Qass_J
Book ".._ .„
HISTORICAL SKETCH
of (efy
LOGIC,
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY.
BY
ROBERT ^LAKEY,
PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS^ QUEEN'S COLLEGE, BELFAST.
AUTHOR OF
UTHE HISTORY OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF MIND,"
LONDON: H. BAILLIERE.
EDINBURGH: JAMES NICHOL. GLASGOAV: GRIFFIN & CO.
BELFAST : W. M'COMBE.
y>*$»
PREFACE.
The following historical sketch of logical science
has been written under a conviction, that some
such work was needed, both by the general
philosophical reader and the student of logic.
The theories of reasoning are so numerous, and
so diversified in their principles and practical
aim, that some general outline of their external
history seems, from the antiquity, and acknow-
ledged importance of logical speculations, both
called for, and desirable in itself. There is not,
so far as I know, any work of this kind in the
English language; and the two or three trea-
tises I have met with of a foreign origin, pos-
sessing a historical character, have been so brief
and limited in their range, that I have not been
able to derive much assistance or benefit from
them.
Vlll PREFACE.
It has been my constant aim to keep the ge-
neral principles of the different logical systems
I have noticed distinctly before the reader's at-
tention, and to make the historical outline as
fruitful as possible of solid and useful informa-
tion ; valuable especially to those who may be
undergoing a course of logical tuition. How far
I have succeeded in effecting this object, it does
not rest with me to determine.
It has often, in the preparation of this work,
been a source of regret, that the limited space
I have had allotted to me, prevented me from
giving such an extended notice of particular
and interesting logical questions as I thought
desirable; but brevity was unavoidable where
the number of systems and authors so far out-
stripped the time and means at my disposal.
Indeed, five or six such volumes as the present
would have been scarcely adequate to do any
thing like ample justice to a subject of such great
magnitude and diversity of materials. My short-
comings, both in this and in other respects, I
am conscious, are numerous and weighty; but
if I have, in the humblest degree, succeeded in
PKEFACE. IX
barely planting, here and there, a few useful
finger-posts to such logical historians as may
afterwards follow the same route, I shall feel
proud of the achievement, and fully satisfied
with the reward it will carry with it.
It was my original intention to enter more
fully than I have done into the history of what
is called formal logic ; but I soon found that this
would extend the work much beyond what was
convenient ; and not only so, but that I would
infallibly be led into a complete labyrinth of
matters of detail, which are comparatively very
uninteresting in themselves, whilst the funda-
mental questions relative to the nature and
offices of logic itself are as yet undetermined,
and held in abeyance. It is, therefore, chiefly
to the philosophical aspect of the science that
the contents of this volume refer. I hope, how-
ever, to be able, in a short time, to give some
account of this technical and formal division of
logic, so far as it is connected with the general
science of reasoning itself.
Belfast, January 1, 1851.
CONTENTS.
Page
INTRODUCTION, xv
CHAPTER I.
THE PYTHAGOREANS, ZENO, ETC., 500-400 B. C, . . . . 1
CHAPTER II.
PLATO— ARISTOTLE, 380 B. C, . . . . .28
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM THE DAYS OF ARISTOTLE TO THE
CHRISTIAN ERA, ....... 51
CHAPTER IV.
GENERAL REMARKS ON THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON LOGICAL
SCIENCE, ........ 66
CHAPTER V.
LOGICAL WRITERS FROM THE CHRISTIAN ERA TILL THE TIME OF CHARLE-
MAGNE, . ' . . . . 94
XI 1 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Page
QN THE ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC, FROM THE NINTH TO
THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY, . . . . . .112
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE SCHOLASTIC LOGICIANS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE NINTH,
TILL THE REVIVAL OF LETTERS LN ITALY IN THE MIDDLE OF THE
FOURTEENTH, CENTURY, . . . . . .121
CHAPTER VIII.
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
TILL THE PUBLICATION OF LORD BACON'S NOVUM ORGANUM, IN
1620. ........ 160
CHAPTER IX.
ON THE NOVUM OR GANUM, OR BACONIAN LOGIC, ' . . .200
CHAPTER X.
LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF-HOBBES, GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES, . 220
CHAPTER XI.
LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM DESCARTES TILL THE PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S
ESSAY IN 1690, . . . . . . .244
CHAPTER XII.
THE LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE, . . - .271
CONTENTS. Xlll
CHAPTER XIII.
Page
THE PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY, FROM THE PUBLICATION
OF LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, . 283
CHAPTER XIV.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE, FROM THE PUBLICATION OF
LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, . 308
CHAPTER XV.
LOGICAL SCIENCE IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM, FROM THE PUBLICATION OF
LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, . 324
CHAPTER XVI.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN, FROM THE
TIME OF LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CEN-
TURY, ........ 328
CHAPTER XVII.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, FROM
THE TIME OF LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY, . . . . . . . .342
CHAPTER XVIII.
OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN SWEDEN, NORWAY, DENMARK, POLAND, RUSSIA,
&C, &C, FROM THE PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S ESSAY TILL THE END
OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, . , . . .37;
CHAPTER XIX.
A FEW BRIEF REMARKS ON THE EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC, . . 380
XIV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XX.
Page
ON THE NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE IN THE
SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT OF EUROPE, FROM THE YEAR
387
CHAPTER XXI.
A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT SYSTEMS OF LOGIC TAUGHT IN THE
UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND DURING THE LAST
HUNDRED YEARS, ....... 419
CHAPTER XXII.
THE LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA, OF A PHILOSOPHIC AND SYSTEMATIC CAST, FROM THE
YEAR 1800 TILL THE PRESENT DAY, . . . . .448
INTRODUCTION.
It may confidently be asserted, that there is no de-
partment of human speculation and inquiry in which
so many contradictory opinions are entertained as in
the science or art of logic. For the last five-and-
twenty centuries, system has followed system in rapid
succession ; and one generation of logicians after
another have been chiefly occupied in refuting or mo-
difying the principles, and correcting the mistatements
of their predecessors. No sooner has a particular
logical system obtained a footing in some locality in
the republic of letters, and become incorporated with
the general routine of philosophical education, than
some aspiring and ambitious speculator has called in
question its fundamental principles, or subjected its
practical rules to supervision and amendment. From
Zeno to modern times, every theoretical logician has
flattered himself in his day that he had placed logic on
a firm basis — not to be disturbed as long as the world
lasted. He has flattered himself with the idea, that it
was his fortunate lot to chase from the science every
vestige of doubt, to reconcile every real and apparent
contradiction, and to make, to all future generations,
XY1 INTRODUCTION.
the path of knowledge and science indisputably plain,
and of ready and agreeable access.
And the same spirit animates the philosophical
logician of the present hour in every direction where
his science is known and cultivated. Every speculator
has a system of his own with which strangers do not
intermeddle. He is the sole champion of his own
theory, and the herald of his own fame. He, too,
labours under the cheering anticipation that he is put-
ting the finishing stroke to the science, and silencing
for ever, throughout the philosophic world, the voice
of doubt and contention. Though he may have all the
learning of the East, and all the talent of Christendom
centred in his own person, yet he knows full well that,
apart from his own professorial chair or private study,
he will not find a single cultivator of the same science
entirely agreeing with him, either on the fundamental
principles of logical philosophy, or on the best modes
of applying them. But this does not discourage him,
nor ruffle the equable current of his self-complacency.
He has the advantage over those who have gone before
him, hoping unto death the same thing as himself; in-
asmuch as he reasons that, if there ever is to be a time
when the principles of his science are to be known and
unalterably fixed, he may be the fortunate instrument
in this grand and noble achievement. While there is
life there is hope ; and this consideration is sufficient
to sustain him in his labours, amidst the mass of disap-
pointment that lies behind him.
The speculative aspects under which logic has ap-
peared in different ages and countries, have not been
more checkered and varied than its external fortunes.
INTRODUCTION. XV11
It has at one time revelled in unbounded authority and
power, and yet at another been doomed to the bitter
humiliation of abject servitude and dependence. It
has been the petted child of courts and monarchs, and
yet been reviled by the beggar in the street. It was
once the art of arts, the science of sciences, and the
proudest emblem in the escutcheon of the philosopher.
The warrior ventured not to battle without it, nor
could the lawyer on the bench, or the theologian in
the pulpit, acquit himself with grace unless versed in
its canons and rules. Notwithstanding, however, all
this power and grandeur, we have witnessed the science
scouted from many influential universities ; and, where
admitted, it was only on the condition of becoming a
humble menial and a willing slave.
In spite, however, of all such reverses, fluctuations,
and uncertainties, logic has within it a vigorous prin-
ciple of vitality. Like the phoenix, it is continually
rising from its own ashes. It never allows mankind to
wander far nor long, without pressing its claims and
obtruding its counsels and admonitions upon them. It
must, therefore, have a permanent hold of our sym-
pathies, some fixed root in our nature, or it would have
been obliterated long ago from the book of knowledge.
Astrology and Alchymy never tantalized human reason
so severely. For what can present a greater anomaly
to the understanding, than that logic-^calling itself a
science ; having chairs in universities set apart for its
especial cultivation ; witnessing its professors taking
the first rank among the acute and profound of our
race ; and pointing, with exulting pride, to more than
a thousand distinct treatises on the subject which have
b
XV111 INTRODUCTION.
emanated from tlieir pens within the last three hundred
years ; that logic, we say, should, under these circum-
stances, not be able to furnish two logicians of any
country, who can agree in any one common principle
of this science, nor be able to state to what particular
or general uses it can be applied; must present to the
candid mind one of the most striking phenomena in
the entire range of human thought. Can any subject,
in the whole circle of the sciences, present such a lack
of unanimity, or a more cheerless and desponding as-
pect ? The use of the word logic is almost the only
thing which disputants have in common : if we venture
a step beyond this, and ask for a definition of what is
implied in it, we are instantly stunned with a thousand
discordant voices from all parts of the world.
Reverting again to the acknowledged vitality of logi-
cal speculations, there must be some adequate and
powerful cause for it in the nature and constitution of
things. There must be something to which such
speculations invariably point, not always possessed, but
which has something obvious about it, though difficult
to lay hold of and secure. The opposing or antagonis-
tic forces which obstruct our readily seizing the leading
truths of logical science, and making them obvious to
the understanding of others, must be the result of some
settled law of nature, or some extensive range of human
feelings and sympathies, which the principles and forms
of civil society foster and sustain. Let us then examine,
in a sober and serious frame of mind, into the number
and nature of these opposing forces, with a view of
throwing, if we can, some little light on the great
question. Why is it that logic presents such an assem-
INTRODUCTION. XIX
blage of discordant and contradictory opinions and
principles ?
In the first place, then, logic, whether of a philo-
sophical or formal caste, is involved in the common diffi-
culties of all questions connected with, or springing out
of, mental philosophy. Logic, or the science or art of
reasoning, is expressive of, and embodies, a purely in-
tellectual act. This is one of the sources of the hazi-
ness which encircles its operations and causes. Every
logician must be, to some extent, a metaphysician also ;
he deals with mental causes and effects. He must
learn the difficult art of looking into his own mind, and
scanning, with more or less comprehension and preci-
sion, its varied powers and faculties. This is a matter
of paramount perplexity to many men ; and to men,
too, of even average learning and ability. Here is an
obstacle at the first step. The truth soon flashes across
the mind of every inquirer, that the noblest part of his
being — his intellectual frame — must ever remain par-
tially and imperfectly known. This conviction shakes
the confidence of his own judgment, and imparts a
doubting spirit to every thing connected with the reflec-
tion on his own mind. His examinations and inquiries
are personal, and cannot be visibly portrayed or commu-
nicated to others. The mode of investigating the world
within, is not the same as that which we use for investi-
gating the world without ; and, if we attempt to employ
the one mode instead of the other, we shall miserably fail
in our object. The tablet of the mind is not like a chess-
board, where the unfinished game may be taken up at
the point where the last player left it ; for the move-
ments of thought are complicated and subtile, and our
XX INTRODUCTION.
trains of ideas seldom remain fixed or visible to con-
sciousness for any length of time. The lamp of our
internal knowledge is for ever passing onwards, and we
can only now and then arrest its course, and benefit a
little from its light. Every man has to commence a
new plan of instruction for himself, and is compelled to
leave it in turn, as a broken thread, to whoever comes
after him.
Logic being, then, expressive of an intellectual act
or operation, it is involved in all that doubt and mis-
conception which appertain to descriptions of mental
phenomena generally ; but the science of reasoning,
viewed in another light, and in connexion with mind,
naturally gives rise to the chief portion of that differ-
ence of opinion and judgment so visibly impressed on
its past history and present condition. Logic is a
science or art hewn or cut out of the mind ; out, as it
were, of its very centre, or out of the vital part of its
organization. This is a prolific source of disputes, and
of divers opposite systems. The question is, how much
mentality shall we portion out to the reason, or how
little? Some thinkers consider reason, or reasoning,
as the entire mental individual — an embodiment of
the whole intellectual apparatus ; others, again, limit it
to a small fraction of the mind. The question becomes
an open and undecided one. The logician and meta-
physician are brought into collision. They differ about
the boundaries of their respective sciences. The one lays
claim to the whole of the domain; while the other is in-
capable of fixing on the precise portion of it which he
wants for his own special purposes. The formal logi-
cians, for example, say, We only want three items ; a
INTRODUCTION. XXI
subject, a copula, and a predicate, and with these we can
frame a proposition, and present it under various points
of view; with these, in fact, we can display an act of
reasoning in all its logical purity and comprehension.
This is the only solid and philosophical foundation of
logical science. Their opponents, however, remind
them that there are more mental phenomena involved
in the subject, the copula, and the predicate, and in
their formal arrangement into distinct propositions,
than what are commonly thought of. If, say the oppo-
nents of the strictly formal school, you profess to give
an accurate analysis of an act of reasoning, it should be
a full and complete analysis ; and if this be given, the
result will be, that the regular syllogism will be shewn
to embody the distinct co-operation and exercise of
a much greater number of mental powers than the for-
mal theory embraces. In the development of every
syllogistic process, we recognise the operation of the
powers of perception, memory, attention, abstraction,
comparison, judgment, and even others ; and in every
analysis of such a process of reasoning, it is incumbent
we should not only take into consideration all these
separate and independent faculties, but also portion out
to each its individual share in the general result. Until
this is done, there is no full or true analysis of the rea-
soning faculty. A partial or one-sided analysis is of no
use. If logic be solely confined to the development of
the laws of thought, considered as thought, it is indis-
pensably requisite that all those laws should be brought
out to open day, and admitted as necessary and recog-
nised phenomena in the syllogistic process. Besides,
say the anti-formalists, we would like to see a logician's
XX11 INTRODUCTION.
warrant for confining the province of logic within the
strict boundary of merely considering the laws of
thought as thought? Where is his authority for so
doing ? Can he back it by historical evidence, ancient
and modern ? Nay, we go beyond even this in our
demands ; we require, in conjunction with the autho-
rity of historical logic, the philosophical reasons — the
regular and formal canons of science — why such and
such a thing should be considered as logic rather than
any thing else. Let these reasonable conditions be
complied with, and then the great question at issue
will be in a fair way for a satisfactory solution. For
any logician to say that this, and nothing else but this,
is pure logic, amounts to nothing. We must have the
scientific proofs for the validity of the statement, or it
must be comparatively valueless.
On the other hand, again, it is argued, that there
must be a line drawn between logic and metaphysics,
to preserve the independence of each. When we once
admit the consideration of psychological phenomena,
and the laws and mutual dependence of the separate
powers of the mind, to constitute a determined portion
of logic, we, in fact, at once open the door to a vast mass
of knowledge, which can be of no use whatever as an
element in logical tuition ; but, on the contrary, must
tend to obstruct every rational and salutary application
of its rules to the understandings of men. We are not
to consider here what is theoretically sound, but what is
practically possible. Besides, by limiting the definition
and offices of logical science to the perception of truth,
arising from the consideration of the laws of thought,
as thought, we really and virtually do all that is pos-
INTRODUCTION. XX111
sible, from the necessities of the case. To go beyond
this, we must either take all objects of human inquiry,
and decide on their truth or falsehood, or only some of
them. To adopt the first plan is obviously impossible,
and to adopt the latter is to make a selection upon no
settled or rational principle. The only alternative which
is left is, to confine logic strictly to thought, as an act
of thinking, and to pass by the particular objects about
which the mind thinks.
This is substantially the true position in which the
question as to the real objects of logic has been left by
the two great rival parties who have taken a distin-
guished interest in logical discussions from the earliest
times to the present hour. The question always arises,
How much of the mind shall be appropriated to logic ?
The entire history of the science of reasoning, when
viewed from a purely intellectual position, is nothing
but a practical and running commentary on this ques-
tion. This has been made the chief point of dispute
among all the leading philosophical logicians of every
age and country; and the numerous and diversified
solutions given of it are conspicuously portrayed in the
historical annals of the science.
This, then, is one of the great obstacles in the way
of mankind arriving at any thing like a general conclu-
sion as to the limits of logical science. There seems to
be no avoiding the difficulty, unless by making the
matter in dispute an object of compromise and arrange-
ment. There has been hitherto, and there must always
be, mutual concessions among all logicians, from the
sheer necessities of their position relative to the subject-
matter with which they have to deal.
