unless   Atropos  should 
prematurely  cut  my  thread — I  may  still  be  able  to  execute  some 
distinguished  undertaking ;  and  never  will  I  be   diverted  from  the 
intention  while  life  shall  animate  this  frame.      Should  it,  however, 
happen — as  it  may,  I   know   not    how   soon — that  I   should  be 
overtaken  by  death  before  I  have  been  able  to  perform  this  my 
promise,  I  will  not  fail  to  leave  some  great  work  to  be  executed 
after  my  decease,  by  which  my  memory  may  be  rendered  famous, 
others  excited  by  my  example,  and  all  of  you  animated  to  greater 
ardour  in  your  studies." 


ElizabeiJi  as  a    Woman  of  Learning.  29 

Pity  that  such  grand  promises  ushered  in  performances  so 
scant.  No  result  can  be  found  save  an  annuity  of  twenty 
pounds  per  annum  bestowed,  with  the  title  of  her  "  scholar," 
on  a  young  gentleman  named  Preston,  whose  graceful  per- 
formance in  the  Latin  play  of  "  Dido,"  aided  by  his  personal 
beauty,  caught  the  fancy  of  England's  Virgin  Queen. 
Camisians  have  felt  chagrin  at  the  Queen's  parsimonious 
remissness,  but  was  not  their  College  splendidly  endowed? 
And  did  not  the  Eoyal  visitations,  so  exhaustive  elsewhere, 
benefit  them  marvellously  by  confining  themselves  to  this 
famous  one  ? 

Amongst  the  many  things  stated  by  the  Public  Orator  to 
the  Queen  was  an  assurance  that  Cambridge  University  was 
much  older  than  Oxford,  or  even  Paris,  for  those  seats  of 
learning  derived  their  inspiration  from  Cambridge,  which  was 
like  a  mountain  spring  supplying  pure  water  to  distant 
streams.  The  antiquity  of  Cambridge  as  a  school  of  learning 
is  spoken  of  by  several  Spanish  professors  of  the  fifteenth 
century. 

If  Elizabeth  did  not  raise  any  great  memorial  to  learning, 
she  cannot  be  denied  the  honour  of  her  far-known  Grrammar 
Schools,  and  if  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  and  Trinity  University 
in  Dublin,  do  not  satisfy  the  exigent  requirements  of  those 
who  guard  so  jealously  the  reputation,  in  this  respect,  of  our 
hitherto  greatest  female  Sovereign,  it  was  because  the  pressing 
complications  of  State,  unceasing  calls  upon  her  revenues, 
a  narrow  exchequer,  unwilling  replenishment  thereof  conse- 
quent on  public  poverty,  and,  not  least  of  all,  the  absence  of 
even  one  grand  soul  amongst  her  Ministers,  concurred  to  make 
Elizabeth  foro-et  to  raise  to  the  learnins;  which  she  loved  a 
monument  to  its  promotion  and  to  her  own  renown. 

The    Puritans  were  the   2:reat    enemies    of   learning.     At 


Elizabeth  as  a   Woman  of  Learning. 


Oxford  those  Vandals  seized  upon  an  enormous  number  of 
books  and  MSS.  In  fact,  the  shelves  and  benches  were  sold 
in  1556  as  old  lumber.*  In  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First  a 
large  portion  of  the  priceless  ]MS>S.  library  of  Archbishop 
Ussher  was  destroyed  by  a  party  of  English  Puritans. 


Maccaj's  Annals  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  p.  12. 


The  Reformation  in  Ireland.  31 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE    REFORMATION    IN    IRELAND. 

The  men  who  first  broached  the  Reformation  in  Ireland  were 
three  English  priests^Browne,  Archbishop  of  Dublin  \ 
Staples,  Bishop  of  Meath ;  and  Bale,  Bishop  of  Ossorj. 
These  men  were  a  scandal  to  the  clerical  order,  and  were 
notorious  for  immorality,  drunkenness,  and  blasphemy.  Arch- 
bishop Browne  had  originally  been  Cranmer's  private  secretary, 
and  in  this  position  became  acquainted  with  Lord  Crumwell 
and  King  Henry.  He  was  then  "  saintly  and  pious,"  but  when 
the  Monastic  confiscation  and  Supremacy  questions  were 
discussed  he  mive  the  Kinor  and  Cranmer  "  the  benefit  of  his 
advice."  Upon  Cranmer's  recommendation  the  King  ap- 
pointed Greorge  Browne  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  and  he  was 
consecrated  for  that  office  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
in  March,  1535.  The  correspondence  of  Dr.  Browne  with 
the  King  and  Lord  Crumwell  proves  that  he  was  determined 
to  carry  out  his  Sovereign's  policy  in  Church  matters.  The 
Catholics  of  the  Pale  districts  stood  up  earnestly  for  the  olden 
creed,  and  on  this  point  they  joined  the  native  Irish  with 
enthusiasm.  Tlie  description  furnished  of  themselves  by  the 
three  prelates  above  named,  and  the  picture  of  their  clergy. 


32 


The  Reformation  in  Ireland. 


drawn  by  their  own  hands,  are  not  edifying.*  Dr.  Browne 
accuses  the  Bishop  of  INIeath  of  "  divers  irregularities,"  and 
also  finds  fault  with  his  sermons. 

The  name  of  George  Browne  has  already  appeared  a^mongst 
those  who  assisted  in  the  monastic  persecutions  in  England. 
Provincial  of  the  Order  of  Austin  Friars,  he  had  accepted  and 
discharged  the  ofi&ce  of  imposing  on  his  brethren  the  Oath  of 
Supremacy  in  the  middle  of  the  year  1535.  The  Cranmer  of 
Ireland,  for  such  he  may  be  termed  in  respect  of  the  work  set 
before  him,  was  a  man  of  activity  and  ability,  who  performed 
with  tolerable  skill  a  difficult  task  amidst  the  taunts  of  his 
employer,  the  insults  of  his  associates,  and  the  malediction  of 
his  spiritual  subjects  or  rivals.  To  Greorge  Browne,  how- 
ever, in  common  with  most  of  the  English  officials  who  were 
employed  in  those  times  in  the  affixirs  of  Ireland,  there  belongs 
a  pettiness  of  character  which  deserves  the  contempt,  and 
might  receive  oblivion  from  History,  were  it  not  that  the 
smallest  creatures  of  a  great  tyrant  may  influence  the  destiny 
of  nations.  After  the  appointment  of  Browne  to  the  See  of 
Dublin,  he  was  treated  with  disreo;ard  by  Crumwell  and  his 
Ptoyal  Master,  and  remained  many  rxionths  without  sufficient 
funds  to  convey  him  to  Dublin,  whilst  other  officials  were  well 
supplied  with  money.  Crumwell  evidently  looked  upon  Browne 
as  one  of  the  "  usable  instruments  "  that  were  to  be  found  in 
numbers  subsequent  to  the  break-up  of  the  monastic  houses. 
Detained  in  London  for  nearly  one  year  longer,  Archbishop 


*  In  the  report  of  a  Commission  of  Inquiry  issued  in  1538,  "  On  Irish 
Affiiirs,"  Dr.  Browne's  clergy  are  accused  of  extortions  for  baptisms  and 
marriages;  also  of  not  officiating  at  appointed  times.  They  were  further 
charged  with  "  taking  wives  and  dispensing  with  the  sacrament  of  marriage 
altogether."  This  report  horrified  Henry  VIII.  as  to  the  character  of  the 
men  whom  Cranmer  sent  to  Ireland  as  priests.  The  Archbishop  pacified 
his  master,  and  things  remained  as  before. 


TJic  RefonnatioH  in  Ireland.  33 


Browne  arrived  in  Dublin  on  Saturday,  the  15th  of  July,  1536  * 
In  the  Irish  Parliament  the  Catholic  clergy  gave  a  bold  and 
determined  opposition  to  Browne.  The  scaffold  produced  no 
terror  in  Ireland  ;  and  the  most  reckless  and  depraved 
Catholics  were  willino;  to  die  for  the  faith  of  their  fathers. 

Archbishop  Browne  found  himself  surrounded  in  Dublin  by 
such  a  class  of  officials  as  might  be  expected  in  men  selected 
by  Henry  VIII.,  and  his  Minister,  Thomas  Crumwell.  The 
members  of  the  Council  were  spies  upon  their  brethren,  and 
each  one  knew  that  his  safety  depended  on  the  unscrupulous 
zeal  with  which  he  served  the  most  exacting  of  masters.  The 
Archbishop  was  no  favourite  with  the  Lord  Deputy,  Leonard 
Gray,  or  the  members  of  the  Council ;  and  the  English  of  the 
Pale  were  nearly  all  hostile  to  him.  The  revolution  Browne 
was  sent  to  introduce  into  Ireland  was  opposed  by  the  English 
of  the  Pale,  who  entertained  a  very  strong  feeling  towards  the 
prelate.  Here  is  a  scene  described  by  the  pen  of  Canon 
Dixon  : — "  The  bitterest  opponents  of  Archbishop  Browne 
Avere  amongst  his  own  chapter,  and  the  prelate  who  presided 
over  the  diocese  of  ]Meath.  Humfreys,  a  prebendary  of 
St.  Patrick's,  and  incumbent  of  St.  Owen's,  in  Dublin, 
with  scorn  refused  to  read  a  new  order  of  '  bidding 
prayers'  which  Dr.  Browne  put  forth,  and  when  a  more 
pliant  priest  went  into  the  pulpit  and  began  to  read  it, 
Humfreys  set  the  choir  to  sing  him  down.  Browne  put 
Humfreys  in  prison  for  this  action.  Staples,  the  Bishop  of 
Meath,  was  the  most  formidable  antagonist  that  Browne  had 
to  battle  against.  .  .  .  In  a  sermon,  at  Chris's  Church, 
Dr.  Staples  inveighed  against  Archbishop  Browne  in  the 
presence  of  the  Eoyal  Commissioners   and  the  Council ;   and 

*  Canon  Dixon's  History  of  tlie  English  Church  from  the  Abolition  of 
the  Roman  Jurisdiction. 

VOL.    IV.  D 


34  The  Reformation  in  Ireland. 

asrain  in  Kilmainliam  Church,  when  Browne  himself  was  in  the 
congregation,  Staples  called  him  a  heretic  and  beggar ;  and 
raged  against  him  with  such  a  stomach  that  the  three-mouthed 
Cerberus  of  hell  could  not  liave  uttered  it  more  viperouslj."--' 

Dr.  Browne  and  his  coadjutors  utterly  failed  in  promoting 
the  "  new  learning  "  in  Ireland. 

The  Irish  party  established  the  charges  of  taking  bribea 
against  Browne.  The  lawyers,  th-^  Council,  and  the  Catholics 
of  the  Pale,  as  well  as  the  native  Irish,  were  all  banded  against 
the  preachers  of  the  "  new  Gospel." 

"  Whilst  celebrating  Mass,  Staples  had  a  wife  and  several 
children.''  Dr.  Bale  complains  bitterly  of  the  "  bad  conduct  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Dublin."  In  1553,  Bale  writes,  in  a 
"moment  of  unconscious  virtue,"  of  the  "  evil  life  "  and  "  bad 
example  "  of  his  Grace  of  Dublin,  and  excuses  the  corruption 
of  his  own  clergy  f  in  Ossory  by  stating  that  "they  would  not 
obey,  alleging  for  their  excuse  the  lewd  example  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Dublin,  who  was  always  slack  in  things  pertaining 
to  God's  glory."  Bale  thus  proceeds  with  his  description  of 
Browne  : — "  i/e  ivas  an  epicurions  Archbishop  ;  a  dissembling^ 
■proschjtc  ;  a  hrochish  swine;  a  glutton,  a  drunkard,  a  hypocrite^ 
and  a  frequent  supporter  of  hcncds,  and — "| 

Curwen,  the  successor  of  Archbishop  Browne,  was,  if  possible, 
a  still  worse  man.  In  Queen  Mary's  reign.  Bale  fled  from 
Kilkenny  before  the  Queen  had  time  to  supersede  him.      He 


*  Cimon    Dixon's  History   of  the  Clmrcli  of  England  from  the  Abolition 
of  the  Eoman  Jurisdiction,  vol.  ii.;  Scenes  in  Ireland. 

f  The  clerics  alluded  to  hy  Bale  were   not  Irishmen,  hut   a  selection 
from  Archbishop  Cranmer's  diocese  of  Canterbury,  or  other  parts  of  England, 

\  Bale's   "Letters  to  Poynet;"    ''Letters  from   Ireland;"   Irish  State 
Papers. 


The  Rcfoi'ination  in  Ireland.  35 


was  detested  and  despised  in  the  Diocese  of  Ossory,  and  his 
life  was  several  times  in  danger.  The  Irisli  people  never 
could  tolerate  licentious  preachers  of  any  religion.  He  repaired 
to  Switzerland,  where  he  remained  until  the  accession  of  Eliza- 
beth, hut  never  desired  to  return  to  Ireland.  He  was  more 
content  to  accept  the  inferior  office  of  a  prebendary  in  Canter- 
bury ;  and  Archbishop  Parker,  his  canons  and  clergy,  seemed 
to  feel  no  access  of  honour  in  becoming  associated  with  the 
fallen  Bishop  of  Ossory,  whom  Mr.  Froude  indignantly 
denounces  as  "a  foul-mouthed  ruffian,"  and  in  another 
chapter  describes  him  as  the  "most  profane  and  indecent  of 
the  movement  party."* 

Bale  had  been  twice  imprisoned  in  London  and  York  for 
preaching  "  sedition  and  disturbing  the  public  mind."  He 
died  in  loG3,  in  his  68t]i  year.  Many  Protestant  liistorians 
agree  as  to  the  brilliant  talents,  but  evil  character  of  John  Bale. 
Collier  describes  him  as  "  a  man  of  a  furious  tempestuous 
spirit.  He  misbehaved  himself  to  a  scandalous  degree,  and 
failed  both  in  temper  and  probIty."t  In  Henry's  reign  Bale 
belonged  to  the  Poynet  school  of  clerical  thinkers,  and  prac- 
tised the  same  duplicity.  Ho  frequently  celebrated  Mass,  with 
affected  devotion,  before  the  King.  Wharton,  another  Pro- 
testant authority  of  high  repute,  writes  in  these  words  : — 
*'  I  know  Bale  to  be  so  great  a  liar  that  I  am  not  willing  to 
take  his  judgment  against  any  man  to  whom  he  is  opposed.'* 
Bale's  private  life,  as  exhibited  in  Ireland  and  in  England,  is 
quite  unfit  for  further  exposure. 

The  King  of  Spain  had  frequent  reason  to  complain  of  the 
conduct  of  Elizabeth  and  her  Council  in  subsidlsino:  such  mcii 


*  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  v.  p.  08. 

•f  See  Collier's  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  vi.  p.  21. 

D    2 


^6  TJic  Reformation  in  Ireland. 


as  John  Bale  to  write  libellous  books  against  his  Majesty  and 
the  members  of  his  Grovernment.*  Those  books  were  circulated 
in  several  countries.  De  Quadra  protested  against  such  a  dis- 
honourable and  malicious  proceeding ;  but  the  Queen  and  her 
Ministers  denied  all  knowledge  of  sustaining  Bale's  indecent 
accusations.  After  Bale's  death  papers  were  discovered  that  left 
no  doubt  as  to  his  having  been  one  of  the  agents  employed  by 
Walsingham  for  slandering  King  Philip.  The  language  used 
by  Bale  in  his  book  might  shock  even  the  then  denizens  of 
Bankside. 

Hales,  a  preacher,  states  that  Bale  was  unhappy  in  his 
latter  days.  " He  seemed,"  writes  Hales,  "uneasy  in  conscience. 
I  told  him  to  search  the  Scriptures,  where  he  would  find  com- 
fort, when  he  said  '  he  wished  he  had  searched  them  less.' 
He  spoke  other  words,  which  showed  me  plainly  that  he 
had  become  a  '  troubled  spirit,'  and  was  likely  to  die  in  that 
condition."  Farlow  relates  that  some  female  relative  brought 
a  confessor  to  Bale  when  on  his  death-bed, but  he  rejected  his 
services,  stating,  "  If  I  have  done  wrong,  I  have  also  assisted 
in  a  glorious  work  to  pull  down  Popery."  So  John  Bale 
died  as  he  had  lived. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  and  liy  no  means  complimentary  to  the 
Diocese  of  Oxford,  that  Curvven  was  Bishop  thereof  at  the 
time  of  Bale's  connection  with  Canterbury.  This  Curwen  had 
been  previously  expelled  for  "  indescribable  wickedness  "  from 
the  Archbisiiopric  of  Dublin  by  Loftus,  the  Primate  of  Ireland, 
for,  as  he  stated,  "  crimes  unfit  to  relate  ;  "  but  as  Elizabeth 
and  Cecil  thought  it  necessary  to  provide  for  Curwen,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  great  assistance  he  had  given  to  the  Eeforma- 
tion,  Oxford  was  compelled  to  accept  the  worst  specimen  of 


*  In  one  of  De  Quadra's  secret  despatches  to  King  Pliilip,  dated  June, 
1562,  he  makes  special  reference  to  the  above  transaction. 


TJie  Reformation  in  Ireland.  37 

episcopal  venality  and  fraud  that  the  16th  century  produced. 
Curwen  was,  if  possible,  more  depraved  than  John  Bale.  I 
shall  not  further  touch  upon  the  history  of  this  fallen  priest, 
whose  character  represented  every  phase  of  immorality  in  its 
worst  form. 

Whilst  in  England  professing  Catholics,  induced  most 
probably  by  political  and  financial  causes,  persecuted  the 
Reformers,  a  far  different  mode  of  procedure  was  taken  in 
Ireland.  A  Low  Church  writer  some  time  since  deplored  that 
"  unfortunately  there  were  no  martyrs  in  the  Irish  Cliurch." 
The  simple  reason  is  that  no  such  Church,  in  the  sense  of  the 
writer,  existed.  The  Protestants  in  Ireland,  called  a  Church 
for  the  purpose  of  confiscation,  consisted  merely  of  English 
officials  and  the  hangers-on  of  the  Lord  Deputy  and  his  semi- 
military  court. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  VI., Protestantism  had  failed  to  win 
a  single  Irishman  from  the  Olden  Faith.  Protestantism  had, 
however,  sjicceeded  in  uniting  all  Ireland  against  the  Sovereign 
and  Government  of  England.  The  old  political  distinctions 
which  had  been  produced  by  the  conquests  of  Strongbow  and 
his  "  soldiers  of  fortune,"  had  fiided  before  the  new  struggle 
for  a  common  faith.*  In  Ireland  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Olden  Religion  under  Queen  Mary  was  effected  without 
violence.  No  persecution  of  the  small  Protestant  colony  was 
attempted,  and  several  of  the  English  Reformers  who  fied  from 
the  zeal  of  the  inquisitors  at  home  found  a  safe  retreat  among 
the  Catholics  of  Ireland.  '^  It  is  but  justice  to  this  maligned 
body,"  writes  Dr.  Taylor,  '*  to  acknowledge  that  on  the  three 
occasions  of  tlieir  obtaining  the  upper  hand  the  Irish  Catholics 
never  injured  a  single  person    in   life    or  limb  for  ^jrofessing 


*  Green's  History  of  the  English  People,  vol.  ii.  p.  236. 

434543 


0 


8  TJie  Rcforuiation  in  Ireland. 


a  different  religion  from  their  onui.  They  had  suffered 
persecutions  and  learned  mercy,  as  they  showed  in  the  reign 
of  Mary,  as  in  the  wars  from  1641  to  1G48,  and  during  the 
brief  reign  of  James  the  Second. "■■'  Dr.  Leland,  another 
Protestant  historian,  bears  similar  evidence  as  to  the  conduct 
of  the  Irish  Catholics  towards  the  Reformers.  "  Those  Ee- 
formers  who  went  to  Ireland,"  observes  Leland,  "  there 
enjoyed  their  opinions  and  worship  in  privacy,  without  notice 
or  molestation."! 

The  relio-ious  orders  and  the  secular  clergy  in  Ireland  were 
zealous  in  preaching  and  instructing  the  people  at  this  period. 
They,  of  course,  denounced  the  newly  introduced  doctrines, 
but  were  opposed  to  violence  and  persecution,  declaring 
that  "the  principles  of  the  Catholic  Church  were  those  of 
kindness,  persuasion,  and  charity." 

The  Dominicans  Avere  the  most  remarkable  body  of  clerics 
in  Ireland  for  centuries.  In  the  olden  time  this  community 
was  immensely  esteemed  by  the  Catholic  Church.  In  670 
years  ninety-two  Dominicans  were  consecrated  bishops ;  ten 
for  foreign  countries,  and  eighty-two  for  Ireland.  Ten 
Dominicans  became  primates  of  Armagh  ;  four  Archbishops 
of  Tuam  ;  three  Archbishops  of  Dublin,  and  one  Archbishop 
of  Cashel.  The  two  Dominicans  who  first  filled  the  See  of 
Dublin  were  Englishmen  of  "  the  Pale" — namely,  John  de 
Derlington,  1271;  William  de  Hotham,  in  1297  ;  and  the 
last,  John, Thomas  Troy,  translated  from  Ossory  in  1787,  as 
the  successor  of  Dr.  Carpenter.  For  thirty-six  years  Dr. 
Troy  presided  over  the  Archdiocese  of  Dublin.  He  died  in 
1823.     At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  worth  about  tenpence. 


*  Tajlor's  History  of  the  Civil  "Wars  of  Iielr.iKl,  vol.  i.  p.  169. 
t  Leland's  History  of  Ireland,  book  iii.  p.  18. 


llic  Reforiuation  in  Ireland.  39 

This  incident  must  have  been  tlic  topic  of  conversation  in  the 
high  circles  of  Enu'land,  when  it  is    noted  in  Thomas  Moore's 
diary.*     The  history  of  the  Irish  Dominicans  is  highly  inter- 
esting.    The    two  first  bishops  of  New  York   were  of   this 
order — namely,  Concannon  and  Connolly.     It  is  also  worthy 
of  remark,  that  every  diocese  in  Ireland  had  a  Dominican  as  a 
bishop  except  Clogher.f     They  have  been   represented  as  the 
■"  Grood  Shepherds  who  guarded  the  sheep  by  day  and  by  night/' 
On   the    more    open    introduction    of    the    Eeformation    in 
Edward's    reign,    and   that    of    Elizabeth,    "  neither    fatigue, 
danger,  nor  the  prospect  of  the  dungeon,  could  intimidate  or 
awe  tlie  Dominican  Fathers."     In  Mary's  reign  they    gave 
"  protection,   food,  and   lodging  to  numbers  of  the  English 
Keformers,  telling  the  [)cople  to  treat  them  with  kindness,  and 
pray  that  Grod  might  turn  them  from  the  error  of  their  way."! 

Many  of  the  English  Eeformers  settled  in  Dublin,  Drogheda, 
Kinsale,  Cork,  and  other  towns,  and  became  the  founders  of 
large  mei;cantile  communities  of  subsequent  periods.  The 
reign  of  Elizabeth  especially  forms  one  of  the  darkest  pages 
in  the  history  of  English  rule  in  Ireland.  It  stands  forth 
without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  Civilisation.  It  is  a 
history  traced  in  blood,  and  blotted  with  the  tears  of  the  most 
generous  and  forgiving  people  in  the  world. 

Edmund  Spenser,  who  had  a  personal  knowledge  of  Ireland, 
having  obtained  a  large  confiscated  estate  in  the  county  Cork, 
and  aided  in  rocking  Protestantism  in  its  Irish  cradle,  thus 
writes  of  the  newly  created  bishops  a  few  years  later  : — 


*  Thomas  Moore's  Diary,  vol.  iv.  p.  117. 

t  Burke's  Histor}--  of  the  Irish  Doininicans. 

+  Letters  of  the  Rev.  Roger  O'Shaughnessjs  ''  On  the  Dominican  Fathers 
and  the  English  Reformers;  "  printed  in  Brussels,  A.D.  1001. 


40  TJie  Reformation  in  Ireland. 

*'  Some  of  the  bishops  whose  dioceses  are  in  remote  parts,  some- 
what out  of  the  world's  eye,  do  not  at  all  bestow  the  benefices 
which  are  in  their  own  donations  upon  any,  but  keep  them  in  their 
own  hand?,  and  set  their  own  servants  and  horse-boys  to  take  up 
the  tithes  and  fruits  of  them  ;  with  the  which  some  of  them  pur- 
chase great  lands,  and  build  fair  castells  upon  the  same.  Of  which 
abuse,  if  any  question  be  moved,  they  have  a  very  seemly  colour 
and  excuse,  that  they  have  no  worthy  ministers  to  bestow  them 
upon."* 

Waterhouse,  a  military  agent  of  Elizabeth's,  "  suggested 
that  the  Irish  bishoprics  should  be  conferred  upon  experienced 
soldiers,  as  there  could  be  no  room  for  justice  till  the  sword 
had  made  way  for  the  laxor\ 

At  a  subsequent  period  several  military  men  entered  the 
Irish  Church,  and  through  political  interest  received  lucrative 
livings.  Those  "  old  soldier  parsons "  were  Puritans,  and 
most  hostile  to  the  native  Irish. 

Thus  the  bishops,  we  see,  had  but  few  ministers,  and  the 
ministers  no  flocks.  In  fact,  so  far  as  Protestantism  was  con- 
cerned in  propagating  its  tenets  in  Ireland,  it  exactly  accorded 
with  an  Irish  writer's  quaint  definition  of  nothing,  "  a  footless 
stocking  without  a  leg." 

Spenser,  after  disposing  of  the  prelacy,  comnients  upon  the 
merits  of  the  clergy.     He  observes  : — 

""Whatever  disorders  you  see  in  the  Church  of  England,  you 
find  there  (Ireland)  and  many  more — namely,  gross  simony, 
greedy  covetousness,  fleshly  incontinencies,  careless  sloth,  and 
generally  all  disordered  life  in  the  common  clergymen.";]: 


*  Edmund  Spenser  on  Irish  Affairs,  p.  liO. 
t  Colonel  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingbam;    to  be  seen  in  the 
Irish  State  Papers  of  June,  1574:.  Waterhouse  was  concerned  in  the  massa- 
cres perpetrated  in  Ulster  by  Lord  Essex  and  Colonel  Norri?. 
X  Edmund  Spenser  on  Irish  Affairs,  p.  141. 


The  Rcfoi'mation  in  Ireland.  41 

Be  it  remembered  that  the  men  so  described  were  ordained 
and  inducted  by  those  who  were  the  "  Fathers  of  the  Kefor- 
mation."  Carte,  an  Anglican  ecclesiastic,  writing  of  a  later 
date,  corroborates  the  statements  of  Edmund  Spenser.  "The 
clergy  of  the  Established  Church,"  observes  Carte,  "  were 
generally  ignorant  and  unlearned;  loose  and  irregular  in  their 
lives  and  conversations;  negligent  of  their  cures,  and  very  care- 
less of  observing  uniformity  and  decency  in  Divine  worship." 

Carte  and  Leland  must  be  considered  very  high  Protestant 
authorities.  "  I  loathe  and  abhor  those  Popish  priests,"  was 
the  observation  of  Spenser ;  yet  he  has  drawn  this  contrast 
between  the  clergy  of  the  olden  creed  and  those  of  the  new 
one,  as  he  witnessed  them  in  Ireland  : — 

"  It  is  great  wonder  to  see  the  odds  which,  is  between  the  zeal 
of  Popish  priests  and  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  for  they  spare 
not  to  come  out  of  Spayne,  from  Rome,  and  from  Hemes  by  long 
toil  and  dangerous  travelling  hither,  wliere  they  know  peril  of 
death  awaiteth  them,  and  no  reward  or  riches  is  to  be  found, 
only  to  draw  the  people  into  the  Church  of  Home  ;  whereas  some 
of  our  idle  ministers,  having  a  way  for  credit  and  estimation  thereby 
opened  unto  them,  and  having  the  livings  of  the  country  offered 
to  them,  without  pain  and  without  peril,  will  neither  for  the  same, 
nor  any  love  of  God,  nor  zeal  for  religion^  or  for  all  the  good  thig 
may  do  hy  winning  souls  to  God,  he  drawn  forth  from  their  ivarm 
nests  to  look  out  into  God's  harvest.^'* 

Grodwin,  the  Puritan  writer  on  the  Commonwealth,  de- 
scribes the  "  Mass  priests"  of  Ireland,  in  the  hour  of  persecution, 
as  disinterested  and  fearless  in  sustaining  their  wretched  flocks 
and  upholding  their  religion.  "In  the  hour  of  their  trial," 
he  says,  "  they  stood  forth  superior  to  human  iuhrmity  ;  with 
resolution  inflexible  they  encountered  every  possible  calamity,. 


*  Spenser  on  Religion  in  Ireland  as  he  witnessed  it,  p.  254. 


42  The  Reformation  in  Ireland, 


suflered  the  utmost  hardships  and  privations,  and  counted 
nothing  worthy  of  their  attention  but  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  salvation  of  souls."  * 

Sir  William  Petty  has  drawn  a  terrible  picture  of  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  Ireland  under  Elizabeth,  Lord  Clarendon 
also  affirms  that  it  "  could  only  he  surpassed  by  the  destruction 
of  the  Jeios  by  Titus  and  his  Roman  legions.'^  The  English 
rule  in  Ireland  must  have  been  something  unheard  of  for  bar- 
barity wlicn  such  a  man  as  Clarendon  makes  the  admission 
here  quoted,  for  he  was  a  determined  enemy  of  Ireland  and 
its  creed  ;  but  nevertheless  he  had  some  grains  of  humanity 
in  his  nature,  and  his  conscience  rebelled  against  reforming 
Christians  by  such  agencies  as  Elizabeth  put  in  motion. 

It  has  long  been  the  fate  of  Ireland  to  be  misrepresented  in 
its  people,  its  history,  its  religion,  and  its  social  condition.  It 
must  be  an  irksome  task  for  the  apologists  of  an  enduring  mis- 
take, like  English  government  in  Ireland,  to  endeavour  to 
make  out  a  conscientious  reason,  apart  from  the  true  one,  for 
the  state  of  that  country;  but  the  greatest  misapprehension  ex- 
tant is  the  belief  that  the  creed  which  the  advisers  of  Elizabeth 
would  force  upon  the  unwilling  people  of  that  land  was  simply 
that  which  existed  before  the  Norman  invasion.  Many  Pro- 
testant writers  have  stated  that  Elizabeth  did  not  abolish  the 
ancient  Church  of  Ireland,  but  merely  removed  the  "  abuses 
of  Piome,  its  priesthood,  and  their  superstitions." 

All  the-notable  Irish  scholars  and  confessors  before  the 
English  invasion  are  now  claimed  as  "  Protestant  Saints," 
because,  as  those  who  make  the  false  and  preposterous  claim 
allege,  Ireland  was  only  brought  into  connection  Avith  the  See 
of  Rome  through  her   Norman  invaders.    Well,  for  Historical 


Godwin's  Commonwealth. 


The  Reformation  in  Ireland.  43 

facts.  Thirteen  hundred  years  ago  S.  Columbanus  addressed 
Pope  Boniface  in  these  words  : — "We  are  the  scholars  of  S. 
Peter  and  of  S.  Paul,  and  of  all  the  disciples  subscribing  by 
the  Holy  Grhost  to  the  Divine  Canon.  We  are  all  Irish  in- 
habitants of  the  most  distant  part  of  the  world,  receiving 
nothing  save  what  is  the  Evangelic  and  Apostolic  doctrine. 
Kone  of  us  have  been  a  heretic  ;  none  a  Jew,  none  a  schis- 
matic ;  hwi  \\\Q.  faith,  just  as  it  was  delivered  to  us  by  you,  is 
■still  held  unshaken." 

Again,  I  repeat,  the  records  testifying  to  the  above  are  numer- 
ous, both  in  Kome,  on  the  Continent,  and  in  Ireland  itself.  I  re- 
fer the  reader  to  Dr.  Brady's  "  Marian  Bishops,"  and  his  other 
learned  works  bearing  on  the  Irish  Church.  Dr.  Brady  has  spent 
many  years  in  his  researches  amongst  the  archives  of  the  Yatl- 
can  ;  and  he  has  made  out  a  triumphant  case  to  prove 
that  the  Irish  Church  was  never  any  thing  but  Roman  Catholic, 
and  in  communion  with  Rome  from  the  days  of  Pope  Celestine. 
In  the  archives  of  the  Cathedral  of  Tours  are  to  be  found 
many  valuable  Latin  papers,  which  go  further  to  prove  the  con- 
nection between  the  ancient  Church  of  Ireland  and  the  See  of 
Eome. 

No  amount  of  honest  inquiry  has  yet  shown  that  the  Irish 
in  the  sixteenth  century  were  not  as  devoted  to  the  belief  of 
Rome  as  their  fathers,  who  more  than  a  thousand  years  before 
had  journeyed  through  the  forests  beneath  the  starlight,*  to 
visit  at  rise  of  sun  those  lone  shrines  and  holy  wells  sacred  to 
the  saints  and  sages  of  their  faith.  No  change  can  re- 
search find  between  the  religion  professed  after  the  Reforma- 
tion and  that  cherished  by  "the  Red  Brancli  Knights;"  tlie 
same  as  that  held  by  the  envoys  of  literature   whom   Ireland 


*  The  ancient  Irish  generally  commenced  their  pilgrimages  on  nights 
5\licn  the  moon  or  stars  shone  brightest. 


44  The  Reformation  in  Ireland. 


sent  to  the  Court  of  Charlemagae,  to  illuminate  Grermany,. 
Hungary,  and  Italy,  or  confound  the  syllogists  of  Paris  ;  the 
same  as  that  bled  for  by  the  true  men  wliom  the  most  famous  of 
a  long-descended  line  of  kings  led  to  victory  at  Clontarf. 
The  Irish  Celts,  under  their  olden  monarchs,  professed  the 
same  creed  as  the  Saxon,  English,  and  Norman  did  under 
Alfred  and  the  Plantagenets.  The  Keformation  in  Ireland 
was  more  a  political  revolution,  accompanied  by  its  equivalent 
confiscation,  than  a  religious  change ;  and,  from  the  temper 
of  the  times  and  the  social  condition  of  the  country,  was 
doubly  distasteful  to  the  Celtic  race — -antagonistic  to  a  long- 
cherished  belief  as  well  as  hostile  to  their  temporal  interests. 
The  last  boon  a  conquered  land  will  receive  at  the  hands  of 
its  victors  is  their  creed.  The  religion  of  the  olden  race  of 
Ireland  has  been  written  imperishably  on  the  national  heart — 
written  in  a  long-derived  and  pitiable  history  ;  and  even  per- 
verse inquiry  is  unable  to  impeach  its  immutability.  The 
mixture  of  temporal  and  eternal  interests  has  not  only  intensi- 
fied the  Anglo-Irish  contest,  but  it  has  also  imparted  to  it 
much  of  its  melancholy  interest,  enabling  its  Historians — by 
exhibiting  the  struggles  of  energy  against  wrong ;  depicting 
the  transient  sunshine  of  success  amidst  the  darkness  and 
sorrow  of  perennial  discontent,  and,  now  and  again,  displaying 
the  elements  of  Hope — to  weave  a  rainbow  over  a  land  which 
had  been  so  long  a  valley  of  tears. 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  45 


CHAPTER    \. 

DOMESTIC    LIFE     OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

The  rising  Puritanism  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  soon  dis- 
appeared. However,  the  nobles  and  knights  did  not  hick  that 
elegant  taste  for  dress  which  characterised  them  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  the  Fourth,  and  again  under  Henry  the  Eighth.  In 
Henry's  days  a  great  public  parade  was  necessary  to  obtain  that 
reverence  without  which  the  public  subordination  would  have 
rested  only  on  caprice  or  calculation:  Therefore,  show 
and  pomp  may  have  been  as  beneficial  in  those  times  as  it  might 
now  be  considered  ludicrous  ;  the  London  guilds,  shop- 
keepers and  merchants,  reaped  a  plentiful  harvest  from  the 
annual  pageants  of  the  Court.  The  "  common  people,"  too, 
gazed  on  a  Eoyal  procession  with  admiration  ;  they  were 
amused,  gratified,  and  their  national  vanity  flattered.  The 
display  of  decorations  on  the  occasion  of  Elizabeth's  triumphal 
procession  was  not  inferior  to  anything  exhibited  in  the  more 
chivalrous  days  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  or  those  arranged  by 
Wolsey,  or  Henry,  or  Francis,  I.,  aided  by  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Cloth.  The  stately  Venetian  and  Florentine  visitoi  s 
looked  with  wonder  at  the  display  made  by  the  citizens  of 
London  when  clad  in  gowns  of  velvet  or  satin,  richly 
trimmed  with  silk,  furs,  or  gold  lace  ;  costly  gold  chains  and 
caps  or  hoods  of  rich  materials,  adorned  with  feathers  or 
diamonds ;  decorated  on  all  occasions  of  display  the  persons  not 


46  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

only  of  nobles  or  courtiers  alone,  but  of  their  crowds  of  re- 
tainers and  higher  menials,  and  even  of  the  plain  substantial 
citizens.  Female  attire  was  proportionally  sumptuous. 
Hangings  of  cloth,  of  silk,  of  velvet,  cloth  of  gold,  or  cloth  of 
silver,  or  "needlework  sublime,"  adorned  on  days  of  family 
festivity  the  upper  chamber  of  every  house  of  respectable 
appearance;  and  these  on  public  festivals  were  suspended  from 
the  balconies  ;  and,  uniting  with  the  banners  and  pennons 
floating  overhead,  gave  to  the  streets  almost  the  appearance 
of  a  suite  of  long  and  gaily-dressed  saloons. 

I  have  reserved  till  this  stage  of  my  narrative   to  introduce 
to  the  reader  the  Domestic  Life  of  the  Queen,  and  the  fiishion 
in  which  her  Court  was  conducted.    The  pictures  of  Elizabeth, 
and    the   style   in    which     they   have     been    executed,    are 
naturally  topics  of  interest  to  the  lovers  of  the  Fine  Arts.     The 
miniatures  of  the  Queen  are  rare,  and  in  better  taste  than  her 
portraits  in  oil.     There  is  one  in  the  Tollcmache  collection,  at 
Ham  House,  highly  worthy  of  attention.     From  the  softness 
of  the  features,  the  youthfid  appearance,  and  the  utter  absence 
of  regal  attributes,  it  must  have  been   painted  when   she  was 
styled  the  Lady  Elizabeth,   and  would   be  the  more  valuable 
on  that  account,   independently  of  the   fact  that   she  is  repre- 
sented  as  prettier,  more  feminine,   and,    above   all,   more  un- 
affected than  in  her  maturer  portraits.     Her  age  is  apparently 
about  eighteen ;    she  wears  a  black   dress,    trimmed  with  a 
double  ro\Vof  pearls,  and  fastened  down  the  front  with   bands 
of  rose-coloured  ribbon.     Her  elaborate  point  lace   ruffles  are 
looped   witli    pearls    and    rose-coloured    ribbon.        Her   hair, 
Avhich  is  of  a  light  auburn  colour,  approaching  to  red,  is  rolled 
back  from  the  forehead,  and  surrounded   with  a  stuffed  satin 
fdlet,  decorated  in  front  with  a  jewel  set  w^ith  pearls,  and  from 
which  three  pear-shaped  pearls  depend.     Slie  has  large  pearl 


Domestic  Life  of  Qiicen  Elisabeth.  47" 

tassel  earrings.  This  miniature  is  a  very  small  oval,  Avith  a 
deep  blue  background. 

Many  Avere  the  extravagant  encomiums  paid  to  the  personal 
charms  of  Elizabeth.  The  Venetian  Ambassador  describes  her 
at  the  period  of  her  accession  as  a  lady  of  great  beauty,  of 
good  stature,  and  of  an  excellent  shape.  "  In  lier  youth  she 
was  adorned  with  a  more  than  usual  maiden  modesty  ;  her 
skin  was  of  pure  white,  and  her  hair  of  a  yellow  colour  ;  lier 
eyes  were  beautiful  and  lively.  In  short,  her  whole  body  was 
well  made,  and  her  face  was  adorned  with  a  gloss  of  beauty 
that  made  an  impression  on  those  who  had  the  privilege  of 
speaking  to  her  that  was  long  remembered."  This  order  of 
beauty  lasted  till  her  middle  age,  and  gradually  changed. 

Pennant  remarks  that,  the  portrait  of  Elizabeth  at  Hat- 
field House  is  Avell  worth  notice,  not  only  because  it  is  the 
handsomest  Ave  have  of  her,  but  as  it  points  out  her  turn  to 
allegory  and  apt  devices. 

Castiglione,  Elizabeth's  early  Italian  master,  states  that  his 
Koyal  pupil  possessed  two  qualities  that  were  seldom  united  in 
one  Avoman — namely,  "  sparkling  A\'it  and  a  Avondcrful 
stomach." 

Elizabeth's  hands  are  described  as  "  very  Avhite  and  beauti- 
ftd  ;"  and  that  the  Queen  removed  her  gloves  very  frequently 
in  the  presence  of  foreigners  of  distinction,  especially  if  they 
were  handsome  young  men.  King  Philip  more  than  once 
complimented  his  sister-in-law  on  the  beauty  of  her  eyes  and 
hands. 

In  one  of  the  Eoyal  chambers  at  Holyrood  Palace  is  to  be 
seen  a  remarkable  picture  of  Queen  Elizabeth  in  an  unamiable 
mood.  The  chin  is  pointed  ;  the  face  long  ;  the  complexion 
very  fair;  the  hair  golden,  and  the  eyes  dark  and  piercing, 
while  the  large  ruffles  giA^e  the  appearance  of  the  head  being 


48  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elisabeth. 


buried  bptween  the  shoulders.     Amongst  critics    there  is  a 
diversity  of  opinion  concerning  the  merits  of  this  picture. 

Elizabeth  was  as  near-sighted  as  her  sister  Mary;  but  a 
*'  luminous  spirit  started  from  her  eye,"  which,  according  to 
all  reports,  could  not  be  mistaken  in  its  intelligence  by  lover 
or  statesman.  The  power  of  the  speaking  eye  ascribed  to  the 
daughters  of  Italy — especially  those  of  Venice — was  all 
Elizabeth's  ;  and  "  the  softness  with  which  she  could  indue 
those  eloquent  orbs  conveyed  honour,  whilst  imparting,  or 
inciting — love.  No  one,  when  she  pleased,  could  be  more 
amiable,  when  young." 

Few  English  monarchs  felt  a  greater  interest  in  the  social 
position  of  the  operative  classes  of  London  and  its  vicinity 
than  Elizabeth,  and  wlienever  the  extortions  of  her  servants 
or  purveyors  reached  the  Eoyal  ear,  the  people  were  sure  to 
receive  redress.  The  farmers  who  resided  in  the  metropolitan 
districts  were  also  an  object  of  her  solicitude.  On  one  occasion, 
when  her  Highness  visited  Grreenwich,  a  bluff  countryman 
awaited  her  on  the  road  when  taking  her  morning  walk  with 
a  few  female  attendants.  "  Which  of  ye,"  exclaimed  the 
cunning  farmer  in  a  loud  voice,  "  be  the  good  Queen  Bess  ?" 
The  Queen,  turning  to  him  with  that  gracious  demeanour  she 
always  assumed  towards  the  lower  classes,  answered  him  in 
sweetest  accent,  "  My  good  man,  I  am  your  Queen.  What 
wouldst  thou  have  me  to  do  for  thee,  my  man  ?"  "  You !  " 
rejoined  the*farmer,  gazing  with  affected  simplicity  at  her 
Highness,  "  You  are  the  Queen,  then  ?  Well,  you  are  one  of 
the  rarest  women  I  ever  saw  ;  and  yet  I  think  you  can  eat  no 
more  than  my  daughter  ^ladge,  who  is  thought  the  properest 
lass  in  all  our  parish,  though  short  of  you  ;  but  the  Queen 
Elizabeth  I  look  for  devours  so  many  of  my  hens,  ducks,  and 
cipons  that  I  am  not  able  to  live.     What  then   will   I  do  ?" 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  49 

The  Queen  was  much  amused  at  the  rustic's  appeal  for  justice, 
and,  having  inquired  into  the  case,  dismissed  the  purveyor 
from  lier  employment.  It  is  added  that  having  ascertained 
that  this  purveyor  had  plundered  several  other  farmers  in  a 
similar  manner,  she  ordered  him  to  be  hanged,  under  a  statute 
for  the  punishment  of  such  thefts.  Tliis  statement,  however, 
is  not  probable,  as  Elizabeth  was  more  or  less  attached  to 
everyone  in  her  employment. 

In  the  Queen's  progresses  she  was  always  most  easy  of 
approach ;  private  persons,  and  magistrates,  men,  women,  and 
children,  came  joyfully  and  without  any  fears  to  wait  upon 
her.  The  conduct  of  the  Queen's  Ministers  was  the  very 
opposite.  They  invariably  suppressed  petitions  and  private 
letters  to  their  Sovereign.  The  members  of  the  Council  were 
ever  open  to' bribery,  not  always  graduated,  by  position,  as  to 
amount. 

The  Queen  passed  much  of  her  time  at  Windsor  Castle,  on 
the  spacious  terrace  erected  by  her  for  a  summer  promenade  in 
the  north  front  of  the  castle.  She  generally  walked  for  an 
hour  before  dinner,  if  not  prevented  by  wind,  to  which  she  had 
a  stronsf  aversion,  because  it  renewed  her  toothache.  Kain,  if 
it  were  not  violent,  was  no  impediment  to  her  daily  exercise, 
as  she  took  pleasure  in  walking  under  her  umbrella — a 
curious  and  novel  article.  Elizabeth  conversed  in  a  homely 
manner  with  the  labourers  and  gardeners  about  Windsor, 
asking  the  number  of  their  children,  the  means  of  living,  &c. 
She  was  also  very  particular  to  ascertain  how  those  rustics 
treated  their  wives. 

On  the  3rd  of  September,  1572,  Elizabeth  made  her  public 
entry  into  the  ancient  episcopal  city  of  Canterbury.  One  of 
the  MS.  wardrobe  books  of  the  period  bears  the  following 
record: — '*Lost  from  the  Queen's  hat,  one  small  fish  of  gold 

VOL.    IV.  E 


50  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elisabeth. 


with  a  diamond  in  it."  The  "  gold  fish  "  in  question  was  one 
of  the  last  gifts  the  Queen  received  from  her  French  suitor, 
the  Duke  of  Anjou.  Elizabeth  became  sad  over  this  mishap, 
but  soon  recovered  her  spirits. 

The  Queen  resided,  while  in  Canterbury,  at  the  episcopal 
palace  of  St.  Augustine,  where  she  was  entertained  for  four- 
teen days  by  Archbishop  Parker.  Her  retinue  on  this  occasion 
amounted  to  113  people,  and  the  expenses  of  the  banquets 
which  took  place  daily  had  to  be  defrayed  by  Dr.  Parker,  who 
was  by  no  means  wealthy.  The  Queen's  birthday  having 
occurred  during  this  visit,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
entertained  his  Sovereign  to  a  "  special  banquet  "  in  the  great 
hall,  which  had  been  newly  decorated  for  the  occasion.  "Her 
Highness  was  seated  in  the  midst,  in  a  marble  chair  covered 
with  cloth  of  gold,  having  two  French  ambassadors  at  one  end 
of  the  table  and  four  ladies  of  honour  at  the  other  end."  The 
Queen,  it  is  related,  "made  herself  immensely  agreeable  to  all 
the  company."  So  grand  an  assembly  had  not  been  seen  in 
Canterbury  since  Henry  VHI.  and  the  Emperor  Charles  dined 
with  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  the  year  151i>. 

The  records  of  Sandwich  furnish  a  quaint  account  of  the 
banquets  given  to  the  "Good  Queen  Bess  "  in  that  town.  The 
people  made  great  preparations  for  the  entertainment ;  the 
streets  were  newly  gravelled  and  strewn  with  rushes  and 
flowers ;  flags  bearing  complimentary  mottoes  were  hung  from 
windows  and  house  tops.  The  enthusiasm  of  all  classes  iri 
favour  of  the  Queen  was  immense,  and  the  multitude  with 
almost  one  shout  exclaimed,  "  God  save  our  Virgin  Queen." 
Elizabeth  was  greatly  affected,  and  it  has  been  affirmed  by 
Maister  Silvertop,  one  of  the  oflicials  present,  that  the  Queen 
assured  her  loyal  Protestant  subjects  that  slie  remained  a 
"  Virgin  Queen  in  order  that  she  might  more  effectively  attend 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elisabeth.  5  i 

to  the  peoples'  wants."  On  this  occasioa  the  town  orator 
presented  her  Highness  with  a  Greek  Testament,  which  she 
was  pleased  to  accept,  offering  some  interesting  observations 
upon  the  study  of  Greek  in  the  English  Universities. 

During  the  Royal  visit  to  Sandwich,  the  Mayor's  wife  gave 
a  special  entertainment  to  the  Queen.  The  banquet  presented 
one  hundred  and  fifty  dishes.  We  are  informed  that  a  "  large 
number  of  comely  virgins  "  were  present  in  honour  of  the 
Virgin  Queen.  "  Tlie  Queen  was  very  merrie,  and  ate  of  divers 
dishes  without  any  assay" — that  is,  she  showed  her  confidence 
in  the  affection  of  the  ]\Iayoress  and  the  women  of  Sandwich 
who  surrounded  her  by  dispensing  with  the  usual  ceremony  of 
having  the  dishes  "  tasted  first." 

On  the  day  of  the  Queen's  departure  from  Sandwich,  a  large 
number  of  children  were  exalted  on  a  bank,  built  up  of  turf  j 
and  spun  fine  baize  yarn,  for  the  amusement  of  the  Royal 
lady,  who  was  always  well  pleased  at  exhibitions  tending  to 
the  encouragement  of  industry  amongst  the  humbler  classes. 
Having  said  a  few  kind  words  to  the  girls  assembled, 
exhorting  them  to  love  and  honour  their  parents,  and  to  be 
truthful  and  honest,  the  Queen  bade  adieu  to  her  loyal  subjects 
of  Sandwich. 

In  1575  Elizabeth  visited  Kenilworth,  where  she  was 
magnilicently  feasted  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester  for  nineteen 
days,  and  every  day  produced  some  fresh  novelty  in  the  shape 
of  amusements.  Sucli  an  extensive  or  expensive  entertain- 
ment had  not  taken  place  in  England  since  the  days  of  Henry 
the  Fifth. 

In  the  course  of  Elizabeth's  provincial  tours  she  ^■isited 
Ipswich,  where  she  was  well  pleased  with  the  entertainment 
and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  ;  but  she  found  fault  with 
the  clergy  for  not  wearing  surplices,  crosses,  &c. 

E  2 


52  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elirjabct/i. 


In  Harwich  the  Queen  was  so  delighted  with  the  public 
entertainments  that  she  inquired  from  the  Mayor  if  slie  could 
do  anything  for  the  town. 

"No,  your  Highness,"  replied  the  civic  functionary,  "we 
do  not  require  anything  at  present,  and  are  delighted  to  see 
you  look  so  well." 

Upon  her  departure,  looking  back  at  the  town,  with  a 
playful  smile,  she  remarked  : — "  A  pretty  town,  and  a  people 
that  loant  notliingr 

In  Colchester,  also,  "  feasting  and  acclamations  awaited  the 
Queen."  Here,  for  the  first  time,  she  tasted  the  celebrated 
Colchester  oysters,  and  the  records  of  the  town  affirm  that  the 
oyster  became  a  favourite  dish  with  the  Queen  and  her 
courtiers,  and  were  sent  for  "  by  horseloads." 

The  Queen's  visit  to    Coventry  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the 
most  interesting  in  her  provincial  tours.     At  this  time  the 
wakes,  or  country  servants'  hirings,  were  a  rural  institution, 
carried  down,  without  its  picturesqueness,  to  our  later  years. 
In   no    place  were   they  more  observed   than    in    and   near 
Coventry  and   its  celebrated  fair.     The  Queen  was   received 
with   all  the  honours  by  a  Mayor  and    Corporation,  at  the 
period  more  famed  for  industry  than  erudition  ;  but  it  would 
be  untrue  to  say  that  they  did  not  do  their  best  to  please 
the  Queen,  who,  unluckily  for  them,  had  before  her  recent 
memories  of  Kenilworth.     The  procession  of  "Lady  Grodiva," 
and  the  punisliment  of  "  Peeping  Tom,"  the  last  now  looking 
sorrowfully,  passed  down  the   Parliament   Street  of  the   fine 
old  town,  were  presented  to  the  Queen  by  eager  Mayor  and 
townsfolk.      The  gift  of  golden  angels  from  the  Civic  Council 
was  v^ell   enhanced  by  the  Mayor,  when  he  said  the  "  hearts 
■of  her  subjects  v^rere  in  the  dotation ;  "  and  the  Queen  thanked 
the  Mayor,  and  assured  him  that  she  believed  there  was  far 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  53 

more  ;  and  tlie  INIayor  and  Corporation  were  invited  to  Kenil- 
worth.  The  quaint  old  town  of  Warwickshire  cherishes  among 
her  annals  the  greeting  of  the  Queen  on  this  occasion.  The 
lines  are  said  to  have  been  written  by  a  very  "learned 
gardener "  of  the  ]Mayor's  establishment,  who  insisted  on 
the  civic  chiefs  reading  it,  when  made  legible  by  means 
of  a  marvellous  local  printer.  The  letters  were  of  "  tallest 
type  and  rarely  fashioned  "  : — 

"  "We  men  of  Coventry 
Are  very  glad  to  see 
Your  gracious  Majestie — 
Good  Lord,  how  fair  ye  be." 

The  Queen,  in  one  of  her  pleasant  moods,  replied : — 

"  Her  gracious  Majestie 
Is  very  glad  to  see 
The  men  of  Coventry — 
Good  lack,  what  fools  ye  be!" 

In  Coventry,  Elizabeth  attended  a  play,  entitled  "  Tlic 
Slaughter  of  the  Danes  at  Hock  Tide ;  "  and  during  her  visit 
to  Kenilworth  the  same  drama  was  specially  produced  for  the 
amusement  of  her  Highness,  and  that,  too,  on  the  Sabbath 
evening.  While  enjoying  the  hospitality  of  her  "  Sweet 
Kobin"  at  this  once  regal  palace,  Elizabeth  joined  the  country 
folk  in  honouring  the  festival  of  St.  Kenelm.  She  went  to 
the  parish  church,  heard  a  "fruitful  sermon,  and  gave  alms." 
The  social  festivities  of  the  day,  as  was  the  custom,  ended  in 
"uproarious  hilarity."  Perhaps,  like  her  own  adopted  saint, 
the  Queen  honoured  Kenelm's  Day  because  he  was  a  Eoyal 
scion  of  the  old  Saxon  line  whom  she  esteemed  with  special 
veneration.     She  delighted  in  hearing  a  Saxon  love  stoiy. 

The  Queen  was  no  admirer  of  machinery.     Wlien  solicited 
to  grant  a  patent  to   a  gentleman  who  invented  a  stocking 


54  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elirjabeth. 


fi-came,  which  produced  hose  at  least  seven  times  as  fast  as  the 
most  perfect  female  fingers  could  knit  them,  Elizabeth  refused 
her  patronage  to  the  stocking  machine.  "  I  have  too  much 
regard,"  said  the  Queen,  "for  the  poor  women  and  unprotected 
young  maidens  who  obtain  their  daily  l;)read  by  knitting  to 
forward  an  invention  which,  by  depriving  them  of  em- 
ployment, would  reduce  them  to  starvation.  My  sympathies 
are  entirely  with  the  poor  and  unprotected  of  my  own  sex, 
who  have  many  grievances  to  complain  of  already,  and  which 
I  desire  to  remove  before  I  quit  this  world."  Lord  Hunsdon 
used  his  influence  with  the  Queen  in  vain.  She  Avould  not 
sanction  the  stocking  machine,  and  publicly  spoke  against  it. 
Hunsdon  became  so  enthusiastic  about  the  newly  invented 
machine  that  he  absolutely  apprenticed  his  own  son,  William 
Carey,  to  the  patentee.  So  the  son  of  a  peer  became  one  of 
tiic  first  apprentices  to  a  stocking  maker. 

There  are  several  accounts  chronicled  as  to  the  oriijin  of  the 
first  stocking  machine.  It  has  been  affirmed  by  an  old 
Leicestershire  tradition  that  a  certain  clergyman  of  the  Church 
of  England  was  in  love  with  a  comely  maiden  named  Eachel 
Goodchylde,  and  whenever  the  parson  went  to  visit  the  young 
lady  she  seemed  more  mindful  of  her  knitting  needles  than  of 
the  presence  and  addresses  of  her  suitor.  This  apparent  slight 
created  such  an  aversion  in  the  young  curate's  mind  against 
knitting  by  hand  that  he  determined  to  contrive  a  machine 
that  should  turn  out  work  enough  to  render  the  common 
knitting  a  gainless  employment.  The  rejected  lover,  having  a 
mechanical  turn  of  mind,  set  to  Avork,  and  after  six  years' 
toil  and  anxiety  he  finally  accomplished  his  design  in  1589. 
Although  the  Queen  obstinately  opposed  the  use  of  the 
stocking  machine,  still  it  succeeded.  The  opposition  of 
Pioyalty  to  the  machine  sprang  from  the   most  kindly  feeling 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  55 

towards  the  down-trodden  women  of  tlie  period.  The  Virgin 
Queen,  however,  was  not  always  in  this  humane  mood  towards, 
her  own  sex;  yet  I  gladly  desire  to  give  "golden  Eliza" 
credit  for  every  good  action  she  performed.  Her  charities,  for 
instance,  were  numerous  and  unseen  by  the  world  :  still  this 
a,miable  feature  in  the  character  of  a  Queen  involves  an  extra- 
ordinary contrast  with  Elizabeth's  persecution  of  conscience, 
her  despotism,  and  disregard  of  every  honourable  principle 
that  gives  confidence  to  a  people  in  tiie  integrity  of  its 
Sovereign. 

In  the  spring  of  1530  Elizabeth  thought  proper  to  check 
tlie  "presumptuous  disposition" — such  were  her  words — of 
her  subjects  to  emulate  the  height  and  amplitude  of  the  Royal 
ruff,  which  formed  so  characteristic  a  feature  in  her  costume,  and 
an  Act  was  passed  in  Parliament  empowering  certain  officials  to 
stand  at  corners  of  the  streets  armed  with  shears  for  the  purpose 
ofclipping  all  ruffs  that  exceeded  the  size  prescribedby  this  petty 
and  tyrannical  exercise  of  power.  Several  riots  ensued,  but 
the  most  serious  results  were  likely  to  occur  in  interfering 
with  the  ruff" of  the  French  Ambassador,  who  would  not  submit 
to  such  an  indignity.  The  Queen  did  not  intend  that  her 
arbitrary  law  should  extend  to  ambassadors  or  foreigners  of 
rank,  and  rebuked  the  officials  severely  for  their  want  of 
discrimination.*  Tlic  English  courtiers  had,  however,  to 
submit. 

Cecil,  whose  mental  qualities  should  have  raised  him  above 
those  of  a  mere  Court  creature,  on  some  occasions  addressed 
his  mistress  in  these  words : — "  I  have  had  the  wonderful 
honour  and  happiness  to  receive  a  letter  written  wilh  the 
Queen's  blessed  hands,  and  suggested   by  her  wise    and  lioly 

head." 

*  Camden's  Annals  ;  Lodge's  Illustrations. 


56  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Shortly  before  Cecil's  death,  in  writing  to  his  son,  he  says, 
"  I  hope  to  be  in  heaven  a  servitor  for  her  Highness  and 
God's  Church."  What  a  power  hypocrisy  must  have  had  to 
elicit  from  the  deathbed  an  aspiration  which  seems  the  expres- 
sion of  idolatrous  servility  rather  than  of  a  Christian's  faith. 
The  aged  Minister  who  speaks  of  Elizabeth  thus  was  charac- 
tei*ised  by  her  in  moments  of  passion  as  "  an  old  fool,  only  fit 
for  playing  with  grandchildren,  falling  asleep  over  books,  or 
dreaming  of  Popish  invasions."  At  another  time  she  called 
him  "  a  miscreant  and  a  coward,  who  feared  Essex  more  than 
herself."  If  Cecil  feared  Lord  Essex,  he  also  hated  him  and 
plotted  his  ruin.  Yet  the  Queen  admitted  in  her  calmer 
moments  that  Cecil  was  the  "  ablest  and  truest  of  her 
Ministers."  It  is  certain  he  submitted  to  her  violent  language, 
always  considering  that  she  was  the  Sovereign,  but 
his  notions  of  private  and  official  life  did  not  suggest  the 
vindication  of  that  respect  and  honoui-  due  to  the  dignity  of 
the  first  IMinister  of  the  Crown. 

"  The  courtiers  of  Elizabeth,"  writes  a  French  Ambassador, 
''were  vieing  one  with  another  as  to  who  should  use  the 
most  flattery."  It  has  been  stated  that  some  of  the  "loyal 
and  chivalrous  gentlemen  of  the  Court"  assured  the  Queen 
that  the  "  lustre  of  her  beauty  dazzled  them  like  that  of  the 
sun,  and  they  could  not  behold  it  with  the  fixed  eye."  Birch 
relates  that  in  o]d  age  she  permitted  courtiers  to  speak  to  her 
of  her  "  excellent  beauty."  Her  conduct  to  the  ladies  of  the 
Court  redounded  little  to  her  credit  as  a  woman.  It  was  the 
Queen's  custom  to  strike  the  maids  of  honour  ;  she  gave 
Anne  Scudamore  a  blow  on  the  head  which  nearly  proved 
fatal.  Other  ladies  received  similar  treatment.  In  old  age 
the  Queen's  temper  became  most  violent,  and  she  swore 
dreadful  oaths  for  little  provocation.     During  the  latter  years 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  ElisahetJi.  57 

of  Elizabeth's  reign  Lord  Essex  and  Ealeigh  wore  tlie  cause 
of  several  Court  scandals,  for  no  young  lady  of  propriety 
could  safely  remain  at  Court. 

The  levity  of  Essex's  conduct,  and  his  freedom  with 
the  maids  of  honour,  was  often  a  source  of  trouble  to  those 
ladies.  On  one  occasion  he  made  an  avowal  of  his  passion  to 
the  beautiful  Elizabeth  Brydges,  which  excited  the  Queen's 
jealousy  and  passion  beyond  all  bounds.  She  treated  the 
unoffending  lady  in  the  harshest  manner,  and  even  inflicted 
blows  upon  her  person.  Eowland  White  recounts  \}l\q.  fracas : — 
"  Mrs.  Brydges  received  big  words  of  anger  and  blows,  and 
also  Mrs.  Eussell.  They  were  put  out  of  the  Cofferer  Chamber, 
but  have  been  permitted  to  return."  He  again  remarks  : — 
"  You  may  conjecture  whence  these  storms  arise."  About  the 
same  time  the  wild  young  Earl  of  Southampton  also  incurred 
the  Royal  displeasure  for  marrying  without  the  Queen's  con- 
sent, and  Avas  sent  to  the  Tower. 

There  is  still  extant  a  letter  of  Lord  Huntingdon's,  in  which 
he  complains  of  the  "  Queen's  pinching  his  Countess  on  divers 
occasions,  because  she  did  not  humour  her  whims  quickly." 
There  were  times  at  which  Elizabeth  used  gross  language  to  her 
Council  also.  Essex  was  not  the  only  man  whom  she  visited 
with  manual  punishment.  Harrington,  in  describing  his  own 
experiences  states,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  I  was  collared  after 
the  fashion  her  Highness  used  to  Hatton."*  The  gossip  is  silent 
as  to  whether  Hatton  was  Chancellor  or  not  when  subjected 
to  this  discipline. 

Elizabeth  detested,  as  ominous,  all  dwarfs  and  monsters,  and 
seldom  could  be  induced  to  bestow  an  appointment,  either 
civil  or  ecclesiastical,  on  a  mean-looking,  ugly  man  ;  in  fact,  it 


*  Letteis  of  Sir  John  Harrington  ;  Diary  of  Anne  Scudamore. 


58  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elisabeth. 

was  a  proverb  at  Court  tliat  she  "  regarded  ugliness  as  a  greater 
crime  than  witchcraft."  "  She  always,"  says  Lord  Bacon, 
"  made  sedulous  inquiries  regarding  the  moral  qualifications 
of  any  candidate  for  preferment ;  and  then  considered  his 
mien  and  appearance.  Upon  one  of  these  occasions  she 
observed  to  me"  (Bacon),  "how  can  the  magistrate  maintain 
his  authority  if  the  man  be  despised  ? '' 

At  the  sales  of  Crown  property  the  Queen  used  to  say  "her 
commissioners  behaved  to  her  as  strawberry  vendors  to  their 
customers,  who  laid  two  or  three  great  strawberries  at  the 
mouth  of  the  pottle,  and  all  the  rest  were  little  ones  ;  so  they 
gave  her  two  or  three  good  prices  at  the  first,  and  the  rest 
fetched  nothino-." 

The  Queen  was  very  fond  of  singing  birds,  apes,  and  little 
dogs ;  but  her  better  taste  and  feeling  were  manifested  in  her 
love  for  children.  The  reader  has  already  seen  that  when  a 
prisoner  in  the  Tower  she  was  wont  to  divert  her  cares  and 
anxious  forebodings  by  talking  with  the  warders'  little  ones, 
whose  affections  she  entirely  won  by  her  endearing  behaviour; 
and  when  age  brought  with  it  the  painful  conviction  of  the 
emptiness  of  Court  flattery,  her  sick  heart  was  soothed  by  the 
artless  prattle  of  inflmcy,  and  she  exhibited  almost  maternal 
tenderness  when  brought  in  contact  with  the  children  of  her 
nobles. 

Sometimes  Elizaljeth  amused  herself  with  a  o-ame  of  chess, 
dancing,  or  singing.  Occasionally  she  played  at  cards  and 
tables,  and  if  she  won  she  would  be  sure  to  demand  the 
money. 

When  the  Queen  retired  to  her  bedchamber  she  was 
attended  by  the  married  ladies  of  her  household,  among  whom 
are  particularly  mentioned  the  Marchioness  of  Winchester,  the 
Countess  of  Warwick,  and  Lady  Scrope.     Some  confidential 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  59 

lady  always  slept  ia  tlio  same  cliamber  with  tlie  Queen.  One 
of  her  physicians  and  an  apothecary  always  travelled  with  her 
Hin^hness.  Another  interestinsj  feature  in  her  domestic  life 
was  the  fact  that  she  was  personally  acquainted  with  every 
domestic  in  lier  service,  and  felt  a  pleasure  in  hearing  gossip 
about  their  relatives.  Nearly  the  whole  of  her  servants  were 
Catholics  ;  and  many  of  thorn  acted  as  her  spies  upon  the 
Protestant  party,  in  whose  integrity  she  had  little  reliance, 
unless  where  their  interests  were  concerned,  and,  in  such  cases, 
she  gave  them  little  credit  iox  honesty. 

When  Ehzabeth  relaxed  amongst  the  many  plausible  and 
accomplished  men  who  knew  her  character,  the  best  and 
kindliest  feelin2:s  of  her  nature  were  elicited.  It  was  a  beautiful 
privilege  of  genius  to  present  the  lofty  Queen  in  the  guise  of 
the  tender,  kind,  and  thoughtful  woman.  The  French  and 
Spanish  Ambassadors  were  j)eculiarly  successful  in  the  exercise 
of  this  valuable  gift.  Among  many  instances  given  by 
Hentzner  of  what  may  be  called  the  life  of  "  The  Queen  at 
Home,"  I  find  the  following  :— 

"  At  supper  her  Majesty  diverted  herself  with  her  friends  and 
attendants  ;  and  if  they  made  her  no  answer,  she  would  put  them 
upon  mirth  and  pleasant  discourse  with  great  civility.  She  would 
then  admit  Tarleton,  a  famous  comedian  and  a  pleasant  talker,  and 
other  such-like  men,  to  divert  her  with  the  stories  of  the 
town,  and  the  common  jests  or  accidents.  It  was  understood  they 
k<ept  within  the  bounds  of  modesty.  In  the  winter-time,  after 
supper,  the  Queen  would  sometimes  hear  a  song,  or  a  lesson  or 
two  played  upon  the  lute  ;  but  she  would  be  much  offended  if  there 
was  any  rudeness  to  any  person." 

The  Queen,  who  admired  tlie  Court  customs  of  olden  times, 
maintained  a  fool  and  jester.  Pace,  styled  the  "  bitter  fool,"' 
was  very  popular.     He  was  employed  by  Knollys  and  Cecil  to 


6o  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 


turn  the  Mass  into  ridicule,  for  which  he  was  sharply  rebuked 
by  his  Royal  JMistress.  Sixtus  the  Fifth  was  also  an  object  of 
satire  on  the  part  of  the  Court  jesters,  but  rarely  in  the  Queen's 
presence,  who,  while  she  detested  that  Pontiff,  had  a  certain 
respect  for  his  ofEce. 

The  Queen  once  asked  Clod  "  Why  he  neglected  the  duties 
of  his  office  ?  " 

"  How  so  ?  "  inquired  the  jester  ;  "in  what  have  I  failed  ?  " 

"  In  this,"  answered  her  Highness,  "  you  are  ready  enough 
to  point  your  sharp  satire  at  the  fxults  of  other  people,  but  you 
never  say  a  word  of  mine." 

"  Ah  !"  exclaimed  the  fool,  "  that  is  because  I  am  saved  the 
trouble  by  so  many  deputies.  Why  should  I  remind  your 
Highness  of  your  fliults,  seeing  that  they  are  in  everybody's 
mouth  ;  and  you  may  hear  of  them  hourly?" 

On  another  occasion,  the  Queen  was  about  to  take  her  ac- 
customed walk  at  Windsor,  when  it  commenced  raining. 
Archbishop  Whitgift  and  Dean  Perne,  who  were  present, 
attempted  to  persuade  the  Queen  to  return  ;  but  she  was  ob- 
stinate and  would  have  her  way.  Clod  then,  addressing  her, 
said : — 

"Madam,  Heaven  dissuades  you,  for  it  is  cold  and  wet, 
and  earth  dissuades  you,  for  it  is  damp  and  dirty.  Heaven 
dissuades  you,  too,  by  this  heavenly  man,  Archbishop  Whit- 
gift; and  earth  dissuades  you,  by  me,  your  fool.  Clod,  lump  of 
clay  as  I  am.  But  if  neither  can  prevail  with  you,  here  is 
the  Dean  Perne,  who  is  neither  of  heaven  nor  of  earth,  but 
hangs  between  the  two,  and  he,  too,  dissuades  you."* 

The  allusion  of  the  sharp-witted  fool  to  Dean  Perne  had 
reference  to  the  fact  that  he  changed  his  faith  from  one 
creed  to  another /b?n^  times  in  a  dozen  years. 

*  Anecdotes  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Jesters. 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  6i 


In  1583  Sir  Francis  Walsinojham  introduced  the  celebrated 
Dick  Tarleton  to  the  Queen,  and  he  soon  became  one  of  the 
most  popular  comedians  in  London  and  was  appointed  to  the 
"high  and  honourable  "  office  of  Court  jester  to  her  Highness. 
Several  robes  were  purchased  for  him  in  Paris,  to  appear 
before  the  Queen  at  dinner,  dressed  as  a  buffoon  or  jester. 
His  duty  on  those  pccasions  was  to  make  the  Queen  "  merrie." 
Fuller  styles  him  a  master  of  his  faculty  who,  "  when  Eliza- 
beth was  serious  and  out  of  good  humour,  could  undumpish  her 
at  his  pleasure."  When  persons  about  Court  had  "  small  com- 
pliments "  to  seek,  Tarleton  acted  as  their  usher  to  pave  the 
way,  and  lined  his  pockets  with  silver  and  gold  by  this  means. 
Notwithstanding,  however,  the  liberal  gratification  of  his  rapa- 
city, Dick  was  ever  needy .  and  always  in  debt.  Fuller  relates 
that  "lau'^-hino-  Dick  Tarleton  "  told  the  Queen  "  more  of  her 
faults  than  most  of  her  chaplains  ;  and  cured  her  melancholy 
better  than  all  her  physicians."  "  If  the  Queen  admired  Dick," 
observes  the  author  of  "  Court  Fools,"  "  the  latter  felt  great 
reverence  for  his  mistress.  He  could  compare  her,  he  said, 
to  nothing  more  fitly  than  a  sculler  ;  for,  he  added,  neither 
the  Queen  nor  the  sculler  hath  a  fellow."  Disraeli  states 
that  Tarleton  possessed  considerable  power  of  extemporising 
satirical  rhymes  on  the  events  of  the  day.  Lord  Burleigh  and 
other  courtiers,  who  secretly  hated  Leicester,  instructed  Tarle- 
ton to  allude  to  that  nobleman's  Court  favour,  when  making 
his  satirical  sallies  upon  the  Queen.  She,  however,  took  it  in 
good  part,  although  sometimes  mortified  at  the  pertness  of  his 
observations.  Once,  when  the  Queen  dined  at  Lord  Burleigh's, 
in  the  Strand,  Tarleton  accompanied  her,  and,  when  the  noble 
host  besouGjht  her  Highness  to  remain  for  the  nio;ht,  she 
positively  refused.  An  application  was  then  made  to  Tarle- 
ton, with  the  promise  of  a  large  reward  if  he  could  induce  tlie 


62  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Queen  to  remain.  "Procure  me,"  said  Tarleton,  "  the  par- 
sonage of  Sherd."  They  immediately  caused  the  patent  to  be 
drawn  up.  He  then  put  on  a  parson's  cap  and  gown,  and 
loudly  repeated  these  words  as  the  Queen  descended  the  stairs : 
— "A  parson  or  no  parson?  A  parson  or  no  parson?" 
When  Elizabeth  understood  what  lie  meant,  she  not  only 
stayed  all  night,  but  remained  a  fortnight,  and  actually  con- 
firmed him  in  his  possession  of  the  benefice,  "Never,"  says 
a  writer  upon  those  times,  "  was  there  a  madder  parson."  He 
eventually  turned  the  bell-metal,  parsonage,  and  all  into 
ready  money.  On  one  occasion  Lord  Leicester  met  Tarleton 
at  Grreenwicli  Palace,  upon  which  the  former,  with  a  vicious 
sneer,  exclaimed: — "  Grood  morrow,  my  merry  fool  and  knave." 
Tarleton  replied: — "Well,  I  can't  bear  both  titles  together.  I 
will,  however,  take  the  first,  and  you  are  heartily  welcome  to 
the  second."  The  anecdotes  respecting  Tarleton  and  the  Queen 
are  arumerous;  but  the  majority  arc  more  traditional  than  authen- 
tic. Tarleton  died  in  Shoreditch,  of  the  plague,  to  the  great 
regret  of  the  Queen  and  the  citizens  of  London,  who  were  wont 
to  consider  him  as  having  stood  for  the  world-renowned  portrait 
of  "  Yorlck."  A  genuine  collection  of  Tarleton's  jests  were 
published  in  1611,  on  which  occasion  the  citizens  of  London 
proved  that  their  old  favourite  was  not  forgotten,  for  they 
eagerly  sought  after  the  volume  which  contained  his  "  merrie 
sayings." 

Grreat  as  the  iniluence  of  Pace,  Clod,  and  Tarleton  was 
with  Elizabeth,  they  never  had  the  courage  to  take  the 
liberties  in  which  the  noted  Will  Somers  was  indulged  in  by 
her  father.  On  the  death-bed  of  Kinof  Henry  it  is  alleo-ed 
that  Somers  admonished  him  to  make  some  compensation  to  a 
gentleman  whom  he  had  much  injured.  The  King  hearkened 
to  his  remonstrance,  and  restored  to  Kichard  Farmer  a  portion 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  6 


:> 


of  his  estate,  ^vhicll  had  been  seized  upon.  A  proof  of  the 
estimate  in  wliich  Henry  held  Will  Somers  is  to  be  found  in 
the  flict  that  the  King  commanded  Holbein  to  introduce  the 
jester  and  his  wife  into  the  same  picture  with  that  of  his 
Highness  and  the  Eoyal  family.  This  interesting  group  is  yet 
to  be  seen  in  Hampton  Court  Palace.  The  anecdote 
concerning  the  mQribund  monarch  is  merely  repeated  here 
because  it  may  be  regarded  worth  the  brief  space  it  occupies. 
I  very  much  doubt,  however,  that  the  favourite  jester  dared 
take  such  a  freedom,  and  still  less  that  restitution  followed  his 
perilous  advocacy.  Cranmer,  potent  as  he  was  in  the  regard 
of  Ins  King,  never  ventured  upon  such  remonstrances. 

From  all  sources  we  learn  that  the  hospitality  dispensed  at 
the  Queen's  various  mansions  was  unbounded.  "  From  the 
peasant  to  the  peer,"  says  a  chronicler  of  the  times,  "  all  were 
welcome  to  eat  and  drink  at  the  tables  that  were  daily  covered 
with  meat  and  drink  to  make  good  cheer."  Numbers  of 
distressed  Catholics  received  entertainment  at  the  Palace  board 
— in  fact,  anyone  who  entered,  and  said  they  were  hungry, 
were  welcome  ;  and  it  was  the  Queen's  pleasure  to  come,  incog. 
as  it  Avcre,  and  see  how  they  fared,  and  she  generally  conversed 
with  them  upon  "  country  gossip." 

Elizabeth  kept  up  the  old  Catholic  custom  on  JMaunday- 
Thursday,  of  washing  the  feet  of  as  many  poor  people  as  she 
was  years  in  the  world.  The  Queen  went  through  this 
ceremony  with  great  reverence  ^u^  fasting.  On  one  occasion 
she  was  attended  by  an  old  lady  friend,  whom  the  reader  may 
welcome  back  to  these  pages — all  that  remained  of  the  "  Fay  re 
Creraldyne  " — once  the  alleged  ladye  love  of  the  Poet  Surrey. 

King  James  the  Second  was  the  last  English  Sovereign 
who  performed  this  ceremony. 

There   were    some  occasions  on  which  Elizabeth's  habit  of 


64  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

alms-giving  left  her  private  treasury  almost  empty.  In  the 
season  of  Lent,  like  some  of  the  Plantagenets  of  old,  she  gave 
alms  with  her  own  hands,  almost  daily,  to  the  needy  and  most 
destitute,  accompanying  it  with  some  kindly  word.  On  the 
Grood  Friday  of  1560,  it  was  a  pleasing  sight  to  behold  the 
Queen,  then  in  tlie  bloom  of  all  her  charms,  bestowing  with 
her  own  hands  twopence  each  (equal  to  sixpence  or  eight- 
pence  of  our  present  currency)  to  upwards  of  1,600  women 
and  children,  many  of  whom  were  lame  and  blind.* 

The  Queen  scrupulously  adhered  to  the  days  of  fast  and 
abstinence  from  meat,  as  established  in  the  Catholic  Church. 
Sometimes,  however,  she  altered  and  amended  the  diocesan 
regulations.  In  March,  1564,  her  Highness  issued  a  dispensa- 
tion abolishing  Wednesday  as  a  fast  day  in  the  Diocese  of 
"Winchester.  This  Eoyal  command  was,  it  is  probable,  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Puritan  Bishop  Home. 

The  Queen's  fish  banquet  consisted  of  eight  different  sorts, 
cooked  in  the  fashion  of  the  times.  Like  her  mother,  Eliza- 
beth preferred  old  English  ale  to  wine  of  any  vintage,  however 
delicious.  Chicken  and  lark  pies  were  among  her  favourite 
dishes.  And  she  also  desired  "a  fat  capon,  dressed  in  the  old 
Norfolk  fashion  ;  partridge  and  pheasant,  when  in  season," 
presented  a  most  agreeable  supper  for  the  Queen.  On  such 
occasions  she  partook  of  old  sack  wine,  repeating  the  words  of 
Roger  Ascham,  "  Good  eating  requires  good  drinking.'' 

It  may  be  interesting  to  know  what  example  the  Queen,  as 
Head  of  the  Church,  presented  in  her  observance  of  the  Sabbath. 
In  this  regard  the  Eoyal  conduct  was  not  specially  edifying. 
True  the  Queen  did  not  travel  on   Sunday,  but  she  did  not 


*  Anecdotes  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
t  The  Parker  MSS. 


Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  65 

refrain  from  business.  She  signed  on  Sunday,  June  14,  1572, 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  France,  which  was  accompanied  by 
letters  from  the  King  and  Queen-mother  of  that  country, 
offering  to  Elizabeth  the  hand  of  tlie  boy  Alencon.  She 
'played  cards  on  the  Sahhath,  to  the  great  confusion  and  sorrow 
of  her  bishops;  and  daiiced  and  attended  hull-baits  and  other 
diversions.  On  the  Sunday  of  the  treaty  above  referred  to, 
Feneleon*  tells  us  in  his  despatches  that  the  Queen,  after  a 
splendid  entertainment,  took  the  Due  do  Montmorenci,  the 
ambassador,  envoys,  and  others  "  to  see  the  combats  of  bears, 
of  bulls,  and  of  a  horse  and  monkey  " — a  sport  in  which  the 
■Queen  is  said  to  have  delighted.  Feneleon  continues  : — "  She 
again  made  M.  de  Montmorenci,  M.  de  Foix,  and  me  eat  at 
her  own  table  ;  and  all  the  rest  of  the  lords,  French  and 
Englisli,  mingled  with  the  ladies  of  tlie  Court,  occupied 
another  very  long  table  near  her  own.  We  were  sumptuously 
■entertained,  and  the  feast  was  prolonged  till  about  midnight, 
when  the  Queen  led  us  to  another  terrace,  which  looked  into 
the  great  Court  of  the  palace,  where  we  had  not  been  long, 
when  an  old  man  entered  with  two  damsels,  and  implored 
succour  for  them  in  her  Court  ;  and  immediately  tluro 
appeared  twenty  knights  in  the  lists — ten  in  wliite,  led  by  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  and  ten  in  blue,  led  by  the  Earl  of  Rutland — 
who,  in  the  cause  of  these  damsels,  commenced  a  stout  combat 
on  horseback  with  swords,  which  lasted  till  the  dawn  of  day, 
when  the  Queen,  by  the  advice  of  the  umpires  of  the   field, 


*  Private  Despatches  of  La  Motte  Feneleon.  La  Motte  Feneleon  was 
French  Ambassador  in  London  from  I068  to  157f).  His  despatches  occupy 
five  folio  volumes.  The  originals  are  in  one  of  the  State  libraries  in  Paris. 
Feneleon  speaks  of  Elizabeth's  private  character  in  the  highest  terms  of 
eoinmendation. 

VOL,    IV.  F 


66  Domestic  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

declared  '  that  the  damsels  were  delivered,'  and  gave  them  all 
leave  to  retire  to  bed." 

The  reader  has  seen  how  the  {^abbath  was  profaned  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Queen's  visit  to  the  University  of  Cambridge. 
The  exhibition  was  discreditable  to  the  University,  and  more 
so  to  the  Queen.  The  people,  however,  seemed  highly  pleased 
with  the  half-holiday  kind  of  fashion  in  which  the  Queen 
observed  the  Sabbath. 


The  Queen's  Astrologer.  6"/ 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  queen's  astrologer. 

I  CANNOT,  in  tins  section  on  the  domestic  life  of  Elizabeth, 
pass  by  notice  of  one  who,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Queen  and 
of  many  learned  men,  held  a  place  above  the  Court  fools  and 
jesters  of  the  sixteenth  century.  John  Dee,  designated  "  Doc- 
tor," was  a  so-called  . "  Alchemist,"  a  forerunner  of  the 
Spiritualists  of  the  present  age,  as  alchemy  was  the  prede- 
cessor of  chemistry  ;  but,  taking  the  progress  of  knowledge  by 
time's  average.  Dee  was  infinitely  superior  in  power  and  re- 
sources to  recent  professors  of  mysticism.  There  was  a  weird 
notion  about  Dr.  Dee's  powers  which  made  him  romantic  to 
Elizabeth  and  her  courtiers,  and  the  crystal  globes  in  which 
he  foreshadowed  preconceived  and  foreknown  auspices  much 
surprised  his  consulters.  A  quasi  scientist,  yet  far  before  his 
awe,  was  Dr.  John  Dee,  much  of  a  charlatan,  but  with  a  broad 
basis  whereon  to  found  his  charlatanism.  He  was  born  in 
London  in  1527,  was,  we  are,  assured,  a  "good  Protestant," 
when  he  came  to  the  years  of  discretion  to  ascertain  which 
"  religious  potency  was  uppermost  in  the  State."  He  was  a 
kind-hearted  man  ;  and  "  staunch  Protestant/'  as  he  avowed 
himself,  he  did  not  agree  with  the  leading  Reformers,  nor 
subscribe  to  the  system  of  persecution  which  they  adopted. 
The  unprecedented  assiduity  of  Dee  procured  him  amongst 
the  envious,   and  even  publicly,   the  perilous  reputation    of 

F  2 


68  The  Queen's  Astrologer. 


being  "  one  of  Satan's  especial  agents."  He  was  ostracised 
and  insulted,  so  as  to  be  compelled  to  repair  to  Louvain,  and 
afterwards  went  to  Paris  and  other  Continental  cities.  Dec 
was  introduced  to  Queen  Elizabeth  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 
He  was  in  poor  circumstances  at  the  time,  and  the  Queen 
sent  him  a  present  of  ethirty  golden  angels. 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  Blanche  Parry  corresponded  with 
Dr.  Dee  on  the  subject  of  necromancy  and  witchcraft. 
Independent  of  feminine  curiosity,  clever  women  like  the 
Queen  and  Blanche  Parry,  desired  a  knowledge  then  so 
souglit  as  preternaturah  Blanche  Parry  was,  as  I  have  before 
said,  an  erudite  lady.  She  was  a  linguist,  an  alchemist, 
astrologer,  antiquarian,  and  a  herald  of  the  colleges.  She 
died  blind  in  1589,  being  then  81  years  old,  and  to  the  last 
the  faithful  servant  of  Elizabeth,  Dr.  Dee  did  not  lose  his 
opportunities — for  promises  of  making  gold  he  received  much 
money  beforehand,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  received 
large  sums  from  the  Queen  and  her  courtiers.  Edward  Kelly, 
the  secretary'  and  disciple  of  the  doctor,  is  said  to  have 
bestowed  golden  rings  to  the  value  of  £4,000  sterling  to 
*'  divers  ladies,"  which  the  latter  would  hardly  have  accepted 
if  made  of  "  white  and  red  powder."  Strange  sayings  were 
bruited  throughout  unsophisticated  London  in  those  days,  and 
it  was  morosely  whispered  tliat  *'  Ned  Kelly  " — there  must 
naturally,  if  not  nationally,  have  been  something  of  the 
"  devil"  there — "  had  been  visited  by  Satan,  who  had  helped 
him  to  manufacture  gold  rings  out  of  old  chips." 

Indignant  and  perhaps  envious,  preachers  were  at  once  in 
open-mouthed  denunciation  of  Kelly,  and  he  was  driven  from 
London  to  the  country,  where  he  betook  himself  to 
"laying  ghosts,  spirits,  and  goblins,  which  prevented 
honest    folks   from   sleep  o'   night,"  by   which   means,  it   is 


The  Queen's  Astrologer.  69 

recorded,    Kelly    made   a    fair  livelihood    on    rural  fears   of 
departed  relatives. 

The  Queen  and  Lord  Leicester  often  visited  l)r.  Dee  at 
Mortlake,  ''where  they  appeared  in  the  most  friendly  spirit." 
In  his  correspondence  Dee  endeavoured  to  convince  her 
Highness  that  he  had  "  intercourse  with  spirits  ; "  had  possession 
of  the  "  Philosopher's  Stone,"  and  could  transmute  iron  and 
even  wood  into  £;old.  Such  delusions  might  well  delude  the 
ignorant  populace ;  but  Elizabeth  was  too  astute  to  accept 
such  assurances,  and,  after  some  expensive  essays,  she  reduced 
the  Koyal  bounty.  Dee  next  appealed  to  Archbishop  Whitgift, 
who  is  represented  as  a  "  man  who  did  not  part  with  his 
money  for  silly  purposes,"  and  so  the  alchemist  and  astrologer 
failed  with  the  prelate  as  with  several  others.  Dee  then  spent 
six  years  on  the  Continent,  proceeding  from  one  Court  to 
another,  each  prince  at  first  regarding  his  oracular  communi- 
cations with  dread  and  astonishment,  but  concluding  by 
casting  him.  off,  as  doubting  his  integrity,  or  rather  disgusted 
with  his  inability  to  satisfy  that  auri  sacra  fames  which  had 
troubled  monarchs  from  the  days  of  Trismcglstus. 


■JO  Mary^  Qiiccn  of  Scots. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MART,    QUEEN    OF    SCOTS. 

When  only  six  years  old,  Mary  Stuart  was  privately*  con- 
veyed to  France,  accompanied  by  four  young  ladies  of  her 
own  age,  and  all  named  Mary  ;  they  were  the  daughters  of 
four  Scotch  Noblemen,  and  subsequently  educated  with  the 
young  Queen.  In  a  few  years  the  Queen  of  Scots  became 
very  popular  with  the  French  nation.  Everywhere  she  went 
the  people  came  forth  to  greet  her  ;  and  the  young  mothers 
taught  their  little  children  to  lisp  her  name.  In  those  times 
the  French  citizens  almost  loved  royalty  with  a  religious  senti- 
ment. The  poets  and  minstrels  were  honoured  with  the  pa- 
tronage of  the  young  Queen.  Caledonnia  was  not  forgotten 
by  her.  She  had  in  her  employment  a  band  of  Scotch  min- 
strels. 

The  courage  of  Mary  was  evinced  at  an  early  age  In  many 
forms.  She  was  like  the  celebrated  Countess  of  Ormonde,  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. — a  ^ifave  follower  of  the   chase,  and 


*  Henry  VIII.  sent  vessels  to  sea  to  intercept  the  passage  of  his  infant 
grandniece  to  France,  but  failed  in  accomplishing  his  design.  Henry's  scheme 
was  to  many  his  son  Edward  to  the  Scottish  Queen,  .md  to  annex  Scotland 
to  England.  He  wa=,  however,  disappointed  in  that  which  had  been  the 
eager  desire  of  several  English  monarchs  who  preceded  him.  Puritanism, 
nevertheless,  accomplished  the  dishonest  policy  long  entertained  by  the 
CathoUc  Kings  of  England — namely,  the  annexation  of  the  two  Kingdom?. 


Mary,  Queen  of  Seots.  71 

on  two  occasions  narrowly  escaped  danger,  both  in  France  and 
Scotland. 

The  marriage  of  the  Q.acen  of  Scots  and  the  Dauphin  of 
France,  took  place  on  Simday,  April  24th,  1558,  at  Notre 
Dame.  The  bridal  procession,  and  the  ceremonies  in  the 
cathedral,  were  the  most  magnificent  that  had  been  wit- 
nessed in  Paris.  Eighteen  bishops,  and  a  number  of  secu- 
lar clergy,  took  part  in  the  ceremony.  The  royal  bride  was 
dressed  in  a  robe  "  whiter  than  the  lily,  but  so  beautiful  in  its 
fashion  and  decorations  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  do  justice 
to  its  details."  The  "  four  Scotch  Maries  "-  who  represented 
the  women  of  Scotland — were  in  immediate  attendance  upon 
the  bride. 

It  is  stated  on  reliable  authority  that  Queen  ]Mary  and  her 
husband  conducted  themselves,  as  a  married  pair,  with  edify- 
ing propriety.  Mary  continued  to  read  Latin  with  Buchanan, 
History  with  De  Pasquier,  and  Poetry  with  Konsard.  The 
sudden  death  of  her  father-in-law  (Henry  II.)  raised  the 
young  princess  to  the  position  of  Queen  Consort  of  France. 
The  time,  however,  was  brief  before  the  first  of  the  troubles 
of  Mary  Stuart  commenced.  Her  husband's  health  was  in  a 
precarious  state  from  an  abscess  in  the  ear,  and  inflammation  of 
the  brain.  During  his  last  illness,  Mary  never  left  the  couch 
of  her  husband  till  his  eyes  were  closed  in  death.  The 
amiable  young  King  appeared  to  regret  nothing  but  his  separa- 
tion from  her  who  was  the  only  true  mourner  among  those 
by  whom  he  was  surrounded  at  his  last  hour.  Queen  Mary 
had  been  the  angel  companion  of  his  life.  He  loved  her  in- 
tensely ;  and  with  grateful  affection  he  lifted  up  his  dying 
voice  to  bless  her,  and  to  bear  testimony  to  her  devoted 
love  for  him  as  a  wife.*  Laying  his  head  upon  her 
»  Matbieu,  Histoire  de  France  ;  Connaco,  Vita  Marire  Stuart.r,  vol.  iii. 


72  Mary,  Qiiccn  of  Scots. 


bosom,    and    clasping    her    hand,    he    expired    without    a 


moan. 


Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  has  left  on  record  a  beautiful 
and  affecting  description  of  the  "leave-taking"  between 
Francis  and  INIary.     I  believe  Throckmorton  was  present. 

Brantome  observes  that  those  who  wish  to  write  of  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots  have  two  very  copious  subjects—"  Her  life  and 
her  death."  "  The  name  of  Maiy  Stuart,"  writes  her  dis- 
tinguished English  biographer,  "  has  thrown  that  of  every 
other  Queen  of  Scotland  into  the  shade.  She  appears  to 
represent  in  her  single  person  the  female  royalty  of  Scotland, 
having  absorbed  the  interest  pertaining  to  all  the  other 
princesses,  who,  previously  to  her  brief  reign,  presided  over 
the  Courts  of  Dunfermline,  Sterling,  and  Plolyrood."  Mary 
Stuart  is  exclusively  the  Queen  of  Scots — Queen  not  only  of 
the  realm,  but  of  the  people  ;  and,  notwithstanding  her  faults 
— real  or  imputed — she  remains  to  this  day  the  peculiar 
object  of  national  enthusiasm  in  Scotland.  Her  memory 
haunts  the  desolate  palaces,  where  every  Scotch  peasant  is 
eager  to  recount  traditionary  lore  connected  with  her  personal 
history.  Scarcely  a  castellated  mansion  of  Scotland,  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  that  boasts  not  some  quaint-looking  room,  which 
is  emphatically  pointed  out  as  Queen  Mary's  chamber  ;  every 
ancient  family  in  Scotland  possesses  a  painting,  for  which  the 
distinction  of  an  original  port^'ait  of  Mary  Stuart  is  claimed. 
Tresses  of  every  shade — of  golden,  auburn,  and  chestnut — arc 
preserved  and  fondly  exhibited  "  as  well-attested  portions  of 
Koyal  Mary's  hair." 

More  books  have  been  written  about  j\Iary  Stuart  than 
exist  as  to  all  the  (Queens  in  the  world ;  yet,  so  greatly  do 
those  biographies  vary  In  their  representations  of  her  character, 
that  at  first  it  seems  scarcely  credible  how  any  person  could  be 


Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  73 

so  differently  described.  The  triumph  of  a  creed  or  party  has 
unhappily  been  more  considered  than  the  development  of 
facts,  or  those  principles  of  moral  jubtice  which  ought  to 
animate  the  pen  of  the  Historian ;  and,  after  all  the  literary 
gladiatorship  that  has  been  practised  in  this  arena  for  some 
three  hundred  years,  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots  is  still  under  consideration,  for  party  feeling  and 
sectarian  hate  have  not  yet  exhausted  their  malice. 

Since  Miss  Strickland's  elaborate  and  powerful  work  upon 
the  "  Life  and  Death  of  Mary  Stuart  "  (five  volumes)  were 
published,  Mr.  Hosack,  a  learned  advocate  of  the  Scottish  Bar,^ 
and  a  Protestant — the  latter  fact,  it  would  seem,  an  essential 
recommmendation  to  obtain  credit  for  veracity  with  many — 
has  given  to  the  world  a  triumphant  vindication  of  JNIary 
Stuart  concerning  the  casket  of  mysterious  letters  which  had 
been  put  forward  to  show  her  complicity  in  the  murder  of 
Darnley.  Later  still,  Mr.  Melius,  an  American  author, 
appears  upon  the  scene  to  controvert  the  slanderers  of  Mary 
Stuart.  Mr.  Melius  is  a  Protestant  gentleman,  and  comes 
forward  to  deal  with  Mr.  Froude's  "facts"  concerning  Mary 
Stuart. 

If  the  opinions  of  Mary  Stuart's  own  sex  were  allowed  to 
decide  the  question  at  issue,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  would  have 
been  pronounced  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  all  readers, 
irrespective  of  creed  or  party.  Is,  then,  the  moral  standard 
erected  by  women  for  one  another,  lower  than  that  whicli  is 
required  of  them  by  men  ?  Are  they  less  acute  in  their 
perceptions  of  right  and  wrong,  or  more  disposed  to  tolerate 
frailties  ?     The  contrary  has  generally  been  proved. 

With  the  exception  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  Catherine  do 
Medicis,  Lady  Shrewsbury,  and  Margaret  Erskine  (Lady 
Douglas),  of  infamous  memory,  Mary   Stuart   had  no  female 


y4  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots. 


enemies  worthy  of  notice.    It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  English 
gold  could  not  purchase  witnesses  from  the  female  portion  of  the 
household  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.     None  of  the  ladies   of  the 
Court,   whether  Protestant  or  Catholic,  imputed  crime  at  any 
time  to  their  mistress.     In  the  days  of  her  Eoyal  splendour  in 
France,  Queen  Mary  was  attended  by  ladies  of  ancient  family 
and  unsullied  honour,  and,   like  true  women,  they  clung  to 
her  in  the  darkest  hour  of  her  b.ter  adversity,  through  good 
and   evil  report  they  shared   the  gloom  and  sorrow  of  her 
prison  life.     They    spent    with    her    the  last    night  of  her 
existence;     they    imbued    her  face   with  their  tears;    they 
"watched  over  her   unbroken  slumbers,"  as  Jane  Kennedy 
relates,  on  that  "  last  night  ;"  and  when  morning  came  they 
acted  with  a  Spartan  courage,    and  gave    renewed  proofs  of 
their  fervid  womanly  love  for  their  martyred  Eoyal  Mistress, 
whom  they  accompanied  to  the  scaffold,  where  they  remained 
till   the    captive    of  nineteen    years  fell    a  sacrifice  by    her 
cousin's  jealousy  and  baleful  spirit  of  revenge. 

One  of  the  earliest  visitors  the  Queen  of  Scots  received 
from  her  own  country  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  Francis, 
was  Henry,  Earl  of  Darnley,  her  cousin.  Chalmers  insinuates 
that  a  secret  treaty  of  marriage  was  "  there  and  then  "  arranged ; 
but  this  statement  is  not  sustained  by  any  document  extant. 
It  is  true  that  Darnley  presented  to  Queen  Mary  a  letter  from 
his  mother,  the  Countess  of  Lennox,  who  at  that  time  did  not 
contemplate  any  alliance  with  the  widowed  Queen.  Sir  James 
Melville,  who  visited  Mary  about  the  period  of  Darnley's 
*'  unwelcome  intrusion,"  is  silent  as  to  "any  courtship  or 
matrimonial  arrangement."  He  describes  her  as  a  "  sorrowful 
young  widow."*     In   her  letter   to  King  Philip  the  Queen 

*  Melville's  Memoirs ;    Miss  Banger's  Life   of    Mary    Queen   of    Scots  ; 
Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's  Letters  ;  State  Papers  of  the  times. 


Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  75 


says,  "  Your  letters  console  the  most  afflicted  woman  under 
heaven  ;  Grod  has  deprived  me  of  all  I  loved,  and  held  most 
dear  on  earth.  ...  I  cannot  write  on  any  other  subject, 
I  am  so  sadly  afflicted." 

Throckmorton,  and  tlie  other  agents  of  Elizabeth,  set  forth  all 
the  "  ungracious  and  unseasonable  gossip,"  which  was  circu- 
lated at  the  Courts  of  Europe  concerning  the  matrimonial 
prospects  of  Mary  Stuart. 

Amongst  the  Scotch  nobles  who  came  to  offer  homage  to 
their  Queen  were  the  Earls  of  Eglinton  and  Bothwell ;  they 
remained  in  her  service  till  she  returned  to  Scotland.*  Bothwell, 
wliose  name  was  so  sadly  linked  with  the  fortunes  of  JNIary 
Stuart  at  a  subsequent  time,  was,  at  this  period,  six-and- 
twenty  years  of  age.  He  hiad  been  educated  in  France,  and  was 
said  to  have  possessed  some  literary  talent ;  yet  he  was  rough 
and  uncourtly  in  his  manners,  and  "  very  vulgar  and  common 
in  the  movements  of  his  body."  Dargaud  reports  that  "  liis 
natural  ugliness  was  rendered  more  conspicuous  by  the  loss  of 
iin  eye." 

Sir  William  Cecil  and  his  Royal  Mistress  considered 
Bothwell  to  be  a  "  person  whom  they  could  use  in  Scotch 
politics."  Throckmorton  sounded  him,  and  reported  to 
Elizabeth  "his  opinion  of  the  man."  In  another  despatch  of 
Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  the  Enojlish  Queen  he  s-lves  a 
brief  sketch  of  Lord  Bothwell : — "  The  Earl  of  Bothwell  has 
suddenly  left  Paris  for  Scotland ;  he  boasts  tliat  he  will  do 
great  things  and  live  in  Scotland  in  spite  of  all  men.  He  is 
boastful,  rash  and  hazardous,  and  therefore  it  were  meet  that 
his  adversaries  should  both  keep  an  eye  to  him  and  keep  him 


*  Lesley's   History   of    Scotland ;     Throckmorton's    Letters    to    Qaeen 
Elizabeth  ;  State  Papers  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iii. 


jC)  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots. 

short.     He  is  not  sincere,  for  he  says  one  thing  and  thinks 
another."     Very  like  Throckmorton  himself. 

Amongst  the  Scotch  conspirators  against  Mary  Stuart,  who 
stood  prominently  forward,  was  her  step-brother,  Lord  James,, 
once  known  as  the  Prior  of  St.  Andrew's.  He  came  to  visit  his 
"  beloved  sister,"  as  he  styled  Mary.  The  Queen,  however,, 
was  av/are  of  tlie  fact  that  he  had  secret  interviews  Avith  Sir 
Nicholas  Throckmorton,  and  was  actually  organising  discontent 
in  several  parts  of  Scotland.  Sir  Ralph  Sadler  paid  down  the- 
money  sent  forward  by  Queen  Elizabeth.* 

The  fate  of  Mary  Stuart  was  almost  unprecedented  in  the 
history  of  misfortune.  At  home  and  abroad  her  enemies  were 
energetic  at  plotting :  treachery  surrounded  her  on  every 
side  ;  even  D'Oysell,  her  mother's  old  friend,  in  whom  she 
placed  implicit  confidence,  acted  an  unfaithful  part  in  his 
mission  to  England,  and  is  accused  of  having  seconded  her 
unworthy  brother's  policy  in  giving  Queen  Elizabeth  informa- 
tion of  her  "  secret  thoughts  and  intentions,  and  also  of  the 
route  by  which  she  proposed  to  travel."!  Elizabeth  would  not 
permit  the  Queen  of  Scots  to  travel  through  England  on  her 
return  to  Scotland. 

Mary  Stuart  had  been  in  France  always  remarkable  for  her 
piety,  and   paid    marked  attention   to  the  instructions  of  her 
chaplains.     Catherine  de  Medicis  was  of  a  far  different  turn  of 
mind,   and  laughed  at   the ,  admonitions    of  the    Bishop    of 
Valence. 


*  Sfidler  and  Cecil's  Correspondence  in  State  Paper  OfEce ;  Tytler's. 
History  of  Scotlanc!,  vol.  v. ;  in  tbe  same  \ol.,  p.  92,  the  reader  will  find 
tho  opening  chapter  in  the  dark  history  of  Lord  James,  subsequently knowa 
as  the  Earl  of  Moray. 

t  ThrockmortoQ  to  Cecil ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iii. ;  Tytler's  History 
of  Scotland,  vol.  v. 


Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  jy 

A  hostile  French  writer  speaks  thus  of  Mary,  when  about  to 
leave  France  for  Scotland  : — 

"  Love,  or  even  poetry,  according  to  Brantome,  were  powerless  to 
depict  Mary  at  this  still  progressive  period  of  her  life  ;  to  paint 
that  beauty,  Avhich  consisted  less  in  her  form  than  in  her  fascinating 
grace ;  youth,  heart,  genius,  passion,  still  shaded  by  the  deep 
melancholy  of  a  farewell ;  the  tall  and  slender  shape,  the  har- 
monious movement, '  the  round  and  flexible  throat,  the  oval  face, 
the  fire  of  her  look,  the  grace  of  her  Up,  her  Saxon  fairness,  the 
pale  beauty  of  her  hair,  the  light  she  shed  around  her  wherever 
she  went ;  the  night,  the  void,  the  desert  she  left  behind  when  no 
longer  present ;  the  attraction,  resembling  witchcraft,  which  un- 
consciously emanated  from  her,  and  which  drew  towards  her,  as  it 
were,  a  current  of  admiring  eyes  and  hearts  ;  the  tone  of  her  voice, 
which,  once   heard,  resounded  for  ever  in  the  ear  of  the  listener."' 

The  numberless  portraits  which  poetry,  painting,  sculpture, 
and  even  stern  prose  have  preserved  of  Mary  Stuart,  all  breathe 
Love  as  well  as  Art.  We  feel  that  the  artist  trembles  with 
emotion,  like  Eonsard,  while  painting. 

There  is  a  portrait  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  at  Windsor 
Castle,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  sent  from  Blois  to 
Queen  Elizabeth.  It  is  very  beautiful,  and  is  evidently  the 
work  of  some  eminent  master.  It  represents  IMary  Stuart  in 
the  tender  bloom  of  "  promising  eighteen,"  but  the  young 
widow  is  quite  enveloped  in  black  crape,  which  forms  both 
veil  and  mantle,  being  simply  fastened  on  the  breast  with  one 
large  pearl  pin.  The  effect  is  very  peculiar  ;  for  with  the 
•exception  of  the  lawn  borders  of  her  widow's  cap,  which  is 
subdued  by  being  seen  through  the  transparent  folds  of  the 
black  crape,  that  pearl  is  the  only  white  in  the  picture.  JMary 
holds  a  cross  in  one  hand  and  a  crowned  globe  in  the  other. 


yS  Jl/arj/,   Queen  of  Scots. 


/ 


looking  mournful,  but  resigned,  as  if  her  thoughts  were  more 
on  heaven  thau  on  earth. 

Before  Queen  Mary  left  France  she  erected  a  beautiful 
marble  pillar  as  a  tribute  of  her  love,  to  mark  the  spot  where 
the  heart  of  Francis  the  Second  was  deposited  in  the  Cathedral 
of  Orleans-*  She  also  caused  a  medal  to  be  engraved  in 
commemoi'ation  of  her  "  love  and  grief,"  having  the  following 
quaint  device,  emblematic  of  hei  buried  husband  and  herself — 
a  liquorice  plant,  the  stem  of  which  is  bitter,  bending  mourn- 
fully towards  the  root,  with  this  motto — "  Earth  hides  my 
sweetness." 

The  death  of  jMary's  husband,  following  that  of  her  mother 
so  quickly,  impressed  her  mind  with  deep  and  solemn  con- 
victions of  the  uncertainty  of  human  life.  "  The  pale,  sad- 
looking  young  widow,"  as  a  Spanish  writer  remarks,"  was  not 
thinking  of  suitors  this  time,  as  Queen  Elizabeth's  agents 
published  to  the  world."  No ;  her  actions  were  of  a  far 
opposite  description.  The  Queen  of  Scots  surrounded  herself 
with  sombre  images  and  emblems  of  mortality.  She  had  a 
crystal  watch  made  in  the  shape  of  a  coffin  for  her  own  use, 
and  another  in  the  form  of  a  helmeted  death's-head,  which  she 
presented  to  her  favourite  maid  of  honour,  Mary  Seton.f  This 
souvenir  is  of  silver,  and  full  of  curious  workmanship  and 
emblems,  such  as  the  locket  of  jMarsraret  Dousflas.  A  laro^e 
silver  bell  fills  the  middle  of  the  skull.     It  is  a   "  strikino- 


*  The  body  of  the  young  King  was  interred  at  St.  Denis. 

f  Both  of  the  interesting  memorials  above  alluded  to,  are  still,  I  believe, 
in  existence.  Some  thirty  years  ago  Miss  Strickland  had  the  melancholy 
pleasure  of  inspecting  them.  The  works  were  then  in  a  good  state  of 
preservation  ;  they  were  originally  manufactured  by  Henri  Moyse,  of  Blois. 
In  Mr.  Smyth's  Historical  Curiosities  the  reader  will  find  an  excellent 
engraving  of  these  relics  of  Mary  Stuart. 


Ma)y,  Qiiccn  of  Scots.  79 

watch."  It  tells  the  hour,  and  is  most  musical.  "  It  was,'" 
writes  Miss  Strickland,  "an  ingenious  memento  mori  invented 
by  some  earnest  thinking  Catholic,  to  be  placed  on  the  top  of 
a  prie  dieu." 

Every  movement  of  Mary  Stuart  in  France  was  closely  watched 
by  spies  of  the  Queen  of  England.  Amongst  those  spies  of 
Elizabeth,  the  most  unscrupulous  and  dishonest  was  Mary's 
own  brother.  He  professed  great  affection  for  his  sister,  and 
although  he  had  violated  his  vows  as  a  cleric,  and  was  closely 
connected  with  John  Knox  and  his  party,  nevertheless  Mary 
had  some  faith  in  his  "brotherly  love;"  but  the  "  Prior  of 
►St.  Andrew's"  did  not  understand  such  a  sentiment.  He  visited 
his  sister  at  Joinville,  and  invited  her  home,  at  the  same  tim.e 
offering  advice  that  might  bring  ruin  upon  her.  At  this 
period  she  had  reason  to  believe  that  her  "beloved  Jamie" 
was  playing  the  game  of  the  Scotch  malcontents  ;  but  she 
could  not  think  it  possible  that  he  was  the  paid  agent  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.  The  conduct  of  Lord  James  towards  his 
sister  and  his  Sovereign  is  best  understood  from  the  correspon- 
dence of  Nicholas  Throckmorton,  who  writes  from  Paris  in  a 
confidential  manner  to  Queen  Elizabeth  : — 

"  The  Lord  James  is  in  Pari?.  He  came  to  me  secret]}-,  and 
told  me  all  the  conjidential  conversation  he  had  with  the  Queen,  his 
sister;  also  the  confidential  tcods  he  had  with  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine.     Lord  James  will,  on  his  return  home,  visit  your  High- 

nes.e,  and  gire  you  all  particidars The  Queen  of 

Scots  is  beginning  to  doubt  her  brothel's  love  and  sincerity. 

Yet  she  has   no  possible  idea  that   he  would   hctray  her  to  yoxir 

Highness. '"''' 


*  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's  secret  despatch  to  Queen  Elizabeth.     The 
original  document  is  still  extant. 


8o  Alary,  Queen  of  Scots. 

]n  another  secret  despatch,  ThrockmortoA  outrages  all 
lionourable  feeling,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  stranger  to  equity 
between  man  and  man,  but  the  Ambassador  knew  to  whom  he 
was  writing  ;  so  he  eulogises  the  character  of  the  traitor,  Lord 
James. 

"  I  do  well  perceive,"  writes  Throckmorton,  "  the  Lord  James 
to  be  a  very  honourable,  sincere,  candid.  God-fearing  num,  and  very 
much  attached  to  your  Highness's  cause.     In  my  opinion  you  never 

did  a  good  turn  for  a  more  worthy  man He  is  still 

able  and  willing  to  serve  your  Highness  in  Scotland,  His  friends 
are  your  friends.  His  religion  whatever  you  may  desire.  He  is  an 
honourable  man.^''^'' 

Throckmorton  calls  Elizabeth's  attention  to  three  other 
Scotch  "  gentlemen,"  who  were  then  In  Paris  engaged  in  the 
spy  system  for  Sir  William  Cecil,  but  as  they  were  "  all 
honourable  men',^  I  shall  pass  over  their  names  for  the 
present. 

The  estimate  which  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  formed  of  the 
intellect  and  character  of  the  young  widowed  Queen  is  worthy 
of  attention,  from  the  fact  that  this  keen  observer  of  human 
nature  had  been  in  frequent  communication  with  her  durinr<- 
her  long  residence  in  France.  \n  a  confidential  despatch  to 
Elizabsth,  Throckmorton  observes  : — 

"The  young  Queen  has  hitherto  lived  so  entirely  under  the 
control  of  the  Guises  that  her  real  capacity  was  not  yet  recognised* 
but  now,  when  her  widowhood  compels  her  to  think  and  act  for 
herself,  she  begins  to  be  better  understood.  She  had  already  shown 
that  she  possessed  great  wisdom  for  her  years,  and  modesty  and 


*  See  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's  Secret  Despatches  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
State  Papers. 


Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  Si 


judgment,  which,  when  matured  by  experience,  could  not  but  tend 
to  her  own  reputation,  and  the  benefit  of  her  country,"* 

]Mr.  Froudc,  tlie  most  brilliant,  and  probably  one  of  tlae  most 
implacable  of  Mary  Stuart's  enemies,  estimates  tlie  intellectual 
■character  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  more  highly  than  any  friendly 
historian.  "  In  intellect,"  ]\Ir.  Froude  adds,  "  the  Queen  of 
Scots  was  at  least  Queen  Elizabeth's  equal." 

Again,  I  wish  to  call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  fact  that, 
■whilst  Mary  Stuart  w^as  preparing  for  her  return  home,  the 
Scotch  Reformers  were  devising  plans  of  sedition  and  treason, 
fortified  by  the  agents,  and  subsidised  by  the  pay,  of  Eliza- 
beth. A  more  treacherous  conspiracy  was  never  concocted 
against  a  lawful  Sovereign  than  that  set  in  motion  on  this 
•occasion.  The  Scotch  Keformers  had  resolved  to  do  what 
they  could  to  prevent  the  return  of  their  young  Sovereign  ; 
they  urged  upon  Queen  Elizabeth  to  intercept  and  capture 
her ;  they  leagued  themselves  with  a  foreign  power  to  over- 
throw her  Government  ;  they  had  determined  to  deprive  her 
of  that  liberty  of  conscience  in  her  personal  worship  which  the 
humblest  in  the  realm  had  a  perfect  right  to  claim.  By  the 
most  false  statements  they  endeavoured  to  render  their  Sover- 
eign odious  to  her  people.  Sir  Thomas  Randolph  assures  Sir 
William  Cecil  that  the  '■^preachers  of  the  Woi-d  of  God  icill 
make  the  place  too  hot  for  the  woman  ichen  she  comes." 

The  preachers  were  the  paid  agents  of  the  nobles  and  revo- 
lutionists. At  this  period  no  party  had  reason  to  find  fault 
with  their  Queen. 

What  honest  heart  thrills  not  with  indignation  at  the 
revelations  which  Randolph's   correspondence  unfolds  of  the 


*  Foreign  State  Papers,  1560-67. 
VOL.    IV.  G 


82  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots. 

unscrupulous  trio  by  whom  Mary's  ruin    was  subsequently 
cfFccted  ? 

One  of  the  professing  loyalists  writes  as  follows  to  the 
enemy  of  his  Queen  : — 

"I  have  shown  your  Honour's  letter  unto  the  Lord  James 
(Stuart),  Lord  Morton,  and  Lord  Lethington.  They  wish  as  your 
Honour  doth,  that  *  she '  may  be  stayed  yet  for  a  pace,  and  if  it 
were  not  for  their  obedience  sake,  some  of  them  care  not  though 
they  never  saw  her  face  !  "  * 

What  faith  could  the  Queen  place  in  such  men  as  those 
named  ?  They  were  the  ablest  and  perhaps  the  most  dishonest 
of  the  Scotch  Keformers.  The  confiding  young  Sovereign 
endeavoured  to  win  to  her  side  some  of  the  influential 
Eeformers,  but  Elizabeth  was  the  "  highest  bidder."  Mary 
was  aware,  however,  that  her  enemies  were  sordid  and  corrupt: 
she  was  therefore  willing  to  give  them  some  "  extra  interest  " 
in  being  loyal.  Her  letter  to  Lord  Liethington  is  a  remark- 
able document,  w^ritten  in  the  quaint  French  of  the  time. 
The  Queen  assures  this  stern  man,  "  upon  her  honour,  as  a 
monarch,"  that  if  he  will  employ  himself  in  her  service  with 
sincerity,  he  need  not  fear  the  reports  of  tale-bearers ;  that  she 
is  aware  he  has  been  the  principal  instrument  employed  in  the 
treasonable  practices  of  her  nobles  with  England,  but,  as  she 
has  already  promised  oblivion  for  his  past  offences,  so  he  may 
rely  on  her  good  faith  and  good  will  for  the  future,  provided 
he  will  give  proofs  of  his  honest  intentions  by  breaking  off  his 
correspondence  with  her  English  enemies,  and  act  like  a  loyal 
and  dutiful  subject.  .  .  .  Mary  further  states  that  it  is 
her  earnest  desire  to  live  in  peace  and  good  understanding 
with  her  nobles  and  people,  and  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 


*   See  Cottonian  Lib.  B.  10. 


A/arj',  Qnccii  of  Scots.  %i 

with  her  "  good  C3usin,"  the  Queen  of  England.  The  Queen 
nest  alludes  to  her  want  of  inoney,  and  her  desu'e  to  reward 
the  Lord  of  Lethmgton  as  soon  as  her  finances  became  more 
flourishing,  and,  in  conclusion,  appealed  "  to  his  honour  and 
chivalry  to  stand  like  a  true  Scot  by  his  widowed  Queen  in 
the  hour  of  danger  and  distress." 

This  appeal  was  made  to  a  man  who  knew  little  of  integrity 
and  less  of  chivalrous  loyalty — a  man  with  whom  crime  was 
never  confronted  by  honesty  of  conscience.  The  religious 
sentiments  professed  so  ostentatiously  by  Lethington  \Yere 
ever-present  hypocrisy  ;  he  had  no  compunction  in  slaying — 
or  causing  otliers  to  slay — an  adversary  and  seize  ujDon  his 
lands.  A  few  days  before  Lethington  received  the  conciliatory 
message  from  his  Eoyal  jMistress  he  had  written  to  Sir  Nicholas 
Throckmorton  in  a  very  significant  manner,  stating  that  French 
gold  might  do  some  mischief  to  the  Protestant  cause  in  Scot- 
land, if  England  remained  so  lukewarm.  The  fact  was 
notorious  that  Elizabeth  had  up  to  this  period  given  largely 
to  the  revolutionary  party  in  Scotland.""  Lethington  wrote 
again  to  the  English  envoy,  assuring  Throckmorton  that  ''Hhe 
English  gold  tcould  render  far  more  service  than  that  of  France. 
The  English  gold  came  from  Protestant  hands;  it  teas  luchj 
money.  Do  not  hesitate  ;  send  the  gold  quickhj^  and  the  good  cause 
2vill  prosjyer.^^'f  Like  other  Scotch  conspirators  Lethington 
received  large  sums  in  gold  and  silver  from  Elizabeth.  Ealpli 
Sadler  had  the  troublesome  office  of  distributing  such  money. 
John  Knox  and  Crichton  were  regularly  paid.     Yet  Tytler 


*  Sir  Ralph  Sadler's  Correspondence  (from  the  Borders)  with  Sir  William 
Cecil,  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  proceedings  of  Lethington  and  his 
co-conspirators. 

t  Francis  Farlow's  Account  of  the  English  Bribes  to  Scotland  ;  also  the 
English  and  Scotch  State  Papers  of  the  times, 

G    2 


84  Mary,  Qnccn  of  Scots. 

alleges  that  Knox  was  not  in  the  pay  of  the  English  agents  at 
the  Borders.  There  happens,  however,  to  be  evidence  to  the 
contrary.  Knox  lived  in  good  style — far  better  than  the 
Edinburgh  parsons  of  the  Kirk.  Still  "  his  means  were  ap- 
parently jimited."  As  to  Crichton,  he  was  as  notoriously 
corrupt  as  Tom  Bishop,  the  vile  Border  agent  of  Henry  YIIE 
and  of  the  Protector  ("Somerset. 


Return  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  85 


CHAPTER  VIIT. 

RETURN   OF   THE    QUEEN   OF   SCOTS. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1561,  Mary.  Stuart  bade  adieu  to 
Paris  for  ever.  The  regrets  and  lamentations  of  all  ranks  of 
society  were  fervently  expressed.  In  fiict,  her  departure  was 
looked  upon  as  a  national  calamity. 

Mary  Stuart  had  a  narrow  escape  of  being  captured  by  the 
English  squadron  sent  out  by  Elizabeth.  ]Michel  do  Castel- 
nau,  who  accompanied  the  Queen  to  Scotland,  affirms  that 
they  were  once  in  sight  of  the  English  ships  that  were  sent 
out  specially  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  the  person  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots.  But  a  thick  fog  concealed  Mary's  ship 
from  her  pursuers,  yet  as  they  approached  the  coast  of  Scot- 
land the  fog  increased.  The  pilots  knew  not  where  they 
were.  After  two  days  and  nights,  the  fog  disappeared,  and  at 
sunrise  on  Sunday  morning  the  affrighted  pilot  and  crew 
discovered  they  had  run  the  Royal  galley  among  a  number  of 
dangerous  rocks.  Dargaud  states  that  nothing  but  the  Pro- 
vidence of  God  had  preserved  them  and  their  beloved  Queen 
from  a  watery  grave.  With  the  courage  of  a  Stuart,  JNIary 
was  calm  and  brave  at  this  critical  moment.  "  I  have  no  fear 
of  death,"  said  the  Queen,  "nor  should  I  wish  to  live  unless 
it  were  for  the  general  good  of  Scotland."  She  expressed  her 
gratitude  to  the  Almiglity  God  for  the  preservation  of  her 
friends. 


86  Return  of  the  Queen  of  Seots. 

The  landing  took  place  at  the  port  of  Leith,  on  the  morn- 
ino-  of  the  20th  of  August,  1561.  »Such  an  enterprise  would 
have  been  "considered  daring  and  chivalrous  in  a  King  :  in  a 
Queen,  young  and  beautiful,  in  beauty's  loveliest  form,  it  ought 
to  have  excited  an  enthusiastic  burst  of  loyalty  in  every 
generous  heart,  in  every  chivalrous  Scot.  How  did  Scotland 
receive  her  lovely  young  Queen  ?     The  reader  will  see. 

Lord  James  Stuart  and  the  Earl  of  Argyle  were  the  first  of 
the  Scottish  nobles  who  visited  their  Sovereign  on  board  the 
Eoyal  galley.  The  Queen  gave  her  brother  an  affectionate 
reception.  In  return  he  made  eloquent  professions  of  loyalty 
and  gratitude ;  and  reminded  her  of  his  many  visits  to  France 
in  former  years  that  he  might  see  his  dearly  "  beloved  sister," 
then  a  child.  IMary  was  affected  at  these  relations,  but  it  was 
only  momentary,  for  at  this  time  she  understood  the  man. 
James  Stuart  received  a  portion  of  his  education  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris,  where  he  studied  theology  and  was  prepared  for  the 
priesthood,  a  profession  for  which  he  had  no  vocation.  The  man's 
powers  of  deception  were  immense ;  his  knowledge  of  human 
nature  profound.  Perhaps  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  find 
amongst  the  public  men  of  Scotland  one  who  could  rival 
James  Stuart,  then  in  his  twenty-ninth  year.  The  Queen  dis- 
covered that  the  Prior  of  St.  Andrew's  was  privately  married, 
and  had  become  one  of  the  patrons  of  John  Knox. 

All  things  went  on  peacefully  at  Holyi-ood  Palace  till  Sun- 
day, the  24th  of  August  (1561).  The  celebration  of  Mass  in 
the  Queen's  private  chapel  on  this  Sunday  morning  occasioned 
a  violent  tumult,  which  was  suppressed  with  much  difficulty. 
The  Queen,  before  leaving  France,  had  stipulated  for  the  free 
exercise  of  her  own  form  of  worship,  and  Lord  James  Stuart, 
previous  to  his  departure  for  France,  maintained,  in  opposition 
to  Knox  and  the  more  rigid  Eeformers,  that  this  priviletrc 


Return  of  tJie  Queen  of  Scots.  8/ 

could  not  possibly  be  denied  to  tlieir  Sovereign.  Here  tlie 
matter  rested  till  the  Queen's  arrival.  The  Puritan  Protes- 
tants were  determined  tliat,  so  far  as  tliey  were  concerned, 
there  should  be  no  celebration  of  Mass  either  in  the  Queen's 
chapel  or  in  any  other  place.  John  Knox,  with  ihe  malign 
fire  of  an  apostate,  set  the  country  in  a  blaze  of  sectarian  com- 
bustion. He  pitted  man  against  man,  and  town  against  town. 
He  said  he  would  rather  see  ten  thousand  French  soldiers 
landed  in  Scotland  than  suffer  one  singi;le  Mass  to  be  celebrated. 
The  Master  of  Lindsay  buckled  on  his  armour,  assembled  his 
followers,  and  rushing  into  the  court  of  the  Palace,  "shouted 
aloud  that  the  priests  should  be  slain  immediately  !  "  "  Kill 
them,"  exclaimed  his  mob.  The  Lord  James,  on  this  occa- 
sion, seemed  to  be  displeased  with  the  conduct  of  the  fanatics 
thus  brought  thither  ;  Ijesides  he  had  made  a  solemn  pledge 
to  the  Queen  on  behalf  of  himself  and  the  less  violent  parti- 
zans  of  the  Eeformation,  that  her  Highness  and  the  members 
of  her  Court  should  have  the  fullest  freedom  with  reo-ard  to 
the  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  the  safety  of  her  clergy. 
Lord  James  and  his  guard  would  not  permit  Lindsay  and  his 
men  to  enter  the  chapel;  and,  by  his  action  on  this  occasion, 
saved  the  lives  of  the  priests,  and  perhaps  Queen  ]\Iary  her- 
self. Lord  James  was  bitterly  assailed  by  John  Knox  for  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  this  affair.* 

In  order  to  conciliate  the  majority  of  her  subjects,  the  Queen 
liad  chosen  seven  Reformers  and  five  Catholics,  as  her  Coun  • 
cil.f  The  Knox  party  continued  loud  in  their  protestations 
against  any  Papist  being  admitted  to  the  Council  Chamber. 
"  The  gallows  is  the  place  where  I  wish  to   see  all  Papists," 


*  For  particulars  of  the  scenes  in  question,  sec  Knox's  History  of  the 
Reformation  in  Scotland  ;  Keith,  p.  239  ;  Tytler,  vol.  v.  p.  194. 
t  State  Papers  of  Scotland  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  ."5. 


S8  Return  of  tJic  Queen  of  Scots. 

said  Archibald  Crichton.  This  sentiment  was  heartily  re- 
iterated by  Sir  George  Douglas  and  Lord  Cassilis.  The  con- 
duct of  John  Knox  to  the  Queen  is  without  a  precedent  in 
the  annals  of  unmiticrated  ruffianism.  The  Kirkmen  had  done 
much  to  deprive  the  people  of  the  good  old  sports  and  games  in 
which  the  country  had  annually  engaged  for  centuries.  The 
Puritans  looked  with  horror  upon  the  May  games,  and  the 
flower-crowned  Queen ;  those  games  were  banished  as  "  things 
belonging  to  Popish  times."  Robin  Hood  was  an  annual  play 
that  afforded  amusement  to  a  vast  number  of  young  people, 
who  were  determined  not  to  surrender  the  May  pastimes  ;  the 
authorities  cried  out:  "Popery,  rank  Popery — down  with  it!" 
From  the  pulpit  tlie  ]\Iay  games  were  fiercely  denounced,  and 
those  who  indulged  in  them  were  threatened  with  death. 

The  craftsmen,  apprentices,  and  the  "  wild  varlets  who  were 
not  filled  with  the  Lord,"  were  determined,  notwithstanding 
the  fury  of  the  Knox  party,  to  make  anotlier  attempt  at 
"having  their  own  again."  The  "pretty  little  lasses  cried  for 
another  May  Queen,"  and  their  mothers  joined  in  the  chorus, 
exclaiming,  "  we  were  once  frisky  little  lasses  ourselves."  As 
the  1st  of  May,  1561,  approached,  the  people  were  determined 
tliat  "  olden  memories  should  be  revived."  Accordingly  on 
Sunday — mark  the  day — "  Robin  Hood  and  his  Merry  ]\[en  "^ 
entered  an  appearance,  to  the  seeming  horror  of  the  followers 
of  John  Knox  ;  thousands  took  part  in  the  procession,  and  as 
the  people  were  too  strong  to  Ue  opposed  .by  the  magistrates, 
the  "  day  passed  off  without  disturbance."  In  the  pulpits  and 
other  chosen  places,  denunciations  were  pronounced  upon  the 
evil-doers,  who  were  said  to  be  "  worse  than  Papists."  A  few 
of  the  ringleaders  were  arrested  ;  and  James  Kellone,  a  power- 
ful brawny  shoemaker,  who  enacted  the  part  of  the  famous 
Llobin  Hood,  to  the  delight  of  the  populace,  was  condemned  by 


Return  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  89 

the  Provost,  Archibald  Douglas,  to  be  hanged  "  as  an  atrocious 
varlet,  who  violated  the  laws  of  Grod  in  the  Popish  fashion." 
Petitions  were  presented  to  Knox  and  the  Provost  to  pardon 
him;  the  reply  ran  thus:  "No,  we  will  do  nothing  of  the 
kind ;  we  will  hang  him  for  his  wicked  deeds,  and  as  an  ex- 
ample to  deter  others  from  offending  the  Lord."  *  Wlien  the 
day  arrived  for  the  execution  of  James  Kellone,  the  shoe- 
makers in  large  numbers  joined  the  craftsmen,  and  hastened 
to  where  the  scaffold  was  erected  for  the  hanging  of  Robin 
Hood;  the  crowd  increased,  and  armed  themselves  with  every 
description  of  deadly  weapon.  Within  an  hour  they  captured 
the  Provost  and  bailies,  and  shut  them  up  in  close  confine- 
ment ;  they  broke  the  gibbet  to  atoms,  and  the  hangman  fled, 
as  they  intended  to  introduce  that  obnoxious  oflicial  to  his 
own  rope.  The  infuriated  mob  next  appeared  before  the 
Tolbooth,  which,  being  well-secured  from  within,  they  brought 
large  hammers,  and  quickly  broke  open  the  doors,  and  amidst 
the  acclamations  of  thousands,  "  Robin  Hood  and  his  Merry 
Men,"  to  the  number  of  thirty,  were  liberated.  One  of  the 
bailies  (magistrates)  imprisoned  in  the  visiting  booth,  fired  a 
darg  (horse-pistol)  at  the  mob,  and  wounded  a  servant 
of  a  craftsman,  whereupon  a  determined  battle  ensued, 
which  lasted  from  three  in  the  afternoon  till  eight  in  tlie 
evenlno-.  The  people  were  so  far  victorious  that  the  magis- 
trates, in  order  to  procure  their  own  release,  were  obliged  to 
promise  an  amnesty  to  the  "  Robin  Hood  "  party,  these  being 
the  only  terms  on  which  they  could  recover  their  liberty. 

The  people  had  violated  the  law,  but  they  were  driven  to 
it  by  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  ignorant  civic  authorities.f 

*  Diurnal  of  Occurrents  ;   Ramsay  on  Old  Scottish  Sports  (black  letter). 

t  Diurnal  of  Occurrents;  Brantome;  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  v. ; 
Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iii. ;  History  of  the  Eeformation  in  Scotland  by- 
John  Knox. 


QO  Rdiii'n  of  the  Que  en  of  Scots. 

Queen  Mary  had  the  wisdom  to  see  how  far  her  dealings 
with  the  "repentant  rioters"  could  be  turned  to  account. 
Having  heard  the  admissions  of  her  people,  and  their  regret 
for  having  violated  the  law,  she  granted  them  a  free  pardon 
in  the  most  gracious  mannei\  The  magistrates  and  preachers 
were  loud  in  their  denunciation  of  the  Queen  for  this  act  of 
clemenc3\  If  she  had  acted  in  an  opposite  spirit  she  was  sure 
to  have  been  denounced  as  an  enamy  of  the  people. 

Here  is  one  of  John  Knox's  commentaries  upon  the  exercise 
of  Mary's  Eoyal  prerogative  of  mercy  in  the  case  of  the  "  Robin 
Hood  "  commotion: — "  Because  the  Queen  was  sufiiciently  in- 
structed that  all  those  people  did  was  done  against  the  Spirit 
of  the  Gospel,  they  were  easily  pardoned  by  her." 

The  many  intrigues  set  on  foot  by  Elizabethand  her  Council 
to  obstruct  a  prudent  and  dignified  match  for  the  Queen  of 
Scots  fell  through.  The  proposal  for  marrying  Mary  Stuart  to 
Eobert  Dudley  was  never  intended  to  be  ratified.  It  was  to 
insult  the  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  people.  The  people  of 
Scotland,  of  all  parties,  were  justly  indignant  at  Robert 
Dudley  being  put  forward  for  their  Queen's  hand.  The 
name  of  Henry  Darnley  and  his  flither  were  far  from 
being  popular. 

Queen  Elizabeth  thoroughly  hated  young  Darnley's  mother, 
and  the  latter  continued  the  secret  and  deadly  enemy  of  the 
English  Queen.  In  1565,  the  final  answer  of  Elizabeth  was 
given  respecting  the  "  future  position  "  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 
The  Queen  of  England  would  not  acknowledge  her  cousin 
Mary  as  her  successor,  neither  would  she  agree  to  the 
marriage  with  Darnley.  It  was  Mary's  weakness  to  be 
hurried  away  by  the  predominating  influence  of  some  one 
feeling  or  object.  Warm,  generous,  and  confiding,  but  at 
tlie  same  time  ambitious  and  tenacious  of  her  rights,  it  had 


Return  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  91 

been  her  favourite  and  engrossing  object  for  the  last  four  years 
to  prevail  upon  the  Queen  of  England  to  recognise  her  title  to 
the  English  throne.  With  this  view  Mary  had  given  credit  to 
her  cousin's  professions,  borne  every  delay  with  patience,  and 
checked  the  advance  of  foreign  suitors  in  order  to  please  Eliza- 
beth. In  fact,  the  Queen  of  Scots  had  hoped  against  hope.  Are 
Ave  to  wonder,  when  Mary  suddenly  awakened  to  the  duplicity 
with  which  she  had  been  treated — when,  in  a  moment,  the 
mask  of  sisterly  love,  so  long  worn  by  her  English  cousin,  fell 
to  the  ground — that  she  began  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  kindred 
and  friends  ?  Again,  the  honour  of  the  Council  Chamber 
was  violated,  and  the  Queen  lostall  confidence  in  her  jNIinisters. 
Moray,  the  idol  of  the  Reformers,  was  her  confidential  adviser, 
and  it  is  proved  beyond  doubt  that  he  w^as  at  the  same  time  in 
the  pay  of  Elizabeth.*  Was  ever  a  young  Queen  placed  in 
such  a  position  ?  Mary  Stuart  had  now  made  up  her  mind  to 
marry  Darnley,  and  a  more  imfortunate  choice  she  could  not 
have  made. 


*  Secret  Despatches  of  Kandolph  to  Cecil ;  English  and  Scotch  State 

Papers. 


92 


Marriage  of  the  Queen  of  Seots. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MARRIAGE    OF    THE    QLEEX    OP    SCOTS. 

On  Sunday, the  29th  of  July,  1565,  the  long-delayed  marriage 
of  the  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  cousin,  Henry,  Earl  of  Darnley, 
took  place  in  the  Royal  Chapel  of  Holyrood,  at  the  early  hour 
of  six  in  the  morning.  The  Queen  was  attended  by  a  crowd 
of  young  Scottish  ladies,  who  fairly  represented  the  beauty  of 
Caledonia. 

The  ceremony  has  been  described  as  very  impressive,  and 
the  Lords  and  Chiefs  stood  forth  to  give  their  congratulations^ 
rude  and  uncourteous  as  those  men  usually  were. 

Before  the  wedding  party  had  retired,  several  sectarian 
riots  took  place  iu  the  streets  of  Edinburgh,  and.  men  and 
women  received  dangerous  wounds.  However,  in  those  days 
such  incidents  were  considered  of  small  account.  John  Knox 
turned  the  Royal  festivities  into  ridicule,  and  denounced  the 
dancing  as  "an  abomination  of  Satan — a  shocking  outrage 
upon  morality  and  the  decent  intercourse  of  society."  Dis- 
turbances were  again  fomented 'by  Lord  Moray  and  his  fol- 
lowers. "  No  peace  for  the  Queen  "  seemed  to  have  been  her 
brother's  motto, 

A  few  weeks  after  the  wedding,  an  agent  of  Elizabeth'?,, 
named  Tamworth,  arrived  in  Scotland  with  two  chests  con- 
taining golden  argels  to  aid  Moray  and  the  other  rebel  con- 
federates.    The  Queen  of  f-'cots  protested  against  such  conduct 


Marriage  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  93 

on  the  part  of  the  Queen  of  England.  Elizabeth  pledged  her 
"  oath  and  her  honour  "  that  she  had  sent  no  money  to  jNIoray 
or  any  other  person.  The  evidence  against  this  statement  was 
most  conclusive. 

Young  Darnley  and  his  flither,  Lord  Lennox,  desired  to 
appear  popular  with  the  Kirk  congregation,  so  they  occasion- 
ally w^ent  to  hear  John  Knox  preach  ;  and  Knox  could  not 
resist  the  opportunity  of  making  a  personal  attack  on  the 
Queen  and  her  husband.  He  described  them  as  "  a  boy 
and  a  girl,"  and  used  language  of  an  uncourteous  nature 
respecting  the  Queen.  Darnley  retired  from  the  conventicle, 
-and  Knox  was  summoned  before  the  Queen's  Council,  where 
he  renewed  his  offensive  language,  and  called  his  Sovereign 
"  Jezebel." 

For  this  oHensive  language  he  was  conunitted  to  prison  for 
fifteen  days.  The  Queen's  Coimcil  were  not  able  to  carry  out 
their  own  judgment.  Knox  was  accompanied  to  the  gaol  by 
thousands  of  fanatics,  who  knocked  down  every  one  who  came 
in  their  way.     The  mob  set  law  and  order  at  defiance. 

The  Scotch  nobles,  who  were  well  known  to  be  the  mer- 
cenaries of  the  English  monarch,  were  determined  that  their 
Queen  should  have  little  rest.  The  frank  appeal  made  by 
Queen  Mary  to  the  loyalty  of  her  own  countrymen  had  been 
responded  to  so  well  that  a  muster  of  some  seven  thousand  men, 
in  warlike  array,  followed  the  Eoyal  banner  on  the  26th  of 
August,  1565.  On  this  occasion  the  Queen  took  the  field  in  per- 
son against  the  insurgent  lords,  who  traded  upon  religious  senti- 
ments with  shameless  hypocrisy.  The  advanced  guard  was  led 
by  the  Earl  of  Morton  ;  the  Earl  of  Lennox  commanded  the 
van.  In  the  centre  rode  the  Queen,  her  Consort  (Darnley), 
the  Ladies  of  the  Court,  the  Lords  of  the  Council,  and  David 
luzzio.     In  token  of  her  determination,  if  necessary,  to  set  the 


94  Marriage  of  the  Qiurn  of  Scots. 

fortunes  of  Scotland  on  a  field,  and  share  the  dangers  of  the 
conflict  with  her  men-at-arms,  the  Eoyal  bride  rode  with 
pistols  at  her  saddle-bo^y.  It  was  bruited,  withal,  that  her 
scarlet  and  gold  embroidered  riding  dress  covered  a  light  suit 
of  defensive  armour,  and  that  under  her  regal  hood  and  veil 
she  wore  a  steel  casque.  Lord  Darnley  indulged  in  the  boyisli 
foppery  of  gilded  armour  for  this  occasion — a  dangerous  dis- 
tinction, for,  in  pursuance  of  their  pre-determined  purpose 
against  his  life,  the  associate  lords,  under  the  leadership  of 
Moray,  had  appointed  several  persons  in  the  rebel  ranks,, 
in  the  event  of  a  battle,  to  set  upon  the  Queen's  husband,  and 
these  men  xcere  pled(/ed  either  to  kill  him  or  die  themselves.* 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Council  were  fully  aware  of  these 
arrangements,  as  the  intentions  of  the  rebels  were  signified  by 
Sir  Thomas  Kandolph  to  Cecil  in  these  words  : — "  They  (the 
rebels)  expect  relief  of  more  money  from  England — much 
promised  and  little  received  as  yet."t 

The  agents  of  Moray  had  frequently  complained  with 
bitterness  against  the  Queen  of  Eno-land  for  "  having  aban- 
doned  them  when  her  turn  was  served. "J  What  better  treat- 
ment might  traitors  expect  ? 

Public  opinion  was  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots  at  the  time  of  the  rebel  movement  in  1565.  The  rebel 
forces  did  not  exceed  fifteen  hundred  men,  whilst  the  Eoyal 
standard  received  accessions  of  strength  from  all  parts  of  the 


*  Secret  Despatch  of  Kandolph  to  Cecil,  Sept.  3,  1565  ;    Galigula,  vol.  s. 
folio  335 — Cotton  Lib.,  British  Museum. 

t  Sir  Thomas  Randolph  to  Cecil,  State  Papers  on  Scotland,  1565. 

X  See   Memoirs  of   Sir  James  Melville,  p.   135,  for  the  neglect  of  the 
traitors  by  the  Enghsh  Queen. 


Marriage  of  the  Queen  of  Seots.  95 


realm/-^  The  ardent  devotion  and  chivalry  of  youth,  and  the 
unflinching  loyalty  of  maturer  years,  were  to  be  found  in  the 
Royal  army.  The  matrons  and  their  daughters  went  forward 
on  the  highways  to  give  their  blessing  and  good  wishes  for 
their  young  Queen,  who  came  from  the  brief  retirement  of  her 
bridal  home  to  defend  the  honour  and  the  safety  of  the  throne 
against  a  combination  of  traitors,  conspirators,  and  fanatics. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  large  towns  came  forth  to  meet  their 
Sovereign,  and  make  her  oflerings  of  money,  which  was  very 
acceptable  to  an  exhausted  treasury.  ]Many  poor  mothers 
presented  their  "  little  store,"  but  the  Queen  refused  it, 
saying  :  "  I  should  relieve  your  necessities,  and  not  increase 
your  poverty.  Keep  your  money,  and  buy  provisions  for 
yom-  dear  little  children.  Eemember  that  you  have  the 
blessing  and  the  good  wishes  of  your  Queen."  Mary  Stuart, 
in  her  Queenly  office,  tempered  justice  with  mercy.  Several 
traitors  of  a  subordinate  character  were  fined  or  detained 
prisoners.  Some  of  the  Queen's  courtiers,  and  more  imme- 
diate friends,  considered  her  too  careless  of  her  health  and 
personal  safety,  and  entreated  her  not  to  ride  in  bad  weather, 
nor  to  remain  so  many  hours  in  the  saddle.  The  Queen 
laughingly  replied,  "  I  shall  not  rest  from  my  trials  till  I  have 
led  you  all  to  London.''t  This  very  imprudent  expression  was, 
no  doubt,  quickly  forwarded  to  the  English  Queen  by 
Eandolph. 

]Mary  Stuart's  star  was  now  apparently  in  the  ascendant. 
Her  fascinating  address  and  the  beauty  of  her  person  excited 
the  admiration   of  the   great    majority    of  the    people  ;   and 


*  Eandolph  to  Cecil ;  Chalmers's  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  ;  History 
of  the  Eeformation  Movement  iu  Scotland  by  John  Knox. 

t  Paul  de  Faix  to  Catherine  de  Medicis.  Catherine  de  iledicis  and  her 
Amba?sador,  De  Fair,  Avcre  both  the  secret  enemies  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 


g6  Marriage  of  i/ie  Queen  of  Scots. 


the  Keformers,  beyond  the  immediate  followers  of  John  Knox, 
were  the  chivalrous  adherents  of  their  Sovereign. 

At  this  period  the  Queen  of  Scots  had  a  powerful  party  in 
England,  especially  in  Yorkshire,  where  Elizabeth  was  detested 
for  her  cruel  oppression  of  the  ancient  Catholic  families. 
From  Ireland  there  was  hopeful  news ;  but  Mary  Stuart  had 
little  confidence  in  her  Irish  admirers.  On  this  occasion,  how- 
ever, the  voice  of  the  O'Neils  and  the  O'Dougherties  was  raised 
with  Celtic  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  the  Scottish  Queen. 
Ireland  promised  aid,  not  in  gold,  for  the  land  was  too  poor  to 
do  so,  but  in  many  hands  and  warm  hearts. 

Queen  Elizabeth  again  shifted  her  position,  and,  as  usual, 
censured  her  envoys  and  spies  for  not  furnishing  her  with 
accurate  information  upon  all  the  questions  at  issue.  "Plot 
and  counterplot"  became  the  order  of  the  day,  and  gold 
seems  to  have  been  freely  expended  upon  English  and  Scotch 
traitors,  whose  own  secret  correspondence  with  the  Council 
paints  them  in  the  blackest  colours,    j 


The  Use  of  Tort7ire.  97 


CHAPTER  X. 


THE   USE   OF   TORTURE. 


Camden",  who  has  been  described  as  the  Strabo  of  England, 
is  charged  by  Bh-ch  with  suppressing  and  colouring  the  events 
of  Elizabeth's  reign ;  but  Camden's  high  reputation  as  a 
historian  requires  no  vindication  against  the  false  statements  of 
the  Puritan,  Thomas  Birch.  If  Camden  is  not  always  correct, 
he  certainly  has  not  made  any  intentional  misrepresentation  of 
facts. 

I  now  approach  the  subject  of  "torture,"  and  a  brief  notice 
of  a  few  of  those  who  became  the  victims  of  Walsingham's 
spies  at  home  and  abroad. 

The  "  use  of  torture,"  for  the  discovery  of  religious  and 
political  opinions,  had  its  origin  In  a  despotic  design  to  enslave 
the  minds  of  the  people.     Tlie  use  of  the  rack  was   exten- 
sively practised  by  the  chief  Powers  of  Europe  in  the  sixteenth 
century.     Heniy  VIII.,  and  the  Protector  Somerset,  had  faith 
in  the  rack.     Queen  ]Mary  set  aside  this  instrument  of  torture 
and  many  other  modes  of  punishment  only  known  to  the  Tower 
authorities.     It  would,  however,  have  been  well  for  her  fame 
as  a  woman,  and  as  a  Sovereign,  if  Mary  Tudor  had  also  pro- 
tested against  the  fanatical  and  cruel  "  stake,"  whose  use  has 
consio-ned  every  one  in  connection  with  it  to  the  ban  of  execra- 
tion.    It   is  doubtful,  however,  if  the    men  who  s.it  in   the 
Parliaments  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI.  would  assent  to 

VOL.   IV.  H 


98  TJie   Use  of  Torture. 

a  repeal  of  the  statute  by  which  people  Avere  sent  to  the  stake. 
The  Eeformers — high  and  low — of  the  days  of  the  Boy- 
King  were  in  favour  of  the  "  stake  "  as  a  punishment  for  those 
who  dissented  from  the  opinions  they  chose  to  express. 
The  records  of  the  times  attest  this  fact  clearly. 

I  now  approach  the  history  of  torture  in  the  Tower  durino- 
the  reign  of  Ehzabeth. 