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
There are, however, other impediments in the way of
unanimity as to the principles and modes of teaching
logic, arising from causes of a different and more exter-
nal character than those to which we have just briefly
alluded. These obstructions have their principal seat in
the influence, direct and indirect, which other depart-
ments of human knowledge exercise over logical specu-
lations and systems. Logic has never been studied and
taught as an independent science. It has no absolute
domain of its own over which to range. In all ages it has
professed to deal with truth, whether properly or not we
need not stop at the present moment to inquire. Suffice
it to say for our present purpose, that its abstract as
well as practical aim has been to deal with, touch
upon, regulate, and establish the canons of truth
in some general or modified shape or fashion. Now,
what is truth? A word confessedly of vast import,
— embracing, in fact, all that is intellectual, and all
that is materially interesting to man — all that is ab-
stract, and all that is practical. It has the heart as
well as the head for its basis or foundation. It em-
bodies, in reality, the entire mass of human knowledge,
human happiness, and human prospects.
Truth, then, though it has to do with every thing,
has not to do with every thing in the same mode and
fashion. Truth implies existence, but to mankind it
implies much more. It is true that there are trees
and houses around me where I now write ; but this
truth has no hold of my personality — it is a matter of
no concern to me — it conveys neither anxiety, pain,
nor pleasure. The truths, for example, of astronomy
are highly sublime and interesting, because they can
INTRODUCTION. XXV
be applied to practical purposes in guiding the mari-
ner's frail bark in the trackless ocean, and as being in
themselves powerful incentives for elevating the mind
to Him by whom the entire universe is maintained ;
but take away these immediate and personal effects
from astronomical truths, and the whole science would,
in fact, be no science at all. And the same thing may
be affirmed of every other branch of knowledge. Science
of every kind has our internal nature for its basis.
Even the abstract truths of mathematics can only be
viewed as things having a bare intellectual existence,
and can be designated and considered as truths only
by virtue of the reflex influence of other principles of a
mental and spiritual cast. There is absolutely neither
wisdom nor folly where the voice of humanity is not
heard.
Such, then, being the nature of truth, with the mys-
teries of an eternity in the background, we have to
inquire how logic, which pretends to have something
to do with it, comes to be invested with a peculiar in-
terest, and to be moulded in its character and applica-
tion by the prevailing influence of other branches of
knowledge ? Here a vast field of inquiry presents itself,
which it is impossible for us at present to travel over ;
but we shall glance at two or three of the most promi-
nent objects in the mental landscape, which may pos-
sibly throw some light on the question we have ventured
to discuss.
We have a very striking illustration in the writings
of the scholastic logicians, and, indeed, from almost
every class of writers on mental subjects up to a very
recent period of history, of this peculiar mode of appre-
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
hending the nature and offices of all philosophic truth.
This is exemplified in the discussions on the nature of
being. Every one who has looked into the books of
logic and metaphysics of the middle ages, must have re-
cognised the importance attached to this abstract notion
of existence. The grand end, however, which it is made
to serve as a philosophical instrument of reasoning, is
to impart to the mind a right conception of the design
of all human knowledge. This being is made to con-
sist of two elements ; namely, goodness and truth. These
are its inherent attributes, and they are made the
medium of connecting all human investigations with
the vital interests of mankind, — that which is good,
and that which is true. The entire scope of the dis-
cussions springing out of the consideration of this gene-
ral idea of being, and which have a direct bearing on all
science whatever, is, to enforce the conviction on the
mind, that all true knowledge must have for its ulti-
mate object the permanent happiness and improvement
of mankind; but that these cannot be attained by
limiting our views to merely temporal or material ex-
pedients.
In the first place, logical systems have uniformly
been discussed through the medium of metaphysical
theories. Whatever opinions a logician might have on
the abstract nature of mind, or on the number and
specific character of its separate powers or faculties,
these opinions were sure to influence him in his investi-
gations into the reasoning process. There must be a
harmony maintained in his general creed at any price.
This is strikingly exemplified in the entire history of
logical philosophy, from its first dawn in Greece to the
INTRODUCTION. XXY11
present hour. In every age, the mental theories being
given, we can determine with scrupulous precision the
general phases of logical speculations. And so point-
edly is this the case, that all the general terms of classi-
fication commonly used to designate theories of the
mind, may be applied with the same force and exact-
ness to systems of logic. We have the material, the
rationalistic, the eclectic, the transcendental, the theo-
logical, the mystical, the sensational, and the common
sense theories of logical truth or science, in the same
way as we have corresponding theories of mental philo-
sophy and speculation comprehended under these seve-
ral terms.
And not only is this the case, that logic is greatly
and directly influenced by the current doctrines of
mental science, but it is also greatly modified and
checkered, in its outward arrangements and rules, by
the prevailing sentiments and opinions of philosophers
on particular questions of metaphysical knowledge.
Witness, for example, the unsatisfactory state in which
theories of mathematical evidence, of induction, of
^Nominalism and Realism, are at the present moment
placed. Nothing can be more opposite and conflicting
than the judgments of the philosophers of Europe, at
the present moment, on these perplexing, though highly
interesting points. Yet all these distinct questions are
so closely blended with systems of logic — theoretical,
practical, and formal — that no ground can be occupied
by any speculator promulgating doctrines on the nature
of general reasoning, free from their actual intrusion and
influence. These questions lie at the very threshold of
logical investigations, and must be disposed of in some
XXVI 11 INTRODUCTION.
fashion or other before the logician is allowed to take
a single step in his inquiries.
Independently of this obstacle from mental philo-
sophy itself, we have still other more direct and power-
ful influences to contend against, in reference to the
unity of logical doctrines and tuition. Antagonistic
forces of an external character meet us at every turn.
Logic having, or professing to have, to do with truth,
the watchfulness and jealousy of men are called into a
state of activity, whenever the truth of particular de-
partments of knowledge is conceived to be in jeo-
pardy, or likely to be affected in any way or degree.
All the interesting and moving questions which en-
gross the feelings and sympathies of the mass of man-
kind in every country, and which are connected with,
or grow out of, the sciences of theology, morals, and
politics, have a direct reflex effect upon both the theory
and practical application of logical science. It forms
an item of secular interest and calculation to the tem-
poral powers of the world, which is never lost sight of.
The theologian, the moralist, and the legislator, keep
a watchful eye over the use of an instrument which
professes to deal with every department of scientific
evidence or proof, with every speculative form of
thought, and with the application of knowledge to the
everyday interests and necessities of human life.
True, the influence of logical systems is not viewed
with the same degree of suspicion in all departments
of human inquiry. The mathematical and physical
sciences, for example, seem removed from any direct
logical control. The ingenuity of man may exercise
itself here in comparative independence and liberty ;
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
and, with some trifling qualifications, he may adopt
any theory he pleases. With purely objective know-
ledge, logic does not come in hostile contact. It is
only in the mental and spiritual element that its con-
flict lies. The moment we pass the boundaries which
separate the outer world of matter from the inner world
of thought, we tread upon debatable ground, and ex-
cite the feelings of human nature in such a way and
degree, as they are never seen to be excited in the
ordinary philosophical investigations carried on in the
pure and physical sciences.
The weighty influence which is thus brought to bear
on logical studies, by particular branches of knowledge,
arises from the intimate union subsisting between
them and the faculty of reasoning generally. Theo-
logy, for example, has, in many epochs of her history,
imparted the highest degree of interest to logical doc-
trines, and inspired a reverence and enthusiasm for
their cultivation among great masses of people. On
the other hand, again, theology often stands in awe of
logic, and views all its modes of tuition with jealousy
and apprehension. The reason for these opposite states
of feeling in religious communities is, that the logical
or reasoning powers have a peculiar and powerful in-
fluence over the theological element, and may be made
to agitate vital and momentous questions to a serious
extent. It is the established policy of Christian nations
to prevent such occurrences. The action and reac-
tion of theology and logic is strikingly observable in
every period of history ; and the mutual sympathy be-
tween them, even at this hour, is as active and influen-
tial as ever.
XXX INTRODUCTION.
If mankind could be brought to think unanimously
on all the fundamental principles of theology, morals,
and politics, there would be then some chance likewise
for logical unanimity ; but as this is not likely to hap-
pen, there must always be great differences of opinion
on the principles which should constitute a science
of argumentation. Long-established institutions and
modes of thinking are always chary of speculative inno-
vations ; for, unless some palpable and immediate ad-
vantage presents itself as an infallible result of change,
the public mind keeps in the old channels of inquiry
and knowledge in which it has been so long accustomed
to move, regardless of the bold pretensions of startling
novelties.
Logic must, then, I conceive, be doomed to present
for ever a variable aspect — to be a system not united
or bound together by a series of scientific axioms, sus-
ceptible of independent and demonstrative proof, and
backed by a rigid and unvarying consequentially ; but
rather as constituting a code of rules and judgments,
gathered from individual observation in every walk of
science, and from every position in which the human
mind is placed— partaking, moreover, largely of a pru-
dential and precautionary character. And this has
been, in fact, the true form logic has been compelled
to assume, particularly within the last three centuries,
purely from the necessity of accommodating itself to
the progressive and extended range of philosophic
thought, and to the constant desire manifested, that
all knowledge should be tested by its susceptibility of
promoting the moral, religious, and intellectual im-
provement of individuals and societies. No scientific
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
truth becomes important unless it be productive of
practical and "beneficial results. The necessities of
human existence require this rule to be rigidly en-
forced at all times, and under all circumstances, Men
are led, by a profound and instinctive feeling, to sepa-
rate the valuable from the unimportant. Between
what is abstractly true and conceivable, and what is
possible and useful, there is often a wide and impass-
able chasm, which no mere subtilty of mind can either
bridge over or fill up.
And when we come to look at logical treatises, even
of the most formal and technical character and preten-
sions, we recognise in reality the presence of the same
class of rules, of a provisional and precautionary form,
which constitute the staple articles of other logical
works of a looser and more unscientific texture. The
difference between formal and philosophical or popular
logic is not so great as at first sight appears. There
is little or no difference in principle ; and the difference
in matters of arrangement and detail resolves itself
simply into a question, how far some logicians will go
in a given direction, or at what point they are deter-
mined to stop ? Both parties are proceeding on the
same track; but the one is bent on taking a more
lengthened journey than the other. And this will
appear obvious if we look at the position of both classes
of reasoners. The general doctrines which form a part
of every formal system of logic — such as definition, ana-
lysis, method, and the like — are all grounded on mere
rules of expediency ; and are, in short, plastic and
flexible adaptations of the judgment to some leading,
though ill-defined, conception of the mind or under-
XXX11 INTRODUCTION.
standing. They have, in fact, no scientific basis what-
ever. Xo writer on logic, from the earliest times to
the present day, has ever succeeded in framing a rule
on the definition of things and terms, through which,
to use a common phrase, one might not drive a coach
and six. And what logician has ever given a rule
to limit the analytical process, to teach us when to
separate or divide no further? Every writer on the
subject makes analysis consist of a greater or less
number of general rules, dependent for their validity
on the kind or order of things analysed; the pur-
poses for which such an analysis is required ; and,
at the same time, enforcing precautionary maxims for
its right and successful application. And these re-
marks are substantially applicable to logical methods,
and to all that has ever, up to this moment, been writ-
ten about them. Where shall we look for a single rule
or maxim on method, which is not purely a conven-
tional and shifting thing, applicable in one case, and of
no use in another ? So that, viewing the differences
between the logical formalists, and the philosophical
and common sense school of logicians, it is obvious that
both parties are doing the same thing, varied only by
the different terms, and the technical phraseology em-
ployed to express each other's designs and purposes.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF LOGIC.
CHAPTER I
THE PYTHAGOREANS, ZEtfO, Etc., 500-400 b.c.
The science of reasoning, considered under two distinct
aspects — namely, as a science, and as an art — must have
been coeval with the first ages of literature in every
country. The social position and wants of men — the
regular development of the laws of thought — and the
various ideas and principles on which the moral judg-
ments and opinions of mankind rest, must have exer-
cised a direct and powerful influence over all those
mental operations which form the constituent ele-
ments of ratiocination. There never was, nor ever
could be, a time in the history of any people, in which
reasoning, as a distinct mental section of education and
philosophical instruction, was not, in some degree or
measure, known and cultivated. The only difference
which we can trace between a learned and polite, and
A
Z GENERAL REMARKS.
an ignorant and unpolished, people is, a difference of
degree only ; a more refined and extended range of the
mind is manifested in the former case than in that of
the latter. Both carry on, by certain given rules, pro-
cesses of argumentation, partly from the natural spon-
taneity or fecundity of the mind itself, and partly for
the more effective discharge of the duties and purposes
of human existence.
It is, however, both interesting and important to
trace, along the course of ages, what were the peculiar
stages of advancement and perfection which mark the >
movements of thought in the ratiocinative intercourse^
of men ; and how far, and in what manner, the general
stock of knowledge which any nation at a particular
epoch possessed, tended, directly or indirectly, to the
cultivation and dissemination of truth. We clearly per-
ceive, that at certain periods of history, and of periods
too of long duration, the reasoning powers of men
— taking these powers in their most comprehensive
development — were more prominently and directly
cultivated, and brought to a higher pitch of per-
fection, than at others. When there happened to be
any thing in the social, political, or intellectual his-
tory of a people, which chilled for a time their mental
ardour, contracted their sphere of knowledge generally,
or led them to give an undue preference to some of
the other departments of human learning or specula-
tion, then the reasoning powers seem to have fallen
into a state of comparative inaction or collapse. On
the other hand, we can distinctly perceive, that when
the mind of a nation was energetically excited, and
subjects of intense interest engrossed their atten-
GENERAL REMARKS. -i
tion, then a new and vigorous impulse was given to
argumentative talent, and the reasoning man appears
in all his native vigour and power. To trace out these
intellectual movements, then, and to mark the leading
incidents and circumstances with which they were occa-
sionally or commonly associated, is, I conceive, a legi-
timate topic of discussion to the mental philosopher
and logician.
We shall commence, then, with a few remarks on
the science of reasoning, or the art of logic, as it was
developed and cultivated in Greece, where philosophy
was known, in all its various aspects, at a compara-
tively early date.
It may here be premised, that one of the chief causes
which gave birth to and cherished the dialectic or logi-
cal science in Greece, was the peculiar condition inse-
parable from its laws and institutions. These gene-
rated argumentative talents, both in writing and in
speaking. As the democratic element appeared in
vigorous action in the fifth century B.C., there was a
direct incentive manifested to the cultivation of those
mental powers more immediately and directly con-
nected with the reasoning faculties of man. To culti-
vate the power of persuasion — to defend the interests
of the commonwealth, or the opinions of a party, or
the reputation or life of an individual — was an interest-
ing and important duty, which no true citizen could
altogether neglect. Patriotism glowed in the breast of
every active member of the community. The whole
intellectual energies of man were directed into civil
and political channels. To protect the state, a friend,
or himself, was a duty which every person who aimed
4 GRECIAN DIALECTICS THE PYTHAGOREANS.
at any thing like an intelligent position in society,
might in a moment be called upon to discharge. To
be prepared for this became therefore a necessary
accomplishment, and often an indispensable piece of
precautionary policy, in all those who felt an interest,
and took any part in, the civil and political movements
of the day. Facility in speech, argumentative dex-
terity, correct and prompt classifications, and a readi-
ness in marshalling all the intellectual powers and
appliances to a given point, became objects of emula-
tion and ambitious rivalship. Success here led the
way to influence and renown ; though not unfrequent-
ly, from the fierceness of party strife, consequences the
most disastrous ensued, both to the state and to some
of its most distinguished citizens.
The philosophic spirit was also a conspicuous ele-
ment in Grecian dialectics. It was both a cause and
an effect ; sometimes stimulating to prominent logical
manifestations, and at other times repressing and hold-
ing them in check. We see this strikingly exemplified
in the history of various philosophic sects in Greece.
The first decided and marked speculative impulse
which the science of argumentation received in this
country, was from the Pythagoreans. They came
forward as cosmogonists. They embraced the totality
of all things, physical and spiritual. The philosophic
problems they sought to solve were of the most pro-
found and gigantic character. What is the animat-
ing and creative principle of every thing we see?
What are the ultimate atoms of all things which are
made ? Why is change effected, and what is it in
itself? What is composition and decomposition, and
GRECIAN DIALECTICS ZEXO. 5
to what do they ultimately lead? These, and many
similar questions, were the constant burden of their
logical disquisitions and dialectic warfare. They
sought, through these abstruse questions, to classify
and arrange the entire objects of knowledge and of the
mind's perception, and to develop the forms and rules
which the logic of uninstructed nature imparts to
them. They called into their aid other ideal appli-
ances, such as numbers, mathematical ideas, and musi-
cal harmonies. It was maintained, that all mental
operations, and matters constituting what was termed
truth, were grounded on certain relations or combina-
tions of numbers and harmony. The entire reasoning
powers of man constitute, in fact, a harmonica} deve-
lopment.*
Zeno of Elea (460-440 b.c.) is commonly con-
sidered as the first philosopher who really gave birth
to the regular dialectic science. He had studied phi-
losophy under Parmenides of Elea, a sage of great
renown in his day. This Parmenides published a work
" On Nature," several fragments of which have come
down to us, wherein he lays down certain abstract
principles relative to all philosophic truth, and the
rules and forms of communicating it. These are
treated of under the heads of opinion and certainty.
Zeno shewed himself a great logician. All his rea-
sonings proceeded from certain general principles ;
and Aristotle considers him as the inventor of the art
of dialectics. He carried the form of the dialogue to a
great extent ; so much so, indeed, as to lay himself
* Stab. Eccles. 1, Diog. Laert., 1. 8.
6 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES AND METHODS — ZENO.
under the imputation of employing his reasonings in
this form, more for the purpose of sophistication and
bewilderment, than for the discovery and promulgation
of truth itself. The peculiar nature of the abstract
principles which lay at the root of his logical system,
was calculated to foster this idea. These rested on
his hypothesis of multiplicity, wherein each individual
was, first, both similar and dissimilar to itself; secondly,
both one and many ; and thirdly, as at rest, and yet in
motion. These opinions he endeavoured to illustrate
and develop by certain perplexed and attenuated
reasonings on space and quantity.*
Zeno published a treatise to illustrate all these
recondite points of his theory, and even held public
discussions on them before large assemblies of people,
among whom were some of the most celebrated
thinkers of the day. That he produced a powerful
impression on the philosophic mind by his energetic
and indomitable spirit of controversy, is affirmed both
by Plato and Aristotle. It is said that he visited
Athens, and gave logical instructions, for considerable
sums of money, to some eminent Athenian citizens.
It is also maintained, that he conversed with both
Pericles and Socrates ; the latter of whom being, at
that time, just bursting into manhood.
On Zeno's merits, as an expounder of logical prin-
ciples and methods, Mr Grote, in his " History of
Greece," makes the following judicious and pertinent
remarks : — " His appearance constitutes a remarkable
era in Grecian philosophy, because lie first brought out
the extraordinary aggressive or negative force of the
* Diog. Laert., 1 8. Lect. Emp.; 8-7. Arist. Top. 1. 8.
POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE SPECULATION — ZENO. 7
dialectic method. In this discussion respecting the
one and the many, positive grounds on either side
were alike scanty ; each party had to set forth the con-
tradictions deducible from the opposite hypothesis, and
Zeno professed to shew, that those of his opponents
were the more flagrant. We thus see, that along with
the methodized question and answer, or dialectic
method, employed from henceforward more and more
in philosophical inquiries, comes out at the same time
the negative tendency — the probing, testing, and scru-
tinizing force of Grecian speculation. The negative
side of Grecian speculation stands quite as prominently
marked, and occupies as large a measure of the intel-
lectual force of their philosophers as the positive side.
It is not simply to arrive at a conclusion, sustained by
a certain measure of plausible premises, and then to
proclaim it as an authoritative dogma, silencing or dis-
paraging all objectors, that Grecian speculation aspires.
To unmask not only positive falsehood, but even affir-
mation without evidence, exaggerated confidence in
what was only doubtful, and the show of knowledge
without the reality — to look at a problem on all sides,
and set forth all the difficulties attending its solution —
to take account of deductions from the affirmative
evidence, even in the case of conclusions accepted as
true upon the balance — all this will be found pervading
the march of their greatest thinkers. As a condition
of all progressive philosophy, it is not less essential
that the grounds of negation should be freely exposed,
than the grounds of affirmation. We shall find the
two going hand in hand, and the negative indeed the
more impressive and characteristic of the two, from
8 POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE SPECULATION THE SOPHISTS.
Zeno down war ds, to our history. In one of the earliest
memoranda illustrative of Grecian dialectics, the sen-
tences in which Plato represents Parmenides and Zeno
as bequeathing their mantle to the youthful Socrates,
and giving him precepts for successfully prosecuting
those researches which his marked inquisitive impulses
premised, this large and comprehensive point of view
is emphatically inculcated. He is admonished to set
before him both sides of every hypothesis, and to fol-
low out both the negative and the affirmative chains of
argument with equal perseverance and equal freedom
of scrutiny; neither daunted by the adverse opinions
around him, nor deterred by sneers against wasting
time in fruitless talk ; since the multitude are igno-
rant, that without thus travelling round all the sides of
a question, no assured comprehension of the truth is
attainable."*
THE SOPHISTS.
There were a number of philosophical logicians in
Greece, in the early ages of her mental speculations,
designated by the name of Sophists. The class of
persons who went by this title occupy a conspicuous
place in the history of logical science. (Their name
stands for a particular species or kind of reasoning ; or
perhaps, to speak more correctly, for a particular or
special application of the powers of ratiocination gene-
rally^ Many have been the discussions among philo-
* Hist, of Greece, vol. viii. p. 471. See also Bayle's Diet., article " Zeno."
Brandis, Gesch. cler Griecli. Rom. Pliilos. i. p. 409. Shnplicius, in his Commen-
tary on Aristotle's Physics, p. 255, says that Zeno was the first who composed
written dialogues.
THE SOPHISTS — THEIR VOCATION. \)
sophers, both ancient and modern, respecting their
motives and character as a sect or party. By the
great majority of critics and historians, they have been
denounced as the corrupters of the minds of youth ;
the subverters of their country's glory and indepen-
dence ; the overweening pretenders to science and
wisdom ; the wholesale dealers in logical quibbles, con-
ceits, and conundrums ; and the unscrupulous revilers
and scorners of the truth in every department of
human knowledge.
These opinions on the Sophists have, on the other
hand, been in a great measure dissented from by some
writers of judgment and reputation ; in particular, by Mr
Grote, in the eighth volume of his " History of Greece."
He says — " The paid teachers, under the name of the
Sophists, were Protagoras of Abclera, G-orgias of
Leontini, Polus of Agrigentum, Hippias of Elis, Pro-
dicus of Keos, Thrasymachus of Chalceclon, Euthy-
demus and Dionysodorus of Chios — to whom Xenophon
adds, Antiphon of Athens. These men — whom modern
writers set down as the Sophists, and denounce as the
moral pestilence of the age — were not distinguished in
any marked or generic way from their predecessors.
Their vocation was to train up youth for the duties,
the pursuits, and the successes of active life, both
private and public. Others had done this before ; but
these teachers brought to the task a larger range of
knowledge, with a greater multiplicity of scientific and
other topics — not only more impressive powers of com-
position and speech, serving as a personal example to
the pupil ; but also as a comprehension of the elements
of good speaking, so as to be able to give him precepts
1 0 THE SOPHISTS THEIR VOCATION.
conducive to that accomplishment — a considerable
treasure of accumulated thought on moral and political
subjects, calculated to make their conversation very
instructive, and discourse ready prepared, on general
heads or common-places, for their pupils to learn by
heart. But this, though a very important extension,
was nothing more than an extension, differing merely
in degree of that which Damon and others had done
before them. It arose from the increased demand,
which had grown up among the Athenian youth, for a
larger measure of education and other accomplishments
— from an elevation in the standard of what was
required from every man who aspired to occupy a place
in the eyes of his fellow- citizens. Protagoras, Gorgias,
and the rest, supplied this demand with an ability and
success unknown before their time ; hence they gained
a distinction such as none of their predecessors had
attained, were prized all over Greece, travelled from
city to city with general admiration, and obtained con-
siderable pay. While such success, among men per-
sonally strangers to them, attests unequivocally their
talent and personal dignity, of course it also laid them
open to increased jealousy, as well from inferior
teachers as from the lovers of ignorance generally —
such jealousy manifesting itself by a greater readiness
to stamp them with the obnoxious title of Sophists."*
In order to form something like a correct notion on
a subject of this kind, where such opposite opinions
and sentiments have been expressed, one must look at
it from different angular positions, and give a due
share of weight to those extraneous influences, which,
* Hist. Greece, vol. viii. p. 48G.
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL STATE OF GREECE. 11
though not necessarily connected with the history of
Grecian logic as a science or art, were nevertheless so
intimately associated with it, from incidental circum-
stances, as to modify its exercise, to a considerable
extent, in the great field of human thought and action.
These influences chiefly lay in the political and social
state of the country. It was divided into a number of
petty states or republics, in which an oligarchical and
democratic influence were each perpetually struggling
for the ascendency. Ehetorical and argumentative
appeals to the passions and opinions of the people,
were the stock and trade, as it were, of all who aspired
to power and distinction in legislative affairs. The
entire current of domestic and public education was
therefore directed into this channel. A talent for dis-
putation, for a power of minute analysis, or even for
the handling of theoretical and abstract principles of
speculation, was considered a favourable omen of a
man's rising genius and future celebrity. In this per-
petual agitation and contention, where mind was the
grand and moving power, it may readily be imagined
that many abuses and misapplications of its faculties
and energies would arise. They would be irregularly
developed, and subjected to a one-sided cultivation and
exercise. The prizes of power and distinction lay too
openly and too invitingly before the eyes of the citi-
zens ; and in that eagerness to seize hold of and retain
them, what was really true, and really stamped with
sound wisdom, became in a great measure secondary
questions in the eyes of the struggling competitors.
To gain a victory by disputatious acclamation, or to
create doubts, or puzzle and bewilder the understand-
12 CORRUPT AGENTS AND INFLUENCES.
ing, where a victory of this kind was to be achieved,
was the great object of men's ambitious strife and
rivalry.
This state of affairs was sure to gather corrupt agents
and influences around it from all quarters : and accord-
ingly we find, that one of the most powerful stimulants
to this undue cultivation and exercise of the logical
energies of society, was the practice, which universally
prevailed among the Sophists, of demanding and
receiving large sums of money for their professional
services. This led to great abuses, and was one of the
chief sources of that derision which has been so un-
sparingly and indiscriminately heaped upon them as a
philosophical sect or party. They travelled from state
to state, and from city to city, disposing of their know-
ledge and talents to the highest bidder — taking-
especial care, however, to impart to their professional
services, a marketable value at all times, whether they
squared in or not with the dictates and interests of
truth. Among a people naturally prone to mental
speculations, and possessing no very high tone of moral
feeling, and nearly destitute withal of every thing like
religious principle or restraint, it is quite natural to
suppose that a class of persons, set apart for such ser-
vices in the logical art, and stimulated by such public
and private advantages as they enjoyed, should over-
shoot the limits of truth and dignity, and often degene-
rate into the political demagogue and the speculative
quibbler.
^Lnother agent which conferred tremendous power
on the dialectics of the Sophists, was the proneness of
the Athenian race to purely speculative topics. They
DIALECTIVE SYSTEM OF THE SOPHISTS. 13
delighted in playing one antagonistic principle of
human reason against another. It was not so much
the aid or purpose of reasoning, as the mere form or
exercise of it, which excited their attention, and received
their acclamations. To be a reasoner or logician was
one thing, and to be a lover and promulgator of truth
was another ; and this distinction became a settled and
active principle in the public mind — leading, in fact, to
an unnatural separation of two things which should
always be in unity, and thereby operating injuriously
to the cause of general truth, knowledge, civilisation,
and human happinessy
When we thus take into consideration the three
elements which entered so largely into the dialective
system of the Sophists — namely, the political and social
condition of the Athenian commonwealth, the merce-
nary nature of the logical profession, and the tendency
of the people to foster abstract questions of speculation
— we cannot fail to see that a widely-spread and firmly
concatenated plan of instruction, founded on and
strengthened by such agencies, must have often oper-
ated injuriously on the cause of truth and justice. A
body of public teachers spread over the whole country,
acted upon by such gross and material influences, must
have often left behind them any thing but a favourable
impression of their nature and value. When the intel-
lectual balance becomes unequally poised, the cause of
truth must suffer.
Now it may safely and consistently be admitted, that
there might be many distinguished and able men
among the Sophists, who really and disinterestedly
laboured for the solid and useful instruction of man-
14 TEACHING OF THE SOPHISTS.
kind ; and yet there might be, in the great body who
followed this itinerating logical profession, much that
was highly censurable, and positively corrupt and de-
basing. Taking all the circumstances into considera-
tion, there was much that was calculated to make this
a very colourable presumption. The outward forms
of declamation and dispute were the chief things which
engrossed the attention of both speakers and hearers.
The great thing was to produce effect. This led public
declaimers to cultivate pertness, self-sufficiency, and a
shallow and off-hand treatment of a subject ; and, where
this could not be successfully followed, they took shelter
among the fastnesses of abstruse and mystical questions,
susceptible of a double meaning and interpretation, or
were otherwise of such a character as not to be solved
by any powers of the human faculties. Then, again,
came the great temptations, from the love of power and
party influence, to bias the judgment, and to mislead
both instructors and people ; and this, too, on questions
of great moment, but which intrinsically demanded the
highest degree of dispassionate calmness and consider-
ation to bring to a satisfactory and truthful conclusion.
The representations which the ancients have given
of the Sophists may be safely taken as generally correct.
These painted the tendency of their public and private
teachings of the art of reasoning or argumentation, as
calculated to retard the progress of real truth and
sound wisdom. Men by this mode of tuition acquired
a decided taste for fine and flashy ornaments, which
retarded their advancement in more solid and valuable
attainments. Besides all that was positively corrupt
and base, there sprung out of the system of the Sophists
LOGICAL AND RHETORICAL DISPLAYS. 15
an arrogant and superficial pretension to knowledge,
which overshadowed and overbore truth itself in all its
native grandeur and simplicity. This evil is copiously
and feelingly dwelt upon by many of the most distin-
guished philosophers of Greece.
And the same thing which happened in Greece re-
lative to logical and rhetorical displays, would, under
the same circumstances, happen to any enlightened
country of Europe in the present day. If Great Bri-
tain, for example, were parcelled out into so many
distinct and federal republics or states, each struggling
for superiority and influence, and if this internal strife
were to be carried on through the means of paid and
pampered logicians and rhetoricians, we should have a
race of Sophists the exact counterpart of those who
figured in Greece more than two thousand years ago.
A sense of justice would cease to have that degree of
influence necessary to control party views and party
interests. Men would meet each other, not for the
laudable and useful purpose of hearing great truths ex-
pounded, but to be amused, or to award a prize to the
cleverest speaker or the most dexterous declaimer.
The disputatious spirit would necessarily acquire such
strength and predominancy, as to be the all in all with
every class of the people. To dispute equally well on
both sides of a question, would be the great object of
ambition among all ranks of society. True it is, that
we have now, in the present state of learning and
knowledge, sufficiently powerful guards or checks
against a state of things like this ; but this circumstance
does not weaken the original argument, but decidedly
confirms and strengthens it. There is no form or de-
16 LOGICAL SYSTEM OF THE SOPHISTS — ANTISTHENES.
gree of influence which moral and religious principle can
assume, which cannot be seriously weakened by a sys-
tem of public and private instruction which trifles with
truth, or weakens the innate power it should exercise
over the human heart and affections.
What, then, was the logical system of the Sophists ?
It was, in few words, a system based on sordid and
grovelling motives and contrivances. It was a narrow
and contracted theory of the abstract nature and value
of truth. Its aim was to show that " the worse was the
better reason." It was declamation without knowledge
— subtilty without comprehension — paradoxical with-
out ingenuity — a display of the forms without the
essence of reasoning — a fruitless and barren exercise of
the noblest powers of the intellect — undertaken, not
for the high and noble purpose of extending, but of
checking the progress of sound knowledge and truth
among mankind.
Antisthenes. — This philosopher entertained certain
opinions on that branch of logic which embraces the
nature and use of definitions. He held that a
definition could not express the essence of a thing ;
for of all things we can only say, that, as a whole,
they are what they are. A definition can only deter-
mine or fix the nature of one quality or attribute of a
thing.
THE MAGARIAN, ELIAN, AND EEETRIAN SCHOOLS OF LOGIC.
Euclid. — The logic of this distinguished philosopher
is of a negative character. He tells us that the most
EARLY HISTOEY OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — SOCRATES. 17
successful mode of refuting any train of argument, is
not to attack the premises, but the conclusion.91' He,
and his immediate disciples and followers, pushed this
doctrine to a great length.
Socrates. — The name of Socrates is intimately
associated with the early history of logical science. (He
was not only a great and profound reasoner himself,
but he spent a long life in publicly teaching, " without
money and without price," what were the best rules
and principles for guiding the judgment in the acquisi-
tion and promulgation of truth generally^) His name
is one of these conspicuous landmarks in ratiocinative
science, which strikes the eye of every inquirer into its
external history and development. The Socratic form
of argumentation, though pretty well known to most
general readers and students, requires to be illustrated
in some of its leading points. This we shall attempt
to /lo in as brief terms as possible.
(Jit would appear that Socrates obtained his elemen-
tary knowledge of logic from the schools of Permenides
and Zeno. (It was in this course of elementary instruc-
tion that he imbibed the notion, which he so firmly
and unflinchingly maintained in all his subsequent
teachings, that we should look at every question in a
double light — both negatively and positively — in order
to^arrive at just and satisfactory conclusions respecting
it. j His doctrine, in this point of view, was an illustra-
tion of the common maxim, of hearing both sides of an
argument. This is one among the many of those
* Diog. Laert., ii. 107.
B
18 LOGICAL SYSTEM OF SOCRATES.
general principles on which the entire fabric of his
peculiar mode of reasoning rested.