Edward  Walgrave,  a  membei-  of  an  ancient  family,   wlio 
sustained    Queen  Mary's  cause,   and   subsequently  became    a 
member  of  her  liousehold,  was  marked  out  for  persecution  by 
the  Council  of  Elizabetli.     He  refused  to  take  the   Oath   of 
Supremacy  to  the  new  Sovereign,  and  was  immediately  com- 
mitted   to    the  Tower,   where,  according  to  Fitzwigram,  an 
official    of  the   time,    lie    remained    for    "six    months    on    a 
wretched  filthy  bed,  half  starved,  and  no  medical  attendant  to 
inquire    into    his   health."      Nevertheless,    he   providentiallv 
recovered,  when  preparations  were  again  renewed  for  his  torture. 
He  was  examined  before  the  law  officers  and  Cxovernment  spies. 
The  result  of  an  inquiry  was  an   order  to   be  racked,  which 
was  carried  out  with  barbarous  cruelty.     Four  months  subse- 
quently  he   was    once   more   racked.     Like    other    prisoners 
Walgrave  suddenly  disappeared,  but  whether  he  escaped,  or 
died  from  his  sullerings,  or  fell  by   the    dagger    of    a   hired 
assassin,   and    was    buried     privately    by    night,   it    is    im- 
possible to  ascertain.     Several  notable  prisoners   were  found 
murdered  in  the  Tower  during  Elizabeth's  reign;  and  others 
were  never  heard  of  after  they  entered  the  ill-omened  gate. 
The   officials   were   always  "open  to    a  bribe."     At   a   later 
period  it  was  believed  that  Walgrave  escaped  from  the  Tower, 
and  having  reached  Lisbon,  he  studied  medicine,  and  became 
a  physician.     About  the  same  period  there  resided  in  Venice 
"a  priest  physician"  named  Talbot,  who    escaped  from   the 


The   Use  of  Torture.  99 


Tower.  Many  of  the  exiled  priests  studied  the  medical  pro- 
fession. I  refer  to  one  remarkable  man,  Father  Bordc,  of  the 
Carthusian  community. 

Sir  Francis  Inglefield,  another  of  Queen  Mary's  household, 
fled  to  Spain  a  few  weeks  after  the  death  of  his  Eoyal  ]Mistress. 
He  was  about  to  be  committed  to  the  Tower,  and  narrowly 
escaped  in  the  costume  of  a  Flemish  musician,  and  actually 
performed  at  the  house  of  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  unsuspected,  by 
liis  enemies. 

Elizabeth  marked  out  for  vengeance  the  uuoIFending 
domestics  of  her  late  sister.  Some  of  those  poor  women  were 
reduced  to  utter  poverty.  Five  years  later  King  Philip 
provided  liberally  for  the  wants  of  Queen  Mary's  servants. 
Mary  left  ample  funds  with  Elizabeth  to  discharge  her 
"domestic  debts;"  and  the  new  Queen  pledged  ''her 
honour"  for  the  fulfilment  of  every  request  named  in  the  will 
of  the  deceased  monarch.  How  Elizabeth  acted  in  this 
matter  is  not  disputed  by  some  partisan  writers  ;  whilst  others, 
with  a  lofty  disregard  for  such  a  small  matter  as  the  character 
of  a  Queen  in  affairs  of  common  honesty,  are  sileiit  upon  tlie 
subject. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  who  was  always  moralising,  revived  the 
rack  and  other  barbarous  modes  of  infliction,  whieli  brand 
her  name  as  a  woman  and  a  monarch  with  odious  notoriety. 
In  fact,  if  we  judge  Elizabeth  by  the  records  of  her  actions, 
she  Avas,  with  the  exception  of  her  father,  the  most  despotic 
and  the  most  cruel  monarch  that  ever  reigned  over  this 
realm.  "There  is  something  peculiarly  revolting  in  the  fact," 
observes  the  historian  of  the  Queens  of  England,  "  that 
Elizabeth  should  have  been  so  callous  to  all  the  tender 
sympathies  of  the  female  character  as  to  enjoin  the  application 
of  torture  tO'  extort    confession   as;ainst  the  unfortunate  ser- 

H    2 


100  The  -Use  of  Torture. 


vants  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk."     Here  is  the  Queen's  order 
respecting  Bannister  and  Baker  : — 

"  If  they  shall  not  seem  to  you  to  confess  thnr  hiowleclqe,  then, 
'  we '  warrant  you  to  cause  them  both,  or  either  of  them,  to  h& 
brought  to  the  rack,  and  first  to  move  them  with  fear  thereof,  to 
deal  plainly  in  their  ansxoers ;  and  if  that  shall  not  move  them, 
then  you  shall  caxise  them  to  le  put  to  the  rack,  and  to  find  the  taste 
thereof  until  they  shall  deal  more  plainly,  or  till  you  shall  think 
meet."-^ 

Two  days  subsequent  to  the  date  of  the  above  warrant,  Sir 
Thomas  Smythe  writes  to  Lord  Burleigh  in  these  words  : — 
"  I  suppose  we  have  gotten  so  much  as  this  time  is  likely  to 
be  had ;  yet,  to-morrow  do  we  intend  to  bring  a  couple  of 
them  to  the  rack,  not  in  any  hope  to  getting  anything  out  of 
them  by  the  fear  or  pain,  but  because  it  is  so  earnestly  com- 
mended to  us.'^  t 

Some  writers  state  that  this  was  ''  the  only  case  of  racking 
in  Elizabeth's  reign;"  it  is  also  alleged  that  "  the  Queen  knew 
nothing  of  it."  Such  assertions  are  contradicted  by  the  State 
Papers  of  the  period,  and  many  other  reliable  documents. 
In  fact,  the  rolls  of  the  Tower  teem  with  records  of  the 
cruelties  that  Avere  inflicted  in  Elizabeth's  time.  Persons 
were  confined  in  cellars  twenty  feet  below  the  surface  of  the 
eartli  ;  others  in  "  litel  case,"  ighere  theij  had  neither  room  to 
stand  upright,  nor  to  lie  down  at  full  length.  Men  were  placed 
in  Skivlngton's  irons|  till  they  fainted  away.     And  again,  an 


*  Warrant  from  the  Queen's  Majestic;  M.S. ;  Cotton  Calig,  c.  iii.  folio  229. 
t  The  order  came  directly  from  the  Queen  herself.      See  Murdin's  State 
Papers ;  Notes  on  the  Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 

+  Bayley's  History  of  the  Tower  of  London. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  lOi 

iron  instrument  was  used,  by  which  head,  feet,  and  hands 
were  bound  together.  IMany  were  fettered  and  bolted  in  this 
manner  ;  while  others,  still  more  unfortunate,  had  their  hands 
forced  into  iron  gloves  that  were  much  too  small,  or  were 
subjected  to  the  excruciating  torture  of  the  boot.  These 
cruelties  were  suggested  by  Sir  Thomas.  S.nvfc'he  and.-Walsing- 
ham,  "  with  the  full  approval  of  her  Highness  the  Queen." 
Sir  John  Harrington  follows  in'th-3  tiark  of  Hattcn,  wiien  he 
describes  Elizabeth  as  humane,  gentle,  and  kind — a  model 
woman.  At  other  times  Harrington  spoke  in  no  flattering 
tones  of  his  Eoyal  godmother.* 

The  despatches  of  the  foreign  Ambassadors  draw  a  terrible 
picture  of  the  "  poor  victims  when  carried  from  the  rack, 
oftentimes  sounded  by  courtiers,  who  came  hither  to  see  with 
their  own  eyes,  and  to  report  to  the  (Queen's  Highness  how  the 
traitors  liked  the  taste  they  received  for  a  beginning.''^  On  one 
occasion  Elizabeth  asked  Lord  Burleigh  "  if  some  more  tei^rible 
mode  of  torture  or  death  could  be  devised  for  those  who  re- 
fused to  deny  her  supremacy  or  plotted  against  her  life."  The 
astute  Minister  assured  his  Eoyal  Mistress  that  the  law  was 
strong  enough  to  have  the  required  vengeance;  he  would, 
however,  see  that  the  gaolers  did  their  duty  promptly.f  No 
one  could  suspect  that  Burleigh  had  the  smallest  sympathy 
with  the  people  who  were  racked,  beheaded,  and  quartered. 
At  a  later  period  of  her  life  (1601)  Elizabeth  seemed  to  rejoice 
at  beholdinof  the  mano-led  remains  of  her  victims.  Holdino:  the 
French    envoy  (Be   Bironlj:)  by  the  hand,  she    pointed  to  a 


*  State  Papers  ol  Elizabeth's  reign, 
t  Dr.  Nare's  Life  of  Lord  Uurleigb. 
+  When  the  Dae  de  Bircn  returned  to  Paris  he  was  immediately  charged 
with  high  treason,  and  quickly   sent  to  the  scaUold.     Having  refused  to 


102  The  Use  of  Torture. 


number  of  heads  that  were  planted  on  the  walls  of  the  Tower^ 
and  next  conducted  him  to  London  Bridge  to  witness  a  similar 
exhibition,  and  told  him  "  that  it  was  thns  they  ■punished  traitors 
in  England^  Not  satisfied  with  calling  his  attention  to  this 
ghastly  scene,  she  coolly  recounted  to  him  the  names  of  all 
her  subjects  \\\\om.  ■  sBe  liad  brought  to  the  block,  and 
am  on  a  those  .sKe  mentioned  .tbe  Earl  of  Essex,  whom  in  her 
old'age,''she''ruined  by  infer,  ungenial  favour.*  Elizabeth  could 
not  cross  London  Bridge  without  recognising  the  features  of 
many  good  and  loyal  men  whom  she  had  consigned  to  the 
headsman.  The  "  quartering  of  the  bodies  "  presented  another 
revolting  sight  in  many  parts  of  London.  Henzer,  and  other 
foreigners,  have  commented  on  such  scenes  with  indignation. 

Henzer,  who  is  a  reliable  authority,  affirms  "  that  he  counted 
on  London  Bridge  no  less  than  tliree  hundred  heads  of  persons 
who  had  hecn  executed  for  high  treason.  "This  was  a 
melancholy  evidence,"  remarks  Miss  Strickland,  "  that  Eliza- 
beth, in  her  later  years,  had  flung  the  dove  from  her  sceptre, 
and  exchanged  the  harbinger  of  peace  for  the  sword  of  ven- 
geance." 

Bartoli  describes  the  machines  of  torture : — "  The  rack,"  he 
says,  "  was  a  large  open  frame  of  oak,  raised  three  feet  from 
the  ground.     The  prisoner  was  laid  under  it  on  his  back,  o;i 


submit  to  the  old  axe,  then  in  use,  a  scene  of  horrible  butchery  ensued,  in 
which  the  executioner  showed  his  triumph  by  holding  up  to  popular  gaze 
the  convulsed  head  of  the  unfortunate  nobleman.  The  Bishop  of  Orleans 
stated  that  De  Biron  had  the  most  savage  and  demoniac  countenance  he 
had  ever  witnessed  in  any  man. 

*  Perefix  is  the  author  of  the  alove  narrative.  Perefix  makes  no 
comment,  but  merely  gives  it  as  a  histoiical  fact.  "  If  he  had  a  prejudice," 
observes  Miss  Strickland,  "it  was  in  favour  of  Elizabeth,  whom  he  bighly 
commends." 


The  Use  of  Torture.  105 

the  floor ;  his  wrists  and  ankles  were  attached  by  cords  to  two 
rollers  at  the  ends  of  the  frame  ;  these  were  moved  by  levers 
in  opposite  directions  till  the  body  rose  to  a  level  with  the 
frame.  Questions  v/erc  then  put,  and,  if  the  answers  did  not 
prove  satisfactory,  the  sufferer  loas  stretched  more  and  more, 
till  the  bones  started  froiii  their  sockets.''  This  description  is 
corroborated  by  the  records  of  the  Tower. 

The  Scavenger's  Daughter  was  a  broad  hoop  of  iron,  con- 
sisting of  two  parts  fastened  to  each  other  by  a  hinge.  The 
accused  person  was  made  to  kneel  on  the  pavement,  and  to 
contract  himself  into  as  small  a  compass  as  he  could.  Then 
the  executioner,  kneeling  on  his  shoulders,  and  having 
introduced  the  hoop  under  his  legs,  compressed  the  victim 
close  too'ether,  till  he  was  able  to  fasten  the  extremities  over 
the  small  of  the  back.  The  time  allotted  to  this  kind  of  tor- 
ture was  a?^  hour  and  a  half,  during  which  time  it  commonly 
happened  that  from  excess  of  compression,  the  blood  spouted 
from  the  nostrils;  sometimes,  it  was  believed,  from  the 
extremities  of  the  hands  and  feet  f-^' 

Iron  gauntlets,  which  could  be  compressed  by  the  aid  of  a 
screw,  served  to  hold  the  wrists  and  to  suspend  the  prisoner  in 
the  air  from  two  distant  points  of  a  beam.  The  victim  was 
then  placed  on  tliree  pieces  of  wood  piled  one  on  another, 
which,  when  his  hands  had  been  made  fast,  were  successively 
withdrawn  from  under  his  feet. 

"  I  felt,"  says  Francis  Gerard,  one  of  the  sufferers,  "  the 
chief  pain  in  my  breast,  belly,  arms,  and  hands.  I  thought 
that  all  the  blood  in  my  body  had  run  into  my  arms  and  begun 
to  burst  out  at  my  fingers''  ends The  arms  swelled 


*  See  Bartoli,  p.  250  ;  see  also  the  records  of  the  various  rackings  at  the 
Tower. 


104  ^■^^^  ^^'^  ^f  ToTture. 


till  the  gauntlets  tvere  burie  I  icithin  thejlesh.  After  being  thus 
suspended  an  hour,  I  fainted,  an  I  tvhen  I  came  to  myself,  I 
found  the  executioners  supportijig  me  in  their  arms.  They 
replaced  the  pieces  of  wood  under  my  feet,  but  as  soon  as  I 
was  recovered  they  removed  them  again.  Thus  I  coniinned 
hanging  for  the  space  office  hours,  during  which  I  fainted 
eight  or  nine  times.^^^'' 

I  next  quote  from  Eishton's  diary,  in  order  to  show  the 
condition  of  the  Tower  under  what  many  historians  style  the 
"  mild  government  of  Elizabeth." 

December  5th,  1580. — Several  Catholics,  or  better  known 
as  Papists,  were  brought  from  different  prisons. 

Dec.  10. — Thomas  Cottann  and  Luke  Kirbye,  priests, 
suffered  compression  in  the  Scavenger's  Daughter  for  more 
than  an  hour.     Cottann  bled  profusely  from  the  nose. 

Dec.  15. — Ealph  Sherwin  and  Robert  Johnson,  priests, 
were  sorely  tortured  on  the  rack. 

Dec.  16. — Ealph  Sherwin  was  tortured  a  second  time  on  the 
rack. 

Dec.  31. — John  Hart,   after  being  chained  five  days  to  the 
floor,  teas  led  to  the  rack.     Also  Henry  Or  ton,  a  "  fine  gentle- 


man." 


1581,  Jan.  3. — Christopher  Thompson,  an  aged  priest,  was 
brought  to  the  Tower  and  racked  the  same  day. 

Jan,  14. — Nicholas  Eoscaroe^a  boy  of  16  years  of  age,  was 
barbarously  racked.  A  number  of  persons  were  racked  whose 
uames  are  now  unknown. f 

Chaloner  states  that  several  women  were  racked,  or  in  some 


*  See  Bartoli,  p.  418  ;  Records  of  Kacking  in  Elizabeth's  reign. 

t  Jardine's  Criminal   Trials,  vol.  i.  ;    Howell's  State   Trials ;    Lobden's 
Account  of  Pugnacious  Jurors  wtio  were  Hacked. 


TJic  Use  of  Torture.  105 

way  tortured.  Poineroy  and  Farlow  affirm  that  two  Papist 
women  and  a  young  maiden  of  the  Anabaptist  sect  suffered 
-death  for  their  religious  opinions.  Elizabeth  entertained  a 
deep  hatred  of  the  Anabaptists,  who  gave  her  much  trouble. 
This  sect  had  the  merit  of  immense  courage  and  dogged  per- 
severance ;  but  they  were  selfish,  intolerant,  and  dishonest. 

The  office  of  jurors  under  the  rule  of  Elizabeth  became  a 
dangerous  public  duty — at  least  to  men  who  had  any  semblance 
of  honesty,  or  regard  for  the  rights  of  their  fellow  men.  Inti- 
midation, fine,  and  imprisonment,  were  of  frequent  occurrence 
if  they  refused  to  find  a  verdict  for  the  Crown.  Corrupt  and 
time-serving  as  the  judges  and  juries  were  under  the  Tudor 
dynasty,  they  felt  the  degradation  of  their  position  most  in  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  when  "Royal  instructions"  were  handed 
to  them,  in  many  cases,  the  day  preceding  trials  which  par- 
took of  a  political  or  sectarian  character. 

In  England  the  rack  became  a  "  favourite  device,"  and  was 
employed  with  frequent  as  well  as  wanton  barbarity.  Many 
readers  will  scarcely  credit  the  fact  that  the  Queen  "  ordered 
the  bishops  to  use  torture  to  tlie  Papists  in  order  to  discover 
tvhere  or  when  they  attended  MassT* 

In  1578,  Dr.  Whitgift,  then  Bishop  of  Worcester,  was 
commanded  to  use  torture  to  force  answers  from  Catholics 
suspected  of  having  heard  Mass.f  Whitgift  was  quite  capable 
of  persecuting,  without  the  "  Royal  command."     On  one  occa- 


*  In  Bridgewater  MS., pp.  56, 176, 179, 191, 190,  222 ;  Howell's  State  Trials, 
and  the  public  records  of  the  times  are  to  be  found  numerous  instances  of 
the  personal  cruelty  of  Elizabeth ;  the  corruption  of  her  judges,  and  the 
total  disregard  of  the  old  constitutional  maxims  on  the  part  of  the  advisers 
of  the  Sovereign. 

t  See  Strype's  Whitgift,  p.  83. 


io6  The  Use  of  Torture. 

sion  he  requested  Lord  Burleigh  to  rack  a  "  certain  priest  till 
he  gave  the  names  of  those  who  went  to  Confession  to  him  ;" 
but  Burleigh,  to  his  honour  he  it  related,  spurned  the  request 
with  indignation. 

Here  is  a  brief  history  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men 
tortured  at  the  Tower  for  the  expression  of  his  honest  convic- 
tions concerning  religion. 

Edmund  Campion  was  the  first  great  scholar  produced  by 
Christ  Church  Hospital  as  a  Protestant  foundation.  He  was 
scarcely  thirteen  years  old  when  he  pronounced  a  Latin  oration 
to  Queen  Mary  on  her  accession  to  the  throne.  In  1566  he 
becameMaster  of  Arts  at  the  Oxford  University.  On  the  occasion 
of  Queen  Elizabeth's  visit  to  Oxford,  Campion  again  signalised 
himself  by  the  Latin  address  he  made  to  the  Queen.  He  was 
then  one  of  the  rising  stars  of  the  Church  of  Ensrland.  At  a 
subsequent  period  he  was  granted  permission  to  visit  Ireland, 
in  order  to  preach  to  the  "  wild  Irish  the  glad  tidings  of  the 
Gospel."  He  soon  became  shocked  at  the  conduct  of  the  Lord 
Deputy  and  the  Council,  at  Dublin  Castle.  Every  kind  of 
oppression  and  wrong  was  carried  out  under  the  name  of  the 
"  Keformed  Church,"  to  which  the  people  were  almost  unani- 
mously opposed.  He  relates,  to  his  "  grief,  that  the  clergy 
sent  from  England  to  Ireland  made  no  impression  upon  the 
islanders,  because  they  required  to  be  reformed  themselves." 

It  is  stated  that  a  train  of  reflection  followed,  and  Campion 
secretly  corresponded  with  some  of  his  Oxford  clerical  friends. 
He  described  himself  as  "becoming  uneasy  in  conscience." 
Soon  after  he  abandoned  his  plans  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Irish  people,  and  repaired  to  Rome,  where  he  was  received 
into  the  Catholic  Church  ;  commenced  a  course  of  theological 
studies  ;  and,  in  due  time,  was  ordained  a  Jesuit.  His 
English   friends  expressed  their   indignation  at  his  conduct 


TJie  Use  of  Torture.  loj 

and  used  stronfy  langjuafje  towards  him.  Several  scholars  of 
Oxford  and  Cambridge,  however,  imitated  his  example.  A  mis- 
sion to  England  was  proposed  in  Eome,and  the  name  of  Campion 
was  unanimously  pronounced  as  one  of  those  to  whom  this 
perilous  undertaking  was  to  be  confided.  After  some  further 
delays,  Father  Campion,  who  had  been  for  years  working  as  a 
missionary  priest  at  Prague,  was  selected  with  Father  Parsons 
to  make  the  first  adventure  in  Eno-land.  All  arrangem.ents 
were  completed,  and  large  sums  of  money  privately  collected 
amongst  the  Catholic  exiles,  who,  at  this  period,  were  "  greatly 
devoted  to  one  another — brothers  and  sisters  in  bondage  and  . 
misfortune,"  as  they  have  been  described. 

]Mr.  Grilbert  and  his  friends  provided  money.  Each  Father 
had  two  horses,  a  servant,  several  disguises,  and  £70  in  gold. 
They  dressed  as  occasion  required — sometimes  as  officers,  some- 
times as  clerics  of  the  Reformers,  doctors,  apothecaries,  or 
foreio-n  merchants — the  last  a  convenient  cover.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Campion  was  an  enthusiast  that  could  see  no 
danger  looming  in  the  distance.  He  could  scarcely  believe  the 
well-attested  fact  that  London  was  the  stronghold  of  Pro- 
testantism and  senseless  hatred  of  all  religious  control. 

The  landing  of  the  Jesuits  at  Calais  in  June,  1580,  caused 
an  excitement  in  London.  To  avoid  suspicion,  they  crossed  in 
separate  parties.  Father  Parsons  went  first,  disguised  as  a 
volunteer  officer  returning  from  the  Low  Countries.  Parsons 
was  about  thirty-five  years  of  age  at  this  period.  He  was  cool, 
clear-headed,  and  not  given  to  emotion,  or  sensibilities.  He 
was,  perhaps,  the  most  cautious  and  prudent  man  connected 
with  the  expedition.  Parsons'  buff  uniform,  his  gold  lace,  his 
hat  and  feather,  and  well-appointed  servant,  were  passports 
sufficient  for  the  Dover  searchers.  ,  He  made  his  way  to 
Crravesend,  and  up  the  river  to  London ;    and  as  the  readicit 


io8  The  Use  of  Torture. 


means  of  finding  a  friend,  he  went  openly  to  the  ^Nlarshalsea  to 
look  among  the  Catholic  prisoners.     A  bold  step. 

Campion  crossed  the  Channel  in  safety,  on  the  29th  of  June, 
1580,  St.  John  the  Baptist's  Day,  and,  as  he  remarked,  "My 
patron  saint,  to  whom  I  have  commended  the  holy  mission  on 
which  I  have  embarked."  His  was,  it  seems,  a  good  disguise. 
His  assumed  trade  was  that  of  a  jewel  merchant,  and  Ralph 
Emerson,  his  servant,  or  clerk,  followed  him  with  a  box  of 
jewellery,  and  wore  a  coat  padded  ivitli  Catholic  tracts  and 
other  material  for  the  mission.  Campion  could  scarcely  con- 
ceal his  enthusiasm.  He  required  the  coolness  of  such  men 
as  Father  Boorde  or  Chauncey,  who  were  on  the  scene  many 
years  previously  ;  but  since  then  Protestantism  became  very 
powerful  in  London,  and  the  Catholics,  still  forming  a  small 
minority,  were  "in  holes  and  corners,"  and  barely  tolerated. 
With  regard  to  fair  play  in  business  matters,  they  were  plun- 
dered in  the  most  unscrupulous  manner.  No  Mussulman  ever 
acted  worse  to  the  unfortunate  Jews  than  the  Reformers  of 
London  did  to  their  Catholic  bondmen — the  descendants  of  the 
honest  and  humane  burghers  who  founded  so  many  institutions 
for  "  humanity  and  religion."  Father  Campion  was  too  honest 
to  appear  in  a  masked  form.  He  felt  that  it  was  wrong  to  do 
so,  but  the  success  of  the  mission  depended  upon  the  most 
cautious  action.  Some  Catholics  have  argued  that  he 
should  have  used  no  disguise.;  but  to  adopt  such  a  course 
would  have  been  like  putting  his  hand  in  the  lion's  mouth. 
It  is  certain  that  he  might  have  used  more  discretion,  and 
gradually  felt  his  way.  However,  prudence  and  foresight  are 
points  of  generalship  which  enthusiasts,  especially  of  a  religious 
type,  reflect  little  upon  till  too  late.  Campion  was  suspected, 
and  Walsingham's  spies,  ever  on  the  alert,  were  quickly 
on  his  track.     He   was  arrested,  and  brought  before  a  majiis- 


The  Use  of  Torture.  109 


trate  who  believed  he  was  the  noted  Father  Allen,  for  whom 
the  Gfovemment  were  on  the  look-out,  and  "  a  special  rack  wa& 
in  readiness  at  the  Tower  to  do  the  preliminary  work."  The 
authorities  were  soon  convinced  that  the  prisoner  was  not 
Allen.  Who  could  he  be  ?  Campion  was  supposed  to  be  in 
Rome,  and  theprisoner  seemed  to  knownothing  of  any  profession 
but  that  of  the  travelling  jeweller.  Father  BamQeld,  in  his 
anecdotes  of  the  "Priest-hunting  Times,"  affirms  that  Campion 
sold  a  watch  and  a  ring  to  a  London  Alderman  who  was  intro- 
duced to  him  by  "  a  merchant  in  Old  Chepe."  Campion  next 
visited  ^Ir.  Gilbert,  in  Fetter  Lane,  where  he  met  several  of 
the  Jesuit  Fathers,  all  of  whom  received  a  most  hearty  wel- 
come from  their  host.  Several  young  Catholic  gentlemen  of 
rank  formed  an  association  for  the  protection  of  the  Jesuit 
Fathers,  Avho  landed  in  different  ports,  and  midcr  various 
disguises.  At  the  head  of  this  courageous  little  band  appears 
the  name  of  Charles  Arundel,  Stephen  Baptist  Gilbert,  Francis 
Throckmorton,  Anthony  Babington,  Chidiock  Tichbourne, 
Charles  Tilney,  Edward  Ashingdon,  Richard  Salisbury,  and 
William  Trcsham.  Nearly  all  the  above  gentlemen  subse- 
quently reached  the  Tower,  and  braved  the  Queen's  vengeance 
upon  the  rack  or  scaffold.  It  was  a  sad  sight  to  behold  so 
many  brave  and  virtuous  young  men  of  station  and  honour 
sacrificed.  The  private  history  of  several  of  them  was  most 
romantic.  Sisters  and  lady-loves  died  of  broken  hearts, 
and  tradition  relates  that  two  young  ladies,  who  were 
more  courageous  than  the  rest,  sent  a  threatening  letter 
to  the  Queen.  The  result  was  that  they  were  suddenly  lodged 
in  the  Tower,  where  they  remained  for  seven  years.  One  was 
discharged  a  lunatic  ;  the  other  died  of  prison  fever. 

To  return  to  Father  Campion.     In  a  few  days  later  it  was 
generally  bruited  that  Campion  had  arrived.     His  enthusiasm 


no  The  Use  of  Torture. 

increased.  The  London  Catholics  came  forth  from  their 
hiding  places ;  they  wished  to  hear  the  eloquent  defender  of 
the  ancient  creed  of  Christendom  on  some  public  platform. 
Lord  Paget,  tlien  a  Catholic,  liired  a  large  room  in  the  vicinity 
of  Smithfield,  and  on  the  29th  of  June,  a  Jesuit  missionary, 
under  the  ban  of  the  Council,  and  liable,  if  arrested,  to  be  tried 
for  high  treason,  preached  publicly  in  the  middle  of  the  city 
to  a  vast  concourse  of  people,  A  warrant  was  issued  for  Cam- 
pion's apprehension,  but  he  had  friends  at  Court  who  gave 
him  private  warning,  but  his  enthusiasm  rendered  him  regard- 
less of  danger.  He  had  many  Protestant  admirers  who  were 
willing  to  screen  him,  thereby  provoking  the  vengeance  of 
Walsingham.  Father  Campion  was,  however,  soon  arrested, 
and  the  Queen's  Council  seemed  determined  to  crush  out  of 
existence  the  newly  imported  Jesuit  mission.  The  pulpits  of 
London  and  the  "  great  centres  "  of  England  thundered  forth 
many  discourses  against  "  the  growth  of  Popery,"  and  the 
Puritans  were  in  the  front  rank  of  denunciation,  although 
complaining  themselves  of  oppression  at  the  hands  of  the 
Church  party. 

Elizabeth  had  been  personally  interested  by  the  learnino-, 
eloquence,  and  ardent  loyalty  of  Edmund  Campion,  before  the 
possibility  was  imagined  of  the  star  of  the  LTniversity  of  Ox- 
ford forsaking  the  "  Reformed  religion "  for  the  proscribed 
doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Church.  After  he  had  been  tortured 
repeatedly,  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  from  him  the  par- 
ticulars of  some  secret  plot  against  the  Queen,  in  which  he 
■\\;as  suspected  of  being  an  agent,  Elizabeth  determined  to  sec 
and  confer  with  Campion  herself,  and  by  her  order  he  was 
secretly  brought  one  m'ght  from  the  Tower,  and  introduced  to 
her  at  the  house  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  in  the  presence  of 
ihat  nobleman,  the  Pari  of  Bedford,  and  the  Secretary  of  State. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  1 1  r 


Her  Highness  asked  Campion  "  if  he  acknowleged  her  for 
Queen,"  he  replied  "  not  only  for  Queen,  but  for  my  lawful 
-Queen."  Elizabeth  demanded,  if  he  considered  that  the  Pope 
could  excommunicate  her  lawfully  ?  He  answered  evasively 
"  that  it  was  not  for  him  to  decide  in  a  controversy  between 
Her  Highness  and  the  Pope."  By  the  Pope's  ordinary  power 
he  could  not  excommunicate  Princes  ;  whether  he  could  by 
that  power,  which  he  sometimes  exercised  in  extraordinartj 
-emergencies,  was  a  difficult  and  doubtful  question.*  The  in- 
terview ended  by  the  Queen  informing  Campion  that  she  Icfc 
his  case  in  the  hands  of  the  judges. 

A  special  commission  sat  for  the   trial  of  Campion,  twelve 
priests,  and  one  layman.     They  had  come  prepared  to  profess 
their  religious  belief.     To   their  astonishment,  however,  they 
^vere  indicted  for  a  conspiracy  to  murder  the  Queen,  to  over- 
throw the  Church  and  State,  and  to   withdraw  her  subjects 
from  the  allegiance  due  to  the  Queen's  Highness.     Even  the 
particulars  of  the  alleged  plot  were   specified,     the   places — 
Rome  and  Rlieims  ;  the  time — the  months  of  March  and  April 
in  the  preceding  year;  and  their  very  journey  from  Rheims  to 
England,  supposed  to  have  been  begun  on  the  8th  of  May.     It 
is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the  surprise  of  the  prisoners. 
Several  of  them  had  not  been  out  of  England  for  many  years  ; 
others  had  never  visited  Pome  or  Rheims  in  their  lives  ;  some 
had    not   even    seen  each  other  before  they  met  at  the  bar. 
They  declared  that,  whatever  might  be  pretended,  their  reli- 
gion was  their  only  offence ;  and,   in  proof  of  the  assertion, 
remarked  that  liberty  had  been  previously  offered  to  each  in- 
dividual   among  them,  provided  he  would   conform   to    the 


Bartoli,  and  Pomeroy  ;  see  also  Howell's  State  Trials. 


1 1 2  The  Use  of  Torture. 


Established  Churcli.*  At  tlie  trial  Campion  defended  himself 
with  his  usual  ability  and  eloquence,  vindicating  his  brethren 
from  the  charge  of  disloyalty,  and  showed  tliat  not  an  atom  of 
evidence  had  been  adduced  to  connect  himself  and  the  other 
missionaries  with  any  attempt  against  the  life  or  the  safety  of 
the  Queen.  The  public  mind  had  been  prepared  to  believe  in 
the  existence  of  the  conspiracy  by  a  succession  of  arrests,  and 
violent  declamation  from  the  pulpits,  calling  for  the  immediate 
execution  of  the  accused  as  enemies  to  the  Protestant  cause — 
which  was  that  of  God  Himself.  The  conduct  of  the  judges, 
the  law  officers,  and  the  jury,  was  something  similar  to  that 
exhibited  in  the  case  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  The  jiuy  pro- 
nounced them — one  and  all — guilty  of  conspiracy  to  murder 
the  Queen.  Some  of  the  Council  were  struck  with  pity, 
remorse,  and  shame  ;  they  protested  against  the  execution  of 
twelve  learned  men — good  and  virtuous  subjects  of  the  realm, 
but  Lord  Burleigh  would  not  listen  to  mercy.  He  said  they 
should  suflfer  as  an  example  to  others. 

This  judicial  murder  had  all  been  previously  arranged.f 
Campion,  Sherwin,  and  Bryant  were  the  first  selected  to  suffer; 
they  were  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered  in  the  most  revolting 
manner.  Father  Campion  and  his  companions  protested  their 
innocence,  and  prayed  with  their  last  breath  for  the  Queen 
and  their  persecutors.^ 

The  remaining  nine  priests  were  detained  in  the  Tower  for 
some  time  to  undergo  torture  and  starvation,  and  were  subse- 


*  State  Papers  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 

f  Eecords  Concerning  Campion's  Trial ;  Dr.  Pembertons  Notes  on  the 
Trial. 

X  See  Simpson's  Life  of  Father  Campion.  I  also  refer  the  reader  (for 
the  sufferings  of  the  Jesuits)  to  Mere's  Historia  Eokinciae  Anglican® 
Societatis  Jesu. 


The  Use  of  Toi'ture.  1 1 3 


quently  hanged  and  quartered  at  Tyburn.     They  all  died  like 
Christian  martyrs,  and  on  the   scaffold  sang  hymns  of  glory 
and  praise  to  the  Almighty,     Farlow  states  that  their  speeches 
were  suppressed  by  order  of  Lord  Burleigh.      Nothing  more 
likely.     The   Queen  in  order  to   silence  the  murmurs  of  the 
people  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  that  "  Father  Campion 
and  his  fellow  prisoners  had  been  justly  put  to  death  ;  and  in 
proof  of  their  treasonable  intentions,  the  queries  which  had 
been  put  to  Campion  and  the  other  Fathers,  and  the  answers 
which  they  had  returned,  proved  their  guilt."  *     The  answers 
attributed  to  Campion  are  very  different    from  the  written 
documents  handed  in  by  him  on  the  trial.      A  greater  outrage 
upon  the  forms  of   law  and  justice  could  not  have  been  perpe- 
trated than  the  "  trial"  of  Father  Campion  and  the  priests  who 
were  arraigned  with  him.    Campion  was  forty-two  years  of  age 
at  the  time  of  his  execution.     Elizabeth  offered  him  £100  per 
annum,  and  lucrative  Church   livings  if  he  renounced   Catho- 
licity.    His  answer  was  memorable.      "  No,  IMadame,  not   for 
all  the  honours  that  royalty  can  offer  me.     I  am  a  Soldier  of 
the  Cross,  and  glory  in  going  to  the  scaffold  for  the  principles 
of  my  Divine  Master." 

Eobert  Johnson,  a  Shropshire  priest,  was  racked  three 
times  at  the  Tower.  He  was  subsequently  hanged,  drawn, 
and  quartered.  William  Filbie,  an  Oxford  cleric,  was  six 
months  pinioned  loith  heavij  iron  manacles  in  the  Tower.  He 
was  twice  racked,  and  fainted  under  the  operation  three  times  ; 
when  informed  that  he  was  to  be  led  to  execution  in  three 
hours,  he  lifted  up  his  Avithered  hands  to  heaven,  exclaiming 


*  The  real  questions  and  answers,  and  other  particulars,  are  set  forth  in 
Howell's  State  Trials,  vol.  i.  p.  1078  ;  and  in  Butler's  Memoirs  of  English 
Catholics,  vol.  i.  p.  200 ;  App.  300. 

VOL.   IV,  I 


1 14  The  Use  of  Torture. 

aloud,  "  Thanks  to  my  good  Kedeemer,  tliat  my  sufferings  are 
so  near  the  end."  Filbie,  like  Campion,  was  an  eminent 
Greek  and  Latin  scholar.  He  was  also  beloved  and  esteemed 
at  Oxford  for  his  amiable  and  virtuous  character.  He  was 
only  twenty-nine  years  of  age.  His  appearance  on  the  scaffold, 
and  his  modest  and  forgiving  address  to  the  populace,  ex- 
cited the  sympathy  of  many  amongst  a  crowd  who  had  become 
callous  and  inhuman  from  the  scenes  of  blood  they  wit- 
nessed almost  daily.  Indeed,  the  barbarous  "  quarterings  and 
hanging  up  "  of  the  remains  of  many  good  and  virtuous  men, 
whose  greatest  offence  was  that  of  claiming  liberty  of 
conscience,  had  a  marked  effect  upon  the  lower  classes,  who 
were  beginning  to  look  upon  murder  almost  as  a  venial 
offence.  Such  was  the  result  of  Walsingham's  moral  teaching. 
I  only  refer  to  a  few  cases  out  of  a  vast  number  of  barbarous 
persecutions  for  the  crime  of  daring  to  uphold  "  liberty  of 
conscience." 

The  story  of  Margaret  Clitheroe,  the  wife  of  a  rich  mer- 
chant in  York,  is  a  revolting  narrative.  Mrs.  Clitheroe's 
offence  was  that  of  her  having  a  priest  in  the  quality  of  a 
schoolmaster.  This  lady  suffered  death  on  the  25th  of  JMarcli, 
1586.  The  victim  being  "very  obstinate,"  the  authorities 
were  determined  to  use  the  most  barbarous  mode  of  torture. 
I  describe  her  death  in  the  words  of  one  who  was  present  at 
the  time,  and  which  is  corroborated  by  the  State  records. 

"The  place  of  execution  was  the  Tolbooth,  six  or  seven  yards 
from  the  prison.  After  she  prayed  for  a  short  time,  Sheriff 
Fawcett  commanded  the  attendants  io  pull  off  her  clothes  quicMy, 
when  the  doomed  lady  and  four  women,  who  were  present,  re- 
quested the  Sheriff,  on  their  knees,  that,  for  the  honour  of 
womanhood,  this  might  be  dispensed  with,  but  the  Sheriff  would 
not  grant  the  request.      Mrs.   Clitheroe   next  demanded   that  the 


The  Use  of  Torture.  115 

women  might  unapparel  her,  and  that  the  men  should  turn  their 
faces  from  her  during  that  time.  The  women  took  off  her  clothes, 
and  put  upon  her  a  long  linen  habit.  Then  very  quietly  she  was 
laid  down  upon  the  ground,  her  face  covered  with  a  handkerchief, 
and  most  part  of  her  body  with  a  habit.  The  '  door  '  ivas  laid  upon 
her  ;  her  hands  she  joined  towards  her  face.  Then  the  Sheriff 
said,  *  You  must  have  your  hands  bound.'  Two  surgeons  parted 
her  hands,  and  bound  them  to  two  posts.  After  this  they  laid 
weights  upon  her,  which,  when  she  first  felt,  she  said,  '  Jesu, 
Jesu,  Jesu,  have  mercy  upon  me,'  which  were  the  last  words  she 
was  heard  to  utter.  She  was  dying  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  A 
sharp  stone,  as  large  as  a  man's  fist,  had  been  put  under  her  hack  ;  and 
loeights  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  tvere  laid  upon  her  body,  tvhieh, 
hrealiing  her  ribs,  caused  them  to  burst  forth  from  the  skin." 

Further  "  particulars  "  of  Mrs.  Clltheroe's  death  are  too 
horrible  to  print.  The  torture  was  conducted  under  the 
management  of  Topclyffe,  to  whom  I  have  just  referred. 
The  rack  officials  and  headsmen  refused  to  act  on  this  occasion ; 
pleading  that  they  were  sick  of  the  work,  and  required  rest. 
The  Sheriff  "  believed  they  were  all  drunk."  TopclyfFe  then 
hired  eight  beggars  from  the  highway — notorious  thieves  and 
vagabonds,  who  were  capable  of  committing  any  abominable 
crimes  ;  when  those  outcasts  of  human  nature  received  "  a 
good  stoup  of  liquor"  they  commenced  the  ceremony  of 
carrying  out  what  a  recent  writer  designates  as  "  the  majesty 
of  the  English  law  in  a  reformed  state."  To  such  hands  did 
the  merciful  Elizabeth  commit  one  of  her  own  sex — an 
English  lady;  a  matron  without  spot  or  stain  ;  a  noble  wife  ; 
a  loving  mother  ;  and  a  true  friend. 

Hatton  remarks,  as  an  extenuating  circumstance,  distinguish- 
ing the  persecutions  of  Elizabeth  from  those  of  Mary,  that  no 
woman  was  put  to  death  under  the  penal  code,   so  far  as  he 

I  2 


1 1 6  The  Use  of  'Torture. 

reinern1:)ered.     The  fact  is,  that  in  two  years  after  the  death  of 
Margaret  Chtheroe,  ]\Iargaret  Wood   was  put  to  a  horrible 
death  for  "liberty  of  conscience;"  and  in   1601  Anne  Syme 
suffered  death  from  Elizabeth's  Council,  for  her  religious  opi- 
nions.   Four  other  Catholic  ladies  were  condemned  to  death  at 
different  times  for  not   renouncing  their   religion  ;  and  a  nun, 
named  Teresea  Xorthcoat,  was  imprisoned  for  thirty  years,  till 
released  by  death.     I  think  the  lady  just  alluded  to  belonged 
to  the  Benedictine  order,  whose  sufferings  were  intense;  added 
to  starvation  they  received  brutal  treatment.     In  De  Burgh's 
Hibernia   Dominicana,  p.  559,  an    account   is   given  of  the 
treachery   which    Queen    Elizabeth  exercised    in   1602 — one 
year   before    her    death — towards   a  shipful  of  Benedictines, 
Cistercians    and    Dominicans,  forty-two  in  number,  who  had 
been  induced  to  accept  a  safe  conduct  out  of  Ireland,  were 
shipwrecked  off  S.  Scattery  Island,  near   the   mouth    of  the 
Shannon.      It  appears  that   no  one  lived  to  teU  the  tragic 
story.*     In  1591,  ]Mrs.  Wells  received  sentence  of  death,  and 
died   in    prison.     James    the    First    released    and    pardoned 
six  ladies  who  were  confined  for  their  religious  opinions  at  the 
death  of  Elizabeth.       So  much   for   Hatton's  "  facts,"  when 
confronted  with  the  records  of  the  times.f 

Here  is  another  victim  of  Eoyal  vengeance  to  be  found  in 


*  Preface  to  the  Benedictine  Congregation,  p.  17. 

t  I  refer  tha  reader  to  Executions  at  York,  in  loS6,  for  Heresy ;  State- 
Papers  (Domestic)  for  the  year  1586  ;  Appendix  to  Lingard,  vol.  vi.  p.  713  ; 
Chaloner,  vol.  i. ;  and  Despatches  from  the  French  Ambassador  for  1586  ; 
Female  Prisoners'  sufferings  for  Conscience- sake  during  Elizabeth's  reign, 
by  Teresea  Greenwood— a  black-letter  little  book  long  out  of  print. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  j  1 7 

the  name  of  John.  Store,*  who  was  educated  at  Oxford,  being 
admitted  B.C.L.  in  1531,  and  created  LL.D.  in  1538.  In 
the  beo-innino-  of  the  reio;n  of  Edward  the  Sixth,   Store   fell 

ODD  ' 

into  disgrace  with  the  Council  throuQ:h  his  zeal  for  the  cause 
of  the  proscribed  Catholics,  and  being  previously  threatened 
for  his  conduct,  was  obliged  to  withdraw  to  Flanders,  where 
he  remained  until  the  accession  of  Marv,  when  he  asrain 
returned  to  England ,  and  was  soon  after  created  Chancellor  of 
Oxford.  Several  cruelties  are  attributed  to  him,  but  I  can 
"find  no  better  authority  for  them  than  John  Foxe  and  Sir 
Thomas  Smythe.  At  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  John  Store, 
being  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  spoke  so  warmly 
against  the  Reformation  that  he  was  committed  to  prison  ; 
but  finding  means  to  escape,  he  went  to  Flanders,  and  was 
there  placed  in  a  lucrative  situation  in  the  Custom  House. 
Cecil  and  Elizabeth  had  a  particular  dislike  to  Store  for  his 
opposition  to  the  Eeformers  in  Mary's  reign.  The  agents  of 
Cecil  formed  an  infamous  scheme  to  bring  this  unfortunate 
gentleman  to  England.  Having  occasion  to  visit  an  English 
ship  lying  in  the  harbour  of  Antwerp,  he  had  no  sooner 
entered  the  vessel  than  the  hatches  were  nailed  down  upon 
him,  and  the  captain  immediately  hoisted  sail.  In  this 
manner  Store  was  conveyed  to  England,  and  handed  over  to 
the  Queen. 

Being  committed  to  the  Tower,  he  was  pressed  to  take  the 
Oath  of  Supremacy,  but  steadfastly  refused  ;  he  was  racked 
ticice,  and  subsequently  brought  to  trial.     At  his  trial  several 


*  This  gentleman  is  called  "  Storey "  by  several  writers,  whilst  the 
records  of  the  Tower  represent  him  as  "  John  Store."  It  is  also  denied 
that  he  was  "  entrapped"  onboard  a  shii?  and  carried  by  brute-force  to 
London.     The  evidence  to  the  opposite  is  most  conclusive. 


ii8  The  Use  of  Torture. 


offences  were  preferred  against  him,  amongst  otliers  that  of 
having  spoken  "  treasonable  words  of  the  Queen,"  and  having 
instructed  the  Duke  of  Alva's  secretary  how  England  might 
be  invaded.  As  a  matter  of  course,  Store  was  found  guilt}^, 
and  sentenced  to  be  hanged  and  quartered.  He  denied  all 
knowledge  of  the  treasonable  actions  laid  to  his  charge. 
"My  real  offence,"  said  he,  "  is  the  profession  of  the  ancient 
rehgion  of  this  realm,  which  has  been  practised  by  Englishmen 
for  upwards  of  one  thousand  years.  The  Queen  has  dis- 
honoured her  name  for  justice  and  humanity.  If  she  struck 
off  my  head  this  moment,  I  would  not  accept  her  as  the 
ambassador  of  Jesus  Christ.  What  will  posterity  say  of  our 
Queen  ?  I,  however,  forgive  her ;  but  I  cannot  forgive  human 
nature  for  her  cruelty  and  want  of  Christian  charity."  * 

Store  was  drawn  on  a  hurdle  from  the  Tower  to  Tyburn  on 
the  1st  of  June,  1571,  and  executed  in  the  usual  cruel  and  bar- 
barous fashion.  He  died  bravely,  stating  that  he  gloried  in  the 
cause  for  which  the  Queen  sent  him  to  the  scaffold.  Store's 
execution  excited  much  pity  in  England,  as  he  was  then 
upwards  of  seventy-five  years  old.  The  odious  means  by 
which  he  was  "  trapped  "  and  carried  to  this  realm  raised  a 
storm  of  indignation  in  the  principal  Continental  cities.  Even 
in  London  many  of  the  wealthy  mercantile  classes  declared 
that  the  Queen  and  her  Council  had  brought  disgrace  on  the 


*  I  refer  to  Farlow's  Notes  on  Political  Executions  under  Queen 
Elizabeth;  Camden's  Annals;  English  State  Papers  of  1571.  Further,  I 
understand  that  a  book  was  published  at  Antwerp  in  1573,  giving  an 
extraordinary  account  of  the  "  treachery  and  trickery  "  used  in  "  trapping  " 
Store  on  board  the  ship  which  brought  him  a  prisoner  to  London. 
Walsingham  "  trapped  "  several  Jesuits,  by  agencies  if  possible  worse  than 
those  used  in  the  case  of  Store.  Cecil's  spies  were  "dreadful  beings.''  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  recur  to  a  few  of  those  dark  assassins  further  on. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  \  \  9 


country  by  the  means  resorted  to  in  the  arrest  of  Store,  and 

which    remonstrance    her    IMajesty   soon    avenged.     Several 

London  merchants  who  had  been  outspoken  on  the  subject 

were  lodged  in  the  Fleet,  and  no  more  was  to  be  heard  of  those 

honest  and  independent  citizens.    The  majority  of  our  English 

historians  are  silent  as  to  those   dark  deeds    of  Elizabeth  and 

her  Council.     The  reasons  are   obvious.      The   State   Papers 

and  records  of  those  despotic  times  are  now  at  hand,  and  it  is 

impossible  to  present    false   portraits    of   Elizabeth    and   her 

Ministers   any  longer.     The  reader  is  aware  of   what  Frazer 

Tytler   stated    many   years    back    as    to   the   history   of  this 

country.       "  The    greatest     historical    heresy "    (writes    Mr. 

Tytler)   "  that   a  writer   can    commit   in  the   eyes   of  many 

English  readers  is  to  tell  them  the  truth."       This  feeling  is 

now,  however,  vanishing  from  historical  relations,   and    the 

English  reader  will  accept  as   correct  portraits,  what   would 

have  been  received  forty  years  ago  with  a  storm  of  indignation 

as  a  false  impeachment  of  "  Bluff  King  Hal,"  or  "  Good  Queen 

Bess." 

Mr.  Jardine,  in  his  valuable  treatise  on  the  use  of  torture 
in  the  Criminal  Law  of  England,  gives  a  melancholy  account  of 
Thomas  Myagh,  an  Irishman,  Avho  was  brought  over  by  com- 
mand of  the  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  to  be  examined  respect- 
ing a   treasonable    correspondence  with    the   rebels    of   that 
country.     The  first  warrant  for  the  torture  of  this    man  was 
probably  under  the  sign  manual,  as  there  is  no  entry  of  it    in 
the  Council  Kegister.     The  two  reports  made    by    the    Lieu- 
tenant of  the   Tower  and  Dr.   Hammond,    respecting  their 
execution  of  this  warrant,  are  however  to  be  seen  amongst  the 
State  Papers.     The  first  of  these,  which   is  dated    the   10th 
March,  1580-1,  states  that  tliey  had   twice  examined  Myagh, 
but  had  foreborne  to  put   him  in   "  Skevington's   irons,"   be- 


120  The  Use  of  Tortttre. 

cause  they  had  been  charged  to  examine  him  with  secrecy, 
which  they  could  not  do,  that  matter  of  dealing  required  the 
presence  and  aid  of  one  of  the  gaolers  all  the  time  that  l:e 
should  be  in  those  irons,  and  also  because  they  found  the  man 
so  resolute,  as,  in  their  opinions,  little  loould  be  tcrung  out  of 
Mm  hut  by  some  sharper  torture.  The  second  report,  which  is 
dated  the  17th  INIarcli,  1580,  merely  states  that  they  had 
again  examined  My  agh,  and  could  get  nothing  from  him; 
notwithstanding  that  they  had  made  trial  of  him  by  the  tor- 
ture of"  Skevington's  irons,"  and  with  so  mucli  sharpness  as 
was  in  their  judgment  for  the  man  and  his  cause  convenient.''^ 
How  often  Myagh  was  tortured  does  not  appear,  but 
*'  Skevington's  irons  "  seem  to  have  been  too  mild  a  torture,  for 
on  the  30th  July,  1581,  there  is  an  entry  in  the  Council 
Books  of  an  authority  to  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and 
Thomas  Morton,  to  deal  with  him  loith  the  rack,  in  such  sort  as 
they  should  see  cause.  As  no  further  entry  is  made,  neither 
any  account  given  of  this  victim  by  historians,  so  it  is  not 
possible  to  state  for  what  length  of  time  his  confinement  con- 
tinued, or  whether  it  was  ended  by  liberty  or  death.  It  is 
supposed  that  iMyagh  was  either  "  racked  to  death  or  executed.'^ 
Over  the  cell  in  which  he  was  confined  a  fellow  prisoner 
wrote  the  following  lines : — 

"  Thomas  Myagh  whlche  lieth  here  alon, 
That  fayne  would  from  hens  be  gon  ; 
By  tortyre  straynge  mi  broyth  was  tryed, 
Yet  of  my  libertie  denied.     1581.     Thomas  Myagh." 

Gfodfrey  Bannister,  a  preacher,  whom  Lord  Burleigh  sent 
on  a  religious  mission  to  the  prisoners  of  the  Tower,  relates 
that  Myagh  suddenly  disappeared  from  that  prison-house — 


The  Use  of  Torture.  121 

whether  he  was  assassinated  or  escaped  he  could  never  as- 
certain. He  describes  Myagh  as  "  an  obstinate  Papist,  and  a 
red-hot  rebel  against  the  Queen's  Grovernment  in  Ireland;  yet 
he  was  a  goodish  kind  of  man  ;  a  scholar,  and  a  poet  likewise." 
Bannister  subsequently  became  a  Catholic  himself  ;  was  im- 
prisoned in  the  Tower;  racked  three  times,  and  escaped  to 
Flanders,  where  he  practised  as  a  physician,  and  lived  many 
years,  the  idol  of  the  Irish  refugees.* 

In  1582,  London  was  described  as  a  slaughter-house,  and 
many  of  the  wealthy  citizens  had  the  courage  to  denounce 
the  executions  and  the  horrible  quartering  of  human  remains. 
Heads  were  counted  in  dozens  upon  the  towers  of  the  bridges, 
and  human  limbs  were  hung  upon  poles  in  various  parts  of 
the  city.  The  prisons,  or  filthy  dungeons,  were  filled  with  men 
and  women  whose  only  crime  was  that  of  "  seeking  liberty  of 
conscience."  About  this  time  (1582-3)  there  were  no  less 
than  thirty-two  Catholic  priests  in  the  Marshalsea,  nearly  the 
same  number  in  the  Tower,  eighteen  in  the  G-ate  House  at 
"vVestminster,  eleven  in  the  Compter,  nine  in  the  Fountain 
prison  at  St.  Bridget's,  five  in  the  prison  known  as  the  "  White 
Lion,"  twenty-two  in  the  Compter  at  the  Poidtry,  fourteen 
in  the  Clinke,  or  Hall  of  Winchester  ;  in  the  Bankside,  South- 
wark,  seven;  and  three  in  the  King's  Bench  Prison.  Accord- 
ing to  the  records  of  the  prisons  above-named,  many  of  those 
clerics  were  tiuenty  years  in  close  conJineinent.'\  Sixteen  of 
the  prisoners  were  racked  twice  in  one  year;  many  of  them 
•must   have   died    under    the    operation.      A    doctor,    named 


*  Memoirs  of  Godfrey  Bannister,  once  a  Protestant  Preaclaer ;  then  a 
Papist  of  the  Eight  Class,  by  his  son  Augelo  Bannister :  printed  in  French, 
at  Antwerp,  in  1596. 

t  State  Papers  (Domestic)  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 


122  TJce  Use  of  Torture. 


Harold,  relates  that  he  was  "  perfectly  unmanned  by  the  cries 
and  supplications  for  mercy  uttered  by  one  old  priest." 

The  diet  was  bad,  and  not  half  sufficient.  In  the  Marshalsea, 
the  subordinates  carried  on  a  system  of  perfect  starvation, 
especially  in  the  case  of  Bishop  Bonner,  the  prisoners  were 
barbarously  used  on  many  occasions  by  their  gaolers  and 
warders,  who  were,  with  rare  exceptions,  the  most  inhuman 
creatures.  Eichard  Fulwood,  a  Catholic  gentleman,  has  left 
on  record  a  sad  description  of  the  treatment  he  received  at  the 
Bridewell  prison.  "  I  had,"  he  says,  "  hardly  enough  of  black 
bread  to  keep  me  from  death  by  starvation.  The  place  I  was 
confined  in  was  a  narrow  cell,  in  which  there  was  no  bed,  so 
tliat  I  had  to  sleep  sitting  on  the  window-sill,  and  was  months 
without  taking  off  my  clothes.  There  was  a  little  straw  in 
the  cell,  but  it  was  so  trodden  down  and  swarming  with  vermin 
that  I  could  not  lie  on  it.  Besides  all  this  I  was  daily  await- 
ing an  examination   hy  torture.^'  * 

In  1582,  there  were  two  hundred  and  twenty  Catholic 
gentlemen  confined  in  the  dungeons  of  London  for  having  at- 
tended i\Iass.  It  is  supposed  that  many  of  those  gentlemen 
died  of  the  pestilential  prison  fever,  then  so  general  in 
England. 

Another  section  of  the  Catholic  party  were  fortunate 
enough  to  escape  punishment  by  bribing  the  officials 
of  the  State.  Walsingham  received  many  a  purse  con- 
taining some  twenty  or  thirty  golden  angels  from  Catho- 
lics who  were  in  "  easy  circumstances"  to  overlook  the. 
fact  of  a  priest  celebrating  Mass  in  their  houses.  Other 
members  of  the  Council  were  not  so  easily  got  over,   for  many 


*  Eecords   of  the  English  Province,   vol.   i. ;    State   Papers   of   Eliza- 
beth's reign. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  125 


Catholic   ladies  were  fined  £20  a  month   for  refusincr  to    at- 

O 

tend  the  Anglican  service  on  Sunday.  Poor  Catholics  were 
fined  one  shilling  for  not  attending  the  English  service  on  Sun- 
day, and  on  the  third  offence,  they  were  committed  to  prison 
for  six  months.* 

Near  Hobbmoor-lane,  a  short  distance  from  London,  stood 
a  famous  gallows,  where  forty-nine  "perverse  Papists"  were 
hanged,  drawn  and  quartered  in  Elizabeth's  reign.  On  one 
occasion  the  Venetian  Ambassador  saw  ten  heads  "  all  in  a 
row,"  ready  to  be  spiked  at  different  places.  The  victims 
suffered  for  "  liberty  of  conscience." 

There  are  many  evidences  to  satisfy  posterity  that  Elizabeth 
was  cognisant  of  tlie  inhuman  torture  inflicted  upon  men,  and 
women  too,  in  her  name.  Sir  John  Harrington  states  that  the 
Queen  sent  for  the  noted,  rack  executioner,  Topclyfft^,  and 
required  him  to  give  her  an  explanation  of  his  "  improve- 
ments" in  the  mode  of  torture.  Harrington,  who  was  present, 
states  that  his  Royal  godmother  ajyproved  of  the  executioner  s- 
^^new  device,  and  rewarded  him  suhstantially.'"  Harrington 
further  remarks,  "  Topclyffe  is  the  most  savage  man  amongst  all 
the  English  executioners.  He  absolutely  y<?e/s  a  delight  in  pro- 
longing the  torture  of  the  ivretched  Papists.  His  conduct  to  the 
women  whom  he  racked  is  something  horrible.  They  were 
stripped  naked  and  huddled  about  like  sheep  in  a  slaughter- 
house. What  loill  posterity  think  of  us  ?"  Topclyffe  was  pre- 
sented with  a  ring  and  a  purse  of  gold  by  the  Queen.  Under 
the  Danish  (English)  Kings  the  chief  executioner  was  a  person 
of  some  dignity,  and  ranked  with  an  Archbishop  and  the  Lord 
Steward.     The  headsman  was  then  styled  the  Carnifex. 

Norton,  the  rack-master  in  the  Tower  (1583),  was  a  cruel 


*  State  Papers  and  Diocesan  Eecords  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 


124  TJie   Use  of  Torture. 

persecutor  of  Lord  Arundel.  In  due  time  Norton  received 
liis  own  sliare  of  the  *'  good  things  distributed  at  the  Tower." 
He  was  suddenly  arrested,  placed  in  chains,  and  cast  into  a 
dungeon;  and,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  murderously  racked." 
He  died  from  the  effects  of  torture.  Norton  had  been  one  of 
Walsingham's  secret  agents  in  many  an  infamous  transaction. 
"Eetributive  justice,''  although  apparently  slumbering  for  a 
while,  was  not  unmindful  of  the  demerits  of  such  beings  as 
Norton,  or  the  more  notorious  Topclylle. 

Although  the  Queen  appears  in  the  worst  light  as  to  those 
terrible  persecutions,  nevertheless  there  are  several  diaries  and 
State  Papers  still  extant,  ^Yhich  show  that  her  Highness  was 
cruelly  deceived  by  her  Ministers.  She  was  not  wholly  devoid 
of  the  tender  feelings  of  her  sex.  At  the  time  of  the 
Bartholomew  Massacre  it  was  suggested  by  Leicester  and 
Walsingham  that  there  should  be  "a  scaffold  and  stake 
execution  of  the  English  Papists,  then  the  curse  of 
this  fair  land,"  The  Queen  protested  against  the  plan 
proposed,  stating  that  "her  EngHsh  Popish  subjects  had 
nothing  to  do  with  what  had  recently  occurred."  At  a  later 
period  Elizabeth  remarked  to  Archbishop  Hutton  that  "she 
feared  many  of  her  subjects  who  belonged  to  the  olden  way  of 
thinking  were  often  cruelly  and  unjustly  punished  in  her 
name."  This  was  a  hint  to  Hutton,  who  was  a  notorious 
"  Papist-hunter,"  like  his  brotl^er,  of  Canterbury,  Dr.  Whitgift. 

Father  Southwell,  the  grandson  of  Sir  Eichard  T.  South- 
well, was  tortured  no  less  than  ten  times— Lord  Burleigh 
states  "  thirteen  times  ;"  and  this,  with  such  pitiless  severity, 
tliat  he  openly  declared  to  the  judges  "  that  deatli  would  have' 
been  again  and  again  preferable."  The  account  of  this  gentle- 
man's sufferings  is  still  on  record.  "  And,"  writes  one  of  his 
biographers,  "  to  turn  over  the  pages  of  it  makes  the  eye   dim 


The  Use  of  Torture.  125 


and  tlie  heart  sick.  Anything  more  utterly  revolting  and 
merciless  could  scarcely  be  conceived."*  Southwell,  whose 
statements  have  been  confirmed  by  other  victims,  describes  the 
London  prisons  as  "the  most  abominable  dungeons  of  filth  ; 
aiid  the  warders  and  executioners,  headed  by  Topclyffe  and 
Young,  as  indescribable  ruffians  who  took  a  delight  in  every 
manner  of  torture  and  insult.  Hard  blows  were  frequent 
— almost  daily.  The  food  was  sucli  that  an  animcd  in  a  state 
of  horrible  hunrjer  would  turn  from  it  with  loathing.  Their 
beds  were  dirty  straw,  covered  with  vermin.  Some  of  the 
imfortunate  prisoners  were  hung  up  for  whole  days  hxj  the 
hands  in  such  a  manner  that  they  coidd  hut  just  touch  the 
ground  loith  the  tips  of  their  toes''  The  cell  in  the  Tower 
where  Southwell  was  confined  was  situated  far  below  the 
ordinary  watermark  of  the  Thames,  and  was  consequently 
damp  and  musty.  Sometimes  it  was  a  full  foot  deep  in  water. 
The  only  light  admitted  was  through  a  narrow  window  high 
above.  The  cell  had  only  a  stone  seat  in  the  wall,  and  there 
was  no  ventilation ;  no  books ;  no  communication  -with  the 
outer  world.  After  being  three  years  in  this  condition,  Father 
Southwell  was  brought  to  trial  on  his  "  special  request."  t 
Lord  Burleigh  (Cecil),  to  whom  he  had  written,  replied  in  a 
manner  more  worthy  of  the  ^^fijiisher  of  the  laio"  than  its 
mild  and  merciful  expounder.  "  If,"  whites  Burleigh, 
"  gou  desire  such  haste  to  be  hanged,  you  shall  speedily  taste 
thereof  % 

The  trial  was  one  of  those  mockeries  of  justice  so  common 


*  The  Church  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  by  the  Eev.  Dr.  Loe,  vol.  ii.  p.  302, 
Dr.  Lee's  statement  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  State  Eecords. 

t  Burleigh  Papers,  printed  by  Dr.  Nares. 

\  State  Papers  (Domestic)  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 


126  The  Use  of  Torture. 

of  occurrence  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth.  In  a  few  hours  the 
judge  pronounced  sentence  of  death,  with  the  "usual  quarter- 
ing and  disembowelHng."  On  the  following  day  the  revolting 
execution  took  place — one  of  the  executioners  heing  drunh, 
and  the  other  "  a  neio  handy 

Posterity  has  heard  but  little  of  the  wicked  deeds  perpetrated 
against  justice  and  humanity  by  the  Tudor  monarchs  and 
their  unscrupulous  agents.  A  man  named  Parker  was 
employed  by  Lord  Burleigh  to  counterfeit  a  confessor, 
and  to  visit  "  in  the  dark  of  night  certain  prisoners  in  the 
Tower,  who  made  confession  in  the  usual  form  to  this  Jioly 
priest,  tvhose  presence  teas  such  a  consolation  to  the  prisoner s.^^* 
The  result  of  this  infamous  sacrilege  was  the  arrest  and 
execution  of  several  innocent  men,  and  the  perpetual  imprison- 
ment of  others,  of  whose  fate  their  friends  could  learn  nothing. 
The  reader  has  already  seen  what  Thomas  Crumwell,  and  after 
him  Francis  Walsingham,  accomplished  by  counterfeiting  the 
confessional.  Burleigh's  agents,  according  to  their  own 
•correspondence  with  their  noble  patron,  were  ready  and 
willing  to  perpetrate  the  most  murderous  and  treacherous 
deeds  against  confiding  men  whose  friendship  they  had 
"won.     Who  can  defend  such  deeds  ? 

Amongst  Cecil's  political  agents  in  Flanders  was  Edward 
Woodshawe.  This  man  had  been  twenty-five  years  resident 
in  the  Low  Counties.  He  ^Yas  connected  with  several  ancient 
and  honourable  families  in  Warwickshire,  but  they  would  not 
assist  him ;  they  looked  on  him  with  suspicion,  fearing  his 
employment  to  be  of  a  dishonourable  nature.  At  this  time  it 
•does  not  appear  that  he  v;as  one  of  Cecil's  spies  ;  but  then  it 


*  Cotton  MSS. ;  Mnrdin,  State  Papers ;  Secret  Correspondence  between 
Lord  Burleigh  and  William  Ferle,  the  spj-,  and  "  travelling  agent  "to  the 
•Council. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  127 

was  well  known  that  the  chief  of  the  Council  had  people  of 
the  highest  position  in  the  realm  in  his  secret  service.  Bur- 
leigh's object  was  to  debase  and  corrupt  the  mind  of  all 
his  surroundings.  AVoodshawe  was  for  a  time  in  the  house- 
hold of  Count  Egmont,  where  he  was  treated  "  witli 
hospitality,  profuse  and  kindly  in  all  relations."  On  Eg- 
mont's  arrest,  he  went  back  to  England,  but  his  relatives  again 
refused  to  aid  him  on  account  of  the  mystery  which  concealed 
his  mode  of  life  in  Flanders.  He  had  been  educated  as  a 
gentleman,  seldom,  if  ever,  knowing  the  want  of  food.  Witii 
twenty-five  pounds  which  he  raised  by  some  disreputable 
means  in  Warwickshire,  he  returned  to  Flanders.  He  next 
appears  in  tlie  secret  service  of  Alva.  He  states  that  he  loved 
Alva  "as  the  devil  in  hell."  He  writes  again  to  Lord  Burleigh, 
praying  him  to  overlook  his  disloyal  conduct.  He  wants 
money,  and  an  "  opportunity  to  retrieve  his  charactery 
"Having  long  followed  the  wars  and  experimented 
this  wavering  world,  what  he  took  in  hand  he  would  do  ;"  so 
that  no  man  in  the  world  should  know  of  his  affairs.  Her 
Majesty,  Lord  Burleigh,  and  himself,  co7ild  understand  each 
other.  Their  secrets  need  go  no  further;"  and  he  protested 
before  God,  and  swore  by  His  Holy  Name  on  the  damnation 
of  his  men  soul,  that  he  would  be  true.  "  He  was  intimate 
with  Lord  Westmoreland,  Lord  Morley,  the  Archbishop  of 
Cashel,  the  Nortons,  and  the  priests  who  had  been  at  Douai. 
If  he  could  be  of  use  in  Spain,  Chapin  Viletti  would  intro- 
duce him  to  King  Philip,  and  he  could  obtain  an  appoint- 
ment in  the  palace."     .     .     . 

This  passage  must  have  astonished  Lord  Burleigh: — 
"  If  you  like  to  employ  me,  I  will   obtain  intelligence  of  all 
that  goes  forward,  and  of  any  plot  against  England.     I  will 
deal  as  circumspectly,  as  wisely,  as  faithfully,  as  I  would  crave 


128  The  Use  of  Torture. 


at  God's  hands  to  receive  my  soul  into  His  mercy.  And,  there- 
fore, though  yoiir  honour  has  no  acquaintance  with  me,  yet 
mistrust  me  not.  For  by  the_  livincj  God,  if  your  honour  will 
cause  tobemadc  there  in  England, a  certain  lingeriny  poison,  and 
send  it  hither  by  a  trusty  messenger  to  me,  not  letting  him 
know  what  it  is,  hut  forge  some  other  matter,  and  let  me  have 
commandment  from  your  honour  to  whom  I  shall  give  it,  and 
therewith  you  shall  try  what  I  am  capable  of  carrying  out  for 
the  Queen's  service.  .  .  .  What  letters  you  write  to  me, 
I  will  tear  in  pieces  for  fear  of  any  after  claps,  and  I  trust 
your  honour  loill  do  so  by  my  letters.^'' 

Loi'd  Burleigh  accepted  the  services  of  this  cold-blooded 
villain  to  "carry  out  other  plans"  devised  by  the  astute 
Minister  himself. 

In  another  letter  Woodshawe  states  that  he  had  a  "  dear 
friend  in  De  la  IMotte,  the  Grovernor  of  Grravelines,  whom  he 
describes  as  a  greedy  rufEan  ;  that  two  hundred  pounds  would 
give  courage  to  attempt  anything.  With  De  la  Motte's  help 
he  proposed  to  surprise  Calais,  which  he  had  ascertained  to  be 
carelessly  guarded,  or  if  he  failed  in  this  scheme  he  could 
betray    his  Englisli  friends  and   abandon  them  to  their  fate. 

Again,  Woodshawe  says  : — "  AVhat  I  have  been  Grod  forgive 
my  folly  ;  but  what  I  am,  I  pray  God  give  me  grace  that  I 
may  do  that  service  to  the  Queen's  Highness,  and  my  country, 
which  mj  faithful  heart  is  icilling  to  do.''  * 

Mr.  Fronde's  relations  as  to  the  mode  adopted  by  Burleigh 
for  "  entrapping  English  outlaws  for  conscience  "  are  very  can- 
didly and  honourably  stated.  "  Store  had  been  kidnapped 
and  hanged  ;    the  Earl   of  Northumberland  had  been  boudit 


*  Secret  Correspondence  between  Edward  Woodshawe  and  Lord  Burleigh, 
November,  1575. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  129 


from  the  Scots  and  beheaded.  .  .  .  Lord  Westmoreland 
liad  applied  for  pardon,  and  had  almost  obtahied  it,  when  he  fell 
back  under  the  influence  of  the  Countess  of  Northumberland, 
and  was  f^^\x\xv  plottino;  af2;ainst  Elizabeth.     .     .     ."    Burlciuh 

0100  *- ' 

-employed  Woodshawe  to  entrap  Westmoreland.  "  Take 
him  prisoner,  bring  him  to  London.  The  ingenious  scoundrel 
worked  himself  into  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland's  favour,  send- 
ing a  report  of  his  progress  as  he  went  along  to  his  English 
employer.  When  Westmoreland  and  the  other  English  exiles 
were  ordered  to  quit  Flanders,  Woodshawe  advised  the  Earl  to 
go  to  Liege,  and  then  laid  an  ambuscade  for  him  on  the  way, 
intending  by  God's  grace  to  camj  lain  dead  or  alive  to 
England^ 

Mr.  Froude  continues :"  Fortunately  for  Burleigh's  reputa- 
tion, the  plot  failed.  Woodshawe  disappears  from  history, 
and  Barleiixh  had  to  submit  to  the  humiliation  of  receivino- 
advice  from  Lord  Leicester  to  have  no  further  transactions 
loith  persons  of  abandoned  character."  * 

Woodshawe  was  by  i>o  means  the  worst  of  the  adventurers 
in  the  pay  of  Lord  Burleigh.  The  agents  of  Walsingham 
on  the  Continent  were  a  class  of  beings  who  traded  abundantly 
in  blood,  perjury  and  forgery.  No  hesitation,  no  remorse,  no 
Dity,  was  ever  manifested  by  them. 

Ur.  Astlowe,  an  eminent  physician,  who  resided  in  London 
about  1575-G,  was  racked  for  being  "  friendly  towards  the 
Queen  of  Scots  when  he  paid  her  a  professional  visit."  i\Ior- 
^•an  writes  that  "  the  unfortunate  doctor  was  racked  twice 
almost  to  death,  at  the  Tower."  Anotlier  writer,  named 
Ambrose,  states  that  the  cause  of  Astlowe's  racking  was  with 


*  The  Earl  of  Leicester  to  Lord  Burleigh,  March,  1575. 
VOL.   IV.  K 


130  The  Use  of  Torture. 

respect  to  his  knowledge  of  or  supposed  connection  with    the 
affairs  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel.* 

Amonsfst  the  distinsruished  men  who  were  confined  in  the 
Tower  in     Elizabeth's      reign    was   John   Lesley,  Bishop   of 
Eoss,  an  eminent  scholar  and    an  accomplished  diplomatist. 
He  was  the  author  of  the  "  Defence  of  jNIary  Queen  of  Scots  " 
against  the  slanderous  book  written   by  Buchanan.     Lesley  is 
described  by  his  Protestant  contemporaries  as  "a  proud,  reso- 
lute, intrigueing  man,  who  loved  bold  adventures."     He  had 
been    several   years  in  England  as  the  Scottish  Ambassador. 
Upon  the  discovery  of  Eldolphi's  plot  Lesley  was  committed  to 
the  Tower,  where,  it  is  said,  he  was  racked,  and  imprisoned 
for  two  years.     Upon  the  intercession  of  the  French  Grovern- 
ment  he  Avas  discharged.     Lesley  still  continued  the  chivalrous 
advocate  of  Mary  Stuart.    He  died  at  Brussels  in  1596,  deeply 
regretted  by  the  many  English  and  Scotch  exiles  resident  in 
that  city.     Dr.  Lesley  was  a  celebrated  chess-player.     He  had 
been  collecting  for  years  a  number  of  most  curious  anecdotes  of 
noted  chess-players  in  Europe,  which  timounted  to  some  600 
pages  of  MS.    In  this  interesting  gossip  of  a  quaint  and  some- 
what chivalrous  age,   were  to    be   found  the  names  of  the 
Emperor  Maximilian,    Louis  the   Twelfth,  and  Pierre  JMara- 
thon.     When  Walsingham's  spies  had  seized   upon  Lesley's 
private  papers — regardless  of  the  privilege  of  an  Ambassador — 
they  carried  away  the  3LS.   of  this  interesting  work.      It  is 
supposed  that  the  MS.  was  committed  to  the  flames. 

Father  Gerard  is  described  by  a  cleric  of  the  Jesuit  Order 
as  one  of  the  most  learned  men  who  appeared  upon  the  scene 
during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  and  James  the  Fij  st.  Robert 
Southwell,  the  Post,  another  cleric,   was  hunted  like  a  wild 


*  See  Murliu  fjtate  Papers,  vol.  ii. 


The  Use  of  Torture.  131 

beast ;  nothing  could  exceed  the  malicious  cruelty  with  which 
he  was  pursued.  After  many  almost  miraculous  adventures 
he  reached  Rome,  where  he  resided  thirty  years. 

Father  Garnet  was  executed  near  Old  St.  Paul's.  A  strong 
guard  kept  back  the  people,  whom  he  addressed  for  a  short 
time,  declaring  his  innocence  of  the  charges  made  against  him. 
He  died  bravely. 

Another  priest,  named  Malson.  was  alive  when  cut  down  to 
be  quartered  ;  and  he  spoke  some  words  when  the  quartering 
commenced.''' 

Amongst  the  ladies  "  racked  and  maltreated  "  by  Topclyffe 
and  Young  was  Mrs.  Wyseman,  who  lay  in  prison  till  the 
accession  of  James  the  First. 

The  penalty  for  celebrating  Mass  at  this  period  was  a  fine 
of  200  marks,  and  imprisonment.  At  another  time  priests 
were  hanged  upon  the  evidence  of  one  witness,  who  swore  that 
he  saw  them  celebrating  ]\Iass,  although  the  said  informer 
could  not  distinguish  between  tlie  Mass  and  any  other  Catholic 
ceremony.  Walslngham  never  looked  to  the  character  of  a 
witness  where  a  Papist  was  the  prisoner  at  the  bar.  In  fact 
the  public  trials  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  were  the  most 
monstrous  mockeries  of  justice  that  were  ever  perpetrated  in 
any  civilised  land. 

The  Tower  rack  stood  in  the  long  vaulted  dungeon  below 
the  armoury.  The  cells  were  underground,  with  no  light  but 
the  flicker  of  a  far-off  lamp.  "  TVte  rats  were  racing  about  in 
dozens;'^  and  have  been  descvihedsLS^^ckvinf/  in  the  extreme, and 
not  like  any  other  rats  they  had  ecer  seen.  To  add  to  the 
horrors  of  the  place,  no  cat  was  permitted  to  enter  the  infernal 


*  Many  of  the  particulars  of  this  horrible  case  are  to  be  seen  in  Jardine's 
History  of  Torture,  vol.  i.  p.  470.     There  are  other  versions  likewise. 

K   2 


132  TJie  Use  of  Torture. 

regiomP  A  well-known  writer  on  those  times  denies  the 
existence  of  this  state  of  things.  He  states  that  the  "political 
prisoners  lived  well  in  prison,  and  were  permitted  to  receive 
the  visits  of  their  friends  almost  daily."  The  statements  of 
the  prisoners  themselves  are  quite  the  contrary;  and  are  borne 
out  by  the  prison  records,  and  even  the  admissions  of  the 
warders.  The  treatment  of  the  political  prisoners  differed  very 
much  under  the  various  gaolers,  whose  salary  or  promotion 
depended  upon  the  amount  of  cruelty  with  which  they  treated 
some  particular  prisoner.  The  gaolers,  with  rare  exceptions, 
took  bribes,  and  then  betrayed  the  unfortunate  men  who 
placed  faith  in  their  words.  Many  of  the  prisoners  were 
wholly  destitute  of  money,  for  on  entering  a  prison  all  money 
was  taken  from  them,  and  if  they  had  a  second  suit  of  clothes 
they  quickly  disappeared.  There  was  no  redress  for  any  out- 
rage committed  against  political  prisoners.  Topclyffe  used 
tlie  most  abominable  language  to  those  strong-minded  women 
who  were  confined  for  an  honest  expression  of  their  religious 
opinions.  Young  and  Norton  were  in  the  habit  of  using 
obscene  language  to  female  prisoners  ;  but,  as  usual,  there 
was  no  redress. 

From  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  down  to  "  Derwentwater's 
Farewell,"  the  name  of  RadclyfFe  occasionally  appears  in  the 
records  of  the  Tower.  Amongst  the  unhappy  prisoners  in 
that  fortress  about  1576,  was  Baglemond  Radclyffe,  said  to  be 
the  younger  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Sussex.  A  strange 
mystery  surrounds  the  history  of  this  young  gentleman.  In 
1569,  he  joined  the  Northern  Insurrection  with  several  other 
men  of  rank,  and  having  eluded  the  vengeance  of  the  Queen's 
Council,  he  escaped  to  Spain,  and  after  leading  a  wandering 
life  for  some  years,  returned  to  England  in  1575 ;  he  was 
soon  arrested,  and  committed  to  the  Tower,  where  he  remained 


The  'Use  of  Tor  tit  re.  133 

for  several  months  in  a  state  of  prostration  from  ill-health  and 
bad  food.  The  Queen,  having  been  informed  of  his  condition, 
"took  pity  upon  the  brother  of  her  faithful  friend,  Lord 
Sussex."  Elizabeth  therefore  extended  mercy  to  her  prisoner, 
and  EadclylTe  was  banished  from  the  realm.  His  love  of  ad- 
venture was  seldom  checked  by  the  experience  of  life  which 
misfortune  afforded  him.  He  next  appeared  in  the  service  of 
Don  John  of  Austria.  In  Vienna  he  had  a  love  adventure, 
and  wounded  his  rival,  a  Hungarian  officer,  in  a  desperate 
sword  combat.  In  this  case  he  escaped  the  meshes  of  the  law; 
was  then  suddenly  arrested,  and  accused  of  having  been  "  con- 
cerned in  a  conspiracy  against  Don  John."  *  He  was  tried 
according  to  the  Austrian  .code,  and  condemned  to  death  in 
1578.  Kadclyife  protested  his  innocence  in  a  solemn  state - 
mient  before  the  Council  Chamber,  and  in  his  cell,  but  to  no 
purpose.  He  was  attended  to  the  scaffold  by  an  English 
Benedictine  Father,  named  Tottenham;  so  writes  his  Spanish 
friend,  Don  Miguel  Cabrera.  During  his  exile,  liadclyfie  fre- 
quently  experienced  poverty  and  hardship,  especially  in  Flan- 
ders and  France — walking  along  a  forest  track  for  days  half 
naked  and  starved.  In  these  sad  wanderings  he  was  accom- 
panied by  several  brave  and  honourable  men,  who  were  outlawed 


*  Don  John  was  supposed  to  be  the  natural  son  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  He 
played  a  remarkable  part  in  his  brief  career.  He  was  very  handsome, 
chivalrous,  and  brave.  For  a  time  he  stood  in  the  front  rank  of  Marj- 
Stuart's  admirers.  "Every  contemporary  chronicle,"  writes  Motley, 
"  French,  Spanish,  Italian,  Flemish,  and  Koman,  have  dwelt  upon  Don 
John's  personal  beauty  and  the  singular  fascination  of  his  manners  in  the 
society  of  ladies.  In  Motley's  History  of  the  Ilisc  of  the  Dutch  Kcpublic, 
vol.  iii.  p.  132,  is  printed  a  romantic  narrative  of  the  beautiful  Barbara 
Blomberg,  the  reputed  mother  of  Don  John.  King  Philip,  it  is  stated, 
looked  upon  his  brother  with  mistrust  and  hatred. 


134  1^^i<^  Use  of  Torture. 


from  England  and  Ireland  for  their  religion.  Those  poor  gentle- 
men had  to  depend  for  support  upon  the  small  sums  remitted 
by  their  friends  at  home.  As  usual,  the  French  felt  little 
sympathy  for  the  exiles,  and,  I  may  add,  that  at  a  later  period, 
the  French  nation  acted  in  a  very  ungenerous  spirit  to  the 
Irish  Brigade.  Louis  XIV.  and  his  successor,  with  all  their 
grave  errors,  held  in  grateful  remembrance  the  services 
rendered  by  Irishmen  to  their  country.  The  public  men  of 
France  detested  the  Irish  exiles.  It  is  recorded  that  a  French 
Secretary  at  War  made  frequent  complaints  to  Louis  the 
Fifteenth  against  the  Irish  Brigade.  "  Those  Irish,"  says  the 
minister,  "  are  immensely  troublesome  ;  they  will  not  wait  for 
orders ;  but  rush  at  the  enemy  like  tigers.  They  are 
very  troublesome."  "  C'est  exactement,"  replied  his  INIa- 
jesty,  "  ce  que  nos  ennemis  Anglais  ont  si  frequemment 
verifie." 

Donald  Macpherson,  a  "  Borderman  "  of  those  times,  states 
that  it  was  bruited  in  a  very  positive  manner  that  the  hero  of 
this  narrative  was  not  a  Radclyffe,  but  the  natural  son  of  one 
of  the  house  of  Percy,  by  a  Spanish  lady  of  youth,  beauty,  and 
fortune. 

Lady  Sydney  throws  further  light  upon  this  romantic  story. 
She  affirms  that  she  saw  the  picture  of  the  Spanish  lady  in  ques- 
tion, who  died  in  London,  where  she  resided  many  years  under 
the  Irish  name  of  MacMahon.  Lady  Sydney  adds : — 'There  was 
a  mystery  connected  with  the  history  of  this  good  old  lady, 
which  was  known  to  very  few.  Strange  to  say,  some  time 
before  her  death,  our  blessed  Queen  became  acquainted  with 
her  through  some  Irish  lady,  perhaps  Elizabeth  Fitzgerald, 
once  so  noted  in  Surrey's  sonnets.  Be  this  as  it  may,  our 
good-natured  Queen  knew  Madame  ]\IacMahon's  sad  story, 
and  actually  visited  her  in  private,   and  kindly  added  to  her 


The  Use  of  Torture.  135 


social    comforts   in    various    ways    unknown    to    the    world 
without."  * 

I  am  glad,  in  a  review  of  the  wretched  subject  of  "  torture  in 
the  Tower,"  and  to  its  close  connection  with   the  Queen,  to 
relate  this  anecdote  of  Elizabeth,  who  may  not,  after  all,  have 
been  made  aware   of  all  the  inhumanities  practised    in  licr 
name.     There  are  well-authenticated  acts  of  true  kindliness 
related  of  Elizabeth  in  her  private  life,   and  it  is   even  stated 
that  she  often    incognita,  accompanied  by  the  "  Fayre  Geral- 
dyne,"  and  attended  by  "  Papist  servants,"   in  whom  she  had 
full  trust,  dispensed  with  her  own  hands   much  considerate 
charity.     Grenerosity  almost  always  characterises  hot  tempers; 
and,  although  the  temperament  of  the  Queen  was  of  the  most 
fervid,  and  often  violent  description— an  heirloom  of  her  sire 
— yet  Elizabeth   might  have   been  a  far  different  woman  if 
she  had  not  hearkened  to  the  evil  counsels    of  Cecil,  or  the 
worse  than  evil  promptings  of  Walsingham. 


*  The  Lady  Sydney  here  alluded  to  was  the  widow  of  Sir  Philip  Sydney, 
who  perished  so  gloriously  at  the  battle  of  Zutpheu.  She  subsequently 
married  the  ill-fated  Robert,  Earl  of  Ess3x,  and  the  young  Earl  of  Clanri- 
carde  became  her  third  husband.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham.  Her  own  private  history  is,  in  itself,  a  curious  little 
romance.  I  believe  the  remains  of  this  lady  repose  amongst  those  of  the 
"  fighting  De  Burghs,"  in  the  ancient  abbey  of  Athenry,  in  the  county  of 
Galway,  where  she  was  as  much  beloved  by  the  Irish  as  her  father  was 
execrated  by  every  lover  of  freedom  and  liberty  of  conscience. 


136  Memorials  of  Royal  Love  Scenes. 


CHAPTEE   XI. 

MEMOEIALS    OF   ROYAL     LOVE    SCENES. 

The  private  lives  of  the  Plantagenets  furnish  materials  for 
the  most  romantic  narratives,  of  which  the  readers  of  history 
know  hut  little,  and  consequently  are  unable  to  form  any 
but  an  imperfect  idea  of  the  character  and  motives  of 
those  Eoyal  personages  who  came  upon  the  scene  in  remote 
times.  The  love  affairs  of  the  Tudor  family  never  ran  in  a 
straight  or  smooth  channel ;  nevertheless,  the  private  history 
of  the  family  could  be  traced  from  Owen  Tudor  down  to  the 
last  of  the  race  in  1603.  In  the  Tudor  family  many  severe 
conflicts  occurred  between  Love  and  Ambition. 

Now  for  the  last  love  story  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  first 
messenger  whom  Anjou  despatched  to  Elizabeth,  in  relation 
to  a  proposal  of  marriage,  was  his  favourite,  Simier  ;  but  the 
Queen  at  first  refused  to  receive  him.  However,  she  consented, 
"provided  he  came  without  parade,  and  kept  secret  the  object 
of  his  mission."*  But  Simier  soon  overcame  her  displeasure. 
He  excelled  in  the  accomplishments  of  a  courtier;  his  manner, 
his  wit,  and  his  gallantry  made  an  irresistible  impression  on 
the  English  Queen.  Thrice  in  the  week  he  was  specially 
invited  to  the  Queen's  private  parties  ;  and  it  was  remarked 
by  the  ladies  of  the   Court — who  were  excellent  judges — that 


*  Murdin,  vol.  ii.  p.  318. 


Memorials   of  Royal  Love  Scenes.  137 

her  Highness  never  appeared  so  cheerful  and  so  happy  as  in 
the  society  of  Simier.  As  usual  the  slanderous  gossip  about 
Court  whispered  suspicions  as  to  an  intimacy  between  Simier 
and  the  Queen.  There  was  not,  however,  the  slightest  ground 
for  those  scandals.  Like  a  true  knight,  the  courtly  Simier 
wooed  for  his  Eoyal  master,  and  most  successfully,  as  many 
people  imagined.  Every  day  fresh  obstacles,  and  further  con- 
siderations were  spoken  of  by  the  Queen's  Council.  At  length, 
wearied  with  objections  and  delays,  Simier  applied  for  a  final 
answer  to  the  Queen  herself,  who  eluded  the  question  by 
replying  that  she  could  not  make  up  her  mind  to  marry  one 
whom  she  had  never  seen.  There  was  a  show  of  reason  in  the 
reply,  and  Anjou  changed  his  mode  of  love-making.  Travel- 
ling in  disguise,  he  arrived  without  any  previous  message  at 
Grreenwich  Palace  (September,  1578). 

Lady  Leighton  introduced  the  Prince  to  his  ladye-love,  and 
states  that  her  Eoyal  mistress  was  quite  enraptured  with  her 
young  lover.  The  youth  of  the  Prince,  his  gaiety  and  "  the  lov- 
ing attentions"  he  paid  to  the  Queen,  made  her  pass  unnoticed 
the  scars  with  which  the  smallpox  had  furrowed  his  countenance. 
After  a  few  days  of  private  courtship,  conducted  in  the  "  most 
delicate  and  loving  manner,"  Anjou  took  his  departure,  with  the- 
strongest  assurances  of  a  speedy  and  happy  marriage.  At 
the  leave-taking  the  Queen  burst  into  tears  and  kissed  the 
Prince  divers  times.  This  seemed  a  spontaneous  outburst  of 
a  warm-hearted  woman,  wdio  was  not  always  in  a  discreet 
mood.  It  was  rumoured  that  Lord  Leicester  was  highly  dis- 
pleased "  at  the  frequent  kissing  "  between  the  Queen  and  her 
French  lover,  who  pleased  her  highly  when  he  spoke  of  the 
beauty  of  her  hands. 

Upon  the  return  of  Anjou  to  London  the  intrigues  and 
cabals  of  the  Council  were  quickly  at  work  to  upset  the  pro- 


138  Memorials  of  Royal  Love  Scenes. 

Jected  marriage.  Lord  Leicester  was  secretly  undermining  the 
whole  proceeding.  Lords  Sussex  and  Hunsdon  were  desirous 
of  seeing  their  kinswoman  married  ;  but  they  were  as  much 
opposed  to  a  Catholic  husband  for  the  Queen,  as  Cecil  or 
Sadler.  The  chief  arguments  put  forward  by  Sir  Ealph 
Sadler  were  the  danger  to  the  Protestant  religion  from  a  young 
Catholic  husband.  He  contended  that  if  the  Mass  was  per- 
mitted to  be  celebrated  in  private,  it  would  soon  have  .to  be 
acknowledged  in  public.  The  danger  to  the  Queen's  life  if,  at 
hiT  jyvesent  age,  she  should  have  issue  ;  and  the  inutility  of  tlie 
marriage  if  she  had  not.  * 

Here  is  another  instance  of  the  Queen's  profession  of  love 
for  Anjou. 

On  the  22nd  of  November  (1581),  Elizabeth  settled  down 
for  the  winter  at  Crreenwich  Palace.  She  was  taking  her 
morning  walk  in  the  gallery  with  Anjou  at  her  side,  and  Lei- 
cester and  Walsingham  at  a  distance  behind,  when,  suddenly, 
the  French  Ambassador  was  introduced.  After  some  prelimi- 
nary conversation,  the  Queen  addressed  the  French  Envoy 
in  these  words  :  "  Write  to  yourEoyal  master  that  the  Duke 
(Anjou)  will  be  mi/  husband."  With  a  sudden  impulse  she 
turned  upon  the  Prince,  kissed  his  broicnli^s,  took  a  ring  from 
her  finger  and  placed  it  herself  on  his  hand.  She  then  sent 
for  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  her  household  and  presented 
Anjou  to  them  as  their  future  master — the  husband  lohom  site 
loved.  Couriers  were  despatched  to  Paris  with  the  news. 
Parliament  was  immediately  summoned.  All  Avas  to  be  finally 
.settled  in  a  few  weeks. 

There    were,  however,   further   negotiations ;    the   end    of 
which  proved  that  the  Queen  was  playing  a  most  deceptive 


*  Murdin  State  Papers ;  Sadler's  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  570. 


Menioj'ials   of  Royal  Love  Scenes.  139 

game  with  her  French  suitor — in  fact  with  the  Royal 
Family  of  France.  It  became  the  question  of  the  day  how 
Anjou  was  to  be  set  aside  without  insulting  him.  In 
public  the  Queen  affected  the  deepest  sorrow  at  the  com- 
pelled departure  of  the  Prince  ;  but  in  private  she  danced  for 
joy  at  the  thought  that  she  would  see  him  no  more. 
Anjou's  spies  gave  him  an  accurate  account  of  the  deception 
practised  by  the  Queen  and  her  Council.  On  some  occasions 
Elizabeth  assured  her  courtiers  that  her  love  for  the  French 
Prince  could  never  change,  at  another  time  that  she  "could  not 
marry  a  Catholic."  She  professed  a  wish  to  be  his  "  friend 
and  sister,"  In  a  burst  of  passion'one  day,  Elizabeth  swore 
that  "  she  would  not  be  Anjou's  wife  if  it  would  make  her 
Empress  of  the  universe."  Anjou  is  represented  as  using 
violent  language  to  the  Queen  ;  and  immediately  after 
sobbing  and  crying.  .  .  .  He  passionately  professed  "  a 
noble  love"  for  the  Queen  of  England,  and  again  burst  into 
tears.  Elizabeth,  who  is  described  as  deeply  affected  at  this 
scene,  gave  him  her  handkerchief  to  wipe  his^eyes  with  ;  and, 
in  this  "  situation,  the  curtain  drops,  and  the  disappointed 
lovers  are  left  alone."  Much  of  this  information  comes  from 
Mendoza's  secret  correspondence  with  King  Philip.  All  the 
"  surroundings  of  the  case"  show  that  Spain  did  not  desire 
any  good  understanding  to  be  fostered  between  France  and 
England.  Mendoza  states  that  Anjou  told  Elizabeth  he 
would  turn  Protestant  for  her  sake.  .  .  .  That  his  love 
for  her  was  immense." 

On  one  occasion  the  Queen  induced  Anjou  to  accompany  her 
to  St.  Paul's,  in  order  to  please  her  Protestant  subjects,  for  the 
people  were  delighted  to  see  the  Queen's  intended  husband  in 
the  Cathedral.  Aubrey  relates  that  "  Elizabeth  was  so  highly 
pleased  with  Anjou  for  his  compliance,  that- she  rewarded  him 


140  Memorials    of  Royal  Love  Scenes. 

by  kissing  him  before  the  ivhole  congregation,  and  whilst  the 
clergg  tvere  engaged  in  Divine  servicel'*  And  again,  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  Queen's  Coronation,  and  in  the  presence  of 
the  foreign  Ambassadors  and  lier  whole  Court,  Elizabetli 
placed  a  ring  on  the  finger  of  Anjou,  which  was  regarded  by 
all  present  as  a  pledge  of  her  intention  to  become  his  wife, 
and  from  that  time  the  Prince  was  looked  upon  as  her  be- 
trothed husband.  This  statement  is  vouched  for  by  Camden, 
a  truthful  authority.  The  gift  of  the  ring  was  reported  by  the 
French  and  Dutch  envoys.  Bonfires  and  salvoes  of  artillery 
manifested  the  satisfaction  of  those  countries  at  the  prospect  of 
"  so  glorious  an  alliance."  However,  the  Protestant  party  of 
England  thought  differently.  Lord  Leicester,  Hatton,  Sir 
Henry  Sydney,  and  Lord  Pembroke  were  secretly  intrigueing 
to  prevent  the  marriage.  The  question  arises — was  the  Queen 
firm  enough  to  be  mistress  of  her  own  actions,  and  not  the 
creature  of  her  Council  ? 

On  New  Year's  Day  Anjou  exerted  himself  much  at  a 
tournanaent.  The  moment  it  was  over  the  Queen  ran  to 
him,  saluted  him  (kissed)  repeatedly  before  the  people, 
and  subsequently  led  him  by  the  hand  to  his  bedchamber, 
that  he  might  repose  himself  for  awhile.  On  the  next 
morning  the  Queen,  accompanied  by  one  of  her  ladies,  visited 
him  before  he  left  his  bed,  jmd  made  kind  inquiries  "  as  to  a 
good  night's  rest."! 

Sir  John  Harrington  relates  that  on  one  occasion  some  con- 
versation occurred  between  certain  ladies  of  the  Court  and  the 
Queen,  "  concerning   the  marriage  of  people  of  a  different  re- 


*  Aubrey ;  Nevers.  vol.  i.  p.  545. 
t  Nevers,  p.  557.^ 


Memonals  of  Royal  Love  Scenes.  141 


ligion,  -when  her  Hlgliness  made  several  honourable  remarks, 
of  which  her  women  In  waiting  thought  very  much.  As  the 
gossip  went  on,  the  Queen  sayeth  these  words: — 'I  form  a 
small  opinion  of  a  man  who  would  change  his  religion 
to  please  a  wife.' "  Perhaps  this  scene  had  some  indirect 
alhision  to  Elizabeth's  courtship  with  the  Archduke  Charles. 
Every  circumstance  connected  with  the  position  of  the  Queen 
proves  that  her  Protestantism  was  wholly  political.  Here  is 
another  incident,  and  one  that  comes  from  a  higher  source. 
On  one  occasion,  Elizabeth,  in  conversation  with  the  French 
Ambassador,  said  she  would  "  be  very  sorry  to  learn  if  the 
Prince  (Anjou)  was  willing  to  give  up  his  religion,  for  if  he 
had  the  heart  to  forsahe  his  God,  he  might  soon  forget  her 
altogether."* 

The  Queen  had  more  private  conversations  on  domestic  life 
with  La  Motte  Fenelon  than  any  other  foreigner  who  fre- 
quented her  Court.  In  his  confidential  notes  to  Catherine  de 
Medicis,  Fcnclon  censures  Elizabeth's  Ministers  for  much  that 
occurred  in  England.  He  specially  alludes  to  Sir  William 
Cecil  and  Sir  Francis  Walsin2;ham. 

Bad  Catholic,  and  profligate,  as  Anjou  undoubtedly  was, 
he  would  not  renounce  the  faith  of  his  fathers  to  become 
the  husband  of  the  proud  and  powerful  Queen  of  England. 
The  fates  seemed  to  have  conspired  against  any  match  for 
Golden  Eliza,  Avho  continued  to  be  content  with  the  romantic 
title  of  the  "  Virgin  Queen." 

During  one  of  the  private  discussions  upon  the  Queen's 
projected  marriage,   she   ordered  Walsingham  out  of  her  pre- 


*  Private  Despatches  of  La  Motte  Fenelon  to  Charles  the  Ninth   and 
Catherine  de  Medicis. 


142  Memorials   of  Royal  Love  Scenes. 


sence,  telling  him  that  he  was  fie  for  nothing  but  to  be  the 
champion  of  heretics. 

No  one  connected  with  the  Grovernraent  of  Elizabeth  did 
more  to  promote  her  disreputable  policy  than  Francis  Wal- 
sinijham,  for  which  he  received  in  return  numberless  insults. 

At  times  Walsingham  praised  Anjou  to  the  Queen.  He 
said  the  Prince  had  an  excellent  understanding  ;  his  ugly 
flice  was  the  worst  part  of  him.  "Then,  thou  old  knave," 
retorted  the  Queen,  "  why  hast  thou  so  often  spoken  ill  of  him, 
which  you  know  is  very  hurtful  to  my  tender  feelings?  "  * 

Elizabeth  sent  her  portrait  to  Anjou,  in  a  gold  case,  highly 
ornamented,  and  accompanied  by  a  note  full  of  the  most  deli- 
cate sentiments  and  fervent  good  wishes  for  his  happiness. 
That  Elizabeth  loved  Anjou  is  now  quite  clear  to  the  reflecting 
students  of  history.  However,  when  she  entered  into  a 
conflict  with  her  Ministers  as  to  the  delicate  question  of  whom 
she  would  choose  to  be  her  husband,  the  "  chided  maiden  of 
forty"  gave  way,  and,  amidst  sobs  and  tears,  agreed  to  sur- 
render her  lover.  So  the  looman,  not  the  Tudor  Sovereign, 
was  coerced  by  her  Council. 

The  picture  to  which  I  liave  just  alluded  is,  I  understand, 
now  amongst  the  Fine  Art  Collection  in  the  Luxembourg: 
Palace,  Paris.  The  British  Museum  has  afso  two  Prayer 
Books,  once  the  property  oi"  Queen  Elizabeth ;  and  likewise,  a 
Missal  belonging  to  Anna  Boleyn,  with  a  slip  of  brown  silk 
placed  between  the  leaves.  These  books  are  all  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation,  and  are  deposited  in  the  vicinity  of  Lady 
Jane  Dudley's  (Jane  Grrey's)  Prayer  Book — the  book  she  used 
upon  the  scaffold. 

Walsingham  had   some  sharp  discussions  with  Catherine  de 


*  MS.  of  the  Queen's  Private  Discourse  with  Sir  Francis  Walsingham. 


Memorials   of  Royal  Love  Scenes.  145 

INIedicis  at  Blois,  in  which  he  assured  the  Queen-mother 
"  That  it  was  not  religion  that  made  a  stop  in  the  marriage  of 
the  Duke  of  Anjou,  but  some  other  thing."  "  No,  surely," 
replied  Catherine  de  Medicis,  "  my  son  (Anjou)  never  told  me 
any  other  cause."  It  is  further  related  that  Anjou,  having  , 
heard  many  scandals  concerning  Elizabeth,  withdrew  from  the 
matrimonial  engagement  to  which  he  had  not  finally  agreed. 
Pinart,  the  confidential  agent  of  the  French  Court,  had 
gone  back  to  Paris  (1581)  to  report  the  disappointment. 

"  The  tricks  which  the  Queen  is  playing  to  get  rid  of  the 
French  Prince,"  wrote  Mendoza,  "  are  more  than  I  can 
describe."  Anjou's  friends  in  Holland  were  bribed  by  Eliza- 
beth. In  fact  the  treachery  and  corruption  carried  on  at  this 
time  in  London,  Paris,  and  Flanders  exhibited  marvellous 
depravity. 

On  the  day  of  Anjou's  departure,  the  Queen  and  her 
courtier;3  accompanied  him  to  Canterbury,  where,  with  "  ap- 
parent affliction,"  a  romantic  leave- taking  took  place.  On 
this  occasion  the  numerous  spectators  were  quite  convinced 
that  the  "Good  Queen  Bess "  Avas  really  in  love,  and  the 
maids  and  matrons  offered  many  delicate  tokens  of  sympathy 
to  her  Highness. 

The  Eoyal  Family  of  France'  did  not  hold  a  high  opinion  of 
their  kinsman  Anjou.  His  brother-in-law  describes  Anjou 
"  as  deceitful,  malicious,  treacherous,  and  cowardly — his 
countenance  fierce,  sometimes  mean-looking  ;  his  body  ill- 
formed  and  small  for  a  man."  His  intrigues  and  petty  tyranny 
involved  him  In  difficulties  in  the  Low  Countries.  He  was 
compelled  to  relinquish  his  Brabant  dukedom,  and  leLurn  to 
France.  In  1584  Anjou  died,  after  a  protracted  illness,  at  the 
Castle  of  Chateau  Thierry.  It  was  reported  that  he  was 
poisoned  by  a  Spanish  woman  who  had  some  claims  upon  him. 


144  Memorials   of  Royal  Love  Scenes. 

In  those  times  the  deatli  of  an  unpopular  pubhc  man  was 
generally  attributed  to  poison. 

When  Queen  Elizabeth  heard  of  Anjou's  death,  she 
Avas  "  much  afflicted,  and  shut  herself  up  for  several  days  to 
indulge  her  grief  in  solitude."  Lady  Leighton,  who  enjoyed 
the  Queen's  confidence,  is  of  opinion  that  "her  High- 
ness was  realJij  in  love  xc'itli  Anjou ;"  and  adds  :  "The 
dear  young  Prince  had  a  very  winning  manner.  When 
he  placed  the  Queen's  beautiful  hand  in  his,  it  was  at  once 
evident  that  he  was  nearly  in  possession  of  her  heavt^ 

Lady  Leighton  was  amongst  Sir  Christopher  Hatton's 
"  sentimental  correspondents  "  at  the  period  of  Anjou's  death. 
She  details  to  the  Eoyal  favourite  a  minute  account  of  the 
Queen's  grief  for  her  young  suitor.  This  was  not  a  welcome 
subject  to  Hatton,  but  it  furnished  gossip  for  the  courtiers. 


Sufferings  of  Lady  Lciuiox,  145 


CHAPTER   XII. 

SUFFERINGS  OF  LADY  LENNOX. 

Queen  Elizabeth  seemed  inclined  to  exterminate  the 
relatives — male  and  female — of  those  families  who  had  ex- 
pressed sympaUiy  for  Mary  Stuart.  She  arrested  Lady 
Lennox  on  the  charge  of  intrigueing  with  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland  and  other  leaders  of  the  Catholic  party  in 
England.  The  history  of  Lady  Lennox,  as  Margaret  Douglas, 
is  one  full  of  misfortune  and  romance.  She  was  the  daughter 
of  the  Queen  Dowager  (Margaret)  of  James  the  Fourth  of 
Scotland,  who  perished  at  the  battle  of  Flodden  Field.  Her 
father,  the  Earl  of  Angus,  became  the  second  husband  of 
Queen  Margaret.  At  the  time  of  Lady  Margaret's  birth  her 
mother  was  an  outlaw  from  Scotland,  and  Lord  Angus  was 
also  proscribed.  On  her  journey  across  the  Border,  Queen 
Margaret  was  obliged  from  sudden  illness  to  implore  a  shelter 
at  Harbottle  Castle,  then  garrisoned  by  Lord  Dacre,  as  Warden 
of  the  English  Marches.  In  this  rugged  fortress,  without  any 
domestic  arrangements  or  comforts.  Lady  Margaret  Douglas 
was  born  on  the  10th  of  October,  1515.  The  father  of  Lady 
Margaret  was  only  nineteen  years  of  age  at  this  time,  and  her 
mother  some  six  years  older.  Henry  VIII.  treated  his 
Avandcring  sister  and  her  child  with  some  kindness  and 
lodged  them  for  eight  months  at  Greenwich  Palace,  where  he 
frequently  visited  his  sister,  to  whom  he  had  been  much 
VOL.    IV.  L 


146  Sujferings  of  Lady  Lennox. 


attached  in  childhood.  At  ten  years  old  "  Little  Harry,"  as  his 
mother  styled  him,  wrote  most  appropriate  letters  to  the  Queen 
of  Scotland,  whom  he  called  "My  Big  Sister,  that  I  love  so 
much." 

Lady  Margaret's  parents,  after  violent  quarrels,  separated, 
and  only  met  to  renew  the  unhappy  differences  which  existed 
between  them.  Lady  Margaret  Douglas  for  years  passed 
through  a  series  of  misfortunes  and  poverty.  She  was  often 
dependent  for  her  daily  bread  on  the  charity  of  strangers. 
At  length  her  aunt,  the  Queen  Dowager  of  France,  then 
married  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  exerted  herself  for  her  niece, 
whom  she  received  as  her  guest.  She  was  next  appointed  to 
an  office  about  the  household  of  the  Princess  Mary.  Sometime 
after,  Henry  VIII.  noticed  his  niece,  and  gave  her  "  a  gift  of 
money  for  clothing."  At  a  later  period  the  King  made  an 
annual  settlement  upon  Lady  Douglas.  Circumstances,  how- 
ever, were  fast  approaching  which  cast  a  fresh  gloom  upon 
her  fortunes.  The  divorce  of  Katharine  of  Arragon  was  under 
consideration ;  and  the  kindly  friends  of  Margaret  Douglas 
were  about  to  experience  a  change  of  fortune.  Katharine  of 
Arragon  had  ceased  to  preside  at  Court  as  the  Queen  ;  the 
Princess  Mary's  income  had  been  reduced  ;  the  Duchess- 
Queen,  the  Countess  of  Salisbury,  and  another  .friend  of  the 
young  Scotch  exile  were  now  unable  to  render  aid.  A  lastlno- 
friendship  sprang  up  between JLady  Margaret  and  her  cousin, 
the  Princess  Mary,  which  continued  to  the  end  of  life. 
Margaret  Douglas  next  appears  at  the  Court  of  Queen  Anna, 
who  treated  her  with  much  consideration  and  kindness,  as  she 
did  all  the  young  ladies  of  her  Court. 

At  the  opening  of  the  year  1536,  wlien  it  was  plainly  to  be 
teen  that  the  halcyon  ^days  of  Anna  Boleyn  were  upon  the 
decline,    a  whisper   reached  the  King  that  a  romantic   love 


Sufferings  of  Lady  Lennox.  147 

sprang  up  between  Lady  Margaret  Douglas  and  Lord 
Thomas  Howard,  the  liandsome  young  kinsman  of  Anna 
Boleyn.  It  is  supposed  that  the  Queen  encouraged  this  love- 
suit,  as  she  did  in  the  case  of  Harry  Fitzroy  and  Mary  Howard. 
Lord  Thomas  Howard  had  little  means,  and  was  mainly 
dependent  upon  his  princely  house.  Lady  IMargaret  remained 
about  the  palace,  a  poor  pensioner  on  her  uncle's  capricious 
bounties,  and  had  no  higher  rank  at  Court  than  that  which 
her  situation  in  the  household  of  the  King's  daughter  secured 
her.  With  both  parents  living,  she  was  residing  at  the  Court 
of  Queen  Anna  in  orplian  loneliness,  the  isolated  link  of  a 
family  chain.  JNIargaret  Douglas  and  Thomas  Howard  con- 
tracted a  clandestine  marriage  in  April,  1536,  a  few  weeks 
before  the  fall  of  Anna  Boleyn.  A  short  time  after  the 
execution  of  the  Queen,  the  King  discovered  the  marriage  of 
his  niece  and  young  Howard.  "  Henry  became,"  it  is  said, 
"like  an  uncaged  tiger."  Crumwell  and  Wriothesley  were 
sent  for  to  prepare  bills  for  high  treason  against  the  hapless 
lovers  who  had  violated  no  rational  or  equitable  law.  In  fact 
they  could  plead,  and  did  plead,  that  many  months  previously, 
when  the  late  Queen  gave  the  King  an  interesting  account  of 
their  devoted  love  for  one  another,  he  was  so  much  pleased 
that  he  assented  to  a  marriage — "  to  be  considered."  All  that 
was  now  forgotten,  and  the  name  of  anyone  whom  Anna 
Boleyn  esteemed  became  hateful  to  the  King.  Lady  Douglas 
and  Lord  Thomas  Howard  were  committed  to  the  Tower. 
Popular  excitement  ran  high  ;  the  people  sided  with  the 
romantic  lovers  who  had  the  courage  to  excite  or  defy  the 
vengeance  of  the  Monarch.  The  Parliament  took  the  question 
\xp  immediately  ;  they  "  saw  at  once  the  treason  which  this 
wicked  young  man  and  cunning  lass  had  been  concocting." 
Both    Houses  of  Parliament   "  made  humble  petition  to  the 

L  2 


148  Sufferings  of  Lady  Lennox. 


Kino-'s  Hif^lmess  that  the  offence  committed  by  the  said  lovers 
shall  be  judged  and  deemed  high  treason,  and  that  the  said 
Thomas  Howard  might  be  attainted  of  high  treason,  and 
suffer  such  pains  and  execution  of  death  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  as  in  cases  of  high  treason."  * 

The  horrors  of  the  Tower  brought  on  Lady  INIargaret  adanger- 
ous  fit  of  illness.  Tradition  points  to  her  confinement  in  an  old 
building  with  sharp  gables  and  broad  platform  balcony  ;  if  so, 
the    spot   where  her  late  relative,   Queen  Anna's  blood  had 
stained  the  grass  on  the  enclosure  was  constantly  visible  to  her 
eyes.      Lady   Margaret   passed    more  than  one  year   in  this 
gloomy  prison  ere  the  news  of  her  daughter's  cruel  treatment 
reached  Queen  Margaret  in  Scotland.     Slie  at  once  demanded 
the  restoration  of  her  daughter.     Her  letter  to  Henry   was  a 
very   spirited    document,    or    perhaps    the    best    in    all   her 
correspondence.     "  Murgo,"  as  the  Scotch  called  their  Queen, 
"  gave  a  good  lashing  "  to  her  brother,  and  charged  him   with 
first  encouraging  the  unfortunate  lovers  to  plight  their  faith  to 
each  other,  and  then,  again,  in  order  to  extend  his  vengeance 
to    all   whom    Anna    Boleyn    favoured,    he    denounced    the 
marriaae,  and  declared  that  he  had  never  sanctioned  it.  Queen 
j\Iargaret's  letter   had  no  immediate  result — so  her  daughter 
remained  in  the  Tower,  depressed  in  mind  and  body.     Queen 
Margaret  wrote  several  other  letters  to   Henry,   making    the 
most  earnest  appeals  to  him   to  liberate  her  daughter.     In  one 
letter  she  says,  "  if  you  are  strong  be  merciful."     At  last  the 
King  complied.     The  future  residence  of  Lady  Margaret  was 
the  once  magnificent   Abbey   of  Sion,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Thames.      Sion    Abbey  had    hitherto  been  spared   from  the 


See  State  Papers  of  Henry's  reign  ;  Statutes  of  the  Eealm,  vol.  iii. 


Sufferings   of  Lady  Lennox.  14^ 

general  ruin  to  which  Henry  VIII.  was  then  consigning  the 

monastic  liouses;    besides,  the    "artful    compliance"  of  the 

Abbess,  x4gnes  Jourden,  in  acknowledging  the  King's  Spiritual 

Supremacy,  and  likewise   the  convenience  of  the  convent  as  a 

prison  for  "  lady  rebels  and   tattlers  about  Court,"   saved  this 

establishment  for  some  yeai'S  longer.*  To  Sion,  Lady  Margaret 

was  committed.     Lord  Crumwell  wrote  a  letter  to  her   "  full 

of  remonstrance  "  and  praise  of  the  abbess,   who,  by  the  vray, 

was  his  own  kinswoman.     Crumwell  made  a  proposal  to  Lady 

Mar<Taret  that  she  would  be  released  from  her  lodging  in   the 

convent  on  condition  of  renouncino;  her  marriasre  with  Lord 

Thomas   Howard,  wliich  was  so  hateful  to   the   Kinir.     The 

faithless  lady  promised  compliance,   and   in   a  letter   to   Lord 

Crumwell  she  writes  thus  :  "  All  my  study  and  care  shall  ever 

be  to  please  the  King's  Highness,  and  to  continue  in  his  Royal 

favour."     Shortly    after.   Lord  Thomas  Howard  died  in   the 

Tower  of  the  pestilential  prison-fever  of  those  times.  Pomcroy 

states    that  Crumwell  permitted  Lady  Mai'garet  to   have   an 

interview  with  her  husband  on  the  day  of  his  death.     Two  of 

the  Tower  chaplains  were  in  constant  attendance   upon  him. 

Tlie  memory  of  Lord  Thomas  was  dear  to  his  accomplished 

kinsman,  Surrey,  who  attributed  his  decline  and  death  to  the 

force  of  love — a  supposition  consistent  with  the  fervid  iraao^i- 

nation  of  an  erratic  poet  like   Surrey.      Upon  the  birth  of 

Edward  VI.,  tlie  King  was  so  overjoyed  at    "  his  change  of 

fortune  "  that  he  recalled  his  niece  to  Court.     She  was  also 


*  The  Sisterhood  were  of  the  austere  Order  of  St.  Bride.  In  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth  the  nuns  of  this  convent  went  to  Lisbon.  Elizabeth 
confiscated  all  their  property — even  their  clothing.  The  old  inhabitants  of 
Sion  paid  the  tiaveUing  expenses  of  the  nuns  to  Lisbon,  and  also  purchased 
them  shoes,  for  which  they  were  in  much  need. 


150  Suffer ijigs  of  Lady  Lennox. 


connected  with  the  Court  of  Catherhie  Howard  at  a  later  period, 
when  she  lost  the  King's  favour  by    ''again  falling   in    love  " 
with  another  member  of  the  House    of  Norfolk.       Margaret's 
lover,  on  this  occasion,  was  Charles  Howard,  the  third  brother 
of  Queen  Catherine.     Ladj   Margaret   was  banished  on  this 
occasion  to  Sion  Convent,  where  the  Princess  Mary  and  some 
of  her  lady  friends  were  also  prisoners.     Whilst  at  Sion,  "  one 
fine  morning,"    Archbishop    Cranmer    visited   Lady  Margaret 
and  "remonstrated  with  her  concerning  her  indiscreet  falling  in 
love  twice  within  three   years  ;    she   had  grievously  offended 
the  King,  and  his  Highness  hoped  to  hear  no   more   of  her 
love  freaks."     Cranmer  read  for  her  the  King's  "  admonition," 
"  His  Highness  did  not  like  to  see   young  ladies  becoming 
indiscreet  in  their  love.      They   should    leave  such   delicate 
matters  to  be  arranged  by    their  relations,  who  had  better 
judgment  as   to  what  man  was.  most  suitable."        Archbishop 
Cranmer,  having  given  the  young  lady  his  blessing,  took  his 
departure  for  Lambeth  Palace. 

The  next  news  which  reached  Lady  JNIargaret  was  the  death 
of  her  mother,  Queen  Margaret,  who,  it  is  said,  died  very 
penitent  for  the  scandals  of  her  life,  expressing  deep  regret  for 
the  desertion  of  her  daughter,  and  "  imploring  that  daughter 
never  to  abandon  the  old  religion  of  her  fathers."  Lady  INIarga- 
ret  now  took  up  her  abode  with  the  Princess  Mary.  After 
being  seven  years  "  a  virgin  widow,"  King  Henry  selected  a 
husband  for  Lady  Douglas  in  the  person  of  IMathew,  Earl  of 
Lennox — "  a  Scot,  living  in  the  interests  of  England  against 
his  own  land."  Between  the  House  of  Lennox  and  the  family 
of  Douglas  a  bitter  enmity  had  long  existed.  For  several 
generations  the  ancestors  of  Lennox  had  been  more  French 
than  Scotch,  for  the  line  of  Darnley  had  long  been  natura- 
lized in  France. 


Sufferings   of  Lady  Lennox.  151 

•    After  some  matrimonial  negotiations,  the  marriage    of  Lord 
Lennox  and  Lady  Margaret  Douglas  took  place.       The    bride 
was  in  her  thirty-second  year.     Buchanan  speaks   of  her  as  a 
princess  "  renowned  for  the  comeliness  of  her  person."  Lennox 
was  a  fine-looking  man,  some  thirty  years  of  age,    of  insinua- 
tlncf  and  gracious  manners.     He  was  a  most  devoted  husband : 
in  this  respect  he  is  described  as  faultless.       In  every  other  re- 
lation in  life  he  was  one  of  the  most  unprincipled,    vindictive, 
cruel,  and  ungrateful  of  men.     By   the    contracts  he    entered 
into    with     King    Henry     at    the     time    of     his     marriage, 
he  was  bound  to  "  be  the  first   and  foremost    in    every   assault 
that  could  injure  or  wound  the  land  of  his  fathers."  *     On  the 
7th  of  December,  1545,  Margaret,  Countess    of  Lennox,  gave 
birth  to  a  son,  known  as  Henry    Lord    Darnley,    who    subse- 
quently became  the  husband  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.    Shortly 
before  the  death  of  Henry  VIII.  he  again  quarrelled  with    his 
"well-beloved  niece" — Lady  Lennox.     According   to  Bishop, 
the  secretary  of  Lord  Lennox,  if  the  King  recovered  his  health 
he  would  have  sent  Lady  Lennox  back  to  her  old  quarters    in 
the  Tower.     To  show  his  resentment  for  her,  he  excluded  her 
from  a  place  in  the  regal    succession.       During    the    reign    of 
Mary  Tudor,  Lennox  and  his  wife  were   "  duly   acknowledged 
as  relatives  of  the  Royal  family."     They  were,  however,  in  "  a 
kind  of  honourable  poverty,"  and  the  Queen  was   too  poor  to 
aid  them.     The  death  of  Lord    Angus,    the    father    of   Lady 
Margaret,  brought  her  fresh  troubles  in  the  shape  of  lawsuits. 
To  recover  disputed  property  in  Scotland  in    those  times  was 
almost  impossible  :    violence  and   fraud    set  aside   law    and 
equity. 


*  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  In  the  secret  correspondence  of  Sir  Ralph 
Sadler  and  Lord  Hertford  with  the  disappointed  Scots,  the  name  of  I^ord 
Lennox  often  appears  in  most  discreditable  transactions. 


1^2  Sufferings  of  Lady  Lennox. 


The  next  prominent  enemy  tlie  Countess  of  Lennox  had  to 
encounter  was  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  had  an  old  enmity  against 
her  from  the  time  of  the  latter  being  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower 
charged  with  treason  against  her  sister  Mary.  One  of  the 
first  public  actions  of  Elizabeth  was  to  mark  out  her  own  re- 
latives of  the  House  of  Tudor  for  persecution.  Lord  Lennox, 
who  was  in  bad  health,  was  committed  to  the  Tower,  and  his 
wife  and  children  placed  in  another  prison,  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Star  Chamber.*  For  more  than  twelve  months 
Lady  Lennox,  her  husband,  and  children  were  close  prisoners, 
and  obliged  to  dispose  of  their  jewels  to  procure  food.  It  was 
not  till  February,  1562-3,  that  Lord  and  Lady  Lennox  were 
released  from  confinement.  The  malice  and  the  desire  to 
persecute  did  not  end  here — Elizabeth's  hatred  pursued  the 
whole  family  to  the  death.  The  letters  of  Lady  L«nnox  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  seeking  mercy  for  her  sick  husband,  are 
sad  in  the  extreme.  She  seems  to  have  been  a  most  lovino- 
wife,  and  calls  on  the  Queen  not  to  visit  her  husband  with 
punishment  for  his  wife,  whom  her  Highness  hates  for  some 
imknown  reason.  "  Have  mercy  upon  my  innocent  husband 
that  you  may  receive  mercy  from  the  Eternal  Judge 
yourself."     This  appeal  was  rejected  v,-ith  an  oath. 

It  was  bndted  at  the  time  that  Lady  Lennox  was  aware  of 
"some  indiscretion"  on  the  part  of  Elizabeth  during  the 
reign  of  Edward  A'L,  and  imptirted  the  secret  to  Archbishop 
Cranmer,  to  whom  Lady  Lennox  was  well  known  for  many 
years.  The  scandals  propagated  about  Elizabeth  in  those 
times  had  little  foundation  in  fact.    Besides,  Lady  Lennox  had 


*  Correspondence  of  Lady  Lennox  with  Sir  William  Cecil ;  State  Papers 
of  1559-60. 


Sufferings   of  Lady  Lennox.  155 

no  personal  knowledge  of,  or  correspondence  with,  the  young 
Princess  during  the  Eegency  of  Somerset,  and  the  almost  equal 
potency  of  Cranmer.  But  the  foundation  of  Elizabeth's 
hatred  for  her  father's  family — all  females — undoubtedly 
lay  in  the  painful  question  of  her  own  well-certified  ille- 
gitimacy.    I  have  made  this  statement  several  times. 

The  troubles  of  the  Countess  of  Lennox  were  not  yet  ended. 
She  lived  to  almost  witness  the  mysterious  assassination  of  her 
son,  Darnley,  and  next,  of  her  husband,  and  the  captivity  of 
her  daughter-in-law,  the  Queen  of  Scots. 


154        Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

INCIDENTS    LEADING    TO    THE    SPANISH   ARMADA. 

It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  barbarous  punishments  were 
inflicted  in  Spain  upon  English  sailors  and  travellers.  Some 
were  hanged,  and  others  sent  to  the  flames  as  heretics.  The 
prison  discipline  of  Spain  during  Philip's  reign  was  marked 
by  a  species  of  scientific  cruelty.  The  Spanish  Government  at 
that  period  cannot,  however,  be  wholly  condemned  for  their 
conduct  to  English  prisoners,  many  of  whom  were  pirates  of 
the  worst  class  that  infested  tl:e  Spanish  waters.  Whenever  it 
suited  their  purpose,  those  daring  men  traded  upon  the  name 
of  Protestantism  in  Catholic  countries,  and  frequently  raised 
difficulties  for  Elizabeth's  Ambassadors  as  to  how  they  should  act 
in  relation  to  such  persons,  when  seeking  protection  as  English 
subjects.  The  position  of  affairs  may  best  be  understood  from 
the  candid  statement  of  a  distinguished  advocate  of  Elizabeth's 
and  Cecil's  policy.  The  needy  sons  of  Lord  Cobham,  who 
had  earned  some  notoriety  in  Wyatt's  rebellion,  had  grown  up 
after  the  type  of  their  boyhood,  irregular,  lawless  Protestants. 
One  of  them  at  this  time  (1563)  was  roving  the  seas,  half 
pirate,  half  knight-errant  of  the  Eeformation,  doing  battle  on 
his  own  account  with  the  enemies  of  the  truth,  Avherever  the 
service  to  God  teas  lihehj  to  he  repaid  icith  phmder.  Thomas 
Cobham  was  one  of  a  thousand  whom  Elizabeth  was  forced, 
for  decency's  sake,  to  condemn  and  disclaim  in  proclamations, 


Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada.         155 


and  whom  she  was  as  powerless  as  she  was  probably  unwilling 
to  interfere  with  in  practice.  What  Cobhara  was,  and  what 
his  comrades  were,  can  be  gathered  from  a  brief  narrative  of 
his  ruthless  exploits.  Here  is  one  instance.  A  Spanish  ship 
■was  freighted  in  Flanders  for  Bilbao.  The  cargo  was  valued 
at  eighty  thousand  ducats.  There  were  also  on  board  forty 
prisoners,  who  were  going  to  Spain,  to  serve  in  the  galleys  for 
various  crimes.  Thomas  Cobham,  who  was  cruisincc  in  the 
Channel,  caught  sight  of  the  vessel,  chased  her  down  into  the 
Bay  of  Biscay,  fired  into  her,  killed  the  captain's  brother  and 
a  number  of  men,  and  then  boardinsr  when  all  resistance  had 
cq^^qH,  sewed  up  the  captain  himself  and  the  survivors  of  the 
crew  in  their  own  sails  and  flung  them  overboard.  The  fate 
of  the  unfortunate  prisoners  who  were  intended  for  the 
galleys  is  not  related ;  but  it  is  supposed  that  they  were 
despatched  by  the  dagger,  or  perhaps  thrown  overboard.  The 
ship  was  scuttled  ;  and  Thomas  Cobham  sailed  away  with  the 
booty,  which  the  English  ship  agents  admitted  to  be  worth 
fifty  thousand  ducats,  to  his  retreat  in  the  south  of  Ireland  ! 
Eighteen  bodies,  with  the  mainsail  for  their  winding-sheet, 
were  washed  up  on  the  Spanish  shore.* 

"  This  fierce  deed  of  young  Cobham,"  writes  Mr.  Froude, 
*'  was  no  dream  of  Spanish  slander.  The  English  factor  at 
Bilbao  was  obliged  to  reply  to  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner's  eager 
inquiries  that  the  story  in  its  essential  features  was  true,  and 
lie  added  another  of  the  audacity  of  those  English  pirates.  A 
Spanish  ship  had  been  cut  out  of  the  harbour  at  Santander  by 
an  Anglo-Irish  pirate,  and  carried  off  to   sea.      The  captain, 


*  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner's  Despatches  to  Queen  Elizabeth.  I  may  here 
remark  that  Chaloner  was  the  first  ambassador  appointed  by  Elizabeth. 
As  a  diplomatist  he  was  prudent  and  conciliatory. 


156        Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada. 


more  merciful  than  Thornas  Cobbam,  spared  the  crew,  kept 
them  prisoners,  and  was  driven  into  another  Spanish  port  for 
shelter,  havinf^  them  at  the  time  confined  under  hatches. 
They  were  discovered ;  the  pirates  were  seized,  and  quickly 
met  the  fate  awarded  to   people  of  their  desperate  mode  of 

life." 

Thomas  Cobham  was  tried  for  piracy  in  London  ;  but 
idtimately  escaped  punishment.  In  fiict  the  Queen  and  her 
Council  merely  coquetted  with  the  prosecution  against  the 
"  roving  Reformer."  A  terrible  sentence  was,  however, 
passed  upon  him,  which  is  thus  described  by  De  Silva,  the 
Spanisli  Ambassador  : — 

"  Thomas  Cobham  being  asked  at  his  trial,  according  to  the 
form  used  in  English  law,  if  he  had  anything  to  say  in  assent  of 
judgment,  and  answering  nothincj  lohatever,  the  English  judge, 
with  awful  solemnity,  condemned  the  said  Thomas  Cobham  to  be 
taken  to  the  Tower,  and  to  be  there  stripped  nalced  to  the  skin, 
and  there  to  be  ^^/f/Ci-f/  n-ith  his  shoulders  resting  on  a  sharp  stone^ 
his  legs  and  arms  extended,  and  on  his  stomach  a  gun,  too  heavy 
for  him  to  bear,  yet  not  large  enough  immediately  to  crush  him. 
There  he  is  to  be  left  till  he  die.  They  will  give  him  a  few  grains 
of  corn  to  eat,  and  for  drink  the  foullest  water  in  the  Tower."^' 

This  sentence  was  terrific  enough,  but  it  would  have  been 
far  worse  for  the  exemplary  Cobham  if  it  had  been  executed. 
The  words  of  the  judge  were  truly  eirea  Tnepoeirra  (winged 
words),  for  Elizabeth  set  her  roving  subject  free  to  plough  tie 
seas  again  after  his  olden  mode.f 


*  See  De  Silva's  Despatches  to  Kiag  Philip,  Aug.  16, 1565. 
t  The  real  name  of  the  Cobham  family  was  Brooks,  once  an  honoured  old 
stock  in  Kent,  who  gave  to  the  Church  several  distinguished  clerics  in  the 
fifteenth  centurj-. 


Incidcjits  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada.         157 


5 


Mr.  Froude  denies  that  the  above  sentence  was  ever  passed 
against  Cobliam.  "  The  descriptifjn  of  which,"  he  observes, 
"  miffht  have  been  brouorht  from  the  torture  chamber  of  the 
Inquisition,  but  which  was  never  pronounced  in  an  Enghsh 
■court  of  justice." 

Tliere  may  never  be  a  correct  record  extant  of  the  judg 
ment  deHvered  by  a  sanguinary  judge  of  Cecil's  creation 
against  Thomas  Cobhara,  or  many  others  of  the  condemned  in 
Elizabeth's  reign.  I  have  seen,  however,  amongst  the  list  of 
jDunishments  ordered  to  be  inflicted  in  the  Tower  one  instance 
exactly  similar  to  that  of  Cobham — namely,  the  case  of  Father 
Wakefield,  an  old  "  seminary  priest,"  who  was  entrapped  by 
the  acjents  of  Walsinfjham.  The  unfortunate  man  died 
during  the  operation.  He  was  eighty-three  years  of  age,  and 
an  admirable  Greek  scholar. 

The  Cobham  family  rendered  much  service  to  Elizabeth  in 
the  previous  reign ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  severe  sentence 
was  passed  upon  Cobham  to  pacify  the  Spanish  Government, 
who  were  loud  in  their  complaints  against  English  pirates. 

Lord  Pembroke,  and  other  influential  Englishmen,  were 
cnr>-afred  in  the  traffic  of  negroes  "  on  foreign  waters."  It  is 
stated  that  Pembroke  cleared  sixty  per  cent,  on  one  cargo  of 
black  slaves.* 

Occasionally,  Mr.  Froude  expresses  his  indignation  at  the  con- 
duct of  English  mariners  in  "  Spanish  waters."  "  English 
Protestants,  it  was  evident,  regarded  ilie  property  of  Papists  as 
a  lawful  prize  whenever  [tliey  could  lay  hands  on  it ;  and 
Protestantism,  stimulated  by  these  inducements  to  conversion, 
was  especially  strong  in  the  sea-port  towns."t 


*  Helps  on  the  Spanish  Conquest  of  South  A-iierica. 
t  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  viii.  p.  467. 


158        Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada. 


"Your  mariners,"  said  the  Spanish  Ambassador  to  Elizabeth, 
"  rob  my  master's  subjects  on  the  sea,  and  trade  where  they  are 
forbidden  to  go;  they  plunder  our  people  in  the  streets  of 
7/our  towns  ;  they  attack  our  vessels  in  i/oiir  Yevy  harbours,  and 
take  our  prisoners  from  them  ;  yom^  preachers  insult  my  master 
from  their  pulpits  ;  and  when  we  apply  for  justice  we  are 
answered  Avith  threats. 

"  We  have  borne  with  these  things,  attributing  them  rather 
to  passion  or  rudeness  of  manners  than  to  any  deliberate 
purpose  of  wrong  ;  but  seeing  that  there  is  no  remedy  and  no 
end,  I  must  now  refer  to  my  Sovereign  to  know  what  I  am  to 
do."* 

Elizabeth  affected  utter  ignorance  of  what  had  been  a 
notorious  fact ;  and  pledged  "  her  honour  "  to  make  an  imme- 
diate inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  English  mariners,  and  all 
others  of  her  subjects  who  had  violated  the  laws  of  nations 
and  brotherly  love  against  her  kinsman,  ally,  and  friend,  the 
King  of  Spain. 

Notwithstanding  the  Queen's  "■  regrets  and  promises," 
Hawkins,  and  men  of  his  occupation,  pursued  their  felonious 
courses  unmolested  by  the  English  Council. 

Whatever  might  have  been  the  despotism  of  Philip  of 
Spain — a  despotism  partly  forced  upon  him  by  circumstances 
— it  is  certain,  that  like  his  great  father,  he  was  not  inclined 
to  tolerate  free  trade  in  negroes.  True,  many  of  the  commercial 
communities  of  Spain  carried  on  a  traffic  in  slaves  on  the  coasts 
of  Africa  and  South  America,  but  were  never  sanctioned  therein 
by  their  Sovereign.  During  the  reigns  of  subsequent  monarchs 
Spain   entered   freely   into   the   abominable   slave  trade,  and 


*  De   Silva,  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  to    Queen  Elizabeth,  October  6> 
1567. 


Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada.         159 

only   now   prepares  for   the   manumission    of    her   slaves    in 
Cuba. 

The  causes  which  ultimately  led  to  the  Spanish  Armada 
were  at  work  for  many  years.  The  connection  between  the 
Queen,  her  Council,  and  the  English  pirates  was  as  plain 
as  noonday.  It  has  been  contended  by  a  few  worshippers 
of  Sir  William  Cecil,  "that  his  high  sense  of  honour  made 
these  transactions  odious  to  him ;  and  that  he  was  only  able  to 
protest  against  them."  I  have,  however,  searched  in  vain 
for  this  "marvellous  protest."  In  the  year  1575  the 
spy  system  was  carried  on  to  a  fearful  extent  by  Elizabeth. 
From  the  pages  of  Mr.  Froude's  work  we  learn  the  history  of 
several  of  Cecil's  "  honourable  correspondents  on  the  Continent 
— men  who  Avere  quite  willing  to  assassinate,  poison,  plunder, 
or  entrap  honest  men  provided  they  were  supplied  with  money 
to  live  in  luxury  and  profligacy." 

The  forelo-n  traffic  in  slaves  was  also  carried  out  under  the 
management  of  men  like  Hawkins,  who,  by  his  conduct,  dis- 
graced the  naval  character  of  England — nay,  its  reputation  for 
the  common  code  of  honesty  which  is  supposed  to  exist  between 
man  and  man  in  civilised  States.  Hawkins,  however,  became  the 
hero  of  the  day.  He  is  represented  as  "  brave,  pious,  and  Grod- 
fearing" — as  respectable,  indeed,  as  any  sea  robber  could  well 
be.  With  truth,  it  may  be  added,  that  he  was  the  legalised  pirate 
of  the  Queen  of  England,  holding  his  predatory  commission 
from  the  Sovereign  Lady,  who  shared  plentifully  in  his  plunder.* 

The  love  of  adventure  attracted  many  young  Englishmen  in 
those  times.  A  navigator,  named  Thomas  Cavendish,  sailed 
from   Plymouth  on  the   21st  of  July,  1586,  and  it  is   stated 


*  On  one  occasion  the  Spanish  Government  seized  upon,  and  confiscated^ 
a  cargo  of  negroes,  which  Hawkins  valued  at  forty  thousand  ducats. 


i6o        Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada. 


that  he  accomplished  a  voyage  round  the  world  "in  two 
years  and  three  months.  He  plundered,  without  much  resist- 
ance, the  towns  on  the  coast  of  Chili  and  Perue.  On  his 
return  home  he  visited  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope."*  The 
plunder  made  by  Cavendish  Avas  publicly  boasted  of  in 
Plymouth  and  Bristol,  so  his  name  may  be  ranged  amongst 
the  Eno-lish  pirates  of  those  days. 

The  deeds  of  the  English  pirates  of  those  times  are  very 
imperfectly  known.  The  silent  ocean,  it  may  well  be  judged, 
holds  many  of  their  secrets,  and  will  continue  to  retain  them 
till  the  "  accounting  day." 

The  stronsjest  evidence  connecting  Elizabeth  and  her 
Council  with  the  lawless  pirates  of  England  is  to  be  found  in 
the  pages  of  her  most  enthusiastic  biographers — writers  that 
can  in  no  wise  be  suspected  of  attributing  any  dishonourable 
action  to  their  heroine,  unless  when  an  overwhelming  sense  of 
truth  compels  them  to  do  ?o.  Here  is  a  passage  which  I  com- 
mend to  the  admirers  of  a  monarch  whom  English  history 
lias  hitherto,  almost  without  exception,  described  as  bordering 
upon  perfection : — 

"  Great  interest  was  excited  by  the  arrival  in  Plymouth  harbour, 
in  November,  1.380,  of  the  celebrated  Francis  Drake,  from  his 
navigation  of  a  great  portion  of  the  globe.  National  vanity  was 
flattered  by  the  idea  that  this  Englishman  should  have  been  the 
first  by  whom  this  great  and  novel  enterprise  had  been  successfully 
achieved ;  and  both  himself  and  his  ship  became  in  an  eminent 
degree  the  objects  of  public  curiosity  and  wonder.  .  .  .  The 
wealth  which  Hawkins  had  brought  home  from  the  plunder  of  the 
Sjjanish  settlements,  awakened  the  cupidity,  which  in  that  age  was 
a  constant  attendant  on  the  daring  spirit  of  maritime  adventure; 


*  Thomas  Historical  Notes,  vol.  i. 


Incidents  Leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada.         i6i 

and  half  the  youth  of  the  country  were  on  fire  to  embark  in 
expeditions  of  pillage  and  discovery.  .  .  .  Drake's  captures 
from  the  Spaniards  had  been  made,  under  some  vague  notion  of 
reprisals,  whilst  no  open  xoar  teas  suhsisting  between  England  and 
Spain.  The  Spanish  Ambassador,  not,  it  must  be  confessed,  with- 
out some  reason,  branded  the  proceedings  of  Hawkins  with  the 
reproach  of  inracy ;  and  demanded  restitution  of  the  booty. 
Elizabeth  wavered  for  some  time  between  admiration  for  Drake, 
mixed  ivitli  a  desire  of  sharing  in  tJie  profits  of  his  expedition,  and 
a  dread  of  incensing  the  King  of  Spain.  At  length  the  Queen 
decided  on  the  part  most  acceptable  to  her  people — that  of  giving 
a 2nt,hlic  sanctio7i  to  the  action  of  Drake."* 

In  a  few  months  subsequent  Elizabeth  accepted  a  banquet 
from  this  double-faced  pirate.  The  entertainment  was  given 
on  board  his  ship  off  Deptford,  on  which  occasion  the  Queen 
conferred  the  Order  of  Knighthood  on  her  naval  freebooter. 

These  proceedings  took  place  some  seven  years  before  the 
Spanish  Armada  sailed  from  Lisbon.  Meanwhile,  the  English 
pirates  became  more  daring,  and  the  amount  of  wealth  plundered 
from  Spanish  ships  was  immense.  Tlie  truth  is  that  the 
Spanish  Armada  owed  its  birth  to  the  cruel  wrongs  inflicted 
by  English  corsairs  upon  the  people  of  a  State  then  at  peace 
with  England,  and  whose  Sovereign  had  been  a  generous  friend 
to  that  Queen  who  now  so  treacherously  and  ungratefully 
abetted  those  outrages.  Here  again  the  reader  must  recosnise 
the  truth  and  aptitude  of  Mr.  Froude's  description  of  Elizabeth's 
-"  honour  " — "  a  stained  rag." 


*  Aikin's  Couit  of  Elizabeth,  vol.  ii. 


VOL.    TV.  M 


1 52  The   Versatile  '-'■  Didaskalos: 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE    VERSATILE    "  DIDASKALOS.' 

As  wlien  Saxon  Alcuin  of  old,  a  gentle  English  scholar,  walked 
foremost  honoured  amongst  the  Paladins  of  Charlemagne,  so 
seven  centuries  later  was  the  power  of  the  peaceful  intellect 
triumphant  over  the  blare  of  the  trumpets  of  war,  in  the  case 
of  Eoger  Ascham.  The  great  old  Yorkshire  didaskalos  was, 
I  must  admit,  somewhat  like  the  famed  Vicar  of  Bray  ;  hut,  as 
having  been  a  literary  teacher  of  many  of  his  regal  and 
eminent  contemporaries,  this  book  would  lack  a  prominent 
element  in  its  composition  as  regards  his  epoch  were  not  his 
name  and  influence  set  forth. 

Roger  Ascham  was  born  in  the  year  1515,  at  Kirby  Wicke, 
a  little  village  in  Yorkshire.  His  family  "were  poor,  but  of  a 
respectable  stock."  His  father,  John  Ascham,  was  house- 
steward  to  Lord  Scrope,  and  is  represented  in  the  quaint 
village  records  as  "  an  honest  man,  a  pious  Catholic,  a  good 
loving  husband,  and  a  most*  friendly  hospitable  neighbour ; 
always  filled  with  the  obligations  he  owed  to  Heaven  by 
succouring  God's  poor."  Margaret  Crecy,  a  border  lass  of 
much  beauty  and  worth,  became  the  wife  of  John  Ascham  ; 
her  "  family,  Avho  were  wealthy,  cast  her  off  for  marrying 
beneath  her  social  state."  The  marriage  was  represented  in 
the  village  gossip  of  the  time  as  "  a  love  match,  and  the  young 
housewife  was  much  esteemed  by  her  neighbours."  JMra. 
Ascham  became  the  mother  of  three  sons  and  five  dauehters. 


TJic   Versatile  '•'•  Didaskalosy  163 

John  Ascliam  and  his  wife,  we  are  informed,  lived  in  love  and 
harmony  together  for  the  space  of  forty-seven  years,  and  died 
on  the  same  day,  almost  at  the  same  hour,  and  their  "  funeral 
was  attended  by  a  goodly  crowd  of  young  and  old,  who  came 
to  see  the  two  coflins  put  in  the  one  grave,  with  holy  water 
and  flowers,  and  many  prayers  ofifered  up  by  Father  Anthony, 
the  old  Benedictine  priest. " 

Roger  Ascham's  "  tender  years  were  spent  in  the  old  home." 
At  an  early  age  he  attracted  the  notice  of  Sir  Anthony  Wing- 
field,  who  furnished  money  for  his  education.  "  The  boy," 
writes  Dr.  Giles,  "  had,  by  nature,  a  taste  for  books."  Young 
Roger,  however,  preferred  English  Avorks  to  those  of  Latin  ; 
yet  Latin  was  at  that  time  the  language  of  literature,  and 
it  is  not  likely  that  the  few  English  books  then  extant  were  to 
be  found  anywhere  away  from  the  Royal  library,  the  universi- 
ties, and  the  archives  of  the  old  cathedrals.  In  1530  Ro^'er 
Ascham  attained  his  fifteenth  year,  wlicn  his  patron  placed 
him  in  S.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  at  that  period  the  most 
famous  school  of  learnino;  in  Eno-land.  Ascham  entered 
Cambridge  at  the  time  when  tlie  great  revolution  in  religion 
was  privately  and  publicly  discussed.  Learning  was  prose- 
cuted with  jxreat  easrerness,  and  the  rolls  of  the  universities 
seldom  presented  a  more  brilliant  list  of  names  than  were  to 
be  found  at  Cambridge  in  1530.  After  some  years  Roger 
Ascham  became  an  eminent  Grreek  scholar,  and  secretly 
embraced  the  principles  of  the  Reformation.  A\'^hen  a  mere 
youth  Roger  won  a  Fellowship,  and  still  concealed  his  Pro- 
testantism ;  but  it  seems  no  strain  on  probability  to  believe  that 
the  Protestantism  of  Roo-er  Ascham  was,  like  that  of  nianv  of 
his  contemporaries,  a  political  sentiment.  Even  wlicu  a 
"  professing  Protestant,  or  Reformer,"  his  moral  life  would  not 
bear  the  test  of  inquiry. 

M  2 


1 64  TIic   Versatile  "  Didaskalos." 

During  the  first  seven  years  Ascham  resided  at  Cambridge 
lie  never  visited  his  parents.  He  was  neglectful  also  of  his 
sisters  ;  and,  although  his  brother  Anthony  became  an  eminent 
physician,  and  studied  in  the  same  university,  lie  was  little 
indebted  to  Koger  "  for  brotherly  favours." 

Koger  Ascham  had  a  happy  manner  of  receiving  "  compli- 
ments "  from  men  of  the  most  opposite  principles.  The  epoch 
of  Koger  Ascham  was  one  of  duplicity — the  civilian  armed 
with  the  hypocrisy  of  fear,  whilst  the  strong  hand  of  the 
warrior  partitioned  the  goods  of  the  Church  and  the  poor. 

It  is  likely  that  Ascham  first  acquired  his  convivial  habits 
at  the  Dolphin  Tavern  in  Cambridge,  once  so  noted,  when  it 
numbered  amongst  its  visitors  young  men  like  Thomas 
Cranmer,  Stephen  Grardyner,  and  Edmund  Bonner.  According 
to  some  of  Aschara's  letters,  he  was  frequently  mixed  up  in 
"  college  broils,"  but  at  the  same  period  he  seems  to  have 
been  a  general  favourite  in  the  University. 

As  an  alumnus  of  Cambridge,  Roger  Ascham  proved  himself 
most  versatile.  He  could,  like  Tityrus,  play  upon  the  lute, 
indite  "  Arundines  Cami,"  or  score  hexameters  from  Homer — 
playfully  supplementing  classics  with  a  fantasia  from  the  latest 
imported  works  of  Continental  maestros.  Ascham's  writing 
was  pronounced  to  be  the  most  beautiful  specimen  of  penman- 
ship in  England.  He  could,  it  has  been  averred,  draw 
maps  and  paint  pictures.  He  also  affected  gardening  and 
botany.  Dr.  triles  states  that  he  was  "  considered  a  universal 
genius." 

The  numerous  letters  of  Ascham  were  nearly  all  written  in 
Latin.  There  are  not  many  collections  of  Latin  letters  upon 
this  period  extant  which  contain  so  curious  a  fund  of  literary 
anecdotes  and  furnish  such  ample  materials  for  biography,  as  the 
home  and  foreign  correspondence  of  Ascham,  whose  letters  range 


The   Versatile  ''  Didaskalos."  165 

over  the  space  of  about  thirty  years  ;  beginning  with  1539, 
when  he  filled  the  office  of  Fellow  of  S.  John's  College, 
Cambridge,  and  ending  in  December,  1568,  a  few  days  before 
his  death. 