( The logical system of Socrates, in its practical cha-
racter and results, was analytical and synthetical, alter-
nating as the occasion suited ; but generally displaying
the former attribute rather than the lattery Xenophon,
in his Memorabilia, tells us that " Socrates was con-
stantly engaged in discussions on subjects immediately
connected with human nature, investigating — " What
is piety ? What is impiety ? What is the honourable
and the base? What is the just and the unjust?
What is temperate or unsound mind? What is a
city ? What is the character fit for a citizen ? What
is authority over men ? WTiat is the character befitting
the exercise of such authority ? — and other questions
of a similar import. Men who knew these matters, he
accounted good and honourable ; men who were igno-
rant of them, he assimilated to slaves."
(^Again," says Xenophon, " Socrates considered that
the logical or dialectic process consisted in coming to-
gether and taking common counsel, in distinguishing and
distributing things into genera or families, so as to learn
what each separate thing really was.) To go through
this process carefully was indispensable, as the only way
of enabling a man to regulate his own conduct, aiming at
good objects and avoiding bad. To be so practised as to
be able to do it readily, was essential to make a man a
good leader or adviser of others. Every man who had
gone through the process, and come to know what each
thing was, could also of course define it, and explain it
to others ; but if he did not know, it was no wonder
ANALYTICAL PROCESS OF SOCRATES. 19
that he went wrong himself, and put others wrong
besides."*
(Aristotle also informs us, "that there are two things
which must in justice be awarded to Socrates — the
inductive method of proof, and the general definition
of ideas — both of which belong to the first principles of
philosophy."')-')
The analytical process, which formed such a conspicu-
ous ingredient in the Socratic logic, was nothing more or
less than an exhibition of that inward movement which
every man of sane mind, no matter what portion of
acquired knowledge he may possess, carries on almost
every moment of his life. Our minds are perpetually
dividing the aggregate representations of things pre-
sented to its contemplation, whether of a physical or
mental stamp, and resolving them as it were into their
original or primary elements ; and after this is effected,
we sum them all up again, contemplate the representa-
tions as entire and perfect wholes, or compound con-
ceptions, and fix them as such in the mind. This
mental process is so subtile and rapid, that we seldom
can arrest the trains of thought which constitute it, a
sufficient length of time to bring the faculty of atten-
tion to bear upon and observe them. But a person
who has acquired some command over his mind, and
can readily fall back on his own consciousness, is never
at a loss to comprehend the whole phenomena of
analysis and synthesis, and to recognise any chain of
reasoning founded upon them.
The analytic and synthetic process of thought, which
Socrates brought out so prominently before his coun-
* Xenophon Mem., iv. 11-12. + Met., xiii. 4.
20 ANALYTICAL AND SYNTHETICAL PROCESS OF SOCRATES
trymen, enter into every train of argumentation, how-
ever limited or unimportant. Hence the interest which
his discourses excited. We are almost entirely en-
grossed with them. But general readers, and youthful
students in particular, are apt to fall into an error re-
specting them, chiefly by the language which logicians
and metaphysicians employ in giving an account of
their nature and operation. We are apt to imagine
that the analytic and synthetic methods of reasoning
are purely matters of art, and were brought to light by
the inventive powers of some philosopher or another.
It is no uncommon thing to meet with statements in
philosophical treatises, in which it is affirmed that
Socrates invented this analytic method. But this is a great
mistake. The power of dividing our general concep-
tions or ideas into their component parts, and the
faculty of uniting them again into their former or ori-
ginal state of aggregation, are mental manifestations
intimately blended with the very earliest movements of
the mind of man, however rude or unenlightened it
may be. We recognise the use of these intellectual
instruments in the savage as well as in the philosopher,
as far as their respective degrees of knowledge and the
duties of life require their application.
(Guarding the reader, therefore, from supposing that
Socrates invented or discovered this mode of analytical and
synthetical reasoning, we must yet award him great
honour for having so fully and clearly developed it ;
not, however, in its abstract or philosophical character,
but in its practical details and consequences) And
unquestionably his dialectical plan of argumentation
must have produced a great effect on the thinking
DIALECTICAL ANALYSIS OF SOCRATES. 21
portion of the citizens of Athens, when we take into
consideration what was the all-prevailing mode of
philosophical discussion in his own day on every branch
of human speculation and inquiry. The origin of
things — their abstract attributes or qualities, and the
whole phenomena of both the physical and material
universe — were thrown into a promiscuous jumble, and
dignified with the name of philosophy. This huge
mass of speculation presented nothing tangible or prac-
tical to the understanding : it had neither beginning,
middle, nor end. Now Socrates, by a steady and con-
centrated examination of his own mind, perceived the
radical error of these philosophizers. He perceived
that, by barely looking at these phenomena in their
state of aggregation, no correct information could pos-
sibly be derived. The complex whole must be broken
up, and resolved into its component parts. Every thing
around him presented a wild chaotic mass till this was
accomplished. He put, therefore, his powers of analy-
sing, or his powers of observation, into full play, and
tenaciously grappled with principles and doctrines in
their totality. He placed, as it were, his dialectic wedges
into them, and split and divided them into such man-
ageable and intelligible portions as the ordinary mind
could retain and profit by. The way and manner in
which this was done was his own. His individual cha-
racter displays itself here very strikingly. (He endea-
voured to carry his analysis as far as he well could,
without running into frivolous minuteness ; and then
he either performed the synthetic process himself, or
left his hearers to make it in the way and fashion that
best suited them. Every thing was to be done, how-
22 DIALECTICAL ANALYSIS OF SOCKATES.
ever, according to a given plan or method ; and this
plan or method was to be in perfect agreement or
harmony with the object which the mind had in view,
by the adoption of any particular line of reasoning or
argumentation.)
On this point, I cannot refrain from inserting a few
lines from a recent and able writer already quoted : —
" In our present state of knowledge, some mental
effort is required to see any thing important in the
words of Xenophon ; so familiar has every student been
rendered with the ordinary terms and gradations of
logic and classification — such as genus, definition, indi-
vidual things as comprehended in a genus, what each
thing is, and to what genus it belongs, &c. But fami-
liar as these words have now become, they denote a
mental process, of which, in 400-430 B.C., few men
besides Socrates had any conscious perception. Of
course men conceived and prescribed things in classes,
as is employed in the very form of language, and in the
habitual junction of predicates with subjects in common
speech. They explained their meaning clearly and
forcibly in particular cases : they laid down maxims,
argued questions, stated premises, and drew conclusions,
on trials in the Dicastery, or debates in the Assembly :
they had an abundant poetical literature, which appealed
to every variety of emotion : they were beginning to
compile historical narrative, intermixed with reflection
and criticism. But though all this was done, and often
admirably well done, it was wanting in that analytical
consciousness which would have enabled any one to de-
scribe, explain, or vindicate what he was doing. The
ideas of men speakers as well as hearers — the produc-
DIALECTICAL ANALYSIS OF SOCRATES. 23
tive minds as well as the recipient multitude — were
associated together in groups favourable rather to emo-
tional results, or to poetical rhetorical narrative, and
descriptive effects, than to methodical generalization, to
scientific conception, or to proof either inductive or de-
ductive. (That reflex act of attention which enables
men to understand, compare, and rectify their own
mental process, was only just beginning.) It was a
recent novelty on the part of the rhetorical teachers to
analyse the component parts of a public harangue, and
to propound some precepts for making men tolerable
speakers. Protagoras was just setting forth various
grammatical distinctions, while Prodicus discriminated
the signification of words nearly equivalent, and liable
to be confounded. All these proceedings appeared
then so new as to incur the ridicule even of Plato ; yet
they were branches of that same analytical tendency
which Socrates now carried into scientific inquiry. It
may be doubted whether any one before him ever used
the words genus and species (originally meaning family
and form) in the philosophical sense now exclusively
appropriated to them. Not one of those many names
(called by logicians names of the second intention) which
imply distinct attention to various parts of the logical
process, and enable us to consider and criticise it in
detail, then existed. All of them grew out of the
schools of Plato, Aristotle, and the subsequent philoso-
phers, so that we can thus trace them in their begin-
ning to the common root and father, Socrates."*
There are several general considerations arising out
of the historical notice of the logic of Socrates which
* Grote's " History of Greece," vol. riii. 578.
24 LOGICAL PROCESSES OF SOCRATES.
are worthy of being placed on record, inasmuch as they
display the sound and comprehensive view he took of
reasoning as a science or art.
(One of the leading principles he steadily kept before
his numerous auditories, was the lofty and dignified
character of reasoning in itself. It was the chief orna-
ment of our race, and the keystone to all our other
intellectual endowments and graces. It represented
the entire man, and was in fact the embodiment of all
that could with propriety be termed rational belonging
to him. It was not a thing to trifle or play with, but
a serious occupation, always implying an imperative
duty.
Socrates was guided in his logical processes by that
which has latterly assumed the name of common sense.
He was certainly the first logician who really considered
it as an indispensable element in the art of ordinary
ratiocination^ This is implied in Cicero's declaration,
that Soprates brought philosophy down from heaven to
earth. IXenophon likewise tells us, that when he wished
to form a decision on any subject, his reasonings always
proceeded from propositions generally assented to or
understood.* He always took his stand on first prin-
ciples, and felt dissatisfied with the mere logical forms
of dialectics. )
In all the argumentive displays of Socrates, we re-
cognise the high principle of moral responsibility which
he invariably imparted to them. Truth was a thing
which involved the highest interests to mankind ; and
under this grave and solemn light he discussed every
question which came before him.
* Mem., 4, 6.
ESTIMATE OF SOCRATES CHARACTER. 25
There are certain circumstances which have always
entered into the estimate of Socrates' character as a
logician, which are altogether unconnected with the
abstract merits of that particular system of dialectics
which he cultivated and brought into general use.
These circumstances have their influence even at the
present hour, and indeed always must have with all
future generations. His death was tragical in the ex-
treme. He was an acknowledged wise and good man.
He laboured earnestly and disinterestedly to inspire his
countrymen with lofty and pure conceptions of virtue,
intelligence, and rectitude of principle. Yet he was
doomed to feel the weight of the most flagrant and
unprincipled cruelty. Though far advanced in life
(being at his death in his seventieth year), he met his
fate with that heroic and calm fortitude which has ex-
cited the admiration and sympathy of all writers and
historians since his dav.
26 GRECIAN LOGIC — PLATO.
CHAPTER II.
PLATO— ARISTOTLE, 380 B.C.
Grecian logic, considered as a science, received a
powerful stimulus from the lofty and splendid genius
of Plato. Having a mind of the highest order, with a
strong natural predilection to extreme generalization
and theoretical disquisitions, he felt dissatisfied with
the mere power of analysis displayed by his master
Socrates, and the shallow and mechanical formalism ot
the Sophists. He sought for some solid foundation on
which our reasonings and constant aspirations after
truth might be placed. He attempted, therefore, to
penetrate into the hidden constitution of the mind
itself; to bring to light its remote and general prin-
ciples ; and to direct the inward power of conscious-
ness to those deeper things which lie beyond the mere
framework of logical or dialectic science. This he
considered as the only chance that mankind had of
placing truth upon a firm and abiding structure.
To a mind like Plato's, all preceding displays of logi-
cal science, taking them in their general aspects, and
in conjunction with the discussions on their leading
principles, must have appeared, in a great measure,
SCIENCE OF TKUTH — PLATO. 27
puerile and unsatisfactory. His innate love of truth
was vehement and sincere ; and he could not view with
complacency those whose chief occupation in the sphere
of public and private tuition was to trifle with the judg-
ments of mankind, and to throw the human under-
standing into a state of irremediable doubt and uncer-
tainty on every topic interesting for man to know.
The sophistical wrangling and declamatory rhetoric of
the day, was a thing too flimsy and common-place for
a mind of his order and pretensions. Though he had
witnessed the effects of the public teachings of Socrates
to counteract this injurious system by the analytical
displays of his searching mind ; yet Plato must have
perceived what, to his eye, would appear a radical de-
fect in the Socratic method, calculated to limit his
admiration of its scientific value and efficiency in the
important work of laying a secure foundation of ratio-
cinative science. Analysis, however minutely and
accurately exercised, can of itself lead to nothing.
By dividing things into a multitude of particulars, and
thereby placing the mind face to face with them, is
only one of the functions of the reasoning process, and
by no means the entire or final consummation of it.
The synthetic mode was more to Plato's liking; but
it was a mode seldom used by his distinguished master,
Socrates. All the various processes of argumentation,
and the diversified rules which guided the different
schools of dialectic art, assumed a detached and iso-
lated appearance previous to Plato's day. He it was
who, in treating of the science of truth in general, first
clearly saw the importance of a thorough knowledge of
the entire faculties and powers of the human intellect ;
J28_ SCIENCE OF TRUTH PLATO.
and, above all, of entertaining those lofty and sublime
conceptions of its origin and destiny, which can alone
confer a lasting interest on the duties and teachings of
the logician.
The first step which Plato took in his dialectic specu-
lations, was to clear up the question as to the origin of
our knowledge. This he conceived was of the first
importance. Some philosophers who had preceded
him, founded all truth on sensation ; while others again
as stoutly denied the validity of our sensuous impres-
sions. He examined the arguments on both sides;
and after many discussions came to the conclusion,
that sensation cannot of itself be the foundation of
truth, but only one of its instruments or accessories.
A theory of evidence which rests merely upon the
impressions which external objects make on our various
senses, did in his opinion involve so many formidable
difficulties, and even gross absurdities, that no rational
philosopher could maintain it upon any plausible
grounds whatever.
('On the nature of propositions, Plato enters likewise
into various discussions, chiefly with a view of obtaining
some clear conception of what is necessarily involved in
every formal mode in which scientific or abstract truth
can be presented to the intellect. A universal propo-
sition is constituted of materials which possess a per-
manent and eternal existence — are true of all times
and in all places ; and therefore are distinctly removed
beyond the sphere of that change which marks the
results of all mere sensational knowledge. The truth
which attends the impressions of the senses is transi-
tory and variable; but the truth on which science is
NATURE AND CHARACTER OF TRUTH — PLATO. 29
founded, and which can be transmitted from age to
age, resides in the soul itself, and possesses a real
existence from all subjective influences whatever. If
this were not the case, there could be no such thing as
knowledge or reasoning; nor could the generation of
men of to-day benefit in any degree from the expe-
rience and knowledge of those who had gone before
them. There would be nothing among men save the
fleeting and momentary sensations of sensual feeling.\
This notion of Plato's on the nature and character
of all truth, and of the mode of acquiring and promul-
gating it, rests entirely upon his leading opinions as to
the essence of our ideas generally. These opinions
have been a topic of controversy in all ages. But into
these disputes we cannot enter. Suffice it to say, that
for the ordinary purposes we have now in view, we
shall endeavour to give what we consider was the lead-
ing notion which Plato entertained as to the character
of ideas, when considered in conjunction with the
dialectic or reasoning science or art.
Now let us suppose, for example, a person taken to
an eminence, and a beautiful and sublime landscape
suddenly bursts upon his sight. Here is a general
idea which at once engrosses his mind. He dwells
upon it, is enchanted with it ; and, as an entire unity
or whole, it is for ever present to his mind. Should
he, however, begin to analyse this aggregate concep-
tion into its elemental parts, still the unity of the
whole is preserved, however varied the individual sen-
sations or perceptions may be of which it is composed.
He pronounces the landscape to be grand and magni-
ficent; and these attributes are conceived to be in-
30 REALITY AND IMMUTABILITY OF TRUTH — PLATO.
vested with permanent or eternal truth, inasmuch as
the same idea would enter the minds of others at all
times, if placed in the same circumstances. It is quite
possible that the individual perceptions or sensations
of men might vary considerably in the viewing of this
landscape ; but one sentiment, one opinion, one judg-
ment, one idea, would be entertained by all — namely,
the idea of grandeur, beauty, and sublimity. This
would be general and permanent — would have the
attribute of truth impressed upon it — would be a thing
to talk, to think, to dispute about, altogether apart
from the individual elements of sensation which enter
into its composition or nature.
Now it is precisely the same with every other class
of our general conceptions which forms the elements of
our reasonings. The ideas which, we have of what is
good, what is just, what is right, what is intellectual,
are obtained in the same manner, and clothed with the
same attributes of permanency and stability, as those
we have just enumerated as constituting the beautiful
and sublime. And if ideas did not partake of this
solid and stable character, there could be no such thing
as reasoning or logical truth among mankind. The
reality and immutability of truth, of which we are
always speaking, and to which we are constantly mak-
ing appeals, must, if Plato's notions are incorrect, be a
mere delusion. He demonstrates this in numerous
parts of his writings.
This notion of ideas must also be viewed in connexion
with Plato's theological system. He may be said to
have been the first man who ever gave to logical studies
a religious bias. His ideal theory, which represents
THEOLOGICAL SYSTEM OP PLATO. 31
the true and the real in science, has a firm and per-
manent foundation, inasmuch as he places it upon a
supreme idea, which comprises all the subordinate
ones, and imparts to all the details and minor divisions
of truth, the unity and beauty which we all feel when
they are presented to the understanding. E"ow this
supreme idea represents the principle of all things — in
fact, the idea of Glod, the source of all wisdom and
truth. The Deity is therefore made the measure or
standard of all that we call knowledge. It is here that
all truth rests, as upon a grand and common centre.