Ascham's  contemporaries  have  described  him  as  a  noted 
"  story-teller,"  a  description  of  flxme  which'gained  a  man  a  ready 
passport  to  Royal  and  noble  society  during  the  Tudor  era. 
The  "many-sidedness"  spoken  of  by  Groethe  was  a  prevailing — 
and,  I  fear,  a  necessary — supplement  to  a  public  character  in 
the  Tudor  epoch, 

Camden  attributes  the  pecuniary  difficulties  of  the  great 
scholar  to  his  love  of  cock-fighting  and  dice — the  manly 
struggle  of  the  children  of  the  great  Almce  Matres  on  Father 
Thames  were  not  dreamt  of  in  those  "  good  old  days."  In  a 
letter  of  Lord  Clinton's  still  extant,  it  would  appear  that 
Aschara  played  dice  with  Henry  VIII.  himself,  who  "  won  a 
few  golden  angels  from  Roger,  which  the  latter  promptly  paid." 
That  night  "  good  Roger  took  supper  with  the  King  and  his 
private  friends,  when  our  good-natured  Sovereign — Grod  bless 
him— gave  back  his  winnings  to  Roger,  adding  ten  angels,  for 
his  '  last  story,'" 

Grant,  in  his  biographical  notes  upon  Roger  Ascham,  praises 
him  for  his  "  disinterestednessand  contempt  of  money.  He  never 
sought  favours,  and  refused  all  presents."  This  statement  does 
not  agree  with  the  facts  to  be  found  in  the  diaries  and  private 
letters  of  the  period  in  which  Roger  lived. 

Dr.  Giles  observes  that  it  has  been  questioned  whether 
Aschara  was  really  addicted  to  cock-fighting  ;  and  contends 
that  a  passage  in  his  "  Schoolmaster  "  seems  to  be  a  sufficient 
proof  that  he  had  a  leaning  for  cock-fighting,  where  he  states 
that  "of  all  kinds  of  pastimes  for  a  man  of  qualitie  that  of 
cock-fighting  is  most  agreeable."     In   Henry's  reign,  and  for 


1 66  The    Versatile  ''  Didaskalosr 


centuries  subsequently,  cock-fighting  was  most  popular  with 
all  classes  in  England. 

With  respect  to  Koger's  alleged  love  of  dice,  the  opinion  he 
expresses  in  his  letters  ought  to  be  a  sufficient  vindication  of 
his  character  in  this  respect.  "  I  hate  gaming,"  observes 
Ascham,  "  and  have  often  told  my  pupils  that  it  was  unlucky 
and  irreligious  to  indulge  in  such  a  way  of  life.  The  dicing 
in  the  reign  of  our  late  blessed  _^lord  and  master,  King  Henry, 
was  most  fatal  to  many  well-to-do  families  in  this  realm." 

Eoger  Ascham  is  said  to  have  been  not  only  protected  by 
Queen  Mary's  Council,  but  favoured  by  the  Sovereign  herself.  It 
is  curious  that  in  his  correspondence  with  Reformers  and 
Catholics  during  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  he  does  not  allude 
to  the  fate  of  his  learned  and  luifortunate  pupil.  Lady  Jane 
Cfray.  In  some  of  his  letters  he  states  that  "  certain  Kc- 
formers  made  themselves  prominent,  and  used  bad  language 
of  the  Queen,  who  was  really  a  good-hearted  woman." 

Cardinal  Pole  had  a  high  opinion  of  Ascham  as  a  scholar, 
and  especially  for  his  "  marvellous  knowledge  of  Latin." 
The  Cardinal  thought  so  highly  of  Ascham's  Latin  style  that 
when  he  desired  to  send  the  Pope  a  copy  of  liis  s^ieech  in 
Parliament,  he  employed  Eoger  to  translate  it  into  Latin. 
Ascham  was  the  guest  of  Pole  at  Lambeth  Palace,  and  also  at 
their  residences  with  G-ardyner  and  Bonner.  On  occasions  like 
these,  Ascham  "  delighted  the  guests  by  narratives  connected 
witli  incidents  of  life  at  home  and  abroad,"  for  he  had  visited 
several  Courts  of  Europe.  In  some  of  his  letters  he  speaks  of 
the  monastic  houses  on  the  Continent,  w^here  he  experienced  a 
warm  and  generous  hospitality. 

Ascham  was  a  fervid  admirer  of  ancient  Greece,  its  lansfuao-e, 
and  its  philosophers.  In  his  "  Schoolmaster,"  Roger  writes: — 
"  Let  Italian,  and  Latin  itself,    Spanish,  French,   Dutch,  and 


TJic   Versatile  ^'  DidaskalosT  167 

Enoflisli,  brinsc  forth  their  Icarnini?  and  recite  their  authorities  ; 
"Cicero  only  '  excepted,  and  one  or  two  more  in  Latin,  they  be 
all  patched  charts  and  rags,  in  comparison  of  fair  woven  broad- 
cloths ;  and  truly  if  there  be  any  good  in  them,  it  is  either 
learned,  borrowed,  or  stolen  from  some  of  those  glorious 
thinkers,  philosophers,  and  wits  of  Athens.  The  memory  of 
ancient  Grreece  can  never  die." 

Tlae  name  of  "good  Roger  Ascham  "  is  somewhat  familiar 
to  those  who  have  studied  Encjlish  literature  for  the  fii'st  half 
of  the  16th  century.  Yet  few  know  more  of  Maister  Roger 
■than  that  he  was  schooolmaster  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth  and 
Lady  Jane  Grray,  and  that  he  wrote  two  books — one  on 
"Archery,"  and  the  other  on  the  more  essential  question  of 
"  Education."  Ascham's  work  on  education  was  entitled  the 
"  Schoolmaster;"  it  was  begun  in  1563,  upon  the  suggestion 
and  under  the  patronage  of  Sir  Richard  Sackville,  but  was 
interrupted  by  the  death  of  the  latter.  Ascliam  finished  his 
work,  but  want  of  means  prevented  its  publication  during  his 
life.  "  The  work  was  carried  on  with  great  vigour,  and 
finished  with  a  nicety  and  accuracy  unknown  at  the 
time." 

A  learned  commentator  affirms  that  Roger  Ascham's 
"  Schoolmaster  "  "  contains  the  best  advice  that  was  ever  given 
for  the  study  of  languages."  Yet  this  work  lay  in  the  dust  of 
his  little  library  for  years  after  his  death, 

Ascham's  marriage  and  departure  from  Cambridge  de- 
prived him  of  his  Fellowship  and  other  emoluments  which  he 
had  enjoyed  at  the  University  for  so  many  years.  At  this 
time  he  commenced  writing  a  series  of  letters  to  the  Court 
party  of  the  day,  detailing  his  poverty.  Both  Reformers  and 
Catholics  were  willinij  to  aid  him.  Elizabeth  continued  to 
him  the  pension  granted  by   her  sister  ;    and,   with    that    in- 


i6S  The   Versatile   "  Didaskalos: 


difference  slie  always  displayed  in  "conferring"  Cliurch  livings, 
appointed  Koger  to  be  a  parish  priest  at  a  salary  of  £82  lis. 
annually.*  It  is  almost  needless  to  add,  that  Ascham,  no 
more  than  Clod,  the  Queen's  Court  jester,  performed  clerical 
duties.  Notwithstanding  all  the  "  moneys  Roger  received  he 
was  still  in  debt." 

Amongst  Ascham's  papers  were  to  be  seen  a  copy  of  a  peti- 
tion to  Archbishop  Cranmer  for  a  license  to  eat  fleshy  meat  on 
"  some  particular  fast  days,"  on  the  grounds  of  delicate  health. 
Cranmer  was  always  very  rigid  as  to  the  observance  of  those 
days,  and  it  is  likely  he  did  not  grant  the  prayer  of  the 
petition.  In  another  letter  to  a  friend,  whose  name  does  not 
transpire,  Roger  observes  :  "  Gfod  forgive  xn.Qfor  hreahing  the 
fast  on  Fridaif  last,  I  was  tempted  hg  a  nice  fat  capon.  I 
roasted  it  myself  on  the  quiet,  and  made  it  all  disappear,  and 
then  washed  down  the  said  capon  with  three  goblets  of  old 
wine,  went  to  bed  and  slept  soundly.  If  Dr.  Cranmer  knew 
of  this  affiiir  he  would  be  likely  to  say :  Roger,  I  think  you 
require  to  go  to  confession  ;  if  I  could  dare  to  speak  my  mind 
to  a  great  man,  I  might  retort  upon  his  Crrace  of  Canterbury, 
but  a  poor  scholar  must  remain  silent  on  many  important 
occasions,  or  else  sink  into  utter  poverty — a  sad  penalty  for 
honesty." 

In  the  course  of  his  travels  Aschani  visited  many  towns  in 
Germany,  and  made  critical  observations  on  all  that  seemed 
•worthy  of  his  attention.  He  went  to  Strasburg  to  his  friend 
Sturm,  who  had  been  already  his  correspondent  for  four  years, 
but  Sturm  was  not  at  home,  and  the  two  learned  scholars- 
never  met. 


*  At  the  death  of  Roger  Ascham,  Queen  Elizabeth  conferred  the  living 
upon  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  her  "  own  Sweet  Eobin." 


TJic   Versatile  ^^  DidaskalosT  169 

Aschain  once  became  the  guest  of  .Sir  Eicliard  ^lorrison,  the 
English  Ambassador  in  Germany,  with  whom  Koger  read 
some  pages  of  Herodotus  every  morning  for  four  days  in  the 
week,  and  more  than  200  verses  of  Sophocles  or  Euripides 
every  afternoon.  On  the  other  days  he  wrote  his  letters  of 
business,  and  before  retiring  to  rest  at  night  he  made  Latin 
entries  in  his  diary. 

Dr.  Johnson  thinks  that  "  amidst  all  the  pleasures  and 
novelty  which  his  travels  presented,  still  Ascham  preferred  the 
tranquillity  of  private  study  and  the  quiet  of  academical  re- 
tirement." Such  might  have  been  the  case  in  his  youth,  when 
he  had  to  labour  hard  at  Cambridge  to  gain  a  position.  I  hold 
with  Dr.  Giles,  an  Oxford  ■  scholar,  who  has  closely  studied 
Ascham' s  character  and  his  adventures,  that  Roger  Avas  not 
inclined  to  return  to  the  hard  labour  and  dull  life  of  a  college, 
but  to  remain  at  Court,  and  obtain  as  much  as  he  could  from 
the  munificence  of  his  Sovereign,  and  the  public  men  who 
admired  his  learning,  or  were  attracted  by  his  fascinating- 
manners  and  delightful  conversation  at  the  convivial  board. 

Eoo-er  Ascham  speaks  with  delight  of  his  visits  to  the  Em- 
peror Charles,  where  he  "  mingled  amongst  five  hundred  guests 
who  sat  down  to  supper  one  evening.  The  Emperor  many  times 
admonished  his  guests  to  punish  the  '  belly  cheer,'  and  wash  it 
down  with  good  old  wine.  And  the  company  obeyed  tlie 
Royal  command  most  heartily,  I  myself  being  up  with 
o-oblet  in  hand  the  first."  "  The  entertainment  was  followed 
by  dancing ;  brave  footing  up  and  down  with  lively  music  till 
daylight  peeped  in  upon  us." 

On  another  occasion  Roger  refers,  in  a  letter  from  the 
Continent,  to  the  excellent  capons  and  old  Rhenish  wine  of  the 
Emperor.  Of  the  wine  he  writes  to  a  Scotch  friend  in  these 
words  : — "  This    Rhenish    wine  is   so  gentle  a  liquor   that    I 


I/O  Th2   Versatile   " Didaskalos." 

really  cannot  tell  how  I  will  do  without  it  when  I  reach  my 
own  dear  old  England." 

Ascham  hated  the  Turks,  and  hoped  the  Emperor  would 
chastise  them  as  they  deserved.  "  I  like  Pope  Julian,"  said 
he,  "  because  he  gave  a  hearty  curse  to  the  abominable  Turks, 
against  whom  every  honest  Eeformer  should  raise  his  hand.  I 
shall  drink  to  the  good  Pope  to-night,  because  he  is  as  fond 
-of  the  old  Rhenish  wine  as  I  am  myself" 

In  another  letter  Roger  again  refers  to  his  partaking  of  the 
Emperor's  hospitality. 

"  The  party  at  dinner  were  few.  The  Emperor  and  Fernando  ate 
very  quickly.  Charles  drunk  right  freelj'.  He  had  his  head  five 
times  to  the  goblet,  taking  about  half  a  pint  of  Rhenish  wine  on  each 
■occasioii.  .  .  .  The  capons  were  excellent,  and  his  Majestie 
set  us  all  a  good  example  both  at  devouring  and  drinking.  When 
every  guest  had  filled  his  goble<t  of  Rhenish  wine  the  Emperor 
related  a  pleasant  narrative  concerning  his  visit  to  England,  when 
a  young  man.  He  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  hospitality  of  the 
English  nobility,  and  especially  of  the  bishops.  His  Majestie 
also  delighted  his  company  with  a  few  anecdotes  of  that  eccentric 
monarch,  Maximilian,  and  Sir  Robert  Wingfield,  the  noted  English 
Ambassador." 

Ascham  further  relates  that  Charles  was  a  well-informed 
man,  and  "  had  on  his  fingers'  ends"  a  volume  of  extraordinary 
Btorics  of  the  inner  life  of  Maximilian,  Louis  the  Twelfth, 
and  Pierre  De  Rassell,  the  celeljrated  chessplayer  of  Antwerp. 

Ascham  frequently  details  in  his  letters  from  the  Continent 
the  hospitality  he  experienced  from  Churchmen.  He  feasted 
on  red  deer  patty  and  old  Burgundy  wine  with  the  Bishop  of 
Arras,  and  amused  that  astute  diplomatist  with  tales  of 
Encrlish  life  durincr  the  "  Wars  of  the  Roses."  Ascham  was 
also  hospitably  entertained  by  many  of  the  religious  houses  iu 


The    Versatile  "  Didaska/os."  171 


♦Spain  ;  and  lie  was  especially  honoured  by  King  Philip,  who, 
like  his  father,  desired  to  retain  Eoo'er  at  his  own  Court,  but 
the  latter  on  religious  grounds  wished  to  uphold  the  system  of 
religion  introduced  in  England. 

In  his  letters  from  Italy  Ascham  describes  his  visit  to  Venice, 
of  whose  "licentious  inhabitants"  he  speaks  in  terms  of 
reprobation. 

In  1552  Ascham  Avrites  from  Spiers  "  upon  the  political 
position  of  the  German  princes."  Those  letters  evinced  con- 
siderable ability,  and  presented  a  strange  picture  of  the  conduct 
of  the  new  preachers,  and  the  morals  of  the  people.  The 
most  valuable  of  those  letters  have  been  badly  translated,  and 
others  have  been  lost. 

Bishop  Grardyner  had  been  the  friend  and  patron  of  Ascham 
for  many  years,  and  introduced  him  to  Henry  VIII.  In 
speaking  of  Gardyner  he  says  : — "  By  the  fivour  of  that 
good- hearted  and  great  man,  the  Lord  Stephen  of  Winchester, 
I  have  been  fetched  from  Cambridge  to  the  Queen's  Court. 
Queen  Mary  says  many  kindly  things  to  me  ;  and  knows  I  am 
one  of  the  New  Learning.  Several  of  the  Queen's  ladles  be 
of  the  same  Avay  of  thinking  as  myself  concerning  religion. 
And  this  her  Majesty  is  aware  of." 

Ascham  was  as  obsequious  and  flattering  to  Elizabeth  as  he 
had  been  to  her  sister,  Mary.  In  one  of  his  dedicatory  letters 
to  the  "  good  Queen  Bess,"  he  says : — "  Wc  subjects  are,  hy 
duty,  and  ought  to  he  hy  REASON,  oheyers  and  followers  of  tlicir 
princcsy 

In  several  of  his  letters  Ascham  praises  King  Henry  for  the 
pensions  he  conferred  upon  him.  The  King  admired  his  style 
of  story-telling,  and  considered  him  an  excellent  Latin  scholar. 
Ascham  ridiculed  the  idea  of  Lord  Crumwell  being  styled  a  man 
of  learnino-.     He  was  not  long  acquainted  with  Crumwell  ;  but 


172  The   Versatile   "  Didaskalos.'" 


nevertheless  he  took  occasion  to  administer  some  flattery  to  the 
powerful  IMinister  of  the  day,  and  wlien  Crumwell  disappeared 
from  the  scene  Roger  joined  in  the  general  shout  against  the 
"sacrilegious  Vandal,"  as  Crumwell  was  styled  by  Churchmen. 

After  a  lono;  illness,  Ro^er  iVscham  died  on  the  30th  of  Decern- 
ber,  1568,  in  the  54th  year  of  his  age,  heartily  regretted  both 
at  Cambridge  and  Oxford  Universities.  He  joined  the  party 
of  the  "  Xew  Learning  "  when  only  eighteen  years  of  age. 
His  old  schoolfellow,  Father  Tyrrell,  visited  him  a  few  days 
before  his  death,  and  "  implored  him  to  return  to  the  olden 
relis^ion  of  Christendom."  "  No,  I  never  will  return  to  that 
way  of  thinking,"  was  the  reply  of  Ascham.  He  continued 
the  discourse  for  a  few  minutes,  expressing  his  hostility  to  the 
lAipacy.  ...  "  Nevertheless,"  he  observes,  "  I  admire  its 
antiquity,  and  the  grandeur  of  its  sentiments  ;  and,  above  all, 
its  everlasting  sympathy  for  the  poor." 

Roger  Ascham  had  three  sons,  who  were  treated  Avith  kind- 
ness by  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  Queen  always  spoke  in 
respectful  terms  of  the  memory  of  her  old  schoolmaster.  When 
attached  to  her  Court,  Elizabeth  conversed  with  Ascham  on 
classical  and  learned  subjects  on  three  stated  days  each  week. 
Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  states  that  it  was  "  a  very  interesting  scene 
to  witness — the  pupil  and  the  schoolmaster  going  over  the  old 
ground  again."  On  those  occasions  the  Queen  was  accompanied 
by  one  lady  and  a  gentleman,  sometimes  Christopher  Hatton, 
Sir  William  Cecil,  or  Lord  Leicester.  "  Of  the  learning  of  the 
latter,  Elizabeth  thought  little." 

Roger  Ascham,  as  before  observed,  did  not  live  to  see 
his  celebrated   book  published. 

The  "  Schoolmaster"  was  printed  in  1570.  Several  editions 
of  it  appeared  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  Sir  William 
Cecil,  not  the  Queen,  promoted  the  printing  and  circulation  of 


TJie    Versatile  ''  DidaskalosT  173 

the  first  edition  of  the  "  Schoolmaster."  In  the  reign  of 
James  the  First,  Ascham's  "  Schoohnaster  "  rose  in  public 
estimation.  In  1711  an  edition  of  it,  with  extensive  notes, 
was  published  in  London,  and  again  in  1743. 

The  letters  of  Roger  Aschani  are  perhaps  the  most  interesting 
part  of  his  works,  but  his  English  writings  are  valuable  as 
specimens  of  our  language,  as  it  was  spoken  at  a  period  which 
has  left  us  few  other  indications  of  the  tongue. 

Ascham  was  not  a  man  of  a  delicate  or  independent  mind. 
He  was  always  parading  his  pecuniary  difhculties  before  his 
patrons  and  personal  friends,  who  oftentimes  became  annoyed 
by  his  importunities.  Great  men  either  bear  privations  bravely, 
or,  engrossed  in  their  own  elevated  pursuits,  are  careless  of 
their  existence.  Judging  from  many  curious  incidents  in 
connection  with  Eoger's  inner  life  in  Cambridge  and  elsewhere, 
I  believe  his  character  is  yet  undiscovered.  His  Spanish 
friend,  Fernando  Trimletto,  states  that  he  "  could  never  rightly 
comprehend  Roger ;  but  he  admired  his  style  of  relating  a 
story."  There  are,  it  is  true,  inconsistencies  and  contradictions 
in  most  men  of  learning  that  it  is  often  difficult  to  comprehend. 
Whether  Ascham  was  needy  by  his  own  fault,  or  the  neglect 
of  his  literary  patrons,  it  is  impossible  now  to  decide.  In 
those  times,  and  far  later,  it  was  difficult  for  any  literary  man 
to  move  forward  in  his  occupation  without  Royal  or  noble 
patrons.     Things  are  now  changed. 

Roger  Ascham's  contemporaries  all  speak  of  him  as  benevo- 
lent and  humane.  In  the  social  circles  of  those  times  of 
unbounded  English  hospitality,  "  Good  Malster  Roger"  was 
always  the  most  welcome  and  the  most  esteemed  of  guests. 
And  I  may  add  that,  in  those  days,  sectarian  feeling 
seldom  marred  the  domestic  gatherings  or  the  "  merrle 
meetings  of  English  gentlemen." 


1 74      Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

SIR  CHRISTOPHEU  HATTON  AND  HIS  CONTEMPORARIES. 

Christopher  Hatton  was  the  tlilrd  son  of  William  Hatton, 
of  Holdenbj,  in  Nortliamptousliire,  by  his  wife,  Alice, 
daughter  of  Mr.  Saunders,  of  Harrington,  in  that  county. 
The  pedigree  of  tlie  Hatton  family  was  very  ancient,  descend- 
ing from  Ivo,  a  Norman  nobleman.  The  descendants  of  this 
Norman  settled  down,  like  many  others,  as  country  squires,  in 
different  parts  of  England.  Christopher  Hatton,  who,  as  heir 
to  his  brother,  succeeded  to  tlie  estates  at  Holdenby,  in  1540, 
was  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  six  years  by  the  death  of 
his  father  in  August,  154(i.  It  is  supposed  that  his  uncle, 
William  Saunders,  superintended  his  early  education.  Very 
little  is  known  of  liim  until  he  entered  as  a  Grentleman  Com- 
moner at  St.  Mary's  Hall,  Oxford.  He  was  then  a  line  hand- 
some boy  some  fifteen  years  of  age.  He  quitted  the  University 
without  a  degree,  and  became  a  member  of  the  Inner  Temple 
on  the  26th  of  May,  1560,  on  \^hich  occasion  he  was  described 
as  of  Holdenby,  in  Northamptonshire,  which  tends  to  show 
that  he  was  then  in  possession  of  the  family  estates,  however 
small.  It  has  been  stated  that  he  did  not  enter  the  Temple 
Avith  a  view  of  studying  the  law  as  a  profession  ;  and  again  it 
is  contended  that  this  report  was  invented  to  increase  the 
wonder,  if  not  the  obloquy,  which  his  appointment  as  Lord 
Chancellor  subsequently  created.     Lord  Campbell  states  posi- 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      175 

tively  that  he  was  never  called  to  the  Bar.  Sir  Harris  Nicolas 
believes  that  he  was  called  to  the  Bar  about  1565  or  1567,  but 
he  was  never  either  a  Reader  or  a  Bencher  of  his  Inn. 

At  an  early  period  Christopher  Hatton  evinced  symptoms  of 
that  vanity  which  subsequently  distinguished  him  above  the 
courtiers  of  his  time.  While  at  College  he  was  very 
popular  with  his  fellow-students  ;  but  he  neglected  his  studies, 
and  spent  more  time  in  fencing  and  archery  than  in  perusing 
Aristotle  and  Aquinas;  and,  from  the  fear  of  being  "plucked," 
he  left  Oxford  without  trying  for  a  degree.  Lord  Campbell 
considers  that  he  possessed  but  a  slender  stock  of  learning. 
Surely,  he  had  more  book  knowledge  than  his  superficial 
rival^  Robert  Dudley.  At  the  Temple  he  was  a  noted  "  roisterer 
and  swashbuckler ;"  hearing  the  chimes  at  midnight,  knowing 
the  chief  illicit  haunts,  and  sometimes  lying  all  night  in 
the  windmill  in  St.  George's  Fields.  However,  while  he  spent 
much  of  his  time  in  dicing  and  gallantry,  there  were  two 
amusements  to  which  he  particularly  devoted  himself,  and 
which  laid  the  foundation  of  his  future  fortune.  The  first 
was  dancing,  which  he  studied  under  the  most  approved 
masters,  and  in  which  he  excelled  beyond  any  man  of  his  time; 
the  other  was  the  stage.  lie  constantly  frequented  the  London 
theatres — such  as  those  places  of  amusement  were  in  the  days 
of  Elizabeth.  He  wrote  masques,  and  took  part  in  the  per- 
formance of  them,  to  the  delight  of  his  numerous  admirers. 

Lord  Campbell's  Puritan  feelings  were  shocked  at  the  idea 
of  a  grave  lawyer  dancing  like  thoughtless  young  people.  The 
noble  lord  should  have  remembered  that  dancing  was  then, 
and  for  a  considerable  period  later,  not  merely  tolerated,  but 
exacted  from  lawyers.  Here  is  a  case  which  occurred  half  a 
century  later,  and  in  the  7th  year  of  the  reign  of  James  the 
First  :— "On  the  6th  of  February,  7   lac,  1610,  the  under- 


1/6      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 

barristers  of  Lincoln's  Inn  were,  by  decimation,  put  out  of 
Commons,  for  example's  sake,  because  tbe  whole  Bar  offended 
by  not  dancing  on  Candlemas  Day  preceding,  according  to  the 
ancient  order  of  this  society,  when  the  judges  were  present  ; 
with  this  warning,  that,  if  the  like  fault  were  committed  after- 
wards, they  should  be  fined  or  disbarred."* 

To  return  to  Hatton's  early  career.  The  next  occasion  on 
which  he  appeared  at  a  public  amusement  was  one  of  that  class 
which  brought  him  prominently  before  the  courtiers.  In  1561 
the  Inner  Temple  celebrated  Christmas  by  a  splendid  masque, 
in  which  the  part  of  "  Master  of  the  Game  "  was  played  by 
Hatton.  Amongst  the  actors  was  Lord  Robert  Dudley,  sub- 
sequently known  as  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  At  this  period 
Christopher  Hatton  was  about  twenty-one  years  of  age,  perhaps 
a  few  months  more.  He  was  very  handsome,  tall,  and  graceful 
in  his  person,  and  possessed  of  the  most  elegant  manners.  His 
voice  was  soft  and  winning.  As  a  dancer,  too,  he  was 
considered  the  first  in  England.  His  personal  appearance  and 
the  charms  of  his  conversational  powers  at  once  attracted  the 
Queen's  attention,  and  she  did  not  conceal  from  her  ladies  the 
impression  he  had  made  upon  her.  Elizabeth,  who  was 
herself  the  best  dancer  of  her  sex,  at  Court,  openly  declared 
her  admiration  for  Hatton's  "  footing."  Four  times  she  danced 
with  him  in  one  niglit,  and  brought  him  to  the  Royal  supper 
table — a  special  mark  of  herfa"«)ur.  The  courtiers  became  some- 
what jealous  and  annoyed  by  the  presence  of  the  handsome 
young  gentleman  from  the  Inns.  The  Queen,  perceiving  the 
jealousy  of  Lord  Robert  Dudley,  did  everything  to  increase  it, 
for  no  lady  at  the  Court  could  carry  on  a  flirtation  with  such 
bewitching  charms  of  manner  as  the  Queen   herself.     Hatton 


Dugdale's  Origines  Juridiciales,  1688,  p.  150. 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries.      177 


was  immediately  appointed  one  of  the  Band  of  Gentlemen 
Pensioners,  being  fifty  in  number — all  tall,  handsome  young 
men — whose  duty  it  was  to  attend  the  Queen  on  public 
occasions,  and,  amongst  the  Queen's  most  faithful  knights, 
Christopher  Hatton  became  the  "truest  of  the  true"  to  the 
close  of  his  life.  Camden  states  that  the  "  modist  sweetness  of 
his  manners  first  attracted  the  Queen."  I  should  imagine  that 
his  tall  handsome  person  attracted  her  most,  and  slie  did  not 
conceal  this  fact  from  Blanche  Parry. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1561,  what  might  be  called  the 
first  genuine  English  tragedy,  in  five  acts,  composed  on  the 
ancient  tragic  model,  Avas  performed  before  Queen  Elizabeth.* 
The  Queen  delighted  in  theatricals  of  a  classic  description.  She 
caused  a  stao-e  to  be  erected  at  Windsor  Castle  for  regular 
performances  of  the  drama,  with  an  elegant  wardrobe  for  the 
actors,  painted  scenes,  and  an  efficient  orchestra.  When  the 
play  was  over,  the  Queen  gave  an  excellent  supper  to  all  those 
who  attended  the  entertainment,  and,  like  her  father  on  such 
occasions,  made  herself  '•  most  homely  and  agreeable  "  with  all 
the  guests.  The  party  generally  broke  up  about  two  in  the 
morninn-,  ending  with  a  noisy  dance  and  lively  Irish  music. 
The  despatches  of  the  foreign  Ambassadors  all  concur  in  praise 
of  the  Queen's  hospitality. 

In  1568  Hatton  was  one  of  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Inner 
Temple  who  wrote  a  tragedy  called  "  Tancred  and  Gismund," 
which  was  acted  before  the  Queen,  by  the_authors  of  the  play. 
Hatton's  contribution  was  the  fourth  act.  The  play  was 
printed  in  1592,  when  the  name  of  the  Eoyal  favourite  was 
thus  affixed — "  Composuit  Chr.  Hatton." 

In  April,    1568,  Hatton  exchanged  his  hereditary  manors  of 


*  Camden's  Annals. 
VOL.    IV.  N 


178      Sir  Chvistopha'  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 

Holdenby  -witli  the  Queen  for  the  site  of  the  Abbey  and 
demesne  lands  of  Sulbj.  On  the  same  day  her  Highness 
granted  him  a  lease  of  the  manors  of  Holdenby  for  forty 
years.  It  was  thus  the  Queen  disposed  of  the  "  heritage  of  the 
poor "  which  her  father  had  seized  upon.  From  this  time 
forward  tl^.e  Royal  bounty  flowed  upon  Hatton  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  excite  alarm  in  her  Council,  and  the  courtiers,  who 
were  always  "greedy,  and  looking  for  more,"  asked — "  What 
service  has  this  young  man  rendered  to  the  State  ?  " 

Of  coui'se  the  continued  favours  lavished  upon  Hatton 
excited  the  displeasure,  as  well  as  the  jealousy,  of  Lord  Leicester; 
therefore,  in  ridicule  of  the  accomplishment  which  first 
attracted  the  Queen's  notice,  he  proposed  to  introduce  a 
dancing  master,  who  excelled  the  "  new  favourite."  Elizabeth, 
however,  drew  a  distinction  between  the  merit  of  an  artist  and 
the  skill  of  an  amateur,  when  she  contemptuously  remarked  : 
"Pish!  I  will  not  see  your  man.  Hopping  ahoiit  is  his 
traded 

Grants  of  lands  and  sinecure  offices  still  continued  to  be 
conferred  on  Hatton,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  the  courtiers,  and 
the  scandal  gossip  of  London  and  Paris  made  the  worst  of  the 
Queen's  "  indiscretions,"  as  the  Council  Avhispered  amongst 
themselves. 

In  April,  1571,  Hatton  was  returned  for  Higham  Ferrers. 
There  is  no  record  of  his  having-  won  any  distinction  in  the 
Commons.  In  fact  there  were  few  men  of  ability  in  that 
assembly,  and,  if  honest  politicians,  it  behoved  them  to  be 
silent,  or  else  they  were  relegated  to  the  Tower  or  the  Fleet. 

In  May,  1571,  Hatton  distinguished  himself  in  a  more  con- 
genial arena  than  the  House  of  Commons.  He  appeared  as 
one  of  the  challengers  in  "  a  tourney  and  barriers,''  before  the 
Queen  at  Westminster.  His  colleagues  were  the  Earl  of  Oxford, 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries.      1 79 

Mr.  Charles  Howard,  and  Sir  Henry  Lee,  "  all  of  whom  did 
very  valiantly  perform  the  part  set  down  for  thera.  The  chief 
honour  was  conferred  on  the  Earl  of  Oxford."* 

In  1572  Platton  presented  his  Royal  mistress  with  a  New 
Year's  gift,  consisting  of  a  jewel  of  "  pizarras  of  gold  "  adorned 
with  rubies  and  diamonds,  and  flowers  set  with  rubies,  with 
one  pearl  pendant,  and  another  at  tlie  top.  The  Queen's 
Cliristmas- presents  to  this  highly  favoured  courtier  amounted 
to  four  times  as  much  as  that  conferred  on  any  other  person 
who  enjoyed  lier  friendship. 

It  became  a  matter  of  astonishment  to  the  public,  the  large 
"grants  of  land  and  valuables"  that  were  bestowed  on 
Hatton.  Between  February  and  July,  1572,  fresh  grants  were 
made  to  him  of  woods  in  Herefordshire,  of  the  manor  of 
Frampton  in  Dorsetshire,  of  the  reversion  of  the  house  of  the 
Monastery  de  Pratis  in  Leicestershire,  of  the  stewardship  of 
the  manor  of  Wendlingborough  in  Xorthamptonshire,  and  of 
the  wardship  of  two  more  manors.  At  this  period  Hutton 
had  been  eight  years  attached  to  the  Court,  yet  his  name  does 
not  appear  in  any  State  paper  correspondence.  His  position 
at  Court  undoubtedly  rendered  him  an  object  of  envy;  and  the 
ladies  were  profuse  in  gossip  by  no  means  favourable  to  the 
Royal  reputation.  Amidst  these  unedifying  facts,  it  is  worthy 
of  remark  that  Hatton  became  a  "  public  favourite,"  and  he 
seems  to  have  made  far  more  friends  and  fewer  enemies  than 
had  any  Royal  favourite  before  him.  His  private  charities 
were  admitted,  and  known  to  be  extensive,  thoughtful,  and 
unostentatious. 

His  friendship   for  the   unfortunate   Duke  of  Norfolk  was 
another  proof  of  the  goodness  of  his  nature,   for  to  plead  in 


*  Nicho's'  Progresses  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  vol.  i.  p.  276. 

N  2 


1 80      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


favour  of  Norfolk  was  absolutely  perilous.  The  Duke  was 
condemned  for  high  treason  on  the  16th  of  January,  1572. 
His  greatest  crime  was  the  alleged  design  to  marry  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  Whilst  under  sentence  of  death  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  wrote  thus  to  his  son  Philip: — "  Maister  Hatton  is  a 
marvellous  constant  friend.  And  I  have  been  much  beholden 
unto  him." 

Amono-st  the  Hatton  Papers  are  to  be  seen  many  letters 
thankinor  him  for  "  intercessions  with  the  Queen  in  favour  of 
recusants,  or  for  people  in  distress." 

In  May,  1572,  Hatton  was  elected  a  Knight  of  the  Shire 

for  Northampton,  and  he  continued  to  represent  that  county 

until  he  became  Lord  Chancellor.     In  this  year  several  persons 

were  prosecuted  for  propagating  scandals  concerning  the  Queen, 

with  Hatton  and  Lord  Leicester.      There  can  be  little  doubt 

that  those  charges  orio;inated  with  men    who  were  wacrino;  a 

political    warfare    with    the    Queen.     The  accusations   of  the 

Queen  of  Scots  against  Elizabeth's  reputation,  as  a  woman,  arc 

the    most    damagjing    on  record.       Amono-st      the     statements 

set    forth    was    one    that     the     Duke     of     Anjou    and    his 

family    were    inclined    to    break    off  the    negotiations    for  a 

marriage   with  the    English  Queen   in  consequence   of  those 

alarming  reports  concerning  the  Queen's  honour.     The  entries 

in  the  Council  Book  show  that  the  Government  would  not 

consent  to  the  Queen  marrying  a  Catholic.     In  the  Queen's 

presence,  and  Anjou  standing  beside  her,  Hatton  pronounced 

the  judgment  of   the    Council   against    a    Catholic  marriage. 

The  Council  did  not  permit  Elizabeth  to  carry  out  her  views  in 

everything — far  from   it — and  the  question  of   marriage  they 

always  regarded  with  a  jealous  eye. 

Hatton  soon  discovered  that  the  Queen  was  prone  to  be 
attracted  by  "new  faces,"  and  he  was  suddenly  thrown  aside. 


Sir  ChristopJicr  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      1 8 1  • 

He  therefore  consulted  his  friend,  Edward  Dyer,  and  carious 
to  relate  Dyer  was  one  of  the  many  dependents  of  the  Earl  of 
Leicester.  He  was  occasionally  employed  in  the  Queen's 
service,  and  subsequently  received  the  appointment  of  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  when  he  Avas  knio-hted.* 
In  substance  the  cautious  Dyer  advised  Hatton  "  not  to  notice 
the  Queen's  coldness  towards  him,  and  to  be  immensely  humble  ; 
and  not  to  express  an  opinion  to  anyone  on  what  was  passing, 
because  his  words  might  be  used  or  falsely  interpreted  by  some 
concealed  enemy."  Dyer  continues,  "  First  of  all  you  must  con- 
sider with  whom  you  have  to  deal,  and  what  we  be  towards  her 
(the  Queen);  Avho,  though  she  do  descend  very  much  in  her 
sex  as  a  zvoman,  yet  we  may  not  forget  her  place,  and  the 
nature  of  it  as  our  Sovereign." 

Hatton  concludes  one  of  his  letters  from  Antwerp  to  the 
Queen  in  these  words  :  "  Madam,  forget  not  your  '  Lydds'  (a 
pet  name  for  her  dancing  favourite)  that  are  so  often  bathed 
with  tears  for  your  sake.  A  more  wise  man  may  seek  you, 
but  a  more  faithful  and  worthy  can  never  have  you.  Pardon 
me,  my  most  dear  sweet  lady,  I  will  no  more  write  of  these 
matters.     .     .     .  "  Chr.  Hattox.  f 

"Antwerp,  June  17th,  1573." 

In  one  of  Elizabeth's  replies  to  Hatton's  "  wild  and  indis- 
creet epistles,"  as  Sir  Thomas  Smythe  styled  them,  she  wrote  in 
the  very  opposite  strain  to  that  of  her  romantic  admirer.  She 
was  evidently  displeased  at  the  warmth  of  his  langunge.  The 
Queen  seemed  to  think  that  flirtation  was  not  to  be  considered 


*  At  one  period  Dyer  was  as  great  a  favourite  with  the  Queen  as  Hatton, 
but  he  possessed  more  discretion  than  his  handsome  friend.  Dyer  died  in 
1607. 

t  The  autograph  is  to  be  seen  ia  the  State  Paper  Collection. 


1 82      Sir  ChristopJicr  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 

as  a  response  to  the  professions  of  an  ardent  lover.  She  again 
maintained  that  platonic  love  was  a  refined  friendship,  only 
understood  by  the  more  cultivated  minds.  To  a  certain  extent 
Elizabeth  was  correct  ;  but  the  difficulty  surrounding  such  a 
sentiment  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  as  to  where  a  line  can 
judiciously  be  drawn,  the  human  mind  ranging  so  much 
between  warmth  and  coldness ;  between  sincerity  and 
deception. 

Her  Highness  writes  thus  to  Hatton  : — '^  I  deem  friendship 
to  he  one  uniform  consent  on  the  part  of  tioo  minds,  such  as 
virtue  links  together,  and  iicaiglit  hut  death  can  hreah.""* 

The  Queen  w^as  "  annoyed,  almost  roused  to  a  storm," 
writes  Dyer,  "  when  she  read  Hatton's  second  love  epistle  from 
Antwerp."  A  lady  in  Avaiting  relates  that  her  Highness 
"  read  the  note  in  an  excited  mood.  She  paced  the  chamber 
several  times,  laid  the  paper  on  the  table,  took  it  ujd  again 
and  again.f  She  smiled  and  frowned  by  turns,  making  only 
one  remark,  '  what  fools  apparently  sensible  men  sometimes 
make  of  themselves.' " 

When  Elizabeth's  passion  calmed  down,  she  sent  a  dove  to 
her  favom-ite  as  an  emblem  of  "  peace  and  good  will,"  and,  as 
usual,  a  white  rose,  to  signify  the  purity  of  her  love.  Judging, 
however,  from  all  the  extraordinary  gossip  related  by  courtiers 
of  Elizabeth's  private  life,  the  reader  can  form  his  own  con- 
clusions  as    to    her  honour  ;  but  I   must    remark  that    her 


*  The  original  letters,  in  •which  the  Queen  "reproved"  Hatton,  are  not 
to  be  found.  There  are,  however,  two  copies  of  them  in  the  State  Paper 
Office. 

t  Hatton's  writing  was  very  difficult  to  read,  and  the  Queen  often  re- 
marked that  it  took  more  time  to  peruse  his  epistles  than  any  she  had  ever 
received.  Blanche  Parry  had  frequently  the  task  of  making  out  words 
encircled  by  the  Queen. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Conteniporarics.      183 

enemies  were  numerous  and  unscrupulous  in  making  accusa- 
tions against  her. 

I  have  already  called  the  reader's  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  Queen  left  ample  room  for  the  severest  criticism  upon  her 
conduct  ;  yet  nothing  of  a  woman-dishonouring  nature  has 
been  proved  against  her.  Grregori  Lctti  does  not  credit  the 
narratives  put  forward  to  impeach  the  honour  of  Elizabeth. 
"I  cannot,"  he  says,  "  had  proofs  of  those  allegations." 
Silva,  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  made  special  inquiries,  at  the 
request  of  King  Philip,  concerning  the  scandals  afloat  against 
the  honour  of  the  Queen  of  England.  8ilva  reports  : — "  I  am 
quite  satisfied  that  there  is  no  foundation  for  what  has  been 
bruited  ai^ainst  the  Queen's  character." 

I  must  in  justice  add  that  amongst  the  enormous  mass  of 
Mendoza's  correspondence  at  Simancas,  there  is  not  one  single 
imputation  cast  upon  the  honour  of  Elizabeth  as  a  icornan  ; 
but,  as  a  politician,  she  stands  in  the  darkest  light.  Again,  I 
refer  to  La  Motte  Feneleon,  a  distinguished  French  diploma- 
tist, who  was  eight  years  in  London  as  the  envoy  of  France, 
assurino-  Catherine  de  Medicis  that  the  "  stories  concerning  the 
Queen  of  England  were  baseless,  malicious  falsehoods."*  He 
had  many  discussions  with  Elizabeth  on  the  "  merits  of  learned 
books  and  learned  men."  However,  from  the  nature  of  the  ac- 
cusations against  Elizabeth,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  procure 
proofs.  The  great  jurists  of  the  sixteenth  century  sometimes 
accepted  presumptive  evidence,  but  Equity,  always  on  the  side 
of  Mercy,  rejected  it.  So  the  Queen  herself  is  not  to  be 
jvidged  in  all  cases  according  to  her  own  merciless  and  unjust 
code.  It  is,  however,  my  more  immediate  duty  to  deal  witli 
the  character  of  Elizabeth  as  a  monarch,  although  it  is  not  easy 

*  la   preceding  chapters    I   have   incidentally  referred   to  the  opinion 
expressed  by  Feneleon  upon  the  reputation  of  Elizabeth. 


1 84      Sir  ChrisiopJicr  Hat  ion  and  his  Contcniporaries. 


to  separate  the  private  life  of  a  great  potentate  from  the  varied 
circumstances  which  History,  acting  under  the  inspiration  of 
Truth,  is  bound  to  chronicle. 

The  Queen  visited  Bristol  in  August,  1574,  attended  by 
Lord  Leicester,  Hatton,  and  the  officers  of  her  household. 
Churchyard,  a  quaint  poet  of  the  period,  who  was  present, 
published  an  account  of  the  Koyal  visit  in  the  second  edition  of 
his  work  called  "  Churchyard's  Chips,"  which  he  dedicated  to 
"  the  Eight  Worshipful,  his  tried  and  worthy  friend,  Maister 
Christopher  Hatton." 

The  people  of  Bristol  gave  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  Queen 
and  her  favourites,  but  it  was  evident  that  Hatton  was  tlie 
most  popular,  for  Leicester  was  detested  by  the  English  people, 
even  when  he  was  profuse  in  expenditure  ;  and  no  matter  what 
phase  of  religion  he  assumed,  tlxe  man  was  still  distrusted 
and  execrated. 

Royal  favourites  seldom  act  with  discretion  ;  and  few  of  the 
enemies  of  the  Anglican  Church  in  1574  approved  of  Hatton's 
conduct  in  relation  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  whose  mansion 
and  garden  he  desired  to  obtain  by  means  that  every  honest 
and  honourable  man  would  repudiate.  The  manner  of  action 
was  at  once  mean  and  cowardly,  for  Hatton  supplied  himself 
Avith  the  omnipotent  cegls  of  the  Queen,  and  as  the  story  is 
related,  Hatton,  with  the  Queen's  approbation,  applied  to  Dr. 
Coxe.  Bishop  of  Ely,  for  the  lease  of  his  house  in  Ely-place, 
Holborn,  and  the  garden  attached  thereto. 

The  Bishop  naturally  and  legitimately  refused  to  comply 
with  the  modest  demand  made  by  Hatton,  and  stated  that  he 
had  no  legal  power  vested  in  him  to  assign  the  property  of  the 
See  to  any  person  whatsoever.*     The  law  was  clearly  on  the 

*  The  report  of  tins  transaction  is  to  be  seen  in  the  archives  of  the 
Cathedral  of  Ely,  and  also  amongst  the  domestic  State  Papers  of  157i-5. 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries.      185 

Bishop's  side,  but  where  Churchmen  were  concerned  Elizabeth 
cared  little  for  vested  rights,  or  even  honesty  in  a  commercial 
point  of  view  ;  yet  one  of  her  noted  but  somewhat  oblivious 
biographers  has  described  her  as  the  "  Nursing  ^lother  of  the 
Anglican  Church." 

During  the  discreditable  correspondence  which  took  place 
over  this  afiair,  the  Queen  did  not  seem  to  feel  ashamed 
of  writing  the  following  note  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely  : — 

"Proud   Prelate,— 

"  I  understand  you  are  backward  in  complying  with  your  agree- 
ment, but  I  would  have  you  to  know  that  /,  loho  made  you  what 
you    are,    can    unmalce    you;    and  if  you   do  not  fortJacith   fuJjil 

your  engayement,  by  G ,  /  loill  immediaiely  unfrock  you.'" 

"Signed, 

"  Elizabeth,  the  Queen. "•>' 

It  would  appear  from  the  Queen's  note  that  Dr.  Coxe  had 
broken  his  "  engagement."  But,  as  I  have  just  remarked,  the 
prelate  had  not  the  power  of  "bestowing,  or  selling,"  the 
property  in  question.  The  extent  of  his  manorial  rights  was 
to  give  a  lease  for  a  certain  number  of  years.  In  this  case, 
however,  the  Bishop  prudently  yielded.  He  had  been  engaged 
in  several  other  unpleasant  disputes  with  the  Queen,  her  High- 
ness being  always  victorious  in  any  action  against  the  bisliops, 
whom  she  often  treated  in  a  spirit  of  Injustice,  and,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  with  studied  contempt. 


*  It  has  been  alleged  by  some  of  Elizabeth's  biographers  that  the  letter 
above  quoted  is  a  forgery  ;  and  the  whole  transaction  a  myth.  I  refer  the 
reader  to  John  Strype's  Annals,  Oxford  edi.,  vol.  i.  p.  501  ;  also  to  vol.  ii. 
p.  259,  of  the  same  author ;  and  further,  to  the  Eegister  of  the  Diocese  of 
Ely,  which,  I  hope,  may  satisfy  the  sceptical  reader— if  such  there  be— as 
to  the  accuracy  of  my  statements  upon  the  matter  under  consideration. 


1 86      Sir  Chris  top  J icr  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 

Ill  the  third  volume  of  the  "  Historical  Portraits  "  I  have 
referred  to  the  case  of  Dr.  Coxe  and  Hatton. 

About  this  time  (1575)  Hatton  Avas  so  much  in  debt  that 
the  Queen  communicated  with  the  Treasurer,  Lord  Burleigh, 
to  advance  some  money  towards  liquidating  the  "  most  press- 
ing of  his  debts.^'  The  Queen  promised  to  make  "  a  further 
discharge  "  at  a  future  time.  To  the  courtiers  and  the  money- 
lenders it  was  a  matter  of  astonishment  how  Hatton  came  to 
be  in  debt,  for  he  had  received  large  grants  of  land  from  the 
Queen. 

In  the  year  1575  Hatton  does  not  appear  much  in  public 
life.  He  presented  his  usual  New  Year's  gifts  to  the  Queen, 
and  her  flivour  was  manifested  by  renewed  and  large  grants  of 
land  in  several  counties.  In  the  August  of  1575  the  Queen 
made  fresh  grants  to  Hatton,  and  amongst  the  rest  she  gave 
him  the  manor  of  Chapel  Brompton,  in  Northamptonshire  ;  and 
«,  few  months  later  his  Eoyal  patroness  settled  four  hundred 
l^ounds  sterling  per  year  upon  Jam  for  life  from  the  public 
revenues. 

We  are  further  informed  by  the  records  of  the  times  that  in 
the  following  year  (1576),  Corfe  Castle,  in  Dorsetshire,  and 
"  other  lands  in  various  parts  of  England  "  were  given  by  the 
<5.ueen  as  a  gift  to  Hatton,*  and  notwithstanding  all  these 
iiccessions  of  fortune,  he  was  still  in  need  of  more.  It  may 
yet  be  said  in  Hatton's  favour  that  he  was  profuse  in  his 
entertainments  and  liberal  and  kind  to  his  numerous  retainers. 
In  those  days  of  "greed  and  flinty  feeling  "  amongst  the  land- 
holders, he  was  extremely  indulgent    to   his    tenants,    often 


*  Ast.  Patent  17  and  18  Eliz.  It  appears  from  the  Sydney  State  Papers, 
vol.  i.  p.  151),  that  Hatton  had  also  enjoyed  a  monopoly  in  Ireland,  which 
■expired  about  January,  1576 


Sir  CJiristopJicr  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      i  ^j 

returning  the  rent  to  the  most  needy,  acting  in  such  mode 
anost  unlike  his  rival,  Lord  Leicester. 

Christopher  Hatton  formed  no  exception  as  to  "  pecuniary 
difficulties,"  for  Walsingham  was  also  in  debt,  and  it  ill  accords 
with  the  popular  idea  of  the  chivalrous  Sir  Philip  Sydney,  to 
find  him  "hopelessly  in  debt."  In  1581  Philip  Sydney 
wrote  to  Hatton,  beseeching  him  "  to  'solicit  the  Queen  for 
some  aid  to  keep  off  a  Dutch  Shylock  who  worried  him  to 
death."  The  Queen,  as  usual,  "  rated  "  Sydney  for  not  living 
within  his  rceans,  but,  with  a  dash  of  her  mother's  good 
nature,  she  enabled  him  to  get  over  his  embarrassments. 

In  the  preceding  volume  of  this  work,  I  have  commented  on 
the  fact  that  the  public  men  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth 
received  salaries  quite  inadequate  to  uphold  the  position  of 
Ministers  of  the  Crown,  and  they  were  nearly  all  men  of  small 
private  fortune,  having  no  further  means  except  what  tlicy 
received  from  the  Queen  as  grants  from  the  confiscated  lands. 
The  parsimony  practised  by  the  Crown  led  to  peculation  and 
fraud  in  several  departments  of  the  Grovernraent,  and  some  high 
officials  "  helped  themselves  plentifully."  The  department  of 
the  law  was  notoriously  corrupt,  and  it  maybe  asked,  "When 
was  it  not  so  ? "' 

Two  years  later  (1583)  Sydney  was  again  before  the  Queen, 
seeking  for  another  favour,  but  of  a  different  type.  He  had 
wooed  and  won  the  daughter  of  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  to 
the  great  chagrin  of  many  Court  beauties.  The  Queen,  as 
usual  in  reported  love  matches,  opposed  the  marriage  just  as  it 
was  all  arranged.  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  like  the  aggrieved 
of  all  parties,  wrote  to  Hatton  on  the  subject  of  this  marriage. 
He  complained  of  the  "  Queen's  interference  with  the  marriage 
of  a  private  gentleman  to  a  fair  maiden  who  is  his  equal  by 
birth  and  education,  and  without  spot  or  stain  on  her  honour." 


1 88      Sir  Christopher  Hattoii  and  his  Contemporaries. 


He  referred  to  "  the  many  years  in  which  the  Sydney  family 
had  served  the  House  of  Tudor  in  the  field  of  battle  and  in  the 
Council  chamber."  "I  pray  you,  good  sir,"  continues 
Walsinoham,  "if  the  Queen's  Highness  should  enter  into  any 
further  speech  of  the  matter  [the  marriage],  let  her  understand 
that  you  learn  generally  that  the  match  is  finally  arranged, 
and  that  I  feel  aggrieved  if  her  Highness,  in  her  wisdom,  doth 
still  oppose  the  union  of  my  daughter  to  J\Iaister  Philip 
Sydney." 

In  this,  like  many  other  cases  of  the  kind,  Hatton  prevailed 
on  the  Queen  to  give  her  assent,  and  she  also  made  bridal 
presents.  Sydney  enjoyed  the  Royal  favour  to  the  close  of  his 
life,  but  his  beautiful  wife  was  treated  with  coldness  and 
sometimes  Avith  direct  scorn  by  the  Queen.  It  no  doubt 
added  to  the  Queen's  esteem  for  Hatton  that  he  had  never 
married.  Sir  Harris  Kicolas,  in  his  '"Life  and  Times" 
of  Hatton,  has  cleared  his  memory  from  many  imputations, 
and  has  brought  to  hght  much  new  and  interesting  matters 
from  the  "  Letter  Bag,"  and  other  sources. 

Lingard  writes,  "  To  the  honour  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  it 
must  be  recorded  that  we  find  him  at  times  employing  his 
authority  to  shield  the  poor  and  friendless  from  oppression, 
and  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  the  law  in  favour  of  recusants 
under  prosecution  for  their  religion  before  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commission."*  * 

One  of  the  few  occasions  on  which  Hatton  appears  in 
Parliamentary  debate  occurred  in  the  Parliament  which  met 
in  February,  1575-6.  On  the  occasion  to  which  I  refer,  Mr. 
Peter  Wentworth,  one  of  the  members  for  Tregony,  in  Corn- 
wall, made  a  speech  which  astonished  the  obsequious  Commons. 


*  Lingard,  voJ.  vi.  p.  495. 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  Jiis  Contemporaries.      189 

To  advert  in  those  times  to  the  actions  of  the  Sovereii^n  or  her 
Council,  or  to  the  political  or  social  condition  of  the  country, 
or  to  foreign  relations,  was  something  approaching  to  treason. 
"Wentworth's  questions  proved  that  he  was  engaged  with 
traitors  out  of  doors."  He  was  sequestered  and  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  A  committee,  of  which 
Ilatton  was  one,  investigated  the  case,  with  the  usual  result. 
Went  worth  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  In  a  few  days  the  good- 
natured  Hatton  was  the  bearer  of  a  "  gracious  message  "from 
the  Queen,  announcing  that  her  Highness  was  pleased  to 
remit  her  "justly  occasioned  displeasure,  and  to  refer  the  en- 
largement of  the  party  to  the  House."  Hatton  received,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  a  private  intimation  from  the  Queen  that 
Wentworth  was  sufficiently  punished  by  fine  and  imprisonment 
for  his  conduct  in  presuming  to  question  the  actions  of  the 
Crown.  The  House,  under  the  guidance  of  Hatton  and  the 
Ministers  present,  ordered  the  release  of  Wentworth,  whom 
they  "  considered,  on  serious  reflection,  to  be  a  fool,  or  some- 
thing very  silly."*  About  the  same  time  several  other  mem- 
bers were  committed  to  the  Tower  and  the  Fleet,  of  whom  no 
more  has  been  recorded.  To  demand  "  liberty  of  conscience 
was  the  certain  road  to  a  dungeon.f  The  Puritans  suffered 
more  than  the  Catholics,  for  they  were  far  more  courageous  and 
defiant,  many  of  them  telling  the  Queen  to  her  face  that  she 

was  old  Harrie's daughter." 

The  year  1577  was  an  important  era  in  Hat  ton's  life.  On 
the  11th  of  November  he  was  appointed  Vice-Chamberlain  of 
the  Queen's  household,  and  sworn  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  in 


Commons'  Journals  (1576) ;   Parliamentary  His.,  vol.  i. 
t  Toone's  Chronologj',  second  edition,  vol.  i. 


IQO      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


the  same  month  he  received  the  honour  of  knighthood  from 
the  hands  of  his  Eoyal  mistress  at  Windsor  Castle.  That 
dignity  was  on  the  same  occasion  conferred  upon  Francis  Wal- 
singham.  In  the  course  of  the  same  year  Hatton  was  finally 
put  in  possession  of  Ely  Palace,  which  the  bishop  sm'rendered, 
and  the  Queen  presented  to  Hatton  as  a  gift  or  grant  from 
the  Crown.  Dean  Hook  expresses  his  indignation  at  this- 
"  appropriation  "  by  the  Queen.  The  Dean  has  no  hesitation 
in  stating  that  "  the  Church  was  robbed  by  the  Queen  in  order 
that  she  might  enrich  her  courtiers."* 

Scarcely  any  document  in  the  "  Hatton  Letter  Bag"  is  so 
curious  as  the  Bishop  of  London's  "  remonstrances  "  with  Sir 
James  "Harvey,  the  citizen  merchant  who  filled  the  office  of 
Lord  ]Mayor  of  London  in  the  year  1582.  Sir  John  Branch, 
the  predecessor  of  Harvey,  was  commanded  to  reprimand  the 
City  clergy  for  "  their  violent  sermons  concerning  the  Queen's 
projected  marriage."  It  must,  however,  appear  strange  to 
Anglican  clerics  of  these  times  to  hear  of  the  Crown  employing 
the  Chief  Magistrate  to  admonish  the  clergy  for  some  supposed 
indiscretion  in  their  pulpit  addresses.  Harvey  seems  to  have 
also  obeyed  the  injunctions  with  singular  pleasure,  adding 
personal  reproaches  and  abuse  to  his  admonitions.  In  his 
zeal  he  spared  neither  his  own  diocesan,  the  fiery  and  unami- 
able  Aylmer,  nor  Hornc,  the  late  Bishop  of  Winchester,!  and 
it  is  amusing  to  find  a  "  City  Shopkeeper  "  calling  a  distin- 
guished scholar  like  Aylmer  "lack-Latin,"  and  somewhat 
natural  that  Bishop  Aylmer's  want  of  hospitality  in  not  enter- 
taining the  City  functionaries  should  be  a   sin  in   the    eyes  of 


*  Arclibishof  s  of  Canterbury,  vol.  x. 
t  Dr.  Home  die!  in  June,  15-^0.     H;s  namj  was  long  associated  with  the- 
cruel  religious  persecutions  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 


Si)'  Chrlstop/icr  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries.      i  g  i 

the  citizens.  Though  the  Bishop  of  London  says  he  is  obliged 
to  submit  to  part  of  the  Lord  jMayor's  offensive  conduct,  so 
long  as  he  remained  in  office,  yet  he  promised  to  remember 
it  in  the  ensuing  year,  when  he  should  still  be  as 
he  was,  but  when  Harvey  would  be  somewhat  inferior.  The 
threat  to  teach  the  Lord  Mayor  his  duty  in  a  sermon  before 
the  noisy  and  turbulent  crowd  assembled  at  Paul's  Cross,  when 
he  would  be  obliged  to  listen  without  daring  to  venture  a 
reply,  was  in  those  days  more  than  a  brutum  fidmen  ;  and, 
coming  from  such  a  man  as  John  Aylmer,  was  not  to  be  de- 
spised.* Whatever  opinion  the  London  clergy  had  formed  of 
the  Chief  Magisti'ate,  it  was  certain  that  they  detested  Bishop 
Aylmer  for  his  tyranny. 

Hatton's  interest  with  the  Queen  advanced  many  Church- 
men to  lucrative  livings.  Dr.  Aylmer,  for  instance,  Avas  in- 
debted to  him  for  the  see  of  London — an  incident  that  Hatton 
bitterly  regretted.  In  the  third  volume  of  this  work  I  have 
referred  to  Dr.  Aylmer,  but  as  some  readers  may  not  meet  with 
the  passage,  I  here  print  a  quotation  from  a  letter  of  the 
Bishop  to  Hatton. t 

"My  contimial  setting  forth  of  her  Majesty^  s  in^iiiie  (/iffs  from 
God  and  unspeakable  deserts  towards  us,  have  merited  nothing  ; 
yet  it  is  the  honour  of  a  prince  /o  breathe  life  into  dead  bodies,  and 
after  the  cold  and  dead  Avinter,  to  cheer  the  dry  earth  with  the 
fresh  and  lively  springtime.  I  study  with  my  eyes  on  my  book, 
and  my  mind  is  in  the  Court;  I  preach  without  spirit ;  /  trust  not  of 
God,  but  of  my  Sovereign,  lohich  is  God's  lieutenant,  and  so- 
another   God  unto  me,  for  of  such  it  is  said    Vos  esti  dii." 


*  Aylmcr's  "  Clerical  Denunciation  "  against  the  Lord  Mayor  is  far  too 
long  for  insertion  here.     I  only  allude  to  it  to  show  the  strange  spirit  of  the 

times. 

t  For  this  correspondence  in  full,  see  Sir  Harris  Nicolas's  Life  and  Times 
of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton. 


192 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


Sir  Harris  Nicolas,  ia  his  memoirs  of  Hatton,  describes 
Bishop  Aylmer  as  "a  spiritual  tyrant  and  a  Court 
sycophant." 

Amongst  Hatton's  foreign  correspondents  was  Theodore 
Beza,  one  of  the  uoted  Keformers  of  Germany,  who  was 
coolly  received  in  the  clerical  circles  of  London. 

A  petty  incident  occurred  in  1582,  which  Dyer  states  left 
his    friend    Hatton  quite  broken-hearted.      Walter    Raleigh 
•came   upon   the    scene,  young  and  handsome  and   possessed 
of  fascinating  manners.     When  the  "  Queen  saw  him,"  to  use 
the  words  of  the  ladies  of  the  Court,  "  she  was  half  inclined  to 
be  in  love;"  and  gave  the  young  courtier  some    distinguished 
marks  of  the  Royal  favour.     Hatton  became  offended,  and  in 
proof  of  his  jealous  feeling  retired   from  the   Court,  and  re- 
mained at  his  country  residence.      Elizabeth  became  alarmed. 
There  was  no  (gentleman  at  Court  that  could  so   bewitch    her 
in  the  dance  as  Hatton,  who  left    Lords  Leicester  and  Oxford 
in  the  shade.      Sir  John   Harrington   relates    that    his   "  dear 
godmother  could  not  sleep  for   three   nights,   and    partook  of 
little  food  for  days  ;  the  magnificent   figure    of  her    favourite 
haunted  her  by  day  and  by  night ;  his  soft  voice,  so  full  of  love 
and  tenderness,  came  like  angels'  whispers  to  the  Royal  ear. 
Elizabeth  could  no  longer  resist  the  emotions  of  her  heart,    so 
a  messenger  was  quickly  dispatched  to  command  Hatton  to 
appear  in  the  Royal  presence.  He  obeyed  the  summons,  and  the 
Queen,  all  sunshine  and  love, 'received  him  in  her  library,  pre- 
senting him  at  the  same  time  with  a  diamond  ring  as    a  token 
of  her  love  and  devotion."     So  for  a  time  the  lovers'    quarrels 
were  arranged  with  poetic  sighs  and  mutual  forgiveness. 

I  must  here  refer  to  another  Royal  favourite  with  whom 
Hatton  was  associated  as  a  courtier — namely,  Robert  Dudley, 
Earl  of  Leicester.  -  . 


Sir  Christopher  Hatt07i  and  his  Contemporaries.      193 

111  1584  a  pamphlet  was  published  in    Flanders,  entitled 
*•  Leicester's    Commonwealth."        It   was  said    to  have  been 
written  by  Parsons,  the  Jesuit,  who  had  escaped  from  prison  ; 
but  Parsons  was  not  the  author — neither  did  he  escape.     This 
invective     obtained    an    enormous    publicity    in     England ; 
and  the  extreme  curiosity   excited  in   the  people's    mind   to 
read  any  scandals  concerning  the  Royal  favourite  was  a  con- 
vincing   proof  of  the  intensity  of  the  hatred  with  Avhich  he 
was  regarded.     The  success  of  this  brochure  was  prodigious  ; 
it  was  read  universally  and  with  the  utmost  avidity.        All 
who  envied  Leicester's  power  and    grandeur  ;    all  who    had 
smarted  under  his  insolence  or  felt  the  grip  of  his  rapacity ; 
all  who  had  been  scandalised  or  wounded  in  family  honour 
by  his  unbridled  licentiousness;  all  who  still  cherished  in  their 
hearts  the  image  of  the  unfortunate  Duke  of  Norfolk,  whom 
Leicester  was  believed  to  have  entangled  in  a  deadly  snare  ; 
all  who  knew  him  for  the  foe,  and    suspected    him    to    be 
"  privy  to  the  murder  of  the  gallant   and  lamented  Walter, 
Earl  of  Essex  " — finally,  all — and  they  were  nearly  the  whole 
of     the    nation — who    looked    upon    him    as     a    base    and 
treacherous    adventurer,     shielded    by    the  afFectlon    of    his 
Sovereign,  and  wrapped  in  an  impenetrable  cloud  of  hypo- 
crisy and  artifice,  who  aimed  in  the    dark    his    envenomed 
Aveapons  against  the  bosom  of  innocence — exulted  in   this  ex- 
posure of  his  secret  crimes,  and  eagerly  received,  and   pro- 
pagated for  truth,  even  the  grossest  of  the  exaggerations  and 
flilsehoods  with  which  the  narrative  was  intermixed.  Elizabeth, 
incensed  to  the  last  degree  at  so  furious  an  attack  upon  the 
man  in  whom  her  confidence  was  irremovably   fixed,   caused 
her  Council  to  write  letters  to  all  persons  in  authority  for  the 
suppression  of  these  books,  and  punishment  of  such   as  were 
concerned  in  their  dispersion  ;  adding  at  the  same  time  tlic 
VOL.    IV.  O 


194      Si/'  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Coiite)nporaries. 

declaration  that  her  Highness  "  testified  in  her  conscience, 
before  God,  that  she  knew  in  assured  ceriainty  the  books  and 
libels  against  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  be  most  malicious,  false 
and  sca/idalons,  and  such  as  none  but  an  incarnate  devil  him- 
self could  dream  to  be  true." 

Sir  PhiUp  Sydney,  feeling  indignant  against  the  author 
of  the  pamj^hlet  in  question,  attempted  a  defence  of  his 
uncle  (Leicester),  but  he  utterly  failed  _in  the  task.  He  used 
many  bitter  words  in  relation  to  the  author  whom  he  sus- 
pected, but  was  not  able  to  disprove  any  one  of  the  serious 
accusations  made  against  Leicester.  Sydney's  defence  is  a 
poor  production,  deficient  in  everything  but  invective.  In 
the  secret  correspondence  with  his  own  relatives,  Sydney  is 
sometimes  outspoken  with  regard  to  the  "  relations  which  ex- 
isted between  his  uncle  and  the  Queen."* 

The  calm  and  reflecting  portion  of  English  loyalists  at  this 
period  were  of  opinion  that  there  was  more  of  truth  in  "  the 
book  against  Leicester  than  Sydney's  family  pride  would  admit, 
and  more  of  crime  in  the  conduct  of  his  kinsman  than  it  was 
in  his  power  to  clear  away." 

Father  Parsons  was,  as  above  observed,  pointed  out  as 
the  author  of  the  pamphlet  ;  but  he  solemnly  denied  "  that  he 
had  been  in  any  way  connected  with  the  book  that  libelled 
Lord  Leicester."  Several  persons  were  named  most 
unjustly.  The  Queen  of  Scots  contended  that  the  author- 
ship lay  between  the  noted'  Maister  Morgan  and  Lord 
Paget.  The  Queen's  letter  to  Lord  and  Lady  Shrewsbury  for 
their  "  polite  attentions  "  to  Leicester  when  he  visited  them 
furnishes  the  writer  of  the  book  with  "  grave  suspicions."     In 


*  Sydney's  "Defence  "  of  bis  uncle  was  printed  in  the  Cahala.    About 
136  years  ago  the  "  original "  cepy  was  discovered. 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries.     195 

the  letter  to  Lady  Shrewsbury,  Elizabeth  almost  ackiiovvledges 
Leicester  for  her  husband,  and  speaks  of  him  with  passionate 
love,  describing  her  "Sweet  Kobin"  as  '^  part  of  herself ^ 
But  the  Queen's  "  Sweet  Robin"  was  at  this  time  the  husband 
of  another  woman.  The  Queen  must  have  departed  from  her 
usual  cautious  mode  of  speaking  when  she  confided  her  love 
story  in  such  extravagant  words  to  a  malicious  virago  like 
Lady  Shrewsbury.  "  Kate  of  Hardwick,"  as  this  dame  was 
styled,  circulated  the  most  abominable  narratives  against  the 
honour  of  Elizabeth.  Those  scandals  were  published  in 
Paris,  Madrid,  Venice,  and  Rome.* 

Mr.  Froude  is  not  sparing  in  his  general  condemnation  of 
Leicester,  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  contends  that  "  nothing 
criminal  ever  occurred  between  Elizabeth    and  her  lover."f 

The  Government  spies  soon  discovered  the  name  of  the 
author,  printer,  and  bookseller.  The  pamphlet  was  written 
by  a  Puritan  lawyer,  named  John  Stubbes.  It  was 
bruited  at  the  time  that  it  was  an  act  of  private  revenge 
against  Leicester  for  having  seduced  the  orphan  protegee  of 
Stubbes,  the  only  daughter  of  a  Puritan  preacher.  The 
prosecution  in  this  case,  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  and  her 
Council,  was  one  of  the  most  indelicate  transactions  connected 
with  her  reign.  The  charge  against  Stubbes  was  that  of 
having  published  a  pamphlet  reflecting  on  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
as  a  favourite  of  the  Queen.  The  writer  also  attacked  the  pro- 
jected marriage  of  the  Queen  with  a  French  Prince  (the  Duke 
of  Anjou),  declaring  that  "  the  whole  affair  was  a  conspiracy 
to  uvertliroio  the  Protestant  rellfjion"  The  most  offensive 
language  was  used  to   the  French  Royal  Family,  and   to  the 


*  Lodge,  Tol.  ii.  p.  155. 
t  Froude,  vol.  xii.  p.  497, 

o  2 


196      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  Ids  Contemporaries. 


people  of  France  in  general.     The  Queen  stated  that  the  crimes 
attributed  to  Lord  Leicester  were  "  a  malicious  concoction  of 
heinous  lies."     When  Elizabeth  stooped  to  strike,  she  generally 
selected  the  weaker  person.  This  was  not  the  action  of  a  woman 
who  was  reputed  to  be   brave  and  generous-minded.     John 
Stubbes,  the  author,  Page,  the  bookseller,  and   Singleton,  the 
printer  of  the  pamphlet,  were   tried  for  felony.     The  Queen 
desired  "  that  they  might  he  allhanged  ;''  but  the  jury  refused 
to   find   a   verdict   to  gratify   the    Royal    vengeance.       The 
accused   were  next  arraigned  under  another  statute — namely, 
that  of  Mary  and  Philip,*  which   was   enacted  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  King  and  Queen.      Elizabeth  now  sought  to  punish 
under  this   Act  those  who  made  public  the  profligate  life  of 
Leicester.     The  lawyers  openly  stated  that  such  a  proceeding 
was  illegal ;  and  jMounson,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Common' 
Pleas,  resigned  office  rather  than  be  a  party  to  such  a  violation 
of  the  law   of  the   realm.       Hatton  and  the  members  of  the 
Queen's  Council  upheld  the  illegal  and  despotic  conduct  of  their 
Sovereign.     The  printer  was  acquitted — after  a  fashion — being 
heavily  fined.     Stubbes,  the  author  of  the  pamphlet,  and  Page, 
the  bookseller,  were  brought  from  the  Tower  to  a  scaffold  erected 
"before  the  Palace,  at  Westminster,  on  the  3rd  of  November,  and 
there  and  then,  in  the  presence  of  a  multitude  of  people,  their 
rifrht  hands  were  struck  off  with  a  new  cleaver  of  briglit  steel, 
which  made  a  clean  sweep,  about  two  inches  above  the    wrist. 
Harrington  relates    "  that   the  blow   was    given  with    terrific 
force."     The  flow  of  blood  was   terrible.     Page,  as  the  bleed- 
ing arm  was  seared  with  a  liot  iron,  exclaimed  aloud,  "  I  have 
left  on  this   block  a  true  Englishman's  handJ'     Stubbes  waved 
his  hat  with  the  hand  remaining,  crying  out,  "  God  save  Queen 


Stat.  1  and  2  of  Philip  and  Mary,  cap.  ?,. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      197 

Elizabeth."  In  a  few  minutes  he  fainted  from  the  loss  of  blood. 
Camden,  who  was  present,  and  standing  at  his  side,  at  this 
revolting  scene,  saw  "  the  surrounding  multitude  altogether 
silent,  either  out  of  horror  at  this  new  and  unwonted  punish- 
ment or  else  out  of  pity  to  the  men,  whose  lives  were 
honourable  and  blameless."*  Baxter,  a  Puritan  preacher  of 
those  times,  states  that  "  both  Stubbes  and  Page  were  devout 
Protestant  Christian  men,  and  loyal  subjects  to  the  Queen's 
Highness,  yet  for  speaking  God's  truth  of  Robert  Dudley's 
evil  life  they  were  treated  worse  than  malefactors  of  an  un- 
civilised an;e." 

Though  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  had  taken  an  active  part  in 
the  prosecution  of  John  Stnbbes,  yet,  at  a  subsequent  period, 
he  humanely  used  his  influence  with  the  Queen  "  to  stay 
further  persecution  against  Stubbes."  f 

None  of  Hatton's  friends  enjoyed  more  of  his  confidence 
than  Sir  Thomas  Ileneage,  the  Treasurer  of  the  Queen's 
Chamber.  Some  remarkable  letters  passed  between  Hatton  and 
Hcneage  concerning  the  quarrels  in  the  Council,  where  hatred  and 
jealousy  prevailed  to  a  large  extent  amongst  men  who  were  on 
apparent  good  terms.  Self-interest,  however,  was  at  the  bottom 
of  the  contest.  Hatton  had  often  to  settle  the  dit^putes  between 
the  ladies  of  the  Court,  with  whom  he  was  a  general  favourite. 
When  his  arbitration  was  not  accepted,  the  case  went  before 
the  Queen,  who  quickly  decided  by  a  box  on  the  cheek,  or  a 
pinch  in  the  fat  neck,  or  to  be  confined  in  their  apartments  for 


*  See  Camden's  Aunals ;  Lingard,  vol.  vi. ;  Froude,  vol.  xi.  In  Park's 
edition  of  Sir  John  Harrington's  "  Nug;e  Antique,"  some  curious  papers  re- 
lating to  Stubbes'  work,  and  the  punishments  he  received  for  his  writings, 
are  printed,  and  throw  further  light  upon  the  whole  afEair,  which  must 
puzzle  the  partisans  of  Elizabeth  to  defend  or  explain. 

t  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  by  Sir  Harris  Nicolas. 


1 98      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


so  many  days,  or  relegated  to  the  charge  of  some  courtier  in  a 
lonely  comitry  mansion.  Sucli  was  the  fate  of  Anne  Scudamorc, 
and  other  ladies  of  higher  rank— for  instance,  the  Countess  of 
Derby,  to  whom  I  have  referred  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

Sir  Christopher  Hatton  narrowly  watched  all  the  Queen's 
movements  with  respect  to  her  proposed  marriage  with  the 
Duke  of  Anjou.  EHzabeth's  correspondence  with  Paulet,  her 
Ambassador  in  France,  in  1579,  respecting  the  said  marriage, 
is  very  interesting,  and  bears  evident  marks  of  having  been 
her  "  uncontrolled  opinion  " — at  that  period  at  least.  After 
statino-  her  objections  to  the  conditions  proposed  by  Simier,  the 
French  Ambassador,  she  expresses  her  suspicion  that  the 
youthful  suitor  sought  her  "  for  her  fortune  and  not  her 
person,"  in  terms  which  a  wealthy  heiress  would  now  use 
towards  a  lover  who  had  shown  rather  too  much  attention 
to  the  marriage  settlement.  The  Queen  hinted  that 
Anjou  should  have  appeared  more  like  a  romantic  lover  in  his 
personal  attentions,  and  have  visited  her  frequently.  The  com- 
placency with  which  she  adverts  to  her  own  attractions — 
personal  and  mental — is  perfectly  characteristic  of  the  woman. 
Let  the  reader  also  bear  in  mind  that  the  captivating  Virgin 
Queen  was  at  this  period  double  Anjou's  age.  Elizabeth's  praise 
of  Simier,  whom  Camden  calls  "  a  most  choice  courtier, 
exquisitely  skilled  in  love  toys,  pleasant  conceits,  and  Court 
dalliances,"  will  not  pass  unnoficed  by  those  who  remember 
the  Queen  of  Scots'  remark  respecting  her  conduct  towards 
the  courtly  and  accomplished  Simier. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1579,  a  circumstance  occurred  which 
placed  the  lives  of  the  Queen,  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  Sir 
Christopher  Hatton,  and  the  French  Ambassador,  the  noted 
Simier,  in  some  danger.  Being  in  her  private  barge  on  the 
Thames,    accompanied   by    the     above    personages,     a    shot 


Sir  ChristopJicr  Halt  on  and  Ids  Contemporaries.      199 

was  unexpectedly  fired  out  of  a  boat,  which  struck  one  of  the 
Royal  rowers  within  six  feet  of  where  the  Queen  sat,  and  passed 
throusfh  both  the  man's  arms.     The   wound  was  so   severe  as 
to  cause  him  to  scream  piteously,  but   the  Queen  did  not  lose 
her  presence  of  mind  in  the  slightest  degree,  and,   giving  her 
scarf  to   the  wounded  man,  bade  him  be  of  good  cheer,  saying 
he   should  want   for   nothins;.     When    it    was  insinuated  to 
Elizabeth  that  it  was  a  preconcerted  scheme  to  kill  herself  and 
the    French    Ambassador,    she    observed   "she    could    believe 
nothing  of  her  people  which  parents  would  not  believe  of  their 
children,"  and   though  the  author  of  the   accident  was   con- 
demned   and    actually    brouglit   out   for  execution,    he    was 
pardoned  and  instantly  liberated  by  the  Queen.*     It  has  been 
chronicled  by  several  Puritan  writers  that  this  "  alEiir  was  got 
up  by  the  Papists,"  but  it  happens  that  the  three  young  men  in  the 
boat  were  all  Protestants,  and,  as  far  as  politics  were  concerned, 
quite  indifferent  to   all  party    ties.     Hatton  and    the    Queen 
believed  the  shot  to  have  been  "  purely  accidental,"  but  Cecil 
and  Walsingham  desired  to  make  the  opposite  impression   on 
the  public  mind. 

When  Hatton  filled  the  officeof  High  Chancellor  of  England, 
he  suspended  his  secretary,  Mr.  Cox,  for  "  corrupt  practices." 
Cox  was  in  the  habit  of  taking  what  he  modestly  called  fees 
from  persons  engaged  in  lawsuits,  in  order  to  obtain  his 
master's  influence  with  the  Queen  as  to  the  settlement  of  some 
litigation  concerning  property.  Upon  this  incident  Sir  Harris 
Nicolas  remarks,  that  such  was  the  universal  corruption,  that  the 
clerk  of  every  judge  in  England  took  gratuities  under  the  name 
of  the    "  expedition   of  justice,"    adding  that    "  such   bribes 


*  Stowe's  Annals,  p.  685. 


200 


Si'r  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


formed    their  only   means    of  support."      This    circumstance 
places  Hatton's  integrity  as    a    judge    in  a  very  favourable 

light. 

The  first  letter  from  Sir  Philip  Sydney  to  Hatton  relates  to 
his  noted  quarrel  with  the  Earl  of  Oxford,   the  particulars  of 
which   have  been   imperfectly   related.     While   Sydney  was 
playing   in   the  tennis-court  belonging  to  the  palace,    Lord 
Oxford  came  in,  and,  after  some  conversation,  peremptorily 
ordered  him  to  quit  the   place.     Sydney  having  refused  to 
comply  with   so  rude  a  request,   Oxford  twice  called  him  a 
"  ouppy."  Sydney  gave  him  the  lie,  and  then  left  the  ground. 
Bad  lanfTuac^e  had  been  used  on  both  sides.  Not  hearing  from 
Lord    Oxford  in  the  manner   he   expected    after    so    public 
an  insult,  Sydney  sent  on  the   following   day  "  to  awake  him 
out   of  his  trance,"  and,   thus  incited,   the  Earl    of  Oxford 
challenged  him.     The  matter  was  immediately  taken  up  by 
the  Privy  Council,  who  tried  in  vain  to  induce  Sydney  to  make 
submissions,  and  the   Queen  herself  came  forward  to  remon- 
strate with  the  parties  on  the  impropriety  of  such  quarrels, 
and  the  bad  example  they  set  to  the  lower  classes  of  society. 
Sir  Philip  Sydney  stated  that  he  was  "the  guardian  of  his  own 
honour,  and  would  not  permit  himself  to  be  insulted  by  any 
man,   however   high   his   position,"      To    the   regret   of   Sir 
Christopher  Hatton  and  the   Queen,  Sydney  withdrew  from 
the    Court,  and  retired  to  th(^   residence    of  his    sister  (the 
Countess  of  Pembroke)  at  Wilton,  where  he  composed  the 
"  Arcadia." 

Queen  EHzabeth  had  a  peculiar  name  for  most  of  her 
Ministers  and  favourites.  Lord  Burleigh  was  her  "  Spirit," 
Walsingham  was  her  "  Moon,"  and  Lady  Norris  her  "  Crow." 
There  is  some  reason  for  supposing  that  Leicester  was  called 
her  "  Turk  ;"    he  was  likewise  dubbed   as  her  "  own   Sweet 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      201 


Robin."  Whca  liunting,  the  country  folk  exclaimed,  "There 
goes  the  Queen's  Robhi."  Hatton  was  known  to  the  courtiers  as 
her  "  Lyddes,"  and  her  "  Mutton."  Many  of  Hatton's  letters  to 
the  Queen  were  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  the  most  servile  and  con- 
temptible adulation — '■'  Your  poor  slave  ;"  "  I  can  use  no  other 
means  of  thankfulness  than  by  hoioing  the  hiees  of  mij  oicn 
heart  with  all  humility  to  look  upon  your  singular  graces  with 
love  and  faith  perdurable."  It  is  a  fact  that  of  all  the 
Queen's  Ministers  and  courtiers,  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  Avrote 
and  spoke  in  the  most  bold  and  independent  tone  ;  and  in  the 
division  of  the  lands  belonging  to  Catholics  he  received  the 
least.  He  was  most  persistent  in  his  devices  to  persecute 
conscience ;  and  he  organised  a  system  of  espionage,  the  most 
cruel  and  disgraceful  ever  practised  in  any  civilised  land.  It 
would  appear  that  neither  the  Queen  nor  her  Council  suffi- 
ciently appreciated  his  labours,  for  he  died  almost  in  poverty 
like  other  members  of  her  Council.  In  the  third  volume  of 
this  work  I  have  referred  to  the  public  career  of  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham. 

Hatton  is  sometimes  represented  as  a  friend  to  "  Liberty  of 
Conscience,"  but  in  the  House  of  Commons  he  was  a  persecutor 
of  the  Catholic  clergy  and  their  down-trodden  flocks.  No  one 
dared  to  practise  any  religion  but  that  which  the  Crown  "  sug- 
gested and  commanded."  In  1584  Hatton  took  a  prominent 
part  in  tlie  trial,  torture,  and  execution  of  Dr.  Parry,  whose 
crime  consisted  in  opposing  a  penal  statute  in  the  Commons.- 
He  boldly  told  the  House  that  the  proposed  measure  "  was 
cruel,  bloody,  despotic,  and  injurious  to  England  as  a  nation^ 
And,  as  a  member,  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  oppose  it  at  every 
stage."  Many  of  the  concealed  Puritans  present  approved  of 
Parry's  motion,  but  they  had  not  the  courage  to  speak.  He 
was  immediately  arrested,  impeached  for  treason,  and  in  a  few 


202      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


days  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered.*  Many  such  trials  and 
-executions  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. .  The  populace, 
however,  became  familiar  with  such  scenes,  and  the  "  quarter- 
in"-  of  human  bodies"  was  a  matter  of  amusement  to  the 
ruffian  mobs  of  London,  who  were,  in  those  times,  a  disgrace 
to  the  reformed  clergy,  so  amply  paid  for  instructing  them  in 
religion.  Never,  perhaps,  was  there  a  greater  mockery  of 
religious  sentiment  than  that  put  forward  in  England  during 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 

Among  Hatton's  correspondents  was  Dr.  Whitgift,  Bishop 
of  Worcester,  and  subsequently  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
Whito-ift  furnished  Hatton  with  many  devices  for  the  "  tight 
lacing  "  of  Papists  and  Dissenters.  Whitgift  was  an  uncom- 
promising enemy  of  the  preachers  of  the  Baptist  order.  In  a 
later  chapter  I  shall  return  to  the  history  of  this  prelate. 

In  1584  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  gave  a  remarkable  proof 
of  his  zeal  for  Protestantism.  A  statute  against  "  Jesuits  and 
Continental  Seminary  Priests"  having  passed  the  Commons,  it 
was  proposed,  on  the  21st  December,  that  the  members  should 
repair  to  their  own  homes  ;  but,  before  separating,  Hatton 
stood  up,  and  putting  the  House  in  mind  of  her  Majesty's 
most  princely  and  loving  kindness,  signified  in  her  former 
messages  and  declarations,  of  .which  he  had  always  been  the 
bearer,  he  now  moved  the  House,  "  that  besides  the  rendering 
of  our  most  humble  and  loyal  -thanks  unto  her  Highness,  wc 
do,  being  assembled  together,  join  our  hearts  and  minds 
together  in  most  humble  and  earnest  prayer  unto  Almightij 
God  for  the  long  contimtance  of  the  most  jyrosperous  preserva- 
tion of  her  Highness,  icith  most  due   and  thankful  achiowledg- 


*  State   Trials   of  Elizabeth's  reign,  vol.  i.  p.   1.33  ;  Camden's  Annals, 
"h.  iii.  p.  245  ;  Stowe's  Annals,  p.  701. 


S/r  ChristopJicr  Hattou  and  his  Contempoi'arics.      203 

meat  of  Ills  infinite  benefits  and  blessings  showered  upon  this 
whole  realm,  through  the  mediation  of  her  Highnesses  Ministrg 
under  Jliiii."  Hatton  concluded  this  scene  by  inviting  tlic 
members  of  the  Commons  to  join  with  him  on  bended  knees 
in  offering  up  the  said  prayer  to  the  Almighty  (iod  for  their 
beloved  Queen.  Tlie  whole  House,  tlie  Speaker,  the  Mem- 
bers, and  the  Officers,  were  prostrated  during  the  reading  of 
Ifatton's  prayer.*  Yet  it  was  a  notorious  fact  that,  at  that 
very  period,  there  existed  amongst  the  members  a  marked 
division  of  opinion  as  to  the  merits  of  the  Queen  as  a  woman 
and  a  monarch.  But  who  was  to  be  found  honest  enough  to 
give  public  expression  to  his  convictions  ?  The  representation 
of  the  people,  in  the  Commons  in  those  time?,  was  a  perfect 
mockery  of  constitutional  freedom — of  freedom  of  speech — or 
that  which  a  great  people  should  most  prize — "  Liberty  of 
Conscience.'' 

The  "indiscretion  and  forward  manners"  of  Walter  Ealeio-li 

CD 

made  some  of  his  friends  indiflferent  to  him.  Nothinfr,  how- 
ever,  was  so  easy  as  to  get  into  disgrace  with  the  Queen. 
Raleigh,  in  this  instance,  committed  what  the  Queen  con- 
sidered a  crime.  He  married  the  beautiful  Elizabeth  Throck- 
morton, one  of  the  maids  of  honour,  without  the  Koyal  permis- 
sion. The  bride  was  dismissed  from  Court,  with  a  command 
never  to  appear  in  the  presence  of  her  Highness  again.  Raleigli 
was  committed  to  the  Tower,  where  he  remained  for  some  time. 
Few  regretted  his  troubles,  for  he  was  much  disliked.  None, 
perhaps,  amongst  the  needy  courtiers  and  flatterers  who  sur- 
rounded the  Queen  was  more  fortunate  in  gaining  favours 
than  Walter  Raleigh.     "  When  will  you  cease  to  be  a  beggar, 


*  Parliamentary  History,  vol.  i.  p.  827 ;    Sir  Harris  Nicolas'  Life  and 
Times  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton. 


204      ^^''  Christopher  HattoJi  and  his  Contemporaries. 


Ealeigh,  for  I  am  weary  of  yovir  greed j  disposition  ?"  inquired 
Elizabeth.  "  Most  gracious  Queen,"  replied  the  handsome 
courtier,  "  when  your  Highness  shall  cease  to  be  the  most 
kind-hearted  woman  in  the  world." 

This  compliment  to  the  Queen's  vanity  for  the  moment 
soothed  her  ill-humour.  The  influence  of  Kaleigh  created 
jealousy  with  such  men  as  Hatton  and  Leicester.  As  a 
politician  he  was  of  no  value  to  the  Crown  ;  and  could  only 
be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  "  talkative  butterflies"  of  the 
Court.  He  was  constantly  making  mischief  between  cour- 
tiers, and  carrying  petty  stories  to  the  Queen,  who  though 
listening,  yet  despised  the  "  tale-bearer."  Walter  Raleigh  was 
not  in  favour  with  the  "discreet"  ladies  of  the  Court,  whom 
he  describes  as  "  like  witches,  capable  of  doing  great  harm, 
but  no  good." 

During  his  long  career,  though  exposed  to  all  the  jealousies 
that  attend  a  Royal  favourite,  Hatton  had  hitherto  preserved  a 
high  reputation.  The  charge  now  brought  against  him  was 
that  of  being  privy  to  the  assassination  of  Henry  Percy, 
Earl  of  Northumberland.  On  the  21st  of  June,  1585, 
Northumberland,  who  had  been  a  close  prisoner  in  the 
Tower,  for  high  treason,  was  found  dead  in  his  cell. 
It  was  contended  by  the  Tower  officials  that  he  had 
committed  suicide  with  a  pistol  called  a  "  dag,"  charged  with 
shot  and  gunpowder,  all  being' supplied  to  him  by  his  servant 
or  some  intimate  friend  from  the  "Border  Countrie."  The  in- 
vestigation into  this  mysterious  assassination — for  assassination 
it  undoubtedly  proved  to  be — was  never  traced  to  Hatton  or 
anyone  in  connection  with  him.  The  inquiry  took  place  in  the 
Star  Chamber  — a  fact  which,  in  itself,  casts  suspicion  upon  every 
member  of  that  baleful  assembly. 

"It  is   not  surprising,"  writes   Sir  Harris  Nicolas,    "  that 


Sir  Cliristophcr  Hattou  and  his  Conteinporarics.      205 

Hatton  should  liavo  been  suspected  by  his  enemies  of  having 
prompted  the  deed."  Hatton  was  a  member  of  the  Privy 
Council,  from  whom  the  Star  Chamber  was  selected,  and  that 
body  was  always  unpopular  with  the  people  of  England. 

Northumberland  was  a  man  deeply  imbued  with  religious 
sentiments,  and  was  unlikely  to  commit  suicide.  The  traditions 
preserved  in  the  Percy  family  show  that  they  did  not  believe 
in  the  assassination  of  their  ancestor.  In  a  letter  from  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  (1601),  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  it  is  assumed  as  "  a 
fact  known  to  them  both  that  Northumberland  was  murdered 
by  the  contrivance  of  Hatton."  It  would,  however,  be  utter 
injustice  to  condemn  the  vilest  criminal  upon  the  evidence  of 
such  men  as  Raleigh  or  Cecil.  It  seems  singularly  malign  to 
have  made  these  charges  against  Hatton,  whose  character  was 
so  remarkable  for  humanity.  There  is  not,  indeed,  the 
slightest  evidence  of  any  enmity  or  unkindly  feeling  having 
ever  existed  between  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  Sir 
Christopher  Hatton.  Perhaps  they  never  met,  nor  even  corres- 
ponded. 

The  general  opinion  amongst "  lawyers,  tavern  loungers.  City 
inerchants,  and  professional  folk,"  was  to  the  effect  that  Hatton 
had  some  idea  of  the  means  by  which  Northumberland  had 
been  assassinated ;  and  that  "suicide  was  outside  the  matter 
iiltogether."  The  fact  of  being  "  a  Royal  favourite  "  did  much 
to  create  this  prejudice,  although  no  man  who  had  ever 
enjoyed  the  Royal  favour  in  England  was  more  popular  than 
Christopher  Hatton. 

Hatton  took  an  active  part  in  the  prosecution  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  of  those  unfortunate  people  who  came  forward  to  sympathise 
with  ]Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  He  was  one  of  the  Privy  Councillors 
by  whom  Mary  Stuart's  secretaries,  Nau  and  Curll,  were 
examined.      A.nd  he  wrote  in  a  style  of  pleasantry  respecting 


2o6      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


the  chances  of  those  men  betraying  their  lawful  Sovereign. 
This  conduct  on  the  part  of  Hatton  was  censured  severely  by 
many  of  his  friends. 

Indisposed  as  Hatton  describes  himself  to  have  been  on  the  2nd 
of  September  (1586),  he  was  able  to  return  to  London,  and  to 
sit  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  on  the  trial  of  Babington,  Bal- 
lard, and  several  others,  charged  with  "  conspiring  to  kill  the 
Queen."  He  appeared  as  much  a  partisan  judge  in  those  trials 
as  Chief  Justice  Anderson,  or  the  notorious  judges  of  Henry's 
time.  Hatton's  indignation  against  the  prisoners  was  at  times 
displayed  in  a  manner  which  would  now  be  undreamt  of  ;  but 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  such  conduct  was  by  no  means 
uncommon.*  The  charges  against  the  prisoners  were  to 
"  assassinate  the  Queen  by  any  means,  or  when  convenient ;  to 
bring  in  a  foreign  invasion  ;  to  deliver  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and 
make  her  the  Sovereign  of  this  realm  ;  to  sack  London  and 
destroy  it  ;  to  rob  and  kill  every  rich  Protestant  in  the  city. 
The  Earl  of  Leicester,  Ralph  Sadler,  Lord  Burleigh,  and  Sir 
Amyas  Paulet  were  to  be  disposed  of  as  heretics."!  AH  these 
"  terrible  deeds,"  says  Hatton,  *'  were  concocted  by  the  wicked 
priests,  who  were  sent  here  by  the  Pope."  Lord  Campbell, 
an  able  lawyer,  and  a  modern  Puritan,  gives  the  result  of  his 
inquiries  into  this  trial  by  stating  that  the  charges  were 
"  unsupported  by  any  evidence.'"  The  parties  who  made  the 
allegations — if  made  at  all— ^ were  privately  examined  by  the 
Star  Chamber,  but  never  confronted  with  the  prisoners,  who 
had  no  counsel  to  defend  them. 

It  is  related  that  Hatton  was  struck  with  the  courage  and 


*    Life  and    Times   of    Sir    Christopher  Hatton,   K.G.,   by   Sir  Harris 
Nicolas. 

t  Statements  made  before  the  Privy  Council  by  Walsingham's  agents. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  Ids  Contemporaries.      207 

fortitude  of  one  of  the  "  treason  prisoners"  named  Cliidoke, 
who  asked  if  any  Christian  man  would  pay  his  debts,  which 
were  at  that  moment  a  heavy  burden  to  his  conscience.  "  How 
much,"  aslced  Hatton,  "  is  thy  debt  ?  "  and  being  told  that  six 
angels  would  discharge  it,  Sir  Christopher  H'atton  replied, 
"  Then  I  promise  thee  it  shall  be  paid."*  Upon  the  trial  of 
Ashington,  Tilney,  Jones,  and  others,  a  few  weeks  later,. 
Hatton  took  a  prominent  and  less  creditable  part.f 

On  the  6th  of  October,  1586,  the  Queen  issued  a  commission 
for  the  trial  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Hatton  was  specially 
appointed  by  the  Queen  to  carry  out  this  deliberate  fraud  upon 
law  and  equity.  The  Commissioners  assembled  at  Fotheringay 
Castle  on  the  11th  of  October.  Elizabeth  gave  her  private 
instructions  to  Hatton  as  to  how  the  trial  was  to  be  conducted.. 
His  letters  to  the  Queen  about  this  time  are  replete  with  ful- 
some and  blasphemous  coarseness,  addressed  to  a  woman  fifty- 
three  years  of  age.  In  one  note  he  writes  : — "I  must  fail  in  my 
duty  of  thankfulness,  as  your  '  Mutton^  and  lay  all  before  Grod, 
with  my  humble  prayers  to  requite  you  in  Heaven  and  Earth 
in  the  most  sincere  and  devout  manner,  thattlirough  Godi's  grace 
I  may  possibly  devise." 

Let  the  reader  remember  the  mission  on  which  Hatton  went 
to  Fotheringay  Castle,  and  then  reflect  upon  the  tone  of  his 
despatch  to  the  Queen. 

In  another  passage  of  this  despicable  document  the  Royal 

favourite  says:  '^Grod  in  Heaven  bless    your  Highness,  and 

grant  me  no  longer  life  than  that  my  faith  and  love  may  ever 

be   found   inviolable  and  spotless  to  so  Royal  and  peerless  a 

princess."     This  letter  concludes  in  words  which  showed  that 


*  Howell's  State  Trials,  vol.  i. 
t  Hargrave's  State  Trials,  folio  i.  pp.  127-134. 


2o8      Sif  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


Hatton  had  little  regard  for  the  exalted  office  he  held 
under  the  Crown,  "  your  Eoyal  Majesty's  most  bounden  poor 
slave.'^  What  opinion  could  a  woman  like  Elizabeth  entertain 
of  a  judge  who  wrote  in  this  vile  fashion  ? 

In  another  communication  Hatton  seeks  forgiveness  from  the 
Queen  for  some  quarrel  Avhich  had  arisen  between  them. 
"  On  the  knees  of  ?w^  heart^^  writes  the  Royal  favourite, 
"  most  dear  and  dread  Sovereign  Majesty,  I  beseech  pardon 
and  goodness  at  your  princely  hands."^'" 

The  Queen  of  Scots  having  refused  to  acknowledge  the  com- 
petencv  of  the  Eoyal  Commissioners,  or  to  appear  before  them, 
Hatton  visited  her  specially,  "  on  the  dangerous  position  in 
which  she  was  placed."  He  stated  that  she  was  accused,  but 
not  condemned,  of  having  conspired  with  several  others  for  the 
destruction  of  the  "  good  and  great  Queen  Elizabeth."  Hatton 
proceeds  in  an  insolent  tone  of  admonition  to  address  the  un- 
happy friendless  prisoner  of  Fotheringay  Castle  : — 

"You  say  YOU  are  a  Queen.  Be  it  so.  But  in  such  a  crime 
the  Eoyal  dignity  is  not  exempted  from  answering,  neither  by  the 
Civil  nor  Canon  Law,  nor  by  the  law  of  nations,  nor  of  nature. 
For  if  such  kind  of  offences  might  be  committed  without  punish- 
ment, all  justice  would  stagger — yea,  fall  to  the  ground.  If  you  be 
innocent,  you  wrong  your  reputation  in  avoiding  trial.  You  protest 
yourself  to  be  innocent,  but  the  great  and  good  Queen  Elizabeth 
thinketh  otherwise,  and  that  neither"  without  grief  and  sorrow  for  the 
same.  To  examine,  therefore,  your  innocency  our  good  and  great 
Queen  hath  appointed  for  Commissioners  most  hotioxiralle,  prtident^ 
and  upright  men,  who  are  ready  to  hear  you  according  to  equity  ivith 
favour,   and   %vill  rejoice  icitJi    all  tlieir  liearts    if  you  shall  clear 


*Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  taten  from  the  Hatton  Letter 
Bag,  by  Sir  Harris  Xicolas. 


Sir  Christjphcy  Hattoii  and  his  Contemporaries.      209 

yourself  of  this  foul  crime.  Believe  me  the  Queen  herself  will  be 
much  affected  with  joy,  who  affirmed  unto  me  at  my  coming  from  her 
that  never  anything  befel  her  more  grievous  than  that  you  were 
charged  with  such  a  crime.  Wherefore  lay  aside  the  hootless privilege 
of  Royal  dignity,  wliich  can  now  be  of  no  use  unto  you,  appear  in 
judgment,  and  show  your  innocency,  lest,  by  avoiding  trial,  you 
draAV  upon  yourself  suspicion,  and  lay  upon  your  reputation  an 
eternal  blot  and  aspersion."* 

There  was  no  precedent  for  this  trial  save  in  the  iniquitous 
case  concocted  for  the  judicial  murder  of  Elizabeth's  own 
raotlier.  In  both  cases  counsel  was  refused  to  the  accused. 
But  the  trial  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  when  "^  taken  in  all  its 
bearings  and  intricacies,"  stands  forth  without  one  single  pre- 
cedent in  the  judicial  history  of  dark  and  murderous  conspira- 
cies to  destroy  human  life,  and  Christopher  Hatton  was 
undoubtedly  as  "  red-handed  "  in  the  transaction  as  Cecil  and 
Walsingham.  As  to  the  Queen,  the  secret  correspondence 
wliich  passed  between  the  monarch  and  her  Ministers  proves 
that  the  tragic  scene  enacted  at  Fotheringay  Castle  formed 
the  "day-dream"  of  a  long  portion  of  her  life,  and  the 
remorse  and  despair  of  her  last  hours. 

The  day  after  the  interview  between  the  Queen  of  Scots 
and  Hatton,  Mary  sent  for  some  of  the  Commissioners,  and 
said  she  consented  to  appear  before  them,  as  she  was  very 
desirous  to  purge  herself  of  the  crime  preferred  against  her. 
The  trial  accordingly  took  place  on  the  1.5th  of  October,  1586. 
As  already  stated,  there  loas  no  counsel  permitted  to  plead  for 
the  accused,  neither  was  Mary  Stuart  allowed  to  consult  any 
laicyers'tts  to  the  mode  she  should  adopt  in  defending  herself. 
In    the   "protest"  she  made    against  the  proceedings,    she 

*  Camden's  Annals,  book  iii.  p.  37. 
VOL.   IV.  P 


2IO      Sir  CliristopJier  Hatton  and  his  Contciiiporarles. 

evinced  great  eloquence,  simplicity,  and  queenly  dignity.  The 
Commissioners  cross-examined  her  with  coarsest  rudeness — 
especially  Lord  Burleigh  and  Francis  Walsingham.  On  tlie 
25th  of  October,  the  Commissioners  re-assembled  at  Westminster 
and  pronounced  their  finding — a  judgment  which  Sir  Harris 
Nicolas,  the  antiquary  of  history,  describes  as  "  an  iniquitous 
sentence.'''' 

A  few  days  later  (October  15)  a  new  Parliament  assembled, 
when  Hatton  declared  "  that  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  the 
cause  of  much  danger  to  this  realm,  and  further,  that  the  said 
Mary  Stuart  was  the  deadbj  enemy  of  the  true  religion  as  then 
estahlisJtcd  in  England.''*  The  words  here  quoted  from 
Hat  ton's  speecla  in  Parliament,  wiiich  is  a  correct  version, 
differs  widely  from  the  sentiments  attributed  to  him  by  several 
authors.  Mr,  Froude,  for  instance,  contends  "  that  Hatton 
was  a  Catholic  in  all  but  in  name."  It  is  now  of  little  conse- 
quence what  religion  Hatton  professed  or  practised,  for  the 
historical  question  at  issue  is  one  of  more  general  importance. 
If  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  had  been  secretly  a  Catholic  he  said 
many  bitter  things  against  the  Council  of  Trent  and  the 
Catholic  Church  in  general.  In  1584  he  made  a  violent  speech 
in  the  House  of  Commons  against  the  Jesuits  and  other 
missionary  priests.  Sir  Harris  Nicolas,  who  is  somewhat 
astonished  "  at  the  Catholicity "  attributed  to  Hatton,  writes 
thus  of  his  Parliamentary  campaign  in  1584: — ''  Sir  Christo- 
pher Hatton  gave  a  remarkable  proof  of  his  religious  zeal  in 
this  year,"t  At  the  very  period  Hatton  was  carrying  out  an 
anti-Catholic  policy  in  Parliament,  and  extolUng  the  Reforma- 


*  See  Parliamentary  Hist.,  vol.  i.  p.  836;  Camden's  Annals,  book  ill. ; 
Sir  Harris  Nicolas  on  the  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton. 
t   See  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  by  Sir  Harris  Nicolas,  p.  408. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.     2 1 1 

tion,  lie  was  in  secret  correspondence  with  several  notable 
English  Catholics,  and  he  had  others  released  from  the  Tower, 
and  "  caused  mercy  to  be  extended  to  persons  who  were 
ordered  to  be  racked."  In  his  ollicial  capacity  he  spoke  as 
"heavily  against  Catholics  as  Walsingham  or  Cecil."  This 
was  a  deceitful  course  of  action,  but  perhaps  it  was 
somewhat  prudent.  There  were  more  "  masked  Catholics " 
during  the  first  penal  laws  than  it  is  easy  to  indicate.  It 
is  an  ascertained  fact  that  many  men  who  were  supposed  to 
belong  to  the  priest-hunting  party  had  priests  privately 
released  from  the  Fleet  prison,  and  others,  upon  their  death- 
bed, were  crying  out  for  a  confessor.  I  refer  the  reader  to 
the  case  of  Lord  Kich,*'  and  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  who  changed 
his  religion  several  times  to  "suit  circumstances."  If  the 
statute-book  were  not  disgraced  by  laws  for  the  persecution  and 
debasement  of  conscience,  there  might  have  been  more  honest 
Protestants,  and  their  religion  would  have  escaped  the  odium 
of  being  stigmatised  as  "  a  political  institution." 

To  return  to  Hatton's  Parliamentary  speech.  After  dilating 
at  some  length  on  the  alleged  crimes  and  conspiracies  of  Mary 
Stuart,  he  said  that  "  a  speedy  consultation  must  be  had  by 
the  House  of  Commons  for  the  cutting  off  the  said  Mary 
Stuart,  known  as  the  Queen  of  Scots,  hy  the  course  of  justice." 
This  speech  was  applauded  by  the  Commons.  Hatton  rose 
ao-ain,  and,  in  most  servile  words,  passed  fresh  eulogies  on 
his  lioyal  mistress,  whose  common  sense  must  have  felt  pained 
at  such  repeated  exhibitions.  He  concluded  his  speech  in 
these  words:  "  Ne  pereat  Israel^  pereat  Absolon." 


*  See  Historical  Portraits,  vol.  ii.  p.  379,  for  "  the  last  hours"'  of  Lord 
Chancellor  Rich,  who,  like  many  others,  tradel  upon  the  name  of  Pro- 
testantism, and  became  wealthy  through  the  agency  of  repeated  perjuries. 

P   2 


2 1 2      Sii'  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


Both  Houses  of  Parliament  agreed  to  present  a  petition  to 
the  Queen,  entreating  her  to  order  the  execution  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  Elizabeth  felt  overjoyed  at  receiving  such  a  petition, 
which  would  lead  to  what  I  have  described  as  the  "day- 
dream of  her  life." 

The  debates  which  took  place  in  the  Commons  on  the  "  ex- 
pediency," by  some  members,  and  "  for  God's  glory "  by 
others,  of  sending  the  Queen  of  Scots  to  the  scaffold,  betray 
the  intense  sectarian  feeling  which  prevailed  amongst  the 
members  in  those  times.  Speaker  Puckering,  on  the  part  of 
the  Commons,  set  forth  the  reasons  for  beheading  I^Iary  Stuart, 
in  an  address  delivered  by  him  to  the  Queen  at  Richmond. 
Elizabeth  delivered  an  extempore  reply,  saying,  "  if,  instead 
of  two  Queens,  herself  and  the  Scotchwoman  were  but  as  two 
milkmaids,  with  pails  upon  their  arms,  and  if  her  own  life 
only  were  in  danger,  and  not  the  whole  estate  of  their  religion 
and  well-doing,  she  xoould  most  wiUinghj  pardon  the  offence 
committed  afjainst  her."*  In  makins;  the  above  undisfnified 
statement,  Elizabeth  violated  truth  and  honour.  Those  who 
may  go  to  the  trouble  of  examining  the  English  and  Scotch 
State  Papers  and  domestic  records,  from  the  landing  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots  at  Leith  (August  20th,  1561),  from  France, 
down  to  the  black  perjuries  committed  over  the  signing  of  the 
death-warrant,  and  its  despatch  to  Fotheringay  Castle,  can  take 
no  other  view  of  the  matter  than  that  Elizabeth  was,  from  be- 
ginning to  end,  actuated  by  the  most  deadly  hatred  to  her 
father's  grandniece,  who,  in  the  absence  of  her  own  legitimacy, 
was  the    undoubted  heiress    to    the    Enf^lish  throne.       The 


*  See  the  scene  between  Speaker  Puckering  and  the  Queen,  in  the  records 
of  (he  Commons  for  the  year  1586. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      2 1 3 

question  which  I  have  raised  leaves  the  issue  as  clear  as  the 
sun  at  noonday. 

In  a  later  chapter  I  shall  recur  to  the  general  history  of  the 
Queen  of  Sj3ots  from  the  murder  of  Rizzio  to  the  scaffold 
scene  at  Fotheringay  Castle. 

In  the  proceedings  respecting  the  despatch  of  the  warrant 
for  the  execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,*  Hatton  took  a 
prominent  part.  It  would  appear,  as  if  it  had  been  arranged, 
that  Davidson  was  to  be  made  the  victim  in  this  case  of  the 
Queen  and  her  CounciL*  On  the  2nd  of  February,  1587, 
Davidson  began  to  feel  uneasy  about  the  Queen's  real  inten- 
tions ;  he  accordingly  went  to  Hatton  and  communicated  all 
the  circumstances,  adding  that  he  was  determined  not  to  pro- 
ceed any  further  in  the  affair  by  himself,  but  would  leave  it  to 
Hatton  and  others  to  determine  what  should  be  done.  Hatton 
loas  "  heartily  glad^''  lie  said,  "  that  the  execution  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots  was  near  at  ]ianclJ^'\ 

Lord  Burleigh,  the  Earls  of  Derby  and  Leicester,  Lords 
Howard,  Hunsdon,  and  Cobham,and  Sir  Francis  Walsingham, 
all  joined  in  approval  of  sending  off  the  death-warrant  to 
Fotheringay  Castle  immediatehj ,  fearing  that  the  Queen  might 
change  her  mind — an  incident  that  was  highly  improbable. 
All  the  Privy  Councillors  above  named  put  their  "signatures 
of  approval  to  the  strong  letter  written  by  Lord  Burleigh  to 
the  fyaoler  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  urging  immediate  execution.'" 
It  has  been  stated  that  Walsingham  was  ill  at  tlie  time  ^the 
warrant  was  despatched,  and  that  the  Queen  told  Davidson  to 
*'  show  the  warrant  to  his  friend  ^yalsingham,  and  that  the 
very  sight  of  it  icould  cause  his  recovery,   lie  ivould  become  so 

*  Life  of  WilliaTii  Davidson,  by  Sir  Harris  Nicolas,  1823. 
■f-  Hatton's  Secret  Correspondence  on  the  Execution  of  the  Queen  of 
Hcots. 


214      'S'/r  ChristopJier  Hat  ton  and  his  Contemporaries. 

ovevjoyedP  Be  this  statement  true  or  not,  Walsingham  was 
present  at  the  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council,  when  it 
was  ao^reed  unanimously  to  immediatehj  dispatch  the  death- 
warrant. 

The  original  copy  of  the  fatal  warrant  is  at  present  in  the 
archives  of  the  British  jMuseum,  and  in  a  good  state  of  pre- 
servation. Elizabeth's  signature  is  surrounded  with  fancy 
flourishes,  which  Davidson  considered  as  an  evidence  of  her 
being  in  good  humour  at  the  moment  of  signing  it. 

When  the  ostentatious  horror  and  grief  simulated  by 
the  Queen  and  her  courtiers  for  the  "  accident  "  which  oc- 
curred at  Fotheringay  Castle  had  been  played  out,  the  balls 
and  masques  were  resumed,  and  being  still  the  handsomest 
man,  the  most  elegant  in  dress,  and  the  most  gallant  attendant 
on  the  Queen,  who  yet  seemed  delighted  with  his  dancing, 
Sir  Christopher  Hatton  gained  new  consequence,  "  pretend- 
ing," writes  Lord  Campbell,  "  to  become  an  orator  and  a 
statesman." 

Great  as  had  been  the  favours  lavished  upon  Hatton  by  the 
Queen,  the  country  was  not  prepared  for  the  extraordinary 
promotion  which  raised  him  to  the  highest  office  in  the  realm, 
and  imposed  upon  him  judicial  duties  of  the  most  important 
nature.  On  Saturday,  the  29th  of  April,  1587,  the  Queen  de- 
livered the  Great  Seal  to  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  saluting  him 
Lord  Chancellor  of  England.  "Phe  ceremony  is  thus  described  : 
The  Court  was  then  at  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury's  palace, 
at  Croydon  ;  and  about  four  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  in 
a  private  ambulatory  or  gallery,  near  the  Queen's  chamber,  and 
in  the  presence  of  the  Archbishop,  and  other  great  personages, 
her  Highness  the  Queen  took  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Realm, 
which  was  lying  in  a  red  velvet  bag  in  a  window,  into  her  own 
hands,  and  carried  it  to  the  centre  of  the  gallery,  and  then 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  Jus  Conteinporarics.      2 1 5 

presented  the  said  seal  to  the  new  Lord  Chancellor,  wlio  received 
it  kaeelingf  before  his  Sovereio-n.  The  Queen  then  and  there 
proclaimed  Christopher  Hatton  as  her  Chancellor.  A  flourish 
of  trumpets  followed,  and  the  Lord  Chancellor  received  the 
congratulations  of  the  Court.  A  series  of  banquets  on  a  grand 
scale  followed. 

Both  the  Bar  and  the  Bench  were  indignant  at  the  appoint- 
ment, and  in  their  private  meetings  they  severely  censured 
the  Queen  for  "  interfering  in  business  of  which  she  knew 
nothing."  Lord  Campbell  states  that  "  so  ignorant  was  Hatton 
of  law  forms  that  when  appointed  he  could  scarcely  knov/  the 
difference  between  a  subpoena  and  a  latitat."*  There  was, 
therefore,  some  ground  for  the  rumour  that  he  was  received 
Avith  coldness  and  indifference  in  tlie  Court  of  Chancery.  The 
Attorney-Greneral  and  Solicitor,  from  fear  of  the  Queen's 
resentment,  made  themselves  agreeable  to  tlie  new  official, 
whom  they  looked  upon  as  most  incompetent  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  the  Chancery  department.  The  Council  were  also 
aware  of  these  facts,  but,  like  every  other  public  body  in  the 
State,  they  wQre  craven-hearted,  and  dared  not  give  utterance 
to  their  real  convictions.  So  much  for  the  results  of  toleratinfj 
"  Royal  favourites." 

On  the  third  day  of  May,  1587,  vast  crowds  lined  the  streets 
of  London  from  Ely-place,  in  Holborn,  to  witness  Chancellor 
Hatton  going  in  state  to  Westminster  to  open  tlie  Trinity 
Term,  and  to  take  the  usual  oaths  as  Chancellor.  Tlie 
"Lancing  Favourite"  was  preceded  by  some  forty  of  his 
gentlemen-in-waiting,  all  dressed  in  a  blue  livery,  wearing 
gold  chains  ;  and  next  came  twenty  pensioners  ;  and  then  a 
number  of  frentlemen  on  foot  ;  the  officers  and  chief  clerks  of 


Lord  Campbell's  English  Chancellors,  vol.  i.  p.  117. 


2i6      Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  Ids  Contemporaries. 


Chancery  were  all  present  in  grand  holiday  attire.  Twenty- 
eight  trumpeters  on  horseback  enlivened  the  scene.  On  the 
Chancellor's  right  hand  rode  Lord  Treasurer  Burleigh,  and  on 
his  left  the  Earl  of  Leicester;  the  nobility,  judges,  knights, 
and  squires  were  duly  represented,  all  attired  in  magnificent 
costume.  The  burghers  and  their  wives  and  daughters 
flocked  to  see  the  "  Dancing  Chancellor."  Immense  crowds 
came  daily  to  the  Court,  to  see  the  Koyal  favourite  as  a  judge. 
After  a  time  the  strong  feeling  against  the  Chancellor 
was  somewhat  abated,  and  he  gradually  gained  ground  by  his 
courtesy  and  good  nature  ;  and  the  sumptuous  dinners,  with 
an  abimdance  of  old  sack,  soon  made  Hatton  a  welcome  guest 
in  "  the  hospitable  mansions  of  old  London  Town."  It  was  said 
that  in  Court  he  made  up  for  his  want  of  law  by  his  constant 
desire  to  do  what  was  just.  He  was  always  the  poor  suitor's 
humane  friend  ;  and  consequently  won  the  hatred  of  the  un- 
principled lawyers  and  attorneys,  of  whom  there  were  a  large 
number  in  those  days. 

In  the  June  of  1589,  Hatton  attended  the  wedding  of  his 
nephew^,  William  Hatton.  On  this  occasion  he  danced  for  the 
last  time.  Leaving  his  official  gown  in  the  chair,  he  said, 
"  Lie  thou  there,  Lord  Chancellor  of  England'^  He  then 
"appeared  on  the  floor,  and  was  still  without  a  rival,  in  his 
fiftieth  yeai'."  Cray  has  written  thus  of  Hatton's  dancing" 
coteries  at  Stoke  Pogis,  in  BucE:inghamshirc  : — 

Full  oft  ^vithin  the  spacious  walls, 
When  he  had  fifty  winters  o'er  hiru, 

My  grave  Lord  Keeper  led  the  brawls — 
The  seals  and  maces  danced  before  him. 

For  some  time  the  delicacy  of  Hatton's  health  prevented  his 


Sir  CJiristophcr  Hatton  and  his  Contcinporai-ics.      2 1 7 

appearance  in  banquet   halls  and  ball-rooms.      His  dancing 
days  were  drawing  to  a  close. 

On  the  27th  of  September,    1588,  Hatton  received  intelli- 
gence of  the  death  of  his  friend,  Sir  Philip  Sydney.     Hatton, 
Avho  was  a  man  of   warm  and   kindly  feeling,  burst  into  tears, 
"Ah,"  said  he,    "  his.  friendship  was  of  the  genuine  stamp." 
And,  after  a  pause,  he   continued,    "  I  never  knew  how  much 
I  regarded  him  till  now.     Poor  Philip,  swept  away  from  those 
who    loved   him  so  long   and  so  dearly."      Four  days  before 
the    scene  here   narrated,   Philip    Sydney,   acting   under  his 
uncle  (Lord  Leicester)  in  the  Flushing  campaign,  received  a 
mortal  wound  in  an   engagement  with   the  Spanish  ca\-alry 
near  Zutphen.     Sydney's  horse  fell  under  him,  but  mounting 
another,  and  advancing  to  a  repetition  of  the  attack,  a  musket 
ball  shattered  his   thigh   above  the  knee.     Still  he  would  not 
dismount,  but  rode  back  to  the  camp  in  all  the  agony  inflicted 
by  the   Avound,    and,    as  he  passed,  displayed  that  trait  of 
human  kindness   to  a  poor  fello w-sufFerer,  which   has  immor- 
talised his  memory,  even  more  than  his  accomplishments  and 
literature.     Passing  by  where  a  number  of  the  wounded  lay  in 
agony,  and  becoming  weak  from  loss   of  blood,  he  called  for 
water,  which  was  promptly  given  to  him,  but  as  he  was  put- 
ting the  little  pitcher  to  his   mouth,  he  saw  a  poor  bleeding- 
soldier  carried  by  him  who,  with  dying  look,  cast  his  eyes  at 
the  vessel,  which  Sir  Philip  perceiving,  took  it  from  his  own 
parched  lips  and  delivered  it  to  the  man  with  those  words : — 
"  Thy  necessity  is   yet  greater  than  mineT     Sydney  was  con- 
veyed to  Arnheim,  where  he  experienced  sixteen  days  of  agony. 
Sydney's  leave-taking  with  his  brother  was  most  affecting, 
"  Love  my  memory,"  he  says  ;  "  cherish  my  friends,   their  faith 
and  constancy  to  me  may  assure  you  that  they  are  honest.  Above 
all,  govern  your  will  and  affections  by  the  Will  and  Word  of 


;  1 8      Sir  Chrislophcr  Hatton  and  Jus  Contemporaries. 


your  Creator.      In  me  behold   the  end  of  this  world,  with  all 


its  vanities." 


Sydney  desired  that  his  brother  might  be  removed  from  the 
death  chamber  lest  he  became  affected  by  his  struggle 
with  death;  but  his  List  moments  were  calm  and  serene, 
desiring  a  hymn  to  be  sung  for  him,  and  clasping  his  hands, 
he  closed  his  eyes  and  expired.  He  also  sent  an  affecting  and 
beautiful  message  to  his  wife,  "  to  bear  him  in  remembrance, 
and  not  forget  the  days  of  their  early  meetings." 

The  Continental  impression  of  Sydney's  manners  and  con- 
duct was  formed  so  early  as  his  nineteenth  year.  AVhcn  he 
travelled  abroad  in  1572,  Charles  the  Ninth  of  France  was  so 
pleased  with  his  deportment  as  to  make  him  one  of  the 
Grentlemen  of  his  Household.  In  this  office  he  soon  became  a 
favourite  with  the  Eoyal  flxmily.  He  "  wrote  and  spoke  "  in 
seven  different  languages.  At  twenty-one  Elizabeth  despatched 
him  as  her  Ambassador  to  the  Emperor  and  the  German 
Princes.  In  Germany  he  won  high  esteem  as  a  Reformer. 
Sir  Philip  composed  his  prose  romance  in  the  summer  of 
1580.  Fourteen  editions  of '"Arcadia"  were  printed  in  a 
comparatively  short  time. 

Sir  Philip  Sydney  was  far  from  being  perfect,  living  in 
an  imperfect  and  dishonest  age.  His  good  maxims  are  some- 
times overstrained — "  Doing  good  for  those  who  require  it,  is 
the  happiest  action  of  a  man's  life."  Sydney  did  not 
adhere  to  this  text  in  many  cases,  for  with  all  his  professions 
of  disinterestedness  and  chivalry,  he  was  a  fierce  Puritan  ;  but 
his  opinions  were  concealed,  because  he  knew  the  Queen 
detested  that  party.  Sydney  always  spoke  with  scorn  and 
contempt  of  the  people  of  Ireland.  In  speaking  of  a  friend  of 
his  who  happened  to  be  an  Ivisli  Protestant — a  scarce  class  in 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries.      219 

those  days — Sydney  remarks,  "  an  honest  fellow,  according  to 
the  brood  of  that  island." 

Notwithstanding  all  the  services  that  Sydney  rendered  to 
Elizabeth  in  promoting  her  secret  diplomacy  on  tlie  Continent, 
she  subsequently  spoke  of  his  memory  in  disparaging  language, 
calling  him  '■'' that  vainfelloio,  Sydney." 

Sydney  and  his  father  had  been  Catholics  in  early  life.  The 
Sydney  family  and  their  relatives  were  noted  for  changing  their 
religion  whenever  any  "  worldly  considerations  "  were  likely 
to  be  favourable  to  such  movements.  It  was  no  wonder  for 
Elizabeth  to  entertain  grave  doubts  as  to  the  genuine  Pro- 
testantism of  many  of  those  about  her  Court.  According  to 
the  De  Quadra  State  Papers  (Simancas)  Sir  Henry  Sydney, 
Philip's  father,  was  negotiating  with  King  Philip  and  Queen 
Elizabeth  for  the  restoration  of  Catholicity  to  England,  whilst 
at  the  same  time  persecuting   the  English  Catholics. 

The  Sydney  family  were  for  generations  in  the  service  of 
the  Tudor  dynasty,  to  whom  they  were  always  loyal  and  de- 
voted. One  of  the  bravest  commanders  at  the  battle  of  Floddeu 
Field  was  Sir  William  Sydney,  the  grandfather  of  Philip — a 
generous  kind-hearted  man  ;  always  humane  in  his  treatment 
of  the  wounded  enemy. 

In  the  autumn  of  1591,  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  was  seized 
with  his  last  illness.  His  mind  had  been  greatly  aflTccted  by 
the  Queen  insisting  upon  the  payment  of  a  large  sum  of  money 
which  he  owed  to  the  Crown  from  the  receipts  of  "  Tenths  and 
First  Fruits,"  amounting  to  £42,193  5s.,  for  which,  after  his 
death,  an  execution  was  laid  on  his  palace  in  Ely-place.*  It 
is  a  source  of  wonder  what  could  have  been  the  cause  of 
Hatton's  debts.     The  Queen  gave  him  large  grants  of  land  at 


*  Camden's  Annals,  book  iv. 


220      Sir  ChristopJicr  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


various  times  ;  she  also  paid  his  debts  at  three  different 
periods,  and  gave  him  £500  per  annum  as  a  "  pension,  or 
remembrance  of  her  affection."  It  is  true  that  he  gave  large 
sums  "  in  charity  to  the  unfortunate  of  every  creed  in  the 
realm."  His  entertainments  were,  however,  on  a  large  and 
expensive  scale,  and  his  tenantry  were  treated  with 
"  kind  consideration."  Like  \Yolsey,  he  seemed  to  have  no  idea 
of  the  value  of  money,  for  he  gave  more  away  to  those  who 
sought  his  bounty  than  all  tlie  members  of  the  Queen's 
Council  put  together.  It  is  a  fact  recorded  by  contemporary 
evidence  that  a  public  man  who  did  not  "  give  largely,  and 
have  in  his  service  some  hundreds  of  retainers,"  was  considered 
by  the  public  in  those  times  as  "  extremely  mean  and 
parsimonious. " 

Notwithstanding  his  broken  health,  Hatton  still  contrived 
to  perform  his  public  duties,  but  was  soon  compelled  to 
relinquish  them.  With  the  "  fall  of  the  October  leaf,"  he 
wrote  his  last  letter  to  the  Queen,  briefly  detailing  the  state  of 
his  health  and  pecuniar}'-  difficulties.  He  seemed  to  have  some 
idea  that  his  enemies  were  "  defaming  him  to  the  Queen,"  for 
he  made  an  appeal  in  vindication  of  his  loyalty  and  gratitude 
to  his  "  good  and  most  kindly  Queen."  His  spirit  seemed 
broken.  He  felt  that  he  was  no  longer  the  young,  handsome, 
caressed  courtier.  Time  created  young  rivals  ;  nevertheless, 
when  Elizabeth  was  informed  by  the  physicians  of  his  pre- 
carious condition,  her  old  affection  for  him  revived.  She  cried 
and  became  very  sad,  remarking  how  long  she  liad  known 
him,  and  how  devoted  he  had  always  been  to  her  person  and 
her  interests.  She  visited  Hatton  on  the  11th  of  November, 
and  spoke  in  the  "  most  loving  sisterly  manner  "  to  him.  She 
advised  him  "  to  make  his  peace  with  God,  and  be  no  longer 
attached  to  this  deceitful  world."     On  the  following  day   she 


Sir  Christ  op  Jicr  Hat  ton  aud  his  Contemporaries.      221 


<;ame  again,  attended  by  one  lady.  On  this  occasion  the 
Queen,  according  to  Lady  Nottingham,  tied  a  cross  with  a 
■white  ribbon  around  his  neck.  The  lady-in-waiting  retired 
down  the  room,  and  the  Queen  and  her  old  favourite  were  in 
<;onversation  for  a  few  minutes.  Elizabeth  waved  her  hand  to 
the  maid  of  honour,  Avho  advanced  to  the  bedside.  Hatton 
put  forth  his  hand,  and  the  young  lady  kissed  it.  The  Queen, 
whose  face  was  bathed  in  tears,  stooped  and  kissed  the  Royal 
favourite's  cheek.  His  voice  faltered  when  he  said,  "  I  am 
dying;  oh,  Eoyal  lady,  pray  for  me.  May  the  Lord  Jesus 
protect  you  to  the  last."  Standing  at  the  door,  the  Queen 
waved  her  hand  asjain  to  Hatton.  He  looked  towards  her 
with  an  air  of  supplication;  his  voice  faltered  ;  he  made  a 
slight  move  of  the  right  hand.  The  Eoyal  lady  and  her 
favourite  dancer  never  met  again. 

Fuller  gives  another  version  of  one  of  the  Queen's  visits  to 
the  bedside  of  the  dying  favourite.  "The  sad  condition  ot' 
Hatton  being  related  to  the  Queen,  her  Highness  instantly 
repaired  to  his  house  in  Ely-place,  bringing  with  her  cordial 
broths,  in  the  hope  of  restoring  the  Chancellor.  These  she 
warmed  and  offered  to  him  with  her  own  hands,  adding  many 
soothing  expressions,  and  bidding  him  live  for  her  dear  sake. 
'  Ah,'  said  Llatton,  '  All  will  not  do.  No  pulleys  will  draw  up 
a  heart  once  cast  down,  though  a  Queen  herself  should  set 
her  hand  thereunto.'  "* 

Harrington  states  that  the  Queen  paid  several  visits  to  the 
dying  Chancellor,  so  that  these  different  accounts  are  all  likely 
to  be  correct.  Elizabeth  was  often  to  be  found  at  the  bedside 
of  her  old  domestics  when  dying,  and  consoled  them  with 
religious  sentiments. 


*  Fuller's  WortLies,  vol.  ii.  p.  154. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  and  his  Contemporaries. 


Sir  Christopher  Hatton  died  on  Friday,  the  20th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1591,  in  tlie  51st  year  of  his  age.  His  health  had  long 
been  impaired.  He  died  of  diabetes,  a  disease  almost  always 
mortal,  and  to  which  his  constitution  seems  to  have  long  had  a 
tendency.*  A  few  days  before  his  death  Hatton  took  leave  of 
his  principal  domestics,  and  said  something  kindly  to  each  of 
them.     He  was  beloved  by  his  numerous  retainers. 

Sir  Christopher  Hatton  was  buried  with  great  state  in  old 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  The  church  bells  tolled  a  mournful 
dirge.  The  funeral  car  was  preceded  by  one  hundred  poor 
people,  who  had  gowns  and  caps  given  them  by  the  executors 
of  the  deceased  Chancellor.  Xext  followed  five  hundred 
gentlemen,  and  the  members  of  the  Privy  Council,  all  in  the 
deep  mourning  fashion  of  the  times.  One  hundred  of  the 
Royal  Guard  were  in  the  procession ;  likewise  som-e  sixty  of 
the  Queen's  servants  in  mourning,  and  the  most  sadly  interest- 
ing portion  of  the  long  procession  was  that  of  a  crowd  of  poor 
widows  and  nearly  one  hundred  orphan  girls  wdiom  the 
Chancellor  fed  daily  and  protected  like  a  father.  Those  poor 
children  evinced  their  grief  in  constant  wailing  along  the 
route  to  St.  Paul's. 

The  recrret  for  Hatton's  death  was  sincere  and  universal  in 

O 

London,    always    excepting    the    Shylock  harpies   known    as 
lawyers  and  attorneys.     His  contemporary,  Camden,  describes 
Hatton  as  "  a  man  of  a  pious  nature,  great  pity  towards  the  poor, 
and  munificent  to  students  of  learning."     The  University  of 
Oxford    chose  him   for    its    Chancellor,    and  felt  proud  of  its 
connection  with  him.     In  the  office  of  Lord  Chancellor  of 
England  he  could  comfort  himself  with  the  consciousness  of 
a  will  to  act  with  equity. 


Camden's  Annais^  book  iv.  p.  34. 


Sir  Christopher  Hat  ton  aud  his  Contemporaries.      225 

Upon  the  general  cliaracter  of  Hatton  it  is  not  necessary  to 
make  many  more  observations.  He  left  on  record  an  opinion 
that  "  in  the  cause  of  religion  neither  searing  nor  cutting  was 
to  be  used."  He  interceded  with  the  Queen  many  times  to 
save  his  deadly  enemies  from  the  stake  fire.  His  corre- 
spondence shows  that  he  was  willing  to  serve  both  Catholic  and 
Puritan  when  in  distress.  His  love  of  literature  was  well 
known  to  posterity,  as  Churchyard's  letters  and  the  many 
dedications  of  books  to  him  show.  He  made  no  parade 
of  sympathy.  His  feelings  were  ever  warm  and  earnest, 
and  his  friendship  unbroken  or  chilled  by  the  changes  of 
fortune. 

Sir  Christopher  Hatton .  maintained  an  interesting  corre- 
spondence, on  various  subjects,  with  some  of  the  most  learned 
men  of  the  age. 

Many  anecdotes  have  been  recorded  of  the  wit — real  and 
imaginary — of  our  judges  and  lawyers,  but  very  few  have  been 
put  forward  as  of  Hatton's  coinage.  Here  is  one,  on  the 
authority  of  Bacon : — "  In  Chancery,  oiie  day,  Avhen  the 
counsel  of  the  plaintiff  and  defendant  set  forth  the  boundaries 
of  the  land  in  question,  by  the  plot,  and  the  counsel  of  one 
part  said  '  we  lie  on  this  side,  my  Lord  ; '  and  the  counsel 
of  the  other  part  said,  '  and  we  lie  on  this  side : '  Lord 
Chancellor  Hatton  stood  up  and  said,  "  Well,  gentlemen, 
if  you  lie  on  both  sides,  whom  will  you  have  me  to 
believe  ?  " 

With  Sir  Christopher  Hatton's  career  I  am  now  done.  I 
have  presented  to  my  readers  tlic  good  and  the  evil  parts  of 
the  Eoyal  favourite's  character  ;  his  humanity,  his  sense  of 
charity,  and,  above  all,  the  parental  feeling  with  which  he 
guarded  the  poor  suitors  in  the  Court  of  Chancery.     Perhaps 


224      Sir  C J  wis  top  her  Hattoji  and  his  Contemporaries. 

the  grasping  disposition  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  the  love 
of  pageantry  and  ostentatious  hospitality,  led  to  many  of  the 
embarrassments  in  which  he  became  involved  at  the  period 
of  his  death.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Christopher  Hatton  lived  and 
died  like  a  true  Knight,  faithful  to  his  Sovereign,  to  his 
country,  and  to  his  friends. 


h-dand  under  ElizabetJis  Rule.  225 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

IRELAND  UNDER  ELIZxYBETH'S  RULE. 

Few  Viceroys  were  so  liked  by  the  Irish  people  as  Sir 
Henry  Sydney.  At  one  time  he  was  much  esteemed  by 
the  citizens  of  Dublin  and  the  people  of  Grahvay/'*  on  account  of 
the  humanity  he  evinced  during  the  plague.  Like  other  ex- 
cellent Lord  Deputies  he  subsequently  became  unpopular, 
especially  when  attempting  to  raise  taxes  with  the  concurrence 
of  his  Council,  and  without  the  approval  of  the  Parliament.  A 
violent  agitation  followed,  in  which  all  parties  joined  against 
the  Viceroy.  In  1569-70  the  inhabitants  of  the  Pale  met, 
deliberated,  and  sent  three  delegates  to  present  a  petition  to 
the  Queen.  The  noblemen,  chosen  for  this  purpose,  appeared 
at  the  English  Court  to  protest  against  the  system  of  imposts 


*  Sir  Henry  Sydney  has  left  on  record  a  most  interesting  account  of  his 
visit  to  the  ancient  town  of  Galway.  He  describes  the  gentry  of  that 
district  as  an  amiable,  educated,  and  most  hospitable  people.  In  writing 
to  Queen  Elizabeth,  Sydney  says  : — "  The  better  classes  in  Galway  have  been 
educated  in  Spain ;  and  they  possess  all  that  delicacy  of  feeling  which 
characterises  the  Spanish  grandees.  Tlie  name  of  your  Majesty  was  received 
with  great  respect.  The  people  of  those  quarters  are  all  most  devoted  to  the 
Papal  Church  ;  but  that  fact  does  not  lessen  their  loyalty  to  your  Majesty. 
The  women  are  very  beautiful,  dress  magnificently,  and  are  first-class 
dancers.  In  fact,  every  one— young  and  old — must  take  part  in  the  dance. 
The  people  are  all  independent,  and  the  tov/n  has  a  large  commerci.il 
intercourse  with  Spain." 

VOL.   IV.  Q 


226  Irelaitd  under  Elizabetlis  Rule. 


levied  by  Sir  Henry  Sydney  and  his  Council.  Sir  Henry  was 
not  idle  during  the  agitation,  for  he  had  taken  especial  care  to 
present  an  unfavourable  statement  to  Queen  Elizabeth  of  the 
question  at  issue.  The  Queen  listened  to  the  Irish  complaints 
Avith  apparent  care,  and  is  reported  to  have  shed  tears,  but  the 
deputies  were  afterwards  committed  to  the  Fleet  prison  as 
contumacious  opposers  of  the  Eoyal  authority.  It  is  related  in 
an  Irish  j\lS.  that  they  were  treated  with  great  severity  whilst 
in  prison,  by  order  of  the  Queen  ;  but  this  statement  is  in- 
correct, for  Elizabeth  wrote  an  order  with  her  own  hand,  to 
the  effect,  that  "  the  deputies  should  receive  good  cheer  and 
be  treated  with  the  respect  due  to  their  rank  during  their 
confinement."  When  the  news  reached  Dublin  and  the 
provinces  of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  their  representa- 
tives, the  populace  were  indignant,  and  the  "  inventive  story- 
tellers "  at  the  inns  positively  asserted  that  the  people's 
delegates  had  been  murdered  by  the  special  order  of  the 
Sovereign.  About  the  same  period,  however,  letters  reached 
Dublin  which  at  once  removed  the  impression  made  upon  the 
public  mind  by  those  mischievous  newsmongers.  The  fact  of 
the  delegates  having  been  imprisoned  by  the  Queen  neverthe- 
less had  the  effect  of  renewing  the  agitation  with  tenfold 
energy  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  the  Pale  ;  and  a 
second  deputation  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  Sir  Henry 
Sydney  and  his  Council,  in*  order  to  remonstrate  against 
his  *'  new  taxing  law."  The  parties  chosen  on  this 
occasion  were  five  peers — men  of  integrity  and  modera- 
tion, in  whom  the  people  of  the  rival  creeds  had  every  con- 
fidence. The  excitement  soon  became  so  intense  that  the 
Queen  was  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  her  Irish  dominions. 
The  wily  Princess  was  well  aware  that  the  subject  of  dispute 
was  one  on  which  the  Protestant  settlers  and  the  native  Irish 


Ireland  under  EHzahetlis  Rule.  227 

were  likely  to  become  united  ;  for  like  the  inlmbitants  of  other 
countries,  they  cordially  detested  undue  taxation.    It  was  also 
rumoured  at  this   excited  period  that  a   foreign   enemy  was 
hovering  about  the  Irish  coast;    and  some   influential   Pro- 
testants of  Dublin  declared  their  intention  of  coalescinof  with 
any  party,  foreign  or   domestic,  in   order  to   have  vengeance 
upon  England  for  ^^  daring  to  tax   the  Irish  Protestants  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Popish  natives.''*     At  this   time,  however, 
the  native  Irish  paid  little  or  no  tribute   to  England.     It  is 
not   now  certain  whether  Sir   Henry  Sydney  knew  of  these 
transactions,   which,    however,  were    not  calculated  to  excite 
so    much    concern    as   the  apprehended  combination  of    the 
Palesmen  and  the  native  Irish.     Elizabeth  dispatched  fresh 
instructions  to  Sydney  to  the  effect  that   he   should  at  once 
bring    the    question    to    aij    amicable  settlement  by  a  com- 
promise,  which  was  ultimately   agreed  to  by   the   Irish    dis- 
affected of  both   creeds.     But  the  indignation  of  all  parties 
in    Ireland  was  turned  against  Sir  Henry  Sydney,  and  the 
people  who  at  one  time  had  given  him  a  triumphal  entry  into 
their  city   would   now    stone  him  to    death.       So  much  for 
the  gratitude  of  the  populace. 

The  massacre  of  IMullaghmast  has  been  ascribed  to  the  reign 
of  Queen  Mary,  but  it  occurred  in  that  of  Elizabeth,  under  the 
Viceroyalty  of  Lord  Sussex.  It  is  stated  that  Sussex  invited  a 
number  of  Irish  chiefs  to  a  banquet,  and  whilst  partaking  of  his 
hospitality,  it  was  arranged  thataparty  of  assassins  should  rush 
upon  them,  clagger  in  hand.  Only  three  persons  were  left  to 
imperfectly  relate  the  bloody  deed.  In  the  black  pages  of  the 
history    of    Irish    misrule     there     are    only     two    or    three 


*  MS.  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Watson,  a  Protestant  clergyman  of  Dublin,  ia 
1592. 

Q  2 


228  Ireland  under  ElizabetJis  Rule. 


instances  more  in  which  an  English  General  stooped  to  the 
treachery,  or  tlie  cold-blooded  wickedness  of  concerted 
assassinations,  whilst  their  victims  were  partaking  of  hos- 
pitality given  in  the  name  of  the  English  Sovereign.  The 
question  may  be  raised — Did  Elizabeth  ever  hear  of  the  scene 
which  occurred  at  ]\Iullaghmast  ?  It  is  alleged  by  some 
writers  that  the  narrative  concerning  Mullaghmast  has  been 
much  overdrawn.  But  Lord  Sussex  is  positively  named  as 
the  organiser  of  such  a  massacre.  There  is  also  proof  of  his 
having  corresponded  with  a  noted  poisoner. 

In  March,  1571,  Sir  Henry  Sydney  resigned  the  office  of 
Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  "  considering  the  task  of  governing 
that  country  hopeless."  But  the  task  was  not  altogether 
hopeless,  although  veiy  hard  to  perform.  The  successive  Vice- 
roys were  ignorant  of  the  temper  of  the  people  and  the 
resources  of  the  country.  The  inhabitants  were  treated  as 
"  a  barbarian  and  conquered  race."  Yet  the  secret  despatches 
of  a  few  of  the  Viceroys  deny  the  barbarism.  Such  men  as 
Lord  Sussex  did  irreparable  damage  to  the  honour  and 
humanity  of  England  by  his  mode  of  action  in  Ireland. 

Sir  Henry  Sydney,  in  writing  to  Walsingham,  says  :  "  Three 
times  the  Queen  has  been  pleased  to  send  me  to  Ireland  as  her 
deputy.  I  returned  on  each  occasion  three  thousand  pounds 
worse  than  I  went  to  that  country."*  Sir  Henry  Sydney  died 
in  a  few  months  subsequent  to  his  return  to  England,  quite 
broken-hearted  at  the  treatment  he  received  between:  his  Irish 
friends  and  the  Queen.  In  fact  he  became  the  victim  of  the 
English  "  Cabal"  and  their  agents  in  Dublin  Castle,  headed  by 
that  marplot  and  base  man.  Archbishop  Loftus. 

Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  became  the  successor  of  the  once 


*  Carew  State  Papers. 


Ireland  wider  Elisabeth's  Rale.  229 

popular  Sir  Henry  Sydney.  Fitzwilliam  undertook  to  govern 
Ireland  on  a  new  principle.  He  commenced  by  a  reduction  of 
the  enormous  expenditure  for  the  army,  spies,  and  other 
oflficials  connected  with  Dublin  Castle.  The  garrisons  through- 
out the  country  were  considerably  reduced.  The  chief  officials 
were  in  debt  to  those  under  them,  and  peculation  and  fraud 
were  worked  out  in  a  systematic  manner  for  a  long  period  under 
successive  Governments,  and  the  English  Council  felt  it 
almost  impossible  to  ascertain  the  real  facts  of  the  case.  At 
one  time  Sir  William  Cecil  contemplated  a  visit  to  Ireland, 
that  he  "  might  judge  for  himself,"  but  his  presence  being  con- 
stantly required  in  London,  he  depended  on  the  correspondence 
of  his  well-paid  spies,  who  were  nothing  better  than  a  gang  of 
felonious  beings  who  rarely  uttered  a  word  of  truth.  Fitz- 
william, who  was  a  rough  old  soldier,  gives  an  account  of  how 
he  found  matters  in  Ireland  on  his  accession  to  office.  "  The 
soldiers  had  been  paid  with  small  notes  of  hand,  which  for  a 
time  they  had  illegally  forced  upon  the  unfortunate  farmer, 
peasant,  or  shopkeeper.  A  universal  cry  was  raised  by  the 
dealers  of  farm  produce  or  cattle  at  the  continued  absence  of 
coin  of  a  bona  fide  casting.  The  garrisons  were  determined  to 
make  the  people  support  them."  Mr.  Froude  describes  the 
soldiers  as  ^^  mere  gangs  of  organised  robbers,  who  lived  bij  plunder, 
and  loJiose  main  occupation  loas  to  kill.  They  had  become  so 
worthless  for  fighting  purposes  that  Fitzwilliam  thought  one 
hundred  of  them  would  run  before  a  score  of  Alva's  Spaniards." 
Fitzwilliam  again  states  "  that  the  despair  at  receiving  no 
payment  in  solid  coin  led  to  numberless  disorders  which  would 
move  any  Christian  heart  to  solicit  a  reformation  of  the  social 
condition  of  the  country,  which  was  almost  beyond  description. 
The  Crown  did  not  pay  the  officers  ;  the  officers  did  not  pay  the 
men ;  the  men  did  not  pay  the  farmers,  and  the  farmers  could  pay 


230  Ireland  under  EliaabetJis  Ride. 

no  rent  to  their  landlords;  all  was  knavery,  confusion,  and  well- 
founded  discontent."  Fitzwilliam  became  alarmed  at  the  position 
in  which  he  was  placed.     All  parties  were  discontented,  and 
looked   to   him   for    redress.      He   found,  however,    that   in 
removing  one  evil  he  only  created  another,  for  the  "battle 
between  interests"  became  fierce.     He  therefore  petitioned  the 
(^ueen  for  his  recall.     He  assured  her  Highness  that  his  pecu- 
niary position  was  fast  driving  him   to  ruin.     He  gave  away 
all  the  money  he  had,  and  was  living  on  credit,  which  made 
little  of  him   in  the  eyes  of  the  people.     Sir  Henry   Sydney 
was  brought  to  beggary  in  Ireland,  and  he  said  that  the  same 
fate  awaited  himself.     The  Border  tribes  took  advantao-e  of 
this  state  of  things,  and  they  were  constantly    harassing    the 
English  garrison  of  the  Pale. 

In  one  of  Fitzwilliam's  despatches  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  he 
relates  a  startling  incident  with  respect  to  the  solvent  position 
of  the  representative  of  the  ''Majesty  of  England"  in  Ireland. 
Here  are  Fitzwilliam's  words  :  "  In  order  to  pay  the  small 
garrison  of  Dundalk,  I  was  compelled  to  pledye  siv  score  pounds' 
toorth  of  plate,  wldch  I  horroioed  for  that  very  purposed* 

From  this  statement  the  reader  can  form  some  idea  of  the 
general  condition  of  the  unfortunate  country. 

Mr.  Froude  frankly  admits  that  the  "  spiritual  disorganisation 
of  the  country  was  even  more  desperate  than  the  social.  Whatever 
might  have  been  the  other  faults  of  the  Irlsli  people,  they  had 
been  at  least  eminent  for  their  piety,  the  multitude  of  churches 
and  monasteries,  which  in  their  ruins  meet  everywhere  the 
stranger's  eye,  witness  conclusively  to  their  possession  of  this 
single  virtue.  The  religious  houses  in  such  a  state  of  society 
could  not  have  existed  at  all  unless  protected  by  the  consentint^ 


*  Fitzwilliam's  Secret  Despatches  to  Sir  William  Cecil. 


Ireland  tender  ElizabctJis  Ride.  231 

reverence  of  the  whole  population.  But  the  religious  houses 
were  gone,  and  the  prohibition  of  the  Mass  had  closed  the 
churches,  except  in  those  districts  which  were  in  arms  and 
open  rebellion." 

Tremayne,  the  confidential  agent  of  Sir  William  Cecil, 
reports  that  when  the  churches  were  closed,  and  the  priests 
banished  to  the  mountains,  or  sent  to  dungeons,  religion  had  no 
place.  The  peasantry  became  desperate  characters.  Neither 
fear  of  God,  nor  regard  for  virtue,  nor  oaths^  nor  common 
honesty  remained  in  the  land. 

The  great  drag-chain  upon  conscience  was  deliberately  set 
aside  by  the  Government.  \n  the  presence  of  this  state  of 
affairs   society  fell  to  pieces. 

Mr.  Froude  is  most  outspoken  and  candid  in  his  description 
of  Ireland  under  Elizabeth  in  1570-71,  and  his  statements 
correspond  completely  with  many  of  the  secret  despatches  of 
those  times.  He  makes  the  admission  that  "  the  English 
settlers  everywhere  became  ivorse  than  the  Irish  in  all  the 
qualities  in  which  the  Irish  were  most  in  fault.  No  native  Celt 
hated  England  more  bitterhj  than  the  transported  Saxon.  The 
forms  of  English  justice  might  be  introduced,  but  juries  com- 
bined to  defeat  the  ends  for  which  they  were  instituted,  and 
everyone  in  authority,  English  or  Irish,  preferred  to  rule  after 
the  Irish  system." 

In  concluding  his  despatches  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  Mr. 
Tremayne  strongly  urges  upon  him  the  policy  and  common 
honesty  of  "not  disturbing  the  Irish  chiefs  in  the  possession  of 
their  ancient  patrimonial  inheritance.  The  Englishmen  who 
might  come  over  to  take  possession  of  their  lands  were  inen, 
for  the  most  part,  who  were  doing  no  good  at  home,  and  would 
do  worse  in  Ii'cland."  Tremayne  concludes  his  advice  to  Cecil 
and  the  Queen  in  these  words,  which  are  full  of  significance  : 


232  Ireland  under  ElizahetJis  Rule. 


— '■^  Establish  a  sound  Governmerit,  give  the  Irish  good  laws 
and goodjustice,  and  let  tlaem  keep  their  laws  for  themselves."* 

Amono-st  the  remarkable  men  who  figured  in  the  back- 
ground,  directing  by  his  talents  and  immense  energy  of  mind 
and  body,  was  the  Kev.  Nicholas  Sander.  Sander  was  an 
enthusiast  of  the  most  ardent  nature.  Although  he  acted 
with  King  Philip,  he  had  a  poor  opinion  of  his  military  talent 
and  bravery.  He  describes  Philip  to  be  "  as  much  afraid  of 
war  as  a  child  might  be  of  fire;"  and  despot-like  Philip  "did 
not  like  to  encourage  rebellions  anywhere  unless  it  ended  in 
profit  to  himself" — an  old  policy  in  Europe. 

The  small  expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Ireland,  with 
which  Sander  was  connected,  left  the  Spanish  waters  in  May, 
1579,  for  Kerry.  Sander  was  accompanied  in  this  wild  and 
hopeless  scheme  by  two  Irish  bishops,  six  friars,  and  some  500 
Spaniards,  Italians,  and  English  adventurers — all  brave, 
reckless  beings,  who  were  far  more  interested  in  the  chances  of 
plunder  than  a  desire  to  liberate  an  oppressed  people.  They 
soon  discovered  that  the  prospect  of  booty  was  small,  and  that 
the  people  whom  they  came  to  aid  were  divided  amongst 
themselves.  The  expedition  landed  safely  at  Dingle,  a  harbour 
at  the  south-western  angle  of  Kerry.  The  Earl  of  Desmond, 
the  great  Catholic  Chief  of  the  South,  looked  upon  the  expedi- 
tion as  too  small  and  ill-timed.  Some  Irish  authorities  allege 
that  the  invading  party  numbered  5,000  ;  whilst  a  Spanish 
despatch  makes  it  out  to  be  "  some  five  hundred,  and  by  no 
means  effective  for  such  an  expedition."  Desmond  disliked 
the  English  rule  just  as  much  as  the  O'Xeills  did ;  but  he 
had  experienced  reverses  in  the  field  and  elsewhere.     He  had 


*    "  Causes  why  Ireland  is    not   reformed." — Endorsed,  M.   Tremayne, 
June,  1571.    MSS.  on  Ireland. 


Ireland  under  Elizabeths  Ride.  233 

rebelled,  and  was  pardoned.  If  tSander's  expedition  failed, 
and  he  stood  amongst  the  vanquished,  what  might  be  his  fate  ? 
After  a  delay  of  several  days  Desmond  resolved  to  sustain  the 
English  interest. 

The  Spanish  expedition  to  aid  the  malcontents  of  Ireland 
was,  as  usual,  attended  with  unexpected  disappointments  and 
local  disaffection,  or  apathy.  At  the  eleventh  hour  the  Earl  of 
Desmond  joined  the  "  rising,'  and  the  Catholics  of Munster 
came  forward  in  three  days.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  his  fol- 
lowers was  one  of  vengeance.  They  seized  upon  the  town  of 
Youghal,  an  English  colony  at  that  period.  For  two  days  the 
Geraldiue  party,  to  their  disgrace  be  it  told,  plundered  the 
merchants,  fired  and  sacked  the  town,  and  murdered  everyone 
who  could  not  escape. 

Within  six  weeks  the  scene  was^  changed,  and  English 
"vengeance  revelled  in  a  general  carnage."  Lord  Ormond 
received  the  command  of  ^the  "  army  of  English  vengeance." 
General  Pelham  writes  thus  to  the  Council  of  the  movement 
of  his  troops  in  Munster  : — 

"  We  passed  through  the  rebels'  counties,"  wrote  Pelham, 
"  in  two  companies,  consuming  tvifh  five  all  habitations,  and 
executing  the  people  wherever  ice  Jonnd  them!''  The  widow  01 
Fitzmaurice  and  her  two  little  children  were  discovered 
in  a  cave,  Avhere  they  retired  from  the  heavy  snow  storm. 
They  were  "  dragged  forth  like  a  lioness  and  her  cubs."  A 
few  screams  were  heard  from  the  children,  then  all  was  silent. 
In  the  morning  a  milkmaid  discovered  their  bodies  in  the 
snow.  The  mother  had  a  crucifix  closely  pressed  to  her  heart, 
and  the  frozen  left  hand  in  a  death  grasp  around  her 
daughter's  neck.  We  are  assured  by  the  "  Annals  of  the 
Four  Masters  "  that  Greneral  Pelham  and  Lord  Ormond  killed 
the  blind  and  t  J le  aged,  the  women  and  the  children,  the  sick,  the 


234  Ireland  under  Eli::abetJis  Rule. 

insane,  and  even  poor  idiots  who  wandered  about  the  country 
craving  for  food,  which  no  one  who  had  it  refused  them.  The 
despatches  sent  by  Pehiam  and  Ormond  to  the  Council  speak 
in  the  greatest  levity  of  the  wholesale  destruction  of  Papist 
women  and  children.  The  Castle  of  Carrigafoil  was  stormed  by 
one  hundred  soldiers  and  two  pieces  of  cannon.  After  a  short 
discharge  of  artillery  the  walls  gave  way,  and  the  castle  was 
invaded  with  a  yell  for  vengeance.  Everyone,  save  an  old 
Italian,  was  instantly  put  to  death  in  the  most  revolting 
manner. 

Greneral  Pelham  (March,  1580)  was  quick  advancing  to 
capture  Lord  Desmond  and  Father  Sander.  Ormond  boasted 
that  he  destroyed  or  burned  down  every  habitation  for  ten 
miles.  On  one  fearful  snowy  night  Sir  Edward  Fenton,  another 
English  commander,  regrets  that  the  "  sport  was  not  so  good." 
Fenton  boasted  how  he  had  hanged  a  Popish  priest  one  day, 
supposed  from  his  dress  to  have  been  a  Spaniard.* 

At  the  period  of  Sander's  expedition  to  Ireland  he  was 
about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  had  been  educated  at  Winches- 
ter, and  was  subsequently  Fellow  of  New  College,  where  he  had 
resided  till  the  accession  of  Elizabeth.  In  Edward's  reitrn  he 
was  imprisoned,  deprived  of  his  private  property,  and  in 
many  ways  injured.  In  Mary's  reign  he  was  restored,  and 
quickly  displayed  a  strong  feeling  of  resentment  against 
the  Eeformers.  He  is  descriijed  by  his  contemporaries  as  a 
learned  scholar,  and  an  eloquent  expounder  of  Catholic 
doctrine. 

There  were  many  men  in  the  country — brave  men,  too— 
who  were  willing  to  fight  to  the  death  ;  but  treachery  and 
blundering  afforded  time  to  such  men  as  Lord  Grey  to  mature 


Fenton's  Despatches,  vol.  ii. 


Ireland  2uidcr  ElirjabctJis  Rule.  235 

his  plans  of  action.  The  maxim  of  Lord  Grrcy  was  "  the 
rough  and  ready  mode  of  fire  and  sword."  At  every  side  the 
wretched  inhabitants  were  consumed  in  the  flames,  and  the 
fine  young  women — models  of  beauty  and  chastity — were  seized 
upon  and  outraged  by  the  ruffian  soldiers  to  an  extent  that 
caused  a  forest  of  hands  to  be  raised  to  heaven  for  protection 
and  for  vengeance.  Sander's  army  of  invasion  was  most  disas- 
trous to  the  people  of  the  south  of  Ireland,  yet  they  never 
upbraided  him,  nor  sought  to  betray  him  for  the  large  re- 
ward offered  for  his  head.  He  was  a  brave  man,  but  a  fanatic 
beyond  a  doubt. 

A  few  weeks  later  the  scene  was  changed.  The  incapacity 
with  which  the  whole  enterprise  had  been  conducted,  and 
the  want  of  sympathy  for  even  his  own  countrymen  on  the 
part  of  King  Philip,  created  a  bitter  feeling  in  Ireland.  The 
hanging  and  quartering  was  on  a  large  scale  of  slaughter.  Not 
more  than  seven  or  eight  of  the  expedition  ever  returned  to 
Spain.  On  a  cold  November  morning  the  bodies  of  six  hun- 
dred men  who  were  hanged  from  the  "  nearest  trees  "  were 
ranged  upon  the  sands  awaiting  the  barbarous  quartering. 

The  scenes  in  the  Wicklow  mountains  showed  desperate 
determination.  Glenmalure  was  an  approj)riate  place  for  an 
enemy  to  lie  in  ambush.  An  experienced  oflicer.  Colonel 
Cosby,  was  dispatched  to  dislodge  the  "  Irish  enemy,"  who 
were  supposed  to  be  under  cover  here.  Cosby  and  his  troops 
went  unmolested  up  the  narrow  valley  for  some  distance ;  all  was 
silent,  no  human  being  to  be  seen,  when  suddenly  the  crags 
and  bushes  on  either  side,  before  and  behind,  became  alive  with 
armed  men — tall  powerful  men — and  amidst  yells  and  shouts 
Cosby's  force  was  assailed  with  a  storm  of  shot  and  stones,  and 
well-directed  arrows.  The  native  assailants  were  concealed 
among  the  rocks.     Another  volley,  and  a  shout  of  vengeance 


236  Ireland  under  ElizabetJis  Rnle. 


irom  the  almost  unseen  enemy,  caused  a  panic  amongst  the 
Encrlish  troops,  who  feared  to  advance  one  side  or  the  other, 
not  knowing  what  force  they  had  to  contend  against.  Terri- 
fied in  a  way  that  English  soldiers  rarely  experience,  they 
looked  at  one  another,  and  as  if  with  one  mind,  they 
fluno-  down  their  arras  and  attempted  to  escape  as  best  they 
could.  In  the  words  of  Mr.  Froude,  "  tlie  trap  had  closed 
upon  them,  and  all  the  officers  and  almost  all  the  men  were 
destroyed." 

Sir  John  Perrott,  an  Irish  Lord  Deputy,  who  was  somewhat 
severe  in  his  administration  of  justice,  makes  many  admissions 
as  to  the  source  of  Irish  hate.  The  condition  of  religion  he  places 
in  the  front  rank.  He  states  in  one  of  his  despatches  of  1584, 
"  that  at  that  period  there  were  not  more  than  forty  Protes- 
tants hy  birth  in  Ireland.""  Of  course,  there  Avere  a  few  thou- 
sand English  settlers  and  officials  who  professed  to  belong  to 
Protestantism.  At  the  approach  of  death  it  was  often  dis- 
covered that  they  had  been  playing  a  game  of  hypocrisy,  and 
when  terror-stricken  a  messenger  was  despatched  for  a  Confessor. 

^Ir.  P'roude  presents  the  blustering  hot-headed  Perrott  in 
his  own  peculiar  style — significant,  brief,  and  truthful :  "  Sir 
John  Perrott  had  found  the  common  fortune  of  Irish  Lord  De- 
puties :  with  the  best  intentions  lie  had  displeased  everyone. 
The  Irish  Council  was  split  into  factions.  Perrott  was  a  straight- 
forward soldier,  vain,  passion£y;e,  not  very  wise,  but  anxious  to 
do  what  was  rifrht:  and  he  had  to  act  with  men  who  were 
either,  like  Archbishop  Loftus,  self-seeking  creatures,  or 
were  linked  in  a  hundred  Avays  with  Irish  interests.  When 
he  would  not  lend  himself  to  dishonest  schemes,  the  Council 
had  crossed  and  thwarted  him.  In  return  he  had  sworn  at 
them,  and  insulted  them,  and  quarrelled  with  them  all,  good 
xmd  bad." 


Ireland  nndcr  ElizahciJis  Ride.  237 

The  departure  of  Sir  John  Perrott  is  thus  described  by  one 
who  was  present  : — 

"  At  the  day  of  his  departure  out  of  Dublyn,  there  were  many 
noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  great  worth  come  thither  to  take  theyr 
leave  of  him,  amongst  whom  the  old  O'lSTeale,  Turlogh  Lenough, 
with  divers  others,  was  there  ;  and  he  in  the  great  reverence  and 
love  that  he  bare  to  Sir  John  Perrott,  did  not  only  come  to  Dublyn 
to  bid  hym  farewell,  but  tooke  boate  and  saw  hym  on  shippe  board, 
lookinge  after  hym  as  farre  as  ever  he  could  kenn  the  shippe  under 
sayle,  when  he  shedde  tears  as  if  he  had  byn  beaten.  Thelyke  did 
others  of  good  note  and  name  at  that  time.  Allso,  a  great  number 
of  poore  countrypeople  came  thither  at  his  departure ;  some  that 
dwelt  twenty,  some  forty  myles  or  more  from  Dublyn  ;  and  many 
of  them  that  had  never  seen  hym  before  :  yet  they  did  strive  and 
covet  as  he  went  thorow  the  streets,  if  they  could  not  take  hym 
by  the  hand,  yet  to  touch  his  garment;  all  praying  for  hym, 
and  for  his  long  life.  And  when  he  asked  them  why  they  did 
see,  they  answered  that  they  never  had  enjoyed  theyr  owne 
with  peace  before  his  tyme,  and  did  doubt  they  should  never 
do  soe  agayn  when  he  was  gone." 

Several  of  the  hitherto  disaffected  mountain  chiefs  and  their 
clansmen  accompanied  Sir  John  Perrott  to  the  water  side,  and 
there,  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  expressed  their  gratitude  to 
him.  A  tradition  of  those  times  states  that  the  women  of 
Dublyn  did  bring  out  their  little  childryn  to  see  the  "  gouver- 
nour  going  on  his  Avay  from  the  citie." 

In  Sir  John  Perrott's  time  (1583-4)  there  was  only  one  apo- 
thecary in  all  Ireland,  a  man  named  Smythe,  otherwise  "Bottle 
Smytlie."  This  Smythe,  according  to  all  the  records,  was  an 
atrocious  villain.  He  was  occasionally  employed  to  compound 
liquids  to  produce  "  a  long  sleep, '  and  it  sometimes  happened 
that  he  had  to  prepare,  per  order,  from  some  unknown  quarter 


238  Ireland  under  ElizabetUs  Rule. 


drauglits  for  unmanageable  politicians  or  warlike  native  chiefs.' 
8mytlie  once  engaged  to  drug  Shane  O'Neile,  but  the  stomach 
of  the  "wild  Irishman,"  potently  fortified  by  usquebaugh, 
withstood  the  effects  of  the  death-draught  suggested  by  Lord 
Sussex.*  Shane's  "  wiseman"  stated  that  his  master  "danced 
the  poison  out  of  his  skin." 

In  a  letter  of  Sir  John  Perrott,  dated  from  London,  October 
3rd,  1590,  he  alludes  to  this  transaction  on  the  part  of  Sussex 
in  the  following  words: — "Bottle  Smythe  gave  certaine 
poysons  to  Shane  O'Neile,  who  escaped  very  hardlie  afther  the 
receipte  of  yt,  and  yet  my  Lord  of  Sussex  was  reyther  thought 
a  discreete  man  than  a  perilous  man,  but  a  most  honourable 
man,  and  a  grave  gouvernour,  as  he  was  indeed."-}- 

For  sixty  years  subsequent  to  the  departure  of  Sir  John 
Perrott,  the  ballads  and  traditions  of  Dublin  presented  many 
kindly  reminiscences  of  this  blunt  old  Pembrokeshire  knight. 
vSir  John  Perrott  ended  his  days  in  the  Tower  under  sentence 
of  death  for  high  treason.  It  was  reported  at  his  death  that  he 
committed  suicide.  This  allegation  has  never  been  fairly 
tested.  Amongst  other  statements  it  was  very  positively 
asserted  that  Perrott  laid  claim  to  a  "  left-handed  "  relation- 
ship to  the  Queen  at  her  "  father's  side."  Sir  John  Perrott 
was  a  man  of  gigantic  frame,  and  said  "to  be  very  like  King 
Hal."  In  voice  and  temper  he  closely  resembled  the  Tudor 
family.  The  courtiers  did, not  like  Perrott.  Perhaps 
he  was  too  outspoken  and  honest-minded  to  become 
popular  with  the  "  knavish  vultures  "  who  swarmed  around 
the  good-natured  Queen.  Sir  John  Perrott  was  succeeded 
in  the  government  of  Ireland  by  Sir  William  Fitz- 
william.     In  delivering  the  Sword  of   State    to    Fitzwilliam 


*  Ancient  Irish  MS. ;  Cox's  History  of  Ireland. 
t  Irish  State  Tapers  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 


Ireland  under  Elizabet/is  Rule.  239 

lie  used  these  words : — "  Now,  my  Lord  Deputy,  I  have 
delivered  you  the  sword,  with  the  country  in  firm  peace  and 
quietness.  My  hope  is  you  will  inform  the  Queen  and 
Council  of  England  thereof,  even  as  you  find  it,  for  I  have 
left  all  in  peace,  and  pledges  sufficient  to  maynteyne  the  peace." 

Sir  William  Fitzwilliam's  Irish  administration  may  be  briefly 
described  as  a  reign  of  terror.  Morryson,  the  English  historian, 
informs  us  that  Ireland  "  was  in  the  best  estate  that  it  had 
been  in  for  a  long  time,  so  that  the  greatest  lord,  called  by 
letter  or  messenger,  readily  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  State, 
and  none  of  them  were  known  to  be  in  any  way  disaffected." 
Fitzwilliam  was  determined  that  this  state  of  things  should 
not  long  continue,  for  in  less  than  three  months  after  his 
arrival  the  country  was  in  a  far  worse  condition  than  it  had 
been  for  fifty  years  before. 

Leland  observes,  "  The  Irish  trembled  for  their  safety,  and 
the  disaffected  became  confirmed  in  their  inveteracy."  Upon 
the  whole,  the  Irish  administration  of  Fitzwilliam  was  as 
mischievous,  cruel,  aggressive,  and  corrupt  as  any  the  worst  of 
his  predecessors  had  presented.  The  dishonest  subordinates  in 
ofiice  were  permitted  to  carry  on  the  intrigues  and  schemes  for 
which  they  were  notorious. 

On  one  occasion,  says  Leland,  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam 
seized  two  gentlemen  without  any  proof  or  presumption  of 
guilt,  and  committed  them  to  close  confinement  in  the  Castle. 
It  happened,  however,  that  those  gentlemen  were  well 
affected  to  Government,  and  had  rendered  good  service  to  the 
English  interest.  One  of  those  victims  of  the  A^iceroy's  tyranny 
and  rapacity  was  not  enlarged  till  the  severity  of  his  confine- 
ment had  reduced  him  to  the  point  of  death,  and  the  other 
was  released  after  two  years'  incarceration  by  purchasing  his 
liberty  with  a  considerable  bribe. 


240  Ireland  wider  ElizabetJis  Ride. 


The  name  of  Shane  O'Neill  first  appears  in  public  affairs 
about   1551,   when   he    was    engaged   in    some   rival   claims 
concerning  land  with  men  who  were  not  able  to  resist  his 
power.     He  is  described  at  this  period  as  a  man  who  liked  to 
do  as  he  pleased  with  everyone.     He  had  little  regard  for  life, 
and  would  shoot  or  maltreat  a  creditor  as  soon  as  he  might 
"bring  down"  a  pheasant.     English  generals,  writing   at  a 
later  period,  affirm   to    their  cost  that  Shane  was  the  most 
formidable  enemy  they  could  meet  with  in  Ireland,  and  that  he 
"  observed  neither  treaties  nor  oaths."     This  was  a  perfect  copy 
of  Lord  Sussex.     Shane   O'Neill's  hatred  of  England  seemed 
beyond  reconciliation.     Ill  indeed  did  he  discharge  his  duties 
to  the  numerous  vassals  who  swore  allegiance  to  him,  and  were 
faithful  followers  in  adversity  as  well  as  prosperity;  all  he  treated 
with  neglect  and  indifterence.     He  was  severe  upon  others  for 
theft,  and  thought  little  of  hancring  one  of  them  from  a  forest 
tree.      A   contemporary,   O'Donnellau,    describes    Shane    as 
"half-wolf,   half-fox.     His    life    was   noted    for    abominable 
immorality."     His  body-guard  were  mostly  of  gigantic  stature 
— brave,  and   fearless  of  death ;    they   were,  likewise,    true 
to  their  master.     No  money  could  purchase  their  allegiance. 
Like  Shane  himself  they  were  prepared   to  perish  for  that 
creed  which  they  seldom  practised,  but  at  the    approach  of 
sickness  or  death  all  was  changed,  and  the  Soldiers  of  the  Cross 
were  earnestly  sought  for,  and  those  good  men  were  quickly 
at    the    pestilential    bedside    of    the   outlaw    or    the    wild 
mountaineer,  who,  amidst  all    his    worldly    infirmities,    still 
clung  to  the  Faith  which  he  had  received  in  Baptism. 

In  1561  Shane  O'Neill  made  preparations  for  his  visit  to- 
England.  According  to  Camden  he  was  in  London  in  1563. 
Upon  his  arrival  in  London  he  had  several  long  interviews 
with  Sir  William  Cecil,  who  reported   to  Elizabeth  a  comic 


Ireland  u?idcr  Elizabetlis  Rtde.  241 


description  of  her  Irish  visitor.  The  Spanish  Ambassador,  too, 
thought  lie  was  some  Avild  man  from  the  forests  of  Ireland  ; 
but  Shane  disappointed  them  all.  Shane's  critics  soon  found 
him  to  be  a  ver}^  shrewd  astute  man,  with  business  habits 
and  deep  penetration. 

Elizabeth  received  him  graciously,  and  in  return  he  made 
divers  oaths,  "  certifying  to  his  friendship  and  loyalty  to  her." 
The  decision  on  his  claims  was  at  first  deferred  by  the  Queen 
until  Hugh,  the  young  Baron  of  Dungannon,  should  arrive 
and  plead  his  own  cause.  A  report,  however,  reached  London 
that  this  young  baron  was  killed  in  a  drunken  quarrel. 
Elizabeth  no  longer  hesitated  to  grant  Shane  O'Neill  a  full 
pardon  and  recognise  his  right  of  succession  to  the  chieftaincy. 
She  further  presented  him  with  a  present  of  £1,000  in  gold. 
Shane  was  quite  delighted  at  receiving  the  gold,  for  he  was 
always  in  needy  circumstances.  On  the  following  day  he 
attended  ]\Iass  at  the  chapel  of  the  Spanish  Ambassador  (De 
Quadra)  in  Ely-place.* 

The  appearance  of  Shane  O'Neill  at  the  Court  of  Elizabeth 
was  a  matter  of  more  than  surprise.  The  inhabitants  of 
London  shared  in  the  feeling.     O'Neill  is  described  as  a  most 


*  The  chapel  in  question  was  rented  by  the  Spanish  Ambassador 
from  the  Protestant  Bishop  of  Ely,  with  the  sanction  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 
The  Spanish  Envoy  was  the  prudent  De  Quadra,  Bishop  of  Aquila,  who 
subsequently  died  at  Durham  House,  in  the  Strand.  The  chapel  where 
De  Quadra  celebrated  Mass,  and  Shane  O'Keill  ''prostrated  himself,"  is 
now,  after  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  once  more  a  Catholic  church,  with 
a  magnificent  stained  glass  window,  presented  by  that  zealous  Catholic 
Henry,  Duke  of  Norfolk.  The  ancient  palace  of  the  Bishops  of  Ely,  and 
Chapel  of  S.  Ethelreda,  the  patron  saint  of  the  diocese,  having  been  sold 
about  one  hundred  years  ago,  then  became  Church  of  England  property. 
It  was  again  for  sale  some  seven  years  ago  (1875),  and  purchased  by  Father 
Lockhart,  of  the  Order  of  Charity. 
VOL,    IV.  R 


242  Ireland  under  Elizabetlis  Rule. 


powerful  man,  beyond  seven  feet  two  inches  in  height,  quite 
erect,  with  a  large  head  and  face  ;  his  saffron  mantle  sweeping 
round  him;  his  black  hair  curling  on  his  back,  and  clipped 
short  below  the  eyes,  "  which  gleamed  from  under  it  with  a 
grey  lustre,  frowning,  fierce,  and  savage-like."  Shane  had  a 
gold  chain  and  a  handsome  cross  round  his  neck,  said  to  be  the 
gift  of  the  Pope ;  and  it  was  further  related  that  the  diamond 
ring  he  wore  was  a  present  to  him  from  King  Philip,  pre- 
sented on  the  King's  behalf  by  De  Quadra,  Bishop  of  Aquila, 
then  Spanish  Ambassador  in  London. 

Some  forty  of  O'Neill's  body-guard  were  beside  him ;  they 
were  bare-headed  and  fair-haired,  with  shirts  of  mail  which 
reached  their  knees,  a  wolf  skin  flung  across  their  shoulders, 
and  short  broad  battle-axes  in  their  hands.  They  were  all 
of  larse  size,  and  seemed  almost  to  worship  their  chief. 
O'Neill,  throwing  himself  on  his  face  before  the  Queen,  offered 
homage ;  then  in  a  kneeling  posture  addressed  her  Highness 
in  Irish.     The  following  is  a  translation  : — 

"  Oh,  my  most  dread  Sovereign  lady  and  Queen,  like  as  I, 
Shane  O'Neill,  your  Majesty's  subject  of  your  realm  of  Ireland, 
have  a  long  time  desired  to  come  into  the  presence  of  your 
Majesty  to  acknowledge  my  humble  and  bounden  subjection,  so 
am  I  now  here  upon  my  knees  by  your  gracious  permission,  and 
do  most  humbly  acknowledge  your  Majesty  to  be  my  Sovereign  lady 
and  Queen  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland;  and  I  do  confess 
that  for  lack  of  civil  education  I  have  offended  your  Majesty  and 
your  laws,  for  which  I  have  required  and  obtained  your  Majesty's 
pardon^  For  that  I  most  humblj',  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart, 
thank  your  Majesty,  and  still  do  with  all  humbleness  require  the 
continuance  of  the  same.  I  now,  in  the  presence  of  the  Almighty 
God — Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost — faithfully  promise  that  I 
intend  by  God's  grace  to  live  hereafter  in  the  obedience  of  your 


Ireland  wider  Elizabet/is  Ride.  243 

Majesty  as  a  subject  of  your  land  of  Ireland.  And  because  tbis 
my  speech,  being  Irish,  is  not  well  understood,  I  have  caused  this 
my  submission  to  be  written  in  English  and  Irish,  and  thereto  have 
set  my  hand  and  seal."**' 

This  declaration  was  not  the  composition  of  O'N'eill,  but 
virtually  arranged  by  Cecil's  secretaries — perhaps  by  Camden, 
tlie  future  historian.  Shane  thought  as  little  of  swearing  false 
oaths  as  the  Queen  herself.  O'Neill  having  made  submission, 
he  was  allowed  to  see  "life  in  London"  for  some  months  longer. 
The  "  great  cousin  of  St.  Patrick,"  as  Campion  styled  him, 
discovered  that  he  had  been  outwitted  by  Cecil.  His  return 
to  Ireland  was  delayed  for  some  time,  and  O'Neill  and  his 
retainers  were  an  object  of  some  interest  to  the  people  of 
London,  who  received  them  in  a  very  friendly  manner.  Shane 
was  entertained  by  the  Lord  jNIayor. 

Upon  O'Neill's  return  to  Ireland  he  naturally  violated  trea- 
ties and  oaths  compiled  for  him.  He  burned  the  Cathedral  of 
Armagh,  as  an  act  of  personal  revenge  against  Archbishop  Loftua, 
who,  in  turn,  excommunicated  him.  O'Neill  laughed  at  such 
fulminations,  and  asked  could  Loftus  excommunicate  a  man  who 
never  belonged  to  his  religion  ?  adding: — "  He  may  curse  me 
as  long  as  he  pleases,  so  long  as  I  stand  well  at  Eome."  Dur- 
ing these  hostilities  the  English  army  suffered  severe  losses. 
A  powder  magazine  was  blown  up  at  Derry  by  a  native  spy, 
which  destroyed  General  -Randolph  and  700  of  his  troops. 
This  officer  had  been  guilty  of  some  infamous  deeds  of  cruelty, 
and  permitted  his  soldiers  every  excess  of  riot  and  spoliation. 
It  was  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  a  people  especially  sensi- 
-tive  as  to  female  lionour  were  roused  to  retaliation  and  revenge. 


*  See  Sir  William  Cecil,  and  Lord  Leicester,  Irish  MSS.  ia  the  Rolls 
House. 

R  2 


244  Ireland  under  ElizabetJis  Ride. 


Cox,  the  Eno-lish  historian  of  those  transactions,  makes  no 
mention  of  "  causes  and  effects."  He  describes  Kandolph 
attacking  O'Xeill  with  300  foot  and  50  horse,  in  which  en- 
gagement he  slew  400,  and  put  a  large  number  to  flight;  the 
victory  being  won  by  the  loss  of  only  one  life,  which  was  that 
of  Eandolph  himself.  The  chronicles  of  the  times  agree  that 
O'Neill's  soldiers  were  best  in  the  field,  but  knew  little  of  the 
mode  of  defendino-  fortresses  or  towns.  Another  historian 
relates  that  the  Lord  Deputy's  troops  won  more  victories  by 
stratagem  than  by  force.  Indeed,  no  general  could  be  more 
fully  aware  of  this  fact  than  Shane  O'Neill.  The  certainty  of 
English  success  almost  always  lay  in  the  treachery  to  each 
other  of  the  Irish  chiefs.  In  one  of  Sir  Henry  Wallop's 
despatches  to  Cecil  he  states  "  that  if  the  Irish  were  united 
they  would  be  able,  in  a  few  months,  to  compel  the  English  to 
retire  from  the  island." 

The  Lord  Deputy,  having  informed  the  Queen  of  the  hope- 
lessness of  conciliating  O'Neill,  expressed  his  fears  as  to  tlio 
issue,  to  which  her  Highness  replied: — "Let  not  your  sus- 
picions of  Shane  O'Neill  give  you  uneasiness.  Tell  my  troops 
to  take  courage,  and  that  liis  rebellion  may  turn  to  their  ad- 
vantage, as  there  will  be  lands  to  bestow  on  those  who  have 
need  of  them."  This  significant  hint  from  the  Queen  was 
well  received  by  the  Viceroy  and  his  Council,  and  had  the 
desired  effect  of  producing  subsequent  victories. 

It  is  strange  how  long  O'Neill  evaded  all  the  efforts  of  the 
officials  at  Dublin  Castle  and  their  emissaries  to  slay  or  circum- 
vent him.  "If,"  writes  Elizabeth,  "  Shane  O'Neill  cannot  be 
made  to  fear  our  Eoyal  name  and  obey  our  commands,  then, 
ray  Lord  of  Sussex,  your  wisdom  must  suggest  some  discreet 
way  of  making  him  less  troublesome."  The  sincere  thinker 
cannot  moderate,  even  by  the  name  of  suspicion,  his  positive 


Ireland  under  Elizabetli  s  Rule.  245 

certainty  that  Elizabeth  learned,  without  opposition  or  rebuke, 
the  efforts  of  Sussex  to  assassinate  Shane  O'Xeill. 

Clannish  hate  and  jealousy  made  the  O'Donnells,  Maguires, 
O'Reillys,  and  other  nobles  of  Ulster  the  inveterate  enemies 
of  O'Xeill.  They  had,  however,  much  reason  to  complain  of 
his  tyranny  and  the  unscrupulous  manner  ia  which  he  levied 
contributions.  It  was,  of  course,  the  policy  of  Elizabeth  to 
subsidise  those  needy  lords,  and  to  reward  every  follower  of 
O'Neill  who  might  betray  his  interests.  These  well-concerted 
measures  proved  successful.  O'Xeill,  finding  himself  deserted 
by  one,  betrayed  by  another,  his  soldiers  reduced  in  numbers 
by  pestilence,  want,  and  disaffection,  was  driven  to  the  alter- 
native of  seeking  protection  from  his  Scotch  enemies,  whom 
he  had  often  beaten,  but  still  treated  and  regarded  as  generous 
foes  in  battle,  'or  honest  friends  in  peace.  He  accordingly, 
when  pursued  by  Sir  Henry  Sydney,  and  sore  beset  by  his 
hosting,  went  to  Claneboy,  where  the  Scotch  were  encamped, 
to  the  number  of  600  men.  He  sought  the  protection  of 
their  general,  Alexander  ]Macdonald,  who  received  him  with 
a  show  of  welcome ;  but  when  the  unfortunate  chief  lay 
unarmed  upon  a  couch  in  his  tent,  Macdonald  and  his  officers 
rushed  upon  him,  and  plunging  a  dozen  daggers  into  his  body, 
exclaimed — "  We  are  now  revenged."  Macdonald  sent  his 
head  as  a  trophy  to  the  Viceroy,  who,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Archbishop  Loftus,  placed  it  on  a  pole  at  the  gates  of  Dublin 
Castle.  What  a  "  suggestion  "  to  come  from  a  preacher  of 
the  Grospel.  A  tradition  of  the  times  states  that  Loftus  had 
CXelll's  head  pickled,  and  sent  in  a  box  to  the  Queen, 
who  ordered  it  to  be  "spiked"'  at  the  Tower.  Sir  Henry 
Sydney  describes  O'Neill  as  a  brave  cruel  man;  still  pos- 
sessed of  some  good  parts,  and  charitable  to  the  poor. 
Campion,    who    was    his  contemporary,  gives  him  credit  for 


246  Ireland  under  ElizabctJis  Rule. 

boundless  charity.  Campion  writes,  "  Shane  O'Neill  before 
sitting  at  his  meals  used  to  slice  a  portion  of  his  daily  food 
and  send  it  to  some  poor  beggars  at  his  gate,  saying  it  was 
right  to  serve  Christ  firstr*  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
circumstances  connected  with  this  extraordinary  man  was 
the  strong  impression  which  he  had  made  on  the  mind  of 
Queen  Elizabeth ;  "  a  feeling  which,"  says  Thomas  Moore, 
"  was  shown  by  her  retaining  towards  him  the  same  friendly 
bearing  through  all  the  strife,  confusion,  and  what  in  her 
eyes  was  even  still  worse,  lavish  expenditure,  of  which  he 
continued  for  several  years  to  be  the  unceasing  cause," 

In  1566  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  complained  in  a  letter 
to  Sir  William  Cecil  that  "  the  Council  were  not  permitted  to 
write  the  truth  of  O'Neill's  evil  doings."! 

Shane  O'Neill  is  represented  as  being  popular  with  the 
English  of  the  Pale,  for  his  generous  and  high  spirit  com- 
manded the  respect  of  both  friends  and  foes.  Sir  James 
Ware  says  on  the  authority  of  official  papers  that  Shane 
O'Neill  cost  Queen  Elizabeth  the  sum  of  £147,407,  "over 
and  above  the  cesses  laid  on  the  country ;"  and  that  3,500 
of  the  Queen's  troops  were  slain  by  him  and  his  party,  besides 
what  they  slew  of  the  Scotch  and  Irish. ± 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  O'Neill  was  drunken  and 
immoral.  He  decoyed  Janet,  Countess  of  Argyle,  from  her 
husband,   and  then  treated  her  in    a  very  imkind  manner.  § 

*  Campion's  History  of  Ireland,  p.  189.     (Edition  of  1809.) 
t  Fitxwilliam's  Despatches  to  Sir  William  Cecil. 
%  Ware's  Annals,  1568. 
§  Lady  Argyle  was  sister  to  the  noted  Scotch  Peer,  Moray,  and  step- 
sister to  the  Queen  cf  Scots.     Lady  Argyle  was  present  at  the  murder  of 
Pdzzio.     After  the  assassination  of  Shane  O'Neill  the  Countess  returned  to 
Edinburgh.    She  was  styled  "  BeautifulJanet." 


I r elm  id  wider  EHrjabet/is  Rule.  247 


Shane's  illegitimate  children  were  numerous  ;  and  his  body- 
guard were  men  of  a  wild  character,  devoid  of  all  pretensions  to 
morality;  yet,  when  the  "  olden  religion  "  was  to  be  defended, 
they  were  the  first  to  draw  the  sword.  Shane  O'Neill  and  his 
retainers  formed  no  exception.  Ficrhtinof,  drinkintr,  and 
gallantry  still  continued  in  every  district. 

Shane  O'Neill  was  the  foremost  man  of  his  time  at  the  chase, 
and  a  marvellous  horseman,  unconscious  of  fear  or  danorer. 
Upon  the  whole,  O'Neill's  character  presents  a  mixture  of  con- 
flicting passions  ;  but  when  those  times  of  civil  strife  and 
sectarian  hate  are  considered,  he  was  a  notable  chief,  and  a 
generous  man,  j^erhaps  worthy  of  a  better  fate. 

"  Mercy  was  the  quality  with  which  Elizabeth  was  most 

eager  to  be  credited Her   tenderness  towards 

conspirators  was  as  remarkable  as  it  was  Idtlierto  unexampled ; 
but  her  unwillingness  to  shed  blood  extended  only  to  liigh-born 
traitors.  Unlike  her  father,  who  ever  struck  the  leaders  and 
spared  the  followers,  Elizabeth  could  rarely  bring  herself  to 
sign  the  deatli-io arrant  of  a  nobleman."* 

Now  for  anotlier  item  from  the  black  volume,  in  which  the 
Queen's  mcrey  is  recorded.  I  quote  jMr.  Froude again.  "Yet 
the  Queen  could,  without  compunction,  order  Yorkshire 
jicasants  to  be  liung  v.p  in  scores  by  court-martial." 

The  reader  has  seen  enough  of  Elizabeth's  "merciful 
feeling  "  in  England.     Let  me  introduce  a  few  scenes  which 


*  The  third  voluine  of  Mr.  Frouda's  history  furnishes  a  contradiction  of 
the  assertion  that  Henry  spared  "  the  followers."  In  the  case  of  the 
Pilgrims  of  Grace  how  did  the  merciful  monarch  act  ?  In  the  first  volume 
of  this  work  I  have  entered  at  some  length  into  the  history  of  the  disasters 
which  pursued  the  Pilgrims,  and  which  ascribes  to  King  Henry  his  true 
character — "a  King  who  never  spared  man  in  his  hatred,  nor  woman  in  liig 
lust." 


248  Ireland  7indcr  Elizabeth's  Rule. 

occurred  in  Ireland  during  the  military  command  of  tlie  Earl 
of  Essex.*  Mr,  Froude  refers  to  Elizabeth's  "merciful  feel- 
ing "  in  tliese  words  : — "  The  Queen  %oas  not  displeased  with  the 
massacre  of  the  O'Neills  in  1574. "f  Let  the  reader  ponder 
on  one  or  tico  of  those  outrages  upon  humanity  and  civilisation, 
as  chronicled  by  Mr.  Froude  himself,  and  vouched  for  by  the 
Irish  State  Papers. 

*' Report  said  that  during  the  expedition  against  Desmond,  Sir 
Bryan  O'Neill  held  a  suspicious  conference  with  Tirlough  Lenogh, 
and  the  Scots  of  Antrim.  It  was  assumed  that  Bryan  was  again 
playing  false,  and  Lord  Essex  determined  to  punish  him.  He 
returned  to  Clandeboy,  as  if  on  a  friendly  visit.  Sir  Bryan  and 
Lady  O'Neill  received  Essex  with  all  hospitality.  The  Irish 
annalists  say  that  they  gave  him  a  banquet ;  he  admitted  that 
they  made  him  welcome,  and  that  they  accompanied  him  after- 
wards to  the  Castle  of  Belfast.  Had  Sir  Bryan  0']S"eiU  meditated 
foul  play,  he  would  scarcely  have  ventured  into  an  English  fortress, 
still  less  would  he  have  selected  such  a  place  for  a  crime  which  he 
could  have  committed  with  infinitely  more  facility  in  his  own 
country.  Lord  Essex,  however,  was  satisfied  that  he  intended 
mischief.  Essex  had  been  deceived  by  Sir  Bryan  O'JS'eill  once 
before,  and  for  avoiding  a  second  folly  by  over  much  trust,  as  he 
expressed  it,  '  he  determined  to  make  sure  work  with  so  fickle  a 
people.'  " 

Mr.  Froude  then  proceeds  to  describe  "a  feast  and  a  mas- 


*  Walter,  Earl  of  Essex,  subsequently  died  suddenh\  He  was  supposed 
to  have  been  poisoned  by  the  hired  agents  of  Lord  Leicester,  who  married 
his  widow.  Essex  was  father  to  the  Eoyal  favourite  of  that  name,  whom 
Ehzabeth  sent  to  the  scaffold. 

t  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  si.  p.  181. 


Ireland  under  Elizabctiis  Ride.  249 

eacre,"    after  the  fashion  of  what  Lord  Sussex  arranged  and 
carried  out  at  Mullaghmast.* 

"  A  high  feast  was  held  in  the  hall.  The  revelling  was  pro- 
tracted late  into  the  night  hefore  Sir  Bryan  O'Neill  and  his  wife 
retired  to  their  lodging  outside  the  walls.  As  soon  as  they 
icere  supposed  to  he  asleep,  a  company  of  English  soldiers  surroicnded 
the  house,  and  prepared  to  hredlc  the  doors.  The  O'Neills  flew  to 
arms.  The  cry  rang  through  the  village,  and  they  swarmed  out 
to  defend  their  chief;  but  surprised,  half-armed,  and  outnumbered, 
they  were  overpoivered  and  cut  to  2Jicces.  Two  hundred  men  loere 
hilled.  The  Annals  of  the  FoUr  Masters  state  that  several  women 
were  also  slain.  The  chieftain's  wife  probably  had  female  attendants 
with  her,  and  no  one  ivas  knowi^igly  spared.]  The  tide  being  out,  a 
squadron  of  horse  was  sent  at  daybreak  over  the  water  into  the 
*  Ardes,'  from  which,  in  a  few  hours,  they  returned  with  three 
thousand  of  Sir  Bryan  O'Neill's  cattle,  and  with  a  drove  of  stud 
mares,  of  which  the  choicest  were  sent  as  a  present  to  Fitzwilliam. 
Bryan  O'Neill  himself,  with  his  brother  and  Lady  O'Neill,  were 
carried  to  Dublin,  where  they  were  soon  after  executed.''^ \ 

The  work  of  the  expedition,  however,  was  not  over.  Ulster, 
as  Lord  Essex  admitted,  was  "  quiet  ;  wolves  (the  Irish)  were 
still  wolves,  to  he  exterminated  lolienever  they  could  he  caught.''^ 
Mr.  Froude  describes  another  massacre  that  met  with  "the 
■entire  approval  of  the  humane  and  merciful  Virgin  Queen." 


*  In  the  second  volume  of  this  work  I  have  referred  to  the  Massacre  of 
Mullaghmast.  The  English  Catholics  perpetrated  many  cruelties  against 
their  co-religionists  of  Ireland.  Ihe  Irish  priesthood  were  unpopular  with 
English  rulers  of  every  period,  because  they  stood  nobly  by  their  oppressed 
countrymen. 

t  Aimals  of  the  Four  Masters  ;  Lord  Essex  to  Fitzwilliam. 

\  Froude'a  History  of  England,  vol.  xi.  p.  179. 


250  Ireland  under  ElizahetJi  s  Rule. 

The  subject  has  been  often  chronicled,  but  from  the  paores  of 
Mr.  Froude's  work  it  has  an  air  of  historic  importance.  "  On 
the  coast  of  Antrim,  not  far  from  the  Giant's  Causeway,  lies 
the  singular  Island  of  Eathlin.  ...  It  contains  an  area 
of  about  four  thousand  acres,  of  which  one  thousand  are 
sheltered  and  capable  of  cultivation,  the  rest  being  heather  and 
rocky.  The  approach  is  at  all  times  dangerous.  The  tide  sets 
fiercely  through  the  strait  which  divides  the  island  from  the 
mainland,  and  when  the  wind  is  from  the  west  the  Atlantic 
swell  renders  it  impossible  to  land.  The  situation  and  the 
difficulty  of  access  had  thus  long  marked  Eathlin  as  a 
place  of  refuge  for  Scotch  and  Irish  fugitives,  and, 
besides  its  natural  strength,  it  was  reputed  as  a 
sanctuary,  having  been  the  abode  at  one  time  of  Saint 
Columba.  A  mass  of  broken  masonry  on  a  cliff  overhangino- 
the  sea  is  a  remnant  of  tlie  Castle,  in  which  Eobert  Bruce 
watched  the  leap  of  the  legendary  spider.  To  this  island, 
when  Essex  entered  Antrim,  Macdonnell  and  the  other  Scots 
had  sent  their  wives  and  children,  their  aged,  and  sick  for 
safety.  On  his  way  through  Carrickfergus,  when  returning 
to  Dublin,  Lord  Essex  ascertained  that  they  had  not  yet  been 
brought  back  to  their  homes.  .  .  .  The  officer  in  com- 
mand of  the  English  garrison  was  Colonel  Norris,  Lord  Norris's 
second  son.  Three  small  frigates  were  in  the  harbour.  The 
summer  had  been  dry  and  windless.  The  sea  was  smooth  ; 
there  was  a  light  and  favourable  air  from  the  coast.  Lord 
Essex  directed  Colonel  Norris  to  take  a  company  of  soldiers 
with  him,  and  cross  over  and  kill  whatever  he  could Jind.  The  run 
xip  the  Antrim  coast  was  rapidly  and  quietly  accomplished. 
Before  an  alarm  could  be  given  the  English  had  landed,  close 
to  the  ruins  of  the  church  which  bears  Saint  Coluraba's  name. 
Bruce's  Castle  was  then  standing,  and  was  occupied  by  some 


Ireland  under  EliaahetJis  R^ile.  251 

twenty  Scots,  who  were  in  charge  of  the  women  and  children. 
Norris  had  brought  cannon  with  him,   so  the  weak  defences 
were  speedily  destroyed.     After  a  fierce  assault,  in  which  many 
of  the  garrison  were  killed,  the  chief,  who  was  in  command, 
offered    to   surrender  if  he  and  his  people  were  allowed  to 
return      to      Scotland.       The      conditions       were    rejected; 
the  Scots  yielded  at  discretion,  and  everi)  living  creature  in  the 
place,  except  the  chief  and  his  familxj^  loho  were  reserved  for  ran- 
som^ was  immediately  put  to  the  sivord*   Two  hundred  were  killed 
in  the  castle.    It  was  then  discovered  that  several  hundred  more, 
chiefly  mothers  and  their  little  ones,  were  hidden  in   the   caves 
about  the    shore.      There   was   no   more  remorse,  not  even  the 
faintest  shadoic  of  jyerceptioii   that  the  occasion  called  for  it. 
They  toere  hunted  out  as  if  they  had  been  seals  or  otters,  and  all 
destroyed,      '  Surleyboy  and  the    other  chiefs,'    Lord   Essex 
coolly  wrote,  '  have    sent  their  wives  and   children  into   the 
island,  which  have  been  all  taken  and  executed  to  the  number  of 
six  hundred.      Surleyboy  himself,'  he   continued,   '  stood  upon 
the  mainland  of  the  Grlynnes  and  saw  the  taking  of  the  island, 
and  was   likely   to  have  run  mad  with   sorrow,   tearing  and 
tormenting  himself,  and  saying  that  he  then  lost  all  that  ever 
he  had.'t     Essex  described  the  scene  at  the  caves  as  one  of  the 
exploits  with  which  he  was  most  satisfled.    Queen  Elizabeth,  in 


*  It  is  i^robable  that  the  Scotch  above  alluded  to  were  Kirk  Protestants  ; 
but  "  brave  Norris  "  cared  not  what  they  were  in  rcligio)i ;  he  supposed  they 
were  Irish,  and  cut  them  down  as  he  might  the  brushwood  which  some- 
times impeded  the  gallop  of  his  troopers.  The  grandfather  of  this  same 
Norris  acted  in  a  cruel  manner  when  sent  to  Ireland  by  Henry  VIII.  Upon 
that  Norris's  return  to  England  he  was  impeached  for  the  alleged  crimes  of 
Anna  Boleyn,  and  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  headsman. 

t  Lord  Essex  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham ;  MSS.  Ireland— Oarew  State 
Papers. 


252  Ireland  under  ElizahetJis  Rule. 

answer  to  the  letters  of  Lord  Essex,  hade  him  tell  Sir  John 
Norrls  ('  the  executioner  of  his  well-designed  enterprise ') 
that  she  would  not  be  unmindful  of  Ids  services.""*  Here  is  a 
direct  approval  of  a  most  cold-blooded  massacre  of  men, 
women,  children,  and  invalids  by  a  Eoyal  lady  whom  Mr. 
Froude  presents  to  his  readers  as  "  hninane  and  merciful." 

In  another  passage  Mr.  Froude  enters  into  the  feelings  of 
the  down-trodden  victims  of  his  heroine  when  they  sought 
vengeance  upon  the  red-handed  murderers  of  the  women  and 
children  at  Carrickfergus.  "  It  is,"  Avrites  Mr.  Froude,  ^^some 
scdisfaction  to  learn  that  an  officer  and  forty  soldiers  who  had 
been  engaged  in  the  scenes  above  described  ^f>gr<^  cm^o^  three 
months  later,  near  Carrickfergus." 

I  will  not  venture  upon  a  commentary.  I  leave  that  task  to 
Mr.  Froude,  who,  notwithstanding  the  "  merciful  qualities " 
he  attributes  to  Elizabeth,  speaks  boldly  of  the  massacres 
above  detailed.  Here  is  a  passage  unlike  what  he  generally 
writes  of  Ireland  : — "  But  though  passed  over  and  unheeded 
at  the  time,  and  being  buried  for  three  hundred  years,  the 
hloody  stain  comes  back  to  light  again,  not  in  mvth  and 
legend,  but  in  the  original  account  of  the  nobleman  by  whose 
command  the  deed  teas  done.  When  the  history  of  England's 
dealings  with  Ireland  settles  at  last  into  its  final  shape,  that 
hunt  among  the  caves  at  Rathlin  loill  not  he  for g attend \ 

It  was  not  forgotten,  for  many  years  afterwards  it  gave  a 
vengeful  strength  to  the  Irish  arm,  which  made  but  partial 
reprisals  on  the  descendants  pf  those  who  were  sent  by  the 
faithless  Stuart,  James  the  First,  to  enjoy  the  "  Partition  of 


*  Queen   Elizabeth's    secret  despatches  to    Lord    Essex— Carew   State 
Papers;  MSS.  Ireland;  Froude,  vol.  xi.  p.  186. 

t  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  xi.  p.  186. 


Ireland  under  Elizabeth's  Rule.  253 

Ulster,"  and  to  treat  as  wild  dogs  the  native  owners  of  tine 
land.  I  refer  to  what  has  so  long  been  so  exaggeratedly 
described  as  the  "Irish  Massacre  of  Protestants"  in  1642. 
No  such  thing  as  a  Protestant  massacre  ever  took  place  in 
Ireland.  Englishmen  were  never  shot  down  because  they 
were  Protestant.  This  is  one  of  the  sectarian  falsehoods 
put  forward  as  "  Historical  facts,"  always  welcome  in  the 
bigoted  book  market  of  the  past. 

In  1581,  the  massacres  in  Ireland  w^ere  of  a  shocking  nature. 
Captain  Brabazon,  an  ancestor  of  the  pi'csent  Earl  of  Meath, 
received  orders  to  "  dislodge  and  destroy  the  rebels  of  certain 
districts  in  Connaught."  This  "soldier  of  fortune"  left 
behind  him  a  name  as  deeply  stained  with  human  blood  as 
that  of  Lord  Grey.  A  writer  in  the  "  Annals  of  the  Four 
Masters"  says  : — "  Neither  the  Sanctuary  of  the  Saint,  nor  of 
the  Poet;  neither  the  wood,  nor  the  forest  valley;  the  village 
nor  the  bawn,  was  a  shelter  from  Captain  Brabazon  and  his 
soldiers,  till  the  whole  territory  was  destroyed  by  him." 

As  to  Munster,  we  are  assured  by  jNIr.  Froude  that  the 
condition  of  that  once  fertile  and  happy  land  was  then 
'"^beyond  imagination  friglUfuV  The  herds  had  been  swept 
away  ;  the  land  had  not  been  tilled,  and  famine  came  to 
devour  what  the  sword  had  left.  Colonel  St.  Leger  writes 
from  Cork,  to  Sir  John  Perrott,  in  1582,  to  the  following- 
effect  : — 

"  The  country  is  niiued It  is  well  near  unpeopled. 

Between  the  soldiers  and  the  rebels  there  were  great  numbers 
killed  in  a  barbarous  manner.  The  mortality  caused  by  pestilence 
lately  is  not  like  anything  of  the  kind  ever  before  seen.  There 
died  by  famine  alone  not  less  than  thirty  thousand  in  the  province 
of  Munster  within  six  months." 

A  large   number  of  people  were  also  hanged,  drawn,  and 


254  Ireland  under  ElizabetJis  Rule. 

quartered  in  Dublin — another  proof  of  the  Queen's  humanity 
and  equity. 

Mr,  Froude  states  that  the  English  victory  over  those 
"miserable  people  was  terribly  purchased.  Hecatombs  of 
helpless  creatures,  the  aged,  the  sick,  and  the  blind  ;  the  young 
mother  and  the  habe  at  her  breast,  had  fallen  under  the  English 
sword,  and  though  the  authentic  details  of  the  struggle  have 
been  forgotten,  the  memory  of  a  vague  horror  remains  imprinted 

in  the  national  traditions To  Lord  Ormonde  the 

Irish  were  human  beings  with  human  rights.  To  the  English 
(army)  they  were  vermin  to  be  cleared  from  off  the  earth  by  any 
means  that  offeredP  * 

Archbishop  Loftus,  St.  Leger,  and  Colonel  Wallop  detested 
Ormonde  for  the  "  few  grains  "  of  humanity  occasionally  exhi- 
bited by  him.  They  declared  that  the  pardoned  insurgents 
would  revolt  again  with  the  winter,  and  they  persuaded  the 
Queen  to  bid  Ormonde  revoke  his  protection,  and  seize  them 
unprepared.  Lord  Ormonde's  reply  to  Burleigh  was  worthy  of 
the  ancient  family  he  represented  : — 

"  My  Lord  Burleigh,  the  clause  in  the  Queen's  letter  seems  most 
strange  to  me.  1  wiU  never  use  treachery  to  anyone,  for  it  will  both 
touch  her  Highness's  Ixonour  too  much,  and  my  ou-n  credit.  Whoso- 
ever gave  the  Queen  advice  thus  to  write  is  fitter  to  execute  such 
base  service  than  I  am."  f 

*  *  *  *  *  # 

The  country  soon  partook  of  the  silence  and  solitude  of  the 
grave-yards,  with  their  churches  and  abbeys  in  ruins.     One 


*  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  xi.  p.  258. 
t  Ormonde  to  Burleigh,  Sept.   10,  1583.    MSS.  on  Ireland. 


Ireland  iindcr  Elizabeths  Ride.  255 

remarkable  outlaw  was  still  to  be  hunted  down  ;  to  be  shot  by- 
English  soldiers,  or  betrayed  by  his  own  countrymen  for  gold. 
The  Government,  having  communicated  with  their  spies, 
offered  a  reward  for  the  capture  of  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  dead 
or  alive.  The  priest  and  a  few  devoted  followers  were  captured 
one  by  one ;  and  those  faithful  friends  who  supplied  food  and 
shelter  to  the  noble  outlaw  were  soon  arrested  themselves,  and 
"  at  once  disposed  of."  Desmond  was  hunted  into  the 
mountains  between  Kerry  and  the  bordering  Ocean.  His  con- 
dition was  most  deplorable — half-naked,  half-starved,  and  every 
moment  expecting  to  be  in  the  hands  of  some  sordid  wretch 
who  could  not  resist  the  temptation  of  gold.  Winter  was  casting- 
its  shadows,  and  many  of  those  cold  October  nights  Desmond 
spent  beneath  hedges  and  trees ;  the  murmuring  of  the  night 
winds  and  the  falling  of  the  leaves  conjuring  up  the  bygone  days 
of  youth  and  happiness,  and  then  contemplating  the  dark  and 
hopeless  present,  with  the  scaffold  and  the  headsman  fast  approach- 
ing. After  spending  many  nights  in  dreadful  suspense,  he 
received  a  lodging  in  a  cabin  at  Glanquichtie,  an  humble  retreat, 
faraway  from  the  busy  scenes  of  life.  In  this  lonely  place  the 
noble  Desmond  lay  down,  quite  weary  of  life,  upon  a  pallet  in  the 
loft  ;  his  beads  and  crucifix  in  hand.  Some  time  about  mid- 
night the  house  was  surrounded  by  English  soldiers,  accom- 
panied by  Donell  Macdonell  Moriarty.  The  door  was  burst 
in,  and  after  a  struggle  of  a  few  minutes,  the  Earl  of  Desmond's 
body  was  flung  down  from  the  loft,  bleeding  from  the  dagger 
of  one  of  his  own  kinsmen.  The  blows  were  again  renewed 
till  the  assassin  party  were  certain  that  their  victim  was  dead. 
Desmond's  body  was  taken  to  Cork,  where  it  was  spiked  beside 
the  skeleton  of  his  brother,  and  his  head  was  sent  to  London 
as  a  trophy  for  Queen  Elizabeth.  Such  was  the  end  of  the 
amiable  Earl  of  Desmond. 

In  September,  1583,  Dr.  Hurley,  the  newly  appointed  Arcn- 


256  Ireland  under  ElizabetJis  Rule. 


bishop  of  Cashel,  arrived  in  Ireland.  From  the  day  he  left  liome 
till  he  landed  in  disguise,  somewhere  between  Dublin  and 
Carlingford,  he  was  pursued  and  traced  by  the  agents  of 
Walsingham.  He  was  arrested  in  Drogheda,  and  carried  to 
Dublin  Castle,  where  he  was  examined  before  the  Lords- 
Justices  (Archbishop  Loftus  and  Sh*  Henry  Wallop),  two 
well-known  "priest-hunters."  He  refused  to  give  an  account 
of  himself,  and  maintained  a  silence  which  Loftus  considered 
to  be  "  contempt  of  the  Queen's  authorities."  The  Irish 
Council  wrote  to  London  for  instructions.  The  Archbishop  was 
informed  that  unless  he  would  give  a  full  explanation  of  what 
brought  him  to  Ireland,  and  whether  he  was  one  of  the  Pope's 
emissaries,  they  would  apply  torture  to  him.  Very  strange  to 
relate,  the  Council  in  London  had  not,  up  to  this  period, 
furnished  Dublin  Castle  with  the  "  rack."  Loftus  had  great 
faith  in  the  "  rough  and  ready  whip  on  a  bare  back."  The 
"  cat-o'-nine  tails  "  was  the  production  of  the  Orange  Beres- 
fords  of  a  period  not  forgotten  yet  in  Ireland.  After  some 
months'  delay,  a  final  order  came  from  the  Grovernment  in 
London.  A  mode  of  torture  was  suggested  by  Walsingham. 
Loftus  replies  in  general  terms  as  to  how  the  Irish  Council 
acted  in  this  case  : — 

''Not  finding  that  an  easy  method  of  examination  to  do  any 
good,  we  made  commission  to  Mr.  Waterhouse  and  Mr.  Fenton 
to  put  the  said  priest  Hurley  to  the  torture,  such  as  your 
honour  advised  us  to  do,  and  icjiich  was  to  toast  his  feet  against 
the  fire  tcith  very  hot  boots*  Yielding  to  his  dreadful  agony,  he 
made  a  statement,  which  showed  that  he  was  connected  with 
a    political    party    in    Rome,    and  his  secret  cypher  proved  that 


*  Irish  tradition  relates  that  melted  rosin  was  poured  into  his  boots, 
causing  a  maddeninpj  torture  far  worse  than  the  rack. 


Ireland  under  Eli^ahetJis  Rule.  257 

he  had  been  recently  appointed  to  the  See  of  Cashel  by  Pope  Gregory 
XIII.  The  latter  incident  was  declared  to  be  a  treasonable 
matter,  although  not  proved  to  their  entire  satisfaction.  Hurley 
solemnly  affirmed  that  his  mission  was  one  of  peace  and  charity, 
and  not  treason.  The  lawj'ers  hesitated ;  they  scrupled  to  find 
a  man  guilty  of  a  crime  said  to  be  committed  outside  the  Eng- 
lish territory,  and  they  declined  to  arraign  him  for  treason. 
They  would  not,  however,  permit  him  to  escape.  Loftus  and 
Wallop  suggested,  with  the  Queen's  approval,  it  would  be  well 
to  execute  Archbishop  Hurley  without  further  delay.  His 
execution  came  under  the  class  known  as  *  special  martial 
law,  against  which  he  could  take  no  exception.'  The  Queen 
took  another  month  to  consider  the  matter,  and  then  '  approved 
of  the  suggestions  of  Loftus  and  his  colleagues,'  and  '  com- 
mended their  doings.'  The  Irish  judges  *  persisted  in  their 
legal  opinions  that  there  was  no  case  for  a  trial  bij  a  regular 
jury.''  The  oj)inion  of  the  judges  was  set  aside  by  the 
Queen." 

In  this  case  the  monarch  acted  against  the  law.  Another 
proof  of  the  merciful  feeling  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Loftus  writes  thus  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  respecting  this 
judicial  murder  of  Archbishop   Hurley  : — "On  the    19th  of 
June,    we  gave  the  warrant  to  the  Kniglit  Marshal  to  do  ex- 
ecution upon  the  said  priest  Hurley,  which  was  duly  performed, 
and  the  realm  thereby  rid  of  a  most  pestilent  member." 

The  traditions  of  the  times  describe  the  execution  as  a  most 
barbarous  proceeding.  It  is  stated  that  the  head  was  sent  to 
London.  The  quartering  of  Archbishop  Hurley  was  followed 
by  a  number  of  other  executions.  The  people  were  struck 
down  at  every  side.  The  women  and  children  appeared  like 
so  many  spectres,  liumanity  being  represented  by  skeletons 
covered  with  skin — creatures  crawllnsr  alonof  the  roads  unable 
to  walk.   Still  they  were  pursued  and  cut  down ;  young  mothers 

VOL.  IV.  S 


258  Ireland  under  ElisabetJis  Rule. 

placing  their  tattered  garments  around  their  infant  offspring, 
in  the  delusive  hope  of  protecting  them  from  sabre  blows. 
The  old  women,  with  ui^lifted  hands,  cried  out  to  Heaven  for 
protection,  or  vengeance  upon  their  inhuman  destroyers. 

Could   Queen   Elizabeth    witness    tliose    scenes   she   might 
shudder  for  her  "  responsibilities." 

The  "  humane "  Lord  Ormonde,  at  times,  "  executed 
justice"  in  a  manner  worthy  of  Colonel  Norris,  or  the  noted" 
Brabazon.  A  Kerry  lady  named  Fitzgerald,  who  was  charged 
with  inciting  the  peasantry  "to  public  violence  ;"  and  further^ 
"  practising  witchcraft,"  was  hanged  by  Lord  Ormonde.  This 
lady  was  deeply  regretted  by  the  people  of  Munster  ;  and  her 
name  was  long  handed  down  to  posterity  as  the  "  brave  Lady 
Fitzgerald  who  defied  the   Saxon." 

In  one  of  Lord  Ormonde's  despatches  to  the  English  Council 
he  states  ''  that  he  had  executed  one  hundred  and  thirty-four 
of  the  insurgents."  * 

At  the  conclusion  of  those  massacres,  the  Celtic  race 
had  been  reduced  to  nearly  one-half  its  number,  especially 
in  Ulster,  where  the  people  fought  bravely  for  their 
homes. 

The  successor  of  Elizabeth  came  to  the  possession  of  an 
unenviable  inheritance  in  Ireland.  His  intentions  were  good; 
but  continuous  misgovernment  had  enslaved  and  debased  the 
people  ;  still  they  yearned  for  freedom  from  successful  inter- 
lopers, and  handed  down  to  posterity  an  undying  hatred  of 
their  oppressors.  James  the  First  did  not  send  aMountjoy  nor 
a  Carew  to  inflame  party  feeling  and  massacre  the  inhabitants 
in  the  name  of  Equity  and  Civilisation.     He  sent  a  Petty  and  a 


*  Lord  Ormonde's  Despatch  to  the  English  Council,  May  2Z,  1583. 


Ircla}id  under  Elizabeth's  Rule.  259 

Davies — two  upright  men — to  investigate  and  to  instruct,  to 
reform  and  to  tranquillise.  The  black  history  of  Ireland  does 
not  end  here.  Under  the  Stuarts  and  the  House  of  Brunswick 
the  noted  Penal  Laws  were  enacted — laws  that  have  covered  all 
that  were  concerned  in  their  enactment  and  administration 
with  everlasting  and  well-deserved  infamy. 


s  2 


26o  Conflicting  Authorities. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 


CONFLICTING   AUTHORITIES. 


Perhaps  tlie  most  suitable  text  to  the  issue  here  raised  is  to 
be  found  in  the  words  of  Dr.  Maitland.     "  The  question  of 
authorities   is   a  very  grave  one  indeed.""     A  sentence  which 
every  thoughtful  student  of  history  should  seriously  consider. 
Was  John   Foxe  a  man   of  truth  ?     Even  the  most  super- 
ficial reader  of  the  present  day  must  answer  with  an  emphatic 
"  No."     Some  modern  histories  have  favoured  a  reliance  on 
Burnet;  but  for  others,  where  the  bishop  is  "  out- Foxed,"  the 
tomes  of  the  "  Marty rologist  "  become  the  staple  of  quotation. 
The   "  Book  of  jNIartyrs  "  must  necessarily  be  inaccurate,  for 
it  was  composed  and  based  upon  hearsay.     The  executions  in 
Mary's  reign  took   place  in   Foxe's  absence  from  England — a 
circumstance  to  which  they  might  be  thought  to  owe  their 
exaggerated  character,  were  the  historical  student  not  aware  of 
Foxe's  blind  bigotry  and  recklessness  in  falsehood.     At  Mary's 
accession  Foxe  went  to  Basle,  where  he  remained  almost  up 
to  the  time  of  the  Queen's    death  ;  so  that  his  narrative  was 
the  fruit  of  second-hand  infcJimation,  derived  from  rebels  or 
fanatics,  and    elaborated    by  an    imagination   fraught   with 
fanatic  bitterness. 

Amongst  his  assertions  Foxe  alleges  that  "  Bishop  Gardyner 
kept  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  waiting  dinner  for  two  hours, 
that  he  might  have  the  pleasure  of  communicating  to  his 


Conflicting  Authorities.  26 1 

guest  the  particulars  of  the  manner  in  which  Latimer  and 
Ridley  bore  the  tortures  of  the  stake."  This  is  but  a  trifling 
inaccuracy  in  Foxc,  seeing  that  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  was  dead 
more  than  a  year  before  the  execution  of  Latimer  and  Ridley. 
So  much  for  this  "  fact."  Harding,  the  contemporary  of 
Foxe,  has  given  very  satisfactory  proofs  that  in  three  impor- 
tant statements  with  respect  to  immolations  at  the  stake,  the 
inartyrologist  has  put  forth  "  deliberate  falsehoods." 

In  one  of  Foxe's  many  relations  of  Bonner's  cruelties  he 
alleges  that  the  bishop  had  "  taken  four  Reformers  home  to 
his  house  for  the  purpose  of  a  mock  trial  in  his  library ;  that 
they  were  then  condemned  to  the  flames  as  heretics,  and  at 
midnight  a  fire  was  kindled  in  a  neigjhbouring  field,  at  which 

O  CD  CD  ' 

the  Valiant  Servants  of  Christ  were  roasted  ;  and  they  roared 
and  screamed  so  loudly  that  the  inmates  of  the  cottages  near 
were  disturbed  in  their  beds  by  the  awfulness  of  what  took 
place."  The  whole  narrative  was  based  upon  the  "  hearsay 
gossip  of  fanatics  of  disordered  mind." 

I  am  not  the  advocate  of  either  Gardyner  or  Bonner  for  the 
part  they  took  in  religious  persecution.  But  these  matters  have 
been  wilfully  misrepresented.  Sir  James  Mackintosh  states 
that  the  majority  of  the  Papal  bishops  were  opposed  to  the 
persecution  which  is  attributed  to  them  by  Foxe  and  his  con- 
temporaries.* Maitland  "  believes  that  Dr.  Gardyner  has  been 
misrepresented,"  and  Dean  Hook  says,  "  When  Gardyner  was 
at  the  zenith  of  his  power,  fewer  suffered  for  religious  opinions 
than  at  any  other  period  of  Queen  INIary's  reign."  So  much 
for  Maister  Foxe  and  "his  correspondents." 

In  vindication  of  Foxe  it  has  been  contended  that  he  some- 


•  Sir  James  Mackintosh's  "  History  of  the  Beformation." 


262  Conflicting  Authorities. 


times  published  "pious  women's  tales,"  that  "he  was  very- 
credulous,  and  his  zeal  for  the  Keformation  perhaps  led  his 
imagination  astray."  But  Foxe  was  neither  simple  nor 
credulous ;  and  his  piety  as  a  Keformer  or  anything  else  is  very 
questionable.  When  only  fifteen  years  of  age  Foxe  showed  a 
peculiar  talent  for  lying — a  talent  sedulously  cultivated  in  after 
life.  When  his  patron,  Archbishop  Cranmer,  heard  any 
marvellous  relation  in  which  Foxe  was  given  as  an  authority, 
he  would  smile  cynically — but,  with  his  well-known  caution, 
refrained  from  comment.  Maunder,  an  equable  admirer  of 
heroes,  admits,  of  the  "  Book  of  Martyrs,"  that  "  there 
is  scarcely  any  work  in  existence  concerning  which 
such  opposite  opinions  have  been  entertained."  *  This 
diversity  is  rapidly  disappearing  ;  in  fact,  among  the  educated 
and  intelligent  it  has  wholly  ceased  to  exist.  Macaulay,  Hook, 
Maitland,  Blunt,  Brewer,  and  Dixon,  all  ignore  Foxe  as 
in  any  way  an  authority.  Dean  Hook,  who  cannot  be  regarded 
as  a  friend  to  the  Papacy,  but  whose  probity  and  respect  for 
truth,  ever  the  characteristics  of  a  really  learned  and  honourable 
man,  inevitably  lead  him  to  express  facts  when  he  has  discovered 
them,  rejects  Foxe  as  an  authority,  and  justifies  the  rejection  by 
quoting  two  high  Protestant  authorities.  "  For  the  character 
of  Foxe,"  he  says,  "  I  will  refer  not  to  a  Roman  Catholic, 
but  to  the  scholar  most  competent,  from  his  deep  researches 
into  the  public  records,  to  form  an  opinion  upon  the  subject. 
*  Had  the  martyrologist,'  observes  Professor  Brewer,  '  been  an 
honest  man,  his  carelessness  and  credulity  would  have  incapa- 
citated him  from  being  a  trustworthy  historian.  Unfortunately, 
he  was  not  honest.  He  tampered  icith  the  documents  that  came  to 


*  MauncTer's  Biographical  Treasury,  p.  293. 


Conflicting  AniJiorities.  263 

liis  hand,  a  nd  freely  indulged  in  those  very  faults  of  supj)ression 
for  which  he  condemned  his  opponents."^'  The  learned  Dean 
adds :  "  Some  years  ago  I  had  occasion  to  consult  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Maitland,  the  learned  librarian  of  Lambeth,  on  the  amount  of 
credit  I  might  give  to  a  statement  made  by  Foxe.  His  answer 
was,  '  You  may  regard  Foxe  as  being  about  as  trustworthy  as  a 
certain  newspaper.'  f 

" '  You  must  not  believe  either  when  they  speak  of  an 
opponent,  for,  though  professing  Protestantism,  they  are 
innocent  of  charity.  You  may  accept  the  documents  they 
print,  but  certainly  not  without  collation.  Foxe  forgot,  if  he 
ever  knew,  ivho  is  the  father  of  lies. ^  " 

Nearly  all  the  circumstances  and  facts  of  Queen  JNIary's 
reign  have  been  based  upon  Foxe's  "  Book  of  Martyrs" — a 
book  which  has  been  printed  by  the  million.  Yet  such  has 
been  the  text-book  of  English  historians,  and,  unhappily, 
English  homesteads  and  schools.  With  regard  to  John  Foxe 
I  again  repeat  that  it  the  majority  of  the  writers  on  the 
Reformation  could  possibly  be  now  examined  as  to  the  author- 
ities from  whom  they  received  their  information,  they  would 
■almost  unanimously  pronounce  the  name  oi  Foxe.  Therefore, 
let  the  reflecting  reader  of  tlie  present  day  ponder  well  the 
historic  axiom  of  Dr.  Maitland,  "  The  matter  of  authorities 
is  a  very  serious  one." 

John  Foxe  was  born  at  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire,  about  1517, 
and  died  in  1587.  He  is  buried  in  the  chancel  of  St.  Giles's, 
"Oripplegate.  He  was  educated  at  Oxford,  and  was  one  of  the 
notable  Latin  scholars  of  his  time,  and,  with  all  his  faults,  has 


*  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  i.  (new  series)  p.  US. 
t  A  Protestant  journal  which  had  won  some   notoriety  for  publishing 
statements  uncertified  as  facts. 


264  Conjiicthig  Authorities. 

no  reason  to  be  credited  with  one-tenth  of  his  recent  reputed 
falsehoods,  cheaply  diflused  and  illustrated. 

A  striking  illustration  of  the  influence  of  inquiry  respecting 
a  man  of  integrity  is  to  be  found  in  Vol.  X.  of  Dean  Hook's 
"  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,"  in  which  he  retracts  sentiments 
expressed  in  his  sermons  some  forty  years   previously,  wherein 
he  proclaimed  his  belief  in  the  virtue,  sanctity,  and   toleration 
of  Cranmer.     Dean  Hook  says  :    We  read  of  "Bloody  Queen 
Mary,  and  of  persecuting  Bonner  ;  Gardyner  is  represented  to 
us  as  a  bloodthirsty  tyrant,  though  we  find  him,  except  in  the 
pages  of  the  Martyrologist  Foxe,  on  the  side  of  leniency  ;  and 
we  are  inclined  to  be  loud  in  our  condemnation  of  the  Govern- 
ment, as  it  existed  between  the  death   of  Edward  and  the 
accession  of  Elizabeth.      At  the  same  time,  we  pass  over,  or 
palliate,   in   unjustifiable   terms  the  legal  murders  of  which 
Archbishop  Cranmer  was  guilty,  and  we  regard  the  severities 
by  which  he  and   some  of  his  compeers  were  disgraced  as  a 

necessary  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  the  land I 

freely  confess  that  from  iong  i^rejudice  I  have  myself  been  guilty 
of  partiality,  which,  in  the  case  of  most  English  readers,  must, 
be  attributed  to  the  receiving  of  a  tradition  not  examined  with 
sufficient  care*    When  we  see  the  absurdities  into  which  some 
members  of  the  English  Parliament,  even  in  the  nineteenth 
century,    are    hurried    in    this   respect,   we  may   expect  duo 
allowance  to  be  made.     We  must  remember  that,  on  all  sides, 
whether  as  regards  Papists  or   Puritans,  or  ourselves,  the  sin 
has  been  committed,  and  is  a  na'tional  sin,  for  which  the  whole 
nation  should  be  penitent.     The   severities   committed  in  the 


*  The  "  tradition,"  to  which  the  learned  Dean  delicately  alludes,  is,  in  fact, 
the  Puritan  impressions  stamped  upon  the  mind  of  many  generations  by 
such  historians  as  Foxe,  Speed,  and  Burnet. 


Conflicting  Authorities.  265 

name  of  religion  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  will  bear  explana- 
tion (.?),  and  we  can  hardly  find  fault  with  the  severity  shown 
to  those  who,  in  the  name  of  religion,  openly  declared  that 
their  main  object  was  the  assassination  of  the  reigning  Sove- 
reign  Then   history  hurries   us  back  to  those 

dark  spots  in  Smithfield,  in  which  the  fires  of  persecution  had 
at  one  time  been  lighted  by  Queen  Mary,  and  we  hear  the 
proclamation  issued  by  James  the  First,  and  endorsed  by 
Archbishop  Abbot,  that  those  fires  were  again  to  be  ignited, 
and  that  the  cause  of  persecution  was  once  more  to  claim  its 
victims."* 

Dean  Hook  draws  a  contrast  between  the  Catholic  priests 
who  entered  upon  the  scene  in  the  reign  of  James  the  First, 
and  the  Puritan  party.  "  The  Seminary  Priests  and  Jesuits  of  a 
former  reign  were  men  of  erudition  and  courage,  and  knew  the 
risk  they  ran  ;  but  the  Anabaptists  and  Arians  who,  under 
the  episcopate  and  advice  of  Archbishop  Abbot,  were  ordered 
by  King  James  for  execution,  in  many  instances  appear  not  to 
have   known  the  peril   to  which  their  conduct  exposed  the 

Christian  faith It  is   remarkable  that,  in  this 

dreadful  enforcement  of  the  law,  the  Puritans  took  the  liveliest 
interest."  f 

The  erroneous  opinions  sometimes  formed  by  Catholic  readers 
of  the  leading  characters  of  the  English  Eeformation  have  had 
their  origin  in  the  inconsiderate  allegations  of  Sander,  to 
whom  I  have  referred  in  a  preceding  chapter.  Nicholas  Sander 
was  a  Fellow    of  Now    College,    Oxford,   during   the  whole 


*  In  the  Egerton  Papers,  Archbishop  Abbot  styles  the  Anabaptists  as 
"blasphemous  heretics." 

t  In  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  and  Somers's  Tracts,  vol.  ii.,  arc  to  be 
found  some  important  matters  in  relation  to  the  persecution  of  Bartholo- 
mew Leggett  and  Wightman,  the  Anabaptist  preachers. 


266  Conflicting  Authorities. 

of  the  reigns  of  Edward  and  Mary.  As  Anthony  Wood 
quaintly  expresses  it  "  religion  putting  on  another  face  in  the 
beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign."  Sander  left  England  about 
1560;  and  going  to  Eome  he  became  a  priest.  He  subse- 
quently attended  Cardinal  Stanislaus  Hosius  at  the  Council  of 
Trent.  After  this  he  was  sent  as  Nuncio  from  Gregory  the 
Thirteenth  to  Ireland,  with    the    view   of  encouraginof    the 

■'  DO 

Irish  to  take  up  arms  against  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  but,  upon  the 
fixilure  of  the  insurrection,  he  was  compelled  to  secrete  himself, 
and  somewhere  about  the  year  1581  he  was  starved  to  death. 
There  is,  however,  another  account  of  his  death,  which  Wood 
questions.  It  is  to  the  effect  that,  before  the  end  of  the  war, 
he  died  of  the  flux — that,  having  a  presentiment  of  death,  he 
sent  for  the  Bishop  of  Killaloe,  and  received  the  last  rites  of 
the  Catholic  Church.  It  is  added  that  he  died  shortly  after, 
and  was  buried  in  a  village  churchyard  in'  the  county  of 
Cork.  He  was  the  author  of  many  controversial  works  against 
Bishop  Jewel  and  the  leading  Reformers.  His  much-disputed 
work  upon  the  "  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Reformation  "  was 
published  at  Cologne  in  1585,  four  years  after  the  author's 
death.  Burnet  professes  to  correct  jhe  errors  and  mis-state- 
ments of  Sander.  I  cannot  enter  into  the  discussion  raised  by 
Burnet  ;  both  historians  have  mis-stated  and  coloured  facts. 
Sander,  although  a  contemporary  of  King  Henry,  Edward, 
Mary,  and  Elizabeth,  displays  a  want  of  knowledge  of  many 
important  events  that  were  occurring  in  England,  and  puts 
forth  allegations  opposed  to  afl  possibility. 

With  regard  to  the  proceedings  of  Cranmer  in  the  divorce 
question,  Sander  is  very  accurate  ;  whilst  Burnet  makes 
several  false  statements.  When  Sander  comes  to  matters 
Avhich  depend  upon  English  records,  he  is  not  accurate  ;  still 
he  was  far  more  honest  than  Burnet. 


Conflicting  Authorities.  267 

The  fact  of  Sander's  work  not  having  been  published 
until  four  years  after  his  death  may  account  for  some  of  the 
errors  that  are  to  be  found  in  it.  No  doubt  these  stories  were 
invented  after  his  death,  as  was  certainly  the  case  with  Foxe. 
Henry  Wharton,  the  eminent  historical  critic,  has  remarked 
that  "John  Foxe  could  not  by  accident  do  justice  to  a 
Papist ; "  and  Baxter  and  Neal  have  expressed  a  similar  con- 
demnation of  Sander  as  to  their  fellow-believers  ;  but  it 
must  be  allowed  that  the  two  latter  Puritan  writers  carry  not 
the  slightest  weight  with  any  unprejudiced  reader  of  the  pre- 
sent time.  They  have,  however,  been  used  for  sectarian 
purposes  when  misrepresentation  suited  the  literary  mga-ket. 
The  ''early  opinions"  of  Sander  were  those  of  Richard  Foxe, 
Warham,  Fisher,  and  Sir  Thomas  More  ;  but  those  eminent 
and  virtuous  men  were  disregarded  by  the  bishops  and 
seculars  of  Henry's  reign.  Sander  belonged  to  what  was 
called  the  "  High  Church  Party,"  but  he  never  attempted  to 
palliate  the  errors  of  the  secular  clergy  ;  and  he  was  specially 
severe  upon  the  bishops  for  their  carelessness  of  duty  and  the 
servility  with  which  they  facilitated  the  divorce  of  Queen 
Katharine. 

It  is  possible  that  many  additions  and  alterations  were  made 
in  Sander's  work  by  those  who  took  charge  of  its  printing 
and  publication,  and  for  which  the  memory  of  the  unconscious 
author  should  not  be  impeached  by  posterity. 

Nicholas  Sander  was  an  enthusiastic  friend  of  Ireland  ;  but 
his  military  schemes  for  its  liberation  ended  in  disaster  and 
ruin  to  all  concerned.  He  was  thoroughly  disinterested,  and 
brave  in  his  convictions.     Sander  deserved  a  better  fate. 

Dr.  Goodwin  died  in  1638.  Nicholas  Harpsfield,  Katliarine 
of  Arragon's  chaplain,  wrote  a  book  upon  England,  of  whicli 
little    is   known   to    posterity.     Harpsfield   was    a   cleric    of 


268  Conflicting  Authorities. 

unblemished  reputation.  He  belonged  to  the  old  High 
Church  party  of  the  days  of  Eichard  Foxe,  and  Archbishop 
Warham.  The  Kev.  Mr.  Pocock  has  edited  a  volume  of 
Harpsfield's  works  for  the  Eoyal  Camden  Historical  Society. 
It  is  a  work  of  much  interest  to  the  student  of  history,  and 
its  value  is  enhanced  from  the  fact  of  Mr.  Pocock  having  had 
charge  of  its  literary  arrangement. 

Eaphael  Holingshed's  history  was  principally  remarkable 
for  the  accuracy  of  its  dates  and  statistics.  His  accounts  of  the 
rebellion  in  Mary's  reign  are  given  with  a  scrupulous  sense  of 
truth.  Miss  Strickland  says: — "Holingshed's  guarded,  yet 
circujypstantial  narrative,  is  a  curiosity."  *  He  was  assisted  in 
this  part  of  his  history  by  Greorge  Ferrers,  a  gentleman  who 
wrote  for  both  parties  at  difierent  times,  but  was  a  chivalrous 
advocate  of  Mary's  cause.  Some  eminent  authors  are  incorrect 
as  to  dates.  It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  many  dates 
have  been  blundered  by  printers,  and  then  passed  from  one  to 
another  till  it  became  almost  impossible  to  rectify  the  error.! 
In  many  State  Papers  the  dates  are  torn  or  worn  out  ;  and 
again  valuable  letters  have  neither  month  nor  year  to  direct 
your  researches.  Tliose  in  charge  of  the  State  Papers  at 
present,  however,  have  done  much  to  remove  obstacles  of  this 
kind. 

The  name  of  John  Stowe  is  still  quoted  as  an  authority, 
and  the  worthy  little  man's  memory  is  honoured  by  every 
student  of  history,   and  the  old  book-worms    in   particular. 


*  The  real  name  of  this  author  was  Harrison  ;  he  was  chaplain  to  Lord 
Brooke.  In  his  youth,  maturer  years,  and  old  age,  he  witnessed  the  horrors 
of  the  Tudor  dynasty. 

t  Maunder's  Biographical  Dictionary,  a  valuable  and  interesting  work  in 
some  points  of  view,  has  some  wrong  dates,  and  these  errors  occur  in 
matters  difficult  to  correct. 


Conflicting  AutJiorities.  269 

Stowe  was  a  Keformer  ;  very  honest  in  his  narratives ;  and 
generally  above  sectarian  feeling.  He  was  also  an  honourable 
antagonist.  He  has  not,  however,  escaped  the  malice  of  party 
feeling.  Some  Puritan  writers  represent  him  "  as  an  agent 
to  the  Papists  ;"  by  others  he  is  described  as  a  "  credulous 
retailer  of  the  story-tellers'  gossip."  He  was  a  tailor  by 
trade  ;  and  perhaps  made  more  by  the  needle  than  the  pen. 
An  anecdote  is  related  by  Charles  Farlow,  that  on  one 
occasion  Stowe  was  busily  engaged  in  his  humble  study,  when 
suddenly  called  upon  to  drop  the  pen  and  take  up  the  needle, 
to  repair  a  doublet  belonging  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Commons.  According  to  this  story  the  Speaker  had  to 
remain  in  bed  whilst  the  historian  sat  down  to  repair  his 
clothes.  What  a  commentary  on  the  fostering  care  of  the 
learned  Elizabeth!  The  Queen  did  little  for  Stowe  ;  if  he 
became  a  political  instrument  in  some  form  or  other  he 
would,  doubtless,  have  fared  better.  It  is  true  Elizabeth 
invited  him  to  dinner,  and  commanded  two  of  her  courtiers 
to  attend  the  historian  at  table.  She  presented  him  with  "  a 
purse  containing  thirty  shillings,"  and  there,  writes  Anthony 
Wingfield,  "  our  blessed  Queen's  generosity  ended."  Stowe 
must  have  lived  to  be  nearly  ninety  years  of  age.  He  was 
present  at  the  funeral  of  Elizabeth,  and  "  deeply  deplored  her 
loss  to  the  Protestant  cause."  He  died  as  he  had  lived  in 
poverty,  with  the  noble  reputation  of  being  an  honest  man, 
amidst  every  temptation  to  have  been  the  reverse. 

Speed,  Baker,  and  Pomeroy  were  Puritan  writers.  The 
first  edition  of  Speed  was  published  about  1611-2  ;  aud  in 
1632  a  third  edition — enlarged  and  more  correct — was 
printed  in  London.  It  was,  however,  still  full  of  misrepre- 
sentations and  grave  errors  ;  but  was  then  much  prized  for  its 
sectarian  bitterness.      Mr.  Browu  Willis,  a  truthful  authority, 


270  Conflicti7ig  Authorities. 

states  that  the  principal  accusations  put  forward  by  various 
writers  against  the  monastic  houses  of  Henry's  reign  rest, 
almost  exclusively  on  the  testimony  of  a  pamphlet  published 
by  Speed,  who  derived  his  information  from  the  writings  of 
Simon  Fish  and  Koger  Whitgift — and,  later  still,  Anthony 
Delabarre,  the  friend  of  John  Foxe,  and  his  coadjutor, 
Romney,  the  preacher,  once  a  Dominican  friar. 

Thomas  Heywood  wrote  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm  in 
the  cause  of  Elizabeth,  and  the  Reformers  of  her  time  ;  his 
statements  with  regard  to  Mary  are  by  no  means  accurate. 
Miss  Strickland  has  a  favourable  opinion  of  Heywood's  integ- 
rity as  a  historian.  "  He  is  one  of  those  authors,"  observes 
Miss  Strickland,  "  who  state  the  facts  they  have  heard,  or 
witnessed,  without  altering  or  suppressing  them  on  account 
of  political  antagonism."*  Notwithstanding  Miss  Strickland's 
panegyric,  Thomas  Heywood's  impartiality  will  not  stand 
the  test  of  searchful  criticism. 

The  literary  men  connected  with  the  Non-jurors  suffered 
much  for  their  principles.  Sancroft  died  in  a  state  of  poverty ; 
Dr.  Kerr  was  a  pensioner  on  a  noble  family  ;  and  the  other 
Non-juring  bishops  were  reduced  to  great  straits  to  exist,  and 
had  to  encounter  a  series  of  insults  from  persons  put  forward 
for  that  purpose.  Dr.  Collier  was  the  leading  man  of  the  Non- 
jurist  party,  and  by  the  boldness  of  his  proceedings  attracted 
popular  attention,   and  was  admired  even  by  his  opponents.f 


*  Queens  of  England,  vol.  v.  (1st  edition)  p.  373. 

t  The  Non-jurors,  deeming  James  the  Second  to  have  been  unjustly 
deposed,  refused  to  swear  allegiance  to  William  III.  in  1689.  Among  those 
honourable  recusants  were  Sancroft,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury;  Kerr, 
Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  ;  and  the  Bishops  of  Ely,  Gloucester,  Norwich, 
Peterborough  ;  and  many  of  the  clergy  who  were  deprived  of  their  livings. 


Conflicting  Authorities.  271 

He  was  several  times  imprisoned  and  fined.  During  the 
later  years  of  his  life  he  was  under  sentence  of  outlawry  for 
Jacobite  opinions.  The  Catholic  party  were  much  indebted 
to  him,  yet  many  of  them  were  to  be  found  in  the  front  ranks 
of  his  enemies.  It  is  painful  to  record  such  cases  of  ingrati- 
tude upon  the  part  of  Catholics  to  their  Protestant  advocates. 
Any  comparison  between  Collier  and  Burnet  as  Historians  is 
simply  an  insult  to  historical  integrity.  The  "dishonest  man 
was  covered  with  honours,  and  loaded  with  gold;"  whilst 
Collier  was  subjected  to  the  close  of  his  life  to  privations  and 
difficulties,  which  prove  that  he  was  honest  and  sincere  in  the 
course  he  had  adopted  as  a  politician — and,  above  all,  as  a 
Historian.  The  best  test  of  the  integrity  and  truthfulness  of 
his  history  is  to  be  found  in  the  censures  of  such  men  as  Burnett 
The  works  of  Collier,  especially  his  "Ecclesiastical  History," 
remain  as  a  monument  of  his  learning,  research,  labour,  and 
talent.     The  literary  men  of  Paris  held  him  in  high  esteem. 

Collier  may  be  called  the  historian  of  the  English  Church. 
Later  writers  have  done  little  more  than  modernise  the 
statements  inartistically  arranged  by  him.  Dean  Hook  con- 
siders him,  on  the  whole,  a  most  honest  Historian.  As  a 
divine  he  was  superior  to  Strype  ;  Burnet  was  inferior  to 
botl 


* 


Dr.  Collier  was  a  Non-jurist  bishop,  and  suffered  for  having 
sustained  the  cause  of  James  the  Second.  He  was  ridiculed 
and  slandered  by  the  Burnet  and   Churchill    party ;  yet  he 


In  1691,  Non-jurors  were  subjected  to  double  taxation,  and  in  1723  were 
obliged  to  register  their  estates  and  all  particulars  of  income.  A  "separate 
communion "'  was  subsequently  formed,  ■which  existed  till  the  beginning  of 
the  present  century. 

*  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  ix.  p.  2. 


2/2  Coiflicting  Authorities. 

persevered,  and  was  the  author  of  several  pamphlets  in  favour 
of  the  fallen  King.  He  combated  with  great  force  the  accu- 
sations made  against  James  II.  by  the  supporters  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange. 

The  first  volume  of  Collier's  "  Ecclesiastical  History " 
appeared  in  1708.  Hitherto,  no  history,  with  the  exception 
of  Fuller's,  of  any  pretensions,  had  been  published  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  country.  After  a 
lapse  of  six  years  the  second  volume  was  published.* 

Collier's  honesty  and  his  motives  were  at  once  questioned; 
and  many  denounced  him  as  the  agent  of  the  Jesuits  ;  but 
the  work  was  a  success  ;  and  posterity  has  pronounced  in  its 
favour.  Warburton  was  so  impressed  with  its  value  that  he 
declared,  "  We  have  only  two  historians  of  our  National 
Church  worthy  of  the  title — Collier,  the  Non-juror,  and  Fuller, 
the  jester."  Burnet  remarked  that  "  he  should  have  had  a 
better  opinion  of  Collier's  integrity,  if  he  had  professed  him- 
self wo^  to  he  of  our  communion  J  nor  of  the  communion  of  any 
other  Protestant  Church.'^  The  admirers  of  this  author  were  par- 
ticularly severe  upon  Burnet,  for  "the  manufacture  of  lies  in 
his  Reformation."  The  second  volume  of  Collier's  history 
created  an  immense  excitement.  The  "  book-worms  "  were  on 
Collier's  side  ;  whilst  all  the  bigots  wished  to  offer  an  ovation 
to  Dr.  Burnet  "  for  having  unmasked  Popery  in  his  History  of 
the  Reformation."  The  literary  battles  continued  for  some 
years.  Burnet,  who  was  the  idol  of  the  revolutionary  party, 
was,  as  a  matter  of  course,  at  fhe  stronger  side — a  position  he 
always  sought  out  for  himself.     Like  other  literary  men  of  his 


*  The  work  now  makes  nine  volumes,  well  arranged  and  modernisefl,  and 
is  to  be  seen  upon  the  shelves  of  the  maguiliceut  library  of  the  British 
Museum. 


Coiijiictiug  Authorities.  273 

time,  Jeremiah  Collier  was  sadly  neglected  during  life  ;  yet 
his  memory  will  be  honoured  by  the  Students  of  History  to 
the  latest  posterity. 

Palling,  who  was  much  about  the  English  Court,  wrote  in 
Italian.  His  work  is  written  in  the  interests  of  the  Papal  party, 
and  is  very  hostile  to  Anna  Boleyn.  His  sources  of  information 
were  far  above  those  of  contemporary  historians,  for  he 
frequently  introduces  matters  derived  from  the  Privy  Council 
books  and  State  Papers,  a  privilege  then  unknown  to  English 
historians,  who  received  much  of  their  narratives  from  family 
papers  or  traditional  gossip,  all  of  which  were  tinged  by  party 
and  sectarian  feeling.  The  death-bed  scene  between  Henry  and 
his  daughter  Mary,  which  I  have  already  quoted,  is  derived 
from  the  pages  of  Pallino.  An  original  copy  of  Pallino's 
Italian  work  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  University  of 
Oxford. 

Baoardo's  History  of  Queen  Mary  was  written  in  Italian, 
and  printed  in  L558.  This  learned  Venetian  has  chronicled 
the  most  minute  particulars  as  to  Mary's  private  life ;  her 
kindly  nature,  and  the  odious  slanders  heaped  upon  her  by  the 
rebellious  factions,  who  would  submit  to  no  Grovernment  con- 
trol, and  desired  to  do  as  they  pleased.  Baoardo  was  amongst 
the  Italian  cavaliers  who  were  present  at  the  marriage  of  Philip 
and  Mary.     Baoardo's  work  was  edited  by  Luca  Costile. 

Frazer  Tytler's  "  Edward  and  Mary  "  is  a  fair  statement 
of  facts,  without  any  sectarian  influences,  Mr.  Tytler's 
notes  on  the  State  Papers  of  Mary's  reign  are  important,  and 
the  whole  work  reflects  the  highest  credit  upon  the  learned 
author. 

Mr.  Tytler  never  completed  his  history,  which  was  a  life- 
time undertaking.  His  health  and  mental  powers  gave  way, 
and  brought  him  prematurely  to  the  grave  amidst  the  regret 

VOL.   IV.  T 


2/4  Conflicting  Anthorities. 

of  his  literary  contemporaries,  and  the  deeper  feeling  of  all 
those  who  had  the  pleasure  of  his  acquaintance.  Few  Pres- 
byterian writers  took  such  a  broad  unsectarian  view  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Scotch  Eeformers  as  Frazer  Tytler  ;  yet  his 
conclusions  sometimes  involve  almost  a  contradiction.  Upon 
the  whole,  however,  he  was  a  thoroughly  honest  man,  and 
would  not,  for  the  wealth  of  worlds,  misrepresent  facts.  He 
entertained  a  most  sensitive  feeling  as  to  the  "  honourable 
surroundings  "  of  the  Historian 

Many  Protestant  authors  agree  in  their  commendations 
upon  Dr.  Lingard's  historical  works,  and  Mr.  Froude  in  par- 
ticular notices  his  impartiality  and  love  of  truth.  Of  course. 
Lingard's  History  of  the  Eeformation  may  appear  deficient 
in  many  facts  connected  with  the  notabilities  of  those  times;  but, 
it  must  be  remembered,  that  it  was  only  within  the  last  thirty 
or  forty  years  the  students  of  history  have  been  permitted 
to  visit  the  principal  archives  where  the  most  valuable  State 
Papers  have  been  deposited  for  nearly  three  hundred  years. 
The  Grovernment  caused  the  late  Professor  Brewer,  and  other 
learned  men,  to  "calendar"many  volumes  of  State  MSS. ;  and 
large  facilities  are  now  given  to  those  who  have  the  ambition 
and  the  power  of  perseverance  to  investigate  the  History  of 
the  Past. 

There  are  some  marked  features  in  Dr.  Lingard's  History 
of  England.  In  his  language,  where  relations  might  often 
arouse  the  indignant  feelings  of  a  Catholic,  this  learned 
divine  never  forgets  the  cafraness  and  the  dignity  of  the 
Historian.  The  narrow-minded,  or  the  bigoted  of  any  creed, 
will  feel  disappointment  in  perusing  Lingard's  historical  or 
miscellaneous  works. 

Charles  Tootle,  subsequently  known  in  literature  as  Dodd, 
was  born  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Preston  about  the  year 


Conjiictiiig  Authorities.  275 

1672  ;  he  was  educated  at  Douai ;  and  next  studied  at  the 
English  College  in  Paris,  for  four  years.  ,  He  received  Holy 
Orders  at  Douai,  and  returned  to  England  in  1698.  Preston, 
his  native  town,  was  the  first  scene  of  his  missionary  labours. 
Seeing  the  ignorance  of  the  Catholic  laity  as  to  the  history  of 
the  Reformation,  he  formed  the  idea  of  writing  a  work  upon 
that  much  misrepresented  period.  His  scheme  was  surrounded 
with  difficulties,  but  he  was  determined  to  persevere.  In  fact 
a  priest  could  not  undertake  a  more  dangerous  task  in  those 
times  than  to  write  a  historij — and  above  all,  one  referring  to 
the  Reformation.  His  views  were  privately  communicated  to 
a  few  wealthy  Catholics,  who  enabled  him  to  proceed  to  the 
Continent.  He  left  England  in  1718,  and  during  the  four 
succeeding  years  visited  many  colleges  and  learned  libraries  in 
France,  Spain,  Italy,  and  the  Netherlands.  The  Continental 
Catholics,  when  aware  of  his  mission,  gave  him  many  facilities 
to  prosecute  his  researches.  The  Irish  residents  in  Belgium 
presented  him  with  a  purse  of  gold  (£150).  From  the  English 
College  at  Douai,  he  received  copies  of  many  valuable  docu- 
ments. "  Among  all  the  records  I  met  with,"  he  says,  "  none 
gave  me  more  satisfaction  than  the  original  letters  of  many 
eminent  English  Catholics,  who  opposed  the  Reformation  at 
the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign." 

It  has  been  often  asserted  that  the  English  Catholics  offered 
little  opposition  to  Elizabeth  ;  in  the  Continental  Colleges 
have  been  preserved  MSS.  containing  accounts  of  the  priva- 
tions and  sufferings  of  English  priests  and  laymen.  The  Abbe 
O'Connor,  writing  from  Bruges,  in  1601,  speaks  in  grateful 
terms  of  the  English  Catholics,  for  the  resistance  they  offered 
to  the  crushing  persecutions  of  Elizabeth.  "  It,  is  true," 
observes  the  Abbe,  "  that  the  EngHsh  Catholics  made  no  dis- 
play of  that  imprudent  enthusiasm   which  sometimes  marked 

T  2 


2/6  Co7iflicting  A^Uhorities. 

the  conduct  of  my  own  poor  Irish  countrymen  ;  but,  never- 
theless, they  were  true  to  '  Peter's  Ship,'  and  clung  to  it  under 
the  most  cruel  persecution.  Lord  Burleigh  was  determined  to 
crush  them  out  of  existence ;  and  the  records  of  the  English 
gaols,  and  the  traditions  preserved  by  many  Catholic  families, 
is  a  proof  that  the  English  priests,  and  many  of  the  laity,  were 
not  afraid  to  encounter  the  persecutions  of  Ked  Bess* 
Neither  the  rack  nor  the  scaffold  had  any  terrors  for  the 
English  priests.  The  history  of  their  sufferings  and  death 
has  been  most  imperfectly  handed  down."t 

Such  is  the  statement  of  an  Irish  priest,  who  spent  ten  years 
in  one  of  Elizabeth's  dungeons  in  Dublin,  and  then  escaped  to 
France. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  the  reader  has  seen  the  warm 
reception  given  in  Ireland  to  the  persecuted  English  priests. 
There  was  little  sympathy  between  the  Irish  and  English  at 
any  time ;  but  when  the  Englishman  lay  prostrated  or  hunted 
down,  his  Irish  brother  in  faith,  filled  with  warm  impulses, 
and,  above  all,  that  charity  which  binds  iiien  by  the  highest 
and  holiest  ties,  made  the  Celt  forget  past  wrongs,  and  appear 
as  the  champion  and  the  friend  of  those  who  knelt  at  the  same 
shrine,  and  held  the  same  faith. 

To  resume  the  narrative  concerning  Dodd.  Upon  his  return 
to  England  he  was  appointed  assistant  to  Father  Bennet  in 
charge  of  the  Catholic  Mission  at  Harnington  Hall,  Worcester- 
shire. Here  he  remained  for  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  and 
arranged  his  history.      After  immense  labour,  and  much  petty 


*  The  name  applied  to  Elizabeth  in  Ireland. 

t  The  above  is  taken  from  a  MSS.  book  which  had  been  preserved  for 
250  years  in  a  Galway  family.     I  have  modernised  the  extract.     The  MSS 
contains  a  number  of  records  bearing  upon  the  priest-hunting  times. 


Coiijlicting  Atithorities.  277 

annoyance,  lie  produced  the  first  volume  of  his  work  (folio)  in 
1737,  the  second  in  1739,  and  the  third,  and  last,  in  1742. 
It  is  stated  that  the  work  was  printed  in  Brussels,  and  privately 
circulated  amonj^st  English  Catholics.  The  expenses  were 
defrayed  by  a  subscription,  at  the  head  of  which  stands  the 
munificent  Edward,  Duke  of  Norfolk,  without  whose  aid 
the  work  might  never  have  been  published.  Indeed  many 
valuable  documents  bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  Reforma- 
tion would  never  have  been  published  were  it  not  for  the 
timely  and  delicate  aid  rendered  by  the  illustrious  House  of 
Norfolk.  Father  Tootle  did  not  long  survive  the  publication 
of  the  last  volume  of  his  history.  He  died  at  Harnington,  in 
February,  1743. 

The  work  of  Hugh  Tootle  stands  alone  among  the  compila- 
tions of  Catholic  History.  Commencing  with  the  period  of 
her  first  misfortunes  in  this  country,  the  writer  accompanies 
the  ancient  Church  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  course  during: 
the  next  two  centuries.  He  marks  the  origin  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  the  wayward  passions  of  Henry  ;  mourning  with  re- 
ligion over  the  ruined  altars  and  desecrated  shrines  of  Edward's 
reign ;  watches  their  alternate  rise  and  fall  under  the  sister 
Sovereigns,  Mary  and  Elizabeth ;  and  tracing  the  varied 
calamities  of  his  Catholic  countrymen,  under  the  dynasty  of 
the  Stuarts,  closes  his  work  with  the  fallen  fortunes   of  that 

ill-starred   family "In  the   compilation  of  this 

work,"  says  Mr.  Berington,  "  the  author   spent  almost  thirty 

years I  have  seldom   known  a  writer,  and  that 

writer  a  Churchman,  so  free  from  prejudice,  and  the  degrading 
impressions  of  party  zeal."  "  Having  had  repeated  occasions 
to  consult  Dodd,"  observes  Mr.  Chalmers,  "  we  are  ready  to 
acknowledge  our  obligations  to  Dodd's  history.  It  remained 
for    many    years    unknown,  and  we    can    remember   when 


278  Conflicting  Authorities. 

it  was  sold  almost  at  tlie  price  of  waste  paper.  Its  wortli 
is  now  better  ascertained  ;  and  the  last  copy  offered  for 
sale,  belonging  to  the  Marquis  Townshend's  library,  was  sold 
for  ten  guineas."*  And,  at  a  later  period,  copies  of  the  work 
have  gone  as  high  as  £17  10s. 

A  commentator  upon  Dodd  states  that  "  the  Protestants  of 
England  have  had  many,  and  able  Historians  of  their  Church, 
almost  from  the  hour  when  materials  for  history  had  accumu- 
lated down  to  the  present  day  •  but,  with  the  exception  of 
Dodd,  who  wrote  under  great  disadvantages,  the  Catholics  of 
England  have  had  no  Historian  at  all.  The  natural  conse- 
quences  ensued :  The  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in 
England  ;  the  character  and  acts  of  those  who,  collectively  or 
individually,  figured  prominently  in  it,  were  grossly  misrepre- 
sented— misrepresented, now  from  passion,  then  from  prejudice, 
often  from  malice." 

The  Eev.  Mr.  Tiernet's  "  Eevision  of  Dodd  "  is  a  valuable 
and  interesting  work.  A  writer  upon  "  Tierney's  Dodd" 
says : — "  Of  Mr.  Tierney's  additions  it  may,  without  exaggera- 
tion, be  stated  that  they  form  scarcely  less  than  two-thirds  of 
the  extent  of  the  original  work.  This  addition  of  Dodd  throws 
abundant  light  on  the  much-misrepresented  proceedings  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  and  other  Eegulars." 

The  works  of  John  Strype  are  valuable  to  the  Student  of 
History,  but  many  of  his  references  have  been  given  in  a  care- 
less manner.  He  was  not  so  much  a  historian  as  a  collector  of 
the  materials  of  history.  The  edition  of  Strype's  Cranmer, 
printed  under  his  own  inspection,  was  published  in  1693,  and 
dedicated   to    that    political     prelate,    Archbishop    Tenison. 


Biog.  Die,  vol.  xii.  p.  127. 


Conflicting  Anthoritics.  279 

Strype  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  John  Foxe,  Speed,  and  the 
Hot-Gospel  men  of  the  Tudor  times.  Strype's  name  holds  a 
prominent  place  on  the  list  of  partisan  writers.  Dr.  Maitland 
remarks: — "He  who  takes  John  Strype  for  his  authority 
without  being  aware  of  the  honest  spirit  of  prostrate  hero- 
worship  in  which  he  wrote  biography,  and  which  seems  to 
have  rendered  him  incapable  of  estimating,  or  almost  of  con- 
sidering the  genuineness,  authenticity,  or  weight  of  documents, 
on  which  he  relied,  or  the  character  and  authority  of  those 
whom  he  quoted,  will  be  sadly  misled."  Dean  Hook  has 
detected  something  like  extreme  partisanship  in  the  way 
Strype  dealt  with  the  material  for  writing  his  life  of  Cranmer. 
However  interesting  the  biographies  of  Parker,  Grindall, 
Whitgift,  and  Aylmer,  they  have  been  fashioned  after  the  style 
adopted  in  the  memoirs  of  Archbishop  Cranmer.  But,  apart 
from  his  strong  sectarian  feelings,  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge may  feel  proud  of  the  learning  and  immense  research 
of  John  Strype. 

The  Kev.  Laurence  Echard  (1707),  like  many  other 
Protestant  writers  upon  the  lieformation  epoch,  takes  Foxe, 
Speed,  Burnet,  and  the  "  re-dressed "  pamphlets  of  Lord 
Crumwell's  time  as  authorities.  Echard's  history  of  England 
is  a  servile  imitation  of  those  writers  who  hailed  the  advent 
of  the  House  of  Brunswick. 

Archdeacon  Carte  was  a  man  of  high  and  unblemished 
character,  and  a  very  learned  divine  of  the  Church  of  England. 
He  "gloried  in  the  Keformation,  and  was  well  pleased  with 
the  results  of  the  Ke volution  of  1688  ;"  so  says  his  Puritan 
chaplain,  Arthur  Pomeroy.  Dr.  Carte  was  the  author  of 
several  learned  works. 

Oldmixon  was  a  Protestant  historian.  His  violent  partisan 
views  were  admired  by  the  people  of  his  time ;  he  laboured. 


28o  Conflicting  Authorities. 


however,  iir-d?r  the  delusion  that  he  was  a  most  impartial  j 

historian.  His  history  is  yet  "  a  text-book  "  in  circles  of 
"  Puritan  piety."  He  printed  an  abominable  document 
purporting  to  be  a  copy  of  Crumwell's  report  on  the  monastic 
houses.  The  printing  and  publication  of  such  papers — 
whether  true  or  false — constitute  a  crime  not  only  against 
morality,  but  against  Civilization.  The  motive,  however,  is 
quite  clear. 

Eapin  de  Thoyras's  "History  of  England"  was  written  in 
French,  and  first  published  at  Antwerp  ;  next  at  Potsdam,  and 
Vienna, in  the  German  language.     The  English  edition  of  this 
voluminous  work  was  translated  and  extended  by  the  Eev. 
Nicholas  Tindal,  vicar  of  Waltham,  in  Essex.     The  work  was 
dedicated  to  Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales,  father  of  George  the 
Third.     Eapin's  history  was  very  popular  for  many  years,  and 
had  a  laree  sale  in  England.     Even  in  Ireland  it  was  received 
with  favour,  but  in  those    days  there  were  no  newspapers  of 
sufficient  influence  or  information  to    direct  public  intellect  to 
the  merits  or  demerits  of  books.     So  the  "political  thinkers" 
were  able  to  subsidise   mercenary  and  dishonest  writers,  who 
still  continued  to  misrepresent  the  history  of  affairs  during  the 
reign  of  the  Tudor  dynasty,  which  brought  so  many  calamities 
upon  the  country.     It  has  been  stated  frequently  that  Eapin's 
history  was  truthful,  and  "  honourably  carried  out  by  himself." 
But  such  was  not  the  fact.  Miss  Strickland  some  thirty  years  ago 
detected  a  shameful  perversion  of  facts  in  the  translation  of  the 
State  Papers  to  which  this   Dutch  historian  had   access.     No 
such   accusation,    I   am    happy    to  state,    has   been  brought 
against  Dr.  Tindal  for  his  part  in  this  work.     Considering  the 
fashion  in  which  English  history  was  written  in  those  times,, 
perhaps  Eapin's  work  was  the  best — which  says  little  for  its 
merits.     Eapin  de  Thoyras  was  one  of  William  the  Third's- 


Co7iflicting  Authorities.  281 

Dutch  officers  at  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne,  and  behaved  with 
fl^reat  bravery  :  he  was  also  at  the  siege  of  Limerick,  where  he 
was  twice  wounded.  He  resided  in  England  for  some  years, 
but  was  not  popular  with  the  party  of  the  Eevolution.  He 
was  of  Itahan  extraction,  and  his  family  appear  in  an  honour- 
able light  upon  the  roll  of  Italian  history.  I  have  chronicled 
the  fact  of  Rupin's  dissenting  from. several  Protestant  historians, 
who  present  Anna  Boleyn  as  "  a  Protestant  heroine."  "  I  can- 
not," says  Rapin,  "discover  where,  or  how,  the  Queen  promoted 
Protestantism*  He  also  censures  Cranmer  for  the  part  he 
took  in  Anna  Boleyn's  divorce." 

David  Hume's  merits  as  a  Historian  have  long  been  under 
the  consideration  of  the  Students  of  History.     His  work  was 
much   admired  by  the  ultra-Protestants  of  the  last  century, 
and  till  within  some  fifty-five  years   ago  the  Catholic   party 
referred  to  Hume  as  an  authority,  though  still  doubting  his 
veracity.      Amongst   the    authors    on  Henry   VIII.'s   reign, 
Hume   quotes   Polydore  Vergil,  Lord   Herbert,  Hall,    Stowe, 
Rymer,    Foxe,   Speed,    Holingshed,   Burnet,   Strype,   Collier, 
Baker,  Oldmixon,   Sander,  Anthony  Wood,  Fuller,  Morrison, 
Heylin,  Spottiswood,    Heyward   in    Kenneth,    Parliamentary 
Records,     Drummond,     Buchanan,     Goodwin's    Annals,  Le 
Grand,  and  several  foreign  authorities.     Many  important  and 
interestino-  matters  are,  however,  omitted.     The  history  of  the 
Carthusians  is  disposed  of  in  a  few  lines.      The  rise  and  pro- 
gress of  Anna  Boleyn  are  related  in  a  most  unsatisfactory 
manner.     In  fact  it  is  no  historical  statement,  and  is  quite  un- 
worthy of  any  consideration.    The  reader  can  learn  little  of  the 
Pilgrims  of  Grace ;  and   the   Monastic  Inquisition,  and   the 


*  Kapin's  History  of  England,  vol.  i. 


282  Confiicting  AutJiorities. 


characters  of  the  chief  actors,  are  omitted  or  coloured.  Burnet 
is  the  principal  authority  cited  for  these  transactions.  The 
proceedings  that  follow  are,  if  possible,  more  unfairly  stated. 
Such  was  the  first  (folio)  edition,  printed  under  the  author's 
own  inspection,  but  the  many  editions  styled  "  Hume  and 
Smollett's  History,"  re-dressed  for  the  book-market,  have 
never  undergone  any  literary  criticism,  and  have  been  quietly 
passed  off  upon  the  superficial  reader,  who  may,  no  doubt, 
have  a  desire  for  knowledge,  but  in  this  case  becomes  over- 
loaded with  misrepresentations.  Better  for  people  to  be  in 
utter  ignorance  of  history  than  to  receive  false  impressions, 
and  those  erroneous  statements  stamped  with  sectarian  preju- 
dices which  have  now  run  current  for  generations,  I  may 
add  that  the  tomes  I  have  consulted  are  David  Hume's  own 
quarto  copies,  with  emendations  in  his  own  handwriting ;  one 
MS.  note  is  an  acknowledgment  of  the  courtesy  of  the  French 
authorities  in  supplying  an  interesting  complement  to  his  his- 
tory of  James  the  Second's  reign. 

The  historical  works  of  Hallam,  Mackintosh,  Lino-ard, 
Strickland,  Stanhope,  Maitland,  Macaulay,  the  Camden  Society, 
Froude,  Hook,  Blunt,  Dixon,  and  several  others  have  ignored 
Hume's  history  as  an  accurate  authority.  Nevertheless,  Hume 
is  still  the  prevailing  work  consulted  by  a  large  class  of 
readers,  who  are  unable  to  purchase  histories  of  a  more  recent 
date. 

I  do  not,  of  course,  contend  that  the  above-named  authors 
are  all  impartial  and  truthful!  Some  of  them  are  far  from 
being  so,  but  some  of  them  approach  the  tolerant  and  merciful 
spirit  of  the  age,  and  pronounce  against  the  worship  of 
despotic  and  cruel  monarchs  like  Henry  VIII. 

Miss  Aikin,  writing  some  sixty-eight  years  ago,  considered 
Jane  Seymour  as  "  a  warm  advocate  of  the  Reformation  ;  hut 


Conflicting  Authorities.  283 

her  support  was  given  in  a  clandestine  manner."*  There  is  no 
document  or  State  Record  known  to  be  in  existence  to  con- 
firm this  allegation.  Miss  Aikin,  however,  was  incapable  of 
consciously  making  a  false  statement,  but  in  her  zeal,  perhaps, 
she  adopted  without  reflection  the  assertions  of  persons  like 
Foxe,  Speed,  Burnet,  or  Oldmixon.  Mrs.  Thompson,  writing 
at  a  later  period  of  Anna  Boleyn,  has  evidently  derived  her 
inspiration  from  such  "  authorities."  This  lady  contends  that 
"  the  Queen  (Anna)  was  desirous  of  having  about  her  such 
young  persons  as  Jane  Seymour,  that  bi/  her  own  example  they 
might  tend  to  increase  the  Reformed  faith.  Tiie  family  of 
Jane  Seymour  were  of  that  ■persuasion."  And  again,  Mrs. 
Thompson,  whilst  finding  fault  with  Jane  Seymour's  conduct 
in  relation  to  Queen  Anna,  discovers  "  some  redeeming 
qualities"  in  the  character  of  Jane — "  Jane  Seymour's  reason- 
ing powers  of  native  strength  were  soon  developed,  and  she 
bestowed  their  energy  in  a  direction  fortunately  for  this 
country,  by  exercising  them  upon  the  great  subject  of  the  Protestant 
faitli.""  This  is  the  way  in  which  subsequent  ignorance  im- 
proves upon  preceding  falsehood.  This  averment  leaves  the 
statements  of  Burnet  and  Oldmixon  in  the  shade.  Even  if 
proved  a  fact,  it  is  paying  a  strange  compliment  to  Protestant- 
ism to  claim  for  its  patroness  so  vile  a  creature  as  Jane 
Seymour.  Miss  Strickland  wishes  to  remove  the  opinion  so 
long  held  by  Protestants  as  to  the  religious  profession  of  Jane 
Seymour — "  All  the  rites  of  the  Eoman  Catholic  Church 
were  administered  to  Queen  Jane  ;  the  official  statements 
are  still  extant,  and  prove  how  greatly  mistaken  those 
writers   are  who   considered    Jane    Seymour  a   Protestant. "f 


*  Lucy  Aikin's  Court  of  Queeu  Elizabeth,  vol.  i. 
f  Miss  Strickland's  Queens  of  England,  vol.  iii.  p.  21. 


284  Conflicting  Authorities. 


Sharon  Turner  is  the  hero-worshipper  of  Henry  and  his 
daughter  Elizabeth.  This  author  has  suppressed,  coloured, 
and  misrepresented  the  most  important  facts  concerning  the 
Keformation  in  England.  Mr.  Turner  quotes  from  a  State 
Paper*  an  account  of  the  death-bed  scene  of  Queen  Jane. 
Here  is  a  specimen  : — "  The  Queen's  confessor  had  been  with 
her  this  morning,  and  hath  done  all  that  to  his  office  ap- 
pertaineth,  is  even  now  preparing  to  minister  to  her  Highness 
the  Sacrament  of  Extreme  Unction."  The  above  was  copied  by 
Mr.  Turner  from  the  minute  bulletin  issued  by  the  six 
medical  men  who  attended  the  Queen.  In  the  very  next 
page  the  learned  author— a  man  of  immense  research — 
describes  Jane  Seymour  to  be  "  as  great  a  friend  to  the 
Reformation  as  Anna  Boleyn.'^^  It  is  impossible  to  regard 
such  contradictions  as  oversights ;  and  it  would  hardly  be 
true  to  designate  them  as  mistakes.^ 

I  now  present  a  contemporary  and  an  official  evidence  upon 
the  questions  at  issue.  Sir  Richard  Gresham,  writing  to  Lord 
Crumwell  concerning  the  Queen's  obsequies,  said  : — "  I  have 
ordered  twelve  hundred  Masses  to  be  offered  up  for  the  sowle  of 
our  most  gracious  Queen."  ....  Dean  Hook  has  a 
right  to  be  accepted  as  an  evidence  on  matters  like  these.  He 
corroborates  the  account  of  Jane's  Catholicity,  and  the  "  twelve 
hundred  Masses  "  offered  up  for  her  departed  spirit  And 
again  : — "  If  there  was  a  tendency  to  Protestantism  on  the 
part  of  the  King  and  of  Dr.  Cranmer — the  King  who  ordered 


*  MSS.  Nero,  c.  s. 
t  Sharon  Turner,  vol.  x.  p.  485. 

*  In  the  preceding  volumes  I  have  gone  into  the  history  of  those  "  mis- 
takes "  at  some  length. 


Conflicting  Authorities.  285 

these  Masses,  and  tlie  Archbishop  wlio  officiated  at  them — it 
was  not  at  this  time  much  developed."^' 

Lord  Herbert  is  the  panegyrist  of  Henry  the  Eighth ;  still 
he  makes  some  honest  admissions.  Miss  Strickland  has  con- 
fidence in  his  historical  statements.  He  had,  however,  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  some  State  Papers — a  privilege  which 
was  denied  to  several  of  his  contemporaries.  He  has  been 
charged  by  an  Oxford  commentator  "  with  colouring  and 
suppressing  facts ;"  whilst  others  declare  that  he  was  "  an 
honourable  man."  He  admired  Elizabeth  for  her  opposition 
to  the  Papacy  ;  yet  it  was  bruited  that  he  was  a  Papist  himself, 
but  had  not  the  courage  to  avow  it.  His  interests  ran  at  the 
other  side.  His  history  has  been  quoted  by  many  writers  of 
high  repute,  and  it  is  generally  considered  a  fair  statement  of 
facts.  Hallam  considers  that  Lord  Herbert  consulted  "  his  imagi- 
nation for  many  of  his  facts."  Professor  Brewer  differs  from  this 
view.  "  I  have  generally  found,"  he  observes,  "  that  Lord 
Herbert  had  good  authority  for  his  statements.  It  is  not 
always  easy  to  trace  his  sources  of  information,  for  he  was 
often  indebted  to  documents,  the  originals  of  which  have  since 
been  lost,  and  the  abstracts  alone  are  preserved  in  a  volume  of 
his  collections,  to  be  seen  at  Jesus  College,  Oxford."  Lord 
Herbert  was  a  favourite  with  the  Stuart  family.  James 
the  First  raised  him  to  an  Irish  Peera2;e,  and  Kinir  Charles, 
the  victim  of  the  Puritan  rebels,  gave  him  a  seat  in  the 
English  House  of  Lords.  Some  of  Lord  Herbert's  writings 
prove  that  he  had  a  leaning  to  "  free-thinking  "  principles. 
Herbert  gives  an  interesting  account  of  his  first  interview 
with  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  much  admired  his  tall  handsome 
person,  and  gracious  manners. 


Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  vii.  pp.  70-71. 


286  Conflicting  Authorities. 


I  now  enter  upon  a  brief  narrative  of  the  most  important 
personage  who  wrote  upon  the  "  Kise  and  Progress  of  the 
English  Keformation." 

Gilbert  Burnet  was  born  on  the  18th  of  September,  1643, 
at  Edinburgh,  of  an  ancient  and  respectable  family,  in  the 
county  of  Aberdeen,  and  was  brought  up  in  the  midst  of  the 
rude  tumult  of  Scottish  political  parties  without  prematurely 
engaging  with,  or  hastily  plunging  into,  any  mass  of  faction, 
then  so  inconsiderate  and  so  prej  adiced.  His  father,  a  learned 
jurisconsult,  was  a  sincere  and  moderate  Royalist ;  his  mother 
a  Presbyterian,  whose  zeal  had  been  fired  by  the  Episcopalian 
mistake  (in  Scotland,  at  least)  of  Charles  the  First,  and  Lord 
Waristoun,  his  uncle,  was  one  of  the  most  vehement  opponents 
of  the  aforesaid  Charles  Stuart.  Grilbert  Burnet  thus  learned 
from  his  infancy  what  the  Grerman  philosopher  has  designated 
*'  vielseitikeit,"  or  many-sidedness — to  understand  the  language 
and  perhaps  also  at  different  times  to  sympathise  with  the 
aims  and  sentiments  of  the  most  opposite  parties* 

In  fact  "  interest,  not  principle,"  was  the  prevalent  feeling 
of  the  future  Historian  ;  that  he  was  true  to  Protestantism,  in 
the  abstract,  as  opposed  to  the  Papacy,  there  is  no  doubt, 
because  his  inborn  sympathies  and  prejudices  were  all  utilisable 
for  that  end.  "  As  I  had  been,"  he  says  of  himself,  "  bred  up 
by  my  father  to  love  liberty  and  moderation,  so  I  spent  the 
greatest  part  of  the  year  1664  in  Holland  and  France,  which 
contributed  not  a  little  to  root  and  fix  me  in  those  principles. 
I  saw  much  peace  and  quiet  in  Holland,  notwithstanding  the 
diversity  of  opinions  amongst  them,  which  was  occasioned  by 
the  gentleness  of  the  G-overnment,  and  the  toleration  that 
made  all  people  easy  and  happy."f 


*  M,  Guizot  "  On  the  Men  of  the  English  Hevolution." 
\  Burnet's  History  of  his  Own  Time,  vol.  i.  p.  207,  folio  edition. 


Coitflicting  Authorities.  287 

Of  Burnet's  abilities,  industry,  and  extensive  knowledge, 
there  is  no  question.  In  private  life  he  is  described  as 
temperate,  moral,  friendly,  and  hospitable.  He  seemed  no 
bigot  in  religion,  because  the  "  sentiment "  lightly  affected 
him,  and  was  for  some  time  much  esteemed  by  Catholics  at 
home  and  abroad,  for  priests,  and  even  Jesuits,  so  much  denounced 
in  England  at  the  time,  were  amongst  his  guests.  When  his 
interests,  however,  became  concerned,  a  sudden  revolution 
occurred  in  his  observance,  and  his  house  knew  such  guests  no 
more. 

But  to  the  question  at  issue.  Dr.  Burnet's  "  History  of  his 
Own  Times  "  has  been  denounced  by  some  of  the  ablest  literary 
men  of  the  last  century  as  "  a  mass  of  questionable  gossip." 
In  every  shape  questionable — in  the  writer  and  in  the  state- 
ments. Swift,  Arbuthnot,  and  Pope  condemned  it  as  a  work 
of  art,  and  estimated  it  at  the  very  lowest  value  as  a  record. 
Dr.  Johnson,  who  was  wont  to  scan  men  and  motives  with  the 
comprehensive  eye  of  a  philosopher,  sarcastically  remarked  of 
Burnet  that  "  He  was  a  man  who  set  his  watch  by  a  certain 
clock,  and  did  not  care  whether  that  clock  were  right  or 
wrong."  If  this  saying  of  the  learned  doctor  be  analysed  with 
a  little  thought,  the  reader  can  limn  on  the  mental  canvas  a 
life-long  portrait  of  Burnet.  Horace  Walpole,  born  and  reared 
in  the  atmosphere  of  Court  intrigue  and  corruption — himself 
the  incarnation  of  political  dishonour — is  the  only  man  of 
literary  note  in  the  last  age  who  wrote  approvingly  of 
Burnet. 

The  diaries  and  journals  kept  by  several  of  Burnet's  con- 
temporaries— men,  too,  who  practised  his  own  tactics — are 
frequently  found  at  issue  with  most  of  his  statements.  Sir 
John  Dalrymple,  a  high  Protestant  authority,  in  his  memoirs 
says,  "  I  have  never  tried  Burnet's  facts  by  the  tests  of  dates 


288  Conflicting  Authorities. 

and  orio-inal  papers,  without  finding  them  wrong."  Henry 
Wharton,  in  his  "Specimens  of  Some  Errors  and  Defects'' 
(printed  1693),  questions,  in  no  sparing  mode,  the  veracity  of 
Burnet.  Bevil  Higgon's  "  Historical  and  Critical  Remarks" 
set  on  Burnet's  "  History  of  his  Own  Times  "  the  seal  of  con- 
demnation ;  but  this  fact  is  merely  worth  mentioning  now  on 
account  of  the  carelessness  with  which  some  otherwise  pains- 
taking historians  have  since  then  adopted  the  statements  of  a 
most  untrustworthy  record. 

As  to  Burnet's  "History  of  the  Reformation,"  the  first  part 
of  which  was  published  in  1681-2,  it  was  printed  for  the 
political  market,  whereat  was  to  be  slain  the  right  undoubted 
of  James,  Duke  of  York,  to  the  throne  of  his  brother  Charles, 
It  was  an  improved  supplement  to  the  conspiracies  of  Messrs. 
Gates,  Bedloe,  and  Dangerfield  ;  and  was  successful  from  the 
advertised  integrity  of  the  writer,  as  well  as  from  the 
singularity  of  its  aptitude.  The  second  part  of  Burnet's 
"  Reformation "  was  not  published  until  thirty-three  years 
after  the  first  portion  (1715).  Heaven  knows  how  many 
changes  of  thought  passed  in  the  interval — cloudlike,  bright,  or 
dark — over  a  mind  so  ductile  to  "  circumstances."  The  second 
edition  was  issued  in  hot  haste,  after  the  disastrous  effort  of 
the  first  "  Pretender,"  when  the  noblest  families  of  the  north 
of  England  were  in  mourning  at  the  feet  of  still  reeking 
gibbets,  and  manhood  stood  appalled  at  the  spectacle  of  "  law." 
The  first  edition  was  dedicatejl  to  King  Charles,  as  the  second 
was    to    Georsre   the   First.*     It   is  rather  strange  to  find  an 


*  Burnet  himself  published  an  abridgment  of  the  first  two  volumes  of 
his  *'  Reformation  "  in  1682.  There  are  three  French  translations  of  it,  one 
published  at  London  in  1683  and  ]  685,  in  two  volumes,  quarto  ;  another  at 
Geneva  in  1685,  in  four  volumes,  12mo.  ;  a  third  at  Amsterdam  in  1687. 
There  is  also  a  Latin  translation  of  it  by  Mithelhager,  in  folio,  Geneva, 


Conflicting  Authorities.  289 

apologist  for  Burnet  in  Dr.  Lingard,  who  states  that  William 
Thomas,  author  of  "  II  Pelerino  Inglese,"  led  Burnet  "  into  a 
multitude  of  errors."  Dr.  Lingard  seems  not  to  have  known 
that  many  of  Burnet's  best  read  contemporaries  denied  the 
accuracy  of  William  Thomas  as  an  historian,  and  Burnet  was 
well  aware  of  the  disbelief  entertained  of  his  trustworthiness, 
for  he  advised  with  many  learned  men  as  to  the  credibility  of 
his  authorities.  In  fact,  Burnet  wrote  a  book  for  a  political 
object;  and,  like  too  many  others,  subordinated  facts  to 
party.  Camden  has  left  on  record  an  honest  text  for  the 
student  of  history — "  I  have  made  it  a  rule  to  assert  nothing 
upon  hearsay." 

The  "  History  of  his  Own  Times  " — not  written  by  himself — 
will  provide  the  reader  of  Burnet  with  far  more  than  sufficient 
evidence  of  the  man's  unfitness  to  write  a  credible  history  of  the 
Eeformation,  or  of  any  other  epoch.  After  the  many  schemes 
concocted  by  the  Ministry  of  Charles  the  Second  to  put  away, 
or  to  do  away,  with  the  outraged  and  virtuous  Queen  Catharine 
of  Braganza  had  failed.  Dr.  Burnet,  then  one  of  the  Royal 
chaplains,  published  two  papers,  or  cases,  in  which  he  set  forth 
the  Queen's  barrenness  as  a  good  cause  for  divorce.  These 
papers  affected  to  place  the  delicate  question  in  a  "  religious 
point  of  view."  They  were  designated,  "  Solutions  of  Con- 
science :  one  touching  on  Polygamy,  the  other  Divorce  :  and 
what  Scripture  allows  in  both  Cases."  Here  the  Eoyal 
chaplain  hesitated  not  to  recur  to  matters  which  preceded 
the  Mosaic  dispensation  ;  and  sought  to  renew  the  tenets  of  a 
Hebrew  economy,  which  the  maturer  moral  intelligence  of  the 
Jews  had  in  greatest  part  eschewed  before  the  coming  of  the 


1686.  All  these  editions  had  a  large  sale,  and  made  an  immense  impression 
upon  the  Protestant  mind  of  Europe.  The  Catholic  party  did  little  in  the 
"way  of  reply." 

VOL.   IV.  U 


290  Conflicting  Aiithorities. 

Eedeemer.  "  It  is  needless,"  writes  Miss  Strickland,  with  the 
natural  indignation  of  a  virtuous  mind,  "to  comment  on  the 
base  hypocrisy  of  affecting  to  search  the  Scripture  for  an  excuse 
of  vice.  These  political  shafts  were  aimed  at  the  innocent 
Queen,  at  the  suggestion,  it  is  presumed,  of  Buckingham  and 
Lauderdale.  It  was  expected  that  they  would  have  obtained 
the  reward  of  a  rich  bishopric  for  the  writer  ;  but  Charles 
despised  both  the  adviser  and  the  advice,  and  when  Grilbert 
Burnet,  some  years  subsequently,  having  joined  the  opponents 
of  the  Court,  in  consequence  of  his  being  deprived  of  his  office 
in  the  Chapel  Royal,  wrote  a  remonstrance  to  the  King  on 
his  immoral  way  of  life,  Charles  treated  him  with  the  most 
cutting  contempt."* 

If  Satan  had  reproved  Charles,  the  Eoyal  sinner  might  have 
accepted  the  reproof  with  civility.  But  the  "  Merrie  Monarch  " 
had  chivalry  enough  to  scorn  the  human  foe  of  his 
spotless  wife. 

Time  rolled  on  :  the  daughters  of  the  Duke  of  York  were 
married.  Burnet  worked  darkly  and  effectively;  inciting  and 
eonfirraing  the  English  Tullia  in  her  parricidal  ambition. 
When  the  goal  was  won,  and  William  and  Mary  were  en- 
throned at  Whitehall,  and  the  King  and  father  was  a  fugitive, 
the  new-made  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  the  betrayer  and  slanderer  of 
the  fallen  monarch,  in  his  sermon  at  the  coronation  of  the 
daughter,  had  the  unspeakable  effrontery  in  a  few  days  after  to 
admonish  Queen  Mary  for  the  "indecent  and  unfeeling  manner  in 
which  she  had  acted  towards  her  father,"  declaring  "  that  the 
people  thought  very  ill  of  her  for  so  doing."  The  power  of 
hypocrisy  could  no  further  go,  and  he  must  truly  have 
counted  much   on  his  remorseful  listener's  forbearance.     The 


*  Miss  Strickland's  Queens  of  England,  2nd  edit.,  vol.  v.  p.  588. 


Conflicting  Authorities.  291 

reader  who  does  not  yet  know  what  manner  of  man  was 
Burnet,  and  is  inclined  to  still  believe  in  his  honesty  as  a 
writer,  may  consult  the  documents  in  reference  to  Catharine 
of  Braganza,  published  in  the  appendix  to  "  Mackey's  Court 
of  Grreat  Britain  ;"  documents  which  Mackey,  a  personal 
friend  of  Burnet,  and  a  witness  to  his  will,  states  to  be  in 
Burnet's  own  handwriting.  The  documents  are  not  to  be 
found  in  Burnet's  works,  from  which  his  son  extruded  them, 
doubtless  on  account  of  their  character — so  damawinsr,  not  to 
the  reputation  of  his  father,  for  that  would  be  impossible,  but  to 
the  repute  ofgliis  family.  Or  had  the  son  suppressed,  because 
the  facile  father  had  retracted  in  obedience  to  the  dicta  of  a 
higher  power  ? 

Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  his  compilation,  "  The  Life  and  Works 
of  Dryden,"  has  bequeathed  an  opinion  of  the  versatile  and 
astute  bishop  in  his  notes  to  "  Glorious  John's  "  nearly  last 
work,  "  The  Hind  and  the  Panther."  Sir  Walter  writes, 
"  Burnet's  opinions  were  often  hastily  adopted,  and  of  course 
sometimes  awkwardly  retracted,  and  his  patrons  were 
frequently  changed.  Thus  he  vindicated  the  legality  of 
divorce  for  barrenness  on  the  part  of  the  wife,  and  even  that 
of  polygamy,  in  his  solution  of  two  important  '  Cases  of  Con- 
science.' " 

These  were  intended  to  pave  the  way  for  Charles  divorcing 
his  wife  Catharine,  to  enable  him  to  marry  another,  and  so 
raising  a  family  to  succeed  him  instead  of  the  Duke  of  York. 
Burnet's  address  in  attaching  himself  for  a  time  to  almost 
every  leading  character  whom  he  had  an  opportunity  of  ap- 
proaching gives  us  room  to  suspect  that  if  he  did  not  change 
his  opinions,  he  had  at  least  the  art  of  disguising  sucli 
as  could  not  be  accommodated  to  those  of  his  immediate 
patrons.     When  King  James  demanded  that  Burnet  should  be 

u  2 


292  Conflicting  Authorities. 


delivered    up    by   the    States,  lie   threatened    in    return  to 
justify  himself  by  giving  an  account    of  the  share  he  had  in 
affairs  for  twenty  years  past  ;  in  which  he  intimated  he  might 
be  driven  to  mention  some  particulars  which  would  displease 
the  English  Monarch.  This  threat,  as  he  had  enjoyed  a  consider- 
able share  of  his  confidence  when  Duke  of  York,  may  seem, 
in    some  degree,  to  justify  Dry  den's  charge   against  him  of 
availing  himself  of  past  confidence  to  criminate  former  patrons. 
It  is  remarkable  also  that  even  while  he  was  in  the  secret  of 
all  the  intrigues  of  the  Eevolution,  and  must  have  considered 
it  as  a  proximate  event,  he  continued  to  assert  the  doctrine  of 
Passive  Obedience,  and  in  his  letter  to  Middleton,  in  vindica- 
tion of  his  conduct  against  the  charge  of  high  treason,  there  is 
an  efifusion  of  seeming  loyalty  to  the  reigning  monarch. 

Wlien  'the  Commons,  in  1675,  had  resolved  to  overthrow 
the  power  of  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale,    they  were  aware  that 
Burnet  "  was  very  much  in  his  confidence,"  and  could  reveal 
many    startling    schemes    of    that   nobleman.     He   was   ac- 
cordingly summoned  to  give  evidence  "  against  his  patron." 
He  modestly  hesitated,  but  soon  complied  with  the  demand, 
"  although  he  might  have  retired  from  the  kingdom  for  awhile 
to  avoid  doing  so."     In   his  defence  of  this  transaction.   Dr. 
Burnet   says  : — "  I   was   much  blamed  for  what  I  had  done. 
The  thing  had  an  ill  appearance,  as  the  dis- 
closing of  what  had  passed  in  confidence ;  though  I  make  it  a 
great  question  how  far  even  jthat  ought  to  bind  a  man  when 
the  designs  are  very  wicked,  and  the  person  still  continued  in 
the  same  office  and  capacity  of  executing  them."* 


*  In  the  Notes  to  Sir  Walter  Scott's  "  Life  of  Dryden  "  (vol.  ix.)  the 
reader  will  find  a  narrative  as  to  the  circumstance  under  ■which  Dr.  Burnet 
betrayed  the  secrets  of  his  patron,  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale,  to  the  House  of 
Commons   in   1675.     The   Journals  of  the  Commons  and  several  contem- 


Conflicting  Authorities.  293 

Myriads  of  English-reading  people  imagine  that  Burnet 
was,  as  he  has  been  designated  by  many,  "  the  good  bishop," 
the  "  honest  prelate,"  and  would  not  credit  that  he  wrote  the 
infamous  "  Solution  of  Conscience,"  as  well  as  the  equally 
worthy  "  Keformation  "  and  "  History  of  My  Own  Times." 
Mackey,  his  friend,  saw  the  copy  of  the  first  pamphlet  in  his 
handwriting;  and  the  other  works  do  as  little  honour  to 
Burnet's  veracity  as  the  pamphlets  redound  to  the  credit  of 
his  manhood.  Of  the  latter  documents  I  take  leave  with  Miss 
Strickland,  a  historian  the  most  reliable,  honourable,  pains-' 
taking,  and  conscientious.  After  describing  Burnet  as  a 
"  notoriously  false  witness,"  Miss  Strickland  endorses 
Mackey 's  opinion  of  these  pamphlets  :  "  There  cannot  be  a 
doubt  of  their  being  genuine  ;  and  even  his  (Burnet's) 
peculiar  style  stamps  them  as  his  own,  without  any  trouble  of 
attestation." 

The  portrait  drawn  by  M.  Gruizot  is  worthy  of  some  con- 
sideration in  this  case.  "Dr.  Burnet,"  he  says,  "appears 
fickle,  restless,  awkward,  indiscreet,  continually  meddling  in 
intrigues,  at  one  time  with  the  popular  party,  at  another 
time  with  the  Court ;  familiarhj  connected  with  men  on  whose 
conduct  lie  bestotvs  the  greatest  hlame ;  keeping  up,  in  order  to 
gratify  his  vanity,  relationships  the  most  opposed  to  his  con- 
victions :  inconsiderate  in  his  movements  and  in  his  language  : 
setting  no  bounds  to  his  activity,  which  is  often  without  an 
aim,  and  of  a  character  as  little  becoming  the  superiority  of 
his  mind  as  the  dignity  of  his  position."* 


porary  pamphlets  reveal  some  unpleasant  matters  as  to  the  "  continued 
intrigues  and  deception  "  practised  by  Burnet  upon  his  political  supporters 
and  friends.    Miss  Strickland  has  likewise  chronicled  minute  particulars  of 
the  part  enacted  against  James  the  Second  and  his  family  by  Burnet. 
*  M.  Guizot's  Essays  "  On  the  Men  of  the  English  Ee volution,"  p.  158. 


294  Conflicting  AtUhorities. 


M.  Gruizot  next  notices  Burnet's  "  Eeformation  "  witK  brief 
and  critical  nicety.  The  great  Calvinist  statesman  continues  : 
— "  It  is  a  work  which  abounds  with  ingenious  remarks, 
elaborate  research,  and  eloquent  passages  ;  we  must  even 
admit  that,  taken  as  a  whole,  and  in  the  general  aspect  of  the 
facts  which  it  presents,  the  author  has  the  mastery  over  his 
opponents ;  but,  notwithstanding  all  this,  it  is  the  work  of  a 
partisan  full  of  narrow  views,  partial  statements,  biassed 
opinions,  and  which,  in  spite  of  its  prodigious  success,  does 
not  noio  deserve  the  esteem  either  of  the  philosopJier  or  of  the 
historian.''^ 

There  is  no  truth,  alas  !  so  indisputable  as  that  men  are  not 
to  be  judged  by  their  writings.  Rather  should  the  value  of 
their  writings  be  estimated  by  the  quality  of  their  actions. 
Look  at  the  actions  of  Burnet,  and  then  weigh  the  worth  of 
his  allegations — the  extent  of  his  trustworthiness.  Here  was  he 
the  friend  and  enemy  of  the  high-minded  Clarendon  and  his 
family — just  as  "  fortune  smiled  or  frowned  upon  them  ;  "  the 
political  agent  and  spy  of  Shaftesbury,  of  Lauderdale,  of  Danby, 
of  Buckingham,  of  Tenison  :  whilst  at  the  same  time,  "  under 
personal  obligations  "  to  the  Duke  of  York ;  and  his  wife  *  the 
co-conspirator  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Princesses 
Mary  and  Anne ;  and,  later  still,  the  secret  correspondent  of 
Lord  Sunderland,  the  basest  of  the  base  men  of  his  age.  Surely 
a  history  of  the  Eeformation  by  such  a  man  cannot  be  received 
without  grave  suspicions  of  the  motives  which  influenced  its 
author.     He  had  great   interests  to  subserve — his  own  and 


*  In  Burnet's  "  History  of  My  Own  Times,"  he  speaks  highly  of  the 
Duchess  of  York.  "Anne,  Duchess  of  York,"  he  observes,  "was  a  very 
extraordinary  woman.  .  .  .  She  wrote  well,  and  had  begun  the  Duke's 
life,  of  which  she  had  nearly  completed  one  volume." 


Conflicting  AntJiorities.  295 

others.  How  could  a  history,  in  which  politics  and 
religion  are  so  closely  blended,  written  by  such  a  man,  be  un- 
hesitatingly accepted  ?  See  the  history — behold  the  man — a 
prelate  the  most  time-serving  that  ever  shamed  a  mitre — a 
man  who,  it  could  scarcely  be  reckoned  unfair  to  say,  never 
performed  an  action  without  an  interested  motive,  nor  wrote  a 
line  without  some  indirect,  if  not  proximate,  regard  to  his 
ever  -  present  "  self."  Yet,  on  the  foundation  laid  by  this 
sadly  time-serving  ecclesiastic,  more  than  one  of  our  noted 
writers  have  raised  their  historical  structures,* 

The  sad  narratives  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  which  involve 
so  many  contradictions,  is  an  illustration  of  the  extent  to  which 
literary  dealers  have  carried  on  a  misleading  and  lucrative 
trade  for  personal  gain  or  from  party  prejudice. 

"  It  is  a  striking  proof,"  writes  Mr.  Hosack,  "  of  the  care- 
lessness (a  mild  form  of  speech)  with  which  history  is  written, 
that  not  one  of  the  authors  who  have  adopted  the  slanders  of 
Greorge  Buchanan  against  the  Queen  of  Scots  has  taken  the 
trouble  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  those  falsehoods  were 
confirmed  by  any  contemporary  evidence.  Had  they  done  so, 
they  would  have  found  that  none  such  exists,"! 

The  Koyal  Camden  Historical  Society  have  rendered  valua- 
ble service  to  the  investigation  of  the  History  of  the  Past. 


*  Dr.  Burnet  died  in  1715,  and  was  buried  in  the  old  church  of  St. 
James's,  Clerkenwell.  In  1788,  the  bishop's  corpse  was  found  in  a  leaden 
coffin,  which  had  become  much  decayed ;  the  skull  and  some  of  the  hair 
were  visible. 

t  Mary  Stuart  and  her  Accusers,  p.  169. 


206  The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers. 

Jfe ^ 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE   VICISSITUDES   OF    STATE   PAPERS. 

The  students  of  history  are  largely  indebted  to  the  late  Lord 
Eomilly,  who,  in  his  official  capacity  of  Master  of  the  Rolls, 
did  so  much  to  promote  the  calendaring  of  State  Papers,  and 
thereby  preparing  genuine  material  for  History.  Mr,  Rawdon 
Brown  has  rendered  valuable  service  amongst  the  State  Papers 
of  Venice ;  Mr.  Kirk  has  been  his  assistant  in  that  arduous, 
yet  pleasing  labour,  and  has  discharged  his  duty  in  a  manner 
that  elicits  the  praise  of  many  distinguished  Continental 
writers. 

The  manuscripts  distinguished  by  the  title,  "Talbot  Papers," 
were  extracted  from  fifteen  volumes,  which  are  preserved  in 
the  library  of  the  College  of  Arms,  to  which  they  were  given, 
with  many  other  valuable  documents,  by  the  "  Most  Noble 
Henry,  sixth  Duke  of  Norfolk."  They  contain  upwards  of 
six  thousand  original  letters,  to,  or  from,  the  fourth,  fifth, 
sixth,  and  seventh  Earls  of  Shrewsbury. 