This centre is the beginning, middle, and end of all
things.*
This idea of Deity comprehends within it every
other idea, and is that unity which comprises or em-
bodies the true essence of all things.-)" This is the
reason why sound philosophy, in all ages, has con-
nected that delightful sensation which we experience
in viewing or contemplating what is good, just, hu-
mane, right, beautiful, orderly, and harmonious, with
the Sovereign Power which makes and governs every
thing. It is by this means that men are insensibly led
to the notion of Supreme Power, to believe in its exist-
ence, and to recognise its influence over the destinies
of humanity. Truth can have no value, no influence,
no charm, unless viewed in relation to this great theo-
logical principle. God is, therefore, the true and only
source of all that is beautiful and good, and the true
aim and pattern, by striving after which man may par-
ticipate in all that is innately grand, ennobling, beauti-
ful, and rational.j
* De Leg., iv. p. 715. f Tim., p. 29. t Phsedr., p. 246.
32 THEOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF PLATO.
These theological ideas possess great interest when
viewed in conjunction with the dialectic system of
Plato. That beauty or harmony which all truth pos-
sesses— not the mere beauty or harmony which body,
or art, or any particular science has — but that beauty or
harmony of the highest order, is the real and substan-
tial emanation of the Divine nature, which is the
essence of all beauty and harmony itself. Plato tells
us, that precisely in the same manner as the material
sun is not only the source of sight, and the real cause
that objects are seen, but that they grow and are pro-
duced; so the Supreme Good is of such power and
innate beauty, that it is not merely the source of all
scientific knowledge to the soul, but is also the source
of all being and reality to whatever appertains to
human wisdom. And as the sun is not itself sight, nor
the object of sight, but presides over both ; so the
Supreme Good is not science, or the essence of truth,
but superior and distinct from both. They are of a
goodly nature, but not the Supreme Good itself.*
/According to the Platonic notion of reasoning, mind
or spirit is the grand moving principle. It is impos-
sible to maintain the progressive and permanent nature
of knowledge or science, unless on the assumption of
this truth.; And one of the chief attributes of this
mind or spirit, is that innate fecundity or spontaneity
which is indispensable to its existence, and which dis-
tinguishes it from all material properties and essences.
The mind is self-moving, and therefore different from
the body.f
What Plato advances on the nature of language,
* De Rep., iv. p. 506. f De Le?., x p. 895.
NATURE OF LANGUAGE PLATO. _33
and on that division of dialectics which embraces the
nature of distinct propositions, does not differ very
materially from many opinions of the present day on
the same topics. He maintains that the employment
of words in sentences or propositions is not arbitrary,
but follows certain rules and principles. In every sen-
tence or proposition there must be a noun and a verb,
otherwise the mind is unable to grasp or lay hold of it.
Being or existence is involved in every verb, and in
every phase or form of it ; and action and passion are
consequently imparted to every object of which any
thing can be affirmed or expressed. The verb is the
living and animating principle of all things, and like
the eye to the body, without which every thing is in-
volved in impenetrable darkness. (This being or exist-
ence, as well as its opposite, non-being or non-exist-
ence, cannot be denned ; only the being is represented
by an effulgent light which encircles it; whereas the
non-being is the pure negative, or the want of this
irradiating influence.)
In every form of words, therefore, which can be sub-
mitted to the reason or understanding, there is, in
order that it may be cognisant of them, an under-cur-
rent of thought ; and this thought is the subject of
conviction or rejection in every formal proposition
which the intellect can possibly frame, or which can
be brought to bear on the minds of others. Words
are, in fact, the simple instruments of the thinking
principle, and in no case act as the substitute of that
principle.
We have now touched on the leading and charac-
teristic points of the logical system of Plato ; and we
c
34 LOGICAL WORKS OF ARISTOTLE.
shall leave the subject for the present without any
general comments. His views will, in many subse-
quent parts of our historical sketch, come under our
notice ; and it would only be leading us into useless
repetitions to enlarge on the matter at the present
moment.
ARISTOTLE.
We come now to one of the most prominent land-
marks of logical science and art — to Aristotle — one of
the most surprising men in point of talent, reputation,
and influence, whom the world has ever seen. The
longest life of man would be inadequate to give a
naked abstract of all that has been said and written on
his logical works alone ; and as to the direct and indi-
rect influence which these works have exercised over
the minds of men for more than two thousand years,
who can form an estimate of its intensity and range ?
In bringing the logical works of Aristotle before the
reader's attention, we shall strictly confine ourselves, in
the present instance, to a plain statement of their aim
and character,- leaving all general comments on their
merits to subsequent sections of this treatise. This
arrangement will prevent, as in the case of Plato,
needless repetitions and observation ; besides its being
more in accordance with the nature and offices of a
mere historical sketch of this department of human
knowledge. These two Grecian philosophers have
been dialectic rivals from their very first appearance
on the stage of life ; and even at this hour they may
be said to divide substantiallv between them the suf-
Aristotle's book of the categories. 35
frages of all logical thinkers in every section of the
globe. Their respective systems are, therefore, neces-
sarily brought before us in various periods of history,
either in greater or less proportions, and are thus made
topics of criticism and remark in every direction, and
on every occasion.
The works of Aristotle of a logical character are the
following, namely : — 1st, The Book of the Categories ;
2nd, One of Interpretation ; 3d, First Analytics ; 4:th,
Last Analytics ; 5th, Topics; and 6th, Of Sophisms.
We are told by Diogenes Laertius, that many other
works of Aristotle's on the same subject are lost. It
has been a common practice to publish the whole of
these several treatises under the name of " Aristotle's
Organon," or his "Logic."
/The Book of the Categories is preceded by some
general and explanatory remarks, to which the school-
men gave the name of ante-prcedicamenta. Words are
divided into three kinds ; those whose meaning is fixed
and determined, those that are equivocal, and those
that are denominative^ What we say about any thing,
is either simple, as man, horse ; or of a compound cha-
racter, as a man fights, the horse runs. On predication,
Aristotle says, There is a distinction between a subject
of which any thing can be affirmed or denied, and a
subject of inhesion. A thing is said to be inherent in
a subject, which, although not part of the subject, can-
not be conceived without it ; as figure in the thing
figured. Of all things, some may be predicated of a
subject which are not in any subject ; as man may be
predicated of Charles or John, but is not in any sub-
ject. Some again are in a subject, but can be predi-
36 BOOK OF THE CATEGORIES — QUANTITY.
cated of no subject ; as, for example, my knowledge of
language is in, or belonging to me, as its subject, but
it can be predicated of no subject, because it is an in-
dividual or personal thing. Again, there are some
things which are both in a subject and can be predi-
cated of it ; as, for instance, science, which belongs to
the mind as its subject, and may be predicated of geo-
metry. Lastly, there are things which can neither be
in any subject, nor be predicated of any subject. All
individual substances are of this class. They cannot be
predicated, because they are individuals; and cannot
be in a subject, because they are substances.
The Categories, according to Aristotle, comprehend
all of which we can have the least knowledge.} They are
ten in number ; namely, Quantity. Quality, Relation,
Action, Passion, the Where, the When, Position in Space,
Possession, and Substance.)
Quantity. — Quantity is divided into discrete and con-
tinued. Discrete is that whose parts can really be sepa-
rated. These are again divided into successive and
permanent. Successive quantity is that which comes
by succession, as time and motion. The parts of these
cannot be divided as those of number, but run onwards
in a continued series. Permanent quantity is that
which remains always the same, as space ; which never
changes as time and motion do, but has always a last-
ing and permanent existence. Its category is long,
broad, and deep. And here we may observe, that
quantity, when considered barely extended, without
breadth or depth, is called a line; when it has both
length and breadth, a surface; and when it has length,
breadth, and depth, it is denominated a solid.
BOOK OF THE CATEGORIES — QUALITY, RELATION. 37
Quality. — This is divided into four kinds. First,
Habits; which are such endowments as are either
created, or very materially strengthened, by repeated
acts of the mind. When a man is virtuous, we say he
possesses the habit of virtue. In a similar qualified
sense we apply the word habit to wisdom, temperance,
learning, &c. Those endowments which are acquired
by different acts of the mind, are also considered as
qualities ; but they are usually called habits, Secondly,
Natural powers ; which relate more particularly to our
bodies, such as the power of walking, riding, &c.
These powers are possessed more or less by all man-
kind, and can be exercised as occasion requires.
Thirdly, Sensible qualities ; which are those we acquire
by our senses from the operation of external objects,
such as colours, tastes, smells, sounds, &c. Fourthly,
Figure and Form are also ranked under this category ;
all external objects must be possessed of these.
Relation. — This indicates the relative connexion
between a multitude of things which are of a heteroge-
neous and discordant nature, as one thing like another;
one thing unlike another ; one thing near another ; one
thing far from another ; one thing before, after, along
with another ; one thing great, equal, less than another ;
one thing the cause of another ; one thing the effect of
another ; one person a master, a landlord, a tenant, a
servant, a child, a parent, a subject, a wife, a slave, a
client, &c, of another. Many of the relations of which
these words are descriptive, are from their very nature
very complicated, and give rise to numerous logical
distinctions, which are not here, however, of any vital
importance to enlarge upon.
88 BOOK OF THE CATEGORIES — ACTION, SUBSTANCE, ETC.
Action, — Action is either internal or external. In-
ternal action is when I think of a particular thing con-
fined within myself, and which effects nothing without
me. External action regards something without; as
when I cut a piece of wood, or hew a stone.
Passion. — After action, passion naturally follows ; it
is always expressed by a verb.
The Where. — This answers to the question, Where
was such a thing done ? If one asks where such a
battle was fought, I tell him it was in such a country,
and near such a city.
The When. — This category gives answers to ques-
tions relative to time. As, How long is it since he died ?
One hundred years ago.
Position in Space. — This relates to standing, sitting,
before, behind, right, left, &c.
Possession. — This category involves the whole rights
of property.
Substance. — This is divided into two kinds, spiritual
and temporal. Spiritual is again divided into living
creatures, as man, beasts, birds; and temporal into
inanimate things, as metals, minerals, earth, air, stone,
&c. Both orders may again be subdivided into an
almost endless number of classes and divisions.
Aristotle explains, in several chapters, what the
schoolmen called post-prcedicamenta ; that is, an expla-
nation of the four kinds of terms expressive of opposi-
tion— namely, relative, privative, of contrariety, and of
contradiction.
\The treatise termed Interpretation relates to language.
What is a noun ? What is a verb ? What affirmation ?
What negation ? What speech ? Words are the signs
ARISTOTLE INTERPRETATION, ANALYTICS, TOPICS. 39
of mental things, and writing is the sign of words.
Both the signs of ideas and the signs of words are vari-
able among mankind, but the operations and powers
of the mind itself remain the samey
On the First and Last Analytics, and the book of Topics,
we shall give some short account, sufficient, it is hoped,
to make the leading principles of the Aristotelian logic
intelligible to ordinary readers. To give any thing like
a complete analysis of the entire system, would be alto-
gether out of place in a work of this kind. We are
compelled here to be brief; and this must be our
apology for the omission of many things which some
logicians may be inclined to think ought to have been
treated of, and fully expounded.
(Although last in order as being treated of in the
Topics, we shall notice the predicables. These, accord-
ing to Aristotle, are four, namely, genus, differentia, pro-
prium, and accidens ; that is, every question must either
be, first, about the genus of a subject ; or, secondly,
about its specific difference; or, thirdly, about something
proper to it ; or, fourth and lastly, about something acci-
dental. The doctrine of the predicables makes an
essential part of the Aristotelian logic ; and the reasons
which its author adduces for them are substantially
the following : —
"Whatever is attributed to a subject, it must either
be that the subject can be reciprocally attributed to it,
or that it cannot. If the subject and attribute can be
reciprocated, the attribute either declares what the sub-
ject is, and then it is a definition, or it does not declare
what the subject is, and then it is a property. If the
attribute cannot be reciprocated, it must be something
40 NATURE OF THE SYLLOGISM — ARISTOTLE.
contained in the definition, or not. If it be contained
in the definition of the subject, it must be the genus of
the subject, or the specific difference ; for the definition
consists of these two. If it be not contained in the
definition of the subject, it must be an accident."
The two treatises called " Analytics,'" develop the
doctrines and principles of the syllogism. These are
stated at full length, and in every possible form and
combination. Though the Categories, the Predicables,
and some say the Interpretation, are not claimed by
him as his own, he does nevertheless lay claim to the
syllogistic system as his own invention and develop-
ment. The "First Analytics" contain forty-six chap-
ters, which embrace the four leading topics ; first, the
conversion of propositions ; secondly, the structure of
syllogisms in all the different figures and modes ; thirdly,
the invention of the middle term ; and, fourthly, the re-
solution of syllogisms. The "Last Analytics" treat
chiefly of the matter of syllogisms ; and this may be
either true or false, probable or improbable.
Of the nature of the syllogism generally, we shall simply
state that it is an argument or form of reasoning con-
sisting of three .propositions, the last of which is deno-
minated the conclusion, and is inferred from the two
preceding parts, which are termed the premises. The
conclusion has two terms, the subject and the predi-
cate ; its predicate is called the major term, and its
subject the minor term. In order to draw a conclu-
sion, each of its terms is, in the premises, compared
with another term, called the middle term. By this
means one of the premises will have for its two terms
the major term and the middle term ; and this premiss
NATURE OF THE SYLLOGISM ARISTOTLE. 41
is called the major premiss, or the major proposition of
the syllogism. The other premiss has for its two terms
the minor term and the middle term, and is called the
minor proposition. Thus the syllogism consists of three
propositions, distinguished by the names of the major,
the minor, and the conclusion; and although each of
these has two terms, a subject and a predicate, yet there
are only three different terms in all. The major term
is always the predicate of the conclusion, and is also
either the subject or predicate of the minor proposi-
tion. The minor term is invariably the subject of the
conclusion, and is also either the subject or predicate
of the minor proposition. The middle term never
enters into or forms a part of the conclusion, but stands
in both 'premises either in the position of subject or
predicate/)
Syllogisms are said to be in various figures, accord-
ing to the various positions of the middle term. All
the possible positions of the middle term, are in Aris-
totle's system only three.* Eirst, The middle term
may be the subject of the major proposition, and the
predicate of the minor, and this constitutes the syllo-
gisms in the first figure. Secondly, The middle term
may be the predicate of both premises, and then the
syllogism is of the second figure. Lastly, The middle
term may be the subject of both, which arrangement
makes the syllogism of the third figure.
All syllogisms, according to the nature of the subject
to be proved by them, are divided into universal affir-
mative, universal negative, particular affirmative, and
particular negative.
* The fourth figure was afterwards added by Gralen.
42
NATURE OF THE SYLLOGISM — ARISTOTLE.
The following is an illustration of all the three
figures. We must observe that A is the minor term,
C the major, and B the middle term : —
FIRST FIGUEE.
Universal Affirmative.
Universal Negative.
Particular Affirmative.
Particular Negative.
All B is C,
All A is B ;
Therefore
All A is C.
No B is 0,
All A is B ;
Therefore
No A is C.
Some B is C,
Some A is B ;
Therefore
Some A is C,
No B is C,
Some A is B ;
Therefore
Some A is not C.
SECOND FIGURE.
This figure expresses nothing but negatives, general and particular.
No C is B,
All A is B ;
Therefore
No A is C.
All C is B,
No A is B ;
Therefore
No A is C.
No C is B,
Some A is B ;
Therefore
Some A is not B.
All'C is B,
Some A is not B;
Therefore
Some A is not C.
THIRD FIGURE.
All B is C,
No B is C,
Some B is C,
Some B is not C,
No B is C,
All Bis A;
AH B is A ;
All Bis A;
All B is A ;
Some B is A ;
Therefore
Therefore
Therefore
Therefore
Therefore
Some A is C.
Some A is not C.
Some A is C.
Some A is not C.
Some A is not C.
The theoretical principle on which Aristotle demon-
strates the four modes of the first figure, is denomi-
nated the Dictum de omni et nullo, and its nature is
this : That what is affirmed of a whole genus, may be
affirmed of all the species and individuals belonging to
that genus ; and what is denied of the whole genus,
may be denied of its species and individuals.
(Although these various syllogistic figures have rules
Aristotle's book of sophisms. 43
peculiar to each, there are nevertheless some which are
common to all syllogisms. Aristotle enumerates the
following : 1st. Every syllogism must have only three
terms or propositions. 2nd. The middle term must be
taken universally in one of the premises. 3d. If one of
the extremes be particular in one of the premises, it
must be particular in the conclusion. 4dh. The conclu-
sion must be particular, if either of the premises be
particular ; and negative, if either of the premises be
negative. 5th. ~No term can be taken universally in the
conclusion, if it be not taken universally in the premises. ,
The Book of Sophisms. — As the sources and forms
of error are almost infinite, so are likewise the rules
which may be framed for their detection and classifica-
tion. Aristotle attempts to bring all the fallacies that
can enter into the syllogistic form under thirteen heads
— six of which refer to diction and language, and seven
that are not in the diction.
The fallacies in diction are, — 1st. When a word is
taken at one time in one sense, and at another in a
different sense. 2nd. When an ambiguous phrase is
taken in the same way. 3d and ith. Eelate to ambigui-
ties in syntax. 5th. Embraces ambiguities in prosody,
accent, or pronunciation. 6th. Ambiguities from figures
of speech.