Amongst  the  Venetian  State  Papers  are  forty  letters  written 
on  parchment,  addressed  by  English  Kings  to  various  Popes  ; 
they  bear  dates  from  1476  to  1506,  and  are  authenticated  by 
the  original  signatures  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  Richard  the 
Third,  and  Henry  the  Seventh.  The  latter  Sovereign  was  a 
constant  correspondent  of  the  Pontiff — a  fact  which  much 
annoyed  that  jealous-minded  woman,  Queen  Isabel,  of  Castile. 


The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers.  297 

"  For  the  general  reader,"  writes  the  Kalendarer  of  the 
Venetian  State  Papers,  "  perhaps  the  greatest  charm  of 
original  documents  is  that  they  present  the  actors  in  all  the 
reality  of  life,  and  not  as  puppets  drawn  before  the  eye  in  the 
plausible  and  measured  narrative  of  the  historian.  For  the 
merits  of  graphic  description  and  truthfulness  the  Venetian 
State  Papers  are  conspicuous."*  The  correspondence  of  the 
Ambassador  is  marked  by  a  confidence  in  the  sympathy  of  the 
reader,  which  is  very  rare  in  State  Papers — even  of  an  early 
date.  There  is  apparent  an  anxiety  to  report  everything,  just 
as  it  was  said,  and  to  describe  men  and  women  as  they 
appeared,  without  drawing  any  inferences  one  way  or  the 
other. 

The  accumulation  of  MSS.  in  the  archives  of  Venice  is 
enormous  ;  and  its  arrangement  shows  how  admirably  every 
department  of  Grovernment  was  conducted.  Cadovin  estimates 
*'  the  bundles  and  volumes  at  something  near  twelve  millions," 
a  number  which  the  librarian  adds  will  not  appear  incredible, 
when  it  is  considered  that  the  shelves  occupy  the  whole  of 
the  space  from  floor  to  ceiling  ;  that  the  book-cases  run  to  the 
extent  of  17,438  feet,  and  that  the  volumes  are  arranged  in 
double  rows,  and  so  packed  as  to  economise  space  to  the 
utmost.  This  vast  magazine  of  universal  history  has  been 
arranged  with  care  for  the  facility  of  reference,  according  to 
the  character  of  its  contents,  and,  with  certain  restrictions, 
is  thrown  open  to  the  research  of  the  student  of  history.  The 
Marcian  Library  is  not  the  only  depository  of  diplomatic  and 
official  documents  in  Venice.  Many  State  Papers,  the  originals 
or  counterfoils  of  which  we  shall  vainly  seek  at  the  "  Frari," 


♦  Venetian  State  Papers  in  Kelation  to  England,  Edited  by  Eawdon 
Brown. 


298  The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers. 

are  now  to  be  found  in  the  Biblioteca  Marciana,  or  library  of 
S.  Marc.  This  latter  institution  dates  its  origin  from  the  10th 
September,  1362,  and  has  an  especial  right  to  its  name,  for  on 
that  day  the  Grand  Council  passed  a  decree  to  accept  the  offer 
of  the  "  Poet  and  Philosopher,  Francis  Petrarch,  who,  in 
consideration  of  a  dwelling  house  to  be  provided  for  himself  for 
the  rest  of  his  life,  proposed  to  leave  his  books  to  the  blessed 
S.  Mark  the  Evangelist,  '■si  Christo  et  sihi  sit  'placitumy 
The  library  thus  commenced,  though  now  but  few  of  Petrarch's 
books  or  MSS.  are  to  be  found  there,  was  always  an  object  of 
special  care  to  the  Signory.  The  librarians  have  been  chosen 
for  their  talents  and  learning.  The  office  was  twice  filled  by 
Scotchmen — John  Dempster  in  the  middle  of  the  16th,  and  the 
Abbe  Leith  at  the  close  of  the  17th  century.  The  Cardinal 
Bessarian  bequeathed  his  library  to  S.  Marc,  and  this  event  is 
connected  with  English  antiquities  by  a  correspondence,  which 
is  still  preserved,  between  the  Signory  and  Wolsey,  who 
desired  to  obtain  copies  of  the  Cardinal's  MSS.  for  his  own 
new  college  of  Christ  Church.  Since  those  byegone  times  the 
collection  has  been  enriched  from  various  sources,  and  at  the 
present  day  yields  to  few  of  the  most  important  libraries  of 
Europe  in  the  number  and  value  of  its  MSS. 

The  first  formation  of  the  Venetian  archives  commenced 
in  very  early  times.  The  nine  volumes  of  the  "  Pactus," 
which  contain  the  earHest  existing  State  Papers  of  the  Kepub- 
lie,  are  only  copies,  though  of  very  ancient  date,  and  of  perfect 
authenticity.  The  work  of  transcription  was  begun  in  the 
14th  and  completed  in  the  15th  century.  The  originals  have 
since  perished  by  fire,  a  fate  which  has  befallen  many  of 
the  most  valuable  MSS.  at  S.  Marc's.  The  two  earliest 
documents   preserved  are,   a   transcript    of    the    proceedings 

the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  481,  and  a  diploma  dated 


The    Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers.  299 

in  the  year  883,  by  which  the  Emperor  (Charles  le  Gros) 
determined  the  limits  of  the  j  urisdiction  of  Venice,  confirmed 
her  tenure  of  territory  on  the  main  land,  and  renewed  the 
privileges  of  the  Church  of  S.  Mark.*  Of  the  10th  century 
there  remain  but  few  MSS.  ;  they  are  on  parchment.  The 
most  ancient  character  employed  is  the  Gothic,  with  some 
uncial  capitals.  The  next  in  antiquity  is  that  which  is  called 
by  the  Italian  archaeologists  the  "minuscolo  antico,"  then 
follows  the  "  minuscolo  regolare,"  both  of  which,  in  their 
general  aspect,  resemble  the  writing  of  coeval  MSS.  in  the 
English  Eecord  Office  with  a  clerk  to  write  out  the  narrative.f 
On  the  24th  of  July,  1296,  the  Ambassadors  having  apparently 
reported  of  late  years  solely  to  the  Doge  and  his  Council,  it 
was  further  commanded  by  the  Grand  Council  that  the  reports 
should  be  delivered  in  the  Council  by  which  the  Ambassador 
had  been  appointed.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  famous 
Venetian  Keports.  By  degrees  it  became  the  custom  to  add  a 
geographical  description  of  the  country,  its  climate,  products 
and  manufactures,  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  people, 
their  manners,  laws,  and  customs ;  the  monarch  and  his 
ministers,  the  personal  appearance  and  dress  of  the  various 
grades  of  society.  These  reports  were  made  by  men  of  great 
ability,  observant  and  critical  on  every  matter  they  related. 
Micquefort  holds  up  the  political  agents  of  Venice  as  models  of 
diplomatists,  and  Lord  Chesterfield  advises  his  son,  in  whatever 
Court  he  resides,  to  cultivate  by  all  means  the  society  and  friend- 
ship of  the  Venetian  Ambassador.  "  It  is  not  wonderful,"  writes 
Kawdon  Brown,  "  that  the  reports  of  the  Venetian  Ambas- 


*  Le  Chev.  de  Mas  Latrie,  Libri  Patrorum. 
t  Journal  of   the   Grand   Council ;    Eawdon   Brown's    Venetian   State 
Papers. 


300  The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers. 

sadors,  when  they  were  subsequently  published  in  various  forms, 
were  eagerly  sought  after." 

The  Venetian  ofEciai  papers  are  nearly  all  carefully  dated, 
and  thus  the  student  of  history  is  spared  a  vast  amount  of 
labour. 

Of  the  "  advices,  or  news  letters,"  the  most  interesting  to 
the  student  of  Enghsh  history  are  those  forwarded  by  the 
Venetian  Ambassadors  in  France  ;  they  are  in  number  239 — 
all  with  the  date  of  London,  and  ranging  from  the  21st  of 
June,  1645,  to  the  16th  of  May,  1652.  Very  early  in  the 
history  of  Venetian  diplomacy  (December,  1268)  the  Grrand 
Council  decreed  that  all  Ambassadors  on  their  return  should 
report  their  diplomatic  proceedings ;  the  Signore  being  bound 
to  supply  them.  The  reports  in  question  were  published  con- 
trary to  the  wishes  of  the  Venetian  Grovernment,  and  were 
given,  it  is  said,  in  an  incorrect  form  ;  but  nevertheless,  they 
contained  a  vast  amount  of  information  respecting  the  Tudor 
dynasty,  and  the  social  life  of  the  English  people. 

With  the  political  fall  of  Venice  came  a  number  of  disasters 
to  the  time-honoured  library  of  S.  Marc.  It  is  yet,  however, 
in  its  mute  position  ;  sad,  lonely,  and  grand  ;  still  in  the 
spring,  summer,  and  autumn,  as  if  in  life  ;  still  contemplating 
the  shade  of  Petrarch  and  liis  Laura. 

Like  the  men  and  women  of  whom  the  State  Papers  treat 
those  precious  documents  have  met  with  reverses,  and  oc- 
casionally fell  into  the  hands  of  rude  and  savage  people.  In  the 
"  peasant  rebellion,"  which  followed  the  death  of  Ferdinand, 
a  number  of  State  Papers  were  destroyed  by  the  rebels,  who 
imagined  that  by  the  destruction  of  such  documents,  they  would 
be  released  from  rent  and  taxes.  One  of  the  first  acts  of 
Charles  the  Fifth,  after  he  had  re-established  order  in  Spain, 
was  to  collect  all  such  papers  as  had  escaped  the  flames  pre- 


The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers.  301 

pared  for  them ;  he  selected  the  Castle  of  Simancas  as  the 
general  depository  of  Castilian  State  Papers.  The  work  thus 
begun  by  his  father  was  continued  by  Philip  the  Second,  as  a 
duty  incumbent  upon  him.  He  directed  his  energies  so  suc- 
cessfully to  the  undertaking,  and  the  regulations  he  made  for  the 
preservation  of  the  papers  were  so  complete,  that  he  is 
generally  looked  upon  as  the  founder  of  the  archives.  Not 
content  with  placing  the  papers  in  order,  and  preserving  them 
i'rom  dust  and  insects,  he  endeavoured  to  make  the  collection 
as  full  and  as  valuable  as  possible.  In  the  year  1562 
Philip  sent  Juan  Bergosa  to  Eome  for  the  purpose  of  col- 
lecting or  copying  all  such  papers  as  could  be  found  in  Italy 
which  had  relation  to  himself,  to  his  father,  to  his  dominions, 
or  to  the  world  in  general,  and  the  decay  of  which  would 
prove  an  irreparable  loss  to  posterity."*  In  1567,  King 
Philip  commissioned  Yurita,  the  learned  historian  of  Aragon, 
to  make  a  new  search  for  "lost  State  Papers."  Philip  was  most 
liberal  in  rewarding  those  whom  he  engaged  in  any  literary 
researches.  Painters,  architects,  and  musicians  were  his 
especial  favourites.  I  shall  refer  to  Philip  and  the  artists  in 
another  chapter. 

King  Philip  gave  liberal  and  enlightened  reasons  for  pre- 
serving State  Papers  and  historical  documents,  when  he  wrote 
thus  to  the  Duke  de  Feria : — 

"  In  many  cases  historians  know  little  of  the  transactions  or  the 
characters  of  whom  they  speak  ;  they  have  rarely  met  with  State 
Papers  to  guide  or  direct  them  in  any  manner ;  and  their  informa- 
tion very  often  comes  from  dishonest  sources,  tinged  by  party  or 
sectarian  feeling.      This  is  not  a  fair  mode  of  loriting  history.      I 


*  Libros  de  Bergosa,  vol.  xi. 


302  The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers. 


shall   gather  up  all  the   State  Papers  I    can  obtain  and  preserve 
them  at  Simancas."* 

Philip  guarded  the  State  Papers  with  a  jealous  eye,  and  few, 
if  any,  foreigners  were  permitted  to  make  copies  at  the  Castle 
of  Simancas.  It  was  not  till  1844  that  M.  Gaslards,  com- 
missioner of  the  Belgian  Grovernment,  and  M.  Tiran,  deputed 
by  France,  were  first  admitted  in  the  quality  of  literary 
calendarers  within  the  precincts  of  the  Castle  of  Simancas. 
Through  some  clerical  influence,  a  friend  of  Dr.  Lingard 
obtained  some  information  a  few  years  previously. 
Perhaps  Mr.  Froude  was  the  first  English  writer  who  ever 
entered  the  archives  of  Simancas.  His  translations  are  those 
of  a  distinguished  scholar ;  admirable  and  faultless.  In  this 
case  alone  Mr.  Froude  has  rendered  most  important  service  in 
the  diffusion  of  History. 

There  are  a  vast  number  of  English  State  Papers  still  at 
Simancas.  The  oldest  record  preserved  at  this  fortress  is  a 
kind  of  "  Land  Book  "  of  Peter  the  Cruel.  In  form  and 
contents,  it  is  similar  to  our  Norman  Domesday  Book,  only 
that  it  enters  more  minutely  into  details. 

The  number  of  MS.  records  at  present  in  Simancas 
amounts  to  nearly  ten  millions.  The  style  of  writing  is  good, 
and  the  arrangements  made  by  the  monks,  who  were  in 
charge  of  the  place,  most  admirable. 

Amongst  the  State  Papers  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  reign  at 
Simancas  are  a  number  of  Jetters  in  the  handwriting  of 
Katharine  of  Arragon  ;  those  documents  are  written  in  a  clear 
and  decided  style.  Too  great  confidence  in  men,  or  their 
promises,  was  a  weakness  the  Princess  rarely  indulged  in.  Yet, 
for  a  time,  she  was  sadly  deceived. 


*  Libros  de  Bergosa  ;  Bergenroth's  Spanish  State  Papers. 


The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers.  303 

In  the  Simancas  collections  of  MSS,  are  to  be  found  several 
papers  bearing  upon  the  history  of  Perkin  Warbeck.  In 
those  documents  he  is  styled  "  the  Duke  of  York."  One  letter 
purporting  to  have  been  a  love  missive,  written  by  this 
mysterious  young  man  to  Lady  Catharine  Gordon,  shows  that, 
as  regards  refinement  and  chivalrous  feeling,  the  supposed  son 
of  Edward  the  Fourth  had  few,  if  any,  equals  among  the 
nobles  and  princes  of  his  time.  Judging  from  the  State 
Papers  of  Simancas,  Barcelona,  and  Vienna,  the  story  of  this 
once  popular  Pretender  remains  a  mystery  to  the  present  day. 
He  was  highly  educated.  A\^iere — or  by  what  means — did  he 
accomplish  that  education  ?  That  is  another  mystery  which 
cannot  be  traced.  This  "  young  man  of  mystery "  corres- 
ponded with  another  Scotch  lady  named  Bertha  Grraham,  a 
relative  of  the  noble  House  of  Montrose,  and  a  delightful 
"writer  of  poetry.     Bertha  Grraham  never  married. 

France  was  compelled  by  the  Allied  Powers  in  1814  to 
return  the  State  Papers  carried  from  the  principal  archives  of 
the  Continent  to  Paris  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  but  the 
French  Government  contrived  to  keep  'some  twenty-five  or 
thirty  thousand  documents  out  of  the  MSS.  plunder  of  the 
Continental  records.  Those  MSS.  are  now  carefully  preserved 
in  the  "  Archives  de  I'Empire  "  in  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  cases.  The  expense  of  conveying  the  German  and 
Italian  State  Papers  from  Vienna  to  Paris  amounted  to  400,000 
francs.  In  1809,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  had  formed  a  scheme 
for  bringing  together  all  the  archives  of  Europe,  and  uniting 
them  in  the  capital  of  France,  in  order  to  form  one  vast  re- 
pository of  historical  manuscripts.  He  had  a  plan  drawn  up 
of  a  building  for  the  reception  of  State  Papers.  Judging  from 
the  Emperor's  plans,  the  residence  he  intended  for  the  State 


304  TJie   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers. 

Papers  of  Europe  would  have  been  one  of  the  grandest  palaces 
the  world  had  ever  seen. 

Mr.  Gustave  Adolphe  Bergenroth  died  at  Madrid  on  the 
13th  of  February,  1870,  from  malignant  fever,  caught  in  the 
village  of  Simancas.  This  amiable  gentleman  was  employed 
by  the  English  Government  in  kalendaring  State  Papers  con- 
nected with  this  country — a  duty  which  he  discharged  with 
considerable  ability,  and,  above  all  party  reproach  or  sus- 
picion. He  was  a  man  of  extensive  learning ;  and  most 
competent  to  perform  the  duty  confided  to  his  charge.*  Mr. 
Bergenroth  was  a  native  of  Bavaria,  and  a  member  of  an 
ancient  Catholic  family. 

Simancas  is  a  small  village  in  Old  Castile,  about  eight  miles 
from  Yalladolid,  made  more  renowned  by  Le  Sage  than  by  its 
scholarship  or  cleanliness.  The  country  round  Simancas  is 
barren  and  treeless.  For  nine  months  of  the  year  it  is  desti- 
tute of  verdure,  and  the  climate  in  consequence  of  the  great  ele- 
vation of  the  land  is  deadly.  The  sun  is  as  burning  as  in  Africa, 
and  the  winds  are  as  cold  as  on  the  plains  of  Northern  Asia.  No 
hotel,  even  of  the  most  moderate  description,  in  which  a  traveller 
could  find  accommodatioir  is  to  be  found  at  Simancas.  The 
student  of  history  who  wishes  to  consult  the  archives  is  obliged 
to  reside  in  the  house  of  some  poor  peasant ;  the  better  class  of 
people  are  proud  and  disdainful,  and  consider  it "  beneath  their 
dignity  to  lodge  foreign  scholars — people  they  know  nothing 
about."  Excellent,  and  in  many  respects  comparatively 
refined,  as  are  the  peasants  of  Old  Castile,  it  is  very  difficult 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  wretched  accommodation  which  it  is  in 
their  power  to  offer.     The  occupants  of  such  a  dwelling  suffer 


*  In  vol.  i.  of  Mr.  Bergenroth's  English  and  Spanish  State  Papers  is 
printed  an  interesting  tract  entitled,  "  Remarks  on  the  Cyphered  Despatches 
in  the  Archives  of  Simancas." 


The   Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers.  305 

by  turns  from  cold,  heat,  and  wet.  The  food  is  worse  than 
the  lodging.  No  social  intercourse ;  no  books,  not  even 
the  commonest  works  of  reference,  are  to  be  had  in  this 
miserable  place. 

The  old  castle,  formerly  a  strong  fortress  belonging  to  the 
Admirals  of  Castile,  in  which  the  State  Papers  are  deposited, 
was  confiscated  to  the  Crown  by  Queen  Isabel.  It  now  contains 
forty-eight  rooms,  filled  with  papers  and  one  very  large  chamber 
in  which  the  officers  and  literary  readers  are  accommodated — 
accommodated  in  a  mean  petty  manner.  This  room  has  a 
northern  aspect  ;  no  fires  are  allowed  in  the  building ;  yet  so 
bitter  is  the  cold  in  winter  that  the  thermometer  frequently  sinks 
almost  to  the  freezing  point,  and  the  ink  becomes  congealed . 
Such  is  the  repository  chosen  by  the  Spanish  Grovernment  for 
the  treasures  of  historic  lore,  and  the  accommodation  afforded 
to  the  literary  students  of  other  climes. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  influential  Englishmen  will  call 
the  attention  of  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  the 
neglect  of  an  institution  which  it  should  be  the  pride  of 
civilised  nations  to  foster  and  protect. 


3o6  The  Queen's  Favourite  Prelate. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   queen's   favourite    PRELATE. 

No  Anglican  cleric  amongst  the  English  Reformers  succeeded 
in  acquiring  so  great  an  ascendancy  over  the  mind  of 
Elizabeth  as  John  Whitgift,  "  some  time  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
and  subsequently  Archbishop  of  Canterbury."  This  subtle 
ecclesiastic  continued  his  influence  to  the  close  of  the  Queen's 
life.  The  Puritans  believed  that  the  cruel  persecutions 
inflicted  upon  them  by  Elizabeth  were  at  the  suggestion  of 
Whitgift,  even  Cecil  could  not  forbear  expressing  his  disap- 
probation of  the  cruelties  enacted  against  Calvinistic  clergy- 
men for  not  taking  the  Oath  of  Supremacy.  Several  of  them 
were  imprisoned  for  years,  and  two  of  the  sect  perished  upon 
the  scaffold.  Instances  multiplied  of  the  tyranny  exercised 
through  the  extraordinary  powers  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commission,  which  dealt  ruthlessly  with  Dissenters  of 
unblemished  character. 

In  June,  1567,  a  congregation  of  more  than  one  hundred 
Puritans  was  surprised  and  seized  at  Plumbers'  Hall,  in  the 
City  of  London,  of  which  fifteen  were  sent  to  prison  "  without 
either  charge,  trial,  or  condemnation,"  After  they  had  thus 
been  treated  they  were  examined  by  Dr.  Grindal,  the  Bishop 
of  London,  who  rated  them  in  violent  language,  declaring  that 
they  were  "  as  incorrigible  as  Papists."     The  Puritans  retired 


The  Queens  Favourite  Prelate.  307 

from  the  Bishop's  presence  unconvinced,  and  determined  to 
pull  down  the  Queen's  new  Church  when  able  to  do  so.* 

At  a  subsequent  period  they  made  a  bold  effort,  but  failed 
to  accomplish  their  object.  "  Do  unto  others  as  you  wish  to 
be  done  by,"  was  not  the  maxim  of  the  Puritans  nor  their 
disdainful  antagonists. 

Whitgift  was,  perhaps,  the  greatest  persecutor  of  "  liberty 
of  conscience  "  which  the  Church  of  England  has  produced  in 
this  realm.  He  held  it  as  a  maxim  that  it  was  safer  and 
better  for  the  newly  established  Church  to  silence  than  to 
confute  its  opponents.  So  he  gave  no  quarter  to  the 
Puritans.  A  book  of  Calvinistic  discipline  having  been  issued 
from  the  Cambridge  press,  Whitgift  procured  a  Star  Chamber 
decree  for  "  lessening  and  limiting  the  number  of  presses  ; 
for  restraining  any  man  from  exercising  the  trade  of  a  printer 
without  a  special  license,"  and  for  subjecting  all  books  to  the 
censorship  of  Whitgift  himself,  and  the  Bishop  of  London. 
On  another  occasion  Whitgift  publicly  declared  that  he 
would  rather  live  in  a  dungeon  all  the  days  of  his  life,  or 
even  die  in  a  prison,  than  'permit  any  persons  to  practise  a 
religion  contrary  to  that  upheld  by  the  Queen  and  himself, 
whom  he  describes  as  "  the  second  person  in  the  realm."  It 
may  be  added  also  that  Whitgift  always  spoke  in  terms  of 
unmeasured  scorn  of  the  Puritan  party.  Eobert  Brown,  a 
Cambridge  divinity  student,  was  committed  to  the  Tower  for 
proclaiming  principles  antagonistic  to  the  Church,  as  sus- 
tained by  the  Queen.  Lord  Burleigh  procured  his  release, 
after  which  he  repaired  to  Holland,  where,  it  is  said,  he 
founded  several  Puritan  communities.  He  designated  the 
Church  over  which  EKzabeth  presided  as  "an  anti-Christian 


See  Strype's  Whitgift ;  Hook's  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  x. 

X  2 


3o8  The  Qiieeiis  Favourite  Prelate. 


establishment."  He  returned  to  England,  and  preached 
against  the  Queen's  Supremacy.  Two  men  were  arrested  in 
Suffolk  (1583)  for  selling  Brown's  book  against  the  Supremacy  ; 
they  were  tried  for  treason  against  this  ecclesiastical  statute  ; 
both  were  hanged,  drawn  and  quartered.  This  was  the  first 
time  that  the  Supremacy  Law  was  put  in  force  against  Puritans. 
Brown  became  so  alarmed  at  the  fate  of  his  two  disciples  that 
he  recanted  his  professions;  "became  penitent  for  his  dis- 
obedience," and  actually  received  a  Church  living  from 
Whitgift.  The  Brownites,  although  deserted  by  their  apostle, 
still  persevered,  "  amidst  persecution  at  all  sides,"  and  were 
subsequently  known  "  as  a  flourishing  sect  under  the  name  of 
Independents." 

Some  time  before  the  Queen  translated  Whitgift  from  the 
See  of  Worcester  to  that  of  Canterbury,  he  wrote  a  remarkable 
letter  to  her  Highness  upon  the  wickedness  of  appropriating 
Church  lands  to  secular  objects.  This  was  a  dangerous  subject 
to  discuss  with  the  daughter  of  Henry  the  Eighth.  The 
Queen,  however,  took  the  advice  offered  in  good  part,  for  it 
was  well  worth  considering.  Nevertheless,  she  adhered  to 
her  father's  policy  of  "  plucking "  the  temporalities  of  the 
Church  whenever  an  opportunity  presented — the  See  of  Ely 
for  example.  Wliitgift  must  have  had  more  than  ordinary 
courage  as  an  Anglican  prelate  to  address  Elizabeth  in  this 
fashion  : — 

"  I  beseech  your  Highness  to  consider  that  it  was  S.  Paul  that 
said  to  those  Christians  of  his  time  that  were  offended  with 
idolatry,  yet  committed  sacrileges,  '  Thou  that  abhorrest  idols, 
doEt  thou  commit  sacrilege ' — supposing,  I  think,  sacrilege  the 
greater  sin.  This  may  occasion  your  Highness  to  consider  that 
there  is  such  a  sin  as  sacrilege  ;  and  to  incline  you  to  prevent  the 
curse  that  will  follow  it.  I  beseech  your  Highness  also  to  consider 


TJic  Queen's  Favourite  Prelate.  309 

that  Constantine,  the  first  Christian  Emperor,  and  Helena  his 
mother — that  King  Edgar,  Alfred,  Edward  the  Confessor,  and 
indeed  many  others  of  your  predecessors,  besides  numberless 
private  Christians — ^have  likewise  given  to  God,  and  His  Church, 
much  land  and  many  immunities,  which  they  might  have  given 
to  those  of  their  own  families.  They  gave  those  lands  for  ever  as 
an  absolute  right  and  sacrifice  to  God ;  and  with  these  immunities 
and  lands  they  have  entailed  a  curse  upon  the  alienators  of  them. 
God  prevent  your  Highness  from  being  liable  to  that  curse,  which 
will  cleave  unto  Church-lands  as  the  leprosy  to  the  Jews.  .  .  . 
Dispose  of  Church-lands  for  Jesus'  sake  ;  and  as  you  have  promised 
and  voiced  to  God — that  is,  as  the  donors  ijitended,  let  neither 
falsehood  nor  flattery  beguile  you  to  do  otherwise."* 

Was  it  a  pure  sense  of  honesty  or  mere  esprit  de  corps 
which  influenced  Whitgift  in  writing  such  interesting  senti- 
ments ?  "Would  he  have  written  them  were  he  not  a  high  officer 
of  the  Church  ?  The  mere  fact  of  inditing  them,  however, 
is  one  of  the  most  estimable  reminiscences  of  his  life. 

When  the  Puritans  were  so  cruelly  persecuted  by  this  pre- 
late, the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
English  Catholics  under  Elizabeth  and  her  spiritual  guides — such 
men  as  Whitgift,  Hutton,  Home,  and  Pilkington.  It  is  but  fair 
to  state  that  Sir  William  Cecil  frequently  remonstrated  with 
Whitgift,  and  other  Bishops,  for  their  "  cruel  suggestions  as  to 
how  the  Papists  should  be  governed."t 

When  Whitgift  was  Bishop  of  Worcester  he  was  noted  for 
his  persecution  of  Catholics.     The  admission  of  such  a  hero- 


*  Whitgift's  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  13. 

t  See  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Whitgift ;  Archbishops  of  Canterbury, 
vol.  X. ;  Knare's  Life  of  Lord  Burleigh ;  Aikin's  Court  of  Elizabeth, 
vol.  ii. 


210  The  Queen's  Favourite  Prelate. 


worshipper  as  John  Strype  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  Whitgift's 
claims  to  be  ranked  amongst  the  worst  persecutors  of  Eliza- 
beth's reign.     Strype  observes : — 

"  Dr.  "Wliitgift,  when  Bishop  of  Worcester,  and  Vice-President 
of  the  Marches  of  "Wales,  under  Sir  Henry  Sydney,  pecuUarly 
distinguished  himself  by  his  activity  in  detecting  secret  meetings  of 
the  Papists  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  Mass  and  practising  other 
rites  of  their  religion.  The  Privy  Council,  in  reioard  of  his  zeal, 
promised  to  direct  to  him,  and  to  some  of  the  Welsh  Bishops, 
a  special  commission  for  the  trial  of  the  said  deliiiquents.  They 
further  instructed  him  in  the  case  of  one  Morrice,  who  had  declined 
answering  directly  to  certain  interrogatories  tending  to  criminate 
himself  in  these  matters,  that  if  he  remained  obstinate,  and  the 
Commissioners  saw  cause,  they  might  at  their  discretion  cause  some 
kind  of  torture  to  he  used  upon  him.  The  same  means  he  ( Whitgift) 
was  also  desired  to  take  with  others ;  in  order  to  come  to  a  full 
knowledge  of  all  reconcilements  to  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  other 
practices  of  the  Papists  in  these  parts.'^'^ 

When  Strype  makes  these  matter-of-course  and  pregnant 
admissions,  we  can  imagine  the  lot  of  the  unhappy  people 
subjected  to  the  cruel  caprices  of  those  irresponsible  eccle- 
siastics, who  seem  to  have  felt  a  pleasure  in  insulting  and 
debasing  those  whose  consciences  could  not  accept  their 
teaching. 

A  "  London  Lecturer  "  ascribes  a  monopoly  of  persecution 
to  the  Catholics  of  England,  and  disavows  utterly  any  persecu- 
tion on  the  part  of  Protestants.  Queen  Mary  reigned  five 
years  ;  Elizabeth  forty-four  years  and  four  months.     In  the 


*  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Whitgift,  p.  83. 


The  Qiieen^s  Favourite  Prelate.  3 1 1 

just  mind  of  this  candid  exponent  of  History  the  balance  of 
persecution  topples  over  to  the  side  of  the  far  shorter  term ; 
the  supreme  holiness  and  innocence  in  the  other  scale  are 
unhappily  but  a  feather  weight  against  the  concentrated 
irredeemable  guilt  of  five  years  of  Catholic  power.  The  Council 
of  Mary's  Ministers  in  many  instances  burnt  heretics,  who 
were  likewise  rebels,  and  who  conspired  against  their  Queen's 
life.  Elizabeth  had  not  even  that  wretched  excuse  in  her 
persecutions,*  which  were  numerous,  and  the  records  of  her 
reign  prove  the  fact  that  she  was  the  greatest  persecutor  of 
conscience  that  ever  governed  this  realm. 

The  Protestant  clergy  had  also  reason  to  complain  of  the 
harshness  exercised  against  them  by  Wliitgift.  He  lived  in 
great  splendour,  whilst  many  of  his  clergy  were  in  poverty  ; 
and  when  he  made  visitations  of  the  diocese,  or  otherwise,  he 
was  surrounded  by  a  numerous  and  brilliant  retinue.  A  guard 
of  honour  rode  before  him,  composed  of  five  hundred  men,  in 
usual  cavalry  style.  A  large  number  of  his  retainers  in 
gorgeous  livery  appeared  in  his  public  entries.  He  claimed, 
after  the  fashion  of  his  Eoyal  Mistress,  "  to  be  served  on 
bended  knees." 

Dean  Hook  describes  Whitglft  as  "  immensely  charitable," 
giving  meat,  bread,  and  beer  to  hundreds  daily.  Strype 
affirms  that  the  Archbishop  "  readily  discoursed  with  the  poor 
and   the   unfortunate." 

Party  feeling  sometimes  presents  unamiable  -  looking 
portraits — half  caricatures — of  public  men.  However,  Arch- 
bishop Whitgift  is  generally  admitted  to  have  been  plain- 
looking,  with  an  extremely  dark  complexion.       The   Puritans 


*  In  the  second  and  third  volumes  of  this  work  the  subject  of  the 
religious  persecutions  in  Mary's  reign  has  been  treated  at  considerable 
length. 


212  The  Queen's  Favourite  Prelate. 


describe  him  "as  heidous  ugly."  The  Catholic  party  dis- 
played their  good  manners  in  the  opposite  direction.  They 
respected  the  high  office  and  the  learning  of  Whitgift  ;  and 
never  descended  to  personalities  with  the  man  who  persecuted 
them  for  their  religious  convictions. 

Dr.  Whitgift's  "  mode  of  living  is  described  as  extremely 
luxurious,  having  a  number  of  savoury  dishes  laid  out  in  his 
dining  hall  for  himself  and  his  numerous  guests."  He  also 
imported  the  choicest  wines  for  his  palaces.  He  was  the  "most 
favoured  prelate  "  in  England  with  the  Queen,  because  he  was 
celibate.  With  her  usual  want  of  delicacy  and  dignity, 
Elizabeth  styled  him  as  her  "  black  husband." 

Whitgift  was  a  member  of  a  respectable  middle-class 
family  of  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire.  His  uncle,  Robert 
Whitgift,  had  been  an  Abbot,  but  at  an  early  peiiod  he  took 
part  in  Crumwell's  action  against  the  monastic  houses.  He 
retired  upon  a  large  pension,  contracted  a  clandestine  marriage 
with  a  girl  of  sixteen — some  say  twenty — and  professed 
himself  a  Protestant  "  when  convenient." 

Archbishop  Whitgift  should  receive  due  credit  for  any  public 
institutions  of  benevolence  sustained  by  him.  The  reader. is 
aware  that  when  Henry  the  Eighth  confiscated  the  lands  which 
former  generations  conferred  upon  one  hundred  and  ten 
hospitals,  the  King  parcelled  out  those  lands  amongst  his 
courtiers  and  retainers,  and  in  the  division  of  this  portion  of 
the  heritage  of  the  "  most  helpless  of  the  poor,''  the  monarch 
presented  "  several  allotments-^'  to  Archbishop  Cranmer  and 
his  retainers  and  relatives.  Whitgift  did  not  act  in  this  unfeel- 
ing and  sacrilegious  manner.  Quite  the  contrary.  He  built  and 
endowed  an  hospital  at  Croydon,  which  he  dedicated  to  the 
Blessed  Trinity.  It  is  described  as  "  a  decent  edifice,  built 
like  a  college,  for  a  warden,  with  twenty-eight  brothers  and 


The  Qiteett's  Favourite  Prelate.  315 

sisters  under  him.  Near  to  it  he  erected  a  free  school,  with  a 
house  for  a  schoolmaster,  to  whom  a  good  salary  was  allowed." 
He  frequently  dined  at  the  hospital  among  "  his  poor  brethren, 
as  he  called  the  inmates,"  At  Croydon  Whitgift  was  visited 
by  Queen  Elizabeth  herself,  who  dined  with  the  Archbishop  and 
the  recipients  of  his  bounty.  On  those  occasions  the  Queen's 
visits  were  without  any  ceremony.*  She  partook  of  the  same 
plain  food  as  that  cooked  for  the  inmates  of  the  hospital.  Har- 
rington states  that  the  Queen  was  generally  accompanied  by 
one  lady  and  an  elderly  gentleman,  when  she  paid  those 
visits  "under  cover,"  and  was  always  delighted  at  hearing 
country  gossip,  no  one  suspecting  her  to  be  the  Queen.  After 
the  Queen's  death  Whitgift  told  the  poor  people  of  his  asylum 
that  the  good  lady  who  so  often  visited  them  was  the  late 
Queen.  Upon  this  news  "  they  all  fell  a-weeping,  exclaiming 
'  Lord  have  mercy  on  her  sowle.^ " 

Cartwright,  the  chief  of  the  Nonconformist  party,  was 
persecuted  by  Whitgift.  Cartwright  was  several  times 
imprisoned  by  Bishop  Aylraer.  To  the  great  annoyance 
of  Aylmer  he  would  not  style  him  "  My  Lord."t  The  Puritans 
plumed  themselves  upon  a  total  disregard  of  courtesy  and 
good  breeding.  Bishop  Aylmer,  however  unamiable  himself, 
had  good  reason  to  complain. 

The  editors  of  the  AthencB  Cantabrigienses  relate  that 
Whitgift  wrote  ninety-one  works.  Dean  Hook  states  that 
some  of  those  works  still  remain  in  manuscript,  but  of  their 
authenticity  there  can  be  no  doubt.]:  The  general  corres- 
pondence of  Whitgift  throws  much  light  upon  the  sectarian 


*  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  x.  p.  166. 

t  See  Brook's  Memoir  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Thomas  Cartwright. 

\  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  x.  p.  167. 


314  The  Queens  Favourite  Prelate. 


feeling  of  the  age,  accompanied  as  it  was  by  ignorance  and 
superstition,  which  the  "  reformed  clergy  "  did  little  to  remove, 
giving  a  bad  example  to  the  people  by  their  own  careless  mode 
of  life,  and  haughty  bearing  to  the  poor,  for  whom  they  had 
little  sympathy.  Whitgift  remonstrated  in  vain  with  his 
clergy.  But  the  "  day  of  reckoning  came."  And  the 
Puritans  proved  themselves  to  be  as  earnest  in  persecution  as 
those  whom  they  condemned. 


The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects.     315 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    QUEEN    OF    SCOTS     AND    HER   DISAFFECTED    SUBJECTS. 

The  intriguing  De  Foix  and  Sir  William  Cecil  appear  upon 
the  scene  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  the  dispute  between 
the  Queen  of  Scotland  and  her  rebellious  nobles.  Cecil,  who 
thoroughly  understood  the  whole  question  at  issue,  professed 
the  impossibility  of  deciding  who  was  the  most  to  blame  in 
the  rupture,  but  added  "  that  he  had  been  told  that  it  all 
proceeded  from  the  marriage  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  with  the 
son  of  the  Earl  of  Lennox."*  Cecil  further  stated  that  the 
Scotch  nobles  lived  in  peace  and  harmony  with  their 
Sovereign  till  the  period  of  her  marriage  with  young  Darnley. 
Now,  the  records  of  what  actually  occurred  contradict  the 
statements  made  by  Sir  William  Cecil,  and  clearly  prove  that 
Lord  Moray  was  in  the  pay  of  the  Queen  of  England  at  the 
very  time  Cecil  represents  him  "  as  governing  Scotland  in  a 
mild  and  conciliatory  manner,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  his 
Sovereign." 

One  of  the  causes  of  complaint  against  the  Queen  of  Scots 
at  this  time  was  "  the  great  consideration  with  which  she 
treated  her  Italian  domestics,"  especially  David  Rizzio,  who 
filled  the  office  of  musician,  "  and  sometimes    secretary   in 


*  De  Foix's  report  of  the  Conference  between  himself  and  Cecil  is  to  be 
seen  in  Teulet,  vol.  ii.  p.  72  ;  also  the  Council  Book,  wherein  is  entered  an 
account  of  the  Conference  in  question. 


3 16     The  Queen  of  Scots  atid  her  Disaffected  Subjects. 


drafting  foreign  correspondence  " — a  labour  for  which  few  of 
the  Scotch  gentlemen  were  capable  at  that  period.  Kizzio 
and  his  brother  never  exercised  any  political  power  or  possessed 
any  influence  of  importance  with  the  Queen.  John  Knox 
stated  that  Rizzio  was  the  "secret  spy,  or  clerical  agent  for 
the  Pope  in  Scotland."  Knox  knew  well  enough  that  the 
Roman  Pontiff  would  not  select  for  his  envoy  a  half-educated, 
decrepit  little  musician  from  Turin.  At  best,  he  never  re- 
ceived a  suitable  education  to  become  a  clerical  agent  for  the 
Court  of  Eome. 

A  conspiracy  was  formed  for  the  destruction  of  Rizzio,  but 
at  the  bottom  of  this  scheme  lay  a  deeper  and  more  terrible 
plot.  The  foreign  Ambassadors  accused  the  English  Govern- 
ment of  aiding  the  Scotch  rebels  with  money.  Queen 
Elizabeth,  who  could  assume  a  virtuous  and  honourable 
indignation  with  any  politician  of  her  time,  assured  the 
French  envoy  that  she  had  not  given  the  slightest  encourage- 
ment to  the  Scotch  rebels.  De  Foix  replied  that  it  had  been 
positively  asserted  tbat  her  Highness  had  sent  large  sums  of 
money  to  the  disaffected  Scotch  lords  to  promote  rebellious 
movements  in  the  realm.  Elizabeth,  with  much  apparent 
earnestness  of  feeling,  averred  with  an  oath  that  she  had 
never  sent  them  any  money.*  Here  come  the  real  facts,  in 
the  face  of  Elizabeth's  oath.  The  Queen  of  England  had 
written  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  as  the  surviving  document 
proves,  to  let  Lord  JMoray  liave  one  thousand  pounds,  and 
more,  if  he  saw  his  need  to  ie  great,  and  further  sums  if  re- 
quired. Bedford  was  also  commanded  by  his  Royal  mistress 
to  have  three  hundred  soldiers  lying  in  wait  at  Carlisle,  that 


*  De  Foix's  Ambassadorial  Eeports  ;  State  Papers  of  Sir  William  Cecil 
on  Scotch  affairs. 


Tlie  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects.     317 


they  might,  "  under  circumstances,'^  be  drawn  to  the  aid  of 
the  Scotch  lords.* 

Amongst  the  State  Papers  preserved  of  Elizabeth's  reign  is 
the  petition  of  J.  Nicolson  and  J.  Johnson  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
complaining  that  "  they  have  been  put  to  the  last  extremity 
by  their  Sovereign,  the  Queen  of  Scots,  in  consequence  of 
their  having  conveyed  an  aid-money  to  the  Earl  of  Moray  from 
Maister  Tamworth,"  Queen  Elizabeth's  agent.  These  transac- 
tions require  no  commentary,  for  they  pronounce  a  verdict 
which  the  reader  must  accept. 

Every  day  the  Queen  of  Scots  felt  the  results  of  her  un- 
fortunate marriage  with  Darnley.  It  being  judged  expedient 
by  the  Queen  and  her  Council  to  send  a  strong  military  force 
to  the  Borders,!  Lord  Bothwell  was  chosen  as  the  best  suited 
for  the  command  of  the  expedition.  Darnley  opposed  the 
views  of  the  Council,  who  would  not  be  dictated  to  by  "  a 
petulant  boy,"  as  some  of  them  remarked.  Darnley  insisted 
that  his  father  should  be  made  Lieutenant-Greneral  of  the 
Border.  No  Scot,  however,  of  any  prudence  or  patriotism 
could  sanction  such  an  appointment,  for  Lord  Lennox  was 
well  known  to  have  been  an  unscrupulous  agent  of  the 
English  Grovernment  for  many  years.  Darnley  and  his  father 
now  became  violent  from  disappointment.  Sir  Thomas 
Randolph  and  his  spies  assured  Darnley  that  he  was  "  badly 
treated,  and  he   should  assert  his  rights."     This   mischievous 


*  These  ^proceedings  are  printed  in  Robertson's  Appendix ;  also  in 
Frazer  Tytler,  vol.  v. ;  and  likewise  in  vol.  iv.  of  the  Queens  of  Scotland. 

t  Thieves,  assassins,  outlaws,  spies,  gamblers,  rebels,  and  patriots,  all 
found  an  asylum  in  the  Border  haunts,  and  lived  on  good  terms.  The 
noblest,  the  bravest,  and  the  basest  of  mankind  were  to  be  found  in  those 
districts,  where  English  gold  was  often  spurned  when  offered  to  betray  the 
unfortunate  to  the  cruel  agents  of  the  English  Queen. 


3i8     The  Queen  of  Scots  and  Iter  Disaffected  Subjects. 

advice  gave  fresli  courage  to  the  thoughtless  and  obstinate 
youth.  About  the  same  time  Eandolph  writes  in  confidence 
to  Cecil  as  to  the  "  political  disagreements "  between  the 
Queen  and  her  husband.  "  I  must,"  says  Randolph,  "  let  you 
know  what  jars  there  are  already  rising  between  the  Queen 
and  her  husband ;  the  hoy  wants  to  have  his  father,  Lord 
Lennox,  made  Lieutenant-Greneral,  and  the  Queen  is  in  favour 
of  Lord  Both  well." 

The  Queen  was  still  popular  with  the  majority  of  her 
Protestant  subjects.  Eighteen  thousand  men — brave  and 
enthusiastic  subjects  —  assembled  at  Biggar,  in  Lanark- 
shire, to  "  defend  their  young  Queen  and  auld  countrie." 
When  the  Queen  took  the  field  the  enthusiasm  was  im- 
mense. The  rebels  retreated  in  confusion ;  and  the 
disaffected  nobles  retired  to  Carlisle,  where  they  remained 
under  the  protection  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  After  a  blood- 
less victory  over  her  enemies,  Queen  Mary  disbanded  her 
army,  and  returned  in  triumph  to  Edinburgh.  This  event 
.proved  that  when  the  Queen  followed  the  dictates  of  her  own 
judgment  she  acted  like  a  wise  and  prudent  monarch.  The 
Scottish  Queen  has  been  repeatedly  accused  of  being  a  cruel  and 
vindictive  woman.  If  this  had  been  the  case,  she  had  full 
opportunity  of  exercising  it  on  the  people  of  Dumfries,  where 
the  rebels  had  been  sustained  for  about  five  weeks.  Neither 
Buchanan  nor  Randolph,  who  were  the  greatest  libellers  of  the 
Queen,  nor  even  Knox,  bear  record  of  a  single  act  of  vengeance 
on  her  part.  No  blood-stainecl  scaffolds  marked  her  triumph, 
nor  were  the  gates  of  her  palaces  loaded  with  gory  heads  and 
mangled  limbs,  as  were  the  English  "  Bridge  of  Sighs," 
and  the  noted  Tower  of  London. 

The  next  scheme  in  which  many  of  the  Scotch  nobles  em- 
barked was  that  of  "  a  private  assassination."      The  friendship 


The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects.     319 


which  existed  between  Darnley  and  "  the  Italian  interloper,"  as 
Kizzio  was  styled,  had  turned  to  bitter  hate.  Lord  Lennox 
was  amongst  the  enemies  of  Kizzio  ;  and  Lethington  and 
Morton  belonged  to  the  same  party.  The  latter  nobles  pro- 
fessed a  devotion  for  Darnley,  whom  they  secretly  despised. 

The  Queen  at  this  time  felt  the  neglect  with  which  she  had 
been  treated  by  her  husband.  Darnley  preferred  the  society 
of  wild  immoral  young  men  of  his  own  age  to  that  of  his 
peerless  wife — his  Queen.  He  became  a  confirmed  drunkard, 
and  his  language  to  the  Queen  and  her  ladies  was  condemned 
by  all  who  honoured  manhood.  At  other  times  he  took  a 
religious  turn ;  laid  aside  strong  liquors,  and  abandoned  his 
evil  companions.  When  in  this  mood  he  spoke  in  most 
insulting  language  of  the  Protestant  party,  and  would  tell 
them  that  he  "  should  compel  them  to  attend  Mass."*  As  a 
matter  of  course,  this  conduct  created  fresh  enemies  for  him. 
Morton,  the  Queen's  Chancellor,  assured  her  that  the  violence 
and  folly  of  her  husband  would  bring  ruin  upon  her.  Morton, 
like  others  of  his  party,  acted  with  dissimulation  and  treachery, 
for  whilst  he  spoke  thus  to  his  Sovereign  he  secretly  excited 
the  ambition  and  piqued  the  pride  of  the  boy-husband  into 
asserting  liis  "  rights,"  and  the  miserable  youth  soon  became 
the  ready  and  unconscious  instrument  of  assassins  and  rebels ; 
all  this  time  Morton  professing  to  be  the  loyal  and  devoted 
minister  of  his  Sovereign.  Morton  next  induced  Darnley  to 
accompany  him  to  a  private  meeting  in  Lord  Euthven's  sick 
chamber,!  where  the  assassins  were  making  arrangements  for 
the  murder  of  David  Eizzio.  Here  the  expediency  of  the 
proposed  murder  was  freely  discussed  Hke  any  business  matter. 


*  Randolph  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton,  Feb.,  1565. 
t  Spottiswoode's  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 


320     The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  Sir  James  Melville  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  existence  of  the  plot  ;  and  Sir  Thomas 
Randolph  is  described  as  "  the  ready  go-between  in  these 
intrigues  and  plots."  As  the  period  for  the  assassination 
approached,  Randolph  wrote  thus  to  his  friend  and  patron, 
Lord  Leicester  : — "  David  Rizzio,  with  the  consent  of  the 
King  (Darnley),  will  have  his  throat  cut  within  ten  days."* 

An  English  Ambassador  privy  to  a  horrible  murder,  and  the 
English  Council  in  the  secret !  In  this  their  English  abettors 
exceeded  in  infamy  the  Scotch  conspirators,  because  the  latter 
(including  most  of  the  so-called  "  nobles  ")  were  at  that  time 
savagely  ignorant,  and  made  a  common  practice  of  murder 
and  plunder. 

There  were  several  schemes  arranged  for  the  murder  of 
Rizzio.  On  one  occasion  the  intended  victim  was  out  in  a  boat 
on  a  lake  with  Sir  Greorge  Douglas  and  Darnley  ;  when,  it  is 
stated,  Rizzio's  back  was  turned  to  the  party,  Douglas  made 
signs  to  the  puppet  king  to  throw  the  Italian  overboard,  into 
the  deep  water,  where  he  would  have  perished  mysteriously, 
without  either  of  them  being  called  to  account  for  it.f  At 
that  period  of  his  brief  history  Darnley  revolted  from  the 
horrible  suggestion  of  Douglas,  whose  hands  were  so  often 
stained  with  the  blood  of  innocent  men. 

At  this  time  Darnley  was  fast  drifting  to  destruction,  and 
his  mode  of  life  in  Edinburgh  had  become  a  topic  of  general 
conversation ;    his  conduct  to  the  Queen  could  not  be  sanc- 


*  Sir  Thomas  Eandolph's  Secret  Correspondence  with  Lord  Leicester — 
Fitch's  MSS. 

t  This  curious  anecdote  was  produced  by  the  late  Robert  Chambers,  of 
dinburgh,  from  a  MS.  Memoir  of  the  family  of  Dalgleish  in  Mr.  Chambers's 
Life  of  James  VI.  of  Scotland. 


The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects.     321 

tioned  even  by  her  enemies.  According  to  the  written  state- 
ments of  such  men  as  Lords  Lethington,  Argyle,  and  Fleming, 
his  private  history  had  become  too  abominable  to  be  committed 
to  paper. 

Eandolph  continued  to  play  his  role.  During  the  eventful 
month  of  February,  1566,  a  collision  took  place  between. 
Queen  Mary  and  the  dishonourable  representative  of  the 
English  Court,  in  the  person  of  Sir  Thomas  Eandolph,  whose 
correspondence  with  the  Scotch  rebels  now  became  notorious. 
Much  importance  must  be  attached  to  the  research  of  such  an 
upright  historian  as  Mr.  Frazer  Tytler.  "  Eandolph,"  writes 
this  stern  Calvinist,  "  transmitted  to  Sir  William  Cecil  and 
his  Eoyal  Mistress  the  most  false  and  distorted  accounts  of 
the  state  of  Scotland.  His  object  was  to  induce  the  Queen  of 
England  to  assist  the  insurgent  lords  with  money  and  troops, 
as  she  had  done  before.  To  accomplish  this  end,  Sir  Thomas 
Eandolph  not  only  concealed  the  truth,  but  did  not  scruple  to 
employ  calumny  and  falsehood.  He  represented  Queen  Mary's 
proceedings  to  her  nobles  as  tyrannical,  when  they  were  for- 
bearing. He  described  her  as  earnestly  bent  on  the  destruction 
of  religion,  when  for  five  years  she  maintained  it  exactly  as 
she  found  it  on  her  arrival  from  France,  and  had  recently,  by 
a  solemn  proclamation,  declared  her  determination  to  preserve 
the  fullest  liberty  of  conscience.  Eandolph  pointed  at  the 
Scottish  Queen  as  an  object  of  contempt  and  ridicule  to  her 
subjects,  whereas  she  was  popular  and  beloved  at  the  same 
time."*  Again  he  says  :  "  Mary  was  deserted  by  her  nobles  and 
people."  The  fact  was  "  that  her  barons  and  vassals  were 
daily  crowding  into  the  capital,"  On  the  other  hand,  Moray 
and  his  party  were  "  equally  misrepresented  by  Sir  Thomas 


*  Tytler's  Mary  Stuart,  vol.  v.  p.  312. 
VOL.   IV.  T 


322     The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects. 


Randolph,  when  he  assured  Cecil  that  the  country  lay  at  the 
mercy  of  JMoray  and  his  followers,  whilst  they  only  waited  for 
the  advice  and  money  of  England  to  sweep  away  every 
opposition,  and  to  compel  the  Queen  of  Scotland  to  place  her- 
self once  more  at  their  disposal." 

The  evidence  of  being  a  traitor  was  fully  established  against 
Sir  Thomas  Eandolph.  Queen  Mary  summoned  him  before 
her  Council,  and  there  charged  him  with  the  violation  of  his 
duty  as  an  Ambassador,  and  his  honour  as  a  gentleman, 
liandolph  boldly  denied  the  accusation. 

"  What,"  said  the  Queen,    "  can  you   dare  deny  that  you 
have  been  supplying  my  traitorous  subjects  with  money  ?" 
"  I  do,"  was  the  cool  reply. 

"  I  can  quickly  confront  you,  Sir,  with  your  own  agents," 
remarked  the  Queen,  with  a  look  of  scorn  and  triumph. 

Johnstone,  the  man  who  had  charge  of  three  sealed  bags, 
each  containing  three  thousand  crowns,  satisfied  the  Queen 
and  her  Council  that  he  had  been  engaged  by  Randolph  and 
Tamworth  to  deliver  the  bags  of  English  gold  to  Lord  Moray's 
wife.  Lady  Moray  sent  her  card  back  to  Thomas  Piandolph 
as  a  token  that  she  had  received  the  said  bags  of  gold.* 
Johnstone  gave  the  strongest  proofs  of  the  truth  of  his  state- 
ments. Randolph  looked  confounded,  but  remained  silent. 
The  Queen  and  her  Council  had  resolved  at  once  to  send 
Randolph  under  an  armed  guard  over  the  boundary  of 
Scotland  as  a  person  convicted  of  abusing  the  privileges  and 
violating  the  duties  of  his  office  as  an  Ambassador  ;  with  pas- 
sionate censure  on  his  treacherous  practices,  the  Scottish  Queen 


*  Papers  discovered  in  the  Earl  of  Leven's  charter-chest,  printed  in  the 
Maitland  Club  Miscellany,  vol.  iii.  p.  l  ;  Scotch  Correspondence  in  State 
Papers. 


The  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects.     325 

pronounced  the  judgment  of  her  Council  against  Sir  Thomas 
Kandolph.  She  also  directed  her  Ambassador,  Sir  Kobert 
Melville,  to  address  a  formal  note  to  the  Queen  of  England, 
detailing  the  conduct  of  her  Ambassador.  Randolph,  retiring 
from  the  scene,  looked  and  muttered  vengeance,  but,  with 
murderous  prevision,  bided  his  time.  He  kept  his  "  unspoken- 
word  "  during  the  dark  days  of  the  terrible  future. 


Y  2 


324  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


CHAPTEE  XXI. 


MURDER   OF    RIZZIO. 


Plotted  against  by  her  brother,  on  whom  the  Queen  of 
Scots  bestowed  so  many  favours,  shamed  and  impeded  by 
her  vicious  husband,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered,  under  the 
circumstances,  that  the  Queen  made  the  most  of  the  honesty 
of  her  secretary,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  secret  political 
correspondence  which  the  circumstances  of  the  times  forced 
upon  her.  She  may  not  have  been  wise  in  the  expression  of  her 
appreciation  of  Kizzio's  talents  and  devotion.  The  gross-minded 
Scotch  lords  could  not  comprehend  the  meaning  of  platonic 
friendship  existing  between  men  and  women  of  high  culture 
and  pure  minds.  It  is  no  wonder  that  Elzzio  soon  incurred 
the  deadly  hatred  of  the  nobles  and  chiefs.  Sir  James 
Melville,  in  his  memoirs,  relates  many  narratives  of  the 
conduct  of  the  nobles  and  gentlemen  towards  the  Queen's 
Italian  secretary.  "  The  lords  frowned  fiercely  upon  Eizzio, 
and  others  would  thrust  him  bodily  aside,  muttering  some 
gross  expressions."* 

In  a  letter  of  Sir  George  Douglas  to  his  friend  Andrew 
Kerr,  he  boasts  how  he  "  stood  upon  Maister  Eizzio's  lame 
foot,  and  made  him  yell  out  for  his  brother  Joe."  Kerr  often 
spoke  of  the  dagger  in  relation  to  the  secretary. 


*  Sir  James  Melville's  Account  of  the  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  325 

Darnley  was  quite  ready  to  fall  in  with  the  murderous 
designs  of  Morton,  Ruthven,  and  Douglas  ;  he  had  a  personal 
feeling  against  Kizzio^  not  that  of  jealousy,  for  such  would 
have  been  absurd  ;  Rizzio  had  honestly  and  wisely  advised 
the  Queen  not  to  confer  upon  Darnley  the  "  Crown-matri- 
monial." This  judicious  advice  won  the  enmity  of  Darnley, 
who  soon  became  the  tool  of  those  who  had  far  more  extensive 
designs  to  accomplish  than  the  assassination  of  Rizzio.  It  was 
also  said  that  Rizzio  had  lent  sums  of  money  to  Darnley  and 
Douglas,  and  "both  repudiated  their  bills."  Darnley  was 
heavily  in  debt,  "  without  the  Queen's  knowledge,"  and 
Sir  George  Douglas  had  the  character  of  rarely  paying  his 
debts ;  and  in  the  negotiations  for  murdering  Cardinal  Beaton 
he  expected  to  have  received  as  much  money  from  the  Eng- 
lish Council  as  would  "square  all  his  difi&culties;"  but,  as 
the  reader  is  aware,  the  negotiations  were  broken  off  under 
extraordinary  and  disgraceful  circumstances.* 

The  work  of  death,  according  to  the  arrangements  made, 
was  not  to  be  confined  to  David  Rizzio,  for  a  wholesale 
slaughter  was  contemplated.  Those  members  of  the  Queen's 
Council  who  had  shown  themselves  opposed  to  her  deposition, 
by  refusing  to  concur  in  granting  the  Crown-matrimonial  to 
the  Queen's  ungrateful  husband,  became  marked  men.  The 
intended  victims  were  the  Lords  Bothwell,  Huntley,  Atholl, 
Fleming,  Livingstone,  and  Sir  James  Balfour — the  last  was, 
for  some  unexplained  reason,  to  he  hanged  at  the  Queen^s 
chamber  door.  A  selection  was  also  made  of  the  Court  ladies 
who  were  to  suffer.  Six  of  the  Queen's  most  confidential 
maids  of  honour  were  to  be  tied  up  in  sacks  and  drowned  ; 


*  See  chapter  on  "  Masks  Bemoved,"    in  the  second  volume  of  this 
work. 


326  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


and  the  Queen  herself,  if  she  survived  the  horrors  of  the 
tragedy  proposed  to  be  acted  in  her  presence,  was  either  to  be 
slain  or  imprisoned  in  Stirling  Castle,  till  she  consented  to 
acknowledge  her  husband's  usurpation.* 

The  amount  of  dissimulation  with  which  so  young  a  man, 
yet  of  a  bent  so  reckless  and  utterly  unprincipled  as  Darnley, 
concealed  these  atrocious  designs  appears  far  more  remarkable 
than  the  readiness  with  which  his  lost  honour,  his  want  of 
common  sense,  not  to  mention  conscience,  urged  him  to 
adopt  them  in  order  to  avert  suspicion  as  to  his  deadly  plans. 
Darnley  challenged  Eizzio  to  play  a  game  of  tennis  with  him, 
and  was  actually  thus  engaged  with  his  victim  the  very  day 
preceding  that  appointed  for  the  assassination,  f 

On  this  occasion  the  conspirators  suggested  that  it  was  "  a 
good  opportunity  to  despatch  '  Auld  Davie.' " 

"  No,"  replied  Darnley,  "the  best  time  to  select  is  when  he 
is  at  supper  with  the  Queen  and  her  ladies;  and  then  we  can 
strike  terror,  or  blows,  as  required." 

The  accounts  concerning  this  tragic  narrative,  although 
agreeing  in  the  main  incidents,  are  contradictory.  The  state- 
ments furnished  by  Eandolph  and  Lord  Bedford  must  be  re- 
ceived with  caution,  for  they  were  aware  of  the  entire  conspiracy 
for  many  weeks.  Did  these  agents  of  the  Queen  of  England 
do  anything  to  avert  the  murder  ?  According  to  their  own 
despatches — still  extant — they  undoubtedly  did  much  to  pro- 
mote the  assassinations  which  quickly  followed. 

Inow  arrivealmost  atthe  fatal  moment  of  this  savage  butchery 
—a  scene  which  some  Scotch  "  nobles"  may  still  look  back  on 


*  Reports  to  Cardinal  de  Lorraine  n  Teulet. 
t  Italian  Memorial  in  LabanofE's  Appendix,  vol.  vii. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  327 


with  shame  and  downcast  eyes.  On  Saturday  evening,  the 
9th  of  March,  1566,  about  seven  of  the  clock,  when  quite  dark, 
the  Earls  of  Morton  and  Lindsay,  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  bearing  torches  and  deadly  weapons,  occupied  the 
court  of  the  palace  of  Holyrood,  seized  the  gates  without 
resistance,  and  closed  them  against  all  but  their  own  com- 
panions. At  this  moment  the  Queen  was  at  supper  in  a  small 
room,  or  cabinet,  which  opened  from  her  bedchamber.  She 
was  attended  by  three  of  her  ladies,  four  gentlemen  in  wait- 
ing, the  captain  of  the  guard,  and  her  recently  appointed 
secretary,  David  Rizzio,  who,  accompanied  by  two  pages, 
stood  behind  the  Queen's  chair.  The  bedchamber  communi- 
cated by  a  secret  staircase  with  the  King's  apartment  behind, 
to  which  the  assassins  had  been  admitted.  Darnley,  ascending 
this  stair,  threw  up  the  arras  which  concealed  its  opening  in 
the  wall,  entered  the  little  apartment  where  the  Queen  sat, 
and  with  apparent  affection,  kissed  his  wife.  A  mysterious 
silence  ensued,  and  in  about  five  minutes  a  change  of  scene 
took  place,  when  Lord  Ruthven,  clad  in  complete  armour, 
rushed  into  the  apartment.  He  had  just  risen  from  a  sick 
bed ;  his  features  were  sunken  and  pale  from  disease ;  his 
voice  hollow  ;  his  whole  appearance  haggard  and  weary  ;  yet 
murder  in  its  direst  form  was  traceable  upon  his  countenance. 
In  the  words  of  one  of  the  ladies  present,  he  "  appeared  like  a 
vampire  thirsting  for  more  blood."  The  Queen  became  terror- 
stricken  ;  still  she  had  the  courage  to  tell  Ruthven  to  retire 
from  her  presence — a  command  returned  by  a  look  of  insolent 
scorn. 

"  Are  there  no  true  Scots  present,"  exclaimed  one  of  the 
ladies,  "  who  would  strike  down  this  coward  ruffian  who  styles 
himself  the  Lord  Ruthven  ?  " 

The  young  lady's  interrogatory  was  received  with  a  coarse 


328  Murder  of  Riasio. 


laugh  by  the  men  who  stood  near  the  door.  In  another 
moment  torches  flamed  in  the  outer  chamber,  and  the  clash 
of  arms  was  heard  amidst  ferocious  shouts  from  the  followers 
of  the  chief  assassins. 

"  Mother  of  God,"   exclaimed  the    Queen,   with   uplifted 
hands  to  Heaven,  "  What  is  all  this  about?  " 

A  momentary  silence  and  then  a  shout  of  "  Forward !  "  was 
heard.  George  Douglas  bounded  into  the  room  like  an 
uncaged  tiger.  Dagger  in  hand,  he  looked,  every  inch,  a 
murderer,  to  whom  pity  or  mercy  was  unknown.  He  was 
followed  by  Kerr,  of  Fandonside,  and  the  other  assassins.* 
Lord  Euthven  unsheathed  his  dagger,  and  called  out  that 
their  business  was  with  David  Eizzio,  and  made  an  effort  ta 
seize  him. 

"  If  my  secretary  has  been  guilty  of  any  crimes,"  said  the 
Queen,  "his  case  shall  be  investigated,  and  if  he  has  done 
wrong  to  any  of  my  subjects,  the  law  shall  punish  him  to  the 
utmost  extent.  The  law  makes  no  distinction  between  the 
lord  and  the  peasant  when  they  have  done  evil.  I  wish  you 
aU,  however,  to  understand  that  I  will  not  permit  any  man  to 
take  the  law  into  his  own  hands." 

This  short  speech  of  the  Queen,  which  was  delivered  with 
firmness  and  dignity,  excited  an  ironical  laugh  from  Sir 
Greorge  Douglas. 

"  Here  is  the   means   of  justice,"   exclaimed   one  of  the 

assassins,  producing  a  rope. 

"  Oh,  good  Queen,"  said  Eizzio,  "  I  am  a  dead  man." 

"  Fear  not,"  said  her  Highness,  in  a  firm  voice.     "  The 

King,  my  husband,  will  never  suffer  you  to  be  slain  in  my 


*  See  Queen  Mary's  Despatches  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow;  Keith,- 
Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iv. ;  Frazer  Tytler,  vol.  v. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  329 

presence  ;    neither    can    my   husband    forget   your   faithful 
services."* 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  Darnley  looked  quite  be- 
wildered. He  trembled  from  head  to  foot,  whilst  the  assassins 
uttered  another  ironical  laugh,  and  pointed  at  him  with  scorn. 
Kuthven,  in  an  insolent  tone,  told  Darnley  "  to  take  charge  of 
his  wife,  and  hold  the  woman  tight  till " 

The  savage  slogan  yell,  "  A  Douglas  !  a  Douglas ! "  now 
resounded  through  the  palace.  Morton  and  his  eighty 
followers,  impatient  of  delay,  rushed  forward  to  the  scene 
of  slaughter,  and  were  disappointed  that  several  of  those 
whom  they  came  to  murder  were  absent.  Eizzio,  bleeding 
profusely,  again  caught  the  Queen's  robe.  His  last  excla- 
mations were :  "  Mercy,  mercy,  for  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ." 
A  scene  of  horror  ensued ;  the  Queen  cried  and  supplicated  ; 
the  tables  and  lights  were  overturned.  "  Drag  auld  Davie 
out,"  exclaimed  several  voices.  "  I  must  plunge  my  dagger 
in  him  again,"  were  the  words  of  Greorge  Douglas. 

The  end  of  the  tragic  scene  was  now  at  hand.  The  cold- 
blooded and  coward  husband  of  the  Queen  came  forward  to  play 
his  part,  and  fulfil  his  pledge  to  the  conspirators  whose  miser- 
able creature  he  had  become.  He  succeeded  in  unlocking  the 
death-grasp  with  which  the  unhappy  victim  clung  to  the 
Queen's  robe,  and  then  forced  his  outraged  wife  into  a  chair 
and  stood  behind  it,  holding  her  tightly  that  she  might  not 
rise.  This  scene  extinguished  Mary  Stuart's  fast-fading  love 
for  her  cruel  and  profligate  consort;  and,  perhaps,  for  the 
first  time  in  her  life  she  felt  what  species  of  resentment  gives 
birth  to  hatred. 

All  further  obstruction  to  the  murderers  was  now  removed. 


*  Birrel's  Diary ;  Adam  Blackwood  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iv. 


330  Murder  of  Riszio. 


They  plunged  their  daggers  in  the  body  of  the  dying  man, 
each  blow  accompanied  by  fearful  oaths  and  words  of  demoniac 
triumph.  The  body  was  mangled  by  fifty-six  wounds,  and 
left  in  a  pool  of  blood.  Kerr  and  Douglas  returned  to  the 
scene,  and  further  disfigured  the  reeking  corpse,  tied  it  up 
with  a  rope  and  flung  it  into  the  street. 

During  the  struggle,  Andrew  Kerr,  the  most  sanguinary 
of  the  blood-stained  men  present,  placed  a  pistol  to  the 
Queen's  breast,  and  with  a  terrible  imprecation,  assured  her 
he  would  shoot  her  dead  if  she  offered  resistance.  The  Queen 
stood  undaunted.  She  exclaimed  in  a  firm  voice,  "  Villain, 
fire  !  Fire  if  you  respect  not  the  Eoyal  infant  in  my  womb."* 
The  assassin  was  not  moved  by  the  speech  of  the  Queen — he 
pulled  the  trigger,  but  the  pistol  accidentally  hung  fire.  Nor 
was  this  the  only  attempt  made  on  the  life  of  the  defenceless 
Mary  Stuart  during  that  dreadful  night,  when  a  set  of  mis- 
creants, reckoned  amongst  those  who  were  called  "  the  Scottish 
nobles,"  covered  themselves  with  infamy.  James  Bellenden, 
brother  of  the  Lord  Justice  Clerk,  aimed  a  murderous  blow 
at  the  Queen,  under  cover  of  the  tumultuous  attack  on  unfor- 
tunate Eizzio,  but  his  purpose  was  observed  by  one  of  the 
pages  in  attendance  upon  the  Queen,  who,  with  equal  courage 
and  presence  of  mind,  parried  the  blow  by  striking  the  rapier 
aside  with  the  torch  he  had  been  holding.  The  name  of  the 
page  was  Anthony  Standen,  a  handsome  young  English 
gentleman.  When  an  old  man,  and  residing  in  Rome,  Mr. 
Standen  related  many  particulars  of  the  terrible  scenes  that 
occurred  on  the  night  of  Rizzio's  murder.  He  had  a  personal 
knowledge  of  the  principal  actors. 

When  the  murder  had  ended.   Lord  Ruthven  returned  to 


*  Italian  Memorials  in  Labanoff's  Mary  Stuart. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  Z'h'^ 


the  Koyal  presence  to  make  himself,  if  possible,  more  hateful 
to  the  Queen,  who  became  dreadfully  excited  upon  beholding 
the  bloody  hands  of  Ruthven  uplifted  in  thanks  to  Heaven  for 
what  had  just  occurred.  As  the  excitement  caused  by  Euth- 
•ven's  presence  had  somewhat  calmed,  the  Queen  stood  still, 
with  clasped  hands,  in  prayer,  evidently  expecting  that  her 
own  life  was  the  next  to  be  sacrificed.  After  his  blasphemous 
thanksgiving  for  a  barbarous  murder,  Ruthven  indulged  in 
gross  allusions  to  the  Queen's  ladies.  He  threw  himself  upon 
a  seat,  and  called  out  for  a  goblet  of  wine.  "  Wine,  wine,  I 
must  have  quickly."  Then  addressing  himself  to  the  Queen, 
he  said  :  "  Good  Queen,  you  are  in  no  danger.  But  your 
favourite  is  done  for ;  and  my  dagger,  and  my  hand,  aided  in 
sending  him  down  to  hell.  '  So  perish  every  man  or  woman 
who  are  enemies  to  our  holy  religion  of  the  Reformed 
dospel.'  "* 

Ruthven  not  only  attempted  to  vindicate  himself  and  his 
associates,  but  he  added  enduring  poignancy  to  the  Queen's 
feelings,  when  he  assured  her  that  the  conspiracy  and  the 
murder  were  all  planned  with  the  express  approval  of  her  own 
husband,  who  actually  led  them  into  her  private  apartment, 
and  "  held  her  down  whilst  they  were  plunging  their  steel  into 
the  body  of  Maister  Davie.  What  think  you  of  your  husband 
now  f  The  Queen,  starting  from  her  seat,  intensely  excited, 
uttered  the  following  words  ; — "  My  husband!  my  husband! 
Then  farewell  tears  !  we  must  NOW  thiiik  of  revenge.'^  Mary 
Stuart's  high  spirit  quailed  not  a  moment  before  Ruthven. 
With  renewed  energy  of  mind  and  spirit,  she  continued  her 
address  to  Ruthven,  who  sat  opposite,  with  rude  and  undig- 
nified bearing.  "  I  trust,"  said  the  Queen,  "my  Lord  Ruthven, 


*  Anthony  Standen's  Narrative. 


332  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


that  the  Almighty  God,  who  beholds  this  scene  from  the 
highest  heavens,  will  avenge  my  wrongs,  and  move  that  lohich 
shall  be  born  of  me  to  root  out  you  and  your  treacherous 
posterity^* 

The  prophetical  denunciation  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  as  to 
Kuthven  was  fully  accomplished  by  her  son  (King  James)  on 
the  House  of  the  "  red-handed  Ruthven.^^ 

"  That  poltroon,  and  vile  knave,  '  Auld  Davie,'  was  justly 
punished  on  the  9th  day  of  March,  in  the  year  of  Grod,  1565-6, 
for  abusing  the  CommonwCc'lth,  and  for  his  other  villany, 
which  we  list  not  to  express,  by  the  counsel  and  hands  of  Sir 
George  Douglas,  the  Earl  of  Morton,  Patrick  Lord  Lindsay, 
and  the  Lord  Euthven,  with  other  assisters  in  their  company, 
who  all,  for  their  just  act,  and  most  worthy  of  all  praise,  are 
now  unworthily  reft  of  their  brethren,  and  suffer  the  bitterness 
of  punishment  and  exile."! 

The  above  remarkable  passage  was  written  by  Knox  during 
the  exile  of  Morton  and  the  other  assassins  of  Eizzio.  Knox 
adds  a  "  fervent  prayer  that  Grod  will  restore  them  to  their 
country,  and  punish  the  '  head  and  tail '  that  now  trouble  the 
just  and  maintain  impiety."  The  marginal  note  explains  that 
Knox  was  then  predicting  the  late  of  his  Queen  and  her 
Ministers.  "  The  head,"  he  observes,  "  is  known  ;  the  tail 
has   two  branches  —  the    temporal  lords   that   maintain   her 


*  Notes  of  Anthony  Standen,  who  was  present,  and  stood  behind  the 
Queen  throughout  this  terrible  sceae  ;  also  the  statements  in  corroboration 
by  the  ladies  in  waiting ;  Ruthven  and  Morton's  Narrative ;  Keith's  Appen- 
dix ;  Spottiswood  and  Tytler.  The  statement  put  forward  by  Ruthven  and 
Morton  must  be  considered  as  the  allegations  of  the  principal  assassins. 
Anthony  Standen  and  the  ladies  who  were  witnesses  to  the  whole  proceed- 
ing must  be  accepted  as  the  genuine  evidence  of  what  occurred. 

t  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland,  by  John  Knox,  vol.  i.  p.  235, 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  333 


abominations,  and  her  flattering  counsellors,  blasphemous 
Balfour,  now  called  Clerk  of  Register,  and  Clair,  Dean  of 
Restalrig,  blind  of  one  eye,  but  of  both  in  his  soul,  upon 
whom  Grod  shortly  took  vengeance." 

Andrew  Kerr  was  Lord  Ruthven's  nephew.*  Many  years 
subsequent  to  the  death  of  Rizzio,  Kerr  married  the  still 
young  and  handsome  widow  of  John  Knox.  This  poor  lady 
became  the  wife  of  another  bad  husband.  A  cruel,  licentious, 
drunken  ruffian  was  this  dagger-man.  Yet,  strange  as  it  may 
appear.  Sir  Andrew  Kerr  ranks  amongst  the  "  Saints  of  the 
Kirk  of  Scotland." 

On  the  night  of  the  murder  of  Rizzio  the  Queen  was  made 
a  prisoner  in  her  own  palace.  The  excitement  was  immense  ; 
the  assassins  took  to  drink  freely,  to  pray,  and  to  fight  amongst 
themselves  ;  the  dagger  was  again  in  use.  On  Sunday  the 
rebel  lords,  with  Moray  at  their  head,  returned  to  Edinburgh, 
where  they  were  received  by  Darnley,  who  cordially  welcomed 
his  cousin  Moray.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  Moray  and  his 
companions  were  fully  aware  of  the  assassination  on  the 
previous  night.  Moray  had  an  interview  with  the  Queen, 
when  "  she  flung  herself  in  his  arms  and  wept  bitterly,  ex- 
claiming '  If  my  dear  brother  was  here,  poor  Rizzio  would  not 
have  suffered  the  terrible  death  he  received  last  night.'  " 
Moray  "  cried  heartily^  and  assured  his  sister  that  he  would 
■protect  her  and  shed  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  in  her  defence^ 

Only  a  few  hours  after  this  scene  Lord  Moray  assembled 
the  "  enterprising "  of  the  late  murder,  and  several  of  the 
disaffected  who  had  returned  to  Edinburgh  with  him.     The 


*  Lord  Ruthven  did  not  lire  to  see  the  results  of  his  evil  deeds.  A 
sudden  and  a  violent  death  closed  his  career ;  and  history  ranks  him 
amongst  the  worst  of  his  order. 


334  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


questions  Moray  submitted  for  the  consideration  of  this  band 
of  assassins  was,  "  whether  it  was  expedient  to  imprison  the 
Queen  at  Stirling  Castle,  or  put  her  to  death  at  once,"  re- 
marking that  "  delays  were  dangerous."  Lord  Lennox,  the 
father  of  Darnley,  was  present  at  this  council  as  the  friend  of 
Moray,  who,  at  the  same  time,  was  secretly  pledged  to  have 
his  (Lennox's)  son  "  murdered  as  soon  as  possible."  A  "  more 
secret  meeting  "  was  held  at  Lord  Morton's  house,  where  the 
fate  of  the  Queen  was  again  discussed.  The  conspirators 
desired  particularly  to  know  what  course  Lord  Moray  would 
recommend.  He  replied  without  hesitation,  "  that  they  should 
put  the  Queen  to  death  quickly J^ 

"  Put  to  death  quickly  "  that  trusting  sister,  whose  tears  had 
so  lately  commingled  with  his  own;  they  had  wept  together  as 
we  have  seen ;  as  she  clung  to  him  in  her  agonising  welcome 
of  trusting  confidence — the  confiding  dependence  of  a  sister  who 
had  neither  husband  nor  friend  to  shield  her.  This  un- 
paralleled brother  concluded  his  address  by  telling  his 
audience  that  it  was  for  the  good  and  the  security  of  their  holy 
religion  that  the  Queen  should  die.  And  again,  he  impressed 
upon  his  followers  that  "  delays  were  dangerous."* 

Within  a  few  hours  the  most  extraordinary  incidents 
occurred,  and  the  Queen's  faith  in  human  nature  and  its  pro- 
fessions of  loyalty  and  love  was  tested  to  the  utmost.  The 
conspirators  in  the  case  of  Rizzio  had  quarrelled  amongst 
themselves  and  suddenly  laid  the  whole  plot  before  the  Queen, 
and  in  the  most  distinct  and  positive  manner  accused  Darnley 
of  being  the  "  instigator  and  contriver  of  the  murder."  To 
prove  this   they    laid  "the  bonds    or   covenants    before    her 


*  Adam  Blackwood's  Life  of  Queen  Mary,  Maitland  Club  edition  ;  Tytler 
vol.  V. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  335 


Highness,"  and  the  dreadful  truth  broke  upon  her  in  all  its 
horrors.* 

Mary  now  understood  for  the  first  time,  but  from  a  hostile 
source,  that  "her  husband  was  the  principal  conspirator  against 
her  ;  the  defamer  of  her  honour ;  the  plotter  against  her 
liberty  and  her  Crown  ;  the  almost  murderer  of  herself  and  her 
infant  child."  Darnley  stood  convicted  as  a  traitor  and  a  per- 
jurer ;  false  to  every  principle  of  honour ;  false  to  his  wife  ; 
false  to  his  Sovereign  ;  and,  like  the  basest  of  criminals,  false 
to  his  associates  in  crime.  The  Queen  was  reduced  almost  to 
despair,  not  knowing  in  whom  to  confide.  Up  to  this  time 
Mary  did  not  believe  in  the  reports  of  her  husband's  treachery 
to  herself,  and  his  desire  to  dethrone  her. 

Seeing  the  results  of  his  own  conduct,  Darnley  made  a 
confession  to  the  Queen,  implicating  his  accomplices  in  con- 
spiracy and  murder.  When  too  late  he  ascertained  that  his 
own  life  was  in  as  much  if  not  more  danger  than  his  wife's  at 
this  very  period.  Then,  subordinating  all  to  the  "principle" 
of  self-preservation,  he  besought  pardon  and  obtained  it.  But 
the  conspiracy  of  the  red-handed  "  nobles "  made  flight 
necessary.  Many  plans  were  arranged  for  the  escape  of 
the  Royal  couple  from  Holyrood;  but  all  proved  hazardous. 
Mary's  spirits  rose  with  the  excitement  of  the  adventure. 

At  last  a  scheme  was  devised  which  proved  successful.  In 
order  to  avoid  suspicion  the  King  and  Queen  retired  early,  but 
rose  two  hours  after  midnight ;  the  Queen  being  only  attended 
by  one  faithful  maid,  Margaret  Cawood.  The  party  stealthily 
descended  a  secret  stair  to  a  postern  leading  through  the 
cemetery  of  the  Royal  Chapel.     The  night  was  dark,  which 


*  Italian   Memorial   in  Labanoff  ;    Queens  of    Scotland,  vol.  iv. ;     MS. 
letter,  State  Papers ;  Thomas  Eandolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil. 


336  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


added  to  the  difficulties  of  the  fugitives,  but  the  guards  were 
asleep  or  intoxicated.  At  the  outer  gate  of  the  cemetery  the 
faithful  young  Standen  was  waiting  with  a  horse  for  Darnley, 
who  seemed  to  feel  his  situation  much,  for  he  sobbed  and 
cried ;  next  came  the  Queen.  The  narrator  states  that  there 
was  dano-er  in  lifting  a  woman  in  her  delicate  condition 
to  a  pillion  ;  however,  after  some  fear  and  excitement  Queen 
Mary  was  seated  behind  Arthur  Erskine.  Traquair  took 
charo-e  of  Margaret  Cawood,  and  Anthony  Standen  and 
Bastian  rode  singly.  The  pa^ty  cleared  the  precincts  of  the 
palace  without  alarm  being  raised,  and  after  a  sharp  gallop 
arrived  safely  at  Lord  Seton's,  Seton,  with  two  hundred  armed 
cavaliers,  was  in  readiness  to  receive  his  Queen,  and  to  escort 
her  to  Dunbar.* 

Invigorated  by  the  sharp  air  and  exercise.  Queen  Mary 
insisted  on  taking  a  horse  to  herself,  and  was  not  only  able  to 
support  herself  in  the  saddle,  but  performed  the  last  twelve 
milesof  the  journey  with  such  speed  that  she  and  her  chival- 
rous body-guard  arrived  at  Dunbar  before  sunrise,  and  de- 
manded admittance  to  her  Royal  fortress. 

The  warder's  challenge  was  answered  by  the  startling 
announcement — "  Your  Queen  !" 

Four-and-twenty  -hours  had  scarcely  elapsed  since  Lord 
Moray  and  his  rebel  confederates  had  swept  past  the  fortress 
on  their  triumphant  return  to  Edinburgh,  escorted  by  one 
thousand  spearmen,  proclaiming   as  they  marched  along  the 


*  Prince  LabanofE's  Appendix ;  Lord  Herries'  History  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots  ;  Jane  Kennedy  states  that  Herries,  then  very  young,  was  present  at 
many  of  those  adventures.  Eandolph's  letters  to  Cecil  at  this  period 
correctly  describes  the  extraordinary  scenes  which  were  passing,  and  the 
courage  and  perseverance  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  337 


tidings  that  "  Hoiyrood  Abbey  was  occupied  by  the 
'  followers  of  Lord  Moray,'  that  wicked  little  Kizzio  was 
served  out  as  he  deserved,  and  the  Queen  a  prisoner  in 
Darnley's  hands,  who  meant  to  destroy  her  for  the  public 
good." 

Such  had  been  the  current  reports.  Now  it  turned  out  that 
the  Eoyal  couple— Mary  and  her  handsome  worthless 
husband — had  eloped  together,  and  were  riding,  side  by  side 
like  romantic  lovers,  in  the  grey  light  of  morning.  The  whole 
thing  appeared  so  strange  to  the  warder  in  command  that 
he  ventured  not  to  raise  the  portcullis  till  he  had  ascertained 
how  the  chatelain  stood  affected.  The  suspense  was  quickly 
over  ;  the  Grovernor  of  the  Castle  hastened  to  offer  homage  to 
the  Queen  and  her  husband.  Darnley  received  a  cold  recep- 
tion from  the  more  devoted  loyalists.  But  when  the 
base  part  he  had  taken  in  the  brutal  murder  of  Kizzio 
became  known  a  feeling  of  horror  possessed  every  right- 
minded  person. 

Having  been  duly  admitted  to  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  the 
first  thing  the  Queen  did  was  to  order  a  fire  to  be  made  to 
warm  herself.  "  I  am  cold  and  hungry,"  said  her  Highness, 
"  I  want  some  new-laid  eggs  and  a  warm  drink." 

The  Queen  cooked  the  eggs  herself,  which  caused  Archi- 
bald Mackenzie,  a  chivalrous  old  follower  of  the  Stuart  family, 
to  burst  into  tears.  "  My  Royal  mistress  to  be  allowed  to 
cook  eggs  for  her  breakfast !     Has  Scotland  lost  her  pride  ?"* 

On  this  occasion  the  Queen  walked  through  a  crowd  of  her 
supporters,  the  majority  of  whom  belonged  to  the  Kirk  con- 
gregations, and  she  said  something  kindly  to  each,  and  thanked 
them  for  the  devotion  they  evinced  for  her  cause  that  morning. 


*  Memorials  of  the  Eoyal  Flight  to  Dunbar. 
VOL.   IV.  Z 


338  Murder  of  Riszio. 


Darnley,  who  was  present  at  "  this  interviewing  "  of  the  Queen 
by  a  crowd  of  some  hundreds,  remained  silent,  and  was  per- 
fectly unnoticed. 

This  scene  in  the  hall  of  Dunbar  over,  Mary  Stuart  sat 

down  and  wrote  letters  to  her  French  relatives,  detailing  her 

recent  troubles.     In  the  letter  to  her  uncle,  the  Cardinal  de 

Lorraine,  she  subscribed  herself  "  your  niece,  Marie,  Queen 

without  a  kingdom."     Mary  was  mistaken  when  she  signed 

herself  a  Queen  without  a  kingdom,  for  the  hearts  of  the  people 

of  Scotland  were  undoubtedly  with  her  at  tliat  'period.     In  a 

few  days  thousands  flocked  to  the  Eoyal  standard.     Men  sixty 

and  seventy  years  of  age  came  from  remote  districts  with  their 

sons  and  grandsons,  ready  and  willing  to  defend  their  Queen — 

the  granddaughter  of  their  "  beloved  Bonnie  King  Jamie." 

The  rebel  league  now  began  to  split,  and  the  dagger-men 
were  quite  willing  to  betray  one  another.  The  principal  men 
amongst  the  assassins  of  Eizzio  fled  to  England,  where  they 
were  entertained  by  the  agents  of  Queen  Elizabeth  till  their 
evil  services  were  again  required. 

A  distinguished  writer  of  the  present  day,  and  sometimes 
a  reasonless  defamer  of  Mary  Stuart,  describes  her  at  this  crisis 
of  her  eventful  history  : — 

"  Whatever  credit  is  due  to  iron  fortitude  and  intellectual 
address  must  be  given  without  stint  to  this  extraordinary  woman. 
Her  energy  grew  with  exertion  ;  the  terrible  agitation  of  the  three 
preceding  days,  the  wild  escape,  and  a  midnight  gallop  of  more 
than  twenty  miles  within  a  £ew  weeks  of  her  confinement  would 
have  shaken  the  strength  of  the  least  fragile  of  human  frames ; 
hut  Mary  Stuart  seemed  not  to  know  the  meaning  of  the  word 
exhaustion.  She  had  scarcely  alighted  from  her  horse  than  couriers 
were  flying  east,  west,  north  and  south,  to  call  the  Catholic  nobles 
to  her  side.     She  wrote  her  own  story  to  her  Minister  at  Paris^ 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  339 


bidding  the  Archbishop  in  a  postscript  to  anticipate  the  false 
rumours  which  would  be  spread  against  her  honour.  .  .  .  To 
Elizabeth,  Mary  wrote  on  this  occasion  with  her  own  hand — fierce, 
dauntless,  and  haughty  as  in  the  days  of  her  prosperity,*  Queen 
Mary  demanded  to  know  whether  the  Queen  of  England  intended 
to  support  the  traitors  who  had  slain  her  most  faithful  servant  in 
her  presence."! 

In  eight  days  after  her  flight  from  Edinburgh,  the  Queen 
returned  to  her  capital,  when  the  inhabitants — young  and  old 
—  came  out  to  meet  her.  Lords,  chiefs,  and  knights  crowded 
around  their  Sovereign,  who  was  at  the  head  of  an  army  of 
nearly  twelve  thousand  men.  The  Queen's  popularity  was 
immense,  whilst  her  husband  was  detested  by  the  people  of 
every  party  in  the  State.  He  seemed  to  have  been  deserted 
by  the  Presbyterians,  with  whom  he  had  sought  an  alliance. 
Darnley's  father  (Lord  Lennox),  who  was  connected  with  the 
conspiracy  to  murder  Kizzio,  was  ordered  by  the  Queen  to  leave 
the  country.  Moray,  whom  Mary  had  never  ceased  to  trust, 
was  once  more  pardoned  and  re-called.  On  the  very  day  he 
received  his  sister's  letter,  restoring  him  to  his  place,  he  was 
actually  corresponding  with  Morton  and  Kandolph,  the  deadly 
enemies  of  his  Queen. 

About  this  time  a  fresh  conspiracy,  and  one  which  subse- 
quently proved  fatal  to  Mary,  was  formed.      The  principal 


*  The  letter  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  above  alluded  to,  Is  to  be  seen 
amongst  the  State  Papers  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  This  letter,  viewed  in 
many  forms,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  written,  makes  it  a 
marvellous  document.  The  strokes  are  thick  and  slightly  uneven  from 
excitement,  but  strong,  firm,  and  without  sign  of  tremulousness.  When  the 
Queen  wrote  this  note  she  was  after  riding  twenty  miles  without  any 
refreshments,  save  a  gohlct  of  water  from  a  ditch  on  the  highway. 

t  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  viii. 
z  2 


340  Murder  of  Rizzio. 


actors  in  the  late  plot  and  murder  were  all  united  as  to  what 
should  be  the  fate  of  Darnley,  and  his  assassination  became 
merely  a  matter  of  time.  In  the  new  conspiracy  were  Lords 
Morton,  Moray,  and  Lethington.  Lord  Euthven,  George 
Douglas,  and  Andrew  Kerr  were  "  ready  for  action  when 
called  upon."  With  very  few  exceptions  the  Protestant 
party  had  no  confidence  in  Darnley.  They  looked  upon  him 
as  "a  fine  handsome  boy,  possessed  of  little  talent  ;  vain  and 
petulant." 

Darnley  next  put  himself  forward  as  the  champion  of 
Catholicity.  But  the  Catholic  party  were  few,  and  not  accus- 
tomed to  the  dictatorship  of  "  a  beardless  boy,"  as  Kandolph 
styled  Darnley.  The  "  boy  "  wrote  to  the  Pope,  censuring 
his  Eoyal  wife  for  upholding  Protestantism.  Darnley  had  no 
party  in  the  country.* 

As  the  time  of  the  Queen's  confinement  approached,  her 
resentment  softened  towards  her  husband.  Uncertain  that 
she  should  survive  her  confinement,  she  called  a  few  of  the 
principal  nobles  together,  took  measures  regarding  the  govern- 
ment of  the  kingdom,  made  her  will,  became  reconciled  to 
Darnley,  who  fell  upon  his  knees  before  his  Koyal  wife,  ex- 
pressing his  deep  sorrow  for  the  past,  and  a  fervid  hope  that 
his  conduct  for  the  future  would  cause  her  to  blot  out  the 
memory  of  his  evil  deeds.  An  aflfecting  scene  followed,  in 
which  the  beautiful  young  wife — again  confiding  and  loving 
— mingled  her  tears  with  those  of  the  tall  handsome  youth, 
whom  she  had  honoured  with  her  hand,  and  made  her  hus- 
band. New  vows  were  registered  before  Heaven  by  the 
young  couple — vows  to  be,  from  on  High,  lamentably  uncon- 
firmed and  unconsecrated. 


MSS  State  Papers  still  procurable. 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  34 1 


Lord  Moray  was  now  treated  with  marked  confidence  on 
this  occasion,  and  through  his  influence  the  extreme  Church 
party  were  conciliated — for  a  time  at  least. 

Considering  the  difficulties  of  her  position,  the  Queen  of 
Scots  had,  upon  the  whole,  conducted  the  Government  of 
Scotland  with  remarkable  prudence  and  success,  and  her 
respect  for  the  conscientious  and  religious  opinions  of  others 
induced  the  most  powerful  of  the  Protestant  nobility  to  regard 
her  rights  with  favour.  There  was  one  party  that  she  could 
never  conciliate.  The  Presbyterian  clergy  were  in  the  front 
rank  of  the  Queen's  most  implacable  enemies.  At  the  head  of 
this  base,  cowardly,  and  unmanly  confederacy  stood  John 
Knox,  to  whom  I  have  alluded  at  some  length  in  the  third 
volume  of  this  work. 

Mr.  Hosack  takes  a  favourable  view  of  Mary  Stuart's  abili- 
ties and  good  temper  on  the  occasion  of  her  religious  discussion 
with  John  Knox — 

"  It  was  unfortunate  for  the  Queen  that,  according  to  Knox's 
own  narrative,  she  had  maintained  throughout  the  superiority  as  well 
in  temper  as  in  argument.  Had  there  been  a  spark  of  generosity  in 
the  *  great  Reformer's  '  nature,  he  could  not  have  failed  to  admire,  in 
one  so  young,  the  native  clearness  of  her  intellect,  and  even  the  stead- 
fastness with  which  she  clung  to  the  persecuted  faith  of  her  fathers. 
But  the  egotism  of  John  Knox  seems  to  have  been  wounded  by 
his  discomfiture,  for  it  is  certain  that  he  ever  afterwards  regarded 
the  Scottish  Queen  with  feelings  of  personal  hostility."* 

An  event  occurred  on  the  19th  of  June,  1566,  which  caused 
great  joy  throughout  Scotland — the  Queen  was  safely  delivered 
of  a  son.     Sir  James   Melville   was   specially  charged  to  an- 


*  Hosack's  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Accusers,  p.  75. 


342  Mtcrder  of  Rizzio. 


nounce  the  "  happy  tidings  "  to  the  Queen  of  England.  Queen 
Mary  and  her  husband  seemed  to  be  now  quite  reconciled. 
The  nobles  and  chiefs  expressed  their  satisfaction.  The 
rejoicings  lasted  several  weeks. 

Suddenly  it  was  whispered  in  many  quarters  that  a  for- 
midable conspiracy  was  working  its  way  at  certain  midnight 
meetings.  The  existence  of  plots  was  denied  by  the  sup- 
porters of  the  Queen's  Council.  Moray,  so  recently  pardoned, 
and  on  whom  the  Queen  lavished  many  favours,  was  discovered 
to  be  the  leading  spirit  in  a  plot  to  destroy  his  Eoyal  sister's 
honour  in  the  estimation  of  the  Queen  of  England.  Moray's 
wife  took  part  in  the  "  new  device."  George  Buchanan  and 
Eandolph  were  also  of  the  paity.  Still  i\Ioray  continued 
to  be  the  confidential  adviser  of  the  Queen.  Notwithstanding 
all  the  solemn  oaths  he  had  taken,  and  the  professions  of  love 
he  had  made  for  his  "  dear  sister,"  he  belonged  to  a  body  of 
men  who  were  determined  to  assassinate  that  sister's  husband 
at  the  most  favourable  opportunity,  and  to  fasten  the  crime 
upon  the  Queen  herself,  by  a  fresh  series  of  forgeries,  and  a 
renewal  of  assassinations — if  required.  The  conspirators  met 
every  night  to  deliberate,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
the  English  Council  knew  of  their  proceedings,  as  in  the 
case  of  Kizzio. 

The  pictures  of  Mary  Stuart  have  long  been  an  object  of 
patriotic  interest  and  sympathy  in  Scotland — in  fact,  in  all 
parts  of  Europe.  In  the  picture  galleries  of  Paris,  Vienna, 
Milan,  Madrid,  and  other  Continental  cities,  there  are  portraits 
of  Mary  Stuart  in  the  various  stages  of  her  misfortunes.  It 
is,  however,  worthy  of  remark  that  some  of  the  best  executed 
likenesses  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  differ  in  essential  features. 
There  is  still  extant,  and  to  be  seen  at  Cul^eon  Castle,  in 
Ayrshire,  a  picture  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,    which  was  taken 


Murder  of  Rizzio.  343 


about  the  period  of  her  marriage  with  the  Dauphin  of  France. 
This  picture  represents  her  in  the  "  bright  May-morning  of 
her  loveliness,"  when  her  charms  were  enhanced  by  the  con- 
sciousness of  possessing  earthly  felicity  and  queenly  grandeur. 
The  picture  is  in  a  nobler  style  of  portrait-painting  than  that 
of    Yaekero,    and  it  is    worthy    of    the  genius   of  Titian  or 
Gruercino.     The  hair  is  of  a  rich  chesnut  tint,    almost  black  ; 
the  complexion  that  of  a  delicate  brunette,  clear  and  glowing; 
and  this  accords   with  the  darkness   of  her  eyes,  hair,  and 
strongly  marked  eyebrows.     The  hair  is  parted  in  wide  bands 
across  the  forehead,  and  rolled  back  in  a  large  curl  on  each 
temple,  above  the  small   delicately  moulded  ears.    She  wears 
a  little  round  crimson  velvet  cap,  embroided   with  gold,  and 
ornamented  with  gems,  placed  almost  at  the  back  of  her  head, 
resembling    a    Grreek    cap. .     The    dress  is    of    rich    crimson 
damask,  embroidered  with  gold,  and  ornamented  with  gems. 
It  fits  tightly  to  her  bust  and  taper  waist,  which  is   long  and 
slender ;  so  is  her  gracefully  turned  throat.     She  has  balloon- 
shaped  tops  to  her  sleeves,  rising  above  the  natural   curve  of 
her  shoulder.     Her   dress    is    finished    at  the  throat   with  a 
collar-band,  supporting  a  lawn  collarette,  with  a  finely  quilted 
demi-ruff.     Her   only   ornament   is  a  string    of  large  round 
pearls,  carelessly  knotted  about  the  throat,  from  which  depends 
an  amethyst  cross.     The  general  effect   of  this  picture  upon 
such  eminent  critics  as  Jane   Porter  and    Agnes  Strickland 
was  one  of  enthusiasm,   love,  and  admiration.     Miss   Strick- 
land  styles  it  "  a  glorious  painting.^'     The  thoughtful  mind 
of  Maria  Edgeworth  caused  her  to  utter  these  words  : — "  I 
have  looked  at  this  particular  picture  of  Queen  Marie  many 
times,  and  always  with  admiration,  intensified  by  love,  and 
pity  for  her  long  sufferings." 


244  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE   DAENLEY   MYSTERY. 

Why  party  and  sectarian  feeling  should  be  imported  into  the 
miserable,  yet  mysterious  narrative  concerning  the  violent 
death  of  Henry,  Earl  of  Darnley,  is  unworthy  of  the  en- 
lightened spirit  of  the  age  in  which  we  live.  The  "  choice," 
like  many  other  Royal  marriages,  was  under  the  control  of 
circumstances  ''hedged  round"  by  sectarian  intrigue  and 
secret  malice.  But  a  short  time  after  the  marriage  it  became 
quite  apparent  to  the  courtiers  that  Darnley  was  "  largely 
indulging  in  a  profligate  mode  of  life."  When  he  first  arrived 
at  Holyrood  Palace  he  was  in  the  bloom  of  youth,  and  one 
most  likely  to  captivate  the  eye  and  win  the  heart  of  a  young 
and  lovely  girl,  and  that  girl — a  Queen.  For  a  few  weeks  he 
captivated  his  Royal  bride  ;  but  his  attractions  of  mind  were 
of  small  account  and  soon  vanished.  His  beauty  of  person 
was  that  incomplete  kind  of  attraction,  as  a  painter  observes, 
wanting  in  the  manliness  bestowed  by  years.  He  was  deficient 
in  firmness  and  in  judgment ;  and  much  attached  to  those 
grosser  passions  to  which  he  soon  became  a  slave.  Lord 
Morton,  who  had  a  good  kno\rledge  of  Darnley,  describes  him 
as  "  a  bufibon,  a  vindictive,  mindless  boy  whom  the  people 
hated  because  he  desired  to  restore  Popery."  A  much  more 
honest  writer  afiirms  that  Darnley  "was  sometimes  violent, 
yet  variable  in  his  enterprises ;  insolent,  yet  credulous,  and 
easily  governed  by  flatterers ;  he  was  devoid  of  all  gratitude. 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  345 

because  he  thought  no  favours  equal  to  his  merits;  he  was 
equally  incapable  of  all  delicate  sentiments  of  love  and  ten- 
derness."*   A  fair  picture  of  the  would-be  King. 

Three  days  before  the  murder  of  Darnley,  Eobert  Stuart, 
another  illegitimate  brother  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  who 
was  actually  in  the  conspiracy  to  kill  the  Queen's  husband, 
went  to  Darnley,  with  whom  he  was  intimate,  and  informed 
him  that  there  was  a  well-organised  plot  arranged  for  the 
destruction  of  his  life.  He  honestly  assured  Darnley  that 
"  unless  he  left  the  Kirk-of-Field  immediately  he  was  certain 
to  be  killed  in  the  same  manner  as  Maister  Davie. "f  Darnley 
informed  the  Queen  of  this  dreadful  warning,  but  she  was 
slow  to  believe  in  any  statement  made  by  Eobert  Stuart.  The 
Queen  sent  for  her  brother  Robert,  and  commanded  him  to 
explain  the  meaning  of  his  statement  to  her  husband.  A 
very  exciting  scene  took  place.  Eobert  Stuart  point  blank 
denied  that  he  had  made  such  a  statement  to  j  Darnley  ;  and 
the  latter,  enraged  at  his  falsehood,  told  him  that  he  lied;  the 
other  insolently  retorting,  a  fierce  altercation  ensued,  and  both 
laid  hands  on  their  daggers.  Bloodshed  might  have  occurred 
if  the  Queen  had  not  called,  in  terror,  on  Lord  Moray  to 
part  them,  and  take  her  brother  away.  Buchanan  represents 
the  Queen's  conduct  on  this  occasion  as  dictated  by  a  desire  to 
cause  the  death  of  either  her  husband  or  her  brother.  Upon 
his  death-bed  Buchanan  retracted  this  and  many  other  state- 
ments. Queen  Elizabeth,  who  gave  ample  publicity  to  the 
wicked  libels  spoken  or  written  by  Buchanan  against  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  would  not  permit  his  "  retractations  "  to  be 
published  in  England.     This  was  an  act  of  characteristic  in- 


*  Keith,  p.  287. 
t  Memoirs  of  Sir  James  Melville ;  Buchanan's  Accusations. 


346  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


justice,  and  is  a  perennial  stain  on  the  memory  of  Elizabeth, 
not  only  as  a  monarch,  but  as  a  woman.  Mr.  Froude,  it  is 
"Well  to  say,  does  not  praise  this  trait  in  the  lineaments  of  his 
marvellously  coloured  portrait — a  picture  whose  original  is, 
in  one  chapter,  peerless,  and  whose  "honour"  is,  in  another 
chapter,  represented  as  "a  stained  rag." 

The  altercation  between  Darnley  and  Eobert  Stuart  hastened 
the  plot ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Bothwell  was  one  of 
the  conspirators,  but  there  is  no  evidence  as  to  his  beino-  one 
of  the  actual  murderers.  Moray,  Lethington,  Balfour,  Morton, 
the  Laird  of  Ormiston,  and  several  others  of  the  leading 
Kirkmen,  belonged  to  the  conspiracy.  About  this  time  the 
conduct  of  John  Knox  was  not  approved  by  the  moderate 
men  of  Edinburgh  ;  but  the  moderate  men  were  few  indeed. 
The  denunciations  of  Knox  against  Darnley  were  of  a  cruel 
nature.  He  actually  stated  that  to  kill  the  wretched  boy 
would  he  a  meritorious  action  in  the  sight  of  God.  Whatever 
might  have  been  the  reason,  those  Presbyterian  parsons  who 
were  Catholic  priests  a  few  years  previous  became  the  deadly 
enemies  of  Darnley  at  this  critical  period.  At  the  head  of 
this  party  stands  forth  John  Knox,  Archibald  Douglas,  James 
Balfour,  and  many  others.  Knox  held  the  maxim  of  his 
friend,  John  Calvin,  "  that  moderation  in  the  preaching  of 
the  new  Gospel  was  a  dangerous  thing,  and  that  they  should 
give  no   rest  to  Poj^erg.     Down  with  it." 

It  is  an  important  matter  to  ascertain  on  what  terms  Darn- 
ley and  the  Queen  lived  together  about  the  period  of  the 
terrible  explosion  at  Kirk-of-Field.  Here  is  one  incident 
which  may  illustrate  the  case.  One  day  Queen  Mary,  entering 
her  husband's  room  unexpectedly,  discovered  him  in  the  act  of 
closing  letters  he  had  been  amusing  himself  in  writing  to  his 
father,  the  Earl  of  Lennox.     She  had  such  bitter  and  repeated 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  347 

cause  to  complain  of  the  inimical  manner  in  which  Lord 
Lennox  had  exerted  his  paternal  influence  over  the  mind  of 
his  son  that  a  shade  of  uneasiness  was  perhaps  perceptible  in 
her  countenance.  Darnley,  with  good  sense,  and  an  honest, 
homely  feeling,  remarked  there  should  "  exist  no  secret  where 
a  husband  and  wife  loved  as  they  should  love."  He  handed 
the  letters  to  the  Queen,  with  a  request  that  she  should  read 
them  through  to  the  end.  The  young  wife  seemed  delighted 
at  this  proposal.  She  sat  down  beside  her  pale,  sickly-looking 
boy-husband,  and  placing  her  jewelled  hand  lovingly  upon  his 
shoulder,  read  the  letters  to  the  end.  She  was  immensely 
surprised  to  find  that  those  missives  were  all  in  praise  of  Ms 
"  darling  and  most  beloved  Marie — Ms  first  and  only  love.'''' 
He  described  "  her  kindness  to  him  durinsf  his  illness  as  that 
of  the  most  loving  of  all  wives  to  a  husband  that  did  not 
deserve  it."  He  assured  his  father  "  that  he  was  now  satisfied 
that  both  their  feelings  and  hearts  were  in  union  ;"  expressing 
at  the  same  time  "  his  confident  hope  that  all  things  would 
change  for  the  better."* 

Darnley's  letters  are  full  of  sorrow  for  his  past  conduct  to 
the  Queen,  "  who  did  so  much  to  lift  him  up  in  the  estimation 
of  the  people." 

Mary  became  transported  with  joy  at  so  gratifying  a  testi- 
monial of  her  husband's  love  ;  and  with  that  swift  enthusiasm 
which  always  characterised  her  love  or  her  friendship,  she 
kissed  her  husband  several  times,  uttering  these  words  with 
the  exquisite  softness  of  a  young  mother's  voice,  "  Oh,  the 
father  of  my  son — the  father  of  my  darling  baby." 

Jane  Kennedy,  writing  in  after  years,  states   that  the  letters 


*  Buchanan,  vol.  ii.  ;  Labanoff's  Papers  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  v. 


348  The  Darnley  Mystery. 

in  question   made   an  everlasting  impression  upon  the  Queen, 
whose  love  returned  again  for  her  most  unworthy  husband. 

It  was  against  the  interests  of  Lord  Moray  and  his  con- 
federates that  this  good  feeling  should  exist  for  any  length  of 
time.  Darnley  assured  his  wife  that  he  would  not  meddle  in 
public  affairs  till  he  became  schooled  in  the  politics  of  the 
times.  A  nice  problem  for  a  thoughtless  youth  to  solve.  All 
the  dangers  that  threatened  Darnley  had  their  origin  in  his 
violent  denunciations  of  Protestantism,  which  were  uncalled 
for  and  imprudent. 

On  Sunday,  the  9th  day  of  February,  the  last  he  was  ever 
to  spend  in  life,  "Darnley  heard  Mass  very  devoutly  and 
received  Holy  Communion.  Everyone  who  approached  him 
were  edified  by  his  manner."  On  this  day  he  spoke  kindly  of 
the  Eeformers,  remarking  "that  they  were  mistaken;  he 
would  pray  for  them  that  they  might  see  the  error  of  their 
way." 

The  French  and  Spanish  Catholics,  who  had  some  knowledge 
of  Darnley,  had  little  faith  in  his  professions  of  repentance. 
De  Croc,  the  French  Ambassador,  remarked  that  "  the  fluctua- 
tions in  temper  and  conduct  were  not  to  be  relied  upon,  and 
no  good  could  be  expected  from  him."  Father  Edmonds, 
who  had  known  Darnley  from  childhood,  believed  that  he 
would  act  like  his  father  on  the  score  of  religion — playino-  a 
game  to  suit  his  interests.  "  But  then,"  adds  Edmonds,  "  the 
youth  changes  his  mind  so  often,  it  is  dijKcult  to  know  what 
course  he  may  adopt,"  * 

A  few  months  before  his  death  Darnley  weighed  twenty 
stone, and  was  six  feet  two  inches  in  height.  The  Queen,  like  her 
mother,  Mary  of  Lorraine,  was  of  the  largest  size  of  woman.* 


*  Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  129, 


The  Daniley  Mystery.  349 


According  to  Darnley's  steward,  he  consumed  as  much  meat 
daily  as  would  be  sufficient  for  four  men.  "  He  drank  freely 
of  strong  liquor,  and  when  intoxicated  became  gross  and 
violent  in  his  language."  The  Queen  dreaded  him  on  those 
occasions,  and  her  inner  life  was  sad ;  yet  she  never  complained 
to  the  Council  of  her  sufferings. 

On  the  fatal  Sunday,  Queen  Mary  attended  the  wedding  of 
her  faithful  domestic,  Margaret  Cawood.  She  also  visited 
her  husband  for  about  three  hours.  On  the  evening  of  this 
day  Darnley  parted  from  his  wife  with  evident  reluctance.  If 
the  evidence  of  the  domestics  can  be  credited,  he  had  a 
dreadful  presentiment  that  a  violent  death  awaited  him  very 
soon.  There  is,  however,  no  proof  that  he  made  such  a  state- 
ment to  the  Queen.  They  parted  on  affectionate  terms,  and 
<never  met  again. 

The  end  was  now  at  hand,  and  the  remaining  hours, 
minutes,  and  seconds,  of  the  ill-starred  Henry,  Earl  of 
Darnley's  life  were  counted  by  his  assassins,  who  were 
hungering  for  the  deadly  moment.  Nineteen  cold-blooded 
villains  were  seated  in  a  remote  chamber  of  the  house  "  at  a 
stoup  of  liquor,"  awaiting  the  signal  for  the  slaughter  of  all 
"  within  and  around  the  house." 

The  narrative  respecting  Darnley  and  his  little  page  singing 
hymns  on  "  the  last  night  ;"  then  "  chatting  familiarly  to- 
gether till  the  King  (Darnley)  and  the  page  closed  their 
eyelids  and  slumbered  in  forgetfulness,"  is  pure  fiction.  No 
one  was  left  alive  to  tell  what  occurred.  Willie  Taylour,  the 
""  pretty  page  of  romance,"  was  no  boy,  but  actually  an  old 
man,  who  had  been  a  faithful  servant  of  Lord  Lennox,  and 
had  attended  Darnley  from  childhood.  Willie  Taylour  was 
story-teller  to  Darnley,  and  amused  him  during  his  hilarious 
hours.      Between^Taylour  and   David  Kizzio    there    existed 


350  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


a  feeling  of  jealousy.  However,  they  agreed  in  their 
hostility  to  the  congregations  of  the  Kirk,  and  to  Scotland 
in  general.  Taylour  was  an  EngHshman.  His  father  and 
grandfather  had  been  story-tellers  to  the  noble  House  of 
Northumberland. 

It  is  stated  in  the  LabanofF  Papers  that  the  women 
(domestics),  whose  sleeping  apartments  adjoined  the  garden, 
positively  affirmed  that  they  heard  a  struggle  between  Darnley 
and  some  men  in  a  passage  near  their  bedrooms.  The  women 
were  well  acquainted  with  Darnley's  voice,  and  they  positively 
contend  that  he  supplicated  for  mercy  in  these  words  : — 
"  Oh,  my  kinsmen,  have  mercy  upon  me,  for  the  love  of  Him, 
who  had  mercy  on  us  all."  The  domestics'  narrative  con- 
cludes— "  In  a  few  minutes  more  all  was  silent." 

No  doubt  the  women  were  terrified,  and  narrowly  escaped 
being  blown  up,  or  strangled,  lest  they  might  trace  the  voice 
of  any  individual  amongst  the  assassins.  Moray  was  certainly 
'not  present.  Where  was  Gfeorge  Douglas,  or  Lord  Kobert 
Stuart  that  night  ?  If  they  were  not  present,  they  were  there 
in  spirit,  for  they  approved  of  the  murder.  The  remarkable 
words,  "  Oh,  my  kinsmen,"  go  far  to  prove  that  Darnley 
recognised  some  of  his  relatives  amongst  the  murderers. 
Although  Moray  kept  out  of  the  way,  he  was  well  aware  of 
what  was  to  occur ;  he  approved  of  the  murder^  and  conges- 
ponded  witli  the  assassins. 

Mr,  Ty tier's  research  arrives  at  a  somewhat  similar  conclusion 
to  that  of  the  LabanofF  report  :— 

"  The  miserable  victim  was  awakened  by  the  noise  of  false  keys 
iu  the  lock  of  his  apartment,  and  rushing  down  in  his  night-dress 
and  peUsse  he  endeavoured  to  make  his  escape  ;  but  he  was  inter- 
cepted, and  strangled  after  a  desperate  resistance,  his  cries  for 
mercy  being  heard  by  some   women  in  the  nearest  house.      The 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  351 


page  "was  also  strangled.  The  bodies  were  carried  into  a  small 
orchard  without  the  garden  wall,  where  they  were  found,  Darnley 
in  his  shirt  only,  and  the  pelisse  by  his  side."* 

For  this  scene  Mr.  Tytler  quotes  M.  de  Morrett  as  an 
authority. 

About  midnight,  it  is  supposed,  Lord  Bothwell  joined  the  band 
of  murderous  noblemen,  knights,  and  their  retainers — a  class 
of  persons  who  "  would  commit  any  desperate  crime  for  a  few 
pieces  of  silver  and  a  stoup  of  liquor."  The  parties  all  met  at 
the  Kirk-of- Field.  One  of  the  murderers.  Sir  Greorge  Douglas, 
writing  in  after  years,  says  : — "  No  one  hesitated  ;  there  was 
neither  fear  nor  conscience  to  interpose.  The  boy-man  was 
the  great  enemy  of  the  Protestant  cause.  Either  party  should 
perish.  The  arrival  of  Lord  Bothwell  was_^the  signal  to  com- 
plete the  work  already  begun."  f 

The  excitement  increased,  the  match  was  lighted  but  burnt 
too  slow  for  the  breathless  impatience  of  the  chief  actors,  who 
were  stealing  forward  to  examine  it,  when  it  took  effect.  A 
loud  noise,  like  the  bursting  of  a  thunder- cloud,  awoke  the 
sleeping  city.  Darnley's  house  was  torn  in  pieces,  and  cast 
into  the  air.  The  scene  was  terrific.  The  assassins  hurried 
from  the  spot,  under  the  cover  of  the  darkness,  and  reached 
the  palace  unnoticed,  where  another  party  of  the  conspirators 
awaited  their  report.  .  ...  The  news  of  the  blowing-up 
of  the  house  and  the  murder  of  Darnley  and  his  domestics 


*  This  terrible  murder  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  "  about  two  of 
the  clock  on  Monday  morning." 

f  Donald  Graham,  a  preacher,  states  that  Bothwell  was  not  there  at  all, 
but  some  other  person  like  him.  Graham  further  affirms  that  Bothwell 
was  the  most  true  Protestant  in  the  land,  and  that  his  brethren  "  were  very 
ungrateful  to  him." 


352  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


flew  quickly  to  Holjrood  ;  and  a  servant  is  said  to  have  con- 
veyed the  dreadful  intelligence  to  Bothwell's  chamber.  "  The 
latter  started  from  his  bed  in  well-feigned  astonishment,  and 
running  through  the  palace,  shouted  aloud, '  Treason,  treason.* 
He  was  joined  the  next  moment  by  Lord  Huntley,  a  brother- 
conspirator.  With  several  others  connected  with  the  Court, 
they  entered  the  Queen's  apartments.  When  made  acquainted 
with  the  fate  of  her  husband,  Queen  Mary  became  very 
excited.  She  could  not  believe  the  terrible  reality.  Within 
one  hour  all  delusions  were  at  an  end  ;  and  the  Queen  became 
overwhelmed  with  grief." 

Miss  Strickland  does  not  credit  the  statement  that  Bothwell 
was  present  at  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  shows  that  he  was 
at  that  moment  in  the  palace,  where  the  wedding  festivities  of 
Margaret  Cawood  were  proceeding.  This  allegation  rests 
upon  a  statement  made  by  Bothwell's  French  servant,  who 
was  tortured  to  extort  a  confession.  It  is  certain  that  Both- 
well  and  Moray  arranged  the  murder.  Of  this  fact 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  evidence  to  connect  Moray 
with  the  murder  of  Darnley  is  to  be  found  in  the 
English  State  Papers,  the  Records  of  Edinburgh  and  his 
own  confidential  correspondence.  According  to  Sir  Henry 
Killegrew,  an  English  Ambassador,  Moray  was  entertaining 
at  his  own  house,  Bothwell,  who  was  then  publicly  charged 
with  the  murder  of  Darnley.  Moray  and  his  brothers,  about 
the  same  time,  through  their  agents,  denounced  Bothwell  as 
the  assassin  of  Darnley.  Le't  the  reader  dwell  upon  these 
facts.  The  conflict  of  evidence  was  also  startling.  The  Queen 
offered  a  reward  of  £2,000,  and  a  pension  of  £500  for  life,  to 
discover  the  murderers,  or  "  find  the  bottom  of  the  con- 
spiracy." The  rewards  had  only  the  effect  of  bringing  out  a 
number  of  persons   who   were  prepared  to   swear  away  the 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  353 

lives  of  innocent  men.  From  the  hio^hest  to  the  lowest  circles 
there  was  nothing  but  venality  and  wickedness  of  the  foulest 
description.  "  Honour  amongst  thieves "  was  a  sentiment 
never  entertained  by  the  assassins  of  Darnley. 

Suspicion  everywhere  attached  to  the  agents  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  Sir  William  Drury,  writing  from  Berwick,  in  a  few 
days  subsequent  to  the  murder  of  Darnley,  could  inform  Sir 
William  Cecil  of  the  conversation  which  was  said  to  have  passed 
between  the  assassins  and  their  victim.  From  whom  did 
Drury  obtain  this  information?  It  must  have  proceeded  either 
from  the  murderers  themselves,  or  the  conspirators  by 
whom  they  had  been  employed,  ^for  there  was  no  one  living 
who  could  disclose  the  dreadful  secret.  As^ain,  I  wish  to  call 
the  reader's  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  communication  made 
to  Sir  William  Cecil  by  his  agent,  Drury,  did  not  take  place 
till  after  Drury  had  a  secret  and  confidential  interview  with 
Lord  Moray  at  Berwick.*  Any  twelve  honest  intelligent  men 
could  understand  the  chain  of  evidence  here  interwoven  from 
this  incident  alone. 

Darnley  had  only  completed  his  twentieth  year  in  the 
December  preceding  his  death,  and  scarcely  two  years  had 
elapsed  since  his  first  arrival  in  Scotland.  In  the  Court  of 
Elizabeth  he  was  described  as  "  the  lady-faced  boy."  He 
was  no  favourite  with  the  Court  ladies,  nor  with  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, who  styled  him  "  that  vain  boy."  At  this  time  no  one 
ever  imagined  that  he  would  become  the  husband  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots.  At  the  Palace  of  Holyrood  he  offended  the 
Scotch  "  nobles  and  courtiers" — suck  as  they  were — by  his  pre- 


*  State  Paper  MS.;  Border  Correspondence;  Nelson's  Depositions; 
Drury  to  Cecil  (State  Paper)  ;  Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
vols,  i,  ii. 


VOL.    IV.  A  A 


354  T^^i^  Dartiley  Mystery. 

sumptuous  bearing  ;  and  his  selfishness  excited  the  contempt 
of  those  who  might  otherwise  tolerate  him  for  the  sake  of  the 
Queen. 

Chalmers,  in  reviewing  the  life  of  Darnley,  says  "  No  one 
cared  about  him  during  life  ;  and  the  circumstances  of  his 
death  were  used  by  the  enemies  of  the  Queen  to  create  a  sym- 
pathy which  had  no  existence."  Miss  Strickland  states  that 
Darnley  "  had  provoked  enmities  among  the  nobles  of  Scotland 
which  nothing  but  his  death  could  satisfy."  His  interference 
with  the  game  laws  and  the  public  amusements  of  the  people 
was  another  source  of  his  unpopularity.  In  fact,  he  was  as 
thoroughly  hated  as  his  wife  deserved  to  be  loved.  Mary  had 
a  manner  of  winning  back  hearts,  which  Darnley  could  not 
even  simulate. 

In  contrast  with  the    mental  and    social   qualifications    of 
Darnley,  it  may  be  fitting  here  to  adduce  the  testimony  of  a 
distinguished  Scotch  Judge  by  no  means  noted  for  his  friend- 
ship to  the  Queen  of  Scots  : — 

"  I  have  often  heard  the  most  serene  Princess,  Queen  Mary  of 
Scotland,  discourse  so  appositely  and  rationally  in  all  affairs  which 
were  brought  before  the  Privy  Council,  that  she  was  admired  by 
all,  and  when  most  of  the  councillors  were  silent,  being  astonished 
or  straight,  declared  themselves  to  be  of  her  opinion,  she  rebuked 
them  sharply,  and  exhorted  them  to  speak  brief,  as  became  unpre- 
judiced councillors,  against  her  opinion,  that  the  best  reasons  might 
decide  their  determinations.  Truly  her  reasonings  were  so  strong 
and  clear  that  she  could  turn  their  hearts  what  side  she  pleased. 
She  had  not  studied  laws,  yet,  by  the  natural  light  of  her  judgment, 
when  she  reasoned  of  matters  of  equity  and  justice,  she  oftentimes 
had  the  advantage  over  able  lawyers.  Her  other  discourses  and 
actions  were  suitable  to  her  clear  judgment  on  every  nice  point 
under  consideration.     No  word  ever  dropped  from  her  mouth  that 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  355 

was  not  exactly  weighed  and  pondered.     As  for  her  liberality  and 
other  virtues,  they  were  well  known."* 

Many  persons  were  accused  of  the  murder  of  Darnley  who 
were  perfectly  innocent,  and  nevertheless  perished  upon  the 
scaffold.     As  I  have  already  narrated,  the  "  reward  system  " 
brought  upon  the  scene  a  crowd  of  sordid  villains  who  were 
willing    to    swear    away     every     honest    man's    life.       The 
confession  of  Nicholas   Hubert  to  criminate  the  Queen  "  was 
written  for  him."     He  received  no   trial,    but  as  soon  as  the 
statement  was  made  public  he  immediately  took  steps  to  "  de- 
nounce the  whole  proceeding  as  a  deliberate  forgery."     He 
told  Lord  Robert  Stuart  (Moray's  brother)   that  he,  Moray, 
was  the  man  who  organised  the  whole  plot  to   murder  Lord 
Darnley.       "  Strong    words "    passed    between    Hubert    and 
Moray's  brother,  and  the  old  process  of  "  Dead  men  tell  no 
tales"    was    enacted.       About    midnight    this  Hubert    was 
strangled    in   his   bed    by    Lord    Robert    Stuart,    and    his 
alleged    confession    immediately    forwarded  by    Lord   ^loray 
to    Sir  William    Cecil.       The    wickedness    of    Lord  Moray 
and   his  confederates  seems  incredible,    if  it   were   not   now 
so  well  authenticated  from  the  private  papers   of  the  assassins 
themselves.     Here  is  a  scene  between  one  of  the  assassins  and 
a  fellow  conspirator.     The  Laird  of  Orraiston  visited  Both  well 
in  his  chamber  one  night,  when  a  scene  of  recrimination   oc- 
curred.    Both  well  had  in  his  possession  the  bond,  which  was 
signed  by  several  nobles,  for  the  assassination  of  Darnley,  and 
it  was  exhibited  on  this  occasion.     The  bond  agreeing  to  take 
part  in  the  murder  was  in  the   handwriting  of  Sir  James 


*  Craig's  Answer  to  Doleman,  p.  84.     Edited  by  Freebairn  in  his  trans- 
lation of  "  Mary  Stuart,"  by  "  Pierre  le  Pesant." 

A  A  2 


356  The  Damley  Mystery. 

Balfour,  and  the  most  prominent  signature  was  that  of  Lord 
Moray.  The  signatures  were  affixed  to  the  bond  three  months 
before  the  murder* 

The  subordinates,  or  "  helpers,"  as  they  were  styled,  were 
arrested,  and  went  through  the  form  of  a  trial  before  the  chief 
criminals  themselves.  Powrie,  Harry  Tallo,  Dalgleish,  and 
three  others  were  convicted  before  Lord  Argyle  of  the  murder 
of  Darnley.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  judge  before  whom 
this  case  was  tried  had  himself  signed  the  bond  for  the  assassi- 
nation of  Darnley.  At  the  place  of  execution  these  men  made 
solemn  declaration  of  their  innocence.  They  further  charged 
Moray  as  the  contriver  of  the  plot  to  kill  the  Queen's  husband. 
They  affirmed  that  Moray  desired  to  hang  them  that  they 
might  not  turn  "  tail  on  himself."  John  Hepburn  stated,  when 
on  the  scaffold,  that  the  Queen  was  wholly  innocent  of  all  the 
schemes  laid  down  for  the  murder  of  Darnley.  He  named 
Balfour  and  Morton  as  of  the  party,  and  that  Lord  jNIoray  was 
the  contriver  of  all  the  wicked  deeds  that  took  place.  In  con- 
clusion Hepburn  called  upon  the  Holy  Trinity  to  he  a  witness 
to  the  truth  of  what  he  stated.  The  solemn  manner  in  which 
Hepburn  addressed  the  populace  caused  immense  excitement. 
An  Englishman  named  Adam  Latchett  made  these  con- 
fessions public  in  Edinburgh  and  the  chief  towns  of  Scotland, 
and  the  result  was  an  excitement  which  Knox  and  Moray  had 
some  trouble  to  calm  down.  Latchett  was  arrested  as  "  an 
incendiary  and  a  Papist  ;"  y^t  he  was  neither,  but  a  London 
Anabaptist  preacher,  who  was  shocked  at  the  villainy  he  saw 
practised  in  Edinburgh  in  the  name  of  the  Gospel  and  the 
perversion  of  law  and  order.     He  was  tortured,  according  to 


*  The  Laird   of  Ormiston's  Confession.     Printed   in   Arnott's  Criminal 
Trials. 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  357 


the  Scotch  system,  imprisoned  for  three  months,  and  then  sent 
down  to  the  Border  Countrie  with  a  request  never  to  show  his 
face  again  in  Scotland.* 

When  the  period  of  Both  well's  trial  arrived,  his  "  noble  and 
riofht  honourable  accusers  did  not  appear  in  court."  There 
was  no  evidence  against  him,  and  further,  he  proved  an 
alibi.  Yet  the  strongest  evidence  is  on  record  that  he  belonged 
to  the  secret  confederacy  who  planned  the  murder.  The 
evidence  as  to  whether  he  was  at  the  scene  of  action  is  not 
fully  established — far  from  it.  Time,  however,  has  drawn 
the  mask  from  the  faces  of  the  real  assassins — namely,  Sir 
George  Douglas  and  Lord  Morton.  It  is  lamentable  to  con- 
template the  number  of  innocent  men  who  were  beheaded,  or 
hanged,  for  the  murder  of  Darnley,  In  fact,  the  most 
appalling  crimes  were  committed  in  Scotland  for  the  miserable 
bribe  of  a  few  shillinirs.  These  incidents  show  the  debased 
state  of  society,  and  reflect  little  credit  upon  Knox  and  his 
coadjutors,  who  had  charge  of  the  religious  teaching  "  under 
the  reformed  system." 

Buchanan's  statement  as  to  the  murder  of  Darnley  is  to  the 
effect  that  Archbishop  Hamilton  was  the  chief  assassin  ;  that 
he  sent  eight  of  his  vassals  into  the  bedroom  of  Darnley  and 
strangled  him  while  asleep ;  and  that  the  body  was 
afterwards  carried  out  and  placed  in  the  orchard  under  an  old 
apple  tree  ;  and  next,  they  arranged  the  gunpowder  and  blew 
up  the  whole  place,  narrowly  escaping  themselves.  It  was  on 
this  statement  of  perjured  Greorge  Buchanan  that  the  Earl  of 
Lennox — himself  the  murderer  of  eleven  children — impeached, 
and  then  hanged^  the  Archbishop  as  the  "  contriver  of  his  son's 


*  Penrose  Narrative  of  Honest  Adam  Latchett. 


358  TJte  Darnley  Mystery. 


death,"  acquitting  thereby  Bothwell  and  all  those  who  had 
been  previously  charged  with  the  crime  of  slaying  the  Queen's 
husband.  At  the  time  Buchanan  made  this  fearful  accusation 
against  the  prelate  he  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  real 
assassins,  and  knew  all  their  movements.  Lord  Lennox  took 
the  law  into  his  own  hands,  and  hanged  a  man  upon  the  mere 
assertionof  a  perjured  witness — a  man  who  had  dishonoured 
the  almost  sacred  office  of  a  historian. 

On  the  17th  of  April,  1564,  Parliament  was  summoned  to 
meet  at  Edinburgh.  The  Queen  was  present,  and  received  a 
cordial  reception  from  her  subjects. 

Several  statutes  were  passed  in  this  session  against  the 
"  growth  of  Popery  " — the  phrase  of  the  times.  An  Act  against 
the  celebration  of  Mass  was  also  adopted  and  put  in  force  "  in  a 
manner  that  would  disgrace  the  most  despotic  days  of  Moslem 
rule."  To  be  present  at  the  celebration  of  Mass  was  made 
punishable  by  the  "  loss  of  lands,  goods,  and  even  life,  if  the 
Sovereign  or  the  Council  should  see  fit  ;"  nor  were  any 
persons  exempted  from  the  full  penalties  of  the  statutes  except 
the  Queen  and  her  household.* 

The  execution  of  such  an  unjust  code  might  at  least  have 
convinced  the  extreme  partisans  of  the  Reformation  that  their 
Sovereign  remained  true  to  the  promises  she  had  made  on  her 
arrival  in  Scotland.f  Mr.  Froude,  however,  states  that  Mary 
Stuart  came  to  Scotland  with  the  fixed  determination  to 
uproot  Protestantism. I  The  historical  facts  lead  the  reader  to 
an  opposite  conclusion.  Queen  Mary's  sense  of  toleration  and 
honour  in  this  transaction  presents  a   marked  contrast   with 


*  See  Statutes  of  the  Scottish  Parliament  of  1564;  Tytler  vol.  v. 

t  Tytler,  vol.  v. ;  Records  of  the  Scotch  Parliament. 

X  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  vii. 


The  Darnlcy  Mystery.  359 

that  of  the  Kirk  Reformers,  who  would  permit  liberty  of  con- 
science to  no  one  save  themselves.  The  Scottish  Queen  did 
not  propose  to  confiscate  any  man's  inheritance  on  account  of 
his  religious  opinions.  The  members  of  the  Kirk  accumulated 
property,  and  in  some  instances,  wealth,  by  "  removing  their 
neighbour's  landmark,"  and  with  the  baleful  hypocrisy  redolent 
of  the  age,  they  raised  the  shout  of  "  Praise  the  Lord  on 
high." 

The  business  of  the  Parliament  ended  in  five  days,  when 
the  Queen  retired  to  Seton  Castle.  This  was  the  last  Parlia- 
ment in  which  Queen  Mary  appeared  as  the  Sovereign  of 
Scotland. 

Both  branches  of  the  Legislature  sat  in  the  same  hall,  which 
sometimes  led  to  riot,  and  even  "  dirk-work"  amongst  the  legis- 
lators, who  have  been  truly  described  as  ignorant  and  "  hog- 
gish "  in  their  manners. 

On  the  night  of  the  22nd  of  April,  when  the  Parliament 
had  only  adjourned  a  few  hours.  Lord  Bothwell  entertained 
at  a  supper  all  the  "  nobles  who  had  attended  the  convention  of 
the  Three  Estates  of  Scotland."  The  supper  took  place  at  a 
noted  inn  known  as  Ainsley's  Tavern,  near  Edinburii^h. 

Bothwell,  we  are  told,  was  the  most  jovial  person  at  this 
memorable  meeting.  He  entered  the  large  supper-room  half- 
an-hour  before  his  guests.  His  dress  was  suited  for  any  Knio-ht 
or  Peer  of  the  first  rank.  His  doublet  of  cloth-of-srold  o-lit- 
tered  in  the  light  of  the  setting  sun  ;  his  ruff  buttoned  by 
diamonds  ;  his  shoulder  belt  and  mantle  stiff  with  gold  em- 
broidery ;  while  his  sword,  dagger,  and  plumed  bonnet  were 
flashing  with  precious  stones.  It  was  evident  to  those  who 
understood  the  man  that  he  was  at  that  moment  engaged  in  a 
dreadful  conflict  of  feeling. 

Lord  Morton  next  appeared.     His  sinister  eyes,  his  long 


360  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


beard,  and  a  small  English  hat  ;    his  black  velvet  cloak  and 
silver-headed  cane,  all  appeared  neatly  arranged. 

Lord  Huntley  entered  playing  with  his  dagger,  and  in 
a  dull  humour.  Maitland,  with  his  bland  smile  and  flutelike 
voice,  sauntered  into  the  room.  Cassillis,  who  once  half-roasted 
an  abbot,  marched  into  the  supper-room  "armed  at  every 
point."  It  was  evident  that  the  company  feared  one  another, 
or  expected  an  enemy  from  without,  for  they  were  all  fully 
armed,  and  there  were  some  desperate  men  amongst  them. 

At  this  gathering  a  bond  was  executed  and  signed 
declaring  "  that  the  Earl  of  Both  well  had  no  know- 
ledge whatever  of  the  murder  of  Darnley  ;"  that  he  was  "  a 
pious.  God-fearing  man  ; "  and  further,  that  they  would 
"  espouse  his  cause  against  all  slanders."  This  bond  was  signed 
by  the  Earl  of  Morton,  who  held  the  office  of  Chancellor  at  the 
time  of  Eizzio's  murder.  Then  follow  the  names  of  the 
Earls  of  Huntly,  Argyle,  Glencairn,  Cassillis,  Eothes,  and 
eight  other  Earls,  also  eleven  barons,  who  were  Peers  of 
Parliament.*  The  declaration  of  the  Peers  assembled  recom- 
mended the  Earl  of  Bothwell  as  a  suitable  husband  for  their 
widowed  Queen.  All  present  were  aware  that  Bothwell  was  a 
married  man  at  the  time  indicated. 

It  has  been  contended  by  the  Puritan  champions  of  the 
Scotch  Lords  assembled  at  the  supper  that  they  "  became 
over-convivial,  and  knew  not  what  they  were  doing." 
Another  authority  states  "  that  they  were  perfectly  sober,  but 
moved  by  the  spirit."  Lord  Moray  was  a  temperate  man  bibu- 
lously ;  so  was  his  brother-in-law,  Lord  Argyle.  In  fact,  the 
motive  for  the  meeting  caused  those  assembled  to  be  temperate. 


*  The  nobles  assembled  at  the  supper  in  question  had  all  signed  the 
bond/«r,  and  in  apj)roval  of,  tlie  rmi/rder  of  Darnley. 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  361 

Never  did  any  body  of  "  nobles  "  assemble  under  such  circum- 
stances ;  "  red-handed  assassins  "  they  have  been  described  by 
their  own  friends  and  allies. 

Moray  was  not  present.  He  had  repaired  to  London  a  few 
hours  previously. 

Here  are  the  words  of  the  "  Bond,"  modernised  and 
curtailed  in  verbiage — 

"  We  pledge  our  honour  before  God  Almighty,  to  further  ad- 
vance and  set  forward  the  said  marriage  by  our  votes,  fortification, 
and  assistance ;  but  in  case  any  '  law  '  would  presume,  directly  or 
indirectly,  openly  or  under  whatsoever  colour  or  pretence,  to 
hinder  or  hold  back  the  said  marriage,  we  shall  in  that  behalf 
esteem  the  obstructors  as  our  common  enemies  and  evil-willers, 
and  take  post  and  fortify  the  said  Earl  of  Bothwell  to  the  said 
marriage,  so  far  as  it  may  please  our  Sovereign  Lady  the  Queen 
to  allow,  and  therein  shall  spend  and  bestow  our  lives  and  goods 
against  all  that  live  or  die. 

"  And  further,  loe  shall  ajiswer  to  God,  upon  our  own  fidelity  and 
conscie7ice ;  and  in  case  we  do  in  the  contrary,  never  to  have  repu- 
tation or  credit  in  no  time  hereafter,  but  to  be  accounted  unworthy 
and  faithless  traitors."* 

It  is  stated  that  Leslie,  the  Queen's  confidential  friend,  or 
supposed  friend,  was  present,  also  several  bishops.  This  part 
of  the  narrative  appears  doubtful. 

Moray  assured  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Cecil  that  Bothwell  was 
the  murderer  of  Darnley,  and  that  the  Queen  was  privy  to  the 
crime.     Still,  Lord  Moray  advised  his  widowed  sister  to  marry 


*  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  i.  pp.  107-112  ;  Goodall ;  Chalmers"  Life 
of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  iii.  (quarto) ;  Kobertson's  History  of  Scotland; 
Tytler,  vol.  vi. 


362  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


the  man  whom  he  stigmatised  as  the  murderer  of  her  hus- 
band. If  one  grain  of  pity  or  honour  touched  the  heart  of  Sir 
William  Cecil  when  reading  the  document  in  question,  what 
opinion  could  he  have  formed  of  his  Scottish  agents,  and, 
above  all,  of  Queen  Mary's  brother  ?  Would  not  his  manhood, 
his  "  Christian  feeling  "  of  which  he  boasted  so  frequently , his  sense 
of  right  and  wrong,  compel  him  to  shrink  from  such  subvented 
utensils  with  horror  ?  But  facts  point  in  the  opposite  way.  No 
man  could  have  done  more  to  blacken  the  character  and  honour 
of  Queen  Mary  than  William  Cecil.  He  invented  the  most  odious 
calumnies  against  her.  After  the  murder  of  Rizzio,  he  in- 
formed M.  Paul  de  Foix,  the  French  Ambassador  in  London, 
that  Rizzio  had  been  killed  by  Darnley  in  the  act  of  com- 
mitting adultery  with  Queen  Mary.  Mr.  Allan  Crosbie,  in  his 
Preface  to  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers  (foreign  series)  for  the 
year  1566,  truly  remarks  that  when  Sir  William  Cecil  told 
this  horrible  falsehood,  he  knew  perfectly  well  the  real  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  under  which  the  murder  was 
committed,  for  ten  days  before  the  butchery  of  Rizzio,  Cecil 
and  his  council  received  a  despatch  from  Sir  Thomas  Ran- 
dolph, stating  that  "in  a  few  days  Rizzio's  throat  would  be 
cut:' 

The  French  Ambassador  at  that  time  implicitly  believed  the 
statement  of  Cecil.  Why  Cecil  should  have  thus  essayed  to 
impose  upon  the  French  Ambassador  is  easily  explained.  Paul 
de  Foix  was  known  to  incline  to  the  Huguenot  doctrines,  and 
he  would  therefore  the  more  readily  give  credit  to  the  accusa- 
tion, which,  if  Queen  Mary  had  not  defeated  the  schemes  of 
Rizzio's  assassins,  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  speedily  circu- 
lated throughout  Europe.  As  it  is,  we  may  infer  from  Cecil's 
conduct  on  this  occasion,  that,  if  the  plot  had  succeeded, 
Mary's  enemies  would  have  been  quite  prepared  to  produce 


The  Darnley  Mystery.  36^ 


evidence  of  her  guilt  with  Rizzio,  as  they  afterwards  did  in  the 
case  of  the  casket  of  letters.* 

The  most  infamous  part  of  the  plot  hatched  by  the  "  road- 
side inn"  conspirators  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  those  who 
secretly  signed  the  bond  subsequently  came  forward  to  de- 
nounce the  marriage  as  a  proof  of  the  Queen's  guilt  of  the 
murder  of  Darnley,  and  the  conspirators,  with  Moray  at  their 
head,  called  upon  the  Queen  of  England  to  interpose,  and  save 
their  country  from  the  disgrace  which  the  wicked  deeds  of 
Queen  Mary  had  brought  upon  them.f 

The  forgeries  in  the  case  of  the  "casket  of  letters"  is 
another  infamous  transaction  on  the  part  of  Lord  Moray. 
Kandolph,  too,  was  concerned  in  many  forgeries.  Here  is  Miss 
Strickland's  opinion  of  this  Ambassador  of  England : — "Never 
did  a  violator  of  the  sacred  character  of  an  Ambassador,  and  the 
confidential  abettor  of  assassins  and  traitors,  deserve  a  rope  more 
richly  than  Sir  Thomas  Randolph. ^^ 

Whoever  may  desire  most  crucial  and  minute  proofs  of  Lord 
Moray's  forgeries  against  Queen  Mary  in  the  case  of  the  "  cas- 
ket of  letters,"  may  consult  Gfoodall's  "  Examination,"  1574  ; 
Tytler,  sen.,  "Inquiry,"  1760-90  ;  Whitaker's  "Vindication," 
1789-90;  and  Mr.  Hosack's  "Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  her 
Accusers." 

The  state  of  my  health  at  the  present  time  prevents  me  from 
entering  at  any  length  into  the  "  history  of  the  casket  mystery," 
and  other  important  matters  in  relation  to  the  persecution  and 
subsequent  immolation  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 


*  See  Goodall,  vol  ii. ;  Labanoft,  vol.  iv. ;  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and 
her  Accusers,  vol.  ii. 

t  Border  Correspondence ;  Lord  Moray's  Secret  Despatches  to  Sir 
William  Cecil  ;  Tytler,  vol.  vii. 


564  The  Darnley  Mystery. 


The  alleged  correspondence  with  Bothwell  does  not  bear 
the  test  of  inquiry. 

Three  passionate  love  letters  have  been  attributed  to  Mary- 
Stuart,  the  sentiments  in  which  bore  their  own  disproval.  The 
letters  in  question  have  been  traced  to  Moray's  secretary,  and 
also  to  that  daring,  evil  man,  Greorge  Douglas.  The  dates  in- 
volve a  contradiction.  Two  of  those  forgeries  were  in  the  old 
Scottish  dialect,  of  which  the  Queen  was  wholly  ignorant.  The 
correspondence  was  evidently  "  ajoint  production."  Fhrases 
well  known  to  have  been  coined  by  Lethington  were  used,  and 
gross  allusions  to  one  of  the  Queen's  ladies,  then  unmarried, 
were  introduced.  These  letters  were,  it  is  supposed,  "  an 
improved  copy"  of  the  forgeries  sent  to  Berwick  for  the 
inspection  of  Sir  William  Drury.  It  was  further  alleged  that 
the  Laird  of  Ormiston  was  the  confidential  agent  chosen  by  the 
Queen  for  conveying  her  love  letters  to  Lord  Bothwell.  Yet,  in 
Ormiston's  "  confession,"  he  made  no  allusion  whatever  to  thia 
alleged  correspondence.  If  revealing  such  secrets  could  injure 
the  Queen,  the  Laird  of  Ormiston  was  not  the  man  to  remain 
silent,  for  he  was  both  vindictive  and  unprincipled. 

Lord  Lethington  occasionally  forged  warrants  in  Queen 
Mary's  name.  Besides,  his  wife,  once  known  as  Mary  Fleming, 
one  of  the  Queen's  "  four  Maries,"  had  from  childhood  learned  to 
write  in  the  exact  style  of  her  Royal  mistress,  so  that  Lord 
Lethington  was  in  a  fair  way  of  forging  the  handwriting  of  his 
Sovereign — when  it  suited  his'schemes.  Mary  Beaton,  another 
of  the  Maries,  who  had  shared  the  same  tuition,  wrote  a 
"  character  "  so  like  her  Royal  mistress  that  it  was  not  easy  to 
detect  the  difference.  Thomas  Randolph,  who  was  ever  to  be 
found  as  the  perpetrator  of  treacherous  and  dishonourable 
actions,  obtained  the  decipherment  of  Queen  Mary's  most 
private  correspondence  through  the  unconscious  adaptability  of 


TJie  Darnley  Mystery.  365 

this  young  lady,  and  it  can  scarcely  be  supposed  she  could 
have  been  more  scrupulous,  if  tempted  to  sign,  or  copy,  papers 
that  were  intended  to  be  imposed  upon  the  world  as  the 
veritable  penmanship  of  her  Koyal  mistress.*  So  the  forgers 
had  many  facilities.  George  Douglas  frequently  boasted  that 
he  could  "  imitate  the  writing  of  at  least  twenty  Scotch  ladies 
of  rank,  but  he  only  cared  to  imitate,  and  successfully  forge  a 
letter  from  top  to  bottom,  as  that  of  the  Queen's  handwriting." 
A  vast  amount  of  falsehood  has  been  overthrown  by  the 
evidence  of  the  Parliamentary  Records,  defining  "  the  when, 
where,  and  how"  the  Queen's  capture  was  effected  by  Lord  Both- 
well.  It  is  certain  that  she  was  suddenly  carried  off  to  Dunbar 
Castle,  accompanied  by  only  one  lady,  and  that  lady  the  sister 
of  Bothwell.  Bothwell  in  his  rudest  manner  told  the  Queen 
that  she  should  become  his  wife.     She  cried  out,   "  Never, 


never." 


"  You  are  now  in  my  power,"  said  this  fitting  specimen  of 
the  Scotch  nobility  of  the  period. 

The  Queen's  threats  of  vengeance  were  laughed  at  by  the 
ruffian,  who  had  made  her  his  prisoner.  Whilst  in  this  condition 
Bothwell  exultingly  displayed  the  infamous  bond  to  which  I 
have  alluded,  by  which  the  majority  of  the  Peers  and 
Privy  Councillors  had  pledged  themselves  to  accomplish  a 
marriage  between  their  Sovereign  and  Lord  BothAvell,  '■'^despite 
of  all  who  might  oppose  it.^^ 

When  the  Queen  looked  at  this  "  bond,"  as  it  was  styled, 
she  was  overcome  with  horror,  fell  back  in  a  chair  and 
fainted  several  times. 

"  After  awhile,"  writes  a  spectator,    "  the   Queen    became 


*  Labanoff  State  Papers. 


^66  The  Dartiley  Mystery. 

calm ;  and  taking  up  the  mysterious  document  called  '  the 
bond,'  she  minutely  examined  the  signatures,  and  when  she 
glanced  at  the  well-known  name  of  Moray,  she  became  dread- 
fully excited,  dashing  from  one  room  to  another,  exclaiming 
'  Oh,  my  treacherous  brother  ;  oh,  false  Jamie !  Did  I  deserve 
this  treatment  from  the  brother  I  loved  and  served  so  much  ?'  " 
The  name  of  Moray  was  placed  to  the  bond  before  his  de- 
parture for  England. 