The seven fallacies which lie not in language, but in
things, are, — 1st. Taking an accidental conjunction of
things for a natural or necessary connexion. 2nd.
Taking that absolutely which ought to be taken com-
paratively, or with certain limitations or qualifications .
3d. Taking that for a cause which is only an occasion
or concomitant, ith. Begging the question. 5th.
44 LOGICAL SYSTEM OF ARISTOTLE.
Mistaking the question. 6th. When that which is not
a consequence is taken for a consequence. 7th. Falla-
cies which lie in complex propositions.*/
We have now submitted to the reader's notice the
leading framework of the logical system of Aristotle ;
but it must also be observed that, independent of its
technical and collossal form, we find it supported and
defended by a large mass of purely speculative thought.
It is not as a mere system of dialectic formalism we
must contemplate and value his labours as a logician,
but as a profound metaphysician and philosophical
thinker; and one who clearly perceived that every
scheme for recognising and promulgating of truth,
must ultimately rest upon the validity of certain ab-
stract principles of mental philosophy. These prin-
ciples must be examined and discussed ; they must be
brought out to open day, and stripped of those doubts
and ambiguities which hang about them, from the very
constitution of things, and the peculiar structure of the
human intellect itself.
To these purely philosophical elements of his logical
system, we have not space sufficient to do any thing
like adequate justice. A few general remarks are all
that we can devote to them; and must, therefore,
leave the reader to fill up the hiatus by a perusal of
the author's metaphysical works themselves, or such
portions of them as have a direct bearing on his logical
speculations.
It may be remarked in the first place, that Aristotle
connects his logical system with a self-created and
self-sustaining power in the universe. There must be
* See Dr Reid's " Analysis of Aristotle's Logic."
VIEWS OF THE SYSTEMS OF PLATO AND ARISTOTLE. 45
an ultimate basis on which every species and degree of
truth must rest ; for there could be no such thing as
science from causes which run into an infinite series.*
There must, therefore, be a First and Efficient cause, f
If we cannot assume an eternal and permanent essence,
independent of all physical or sensible properties, how
could order exist in the world, or how could there be
any thing like reason at all, seeing that the nature and
purposes of reason are, in all cases where it is exer-
cised, to perform nothing without an end or aim ? The
mind of man cannot be for ever tossed about in the
region of infinity ; all the leading divisions or prin-
ciples of its structure point to something which is
neither moved, nor can be moved by ought else than
the inherent power of its own character or being.
Although many able critics on Aristotle consider
that his leading views of the mind, and of the abstract
nature of the reasoning faculties in particular, were of
a more material complexion than those of Plato's; yet
there is, I conceive, sufficient grounds for maintaining
that his notions of the understanding, or the higher
faculties of the intellect, were decidedly of an elevated
and spiritual cast. His opinions on the nature of ideas,
it is true, were not so sublime as those of Plato's ; but
the difference was not so palpable and wide as to
justify us in classifying the Stagy rite with materialists
of any grade whatever. We see clearly from his writ-
ings, that as a general principle he affirms, that from
pure matter, and its laws and properties strictly con-
sidered, nothing can be rationally deduced, calculated
to satisfy the innate craving of an inquiring spirit.
* Met., ii. 2. f Phys., v. 1.
46 VIEWS OF THE SYSTEMS OF PLATO AND ARISTOTLE.
Many of the faculties of the mind he also views as
merely instruments in the hands of the understanding,
which is altogether of a superior nature, is entirely
distinct from it, and out of which true science can
alone be deduced. Memory is likewise considered as
a mere motion of the soul, and does not partake of the
nature of science. And even men of the most extended
experience are looked upon as mere inanimate or life-
less instruments, when they are not inspired with the
higher reason which is concerned in the investigations
of the causes of those facts which come before them.*
In Aristotle's opinion it was of the greatest moment
to all science that we entertain proper ideas of the
relation in which the mind of man stands to the Divine
or First Cause. Our notions of the nature and im-
portance of all truth are directly and vitally effected
by this relation. The exact position in which the
human intellect stands in reference to the supreme and
governing mind of the universe, appeared to him as
involving, among other things, two very essential prin-
ciples— namely, a constant desire to approach nearer
and nearer to that grand source of all true wisdom and
science ; and yet, secondly, a deep-rooted conviction
or consciousness that the contemplative reason could
never arrive at that loftier and higher rule of evidence
and truth from which its existence took its origin.
These considerations naturally lead him into many
perplexing and unfathomable questions; but he seems
nevertheless, amid all his cogitations on the subject, to
have maintained with remarkable tenacity and firm-
ness, and even, betimes, at the expense of his logical
* Met., i. 1.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF ARISTOTLE'S SYSTEM, 47
consistency, the complete integrity of that principle of
connexion between the Divine and human minds,
which he looked upon as the sheet-anchor of all sound
philosophy and ratiocination. And hence many of his
most remarkable and pointed expressions on the sub-
ject— such as his famous declarations, " That the
thought of God is the thought of thoughts;" and
" That the reason in man is exactly the same in its
nature and offices as the reason in God."
(The grand object, therefore, of all scientific truth, is
to investigate the grounds on which the phenomena
around us present themselves to our notice. The prin-
ciples or rules of investigation are held together by,
and rest upon, a supreme first cause, God, in whom
alone every thing can be fully known and compre-
hended. We can, however, by the faculties we possess,
attain to such conceptions as fully correspond to the
objects and things we recognise : and to feel assured
that these conceptions adequately express, to philoso-
phical minds, the truth of things, such as science^ and
the reasoning powers of man reveal them to us. } As
Plato maintains that the Deity is the principle of
unity of science and substance, so likewise Aristotle
declares that God is both intelligence and the intelli-
gible. (Jhe principles and essence of all things, so far
as their actuality is concerned, must be in perfect uni-
son with the rational spirit of man ; for this is a neces-
sary and indispensable condition of their being appre-
hended and rendered intelligible by the reason or
understanding. ) This is the source of that refined and
delightful feeling which the soul experiences in the
pursuit of science and truth.
48 HISTOKICAL SKETCH OF ARISTOTLE'S SYSTEM.
We ought not to omit, in this historical sketch of
the famous logical system of the Stagyrite, a few
remarks which he has left us himself on its compara-
tive merits in his own eyes. These are important and
interesting declarations, when viewed in conjunction
with the subsequent history of his power and influence
over the art of reasoning among mankind —
u Of those who may be termed inventors, some have
made important additions to things long before begun,
and carried on through a course of ages ; others again
have given a small beginning to things, which, in suc-
ceeding times, will be brought to greater perfection.
The beginning of a thing, though small, is the chief
part of it, and requires the greatest degree of invention ;
for it is easy to make additions to inventions once
begun. Now, with regard to the dialectical art, there
was not something done, and something remaining to
be done. There was absolutely nothing done ; for
those who professed the art of disputation had only a
set of orations composed, and of arguments, and of
captious questions, which might suit many occasions.
These their scholars soon learned, and fitted to the
occasion. This .was not to teach you the art, but to
furnish you with the materials produced by the art ; as
if a man professing to teach you the art of making
shoes, should bring you a parcel of shoes of various sizes
and shapes, from which you may provide those you
want. This may have its use, but it is not to teach the
art of making shoes. And, indeed, with regard to rhe-
torical declamation, there are many precepts handed
down from ancient times ; but, with regard to the con-
struction of syllogisms, not one.
ADVENTURES OF HIS PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 49
" We have therefore employed much time and labour
upon this subject ; and if our system appear to you not
to be in the number of those things which, being before
carried a certain length, were left to be perfected, we
hope for your favourable acceptance of what is done,
and your indulgence in what is left imperfect."
The philosophical works of Aristotle, including of
course his logical ones, had some singular adventures.
Historians tell us that they remained in a great mea-
sure unknown after his death. Theophrastus, who suc-
ceeded him in the Peripatetic school, became possessed
of them. This philosopher transmitted them to JSTeleus,
his heir, who afterwards sold them to Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, king of Egypt, who conveyed them to Scepsis,
a city of Troas, where they were deposited in a vault,
lest they should fall into the hands of the king of Per-
gamus, wdio, it is alleged, wished to appropriate them
to himself for some trifling amount of money.
In this place of concealment they remained for the
space of one hundred and thirty years, until the damp
and vermin had rendered them nearly illegible. They
were, however, by some means not accurately known,
preserved from destruction, and were afterwards sold to
Apelicon, a philosopher of the Peripatetic school, who
caused them to be transcribed, and to be placed in his
library. There they remained till Sylla, a general of
the Roman army, conquered Athens, when he came
possessed of the entire library of Apelicon, and trans-
mitted them to Rome. It was here that one Tyrannion,
a Greek grammarian, and an intimate acquaintance
of Cicero and Atticus, obtained a copy of Aristotle's
writings, through the instrumentality of the librarian
50 ADVENTURES OF HIS PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
of Sylla ; and Tyrannion, being an able critic, got them
transcribed and corrected with great precision; and
from this copy the Eomans seemed to have received
the chief portion of their knowledge of the Peripatetic
philosophy.
It is supposed that the Arabian philosophers derived
their first acquaintance of the logical works of Aris-
totle, from copies of his writings which the king of
Egypt purchased. The knowledge, however, of his
works in Italy, appears to have been nearly extin-
guished by the inundations of German barbarians,
who overthrew the Roman dynasty in the fifth cen-
tury. It is confidently affirmed that there were no
part of his works much read or admired in Europe till
about the eleventh century; and that the knowledge
of them then acquired, was chiefly obtained through
the instrumentality of the Arabian writers.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — ARISTOTLE. 51
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OP LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM THE DAYS OF
ARISTOTLE TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA.
V^hat was the degree of influence which the logic of
Aristotle exercised immediately after his death, on the
minds of the Athenians, we have but very scanty means
of knowing. The history of some succeeding centuries
presents his dialectics only now and then to public
notice; and, most commonly, in conjunction with other
branches of his philosophy. From a story which has
been often told, it would appear that he was somewhat
anxious that a system which had cost him so much
labour, and on which he seems to have anticipated
that his fame in after times would ultimately rest,
might receive the fostering care of the most influential
and talented of his friends. The story runs thus: —
That a little before his death, and when very infirm, he
was requested by some of his disciples to name a suc-
cessor worthy of teaching his philosophy and logic.
Two of his scholars appeared to him eminently fitted
to discharge this duty — Theophrastus of Eresos, in
Lesbos, and Eudemus of Rhodes. After some little
delay, Aristotle asked for some Lesbian and Rhodian
52 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THEOPHRASTUS, ETC.
wines, and after tasting of each, he pronounced them
both good, but that he had a decided relish for the
Lesbian. His disciples interpreted this decision as
intimating that Theophrastus should be the successor
to his school.
Theophrastus became, therefore, the head of the
Peripatetic school, and he is stated to have filled the
situation forty-five years — to have lived to the great
age of ninety-nine — and to have had under his tuition
as many as two thousand students at one time. Both
he and Eudemus maintained their master's logical
system nearly entire as they found it, with the excep-
tion of some trifling matters of detail. It is, however,
affirmed by some writers, that their united teachings
imparted, on the whole, a more material and mechani-
cal spirit to the general system of reasoning which the
Stagyrite had left behind him.
Whether this be the case or not, certain it is, that
the latter Peripatetic philosophers gradually lowered
the standard of truth, and of those faculties of the
mind more immediately subservient to its discovery
and promulgation. Aristoxenus instituted the analogy
between the soul and the principle on which the har-
mony of musical sounds is founded. As this is the
result of certain fixed and unalterable relations which
subsist between the various tones ; so the soul, in like
manner, is the result of certain relative arrangements
of the different parts or functions of the body — the
intellectual principle being only a given tension of the
physical frame. Dicsearchus follows in nearly the
same strain. He distinctly declares, that the soul and
reason are not entities, but merely a certain state of
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — STRATO, ETC. 53
body ; a species of lively animation, which results from
the peculiar configuration of the various parts of our
bodily structure.
The logical speculations of Strato, of Lampsacus,
and of Lycon, Ariston, of Ceos, Critolaus, his imme-
diate followers and disciples in the Peripatetic school,
seem to have been nearly of the same stamp with those
we have just alluded to. All these philosophers appear
to have paid but a very slight and superficial attention
to those comprehensive mental principles connected
with the evidence we have of scientific truth and gene-
ral propositions. The material, the technical, and the
sensible, characterised their ordinary philosophical
teaching.
Following the Peripatetics, another class of logicians
made their appearance, denominated Sceptics. The
prominent feature of their reasonings was a spirit of
doubt ; and hence the name has descended to our own
times, as descriptive of a captious rejection of ordinary
truth or evidence on subjects usually submitted to the
understanding. The Sceptics, in fact, constituted only
a species of that logical genus called Sophists, of whom
we have already spoken.
The sceptical logicians, who gained some degree of
renown about this period of history, owe their origin,
partly to the peculiar political circumstances in which
their country was then placed, and partly to the old
leaven of sophistical wrangling and rhetorical decla-
mation, which so prominently marked the days of
Socrates, and those philosophers who immediately pre-
ceded him. There was here a union of the Cynical
and Magarian notions of the nature of truth ; while a
54 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — PYRRHO, ETC.
party sprung up called the Dialectici, whose profession
was to challenge disputations on the most subtile ques-
tions and interminable disputes. This mass of floating
doubt and captiousness became moulded into some-
thing like a formal system, for the development and
promulgation of which Pyrrho of Elis laboured with
great zeal, and some ability.
This philosophical logician is described by historians
as having been of low parentage, and by profession a
painter. He likewise served with the army of Alexan-
der the Great in India. On his return to Greece he
devoted himself to the study of philosophy, and parti-
cularly to the system of the Dialecticians, and the
speculations of Democritus, the latter of whose writ-
ings, it is said, first inspired him with a love of study
and intellectual improvement. He also cultivated an
acquaintance with the speculative notions of the Gym-
nosophists of India, whose ascetism he admired, and
whose mystical doctrines constituted a formidable
jungle, through which his subtilty and dialectic skill
sought in vain to penetrate.
Pyrrho left behind him no written records of his
philosophy and logic. His successor was Timon of
Phlius, originally a choric dancer, and who studied
logic under Stilpo of Magara and Pyrrho of Elis.
After having acquired an ample fortune by his itiner-
ating disputations, he retired to Athens, where
he spent the remainder of his life, which was very
long, in comfortable ease and independence. He is
highly spoken of for the purity and simplicity of his
manners.
The Grecian scepticism, or Pyrrhonism, was em-
PROGKESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE SCEPTICS. 55
bodied in what were termed the Ten Tropes, which
are often alluded to in the writings of the philosophers
of this and the succeeding ages. Thus tropes may be
considered as a species of logical rules for the govern-
ment of the mind, in the pursuit and acquisition of
truth. They are more of a negative than positive
character. The principles of doubt involved in them
go simply to recommend a suspension of assent, rather
than a positive denial of matters submitted to the un-
derstanding.*
The stronghold of the Sceptics was the variable na-
ture of our ideas of pure sensation. These always
afforded them weapons against the attacks of their
adversaries. The Sceptics carried their analogical rea-
sonings from this source into every department of
human knowledge, but particularly into our notions of
what constituted good and evil. Here, too, they
received fresh succour, from the apparently discordant
opinions and judgments of mankind upon the rules
and obligations of morality. People in different coun-
tries have different notions of what is proper and
beneficial ; and this diversity is strictly analogous to
the variable sensations of external things, produced by
the operation of the senses. It would be idle to deny,
" Que Pyrrbon ait ete aniene, par son doute universel, a ne pouvoir agir, a ne
croire a rien dans la pratique, a ne pas se detourner pour eviter un precipice, comme
le raconte Diogene Laerce, ces assertions sont sans fondement et tout-a-fait invrai-
semblables. Ce pbilosopbe reconnaissait, au contraire, l'autorite du bon sens, des
lois, des usages; il admettait des regies de morale, et pretendait que ces regies
araient leur fondement dans le cceur. II voulait qu'on suivit les apparences, sans
se mettre en peine de la realite ; qu'on agit comme le commun des bommes, qu'on
evitat soigneusement les discussions epineuses qui ne pouvaient enfanter que le
doute, et qu'on demeurat dans ce repos d'esprit qui seul peut faire le bonbeur de
1' homme."— Bouvier, Hist. Abregee de la Philosophic, vol. i, p. 184. Paris,
1844.
56 PKOGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE SCEPTICS.
that such analogical reasonings would have a powerful
effect upon popular opinion ; but still the nature of all
similar logical declamations exercises a pernicious in-
fluence over the progress of sound and rational know-
ledge.
The more abstract scepticism among the Greek and
Roman philosophy has a great uniformity of character,
because it was grounded upon views and arguments
which lay very open to common remark and observa-
tion. The following may be stated as the principal
springs out of which the various currents of sceptical
opinions flowed, in almost every period of the ancient
philosophy : —
1st, The great diversity in animal nature as to its
origin, organization, &c., the differences in which exter-
nal objects are viewed by the inferior creation ; all of
which go to show what a vast variation there must
necessarily be in the conceptions formed of the qualities
and properties of external bodies, through organs of
sense so much varied. The question then is, as animals
are deprived of reason, what grounds have we to prefer
our perceptions to theirs, when we are in the search of
truth ?