Queen  Mary  named  several  noblemen  with  whom  she  desired 
to  confer,  but  was  informed  in  a  harsh  tone  that  ' '  she  could 
not  communicate  with  anyone  but  Lord  Bothwell."  The 
Queen  now  considered  her  case  hopeless.  She  screamed  aloud ; 
paced  the  room  many  times  ;  and  it  became  evident  that  her 
mind  was  fast  approaching  to  madness.* 

Some  even  of  Both  well's  attendants  who  were  present  burst 
into  tears  and  cried  out  for  the  Queen ;  but  they  were  quickly 
silenced. 

The  following  important  passage  occurs  in  the  second  edition 
of  Mr.  Hosack's  "Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Accusers:" 
"  Since  the  first  volume  of  this  work  was  published,  the 
singular  discovery  has  been  made  that  the  Queen  of  Scots  was 
never  legally  married  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell." 

I  must  now  take  leave  of  the  "  casket "  and  "  marriage  "  mys- 
teries, and  refer  the  reader  to  the  valuable  and  interesting  inves- 
tigation of  these  questions,  to  be  found  in  the  pages  of  Mr. 
Hosack's  two  volumes,  for  which  the  lovers  of  fair  play  and 
Historical  Truth  must,  in  the  present  and  future  generations, 
feel  grateful. 


*  Melville's  Memorials  ;  Scotch  State  Papers. 


Quee7i  Mary  and  John  Knox.  367 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

QUEEN   MARY   AND   JOHN   KNOX. 

I  HERE  refer  to  some  antecedent  scenes  between  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  John  Knox,  and  the  higher  order  of  the  Kirk  of 
Scotland. 

One  of  the  first  public  actions  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  to 
have  an  interview  with  John  Knox,  and  to  seek  an  explanation 
as  to  his  conduct  respecting  her.      She  was  attended  on   this 
occasion  by  her  step-brother,  Lord  James  Stuart,  whom  she  had 
just  created  the  Earl  of  Moray.     Moray,  though  illegitimate, 
had   the  pride    of    birth,    and    was  shocked  at    the    violent 
address   and  *the   vulgar  manners    of  Knox,    with   whom   he 
remonstrated   several   times   for   his  want    of  respect  for   his 
Sovereign.    The  Queen  severely  censured  the  "Rustic  Apostle  " 
for  the  violence  of  his  book  against  female  government,  and 
with  a  clearness  and  vigour  of  argument  for  which  he  was 
probably  not  prepared,   pointed  out  its  evil  consequences  in 
exciting  subjects  against  their  rulers.     She  then  advised  Knox 
to  treat  with  greater  charity  those  who  differed  from  him  in 
opinion. 

"  If,  madam,"  said  Knox,  "  to  rebuke  idolatry  and  to  per- 
suade the  people  to  worship  Grod  according  to  His  Word,  be 
to  raise  subjects  against  their  princes,  I  cannot  stand  excused, 
for  so  have  I  acted  ;  but  if  the  true  knowledge  of  God  and 


368  Queen  Mary   and  John  Knox. 


His  right  worshipping  lead  all  good  subjects  to  obey  the  prince 
from  their  heart,  then  who  can  reprehend  me  ?  "  * 

As  for  his  book,  Knox  allowed  it  was  "  diverted  "  against 
female  government,  but  excused  its  principles  as  being  more 
a  matter  of  opinion  than  of  conscience,  and  professed  his 
willingness  to  live  in  all  contentment  under  her  Majesty's 
government  "  as  long  as  she  kept  her  hands  undejiled  hy  the 
blood  of  the  Saints  of  GodJ'^  In  continuation,  Knox  conten- 
ded that  in  religion  subjects  were  bound  to  follow  not  the  will 
of  their  prince,  but  the  commands  of  their  Creator.  "  If," 
said  he,  "  all  men  in  the  days  of  the  Apostles  should  have  been 
compelled  to  follow  the  religion  of  the  Roman  Emperors, 
where  would  have  been  the  Christian  faith  ?  Daniel  and  his 
followers  were  subjects  to  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Darius,  yet 
they  refused  to  accept  their  religion." 

"  But,"  interrupted  the  Queen,  "  these  men  did  not 
resist." 

"  And  yet,"  replied  Knox,  "  they  who  obey  not  the  com- 
mandment may  virtually  be  said  to  resist." 

"  Nay,"  rejoined  Queen  Mary,  "  they  did  not  resist  with  the 
sword." 

"  That,"  observed  Knox,  "  was  simply  because  they  had  not 
the  power." 

"What,"  exclaimed  her  Majesty,  starting  forward,  and 
speaking  with  unusual  energy,  "  do  you,  sir,  maintain  that 
subjects  having  power  may  resist  their  princes  ?  " 

With  great  coolness,  Knox  replied,  "Yes,  if  princes  exceed 
their  bounds."  Raising  his  voice  and  fixing  his  eyes  upon 
the    Queen,  he   continued    to   denounce  princes  tvho    dared 


*  See  Knox's  History  of  the  Eeformation  in  Scotland. 


Queen  Mary  and  John  Knox.  369 

to  resist  the  will  of  the  people.  His  speech  seemed  to  impress 
the  Lollard  doctrines,  though  somewhat  concealed.  His 
gestures  were  those  of  scorn  and  contempt  for  "  authority." 
The  Queen  stood  for  some  time  silent  and  amazed.  She  was 
completely  terrified  by  the  ferocity  with  which  every  word  was 
uttered.  The  Queen  thought  of  her  own  youth  and  weakness, 
and  the  fierce  savage  man  with  whom  she  had  to  hold  inter- 
course. Her  mind  pictured  to  itself  in  gloomy  anticipation 
the  struorcrles  which  awaited  her,  and  she  burst  into  tears.* 

"  At  this,"  writes  Mary  Seaton,  "  Lord  James  remonstrated 
with  Maister  Knox  on  his  rude  and  wicked  speech  to  her 
Highness.  The  Lord  James  said  many  words  of  comfort  to  the 
Queen,  who  seemed  happy  that  she  had  a  brother  beside  her. 
The  Queen  laid  her  hand  on  his  shoulder  in  an  affectionate 
manner.f  Then  turning  to  Knox,  on  whose  face  a  malicious 
smile  of  triumph  was  visible,  her  Highness  continued,  "  Well, 
sir,  I  perceive  that  my  subjects  shall  only  obey  you  and  not  me. 
They  must  do  what  they  list,  not  what  /  command  ;  whilst  I 
must  learn  to  be  subject  to  them,  and  not  they  to  me''  The 
last  few  observations  were  uttered  with  all  the  dignity  and 
firmness  of  a  woman  who  felt  the  weight,  responsibility,  and 
dignity  of  her  queenly  office. 

The  violence  of  the  rustic  Eeformer  cooled  down  for  a 
moment. 

"  God  forbid,"  said  Knox,  *'  that  it  should  ever  be  as  you 
say.     Far  be  it  from  me  to  command  any,  or  to  absolve  sub- 


*  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  v. 

+  The  reader  must  remember  that  Lord  James  was  the  illegitimate  son 
of  King  James  the  Fifth  of  Scotland,  by  Margaret  Erskine,  subsequently 
known  as  Lady  Douglas  of  Lochleven  Castle,  and,  later  still,  the  cruel 
gaoler  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

VOL.    IV.  B  B 


370  Queen  Mary   and  John  Knox. 


jects  from  their  lawful  obedience.  My  only  desire  is  that 
both  princes  and  subjects  should  obey  God,  who  has  in  His 
Word  enjoined  Kings  to  be  nursing  fathers,  and  Queens 
nursing  mothers  to  His  Church." 

"  Yea,"  exclaimed  the  young  Queen,  "  this  is  indeed  true  ; 
but,  Maister  Knox,  yours  is  not  the  Church  that  I  will  nourish. 
I  will  defend  the  Church  of  Eome,  because  I  know  it  is  the 
true  Church  of  Grod." 

At  this  bold  assertion  of  the  Queen's  religious  belief,  which 
was  uttered  in  that  peculiar  style  for  which  Mary  Stuart  was 
remarkable  when  her  feelings  became  excited,  and  the  Royal 
blood  warmed  with  indignation,  John  Knox,  to  use  the  words 
of  Frazer  Tytler,  "  flamed  fierce  and  high."  The  "  Apostle 
of  the  North,"  in   continuation  said,  "Madam,  your  will  is  no 

reason ;  neither  doth  your  thought  make  that  Roman to  be 

the  immaculate  spouse  of  Christ.     And  wonder  not,   Madam, 

that    I    call   Rome    a ,   for    that    Church   is   altogether 

polluted  with  every  kind  of  abomination  that  Satan  and  his 
devils  could  devise." 

Here  the  Queen,  with  intense  indignation,  interrupted 
Knox,  asking  him  how  he  dared  to  speak  to  his  Sovereign  of 
her  conscience,  or  to  impeach  the  purity  of  her  Faith.  "If  I 
were  a  man,"  exclaimed  Mary  Stuart 

Knox  again  interrupted  the  Queen,  "  ridiculing  her  Popish 
conscience,"  and  told  her  that  she  did  not  know  what  it 
meant. 

This  first  meeting  between  Queen  Mary  and  John  Knox 
ended  in  bitter  feelings  at  both  sides.  Good  breeding  and 
chivalrous  actions  were  not  to  be  reckoned  amongst  the 
merits  of  John  Knox  or  his  coadjutor,  the  Laird  of  Cranston. 

Alluding  to  the  conference  between  the  Queen  of  Scots  and 
Knox,  Lord  Lethington,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  does 


Queen  Mary   and  John  Knox.  371 

justice  to  the  gentleness  and  dignity  of  Mary,  and  contrasts  it 
with  the  conduct  of  the  much-praised  Knox,  whose  rudeness, 
especially  to  women,  was  noted.  Kandolph's  letters  to  Cecil 
likewise  censure  Knox  for  his  want  of  courtesy  to  his 
Queen. 

Knox  lost  no  time  in  announcing  to  his  partisans  how  com- 
pletely he  had  vanquished  the  Queen  in  discussion. 

As  I  have  already  remarked,  John  Knox  was  the  idol  of  the 
Scotch  Reformers.  He  was  likewise  very  popular  with  the 
English  Puritans. 

The  Queen  of  Scots  had  incurred  the  hatred  of  John  Knox 
before  she  left  France,  by  declaring  "  that  of  all  men  in 
Scotland  she  considered  Maister  Knox  the  most  dangerous 
to  her  realm  ;  and  that  she  was  determined  to  banish  him 
from  Scotland  as  soon  as  possible."* 

At  a  meeting  of  the  assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
which  took  place  on  the  25th  of  June,  1564,  Lethington,  who 
was  then  a  prominent  member  of  the  Kirk,  remonstrated  with 
Knox  for  calling  the  Queen  from  his  pulpit  "  a  slave  of  Satan," 
and  affirming  "  that  God's  vengeance  hung  over  the  realm  on 
account  of  her  impiety  in  continuing  to  practise  the  rites  of 
her  own  religion."  The  loyal  part  of  the  Assembly  declared 
"  that  such  violence  of  language  could  never  profit." 

The  Master  of  Maxwell  dissented  from  his  friend  Knox.  He 
assured  the  Assembly  that  "  if  he  were  in  the  Queen's  position 
he  would  not  permit  such  language  to  be  used." 

Knox  defended  himself  from  the  charge  of  intolerance  in 
these  words  : — The  most  vehement,  and,  as  ye  speak  excessive 
manner  of  prayer,  I  use  in  public  is  this  : — 


*  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's  French  Despatches  to  Queen  Elizabeth. 

B  B    2 


372  Queen  Mary   and  John  Knox. 


"  O  Lord,  if  Thy  pleasure  be,  purge  the  heart  of  the  Queen's 
Highness  from  the  treason  of  idolatry,  and  deliver  her  from  the 
bondage  of  Satan,  in  which  she  hath  been  brought  up,  and  yet 
remains  for  lack  of  true  doctrines." 

Lord  Lethington  asked  Knox  "where  he  found  the  ex- 
ample of  such  prayer  as  that  ?" 

Knox  coolly  replied,  "  Thy  will  be  done,"  in  the  Lord's 
Prayer. 

These  observations  of  John  Knox  did  not  give  satisfaction 
to  the  Assembly.  Many  of  the  members  dissented  from  the 
style  of  arguing  adopted  by  their  chief,  but  still  Knox  was  all- 
powerful  ;  right  or  wrong,  he  was  triumphant. 

Lethington  assured  Knox  "  that  he  was  raising  doubts  as 
to  the  Queen's  conversion." 

"Not  I,  my  lord,"  replied  Knox,  "but  her  own  obstinate 
rebellion." 

"  In  what  does  she  rebel  ajjainst  Grod  ?"  asked  Lord 
Lethington. 

Starting  from  his  seat  with  some  excitement,  Knox  retorted, 
"  In  every  action  of  her  life  ;  but  in  these  two  heads  especially 
— that  she  will  not  hear  the  preaching  of  the  blessed  evangile 
of  Jesus    Christ  ;    and,    secondly,    that    she    maintains    the 

Mass." 

"  She  thinks  not  that  reboJlion,  but  good  religion,"  replied 
Lord  Lethington. 

After  some  interruption,  Lord  Lethington  proceeded, 
"  Why  say  ye  that  the  Queen  refuses  admonition  ?  She  will 
gladly  hear  any  man." 

"  When  will  she  be  seen  to  give  her  presence  to  the  public 
preaching  ?"  said  Knox,  with  an  air  of  scorn. 


Queen  Mary  and  John  Knox.  373 

"  I  think  never,"  replied  Lethington,  "  as  long  as  she  is 
entreated  in  the  present  fashion  of  words." 

A  lengthened  discussion  ensued  as  to  whether  the  Queen 
should  be  permitted  the  "private  use  of  her  own  re- 
ligion, or  be  compelled  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the 
Kirk." 

Several  members  expressed  their  opinion  to  the  effect  that 
no  ones  conscience  should  be  regulated  by  others ;  that  the 
Queen  did  not  interfere  loith  the  religion  of  any  man  or  woman  ; 
but  only  claimed  her  rightful  inheritance  of  worshipping  Grod 
according  to  her  conscientious  belief.  "  We  should  do  unto 
others  as  we  wish  to  be  done  by,"  was  also  amongst  the  argu- 
ments. The  latter  opinion  was  considered  "  rather  old 
fashioned,"  and  "  snivelled  strongly  of  one  of  the  little  tricks 
of  Popery ;"  so  it  was  stamped  out.  The  Assembly  was,  however, 
much  divided  on  this  occasion,  and  the  quotation  "do  unto 
others  as  you  would  wish  to  be  done  by,"  made  an  impression 
upon  some  present.  But  Knox  would  hear  of  no  "  tolera- 
tion— no  compromise."  It  was  then  proposed  to  refer  the 
question  to  Calvin.  Knox  became  indignant  at  such  a  proposal. 
Calvin  or  no  other  Reformer  should  intrude  upon  his  sanctuary. 
Knox  made  a  display  of  jealousy  and  tyranny  on  this  occasion 
which  was  quite  characteristic  of  the  man.  The  people  who 
advocated  the  maxim  of  "doing  unto  others  as  they  wish 
to  be  done  by,"  were  looked  upon  as  tainted  with  something 
approaching  to  rank  Popery.*  So  the  principles  of  Calvin  and 
Knox  triumphed  ;  nevertheless,  there  were  a  Protestant  party, 


*  A  portion  of  this  extraordinary  scene  is  printed  in  John  Knox's  His- 
tory of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  pp.  418-461.  It  is  also  referred 
to  by  Tytler,  vol.  v. ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  iv.  ;  Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary 
Stuart,  vol.  i.  and  ii. 


374  Queen  Mary  and  John  Knox.  ' 

however  small,  who  believed  in  the  primitive  Christian 
principle  of  "  doing  unto  others  as  they  wished  to  be  done 
by."  The  Scotch  Saints,  of  what  was  styled  the  "  Keformed 
School,"  repudiated  such  maxims.  They  desired  to  "  remove 
their  neighbour's  landmark,"  and  they  did  so  without  the 
sanction  of  law  or  equity,  and  continued  to  invoke  the  name 
of  God  in  perpetrating  wrong  against  their  neighbour,  who 
adhered  to  his  conscientious  convictions  upon  matters  of 
religion.  In  fact,  Moslem  intolerance,  not  improved  by  age, 
seemed  to  have  taken  possession  of  the  Scotch  Eeformers  at 
this  lamentable  period. 


The  Forsaken    Queeji.  375 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE    FORSAKEN   QUEEN". 

The  revolution  spread  quickly.  Bothwell  fled,  and  his 
victim  awaited  her  fate.  The  Laird  of  Grange  was  appointed 
to  receive  the  Queen.  Mary  Stuart,  who  looked  pale  and  sad, 
advancing  towards  him,  said,  "Laird, of  Grange,  I  surrender 
unto  you  upon  the  conditions  already  discussed  in  the  names 
of  the  Lords." 

When  the  Queen  had  been  placed  on  horseback,  the  Laird, 
remounting  his  black  charger,  preceded  the  Royal  lady 
down  the  hill,  holding  his  steel  bonnet  high  above  his  bald 
head,  with  an  air  of  eager  exultation.  Buchanan,  who 
was  present,  has  left  on  record  a  description  of  the  Queen's  dress 
on  this  humiliating  march  to  the  camp  of  her  enemies.  "  She 
looked  the  picture  of  desolation  itself.  Her  dress  was  very 
short,  mean,  and  threadbare."  The  author  of  the  "  French 
Fragments,"  who  saw  Mary  at  Dunbar  on  the  morning  of  her 
escape  from  Borthwick  Castle,  states  that  "  she  wore  a  red 
coat  reaching  to  the  middle  of  her  leg,  a  tunic  which  she 
had  borrowed,  and  a  toffiity  cloak." 

Sir  William  Drury  describes  the  Queen  in  the  field,  "  attired 
after  the  fashion  of  the  lively  young  women  of  Edinburgh, 
wearing  a  red  petticoat,  with  sleeves  tied  with  points,  a 
portlet,  a  black  velvet  hat  and  muffler."  The  Royal  prisoner 
was  mounted  on  a  large  grey  charger,  which  was  led  by  one 


3/6  The  Forsaken    Queen. 


of  her  equerries  in  the  Eoyal  hvery  of  the  Stuart  family — red 
and  yellow.  A  young  lady  on  a  pony  was  beside  the  Queen  ; 
she,  too,  looked  sad  ;  she  wore  a  black  hat,  a  white  veil,  a  red 
jacket,  and  yellow  petticoat.  This  was  the  beautiful  Mary 
Seton. 

In  a  philosophic  mood  Miss  Strickland  remarks  "that  a 
monarch  of  the  reflective  sex  might  have  perceived  the  ex- 
pediency of  temporising ;  but  women  are  the  creatures  of 
impulse,  and  Mary  Stuart,  in  obeying  the  instincts  of  repul- 
sion, which  prompted  her  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  extri- 
cating herself  from  Both  well,  found  that  she  was  in  no  better 
condition  than  the  simple  little  bird  that  falls  into  the  coils 
of  a  serpent  in  endeavouring  to  escape  from  the  talons  of  a 
cat." 

Having  arrived  at  the  rebel   camp,  the  Queen  surrendered 

herself  to  Lord  Morton,  who  received  her  with  an  "  evident 

mockery  of  respect."     In  a  few  minutes  subsequent  a  scene 

commenced,  which  covers  the  Scotchmen — and  women  too — 

of  the  period  with  infamy.     Horrible  yells  and   blasphemous 

words   were    uttered    by   the    soldiers    and  the    mob.     The 

language  used  to  the  Queen  in  the  presence  of  the  confederate 

lords  is  unfit  to  be  printed  in  these  times.     Maddened  with 

indignation,   the  unfortunate   Queen  turned  to   the    Earl   of 

Morton,  and  asked  him,  "  What  is  your  purpose  ?     If  it  be 

the  hloocl  of  your  Queen — the  daughter  of  the  Stuarts,  whom 

your  fathers  loved — you  desire^  I  am  here  to  offer  it,  nor  needs 

there  other  means  to  seek  to  he  revenged.^'*     The  Queen's  brief 

address  was  treated  by  Morton  with  contempt,  remarking  to 

his  lieutenant,  "  mind  your  prisoner.^''  f 


*  Melville's  Memorials ;  MS.  Letters  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  v. 
t  Keith,  Tytler,  and  Chalmers. 


The  Forsaken    Queen.  yjf 

The  associate  lords  had  used  for  the  ensign  of  their  party 
on  this  day  a  white  banner,  with  the  dehneation  of  the  dead 
body  of  Darnley  extended  beneath  a  tree  with  the  infant 
Prince  kneeling  with  folded  hands,  having  a  label  pendant 
from  his  mouth,  with  these  words — "  Judge  and  avenge  our 
cause,  0  Lord  " — a  device  chosen  by  the  associated  murderers, 
Morton,  Lethington,  and  others,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting 
the  passions  of  the  people  against  the  Queen.  Buchanan 
affirms  "  that  this  banner  was  placed  before  the  Queen's  eyes 
by  two  soldiers,  who  held  it  up  extended  between  two  pikes, 
at  which  sight  she  swooned,  and  was  with  difficulty  prevented 
from  falling."  No  marvel  that  the  unhappy  Queen  should 
succumb  before  such  inhuman  treatment,  and  give  way  to 
terror  and  tears  of  anguish. 

About  nine  of  the  clock,  on  the  night  of  the  15th  of  June, 
Queen  Mary  arrived  in  the  capital  of  her  turbulent  realm,  girt 
by  every  appliance  of  studied  indignity.  The  grim  banner 
just  alluded  to  was  carried  before  her.  Lords  Morton  and 
Atholl — the  former  a  professed  Kirk  Saint,  the  latter  an  un- 
professed  perjured  Papist,  but  both  red-handed  with  innocent 
blood — rode  each  side  of  the  Royal  prisoner.  The  dress  of  the 
Queen  was  covered  with  dust ;  she  was  exhausted  and  fevered 
with  fatigue  and  the  violence  of  her  emotion.  Her  face  was 
bathed  with  tears,  and  so  disfigured  with  the  anguish  of  her 
mind  that  her  features  were  scarcely  recognisable.  In  this 
condition  she  was  led  along  the  streets  of  Edinburgh  amidst 
the  scoffs  and  insults  of  the  baser  population,  who  were  set  in 
motion  by  the  so-called  clergy,  who  publicly  declared  in  their 
pulpits  that  the  scene  of  that  day  was  for  the  "  promotion  of 
Gospel  Truth  and  the  Glory  of  God." 

The  forlorn  Queen  and  her  ladies  were  not  admitted  to  the 
Palace  of  Holyrood  that  night.     They  were  lodged  in  a  por- 


3^8  The  Forsakeri   Queen. 


tion  of  the  Tolbooth  assigned  to  malefactors.  The  Queen  was 
separated  from  her  female  attendants  ;  left  without  a  change  of 
clothes,  not  even  a  night  dress  ;  and  locked  up  in  a  small  filthy 
room.  The  faithful  Maries  received  similar  treatment,  and 
all  were  le^X,  four-and-twenty  hours  without  food*  One  of  the 
gaolers — a  ruffian  like  Topclyfife,  of  the  Tower — asked  the 
Queen  in  a  sneering  tone  would  she  have  some  supper.  Mary 
Stuart  replied  "  No  ;  not  from  you.''  Ill-starred  Mary  Stuart 
passed  the  night  in  a  dungeon  lately  occupied  by  some  high- 
wayman or  murderer.  When  morning  dawned,  the  Royal 
captive  made  her  way  to  a  front  room  looking  into  a  noisy 
street,  where  many  people  passed.  Opening  the  window,  she 
cried  out  to  the  people  below  to  succour  her.  She  had  rent 
her  garments  in  her  frantic  agony,  and  appeared  with 
dishevelled  hair  hanging  wildly  about  her  face  and  bosom,  a 
sight  which  moved  many  of  the  spectators  of  her  misery  to 
compassion. t  The  conduct  of  the  soldiers  and  the  mob  on  this 
occasion  is  perhaps  without  a  precedent  in  the  history  of 
civilised  nations — always  excepting  the  ruffian  and  bloodthirsty 
French  democracy.  .  .  .  The  morning  brought  new 
horrors.  In  the  wild  delirium  of  despair,  the  Queen  tore  the 
dress  from  her  person,  and,  almost  naked,  exclaimed  "  Here 
stands  your  wronged  and  injured  Queen.  I  appeal  to  the  great 
God  for  justice.''^  The  Queen's  speech  was  received  with  shouts 
of  derision.  Lord  Morton  encouraged  the  savage  mob  in  this 
line  of  conduct,  for  he  absolutely  stood  beside  the  crowd 
whilst  they  applied  abominable  epithets  to  his  Sovereign. 

The  rebel  lords  were  determined  to  remove  their   Royal 
prisoner  to  the  remote  and  lonely  castle  of  Lochleven.  There 


*  Document  in  Teulet's  Collections  :  Melville's  Memorials. 
t  Letter  of  James  Beton ;  Drury's  Despatches  to  Cecil — State  Papers. 


The  Forsaken    Queen.  379 

none  could  hear  her  cries  for  mercy  or  justice  but  a  Douglas  or 
a  Lindsay — traitorous  criminals.     Before  her  departure   from 
Edinburgh,  Mary  Stuart  was  marched  on  foot,  with  tattered 
shoes  and  ragged  garments,  from  her  prison-house  to   Holy- 
rood,  for  no  other  purpose  than  that  she  might  be  insulted  and 
ill-used  by  an  organised  mob  of  infamous  women  engaged  for 
the  occasion  by  George  Douglas.     Miss  Strickland's   research 
as  to  this  infamous  transaction  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
"  public  procession  was  arranged  in  order  to  inflame  the  fanatic 
rabble  to  tear  the  Queen  limb  from   limb.''     The  ladies  of  her 
Court   were   likewise  with  her,  and  shared  the  insults    and 
buffets  of  the  mob.     Amongst  the  right  noble  band  of  virgin 
attendants  were  Mary  Seton,   Mary    Livingstone,  and    Jane 
Kennedy  (then  very  young)  ;  Marie  Courcelles,*  and  Blanche 
Valcary.     A   French    contemporary  states  that   these  ladies 
"  deserve  the  everlasting  honour  of  posterity.    They  were  good 
in  every  sense  of  the  word  ;  ready  to  die  for,  or  with,  their 
Eoyal  mistress."     In  tattered  garments,  these  young  ladies 
accompanied  their  Queen  to  Lochleven,  and,  with  one  excep- 
tion, they  remained  true  to  the  death. 

The  last  words  which  fell  upon  the  ear   of  the  distracted 
Queen  from  the  Edinburgh  mob  were — "Cut  the  Popish  head 


*  In  1609,  forty-oae  years  after  this  scene,  Marie  Courcelles,  then  a 
decrepit  old  woman,  petitioned  King  James  the  First  of  England  for 
some  means  to  relieve  her  destitution.  The  King  allowed  her  J30  per 
annum  for  the  remainder  of  her  life,  but  declined  to  pay  the  sum  of 
£3i0  which  his  mother  owed  her.  Several  of  Mary  Stuart's  domestics  died 
in  old  age  and  poverty.  The  King  was  more  inclined  to  render  a  good 
office  to  the  enemies  of  his  mother  than  to  her  devoted  followers.  In  one 
instance  this  eccentric  and  heartless  monarch  conferred  a  small  pension 
upon  a  servant  of  Sir  Francis  Walsingham ;  and  also  upon  a  near  relative 
of  Ralph  Sadler ;  and  created  Sir  Robert  Cecil  Earl  of  Salisbury.  Cecil's 
father  was  the  deadly  enemy  of  the  King's  mother. 


3  So  The  Forsaken   Queen. 


off  her  ;"  "  cut  out  her  Papist  tongue  and  give  it  to  the  dogs  ;  " 
*'  whip  her,  lash  her  well ;  "  '■^  pinch  her  icell ;  "  "  hang  her  up 
before   the  Jire ;"  "  let  us  tear  her   to  pieces."* 

Whilst  this  scene  was  enactinir  one  man  was  lookinsr  on  with 
a  smile  of  apparent  satisfaction.  That  man  was  Lord  Morton, 
who  perished  on  the  scaffold  fourteen  years  subsequently  as  the 
clearlg  convicted  murderer  of  the  Earl  of  Darnley.  How  many 
"  historians"  have  suppressed  this  fact  for  the  sole  object  of  keep- 
ing alive  sectarian  hate  and  propagating  that  which  is  untrue  ? 

The  Queen's  abdication  of  the  Crown  was  forced  by  fraud 
and  violence  "whilst  a  prisoner  at  Lochleven.  Lord  Lindsay 
has  been  described  as  the  chief  person  engaajed  in  coercing 
the  Queen  to  abdicate.  He  burst  rudely  into  her  presence, 
and  llinging  the  deeds  violently  on  the  table  before  her,  told 
her  to  sign  the  documents  without  delay,  or  worse  would 
befall  her. 

"What !  "  exclaimed  the  Queen,  "  shall  I  set  my  hand  to  a 
deliberate  falsehood,  and  to  gratify  the  ambition  of  my  nobles, 
relinquish  the  office,  which  God  hath  given  to  me,  to  my  son, 
an  infant  little  more  than  a  year  old,  incapable  of  governing 
the  realm,  that  my  brother,  Lord  ^loray,  may  reign  in  his 
name?" 

The  Queen  was  proceeding  to  demonstrate  the  unreasonable- 
ness of  what  was  required  of  her,  but  Lord  Lindsay  inter- 
rupted her  with  an  insolent  laugh ;  then,  scowling  ferociously 
upon  her,  he  swore  with  a  fearful  oath,  which  cannot  be  here 
repeated,  "that  if  she  would  not  sign  those  instruments,  he  would 
do  it  with  her  heart's  blood,  and  then  cast  her  into  the  waters  of 
Lochleven  to  feed  the  JishesP^ 

From  the  night  of  Rizzio's  murder  the  Queen  was  too  well 


*  The  above  scene  was  noted  down  by  Morton's  secretar)'  and  others. 
t  Innocence  de  Marie  Stuart,  Jebb's  Collections. 


The  Forsaken   Qiteen.  381 


aware  what  Lindsay  was  capable  of  doing.  She  began  to 
weep.  "  What  a  sea  of  trouble  I  have  gone  through  before  1 
have  reached  five  and  twenty  years — what  is  to  be  the  end  ? 
Mother  of  God  protect  me."  Her  allusion  to  the  Virgin 
Mother  infuriated  Lindsay.  He  said  he  would  have  no  more 
delay,  tears  had  no  influence  upon  him.  Using  another  oath, 
he  said  "  that  having  begun  the  matter  he  should  also  finish  it 
then  and  there.  His  next  movement  was  io  force  the  pen  into 
her  hand,  and  grasped  her  arm  in  the  struggle  so  rudely  as  to 
leave  the  prints  of  mail-clad  fingers  visibly  impressed.  In  an 
access  of  pain  and  terror,  with  streaming  eyes  and  averted 
head,  she  afiixed  her  regal  signature  to  the  three  deeds  without 
once  looking  upon  them.* 

The  agitation  and  distress  the  Queen  had  suffered  in  the 
contest  brought  on  a  fever  which  confined  her  to  bed  for  several 
weeks.! 

On  the  day  of  the  forced  abdication  Throckmorton  wrote 
to  his  own  Sovereign  in  confidence,  stating  that  "  this  tragedy 
will  end  in  Queen  Mary's  person,  as  it  did  begin  with  Rizzio 
andDarnley."  Throckmorton's  opinion  assumes  greaterweight  in 
the  scale  of  evidence  when  the  position  he  occupied  at  that  time 
is  considered.  He  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  projects 
of  the  rebel  lords  and  their  chief.  Lord  Moray,  whose  secret 
schemes  were  divulged  to  Throckmorton  by  a  Swedish  lady 
who  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  Regent. 

John  Riddell,  the  learned  antiquary,  throws  a  flood  of  light 
upon  the   means  by  which  the  Lords  of  the  Council  obtained 


*  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  v. ;  Chalmers,  vol.  i.  ;  Tytler,  vol.  vi. 

t  In  Pitcairn's  Preface  to  "  Bannatyne's  Memorials  "  is  to  be  found  an 
account  of  the  means  by  which  the  Privy  Seal  of  Scotland  was  appended 
to  the  extorted  deed  of  abdication. 


3^2  The  Forsaken   Queen. 

what  thej  styled  the  "  freewill  abdication  "  of  Queen  Mary. 
Lord  Lethington  played  an  infamous  part  in  this  proceeding. 
His  perjuries  were  shocking,  yet  he  professed  to  be  a  religious 
man  ;  but  men  must  be  judged  by  their  actions  and  the  results 
of  those  actions  rather  than  by  their  professions. 

The  next  step  taken  by  the  Confederate  Lords  was  the  sham 
ceremony  of  crowning  the  infant  Prince.  It  was  arranged, 
"  with  the  consent  of  the  Queen  of  England,  that  Lord  Moray 
was  to  reign  as  Kegent,  and  he  now  became  the  arbiter  of 
the  Queen's  fate." 

Moray  entered  Edinburgh  in  triumph  on  the  11th  of 
August,  riding  between  the  Envoy  of  France  and  the  English 
Ambassador.  France,  too,  had  deserted  the  unfortunate  Mary 
Stuart.  This  was  the  action  of  Catherine  de  Medicis,  her 
mother-in-law,  who  had  been  plotting  her  ruin  for  years. 

As  soon  as  the  Queen  was  consigned  to  the  custody  of  Lord 
Ruthven  and  Lady  Douglas  at  the  Lake  prison,  the  Confederate 
Lords  seized  upon  the  plate,  jewels,  dresses,  and  furniture  of 
Mary  Stuart,  then  deposited  at  Holyrood  Palace.  Let  the 
reader  remember  that  the  articles  in  question  were  the  private 
property  of  the  Queen,  derived  from  her  estates  in  France;  and 
further,  she  never  took  a  dollar  from  the  bankrupt  treasury  of 
Scotland.  Moray's  wife  took  possession  of  the  Queen's  ward- 
robe. 

The  Confederate  Lords  likewise  carried  away  the  massive 
christening  font  presented  by  Queen  Elizabeth  for  the  infant 
Prmce.^'     Lord  Glencairn   entered  the  chapel  royal  with  his 


*  Amongst  the  malicious  fabrications  of  Sir  Thomas  Eandolph  to  Elizabeth 
was  one  regarding  the  christening  font,  to  the  effect  that  Queen  Mary  "had 
broken  it  up  to  coin  money,  showing  thereby  the  little  regard  she  enter- 
tained for  her  good  cousin  of  England."  The  christening  font  became  a 
portion  of  Lord  Morton's  plunder.     So  much  for  the  veracity  of  Eandolph. 


The  Forsaken    Queen.  383 


vassals,  broke  down  the  altars,  demolished  the  beautiful 
carving,  ornaments,  and  pictures,  some  of  which  were  of  great 
beauty  and  antiquity. 

Whilst  the  Eoyal  captive  was  at  Lochleven  her  brother 
(Moray)  was  privately  negotiating  the  sale  of  her  jewels  with 
a  London  goldsmith.  As  the  pearls  were  considered  the  finest 
in  Europe,  Queen  Elizabeth  was  so  far  complimented  as  to  be 
offered  a  preference  of  purchase.  The  price  asked  was  "  con- 
sidered too  high  ;  "  in  fact,  Elizabeth  expected  that  the  jewels 
might  have  been  presented  to  herself  Moray,  Scotchman-like, 
did  not  desire  to  make  such  valuable  presents  even  to  his 
English  patroness.  Another  competitor  for  the  jewels  was 
Catherine  de  Medicis,  who  offered  double  the  sum  at  first 
demanded  by  Moray.  When  Elizabeth  heard  that  the  French 
Koyal  family  were  anxious  to  possess  them,  she  exclaimed  with 
one  of  her  favourite  oaths,  that  "  as  she  possessed  the  pearls 
they  should  be  her  property."  She  promised  to  pay  Lord  Moray 
twelve  thousand  golden  crowns  for  the  jewels,  which  were 
valued  at  twice  that  sum.  Whether  the  English  Queen  ever 
paid  the  money  stipulated  is  very  doubtful.  The  jewels  and 
pearls  in  question  were  originally  the  gift  of  Mary  Stuart's 
first  husband,  Francis  the  Second. 

The  Queen's  French  servants — male  and  female — were 
driven  into  the  streets  to  starve.  They  implored  Du  Croc, 
the  French  Ambassador,  to  have  pity  upon  them.  Having  some 
money  of  Queen  Mary's  in  his  charge,  he  expended  it  in 
sending  these  faithful  domestics  home  to  their  own  country 
to  tell  the  story  of  the  despicable  robbery  of  Lords  Glencairn 
and  Morton,  who  had  even  turned  to  the  use  of  their  own 
families  the  trinkets  and  dresses  of  the  waiting  maids. 

On  the  2nd  of  August,  1567,  James,  Earl  of  Moray,  was 
formally  declared  Eegent  of  Scotland.     The  ceremony  of  his 


384  The  Forsaken   Queen. 

inauguration  was  held  in  the  Council  Chamber  within  the 
Tolbooth,  where,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lords  of  the  Secret 
Council  and  other  accomplices  of  his  party,  he  was  sworn  into 
office  as  Eegent  of  Scotland.  He  spoke  of  his  unfitness  for 
the  office,  and  besought  the  prayers  of  the  Kirk  for  his  success. 
He  was  sure  that  the  hand  of  the  Almighty  was  directing  the 
good  work.  "  Laying  his  hands  upon  the  Gospels,  the  Regent 
swore  that,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  he  would  serve  the 
Almighty  Grod,  according  to  His  Holy  Word  revealed  in  the 
New  and  Old  Testament ;  that  he  would  maintain  the  true 
religion  as  it  was  then  received  in  the  realm  of  Scotland  ;  that 
he  would  govern  the  people  according  to  the  ancient  laws 
of  the  kingdom  ;  procure  peace,  repress  all  wrong,  maintain 
justice  and  equity,  and  strike  out  from  the  realm  all  heretics  " 
— signifying  Papists* 

One  of  the  earliest  actions  of  the  Regent  was  to  purchase,  or 
compel  the  silence,  of  all  who  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in 
the  conspiracy  to  murder  Darnley.  Several  of  the  murderers 
belonged  to  the  Regent's  family.  Sir  James  Balfour  was 
notoriously  known  to  be  one  of  the  murderous  band.  Balfour 
"  received  a  full  pardon  and  remission  for  his  share  in  the  plot 
and  subsequent  murder.  He  also  received  the  large  sum  of 
£5,000."  The  question  arises  where  did  this  money  come 
from.  Certainly  not  from  the  bankrupt  Scotch  treasury. 
Balfour  was  a  "  kind  of  go-between  "  in  dehcate  matters  where 
it  was  not  considered  prudent  for  the  Regent  to  appear.  The 
"  conspirators  on  the  old  track  "  were  watching  one  another  in 
order  to  betray  their  companions  whenever  their  secret  service 
money  was  withdrawn.  Lord  Argyle  was  an  actino-  and 
principal  agent  in  the  plot  to   ruin   his  Royal  sister-in-law, 


*  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii. 


The  Forsaken   Queen.  385 

whom  he  styled  "  that  woman.''''  With  characteristic  good 
taste,  he  volunteered  to  command  the  Queen's  array  at 
the  battle  of  Langside,  where,  it  is  alleged,  he  basely  betrayed 
her  interests.  Morton  could  not  possibly  do  worse.  The 
apologists  of  Lord  Argyle  state  that  he  was  "  suddenly  seized 
with  a  fit  shortly  after  the  battle  commenced,  and,  consequently 
had  to  retire  from  the  action."  It  is  certain,  Argyle  was  in 
bad  health  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Langside.  I  regret 
that  my  "  space  "  will  not  permit  me  to  touch  upon  many 
thrilling  incidents  in  connection  with  the  battle  of  Langside. 

The  penal  laws  enacted  by  the  Regent  were  of  the  most 
cruel  and  oppressive  nature.  A  discussion  took  place  in  the 
Parliament,  under  the  direction  of  Moray,  as  to  the  continued 
imprisonment  of  the  Queen  at  Lochleven.     Some  members 

suggested  that  she  "  should  be  hanged  like   any  other  

that  deserved  death."  Others  desired  to  keep  her  a  prisoner, 
and  to  use  harshness,  and  by  all  means  to  reduce  her  mind  to 
the  level  of  any  common  woman.  The  extreme  party  of  th(^ 
Presbyterians  exclaimed  "  kill  her  at  once."  This  was  the  ofl- 
repeated  advice  of  John  Knox, 


VOL.    IV,  C  C 


386  The  Escape  from  Lochleven. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE   ESCAPE    FilOM   LOCHLEVEN. 

Romance    and    poetry    have  illustrated    with     affectionate 
interest   this   particular  epoch  of  the   Castle   of   Lochleven's 
existence.     History,   however,   only  looks    upon  this  prison- 
house  in  its  barbarous  strength  and  its  gloomy  uses,  bathed, 
as  the  Nile  has  been  described,  in  mists,  and  defended  by  the 
deep  waters   of  the  lake,  situated  in   a  lone  island  of  Kin- 
ross.    Many  tragic  scenes  are  supposed  to  have  taken  place  at 
Lochleven.    When  the  Royal  prisoner  arrived  at  the  edge  of 
the  lake,  she  was  commanded  by  Lord  Ruthven  to  step  into 
the  boat.  Mary's  face  crimsoned  with  anger  as  she  replied : 

"  No,  I  will  not  go.     I  am  your  Queen.     Before  God  and 
the  world  I  protest  against  your  injustice  to  me." 

Lords  Lindsay  and  Ruthven  lifted  her  into  the  boat.  She 
*'  screamed  from  the  squeezing  she  received  from  Lindsay  ;  she 
became  faint,  and  laid  her  head  upon  the  shoulder  of  Jane 
Kennedy."  The  party  reached  the  castle  in  silence.  The  next 
painful  incident  was  to  encounter  Lady  Douglas  (Moray's 
mother),  to  whose  charge  the  Queen  was  committed.* 


**' Willie  the  Foundling"  describes  this  scene  in  a  letter  written  to  a 
French  Abb6  some  years  subsequent.  Jane  Kennedy  also  alludes  to  tUe 
"  struggle  at  the  boat,"  and  tradition  makes  the  scene  more  sad,  if 
possible. 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  387 

In  this  fortress  of  the  far-off  times  languished  Mary  Stuart, 
the  granddaughter  of  "  Bonnie  King  Jamie."  Here  was  im- 
prisoned by  a  cruel  and  unnatural  brother  "the  most  lovely  and 
the  most  gifted  of  Royal  women."  Here  the  "  right  Eoyal 
Queen  of  Scotland  "  suffered  insult,  cold,  and  hunger — in  fact, 
she  was  half-starved.  Some  writers,  however,  have  had  the 
temerity  to  assert  that  she  was  "  well  treated,  and  wanted  for 
nothing."  The  fact  of  such  a  woman  as  Lady  Douglas  having 
been  her  gaoler  is  at  once  a  contradiction  of  the  statement.  Yet, 
for  the  honour  of  human  nature,  all  were  not  bad.  Even 
amoncTst  those  who  held  Mary  in  durance  was  to  be  found  a 
man  who  rose  above  his  stern  occupation.  It  was  flir  from 
beinn-  imaofined  at  this  time  that  a  Douglas  should  become  the 
champion  of  Mary  Stuart.  There  is  not  any  circumstance  in 
the  personal  history  of  Mary  Stuart  more  remarkable  than  the 
fact  that  at  the  dreary  and  hopeless  period  of  her  incarceration 
in  Lochleven  Castle,  deliverers  should  have  been  raised  up  for 
her  in  the  family  of  her  deadliest  foes.  The  Regent  INIoray's 
maternal  brother,  George  Douglas,  commonly  called  "Pretty 
Greorgie,"*  the  youngest  son  of  Lady  Douglas,  being  employed 
as  one  of  Queen  Mary's  gaolers,  became  deeply  interested  in 
her  behalf  He  had  been  present  when  her  signature  to  the 
deed  of  abdication  was  extorted  by  violence,  and,  unable  to 
restrain  his  feelings,  had  indignantly  reproached  his  inhuman 
brother-in-law.  Lord  Lindsay,  for  what  he  termed  "  the  bru- 
tality of  his  conduct  to  the  Royal  lady."  From  that  moment 
young  Douglas  made  a  vow  to  effect  the  deliverance  of  his 
Queen.     If  ever  the  spirit  of  true  chivalry  and  disinterested 


*  George  Douglas  was,  at  the  time,  about  the  same  a^^'e  as  the  Qaeen 
herself — some  five-aad-twenty  years  old,  handsome  and  amiable,  although 
"  a  branch  of  an  Upas-tree." 

C  C    2 


388  Tkt  Escape  from  LoMevm. 

loyalty  animated  :j  voong.  vrar.r.        .:t.  it  was  exemplified  in 

the  :    .  .  ;  :    :   u :     je   DoiiiiLis  to   iiis  oppie^ed  Sovereign. 

P    ._    5  soon  became  the  medium  of  cMtmimmication  between 

the  Queen  and  a  number  of  loyal  gentlemen — Reformers  and 

Catholics — who  had  v     "_    '  .selves  by  a  solemn  oath  to 

break  the  chains  which  c-oiuid  tne  Eoyal  captive.     A  variety 

of  plans  WOT    -  .  '   "  ;:    ../-  : .'.-:  i.  and,  to  add  to  the  misi- 

fortunes  of  tae  case,  DougLs?        -      :v  v    :.     His  :nother  and 

Lord  Moray  dismissed  him  nom  Lue  island.     When   Moray 

visit:  I '  '-     :'-:■::  s  .:   ■.:  .  v.  .:    1    :  "tu  as  the  author  of  all  her 

misfonu-nes. 

Moray's  manner  on  :'.'-  .sion  was  "'  insolent  and  cruel," 
as  Jane  Kennedy  has  stacei.  Lord  Lindsay  said  :  "  BecoUect, 
icoman^  that  you  are  our  pr:-         .  ' 

M  •  .   1    rhe  Queen  ::::ir  the  "preaching  of  the 

Gospel  coiud  no:  proceed  while  she  was  at  liberty  ;  "  and 
again  he  remarked  that  **her  imprisonment  was  a  rucessity^ 
that  he  (Moray)  and  the  other  lords  could  do  no  less  for  their 
own  personal  security  than  to  put  her  into  captivity."*  Lord 
Lindsay  again  told  her  that  '*'  justice  demanded  her  life,  as 
she  had  offended  against  the  Grospel !  " 

The  barbarous  treatment  the  Queen  received  at  Lochleven 
adds  tenfold  to  the  iniamy  of  Lord  Moray  and  his  wicked 
mother,  t  The  interview  at  an  end,  Moray  sat  down  in  another 
apartment  of  the  fortress,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Sir  William 
Drury,  one  of  Elizabeth's  agents,  in  whicli  he  misrepresented 
everything  that  took  place,  and  then  read  his  false  epistle  for 
Lord  Lindsay.  It  happened  that  the  contents  of  the  letter 
were  revealed  to   two  persons  who  were  the  secret  friends  of 


Sir  William  Drurr  to  Cecil ;  Forrester  to  Cedl— S:ate  Papers,  15GS. 

I  This  won:-.-  hn, 5 'been  'e^  riVed  as  "a  she- wolf." 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven,  389 


the  Koyal  prisoner.  Independent  of  this  incident,  the  state- 
ments of  Lord  Moray  are  contradicted  by  other  circumstances 
with  which  the  EugUsh  Council  were  well  acquainted.  In 
fact  the  whole  correspondence  with  respect  to  the  prisoner  at 
Lochleven  presented  a  fearful  amount  of  falsehood,  treachery, 
and  baseness,  whicli,  in  the  absence  of  State  Papers,  would 
appear  incredible.  Queen  Mary  had  another  interview  with 
Lord  Moray  that  same  night,  when  no  one  was  present  but  the 
faithful  Jane  Kennedy.  On  this  occasion  the  Queen  cried 
bitterly ;  "  she  was  pale  and  sickly-looking,  and  had  the 
appearance  of  one  who  had !  been  almost  worried  to  death." 
If  she  indulged  in  the  delusion  that  she  might  even  at  the 
eleventh  hour  receive  the  sympathy  of  her  father's  son — of 
that  brother  upon  whom  she  had  lavished  estates  and  honours 
— she  was  quickly  undeceived. 

"  Lord  Moray  came,"  writes  Mary's  distinguished  Protestant 
biographer,  "  not  to  fulfil  the  Christian  duty  of  speaking  of 
deliverance  to  the  poor  captive,  nor  to  heal  the  broken  heart, 
but  to  pour  the  last  drop  of  gall  into  her  cup  of  misery  by 
his  taunts."  Moray  had  gone  too  far  to  recede,  and  to  avert 
his  own  ruin  he  used  every  means  to  consummate  the  de- 
struction of  his  sister  whom  he  had  made  a  prisoner. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Moray  became  Regent  ol 
Scotland  have  scarcely  a  precedent  in  the  history  of  the  many 
wicked  statesmen  who  wielded  power  in  Europe  in  the  six- 
teenth century. 

The  Mary  Stuart  of  reality  was  of  a  far  different  spirit 
from  the  woman  portrayed  by  party  and  sectarian  writers. 
Mary  Stuart  was  a  woman  of  immense  courage  :  she  could 
look  death  in  the  face  unmoved,  and  amidst  the  show  of 
unsheathed,  yet  ready,  daggers  she  would  demand  justice;  still 
there   was  nothing   masculine  in   her   courage — she  was   all 


390  The  Escape  from  Lochleven. 


gentleness  and  forgiveness  to  her  turbulent  nobles,  whom  she 
had  so  often  pardoned.  Her  address  to  Morton  and  Atholl  at 
her  cell  door  in  Lochleven  proves  how  little  value  she  placed 
on  her  own  life,  and  how  unlikely  she  would  have  been  to 
purchase  it  by  self-abasement.  "  My  lords,"  said  the  Eoyal 
victim,  "you  have  had  experience  of  my  severity  and  the  end 
of  it.  Let  me  find  that  you  have  learned  by  me  to  make  an 
end  of  yours,  or  at  least  that  you  can  make  itfinaV  *  Let  it 
be  remembered  that  the  traitors  above  named  had  been  several 
times  pardoned  by  the  Queen. 

George  Douglas,  after   his  expulsion   from   the    Castle    of 
Lochleven,  remained  concealed    in    the  house  of  one  of  his 
humble  allies  at  Kinross.     At  last  a  scheme  was  devised  for 
the  escape  of  the  Queen.     A  laundress  from  a  neighbouring 
village  was  allowed  to  come  across  the  lake  in  a  boat  to  "  fetch 
the  linen  of  the  Eoyal   prisoner,  and  returned  again  without 
exciting  any  suspicion."     The  laundress,  being  a  true  Scotch- 
woman, entered  into  the  secret  plans  then  arranging  for  the 
escape  of  her  Queen.     The  time  chosen  was  the  25th  March, 
being  the  day  for  the  laundress's  customary  visit  to  the  Queen's 
chamber.     The  Queen  disguised  herself  in  the  attire   of  the 
faithful  rustic,  drew  a  muffler  over  her  face,  and  taking  in 
her  arms  the  bundle  of  linen  that  was  to   be  carried  away, 
passed  out  of  the  Castle  in  that  manner,  unsuspected,  slipped 
into  the  boat,  and  took  her  seat.     Nature  had  not,  however, 
fitted  Mary  Stuart  to  supporf  the  character  of  a  washerwoman. 
The  boatmen  quickly  discovered   the  secret.     "  They  tacked 
about,"  and  rowed  her  back  to  the  island,  where  she  was  "  more 
safely  guarded." 

Jane  Kennedy  states  that  the  result  of  this  adventure  was 


Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  Queen  Elizabeth. 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  39' 


an  increase  of  cruelty  and  insult  from  Lady  Douglas.  The 
condition  of  Mary's  mind  after  this  incident  was  full  of  sad- 
ness. Once  when  looking  through  the  bars  of  her  window  on 
the  lake,  where  she  saw  in  every  wave  an  image  of  the 
instability  of  her  fortunes,  she  sank  into  such  a  profound 
melancholy  that  the  evil  spirit  took  occasion  of  her  despair  to 
tempt  her  with  the  thought  that,  since  the  earth  and  air  were 
denied  to  her,  she  had  no  other  choice  than  the  water,  and 
that  she  might,  by  one  plunge,  terminate  her  weary  captivity, 
and  bury  all  her  sorrows  in  the  deep  waters  that  flowed 
beneath  the  tower.  But  the  next  moment  her  trust  in  Jesus 
Christ  and  the  intercession  of  His  Mother  returned  to  her 
despairing  heart.  Throwing  herself  on  her  knees,  she  besought 
pardon  for  her  sinful  thought,  and  supplicated  the  Almighty 
for  grace  and  strength  of  mind  to  endure  her  cruel  wrongs.* 
When  the  agony  of  her  mind  had  been  calmed  by  prayer,  she 
sat  down,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  writing  materials  just 
obtained  for  her  by  the  faithful  Jane  Kennedy,  wrote  the 
following  prayer  : — - 

"  Alas,  my  soul,  if  the  Almighty  and  Eternal  Creator  permits 
this  suffering  for  my  sins,  shouldst  thou  not  kiss  the  rod  that 
chastens  thee  by  temporal  troubles,  instead  of  making  thee  the 
object  of  eternal  suffering  ?  And  if  this  hath  happened  to  thee  to 
prove  thy  virtue,  shrinkest  thou  from  passing  through  the  furnace 
where  the  Great  Refiner  will  purge  away  the  dross  to  make  thee 
shine  as  pure  gold?  Is  it  because  thou  art  deprived  of  liberty, 
and  the  pleasures  of  a  court  ?     Take  now  the  wings  of  contempla- 


*  See  M.  Caussin.  This  amiable  French  biographer  of  Mary  was  pos- 
sessed of  some  trustworthy  sources  of  information  in  Scotland- perhaps 
from  Jane  Kennedy,  the  Queen's  Protestant  maid  of  honour,  and  the 
truest  amongst  the  few  that  were  faithful. 


39^  The  Escape  from  LocJilcven. 

tion  and  Divine  Love,  and  fly  beyond  this  Lake  of  Sorrow ;  soar 
far  above  the  seas  that  surround  our  isles,  and  thou  wilt  learn  that 
there  is  no  prison  for  a  soul  which  is  enfranchised  by  its  Eternal 
Creator.  And  then,  do  thou  despise  this  wicked  world  and  all 
that  pertains  to  it." 

Here  are  the  outpourings  of  a  spirit  which  manifests  ac- 
quaintance with  those  Patristic  writings,  the  knowledge  of 
which  has  been  ascribed,  and  denied,  to  the  Queen  of  Scots. 
Be  he  believer  or  non-believer,  the  reader  must,  at  least, 
acknowledge  the  grand  hopefulness  of  a  solitary,  helpless,  and 
outraged  Queen,  thus  essaying  to  "lean  upon  the  arm  of  the 
Deity,"  as  Lamartine  has  said,  "  and  conquer  self-extinction 
by  trustfulness  in  Grod." 

Human  aid,  however,  was  nearer  to  the  Queen  than  she 
imagined.  G-eorge  Douglas  had  left  within  the  castle  an  unsus- 
pected coadjutor  in  his  enterprise  for  her  deliverance,  in  a  boy 
of  tender  years  and  mysterious  parentage.  This  youth  of  sixteen 
was  page-in-waiting  to  Lady  Douglas.  He  was  called  the 
"Lad  Willie;"  "Orphan  Willie;"  "  Little  Willie  ; "  and 
"  Foundling  Willie."  It  is  alleged  that  he  was  found  when 
a  baby  in  a  basket  at  the  Castle  gate.  Much  romantic  gossip 
has  been  circulated  as  to  WilHe's  parentage ;  but  it  still  re- 
mains a  mystery.  Willie,  however,  was  brought  up  in  Loch- 
leven,  and  received  an  education  suitable  to  the  rank  of  a 
gentleman.  He  understood  Latin,  Italian,  French,  and 
Spanish ;  how  he  acquired  his  education  is  not  recorded. 

Thornton  states  that  Willie  was  instructed  by  a  learned  priest 
who  had  been  many  years  in  the  Castle  as  a  prisoner.*     Be 


•  It  was  bruited  that  Willie  was  the  son  of  Lord  Cassilis,  by  Clara 
Graham,  of  the  House  of  Montrose.  Many  circumstances  contradict  this 
story.    And  again,  that  Willie's  mother  drowned  herself  at  Lochleven.     So 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  393 


this  as  it  may,  Willie  was  a  general  favourite  in  the  fortress. 
His  young  heart  was  touched  with  the  fire  of  chivalry,  and  he 
made  a  vow  to  do  something  towards  the  release  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  One  day,  seeing  the  Koyal  captive  more  than  usually 
sorrowful,  he  took  the  liberty  of  whispering  to  her — "Kight 
Eoyal  Queen,  if  your  Highness  will  venture  to  attempt  your 
escape  a  second  time,  I  can  tell  you  of  the  means  of  doing  it. 
We  have  here  below  a  postern-gate  by  which  we  sometimes 
go  out  in  one  of  the  boats  on  the  lake.  I  will  bring  you  the 
key  when  I  can  get  the  boat  ready,  and  will  deliver  you,  and 
flee  at  the  same  time  with  you  from  the  fury  of  Lord  Ruth- 
ven  and  Lady  Douglas. 

"  Oh,  good  Queen,  do  not  tremble  as  you  do — Grod  will  aid 
you ;  and  my  young  life  will  be  cheerfully  offered  up  to  pro- 
mote your  release.  If  you  become  free  do  not  forget  friend- 
less Little  Willie,  who  knows  no  one  in  this  world  that  he 
can  call  father,  mother,  brother,  nor  sister." 

Jane  Kennedy,  who  was  present,  states  that  the  Queen  was 
immensely  affected.  After  a  pause,  the  Eoyal  prisoner  dried 
her  tears,  and  replied  in  her  well-known  voice  when  express- 
ing sympathy  or  gratitude :  "  My  little  friend,  this  is  very 
good  of  you — very  good  indeed ;  but  see  you  tell  no  one,  or 
we  shall  be  ruined.  If  you  succeed  in  rendering  me  this 
service,  I  will  make  you  happy  for  the  rest  of  your  life."  * 

Being  destitute  of  pen,  ink,  and    paper  at  the    time,  the 


writes  Adam  Thornton,  an  English  "  story-teller,"  who  was  possessed  of  a 
vast  amount  of  Scotch  anecdotes  of  those  times.  During  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  Queen  of  Scots  in  England,  "  The  Mysterious  Willie,"  then  an 
accomplished  young  gentleman,  went  on  several  secret  missions  for  Mary  to 
Spain,  and  became  a  special  favourite  of  Philip  the  Second. 

*    See    M.    Caussin  ;    Bell's    Life    of    Queen    Mary ;    letters  of    Jane 
Kennedy. 


394  2V^^  Escape  frotn  Lochleven. 

Queen  wrote  with  a  'piece  of  charcoal  on  her  handkerchief  a 
few  words,  probably  in  cypher,  and  made  her  first  trial  of  little 
Willie's  sagacity  and  faith  by  entrusting  him  with  the  care  of 
transmitting  it  to  her  loyal  friend,  Lord  Seton.  This  task  was 
readily  done  through  the  agency  of  Greorge  Douglas,  who  was 
no  farther  off  than  Kinross.  The  token  soon  reached  Lord  Seton, 
who  commenced  preparations.  He  transported  a  company  of 
sixty  picked  horsemen,  armed  and  apparelled  for  defence,  to 
the  lake-shore,  and  then  concealed  them  in  a  convenient  glen  in 
the  secluded  bosom  of  the  Western  Lomonds,  to  await  the 
issue  of  the  enterprise. 

Several  days  had  passed  before  young  Willie  was  able  to 
make  good  his  promise  of  breaking  the  Eoyal  captive's  chains. 
In  the  meantime  a  special  Envoy  from  France  demanded  the 
release  of  the  Queen  ;  Moray  would  not  entertain  the  question. 
The  Ambassador  demanded  an  interview  with  Mary.  This 
was  also  rejected.  The  French  Ambassador  expressed  his  in- 
dignation at  such  conduct,  but  as  Moray  was  acting  under  the 
secret  advice  of  Elizabeth,  he  cared  little  for  the  "  strong 
remonstrance "  of  France.*  The  conduct  of  Moray  on  this 
occasion  excited  great  indignation  in  Paris  ;  but  the  general 
opinion  throughout  Europe  was  to  the  effect  that  Lord  Moray 
was  the  political  agent  of  the  English  Queen.  The  oppor- 
tunity for  an  escape  was  at  length  arranged.  More  than  five 
hundred  men  and  two  hundred  women  were  aware  of  the 
projected  enterprise,  yet  not  one  became  a  traitor. 

This  incident  speaks  highly  for  the  character  of  the  "  unre- 
formed  people,"  and  the  chivalrous  loyalty  and  love  they  enter- 
tained for  their  Queen.     The  second  day  of  May,  1568,  fell  on 


*  See  M.  Beaumont's  Despatches ;  Tealet ;  Keith  ;  Queens  of    Scotland, 
vol.  vi. 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven,  395 

Sunday ;  at  half-past  seven  that  evening  the  guai'd,  who  kept 

watch  and  ward  at  the  Castle  of  Lochleven — night  and  day — 

were  accustomed  to  quit  their  post  for  half-an-hour  for  supper. 

The  keys  of  the  Castle  were  laid  on  a  small  table,  near  where 

the  "  laird  "  of  the  fortress  was  seated.  Faithful  Willie,  who  was 

acting  as  a  page  to  the  governor  of  the  Castle,  watched  his 

opportunity.     The  wine-cup  circulated  freely;  the  keys  were 

forgotten  by  everyone  save  Willie,  who,  having  placed  a  cloth 

over  them,  removed  them  at  the  first  opportunity.    He  then 

hastened  to  the  Queen's  chamber ;  with  a  brave  heart,  Mary 

was  ready  to  start  the  moment  she  saw  the  keys.     She  had 

changed  clothes  with  the  oldest  and  tallest  of  her  two  maids 

of  honour.*     Mary  Seton,  who  is  generally  supposed  to  have 

fled  with  her,  remained  behind  to  personate  her  Royal  mistress, 

and  bear  the  first  brunt  of  the  anger  of  the  cruel  woman  who 

filled   the  office  of  "domestic  scorpion."     The   Queen    took 

with  her  the  youngest  companion  of  her  captivity,  a  little  girl 

of  ten  years  old.    Willie,  having  carefully  locked  the  gates 

behind  him,  to  prevent  immediate  pursuit,  hurried  the  Queen 

and  the  child  into  a  small  boat,  called  a  skiff,  which  lay  just 

off  the  Castle   steps,     The  Queen's  natural    courage   revived; 

seizing  one  of  the  oars  she  went  to  work  like  an  experienced 

boatman,  and  quite  astonished  the  youth  who  was  risking  his 

life  for  her  escape. 

The  heroic  Jane  Kennedy,  who  was  to  have  accompanied 
her  Royal  mistress,  not  being  quick  enough  to  reach  the  Castle 
gates  till  they  were  locked  by  Willie  Douglas,  returned  to  the 
Queen's  chamber,  which  looked  upon  the  waters  at  a  great 
height,  and  seeing  the  boat  at  a  distance,  no  longer  able  to 


*  Report  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador  to  the  Doge,  May  26th,  1568; 
Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi. 


396  The  Escape  from  Lochleven. 


restrain  her  feelings,  leaped  from  the  window  into  the  foaming 
waters  of  the  Lake,  and,  striking  out  with  strong  arms  and  a 
brave  heart,  swam  at  a  quick  pace  till  she  reached  the  boat. 
Here  a  scene  of  peril  occurred  to  get  into  the  little  skiff, 
which  was  "tossing  in  a  dangerous  manner."  "  Grod  pro- 
tected us,"  writes  Jane  Kennedy,  in  her  kindly  letters.*  Mid- 
way between  the  island  and  the  shore  the  Queen  rose  and 
o-ave  the  preconcerted  signal  that  she  was  in  the  boat  by 
wavino-  her  veil,  which  was  white,  with  a  red  and  gold 
border  and  red  tassels. 

When  the  Royal  veil  was  seen  to  flutter  forth,  the  recumbent 
watcher  on  the  shore  sprang  to  his  feet,  and,  turning  about, 
displayed  a  corresponding  signal  to  his  friends  in  the  village. 
The  horsemen  in  the  village  instantly  communicated  the  sign 
to  those  on  the  hill-side,  who  forthwith  galloped  down  to  the 
shore  of  the  Lake,  where  the  Queen  and  her  noble  young 
deliverer  had  just  laid  down  their  oars.  Springing  from  the 
boat  Mary  Stuart  and  Jane  Kennedy  prostrated  themselves 
upon  the  grass  for  a  few  minutes  to  offer  thanks  to  Heaven  for 
their  deliverance.  Then,  turning  to  the  faithful  band  who 
had  come  to  aid  her,  flushed  with  her  unwonted  toil  and  ex- 
citement, and  smiling  through  her  tears,  she  received  the  rap- 
turous homage  of  those  loyal  and  true  men  who  were  perilling 
their  lives  for  the  deliverance  of  their  Queen. 

Lochleven  has  become  memorable  in  the  chronicles  of  topo- 


*  Many  years  after  the  event  above  recorded,  two  of  the  golden-haired 
damsels  of  Rothesay,  deshing  to  test  the  probability  of  this  narrative, 
caused  a  boat  to  be  placed  on  the  lake  at  some  distance  from  the  window 
named,  and,  at  a  given  signal,  they  leapedj  from  the  vrindow  into  the  deep 
waters  of  the  lake,  and  after  immense  exertion  they  reached  the  boat  quite 
exhausted.  The  question  may  be  asked,  "  Would  they  have  accomplished 
such  a  feat  under  the  circumstances  surrounding  Jane  Kennedy  ?" 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  397 

graphy.  WTien  about  a  furlong  from  the  shore,  Willie  Douglas 
threw  the  bunch  of  keys  into  the  Loch,  where  they  were 
found  in  1821,  when  a  portion  of  the  lake  was  dried  up  by  an 
abnormal  drought.* 

The  spot  where  Mary  effected  her  landing  on  the  lake  shore 
has  attained,  in  memory  of  that  event,  the  name  of  the 
"  Mary  Knowle."  The  escape  was  a  topic  of  surprise  at  every 
Court  in  Europe.  The  Venetian  Ambassador,  who  had  some 
knowledge  of  Lochleven,  and  the  close  custody  in  which 
Lord  Kuthven  held  the  Royal  captive,  "deemed  the  flight  like 
a  miracle ;  and  all  conducted  and  brought  to  a  happy  con- 
clusion by  a  boy  of  sixteen  years  old."  Swift  horses  and 
courageous  men  were  in  readiness,  and  the  Queen  was  quickly 
in  the  saddle  ready  to  ride  a  race  for  life  and  liberty,  as  she 
had  done  before.  After  journeying  some  miles  the  Queen's 
friends  deemed  it  more  prudent  that  their  Royal  mistress  should 
pursue  the  remainder  of  her  way  to  the  residence  of  her 
devoted  friend,  Lord  Seton,  in  a  boat  across  the  Frith.  After 
a  brief  delay,  Mary  Stuart  braved  the  waves  of  the  surging 
Frith  in  a  small  fishing  barque.  The  Queen  and  her  atten- 
dants reached  the  little  wooden  pier  of  South  Queen's  Ferry 
in  safety.  There  she  was  met  by  Lord  Claud  Hamilton,  of  the 
blood  Royal  of  Scotland,  accompanied  by  fifty  armed  cavaliers, 
all  of  his  own  clan.  Those  devoted  followers  escorted  their 
Queen  to  West  Niddry,  the  seat  of  Lord  Seton,  where  she 
stopped  for  the  night.  At  the  grey  dawn  of  morning  she  was 
prepared  to  pursue  her  journey,  and  from  her  bedroom 
window  she  addressed  some  loving  words  to  a  few  knights. 


*  In  Charles  Mackay's  "  Castles,  Palaces,  and  Prisons,"  of  the  days  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  are  to  be  found  some  interesting  narratives  concerning 
Lochleven. 


398  The  Escape  from  Lochleven. 


chiefs,  and  cavaliers  of  the  noble  houses  of  Bruce, 
Livingstone,  and  others,  of  less  note,  whom  gold  had 
not  corrupted,  nor  treason  led  astray. 

The  Queen  next  visited  Hamilton  Castle,  which  became  her 
head-quarters  for  a  short  time.  Here  Archbishop  Hamilton 
and  the  principal  gentlemen  of  that  wild  district  paid  homage 
to  their  Sovereign.  Her  Highness  then  solemnly  revoked  her 
abdication  in  the  presence  of  her  troops  and  the  numerous 
friends  who  had  come  to  greet  her.  She  declared  that  her  signa- 
ture to  the  writs  and  instruments  she  had  subscribed  in  Loch- 
leven Castle  had  been  extorted  from  her  by  violence  and 
threats,  to  which  she  called  on  Greorge  Douglas  and  Sir  Kobert 
Melville,  who  were  witnesses  of  that  constraint,  to  bear  testi- 
mony.* It  is  said  that  twenty  men  of  immense  ability,  energy, 
and  business  habits  could  not  get  through  all  Mary  Stuart 
accomplished  in  a  few  days.  She  wrote  letters  to  nearly  every 
crowned  head  and  eminent  statesman  in  Europe,  claiming 
their  assistance.  Her  letters  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  are 
remarkable.  Petrucci,  the  Florentine  Ambassador,  affirms 
that  Mary's  letter  to  her  uncle,  the  Cardinal,  "would  move  the 
hardest  heart  to  pity  her.  She  acknowledges  her  release  as  a 
boon  from  the  Almighty  alone,  to  whom  she  returns  most 
humble  thanks  for  His  havino;  criven  her  so  much  fortitude  in 
these  her  afflictions."  At  the  lirst  news  of  Mary's  escape,  M. 
de  Beaumont,  the  French  Ajnbassador,  hastened  to  offer  his 
congratulations  to  the  Queen,  and  publicly  visited  her  at 
Hamilton.  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  expressed  ^''h.is pleasure 
at  Mary's  escape."  In  a  few  hours  later  he  wrote  as  follows  to 
Lord  ]Moray: — "  We  have  learned  that  the  Queen  has  escaped 


*  Chalmers'  Life  of  the  Queen  of  Scots ;  Keith ;  Despatches  of  Correra ; 
Tytler,  vol.  vi. ;  Hopetoun  MSS. ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi. 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  399 

from  Lochleven,  which  thing,  I  can  assure  you,  has  much 
grieved  your  friends,  and  they  are  no  less  astonished  that  no 
greater  care  has  been  taken  in  a  matter  of  such  vital  import- 
ance." The  writer  concludes,  "  I  commit  you  to  the  keeping  of 
God,  who,  as  I  assure  myself  will  prosper  you,  as  before^  to  His 
own  (jloryT* 

Sir  W^illiam  Drury  acted  in  a  similar  spirit  of  duplicity  and 
falsehood  to  the  Scottish  Queen.     He  reported  that  she  was 
"quite  in  love  with  George  Douglas."    When  this  gross  allega- 
tion was  proved  to  be  false,  Drury  and  Throckmorton  charged 
the  Queen  with  base  ingratitude  to  her  deliverer.    The  facts  of 
the  case  were   far  different.     ]\Iary  was    most  grateful  to  all 
those   who   aided  in    her    escape.     She  gave  Gfeorge  Douglas 
in  gold  and  jewels  far  more  than  her  limited  means  could  afford. 
In  a  letter  to  Cecil,   Sir   William   Drury    states  that  George 
Douglas  "  has  been  quite  forgotten  by  her  whom  he  so  much 
served."  The  future  conduct  of  Mary  to  Douglas  is  a  sufficient 
proof  of  her  gratitude  and  the  delicacy  and  purity  of  her  friend- 
ship for  him.     She  prayed  the   French   Court  to  promote  his 
interests  in  case  he  should  desire  to  settle  in  France.     There  is 
one    interesting    circumstance     in    connection    with    George 
Douglas's  residence  in  Paris  which  places  his  Queen  in  a  most 
amiable  light.     Douglas,  whilst  at  the  French   Court,  became 
acquainted    with  a    young  and  lovely   heiress.     "  Handsome 
Geordie  "  quickly  won  the  lady's  heart,   but   the  noble    and 
wealthy  relatives   of  mademoiselle  would  not  consent  to  her 
union  with  a  poor  Scotch  squire.     Of  the  genealogical  tree  of 
the  warlike  House  of  Douglas  they   knew  nothing,  and,  as  the 
Scotch  nobles  were  justly  in  bad  repute  on  the  Continent,  they 
did   not   desire  to  have  any   alliance  with   young  Douglas  ; 


*  Teulet,  vol.  ii. ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi. 


400  The  Escape  from  Lodileven. 


besides,  he  was  poor  and  unknown  in  France.  Yet,  he  had 
veiy  recently  achieved  laurels  in  the  field  of  chivalry  which 
had  placed  his  name  on  the  roll  of  History  amongst  the  brave 
and  generous.  His  struggle  to  liberate  his  young  Queen  from 
Lochleven  gained  him  many  friends  and  admirers — and,  above 
all,  it  aided  in  winning  for  him  the  heart  of  the  heiress,  who 
was  enthusiastic  in  her  admiration  of  Mary  Stuart.  Still  the 
relatives  of  the  lady  hesitated.  Queen  Mary's  letters  soon  re- 
moved all  objections,  and  George  Douglas  became  the  husband 
of  the  beautiful  Jeannette  Verriere,  who  married  him  solely 
"for  his  personal  merits  and  his  chivalrous  unselfishness." 

This  incident  shows  that  the  feelings  of  Mary  Stuart  towards 
George  Douglas  were  those  of  a  Queen  who  held  the  almost 
Utopian  principle  that  gratitude  is  one  of  the  attributes  in- 
separable from  a  good  heart,  and  most  worthy  the  wearer  of  a 
diadem.  Generous-hearted,  lovable,  ill-understood,  Mary  Stuart 
never  forsook  her  friends. 

No  circumstance  connected  with  the  domestic  life  of  Queen 
Mary  more  intimately  illustrates  the  kind  and  amiable 
qualities  of  the  woman  than  the  disinterested  and  sisterly 
kindness  she  manifested  in  providing  suitable  matches  for  her 
maids  of  honour — especially  the  Maries. 

After  serving,  like  Jacob,  for  seven  years,  Andrew  Beaton 
was  about  to  become  the  husband  of  Mary  Seton,  but  died 
suddenly  within  a  few  days  o£their  intended  marriage.  This  sad 
incident  was  a  source  of  grief  to  'the  Queen,  for  she  had  taken 
an  active  part  in  promoting  the  marriage ;  and  her  interesting 
correspondence  upon  the  subject  is  still  amongst  the  State 
Papers.  The  "  mourning  bride,"  then  in  the  thirtieth  year 
of  her  age,  yet  in  the  "vernal  freshness  of  her  beauty,"  con- 
sented to  remain  seven  years  longer  with  her  Royal  mistress. 
Mary  Seaton  subsequently  retired  to  a  convent  at  Rheims,  and 


The  Escape  from  Lochleven.  40 1 

there  ended  her  days  in  cloistered  seclusion.     "  A  lot,"  writes 
Miss  Strickland,  "for  which  her  Koyal  mistress  sighed  in  vain." 

In  a  letter  of  Mdlle.  deCourcelles  appears  an  affecting  account 
of  the  "  leave-taking "  between  Queen  Mary,  then  in  prison 
at  Tutbury,  and  her  beloved  companion  and  friend,  Mary 
Seton.  The  narrator  adds : — "  Even  Lady  Shrewsbury  was 
moved  to   tears."     A  marvellous  result  with  such  a  chatelaine. 

Mr.  Hosack  comments  upon  the  interest  the  Queen  of  Scots 
often  evinced  in  the  marriage  of  young  people  who  earnestly 
desired  to  join  the  "  true  lovers'  knot."  "^Unlike  her  sister- 
Queen,  who  would  never  allow  anyone  to  marry  if  she  could 
help  it,  Mary  Stuart,  notwithstanding  her  own  unhappy  ex- 
perience, was  throughout  her  life  the  constant  advocate  of 
matrimony  " — "  lest  to  the  parties  worse  might  betide,"  says 
old  Wyntoun. 

The  diaries  and  correspondence  of  the  "  Maries,"  and  other 
ladies  associated  with  the  inner  life  of  Queen  Mary,  concur  in 
speaking  of  her  many  endearing  domestic  qualities,  whilst 
writers  who  had  never  seen  her,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  early 
history  of  the  Royal  lady,  represent  Hier  in  the  worst  light — 
"  unamiable  and  vindictive." 

I  cannot  omit  inserting  at  this  stage  of  my  sad  narrative  of 
Mary  Stuart,  an  anecdote  related  by  Miss  Strickland  on  her 
visit  to  Lochleven  many  years  ago,  which  illustrates  the 
feeling  then  pervading  Scotland  as  to  their  Queen. 

"I  cannot  refrain,"  says  Miss  Strickland,  "from  recording  a 
pleasing  trait  of  generous  feeling  displayed  by  David  Marshall . 
hacksman  of  the  Lochleven  fishery,  employed  in  transporting 
visitors  to  and  from  Lochleven  Castle.  Marshall  refused  to  accept 
his  five-shilling  fee,  or  any'  reward  whatsoever,  because  he  had 
gathered  from  the  conversation,  that  I  was  writing  Queen  Mary's 

VOL.   IV.  D  D 


402  The  Escape  from  Lochleven. 


life.  Marshall  handed  back  the  money  with  a  determined  air, 
saying  :  '  No,  I  will  not  take  money  for  this  job  from  anyone.  I 
must  be  permitted  to  have  the  pleasure  of  rendering  this  little 
service  to  that  lady  for  poor  Queen  Mary's  sake.' 

"  '  Then,'  said  Miss  Strickland,  '  you  would  have  lent  a  hand  to 
deliver  Queen  Mary  from  her  prison  if  you  had  lived  in  her 
time  ?' 

" '  Aye,  and  I  would  have  died  for  her,'  he  replied,  grasping  his 
oar  with  expressive  energy  as  he  spoke." 

Miss  Strickland  adds :  "  Who  shall  say  the  age  of  chivalry 
exists  no  longer  when  sentiments  of  so  ennobling  a  character 
animate  the  true  hearts  of  the  industrial  classes  of  old  Scotia  ?" 

David  Marshall  was  a  Scotch  Presbyterian,  yet  he  valued 
Mary  Stuart  far  above  the  daughter  of  Anna  Boleyn,  of 
"blessed  memory." 

The  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  domestic  comforts 
provided  for  the  Queen  at  Lochleven  Castle,  from  the  fact  that 
the  only  mode  of  reaching  the  apartments  of  the  Eoyal  prisoner 
was  by  an  old  broken  ladder.  This  was  "  arranged  "  at  the 
suggestion  of  Lord  Lindsay. 

Lochleven  will  long  continue  to  be  a  place  for  the  con- 
templation of  Eoyal  vicissitudes,  and  the  memory  of  the 
iniquities  perpetrated  against  Mary  Stuart  by  the  hypocritical 
and  dishonest  "  conversants  "  in  religion  and  politics. 

Still,  the  Student  of  History  may  desire  to  linger  around 
Lochleven  in  its  ruins.  In  the  midst  of  the  tangled  wilder- 
ness tradition  has  long  pointed  out  one  ancient  stem  of 
fantastic  growth  called  "  Queen  Mary's  Thorn,"  said  to  have 
been  planted  by  the  Eoyal  captive  as  a  memorial  of  her  com- 
pulsory residence  in  Lochleven.  Its  boughs,  as  long  as  a 
stick  remained,  were  constantly  broken  off  and  carried  away 
by  the  numerous   visitors.     The  tree  was   subsequently    up 


The  Escape  frojn  Lochleven.  403 

rooted  by  a  violent  storm  of  wind.     The  tower  of  the  castle  is 
of  great  antiquity — supposed  to  have  been  built  by  Congal,  a 
Pictish  King.      There  were  ten  pieces  of  tapestry  at  Loch- 
leven said  to  have  been  made  by  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and 
her  ladies  upon   her  return   from    France.       The  work  was 
descriptive  of  the  diversions  of  hunting  and  hawking,  and 
performed  with  that  elegant  taste  for  which  Queen  Mary  was  so 
remarkable.       Madame   Justirini,    a    contemporary    of    the 
Queen  of  Scots,  and  an  eminent  Parisian  embroideress,  affirms 
that  her  Highness  was   "  the   greatest   needlewoman  in   the 
world." 

Jane  Kennedy  affirms  that  Queen  Elizabeth  "  expressed 
her  delight  at  receiving  some  beautiful  needlework  as  a  jpresent 
from  her  Koyal  captive  of  Tutbury  Castle."  Grilbert  Talbot,  the 
deputy  gaoler,  conveyed  the  "  presents  "  from  Mary  Stuart  to 
her  "  dear  cousin"  Elizabeth.  However,  the  "iron  rule"  at 
Tutbury  was  not  relaxed  for  one  hour  by  the  above  incident. 
The  hatred  of  Elizabeth  was  of  a  demon  class. 


D  D  2 


404  Mary  Stuart  seeks  the 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

MARY     STUART     SEEKS     THE     "HOSPITALITY"     OF    HER 

COUSIN. 

The  escape  of  Queen  Mary  from  Loclileven  was  followed  by 
many  exciting  scenes,  by  fervid  expressions  of  loyalty  and 
enthusiasm.  At  Langside  the  professions  of  the  Queen's  sup- 
porters were  severely  tested.  The  Royal  Standard  was 
sustained  by  nine  Earls,  several  Protestant  Bishops,  ten  Chiefs 
of  Clans,  and  six  thousand  men.  The  great  majority  of  the 
Queen's  army  on  this  occasion  were  Protestant.*  Lord  Argyle, 
who  commanded  the  Royal  troops,  was  said  to  have  be- 
trayed his  Sovereign,  for  he  displayed  a  total  absence  of  his 
usual  military  talent.f  The  battle  did  not  last  beyond  five 
hours.  The  closing  scene  was  a  "  hand-to-hand  "  scuffle,  in 
which  the  Royalists  fought  with  desperate  courage  ;  being 
repulsed  several  times  they  advanced  again  to  the  charge. 
Lord  Morton,  as  one  of  the  commanders  of  the  Confederate 
Lords,  led  a  body  of  pikemen  to  finish  the  carnage.     A  panic 


*  About  this  time  scarcely  one-third  of  the  population  of  Scotland  dared 
to  be  Catholic,  and  their  sufferings  became  intense.  The  Eirk  congrega- 
tions placed  the  same  price  upon  a  priest's  head  as  the  sportsman  did  upon 
that  of  the  wolf. 

t  Argyle  was  married  to  Janet,  daughter  of  James  the  Fifth  and 
Margaret  Erskine.  This  marriage  proved  very  unhappy,  and  a  divorce  was 
the  result. 


"  Hospitality  "  of  Jter  Cousin.  405 

followed,  and  the  sound  of  trumpets  made  known  the  fact 
that  the  Queen's  adherents  were  defeated.  It  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  she  escaped  the  pursuit  of  her  enemies.  Lord 
Morton's  conduct  on  this  occasion  was  that  of  a  cold-blooded 
murderer ;  he  shot  down  a  number  of  young  boys  who  were 
waving  a  Koyal  banner  in  a  neighbouring  field,  and  many  of 
his  prisoners  met  a  similar  fate. 

The  Maxwells  and  many  others  were  loyal  to  the  death  ; 
they  risked  all,  and  lost  all.  A  few  miles  from  the  field  of 
battle,  in  a  meadow,  and  under  a  hawthorn  tree,  a  parting 
scene  took  place  between  the  Queen  and  a  few  of  her  most 
devoted  friends.  Maxwell,  Laird  of  Nether  PoUoe,  was 
knighted  by  his  Sovereign.  This  was  the  last  chivalric 
honour  she  ever  had  it  in  her  power  to  bestow.  Mary  Stuart, 
amidst  a  most  affecting  scene,  shook  hands  with,  and  said  a 
few  words  of  comfort  to  each  of  her  gallant  friends.  And 
then — the  lons^  farewell ! 

"Very  few,"  writes  Adam  Macpherson,  "  of  our  faithful  little 
band  who  stood  under  the  hawthorn  tree  on  that  occasion  ever 
met  again.  We  all  cried  like  children."  With  the  setting 
sun  of  that  May  evening  the  age  of  chivalry  vanished  from 
Scotland. 

The  Queen  next  approached  the  most  terrible  calamity 
of  her  life.  She  sought  the  advice  of  the  few  trusted 
friends  who  accompanied  her,  yet  seemed  inclined  to  follow 
the  bent  of  her  own  resolution.  Lord  Herries  advised 
her  to  remain  in  the  quiet  retreat  he  had  sought  out 
for  her,  where  she  would  be  safe  for  at  least  two 
months.  She  would  not  go  to  France  "  as  a  fugitive  ;  " 
she  "  did  not  know  whom  to  trust."  When  she  informed  her 
little  Council  that  she  contemplated  a  journey  to  England, 
they  all  protested  against  it,  and  signed  a  paper  to  that  effect. 


4o6  Mary   Stuart  seeks  the 


The  Queen  remained  positive  in  her  resolve.  The  agonising 
excitement  of  the  last  fortnight,  the  overthrow  ofall  her  hopes, 
the  sorrow  of  mind,  and  the  "  deathly  fatigue  "  she  had  gone 
through,  together  with  her  want  of  sleep,  had  evidently 
induced  irritability,  that  unfitted  her  for  seeing  things  in 
their  proper  light.  She  was  not  in  a  state  to  listen  to  reason. 
A  fatal  infatuation  conquered  her  discernment,  and  she  decided, 
against  the  advice  and  supplication  of  her  earnest  friends,  to 
cross  the  gulf  and  throw  herself  upon  the  friendship  of  her  cousin 
Elizabeth.  In  acting  thus  Mary  Stuart  shut  her  eyes  to  facts, 
which  ought  to  have  convinced  her  that  she  could  not  com- 
mit a  more  fatal  error  than  to  confide  in  the  honour  of  a  being 
like  Elizabeth — to  the  kindness  and  consideration  of  one  who 
had  been  the  arch  fomenter  of  all  the  plots  and  insurrections 
that  had  distracted  her  realm,  and  who  had  supplied  Moray 
and  his  murderous  confederates  with  the  means  and  appliances 
of  their  treason.  Lords  Herries  and  Fleming,  finding  they 
could  not  prevail  on  their  infatuated  Queen  to  give  up  her 
sad  design,  were  still  determined  to  share  her  fate.  Mary 
was  also  accompanied  by  Lord  and  Lady  Livingstone,  Lord 
Boyd,  George  Douglas,*  "  Willie  the  Foundling,"  and  other 
devoted  followers,  amounting  in  all  to  sixteen.  Not  one  of 
the  party  had  made  the  slightest  preparation  for  the  voyage, 
and  the  only  vessel  that  could  be  obtained  for  the  Queen's  use 
was  a  common  fishing  boat.t 

With  the  hopeful  courage  and  buoyancy  of  a  Stuart,  Mary 
paid  no  attention  to  the  many  warnings  she  had  received. 

"Go  to  England  I  will,"  said  she.     "  I  am  longing  to  see 
my  dear  cousin." 


*  Hume  of  Godscroffs  "  Lives  of  the  Douglas  Clans.' 
t  Traditions  of  the  County. 


"  Hospitality  "    of  her   Cousin.  407 

The  tide  served  ;  the  passage  might  be  made  under  such 
circumstances  in  four  hours.  It  was  a  bright  May  morning, 
and,  perhaps,  the  spirits  of  the  Queen  were  braced  and  quick- 
ened by  inhaling  the  fresh  balmy  air,  and  by  the  beauty  of 
the  surrounding  scenery.  The  place  where  Mary  Stuart 
embarked  was  the  Abbey  Burnfoot,  a  picturesque  and  secluded 
little  bay,  where  the  rivulet  that  flows  past  Dundrennen 
Abbey,  after  winding  its  way  over  a  rocky  bed  for  nearly 
two  miles,  through  a  long  grove  of  ash  and  elder  trees, 
rushes  into  Solway  Frith. 

The  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrew's  with  several  priests  followed 
the  Queen  to  this  last  spot  of  Scottish  ground.  They  im- 
plored her  again  not  to  go  to  England  under  any  circumstances. 
The  Queen  "remained  obstinate."  The  Archbishop  "rushed 
mid-waist  deep  into  the  water,  and  grasping  the  boat  with 
both  hands,  conjured  her  not  to  trust  to  the  pretended  friend- 
ship of  the  English  monarch ;  yet  the  Queen  hearkened  not 
to  her  venerable  monitor,  and  went  to  her  fate." 

The  voyage  to  Cumberland  was  performed  in  five  hours* 
As  it  was  Sunday  evening,  the  general  holiday,  crowds  were 
curious  to  see  who  were  the  passengers  by  the  Scotch  boat. 
It  was  soon  perceived  that  the  travellers  were  neither  fisher- 
men nor  colliers.  There  are  of  course  persons  on  whom 
nature  has  impressed  traits  of  individual  distinction  that 
nothing  can  disguise,  when  accompanied  with  lofty  stature 
and  marked  contour  of  face.  This  was  the  case  with  the 
wandering  Queen  of  Scots.  The  moment  Mary  put  foot  on 
English  soil  she  was  recognised  as  a  Queen.  The  traditions 
of  Workington  represent  Mary  "  as  the  tallest  woman  they 
ever  saw;"  and  she  "was  so  stout."  The  Catholics  came 
from  their  hiding  holes  to  see  her,  and  the  "  newly  created 
Protestants"   joined    in    the    enthusiasm   which   sprang    up 


4o8  Mary   Stuart  seeks   the 

n    the    remote    villages    and     glens    for     the    Queen    of 
Scotland. 

Sir  Henry  Cur  wen,  the  lord  of  the  manor,  received  the 
Queen  on  her  landing,  and  conducted  her  to  his  castellated 
mansion  known  as  Workington  Hall.  Here  the  Queen  and 
her  few  followers  were  entertained  for  three  days.  From 
Lady  Curwen  the  exiled  Queen  and  her  friends  received  the 
kindest  treatment.  A  number  of  English  ladies — Catholic  and 
Protestant — came  privately  to  visit  the  Queen  and  express 
their  deep  sympathy  for  her.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that 
amongst  the  persons  to  whom  Queen  Mary  was  introduced, 
and  held  several  conversations  with,  was  the  nephew  of  Sir 
Henry  Curwen,  then  in  his  twenty-first  year.  This  "pale- 
faced  thoughtful  looking  young  man  "  was  subsequently  known 
to  the  world  as  Camden  the  Historian.  And  I  may  add  that 
of  all  the  contemporary  writers,  Camden  bears  the  most 
important  testimony  in  Mary's  favour.  Holding  the  office  of 
Secretary  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  he  possessed  the  key  to  many 
of  the  dark  political  secrets  of  Elizabeth's  reign.* 

From  Workington  Hall  the  Queen  of  Scots  wrote  a  letter 
to  her  "  good  cousin"  Elizabeth,  detailing  her  sufferings. 
The  "good  cousin"  remained  silent.f  The  next  residence 
Mary  removed  to  was  Cockermouth  Hall.  That  warm-hearted 
and  devoted  friend,  Percy  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk's  sister,  Lady  Scrope,  visited  her  at  this 
mansion.  The  French,  Spanish,  and  Venetian  Ambassadors 
came  expressly  from  London  to  condole  with  Mary  whilst  at 
Cockermouth. 


•  William  Camden  died  in  1623,  and  was  buried  in  Westminister  Abbey, 
opposite  Chauser's  grave. 

t  The  letter  in  question,  written  in  old  French,  may  be  seen  in  Mary's 
own  handwriting  among  the  Cottonian  MSS.,  British  Museum. 


"  Hospitality  "   of  her   Cousin.  409 

The  presence  of  these  illustrious  representatives  of  influential 
countries  caused  some  anxiety  to  Elizabeth,  who,  nevertheless, 
continued  profuse  in  her  professions  of  friendship.  Mary's 
friends  in  England  were  numerous  and  enthusiastic  at  this 
period,  but  they  had  no  organisation  or  practical  plans  of  action ; 
besides,  they  were  constantly  "  watched  and  tracked  "  by  Sir 
"William  Cecil's  spies.  The  partisans  of  the  Queen  of  Scots 
beyond  the  Borders  were  "  persecuted  day  and  night "  by  Lord 
Moray's  agents.  Even  the  foreign  Ambassadors  were  not  safe 
in  Scotland,  for  Villeroi  de  Beaumont,  in  travelling  from 
Edinburgh  to  the  Borders,  was  beset  and  plundered  by  the 
partisans  of  Moray,  and  his  "  servants  used  with  great 
violence."*  When  the  agents  of  the  Regent  became  highway- 
men, scant  protection  could  be  expected  from  the  "  Grovern- 
ment,"  as  it  was  styled. 

At  Carlisle  Castle,  Queen  Mary  was  joined  by  many  of  her 
faithful  followers  from  Scotland.  A  number  of  the  old 
English  Catholic  families  were  also  presented. 

Sir  Richard  Lowther,  the  Lord  Warden,  incurred  the  dis- 
pleasure of  EHzabeth  by  permitting  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  to 
visit  Mary.  This  was  an  early  indication  of  the  jealous  feeling 
of  the  English  Queen,  who  dismissed  Lowther  from  office  and 
inflicted  a  heavy  fine  upon  him. 

The  local  traditions  of  Cumberland  represent  Norfolk  "  as 
full  of  sympathy  for  the  Queen  of  Scots." 

T  here  chronicle  an  incident  which  occurred  about  the  time 
of  Mary's  sojourn  at  Carlisle,  and  which  illustrates  the  nature  of 
Elizabeth's  feelings  towards  her  too  trusting  cousin.    Mary  had 


*  Correspondence  upon  the  Doings  at  the  Borders  ;  State  Papers. 

4 


4IO  Mary   Stuart  seeks   the 


informed  the  Queen  of  England  in  her  letter  from  Workington 
that  she  had  arrived  in  her  realm  m  a  state  of  utter  destitution, 
without  even  a  change  of  apparel  or  the  means  of  providing  it. 
Womanly  sympathy,  to  say  nothing  of  the  duties  of  hospitality 
and    princely   courtesy,  rendered   it  incumbent    on    a   sister 
Sovereign  to  supply  the  Royal  fugitive  with  anything  of  which 
she  stood  in  need,  and  that  in  a   manner  consistent  with    the 
honour  of  the  English  Crown  and  the  exalted  station  Mary  had 
occupied  both  in  France  and  Scotland.     Instead,  however,   of 
acting  with  the  munificence  of  a  Queen,  or  the  delicacy  of  a 
woman  on  this  occasion,  Elizabeth  was  guilty   of  the  despi- 
cable meanness  of  insulting  her  Royal  guest  by  sending  her 
such  a  selection  from  her  own  wardrobe  as  the   bearers.   Lord 
Scrope  and  Sir  Francis  Knollys,  were  thoroughly  ashamed  of 
delivering.     Mary  controlled  her  feelings  when  the  presents 
from  her  "  good  sister  "  were  produced,  and  turned  away  in 
silence.*     Mary   Seton    followed  the   example  of  her  Royal 
mistress,  and  surveyed  the  "  old  rags"  with  ineffable  contempt, 
uttering  not  a  single  word  in  comment.     This  demeanour  had 
the  effect  of  eliciting  an    apology  from   Scrope  and  Knollys, 
who  declared  that  such  things  "  as  they  saw  in  the  parcels 
before  them  must  have  been  sent  in   mistake."     There  was, 
however,  no  mistake  about  the  matter.     It  was  just  in  keeping 
with  that  mean  and  spiteful  mode  of  action  which  was  to  be 
found  in  all  the  domestic  relations  of  Elizabeth's  life.     Impro- 
bable as  the  excuse   was,  the  Queen  of  Scots  received  it  gra- 
ciously, and,  in  doing  so,  showed  far  greater  dignity  than  if 
she  had  insisted  that  an  affront  was  intended. 

Sir  Francis  Knollys  evinced  a  lively  interest  in  observing 


*  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv.  p.  73;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  \i. 


^'Hospitality^'   of  her   Cousin.  411 

and  reporting  to  Elizabeth  the  effects  of  the  skilful  hair-dressing 
of  Mary  Seton  in  setting  off  the  natural  charms  of  her  Eoyal 
mistress  without  the  aid  of  jewels  or  regal  array.  Mary,  how- 
ever, could  scarcely  imagine  that  her  stolen  jewels  were  at  that 
moment  in  the  possession  of  her  "  good  cousin,"  the  Queen  of 
England ! 

Amongst  those  who  accompanied  Queen  Mary  to  Carlisle, 
and  were  devoted  to  her  during  life,  were  several  of  the  Pro- 
testant oersuasion.  Lord  Livingstone  and  his  wife  were  both 
of  the  Kirk  congregation  ;  also  Greorge  Douglas  and  "  Willie 
the  Foundling ; "  and  Jane  Kennedy,  the  most  devoted  of  all 
the  Queen's  friends,  was  a  member  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 
Some  of  the  "  lower  grade "  of  domestics  were  Scotch 
Protestants,  and  three  of  them  subsequently  perished  on  the 
scaffold  for  their  Queen. 

Sir  Francis  Knollys  thus  writes  to  Queen  Elizabeth  respect- 
ing Mary  Stuart  : — "  She  is  a  notable  woman,  and  seemeth  to 
regard  no  ceremonious  honour,  beside  the  acknowledging  of 
her  estate  JRoyal.  She  showeth  a  great  desire  to  be  avenged  of 
her  enemies.*  She  showeth  a  readiness  to  expose  herself  to  all 
perils  in  hope  of  victory.  She  desireth  much  to  hear  of  hardi- 
ness and  valiancy,  and  commendeth  by  name  all  approved 
hardy  men  of  her  own  country,  although  they  be  her  enemies, 
and  she  concealeth  no  cowardice  even  in  her  friends.  The 
thing  she  thirsteth  after  is  victory,  and  it  seemeth  indifferent 
to  her  to  have  her  enemies  diminished  either  by  the  sword  of 
her  friends,  by  liberal  provision  and  rewards  of  her  purse,  or 
by  divisions  and  quarrels  raised  amongst  themselves.    So  that, 


*  This  desire  of  "  revenge"  was  the  very  opposite  of  Mary's  character; 
and  in  her  dealings  with  her  false  brother  and  the  rebel  lords  is  to  be  found 
the  most  triumphant  refutation  of  Knollys'  wilful  slander. 


412  Mary   Stuart  seeks   the 

for  victory's  sake,  pain  and  peril  seemeth  pleasant  unto  her, 
and  in  respect  to  victory,  wealth  and  all  things  seemeth  to  her 
contemptuous  and  vile." 

This  report,  which  is  worthy  of  Thomas  Randolph  or 
Nicholas  Throckmorton,  is  followed  by  some  mysterious 
queries.  "  What  is  to  be  done  with  such  a  lady  and  such  a 
princess  ? — or  whether  such  a  princess  is  to  be  nourished  in 
one's  bosom  ? — or  whether  it  be  good  to  halt  and  dissemble 
with  such  a  lady,  I  defer  to  your  Majesty's  own  judgment." 

To  '■'■halt  and  dissemble"  was  a  thorough  Elizabethan  maxim. 
Knollys  concludes  his  despatch  by  giving  his  opinion  "that 
the  safest  and  most  direct  policy  would  be  to  aid  the  Regent^ 
Moray,  in  time  ;  and  if  spots  on  Queen  Mary's  coat  could  be 
made  manifest,  the  sooner  it  were  done  the  better."* 

Knollys  closely  studied  the  character  of  Mary,  and  some- 
times, perhaps,  wrote  his  honest  convictions — rare  sentiments 
in  those  times.f 

Here  is  a  note  to  Cecil : — "  Surely  this  Queen  of  Scotland  is 
a  rare  woman,  for  as  no  flattery  can  abuse  her,  so  no  plain 
speech  seems  to  offend  her  if  she  thinks  the  speaker  an  honest 


man." 


Some  years  subsequently,  when  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  had 
resigned  the  office  of  gaoler  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  Elizabeth, 
ever  full  of  curiosity  respecting  her  Royal  prisoner,  inquired  of 
Shrewsbury  his  true  opinion  of  Queen  Mary,  and  in  parti- 
cular whether  her  word  could  be  relied  on.  Shrewsbury, 
afraid  of  offending  his  Royal  mistress  by  saying  anything  in 
praise  of  her  beautiful  rival,  at  first  evaded  the  question  ;  but 
Elizabeth  having  insisted  on  an  answer,  he  replied  that  if  the 


*  Knollys'  Despatches  ;  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv. 
t  Anderson's  Collections. 


*'  Hospitality"   of  her   Cousin.  413 

Queen  of  Scots  gave  her  promise  upon  anything  she  loould  not 
break  it*  The  English  Queen,  who  never  kept  a  promise  if 
the  slightest  interest  intervened  for  its  violation,  read  Lord 
Shrewsbury's  reply  in  silence.  But  it  seems  to  have  made  a 
decided  impression  ;  for  in  some  time  after,  on  being  asked  to 
supply  money  for  the  use  of  a  few  seditious  Kirk  clergy  who 
had  fled  to  England  with  Lord  Angus  the  Earl  of  Mar,  Eliza- 
beth said  she  would  "  rather  trust  the  Queen  of  Scots  than  her 
rebellious  subjects,  who  borrowed  and  never  returned  what 
they  did  borrow.  The  man  who  keeps  his  word  commands  a 
certain  respect." 

If  Elizabeth  had  honest  Ministers  she  might  possibly  have 
proved  to  be  a  different  kind  of  monarch.  The  great  misfor- 
tune of  her  position  was  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  she  never 
heard  the  truth  with  regard  to  anyone  to  whom  she  was 
opposed.  Upon  the  long  roll  of  English  Ministers  there  are  to 
be  found  none  so  bad  and  unprincipled  as  the  advisers  of 
Queen  Elizabeth — Burleigh  worst  of  all. 

When  Pompey,  after  his  defeat  at  Pharsalia,  fled  for  refuge 
to  the  inhospitable  shore  of  Egypt,  and  was  slain  by  Ptolemy's 
corrupt  advisers,  the  "civilised  world"  of  that  period  con- 
sidered the  action  inhuman  and  barbarous — a  violation  of 
hospitality  and  protection  to  a  homeless  stranger.  The  case 
of  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  far  worse.  According  to  an  entry 
in  Cecil's  diary  he  may  have  had,  for  a  time  at  least,  a  struggle 
with  his  remnant  of  conscience,  if  he  ever  possessed  one,  for  he 
writes  thus  : — "  This  Scotch  Queen  was  specially  invited  as  the 
guest  of  our  Sovereign,  and  the  moment  she  arrives  in  our 
country  we  make  her  prisoner,  keep  her  in  close  confinement 


*  Castelnau  to  Henry  the  Third  ;  Mary  Stuart  and  her  Accusers,  vol.  ii. 


414  Mary   Stuart  seeks   the 

open  her  letters  and  retain  them  as  we  think  proper.  Is  it 
right  ?  This  is  a  question  I  cannot  answer  without  danger  to 
myself" 

If  Sir  William  Cecil  ever  possessed  an  atom  of  conscience 
or  honour,  he  parted  with  it  quickly.  Queen  Mary  arrived  at 
Tutbury  Castle  on  the  3rd  of  February,  1569,  eight  days 
having  been  occupied  in  performing  the  journey  from  Bolton 
Castle.  The  inclemency  of  the  weather,  badness  of  the  roads, 
the  insufficiency  of  horses,  and,  above  all,  the  sickness  of 
the  poor  captive  lady,  caused  various  stoppages  at  the  manor- 
houses  along  the  route.  The  Queen  was  received  at  Tutbury 
Castle  by  veritable  gaolers,  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Shrewsbury. 
George  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  was  possessed  of  much 
wealth,  and  has  been  described  as  being  very  avaricious, 
vindictive,  proud,  mean,  suspicious,  and  cowardly.  He  was  by 
nature  adapted  for  the  employment  fitly  given  him  by  Queen 
Elizabeth.  It  is  stated  that  he  was  a  Catholic,  and  very  kind 
to  his  Koyal  prisoner.  There  is  no  foundation  for  such  a 
statement. 

As  to  the  Catholicity  of  Lord  Shrewsbury,  no  one  expected 
him  to  make  any  sacrifice  of  fortune  or  worldly  honours  on 
account  of  religion.  He  was,  like  other  men  with  large  estab- 
lishments, compelled  to  keep  two  Protestant  chaplains,  whose 
service  he  never  attended  ;  whilst  a  priest  dared  not  enter  the 
Castle — as  a  priest;  although  clerics  sometimes  visited  the 
Queen  of  Scots  in  various  disguises.  Many  excuses  have  been 
urged  in  favour  of  this  nobleman's  treatment  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  and  it  is  contended  that  he  was  a  victim  to  the  tyranny 
of  an  unamiable  and  jealous  wife,  to  whom,  with  unexampled 
courage,  he  had  become  a  fourth  husband.  This  dame,  who 
was  very  wealthy,  was  known  through  Derbyshire  as  "  Bess  of 
Hard  wick."     She  is   described   as   "a  woman   of  masculine 


''Hospitality'''   of  her   Cousin.  415 

understanding  and  conduct — proud,  jealous,  selfish,  and  un- 
feeling." Lady  Shrewsbury's  practical  talents  were  various,  all 
tending  to  the  improvement  of  her  property.  She  was  a 
builder,  a  lawyer,  and  seller  of  estates,  a  money-lender,  a 
farmer,  and  a  merchant  in  lead,  coals,  and  timber.  Her  taste 
in  architecture  is  testified  by  Hard  wick  Hall,  which  she  re- 
built from  the  foundation.  Her  portrait  may  be  seen  in  the 
picture  gallery  there*  with  those  of  her  four  husbands.  Her 
features  and  complexion  are  delicate,  and  but  for  a  sharp, 
shrewish  expression,  she  might  be  termed  a  handsome  woman. 
This  dame,  it  is  said,  exercised  an  immense  influence  over  her 
four  husbands  ;  and  a  tradition  of  Derbyshire  affirmed  that  the 
husbands  trembled  at  the  very  sound  of  her  voice.  Perhaps 
from  some  geniality  of  character  this  strong-minded  woman 
became  a  favourite  with  Queen  Elizabeth.  It  was  reported 
that  the  English  Queen's  knowledge  of  Lady  Shrewsbury  in- 
duced her  to  consign  Mary  Stuart  to  the  gaolership  of  the 
miserable  unmanly  lord  of  Tutbury  Castle — being  well  aware 
that  she  would  be  watched,  reported  on,  and  circumvented  by 
his  conjugal  spy  and  tyrant,  if  disposed  to  yield  to  feelings  of 
manly  compassion,  or  tempted  to  lighten  the  chains  of  his  illus- 
trious captive.  The  conduct  of  this  inhuman  woman  to  her 
Eoyal  prisoner  was  most  barbarous.  I  am  happy  to  add,  how- 
ever, that  in  due  time  Lady  Shrewsbury  found  her  way  to  the 
Tower,  but  not  for  her  unwomanly  conduct  to  Mary  Stuart. 
She  used  abusive  language  to  the  English  Queen,  and  paid  the 
penalty  by  a  sojourn  in  the  Tower  for  twelve  months. 

To  return  to  the  "  loving  cousins."  At  the  end  of  a  fort- 
night the  English  Queen  condescended  to  reply  to  Queen 
Mary's  "letter  of  remonstrance."     Elizabeth  utterly  denied 


*  Hardwick  Hall  is  now  the  property  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire. 


4i6  Mary   Shiart  seeks   the 

having  aided  the  Scotch  rebels,  or  offered  any  opinion  pre- 
judicial to  the  honour  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland.*  Whilst 
Elizabeth  made  so  many  flilse  statements  to  her  "good 
cousin,"  she  was  in  close  correspondence  with  Moray  and 
Morton,  and  then  suddenly  discovered  that  a  matrimonial 
scheme  was  bruited  between  Norfolk  and  Mary.  Elizabeth 
became  so  exasperated  at  the  idea  of  such  an  union  that  she 
swore  a  terrible  oath  "that  the  Queen  of  Scots'  head  should 
not  rest  long  on  her  shoulders." 

Elizabeth  issued  an  order  for  the  immediate  removal  of  her 
prisoner  from  Tutbury  Castle  to  Wingfield  Manor,  where  Mary 
was  confined  to  bed  for  many  weeks  with  acute  rheumatism 
brought  on  by  the  damp  rooms  and  watery  wastes  that  sur- 
rounded her  noxious  abode  at  Tutbury  Castle.  The  lovely 
scenery  about  Wingfield  Manor,  with  its  bold  free  range  of 
hills,  reminded  Mary,  perhaps,  of  her  hunting  grounds  in  Fife- 
shire  ;  but  her  gaolers  did  not  permit  the  Royal  captive  to  see 
much  of  the  scenery  of  Wingfield,  for  there  she  remained  a 
close  prisoner. 

The  ancient  associations  of  "  Stormy  Tutbury "  are  not 
devoid  of  interest.  The  castle  was  originally  a  Roman  for- 
tress, but  had  been  several  times  rebuilt,  and  experienced 
frequent  change  of  masters.  Mercian  princes,  Norman  chiefs, 
and  king-defying  barons  had,  in  turn,  made  Tutbury  Castle 
their  stronghold.  It  had  begn  connected  with  the  tragic  story 
of  the  unfortunate  Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  and  associated 
with  the  splendour  of  the  haughty  John  of  Graunt,  who 
founded  there  his  "  Court  of  Minstrels."  The  castle  was  con- 
sidered a  place  of  impregnable  strength.    It  was  girded  with  a 


*  Correspondence    between    the   Queens    of   England    and    Scotland 
Labanoff  ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi. 


''Hospitality''  of  her   Cousin.  417 

broad  moat  nearly  thirty  feet  in  depth,  surrounded  with  lofty 
walls,  with  ramparts  and  flanking  towers  of  defence,  enclosing 
three  acres  of  ground,  the  only  access  to  it  being  by  means  of 
a  drawbridge. 

Tutbury  is  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  Dove, 
which  parts  the  counties  of  Derbyshire  and  Staffordshire, 
looking  down  on  the  town  and  ancient  church  of  Tutbury. 
It  reminds  one  of  the  touching  lines  of  the  Bard  of  Needwood 
Forest : — 

"Here  captive  Mary  looked  in  vain 
For  jS^orfolk  and  his  nuptial  train  ; 
Enriched  with  Royal  tears  the  Dove, 
But  sighed  for  Freedom,  not  for  Love." 

The  ancient  little  town  of  Tutbury,  only  five  miles  distance 
from  Needwood  Forest,  is  connected  with  the  ballad  lore  and 
legendary  exploits  of  Robin  Hood  and  his  fair  vanquisher 
Clarinda — not  "  Maid  Marian." 

Amongst  the  many  places  in  which  the  Royal  captive  was 
confined,  I  may  name  the  Black  Bull  Inn,  at  Coventry — a 
strange  place  in  which  to  imprison  a  Queen.  In  those  times 
Coventry  was  surrounded  by  massive  walls  and  fortified  by 
thirty  towers. 

Of  the  quaint  curiosities  of  the  town,  Mary  Stuart  saw  none, 
for  she  was  confined  within  the  space  of  two  small  rooms  for 
six  weeks  and  "  guarded  at  every  side."  The  apartments  occu- 
pied by  Queen  Mary  at  the  Manor  House  near  Sheffield  have 
long  since  disappeared.  Armed  men  "were  on  watch  at  every 
point  leading  to  Mary's  rooms."  Her  sufferings  at  this  period 
(1571)  were  aggravated  by  the  conduct  of  Lord  Shrews- 
bury and  his  family.  The  lady  spies,  who  included  the 
Countess  of  Shrewsbury  and  her  daughters,  descended  to  every 

VOL.    IV.  E    E 


41 8  Mary   Stuart  seeks   the 


unwomanly  scheme  to  annoy  and  harrow  the  feelings  of  the 
unfortunate  Queen. 

From  the  time  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  visited  the  Queen  of 
Scots  at  Tutbury  Castle,  he  was  closely  watched  by  the  spies 
of  Elizabeth.  Lord  Leicester  won  the  confidence  of  Norfolk, 
and  through  him  made  Elizabeth  acquainted  with  the  sup- 
posed movements  of  the  Catholic  party,  who  did  not  like  the 
half-hearted  manner  in  which  the  Duke  acted  during  the 
"  Catholic  negotiations."  There  was  no  doubt  but  Mary 
Stuart  was  "  heart  and  soul "  with  the  Catholic  party. 

Elizabeth  was  residing  at  Farnham  (August,  1569),  when 
the  ladies  of  the  Court  "  whispered  about  that  the  Queen  of 
Scots  was  secretly  contracted  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk."  It 
was  reported  that  Leicester,  after  having  "  worked  himself 
into  the  confidence  of  Norfolk,  was  determined  to  betray 
him." 

Just  what  might  have  been  expected  from  such  a  man.  A 
plan  was  arranged  by  Cecil  to  gradually  entrap  Norfolk,  whom 
he  personally  hated.  Elizabeth  invited  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
to  dinner ;  her  manner  to  him  was  particularly  noted  by  the 
guests.  When  the  Queen  rose  from  table,  she  told  the  Duke 
that  she  would  advise  him  to  beware  on  what  pillow  he  should 
rest  his  head.  The  numerous  friends  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
became  alarmed  at  this  ominous  incident.  The  Court  next 
proceeded  to  Lichfield,  when  the  Queen  was  informed  of  the 
sudden  illness  of  Lord  Leicester.  Those  who  were  best  ac- 
quainted with  the  Royal  favourite  affirmed  that  his  "dangerous 
illness  "  was  assumed,  for  it  scarcely  lasted  three  days.  The 
Queen  went  immediately  to  visit  her  "  Sweet  Eobin;"  she  sat 
beside  his  bed,  and  "  with  sighs  and  tears  he  made  a  confession 
to  her  of  all  he  knew  "  concerning  the  matrimonial  negotia- 
tions said  to  be  going  on  between   "  his  friend  "  Norfolk  and 


"  Hospitality  "  of  her    Cousin.  419 

the  Queen  of  iScots.  Elizabeth  soon  forgave  Leicester  for  the 
part  he  played  in  this  matter.  Norfolk  was  severely  repri- 
manded, and  forbidden  on  his  allegiance  ever  more  to  entertain 
the  project  of  a  union  with  Mary  Stuart.  The  Duke  expressed 
his  "  sorrow  for  the  indiscretion  he  had  committed,"'  and  so  the 
matter  was  supposed  to  be  at  an  end.  But  he  soon  observed 
that  whenever  he  came  into  the  Eoyal  presence  Elizabeth  met 
his  eye  with  such  looks  of  disdain  and  anger  that  the  courtiers 
avoided  his  company,  and  "  Ms  friend"  Leicester  treated  him 
in  public  as  an  enemy.  He  retired  from  Court  ;  as  did  also 
the  Earls  of  Arundel  and  Pembroke.  His  enemies  now  re- 
doubled their  schemes  to  effect  his  ruin.  He  wrote  to  the 
Queen  accounting  for  his  absence  by  stating  that  he  feared 
her  "displeasure."  This  "  explanation "  aroused  the  pre- 
conceived suspicion  of  Elizabeth  as  to  his  disloyalty. 

The  guard  in  charge  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  now 
doubled  by  day  and  by  night.  Her  apartments  and  cabinets 
were  searched,  but  without  efiect,  for  the  discovery  of  her 
correspondence,  and  in  particular  for  a  letter  written  to  her 
by  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  That  letter  is  supposed  to  have 
warned  her  that  the  moment  Norfolk  drew  the  sword  in  favour 
of  the  Queen  of  Scots  the  latter  would  be  put  to  death  by 
Elizabeth.*  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  English  Queen 
only  required  some  miserable  pretext  to  murder  her  unfortu- 
nate relative. 

The  Catholic  party  accused  Norfolk  of  want  of  spirit ;  and  others 
asserted  that  he  was  a  coward.  These  statements  were  untrue. 
Looking  back  at  the  destruction  of  life  and  property  suffered 
by   his   family,  it  was  no   wonder  that  he   hesitated.      The 


*  Camden's  Annals,  p.  189;  Haynes,  p.  521  ;  Cabala,  p.  168. 

E    E  2 


420  Mary   Stuart  seeks  the 


Catholics,  and  those  Protestants   who  acted   with  them,  con- 
tended that  if  he  had  stayed  a  few  days  longer  at  Kenninghall, 
he  would  have  been  joined  by  all  the  ancient  nobility  of  the 
realm  ;  and  that  Elizabeth,  alarmed  at  so  powerful  an  associa- 
tion, would  have  consented  to  the  release  of  her  Royal  captive* 
No   scheme  was  more   doubtful,  or   difficult  to  accomplish. 
Besides,  the  intense  hatred  of  Elizabeth  for  her   kinswoman, 
on  account  of  her  legitimacy,  made  her  determined  never  to 
relinquish    her    prisoner.     Every     incident     in    connection 
with  the  captivity  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  lends  to  no  other 
conclusion. 

About  this  time  Moray,  the  Scotch  Regent,  placed  an  old 
correspondence  of  Norfolk  with  himself  in  the  hands  of 
Elizabeth,  which  excited  her  feelings  to  a  pitch  of  direful 
wrath.  She  ordered  Norfolk  to  be  committed  to  the  Tower. 
The  Earls  of  Arundel  and  Pembroke  were  excluded  from  the 
Royal  presence.  The  Bishop  of  Ross,  Lord  Lumley,  Throck- 
morton, and  a  foreigner  named  Ridolphi,t  were  sent  to  the 
Fleet.  When  the  Privy  Council  commission  sat  to  inquire 
into  the  accusations  against  Norfolk,  they  reported  "  that  he 
had  committed  no  crime  that  the  law  could  punish  him  for." 
The  Queen  replied  fiercely,  "  If  the  law  will  not,  then,  by  God, 
my  authority  shall.'^ 

The  attention  of  the  Queen's  Council  was  soon  occupied  by 
a  much  more  alarming  project  than  anything  that  might  be 
under  the  control  of  so  unstable  and  hesitating  a  man  as  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk ;  yet  Norfolk  was  an  honest  man. 


*  Murdin,  p.  97. 

t  A  wealthy  Italian  banker,  carrying  on  trade  in  London,  and  supposed 
to  be  most  friendly  to  the  cause  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Many  of  the 
English  Catholics,  who  were  "hiding  in  holes  and  corners,"  destitute  of 
any  means,  were  supplied  with  food  every  day  by  this  humane  Italian. 


'^Hospitality''    of  her  Cousin.  421 

Among  the  noblemen  who,  in   December  (1569),  had  been 
called  to    Westminster  to  inquire    into   the  charges  against 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,   were   the   two  great  Northern    Earls, 
Percy  of  Northumberland  and  Neville  of  Westmoreland,  both 
of  them  Catholics,   and  enthusiastic  friends  of  the   Queen  of 
Scots.     Northumberland's  father   was  known,  in  the  days  of 
the  Pilgrims  of  Grace,  as  Sir  Thomas  Percy,  the  brother  of 
Lord  Harry  Percy,  the  nobleman  whose  name  was    associated 
with  the  love  story  of  Anna  Boleyn.   His  brother  Thomas  died 
on  the  scaffold  in  the  cause  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  the  Earl  above 
named  was  his  son.      The  Earl  of  Westmoreland  was  the  great 
grandson  of  Stafford,  Duke  of  Buckingham.     No  family  had 
played  a  grander  part  in  the  feudal  era  of  England.     "  The  two 
Earls  "  received  large  promises  of  aid  from  the  Catholics  of  the 
North,    who    looked    upon    Mary     Stuart    as     their    lawful 
Sovereign.     A  RatclyfFe,  a  Dacre,  a  Norton,  and   a  Tempest, 
were    forward    to    take    the    field  ;    the    enthusiasm     was 
very  great,  but  the    "  surroundings  of  the   case   were   most 
complicated."      To  rescue  a   young   and  lovely  Queen   from 
a   prison,  or  a   fortress,  for  a  time  excited   the    chivalry  of 
nine-tenths  of  the    young   Catholic  gentlemen    of  England. 
A  large    number    of  Protestant    gentlemen    were   also  con- 
nected with  the  confederacy.       Scotland,    Ireland,    France, 
and  Spain  made  promises  of  aid,  once  the  "  first   blow  was 
struck."     In  Council    the    confederacy  was   weak  and  rash, 
yet  as  true  to  the  cause  of  Mary  Stuart  as  the  "  magnet  to  its 
bridegroom  pole,"  as  a  Scotch  chronicler  has  poetically  ex- 
pressed it.     The  military  commanders  were  brave  as  the  heroes 
of  antiquity,    but   not   much  judgment   was   evinced.     Dr. 
Morton,    formerly   a   prebendary   of    York,   had   visited    the 
Northern  counties  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1569.     He  came 
from  Rome  with  the  title  of  Apostolical  Penitentiary.     The 


422  Mary  Stuart  seeks  the  "  Hospitality  "  of  her  Cousin. 


object  of  his  mission  appears  to  have  been  to  impart  to  the 
Catholic  priests,  as  from  the  Pope,  those  faculties  and  that 
jurisdiction  which  they  could  no  longer  receive  in  the  regular 
manner  from  their  bishops.  Camden  affirms  that  Morton  urged 
the  Northern  gentlemen  to  rebellion,  and  had  been  sent  to 
inform  them  that  the  Pontiff  had  deposed  the  Queen  on  account 
of  her  heresy.*  Of  Morton's  activity  in  preparing  the  insur- 
rection there  can  be  little  doubt.  He  was,  however, 
possessed  of  those  faults  which  are  often  the  results  of  political 
enthusiasm.  The  Catholic  party  had  unbounded  confidence 
in  Dr.  Morton's  honesty. 


*  Camden's  Annals,  p.  194. 


The  Early  Days  of  Mary  Stuart  at  Holy  rood.     423 


CHAPTER     XXVII. 

THE   EARLY   DAYS   OP   MARY   STUART   AT    HOLYROOD. 

The  reader  must  become  weary  of  the  political  chess-board  on 
which  Mary  Stuart  aad  her  opponents  and  friends  have  ap- 
peared from  the  beginning  of  this  narrative.  I  now  introduce 
the  little  that  can  be  gathered  of  her  domestic  and  inner  life  in 
Scotland. 

On  Twelfth  Night  the  Queen  desired  to  initiate  her 
courtiers  in  the  French  pastime  called  the  Feast  of  the  Bean — 
a  game  similar  to  the  Eaglish  observance  of  drawing  for  king 
and  queen.  The  bean  was  concealed  in  the  twelfth-cake,  and 
whoever  got  it  was  treated  as  the  sovereign  for  that  night.  The 
bean  in  the  Holyrood  twelfth-cake  fell  on  this  occasion  (1562) 
to  the  lot  of  lovely  Mary  Fleming,  and  her  Royal  mistress, 
"  the  Mary  of  all  the  Maries,"  indulgently  humoured  the  play 
by  arraying  Mary  Fleming  in  her  own  regal  robes,  and 
decorating  her  with  her  choicest  jewels,  wearing  none  herself 
that  evening,  that  the  Queen  of  the  Bean  might  shine  peerless 
— a  trait,  trifling  though  it  were,  distinctly  characteristic  of  the 
generosity  of  Queen  Mary's  temper,  and  the  geniality  of  her 
mind.  Randolph,  who  was  present  at  one  of  those  delightful 
fairy  scenes,  speaks  in  raptures  of  the  Queen  and  her  ladies. 

Mary  Stuart  practised  a  close  economy  in  the  arrangement 
of  her  household  affairs  ;  she  took  but  very  little  from  the 
bankrupt  treasury  of  Scotland,  but  drew  upon  her  French 


424     The  Early  Days  of  Mary  Stuart  at  Holyrood. 


estates  for  the  maintenance  of  her  Court.  From  the  "  Book  of 
Expenses  "  of  Monsieur  Pinguillon,  the  French  steward  of  the 
household,  I  extract  a  few  items.  Every  person  in  the  Eoyal 
household,  from  the  Queen  to  the  humblest  female  servant, 
had  a  separate  and  distinct  quota  apportioned  of  the 
necessaries  of  life — such  as  bread,  wine,  eggs,  candles,  coals, 
wood,  and  other  articles.  The  allowance  of  candles  from  the 
1st  of  November  till  the  31st  of  March  per  day  was  for  the 
Queen's  chamber  and  cabinet,  three  quarters  of  a  pound,  and 
one  pound  for  the  Eoyal  dining-hall.  In  the  spring  and  summer 
months  this  quantity  was  diminished  one-third.  Madame  de 
Briante,  who  had  been  once  the  Queen's  governess,  was  allowed 
one  quarter  of  a  pound  of  candles  each  night.  The  "  Four 
Maries  "  had  half  a  pound  between  them — so  had  the  juvenile 
maidens  of  the  Court.  The  Queen's  female  fool,  and  several 
other  women  had  a  less  quantity. 

The  gentlemen  and  officers  of  the  Court  were  sparingly  pro- 
vided with  candles,  which  were  very  costly  in  those  times. 
The  averap-e  sum  total  of  candles  allowed  for  burning  on  a 
winter  day  and  night  in  Holyrood,  or  any  other  place  in 
which  the  Queen  resided,  amounted  to  fifteen  pounds,  three 
quarters,  and  a  half-quarter.  But  tliere  was  also  the  follow- 
ing allowance  of  white  wax  :  For  the  chamber  of  the  Queen, 
three  flambeaux  of  half  a  pound  weight  each,  and  four 
bougies,  or  tapers,  weighing  3  quarter  of  a  pound  each  ;  there 
were  likewise  llambeanx  of  yellow  wax  weighing  half  a  pound 
each. 

The  Four   Maries  were  each  found  with  a  wax  taper ;  so 
were  the  junior  maids  of  honour. 

The  coals  and  wood  were   measured  out  each  day  to  tlie 
servants  for  tlie  various  apartments. 

The  doctor  and    apothecary    were  liberally  supplied  with 


The  Early  Days  of  Mary  Stuart  at  Holy  rood.     425 

coals  and  wood,  but  some  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  household, 
in  hard  weatlier,  took  "  a  pluck  "  from  the  coal-chest  of  the 
apothecary,  who  was  too  polite  to  complain,  and  suffered  the 
cold  very  unlike  a  Frenchman. 

The  bill  of  fare  for  the  Queen's  dinner  on  "  flesh  days  " 
included  four  sorts  of  soup  and  four  entrees,  a  piece  of  beef 
(Royal  boiled),  a  high  loin  of  mutton,  and  a  capon,  three 
pullets,  or  pigeons,  three  hares  or  rabbits,  and  two  pieces  of 
fat  meat.  For  her  dessert  the  Queen  had  seven  dishes  of 
fruit,  and  one  of  a  paste  composed  of  chicory.  The  supper 
served  up  for  her  Highness  was  a  repetition  of  the  diniier ; 
the  same  fare  was  served  at  the  tables  of  the  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  the  Court.  One  gallon  of  wine  served  the  Queen 
and  her  company  for  the  morning  collation  and  evening 
refreshment,  and  at  her  dinner  table  one  quart  of  white  wine 
and  one  of  claret.  Eight  rolls  of  bread  were  supplied  to  the 
Royal  table  at  every  meal. 

The  Queen's  ladies  dined  in  classes  at  separate  tables.  For 
instance,  at  the  first  table  dined  Madame  de  Briante,  Madame  de 
Crig,  Mademoiselles  Pinguillon,  Cobron,  and  Fontpertuis,  and 
the  "  Four  Maries  " — nine  persons  in  all.  The  Maries  took 
precedence  of  all  other  ladies,  excepting  always  the  Queen's 
venerable  governess,  Madame  de  Briante.  The  ladles  at  the 
first  table  partook  of  the  same  dishes  as  their  Royal  mistress  ; 
and  were  allowed  one  gallon  of  light  wine  amongst  them. 
Each  of  the  ladies  had  a  page  who  dined  with  an  ofhcer  called 
the  usher  of  the  ladies.  The  pages  were  handsome  boys, 
possessed  of  sweet  voices  and  musical  talents;  they  recited 
stories  to  please  the  young  ladies,  who  gave  them  pet  names. 
The  gentlemen  of  the  Court  were  kept  at  a  very  respectful 
distance  by  the  ladies  of  the  different  ranks  of  which  the  Court 
was  composed.     David  Rizzio,  of  whom  posterity  is  so  often 


426     The  Early  Days  of  Mary  Stuart  at  Holyrood. 


informed  as  having  been  "  always  in  the  Royal  presence," 
never  dined  at  the  Queen's  table  ;  his  name  is  set  down  at  the 
"  same  cloth  "  as  that  of  the  valets-de-chamhre,  with  the  French 
musicians,  and  the  Scotch  singers,  and  some  other  domestics, 
numbering  in  all  nineteen  men.  They  received  a  good 
substantial  dinner  of  "  roast  and  boiled  every  day,  but  no 
dainties."  The  supply  of  wine  to  the  men  was  rather  small, 
but  perhaps  sufficient.  All  the  humbler  domestics  were 
treated  with  kindness  and  consideration  by  their  most  generous 
and  kind-hearted  Royal  mistress. 

In  1560-1  the  financial  position  of  the  Queen's  affairs  com- 
pelled her  to  reduce  her  household  expenses.  Never  was  any 
monarch  so  little  burdensome  to  her  subjects,  or  more  attentive 
to  their  general  interests  than  Mary  Stuart  ;  yet  she  has  been 
represented  in  the  opposite  light  by  the  hired  traducers  of  her 
character. 

The  Queen  had  gardens  to  her  palaces  in  which  she  was 
accustomed  to  take  early  walks  for  exercise  before  breakfast,, 
and  often  transacted  business  of  the  State  with  her  Ministers, 
and  gave  audiences  to  Ambassadors  during  her  walks.  She 
had  two  gardens  at  Holyrood.  In  these  quiet  retreats  Mary 
took  delight.  She  replenished  the  garden  with  fruit  and 
flowers  from  France.  Two  stately  plane-trees,  in  extreme  old 
age,  were  fondly  pointed  out  by  tradition^  some  seventy  years 
ago,  supposed  to  have  been  planted  at  Holyrood  by  Queen 
Mary's  own  hand  on  her  return^  from  France.  Her  sun-dial 
has  been  long  since  removed  to  a  spot  more  worthy  of  such  a 
relic — the  charming  "  pleasaunce  "  of  Fingask  Castle  ;  Mary 
had  also  gardens  and  parks  at  Falkland,  Linlithgow,  and 
Stirling,  where  she  sometimes  amused  herself  with  practising 
archery  by  shooting  at  the  butts  with  her  ladies.  She  could 
play  chess  and  billiards,  and  was  fond  of  cards  ;  "  but,"  writes 


The  Early  Days  of  Mary  Stuart  at  Holy  rood.     427 

Miss  Strickland,  "  there  are  no  records  of  her  losses  or  gains 
at  play." 

Amongst  the  hunting-parties  at  which  the  Queen  of  Scots 
was  present,  in  her  own  realm,  the  one  at  Atholl  was  the 
grandest.  Thirteen  hundred  horsemen,  attended  by  some  two 
thousand  hardy  mountaineers,  assembled  at  this  "  gathering." 
The  scene  was  most  picturesque.  The  Queen  and  her  ladies 
— three-and-twenty  in  number — pursued  the  chase  for  several 
hours,  rushing  at  quick  speed  to  every  point  of  danger.  The 
"  grand  huntsman  "  announced  that  364  head  of  deer  had 
been  killed.  The  great  feat  of  the  day  was  to  be  "  in  "  at  the 
death  of  five  enormous  wolves,  the  last  survivors  of  the 
savage  beasts  which  once  formed  the  terror  of  the  shepherds 
and  lassies  in  the  wild  mountain  districts. 

Scotland  will  always  remain  the  land  of  romantic  tradition, 
and  every  little  incident  connected  with  Mary  Stuart's  life  in 
that  country  has  a  peculiar  fascination  at  home  and  abroad. 
There  is  a  tradition  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  Lower  An- 
nandale  that  the  beautiful  and  rare  fish  which  graces  Lochma- 
ben  was  introduced  there  from  France  by  Queen  Mary.  The 
vendace,  as  this  fish  is  locally  called  {covegonus),  is  from  four 
to  six  inches  long,  of  elegant  shape,  and  remarkable  for  its 
delicacy  of  flavour.  The  fish  is  unknown  in  any  other  part  of 
Scotland.  The  name  is  evidently  derived  from  the  French 
vindoise,  or  dace,  to  which  this  fish  bears  some  resemblance 
from  the  whiteness  of  its  scales. 

Some  thirty  years  ago  there  existed  a  local  club  at  Loch- 
maben,  which  met  at  stated  times  to  enjoy  a  dinner  of  this 
delicious  fish  ;  to  relate  anecdotes  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and 
the  Jacobite  heroes  of  other  days,  and  it  is  to  be  supposed, 
drink  to  the  memory  of  the  "  Queen  of  Hearts,"  as  Mary  was 
once  so  lovingly  styled. . 


428  Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 


CHAPTEK    XXVIII. 

TRIAL    OF     THE     DUKE     OF     NORFOLK. 

Lord  Burleigh  (Cecil)  was  resolved  to  bring  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  before  a  special  tribunal  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 
Westminster  Hall  was  the  place  selected.  Twenty-six  peers 
assembled  on  the  occasion,  under  the  presidency  of  Lord  Shrews- 
bury. These  noblemen  were  such  as  Mr.  Froude  styled,  in  the 
case  of  Anna  Boleyn,  "  unblemished  lords  ;"  but  the  records 
of  their  proceedings  on  this  "  trial "  proved  that  they  were 
capable  of  doing  any  action  which  the  Crown  desired.  Again, 
on  private  grounds  Lord  Burleigh  was  the  deadly  enemy  of 
Norfolk. 

On  the  night  of  the  15th  of  January,  1572,  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  received  notice  that  on  the  following  morning 
he  was  to  be  arraigned  on  the  charge  of  high  treason.  Without 
legal  advice,  without  books,  without  the  smallest  information 
as  to  the  evidence,  or  the  testimony  to  be  produced  against 
him,  and  denied  the  privilege  of  calling  witnesses  in  his 
defence,  he  could  not  but  'conclude,  when  he  received  the 
summons,  that  his  doom  was  already  sealed.  He  took  his 
place  at  the  bar  in  the  custody  of  the  Lieutenant  of  the 
Tower.  Norfolk  was  the  first  subject  m  the  realm,  and  the  son  of 
Lord  Surrey,    and  kinsman   of  Queen    Elizabeth.*      Calmly 


*  Elizabeth's  grandmother  and  the  grandfather  of  the  fallen  noble  were 
both  children  of  Thomas  Howard,  the  second  Duke  of  Norfolk. 


Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  4   2 

scanning  the  countenances  of  the  Peers,  he  betrayed  neither 
surprise  nor  alarm  when  he  perceived  present  his  worst 
enemies  in  the  Council.  Amongst  those  Peers  was  the  newly 
created  Lord  Burleigh,  so  well  known  as  Sir  William  Cecil; 
Bedford  and  Leicester,  Hertford  and  Huntingdon,  were  mem- 
bers of  this  "  special  jury '' — all  implacable  enemies  of  Norfolk 
and  Queen  Mary.  At  a  glance  it  could  be  perceived  that  the 
whole  trial  was  a  mockery  of  equity  and  law.*  The  indict- 
ment preferred  two  charges — the  first  was  that,  in  defiance  of 
the  express  command  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  had  wickedly  sought  to  marry  the  Queen  of  Scots  ; 
and  secondly,  that  he  had  sought,  by  means  of  foreign 
aid,  to  stir  up  a  rebellion  in  the  realm.  The  noble  prisoner 
besousht  the  Court  to  allow  him  the  aid  of  counsel. 

Chief  Justice  Catline  replied,  in  an  insolent  tone,  that  in 
cases  of  high  treason  the  law  allowed  no  counsel  to  the 
accused. 

"  My  Lords,"  replied  the  Duke,  "I  am  very  unjustly  treated 
in  this  proceeding.  I  have  had  very  short  warning  to  pro- 
vide an  answer  to  such  a  great  matter — 7iot  fourteen  hours  in 
all.  I  have  had  short  notice,  and  no  books  ;  neither  books  of 
statutes,  nor  so  much  as  a  breviate  of  the  statutes.  I  am 
brought  to  fight  without  a  weapon."  f 

The  Court  would  not  listen  to  his  statements.  He  then, 
with  uplifted  hands,  protested  his  innocence  of  the  charges 
preferred  against  him,  and  denounced  the  unjust  manner 
in  which  the  trial  was  conducted. 

The  counsel  for  the  Crown  stated  that  the  design  of  the 


•   *  Jardine's  Criminal  Trial  Eemarks ;  Records  of  the  Trial  of  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  for  high  treason  in  Elizabeth's  reign. 

t  State  Trials  of  Elizabeth's  Eeign,  vol.  i.  p.  966. 


430  Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 

Duke  of  Norfolk  to  marry  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  in  itself 
"  clear  and  palpable  treason."  The  crime  of  treason,  in  this 
case,  was  defined  by  the  statute  of  the  25th  of  Edward  the 
Third.  But  it  was  by  a  most  unwarrantable  interpretation  of 
this  statute  that  Norfolk,  by  seeking  to  marry  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  could  be  held  to  compass  his  Sovereign's  death.  He 
argued  the  point  with  ability  and  good  temper.  Being 
pressed  by  the  Attorney- Greneral  to  confess  that  he  knew  the 
fact  of  Queen  Mary  having  worn  the  arms  of  England,  he  said, 
"  I  have  heard  without  doubt  that  being  married  to  the 
French  King,  she  made  claim  during  her  husband's  life  to 
the  Crown  of  England,  and  quartered  the  arms  of  England 
with  those  of  Scotland  and  France.  But  I  have  also  heard 
that  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton,  who  was  then  Ambassador 
in  France,  made  complaint  thereof,  and  that  thereupon  it  was 
laid  down." 

To  this  the  Crown  counsel  replied  that  the  Queen  of  Scots 
had  never  renounced  what  she  called  her  "  claims  upon  tlie 
English  Monarchy."  Norfolk  was  further  charged  with 
"  violating  his  oath  as  a  Privy  Councillor,  by  making  proposals 
of  marriage  to  the  Scottish  Queen,  whilst  he  knew  her  to  be 
guilty  of  great  crimes."  The  alleged  evidence  of  Bannister, 
Norfolk's  steward,  was  read,  charging  him  with  various  actions 
of  a  treasonable  nature. 

The  Duke  of  Norfolk  exclaimed,  with  vehemence — "  I  be- 
seech you,  my  Lords,  let  Bannister  be  brought  face  to  face 
with  me.  I  feel  certain  that  he  will  not  make  the  charges 
against  me  which  you  now  produce  in  writing."  *  It  was  in 
vain  that  Norfolk  required   the  witnesses  themselves  to  be 


*  The  witnesses  in  this  case  were  severely  racked,  although  the  Attorney- 
General  pledged  his  Iwmur  that  such  was  not  the  fact,  yet  he  was  actually 
present  at  the  barbarous  process  in  the  Tower. 


Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  431 

produced  instead  of  their  written  depositions,  of  which  only 
those  portions  were  read  which  in  some  manner  criminated 
the  noble  prisoner. 

Norfolk  was  informed  by  the  Chief  Justice  that  the  prac- 
tice of  examining  witnesses  in  the  presence  of  the  accused, 
although  allowed  in  former  times,  had  been  found  "  too  hard 
and  dangerous  where  the  interests  of  the  Sovereign  were 
concerned^  We  are  told,  however,  that  these  were  the  "golden 
days  of  the  good  Queen  Bess." 

Accordiag  to  this  arrangement,  Norfolk  was  called  upon  to 
answer  at  a  moment's  notice  lonsf  written  statements  which  he 
heard  for  the  first  time,  without  an  opportunity  of  putting  a 
single  question  to  those  who  made  them,  and  without  the 
privilege  of  calling  a  witness  in  reply. 

At  several  stages  of  the  trial  Norfolk  protested  in  strong 
language  asrainst  the  manner  of  dealinn^  with  the  charges 
made  against  him.  "  The  whole  of  your  proceedings,"  said 
the  Duke,  "  is  an  unheard-of  act  of  injustice,  of  which  the 
world  will  in  due  time  marvel  at  your  cruelty," 

Burleigh  instantly  replied.  He  inquired  if  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  had  ever  applied  for  leave  to  summon  witnesses  and 
collect  proofs  for  his  defence  ? 

The  noble  prisoner  stated  that  he  had  many  times  made 
this  request.  Burleigh  remarked  that  he  had  not  heard  of 
any  such  application  being  made  to  the  Queen.  Burleigh 
was,  however,  the  very  man  who  overruled  Elizabeth  in  this, 
as  in  many  other  cases. 

The  evidence  continued  to  be  "  documentary,"  and  the 
prisoner  was  not  allowed  to  examine  one  line  of  the  writing, 
the  Attorney-Greneral  reading  whatever  passages  suited  his 
purpose.  In  fact,  from  beginning  to  end,  the  trial  was  a 
disgrace  to  law  or  equity. 


432  Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 


The  conviction  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  by  the  unanimous 
verdict  of  the  "  unblemished  Peers "  was  a  triumph  to  his 
steadfast  enemy,  Lord  Burleigh.  The  Queen  hesitated  in  send- 
inf^  her  cousin  to  the  scaffold.  Twice  she  signed  the  death- 
warrant,  and  twice,  against  the  earnest  entreaties  of  Burleigh, 
she  cancelled  it.*  It  is  said  she  was  sincere  in  this  case. 
But  Burleigh  had  recourse  to  his  old  schemes.  From  the 
pulpit  he  received  that  support  which  charity  and  humanity 
protested  against  in  all  ages. 

The  Bishop  of  Lincoln  preached  a  sermon  demanding  the 
execution  of  Norfolk  and  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Burleigh  was 
in  communication  with  the  Bishop  of  London  at  this  time 
(1572)  "  as  to  the  qualitie  of  the  sermons  that  the  clergy 
were  to  preach."  The  Bishop  writes  in  these  words  to  Bur- 
leigh as  to  the  sermons  required  by  the  Queen's  Council : — 
"  If  I  may  receive  from  your  Lordship  some  direction  or 
advice  herein,  I  will  not  fail  to  direct  them  (the  clergy)  as 
well  as  I  can."t  The  clergy  were  vehement  in  their  pulpit 
addresses,  and,  like  their  congregations,  "  called  aloud  for 
the  execution  of  Norfolk  and  the  Queen  of  Scots."  The 
Peers  declared  Norfolk  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  his  doom 
was  quickly  pronounced.  Again,  I  repeat,  the  whole  pro- 
ceeding was  a  perfect  scandal.  Lord  Burleigh  was  the  most 
guilty  in  this  Star  Chamber  inquisition  in  its  worst  forms. 

Both  Houses  of  Parliament  petitioned  the  Queen  for  the 
execution  of  her  cousin,  Norfolk.  At  the  earnest  and  con- 
tinued entreaties  of  Lord  Burleigh,  Elizabeth  signed  the  death- 


*  Elizabeth's  letter  to  Burleigh  on  this  subject  is  to  be  seen  in  Ellis's 
Koyal  Letters,  vol.  ii.  p.  263. 

t  Wright's  History  of  Elizabeth's  Reign,  vol.  i,  p.  438  ;  see  also  Burleigh 
State  Papers. 


Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  433 


warrant  for  the  third  time,  and  on  the  2nd  of  June,  1572,  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  met  his  fate  bravely.  During  his  last  days 
he  exhibited  the  same  calm  and  dignified  demeanour  which 
had  marked  his  conduct  during  the  trial.  He  declared  that  "he 
was  innocent  of  treason  or  any  other  crime  against  the  Queen." 
He  died  a  Protestant,  as  he  had  lived,  but  his  Puritan  princi- 
ples could  not  appease  the  secret  and  deadly  hatred  of  Lord 
Burleigh.  Several  of  the  peers  who  were  empanelled  to  in- 
vestigate the  case,  in  after  years  publicly  expressed  the 
remorse  they  felt  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in  this  mock 
trial  and  subsequent  sacrifice  of  an  innocent  man. 

The  King  and  Koyal  Family  of  France  all  signified  their 
approval  of  the  marriage  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  with  Norfolk. 
One  of  Mary's  letters  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  is  printed  in 
volume  vi.,  p.  387,  of  "The  Queens  of  Scotland  ;  "  a  modest 
respectful  note,  very  unlike  what  Buchanan  and  Moray  have 
represented  as  the  correspondence  of  Mary  Stuart. 

Lords  Moray  and  Leicester  acted  with  fatal  malice  towards 
Norfolk.  After  two  or  three  conferences,  Lord  Moray  told 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  that  if  he  would  obtain  Queen  Mary's 
favour  for  him,  and  her  promise  to  confirm  him  in  theKegency 
of  Scotland,  he  would  in  nowise  accuse  her,  but  as  he  and 
Norfolk  i^ere  of  the  same  religion,  they  might  live  as  sworn 
brothers,  the  one  to  rule  England,  and  the  other  to  rule  Scot- 
land, to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  weal  of  both  realms.*  Of 
course  the  scheme  fell  through.  When  Lord  Burleigh's  vigi- 
lant spy  furnished  him  with  accurate  details  of  the  above, 
he  must  have  been  astounded  at  the  deception  of  his  friend. 
Lord  Moray. 


*  yir  James  Melville's  MemoirB,  p.  206. 
VOL.  IV.  F   F 


434  1^^^^  Four  Regents. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE   FOUR    REGENTS. 

Just  as  Elizabeth  had  despatched  Sir  Henry  Gates  to  Moray 
to  arrange  the  purchase  money  for  the  surrender  of  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  an  appalling  event  suddenly  interrupted 
the  infamous  treaty.  This  was  the  assassination  of  the  Regent 
Moray,  in  tlie  town  of  Linlithgow,  by  James  Hamilton,  of 
Bothwellhaugh.  "The  assassination,"  writes  Tytler,  "was 
very  generally  attributed  to  a  feeling  of  private  revenge  for  an 
inhuman  and  savage  wrong."  That  a  powerful  party  rejoiced 
in  the  death  of  Moray  by  any  means,  however  unfair,  there  can 
be  no  doubt,  for  he  was  universally  hated,  and  his  victims  were 
to  be  found  in  every  part  of  the  realm.  MacKenzie  states  that 
"every  side  he  turned  there  were  deep,  unforgiving  curses  lying 
in  wait  for  him."  For  more  than  two  years  before  the  death 
of  the  Regent,  predictions  of  his  violent  end  were  freely  dis- 
cussed in  every  part  of  Scotland.  Several  of  the  old  women 
whom  he  had  consigned  to  the  flames  on  the  charge  of  witch- 
craft prophesied  "  terrible  things  concerning  Jamie  the 
Bastard."  One  aged  woman  named  Meg  Macnivin,  at  whose 
execution  Moray  presided  in  person,  on  hearing  the 
Regent  order  a  fresh  bag  of  gunpowder  to  be  placed  by  the 
faggot  and  tar-barrel  prepared  for  her  immolation,  bitterly 
exclaimed,  "  What  need  o'  a'  this  wasthing  o'  powther  ;  a  wee 
bit  'il  do  for  the  laird  yonder  when  his  turn  cumcs  to  be  struck 


The  Four  Regents.  435 


down."  Although  in  dreadful  agony,  the  witch  gave  a  half 
fiendish  laugh  at  the  thought  of  what  was  in  store  for  the 
Regent,  and,  giving  a  fierce  look  of  defiance  at  Moray,  she 
expired,* 

And  now  for  the  cause — or  the  alleged  cause,  as  some  wri- 
ters put  the  question — of  the  assassination  of  Moray.     James 
Hamilton,  commonly  called  Bothwellhaugh,  was  a  gentleman  of 
ancient  family ;  he  fought  for  Queen  Mary  at  the  battle  of  Lang- 
aide  ;  was  taken  prisoner  and  condemned  to  death  by  the  Regent, 
who,    having  seized    upon    his    estates,    subsequently,    when 
"  in  a  merciful  mood,"  banished  him.      Hamilton's  wife  was 
the  heiress  of  Woodhouselee,  a  small  property    on  the  river 
Esk,  to  which  she  had  retired  under  the  mistaken  idea  that 
Moray  would  not  be  so  cruel  or  so  unjust  as  to  drive  her  from 
this  small  patrimony.     The   Regent  having  made   a  bargain 
with  Bellenden,  his  "  man  of  all  work,"  the  latter  came  of  a 
very  severe  night,  the  wind  and  cold  being   extreme.     Mrs. 
Hamilton  was  ordered  by  Bellenden  and  his  men   to   leave 
instantly.     Moray's  warrant  was  produced  ;  strong  words  were 
exchanged.     The  sick  lady  said  she  would  rather   die  on  the 
spot  than  leave  the  last  remnant  of  her  ancestral  inheritance. 
Her  domestics  became  furious,  but  they  were  quickly  dis- 
posed of  by  the  armed  intruders,  who  tied  them  down.     Mrs. 
Hamilton,  it  is  stated,  was  in  her  lying-in-bed  with  her  infant 
only    a   few  days  born.      She  was  carried  out  of  her  bed,  at 
the  hour  of  ten  o'clock,  and  thrown  into  a  neighbouring  wood, 
to  prevent  her  return  horae.f     In  the  wood  the   mother  and 


*   Adam  Blackwood's  Life  of  Queen  Mary ;  Jacob  Penrose's  Anecdotes 
of  Witches  (black  letter). 

f  Mrs.  Hamilton  was  the  daughter  of  the  chivalrous'  and  high-minded 
Oliver  Sinclaii-,  the  valued  friend  of  Queen  Mary's  father. 

F    F    2 


436  The  Four  Regejits. 


her  infant  spent  the  night.  The  moaning  of  the  wind  did  not 
long  affright  her,  for  she  soon  lost  her  senses.  In  the  morning 
one  of  her  servants,  who  had  escaped,  found  her  sitting 
beneath  an  old  tree,  singing  some  mountain  ditty,  and  her 
child  lying  dead  at  her  feet.  The  scene  was  quickly  made 
known  to  the  outlawed  husband,  who,  it  is  said,  on  bended 
knees,  made  a  vow  to  be  avenged  upon  the  man  who  had 
brought  ruin  upon  his  family,  and  for  ever  blighted  his 
domestic  happiness.  Scotch  tradition  has  furnished  a  vivid 
picture  of  this  incident. 

Calderwood  affirms  that  Hamilton  had  twice  failed  in  his 
attempt  upon  the  Eegent's  life  ;  and  tliat  the  Hamiltons,  who 
had  long  hated  the  Regent,  encouraged  the  aggrieved  man  to 
make  a  third  attempt,  which  proved  successful.*  Hamilton 
did  not  require  "  any  entreaties,"  for  the  wrongs  he  endured 
were  too  great  to  be  forgotten.  He  was  resolved  to  redeem 
the  oath  he  had  registered  before  Heaven.  There  must  have 
been  a  strong  feeling  against  Moray  for  his  treatment  of  Mrs. 
Hamilton,  when  we  find  the  calm  and  discreet  judgment  of 
such  a  historian  as  Frazer  Tytler  pronouncing  these  words  : — 
"  If  ever  revenge  could  meet  with  sympathy,  it  would  he  in  so 
atrocious  a  case  as  this."^ 

Nothing  could  be  more  determined  than  the  manner  in 
which  Hamilton  proceeded.  He  was  very  much  attached  to 
his  young  wife,  who,  it  -is  said,  died  in  a  state  of 
insanity.  Her  funeral  was  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of 
people,  who  publicly  gave  expression  to  their  feelings  con- 
cerning the  conduct  of  the  Eegent.      Hamilton  visited  his 


*  Calderwood  MS. 
t  Tytler,  vol.  vi.  p.  113. 


The  Fo?ir  Regents.  437 


wifes  grave  at  midnight,  and  alone.     On  the  last  occasion  he 
renewed   his  vow  to  destroy  Moray,  and  in  order  to  give  an 
additional  feeling  of  revenge,  some  fresh  incentive,  he  gathered 
a  handful  of  the  earth  which  covered  the  grave  of  his  departed 
wife,  and  placed  it  loithin  his  girdle,  as  "  an  eternal  exciter  "  to 
revenge  against  the  Eegent  Moray,  who  was  then  at  Stirling,  and 
intended  to  pass  through  Linlithgow,  on  his  way  to  Edin- 
burgh.    In  this  town,  and  in  the  High-street,  through  which 
the  cavalcade  passed,  was  to  be  seen  a  dilapidated  house,  once 
the  property  of  Archbishop  Hamilton.     Hamilton  soon  gained 
over  the  occupants  by  money  and  liquor.     He  took  his  station 
in  a   small   room,    or   as   some  called   it,   a  wooden  gallery, 
which  commanded  a  full  view  of  the  street.     To  prevent  his 
heavy  footsteps  being  heard,  for  he  was  booted  and  spurred,  he 
placed  a  feather  bed  on  the  floor;  to  secure  against  any  chance 
observation  of  his  shadow,  which,  had  the  sun  broken  out, 
might  have  caught  the  eye,  he  hung  up  a  black  cloth  on  the 
opposite  wall,  and  having  barricaded  the  door  in  front,  he  had 
a  swift  horse  ready  saddled  in  the  stable  at  the  back.     His 
preparations  were  not  yet  completed,  for,  observing  that  the 
gate  in  the   wall  which  enclosed  the  garden  was  too  low  to 
admit  a  man  on  horseback,  he  removed  the  lintel  stone,  and 
returning    to    tlie  room,  he    cut   in  the    wooden  panel,  im- 
mediately below  the  lattice  window  where  he  watched,  a  hole 
just  sufficient  to  admit   the  barrel  of  his  caliver.*     Having 
taken  these  precautions,  he  loaded  the  piece  with  four  bullets, 
and  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  his   wife's  murderer,  and 
the  plunderer  of  his  family.     The  crowds  who  surrounded  the 
Regent  caused  him  to  ride  at  a  slow  pace,  so  that  Hamilton 


*  Histoiie  of  King  James  the  Sext.;  MS.  Letter — State  Papers;  Tytler 
vol.  vi. 


438  The  Four  Regents. 


had  time  to  take  a  deliberate  aim.  Just  as  Moray  had  passed 
the  fatal  house,  the  shot  was  fired  ;  the  bullets  struck  right 
through  the  lower  part  of  the  body ;  one  bullet,  entering 
above  the  belt  of  his  doublet,  came  out  near  the  hipbone,  and 
killed  the  horse  of  Arthur  Douglas,  who  rode  close  beside 
him.*  An  indescribable  scene  followed,  and  amidst  the  con- 
fusion, Hamilton  escaped.  It  was  certain  that  a  large  number 
of  the  Hamilton  party  were  in  the  crowd.  Several  voices 
exclaimed,  "  The  Queen's  enemy  is  done  for."  Moray  was 
carried  into  a  house,  and  expired  about  midnight,  in  great 
agony. 

James  Hamilton  escaped  to  France,  where,  being  offered  a 
large  reward   if   he    would   undertake    the    assassination    of 
Coligni,  he  repelled  the  proffered  bribe  with  noble  indignation. 
"  I  have  avenged  myself  on  the  villain  who  made  my  home 
desolate,"  he  replied,  "  and  I  glory  in  the   deed  ;  but  I  will 
not  condescend  to  adopt  tlie  trade  of  an  assassin.     Coligni 
never  injured  me  ;  why,  then,  should  I  take  his  life  ?"     Wlien 
James  the  Sixth  attained  some  degree  of  freedom  and  power  on 
the   fall  of  Morton,   Bothwellhaugh,    as   he  continued  to  be 
styled,  ventured  to  return  to  Scotland  ;  and  being  introduced 
into  the  Koyal  presence,  knelt  and  implored  his  pardon  for 
the   slaughter   of  Moray.     "  Pardon  for  his  slaughter,"  ex- 
claimed the  young  King,  "  G-qd's  blessing  on  him  whose  son 
ye  be  ;  for  an  ye  had  not  taken  the  life  of  yon  traitor,  I  had 
never  lived  to  wear  my  crown." 

One  of  Sir  Walter  Scott's  most  pathetic  ballads  celebrate 
the  wrongs  and  revenge  of  Bothwellhaugh.  Human  nature 
is  generally  on  the  side  of  mercy.     A  man  must  have  outraged 


*  MS.  letter— State  Papers  of  Scotland;  Tytler,  vol.  vi. 


The  Fo7ir  Regents.  439 


all  the  proprieties  of  life,  and  made  himself  personally  hateful, 
when  the  populace  raise  a  shout  of  joy  at  his  death,  and  more 
especially  when  that  death  has  been  accomplished  by  a  hand 
unauthorised  by  law.  When  Henry  the  Eighth  sent  his 
"  deputy  tyrant,"  Thomas  Crumwell,  to  the  scaffold,  the 
English  people  burst  forth  in  an  extravagant  fit  of  rejoicing, 
that  the  "grand  inquisitor,"  as  Crumwell  was  styled,  had 
fallen  from  power.  All  classes,  from  the  peer  to  the  London 
'prentice,  approved  of  the  verdict  against  Crumwell,  and 
awaited  with  anxiety  for  the  terrible  scaffold  scene.  Our  neigh- 
bours on  the  Continent  took  up  the  cry,  "  So  the  oppressor  of 
the  people  has  reached  the  Tower,  and  the  headsmen  are  pre- 
paring for  his  end.  This  is  justice  so  long  delayed."  Charles 
the  Fifth  and  Francis  the  First  wrote  "  congratulatory  letters  " 
to  Kino-  Henry  for  having  at  last  consigned  Crumwell  to 
the  custody  of  the  "  finisher  of  the  law.^'*  The  passage  of 
Time,  however,  witnessed  a  far  worse  specimen  of  public 
men  brought  to  a  terrible  end. 

"Who  can  wonder,"  writes  Miss  Strickland,  "that  the 
husband  of  the  young  wife  who  was  thus  treated  became  in- 
furiated by  the  outrage,  and  had  resolved  on  avenging  her 
sufferings  and  death?  An  appeal  to  the  laws  of  Scotland 
would,  he  knew,  be  unavailing,  so  grossly  violated  as  they  had 
been  both  by  the  Regent  and  his  law-officers,  who  had  com- 
mitted  the  crime The  Eegent   Moray,    whom 

Hamilton  regarded  as  the  primary  cause  of  what  had  occurred, 
crossing  his  path  was   doomed  to  pay  the  penalty  of  a  crime 


*  One  of  the  officials  of  the  Tower  has  affirmed  that  Crumwell  assured 
him  on  the  scaffold  that  the  joy  the  populace  evinced  at  seeing  him  in  that 
condition  had  quite  unnerved  him,  even  more  than  the  presence  of  death 
itself,  because  it  reminded  him  of  all  that  was  passed. 


440  The  Four  Regents. 

which  appeared  to  place  its  authors  out  of  the  pale  of 
humanity."* 

Business  of  ominous  import  to  Queen  Mary  had  been 
transacted  by  the  Eegent  on  the  morning  of  his  death,  at 
Stirling,  with  Sir  Henry  Yates  and  Sir  William  Drury,  Eliza- 
beth's envoys  for  conducting  the  negotiations  for  "  their  secret 
matter. "f  All  the  obstacles  to  the  accomplishment  of  the 
treaty  were  now  supposed  to  be  removed.  On  the  following 
day  (Sunday),  Moray  was  to  meet  his  colleagues  in  Edinburgh 
for  the  '*  final  arrangement  "for  the  murder  of  his  sister.  The 
assassins  to  have  been  present  on  this  occasion  were  Morton, 
Marr,  Lindsay,  Euthven,  and  Mak  Gill.  The  presence  of 
James  Hamilton  in  Linlithgow  on  Saturday  morning,  the  23rd 
of  January,  led  to  a  diiferent  conclusion. 

Who  can  defend  Moray's  breach  of  all  promises  to  his 
Sovereign,  and  that  Sovereign  a  loving  confiding  sister  ;  his 
treacherous  arrest  of  her  deputies  and  confidential  advisers  ; 
his  infamous  betrayal  of  his  own  friend  and  co-religionist,  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  ?  His  conduct  to  Norfolk  roused  the  indig- 
nation even  of  such  a  partizan  as  Eobertson,  who  states  that  he 
had  "  deceived  the  Duke  with  a  baseness  unworthy  of  a  man 
of  honour,  if  such  a  maxim  existed  in  that  age  amongst  a  de- 
based nobility."  The  Eegent's  murderous  efforts  for  getting 
his  sister  into  his  own  hands  once  more,  in  order  to  bring  her 
to  the  scaffold  by  one  of  those  schemes  with  which  he  was  so 
well  acquainted ;  or  perhaps  to  have  her  privately  assassinated; 


*  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  7,  p.  57. 

t  Keralio's  Elizabeth,  vol.  iii.  p.  444;  Murdin— Killigrew's  Correspon- 
dence with  Cecil  is  to  be  found  in  Murdin,  \\  here  the  reader  will  find  all 
the  arrangements  for  the  murder  of  Mary  Sluart ;  Tytler,  vol.  vi.,  and  the 
Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.,  throw  further  light  upon  this  dark  plot. 


The  Four  Regents.  441 


the  pretended  confessions  of  French  Parris,  after  he  had 
strangled  that  unfortunate  youth,  and  committed  Sir  Wil- 
liam Stuart  to  the  flames  at  St.  Andrew's,  lest  he  should 
disclose  the  revelations  made  to  him  by  Hubert  on  their  voyage 
from  Norway,  were  evidently  prepared  for  the  purpose  of 
being  produced  in  a  kind  of  Star  Chamber  for  the  crimination 
of  the  Queen.  But  the  summons  suddenly  directed  for  his 
own  appearance  before  the  dread  tribunal  of  the  Eternal,  in 
a  moment  dashed  to  atoms  his  schemes  of  murder  and  of 
ambition. 

Puritan  writers  draw  a  glowing  picture  of  the   *'  humanity 
and   piety "  of  Moray.      Dr.    M'Crie  describes    him   as   the 
*'  darling  of  the  people  ;"  whilst  his  own  personal  friends  and 
eulogists — such  men  as  Buchanan  and   Sir  James  Melville — 
declare  that  he  was  very  unpopular  with  the  people.     The 
records  of   his   public  and  private  actions  must  be  accepted 
as  correct.     His  avarice  was   unbounded.     He  did  not  even 
refrain  from  plundering  his   nephew,  young  Francis  Stuart, 
the  orphan  son  of  his  brother   John,   known  as  the  Prior  of 
ColdinghaiTi,  of  his  patrimony.     He  also  compelled  the  aged 
Patrick  Hepburn,   Bishop   of  Moray,    to  resign  the  whole  of 
his  lands  to  him  ;  he  likewise  seized  upon    the  Church  plate, 
chalices,  &c.     He  endowed  his  second  daughter,  Arabella,  a 
child  of  six  years  old,  with  the  property  of  Lord  Sanquhar ; 
with  the  death  of  the  young  lady,  this  settlement  fell  through. 
The  manner  in  which  he  obtained  the  grant  and  possession  of 
the    Earldom   of  Moray  was  fraudulent ;  his    conduct  to  un- 
fortunate Lord  Huntley  would,  in  itself,  cover  him  with  shame. 
He  adopted  as  a  practical  maxim  to  regard  the  end  more  than 
the  means.     He  began  early  in  life,  with   the  concurrence  of 
his  friend  John  Knox,  to  make  political  capital  from  forged 
letters,   as  can  be  seen  from  the   Scotch  and  English  State 


442  The  Four  Regents. 


Papers  of  the  period.  He  took  part  in  imposing  upon  Scot- 
land the  falsified  treaty  of  Edinburgh  instead  of  the  genuine 
document.  In  this,  and  as  in  every  other  transaction,  he  was 
the  tool  of  Sir  William  Cecil,  He  not  only  aided  in  procur- 
ing a  number  of  vile  letters  to  be  forged  as  his  sister's 
handwriting,  but  he  came  forward,  and  with  uplifted  hands 
to  Heaven,  declared  upon  his  oath  that  all  these  documents 
were  the  genuine  writing  of  his  sister.*  His  whole  life  was 
a  tissue  of  hypocrisy  and  fraud.  It  is  astounding  to 
find  historians  at  this  time  comina;  forward  to  defend  such  a 
character,  against  whom  there  now  exists  an  overwhelming 
mass  of  evidence  that  can  never  be  questioned. 

There  are  several  confirmations  of  the  part  that  Lord  Moray 
suggested  to  Sir  William  Cecil  that  it  would  be  "  a  wise  plan 
to  arrest  the  Queen  of  Scots  on  the  high  seas  as  she  was  re- 
turning from  France  to  her  own  country."  I  quote  one  high 
authority  upon  this  question — namely,  Camden.  "  James, 
the  Bastard,  returning  very  lately  through  England,  had  given 
secret  warning  to  intercept  the  Queen  of  Scots."  Camden 
adds  :  "  Lethington  gave  the  same  advice."  At  this  same 
period  both  Lord  James  and  Lethington  were  in  correspond- 
ence with  Queen  Mary,  and  full  of  devotion  and  loyalty  to  her. 
The  letters  of  these  men  to  Cecil  are  in  the  Cottonian  MSS,, 
and  prove  the  writers  to,  be  venal  and  traitorous,  ready 
for  any  intrigues. 

Mr.  Hosack  believes  in  the  "  religious  integrity  of  Moray, 
and  that  his  private  morals  were  irreproachable."  Judging 
of    the    Regent's    religious    sentiments  by   his   actions    as    a 


*  See  Chalmers  (quarto),  p.  390 ;  also  the  despatches  of  Drury,  Throck- 
morton, and  Cecil — State  Papers. 


The  Four  Regents.  443 


politician,  he  has  no  claim  to  the  character  of  a  man  who 
really  believed  in  Divine  revelation.  His  morals  wiU  not  stand 
the  test  of  an  inquiry.  He  was  the  son  of  a  notoriously 
immoral  Prince,  and  his  mother,  Margaret  Erskine,  whether 
married  or  single,  had  no  claim  even  to  fidelity.  She  was  a 
base  sordid  woman,  even  in  old  age. 

An  opinion  formed  upon  the  research  of  such  an  honest 
historian  as  George  Chalmers  cannot  fail  to  have  some  weight 
with  posterity,     Chalmers  describes  Moray  as  a  hypocrite  by 
habit,  and  throughout   life   practised  deception,  lies,  perjury, 
and  fraud.*     Moray  stands  in  the  front  rank  of  Mr.  Fronde's 
"  God-fearing   heroes."     "  The    good    Kegent,"    writes    Mr. 
Froude,  "  will  take   his    place  among    the  best  and  greatest 
men  that  have  ever  lwed.^^\     The  "  actions  of  the  goodEegent" 
are  far  from  agreeing  with  the  eulogy  here  pronounced.     He 
played  the  part  of  a  pious  young  priest  in  France,  and  was 
actually  appointed  to  the  rich  priory  of  Moscou  in  that  country  ; 
a  bishopric  was  also  sought  after.     Let  it  be  remembered  that 
the  Prior  of  Moscou  took  the  usual  oaths  to  the  Pope  as  the 
Head  of  the   Catholic  Church.     At  this  very  time  he  was  en- 
gaged in  undermining  the  Papal  authority  in  his  own  country. 
In   1560  he  was  acquainted  with  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton, 
Elizabeth's  Ambassador  in  Paris,  who  was  no  doubt  astonished 
at  the  ability,  tact,  and  deception  of  the   Prior,  who   enacted 
so   many   diflferent    parts  without  detection.     Throckmorton 
states  in  his  despatches  to  Elizabeth   (1560)   "  that  the  Lord 
James,   called  the  '  Scotch  Bastard,'  hath  2,500  crowns  yearly 
from  a  bishoprick  and  an  abbey,  but  the  revenues  were  suddenly 


*  Chalmers,  vol.  i.  and  ii.  (quarto), 
t  Froude,  vol,  ix.  p.  681. 


4^/^  The  Four  Regents. 


taken  from  him,  the  Queen's  Ministers  stating  that  the  money 
could  not  be  paid  to  one  who  was  falling  from  his  duty."* 

It  is  very  bad  taste  to  state  that  such  a  man  was  "  sincere  in 
his  religion."  What  religion  can  sanction  perjury  and  fraud 
to  promote  its  principles  ?  There  is  something  awful  in  the 
contemplation  of  the  very  thought ;  but  the  contemporaries 
and  Scotch  coadjutors  of  the  Prior  were  remarkable  for  hypo- 
crisy in  all  their  religious  professions.  Amongst  Lord  James's 
unworthy  transactions  was  that  of  swindling  the  young 
Countess  of  Buchan  out  of  her  estates  under  the  plea  of 
marr3ang  her,  and  then  wedding  another. 

"  Nothing,"  writes  Miss  Strickland,  "  can  more  thoroughly 
lay  bare  the  baseness  of  Moray  than  those  transactions."  His 
honest  and  virtuous  wife  had  reason  to  know  that  his  moral 
character  was  as  bad  as  that  of  his  father  Kinj?  James.  Lord 
Moray  stands  condemned  by  Tytler  and  Hosack,  two  distin- 
guished historians  of  the  Kirk  party. 

As  Regent,  Moray  violated  all  the  ancient  laws  of  the 
country.  Men  were  suddenly  arrested,  brought  before  a  sham 
tribunal,  and,  in  many  cases,  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  and  the 
executions  were  carried  out  before  sunset.  In  other  instances 
the  condemned  were  marched  from  the  justice-room  "  to  the 
scaffold,  and  hung  up  like  mad  dogs."  The  "  witnesses  for 
the  defence  were  sometimes  hanged  for  being  too  saucy." 
Those  who  dared  to  question  the  Eegent's  powers  were 
doomed,  and,  if  they  did  not  find  a  retreat  in  the  mountains, 
they  were  certain  to  end  their  days  at  the  hands  of  the  public 
executioner. 

The  criminal  statute-book  of  Scotland  contained  some  wise 
and  merciful  maxims.     It  was  usual  to  allow  the  accused  a 


*  Harilwickes  State  Papers,  vol.  i. 


The  Four  Regents.  445 


certain  time  to  prepare  his  defence.  During  the  reign  of 
James  the  Fourth  of  Scotland  an  Act  was  passed  in  the 
Scottish  Parliament,  which  provided  that  persons  charged  with 
robbery  should  have  fifteen  days'  clear  notice  to  make  a  defence ; 
in  the  case  of  treason  and  murder  a  longer  period  was  given. 
The  "  character  and  motives  "  of  witnesses  against  the  accused 
were  considered,  and  "  due  weight  attached  to  them."  *  Moray 
set  aside  "all  law  and  usage."  We  are,  however,  assured  by 
Mr.  Froude  that  he  dealt  mercifully  with  all  offenders  against 
the  law. 

One  flagrant  injustice  followed  another,  and  the  day  of 
retribution  was  not  far  distant ;  still  the  usurper  blindly  pur- 
sued his  path,  as  defiant  of  popular  opinion  as  he  had  expressed 
his  contempt  for  the  laws  of  the  land. 

The  Earl  of  Moray  was  about  thirty-five  years  of  age  at  the 
period  of  his  death.  The  only  authentic  portrait  of  him 
known  to  be  in  existence  is  amongst  the  collection  of  pictures 
to  be  seen  at  Donhistle  House,  in  Scotland,  where  it  was  dis- 
covered some  forty-six  years  ago,  with  that  of  the  Countess  of 
Moray,  concealed  behind  a  panel.  The  Kegent  is  represented 
as  handsome,  but  with  a  sinister  expression  of  countenance, 
bearing  in  features  and  complexion  a  decided  resemblance  to 
his  great  uncle,  Henry  VIII.  His  hair  is  light  red ;  his  eyes 
grey  ;  his  nose  regularly  formed ;  mouth  small ;  thin  lips 
twisted  into  a  deceitful  smile  ;  the  face  is  smooth,  fair,  and  of 
a  square  contour — in  short,  a  Tudor  in  all  respects. 

*'  The  plot  for  the  murder  of  Lord  Moray  was  originally 
formed    in    the    household    of   Mary    Stuart,    if  she   herself 


*  Skene's  Laws  of   Scotland,  ed.  of  1609 ;  Hume's  Criminal  Laws  of 
Scotland,  vol.  ii. ;  Hosack,  vol.  i. 


44^  The  Four  Regents. 


was  not  the  principal  mover  in  it.^''*  So  writes  Mr.  Froude. 
Now  for  facts.  Gilbert  Talbot,  the  deputy  gaoler  at  Tutbury 
Castle,  writes  to  liis  father  (the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury)  in 
these  words:  "The  (woman)  called  Mary  Stuart  is  well 
watched  by  day  and  by  night.  The  Queen  and  her  Ministers 
may  rest  assured  that  the  woman  (Stuart)  has  no  chance  of 
escape,  unless  she  could  transform  herself  into  a  Jiea  or  a 
little  mouse."'\  Another  official  states  at  this  very  period  no 
servant  of  the  captive  Queen  could  speak  to  one  another 
unless  in  the  presence  of  Lord  Shrewsbury's  spies  ;  the 
Queen  of  Scots  was  not  permitted  to  open  her  lips  to  any  one 
of  her  attendants  unless  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  Talbot 
family.  All  letters  were  rigidly  examined,  no  one  could  speak 
to  either  physician  or  priest,  unless  in  the  presence  of  the 
gaol  authorities.  Gilbert  Talbot's  exultation  explains  the 
real  state  of  affairs  at  Tutbury,  and  places  Mr.  Fronde's  state- 
ment in  a  misty  position. 

Gilbert  Talbot,  the  deputy-gaoler  at  Tutbury,  was  by  nature 
formed  for  his  office,  for,  amongst  the  unmanly  officials  who 
filled  the  racking  and  pinching  department  at  the  Tower,  with 
the  inhuman  Toppclyffe  as  their  spirit,  none  could  possibly  ex- 
ceed Gilbert  Talbot,  who  was  "  specially  congratulated  by  his 
Sovereign  for  the  zeal  he  displayed  in  the  performance  of  his 
duty."  The  Queen  of  Scots  spent  nearly  fifteen  years  under 
the  iron  rule  of  the  exactijig  Talbot  family,  who  left  the 
smallest  intervals  of  time  for  conspiring  against  any  one.  The 
letters  of  Jane  Kennedy  show  the  cruel  treatment  the  Queen 


*  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  ix.  p.  575. 

t  Gilbert  Talbot  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  May  11,  1571 — to  be  seen  in 
the  State  Papers  concerning  the  Queen  of  Scots  at  Tutbury. 


The  Four  Regents.  447 


of  Scots  and  her  ladies  received  at  Tutbury,  sometimes  being 
left  twenty-four  hours  without  bread,  till  the  French 
Ambassador  made  a  strong  remonstrance  against  such  inhuman 
conduct. 

Lingard  remarks  that  Lord  Moray  has  been  described  by 
the  writers  of  one  party  as  an  honest  and  patriotic  nobleman, 
by  those  of  the  other  as  one  of  the  most  selfish,  designing,  and 
unprincipled  of  men.  I  will  merely  remark  as  something 
extraordinary  that  almost  every  charge  made  against  Lord 
Moray  by  the  advocates  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  is  confirmed 
by  the  contemporary  memoir  of  Bothwell,  though  of  the  exis- 
tence of  that  memoir  then  ^^^^  have  been  ignorant. 

The  Earl  of  Lennox,  Queen  Mary's  father-in-law,  of  whom 
the  readers  of  this  work  have  heard  much,  became  the  second 
Eegent  of  Scotland.  This  accommodating  Catholic  joined  the 
Kirk  party,  but  was  unpopular  with  the  Presbyterian  clergy 
and  their  congregations.  Lennox  governed  the  country  by  the 
pressure  of  military  force.  He  fell  a  victim  to  the  Hamilton 
clans,  who  despatched  him  after  the  same  manner  that  Rizzio 
was  murdered.  Amongst  the  early  crimes  of  Lord  Lennox  that 
have  been  "  duly  proved  "is  the  murder  of  eleven  children 
who  were  left  with  him  as  "  a  hostage  for  their  parents'  con- 
duct as  political  mercenaries."  At  a  later  period  he  hanged 
Archbishop  Hamilton  without  the  sanction  of  jury  or  judge. 
He  accused  the  Archbishop,  upon  the  assertion  of  such  a 
notorious  false  witness  as  Greorge  Buchanan,  with  the  murder 
of  Lord  Darnley.  The  Hamilton  family  gave  satisfactory 
evidence  that  the  allegation  was  unfounded,  but  it  did  not 
satisfy  Lord  Lennox. 

At  the  time  of  the  murder  of  Lord  Lennox,  his  wife  was, 
for  the  fourth  time,  a  political  prisoner  in  the  Tower.  Her 
great  offence  was  that  of  being  related  to  the  Tudor  family. 


448  The  Four  Regents. 


Queen  Elizabeth's  hatred  pursued   this  unhappy  lady  to  the 
grave. 

The  third  Kegent  of  Scotland  was  the  Earl  of  Mark.  A 
bargain  was  arranged  between  Lord  Burleigh  and  Moray  for 
"  delivering  up  and  despatching  "  the  Queen  of  Scots  in  forty- 
ei^ht  hours  after  her  arrival  in  Scotland.* 

Knox  was,  as  is  shown  by  his  secret  correspondence  with 
Cecil,  a  party  to  the  projected  assassination. f  A  new  scheme 
was  devised  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  same  dreadful 
crime  in  1572.  The  chief  actors  were  Cecil  and  his  Royal 
mistress  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Earls  of  Marr  and  Morton 
on  the  other,  but  this  fell  through  by  the  sudden  and  myste- 
rious death  of  the  third  Regent  of  Scotland.  Marr,  on  his 
route  to  London  to  conclude  the  "  murdering  treaty,"  was 
seized  by  a  violent  illness  and  expired  in  a  few  hours.  The 
circumstances  preceding  the  last  illness  of  Lord  Marr  are 
rather  startling.  Morton  was  the  governing  power  who  had 
ruled  each  succeeding  Regent,  and  prompted  them  to  greater 
acts  of  wickedness  than  perhaps  they  were  inclined  to  adopt. 
In  the  October  of  1572,  "the  great  matter,"  as  Killigrew, 
Elizabeth's  envoy,  styled  the  fresh  projected  murder  of  Queen 
Mary,  was  under  consideration.  Morton  was  at  this  period 
confined  to  bed  by  a  dangerous  illness  at  Dalkeith.  The 
question  of  the  murder  was  discussed  at  his  bedside.  Marr 
agreed  with  Morton  that  the^  "  plan  proposed  "  would  be  the 
best  and     only   way   to    end   all  troubles  in   both  realms.^ 


*  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  51 

t  The  original  letter  is  preserved  in  the  State  Paper  Collection.     See 
Tytler,  vol.  vii.  p.  248-250 ;  also  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  55. 

X  Tytler,  vol.  vii.  pp.  314-317. 


The  Four  Regents.  449 


The  next  question  to  be  considered  by  the  assassins  was  what 
sum  the  Queen  of  England  would  pay  them  for  what  they  were 
about  to  undertake.      Killiijrew,  who    was    not   inferior    to 
Randolph  in  villany,  cold-bloodedly  replied  "  that  if  they  did 
not  consider  the  undertaking  personally  profitable  they  would 
not  move  in  it."     Morton,  raising  himself  in  bed,   declared 
"  that  both  himself  and  Marr  did  desire  it  as  a  sovereign  salve 
for  all  their  sores,   but  it   could  not  be  done   without  some 
manner   of  ceremony,  and  a  kind  of  process   whereunto  the 
noblemen  must  be  called  after  a  secret  manner  and  the  clergy 
likewise"     .     .     .     He  further  added,  "  that  if  they  could  not 
bring  the  nobility  to  consent,  as  he  hoped  they  would,  they  would 
not  keep  the  prisoner   {Mary^  alive  three   hours  after  entering 
within  the  bounds  of  Scotland."*      Killigrew,  like  the  butcher, 
wished  to  close  for  the  price  to  be  paid  for  the  sheep  required 
in  the  slaughter-house ;  and  promptly  replied  that  he  would 
write  at    once  as  to   what  Morton  proposed.     Marr  became 
somewhat  embarrassed,  and  desired  a  little  time  for  reflection. 
Miss  Strickland  judges  correctly  of  Marr  when  she  states  that 
his  "  hesitation  proceeded  not  from  conscience  or  tenderness  of 
heart,  hut  from  caution  and  cunning. ^^     When  we  consider  the 
previous  history  of  Marr,  and  his  associations  with  the  Stuart 
family,   he   almost   appears  in   a    worse    light    than  his  late 
nephew,    Lord    Moray.     Marr   had   been  a  priest  for    many 
years,  and  conducted  himself  with  apparent  propriety.      He 
was  amongst  Queen  Mary's  earliest  tutors ;  when  a  child  she 
had  been  brought  for  refuge  to  his  Priory  at  Inchmahone,  he 
subsequently  accompanied  her  to   France,  and  was  connected 
with  her  household  till    the   period  of  her  marriage  with  the 


*  Scottish  State  Papers  of  Queen  Mary's  time  ;  Tytler,  vol.  vii.  p.  173. 
VOL.    IV.  G   G 


45  o  The  Four  Regents. 


Dauphin.     She  dearly  loved  her  tutor-chaplain,  and  in  after 
years  rewarded  him  largely— in  fact  she  showered  favours  upon 
him.     At  this  time  he  carried  his  game   of  deception  unde- 
tected at  the  French  Court,  where  an  apostate  priest  would  never 
he  sanctioned.     Most  fatally  had  Mary  trusted  him,  though 
the  brother  of  her  father's  mistress,  Lady  Douglas,  and  the 
uncle  of  Lord  Moray.     Both  the   uncle  and  the  nephew  be- 
came the  plunderers  of  Church  property  to  a  large  amount. 
Of    all  the    calculating    traitors    who     betrayed   the    young 
orphan  Queen    for  gold,    plotted    against    her,    calumniated 
her  character,  and  charged  her  with  murder,  and  then  called 
on  Heaven  to  witness  the  truth  of  the  accusations,  the  Earl  of 
Marr  was,  perhaps,  the  worst.   Killigrew,the  English  assassin,  as 
he  has  been  justly  styled,  records  "  that  he  found  Marr  more  cold 
than  Morton,  yet  he  seemed  glad  and  desirous  to  have  it  come  to 
pass."*     One  of  Morton's  confidential  agents,  who  was  present, 
urged  that  Parliament  should  be  consulted  upon  a   "  matter 
of  such  awful  importance."     Killigrew  would  not  listen  to  this 
proposition.     He  stated  that  the  plan  by  which  Queen  Mary's 
death  was  to  be  accomplished  required  secrecy,  in  order  that  the 
result  should  be  beyond  all  doubt.  Kobertson  and  other  partizan 
writers  assert  that  Marr  was  horrified  at  the  proposal  made  by 
Killigrew.     There  is  no  foundation  for  this    statement,    for 
amongst   Drury  and  Cecil's  correspondence  are  to  be   found 
documents  from  Marr  and  Morton  suggesting  the  whole  scheme. 
In    fact,  Killigrew  visited  them   both  to  discuss  and  arrange 
the  murder.     He  represented  Elizabeth  and  Cecil.     Marr,  not 
contented  with  the  probable  stability  the  Queen's  death  would 
secure  to  his  Eegency  for  the  little  Prince,  intended  to  be 


Killigrew's  Despatches  to  Cecil;  Tytler,  vol.  vii.  pp.  314-317. 


The  Four  Regents.  451 


well  paid  for  becoming  a  hired    assassin  for  the  Queen  of 
England. 

Killigrew  was  "much  astonished  at  the  large  sum  of  money 
demanded  for  the  affair  required  to  be  done."  He  objected,  and 
forwarded  the  "  paper  of  agreement,"  proposed  by  Marr  and 
Morton,  to  Cecil.  This  caused  further  delay  ;  but  there  was 
no  doubt  that  Cecil  and  his  Eoyal  mistress  would  pay  down 
the  ten  thousand  in  gold  demanded  by  the  conspirators,  Mary's 
fate  was  decided  ;  but  human  calculations  are  not  always  to 
be  relied  upon.  Marr  started  on  his  journey  to  carry  out  the 
treaty,  which  "  had  just  been  agreed  to  by  the  parties  con- 
cerned." Having  reached  Stirling,  he  was  suddenly  seized  by  a 
dangerous  illness,  which  none  could  understand  ;  he  was  carried 
to  bed  and  died  in  a  state  of  indescribable  horror  in  a  few  hours. 

It  was  rumoured  at  the  time  that  Morton  had  poisoned  the 
Eegent.  Some  said  by  "  a  sweet  cake  ;  "  others,  that  he  had 
partaken  of  "  poisoned  wine."  But  these  relations  have  come 
from  personal  enemies,  and  cannot  be  credited  without  strong 
corroboration.  There  is,  however,  a  powerful  case  made  out 
against  Morton  as  to  the  poisoning  of  Lord  Athole.  Morton's 
conscience,  or  his  fears,  never  permitted  hesitation  or  pity  to 
impede  him  in  his  dark  designs.  Marr  and  Morton  were  in- 
tensely sordid,  and  their  love  of  gold  would  tempt  them  to  the 
commission  of  the  most  nefarious  crimes.  The  painstaking  re- 
search of  Mr.  Frazer  Tytler  has  brought  to  light  the  docu- 
mentary evidences  of  this  long  hidden  work  of  darkness — the 
contemplated  murder  of  the  Queen  of  Scots — proving  from 
Killigrew's  letters,  mystified  though  those  documents  are,  that 
the  only  hesitation  on  the  part  of  ]\Iarr  arose  from  the  desire 
of  making  the  most  profit  he  could  from  the  blood  of  her  who 
had  been  his  penitent  and  his  pupil  in  the  morning  of  life, 
and  afterwards  his  much-injured  Sovereign. 

Cx    G   2 


452  The  Four  Regents. 


Thus   perished  the   Earl   of  Marr,   once   known  as   John 
Erskine,  Prior  of  Inchmahone. 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  her   Minister  were  much  disappointed 
at  the  sudden  death  of  Lord  Marr.     Killigrew  was  instructed 
to  renew  the  negotiations  with    Morton,  but  that   cautious 
official  declined  taking  any  further  action  in  the  affair,  know- 
ing, as  he  did,  that  a  powerful  party  were  ready  to  take  up 
arms  in  Scotland  for  the  Queen  ;  and,  judging  from  the  strong 
popular  feeling  against  himself,  he  felt  that  defeat  would  soon 
send  him  to  that  scaffold  which  had  been  so   often   crimsoned 
with  the  blood  of  his  innocent  victims.      "  Let  the  Queen 
of  England  keep,   or  kill,  her    hated  cousin  as   she    likes," 
was  Morton's  reply  to  Killigrew.*     So  the  second  device  for 
having  Mary  murdered  on  Scotch  soil,  and  by  her  own  kins- 
men, fell  through,  but  not  without  giving  a  terrible  warning 
to    the    murderers    of  Rizzio    and    Darnley   that   were   still 
living. 

It  is  most  important  that  the  reader  should  see  the  secret 
instructions  delivered  to   Killigrew  when    he   went   on    his 
murderous   mission   to    Scotland.     The   document  is  still  in 
existence,  and  was  written  out  by  Cecil  Idmself.     "  It  is  found 
daily  more  and  more  that  the  continuance  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots  here  is  so  dangerous,  both  for  the  person  of  the  Queen's 
Majesty  (Elizabeth)  and  for  her   State  and  realm,  as  nothing 
presently  is  more  necessary'  than  that  the  realm  might  be 
delivered  of  her  ;  and  though  by  justice   this   might  be  done 
in  this    realm,  yet   for    certain  respects    it    seemeth    better 
that  she  be  sent  into  Scotland  to  be  delivered  to  the  Eegent 
and  his  party."! 


*  Killigrew  to  Morton — State  Paper ;  Queens  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
f  To  be  seen  in  Lord  Burleigh's  State  Papers  on  Mary  Stuart. 


TJie  Four  Regents.  453 


The  fourth  Reofent  was  known  as   Lord  Morton,  a  man 


o 


of  considerable  ability,  but  selfish  and  sordid,  daring  and 
brave,  unscrupulous,  dishonest,  cruel,  and  regardless  of  the 
sacrifice  of  human  life,  provided  he  might  attain  his  ambitious 
projects,  or  have  the  triumph  of  revenge  over  a  fallen  foe.  A 
combination  of  extraordinary  circumstances  led  to  the  dis- 
covery of  the  real  murderer  of  Darnley  in  the  person  of  Lord 
Morton,  the  then  Eegent  of  the  kingdom.  Fourteen  years 
had  rolled  over  since  the  murder  of  the  Earl  of  Darnley. 
Morton  -was  the  man  who  charged  his  Queen  with  the  murder 
of  her  husband.  He  was  also  implicated  in  the  assassination 
of  Rizzio  and  others.  During  his  Regency  he  sent  several 
women  to  the  scaffold,  two  of  whom  were  within  a  few  hours 
of  their  confinement.  Morton  was  in  the  pay  of  the  English 
Queen  for  many  years.  He  amassed  enormous  sums  of  money, 
and  lived  in  luxury  and  dissipation.  When  his  own  turn 
came,  Morton  supplicated  for  life  ;  he  became  abj  ect  and  cowardly, 
otlering  to  do  any  servile  work  for  the  new  Government  if 
they  saved  his  life. 

Young;  Kino;  James  sent  him  a  message  to  the  effect  that 
he  could  not  save  the  life  of  the  man  who  murdered  his  father, 
and  treated  his  mother  in  a  manner  that  outraged  justice  and 
humanity.  "  The  law  demanded  his  life,  and  he  should  be 
speedily  hanged.^'  Morton  had  a  great  horror  of  death.  At 
the  last  moment  he  "  again  supplicated  for  life."  The  Sheriff, 
however,  reminded  him  that  he  had  sent  several  of  his  rela- 
tives to  the  scaffold  some  years  back,  "  and,"  continued  the 
Sheriff,  "  the  hour  of  my  revenge  has  now  arrived.  Amongst 
the  wicked  men  who  persecuted  our  poor  Queen  you  were 
the  very  worst."  Then,  addressing  the  executioners,  the  official 
of  the  law  commanded  the  hangmen  to  do  their  duty  imme- 
diately.    So  in  a  few  minutes  the  murderer  of  Darnley  and 


454  The  Four  Regents. 


the  base  calumniator  of  his  Eoyal  wife  was  "tossed  off," 
amidst  the  cheers  of  the  mob,  and  the  "  silent  approval "  of 
those  who  believed  in  Eetributive  Justice. 

It  is  said  that  on  the  scaffold  Morton  threw  himself  on  his 
face,  and  by  sobs,  groans,  and  violent  contortions  of  the  body, 
manifested  the  agitation  and  anguish  of  his  mind.  Much  of 
Morton's  "confession,"  it  is  alleged, ,  was  suppressed  by  the 
preachers,*  Camden  affirms  that,  according  to  Morton's 
"genuine  confession,"  he  "refused  to  act  in  the  murder  of 
Darnley  without  a  note  from  Queen  Mary  herself T  Morton 
further  states  that  such  a  note  could  not  be  procured,  because 
the  murder  was  intended  to  be  perpetrated  without  the 
Queen's  knowledge  t 

The  evidence  against  Morton  consisted  of  verbal  and  written 
statements.  The  object  of  the  first  was  to  show  that  he  had 
held  a  consultation  respecting  the  murder  of  Darnley  at  Whit- 
tingham  ;  that,  when  it  was  perpetrated,  his  cousin  and  con- 
fidential friend,  Archibald  Douglas,  and  a  man  named  Bin- 
ning, were  present ;  and  that,  when  Queen  Mary  surrendered 
at  Carberry  Hill,  she  told  Morton  to  his  face  that  he  was  one 
of  the  assassins, 

Morton  was  accused  of  other  capital  crimes.  He  made 
an  attempt  to  poison  the  Earl  of  Athole ;  to  imprison  the 
young  King  ;  and  to  have  Lords  Argyle  and  Montrose 
despatched  by  the  hired  dac^germen  of  Edinburgh.  The 
last  of  the  "  four  Eegents  "  seemed  a  fitting  rival  to  his  pre- 
decessors in  office. 


Bannytyme's  Journal,  pp.  494-517. 
+  Camden's  Annals,  p.  143. 


The  Four  Regents.  455 


Archibald  Douglas,  the  oracle  and  accomplice  of  Morton, 
fled  to  England,  where  Elizabeth  provided  for  him,  as  she  did 
for  many  of  the  bloodstained  rebels  who  had  crossed  the 
Border.  Never,  perhaps,  in  any  land  appeared  such  i'\il 
beings  as  Scotland  then  presented  amongst  her  so-call<jd 
nobles — never  such  heartless  treason  or  such  brutal  unmiinli- 
ness  and  greed — all  mainly  directed  against  a  Queen  not  only 
unoffending,  but  one  of  the  most  generous  and  lovable 
of  monarchs  and  women. 


456  The  Northern  Rebelhoti. 


CHAPTEK  XXX. 

THE    NORTHERN     REBELLION. 

The  Northern  Kebellion  proved  most  disastrous  to  the 
English  Catholics.  The  projected  marriage  between  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk  and  the  Queen  of  Scots  brought  ruin  upon  those 
who  were  favourable  to  this  political  union — for  a  political 
union  it  was  intended  to  be  and  nothing  else.*  The  reader  is 
aware  that  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  was  impeached  for  high 
treason,  and  after  several  months  of  close  confinement  in  the 
Tower  was  sent  to  the  scaffold.  He  died  bravely,  and 
protested  that  he  had  in  no  way  countenanced  the  Northern 
Rebellion,  He  was  the  pupil  of  John  Foxe,  and  there- 
fore not  likely  to  have  any  sympathies  with  the  Catholic 
party.  He  was  the  Queen's  cousin,  and  very  like  her.  There  is 
now  reason  to  believe  that  Norfolk  was  in  reality  sacrificed  to 
the  private  malice  of  Lord  Burleigh.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
who  succeeded  his  grandfather  in  the  title,  was  the  eldest 
son  of  the  Poet  Surrey,  whom  Henry  VIII.  judicially  murdered 
but  a  few  days  before  his  own  death. 

The  Earls  of  Westmoreland  and  Northumberland,  being 
surrounded  with  disappointment,  and  in  every  way  incompe- 
tent to  conduct  such  a  perilous  undertaking  as  the  Northern 
Rebellion,  fled  to   Scotland. 


*  The  Queen  of  Scots  was  a  widow  for  the  second  time,  and  Norfolk  had 
buried  three  wives. 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  4S7 


Whilst  residing  at  Carlisle,  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  visited 
by  the  Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmoreland.  The  Queen 
was  highly  pleased  with  the  enthusiasm  of  her  heroic  advocates, 
especially  Northumberland.  At  a  subsequent  period,  however, 
Mary  Stuart  informed  her  devoted  friend,  Jane  Kennedy,  that 
she  feared  neither  of  the  Earls  had  sufficient  judgment  to  direct 
such  a  doubly  hazardous  undertaking  as  that  contemplated. 

The  present  object  of  the  rebel  lords  was  immediately  to 
release  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  at  once  to  salute  her  Queen  of 
England.  Then  they  "  expected  a  more  general  rising." 
Lord  Hunsdon,  anticipating  this  military  action,  suggested  that 
the  Eoyal  captive  should  be  removed  from  Tutbury.  He  writes 
thus  to  Sir  William  Cecil:—"  For  Grod's  sake  let  the  prisoner 
(Mary)  not  remain  any  longer  where  she  is,  for  the  great  force 
of  the  rebels  consists  of  good  horsemen."^'- 

Hunsdon's  advice  was  promptly  adopted.  In  the  dead  of 
night  the  Eoyal  captive  was  hurried  away  to  Coventry,  where 
she  was  closely  confined.  The  insurgents  were  within  a  few 
hours'  march  of  Tutbury  at  the  time,  and  the  news  of  this 
disaster — for  disaster  it  proved — cast  a  gloom  over  the  rebel 
array.  The  removal  of  Queen  Mary  was  fatal  to  the 
insurrection.  Disappointed  in  their  hopes  of  effecting  her 
release,  the  leaders  determined  to  retrace  their  steps,  and  in 
their  situation  retreat  was  ruin.  So  disaffection  and  disorder 
followed.  Lord  Hunsdon's  cavalry  pursued  a  number  of  the 
insurgents  during  the  night,  slaughtering  without  pity  or 
mercy.  Many  English  farmers  were  hanged  at  their  own 
doors,  and  their  wives  and  daughters  outraged  in  a  manner 
that  covers  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  soldiers  with  in- 
famy.    Only  in  Ireland  had  greater  atrocities  been  enacted. 


*  Hunsdon  to  Cecil — Border  MSS. 


458  The  Northern  Rebellion. 


For  days,  weeks,  and  months  these  scenes  continued.  Burn- 
ing the  houses  over  the  heads  of  women  and  children  was  the 
amusement  of  the  "  hired  mercenaries  "  of  Elizabeth  ;  and 
whether  by  accident  or  design,  there  were  ten  Catholics 
hanged  for  one  Protestant  on  this  occasion. 

The  state  of  the  English  Catholics  at  this  period  is  sad 
to  contemplate.  Betrayed  and  deserted  by  those  in  whom 
they  had  placed  confidence,  they  became  completely  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Queen's  generals^such  men  as  Lord 
Sussex.  The  secret  despatches  of  La  Motte  Fenelon,  the 
French  Ambassador,  throws  a  flood  of  light  on  the  shocking 
proceedings  of  Elizabeth  in  relation  to  the  Northern  insur- 
gents, which  exceeded  in  barbarity  the  massacres  perpetrated 
by  Henry  VIIL  against  the  Pilgrims  of  Grrace  *  Several  of 
the  ancient  families  of  England  came  forward  to  aid  in 
crushing  the  Northern  Rebellion.  The  Earl  of  Derby  offered 
to  raise  and  equip  ten  thousand  men  for  the  purpose  of  putting 
down  the  insurrection;  whilst  at  the  same  moment  Lord 
Derby's  family  were  persecuted  by  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Many  scenes  occurred  beyond  the  Border  that  might  create 
material  for  novels  of  a  most  startling  nature. 

While  Elizabeth  and  her  minister  were  exulting  over  the 
recent  massacres  of  English  men  and  women  in  the  North,  a 
meeting  of  Scottish  nobles  and  chiefs  was  held  near  Linlithgow. 
They  sat  in  deliberation  for  several  days.  This  "Council  of  State" 
represented  nearly  all  parties  in  Scotland;  Chatelherault  pre- 
sided. Amongst  those  present  were  Lords  Argyle,  Huntley, 
Athole,Sutherland,Fleming,and  several  influential  chiefs.  Some 
of  the  outlawed  English  took  part  in  the  proceedings.      Lord 


*     Despatches  of  Lord  Sussex  to  the  Council ;  Sharpe's  History  of  the 
Northern  Rebellion.      .  — 


TJie  Northern  Rebellion.  459 


Dacre  and  Westmoreland  met  with  a  right  hearty  reception.  They 
informed  the  Council  that  they  joined  heartily  with  their  brave 
Scottish  friends  in  the  struggle  to  restore  Queen  Mary. 
Westmoreland  had  the  imprudence  to  state  that  he  himself, 
and  many  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  looked  upon  the 
captive  of  Tutbury  Castle  as  their  lawful  Sovereign,  and  not 
the  daughter  of  Nan  de  Bouleyne.  Although  very  brave, 
Westmoreland  was  very  indiscreet  in  his  language,  and  did 
much  injury  to  the  cause  he  honestly  advocated.  The  French 
party  were  represented  at  the  Council  by  De  Virac.  Sir  John 
Grordon  was  unanimously  selected  to  wait  upon  Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  upon  the  part  of  the  Convention  to  respectfully  demand 
the  restoration  of  their  Sovereign  Lady,  Queen  Mary.  They 
further  protested  against  the  "  violation  of  their  country  by 
English  armies,  who,  by  their  wanton  destruction  of  life  and 
property,  placed  themselves  beyond  the  pale  of  civilised 
nations."* 

The  excitement  caused  in  Scotland  by  the  conduct  of 
England  to  the  people  of  that  country  became  for  a  time  of 
serious  interest.  Eandolph,  then  residing  in  Edinburgh,  had  to 
retire  to  Berwick  to  avoid  the  fury  of  the  populace.f  "  The 
friends  of  England  at  Edinburgh,"  writes  Mr.  Froude,  "  were 
appalled  by  the  vacillation  of  Elizabeth  at  this  time"  (1570). 
The  "vacillation,"  however,  was  only  apparent;  for  in  the  deep 
recesses  of  the  English  Queen's  heart  was  evidently  written 
her  undying  hatred  of  everything,  and  everybody,  who  sought 
to  uphold  the  interests,  or  even  safeguard  the  life  of  Mary 
Stuart. 


*  Despatches  of  the  French  Envoy,   De  Virac ;  Proceedings  of  tho  Cim- 
vention  at  Linlithgow — MS.  of  Adam  Gordon. 

t  Randolph  to  Lord  Sussex. 


460  The  Northern  Rebellion. 


In  1570  there  were  a  number  of  disaffected  English  along 
the  Border  Countries. 

When  Elizabeth  became  acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of 
the  Council — and  especially  with  the  fact  that  her  "  rebel 
subjects"  were  present,  and  "well  received" — she  "stormed  in 
a  terrific  fit  of  passion,  stamped  her  foot,  and  uttered  her 
usual  oaths  that  the  Scots  should  not  dare  thus  openly  to 
insult  her  by  receiving  in  their  Councils  her  traitor  subjects, 
and  listening  unchecked  to  their  rebellious  words."  "  Ven- 
geance is  mine,"  exclaimed  the  English  Queen,  with 
blasphemous  Biblical  familiarity. 

An  army  of  some  five  thousand  men  were  quickly  assembled 
at  Berwick  ;*  the  chief  command  of  this  force  was  given  to 
Lord  Sussex,  a  man  w^ell  acquainted  with  the  art  of  shooting 
down  and  hanging  from  the  trees  unarmed  men  and  supplica- 
ting women,  and  then  burning  houses  over  young  and  old. 

The  leading  men  of  the  "rebel  confederation,"  as  the  adhe- 
rents of  Mary  Stuart  were  called  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
had  escaped,  and  were  beyond  the  reach  of  the  English  Grovern- 
ment,or  the  Scotch  Eegent  (LordMoray)  ;  but  the  unfortunate 
Earl  of  Northumberland  fell  into  the  hands  of  Lord  Moray  by 
the  vilest  means  that  could  disgrace  any  ofl&cials.  It  is 
affirmed  that  Queen  Elizabeth  "  instructed  Sir  William  Cecil 
to  do  his  utmost  to  decoy  Korthumberland  into  England." 
It  is  only  fair  to  the  Queen  to 'state  that  Cecil  required  '*no 
promptings "  from  his  Koyal  mistress  when  a  despotic  or 
base  action  was  to  be  perpetrated  in  her  behoof.  So  a 
plan  was  quickly  arranged.  Eobert  Constable,  a  Yorkshire 
gentleman,  "a  near  relative,  a  Catholic — a  professing  one — 
and  a  bosom  friend,"  as  he  describes  himself,  of  Northumber- 
land, was  engaged  to  play  the  character  of  a  traitor  of  the 
basest  type.     Constable  crossed  the  Border,  and  after  some 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  461 

disguise  and  treachery,  discovered  the  hiding  place  of  his  con- 
fiding and  high-minded  cousin,  Northumberland.     He  imme- 
diately made  professions  of  hearty  loyalty  to  the  cause  of  the 
English  outlaws,  and,  above  all,  brotherly  love  for  his  kins- 
man.    No  suspicion  crossed  the  mind  of  Northumberland  and 
his  outlawed  companions.    They  hailed  their  visitor  as  a  noble 
and  disinterested  friend.     The  next  step  taken  by  Constable 
was  to  write  to  Sir  Ealph  Sadler,  informing  him  how  "  far  he 
had  got  into  the  confidence  of  his   'beloved  cousin,'   and  the 
other  confederates,  whom  he  had  advised  to  return  to  England." 
Queen  Elizabeth  rejoiced  to  hear  of  this  intelligence  from  her 
Secretary.     Constable  was,  promised  a  large  sum,  to  be  paid 
down  in  gold,  if  he  succeeded  in  bringing  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland and  his  friends  "  within  the  territory  of  the  English 
Queen."    In  order  to  disarm  suspicion  Constable  spent  a  night 
at  Jedburg,    in  a  house  which   was  the   resort  of  the  most 
desperate    men  who  wandered     along   the  Border    Countrie. 
Those  outlaws,  as  they  may  fairly  be  styled,  presented  a  strange 
mixture  of  the  most  opposite  characteristics ;  they  were  pro- 
fuse in  their  hospitality,  and  it  remained  a   mystery  as  to 
where  the  money  came  from.     No  one  dared  to  ask  such  a 
question.     Some  of  those  exiled  Englishmen  were  admirable 
story-tellers ;  they  had  travelled   over  the  Continental  cities 
and  towns,  and  were  well  informed  as  to  the  scandal  gossip  of 
many  high  circles.     They  were  recklessly  brave  and  well  ac- 
quainted with  firearms  and  sword  exercise.     As   to  religion, 
they  were  no  bigots  ;   some  were  Catholic,  others  Protestant; 
but  all  were  true  to  the  brotherhood,  and  Mary  Stuart  was 
their  idol.     The  Protestant  outlaws  were,  perhaps,  the  most 
enthusiastic  supporters  of  the  Queen  of  Scots ;  pictures  and 
mementoes  of  the  Royal  captive  were  to  be  seen  in  the  apart- 
ments of  the  exiles.    The  name  of  the  high-minded  and  faith- 


462  77/e  Northern  Rebellion. 

ful  Jane  Kennedy  was  lovingly  toasted  after  that  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  The  time  was  passed  amidst  conviviality  and  danger, 
whilst  treason  plots  were  continually  progressing.  Queen  Eliza- 
beth had  her  spies  in  the  Border  Countrie,  as  well  as  in  other 
districts,  but  a  deadly  fate  awaited  them  the  moment  they 
were  discovered.  No  mercy  was  extended,  in  any  form, 
to  a  spy  or  an  informer.  An  outlaw  against  either  the  English 
or  the  Scotch  Government  was  welcome  and  defended  to  the 
death. 

From  what  Constable  witnessed  in  the  Border  Countrie  he 
had  not  sufficient  courage  to  attempt  his  desperate  scheme  of 
treachery.  So  it  fell  through.  Another  bravo,  named  Hector 
Armstrong,  suddenly  appeared  upon  the  scene.  This  man  was 
ready  to  undertake  any  adventure — ready  to  commit  any  crime 
for  gold.  Few,  however,  even  of  his  employers,  trusted 
him,  and  Walsingham  considered  him  "  a  dangerous  man." 

Moray,  the  Eegent,  having  received  private  information 
from  Armstrong,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  was  arrested  at 
the  house  of  Mr.  Elliott,  where  a  number  of  the  supporters  of 
the  Queen  of  Scots  were  at  supper.  The  outlaws  made  a 
desperate  fight,  several  being  killed  and  wounded.  The  ill-fated 
Northumberland  was  made  a  prisoner,  and  carried  off,  and  sub- 
sequently lodged  in  Lochleven  Castle,  where  he  remained  a 
close  prisoner  for  two  years.  His  arrest  and  detention 
were  opposed  to  all  international  law  and  precedent. 
Writers  upon  the  "  extraordinary  doings  of  the  Border 
men"  assure  us  that  Hector  Armstrong,  who  was  rich 
before  the  above  events,  fell  shortly  after  into  poverty, 
although  he  received  £300  from  Moray,  or  Lord  Marr, 
for  betraying  his  friend.  Universal  execration  was  raised 
against  Armstrong.  The  "  Border  women  cursed  him 
on     bended     knees,     and      the    children    screamed    at    the 


Tho.  NortJiern  Rebellion.  463 


mention  of  his  name."*  During  the  time  Northumber- 
land resided  amongst  the  outlaws  he  was  treated  with  marked 
respect  and  kindness  by  the  poorer  class,  who  were  all  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  It  is  stated  that  either 
Morton  or  Moray  was  present  at  the  capture  of  Northumber- 
land ;  but  I  think  this  statement  is  highly  improbable,  for 
about  the  quarter  where  the  Earl  was  arrested  resided  the 
deadly  personal  enemies  of  Moray  and  Morton,  and  it  is  not 
likely  that  either  of  them  would  escape  death  in  the  *'  hand-to- 
liand  "  struggle  which  took  place  on  the  night  of  the  noble 
outlaw's  arrest, 

Armstrong  was  formerly  under  many  obligations  to  Lord 
Northumberland  when  residing  in  London.  But  this  was  the 
age  of  base  actions. 

John  Knox  and  Lord  Moray  corresponded  with  Cecil  as  to 
what  means  should  be  adopted  to  "  hunt  down  the  wandering 
rebels  of  the  Borders." 

Whilst  negotiations  were  pending  between  Elizabeth  and  the 
Scotch  Eegent  for  the  "betrayal  and  sale"  of  Lord  Northum- 
berland, the  career  of  Lord  Moray  was  suddenly  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  well-aimed  shot  of  one  of  his  victims,  Hamilton 
Haugh,  to  which  I  have  referred  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

Whilst  a  prisoner  at  Lochleven  Castle,  the  Countess  of 
Northumberland — a  most  devoted  wife, and  a  high-spirited  and 
patriotic  woman — went  to  the  Low  Countries,  where,  with  laud- 
able devotion,  she  contrived  to  amass  the  sum  of  two  thousand 
pounds  as  a  ransom  for  her  husband. f    Lords  Marr  and  Morton 


*  Katclyff's  Anecdotes  of  the  Outlaws  in  the  Border  Countrie  ;  Eidpath's 
Border  History  ;  Crawford's  Memoirs  of  Border  Life. 

■]•  At  a  later  period  the  Countess  of  Northumberland  wandered  through 
Scotland  in  a  state  of  destitution 


464  The  Northern  Rebellion. 

accepted  the  money  offered,  and  next  privately  communicated 
with  the  Queen  of  England  and  Lord  Burleigh  (Cecil),  as  to 
what  sum  they  were  inclined  to  pay.      Burleigh  proposed  to 
double  the  amount  already  offered  by  the  Countess  of  Northum- 
berland, whilst  the  Scotch  knaves  increased  their  demand  upon 
the  English  Council  ioten  thousand  pounds,all  to  be  paid  down 
iyigold  on  the  day  that  Lord  Northumberland  was  delivered  up 
to  the  agents  of  the  English  Queen.     Queen  Elizabeth,  in  her 
usual  style,  denounced  the  proposal  as  "  an  extortion ;     she 
would  pay  no  such  sura."     '*  Then,"  said  Lord  Morton,  in  his 
letter,  "your   Highness   will  not   have  the  ijnmense  pleasure 
of  cutting  off  the  head  of  your  rebel  subject.''^    The  Queen  took 
ten  days  to  consider  the  matter.     At  the  end  of  the  time 
named  she  agreed  to  pay  the  sum  demanded.     "  Even  in  that 
ruthless  age,"  remarks  Mr.  Hosack,  "the  giving  up  of  a  fugi- 
tive to  certain  death  was  regarded  as  a  heinous  crime."     In  the 
eyes  of  William  Cecil  and  Francis  Walsingham,  such  a  crime 
became  a  venial  offence,  or  one  justified  on  the  broad  ground 
of  expediency.     Of  all  the  actors  in  this  infamous  transaction, 
Morton,  in  the   opinion  of  his  contemporaries,  incurred  the 
largest  share  of  guilt.     It  was  given  out  that  Northumberland 
was  to  be  conveyed  in  a  Scotch  ship  to  Antwerp,  and  there 
set  free.     He,  therefore,  joyfully  left   his  gloomy  prison    at 
Lochleven,  and   embarked  on  the  Firth-of-Forth,  as  he  be- 
lieved,  for  Antwerp,  where   his  wife  and  friends  awaited  his 
arrival.     To  his  astonishment  and  dismay  he  found  that  the 
vessel,  instead  of  putting  out  to  sea,  ran  down  the  coast  off 
Berwickshire  and  anchored  near  Coldingham.    Lord  Hunsdon 
went  on  board  the  vessel,  when  John  Colville,  a  "  Scotch  gen- 
tleman," delivered  to   Queen  Elizabeth's  political  agent  the 
unfortunate  Earl  of  Northumberland.    The  gold  was  then  paid 
down  in  a  business-like  manner. 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  465 

Northumberland  underwent  an  examination  which  lasted  six 
weeks ;  but  he  criminated  no  man — betrayed  no  one. 

John  Colville,  who  aided  "  in  entrapping "  the  Earl  of" 
Northumberland,  had  originally  been  a  Presbyterian  minister. 
He  next  took  to  the  "  politics  of  the  times,"  and  became  a 
spy  for  both  parties.  His  treachery  was  revolting.  He  was 
the  author  of  some  blasphemous  tracts  against  Christian  prin- 
ciples. Colville  was  said  to  have  been  the  writer  of  a  life  of 
King  James  the  Sixth.  Like  many  of  the  political  adventurers 
and  daggermen  of  those  times,  he  died  in  poverty,  totally  aban- 
doned by  his  corrupt  patrons  and  false  friends. 

Queen  Elizabeth  sent  her  final  command,  or  judgment,  to 
Lord  Plunsdon,  to  bring  his  prisoner  immediately  toYork,where 
her  Highness  "  commanded  "  that  he  should  die  on  the  public 
scaffold  as  a  rebel  and  a  traitor.  Northumberland  had  no 
trial ;  but  was  simply  impeached — nothing  proved  against  him, 
and  no  witness  to  make  even  a  false  statement.  Lord  Hunsdon, 
although  a  rough  soldier,  seemed  shocked  at  this  proceeding 
on  the  part  of  his  Eoyal  mistress.  He  wrote  to  Burleigh  that 
"  he  would  not  lead  the  noble  prisoner  to  the  scaffold — some 
other  person  must  be  found  to  perform  that  degrading  office ; 
and,  further,  he  would,  rather  than  obey  the  Queen's  command 
in  this  matter,  go  to  prison  at  once."*  Sir  John  Foster — de- 
scribed as  "  a  high-minded  Knight" — on  whom  the  Queen 
conferred  a  large  portion  of  Northumberland's  property,  under- 
took the  superintending  of  the  execution. 

In  Elizabeth's  letters  to  Lord  Hunsdon,  she  desires  that  he 
should  hold  out  hopes  to  his  prisoner  of  a  pardon  in  case  he 


*  Lord  Hunsdon's  bold  letter  to  Sir  William  Cecil  (Burleigh)  is  printed 
in   Sharpe's   History  of  the  Northern  Kebellion,   p.   331 ;  also  Eidpath's 
Border  History,  and  EadclifEe's  Border  Anecdotes. 
VOL.   IV.  H    II 


.56  The  Northern  Rebellion. 


im 


plicated  others  amongst  the  outlawed  Englishmen  beyond 
the  Borders,  and  induce  them  to  return  to  England.  But 
when  her  Highness  was  assured  by  Hunsdon  that  Northum- 
berland was  "  resolved  to  be  true  to  his  unfortunate  country- 
men to  the  death,"  she  became  much  excited,  and,  addressing 
her  cousin,  Hunsdon,  said :— "  So  this  traitor  Percy  is  rather 
stuck  up  and  proud,  and  will   not  bend  before    Us   Queen. 

Then,  by ,  I  will  make  the  remainder  of  his  life  as  miserable 

as  possible.  I  understand  that  he  is  fond  of  savoury  belly- 
cheer.  Let  him  have  no  food  but  of  the  poorest  description^  and 
not  much  of  that;  let  it  be  just  fit  for  a  roadside  beggar.  1 
wish  to  humble  [this  proud  Percy  to  the  dust.''  The  Queen 
was  disappointed.  Percy  died  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the 
descendants  of  Hotspur.  He  scorned  to  beg  for  his  life,  and 
seemed  quite  unconcerned  as  to  what  action  the  Queen  might 
take  against  him.  To  his  honour  be  it  told,  Lord  Hunsdon 
did  not  in  this  case  comply  with  his  Sovereign's  command,  for 
he  brought  his  chivalrous  and  warm-hearted  prisoner  to  his 
own  table,  and  treated  him  with  all  the  respect  due  to  a 
descendant  of  the  Border  Chiefs. 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland  knew  little  of  the  political 
intrigues  that  surrounded  him.  Northumberland  was  unfitted 
by  nature,  study,  or  general  habits  to  become  the  leader  of  a 
political  movement  like  that  of  the  disaffected  English  Catholics, 
who  had  to  combat  with  difficulties  unknown  in  other 
countries.  The  Earl  of  Northumberland  was  "  merely  a 
country  gentleman,"  but,  as  I  have  remarked  in  a  preceding 
chapter,  he  was  immensely  popular  for  his  fine  social  qualities. 
Lord  Hunsdon  relates  that  he  found  him  far  more  ready  to 
talk  of  his  horses,  hounds,  and  hawks  than  of  the  grave  charges 
of  high  treason  preferred  against  him.  He  delighted  in  re- 
lating anecdotes  of  the  fox,  or  of  some  favourite  huntsman  in  the 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  467 

bygone.  He  was  intimate  with  the  principal  sporting  gentle- 
men of  England ;  and  the  famous  story-tellers  and  strolling 
players  were  always  welcome  at  his  baronial  castles,  where 
profuse  hospitality  "  awaited  all  comers,  high  and  low."  The 
number  of  guests  was  considerable,  and  the  servants  and  re- 
tainers averaged  three  hundred  men  and  women.  In  the 
early  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  Percy  property  was 
far  more  extensive.  Taking  "  all  the  surroundings "  of 
this  nobleman  into  account,  it  is  no  wonder  that  he  was 
beloved,  and  his  sad  fate  lamented  by  so  many  of  his  country- 
men and  women. 

The  22nd  of  August,  1572,  was  the  day  named  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  for  the  execution   of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland. 
The  execution  took  place  at  York.     The   Earl  ascended  the 
scalFold  with  a  firm  step.     A  spectator  says  :  "  His  dress  was 
elegant,  and  his  fine  person  never  looked  to  greater  advantage." 
He  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  large  scaffold,  accompanied 
by   his    confessor,    Father   Talbot,    and   an   Irish   Dominican 
Friar,  named  Hubert   de    Burgh,  his  physician   (Dr.   Shad- 
well),  and  two  gentlemen  of  his  household.     Lord  Hunsdon 
had  some  difficulty  in  procuring  this  indulgence    from    the 
Queen,  who  was  inclined  to  listen   to  the  suggestion  of  Lord 
Leicester — namely,  that  the  rebel  Earl   should  not  have  the 
"  benefit  of  clergy."  The  Crown  was  represented  by  the  High 
Sheriff,  Sir  John  Foster,  the  executioners,  and  several  officials. 
A  strong  military  guard  of  horse  and  foot  were  at  every  point 
surrounding    the  scafi"old.     Father  Talbot  having  held  up  a 
crucifix,   the   murmur   in   the    vast    crowd    became   hushed. 
Northumberland  appeared  to  be  deeply  affected.    He  gazed  upon 
the  crowd  again,  and  then  kissed  the  crucifix.     He  addressed 
the  people — men  and  women — in  a  firm  and  dignified  tone. 
He  assured  them  that  he  regretted  nothing  that  he  had  done. 

H  H  2 


468  The  NortJiem  Rebellion. 

He  wished  to  tell  the  people  of  England  that  he  would  die  as 
iie  had  lived,  a  true  and  devoted  member  of  the  Church  of 
Eome.  He  considered  Queen  Elizabeth  as  a  usurper,  and  the 
illegitimate  offspring  of  Nan  De  Bouleyn  and  King  Henry  VIII. 
He  looked  upon  the  Queen  of  Scots  as  his  lawful  Sovereign,  be- 
ing the  grandniece  of  the  late  King  Henry.  He  next  bid  all  his 
friends  and  retainers  farewell.  After  a  pause,  in  which  he 
surveyed  the  vast  crowd  again,  he  said  : — "  Eemember  that  I 
die  in  the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  that  I  am 
a  Percy  in  life  and  in  death.  Now,  dear  friends.  I  bid  you 
all  a  long  farewell.     Pray  for  me." 

Northumberland  then  knelt  down  with  the  priests  and  his 
immediate  attendants.  The  people  followed  the  example. 
After  the  lapse  of  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  the  final  preparations 
began  by  the  noble  victim  taking  off  his  coat  and  stripping 
his  neck.  A  murmur  now  ran  through  the  crowd,  followed 
by  the  sobbing  of  the  widows  and  orphans  who  were  depend- 
ing on  the  bounty  of  the  noble  owner  of  Alnwick  Castle. 
The  excitement  became  greater  upon  the  appearance  of  the 
headsmen  and  their  assistants,  who  came  upon  the  scene 
flushed  with  carnificial  victory  from  another  execution. 

The  "  finishing  of  the  law  "  was  conducted  in  a  cruel  and 
disgraceful  manner:  A  hlunt  carpenters  axe  was  used,  and 
the  executioners  were,  as  usual,  in  a  state  of  drunkenness. 
For  half  an  hour  they  were  chopping  at  the  neck  of  the  unfor- 
tunate Earl,  tvho,  in  a  faint  voice,  at  intervals,  exclaimed, 
"  Jesus,  have  mercy  upon  my  soul !  "  The  blood  was  flowing 
in  a  terrific  stream.  At  last,  one  of  the  executioners  held  up 
the  convulsed  and  blood-streaming  head  to  the  gaze  of  the 
excited  multitude. 

The  high  rank  and  ancient  lineage  of  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  the  disgraceful  circumstances  attending  his 


The  Norther 71  Rebellion.  469 

betrayal  by  the  Scots,  and  liis  steadfast  adherence  to  the  olden 
faith  of  England,  created  a  profound  sensation  throughout 
the  realm ;  in  fact,  all  the  great  cities  of  Europe  felt  indig- 
nant at  the  conduct  of  Queen  Elizabeth  in  this  special  case, 
in  which  her  Highness  set  aside  the  law — even  such  a  show 
of  that  arbitrary  weapon  as  she  used  on  other  occasions.  But 
worse  than  all  was  her  purchase  of  the  noble  victim  from  the 
Regent  of  Scotland  for  tlie  sum  of  ten  thousand  founds  paid 
down  in  gold  on  the  delivers/  of  the  prisoner ,  who  according 
to  the  usage  of  all  civilised  nations  then  as  well  as  now,  was  en- 
titled to  protection  and  hospitality  in  Scotland,  against  whose 
laws  he  had  not  offended.  There  was  no  second  opinion  on 
this  matter  throughout  Europe,  and  it  hands  down  to  infamous 
reproach  the  character  of  the  Scottish  Regent  (Lord  Marr), 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  Sir  William  Cecil. 

In  1585,  the  next  brother,  who  held  the  title  of  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  was  committed  to  the  Tower  on  the  charge 
of  high  treason.  The  partizans  of  the  Queen's  Council  allege 
that  he  committed  suicide,  but  as  he  was  a  man  under  the  in- 
fluence of  religion,  the  statement  is  highly  improbable.  It 
was  believed  at  the  time  that  Elizabeth's  secret  agents  mur- 
dered him.  For  many  years  the  event  was  spoken  of  as  a 
political  assassination,  and  that  by  men  who,  like  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  and  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  knew  many  dark  stories  of  the 
past.  An  inquest  on  a  political  prisoner  who  died  in  the 
Tower  was  a  most  dismal  farce  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
The  true  mode  by  which  this  Earl  of  Northumberland  met  his 
death  in  the  Tower  still  remains  a  mystery. 

The  executions  which  followed  the  abortive  and  imprudent 
Northern  Rebellion  were  terrible  ;  nearly  eight  hundred 
people  were  hanged.  The  Queen  severely  censured  the 
generals    in    command    for    not    "  executing    justice    more 


4/0  The  Northern  Rebelliou. 


promptly."*  Elizabeth  issued  a  special  order  that  the  bodies 
were  "  not  to  he  removed  from  the  trees  on  which  they  hung,  but 
to  remain  there  till  the  said  bodies  fell  to  pieces  where  they 
hungry 

At  a  later  period  another  of  the  Percy  family  joined  the 
Protestant  party.     This  nobleman  was   known  as  Henry,  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  and  became   one  of  the    champions    of 
Elizabeth,  and  although   his   family  suffered    much  from  her, 
he  was  one  of  the  most  obsequious  of  the   Queen's   courtiers. 
The  author    of  the    "  Court   of    Elizabeth"    represents    this 
young   nobleman     "  as    signally    deficient    in    the    guiding 
and  restraining  virtues."     For  a  time  he  was  much  noticed 
by  his  Sovereign,  who  created  him    a    Knight  of  the   Grarter. 
During  the   "  last    days "  of    the  Queen,    Northumberland 
courted  the  friendship  of  the   King  of  Scots,  and  upon  the 
accession  of    James    to    the   English  throne   he   was  sworn 
in  a  Privy  Councillor.     The  misfortunes  of  the  family  seemed 
to   pursue   him.       On   some  unsupported    charge    connected 
with    the    Grunpowder     Plot,     he    was    stripped    of    all  his 
offices  and  honours,  heavily  fined,  and  sentenced  to  perpetual 
imprisonment.     At   the   end    of   fifteen    years    the    "  Royal 
mercy  "  was  extended  to  him,  and  he  was  permitted  to  live  in 
retirement  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.      A  novel  mark  of 
royal    mercy    from     King    James.       During  his  long    con- 
finement   Northumberland  turned    his  mind  to    the  study  of 
mathematics,  and  indicated  the  possession    of    considerable 
talents.     He  was  a  steady  friend   to  the  needy  literary  strag- 
glers of  his  day,  and  had  several  of  them   constantly  at  his 


*  Sharpe's  History   of   the  Northern   liebellion ;    Despatches  of    Lords 
Sussex  and  Hunsdon. 

t  State  Papers  upon  the  Northern  Rebellion. 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  471 


residence.     Towards  the  close  of  his  life  he  returned  to  the 
faith  of  his  fathers. 

The  Percy  family  had  too  much  reason  to  remember  and 
execrate  the  cruel  Tudors  and  the  ungrateful   Stuarts. 

I  have  referred  on  page  469  to  an  Earl  Northumber- 
land having  been  found  murdered  in  his  cell  at  the 
Tower.  The  Grovernment  of  Elizabeth  contended  that 
Lord  Northumberland  committed  suicide,  and  were  anxious 
to  remove  the  odium  which  public  opinion  had  cast  upon  a 
particular  member  of  the  Council.  During  the  investigation 
Hatton  spoke  in  a  violent  manner  of  the  deceased  nobleman, 
representing  him  as  a  man  of  the  most  treasonable  disposition  ; 
without  character,  without  gratitude,  and  without  conscience. 
Camden  pays  little  attention  to  Hatton's  unreflecting  statement, 
and.  makes  the  withering  commentary  that  he  (Camden) 
"  made  it  a  rule  to  assert  nothing  upon  hearsay.''^*  In  a  pre- 
ceding chapter  I  have  referred  to  this  saying  of  Camden. 

The  Earl  of  Westmoreland  happily  escaped  the  personal 
vengeance  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  As  a  matter  of  course,  he 
lost  Jiis  property,  and  after  years  of  poverty  and  wandering 
throuo-h  France  and  Flanders,  he  died  in  Paris.  He  was 
devoted  to  his  religion,  his  friends,  and  his  country.  The 
Earl  of  Westmoreland  was  the  last  descendant  of  the  histori- 
cal Peer  known  as  the  "  King-maker  "  in  the  days  of  the 
"  Wars  of  the  Eoses." 

No  one  had  been  more  deeply  implicated  in  the  project  for 
the  liberation  of  Mary  Stuart  than  Leonard  Dacre,  the  male 
repiesentative  of  the  noble  fixmily  of  the  Dacres  of  Gillsland. 
At  the  commencement  of  this   "  special  disaffection  "   (1570), 


*  Camden's  Annals,  p.  435. 


472  The  Nort}ic7'ji  Rebellion. 


Leonard  Dacre  left  the  Queen's  Court  to  raise  men,  avowedly 
for  the  service  of  Elizabeth,  but  with  the  intention  of  join- 
ing the  "  two  Earls."  The  disorderly  flight  of  the  insur- 
ofents  from  Hexham  to  Naworth  convinced  Dacre  that  the 
rause  was  desperate.  He  hung  upon  their  rear,  made  a 
number  of  prisoners,  and  obtained  among  his  neighbours  the 
praise  of  distinguished  loyalty.*  But  the  Queen's  Council 
was  better  acquainted  with  his  real  character,  and  the  Earl 
o{  Sussex  received  orders  to  apprehend  him  secretly  on  a 
charge  of  high  treason.  With  this  view  Lord  Scrope,  the 
Warden  of  the  West  Marches,  invited  Dacre  to  Carlisle, 
to  a  consultation  respecting  the  state  of  the  country.  It 
was  an  invitation  surrounded  with  suspicion  ;  so  Dacre  did  not 
fall  into  the  trap  laid  for  him.  Dacre  replied  that  he  was 
confined  to  his  room  by  illness ;  but,  if  Scrope  and  his 
colleagues  "  would  take  a  dinner  at  Na worth,  they  should 
Imve  his  company,  and  the  best  advice  which  his  poor  head 
could  devise."  f 

Aware  of  his  danger,  Dacre  determined  to  brave  sinffle- 
handed  the  authority  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  His  messengers  were 
carried  quickly  by  swift  horses  to  various  places,  and  within 
three  days  upwards  of — some  say,  four  thousand — English  and 
Scotch  Borderers  ranged  themselves  under  the  well-known 
banner  of  the  House  of  Dacre—  "  The  Scollop  Shells."  From 
Naworth  Castle,  Leonard  Dacre  sent  a  message  of  defiance  to 
Lord  Hunsdon,  the  Commander  of  the  Eoyal  army.  The  cautious 
Hunsdon  declined  the  combat,  and  prepared  to  join  the  forces 
under  Lord  Scrope  at  Carlisle.     Leonard  Dacre's  men  "  were 


*  Cabala,  p.  171 ;  Sadler,  vol.  ii.  p.  114. 
t  Sir  Cuthbert  Sharpe's  Northern  Rebellion  (App.),  p.  217. 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  473 

eager  for  the  fray,"  and  pursued  the  Koyal  forces  four  mile? 
to  the  banks  of  the  Chelt,  "  where,"  writes  Hunsdon,  "  hi? 
footmen  (infantry)  gave  the  proudest  charge  upon  my  shot 
that  I  ever  received."  However,  the  wild  valour  of  the  Bord- 
erers was  no  match  for  the  steady  discipline  of  a  regular  army. 
They  were  soon  in  disorder  and  it  became  difficult  to  preserve 
discipline.  The  Koyal  army  gained  a  complete,  but  not  a 
bloodless,  victory,  for  the  Border  men  at  some  places  "fought 
with  immense  courage,  driving  the  Royal  army  back  on  several 
occasions." 

Leonard  Dacre  found  an  asylum  in  Scotland  for  some  time, 
and  although  pursued  by  Walsingham's  agents,  he  ultimately 
reached  Flanders,  where  the  malice  of  Walsingham  or  Cecil 
could  not  disturb  the  exile's  repose. 

The  men  who  worked  so  devotedly  in  the  revolutionary 
movement  known  as  the  "  Northern  Rebellion"  could  scarcely 
believe  it  possible  that  the  secret  machinery  of  another  plot 
to  overthrow  Elizabeth  was  at  work  at  the  very  same  time 
and  directed  by  statesmen  of  experience. 

It  appears  marvellous  that  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton 
should  end  his  days  as  a  follower  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 
Throckmorton  writes  to  the  Royal  captive  in  these  confidential 
words  : — "  Your  Majesty  has  in  England  many  friends  of  all 
degrees,  that  favour  your  title.  Some  people  are  persuaded 
that  in  law  your  right  is  best.  Some  folks  have  formed  a  very 
good  opinion  of  your  virtuous  character  and  the  liberality  of 
your  religious  sentiments  ;  and  the  talent  you  displayed  in 
the  government  of  Scotland  won  for  you  the  confidence  and 
esteem  of  those  who  were  opposed  to  you." 

In  another  secret  correspondence  from  Edinburgh  to  Tut- 
bury  Castle,"  Throckmorton  states  that  "  his  convictions  are 
now  all  in  her  favour  J"     It  ia  certain  that  Throckmorton  was 


474  '^^^^  Northern  Rebellion. 


connected  with  a  conspiracy  to  dethrone  Elizabeth,  on  the 
ground  of  illegitimacy,  taking  Cranmer's  judgment  in  the 
case  of  Anna  Boleyn  as  their  legal  guide.  This  plot  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  planned  when  Elizabeth  was  about  eleven 
or  twelve  years  on  the  throne.  The  conspiracy  was  managed 
with  profound  secrecy,  and  more  strange  still,  it  was  composed 
of  Protestants  and  Catholics,  and  e ven  Anglican  Bishops,  Avhose 
emoluments  were  "  to  be  considerably  increased."*  Throck- 
morton proceeds: — "  The  people  of  your  own  religion  are  for 
you,  and  many  Protestants  iooJ"  The  wily  diplomatist  seems 
to  be  sincere,  for  he  had  everything  to  lose  by  the  cause  he 
had  secretly  espoused.  He  advises  .Queen  Mary  to  offer 
conciliation  to  the  English  Protestants  ;  for  that  they  were 
far  more  easily  won  than  the  Kirk  people.  This  was  a  certain 
fact.     The  Presbyterians  were  generally  sordid  in  politics. 

Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  escaped  the  scaffold  to  die,  as  it 
was  reported,  by  poison.  It  is,  however,  generally  affirmed 
by  his  contemporaries  that  he  died  very  suddenly,  and  popular 
feeling  pointed  out  Lord  Leicester  as  "  having  given  him  a 
poisoned  fig,  and  that  he  became  suddenly  ill,  and  died  in 
great  torture."  Lord  Leicester  was  so  intensely  hated  by  the 
people  of  England,  especially  of  London,  that  they  would 
accept  as  true  the  worst  accusations  that  might  be  preferred 
against  him.  Camden  reports  ,the  death  of  Throckmorton  to 
have  taken  place  in  1570.  He  is  silent  as  to  the  report  of  poison. 
"  He  died  in  good  time  for  himself,  being  in  great  danger  of 
life  by  reason  of  his  restless  spirit."t     Another  account  is 


*  A  conspiracy  in  subsequent  times  to  restore  James  the"'  Second  to  the 
throne  was  supported  by  several  of  the  Church  of  England  prelates— Arch- 
bishop Tenison  amongst  the  rest ;  but  the  plot  fell  through. 

t  Camden's  Annals,  p.  I  .'31. 


The  Northern  Rebellion.  475 


chronicled  "  that  Throckmorton  was  poisoned  by  a  salad  given 
him  at  supper  by  his  friend  Lord  Leicester." 

When  Throckmorton  became  an  imprudent  advocate  of 
Mary  Stuart,  Mr.  Froude  describes  him  as  "  this  precious 
defender  of  whatever  cause  seemed  most  convenient."*  The 
advocacy  of  the  down-trodden  captive  of  Tutbury  Castle  was 
undoubtedly  a  perilous  game,  especially  for  one  of  Elizabeth's 
most  noted  champions. 

A  large  number  of  State  Papers  were  in  the  possession  of 
Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  when  he  filled  the  office  of 
Chamberlain  of  the  Exchequer  under  Elizabeth.  Those  State 
Papers  were  placed  by  Throckmorton's  son  Arthur  at  the  dis- 
posal of  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  who  bequeathed  them  to  Kino- 
Charles  the  First,  to  be  preserved  in  the  State  Paper  Office 
— a  bequest  which  remained  unexecuted  until  the  year  1857.t 
Amongst  those  valuable  documents  were  to  be  found  (if  not 
destroyed)  much  of  the  correspondence  which  passed  between 
Queen  Elizabeth,  Cecil,  Eandolph,  and  Throckmorton,  concern- 
ing the  Queen  of  Scots.  The  letters,  still  extant — bear  upon 
the  movements  made  by  the  English  Queen  and  her  Council, 
in  fomenting  rebellion  in  Scotland  against  its  lawful 
Sovereign. 

It  is  a  puzzle  to  learn  that  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  was 
one  of  the  Star  Chamber  witnesses  against  Lord  Crumwell.  He 
must  have  been  a  spy  in  early  life.  Perhaps  in  the  service  of 
Crumwell  himself.     Nothing  more  likely. 

With  the  exception  of  Sir  William  Cecil,  no  member  of 
Elizabeth's  Council,  or  general  Grovernment,  did  more  to  injure 
the  Queen  of  Scots  than  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton. 


*  Froude,  vol.  \n.  p.  395. 
t  Preface  t?  Russell  Prendergast's  State  Papers. 


4/6  The  English  Drama. 


CHAPTEE  XXXI. 


THE   ENGLISH   DRAMA. 


By  the  appearance  of  "  Ferrex  and  Porrex  "  in  1561,  and 
that  of  "  Grammer  Grurton's  Needle  "  five  years  later,  a  new- 
impulse  had  been  given  to  English  genius ;  and  both 
tragedies  and  comedies  approaching  the  regular  models,  be- 
sides historical  and  pastoral  dfamas,  allegorical  pieces  re- 
sembling the  old  "  Moralities "  and  translations  from  the 
Ancients,  were  from  this  time  produced  in  abundance,  and 
received  by  all  classes  with  avidity  and  delight. 

About  twenty  dramatic  poets  flourished  between  1561  and 
1590  ;  and  an  inspection  of  the  titles  alone  of  their  numerous 
productions  would  furnish  evidence  of  an  acquaintance  with 
the  stores  of  history,  mythology,  classical  fiction,  and  romance, 
strikingly  illustrative  of  the  literary  diligence  and  intellectual 
activity  of  the  age. 

Richard  Edwards  produced'a  tragi-comedy  on  the  interest- 
ing story  of  "  Damon  and  Pythias,"^'  besides  his  comedy  of 
"  Palamon  and  Arcite,"  formerly  noticed  as  having  been 
performed  for  the  entertainment  of  her  Majesty  at  Oxford. 
In  connection  with  this  latter  piece  it  may  be  remarked  that 
of  the  chivalrous  idea  of  Theseus  in  this  celebrated  tale,  and 


*  This  splendid  instance  of  true  friendship  was  many  years  ago  dramatised 
by  two  distinguished  Irishmen — Richard  Lalor  Sheil  and  John  Banim. 


The  English  Drama.  477 

in  the  "  Midsummer  Nig^ht's  Dream,"  as  well  as  of  all  the 
other  Gothicised  representations  of  ancient  heroes,  of  which 
Shakespeare's  "  Troilus  and  Cressida,"  his  "  Rape  of  Lucrece," 
and  some  passages  of  Spenser's  "  Faerie  Queen,"  afford  fur- 
ther examples,  Gruido  Colonna's  "  Histoina  Trojana^^  written 
in  1260,  was  the  original ;  a  work  long  and  widely  popular, 
which  had  been  translated,  paraphrased,  and  imitated  in 
French  and  English,  and  which  the  barbarism  of  its  incon- 
gruities, however  palpable,  had  not  as  yet  consigned  to  obli- 
vion or  contempt. 

George  Gascoighe,  besides  his  tragedy  from  Euripides, 
translated  also  a  comedy  from  Ariosto,  performed  by  the 
students  of  Grray's  Inn,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Supposes," 
which  was  the  first  specimen  in  our  language  of  a  drama  in 
prose.  Italian  literature  was  at  this  period  cultivated  amongst 
us  with  an  assiduity  unequalled  either  before  or  since,  and  it 
possessed  few  authors  of  merit  or  celebrity  whose  works  were 
not  speedily  familiarised  to  the  English  public  through  the 
medium  of  translation.  Italy  was  then  in  the  zenith  of  her 
literary,  commercial,  and  military  glory.  The  study  of  this 
beautiful  language  found,  however,  a  vehement  opponent  in 
Roger  Ascham,  who  exclaims  against  the  "  enchantments  of 
Circe,  brought  out  of  Italy  to  mar  men's  manners  in  England, 
much  by  examples  of  ill  Hfe,  but  more  by  precepts  of  foul 
books,  translated  out  of  Italian  into  English." 

Again,  Ascham  declares  that  "  there  be  more  of  these  un- 
gracious books  set  out  in  print  within  a  few  months  than 
had  been  seen  in  England  many  years  before."  To  these 
strictures  on  the  moral  tendencies  of  the  popular  writers 
of  Italy  some  force  must  be  allowed  ;  but  it  is  obvious  to 
remark  that  similar  objections  might  be  urged  with  at  least 
equal  cogency  against  the   favourite  classics  of  Ascham ;  and 


4/8  The  English  Drama. 


that  the  use  of  so  valuable  an  instrument  of  intellectual 
advancement  as  the  free  introduction  of  the  literature  of  a 
highly  polished  nation  into  one  comparatively  rude  is  not  to 
be  denied  to  beings  capable  of  moral  discrimination  from  the 
apprehension  of  such  partial  and  incidental  injury  as  may  arise 
out  of  its  abuse.  Italy,  in  fact,  was  at  once  the  plenteous 
storehouse  whence  the  English  poets,  dramatists,  and  romance 
writers  of  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  drew  their 
most  precious  materials ;  the  school  where  they  acquired  taste 
and  skill  to  adapt  them  to  their  various  purposes ;  and  the 
Parnassian  Mount  on  which  they  caught  the  purest  inspira- 
tions of  the  muse.* 

Elizabeth  was  not  a  very  earnest  patroness  of  Italian  litera- 
ture ;  yet  she  spoke  the  Italian  language  with  fluency  and 
elegance,  and  used  it  frequently  in  her  mottoes  and  devices. 
By  her  encouragement,  as  we  shall  see,  Harrington  was  urged 
to  complete  his  version  of  the  "  Orlando  Furioso ;"  and  she 
willingly  accepted  in  the  year  1600  the  dedication  of  Fair- 
fax's vigorous  translation  of  the  great  epic  of  Tasso. 

But  to  return  to  our  dramatic  writers.  Thomas  Kyd  was 
the  author  of  a  tragedy  entitled  "  Jeronimo,"  which,  from 
the  absurd  horrors  of  its  plot  and  the  mingled  puerility  and 
bombast  of  its  language,  was  a  source  of  perpetual  ridicule  to 
rival  poets  ;  while  from  a  certain  wild  pathos,  combined  with 
its  ponderous  grandiloquence,  it  was  long  a  favourite  with  the 
people.  The  same  author  also  translated  a  play  by  Grarnier 
on  the  story  of  Cornelia,  the  wife  of  Pompey — a  solitary  in- 
stance apparently  of  obligation  to  the  French  theatre  on  the 
part  of  these  founders  of  our  national  drama. 


*   Aikin's  Court  of  Elizabeth." 


The  English  Drama.  479 

By  Thomas  Hughes  the  misfortunes  of  Arthur,  son  of  Uther 
Pendragon,  were  made  the  subject  of  a  tragedy  performed  be- 
fore Queen  Elizabeth. 

Preston,  to  whom,  when  a  youth,  Elizabeth  had  granted 
a  pension  of  a  shilling  a  day  in  consideration  of  his  excellent 
acting  in  the  play  of  "  Palamon  and  Arcite/'  composed  on  the 
story  of  Cambyses  King  of  Persia,  "A  lamentable  tragedy 
mixed  full  of  pleasant  mirth  ; "  which  is  now  only  remembered 
as  having  been  an  object  of  ridicule  to  Shakespeare. 

Lilly,  the  author  of  "  Euphues,"  composed  six  Court  come- 
dies and  other  pieces,  principally  on  classical  subjects,  but  dis- 
figured by  all  the  ludicrous  affectations  of  style  which  had 
marked  his  earlier  production. 

Christopher  Marlow,  unquestionably  a  man  of  genius,  how- 
ever deficient  in  taste  and  judgment,  astonished  the  world 
with  his  "Taraburlain  the  Great,"  which  became,  in  a  manner, 
proverbial  for  its  rant  and  extravagance  :  he  also  composed, 
but  in  a  purer  style  and  with  a  pathetic  cast  of  sentiment,  a 
drama  on  the  subject  of  King  Edward  II. ;  and  ministered 
fuel  to  the  anti-Semitic  prejudices  of  the  age  by  his  fiend-like 
portraiture  of  Barabas  in  "  The  rich  Jew  of  Malta."  Marlow 
was  also  the  author  of  a  tragedy  in  which  the  sublime  and  the 
grotesque  were  extraordinarily  mingled  on  the  noted  story  of 
Dr.  Faustus  ;  a  tale  of  preternatural  horrors,  which,  after  the 
lapse  of  two  centuries,  was  again  to  receive  a  similar  distinc- 
tion from  the  pen  of  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  German 
dramatists — not  the  only  example  which  could  be  produced 
of  a  coincidence  of  taste  between  the  dramatists  of  the 
two  countries. 

It  was  reserved  for  the  transcendent  genius  of  Shakespeare 
alone — in  that  infancy  of  our  theatre  when  nothing  proceeded 
from   the  crowd   of  rival  dramatists  but  rude  and   abortive 


480  TJie  English  Drama. 

efforts,  ridiculed  by  the  learned  and  judicious  of  their  own 
age  and  forgotten  by  posterity — to  astonish  and  encliant  the 
nation  with  those  inimitable  works  which  form  the  perpetual 
boast  and  immortal  heritage  of  Englishmen. 

By  a  strange  kind  of  fatality,  which  excites  at  once  surprise 
and  unavailing  regret,  the  domestic  and  the  literary  history  of 
this  great  luminary  of  his  age  are  almost  equally  enveloped 
111  doubt  and  obscurity.  Even  of  the  few  particulars  of  his 
origin  and  early  adventures  which  have  reached  us  through 
various  channels,  the  greater  number  are  either  imperfectly 
attested,  or  exposed  to  objections  of  different  kinds,  which 
render  them  of  little  value  ;  and  respecting  his  theatrical  lite 
the  most  important  circumstances  still  remain  matter  of  con- 
jecture, or,  at  best,  of  remote  inference. 

William  Shakespeare,  who  was  born  at  Stratford  in  1564, 
settled  in  London  about  1586  or  1587  ;  and  seems  to  have 
almost  immediately  adopted  the  profession  of  an  actor.  Yet 
his  earliest  effort  in  composition  was  not  of  the  dramatic  kind ; 
for  in  1593  he  dedicated  to  his  great  patron,  the  Earl  of 
Southampton,*  as  "  the  first  heir  of  his  invention,"  his  "Venus 
and  Adonis,"  a  narrative  poem  of  considerable  length  in  the 
six-line  stanza  then  popular.  In  the  subsequent  year  he  also 
inscribed  to  the  same  noble  friend  his  "  Kape  of  Lucrece ; "  u 
still  longer  poem  of  similar  fgrm  in  the  stanza  of  seven  lines ; 
and  containing  passages  of  vivid  description,  of  exquisite 
imagery,  and  of  sentimental  excellence,  which,  had  he  written 
nothing  more,  would  have  entitled  him  to  rank  on  a  level  with 
the  author  of  the  "  Faerie  Queen  ;"  and  far  above  all  other  con- 
temporary poets.     He  likewise  employed  his  pen  occasionally 


*  Lord  Southampton  was  grandson  to  Henry  VIII.'s  Chancellor,  better 
known  as  Sir  Thomas  Wriothesley, 


The  English  Drama.  481 

in  the  composition  of  sonnets,  principally  devoted  to  love  and 
friendship,  and  written,  perhaps,  in  emulation  of  those  of 
Spenser,  who,  as  one  of  these  sonnets  testifies,  was  at  this 
period  the  object  of  his  ardent  admiration. 

Before  the  publication,  however,  of  any  one  of  these  poems, 
he  must  already  have  attained  considerable  note  as  a  dramatic 
author,  since  Eobert  Grreen,  in  a  satirical  piece  printed  in 
1592, speaking  of  theatrical  concerns,  stigmatises  this  "player" 
as  "an  absolute  Joannes  Factotum ;"  and  one  who  was  "in 
his  own  conceit  the  only  Shake-scene  in  a  Country." 

The  tragedy  of  "Pericles,"  which  was  published  in  1609 
with  the  name  of  Shakespeare  on  the  title  page,  and  of  which 
Dryden  says,  in  one  of  his  prologues  to  a  first  play,  "  Shake- 
speare's own  muse  his  Pericles  first  bore,"  was  probably  acted 
in  1590,  and  appears  to  have  been  long  popular.  "  Eomeo  and 
Juliet "  was  certainly  an  early  production  of  his  muse,  and  one 
which  excited  much  interest,  as  may  well  be  imagined,  amongst 
the  younger  portion  of  theatrical  spectators. 

It  is  a  highly  pleasing  thought  that  the  age  showed  itself 
worthy  of  tjie  immortal  genius  whom  it  had  produced  and 
fostered.  It  is  agreed  on  all  hands  that  Shakespeare  was 
beloved  as  a  man,  as  well  as  admired  and  patronised  as  a  poet. 
In  the  profession  of  an  actor  his  success  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  conspicuous  ;  but  the  never-failing  attraction  of 
his  pieces  brought  overflowing  audiences  to  the  Globe  Theatre, 
in  SoQthwark,  of  which  he  was  enabled  to  become  a  joint 
proprietor.  Lord  Southampton  is  said  to  have  once  bestowed 
upon  him  the  munificent  donation  of  a  thousand  pounds,  to 
enable  him  to  complete  a  purchase ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
this  nobleman  might  have  introduced  him  to  the  notice  of  his 
intimate  friend,  the  Earl  of  Essex.  Of  any  particular  gratuities 
bestowed  on  him  by  Queen  Elizabeth  we  are  not  informed; 

VOL.    IV.  I  T 


482  The  English  Drama. 

but  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  he  must  have  received 
from  her  on  various  occasions  both  praise  and  remuneration  ; 
for  we  are  told  that  she  caused  several  of  his  pieces  to  be  re- 
presented before  her;  and  that  the  "Merry  Wives  of  Windsor," 
in  particular,  owed  its  origin  to  her  desire  of  seeing  FalstafiF 
exhibited  as  in  love. 

It  remains  to  notice  the  principal  enactments  of  Elizabeth 
respecting  the  conduct  of  the  theatre,  some  of  which  are  re- 
markable. Duringlthe  early  part  of  her  reign — Sunday  being  still 
regarded  principally  in  the  light  of  a  holiday — her  Majesty  not 
only  selected  that  day  more  frequently  than  any  other  for  the 
representation  of  plays  at  Court,  for  her  own  amusement,  but 
by  her  license,  granted  to  Burbage  in  1574,  authorised  the 
performance  of  them  at  the  public  theatre,  on  Sundays  only — 
out  of  the  hours  of  prayer.  Five  years  after,  however,  Grosson, 
in  his  "  School  of  Abuse,"  complains  that  the  players,  "because 
they  are  allowed  to  play  every  Sunday,  make  four  or  five  Sun- 
days at  least  every  week." 

To  limit  this  abuse,  an  order  was  issued  by  the  Privy  Council 
in  July,  1591,  purporting  that  no  plays  should  be  publicly 
exhibited  on  Thursdays ;  because  on  that  day  bear-baiting  and 
similar  pastimes  had  usually  been  practised  ;  and  in  an  in- 
junction to  the  Lord  Mayor  four  days  after,  the  representation 
of  plays  on  Sunday  (or  the  Sabbath  as  it  now  began  to  be 
called  among  the  stricter  sort  of  people)  was  utterly  con- 
demned ;  and  it  was  further  complained  that  on  "  all  other 
days  of  the  week  in  divers  places  the  players  do  use  to  recite 
their  plays,  to  the  great  hurt  and  destruction  of  the  game  of 
bear-baiting  and  like  pastimes,  which  are  maintained  for  her 
Majesty's  pleasure." 

In  the  year  1589,  Queen  Elizabeth  thought  proper  to  ap- 
point commissioners  to  inspect  all  performances  of  writers  for 


The  English  Drama.  483 

the  stage,  with  full  powers  to  reject  and  obliterate  whatever 
they  might  esteem  *'  unmannerly,  licentious,  or  irreverent " — a 
regulation  which  might  seem  to  claim  the  applause  of  every 
friend  to  public  order,  were  not  the  state  in  which  the  dramas 
of  that  age  have  come  down  to  posterity  sufficient  evidence 
that,  to  render  these  impressive  appeals  to  the  passions  of 
assembled  multitudes  politically,  and  not  morally,  inoffensive, 
was  the  genuine  or  principal  motive  of  this  act  of  power. 

Edmund  Spenser,  the  Poet,  attended  Lord  Grray  to  Ireland. 
Though  the  child  of  romance,  fancy,  and  the  Muse,  he 
tshowed  that  business  was  not  "  the  condition  of  his  fate." 
He  drew  up  an  excellent  discourse  on  the  "  State  of  Ireland  in 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth."  This  work  has  been  frequently 
referred  to  by  writers  upon  the  "  Irish  difficulty." 

Spenser,  like  other  "  soldiers  of  fortune,"  received  grants  of 
land  in  Munster.  The  Castle  of  Kilcolman,  and  its  estate, 
once  the  property  of  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  was  conferred  upon 
the  Poet.  Spenser  married  a  young  Catholic  lady — some 
say  a  peasant  girl.  Arcadian-like,  attending  her  father's  flock 
at  a  stream,  who  quite  enchanted  the  love-stricken  Poet. 

Spenser  sets  down  many  of  the  evils  of  Ireland  to  the  con- 
duct of  the  "reformed  clergy"  imported  into  that  country 
from  England,  to  which  I  have  referred  in  a  preceding 
chapter. 

In  subsequent  years  Spenser  lost  his  Irish  estates,  the 
"  rightful  owners,"  it  is  said,  having  wrested  them  from  him 
He  returned  to  England  as  poor  as  he  had  left  it,  and  died 
*'  suddenly,  in  hopeless  distress,  whilst  located  in  an  obscure 
lodging,"  forgotten,  it  would  seem,  by  the  Queen  and  the  many 
learned  men  then  to  be  found  in  England. 

Edmund  Spenser  was  interred  with  great  honours  in  Westmin- 
ster Abbey,  by  the  side  of  Greoffrey  Chaucer.  The  generous  Lord 

II  2 


484  The  E?tglish  Drama. 


Essex  defrayed  the  cost  of  the  funeral  himself,  and  walked  as 
a  mourner  to  the  Abbey.  The  poets  and  other  literary  men 
who  attended  the  funeral  threw  elegies  and  sonnets  into  the 
grave  of  this  distinguished  votaiy  of  the  Muse.  In  those 
times  there  scarcely  was  one  amongst  the  learned  who  with- 
held his  tribute  to  the  fame  of  Edmund  Spenser. 

Shakespeare,  in  one  of  his  sonnets,  testifies  to  the  genius 
of  the  unfortlinate  Poet. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  Queen  gave  any  aid  to  the 
author  of  the  "  Faerie  Queene  "  during  his  distress.  Perhaps 
Elizabeth  never  heard  of  the  poverty  to  which  the  Poet  was 
reduced,  for,  in  such  cases,  she  was  a  thoughtful  and  kind- 
hearted  woman.  Several  years  subsequent,  that  munificent 
lady,  Anne  Countess  of  Dorset,  erected  a  handsome  monu- 
ment to  the  memory  of  Spenser. 

The  children  of  Edmund  Spenser  were  educated  Catholics 
by  their  mother,  the  beautiful  Mary  Whyte,  and  in  time 
were  possessed  of  some  property  in  Ireland,  but  misfortune 
still  pursued  the  family.  Two  descendants  of  the  Poet 
fought  at  the  battle  of  the  Boyne  for  King  James.  At  the 
close  of  that  unnatural  war,  waged  against  the  monarch  by 
his  nephew  and  base  daughters,  the  Spensers  retired  to 
France,  entered  the  memorable  Irish  Brigade,  where  they 
distinguished  themselves,  and  found  a  grave  in  the  land  of 
the  Stranger,  far  away  from  the  shady  groves  of  Kilcolman, 
so  long  associated  with  the  romantic  incidents  of  the  Poet's 
life  in  Ireland,  and  its  almost  tragic  sequel. 


T}i€  Earl  of  Bothwell.  485 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


THE    EARL   OF   BOTHWELL. 


The  Bothwell  family  were  a  "  riotous,  licentious  clan."  The 
father  of  the  evil  spirit  of  Mary  Stuart's  reign  divorced  his 
wife  on  some  frivolous  pretext.  It  is  said  his  real  object  was 
to  marry  the  widow  of  James  the  Fifth  of  Scotland,  but  Mary 
of  Lorraine  was  too  virtuous  and  honourable  to  recognise  the 
new  Scotch  divorce  law,  which  the  Kirk  congregations  had 
been  practising  for  some  years.  The  Lady  Bothwell  in 
question  was  known  in  early  life  as  the  beautiful  Agnes 
Sinclair,  a  lady  of  irreproachable  honour,  and  highly  gifted. 
She  outlived  her  husband  and  noted  son  many  years,  and 
died  in  Linlithgow  at  an  advanced  ao-e. 

James  Hepburn,  Earl  of  Bothwell,  was  from  his  youth  a 
turbulent,  self-willed  character,  "  Bothwell  was  born,"  writes 
his  French  biographer,  "  with  those  perverse  and  unruly  in- 
instincts  which  indifferently  drive  men  from  exploit  to 
exploit,  or  from  crime  to  crime — to  a  throne  or  to  a  scaffold. 
Impetuous  in  every  impulse,  in  ambition  and  in  enterprise, 
Bothwell  was  one  of  those  desperate  adventurers  gifted 
with  superhuman  daring,  who,  in  their  developments,  and  as 
their  desires  expand,  seek  to  burst  the  social  bounds  within 
which  they  exist,  to  naake  room  for  themselves,  or  perish  in 
the  attempt."  When  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  Bothwell 
quitted  his  father's  castle ;  rambled    about  the   country  for 


486  The  Earl  of  BotJnvell. 


some 


time;  then  to  Ireland,  where  he  had  adventures,  without 
profit;  and  next  to  Denmark.  Here  he  joined  a  band  of  pirates, 
who  became  the  terror  of  the  Northern  Seas  ;  robbery 
and  murder  followed.  Those  corsairs  became  a  scourge  to 
the  shipping  trading  in  the  Northern  Waters.  The  young 
noble  assumed  the  name  of  Jack  Eamsay  ;  and  his  surpassing 
courage  in  "  boarding  and  plundering  ships  "  soon  obtained 
promotion  for  him.  The  "Pirate  Council"  elected  him 
to  the  command  of  a  ship  and  a  body  of  pirates,  who  had 
a  well-fortified  den  or  place  of  retreat  to  conceal  plunder ; 
they  had  also  an  arsenal  for  their  vessels  in  a  rock-fortress  on 
the  coast  of  Denmark.  The  crimes  of  Bothwell,  and  his  ex- 
ploits among  those  desperate  pirates,  lie  hidden  in  the 
shadow  of  the  Past.  It  is  certain  that  his  name  struck  terror 
along  the  shores  of  the  North  Sea.  Adam  Goodchylde,  his 
English  lieutenant,  states  that  "  he  thought  nothing  of  life, 
killing  many  persons  with  his  own  dagger."  Some  years 
having  been  spent  in  this  dreadful  occupation,  the  death  of 
his  father  recalled  him  to  take  possession  of  the  family 
estates,  and  to  govern  the  unruly  and  half-wild  clans  who 
obeyed  the  House  of  Bothwell.  The  political  disasters  by 
which  the  ill-starred  House  of  Stuart  were  surrounded  attracted 
him  to  Edinbursrh.  With  all  his  crimes  Bothwell  seemed  to 
have  been  honestly  attached,  to  the  Stuart  dynasty.  He 
joined  the  Reformers  at  an  early  period,  but  he  was  more 
feared  than  respected  by  the  Kirk  congregations. 

When  Mary  of  Lorraine  was  surrounded  with  difficulties 
as  the  Regent,  Bothwell  came  forward  to  aid  her.  At  this  time 
he  was  some  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  He  expressed  his 
indignation  repeatedly  at  the  insults  and  slanders  heaped 
upon  the  Queen  Regent  by  the  fanatical  preachers,  and 
threatened   to  shoot  Adam  Kennedy,   the  kinsman  of  Lord 


The  Earl  of  Bothwell.  487 


Cassilis,  for  using  unbecoming  language  to  the  Queen.     On 
more  than  one  occasion  Bothwell  and  his  followers  played  the 
part  of  "patriotic"  highwaymen  in  carrying  off  large  boxes  of 
gold  which  were  sent  by  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Lord  Moray  and 
the  Scotch  rebels. 

Bothwell's  conduct  in  the  districts  around  Spynie  Castle 
proves  him  to  have  been  a  heartless  freebooter.  He  plundered 
the  aged  Bishop  of  Moray,  and  then  took  possession  of  his 
house  ;  he  next  instigated  his  followers  to  murder  two  of  the 
bishop's  domestics.  In  his  "  Border  Kambles,"  Bothwell  was 
accompanied  by  some  twenty-four  armed  men,  well  mounted, 
daring  fellows  who  had  once  been  pirates.  Bothwell  was 
immensely  popular  with  his  body  guard.  He  had  three  fast 
sailing  ships  for  plundering  whatever  craft  had  the  ill-luck  to 
appear  in  the  Northern  Waters. 

It  is  related  that  a  storm  caused  Bothwell  to  retire  to  a 
Danish  harbour,  where  the  authorities  inspected  his  papers, 
which  they  justly  suspected  to  be  false. 

If  Mary  Stuart  had  ever  committed  herself  by  writing  in 
an  amatory  strain  to  Bothwell,  her  letters  would  have  been 
found  among  those  which  he  had  deemed  of  sufficient  importance 
to  carry  away  with  him  from  Scotland  in  the  locked  portfolio 
he  had  so  carefully  secreted  in  the  hold  of  the  vessel.  They 
would  have  served  him,  in  the  absence  of  genuine  papers,  to 
make  good  his  boasts  of  the  influence  and  place  he  held  in  his 
Sovereign's  favour.  One  letter  from  Queen  Mary,  and  one  alone, 
was  discovered  among  the  contents  of  this  portfolio,  written  with 
her  own  hand,  and  addressed  to  Bothwell — not  a  letter  bearing 
any  affection  for  him,  but  one  full  of  complaints,  lamenting 
her  hard  lot  and  that  of  her  friends.  It  is  related  that  this 
letter,  when  read  by  the  magistrates  and  governor  of  Bergen, 
produced  an  unfavourable  impression  against  Bothwell,  and 


488  The  Earl  of  Bothwell. 


they  resolved  to  send  him  a  prisoner  before  the  King  of 
Denmark,  who  was  kinsman  to  Queen  Mary.  The  King 
ordered  that  Bothwell  should  be  detained  in  close  confine- 
ment at  Copenhagen  Castle.* 

Bothwell  offered  to  purchase  his  liberty,  and  to  procure 
ships  for  the  service  of  Denmark  ;  but  the  King  would  not 
hear  of  such  propositions.  Bothwell  renewed  his  statement 
with  regard  to  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  the  part  he  took 
in  arranging  it.  He  declared  that  the  Queen  had  no  part 
whatever  in  the  doings  of  that  terrible  night  at  Holyrood.  The 
King  of  Denmark  was  not  satisfied  with  this  statement,  and 
commanded  that  Bothwell  should  be  more  closely  confined  in 
Malmoe  Castle.  In  this  lonely  fortress  Bothwell  was  im- 
prisoned for  several  years.  He  was  allotted  the  "  well-barred 
and  locked  chamber,"  where  the  deposed  tyrant,  Christian 
the  Second  of  Denmark,  had  been  placed  to  reflect  upon  the 
"  past  and  the  present. ' 

It  is  stated  that  long  sickness  reduced  Bothwell  to  a  miserable 
condition,  and  his  mind  was  frequently  affected.  The  Lutheran 
Bishop  attended  him,  and  "  he  made  further  confessions,  but 
declared  at  the  same  time  that  the  Queen  and  her  immediate 
friends  knew  nothing  of  the  murder." 

Bothwell  died  in  1577,  and  in  his  "  perfect  senses."  A 
true  copy  of  his  death-bed  cgnfession,  witnessed  by  four 
officials  of  the  Danish  Government,  was  specially  sent  by 
the  King  of  Denmark  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  suppressed  it 
in  the  same  manner  as  she  caused  the  "  confession  "  of  George 
Buchanan  to  be  removed  from  the  shops  of  the  London  book- 
sellers.    Buchanan  "  wished  posterity  to  know  that  he  had 


*  Report  of  Bothwell's  Examination  at  Bergen  as  signed  hj  the  mayor 
and  magistrates. 


The  Earl  of  Bothwell.  489 

returned  to  the  religion  he  had  scandalised,  and  hoped  that 
God  Almighty  might  forgive  him  for  all  the  deliberate  injury 
he  had  inflicted  upon  the  Queen  of  Scots."  Buchanan  has 
been  styled  a  *'  literary  daggerman."  And,  to  make  his  con- 
duct more  sad,  it  is  affirmed  by  Frazer  Tytler  that  he  was 
'*  the  most  remarkable  genius  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived." 
He  was,  indeed,  the  most  inteUigent  man  amongst  the 
slanderers  of  Mary  Stuart. 

A  Scottish  writer  who  visited  the  last  resting  place  of 
James,  Earl  of  Bothwell,  observes : — "  Bothwell's  grave  lay 
under  the  castle  wall  of  Malmoe,  in  a  lonely  little  dell.  It 
was  shaded  by  the  light  leaves  of  the  dwarf  birch,  and  the 
purple  flowers  of  the  lilac-tree  ;  the  blue  forget-me-not,  the 
white  strawberry,  and  the  yellow  daisy  were  planted  there  by 
some  kindhearted  Swedes,  in  "  memorial  of  the  Stranger." 

It  is  traditionally  related  that  in  1577  an  old  Scotch  friar 
visited  Bothwell  in  his  dungeon,  but  the  wretched  man  was 
near  the  "  death  agony  "  at  the  time.  The  confessor  held  up 
the  crucifix  before  him,  when  he  wept,  and  sobbed,  and  be- 
came excited.  .  .  .  The  priest  is  supposed  to  have  been 
Koger  Bolton,  an  early  friend  of  Bothwell's  family,  and  his 
sister's  confessor.  The  priest  was  not  able  to  induce  the  out- 
law to  return  to  the  faith  of  his  fathers.  So  he  died  as  he  had 
lived,  varied  only  by  a  supplication,  with  uplifted  hands  to 
Heaven,  crying  out  for  "  Mercy  !  mercy !  "  He  referred,  in 
pathetic  words,  to  his  mother,  and  the  sunny  days  of  childhood. 
Perhaps,  in  the  solitude  of  Bothwell's  heart,  he  had  some  in- 
tervals of  feeling  which  carried  him  back  to  the  long- forgotten 
piety  of  boyhood,  when  his  good  mother,  Agnes  Sinclair, 
taught  him  first  to  raise  his  tiny  hands  in  prayer  before  the 
high  altar  in  Blantyre  Priory,  "  where  she  daily  knelt,  and 
prayed  to  the  Virgin  Mother  to  protect  her  little  children  from 


490  The  Earl  of  Bothzvell. 

the  world's  temptations."    To  a  troubled  spirit  such  reflections 
were  retreating — almost  beyond  endurance. 

Perhaps  another  Scotch  tradition  is  near  the  fact.  "The  outcast 
Bothwell  died  repentant,  and  listened  seriously  to  the  ad- 
monitions of  an  old  priest  who  travelled  far  to  change  his  heart, 
and  bring  him  once  more  within  the  Ancient  Fold."  It  is  alleged 
that  the  dying  man  addressed  the  friar  in  these  words  : — "  Old 
friend,  I  am  dying.  Oh  !  let  me  think  that  you  will  stand  by 
ray  grave  and  say  one  prayer  for  my  wretched  soul,  and,  in 
memory  of  the  happy  days  of  my  early  youth,  you  will  remem- 
ber me  with  pity  and  forgiveness." 

The  following  passages  are  of  interest : — 

"  On  St.  Bothan's  Eve,  for  many  a  returning  year,  a  wandering 
priest  was  seen  to  kneel  beside  that  lonely  grave,  with  eyes  down- 
cast, and  a  crucifix  in  his  clasped  hands,  and,  after  praying  for  a 
time,  he  departed,  but  no  one  knew  from  whence  he  came.  He 
was  uncommunicative  and  sad-looking.  Year  after  year  the  priest 
came  and  departed  again.  His  last  visit  was  paid  in  1622.  His 
form  was  then  bent  with  extreme  old  age  (93) ;  he  leaned  upon  a 
staff;  his  hair  was  white  as  snow,  his  cheeks  hollow,  and  he  wept 
as  he  repeated  the  Catholic  prayers  for  the  dead.  Giving  a  fare- 
well look  at  the  grave,  the  unknown  priest  departed,  never  to  return 
again." 

"  In  1624  the  grave  of  Bothwell  was  visited  by  a  Scotch  gentle- 
man. It  was  then  flattened  and'  effaced,  and  its  whereabouts  was 
with  difiiculty  pointed  out  by  the  '  finger  of  tradition.'  JS'o  hand 
ever  raised  a  stone  to  mark  where  that  strange  instance  of  uncon- 
trolled ambition  and  turbulence,  the  last  Earl  of  the  old  line  of 
HaUes  and  Bothwell,  lay  commingled  with  the  dust  of  a  foreign 
clime." 


The  Earl  of  Arundel.  491 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

THE   EARL   OF    ARUNDEL.* 

The  condition  of  the  English  Catholics  in' 1585  was  one  of 
the  saddest  kind.  Their  lives  and  fortunes  had  been  placed,  by 
new  penal  enactments,  at  the  mercy  of  their  adversaries  ;  no 
man  was  safe  in  his  own  house.  Some  Catholics,  to  save  them- 
selves, entered  into  the  household  of  Lord  Leicester  or  of 
others  who  enjoyed  the  Queen's  friendship.  Many  persons, 
terror  stricken,  not  knowing  what  course  to  adopt,  and  sur- 
rounded by  Walsingham's  spies,  abandoned  their  families  and 
possessions,  and  escaped  to  the  Continent,  where  a  generous 
sympathy  was  extended  to  them. 

The  names  of  Lords  Arundel  and  Northumberland  stand  forth 
in  the  front  rank  of  the  persecuted  Catholic  nobility. 

The  Queen  fined  the  Earl  of  Arundel  £30,000  ;  and  the 
rents  of  the  Dacres,  the  Nevilles,  and  the  Percys  were  paid 
into  the  Queen's  Treasury. 

Philip  Howard  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  last  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk, by  Mary  Fitzallan,  daughter  to  the  Earl  of  Arundel. 
At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  was  introduced  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
who  received  him  graciously,  although  she  sent  his  father 
to    the   scaffold   to    gratify   the    hatred    of   Lord  Burleigh. 


The  "  White  Horse  "  is  the  badge  of  the  Arundels. 


492  The  Earl  of  Arundel. 

Queen  Elizabeth  lavished  marks  of  royal  favour  upon  this 
handsome  young  gentleman.  He  soon  mixed  in  all  the  gaieties, 
and  indulged  in  the  vices  of  the  Court,  which  were  notorious 
for  the  last  twelve  years,  down  to  1584-5. 

Philip  Howard  soon  followed  the  example  of  such  married 
men  as  Lords  Oxford  and  Leicester.  He  separated  from 
his  interesting  young  wife,*  and  lived  openly  with  some  lady 
of  the  Court,  whose  name  has  not  transpired.  We  are  in- 
formed by  the  biographer  of  Philip  Howard,  who  was  almost 
an  eye-witness  of  what  was  passing  at  Court,  that  Elizabeth 
was  surrounded  by  women  of  the  most  dissolute  character  ; 
and  that,  for  a  married  man  to  aspire  to  the  royal  favour,  it 
was  previously  requisite  that  he  should  be  on  bad  terms  with 
his  wife.f 

The  Earl,  his  maternal  grandfather,  and  the  LadyLumley,  his 
aunt,  to  mark  their  disapprobation  of  his  conduct,  bequeathed 
to  other  relatives  a  considerable  portion  of  their  property. 
On  the  death  of  the  former,  Philip  Howard  claimed,  with  the 
possession  of  the  castle,  the  title  of  Earl  of  Arundel  ;  and  his 
right,  though  he  was  not  yet  restored  in  blood,  was  admitted 
by  the  Queen's  Council.  But  afterwards,  whether  it  arose,  as 
he  himself  conceived,  from  the  misrepresentations  of  the  men 
who  feared  his  resentment  for  the  death  of  his  father,  or  from 


*  Howard's  wife  was  Anne,  daughter  to  Thomas  Lord  Dacre,  of  the 
North.  They  were  publicly  married  as  soon  as  she  had  completed  her 
twelfth  year,  and  again  privately  as  soon  as  he  had  completed  his  four- 
teenth year. 

t  MSS.  Life  of  Philip  Howard  is  in  possession  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 
The  above  was  published  by  Lingard,  in  vol.  vi.  of  his  history.  The  MS. 
was  printed  by  the  late  Duke  of  Norfolk.  It  makes  a  valuable  addition  to 
history. 


The  Earl  of  Arundel.  493 


the  continued  imprudence  of  the  friends  of  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
who  set  forth  the  new  Earl  as  the  head  of  their  party,  he 
rapidly  declined  in  the  favour  of  Elizabeth.  The  deadly 
enemies  of  his  father  were  still  about  the  Court,  and  plotting 
to  ruin  every  honest  man  in  whom  the  Queen  might  place 
confidence. 

Arundel  suddenly  became  an  object  of  aversion  to  Elizabeth. 
In  these  circimistances  Lord  Arundel  retired  from  Court,  to 
the  society  of  his  wife,  to  whom  he  endeavoured  to  atone  for 
his  past  neglect  by  his  subsequent  attachment.  The  Queen's 
ill-feeling  pursued  him  into  the  lonely  retreat  he  had  selected. 
The  hand  and  mind  of  Burleigh  directed  all  those  uncalled- 
for  severities.  What  poHtical  black  deeds  could  this  good- 
natured,  thoughtless  young  nobleman  have  committed  ?  The 
Countess  of  Arundel  was  the  first  to  feel  the  resentment  of 
Elizabeth.  She  was  arrested  for  recusancy,  and  confined,  under 
a  royal  warrant,  for  twelve  months  in  the  house  of  Sir  Thomas 
Shirley.  No  similar  annoyance  could  reach  the  Earl  of 
Arundel  himself,  for  he  was  still  a  Protestant ;  but  it  some- 
times happened  that  a  Protestant  was  in  greater  danger  of  the 
Queen's  suspicions  than  a  Catholic;  in  fact  she  suspected 
everybody  about  her  more  or  less,  and  her  spies  were  numer- 
ous.    In  what  a  state  of  mind  to  pass  through  life! 

The  Legitimist  party  had  a  strong  desire  to  Ihik  the  name 
of  Arundel  with  the  prostrated  fortunes  of  Mary  Stuart.  His 
natural  ambition  would  lead  him  to  the  standard  of  the  cap- 
tive Queen.  The  fate  of  his  father  and  many  others,  and  the 
rumours  more  reoent  concerning  Throckmorton,  gave  him  a 
warning  of  the  approaching  danger.  Arundel  came  to  the  con- 
clusion of  seeking  an  asylum  in  a  foreign  land.  Just  as  his 
preparations  for  departure  were  nearly  ready,  he  received  a 
sudden  visit  from   Queen  Elizabeth,  who  told  him  that  he 


494  ^-^^^  Earl  of  Arimdel. 

should  remain  her  prisoner,  and  still  continue  to  be  confined 
in  his  own  house  ;  and,  as  in  such  cases,  to  provide  her  guard 
and  gaolers  with  food.  The  meanness  of  the  "  Grood  Queen,'' 
as  Dean  Hook  styles  her,  was  fully  on  a  par  with  her  in- 
justice. 

From  the  time  of  Campion's  disputation  in  the  Tower,  Lord 
Arundel  had  made  up  his  mind  to  return  to  the  faith  of  his 
fathers.  He  sent  *'  privately  for  a  priest,  and  was  reconciled 
to  the  Catholic  Church" — an  action  which,  as  he  well  knew,  had 
been  made  high  treason  by  a  late  Act  of  Parliament.  He  did 
not  act  upon  any  sudden  feeling.  Having  made  his  resolve, 
he  left  London  to  make  preparations  for  his  journey  to  the 
Continent,  and  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  in 
which  he  enumerated  the  failure  of  all  his  attempts  to  gain 
her  confidence,  the  ascendancy  of  his  enemies  in  her  Council, 
the  disgrace  which  he  had  suffered,  the  fate  of  his  father  and 
grandfather,  who,  though  innocent,  had  perished  as  traitors, 
and  the  penalties  to  which  he  was  exposed  on  the  ground  of 
his  religion.  He  was  come,  he  said,  to  the  point  "  in  which 
he  must  consent  either  to  the  certain  destruction  of  his  body, 
or  the  manifest  endangering  of  his  soul."  He  therefore 
trusted  that  if,  to  escape  such  evils,  he  should  leave  the  realm 
without  license,  her  Majesty  would  not  visit  him  with  her 
displeasure,  which  he  should  esteem  the  bitterest  of  all  his 
losses — the  most  severe  of  all  his  misfortunes.*  In  one  part  of 
Arundel's  letter  he  insinuates  that  the  persons  who  enjoyed 
the  Queen's  confidence  "  were  rank  atheists  at  heart."  It  is 
very  likely  that  Lord  Arundel  referred  to  Lord  Leicester  and 
Francis  Walsingham.     It  has  been  affirmed  by  several  writers 


This  letter  is  to  be  seen  at  length  in  Stowe's  Chronicle,  pp.  702-6. 


The  Earl  of  Arundel.  495 

that  Sir  Walter  Kaleigh  was  an  atheist.  During  his  latter  years 
Ealeigh  gave  the  strongest  evidence  of  his  belief  in  Divine 
lievelation,  and  his  rehgious  character,  whilst  in  the  Tower, 
has  been  represented  as  edifying.  His  long  imprisonment  in 
the  narrow  cell,  shown  now  to  visitors  at  the  Tower,  gave  him 
ample  time  for  reflection,  for  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune 
pressed  heavily  upon  him  and  his  family.  For  a  time  he  was 
the  handsome  and  caressed  favourite  of  the  last  of  the  Tudors, 
and  subsequently  the  victim  of  a  whimsical  despot  in  the 
person  of  Mary  Stuart's  son. 

That  grand  apostrophe  written  by  Raleigh  the  night  before 
his  execution  leaves  little  doubt  that  he  was  no  atheist. 

"  Oh,  eloquent,  just  and  mighty  death,  whom  none  could  advise, 
Thou  hast  persuaded — what  none  hath  dared  thou  hast  done,  and 
those  whom  all  the  world  hath  flattered,  thou  alone  hast  cast  out 
of  the  world  and  despised.  Thou  hast  drawn  together  all  the  far- 
stretched  greatness,  all  the  pride,  cruelty,  and  ambition  of  man, 
and  covered  it  all  over  with  these  two  sad-named  narrow  words 
— Hie  jacet." 

Sir  Walter  Ealeigh,*  having  escaped  the  political  calamities  of 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  was  afterwards  sent  to  the  scaffold  by 
King  James  I.  He  suffered  on  the  29th  of  October,  1618, 
for  the  alleged  crime  of  treason.  Popular  opinion  ran  in 
favour  of  Raleigh  ;  but  popular  opinion  had  no  weight  till  the 
Puritans  appeared  upon  the  scene,  ready  to  back  their  words 
with  blows,  and  the  defiance  of  brave-hearted  men  who 
attempted  to  overthrow  the  Elizabethan  despotism  still  ex- 
ercising its  influence  around  the  land. 


*  Sir  John  Pope  Hennessy,  the  Governor  of  the  Mauritius,  is  now  the 
owner  of  the  house  once  occupied  in  Youghal,  county  Cork,  by  Walter 
Raleigh.  In  the  garden  attached  to  the  above  house  were  first  planted 
potatoes,  flax,  and  tobacco,  by  the  great  philosopher. 


496  The  Earl  of  Arundel. 


To  return  to  Lord  Arundel.  The  letter  to  which.  I  have 
alluded  he  entrusted  to  a  discreet  messenger,  and  embarked 
on  board  the  vessel  which  was  to  convey  him  beyond  the 
seas.  At  this  moment  he  was  quite  unconscious 
that  he  was  beset  at  all  sides  with  spies  and  infor- 
mers. In  fact  his  own  servants,  supposed  to  have  been 
60  faithful,  and  the  very  master  of  the  ship  which  was  to 
convey  him,  were  all  in  the  pay  of  the  Queen's  Council.  He 
had  hardly  lost  sight  of  the  coast  of  Sussex  when  two  vessels 
were  descried  in  full  chase.  They  were  under  the  command 
of  Kelloway,  a  pretended  pirate.  After  a  short  resistance,  in 
which  Lord  Arundel  received  a  slight  wound,  he  surrendered. 
He  was  delivered  by  Kelloway  to  Sir  Greorge  Carey,  the  son 
of  Lord  Hunsdon,  and  committed  to  the  Tower  by  a  warrant 
from  the  Queen's  Council.  Arundel's  imprisonment  was 
followed  by  that  of  his  brother,  Lord  William  Howard,  and 
of  his  sister,  Lady  Margaret  Sackville.  On  the  examination 
of  Arundel  before  the  Commissioners,  the  innocence  of  the 
Earl  disconcerted  the  hatred  and  malice  of  his  adversaries.* 
He  remained  more  than  twelve  months  unnoticed  in  prison. 
The  charge  of  treason  was  next  converted  into  that  of  con- 
tempt, and  he  was  accused  in  the  Star  Chamber  of  having 
sought  to  leave  the  kingdom  without  license,  and  of  having 
corresponded  with  Allen,  who  had  been  declared  the  Queen's 
enemy.  He  replied  that  in  the  first  he  was  justified  by 
necessity,  because  the  laws  of  the  country  did  not  permit  him 


•  A  letter  was  produced,  purporting  to  have  been  written  by  Lord  Arundel 
to  Dix,  his  steward,  in  Norfolk,  in  which  he  was  made  to  say  that  he  should 
shortly  return  at  the  head  of  a  large  army.  He  waa  only  allowed  to  read 
the  first  two  lines,  and  pronounced  it  a  forgery.  It  waa  written  by  one  of 
Walsingham'e  "  experts." 


The  Earl  of  Arwidel.  497 

to  worship  Grod  according  to  his  conscience,  and  that  his 
correspondence  with  Allen  was  not  on  matters  of  State,  but  of 
religion.  Both  pleas  were  overruled.  He  was,  as  the  reader 
ifi  aware,  condemned  to  pay  the  enormous  sum  of  thirty 
thousand  pounds  ;  and  further,  to  suffer  imprisonment 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  Queen.  Elizabeth  made  tins 
unfortunate  nobleman  feel  the  full  weight  of  her  vengeance.  Hia 
confinement  was  for  life,  and  was  subsequently  aggravated  by 
a  new  trial,  when  he  was  condemned  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 
The  gaol  treatment  of  Lord  Arundel  was  marked  by  excep- 
tional cruelty,  for  which  there  must  have  been  some  special 
command  either  from  Lord  Burleigh  or  the  Queen  herself. 

In  a  later  chapter  I  shall  return  to  the  fate  of  Lord  Arundel 
and  his  wife. 


VOL.    TV.  K    K 


498  Sir  Amy  at  Faukt  as  a  Gaoler. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

SIR    AMYAT    PAULET    AS    A   GAOLER. 

From  the  period  Paulet  entered  upon  his  new  authority  as 
gaoler  of  Tutbury  Castle  it  was  plain  that  the  days  of  Mary 
Stuart  were  numbered.  He  established  restrictions  on  the 
Eoyal  captive,  and  those  heroic  men  and  women  who  were 
the  voluntary  participators  in  her  imprisonment.  Paulet 
seems  to  have,  in  many  important  cases,  acted  under  the 
instructions  of  Sir  Francis  Walsingham.  In  1586  Walsingham 
was  busy  with  the  drilling  of  his  spies.  He  had  ten  men  en- 
gaged in  forging  the  handwriting  of  diiferent  persons  of  rank. 
His  spies  counted  by  hundreds.  Poley,  a  servant  of  Lady 
Sydney,  made  repeated  visits  to  Paris,  feigning  himself  a 
Catholic,  and  brought  letters  to  Mary  Stuart  ;  sent  to  her 
the  tender  of  his  services,  and  was  entrusted  with  the  secrets 
of  her  friends  in  England.*  At  the  same  time  he  was  in  the 
pay  of  Walsingham,  and  in  »order  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
Catholics  more  effectively,  he  frequently  went  to  confession  and 
communion.  This  was  one  of  Walsingham's  shocking  devices, 
procuring  persons  to  assume  the  garb  of  a  confessor  or  penitent. 

Gilbert  GifFard  was  a  member  of  an  ancient  Catholic  family 
in  Staifordshire.  His  father  had  long  been  a  prisoner  on 
account  of  his  religion ;  his  elder  brother  was  a  gentleman 


*  Murdin,  p.  446,  449 ;  Lingard,  vol.  vi.  p.  407. 


Sir  Amy  at  Patilet  as  a  Gaoler.  499 


pensioner  at  Court  ;  Grilbert  himself,  at  ten  years  of  age,  had 
been  sent  for  his  education  to  one  of  the  English  colleges  on 
the  Continent.  At  what  time,  or  by  what  means,  he  was 
induced  to  become  one  of  Walsingham's  travelling  agents  is 
unknown.  In  December,  1585,  he  came  to  London,  and 
repaired  to  the  house  of  Walsingham's  confidential  agent 
Phillipps,  where  he  was  entertained  as  a  foreign  Catholic, 
under  the  assumed  name  of  Nicholas  Cornelius.  He  seemed  a 
young  man  of  modest  and  retiring  manners,  and  appeared  to 
be  well  acquainted  with  Spain  and  Italy.  He  spoke  the 
languages  of  several  countries  with  as  much  fluency  as  if  he 
had  been  a  native  of  each.  About  three  months  before  his 
arrival,  the  Scottish  Queen  had  obtained  from  Elizabeth  a 
promise  that  Chartley,  in  Staffordshire,  a  house  belonging  to 
the  young  Earl  of  Essex,  the  step-son  of  Lord  Liecester, 
should  be  assigned  for  her  winter  residence.  However,  to  her 
great  disappointment,  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  still  detained  at 
Tutbury ;  but  an  order  was  suddenly  dispatched  for  her 
removal.  It  was  arranged  by  Walsingham  that  Phillipps  and 
Giffard  should  be  at  hand  to  aid  in  a  pretended  plot  for  the 
release  of  Mary  Stuart.  Phillipps,  like  Harrison,  was  a 
notorious  hand  at  forging  the  writing  of  all  the  notable 
people  of  the  period,  and  sometimes  caused  anxiety  to  Wal- 
singham lest  he  should  turn  upon  himself.  Paulet  was  one 
of  the  organisers  of  this  plot  that  was  never  intended  to  be 
brought  to  maturity.  Giffard  went  on  several  occasions  to 
Paris  for  the  purpose  of  assuring  the  English  exiles  that 
Elizabeth  would  soon  be  set  aside  for  Mary  Stuart.  The 
communications  made  to  English  Catholics  abroad  were 
in  the  first  instance  "  drafted  by  Walsingham ;  in  some  cases 
they  were  copied  by  Giffard  or  Phillipps."  Those  men  were 
all  abundantly  supplied  with  money.     Some  of  the  letters 

K  K  2 


500  Sir  Amy  at  Paidet  as  a  Gaoler. 


sent  to  the  Queen  of  Scots  from  "  supposed  English  Catholics  " 
residing  in  Paris  were  written  by  Francis  Walsingham  him- 
self, and  then  re-copied  by  Giffard  or  Phillipps.  These  frauds 
were  of  the  most  complicated  nature,  and  the  motives  of 
the  most  murderous  character.  Maude,  an  old  and  ex- 
perienced agent  of  "Walsingham,  was  a  master  in  the  art  of 
dissimulation.  He  frequently  represented  the  office  of  a 
confessor.  In  speaking  of  himself  he  says  : — "  I  have  often- 
times to  appear  as  a  most  zealous  Papist,  and  the  old  ladies 

then  place  confidence  in  me  ;  but  Lady has  no  faith  in 

me."  The  plans  adopted  by  this  odious  man  to  dis- 
cover the  disguise  of  Father  Ballard  were  an  outrage  upon 
the  honour  of  any  Christian  believer.  It  is  really  shocking  to 
contemplate  such  deeds.  Did  Elizabeth  know  of  these  pro- 
ceedings ?  That  is  a  question  now  impossible  to  decide.  It 
is  certain  that  she  was  jpnvy  to  some  terrible  cruelties  per- 
petrated by  ToppclyiFe  and  Yonge  in  the  Tower ;  and  Sir 
Thomas  Smyth  defends  one  racking  case  in  that  fortress  on  the 
grounds  that  it  was  "  commanded  by  a  high  authority."  I 
have  referred  to  this  painful  matter  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

According  to  Camden,  Griifard  was  engaged,  and  paid  too, 
by  both  parties. 

Anthony  Babington,  on  whose  energy  so  much  reliance 
had  been  placed,  was  a  young  man  of  ancient  family  and 
ample  fortune.  Some  years  previously  he  had  been  page  to 
the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  at  Tutbury  Castle.  Whilst  in  this 
position  he  had  learned  to  admire  and  to  pity  the  captive 
Queen.  These  feelings  as  he  advanced  in  years  ripened  into 
the  most  enthusiastic  attachment  to  her  interests.  He  had 
rendered  her  important  services,  and  through  his  numerous 
connections  in  Derbyshire  and  Staifordshire,  continued  a  loyal 
adherent.     He  was  also  engaged  to  convey  messages  to  Mary 


Sir  Amy  at  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler.  "^oi 


Stuart  till  she  was  placed  under  the  care  of  stern  Paulet.* 
From  that  moment  every  channel  of  communication  with  the 
captive  was  cut  off.     Babington  had  the  good  sense  to  object 
to  any  forcible  attempt  in  favour  of  Queen   Mary,  because 
he    knew    it  would   bring    about   her    immediate    murder. 
Walsingham  caused  another  man  to  be  introduced  to  Babing- 
ton, who  became  at  once  his  '*  friend  and  adviser,"   and  the 
agent  of  Mary  Stuart.      The  "  friend  "  in  question  was  the 
infamous    Foley.         In   Foley  Babington   placed  the   most 
unlimited  confidence,  and  it  is  said  by  those  who  understood 
the  dark  windings  of  the  plot  that  Babington  was  indebted 
to  Foley  for  his  subsequent  fate.       Every  wild  idea  suggested 
by     such    half-mad    enthusiasts    as    Savage    was     adopted 
and  enforced  upon  Babington  and  his  companions  by  Foley, 
who  immediately  communicated   with  Francis   Walsingham 
and  Faulet.     Five  parties  on  one  occasion  had  bound  them- 
selves by  an  oath  to  make  an  attempt  on  the  life  of  Elizabeth. 
Out  of  five  conspirators  who  were  "  arranging  matters"  on  this 
occasion,  three  were  the  agents  of  Walsingham.  Another  part 
of  the  plot  was  that  Mary  Stuart  would  be  carried  off  before 
Faulet  might  have  time  to  assassinate  her.     This  scheme  was 
impossible,  for   the  arrangements  had  been  made  for  some 
time,  that  if  the  slightest  movement  of  a  "  genuine  plot  "   to 
release  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  made,  she  was  to  be  instantly 
despatched,   either   by   the   axe   or    the   bullet.       Babington 
hesitated,  everything  appeared  to  wear  a  serious  aspect.     He 
sometimes  doubted  Foley  and  "  other  friends,"  yet  he  could 
scarcely  believe  it  possible  that  his  warm-hearted  friends  could 
prove  false,  for  every  day  he  received  fresh  evidence  of  their 


*  Hardwicke  State  Papers  ;  Lingard,  vol.  vi.  p.  413. 


502  Sir  Anryat  Patilet  as  a  Gaoler. 


personal  esteem    for  him.     Some    one   whose  name  has  not 
transpired  advised  Babington  to  secretly  consult  the  Queen 
of  Scots.     This  was  either  a  trap,  or  a  most  reckless  scheme, 
which  if  discovered  would  at  once  connect  Mary  Stuart  with 
the  whole  plot.     A  letter  was  forwarded  to  the  Eoyal  captive 
detailing  the  means  by  which  the  plot  was  to  be  carried  out. 
That  letter  was  brought  to  Walsingham,    and  another  docu- 
ment fabricated  in  the  usual  manner.      This  correspondence 
with  Mary  Stuart  looks  as  if  it  were  written  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  drawing  Queen  Mary  into  the  plot ;    of  inducing  her  to 
furnish  evidence  to  be  afterwards  used  against  herself ;    nor 
should  it  be  forgotten  that  Babington's  letter,   whatever  it 
originally  contained,  would  pass  through  the  office   of  Wal- 
singham, who,  instead  of  the  original,  might  forward  a  copy, 
so  interpolated  and  "  improved  "   by  Phillipps  or  Harrison,  as 
to   render   it  difficult  for  Queen  Mary  to  return   an  answer 
without  betraying  an  approval,  or  at  least  a  guilty  knowledge 
of  the  proposed  assassination.*     Mary  Stuart's  answer  to   the 
note  of  Babington  never  reached  him.     Walsingham   manu- 
factured  an  elaborate  reply,  and  had  it  duly  despatched,  and 
then  intercepted  ;  and  next  he  placed  the  supposed  letter  of 
Mary  Stuart  in  the  hands  of  Queen  Elizabeth.     It  is  stated 
that  no  member  of  the  Council  knew   of  this  proceeding  but 
Walsingham  himself.     This  statement  is   very  doubtful,  for 
Lord  Burleigh  was  at  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  every 
scheme  like  the  one  in  question.     Elizabeth  became  alarmed, 
and   insisted    on   the   immediate    arrest   of    Babincrton    and 
Ballard.     Their  apprehension  would  have  marred  the  whole 
intrigue,  for  Mary  Stuart  had  done  nothing  to  affect  her  life. 


Lingard,  vol.  vi.  p.  412-13. 


Sir  A  my  at  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler.  5^3 

Walsingham  humbly  remonstrated  with  his  Koyal  Mistress, 
whose  temper  became  dreadfully  roused  at  the  supposed 
disclosures.  At  this  time  Elizabeth  had  no  idea  that  the 
whole  plot  had  been  concocted  and  carried  out  by  the  agents 
of  Walsingham,  and  under  his  special  instructions.  Walsing- 
ham ultimately  prevailed  upon  the  Queen  to  let  matters 
proceed  a  little  further  before  any  arrests  were  made. 

Babington  was  still  at  large  ;  but  he  became  a  wiser  man. 
He  was  no  longer  the  thoughtless,  bold  speaker,  who  wrote 
treason,  thinking  it  a  chivalrous  sentiment.  He  began  to 
doubt  the  friendship  of  some  of  his  bosom  friends.  And 
no  wonder.  He  could  now  see  that  he  had  been  be- 
trayed, but  by  whom  he  could  not  say  ;  still  it  was,  as  yet,  a 
delicate  matter  of  conjecture.  Unwilling  to  impeach  the 
fidelity  of  his  friend  Foley,  he  attributed  the  disclosure  to 
Maude,  who  was  well  known  to  be  one  of  the  basest  characters 
amongst  Walsingham's  "  travelling  agents,"  Babington  re- 
mained in  London  to  await  his  fate.  He  procured  a  passport 
for  Ballard  under  a  counterfeit  name,  that  he  might  escape  to 
France  or  Flanders. 

Babington  volunteered  his  services  as  a  spy  for  Walsingham 
on  the  Continent.  Walsingham,  as  if  he  had  been  duped  by 
this  hypocritical  display  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  a  man  who 
was  a  rebel  to  the  backbone,  promised  him  a  warrant  to  travel 
as  soon  as  the  Queen  should  affix  her  signature,  and  assured 
hira  that  his  services  should  be  munificently  rewarded.  His 
mind  was  now  tranquillised  ;  the  receipt  and  decipherment 
of  the  answer  from  Queen  Mary  opened  to  hira  a  new  pros- 
pect, and  he  wrote  a  hasty  reply.  Maude  was,  as  might  be 
expected,  a  traitor  throughout,  whilst  expressing  the  greatest 
personal  friendship  for  his  victims.  Ballard  and  several 
others  were  arrested  whilst  partaking  of  the  hospitality  of  the 


504  Sir  Amyat  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler. 

man  who  betrayed  them.  Foley  played  the  part  of  the 
*'  friend  "  till  he  had  nearly  sent  his  victims  to  the  scaflFold. 
Another  mode  of  action  adopted  at  this  period  was  that  of 
circulating  reports  "  that  the  Papists  were  to  rise  at  night, 
fire  all  London,  and  kill  the  Queen  and  her  Council."  There 
was  not  the  slightest  ground  for  these  reports.  The  English 
Catholics  were  terror-stricken  at  the  time,  proscribed  as 
citizens,  insulted  daily  wherever  they  went,  and  in  all  com- 
mercial transactions  cheated ;  in  fact,  every  rogue  and  vagabond 
was  privileged  to  do  them  wrong.  The  popular  excitement  was 
fomented  by  the  Queen's  Coimcil,  and  rose  to  such  a  height 
that  the  ambassadors  from  Catholic  countries  were  exposed  to 
insults  at  their  own  doors.  The  French  Ambassador  sent  a 
protest  to  Elizabeth,  who,  as  usual,  seemed  indignant  at  such 
conduct. 