2nd, The diversity of character is very great in human
nature, and the differences among men, both in mental
and bodily qualifications, are varied beyond all concep-
tion. This contrariety, joined to the interminable dis-
putes among philosophers themselves, and the differ-
ences in tastes and affections, particularly noticed by
physicians, render all attempts to arrive at the truth of
things hopeless.
3d, There is a great difference in the organs of
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE SCEPTICS. 57
sense, and every organ has its appropriate objects. Do
the qualities of these objects belong to the particular
confirmation of our senses, or only to the objects them-
selves ? Have they only as many and such qualities
and properties as we perceive, and have they none
which we do not perceive ? What are the constituent
elements of objects — have they just such and such qua-
lities, and no other ?
4:th, The various ways in which our physical organs
are affected, by disease, sleep, old age, sadness, fear,
cold, heat, and a thousand other circumstances, must
necessarily create a great diversity of judgment relative
to things around us.
5th, The differences from variation in the quantities
of things, produce often opposite judgments and con-
clusions. A little more heat, a more rapid motion, or
a little more wine or spirit, creates divers changes in
our opinions. The general aggregation or division of
homogeneous bodies greatly modifies sensation.
6th, The various kinds of education among men, and
the different laws and conventional rules of society,
beget opposite opinions and conclusions on the most
important subjects.
7th, From the interminable mixtures and combina-
tions of things, it is next to impossible to form a correct
opinion of the mass of objects around us. Colours,
density, and forms, are for ever changing, and the eye
can only judge of that which is at the moment an object
of vision.
8th, The relations of things one with another are
continually changing. We seldom see an object pre-
cisely in the same point of view twice in succession.
58 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE EPICUREANS.
9th, All relations and objects, opinions, notions, and
principles, are connected together, and have mutual
dependencies one upon another ; so that the mind of
man can never be certain that the conclusions it forms
are the really true ones. All things are not perceived ;
therefore our judgments are one-sided.
Of the logical views of the Epicureans, with Epicurus
himself at their head, little can be said possessing any-
great novelty or interest. Epicurus and his disciples
considered all truth and evidence through the medium
of the senses and bodily appetites ; and formal rules
relative to definitions, axioms, and propositions, were
considered by them of little or no utility. Whatever
was useful, pleasant, and delightful, was true; and
these were the chief, if not the sole attributes which
constituted the evidence of real science. The absolute
criterion of truth rests therefore upon the senses.
These are the only tests we have, and they never
deceive us. Whenever there is any discrepancies from
this source, the real cause of them arises from hasty or
premature judgments on objects presented to the ex-
ternal organs.
The reason or principle of intelligence is not alto-
gether a dependent or slavish instrument. The Epi-
cureans invest it with supreme power and authority
over the whole of the senses. Its office is therefore
to mould the sensuous impressions into what we call
thinking, conceiving, reasoning, and deliberating. The
mode in which this transmutation is effected, appears a
little singular and whimsical. There are certain airy
and spiritual essences generated, which present them-
selves to the reason. These essences are disengaged
PKOGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE THE STOICS. 59
from external bodies, or are formed in the air, and seize
hold of the mind, and fix themselves in it. These
essences have also a sort of voluntary power, making
choice of those intelligences whose attention is excited,
and such as direct themselves to particular forms of
thought ; to others they remain perfect strangers.
Attention is, then, reason's chief instrument ; by it logi-
cal judgments and conclusions are formed.
Cjjie logical system of the early Stoics is worthy of
consideration on two or three points.
The Stoics do not appear to have entered very
deeply into the logic of either Plato or Aristotle. The
elaborate system of the latter was in a great measure
overlooked by them. They chiefly occupied themselves
with speculations on the foundation of truth or science,
and laboured hard to reconcile those conflicting views
which arose out of the connexion subsisting between
external objects and the sentient or thinking principle
which perceives them. They set but a light value on
the opinions and labours of their predecessors, and
were extremely anxious to appear to the world in the
character of original thinkers and expounders of the
laws of human thought.
All general truths or maxims employed in formal
propositions, or in trains of reasoning, were considered
by the Stoics as proceeding from a certain refined pro-
cess of sensation. Such truths as did not appear to
follow immediately from the impressions of outward
things, were formed in the mind by a species of ana-
logy or transposition. There were certain scientific
or logical rules under which our thoughts invariably
arranged themselves; and these rules were the great
60 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE STOICS.
guides of the uninstructed and unlettered part of man-
kind, in all those matters necessary for their existence
and wellbeing.
These universal or general ideas seem to have
puzzled the Stoics not a little. Their notions of trans-
formation from, sensible perceptions were always falling
short of that measure of conviction which could satisfy
a rational mind. Their discussions on this point were
far from being consistent, or even intelligible. They
laid down certain principles, but expressed themselves
violently hostile to the inferences fairly deducible from
them. At one time general ideas were identical with
the mentally conceivable; and at another they were
merely a peculiar form of language. It was in this
manner that they bandied the subject from one hypo-
thesis to another, without coming to any fixed or
settled opinion on the matter.
These speculations on general and particular ideas,
naturally led them to the consideration of the cate-
gories, especially those of Aristotle. They did not adopt
them, but sought to frame categories of their own, of a
more accurate and comprehensive character. These
they reduced to four ; namely, the substrate, or that
which forms the groundwork of things ; secondly, that
which has qualities or attributes; thirdly, that which
has a general relation; and fourthly, that which has
a particular relation to some other thing. These cate-
gories the Stoics considered an improvement upon those
of Aristotle, inasmuch as they were both more compre-
hensive as well as accurate. They conceived that no
mere investigations into the forms of logical science
could prove of an utility, without they were based upon
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE STOICS. 61
some generally correct notions as to the fundamental
principles of all scientific truth.
The substrate embraces the imperishable elements of
things ; quality is that which resides in, or constitutes
a thing to be what it is. This second category is neces-
sarily subordinate to the first, but stands nevertheless
next in degree of importance to it. The third category
indicates a changeable or perishable property or rela-
tion, and not that which possesses a positive fixity of
existence. The fourth category is the lowest class of
our thoughts, merely designating these particular
objects which have a circumscribed, a transitory, or
local existence. With the Stoics the essence and the
subject were the highest objects of intellectual percep-
tion, and to which every thing must be referred ; be-
cause here rested that absolute entity which embraces
all forms of existence or being,?
There was a great deal of the sensible and material
in the logical philosophy of the Stoics. They viewed
mankind in their practical and everyday movements
of life. They took men as they found them. And
hence it is that theories of every kind hung loosely about
them. What floated on the general surface of society
constituted the staple of their public teaching. Theories
they had undoubtedly, and an abundance of profound
speculation ; but there was a wider chasm between
their speculative and practical systems, than between
any other class of ancient philosophers. And the
natural consequence of this is, that we find greater in-
consistencies and discrepancies in their system, when
viewed as a whole, and in reference to logical science,
than in any other which antiquity presents to us.
62 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — THE LATTER STOICS.
The logical views of the Latter Stoics, or New Aca-
demy, do not very materially differ in theory from those
of the old, but they diverge from them in practice to a
considerable extent. Arcesilaus, one of the principal
conductors of this school of philosophy, revived the
Socratic mode of argument, and endeavoured to take
great pains to inculcate in the minds of his students
the propriety of entering fully into the merits of every
question, and also of allowing an opponent, in every
argument, to state his case with all reasonable degree
of amplitude. Arcesilaus gave a decided preference to
the logical principles of Plato over those of Aristotle.
GCarneades followed) in the Latter Academy, and
greatly distinguished himself as an expounder of logic.
His dialectics are eulogized as being at once precise and
comprehensive. He was a man of splendid oratorial
powers, so much so indeed, that his appointment as
one of the ambassadors of Athens to Rome, was the
result of this reputation. It was in Rome where he
delivered a series of famous lectures on the nature of
justice ; entering fully into all the complicated views of
the question, and balancing his philosophical arguments
so nicely, that- his able and enthusiastic pupil, Clito-
machus, declared, that he never could detect what his
master's own opinion on the subject really was.
This mode of argumentation naturally led him into
what were considered sceptical habits. He called in
question the criterion of truth. He thought philoso-
phers up to his day had failed in establishing any thing
of the kind. This criterion must be sought for either
in our sensuous impressions, or in the reason itself.
But he maintained, that whatever is a judgment of the
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — CLITOMACHUS, ETC. 63
understanding cannot be such solely from its own
nature, but must have some relation to sensation or
conception ; and, on the other hand, sensation itself is
not a chain of argumentation, from which a judgment
proceeds, but solely a fleeting, uncertain, and transitory
thing. Therefore, on whatever side the logician looks,
as to the absolute standard by which all evidence should
be tested, he meets with insuperable barriers in the way
of a rational solution of the difficulty.
^Notwithstanding, however, his arguments against a
standard of truth, we find him insisting strenuously for
man's power to seize hold of the truth of things by a
system of probability. Though nothing was absolutely,
yet many things were probably true ; a very paradoxi-
cal proposition. His theory of probable evidence rested
on the distinction he made between the elements of
thought, which related to the object, and the element
considered in relation to the thinking principle itself,
in its general character. Every idea has two relations,
one to the object presented to the senses, and one the
presenting subject. The first is stamped with truth
when it agrees with the object, and is false when it does
not agree with it ; in the second relation it is either
true or false : — if the former it is called probable ; if the
latter, improbable^
We know little of the logical system of Clitomachus,
a disciple of Carneades, with the exception that he is
said to have written four books on the general reasons
which ought to induce us to suspend our assent to the
truth of things.
\Philo wrote largely on the nature of truth and the
rules of evidence. He distinguishes three kinds of
64 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE — POTAMON, ETC.
truth ; first, That which is deduced from a self-evident
proposition ; secondly, That which is deduced from a
false proposition, though conditionally true ; and thirdly,
From a proposition from which the conclusion presents
not only a hypothetical but a real truth, in spite of any
absurdity contained in the truth itsejjp
The Alexandrian school of logic exercised indirectly
no small degree of influence on the science of argumen-
tation. Diogenes Laertius tells us, that the philosopher
Potamon was its founder. He goes on to observe : —
" But a short time since a new sect called Eclectic
had been introduced by Potamon of Alexandria, who
selected from each school of philosophy that which he
considered the most worthy and important. He thought
there were two criteria of truth. One resided in the
same faculty which judges ; that is, reason, which pre-
sides over the whole system of intellectual laws or
movements. The second consisted in those perceptions
which serve as the measure or instruments by which
knowledge is communicated ; or, in other words, in the
certainty and evidence of the received impressions from
external objects."
On the Roman school of logic we have not much to
say. Sylla brought to Rome the works of Aristotle,
which became generally accessible through the means
of a translation effected by Tyrannion and Andronicus
of Rhodes.
On the difficulties connected with the investigation
of truth in general cases, Cicero makes the following
remarks : — " All knowledge is encircled with difficulties.
Such is the natural obscurity of things, and the con-
stitutional weakness of the principle of intelligence,
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE— CICERO, ETC. 65
that the most sagacious minds of antiquity have doubted
whether we ever can arrive at truth at all. The most
part of mankind embrace opinions without having the
power of choosing them : they judge of what they do
not know, and attach themselves to some favourite sys-
tem, as mariners do to a rock in a tempestuous sea;
but a philosopher will only give his assent after he has
patiently heard both sides, and after a careful review
of all the opinions which have previously been advanced
on the subject."*
After Cicero we have Alcinous, Maximus of Tyre,
Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Galen ; the latter of
whom paid great attention to logical science, and was
the author of the fourth form of the syllogism, which is
commonly given in our school-books of logic.
* De Finibus, ii. 12.
66 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
CHAPTER IV.
GENERAL REMARKS ON THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE.
We come now to an important epoch in the history of
the science of reasoning — to the establishment of a
system of theology, which has influenced the logical
powers of men to an astonishing degree, from the
period of its introduction to the present hour. Though
laying down no formal rules, no classification of propo-
sitions, no technical framework, by which men might
be guided to reason soundly and safely on all topics
cognisant to the understanding ; yet in place of these,
there are embodied in the Christian code certain com-
prehensive principles and axioms, of immense value
and power to the rational faculties of man.
The observations we are now about to make in this
chapter, are altogether of a general character ; yet we
hope they will not prove the less useful to the ordinary
reader, or be considered less appropriate in the esti-
mation of the scientific, to the design and scope of this
work. Although at first sight it may appear to many
that theology is placed at a great distance from the
science of ratiocination, yet we trust to show that there
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE. 67
always has been, and ever must be, a vital and living
sympathy between them — a sympathy, in fact, of such
a character, as to constitute the permanent distinction
between man and the animal creation — between what
is rational and wise, and what irrational and brutish.
These introductory remarks will be arranged under
two leading divisions ; those of a theoretical, and those
of a practical nature.
It will not, I conceive, be doubted by any person
competent to give an opinion on the subject, that every
logical system, whether of a purely formal or of a scien-
tific cast, owes all the interest it can possibly excite in
the estimation of men to certain principles, which lie
as it were in the background from it, and which are
seldom or ever formally presented to the understanding
in the ordinary course of tuition. To suppose for a
moment that any logical scheme — a thing professedly
teaching you how you are to detect truth from error —
could have any possible hold of men's esteem — could
be an object of any conceivable value, apart from these
rudimental notions or conceptions inseparable from the
nature of truth itself, and inseparable from the mental
nature of that being to whom that truth is of unspeak-
able importance ; is a proposition so ridiculously absurd,
that I shall not assume that any man, how desperately
soever he may be wedded to any particular system, will
in his cool moments give his assent to it. To suppose
any such thing, would be to suppose that all the lessons
of history had been thrown away upon him, and that
he had set at defiance all the dictates of common
sense.
That the rejection of this supposition is not a merely
68 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
gratuitous or unwarrantable assumption, will, I trust,
appear from the following considerations.
The science or art of Logic differs from every other
department of human knowledge in one important
particular. It is conversant about truth, which is the
only thing, quality, or attribute, which renders any
science interesting to man. Logic has, therefore, to do
with all subjects of inquiry. It does not stand apart
from all, but it exercises a supervisional power or
authority over all. Other sciences are mere instru-
ments in its hands ; and it forms the medium of com-
munication between them, and the soul or intellect of
man. It must examine into, arrange and classify,
weigh and balance, direct and guide, and pronounce
an opinion and judgment upon those particular ele-
ments which constitute knowledge, and which make it
that really important and interesting thing which man-
kind feel it to be. For it must be borne in mind, that
whatever may be the qualities or properties which we
may conceive inherent in truth, one thing it must pos-
sess, that of taking a firm hold of the inward nature of
man — of his mind and affections — or it cannot be said
to be truth at" all. But on this latter point we shall
speak more at large afterwards.
'Now, all the ancient logicians of whom we have
already spoken, saw clearly that the purely formal part
of logic, or indeed any scientific view of it whatever,
could only derive its validity and importance from a
consideration of the truth and full comprehension of
certain other principles on which it naturally rested,
and which really conferred upon it every property
which could render it either acceptable or beneficial to
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE. 69
the human race. This they clearly perceived. And,
as a confirmation of this fact, we can appeal to all their
writings and speculations on the nature and importance
of scientific disquisitions, considered in relation to their
nature or character.
To enter fully into all these discussions, or to travel
over the entire field of ancient investigation on this
matter, would far exceed the limits of the present work.
But we shall just dot down a few of the leading topics,
which seem to have exercised a great influence over
the minds of the ancient philosophers who especially
treated of logical systems and theories, partly because
these topics enveloped their minds in doubt and uncer-
tainty, and partly because they were the offspring of a
deep-rooted conviction, that it was absolutely requisite
that some fundamental truths relative to the under-
standing should be fully considered and agreed upon,
before any mere framework of logical rules could be
erected for the use of their scholars or students.
Some of the principles or matters which the ancients
considered as lying at the root of all logical systems,
were the following : — 1st, Whether there was a creative
power in the universe ? 2nd, Whether this power was
invested with the attributes of goodness, wisdom, and
truth ? 3d, Whether the mind of man formed a part
of, or was made analogous to, this Divine mind or prin-
ciple ? \th, Whether this intellectual part of man was
of an absolutely spiritual nature, and was endowed with
immortality ? 5th, Whether there is any thing abso-
lutely true or absolutely good in the nature of things ?
6th, Whether the true and the good relatively to man,
be the same in essence as the true and good rela-
70 INFLUENCE OF CHEISTIAN1TY
tive to the Divine nature? *Jth, Whether man can
form any adequate or correct conceptions of matters
beyond the pale of the material universe ? 8th, Whe-
ther man was an object of any particular care or inte-
rest in the Divine economy of the world, and had any
means of ascertaining this fact ? And, 9th, Whether
we have any general and definite ideas in the mind,
when we make use of such words as truth, justice,
power, existence, creation, intelligence, benevolence,
virtue, vice, &c. &c. ?