After  a  brief  period,  Anthony  Babington  and  his  unfortunate 
associates,  fourteen  in  number,  were  brought  to  trial.  The 
indictment  charged  them  with  a  twofold  conspiracy,  a  plot  to 
miirder  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  another  to  raise  a  rebellion 
within  the  realm  in  favour  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  The 
indictment  of  the  latter  was  not  even  hinted  at — in  fact,  Mary 
Stuart  knew  nothing  of  the  whole  proceedings,  although 
Walsingham's  mode  of  action  made  her  a  co-partner  in  the 
conspiracy.  Of  all  the  "hatched  plots"  put  forward  by 
Walsingham  and  Lord  Burleigh,  this  last  one  was  the  most 
treacherous  and  villainous. 

Babington,  Ballard,  Savage,  Bamewall,  Tichbourne,  and 
Donime  admitted  that  they  were  disaffected  against  the 
Government  and  the  Sovereign,  who  reduced  them  to  the 
position  of  the  most  lowly  slaves  on  account  of  their  religion. 
Ballard  and  his  companions  were  allowed  to  say  but  a  few 
words.     The  jury  and  the   judgea  were  unanimous  that  thev 


Sir  Amy  at  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler.  505 

should  die  upon  the  scaffold.  The  remaining  seven  pleaded 
not  guilty,  but  five  of  them  were  convicted  as  accomplices, 
upon  the  evidence  of  perjured  witnesses.  In  the  eyes 
of  Elizabeth's  law  oflBcers  perjury  was  a  venial  offence, 
Babington  acted  throughout  with  rashness,  and  placed  un- 
limited confidence  in  Walsingham's  agents,  who  were  pretty 
well  known  about  this  time.  He  was  an  enthusiast,  and  a 
man  of  little  judgment  in  forming  an  opinion  as  to  the 
strangers  with  whom  he  mixed  in  those  evil  times.  He 
was,  however,  actuated  by  no  sordid  feeling.  He  was  a  young 
gentleman  of  fortune,*  and  on  many  occasions  aided  his  co- 
religionists in  distress.  His  fate  was  altogether  a  sad  one. 
There  was  much  in  the  history  of  these  young  men  to  claim 
the  sympathy  of  the  people.  They  were  not  of  that  class  in 
which  conspirators  are  generally  found.  Sprung  from  the 
best  families  in  England,  possessed  of  aflSuent  fortunes,  they 
had  hitherto  kept  aloof  from  political  intrigue,  and  devoted 
their  time  to  the  pursuits  and  pleasures  befitting  their  age  and 
station.f  The  physicians  declared  Babington  to  have  been  in 
an  unsound  state  of  mind  for  three  years. 

The  executions  of  these  young  gentlemen  excited  a  sad 
feeling  even  amongst  those  who  were  opposed  to  their  views. 

The  Queen  won  an  infamous  notoriety  by  the  order  she 
issued  in  the  case  [of  the  above  executions.  Elizabeth  com- 
manded the  head-executioner  to  give  them  a  death  "  that  might 


*  Sir  Walter  Ealeigh  received  from  Queen  Elizabeth  a  grant  of  unfortu- 
nate young  Babington's  estates.  In  this,  like  many  similar  cases,  the 
Raleigh  family  did  not  prosper,  the  old  proverb  proving  true — "  Dl  got,  111 
gone." 

t  Camden's  Annala  ;  Lingard,  vol  vi  p.  428. 


5o6  Sir  Amy  at  Paulct  as  a  Gaoler. 


be  protracted  to  the  extreniitie  of  payne  in  them,  and  in  the 
full  sight  of  the  populace."  On  the  first  day  of  the  carnage, 
the  people  were  quite  horrified  ;  and  a  shout  was  raised,  "  No 
more  of  this."  On  the  following  day,  it  is  alleged,  Lord  Bur- 
leisfh  remonstrated  with  the  Queen  as  to  a  renewal  of  those  scenes. 
So  the  merciful  monarch  changed  the  Eoyal  programme  to 
"plain  beheading  and  quartering."*  The  fate  of  Mary  Stuart 
was  not  far  distant. 

About  the  time  Sir  Amyat  Paulet  wrote  of  his  "  dis- 
interestedness and  devotion  to  Elizabeth,"  he  had  plenti- 
fully helped  himself  to  the  most  valuable  portion  of  the 
jewels  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  sent  the  English  Queen  a 
few  trifling  articles.  In  this  respect  Paulet  was  not  worse 
than  the  members  of  the  Queen's  Council^  whenever  an 
opportunity  offered  for  plunder ;  but  the  "  low-bred  illegiti- 
mate "  made  it  a  point  to  add  insult  to  injury. 

Fotheringay  Castle  was  the  last  prison  house  to  which 
Queen  Elizabeth  committed  her  unfortunate  cousin.  Upon 
beholding  the  gloomy  towers  of  Fotheringay  Castle  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  clasping  her  hands,  exclaimed — "  Pereo^ 
The  prophetic  words  were  soon  fulfilled. 

A  commission  was  addressed  by  Elizabeth  to  forty-six 
persons,  comprising  peers,  privy  councillors,  and  judges.  Eleven 
peers  declined  to  be  nominated.  To  this  tribunal  the  fate 
of  Mary  Stuart  was  finally  committed. 

The  French  Ambassador,  in  the  name  of  the  King  of 
France,  demanded  that  the  Queen  of  Scots,  who  was  so  closely 
related  to  the  Eoyal  Family  of  France,  might  be  allowed 
counsel,  and  the  equitable  privilege  of  having  all   witnesses 


*  Howell's  State  Trials,  vol.  i.  p.  1127-1158;  Camden's  Annala,  p.  483  ; 
Murdin,  p.  785  ;  Lingard,  vol.  vi.  p.  427-8. 


Sir  Amy  at  Paidet  as  a  Gaoler.  507 

confronted  with  her.  To  this  demand  Hatton  returned  a 
verbal  answer  in  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  "that  the 
Queen's  Majesty  wanted  no  advice  ;  neither  did  she  believe  he 
had  received  orders  from  his  Koyal  master  to  school  her,  and 
that  the  civil  law  considered  persons  in  the  situation  of  the 
Scotch  Queen  unworthy  of  counsel."* 

This  statement  of  Hatton,  or  his  Royal  Mistress,  was  most 
untrue.  The  civil  law  protected  the  weaker  party  against 
arbitrary  power  ;  but  the  despotic  monarch  in  this  case 
trampled  law  and  equity  under  foot. 

Mary  Stuart  was  confined  to  her  bed  by  dangerous  illness 
during  this  mockey  of  a  judical  inquiry. 

As  I  have  remarked  in  a  preceding  chapter,  the  conduct  of 
Hatton  and  Burleigh  during  this  sham  trial  adds  much  to  the 
evil  reputation  in  which  History  places  their  names  before 
posterity. 

Paulet  removed  Mary  from  Chartley  under  the  most 
treacherous  circumstances.  Bringing  her  out  for  the  purpose 
of  having  "  a  gallop  along  the  roads  on  a  fine  day,  after  riding 
a  few  miles.  Sir  Thomas  Greorges  entered  upon  the  scene,  and 
informed  the  Queen  that  her  '  liberty '  should  be  now  set 
aside  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  of  a  fresh  plot  against 
the  life  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  which  the  Queen  of  Scots  was 
concerned.  His  orders  were  to  conduct  her  to  Tixall."t 
Mary  indignantly  denied  the  accusation.  She  appealed  to 
the  manhood  and  chivalry  of  English  gentlemen,  but  amongst 
the  two  hundred  men  present  the  Knight  or  the  Squire  had  no 
representative. 


*  Paulet's  Letters  ;  Camden's  Annals. 
I  Wade's  Memorials  ;  Paulet's  State  Papers  ;  Camden's  Annals. 


5o8  Sir  A?nyat  PauLet  as  a  Gaoter. 

She  refused  to  go  to  Tixall  ;  but  was  informed  "  that  they 
would  drag  her  thither P  The  conduct  of  Paulet  was  that  of 
a  cold-blooded  ruffian,  without  one  grain  of  pity  or  manly 
feeling.  Bad  had  passed,  worse  remained  to  come.  At 
Tixall  she  was  separated  from  her  servants,  her  dress  torn 
open  to  search  for  papers,  and  her  rings  taken  off  rudely  ;  she 
was  then  confined  to  two  small  rooms  in  a  dirty  condition,  and 
badly  ventilated ;  and  was  allowed  neither  pen,  ink,  nor  paper ; 
for  seventeen  days  Royal  Mary  was  in  utter  solitude* 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  even  a  change  of  apparel 
or  the  solace  of  a  female  attendant  was  allowed  her  during 
that  dreadful  period  of  suspense,  expecting  every  hour 
to  be  despatched  by  Paulet  or  some  of  his  dagger-men.  How 
she  existed  through  it  is  a  mystery  on  which  no  record  casts 
a  light.  Mary  Stuart,  under  all  her  trials,  trusted  in  Grod,  and 
prayed  for  patience  and  support  ;  she  doubtless  was  not 
deserted,  but  always  found  some  tender-hearted  woman  to 
compassionate  her  and  supply  her  wants.  Mary  Stuart 
had  never  been  forsaken  by  her  own  sex.  Lest,  how- 
ever, the  Eoyal  captive  should  excite  too  much  com- 
miseration in  her  deplorable  condition,  Paulet  remained  at 
Tixall  to  guard  over  his  prisoner,  and  address  her  in  harsh 
and  unmanly  language,  whilst  Colonel  Wade  made  a  visit  to 
Chartley  to  seize  upon  Mary's  papers,  her  few  remaining 
trinkets  and  family  memorials,  which  the  high-minded 
Elizabeth  desired  to  possess.  The  English  Queen  must  have 
been  disappointed  at  not  receiving  a  larger  quantity  of  valuables ; 


*  Camden  states  that  she  was  led  about  from  oae  gentleman's  mansion  to 
anotiier  during  that  time.  This  is  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  that 
aooarate  historian,  for  Paulet  in  his  secret  despatches  boasts  that  his 
prisoner — the  woman — was  secluded  from  every  eye,  and  kept  at  Tixall. 


Sir  Amy  at  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler.  509 


but  many  years  previously  sue  iiad  possessed  herself  (tiirough 
Moray)  of  the  choicest  jewels  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 

Upon  Mary's  return  to  Chartley  she  found  that  her  coffers 
and  desks  had  been  rifled,  and  her  papers  and  jewels  carried 
away  ;  she  passionately  exclaimed,  "  there  are  two  things  of 
which  I  cannot  be  robbed — my  English  blood  and  my  Catholic 
faith,  in  which  by  the  grace  of  Grod  I  intend  to  die."*  The 
disgraceful  and  dishonest  conduct  of  Paulet,  and  his  cruel  and 
insulting  language  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  are,  perhaps,  without 
a  precedent  in  the  history  of  the  brutal  gaolers  of  England 
for  centuries.  He  seized  upon  the  private  money  of  the 
Queen,  and  that  of  her  ladies  and  servants  ;  he  outraged  the 
*•  delicate  proprieties  of  all  society  by  entering  the 
chamber  of  the  Queen  and  her  ladies  whilst  dressing."  Some 
English  magistrates  who  were  compelled  to  "  act  as  visitora 
to  the  prison  castle,"  protested  against  his  conduct.  A  gentle- 
man named  Bagot  was  inclined  to  ask  Paulet  to  "  measure 
swords  "  with  him,  but  the  hypocritical  knave  was  a  coward, 
who  only  desired  to  win  his  spurs  by  the  conquest  of  a  few 
strong-minded  intellectual  women  whom  the  fates  left  at  the 
mercy  of  such  an  ignoble  specimen  of  manhood. 

*'  Others,"  writes  Paulet,    "  shall  excuse  their  foolish  pit]/ 
as  they  may,  but  for  my  part  I  renounce  any  participation  in  the 
joys  of  Heaven^  if  in  any  thing  that  I  have  saidy  written,    or 
done  I  have  had  any  other  respect   or  feeling  than  the  further- 
ance of  Queen  Elizabeth^s  service."] 


*  Paulet's  Letters  on  Queen  Mary  when  his  prisoner, 
t  Paulet's  Letters,  and  "  ReflectionB  upon  the  Past." 


5IO  Continued  Persecution. 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 


CONTINUED   PERSECUTION. 


Whilst  in  Tutbury  Castle,  Mary  Stuart  lost  a  loving  and  most 
valuable  friend  and  connection  in  the  family  of  her  cold- 
hearted  gaoler.  Her  sister-in-law — Elizabeth  Cavendish, 
daughter  of  the  Countess  of  Shrewsbury  and  widow  of  Darn- 
ley's  younger  brother,  Charles  Lennox — died  in  the 
flower  of  her  youth,  leaving  an  orphan  daughter  of  four  years 
old,  subsequently  known  as  the  unfortunate  Lady  Arabella 
Stuart.  The  proximity  of  this  infant  to  the  throne,  to  which, 
after  the  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  son,  she  was  the  legitimate 
heiress,  rendered  her  ambitious  grandmother,  the  Countess 
of  Shrewsbury,  desirous  of  the  removal  of  those  obstacles 
which  daily  increased  in  peril.  The  prudence  and 
good  feeling  of  Lady  Charles  Lennox,  who  entertained  the 
deepest  respect  for  the  captive  Queen,  for  a  time  prevented 
any  virulent  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  Lady  Shrewsbury 
against  the  royal  prisoner,  who  was  then  confined  to  her 
bed  with  a  harassing  cough  and  pain  in  the  side,  un- 
able to  put  her  foot  to  the  ground,  and  labouring  under  a 
great  depression  of  spirits.  The  French  Ambassador  sent  an 
open  coach  and  four  horses  to  Sheffield,  to  enable  Mary  Stuart 
to  take  open-air  exercise,  which  was  ordered  by  a  French 
pliysician.  It  does  not  appear  that  Mary  Stuart  was  ever 
permitted  to  sit  in  the  coach.     Many  presents  were  sent  from 


Cojiti?iiied  Persecution.  511 


the  Koyal  Family  of  France  to  their  kinswoman  which  were 
detained  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  or,  perhaps,  Lord  Burleigh. 
Shortly  after  the  death  of  Lady  Lennox,  to  whom  I  have  just 
referred,  the  Countess  of  Shrewsbury  renewed  her  injuries 
and  insults,  full  of  envy  and  malice,  upon  the  Queen  of  Scots. 

About  this  period  Queen  Mary  complains  bitterly  to  the 
French  King  of  the  treatment  she  has  received  from  the 
English  Queen  and  her  Council.  Fresh  restraints  were  im- 
posed upon  her,  and  she  was  every  day  experiencing  more 
cruel  treatment,  and  was  daily  succumbing  to  its  effects. 

In  one  of  the  interviews  which  the  Koyal  prisoner  had  with 
the  arch  dissembler,  Beale,  she  stated  that  she  was  not  old  in 
years,  but  worn  out  in  constitution,  and  her  "  hair  had  turned 
grey,"  sarcastically  adding  "  therefore  no  apprehensions  need 
be  entertained  of  her  thinking  of  another  husband." 

Whilst  this  state  of  things  existed,  the  shock  of  an  earth- 
quake was  felt  at  Sheffield,  which  shook  the  apartments 
where  the  royal  captive  was  confined.  Her  ladies  screamed, 
and  clustering  around  their  Eoyal  mistress,  supported  them- 
selves by  clinging  to  the  furniture.  * 

Some  months  before  the  execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
she  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Elizabeth  : — 

"  I  am  resolved  to  strengthen  myself  in  Jesus  Christ  alone, 
whose  justice  and  consolation  never  fail  those  who,  in  their  tribu- 
lation, invoke  Him  with  a  true  heart,  especially  those  who  are 
bereft  of  all  human  aid,  such  being  peculiarly  under  His  divine 
protection.  To  Him  be  the  glory !  He  has  not  disappointed  my 
expectation,  having  given  me  heart  and  strength,  in  spe  contra  spem 
— in  hope  against  hope — to  endure   the  unjust   calumnies,  accusa- 


*  Labanoff,  vol.  v.,  p.  543. 


512  Continued  Persecution. 

tions,  and  condemnations  of  those  "who  have  no  authority  over  me, 
with  a  firm  determination  to  suffer  death  for  the  maintenance  and 
the  weal  of  the  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman  Church,  l^ow 
having  been  informed,  on  your  part,  of  the  sentence  passed  in  the 
last  Session  of  your  Parliament,  and  admonished  by  Lord  Buck- 
hurst  and  Beale  to  prepare  myself  for  the  end  of  my  long  and 
weary  pilgrimage,  I  prayed  them  to  return  my  thanks  to  you  for 
6uch  agreeable  intelligence,  and  to  ask  you  to  grant  some  things 
for  the  relief  of  my  conscience.  Since  then  Sir  Amyat  Paulet  gives 
me  to  understand  that  you  mean  to  gratify  me  by  restoring  my 
almoner,  and  the  money  of  which  they  deprived  me,  and  that  the 

rest  would  follow I   will  not  accuse  any  person, 

but  sincerely  pardon  every  one,  as  I  desire  others,  and,  above  all, 
God,  to  pardon  me.  And  since  I  know  that  your  heart,  more 
than  that  of  any  other,  ought  to  be  touched  by  the  honour  or  the 
dishonour  of  your  own  blood,  and  of  a  Queen,  the  daughter  of  a  King, 
I  require  you,  madam,  for  the  sake  of  Jesus,  to  whose  name  all 
persons  bow,  that  after  my  enemies  have  satisfied  their  black  thirst 
for  my  innocent  blood,  you  will  permit  my  poor  disconsolate 
servants  to  remove  my  corpse,  that  I  may  be  buried  in  holy 
ground  with  my  ancestors  in  France,  especially  the  late  Queen,  my 
mother,  since  in  Scotland  the  remains  of  the  kings,  my  predecessors, 
have  been  outraged,  and  the  churches  torn  down  and  profaned. 
As  I  shall  suffer  in  this  country,  I  shall  not  be  allowed  a  place 
near  your  ancestors,  who  are  also  mine ;  and  persons  of  my  religion 
think  much  of  being  interred  in  consecrated  earth.  Since  they 
assure  me  you  will  put  no  constraint  on  my  conscience  and  re- 
ligion, and  that  you  have  even  accorded  me  a  priest,  I  trust  you 
will  not  refuse  this  last  request  I  have  preferred  to  you,  and  allow, 
at  least,  free  sepulture  to  this  body  when  the  soul  shall  be  separated 
from  it,  which  never  could  obtain,  while  united,  liberty  to  dwell 
in  peace.  As  to  practising  any  ill  against  you,  I  declare  in  the 
vresence  of  God,  I  am  not  guilty  of  that  crime  ;  but  God  will  let 
you  see  the  truth  of  all  plainly  after  my  death.      Dreading  the 


Continued  Perseaction.  513 


secret  tyranny  of  some  of  those  to  whom  you  have  abandoned  me, 
I    entreat   you   to    prevent   ms    from    being    despatched  secretly 
without  your  knowledge,   not  from  fear  of  the  pain,   which  I  am 
ready  to  suffer,  but  on  account  of  the  reports  they  would  circulate 
of  my  death,  without  less  suspicious  testimony  than  those   who 
would   be    the    doers   of   it.     It    is,   therefore,  that   I  desire   my 
servants  to  remain   the  witnesses  and  attestators  of  my  end,  my 
faith  in  my  Saviour,  and  obedience  to  His  Church,  and  that  after- 
wards they  may  all  remove  my  body  as  secretly  as  you  please,  and 
as  quickly  as  they  can,   without  taking   away   either  furniture  or 
anything  else,  save  those   few  trifling  things  which  I  leave  them 
at  my  death,  which   are  little   enough  in  reward  for  their  good 
services.     One  jewel  that  I  received  from  you  I  shall  return  to 
you  with  my  last  words,  or  sooner  if  you  please.     I  entreat  you  to 
permit  me  to  send  a  jewel  with  my  last  advice  to  my  son,  and  my 
last  blessing,  of  which  he   has  been  deprived  since   you  sent  me 
word  of  his  refusal  to  enter  into  the  treaty  from  which  I  was  ex- 
cluded by  the   wicked  advice  of  his  Council.      This  last  point  I 
refer  to  your  favourable  consideration   and    your   conscience,  the 
others  I  require  of  you,  in  the  name  of  Jesus   Christ,  from  respect 
to  our  consanguinity,  for  the  sake  of  King  Henry  VH.,  your  great 
grandfather  and  mine,  for  the  dignity  we  have  both  held,  and  for 
the  sex  to  which  we  both  belong." 

Mary  Stuart  tlien  requests  that  all  her  papers   which  had 
been  seized  might  be  read  over  by  Elizabeth  herself. 
The  Royal  captive  concludes  in  these  words  : — 

"  I  beseech  the  God  of  mercy  and  justice  to  enlighten  you  with 
His  Holy  Spirit,  and  to  give  me  the  grace  to  die  in  perfect  charity, 
as  I  endeavour  to  do,  pardoning  my  death  to  all  those  who  have 
either  caused  or  co-operated  in  it ;  and  this  will  be  my  prayer  to 
the  end.  I  esteem  myself  happy  that  my  death  will  precede  the 
persecution  which  I  foresee  menaces  this  realm,  where  God  is  no 
longer  truly  feared  and  reverenced,  but  vanity  and  worldly  policy 
VOL.    IV.  L  L 


514  Continued  Persecution. 

rules  and  directs  all.  Accuse  me  not  of  presumption  if,  leaving 
this  world  and  preparing  myself  for  a  better,  I  remind  you,  that 
you  will  have  one  day  to  give  aji  account  of  your  charge,  in  like 
manner  as  those  who  have  preceded  you  in  it,  and  that  my  hlood, 
and  the  misery  of  my  country,  will  be  remembered.  Wherefore, 
from  the  earliest  dawn  of  our  comprehension  we  ought  to  dispose 
our  minds  to  make  things  temporal  yield  to  those  of  eternity. 
From  Fotheringay  Castle,  this  19th  day  of  December,  1586. 
"  Your  Sister  and  Cousin  wrongfully  a  prisoner. 

"  Marie  Rotne." 

It  was  supposed  that  Elizabeth  never  received  the  above 
missive.  Lord  Leicester  relates  that  he  saw  the  Queen  read 
the  letter  ;  and  she  seemed  somewhat  affected,  but  he  hoped 
the  "  tender  feeling  "  for  the  Scotch  woman  would  soon  vanish, 
as  it  did  not  come  from  the  heart.  Lord  Leicester  was  not 
the  man  to  advise  mercy. 

Phillipps,  the  forger  and  the  decipherer,  was  about  thirty 
years  of  age  when  he  entered  the  service  of  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham  for  the  second  time.  He  is  described  as  having 
been  of  "  low  stature  ;  yellow  hair  on  the  head,  and  clear 
yellow  bearded ;  eated  in  the  face  with  smallpock  ;  short 
sighted ;  a  plodding  countenance,  evidently  desiring  to 
injure  someone."  When  at  Chartley,  and  other  places, 
Phillipps  visited  the  gaolers  of  the  Royal  captive  under 
different  names.  Mary  Stuart  at  once  suspected,  and  rightly, 
that  he  was  one  of  Walsingham's  a<:::ents. 

O  CD 


The  Time  Approaches.  515 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 


THE    TIME    APrROACHES. 


On  the  night  of  Sunday,  the  5th  of  February,  1587,  an  un- 
usual feeling  pervaded  the  faithful  few  who  were  attached  to 
the  household  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  ;  they  could  perceive 
that  some  great  event  was  at  hand.  The  guards  were  at  every 
point  of  access  ;  and  no  two  persons  were  allowed  to  converse 
together  for  five  minutes.  On  the  Sunday  previous  (January 
29th),  the  soldiers  who  kept  guard  under  the  windows  of  the 
Eoyal  captive,  half-an-hour  after  midnight  were,  it  is  stated, 
"  startled  and  affrighted  by  the  appearance  of  a  large  and 
brilliant  meteor,  like  a  flame  of  fire  in  the  firmament,  opposite 
the  Queen's  bed-chamber  window,  which  returned  thrice,  to 
their  inexpressible  terror,  and  was  not  visible  in  any  other 
quarter  of  the  castle."* 

The  ominous  preparations,  and  the  arrival  of  Beale  and  his 
sable-suited  companion,  was  the  signal  which  struck  the 
household  of  Mary  Stuart  with  dismay  and  sorrow.  The  con- 
duct of  Paulet  from  Sunday  to  Wednesday  morning  was  not 
that  of  a  man  or  a  Christian.  The  treatment  the  ladies 
received  was  shocking.  The  noble-minded  Jane  Kennedy 
describes    the    conduct    of    the     Talbot    and   Paulet    party 


*  Teulet,  vol.  ii.,  p.  884. 
L  L  2 


5i6  Tlie  Time  Approaches. 


as "  brutal  and  bloodthirsty."  Farther  on  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  this  heroic  Protestant  young  lady,  whose 
actions  in  those  times  have  emblazoned  her  name  upon  the 
page  of  history. 

At  this  crisis  Mary  Stuart  was  perfectly  calm  ;  but  feeling 
the  premonitory  symptoms  of  one  of  her  severe  illnesses 
coming  on,  desired  her  physician,  Bourgoigne,  to  administer 
some  medicine  that  might  arrest  its  progress  and  prevent  her 
from  being  confined  to  her  bed,  "  for,"  observed  the  Queen, 
"  when  the  summons  for  my  death  comes,  I  would  not 
willingly  be  so  circumstanced  that  my  incapacity  to  rise  from 
bed  might  be  construed  into  reluctance  or  fear." 

When  the  apothecary,  who  was  destitute  of  drugs,  asked 
Paulet  to  allow  him  to  go  into  the  fields  to  collect  herbs  and 
simples  for  the  use  of  his  Koyal  patient,  a  peremptory  refusal 
was  returned.  On  the  following  day,  the  Queen  asked 
Paulet  whether  she  could  procure  the  medicine  required, 
when  he  replied  significantly  '■'■  peradventure  you  will  not 
require  it."  Amyas  Paulet  was  at  that  moment  aware  that 
the  last  act  of  the  tragedy  was  not  far  off,  and  that  the  various 
actors  in  the  scenes  were  already  named. 

More  intolerable  than  anything  the  Queen  had  experienced 
was  that  of  defeating  her  charitable  disposition.     Cut    off  as 
Mary  Stuart  was  from   all  the  pleasures  and  amusements  of 
the  world,  one  consolation  had  hitherto  remained  to  her,   that 
of  exercising  her  charity,  by  sparing  from  her  stinted  means 
to  minister  to  the  necessities  of  the  neighbouring  poor.     For 
this   blessed  privilege,  the  enjoyment  of  which  is  a  heavenly 
inspiration,  Paulet  set  all  means  aside.  Mary  Stuart  should  give 
no  "dole  to  God's  poor — old  women  who  were  in  want."     The 
order  was  given   in  a   peremptory  manner,  Atslow,  the  phy- 
sician who  attended  the  Queen  for  some  time,  and  understood 


The  Time  Approaches.  517 

the  condition  of  her  health,  was  withdrawn.  The  food  was 
bad,  often  "  not  fit  for  a  roadside  beggar."  The  French 
iimbassador  laid  the  matter  before  Queen  Elizabeth  in  a  very 
forcible  manner.  Elizabeth  expressed  surprise,  and  "  or- 
dered an  investigation."  The  lamentations  of  Jane  Kennedy 
and  the  other  ladies  proved  that  they  had  passed  many 
hungry  days  under  Paulet's  gaolership.  This  inhuman  and 
immanly  being  could  not  afford  a  civil  or  respectful  answer 
to  Jane  Kennedy  and  the  other  ladies. 

No  redress,  no  humanity,  no  justice  could  be  hoped  or  ex- 
pected from  the  Council  of  Elizabeth.  Parliament  was  quite 
subservient  to  the  policy  of  the  Council,  who  were  so  anxious  for 
the  blood  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Both  Houses  of  Parliament 
approved  of  the  verdict  and  judgment  against  Mary  Stuart, 
and  demanded  immediate  execution.  Speaker  Puckering 
added  a  memorial  in  his  own  hand,  giving  "  reasons  for  im- 
mediate execution."  Here  is  a  specimen  of  Puckering's 
blasphemous  perverson  of  Scripture  : — ■"  Lastly,  God's  ven- 
geance against  Saul  for  sparing  Agag,  against  Ahab  for 
sparing  the  life  of  Benhadad,  is  apparent,  for  they  were  both, 
by  the  just  judgment  of  Grod,  deprived  of  their  kingdoms  for 
sparing  those  wicked  princes  whom   Grod  had   delivered  into 

their   hands "In  this   fashion    the  fanatic 

Puckering  argued  in  favour  of  the  destruction  of  Mary  Stuart. 
The  clergy  of  London,  and  other  towns,  called  out  from  the 
pulpit  for  the  blood  of  the  Scotch  woman.  The  language  of 
the  Anglican  clergy  was  most  unchristian. 

Elizabeth  could  now  see  that  the  triumph  of  her  life-long 
hate  was  made  secure.  The  Master  of  Gray,  whom  King 
James  of  Scotland  sent  to  Elizabeth  to  negotiate  for  his  mother's 
life,  was  the  deadly  enemy  of  that  mother.  The  Master  of 
Gray  publicly  performed  the  duty  entrusted  to   him  by  his 


5i8  The  Time  Approaches. 

Eoyal  Master ;  but,  before  he  left  England,  he  advised  Queen 
Elizabeth,  "by  letters,"  to  poison  her  royal  prisoner.  He 
concluded  his  advice  by  saying: — "T/ie  dead  cannot  bite.'''' 
The  evidence  of  the  treachery  of  Grray,  and  of  Archibald 
Douglas,  are  to  be  found  in  their  own  letters  to 
Elizabeth.  The  career  of  Douglas  was  that  of  a  "  red-handed 
assassin." 

It  was  most  difl&cult  for  Mary  Stuart  to  place  confidence  in 
any  one.  Those  who  sometimes  professed  to  be  devoted  to 
her  interests,  and  most  zealous  Catholics,  were  absolutely  the 
secret  spies  of  Walsingham. 

When  the  Count  de  Ritz,  on  the  part  of  the  French  Court, 
visited  Elizabeth  to  intercede  for  the  Scottish  Queen,  the 
English  Sovereign,  in  a  fury,  replied : — "  You  have  come  to 
disquiet  England,  and  to  serve  the  cause  of  a  wicked  woman, 
whose  head  ought  to  have  been  long  ago  struck  from  Iter 
shoulders.  Her  supporters  may  do  their  worst,  hut  the  Queen 
of  Scots  shall  never  go  free,  though  it  may  cost  me  my  life  and 
my  reahn.''^ 

The  above  passage  does  not  agree  with  what  I  have  quoted 
from  Mr.  Froude.  The  reader  may  be  more  astonished  still 
to  find  Elizabeth's  castigation  of  the  French  diplomatist  in 
Mr.  Froude's  own  "  history." 

The  confidential  letters  of  Elizabeth  to  her  goalers  concern- 
ing Mary  Stuart's  domestic  treatment,  show  the  English 
Queen  to  have  been  mean,  deceitful,  hypocritical,  and 
tyrannical  in  her  suggestions.  The  ladies  who  accompanied 
the  Scottish  Queen  to  the  prisons  of  the  English  monarch, 
describe  the  treatment  their  Royal  mistress  received  as 
inhuman.  "  I  never  thought,"  writes  Jane  Kennedy,  "  that 
English  gentlemen  could  be  so  far  forgetful  of  humanity  as 
those  who  were  joined  with  Sir  Ralph  Sadler  as  our  gaolers. 


The  TriitnipJi  of  Elizabeth's  Hate.  5^9 

They  often  left  us  without  bread  for  ours,  and  we  were  daily 
exposed  to  insult."  Jane  Kennedy  continues  :  "  Queen 
Elizabeth  knew  of  all  the  cruelties  and  indignities  offered 
to  us,  for  she  had  spies  watching  Lord  Shrewsbury  and 
Sadler.  But  we  had  no  redress — we  were  a  few  lonely 
women.  Alas !  the  days  of  chivalry  had  passed  away  when 
English  gentlemen  seemed  to  hare  forgotten  the  ties  by  which 
humanity  bound  society  together.  They  became  the  agents 
of  a  cruel  and  a  wicked  woman,  and  posterity  will  brand  their 
names  with  that  odium  which  they  deserve." 

The  Earls  of  Shrewsbury  and  Kent,  with  the  High  Sheriff' 
of  Northamptonshire,  and  their  attendants,  arrived  at  Fother- 
ingay  Castle  on  Tuesday,  the  7  th  of  February,  1587.  In  the 
afternoon  they  demanded  an  audience  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 
She  replied,  "  that,  being  indisposed,  she  was  preparing  to  go 
to  bed,  but  if  the  matter  were  of  importance  she  would  re- 
ceive them  presently."  They  said  "  it  was  a  matter  that  would 
brook  no  delay."  Mary  on  this  called  for  her  mantle,  which 
she  had  thrown  off,  and  her  ladies  having  made  her  ready,  she 
seated  herself  in  her  usual  place  at  the  foot  of  her  bed  in  an 
easy-chair  by  a  small  work-table,  with  her  ladies  and  Bour- 
goigne  in  attendance.*  The  two  Earls  were  then  introduced 
by  Paulet,  Drury,  and  Beale.  The  Queen  received  them  with 
calmness  and  dignity.  Lord  Shrewsbury  briefly  informed  her 
that  it  was  the  "  command  of  Queen  Elizabeth  that  she 
sliould  die  by  the  hands  of  the  headsman  at  eight  of  the  clock 
on  the  following  morning."  The  Queen's  physician  made  a 
powerful  protest  against  the  shortness  of  the  time,  but  Shrews- 


*  The  scene  here  described  is,  in  fact,  taken  from  a  summary  of  the 
Queen's  physician. 


520  The  Triumph  of  .Elisabeth's  Hate. 


bury  stated  that  no  further  time  could  be  given.  The 
conduct  of  the  Earl  of  Kent  was  that  of  a  fanatic.  He  assailed 
the  Queen's  religion  in  a  gross  manner  ;  and  the  "  Catholic  " 
Lord  Shrewsbury  remained  silent.  When  Paulet  saw  the 
Queen's  ladies  weeping  excessively,  he  smiled  with  contempt, 
and  the  Puritan  Beale  looked  jocular.  A  conversation  en- 
sued  between  Lord  Shrewsbury  and  the  Queen  concerning  her 
property  and  papers.  It  was  now  nine  of  the  clock,  and  Mary 
Stuart  had  only  a  few  hours  to  make  her  "  will,  arrange 
matters,  prepare  for  life  everlasting,  and  take  leave  of  her  few 
devoted  followers."  The  most  shocking  part  of  Elizabeth's  malice 
in  this  transaction  was  that  of  refusing  the  "  benefit  of  clergy  " 
to  her  victim  of  nineteen  years'  imprisonment  and  persecution. 
The  order  of  Elizabeth  against  the  presence  of  the  chaplain  of 
Mary  was  couched  in  sternest  terms,  and  carried  out  by  Paulet  to 
the  letter.  The  Earl  of  Kent  remarked,  ^^  your  life  would  he 
the  death  of  our  religion,  and  your  death  will  be  its  preserva- 
tion." "  Oh,  glorious  thought,"  observed  Mary  Stuart,  "  that 
I  should  be  chosen  to  die  for  such  a  cause."* 

When  Mary  had  given  away  or  bequeathed  everything  belong- 
ing to  her,  except  the  dress  she  intended  to  wear  the  next  day, 
and  a  fair  handkerchief  fringed  with  gold,  which  she  gave  to 
Jane  Kennedy  to  bandage  her  eyes  with  for  the  block,  she 
wrote  her  memorable  letter  t5  De  Frean,  her  almoner  and 
confessor;  she  also  wrote  to  the  Pope  and  the  Kings  of 
France  and  Spain.  She  next  retired  to  her  oratory  to  pray. 
The  alleged  incident  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  administering 
the  Holy  Sacrament  to  herself,  did  not  occur.  Her  letter  to 
the  Pope,  written  early  on  the  morning  of  her  execution, 
makes  no  reference  to  it. 


*  Martyre  de  Marie  Stuart. 


The  TrimnpJi  of  ElizabetJis  Hate.  521 

At  six  of  the  clock  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  February, 
1587,  Mary  Stuart  told  her  ladies  "  she  had  but  two  hours  to 
live,  and  bade  them  dress  her  as  for  a  festival.  Very  minute 
particulars  of  that  last  toilette  have  been  preserved  by  French 
and  English  writers.  A  contemporary  MS.  in  the  Vatican  con- 
tains a  description  of  it  from  the  pen  of  an  eye-witness  of  the 
Queen's  death.  It  is  there  stated  that  she  wore  a  widow's 
dress  of  black  velvet,  spangled  all  over  with  gold  ;  a  black 
satin  pourpoint  and  kirtle,  and  under  these  a  petticoat  of 
crimson  velvet,  with  a  body  of  the  same  colour,  and  a  white 
veil  of  the  most  delicate  texture,  of  the  fashion  worn  by 
princesses  of  the  highest  rank,  thrown  over  her  coif,  and 
descending  to  the  ground ;  also  a  camisole  of  fine  Scotch 
plaid,  reaching  from  the  throat  to  the  waist,  but  without  a 
collar.     Her  gown  was  of  black  satin,  with  a  train. 

Time  was  on  the  wing,  so  the  "  leave-taking  "  commenced. 
Mary  kissed  all  the  women,  and  when  she  came  to  Jane 
Kennedy  the  scene  was  most  distressing.  The  Queen  caught 
her  in  her  arms  and  said  a  few  loving  words  to  the  faithful  Jane, 
who  was  in  an  agony  of  grief;  the  emotion  of  the  Queen  became 
intense  ;  she  burst  into  tears,  and  m  broken-hearted  sobs  said, 
"  I  will  meet  you  in  Heaven."  The  Queen  permitted  all  the 
men  in  her  employment  to  kiss  her  hand.  Several  of  the  men 
were  so  affected  that  they  were  unable  to  speak.  The  "  last 
prayer  without  a  chaplain "  was  then  gone  through.  Upon 
the  conclusion  of  the  prayers,  the  Sheriff  and  Paulet  entered 
the  room,  and  after  a  few  minutes  the  sad  procession  to  the 
scaffold  moved  forward.  The  Queen  was  quite  lame,  and 
unable  to  walk,  so  she  had  to  be  supported  by  Paulet  and 
another  ofl&cial.  At  the  foot  of  the  stairs  another  distressing 
scene  occurred.  Sir  Andrew  Melville,  the  controller  of 
the    Queen's    household — "  when  at  home," — threw    himself 


522  The  Triumph  of  Elisabeth's  Hate. 

at  her  feet  in  an  agony  of  grief,  wringing  his  hands  in  an 
uncontrolled  manner.  This  scene  seemed  to  have  moved  even 
Paulet,  for  he  looked  downcast,  as  if.  he  had  the  feelings  of  a 
man,  but  dared  not  show  them.  Mary  Stuart,  addressing 
Melville,  said,  "  Weep  not,  my  faithful  servant,  thou  shouldst 
rather  rejoice  to  see  the  end  of  my  long  sufferings  in  this 
world .  /  am  a  Catholic,  thou  of  the  Protestant  way  of  think- 
ing ;  but  as  there  is  but  one  Christ,  I  charge  thee  in  His  name 
to  bear  witness  that  /  die  firm  to  my  religion,  a  true  Scotch 
woman,  and  true  to  France,  the  sunny  land  of  my  early 
love." 

Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  and  many  of  the  Northamptonshire 
squires,  "  full  of  tears  and  sobs,"  pressed  forward  to  take  leave 
of  Mary  Stuart ;  and  there  was  little  doubt  but  that  many  of 
them  would  have  sacrificed  their  lives  to  rescue  her.  Paulet's 
instructions  were,  to  the  effect,  that  "  if  any  attempt  were  made 
in  that  way,  his  prisoner  should  be  instantly  despatched." 

The  procession  proceeded  in  the  following  order  : — First 
came  the  Sheriff  and  his  men ;  next  Sir  Amyas  Paulet  and 
Sir  Drue  Drury  ;  the  Earl  of  Kent  and  Beale  ;  the  Earl  of 
Shrewsbury,  as  Earl  Marshal,  bearing  his  baton  raised,  im- 
mediately preceding  tlie  Koyal  victim,  who,  having  rallied 
all  the  energies  of  her  courageous  spirit  to  vanquish  bodily 
infirmity,  moved  with  a  firm  stfep,  although  lame  from  rheu- 
matism in  her  legs ;  still  she  walked  proudly  as  the  daughter 
of  the  "  Poet  King  Jamie."  iMelville  bore  her  train ;  and 
next  came  the  weeping  ladies,  who  seemed  overwhelmed  with 
grief.  All  were  in  deep  mourning.  The  rear  was  brought 
up  by  Bourgoine,  Lourion,  and  Louvais,  the  three  medical 
attendants  of  the  Queen. 

A  platform,  twelve  feet  square,  and  two  and  a  half  high, 
overed  with  black  cloth,  and   surrounded  with   a  rail,    had 


The  Triumph  of  ElizabetUs  Hate.  523 


been  erected  at  the  upper  end  of  the  great  banqueting  hall  of 
Fotheringay  Castle,  near  the  large  fire-place,  in  which,  on 
account  of  the  intense  coldness  of  the  weather,  a  large  fire 
was  burning.  On  the  scaffold  was  placed  the  block,  the  axe, 
a  chair  covered  with  black  cloth,  for  the  Queen,  with  a 
cushion  of  crimson  velvet  before  it,  and  two  stools  for  the 
Earls  of  Kent  and  Shrewsbury.  About  one  hundred  gentle- 
men from  the  neighbouring  counties  had  been  admitted  to 
behold  the  tragedy  about  to  be  enacted  to  satisfy  the 
vengeance  and  hatred  of  Anna  Boleyn's  daughter,  A  strong 
guard  was  posted  at  every  approach  to  the  scaffold.  Many 
of  those  present  wera  so  hopeful  as  to  imagine  that,  at  the  last 
moment,  the  Koyal  mercy  would  have  extended  a  reprieve. 
But  Elizabeth  and  her  ministers  never  indulged  such  a 
thought.     No  ;  mercy  was  to  them  a  Utopian  dream. 

The  dignified  and  melancholy  sweetness  of  Mary's  coun- 
tenance, in  which  the  intellectual  beauty  of  reflective  middle 
age  had  superseded  the  charms  that  in  youth  had  been 
celebrated  by  the  poets  of  France  and  Scotland,  as  well  as  her 
majestic  and  intrepid  demeanour,  made  a  profound  impression 
on  every  one  present. 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  there  was  a  pause — a  long 
and  painful  one — the  Queen  was  unable  to  ascend  the  scaffold 
without  assistance;  Paulet  tendered  his  hand,  and  the  Royal 
lady  accepted  it  with  Queenly  courtesy.  "  I  thank  you,  Sir," 
she  said — "  this  is  the  last  trouble  I  shall  ever  give  you." 

The  conduct  of  the  Dean  of  Peterbourgh  to  the  Queen  was 
disgraceful,  but  there  was  no  redress  for  any  wrong. 

The  Queen  desired  to  address  the  assembly,  but  was  twice 
interrupted  by  the  Earl  of  Kent,  yet  she  continued  to  en- 
force the  truth  of  her  statement  —  namely,  that  she  had 
been    imprisoned,    misrepresented,    and    cruelly    defrauded 


524  T^ic  Triumph  of  Elizabeth's  Hate. 


of  her  rights  on  account  of  her  religion,  and  was  now 
about  to  suffer  death  for  that  religion.  "  I  would,"  said 
the  Queen,  "willingly  give  ten  thousand  lives  if  I  had 
them,  and  not  only  shed  my  blood,  but  endure  the  severest 
tortures  in  defence  of  that  grand  old  creed  which  was  estab- 
lished by  Jesus  Christ  and  His   Apostles My 

lords,  let  there  be  no  doubts  about  my  religious  sentiments. 
I  die  firm  in  my  religion — a  true  believer  in  all  the  doctrines 
of  the  Catholic  Church.  I  forgive  from  my  heart  those  of 
Scotland  who  have  so  much  injured  me." 

Jane  Kennedy  then  came  forward,  and  having  kissed  her 
Eoyal  mistress,  took  her  last  adieu.     The  Queen  knelt  down 
and  prayed  for  a  few  minutes.    Then  her  eyes  were  bandaged. 
She  was  led  to  the  block  by  the  Sheriff  amidst  profound  silence. 
A  long  pause  ensued,  when  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  rose  and 
made  signal  with  his  baton.     In  a  moment  the  executioner  ap- 
peared upon  the  scene,  with  the  ill-omened  steel  uplifted ;  the 
Sheriff  gave  the  final  signal,  and  the  work  of  slaughter  com- 
menced.   After  three  blows  the  head  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scotland 
was  severed  from  the  body.     The  head,  streaming  with  blood, 
was  held*up  to  the  gaze  of  the  people  present  by  the  executioner, 
who  exclaimed — "  God  save  Queen  Elizabeth  !  "     "  So  perish 
all   the  enemies    of  our  good    Queen,"    cried    the   Dean   of 
Peterborough.      "  Amen,"    said   one   solitary  voice — that    of 
Lord  Kent.     The  Queen's  ladies  implored  Paulet's  permission 
to  bear  away  the  body  to  a  chamber  near  the  scafibld ;  how- 
ever,  they   were  rudely    pushed   aside  by   the  hands   which 
were  still   covered  with  blood,  but  the  noble-minded  maidens 
were  not  to  be  repulsed;  they  pushed  forward  again,  and  then, 
by  command  of  Sir    Amyas  Paulet,  they  were  thrust  into  a 
room  and  the  door  locked  upon  them,  where  they  cried  and 
lamented  for  two  hours.     Many  afiecting  scenes  occurred  at 


Tlie  Trhunph  of  Elizabeth's  Hate.  525 

Fotheringay  Castle  on  this   memorable  Wednesday  morning, 
but  that  of  the  faithful  dog  of  the  Queen  was  most  striking, 
especially    when   compared    with    the   conduct    of    the    in- 
human  Paulet.      On    removing    the    dead    body,    and    the 
clothes    and    mantle     which    lay    beside    it,    Queen    Mary's 
favourite    little   dog,    which    had    followed   its    mistress     to 
the  scaffold  unperceived,    was  found    nestling    under    them. 
No  inducement  could  prevail  on    it  to  quit  the    spot,  and  it 
remained   lying  beside  the  corpse,   stained  with    blood,  till 
forcibly  carried  away.*     Jane  Kennedy  relates  that  the  dog 
had  a  strong  aversion  to  Paulet,  and  attacked  him  fiercely. 
It   only  lived  three  days  after  the  execution,  and  partook  of 
no  food,  but  continued  "  a  kind  of  death  lament."     It  was  a 
gentle  little  Skye  terrier. 

Henry  Gray,  Earl  of  Kent,  who  played  such  an  unchristian 
and  unmanly  part  at  the  execution  of  the   Queen  of  Scots, 
was  of  an  ancient  family.     He  received   little   education,  and 
was  a  well-known  profligate  in  London.     His  grandfather  was 
one  of  the  convivial  associates  of  Henry  VIII.     The  elder 
Grray  became    an  inveterate  gambler,  and  nearly  ruined  his 
property.       He    died   at   an   inn   in  Lombard-street,    about 
1523.     The  grandson  of  this  Koyal  favourite  was  a  Puritan, 
but  one  of  a  hypocritical  class.     He  married  an  old  woman 
for  a  few  hundred  pounds,  and  died  without  any  lawful  issue. 
Sir  William  Dugdale   wrote   of  him  in  these  words  : — "  He 
evinced  much  more  zeal   for  Queen  Mary's  destruction  than 
befitted  a  man  of  honour."     His  mode  of  life,  like  many  of 
Elizabeth's   Peers,    was  a  reproach  to    the  House  of  Lords. 
Tytler  affirms  that    the  Earl  of  Kent  was  the   person   who 


*  Mort  de  la  Eoyne,  in  Teulet,  vol.  ii. 


526  The  Iriimiph  of  ElizabetJi  s  Hate. 

prevented  the  Queen  of  Scots  having  her  chaplain  at  the 
period  of  her  immolation.  But  Paulet  was  well  inclined  to 
set  aside  the  chaplain  without  the  "  intrusion  "  of  Lord  Kent. 
When  imprisoned  at  Tutbury  Castle,  the  Queen  of  Scots  was 
left  two  years  and  four  months  without  any  chaplain.  Ac- 
cording to  Gilbert  Talbot,  this  was  the  action  of  Elizabeth 
herself.     Very  probable. 

A  distinguished  writer  of  the  18th  century  states,  that  a 
man  must  have  been  a  brute  to  the  last  degree  not  to  be  won 
by  the  sweetness  of  Mary  Stuart's  nature,  the  affability  of  her 
reception,  and  the  charms  of  her  conversation.  Camden,  who 
had  a  personal  knowledge  of  Queen  Mary,  ascribes  to  her  "  a 
constant  steadiness  in  religion,  a  singular  piety  towards  Grod, 
an  invincible  greatness  of  mind,  and  a  wisdom  above  her  sex  ; 
the  magnificent  beauty  of  her  person — all  so  perfect,  modelled, 
as  it  were,  from  Nature's  original." 

It  is  known  that  three  noted  English  historians  of  the 
l7th,  18th,  and  19th  centuries,  coincide  in  opinion  as  to  the  in- 
justice done  to  Mary  Stuart ;  proclaim  her  innocence  and  vindi- 
cate her  character,  and  praise  her  honour,  her  genius,  and  her 
lovable  bearing  towards  her  friends  to  the  last  fatal  moment 
when  she  departed  so  grandly  to  meet  her  Creator.  "  So 
long,"  writes  Mr.  Hosack,  "  as  -beauty  and  intellect,  a  kindly 
spirit  in  prosperity,  and  matchless  heroism  in  misfortune, 
attract  the  sympathies  of  men,  this  illustrious  victim  of 
sectarian  violence  and  barbarous  State  craft,  will  ever 
occupy  the  most  prominent  place  in  the  annals  of  her  sex." 

In  the  darkest  hours  of  her  existence,  even  when  she  hailed 
the  prospect  of  the  scaffold  as  a  merciful  relief  from  her  pro- 
tracted sufferings,  she  never  once  expressed  a  doubt  as  to  the 
judgment  that  would  be  finally  pronounced  on  the  fateful 
process  between  herself  and  her   enemies.     "  The   theatre   of 


The  Triumph  of  Elizabeth's  Hate.  527 


the  world,"  she  reminded  her  judges  at  Fotheringay,  "  is 
wider  than  the  reahn  of  England."  She  appealed  from  her 
persecutors  to  the  civilized  world,  and  she  has  not  appealed  in 
vain.  In  regions  uninhabited  or  unknown  when  Mary  Stuart 
uttered  the  above  words — in  the  great  cities  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  wide  prairies,  once  the  wilder- 
ness of  the  Eed  Man — in  the  measureless  territory  of 
thevast  rising  world  of  intellect  and  wealth  at  the  Anti- 
podes— from  all  points  of  the  compass  come  daily  proofs  that 
the  story  of  the  life  and  sufferings  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  at 
this  moment  creates  as  much  interest  as  in  any  of  the 
European  Universities,  Colleges,  and  homesteads  of  the  people. 
More  than  three  hundred  authors  have  written  books  in 
different  parts  of  the  world  upon  the  history  of  Mary  Stuart, 
but  how  few  of  them  have  dealt  honestly  with  the  question, 
and  laid  before  posterity  a  truthful  narrative  of  the  "  Eival 
Queens  !  "  Carte,  a  learned  and  painstaking  historian,  who  is 
almost  unknown  to  the  present  generation,  takes  a  broad  and 
comprehensive  view  of  the  political  position  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots.  Carte  says : — "  The  patience,  the  constancy,  the  firm- 
ness with  which  Mary  endured  all  the  hardships  and 
indignities  put  upon  her  during  her  ciptivity,  cannot  be 
sufficiently  admired." 

"  Time  unveils  all  Truth !  "  According  to  recently  dis- 
discovered  papers  in  the  Cottonian  Library,  in  the  handwriting 
of  the  French  Secretary  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  (Claude  Nau), 
Mary  Stuart  was  the  victim  and  not  the  accomplice  of  Bothivell. 

The  body  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  detained  for  twelve 
months  at  Fotheringay  Castle,  and  then  conveyed  to  Peter- 
borough Cathedral,  for  interment.  It  was  carried  thither  in  a 
black  hearse,  accompanied  by  a  small  torch-light  procession. 
Bishop  Howard  received  the  coffin  at  the  Cathedral  door,  and 


^28  Marys  Protestant  Friends. 


when  the  service  for  the  dead  had  concluded,  the  coffin  was 
laid  in  a  vault,  where  it  remained  for  twenty-five  years,  till 
James  the  First  removed  his  mother's  ashes  to  Westminster 
Abbey,  and  showed  his  gratitude  to  the  English  monarch, 
whose  pensioner  he  had  been,  by  erecting  a  monument  to  the 
murderer  of  that  mother. 

The  enemies  of  Mary  Stuart,  especially  her  near  relatives, 
did  not  turn  fortune  to  a  good  account.  Lord  Moray,  for  in- 
stance, died  in  debt,  and  his  widow  and  children  subsequently 
petitioned  the  Scotch  Parliament  for  relief.  Jeannette, 
Moray's  sister,  ended  her  days  in  disgrace ;  and  the  other 
brothers  and  sisters,  and  their  children,  were  reduced  to 
poverty  and  soon  forgotten  by  their  Kirk  friends  of  former 
years. 

Whether  from  principle,  or  remorse,  several  of  Queen 
Mary's  prominent  enemies  and  persecutors  returned  to  their 
allegiance,  and  after  a  hopeless  endeavour  to  advance  the 
Queen's  cause,  sealed  their  fidelity  with  their  blood.  The 
defence  of  Edinburgh  Castle  was  conducted  by  a  number  of 
persons  of  the  class  above-named,  and  truly  did  their  suffer- 
ings prove  that  they  felt  regret  for  their  former  dis- 
loyalty, and  proclaimed  the  innocence  of  the  royal  lady  whom 
they  had  impeached  for  "  divers  black  crimes."  Amongst 
those  brave  men  were  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  and  his  brother 
James,  and  Lord  Lethington,  who  were  compelled,  by  dread- 
ful privations,  to  surrender  the  fortress  on  the  29th  of  May, 
1573,  to  Drury,  who  commanded  the  English  army. 

If  Protestant  writers  have  come  forward  to  vindicate  the 
character  of  Mary  Stuart's  persecutors  and  murderers,  there 
has  been,  and  still  exists,  an  enthusiastic  and  chivalrous 
rivalry  amongst  writers  of  that  creed,  in  favour  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots,  which  time  has  not  chilled,  nor  diminished  its  high 


Mary's  Protestant  Friends.  529. 


sense  of  justice.  I  cannot  resist  complying  with  the  request 
of  many  English  ladies,  by  quoting  Professor  Aytoun's  lines 
upon  the  Queen  of  Scots — lines  which  do  honour  to  the 
brilliant  author  of  the  "  Lays  of  the  Scottish  Cavaliers  : — 

"  O,  lovelier  than  the  fairest  flower 
That  ever  bloomed  on  green, 
Was  she,  the  lily  of  the  land, 
That  young  and  spotless  Queen. 
The  sweet,  sweet  smile  upon  her  lips. 
Her  eyes  so  kind  and  clear, 
The  magic  of  her  gentle  voice, 

That  even  now  1  hear  ; 
And  nobles  knelt,  and  princes  bent, 
Before  her  as  she  came  ; 
A  Queen  by  gift  of  nature  she, 
More  than  a  Queen  in  name." 

When  Jane  Kennedy  was  released  from  the  imprisonment 
of  Fotheringay,  she  became  the  wife  of  Andrew  Melville,  of 
Garvock,  who,  like  bis  kinsman,  had  suffered  in  property  and 
liberty  for  his  Queen.  Jane  Kennedy  and  this  gentleman 
were  "  engaged  "  whilst  in  captivity.  King  James,  in  order 
to  testify  his  "  gratitude  "  for  Jane  Kennedy's  attachment  to 
his  mother,  and  his  sense  of  her  love  and  loyalty  to  the  House 
of  Stuart,  appointed  her  to  meet  and  attend  his  bride,  Anne 
of  Denmark,  to  Scotland.  Willing  to  comply  with  the  young 
King's  request,  Jane  set  out  on  her  journey,  and  in  crossing 
the  rough  waters  of  the  Firth  in  an  open  boat,  a  sudden 
storm  arose,  the  tiny  vessel  was  capsized,  and  all  on  board 
perished.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  heroic  young  lady  who 
plunged  from  the  window  at  Lochleven  into  the  dark  waters, 

VOL.   IV.  M  M 


530  Marys  Protestant  Friends. 

and  swam  bravely  in  pursuit  of  the  skiff  in  which  her  Royal 
mistress  was  then  struggling  for  life  and  liberty.  The 
memory  of  Jane  Kennedy  is  still  loved  and  honoured  in  many 
a  mountain-home  of  Old  Caledonia. 

In  1660 — a  memorable  period  in  the  annals  of  England — 
a  small  book  of  some  sixty  pages  was  printed  at  Madrid  by  a 
Scotch  gentleman  named  Charles  Graham.  The  book  in 
question  gave  an  interesting  account  of  the  sufferings  of  Jane 
Kennedy  and  the  other  ladies  who  accompanied  the  Queen  of 
Scots  to  Loughleven  Castle.  The  writer  states  that  all 
"  honour  was  due  to  Willie  of  the  Castle,"  with  whose  history 
my  readers  are  already  acquainted.  According  to  the  narrator, 
Jane  Kennedy  was  a  noble-minded  woman.  A  copy  of  the 
"  precious  little  book  "  is,  I  believe,  at  present  in  possession  of 
a  relative  of  mine  in  Lisbon,  the  Don  Casinigo. 


The  Spanish  Armada.  531 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 


THE    SPANISH    ARMADA. 


The  next  event,  great  and  pleasing  to  the  pride  of 
Englishmen  in  its  results,  was  the  Spanish  expedition  against 
England,  known  as  the  Invincible  Armada.  The  sailing  of 
the  Spanish  Armada  for  England  roused  the  heart  of  the 
realm  from  end  to  end.  No  such  manifestation  of  popular 
feeling  ever  occurred  before.  All  parties  and  creeds  were 
united  in  defence  of  Fatherland,  and  none  paused  to  inquire 
what  might  have  been  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the 
projected  invasion  of  England.  The  invasion  had  its  origin 
in  the  frequent  plunders  committed  in  the  "  Spanish  Waters  " 
by  the  well-disciplined  English  pirates  to  whom  I  have  re- 
ferred in  a  preceding  chapter.  Almost  every  circumstance 
connected  with  the  Armada  has  been  misrepresented  for  sec- 
tarian and  party  purposes.  Elizabeth,  however,  on  the  threat  of 
invasion,  proved  herself  equal  to  the  occasion.  She  displayed  the 
energy  of  many  men,  and  the  invincible  courage  of  the  heroes 
of  antiquity.  The  Queen  appeared  at  Tilbury,  and  made  a 
memorable  speech  to  her  army.  She  understood  the  weak  side 
of  men,  and  knew  when  and  how  to  win  their  devotion.  Not 
only  the  male  heroism  of  the  country,  but  some  of  its  fairest 
daughters,  rallied  to  the  national  defence.  One  noble  lady  of 
Cheshire,  Dame  Cholmondely,   was    knighted  by  the  Queen 

for  the   "  brave  gathering  "  which  she  headed  to  the  rendez- 

M  M  2 


532  The  Spanish  Ar77tada. 

vous  at  Tilbury,  Elizabeth  must  have  been  proud  that 
day,  by  "  Eoyal-towered  Thame,"  when  she  passed  in  review 
the  hearts  as  well  as  the  persons  of  her  devoted  subjects. 
Sectarianism  concealed  its  baleful  front  in  presence  of  the 
universal  enthusiasm.  Lord  Howard,  a  Catholic,  the  Queen 
appointed  Lord  High  Admiral;  and  right  nobly  did  he  justify 
the  choice — the  practised  and  trusted  Drake  was  her  Vice- 
Admiral ;  and  Leicester  commanded  the  land  forces ;  over  all 
she  herself  presided,  and  prepared  to  take  the  field  as 
Commandress-in-Chief. 

The  Queen  rode  along  the  "brave lines"  of  her  subjects, 
at  Tilbury,  the  Royal  helmet  nodding  with  snowy  plumes, 
rehearsing  her  life  policy,  and,  like  lesser  monarchs,  proved 
that  she  knew  her  subjects  better  than  she  seemed  to  know 
herself. 

Elizabeth  concluded  her  address  in  these  words  : — 

"  I  have  placed  my  chiefest  strength  and  safeguard  in  the  loyal 
hearts  and  good-will  of  my  subjects.  I  am  come  amongst  you  at 
this  critical  moment,  not  for  my  recreation  or  sport,  but  being 
resolved,  in  the  midst  and  heat  of  the  battle,  to  live  or  die  amongst 
you  all ;  to  lay  down,  for  my  God,  and  for  my  kingdom,  and  for  my 
people,  my  honour  and  my  blood,  even  in  the  dust,  I  know  I 
have  but  the  body  of  a  weak  and  feeble  woman,*  but  I  have  the 
heart  of  a  king,  and  of  a  king  of  England  too,  and  think  foul  scorn 
that  Parma  or  Spain,  or  any  prince  of  Europe,  should  dare  to 
invade  the  borders  of  my  realms,  to  which,  rather  than  any  dis- 
honour should  grow  by  me,  I  myself  will  take  up  arms.  I  myself 
will  be  your  general,  judge,  and  re  warder," 


*  Elizabeth  was  about  fifty-five  years  old  at  this  period,  yet  a  fine-looking 
woman,  with  what  Whitgift  styled  "  young  and  fascinatmg  manners." 


The  Spanish  Armada,  533 

The  Queen  desired  to  be  conducted  to  the  front  rank 
of  danger ;  but  the  Earl  of  Leicester  remonstrated  against 
such  a  course,  in  the  following  address : — 

*'  As  for  your  person,  dear  Queen,  we,  your  devoted  and  loving 
subjects,  cannot  run  any  chance  of  danger  to  your  sacred  person. 
For,  upon  your  well  doing  consists  all  the  safety  of  the  whole 
kingdom."* 

The  Queen  complied  with  her  "  Sweet  Kobin's  "  request.  It 
was  a  proud  moment  for  Elizabeth,  perhaps  the  grandest  of 
her  reign,  which  was  a  series  of  fortunate  incidents. 

For  the  first  time  the  Spaniards  fairly  fled  before  their 
English  pursuers,  who  were  only  defending  their  own 
country.  Both  parties  seemed  to  have  committed  blunders, 
and  the  elements  decided  against  any  well-contested  sea-fight. 
The  want  of  ammunition  compelled  the  English  fleet  to  return 
to  port,  at  a  time  when  they  might  have  dealt  a  successful 
blow  against  their  adversaries.  The  Spaniards  in  their  retreat 
met  with  no  enemy.  They  had,  however,  to  contend  against 
a  perfect  hurricane  ;  and,  according  to  an  old  Spanish 
mariner,  "  the  sea  ran  mountains  high."  The  shores  of 
Scotland  and  Ireland  were  covered  with  the  wrecks  of  Spanish 
ships.  \\Tien  the  Duke  of  Medina  terminated  his  unfortunate 
voyage  in  the  port  of  St.  Andero,  he  acknowledged  the  loss 
of  thirty  ships  of  the  very  largest  size,  and  ten  thousand  men. 
According  to  the  despatches  to  Mendoza,  there  perished,  or  were 
taken  by  the  enemy,  fifteen  sail  of  the  line,  carrying  four 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-one  men  ;  and  on  the 
coast    of  Ireland,    seventeen    sail,   with  five  thousand    three 


*  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  577 


534  1^^''^  Spanish  Armada. 


hundred  and  ninety-four  men.  The  Spanish  infantry  at  this 
period  were  of  the  first-class — tlie  best  in  existence  ;  and  it  is 
highly  probable  that,  if  any  land  engagement  took  place,  the 
"raw  levies,"  of  whom  Elizabeth  boasted  so  much,  would  have 
met  with  an  enemy  worthy  of  the  occasion,  and  bringing  to  the 
combat  a  keen  recollection  of  the  English  pirates  in  the 
Spanish  waters. 

When  the  Council  of  King  Philip  ventured  to  announce  to 
him  the  fate  of  the  Armada,  he  heard  the  news  without 
any  change  of  countenance,  or  any  symptom  of  emotion. 
"  I  thank  Grod,"  he  coolly  replied,  "who  has  given  me  so 
many  resources,  that  I  can  bear  without  inconvenience  so 
heavy  a  loss.  One  branch  has  been  lopt  oflf;  but  the  tree  is 
still  flourishing,  and  able  to  supply  its  place."  The  King 
immediately  sent  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand  crowns  to  be 
distributed  among  the  survivors,  and  in  a  few  days  later, 
another  large  donation.  Philip  was  always  munificent  in 
money  matters,  whether  for  politics  or  charity.  Strada 
assures  his  Spanish  readers  "  that  King  Philip  did  not  attach 
any  blame  to  the  Duke  of  Parma  for  the  ill-success  of  the 
expedition." 

From  the  defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada  till  the  death  of  the 
Queen,  during  the  lapse  of  fourteen  years,  the  English 
Catholics  groaned  under  the  pressure  of  incessant  persecution. 
Sixty-one  clergymen,  forty-seven  laymen,  and  two  ladies 
suffered  capital  punishment  for  some  or  other  of  the  "  spiritual 
felonies  and  treasons  "  which  had  been  lately  created.  The 
courts,  in  many  cases,  dispensed  with  the  examination  of 
witnesses.  Liberty  was  generally  offered  to  the  accused, 
provided  they  abandoned  their  religion  and  took  the  oath, 
"  declaring  the  Queen  the  vicegerent  of  Christ."  The  refusal 
was  followed  by  death ;  and   the  butchery,  with   few  excep- 


The  Spanish  Armada.  535 

tions,  was  performed  on  the  victim  whilst  he  was  yet  in 
perfect  possession  of  his  senses.* 

Whilst  men  and  women  of  property  were  treated  in  this 
barbarous  manner,  and  their  effects  "  parcelled  out  to  Court 
favourites  or  profligate  squires,"  the  reader  may  form  some 
idea  of  the  fate  of  those  poor  recusants  who  had  no  money  to 
bribe  the  officers  of  the  law,  or  to  stay  the  reports  of  the 
rapacious  spy  who  took  freely  from  the  proscribed,  and  sub- 
:~equently  sold  them  to  Walsingham  or  Burleigh. 

The  history  of  those  times  appear  like  a  dream  in  a  chamber 
of  horrors,  yet  all  the  incidents  recorded  are  proved  to  be 
correct  from  contemporary  evidence,  and  well  attested  State 
Papers. 

The  promises  of  liberty  and  equality  made  to  the  English 
Catholics  upon  the  approach  of  the  Armada  were  withdrawn 
when  the  elements  decided  the  fate  of  the  Spanish  fleet  ;  and 
the  proscribed  continued  to  be  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron  to  the 
close  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 

When  all  England  was  in  a  panic  at  the  expected  approach 
of  the  Spanish  Armada,  the  people  of  London  made  many 
preparations  to  avoid  any  "  sudden  surprise."  The  Govern  - 
ment  seemed  half  crazy  over  the  matter,  and  were,  as  usual, 
inclined  to  act  in  a  sanguinary  spirit  towards  those  who  did 
not  obey  their  proclamations.  According  to  an  Order  in 
Council,  every  London  householder  was  enjoined  "  under  the 


*  See  Chaloner's  Memoirs  of  the  Victims,  vol.  i.  There  are  also  many 
letters  extant  describing  the  scenes  occurring  at  the  executions  of  recusants. 
Toppclyff  desired  imprisonment  and  special  punishment  for  the  women  who 
were  recusants.  He  describes  the  fury  of  a  woman  who  has  taken  to 
Popery  as  far  worse  than  a  man.  His  devise  for  punishing  a  Popish  woman 
is  printed  in  Strype,  vol.  iv.,  p.  39. 


5 36  The  Spanish  Armada. 

■penalty  of  death  at  the  hands  of  the  public  executioners, to  suspend 
a  lighted  lamp  before  his  door  after  sundotvn."  The  people,  who 
dreaded  the  very  name  of  the  Armada,  like  the  bogies  circulated 
during  the  Wars  of  the  Eoses,  cheerfully  obeyed  the  order,  and 
the  hangman  was  not  required  to  enter  upon  the  scene.  When 
the  panic  passed  away,  the  streets  were  again  in  darkness,  and 
the  highwaymen  renewed  their  murderous  occupations.  In 
the  times  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  later  still,  the  only  lights  in 
the  principal  thoroughfares  of  London  on  moonless  nights 
were  supplied  by  the  cressets  and  lanterns  hung  from  the  long 
poles  carried  by  the  night-watch.  Time  brought  many 
changes,  and  not  always  for  the  domestic  comforts  of  the 
people.  By  a  statute  of  1716,  every  London  householder 
was  required  to  suspend  a  light  before  his  door  from  six  to 
eleven  p.m.,  on  all  moonless  nights,  with  sufficient  cotton  wick 
to  burn  five  hours.  A  penalty  of  one  shilling  was  imposed  for 
a  neglect  of  this  statute. 


Further  Persecution  of  Lord  Arundel.  537 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

FURTHER  PERSECUTION  OF   LORD  ARUNDEL. 

At  the  period  of  the  Spanish  Armada  (1588)  Lord  Arundel, 
who  had  been  long  years  pining  in  a  damp  cell  in  the 
Tower,  received  a  notice  that  if  any — even  the  slightest 
— success  attended  the  Spanish  invasion,  all  the  Papists 
then  in  prison  might  look  for  an  execution  more  swift  than  any 
performed  by  Toppclyfife  or  Yonge.  No  charge  was  preferred 
against  Arundel,  Grerard,  Shelley,  or  Bennet,  but  that  they 
obstinately  persevered  in  the  practice  of  a  religion  which  the 
Queen  and  her  Council  declared  to  amount  to  "  treasonable 
practices."* 

It  is  true  no  massacre  of  Catholic  prisoners  took  place ;  but, 
as  far  as  Lord  Burleigh  was  concerned,  he  would  have  made 
a  "  clean  sweep  out "  of  the  dungeons,  and  place  some 
hundreds  of  heads  upon  London  Bridge  and  the  gates  of  the 
Tower. 

A  new  charge  was  brought  against  Lord  Arundel — namely, 
asking  a  priest  to  celebrate  Mass  for  the  success  of  the  Armada. 
Lord  Arundel  most  solemnly  protested  that  the  prayers  which 
he  had  proposed  had  no  reference  to  the  Spanish  invasion. 
He  merely  sought  the  protection  of  Heaven  for  himself  and  his 
fellow-prisoners,  who  had  been  threatened  with  assassination 
by  the  agents  of  the  Crown. 


*  Stowe,  p  749-7S0;  Chaloner,  p.  209-237. 


53^  Further  Persecution  of  Lord  Anmdel. 


The  second  trial  of  Lord  Arundel  was  brief,  after  an 
hour's  consultation  the  "  unblemished  Peers,"  presided  over 
by  the  Catholic,  Lord  Derby,  pronounced  the  Earl  of 
Arundel  guilty  of  high  treason.  The  noble  victim  heard 
the  judgment  pronounced  with  composure  and  cheerful- 
ness. He  begged,  as  a  last  favour,  that  he  might  be  allowed, 
before  his  death,  to  see  his  wife  and  his  son,  a  child  about  five 
years  old,',  who  had  been  born  since  his  confinement  in  the 
Tower.     The  request  was  rejected  by  Elizabeth. 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife  shortly  before  his  "  troubles  were  re- 
newed," Lord  Arundel  wrote  as  follows  : — "  I  beseech  you  for 
the  love  of  Grod  to  comfort  yourself  whatsoever  shall  happen, 
and  to  be  pleased  with  that  which  shall  please  God,  anci  be 
His  will,  in  all  things."  Lord  Arundel  died  suddenly  in  the 
Tower,  and  the  question  is  still  undecided  as  to  whether  he 
was  poisoned,  or  died  from  long  confinement  and  want  of 
necessary  food.     His  death  caused  an  immense  sensation. 

As  long  as  the  Countess  of  Arundel  lived,  she  was  doomed 
to  feel  the  Koyal  displeasure.  She  could  not  remove  from  her 
house  without  danger  of  ofience ;  she  was  obliged  to  solicit 
permission  to  visit  London  even  for  medical  advice;  and 
whenever  Elizabeth  meant  to  repair  to  St.  James's,  the 
Countess  of  Arundel  received^  an  order  to  quit  the  capital 
before  the  Queen's  arrival.  This  was  cruel  despotism  upon 
the  part  of  one  woman  to  another. 


The  Race  of  the  Hoivards.  539 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

THE    RACE    OF    THE    HOWARDS. 

The  Howards  appear  at  intervals  from  the  early  chapters  of 
the  first  volume  of  the  "  Historical  Portraits  "  down  to  the 
memoirs  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel  in  the  4th  and  last  volume  of 
this  work.  I  cannot  do  better,  in  parting  with  this  subject, 
than  quote  the  following  review  of  this  illustrious  family  from 
the  Times  of  March  5,  1883.  The  name  of  the  gallant 
soldier,  upon  whom  was  conferred  the  Dukedom  of  Norfolk  in 
the  second  branch,' has  been  made  familiar  to  the  world  by 
Shakespeare  in  his  Richard  the  Third:  — 

"  Jockey  of  Norfolk,  be  not  too  bold, 
For  Dickon,  thy  master,  is  bought  and  sold." 
The  warning  was  disregarded,  and  the  chivalrous  duke  fell 
battling  stoutly,  and  with  leal  devotion,  on  the  fatal  field  of 
Bosworth.  Scarcely  an  epoch  in  English  records  since  the 
battle  of  Hastings  has  been  unmarked  by  the  prominent  action 
of  some  member  of  this  truly  Historic  House.  The  following 
is  the  resume  copied  from  the  great  journal  mentioned 
above : — 

"On  Thursday,  the  28th  of  June  in  the  present  year  (1883)  the 
Dukedom  of  Norfolk  will  be  four  centuries  old.  The  occurrence  of 
such  an  anniversary  cannot  but  awaken  the  historical  associations 
which  cluster  in  such  profusion  around  the  name  of  Howard.  There 
were  Dukes  of  Norfolk,  it  is  true,  before  the  title  was  conferred 
upon   the   Howards,   and  the   Howards   themselves    were  famous 


540  The  Race  of  the  Howards. 

before  they  acquired  the  dukedom.     But  the  title  conferred  on  Sir 
John    Howard,  the  '  Jockey  of  Norfolk,'   has  remained  in  the  same 
family,  and  has  descended,  or  been  revived,  exclusively  in  the  male 
line,  ever  since   Richard  III.  bestowed  it  on  his  great  supporter, 
the  maternal  grandson  of  the  last  of  the  Mowbrays  who  had  held 
the  earlier  dukedom.     There  are  few  families  in  England  which  can 
exhibit  an  older  title,  or  boast  of  a  more  eventful  history.     The 
Duke   of  Norfolk  is    the    premier  Duke   of   England,  and  ranks 
among  hereditary  Peers  immediately  after  the  Princes  of  the  Blood. 
One  earldom  alone,  that  of  Shrewsbury,  and  not  more  than  a  dozen- 
baronies  can  boast   of  an  earlier  creation,  so   that  apart  from  his 
ducal  rank  the  head   of  the  Howards  is  entitled  to  rank  by  mere 
length  of  descent  as  one  of  the  first  nobles  in  the  land.     Nor  is  the 
family  less  remarkable  for  its  historical  eminence  than  it  is  for  its 
length  of  descent  and  the  variety  of  the  branches  in  which  its  name 
has  been  ennobled.     The  first  Duke  of  Norfolk  of  the  present  line 
was  the  descendant  and  the  ancestor  of  sovereigns.     The  stem  of 
his  family  may  be  traced   with  certainty  in  the  male  line  to  Sir 
William  Howard,  who  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas  in 
the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  and  though  the  cautious  Dugdale  declines 
to  carry  the  line  further  back,  there  is,  nevertheless,  good  ground 
for  believing  that  it  may  be  traced  to  Hereward,  the  exile,  who 
was   banished   by  William  the    Conqueror.     The  mother   of  Sir 
John    Howard,   the     '  Jockey  of  Norfolk,'     was  of    even   more 
illustrious   descent.     Her  father  was    Thomas  Mowbray,  the  last 
Duke  of  Norfolk  of  the   earlier  creation,  and  her  mother  was  the 
daughter  of  Richard,  Earl  of  Arundel  and  Surrey,  the  descendant 
and  representative  of  William  de  Warrenne,  Earl  of  Surrey,  who 
married  Gundred,  daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror.     When  Sir 
John   Howard  was    created    Duke   of  Norfolk  in  1483,  his  son, 
Thomas  Howard,  received  at  the  same  time  the  title  of  Earl  of 
Surrey.     The  earldom  of  Arundel  remained  for  some  generations 
independent,  but  it   was   eventually  absorbed  into    the   family  of 
Howard  by  the  marriage  of  the  fourth  Duke,  Thomas,  with  Mary, 


The  Race  of  the  Howards.  54^ 

the  daughter  and  heir  of  Henry  Fitz-Alan,  Earl  of  Arundel,  whose 
only  son  by  this  marriage  became  Earl  of  Arundel  in  right  of  bis 
mother  after  the  attainder  of  his  father. 

"  Such  is  the  earlier  genealogical  history  of  the  great  Howard 
stock,  which  soon  spread  out  into  so  many  illustrious  branches  that 
Pope  could  speak  in  his  day  of  '  all  the  blood  of  all  the  Howards  '  as 
symbolical  of  the  very  quintessence  of  English  nobility.  The  first 
Duke  of  the  line  was  slain  at  Bosworth  fighting  on  the  side  of 
Richard  HI.  The  Duke  was  attainted  by  Parliament  after  his 
death,  and  all  the  honours  of  his  house  were  forfeited.  His  only 
son,  Thomas,  was  thrown  into  the  Tower,  Avhere  he  remained  in 
prison  for  three  years.  On  his  release  his  title  of  Earl  of  Surrey 
was  restored  to  him,  and  in  1513  the  dukedom,  which  had  been 
lost  at  Bosworth,  was  recovered  at  Flodden,  where  the  Earl  of 
Surrey  commanded  the  English  troops.  In  1514  the  revived  title 
of  Duke  of  Norfolk  was  granted  to  him  as  the  reward  of  his 
brilliant  victory.  From  this  time  forward  for  nearly  a  century  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  House  of  Howard  and  its  relations  to  that  of 
Tudor  form  no  inconsiderable  part  of  the  history  of  the  kingdom. 
The  sons  of  the  second  Duke  were  renowned  in  war  by  land  and 
sea;  two  of  his  granddaughters  became  Queens  of  England, 
and  his  grandson,  Lord  Howard,  of  Effingham,  the  second  holder 
of  that  title,  commanded  the  British  fleet  which  withstood  and 
vanquished  the  Armada.  Catharine  Howard,  the  wife  of  Henry 
VIII.,  was  the  daughter  of  Edmund  Howard,  who  was  Marshal  of  the 
Horse  under  his  father  at  Flodden  Fields.  Edward  Howard,  another 
son  of  the  second  Duke,  was  a  sailor  of  renown,  who  was  made 
Admiral  of  the  Fleet  by  Henry  VIII.,  and  slain  in  action  off"  Brest 
in  1513.  Elizabeth,  the  Duke's  daughter,  married  Sir  Thomas 
Boleyn,  and  her  daughter,  Anna  Boleyn,  became  the  mother  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  In  spite  of  the  services  of  his  father  and  brothers — 
perhaps,  indeed,  in  consequence  of  them — the  third  Duke, 
Thomas,  with  his  renowned  son,  Henry  Howard,  Earl  of  Surrey 
fell  under  the  displeasure  of  the  imperious  monarch,  of  whom  Sir 


542  The  Race  of  the  Howards. 

Walter  Ealeigh  said  that  he  spared  neither  woman  in  his  lust  nor 
man  in  his  pride.  The  accomplished  Earl  of  Surrey,  equally 
celebrated  as  soldier,  scholar,  and  poet,  was  accused  with  his 
father  of  Popish  intrigues,  and  both  were  thrown  into  prison  on  a 
charge  of  high  treason.  '  The  gallant  and  unfortunate  Henry 
Howard,  Earl  of  Surrey,'  says  Sir  Walter  Scott,  '  was  unquestion- 
ably the  most  accomplished  cavalier  of  his  time,  and  his  sonnets 
display  beauties  which  would  do  honour  to  a  more  polished  age. 
He  was  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill  in  1546 — a  Tictim  to  the  mean 
jealousy  of  Henry  VIII.,  who  could  not  bear  so  brilliant  a  character 
near  his  throne.'  The  principal  charge  against  him  was  that  he 
had  quartered  the  arms  of  Edward  the  Confessor  on  his  escutcheon, 
and  though  this  was  amply  justified  by  heraldic  authority,  it  cost 
the  unfortunate  Surrey  his  life.*  The  Duke  himself  escaped ;  the 
warrant  for  his  executionf  was  signed  on  the  very  day  of  Henry's 
death,  but  it  was  never  carried  out,  and  the  third  Duke  of  Norfolk 
was  subsequently  restored  to  his  honours  and  titles.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Surrey's  son,  who  was  destined  to  undergo  the  same 
fate  at  the  hands  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  his  father  had  suffered 
under  Henry  VIII.  The  Duke's  grandfather  and  the  Queen's 
grandmother  were  brother  and  sister,  and  before  her  accession  he 
had  been  regarded  as  a  possible  suitor  for  Elizabeth's  hand.  He 
married,  however,  in  1556,  his  first  wife  being  that  daughter  of 
the  Earl  of  Arundel,  who,  as  we  have  already  said,  brought  the  title 
and  estates  of  Arundel  back  into  the  family  of  Howard.  His 
second  wife  was  the  daughter  of  Lord  Audley,  of  Walden,  and 
from  two  of  her  sons  are  descended  the  present  Earls  of  Suffolk 
and  Carlisle.  It  was  after  the  death  of  his  third  Duchess,  a  sister 
of  Lord  Dacre,  of  Gilsland,  that  the  Duke  fell  under  the  displeasure 

*  In  vol.  iii.  p.  122,  of  the  "  Historical  Portraits,"  is  printed  a  memoir 
of  the  romantic  life  and  tragic  end  of  the  gifted  poet. 

+  The  circumstances  under  which  King  Henry  signed  Norfolk's  death 
warrant  are,  perhaps,  without  a  precedent  in  the  history  of  England.  1 
refer  the  reader  to  pp.  250-1  (vol.  ii.)  of  the  "Historical  Portraits  of  the 
Tudor  Dynasty  "  for  the  startling  scene  in  question. 


The  Race  of  the  Howards.  543 


of  Elizabeth  on  account  of  his  intrigues  witli  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 
He  was  placed  on  his  trial  at  Westminster  on  a  charge  of  having 
intrigued  with  envoys  of  the  Pope  and  conspired  to  aid  Mary,  to 
whom  he  was  alleged  to  have  made  overtures  of  marriage.  The 
latter  charge  is  substantiated  by  his  own  confession,  but  as  the 
witnesses  against  him  are  knotcn  to  have  been  examined  on  the  rack, 
it  must  always  be  doubtful  whether  he  was  really  guilty  of  any 
capital  offence.  He  was  found  guilty  by  his  judges,  however, 
and  was  executed  in  1572.  The  title  of  Duke  of  Norfolk  was 
extinguished  by  his  attainder,  but  was  revived  in  1664,  when  his 
great-grandson,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arundel,  was  again  created  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  with  the  precedence  cf  the  original  title.  It  is  a 
singular  illustration  of  the  ruthless  politics  of  the  time  that  one  of 
the  Duke's  judges  at  his  trial  in  Westminster  Hall  was  his  great 
uncle,  William,  first  Lord  Howard,  of  Effingham,  the  father  of  the 
famous  Admiral. 

"With  the  death  and  attainder  of  the  fourth  Duke,  the  ducal 
title  of  Norfolk  was  extinguished,  but  not  the  fame  of  the  Howards. 
The  name  and  title  of  Arundel,  which  descended  to  Philip,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  fourth  Duke,  by  right  of  his  mother,  the  Duke's 
first  wife,  was  destined  to  be  as  illustrious  in  letters  and  learning 
as  that  of  Norfolk  itself  was  under  the  Tudor  sovereigns  in  politics 
and  arms.  The  name  of  Howard  was  destined  to  be  ennobled  in 
three  Earldoms— those  of  Effingham,  Suffolk,  and  Carlisle — and  to 
be  borne  without  a  title  by  the  ancient  territorial  families  the 
Howards  of  Corby  and  the  Howards  of  Greystoke.  Elizabeth's 
Admiral,  the  second  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  was  created  Earl 
of  Nottingham;  but  that  title  expired  with  his  second  son,  and  the 
Earldom  of  Effingham  has  twice  been  conferred  for  distinguished 
military  services  on  two  of  his  later  descendants.  The  first  Howard 
Earl  of  Suffolk  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  fourth  Duke's  second 
wife.  Her  second  son,  William.  *  Belted  Will  Howard '  of  the 
I;ay  of  the  Last  Minstrel,  is  thus  described  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  in 
his  notes  to  that  poem  : — 


544  "^^^^  Race  of  the  Howards. 

"  '  Lord  William  Howard,  third  son  of  Thomas,  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
succeeded  to  Naworth  Castle,  and  a  large  domain  annexed  to  it,  in 
right  of  his  wife,  Elizabeth,  sister  of  George,  Lord  Dacre,  who  died  _ 
without  heirs-male  in  the  11th  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  He  was 
Warden  of  the  Western  Marches  ;  and  from  the  rigour  with  which  • 
he  repressed  the  Border  excesses,  the  name  of  Belted  Will  Howard 
is  still  famous  in  our  traditions.' 

"  The  Earls  of  Carlisle  are  the  direct  descendants  of  Belted  Will, 
while  the  Howards  of  Corby  are  descended  from  his  second  son, 
Francis.  The  Howards  of  Greystoke  belong  to  the  elder  line, 
being  descended  from  a  grandson  of  Philip  Howard,  who  became 
Earl  of  Arundel  on  the  attainder  of  his  father,  the  fourth  Duke. 
A  memoir  of  this  Philip  Howard,  who  also  married  a  Dacre,  like 
his  younger  half-brother,  Belted  Will,  and  suffered  attainder  like 
so  many  of  his  forefathers,  was  edited  iA  the  present  century  from 
contemporary  documents  by  the  then  holder  of  the  Ducal  title  of 
Norfolk.  His  son,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  renowned 
scholar  and  antiquary,  and  the  friend  of  Bacon,  who  died  in  his 
house  at  Highgate,  was  the  collector  of  the  celebrated  Arundel 
marbles,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  University  of  Oxford.  He 
died  at  Padua  in  1646,  having  quitted  England  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Parliamentary  war.  '  Discerning,'  says  Dugdale,  '  the  flames 
of  war  (occasioned  by  the  prevalent  party  in  the  Long  Parliament) 
more  and  more  to  increase,  his  age  being  also  such  as  rendered 
him  not  fit  for  further  military  employments,  he  obtained  leave  from 
the  King  to  travel.'  A  brief  account  of  his  life  was  published  in 
the  last  century,  together  with  some  anecdotes  of  other  members 
of  the  Howard  family,  by  the  eleventh  Duke  of  Norfolk.  His 
grandson,  also  called  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arundel,  was  the  first  of 
the  line  in  whose  behalf  the  title  of  Duke  of  Norfolk,  extinguished 
by  Elizabeth,  was  revived.  The  Earl  of  Arundel  had  petitioned 
Charles  I.  to  restore  the  title,  but  though  he  was  created  Earl  of 
Norfolk  in  virtue  of  his  lineal  descent  from  Thomas  de  Brotherton, 
Earl  of  Norfolk,  a  younger  son  of  Edward  L,   and  was   appointed 


The  Race  of  the  Howards.  545 

Earl  Marshal,  like  so  many  of  his  ancestors — the  office  has  since 
become  hereditary  in  the  family — the  Ducal  title  itself  was  with- 
held. His  grandson  recovered  it,  however,  in  1664,  and  became 
fifth  Duke  of  Norfolk  of  the  line  of  the  Howards.  This  Duke, 
like  his  grandfather,  was  a  scholar  and  a  patron  of  learning.  '  The 
Duke  of  Norfolk,'  says  James  Theobald  in  a  memorandum  pub- 
lished in  the  eleventh  Duke's  '  Anecdotes,'  '  after  the  establishment 
of  the  Royal  Society  gave  that  worthy  society  permission  to  hold 
their  meetings  in  Arundel-house,  but  now,  as  it  was  to  be  pulled 
down,  they  removed  to  Gresham  College  ;  and  as  he  had  made  the 
Royal  Society  a  present  of  his  noble  library,  that  was  also  removed 
thither.'  The  revived  title  remained  in  the  direct  line  until  the 
death  of  the  ninth  Duke,  who  was  succeeded  in  the  Ducal  title 
by  the  eldest  representative  of  the  house  of  Howard  of  Greystoke, 
Charles  Howard,  at  that  time  proprietor  of  Deepdene,  near  Dork- 
ing, a  property  of  historical  interest,  whose  glories  were  celebrated 
by  Aubrey.  Deepdene  was  ultimately  sold  by  the  Norfolk  family, 
and  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Hopes,  in  whose  possession  it  has 
again  gathered  associations  of  surpassing  interest. 

"  It  is  unnecessary  on  the  present  occasion  to  pursue  further  the 
history  of  the  House  of  Howard.  In  a  few  months  it  will  reach 
the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  day  when  the  great  ancestor 
of  the  race  was  ennobled,  and  no  one  who  reflects  on  the  varied 
and  eventful  history  of  the  family  during  those  four  hundred  years 
can  doubt  that  the  anniversary  will  be  full  of  profound  interest  for 
all  whose  imagination  is  lively  enough  to  be  touched  by  the  romance 
of  English  History  and  the  renown  of  noble  names." 


VOL.  IV.  N  N 


546  Death  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

DEATH  OF  THE  EAKL  OF    LEICESTER. 

An  incident  which  occurred  in  the  August  of  1588  apparently 
disturbed  the  domestic  life  of  Elizabeth.  At  this  period 
Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  the  Royal  favourite,  of 
whom  the  reader  has  seen  much  in  the  preceding  volume  of 
this  work,  died  by  a  violent  death;  whether  it  arose  from 
natural  causes,  or  the  anguish  of  disappointed  ambition,  or 
what  appeared  more  likely  still,  from  poison  administered  by 
his  own  wife*  and  her  supposed  paramour,  remains  one  of 
those  undiscovered  mysteries  which  frequently  surrounded 
assassinations  in  those  times.  Maister  Bliss  relates  that 
"  poison  was  administered  by  the  Countess  of  Leicester  to  her 
husband  out  of  revenge  for  his  attempt  to  assassinate  her 
lover.  Sir  Christopher  Blount.f 

The  Queen  "  cried  and  sobbed,  and  partook  of  no  food  for 
days."  Her  "  Sweet  Robin  ^'  was  gone  ;  the  "  grief  was 
seated  deeply  in  her  heart."  So  reports  the  ladies  in  wait- 
ing upon  Elizabeth.  Several  of  the  obsequious  nobles,  such 
as  the  Talbots  and  the  Russells,  presented  addresses  of  con- 
dolence to  their  Sovereign  "  ufon  the  affliction  to  which  she  was 

*  This  lady  was  known  in  early  life  as  the  beautiful  Lettice  Knoleys,  the 
Queen's  cousin.  She  was  subsequently  married  to  Walter,  Earl  of  Essex, 
who  died  under  mysterious  circumstances  in  Ireland. 

f  Anthony  Wood's  Athena,  vol.  ii. 


DeatJi  of  tJic  Earl  of  Leicester.  S47 


reduced."  The  Queen  is  represented  as  "  comforted  by  such 
devotion  to  her  inner  feelings,^'  The  real  sentiment  of  those 
false  courtiers  was  one  of  detestation  and  scorn  for  Leicester. 

Money  had  frequently  a  potent  influence  in  allaying  "  grief 
or  disappointment "  with  the  Queen,  for  within  three  weeks 
subsequent  to  the  death  of  Leicester  she  seized  upon  a  large 
portion  of  his  effects,  and  ordered  them  to  be  sold,  in  order 
to  discharge  a  debt  which  he  owed  to  herself.* 

It  is  said  that  the  "  bad  son  of    a  bad  father  sometimes 
generates  worse    qualities    than   his    sire,"     Kobert    Dudley, 
Earl    of    Leicester,    possessed    none  of  the   few  good  points 
attributed  to  his  father,  but  far  excelled  him  in  every  bad 
one      The  father  was  accused  for  his  chief  offences  of  "  daring 
ambition,  time-serving,   and  unscrupulous  disregard  of  every 
principle  of  honesty  and  honour."     The  son  looked  upon  these 
as  the  mere  elements  of  education,  in  which  he  felt  bound  to 
make  a  daily  advance.     His  Protestantism,  and  the  show  of 
piety    exhibited  by   him  on  public    occasions,    were    arrant 
pretence,  transparent  to  all  who  knew  him,  and  unwillingly 
assumed  by  himself  as  an  unavoidable  obeisance  to  a  dominant 
hypocrisy.     The   only    one  quality  in   which    Leicester   was 
sincere  was  his  hatred  to  the  religion  of  his  ancestors,  and  as 
this  hostility  happened  to  be  based  upon  self-interest,  one  may 
safely  hazard  the  presumption  that  its   stamp  was  genuine. 
The  De  Quadra  correspondence,  and  other  State  Papers,  as  well 
as  evidence  obtained  from  the  most  recent  records,  have  with- 
drawn from  the  wall  of  History  the  last  slender  fastening  upon 
which  the  apologists  of  Robert  Dudley  could  hang  one  shred 
of  reputation. 


*  See  Camden's  Annals,  p.  583. 

N  N  2 


548  Death  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 

The  "  undeserved  public  appointments "  conferred  on 
Leicester  by  his  Koyal  mistress  attracted  the  marked  at- 
tention of  all  parties  in  the  State. 

The   influence  of  Leicester  over  Elizabeth  presents  itself 
in  many  important  State  affairs,  and   notably  in   placing  him 
at  the  head  of  the  army  which  she   despatched    to    Belgium 
to    aid  the  rebellious  subjects    of  King   Philip.      Here   the 
Queen  again  displayed  her  inconsistency,  for  she  was  a  firm 
believer  in  the  "  Divine  right  of  Kings."     It  is  said  that  she 
considered  it  *'  a  dishonourable  action  to  aid  rebels  who  were 
notoriously  opposed  to  crowned  heads."     Elizabeth  wished  to 
impress    upon  Philip  that  her  interference  between  him  and 
his    disaffected    subjects     was   merely  to    "bring    about   a 
reconciliation."     To    accomplish    this    policy — a    policy    in 
which    she    was    not    sincere — the    Queen    strictly    forbade 
Leicester,  as  her  representative  in  Belgium,  to  accept  of  "  no 
honours   or  favors  from   the   Protestant  rebels    to    her  good 
brother  of  Spain."     But  the  views  of  the    favorite    differed 
from  those  of  his  Royal  patroness.     The  ambition    of  Lord 
Leicester  aspired  to  the  place  which  had  been   possessed  and 
forfeited  by  the  Due  de   Anjou.       On  his  arrival  in  Holland, 
Leicester  asked,  and  after  some  hesitation  obtained,  from   the 
States   the    title    of  "  his  Ejfcellency,  the  office  of  Captain- 
G-eneral  of  the  United   Provinces,   and  the  whole  control  of 
the  army,  the  finances,  and  the  courts  of  judicature."     When 
the   news  reached  England,  the  Queen  manifested  her  dis- 
pleasure by  a  sudden  burst  of  passion.     She    swore    "  several 
oaths  "   as  to  how  she  would  punish  this  disobedient  subject. 
But  when   Elizabeth  ascertained  that  Leicester  sent  for  his 
wife,  whom  she  hated  with  the  most  deadly  feeling,    then  her 
rage  knew  no  bounds.     She  stamped  her  foot  with  increased 
energy,    and  indulged  in  those  terrible  imprecations  which 


D  eat  J  I  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  549 

often  affrighted  Harrington  and  Essex.    Affairs  were  becoming 

serious.     The  Queen  swore  by  " ,  that  she   would  let  the 

audacious  upstart  know  how  easily  the  hand  which  had  raised 
him  from  the  dust  could  beat  him  to  the  ground  again."* 
Each  day  the  Queen  announced  the  recall  of  Leicester.  His 
friends  were  marked  out  for  undeserved  insult.  The  favourite 
was,  however,  convinced  that  his  Eoyal  mistress  still  loved 
him,  and  to  appease  the  Royal  anger,  he  sent  his  wife  home  to 
England.  A  few  letters  of  "  penitence  for  his  crime,"  and 
above  all,  a  renewal  of  his  devoted  love  for  the  Queen,  restored 
him  to  the  affections  of  his  Sovereign.  During  these  some- 
times childish  altercations,  Elizabeth  often  threatened  to 
strike  a  fatal  blow,  but  had  never  the  courage  to  do  so.f 

The  lover  understood  the  woman,  and  his  triumph  for  the 
time  was  complete. 

By  the  spirit  of  his  conversation,  the  ardour  of  his  flattery, 
and  the  expense  of  his  entertainments,  Leicester  so  confirmed 
the  ascendancy  which  he  had  acquired,  that  for  thirty  years, 
though  he  might  occasionally  complain  of  the  caprice  of 
his  Royal  mistress,  he  ultimately  triumphed  over  every 
competitor.  As  a  statesman  or  a  commander  he  displayed 
little  ability.  His  extreme  rapacity  and  ambition  knew  no 
bounds  ;  and  many  years  elapsed  before  he  would  resign  his 
pretensions  to  the  hand  of  Elizabeth.  His  presumption  in 
this  case  excited  the  indignation  of  whatever  remained  of 
national  pride  amongst  the  nobility. 

"Were  we  to  judge,"  writes  Lingard,  "of  his  moral 
character  from  the  language  of  his  writings,   we  should   allot 


*  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  p.  299. 

t  Camden's  Annals    Hardwicke's  State  Papers ;  Letters  to  Lord  Leicester 

in  Wright,  vol.  2 


55°  Death  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 

to  him  the  praise  of  distinguished  piety.  If,  however,  we 
accept  the  statements  of  his  well-informed  contemporaries, 
the  delusion  vanishes,  and  Leicester  stands  before  us  as  one 
of  the  most  dissolute  and  unprincipled  men."  We  are  further 
informed,  that  among  the  females,  married  or  unmarried,  who 
formed  the  Court  of  Elizabeth,  two  only  escaped  his  solicitations. 
That  his  first  loife.  was  murdered  by  his  agents,  that  he  dis- 
owned his  marriage  with  the  second  for  the  sake  of  a  more 
favoured  mistress,  and  that  to  ohtain  that  mistress  he  first 
triumphed  over  her  virtue,  and  then  administered  poison  to 
her  h7isband.* 

To  these  well  attested  charges  has  been  added  a  long 
catalogue  of  crimes — of  treachery  to  his  friends,  of 
assassination  of  his  enemies,  and  of  acts  of  injustice  and 
extortion  towards  those  who  had  offended  his  pride  or  refused 
to  bend  to  his  pleasure. 

An  expressive  passage  in  the  writings  of  Lord  Coke,  in 
reference  to  a  wicked  Saxon  judge,  may  be  used  with  striking 
appositeness  in  dealing  with  Lord  Leicester.  "  He  lived  without 
love,  and  died  without  pity,  save  of  those  who  thought  it  a  pity 
he  had  lived  so  long.'^ 

So  much  for  the  first,  and  longest  retained,  of  Elizabeth's 
favourites. 


*  Camden's  Annals ;  Lingard,  vol.  6,  p.  518. 


AnotJier  Royal  Favourite.  55 1 


CHAPTER  XLI. 


ANOTHER    ROYAL    FAVOURITE. 


The  Earl  of  Essex  failed  in  his  attempt  to  solve  the  "  Irish 
difficulty,"  not  altogether  from  incapacity,  but  rather  from 
honesty  and  indiscretion,  and  the  fact  that  he  was  surrounded 
by  a  staff  of  officials  who  dishonoured  England  by  their 
cruelty  and  rapacity.  Essex  returned  from  Ireland  without 
the  Queen's  permission,  and  thus  left  himself  in  the  power 
of  the  Cecil  party,  to  which  was  attached  Lord  Nottingham, 
Francis  Bacon,    and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 

The  Queen  ordered  a  private  trial  of  Lord  Essex  before 
eighteen  commissioners,  "  empowered  to  pass  a  censure,"  but 
not  a  judgment,  on  the  prisoner.  This  tribunal  was  con- 
sidered by  lawyers  to  be  unconstitutional;  besides,  the 
members  of  the  Court  were  selected  from  amongst  the  bitter 
enemies  of  Essex. 

The  attempted  "  rising "  of  the  noble  prisoner  and  his 
followers  were  not  against  the  Queen,  but  her  Council,  who 
were  immensely  unpopular  at  the  time.  However,  the  mode 
adopted  to  rid  the  Queen  of  her  evil  advisers  proved  fatal  to 
nearly  all  concerned.  Several  were  consigned  to  the  Tower, 
and  after  a  time  pardoned,  amongst  whom  were  Lord  South- 
ampton. The  Royal  vengeance  pursued  Essex,  and  he  had 
little  hope  of  mercy  from  the  Queen. 

Suddenly  the  warrant  reached  the  Tower,  and   the    Queen, 


552  AnotJicr  Royal  Favourite. 

by    her    action,    proved   beyond    doubt    that    she   was    the 
daughter  of  Henry  Tudor. 

About  eight  of  the  clock  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of 
February,  1601,  Robert,  Earl  of  Essex,  was  unexpectedly  led  to 
the  scaffold,  which  had  been  erected  within  the  court  of  the 
Tower.     As  usual,  the  headsman  delayed  the  blows  according 
to  Toppclyff's  new  plan  for  causing  additional  torture.      After 
three  blows  the  head  was  severed  from  the  body,  and  held  up 
to  the  gaze  of  the  savage  spectators,  who  felt  a  delight  in  such 
scenes.     Essex  was  no  traitor,  but  indiscreet  when  surrounded 
by    such    enemies   as   the    Cecils  and  the    Bacons.     He  was 
attended   to   the    scaifbld    by  three  Anglican    clerics,    whose 
words,    to   use   his    own  expression,  had   "ploughed  up  his 
heart."     Never  did  a  prisoner  behave  with  greater  humility, 
or  manifest  more  sorrow    for  his  errors  against  the  Divine 
law.      He  also  felt  deeply  for  having  spoken  disrespectfully  of 
the  Queen.     The  real  treason  consisted  in  the  following  words, 
which  were  conveyed  to  her  Highness  by  the  ladies  of  the 
Court,  who  were  in  all  probability  in  the  pay  of  the  political 
enemies  of  Essex: — "  An  old  woman  as  crooked  in  mind  as  she 
was  in  hodyP  *     These  words  were  fatal  to  the  fallen  Earl. 
The   Queen   was  now  prompt   in   action.     She    commanded 
Lord  Darcy  to  hasten  the  executjon.j 

It  was  remarked  that  Essex  had  no  interview  with  his  wife, 
children,  or  friends.  He  took  leave  of  no  one,  and  seemed 
to  think  that  he  was  forgotten  by  all  those  who  professed  love 
or  friendship  for  him.  When  kneeling  down  at  the  scaffold,  he 
burst  into  tears,  asking  the  Sheriff  to  excuse  his  weakness. 


*  Osborn  Memoir?,  p.  93. 
t  Camden's  Annals,  p.  860. 


Another  Royal  Favourite.  553 


Lord  Essex,  unlike  other  royal  favourites,  had  enjoyed  at  the 
same  time  the  affection  of  the  Sovereign  and  of  the  people.  The 
Queen's  Council  caused  a  list  of  treasonable  practices  of  Essex 
and  his  "mad-cap  associates"  to  be  published.  But  those 
charges  obtained  no  credit  from  the  people.  In  fact,  the 
judicial  murder  of  Essex,  raised  a  strong  feeling  against  the 
Queen,  and  her  ministers,  who  were  received  with  expressions 
of  abhorrence  by  the  populace.* 

At  the  age  of  thirty-three,  perished  the  honest  and  high- 
minded  Eobert  Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex.  Many  of  the 
Anglican  clergy  of  London  preached  in  his  favour,  eloquently 
describing  his  benevolence  and  kindness  to  the  poor,  to  whom 
he  gave  large  quantities  of  food  daily;  and  the  indigent 
debtors  were  not  forgotten  by  him  at  Christmas.  His  charities 
were  thoughtful  and  unostentatious  ;  and  the  people  of 
London  long  cherished  an  affection  for  his  memory. 

The  closing  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  brought  many  of 
the  great  public  men  of  Europe  to  the  grave.  On  the  4th  of 
August,  1598,  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burleigh,  died  in  his  78th 
year,  after  having  held  office  under  Queen  Elizabeth  for  a 
period  of  forty  years.  In  the  third  volume  of  this  work  I 
have  entered  at  some  length  into  the  political  history  of  this 
great  statesman. 

In  the  autumn  of  1598,  Philip,  King  of  Spain,  died.  For 
upwards  of  forty-three  years  he  held  a  place  in  the  political 
history  of  Europe.  I  have  already  referred  to  the  career  of 
Philip.f  I  again  contend  that  no  politician  of  his  time  has 
been  represented  in  such  opposite  colours.     As  a  Sovereign  he 


*  Birch,  vol.  ii.  p.  510. 
t  See  vol.  iii.  p.  108,  of  the  "Historical  Portraits." 


554  Allot  her  Royal  Favourite. 

was  bound  to  maintain  the  colonies  belonging  to  Spain  ;  the 
real  question  then  at  issue  was — "  By  what  means  did  he 
uphold  the  Spanish  rule  in  the  Netherlands."  Philip  was  a 
monarch  possessed  of  considerable  statesman-like  abili- 
ties, but  his  haughty  temper  seldom  permitted  him  to  act  in 
harmony  with  his  ministers.  Nevertheless,  the  humblest  of 
his  subjects  might  address  him.  The  announcement  of  Philip's 
death  excited  unwonted  emotion  in  Elizabeth.  The  astute  old 
politician  had  sunk  into  the  grave,  and  his  sister-in-law  felt 
that  her  time  as  a  sister  autocrat  was  near  at  hand.  The 
name  of  Philip  brought  upon  the  scene  many  recollections 
of  the  days  of  "  Golden  Eliza  "  and  her  departed  friends. 

There  are  some  matters  in  relation  to  Philip  of  Spain, 
which  I  cannot  omit  placing  before  the  Student  of  History. 
It  has  been  alleged  by  several  English  writers  that  King 
Philip  was  the  "  mere  creature  of  a  bigoted  and  ignorant 
priesthood."  The  very  opposite  was  the  fact.  In  the  first 
place,  the  clerics  of  Spain  during  Philip's  reign  were  far  from 
being  ignorant.  That  they  were  bigoted,  and  hostile  to  the 
Reformers  I  have  no  doubt,  and  they  likewise  desired  to 
persecute  those  who  were  opposed  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
The  priesthood,  however,  did  not  control  Philip  in  his 
political  schemes.  Indeed,  he  frequently  acted  in  a  cruel  and 
despotic  manner  to  Churchmen  v^ho  disobeyed  his  orders,  and 
he  was  as  ready  to  send  a  bishop  as  an  humble  friar  to  a 
dungeon.  He  thought  little  of  human  life  where  the  dignity 
and  prerogative  of  the  Crown  were  interested.  His  re- 
ligious sentiments  were  for  many  years  a  mixture  of  super- 
stition and  hypocrisy.  Like  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  had  often 
been  upon  his  knees  praying  and  signing  death-warrants 
within  the  same  hour.  Towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  he 
became    amiable,   and    was  evidently  under   the    control    of 


Another  Royal  Favourite.  555 

religion.  The  feelings  of  the  stern  politician  had  now- 
vanished  from  the  scene.  One  of  the  royal  chaplains 
writes : — "  The  proudest  monarch  in  the  world  has  humbled 
himself  to  the  dust.  He  visits  the  victims  of  disease  in  our 
hospitals  ;  he  washes  the  beggars'  feet;  when  afflicted  with 
many  diseases,  racked  and  tortured  with  pain,  he  frequently 
exclaimed  '  I  am  but  a  man,  a  poor  sinner  who  deplores  his 
past  life.  To  the  will  of  Grod  I  submit  in  all  things.  Grlory 
and  honour  to  His  name." 

Philip  was  exceedingly  temperate,  both  in  eating  and 
drinking,  and  not  unfrequently  had  his  physician  at  his  side 
to  warn  him  against  any  provocative  of  the  gout  —  a 
hereditary  disease,  which,  at  a  very  early  period,  had  begun  to 
affect  his  health.  After  a  light  repast,  he  gave  audience  to 
such  of  his  subjects  as  desired  to  present  their  memorials. 
He  received  the  petitioners  graciously,  and  listened  to  all 
they  had  to  say  with  'patience — for  that  was  his  virtue.  He 
was  long  known  as  the  patron  of  artists — painters,  musicians, 
architects,  and  sculptors.  The  Grerman  or  English  Pro- 
testant artists  were  prized  for  their  genius,  and  their  religious 
feelings  delicately  respected  by  the  King. 

The  "  reduced  householders  "  of  Madrid,  and  other  cities, 
had  reason  long  to  remember  his  benevolence.  His  sympathies 
were  likewise  extended  to  poor  "  strolling  players,"  whose 
romantic  stories  of  life  in  the  Spanish  provinces  he  listened  to 
with  the  feelings  of  "  a  young  man  of  the  world."  Such  was 
Philip  the  Second  of  Spain. 


556  Last  Days  of  Elizabeth. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 


LAST    DATS    OF    ELIZABETH. 


The  reader  is  aware  that  Queen  Elizabeth  possessed  an 
immense  wardrobe,  the  greater  part  of  which  were  the  New 
Years'  gifts  of  wealthy,  or  apprehensive  loyal  subjects.  She 
also  received  an  annual  stock  of  valuable  jewels. 

The  Peers,  spiritual  and  temporal,  made  offerings  of  money, 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  presented  forty  golden  angels, 
and  a  case  of  honey ;  for  the  latter  the  Queen  had  "  a  sweet 
tooth."  Under  the  Stuart  dynasty,  the  "giving  and 
receiving  "  of  New  Years'  gifts  died  out  at  the  English  Court. 

The  Queen's  domestics  made  offerings  of  gold  comfit  boxes  ; 
also  boxes  of  cherries  and  apricots.  The  persons  who  made 
the  presentation  generally  spoke  in  complimentary  terms  of 
the  Queen's  domestic  life,  and  the  numerous  good  offices  slie 
performed  with  her  own  hands  for  the  peasant  women  and 
their  children  in  her  provincial  tours.  It  was  no  wonder  that 
a  feeling  akin  to  gratitude  prompted  them  to  style  her 
"  good  Queen  Bess." 

Elizabeth  made  the  greatest  display  of  regal  magnificence 
when  foreign  ambassadors  were  present.  During  dinner, 
the  company  enjoyed  vocal  and  instrumental  music  ;  next 
some  pleasing  conversation  on  domestic  topics,  in  which  she 
permitted  "  a  free  license." 

It  was  rare  to  find  a  courtier  acquainted  with  no  language 


Last  Days  of  Elizabeth.  557 

but  his  own.  The  ladies  studied  Latin,  Grreek,  Spanish, 
Italian,  and  P^rench.  Others  were  famous  needlewomen; 
and  the  ancient  dames  read  the  Scriptures  and  history,  whilst 
the  young  ladies  studied  music,  and  performed  on  the  lute 
and  other  instruments.  Every  young  lady  learned  house- 
keeping, but  they  were  not  able  to  produce  such  delicious 
confectionery  as  the  Portuguese  house- wives 

The  ceremonial  of  Elizabeth's  Court  rivalled  the  servility 
of  the  East;  no  person,  of  whatever  rank,  ventured  to  address 
her  otherwise  than  kneeling  ;  and  this  attitude  was  preserved 
by  all  her  ministers,  with  the  exception  of  Lord  Burleigh,  in 
whose  favour,  when  aged  and  infirm,  the  Queen  dispensed 
with  its  observance. 

Elizabeth  had  an  inconsistent  mode  of  "moralising"  upon 
many  subjects.  For  instance,  some  of  her  clerical  appoint- 
ments showed  the  utter  contempt  she  entertained  for  the 
priestly  office,  when  such  persons  as  her  Court  Fool  (Clod), 
Dr.  Dee,  and  Dick  Tarlton,  received  lucrative  Church  livings 
from  her  as  a  reward  for  having  amused  the  monarch  in  her 
moments  of  frivolity.  When  Tarlton  died  of  the  plague,  the 
Queen  conferred  his  Church  living  upon  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 
Upon  the  fitness  of  this  appointment  it  is  unnecessary  to  offer 
any  observation. 

"  The  Keformatlon,"  writes  a  distinguished  apologist  of 
Elizabeth's  policy,  "  gave  a  great  amount  of  power  to  the 
'Grood  Queen  Bess'  over  the  Church  lands."  Durin"-  the 
vacancy  of  any  preferment,  she  claimed  a  right  to  appropriate 
the  income  to  her  own  purposes*  and  she  forced  the  clero-y  to 
exchange    their    lands    with    the   Crown,    the    Crown    beino- 


*  Hook's  Archbishops  of  Canterbury',  vol.  x.,  p.  132. 


558  Last  Days  of  Elizabeth. 

certain  in  every  exchange  to  make  the  best  of  the  bargain. 
Out  of  this  property  the  Earl  of  Leicester  managed  to  obtain 
considerable  grants,  and  the  clergy  too  often  connived  at  his 
rohhery  and  wrong,  themselves  receiving  a  compensation, 
inadequate  so  far  as  the  Church  was  concerned,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  sufficient  to  offer  a  temptation  to  individuals. 

The  courtiers  of  Elizabeth's  reign  minutely  set  down  every 
incident,  however  trifling,  in  the  daily  movements  of  this 
remarkable  woman.  One  day,  about  a  year  before  the  death 
of  the  Queen,  Sir  John  Harrington,  like  others,  endeavoured 
to  amuse  his  royal  godmother  by  reading  some  "jocund 
verses  "  of  his  own  composition  to  his  Sovereign,  when  her 
Highness  smiled  at  the  affected  simplicity  of  this  studied 
courtier,  and,  after  a  pause,  full  of  emotion,  the  Queen 
replied  : — "  My  worthy  godson,  when  thou  doth  feel  creeping 
Time  at  thy  gate,  these  fooleries  will  please  thee  less.  I  am 
now  past  my  relish  for  such  matters." 

The  courtiers  looked  one  at  another  ;  the  silence  was  un- 
broken. They  retired  from  the  scene,  and  the  Queen  sat  alone 
for  nearly  two  hours. 

In  the  October  of  1602  Elizabeth  paid  several  visits  to 
G-reenwich  Park,  with  only  two  attendants,  who  kept  at 
some  distance  behind.  Here  in  the  evening  twilight  she 
wandered  alone  in  pensive  mood,  her  thoughts  undisturbed  by 
surrounding  influences,  and  took  no  note  of  life,  save  in  those 
evidences  of  decay  which  nature  never  gives  so  gently  as 
amidst  the  trees — the  fallino:  of  the  leaves,  and  the  murmurinj; 
sighs  of  the  autumn  winds.  She  may  have  fashioned 
amidst  such  scenes  the  sounds  of  loved  voices  never  more  to 
greet  her  as  in  the  joyfulness  of  youth.  In  the  solitude  of  her 
retreat,  and  the  loneliness  of  her  heart,  the  proud,  exacting 
monarch  felt  that  she  was  but  a  woman,  aged,  infirm,  tottering 


Last  Days  of  Elizabeth.  559 

upon  the  verge  of  the  Infinite  ;  yet  she  still  clung  to  the  world, 
which  was  fading  away  from  her  vision.  But  it  was  impossible 
to  deceive  even  herself.  The  once  buoyant  spirit  and  elastic 
temperament  had  all  but  vanished,  and  no  effort  could  conceal 
the  fact  that  the  end  was  approaching. 

In  those  long  hours  of  sleepless  lassitude  which  preceded  the 
restlessness  that  ushered  in  dissolution  how  peopled  must  have 
been  the  mind  of  Elizabeth,  conjuring  up  the  by-past,  and 
passing  in  spectral  review  her  buried  affections  and  her 
purposeless  glories  !  In  the  ghastly  procession  were,  doubt- 
less, to  be  found  all  the  love,  the  loyalty,  the  wisdom,  the 
frivolity,  and  the  deception  of  a  long  reign  in  which  every 
virtue  had  a  representative,  every  crime  a  manifestation. 

Eandolph,  the  foresworn  ambassador,  had  died,  leaving  an 

ominous  message    to  Francis    Walsingham.     The  crafty  and 

vindictive  Knollys,  who   had  so  often  intervened  between  the 

Queen    and    mercy,   had    likewise  passed    away,    and   Lord 

Hunsdon,  who,  like  Blanche  Parry,  had  been  the  repository 

of  secrets  ■  which    could    not    challenge     investigation,    had 

journeyed  to  the  Land  of  the  Hereafter,  bequeathing  a  solemn 

statement  of  his  Dantesque  vision — the  processional  picture  of 

a  life's  experience  made  lurid  by  remorse.     Kobert  Dudley,  her 

evil  genius,  the  once  beloved  and  admired,   had  sunk  into 

the  grave  an   unconscious  suicide;   the  "faithful  Burleigh" 

had  departed  from  the  scene ;  Walsingham,  the  zealous  and 

devoted,  who  might  at  his  end  have  apostrophised,  like  Wolsey ; 

the  "  self-sacrificing ''  Hatton,  too,  had  gone  ;  and  Essex,  the 

handsome  boy,  the  youth,  and  tlie  man, — loved,  ill-used,  fondled, 

and,  in  a  fit  of  acrid  anger,  decollated.     Those  losses  cast  a 

gloom  upon  the  declining  days  of  Elizabeth  ;  and  yet,  perhaps, 

she  grieved  more  for  the  absence  of  her  faithful  women — the 

ladies  of  her  Court,  who  had  fostered  her  at    Hunsdon  and 


560  Last  Days  of  Elizabeth. 

Hatfield,  and  with  whom,  when  laying  aside  the  potentate,  she 
indulged  in  communings  of  handsome  Thomas  Seymour,  and 
the  days  of  her  lovable  and  interesting  girlhood  when  Golden 
Eliza  was  playfully  called  the  "Queen  of  Hearts"  by  her 
young  maiden  companions. 

Towards  the  close  of  Ociober  (1602)  nearly  all  the 
Yalued  friends  of  the  Queen  had  preceded  her  on  the 
ageless  highway.  A  sad  picture  the  lone  woman  presented 
ere  her  own  turn  came  to  hear  the  dread  decision  for  ever- 
more on  the  nothingness  of  earthly  power. 

About  the  beginning  of  March,  1603,  Elizabeth  surrendered 
herself,  without  resistance,  to  a  fit  of  despair. 

The  incident  of  the  ring  is  a  mere  essay  of  romance. 
Even  when  a  young  woman,  Elizabeth  was  not  inclined  to 
be  romantic.  Lord  Essex  was  no  lover  ;  he  never  came  upon 
the  scene  like  Leicester  or  Hatton.  The  Queen  had  known 
him  from  childhood,  and  "  patted  and  slapped  him  alternately." 
She  appeared  like  an  old  maiden  aunt  with  a  spoiled  nephew. 
He  amused  the  "  fast  decaying  old  woman  "  with  many  tales 
of  life  in  London.  She  gave  him  liberally  of  her  purse,  and 
^'  mended  his  quarrels  with  the  fashionable  mad-caps  of  the 
time."  The  scandals  concerning  the  mother  of  Essex  and  Lord 
Leicester  was  long  a  source  of  bitterness  to  the  Queen.  The 
Countess  of  Nottingham  was  not  the  person  to  whom  a  young 
man  like  Essex  would  confide  such  a  secret.  Here  is  the 
narrative  said  to  be  put  forth  by  gossiping  Dudley  Carleton, 
the  English  Ambassador  in  Holland.  According  to  Carleton, 
the  Countess  of  Nottingham  being  on  her  death-bed,  sought  an 
interview  with  the  Queen,  and,  with  great  grief  and  remorse, 
informed  her  Majesty  that  the  late  Lord  Essex,  whilst  under 
sentence  of  death,  sent  to  the  Countess  of  Nottingham  a  ring 
which  the  Queen  gave  him  some  years  previous,  with  the  as- 


Last  Days  of  Elizabeth.  561 

surance  that  if  he  ever  lost  the  Eoyal  favour  to  send  her  the 
said  ring,  which  should  prove  a  reconciliation.  The  Countess 
of  Nottingham  was  charged  with  this  delicate  matter  ;  and 
for  reasons  best  known  to  herself,  retained  the  ring.  "  Some 
time  later,"  writes  Carleton,  "  the  Countess  was  on  her 
death-bed,  and  sent  for  the  Queen,  to  whom  she  confessed 
her  treachery,  and  besought  forgiveness."  According  to  the 
narrator,  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  recognising  the  ring,  was  over- 
whelmed with  grief.  Then  bursting  into  a  violent  fit  of 
passion,  swore  at  the  dying  woman ;  caught  her,  squeezed 
her,  and  dragged  her  about  in  the  bed,  exclaiming — "  Grod 
may  forgive  you^  but  I  never  will ;  no,  never."  "  The  Queen 
again  burst  into  tears,  and  instantly  retired." 

It  was  contended  that  the  Countess  had  acted  upon  the 
advice  of  her  husband.      The  whole  affair  is  a  myth. 

In  old  age,  Elizabeth's  vanity  was  still  perverse  and 
vigorous;  yet  she  became  weary  of  life.  She  had  no  husband, 
no  children  ;  no  Royal  relatives ;  in  fact,  none  to  love  her, 
and  certainly  beloved  hy  none.  Her  strong  memory  began  to 
fail  ;  her  second  childhood  was  even  more  friendless  than  her 
first.  Her  once  joyous  and  buoyant  spirit  seemed  completely 
to  have  departed. 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  with  what  varied  feelings  Eliza- 
beth contemplated  her  end.  One  of  her  most  distinguished 
biographers  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  she  died  "  unsettled 
in  religion  and  uneasy  in  conscience. ^^  The  day  before  her 
death  Archbishop  Whitgift  *  made  a  fervid  prayer  for  the 
Queen,  which  was  read  to  her  several  times ;  and,  from  which 
it  is  said,  "  she  received  much  comfort." 


*  See  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Whitgift,  vol.  2,  p.  467. 
VOL.   IV.  O  O 


562  Last  Days  of  Elizabeth. 

" It  is  almost  a  fearful  task,"  writes  Miss  Strickland,  "to 
trace  the  passage  of  the  mighty  Elizabeth  through  the  dark 
valley  of  the  shadow  of  death  !  Many  have  been  dazzled 
with  the  splendour  of  her  life,  but  few^  even  of  her  most 
ardent  admirers,  would  wish  their  last  end  might  he  like  hersJ^ 

The  courtiers  and  ladies  about  the  Queen  ascribed  her  last 

illness   to   various  causes — social   and    political.      The    aged 

monarch  could  perceive  that  she  had  outlived  the  popularity 

of  the  people,  and  the  esteem   of  the    upper  classes.      The 

growing   symptoms  of  a  desire  for  change  was  everywhere 

manifesting  itself,  and  her  Prime  Minister   was  not  slow  in 

telling  her  that  she  should  listen  to  the  dictation   of  younger 

people.     When  she    heard   the   whisper    of  the    "  ugly   old 

woman,"  she  expressed  a  wish  that  her  labours  were  at  an  end. 

The  approach  of   a  crisis   in  her  illness   produced  a   fearful 

shrinking  from  the  "  future,"  when  the  soul  seems  poised  on  the 

narrow    threshold   that   divides   time    from    eternity.      The 

Queen  refused  both  medicine  and  nourishment.    She  displayed 

**  an   unusual    melancholy    both    in    her    countenance   and 

manner."     No  one  could  persuade  her  to  go  to  bed.     It  was 

reported  that  she  saw  some  figure  watching  over  her  bed, 

which  caused  "  a  dreadful  emotion."     The  question  may  be 

asked — "  Was  her  mind  in  any  way  astray  at  this  period  ?" 

Lady  Southwell  affirms  that  she  never  lost  her  senses  for  one 

moment,  but  was  prevented  from  speaking  on  account  of  a 

sore  throat.     When  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury  and  York 

(Whitgift  and  Hutton)  visited  her  she  became  offended,  and 

told  them  "  to  be  off — she  was  no  atheist,  but  she  knew  full 

well   that   they  were   but    liedge-priests.''^      Miss   Strickland 

questions  the  state  of  the  Queen's  mind  when  she  spoke  thus 

to  prelates  of  her  own  Church.     However,  Miss   Strickland  is 

aware  of  the  fact,  that  Elizabeth  treated  the  Anglican  bishops 


Last  Days  of  Elizabeth.  563 

in  a  shameful  manner.  For  instance,  Coxe  of  Ely,  and  other 
prelates.  Let  me  again  remind  the  reader  how  Elizabeth  put 
the  revenues  of  Ely  into  her  own  purse  for  nineteen  years.  I 
further  refer  the  reader  to  p.  307  of  the  third  volume  of  this 
work  for  a  scene  between  Elizabeth  and  her  bishops. 

Lady  Southwell  states  that  the  Queen  kept  her  bed  for 
fifteen  days,  besides  the  three  days  she  sat  upon  a  stool,  and 
one  day,  when  being  pulled  up  by  force,  she  obstinately  stood 
on  lier  feet  for  fifteen  hours. 

The  last  hours  of  Elizabeth's  life  "  exhibited,"  it  has  been 
paradoxically  yet  truly  said,  "  a  restless  calm  ;"  then  a  heavy 
sleep,  from  which  sleep  she  never  awoke.  Her  death  took 
place  about  midnight  on  the  24th  of  March,  1603 — a  melan- 
choly, disconsolate,  forlorn,  and  miserable  old  woman. 

In  old  age  Elizabeth  became  like  what  the  Cumberland 
people  styled  "  a  hag,  or  witch."  The  Queen  caused  the  die 
of  the  last  gold  coin  that  was  struck  with  the  likeness  of  her 
time-worn  lineaments  to  be  destroyed. 

The  funeral  of  Elizabeth  was  attended  by  an  immense  con- 
concourse  of  people,  amongst  whom  were  her  old  and  faithful 
friend  Archbishop  Whitgift,  William  Camden  and  John 
Stowe.  The  upper  classes  viewed  the  scene  with  indifference, 
for,  like  cold  calculating  men  of  the  world,  they  were  then 
preparing  to  salute  the  "  rising  sun." 


o  0  2 


564  Character  of  Elizabeth. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 


CHARACTER    OP    ELIZABETH. 


At  times   Elizabeth  appeared  whimsical,    kindly,  capricious^ 
inconsiderate,  cruel,  and   affectionate,   swayed  by  a  haughty 
masculine  temper,  and  a  desire  to  domineer    over  the  intellects 
and   convictions    of  others.      The    freedom    of   opinion   and 
dissent    which,    as     proved    by    Professor   Brewer's     "  State 
Papers,"  was  allowed  to  officials  in  the   earlier  days  of  her 
father's   reign,    was    ignored    by    Elizabeth — cautiously,   but 
effectually.     Yet  irresolution    to    do — a    repugnance    to    act 
ex  mero  motu — was  a  practice  with  her  which    seemed  inevit- 
able.      To    deliberate    was  her  delight — to    resolve,  irksome 
and  distasteful.       She  would  ask,  if  she  did  not  adopt,  advice 
from  foreigners  as  well  as  from  Englishmen,  and  even  some 
Irish  notables  were  consulted  on  matters  of  importance.      Her 
general  maxim  was  that  of  her  grandfather — to  trust  no  one  ; 
still,  strange  to  say,  she  placed  reliance  on  those  whom  she 
doubted,  and  in  the  gravest  questions  the  most  artful  and 
tenacious    amongst    her    ministers    finally    triumphed,     and 
proved  that  the  learned  and  sagacious  Elizabeth  was,  after  all, 
an  impressible  woman. 

No  thinker  of  the  present  day  believes  that,  in  a  political 
point  of  view,  Elizabeth   was  the  peerless    being  her  pane_ 


Character  of  Elizabeth.  565 

gyrists  describe,  and  less  still  that  she  descended  to  the 
level  of  antagonistic  description.  She  was  a  true  woman  of 
her  kind,  and  in  that  sense  she  was  a  great  woman.  She  had 
wondrous  discrimination,  but  her  disposing  power  was 
superior  to  her  discernment,  so  that  she  often  fashioned  good  out 
of  bad  instruments.  Her  conduct  developed  a  mixture  of 
greatness  and  littleness,  as  Bacon  said — "  excellent  in  great 
things,  she  lowered  herself  in  small  ideas  to  positive  mean- 
ness." Yet,  if,  like  her  father,  where  money  and  presents  were 
concerned,  she  consulted  principle  less  than  justice,  she  made 
in  the  aggregate  a  better  disposition  of  the  means  supplied, 
although  her  liberality  was  too  frequently  the  offspring  of  a 
whim,  and  the  recipients  of  her  bounty  unworthy  favourites, 
who  reciprocated  by  flattering  one  whose  undeniable  penetra- 
tion could  not  save  her  from  acting  like  the  vainest  woman 
of  her  time.  The  guiding  hand  was  lax  ;  virtue  was  too 
seldom  esteemed,  and  vice  too  often  stalked  unreproved.  The 
Queen  wished  to  be  favourably  spoken  of  by  posterity,  but  at 
the  same  time  cannot  be  acquitted  of  throwing  an  air  of  mys- 
tery around  many  of  her  acts,  which  she  evidently  deemed 
the  world  could  not  approve,  and  which  she  therefore  desired 
to  conceal. 

Sir  Eobert  Cecil  has  left  on  record  a  brief  but  comprehensive 
description  of  his  Royal  mistress,  when  he  wrote  thus  of  her : 
"  She  was  sometimes  more  than  a  man,  and  at  other  periods 
less  than  a  womanr 

Mr.  Froude's  varied  and  extensive  research  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  Elizabeth  "  must  he  judged  hy  her  actions;^''  but, 
perhaps,  a  more  reflective  school  of  Historical  Students  may  ex- 
amine "  cause  and  efiect."  However,  in  another  chapter  of  Mr. 
Froude's  Portraits  of  Elizabeth,  he  says  ^^  she  preferred  to  lie 
and  twist,  and  perjure  herself ,  QXi^  betray  her  friends,  with  a 


566  Character  of  Elizabeth. 

purpose  at  the  bottom  moderately  upright.  .  .  .  Nature, 
in  fitting  her  for  her  work,  had  left  her  without  tliat  nice 
sense  of  honour  which  would  have  made  her  part  too  difficult.^'  * 

Elizabeth's  character  involves  a  series  of  marvellous 
contradictions,  and  the  unfortunate  circumstances  connected 
with  her  birth  led  to  subsequent  rebellions  and  disorders  in 
the  State.  Her  talents  have  been  over-rated,  and  under-rated, 
by  Party.  It  is  certain  that  her  intellect  never  rose  to  a 
pitch  of  grandeur.  Selfishness  surrounded  all  her  actions, 
whether  public  or  private.  The  ease  with  which  she  asserted 
or  denied  whatever  suited  her  purpose  was  only  equalled  by 
the  cynical  indifference  with  which  she  met  the  exposure  of 
her  lies  as  soon  as  her  purpose  had  been  answered.f  In  fact 
Elizabeth  legislated  almost  exclusively  for  the  present. 
That  wisdom  and  grasp  of  mind  attributed  to  her  had  no 
sympathies,  no  desire  to  become  a  benefactor  to  Posterity. 

In  all  ages  dishonest  statesmen  and  weak-minded  monarchs 
have  rested  their  trust  for  success  upon  the  divisions  of  the 
people.  Were  it  not  for  the  divided  state  to  which  England 
was  reduced  by  religious  changes  and  Communistic  tenden- 
cies, Elizabeth  could  not  possibly  have  maintained  her  posi- 
tion for  so  many  years.  She  lived  in  an  age  of  revolution  and 
irreligion.  The  religion  ostentatiously  paraded  by  many 
notables  was  pure  hypocrisy,  allied  to  a  system  of  reckless 
lying  and  brazen  dishonesty  ;  but  in  her  own  systematic 
lying  Elizabeth  had  no  equal  amongst  the  prominent 
European  politicians  of  her  time  ;  her  untruth  was  sustained 
by  masculine  oaths  that  sometimes  affrighted  even  men  like 


*  Froude,  vol.  xi.  p.  561. 
t  Green's  History  of  the  English  People,  vol.  ii. 


Character  of  Elizabeth.  567 

Cecil  or  Walsiugham  *  For  instance,  the  memorable  sign- 
ing of  the  death  warrant  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  presents  an 
appalling  picture  of  the  means  adopted  by  Elizabeth  to  up- 
hold the  false  position  which  had  its  origin  in  her  illegiti- 
macy. She  has  frequently  been  credited  with  the  virtues  of 
"forgiveness  and  generosity,"  but  her  conduct  to  Davidson 
and  several  others  was  both  cowardly  and  treacherous. f  She 
suggested  to  Paulet  to  have  his  defenceless  prisoner  poisoned,| 
but  he  understood  her  character  so  well  that  he  did  not  fall 
into  the  error  which  subsequently  brought  ruin  upon 
Davidson.  The  Queen  knew,  or  perhaps  guessed,  how  far 
she  could  go,  and  what  she  could  safely  accomplish  by  her 
crooked  policy.  The  future  was  a  matter  which  Elizabeth 
always  shrank  from  contemplating,  and  would  not  permit  any 
discussion  touching  it.  Like  her  father,  she  did  not  care  to 
estimate  in  any  way  what  might  be  the  verdict  of 
Posterity.  Yet,  however  rude  and  reckless  with  regard  to 
the  feelings  of  others,  the   Queen  seemed  acutely  sensitive  as 


*  James  the  Fourth,  of  Scotland,  remarked  to  Doa  Pedro  de  Azala,  the 
Ambassador  of  Spain,  that  the  Royal  ovord,  once  pledged,  ought  to  he  con- 
sidered as  the  stronged  guarantee  for  the  truth  of  a  monarch's  statement. 
Elizabeth's  actions,  when  involving  truth,  were  sadly  opposed  to  this 
maxim. 

t  See  Sir  Harris  Nicolas,  "Life  of  William  Davidson,"  printed  in  1823, 
from  the  original  records.  This  work  forms  the  most  conclusive  and 
perfect  evidence  of  Elizabeth's  perjury  and  shocking  oaths  in  relation 
to  the  signing  of  the  death-warrant  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 

Elizabeth's  letter  to  Paulet  on  this  subject  is  still  extant.  Wlngfield, 
an  apothecary,  was  the  person  suggested  by  the  English  monarch  to  make 
the  royal  captive  "  stiff  and  done  for,"  without  the  trouble  and  consequences 
of  employing  the  headsman.  Lord  Leicester  writes  to  Hatton  in  these 
words  :— "  Whtj  not  call  in  the  apothecary  ?"  In  Paulet's  Letter-Book  and 
other  State  Papers  are  to  be  found  startling  proofs  of  the  deadly  feeling 
of  Elizabeth  against  Mary  Stuart. 


568  Character  of  Elizabeth. 

to  her  own  honour  as  a  woman,  and  eagerly  wisheci  the  world 
to  think  so.  She  felt  deeply  the  history  of  the  divorce  ques- 
tion in  relation  to  Queen  Katharine,  and  the  part  her  own 
mother  had  played  in  that  State  scandal. 

Wharton,  writing  in  the  days  of  Charles  the  Second,  states 
that  Queen  Elizabeth  "  caused  several  Continental  books  upon 
her  mother's  history  to  be  purchased  up  and  destroyed."  And 
it  was  further  related  that  Elizabeth  consigned  this  delicate 
task  to  Sir  Francis  Walsinfrham  and  his  Continental  agents. 
It  is  certain  that  Elizabeth  always  felt  annoyed  at  any  allusion 
to  her  mother,  or  the  circumstances  bearing  upon  her  own 
birth,  or  the  scandals  of  the  divorce  litigation.  Sir  John 
Harrington  states  that  he  heard  Queen  Elizabeth  speaking 
with  great  scorn  of  her  mother,  whom  she  styled  "  tliat 
womanr  *  Roger  Ascham,  in  a  letter  to  Anthony  Delabarre, 
affirms  that  he  heard  the  haughty  Duchess  of  Somerset 
"  rating  the  young  Elizabeth  on  one  occasion,  when  she  called 
her  Nan  Boleyn's  bastard."     This  was  in  Edward's  reign. 

One  canker  was  constantly  gnawing  the  Queen's  heart — 
namely,  her  illegitimacy.  No  Act  of  Parliament  could  remove 
Archbishop  Cranmer's  judgment  in  the  case  of  her  mother's 
divorce  ;  and  Cranmer's  judgment  was  confirmed  by  an  Act 
of  Parliament  passed  in  Henry's  reign;  Cranmer  and  the 
other  bishops  voted  for  that  Bill — in  fact,  they  dared  not  vote 
against  it.  On  coming  to  the  throne,  Elizabeth  and  her 
Council  never  sought  the  repeal  of  the  statute  against  her  as 
an  illegitimate.  Sir  William  Cecil  assured  the  Commons  that 
the  Princess  Elizabeth   was  "  the  rightful  and  lawful  heiress 


*  I  have  referred  to  the  above  incident  in  the  first  volume  of    the 
"  Historical  Portraits  of  the  Tudor  Dynasty." 


Character  of  Elizabeth.  5^9 


to  the  throne  of  this  realm."  Cecil's  statement  was  accepted 
by  Parliament  in  the  face  of  the  public  records,  and  the  divorce 
scandals  with  which  the  country  was  so  well  acquainted.  The 
most  extraordinary  action  of  the  venal  Parliament  was  that 
of  passing  a  statute  declaring  Elizabeth  the  Sovereign  of 
England,  without  any  allusion  to  her  mother's  marriage,  or 
Archbishop  Cranmer's  solemn  judgment  against  the  said 
marriage.  I  refer  the  reader  to  Vol.  3,  p.  263-4,  of  the 
*'  Historical  Portraits,"  where  the  claims  of  Elizabeth  to  the 
throne  are  discussed  at  some  length. 

Judging  by  Elizabeth's  general  policy,  she  relied  far  more 
on  the  shifting  and  corrupt  action  of  her  ministers  than  on 
any  wise  principle  which  might  command  the  regard  and 
respect  of  mankind. 

To  the  present  time  historians  who  have  stigmatised  as 
rebels  the  men  who  rose  in  arms  for  Mary  Stuart  have  not 
attempted  to  make  out  a  legitimate  claim  for  Elizabeth  to  the 
English  Crown.  Until  that  claim  has  been  fairly  proved — 
proved  according  to  the  constitutional  laws  of  civilised 
nations,  the  name  of  Elizabeth  must  remain  on  the  roll  of 
History  as  that  of  a  courageous,  a  gifted,  and  a  most  un-  ^ 
scrupulous  usurper,  who  sacrificed  human  life  on  a  large 
scale  without  a  grain  of  pity  or  remorse. 

In  preceding  chapters  I  have  referred  to  well  authenti- 
cated facts  to  prove  that  in  the  later  years  of  Elizabeth's 
reign  she  became  remarkable  for  cruelty,  desiring  to  know 
from  Lord  Burleigh  if  a  more  painful  mode  of  death 
could  not  be  inflicted  upon  many  of  her  political  prisoners  ; 
nay,  more,  she  so  far  forgot  her  dignity  as  a  monarch  as  to 
grant  an  interview  to  that  inhuman  being,  Toppcliflfe,  the 
executioner,  to  explain  to  her  the  new  plan  he  had  devised 
iox  prolonging  the  pain  of  certain  political  prisoners  who  were 


570  Character  of  Elizabeth. 

handed  over  to  him  for  final  slaughter,  after  repeated 
racking.  The  Queen  seemed  regardless  of  the  saying  of  a 
wise  and  humane  monarch,  "  that  wordlj  greatness,  when 
stained  with  the  blood  of  an  oppressed  people,  yields  neither 
happiness  nor  glory P 

Notwithstanding  the  dark  calendar  of  Elizabeth's  actions, 
bygone  chroniclers  have  betrayed  the  ordinary  class  of  Eng- 
lish readers  into  the  fallacy  of  believing  that  the  last  of  the 
Tudors  was  "  Good  Queen  Bess."  Such  is  the  result  of  a 
perennial  misdirection  of  History — mayhap  compelled  by 
circumstances  and  by  prejudice,  or  more  still,  by  want  of 
access  to  accurate  knowledge.  I  have  essayed  to  dispel  a  too- 
pervading  misconception  ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  long- 
suspended  mist  will  gradually  dissolve  before  the  advancing 
sun  of  national  intelligence,  and  that  other  epochs  of  the  British 
nation  may  be  similarly  treated — thus  verifying  the  words  of 
the  motto  of  this  work  :  "Time  unveils  all  Truth." 


THE     END. 


S.    STBAKEK  &   SONS,  PBINTEKS  &  LiTHOGKAHPEKS,  LONDON  &  KEDHILL. 


[iifiaii 


OF 

THE      FOUR,      "VOLXJIMIES. 


VOL. 

CIIAF. 

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...  41 

...  513 

Anna  Bolj'u  returns  to  England 

Anna  Bolyn'^  Triumph      

Anna  Bolyn's  Fall 

Anna  Bolyu's  Death  Warrant       

Anna  Bolyn — was  she  a  Lutheran  .' 
Anna  Bolyn— Incidents  of  her  Last  Days 

A  fortunate  Family  ...         

A  Plantagenet  ou  the  Scaffokl     

Ancient  Rites  ignored 
Another  Change  of  Scene 

Another  Eoyal  Favourite 

Abbots  of  Glastonbury  and  Wpburn       

Bishop  of  Rochester,  The 1     ...     28     ...  301 

Catherine  Parr 

Carthusian  Fathers.  The 

Clerics  of  the  New  Learning        

Clerical  Reformers — Calvin  and  Servetus 

Change  of  Religion  in  England 

Conflicting  Authorities 

Continued  Persecutions     ...         

Christopher  Hattou  and  his  Contemporaries    ... 

Cranmer  pronounces  the  Divorce  

Cranmer,  Thomas 

Cranmer  as  the  King's  Theologian        

Cranmer's  Role  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.     ... 
Cranmer's  La-t  Acts  as  a  Statesman 

Cranmer  arraigned  for  Heresy     

Cranmer,  a  Challenge  to 

Cranmer,  the  Archbishop.  Degraded      

Cranmer's  Recantations — the  Sequel      

Convocation,  The 

Crumwell,  Thomas  ... 

Conspiracy  against  Somerset 

Corruption  amongst  the  Judges 

Duke  of  Northumberland's  Fate  Decided 

Dea.th  of  Arthur  Prince  of  Wales  

Domestic  Relations  

Divorce  Litigation  ... 

Death  of  Archbishop  Wareham 

Diplomatic  Revelations     

Death  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester 

Edward  VI..  Death  of        

England  described  by  Foreign  Contemporaries 

Elizabeth,  Birth  of  

Elizabeth  the  Princess       

Elizabeth,  Accession  of     ...         

Elizabeth  and  her  Suitors  


2 

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*>  .. 

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3 

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...  31G 

Elizabeth.     The  Queen's  Foreign  Policy- 
Elizabeth.    The  Queen  and  her  Kindred 

Elizabeth  as  a  Woman  of  Learning        

Elizabetb.     Domestic  Life  of  the  Queen 

Elizabeth.     The  Queen's  Astrologer       

Elizabeth.     The  Queen's  Favourite  Prelate 

Elizabeth,  Last  Days  of 

Elizabeth,  Character  of 

Ferdinand  and  Isabel        

First  Tudor  Divorce  

Families  of  De  Clifford  and  Holies 

Four  Kegents,  The 

Further  Persecution  of  Lord  Arundel 

Gardyner,  Dr.  

Gardynn-'s  Government 

Henry  VIIL,  Ascension  of  

Henry  VIIL,  Fioyal  Scruijles        

Henry  VIIL,  Death  of       

Henry's  Intentions  exceeded        

Incidents  leading  to  the  Spanish  Armada 
Ireland  under  Elizabeth's  Rule 

Jane  Seymour         

Katherine  of  Arragon,  Death  of  ... 

Keeper  of  the  King's  Conscience 

La  Reine  Blanche  ... 

Lady  Seymour         ...         

Lady  Jaue  Dudley 

Last  Days  of  Queen  Mary 

Lord  Rochford  and  his  Companions       

Masks  Removed 
Marriage  Festivities 

Men  of  the  Time 

Mary  and  Elizabeth  

Misfortunes  of  the  House  of  Dorset       

Men  of  the  New  and  Old  Learning         

Marian  Bishops 

Mary  of  Lorraine 

Memorials  of  Royal  Love  Scenes 

Mary  Queen  of  Scots  

Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  Return  of  ... 

Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  Marriage  of  

Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  Disaffected  Subjects 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots.     The  Murder  of  Rizzeo  ... 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots.     The  Darnley  Mystery  ... 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  John  Knox     ... 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots.     The  Forsaken  Queen     ... 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots.     Escape  from  Lochleven 
Mary  Stuart  seeks  the  Hospitality  of  her  Cousin 
Mary  Stuart.     Early  Days  at  Holyrood 

Northern  Rebellion 


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456 


Observant  Fathers  of  Greenwich. 


31 


377 


Priucess  Catalinu 

Pilgrims  of  Grace 

Poet,  Surrey,  The 

Persecution  of  Conscience 

Pole,  Cardinal  Mission       

Pole,  Cardinal  Mission,  continued  

Pole,  Cardinal,  Death        

Queen  Mary  and  her  Parliament 

Queen  Mary.     Domestic  Traits 

Queen  Mary.     The  Queen's  Marriage     

Queen  Mary's  Consort       

Kace  of  the  Howards         

Rupture  with  the  Court  of  Ptome  

Eoyal  Favourites 

Eesults  of  Eoyal  Progresses         

Eeformation  in  Scotland  ... 
Results  of  the  Clerical  Revolution 
Reformation  in  Ireland 

Sir  Thomas  More 

Social  Picture  Changed     ...         ..;         

Social  and  Religious  Aspect  of  England  (1561) 

Sufferings  of  Lady  Lennox  

Su- Amyas  Paulet  as  a  Gaoler       

Spanish  Armada      

The  Young  Widow 

Fall  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  

The  L-ish  Cousin 

The  Border  Chief 

The  Traitor  Betrayed  

Triumph  of  Legitimacy     

The  Use  of  Torture 

The  Versatile  "Didaskalos"'  

Trial  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk        

The  English  Drama  

The  Earl  of  Both  well         

The  Earl  of  Arundel  

The  Time  Approaches         

The  King's  Supremacy  in  Ireland  

The  Family  Feud 

Vicissitudes  of  State  Papers         

White  and  Red  Rose  

Wolsey,  Cardinal,  and  his  Contemporaries 
Wolsey  Declares  against  the  Love  Match 

Wolsey,  The  Fall  of  

Who  were  the  Accusers  of  the  Monastic  Houses  ? 

Wyatt  Family,  The  

Wyatt  and  Throckmorton  


VOL 

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1 

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...  489 

n 

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