We have only to cast a cursory glance over the
writings of the ancients, to see how large a share of
attention was paid to these, among other topics of
a speculative character. These subjects, it must be
remembered, were not investigated as subjects belong-
ing exclusively to the science of mind ; but were con-
sidered and classified in their systems as logical
elements, and brought prominently forward, as occa-
sions required, to fortify and recommend particular
schemes of ratiocinative art and dialectical argumenta-
tion. The Pythagoreans, the Sophists, the Socratists,
Plato, Aristotle, the Sceptics, the Academics, and in
fact every section of Grecian thinkers, took a more
or less distinguished part in discussions of this kind,
making them the foundation, or starting-point, of their
respective theories of general reasoning. Whether this
mode of philosophising was a legitimate or sound one,
we need not at this moment stop to determine. In
the present stage of the argument it is with the fact
alone we have to deal, and this is indisputable. It is
one of those things which cannot be gainsaid, in as
much as it is supported by the entire train of specula-
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE. 71
tive thought for centuries, and confirmed by opposite
and rival schools of profound learning and logical skill.
Such, then, being the state of things when Chris-
tianity made its appearance (always meaning by this,
the Old and J^ew Testament conjointly), it cannot be
a matter of surprise that it should powerfully influence
the general current of logical thought among those who
adopted it. And it just did so happen, that ancient
learning and speculative curiosity were at a very low
ebb, both at the commencement and for some time
after the introduction of the Christian system; and
it consequently became almost the only source from
which any positive knowledge and learning could be
derived. A union was now formed between the reli-
gious and literary 'elements, which has subsisted ever
since. Christianity was placed as a beacon on a hill,
to be a light and a guide to all succeeding generations
of thinkers. It threw a new element into the rational
powers of man — it made his logical path shorter and
smoother. There was a glare of sunshine thrown upon
all those speculative dogmas which had previously en-
grossed the attention, and bewildered the ingenuity of
the most refined and intellectually gifted of the sons of
men. This great and renovating change was effected,
not by the introduction of philosophical dissertations
on each or any of these dogmas ; but there was simply,
though under external circumstances the most sublime
and impressive, a declaration from heaven made, respect-
ing, among other things, many of those matters which
had previously been stumbling-blocks to all the ancient
sages of the world. This declaration influenced the
reasonings and judgments of man in divers modes and
72 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
degrees ; some implicitly believing in, and adopting it
as a rule of thinking and acting, while others again felt
nothing but doubt and hesitation. Still, within the
sphere where it was proclaimed, there became insepar-
ably amalgamated with the elements of human thought,
certain principles of knowledge and criterions of truth,
which were henceforward to effect great and permanent
changes in all the grades of society, on their future
intellectual pursuits and speculations.
ISTow, let us just cast a retrospective glance at the
present state of the question, up to this stage of our
progress. Here we have presented to us an accurate
and lengthened historical chart of logical speculation
for several centuries, among a highly civilized people,
who were utter strangers to all and sundry of the pecu-
liar doctrines of the Christian system; but who had
made, nevertheless, great advances in demonstrating
the importance and necessity of some principles which
the human understanding required, in order to impart
confidence to its decisions, and to point out that path
it might beneficially and profitably take in all its move-
ments and aspirations. The philosophers among this
people were possessed of intellectual endowments of the
highest order — endowments which have never been
surpassed by any subsequent class of human beings,
and which are even at the present moment objects of
deep-felt wonder and admiration. They are one and
all engaged in schemes for the improvement of the
mind, and, above all, in giving a right direction, and
imparting a strength to the reasoning faculty, which
they considered as the sole instrument for the discovery
and promulgation of truth, which they affirmed was the
OK LOGICAL SCIENCE. 73
only object interesting to man as a citizen of the uni-
verse. For this purpose they examined the structure
of then: own minds with the utmost assiduity and care.
They recognised certain elementary principles shadowed
forth with more or less distinctness, on which their
respective ratiocinative systems vitally depended. These
principles were grappled with, discussed, analysed,
viewed in every possible aspect, and assayed to be de-
veloped with marvellous acuteness and philosophical
skill. Yet no firm decision could be come to on any
of them. Universal doubt enveloped the understand-
ings of the sages. They placed doubt against doubt,
and hope against hope. For want of the requisite ele-
mentary knowledge of which they were in search,
partisans ridiculed the systems of each other with keen
and unsparing bitterness. And after ages of philo-
sophical strife, without a parallel in the history of
mankind, they all virtually, on quitting the stage of
life, announced their deep and solemn conviction, that
until these questions were placed upon a firmer basis,
the human understanding was doomed to perpetual
doubt, and that human life in all its aspects, and with
all its boasted knowledge and science, was nothing
better than an illusion and a dream.
Such precisely was the state of the philosophic mind
of the world at the Christian era. It was in the most
disconsolate and forlorn condition. Every thing around
it looked dark, impenetrable, and cheerless. There
seemed an impassable gulf between its capabilities
and its wants. Well ; there suddenly appeared a theo-
logical system, which excited a surprising influence
over the minds of those who espoused it. Though its
74 INFLUENCE OP CHRISTIANITY
professed object was not to teach logical philosophy,
yet it spoke of certain things, laid down certain
principles, gave authoritative judgments on particular
questions, and treated of the general mass of human
knowledge and scientific evidence in a tone and manner
altogether new to mankind. This religious creed was
embraced by vast bodies of people, among whom the
learned and the philosophic formed no inconsiderable
portion. It extended from province to province, and
from kingdom to kingdom. It changed the entire face
of human society. It entered into an alliance with true
knowledge and science of all kinds, which revolving
ages have not only not weakened, but have rendered
more indissoluble and lasting. It has in fact influenced,
more or less, all the reasonings, the discussions, the
argumentations, and controversies of mankind, from the
first hour of its introduction to the present moment.
!STow, why, and in what manner, has this been done ?
These are important questions to be answered. Let us
just refer back to some of those primary doctrines which
the Grecian sages considered as necessarily and essen-
tially connected with every regular and formal system
of ratiocinative philosophy. Among the number of
these we recognise the important and interesting prin-
ciple of a Divine Creator of the universe. This, Chris-
tianity affirmed in the most pointed and emphatic
manner, was a true principle. Even the wisest and
most profound of the ancients saw this grand truth,
but " darkly, as through a glass." Then, again, we
have the declaration, that this external universe, with
all its manifold beauties and wonders, was actually
made, such as we find it, by this supreme and intelli-
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE. 75
gent Being ; that this Being was really the centre of
all wisdom, goodness, and truth ; that He made man a
living and spiritual soul ; that good and evil were posi-
tive and absolute things or existences ; that what was
good and true, vicious and false, relative to man, were
likewise good and true, vicious and false, relative to
his Maker ; that man was the object of God's benevo-
lence and providential care ; that the soul of man was
immortal; and that it was possible for the human
creature to form to himself certain mental conceptions
of the things appertaining to spiritual life, and to an-
other state of existence.
These were a few only of the elementary and gene-
ral truths which revelation made known to the world
after its own mode and fashion. And it is quite plain
to demonstration, that these truths must have altered
the entire framework of reasoning on every thing con-
nected— no matter how remotely — with human nature,
from the period they were received as canons of scien-
tific thought among the civilized nations of the earth,
till the present day. There can be no dispute on this
point, I conceive, if we consider for a moment the inti-
mate connexion which, from the nature of things, sub-
sists between these primary truths and the science or
art of argumentation, as this is developed in all the
varied departments of human science and speculation.
The logical conclusions which the ancient philoso-
phers arrived at relative to this entire question, strik-
ingly shew us the general bearings and correctness of
these remarks. They all saw, for example, that the
doctrine of a Deity was of essential importance, even
in reference to the mere dialectical forms of thought,
76 LOGICAL CONCLUSIONS OF
when these forms were tested by, and made to bear
upon, the fundamental question of truth itself; for
why should there be any thing lofty or engaging about
truth — why an object of incessant inquiry and eager
pursuit — or why should it be even truth at all — if
there were no living and intelligent principle whatever
in the universe — nothing save a mere series of mate-
rial events fleeting before the outward senses of man ?
This was the question which all the ancient thinkers
put to themselves ; and it was just a question of that
description on which, to men in their precise position,
there would be divers and discordant opinions and
judgments. But still the question never lost any of
its inherent interest, notwithstanding the different
solutions given to it. Every philosopher of any mark
in the heathen world, saw clearly that he could make
no progress whatever in any kind of rational know-
ledge— could move in no possible direction — could
carry no argumentative train of thought, relative to
human nature, to any thing like a satisfactory conclu-
sion— unless this problem were solved in some fashion
or other. A principle of intelligent vitality must be
established at -any cost, whatever might be the num-
ber and varied hues of these material or fantastical
adjuncts with which the subtil ty or the whims of man
might clog or encumber it.
And the same observations apply to the great pro-
blems in morals. Why was a thing good or evil ? or
why, if these terms were merely expressive of the
naked differences of things, or carried no ultimate re-
sults with them beyond the transitory feelings or per-
ceptions of the present moment, did mankind attach
THE ANCIENT PHILOSOPHERS. 77
to them any importance at all? Why talked about,
discussed, analysed, and moulded into the forms of a
logical system ? The answer is, that the ideal of the
good stood upon precisely the same basis, in the eyes
of the philosophers of Greece, as did the ideal of the
true ; — both must have a direct reference to some vital
and intelligent principle ; otherwise, to talk of this or
that action being good or bad, moral or immoral,
praiseworthy or blamable, was at bottom sheer folly
and delusion. They viewed the mind of man in all its
totality, and more especially directed their attention to
that attribute of its nature which was immediately en-
gaged in the pursuit and communication of truth ; and,
scanning this attribute from every angular position
in which it could present itself to the understandings
of men, they saw that it revolved, as on a fixed centre,
upon the great and interesting truth, that there was in
some unknown sphere of creation some living and
active power, which inspired men with ideas on these
topics, and forced upon them that indissoluble con-
nexion which subsisted between what was true, and
good, and beautiful, and the preservation of their own
existence and happiness as human creatures. Nine-
tenths of all ancient speculation are constituted of
little else, save the constant efforts to penetrate into
the secret connexion between what is called the science
or knowledge of human nature, and the existence, at-
tributes, and modes of government, of Him who was
considered as the great author and sustainer of it.
Now, I am free to admit that there have been phi-
losophers of great powers and reputation who have
maintained, that this attempt of the ancient sages to
78 LOGICAL CONCLUSIONS OF
grasp and seize hold of the ultimate principles of all
knowledge, was an unauthorized mode of proceeding,
and was not sanctioned by any sound or rational view
of the legitimate purposes or ends of all philosophical
inquiries. This mode of argumentative interpretation,
it has been affirmed, was their great besetting sin — the
" slough of despond " into which they plunged them-
selves and their followers, and out of which they never
could be extricated. Plato, Aristotle, and others, took
too high an aim in their logical philosophy, and conse-
quently fell short of their object. Had they confined
themselves to the strict or naked forms of reasoning,
they would have done good service ; but, seeking to
go beyond them, and to drag into open day certain
mental conceptions but faintly shadowed forth in the
intellect, they were continually kicking against the
pricks, and enveloping the plain rules of practical rea-
son in doubt and obscurity. Their views were un-
questionably noble and imposing, but they were im-
practicable and visionary. Had they known, it is
said, the modern rules and principles of philosophizing,
they would not have fallen into this great error. They
would have seen the folly and inutility of all such
questions as they raised respecting a First Cause, the
nature of the thinking principle, good and evil, and
the like, and would have contented themselves with a
simple collection of facts, and of pointing out the best
modes of classifying and arranging them for general
use and comprehension.
I beg to observe, that whether the philosophical method
of the ancients was right or wrong, does not immediately
concern the chief argument now under consideration.
THE ANCIENT PHILOSOPHERS. 79
Investigations into the legitimacy of this method will
occasionally present themselves in subsequent parts of
this volume ; but, in the mean time, I assume that this
method which I have already mentioned, was followed —
that it exercised a great influence on the Greek logi-
cians who developed it — and that it was considered by
them as being vitally connected with every mere formal
system of dialectical and ratiocinative knowledge. It
is therefore not necessary, for the establishment of the
points I have in view, to prove the logical philosophy
of the Greeks to be the very best that could be adopted.
All I require is the fact, that they did pursue a certain
line of argument and discussion on the abstract nature
and influence of those principles on which they con-
ceived their respective systems of logic rested. This is
all that my position needs at the present moment.
By way of vindicating, however, the Grecian thinkers
for the mode they adopted in throwing so many ab-
stract questions into their logical theories and specula-
tions, we may be allowed to make, in passing, a single
remark on the subject. What they did was quite
natural. Human nature, constituted as it is, could
have suggested no other course. It was not a matter
of choice with them, nor has it ever been a matter of
choice with philosophers of any subsequent age, whether
they had the power to check all inquiries into the first
principles of knowledge. We must bear in mind, par-
ticularly on this occasion, that the science of logic is
not a thing which possesses an independent existence,
but is merely the exponent of all other subjects or de-
partments of human inquiry which force themselves on
the attention of mankind. This science takes especial
80 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
notice only of that which is true of every other science ;
and it has not a body of truth of its own apart from
other subjects over which it exercises an authoritative
control. Consequently, it necessarily becomes a ques-
tion of eager solution, how shall we discuss this or that
kind of truth which presents itself to the understand-
ing ? How shall we test it, deal with it, communicate
it, defend it, refute it, admit it, or make it an object of
belief or principle of action ? We can only do this by
tracing it back in all cases to the sources from whence
it springs. The mere forms of argumentation will
teach us nothing; they will not suffice to bring the
whole truth before the mind, as it were, face to face.
We are compelled, therefore, to fall back upon those
fundamental principles or conceptions of the intellect
from which such and such truths are supposed to be
derived, or of whose existence and influence they are
at once an explanatory and illustrative proof. Were
the light of revelation again entirely withdrawn from
mankind, and no remembrance of what it taught on
particular philosophical points left among our race, the
speculative part of man would have to travel precisely
the same route as the heathen sages of old did. They
would strive, but strive in vain, to obtain some rational
and consistent theory on which to arrange such logical
systems as necessity required, or curiosity prompted.
Reverting now to our original proposition, namely,
the influence which the Christian system has exercised
over the logical understanding of the world since its
introduction, we shall briefly state that this influence
has been both powerful and salutary. The modes in
which it has manifested itself have been numerous.
ON LOGICAL SCIENCE. 81
and of a varied character, not susceptible indeed of
very nicely defined limits, but sufficiently mapped out
in their ordinary operation, as to enable us to classify
them, in some measure, under general heads. A few
of these we shall briefly advert to.
In the first place, the Christian dispensation deeply
impressed the minds of men with the value and im-
portance of truth. The sacred writings depict it in the
most lovely and glowing colours, and represent it as
one of the most conspicuous attributes of Deity itself.
It is compared to the light, to the eye, to the soul of
the world. It is affirmed to be intimately, nay neces-
sarily, connected with happiness here, and immortality
hereafter. Its pursuit is commanded to be the ever
active impulse, and its acquisition the crowning glory
of life. Both the precept and the spirit of the gospel
tell us, that the love of truth is a powerful stimulus to
all grand and noble enterprises. It is the genuine
impulse to all impartial inquiry — of all effective com-
munications from one mind to another — to all the
charities, duties, and improvements of life. It com-
ports more with a passionate thirst after real and use-
ful knowledge, than with a petty and shallow curiosity.
The glorious powers of speech are but tinkling cymbals
without it, and the most gorgeous rhetoric a noisy and
profitless waste of words. Wherever the love of truth
reigns in the breast, it fires the whole man, and lightens
up his mind for grand and useful deeds. It is the
basis of the patriot's heroism and the martyr's renown.
Without it the power of argument, the pungency of
wit, the bitter severity of sarcasm, the exercise of dia-
lectic skill, the pompous display of declamation, are but
82 MORAL OBLIGATION OF PURSUING TRUTH.
the fleeting and evanescent shadows of unsubstantial
realities.
Such are the sentiments on truth which revelation
has inculcated into the minds of all its followers, since
it was known to the world ; and it is no unwarrantable
assumption to affirm, that their power over the ordi-
nary, as well as the philosophic mind of Christian
societies, must have been great beyond all calculation
in every age of the Church.
Christian doctrine has not only invariably represented
truth, and an earnest and sincere pursuit of it, as ob-
jects possessing of themselves great innate beauty and
interest, but it has hedged them around with a moral
sacredness of inestimable value. We are not allowed
to trifle with truth on any serious or important sub-
ject ; nor do the principles of Christian ethics permit
our playing the sophist, or of following any line of
argumentation which has no other object in view than
to produce a quibbling and captious spirit, or to foster
feelings of indifference as to the value and extension of
truth generally. All careless, apathetic, and latitudi-
narian opinions and practices on this point, are consi-
dered reprehensible, and are in direct hostility to the
letter and spirit of the Christian scheme. What is
foolish, as well as false, is prohibited and censured.
And of so much importance has the moral obligation
of pursuing truth appeared to some modern writers,
that the position has been formally laid down in philo-
sophical treatises, and illustrated at great length, that
man is responsible to his Maker for his belief as well as
for his outward conduct. It is as criminal to think
erroneously as to act improperly. Indeed it is one of
THE DOCTEINE OF AUTHOEITY. 83
the plain and explicit declarations of the Scriptures,
that man is responsible for his creed — responsible for
his conduct in the pursuit of truth — responsible for his
manner of promulgating that truth — and responsible,
too, for the way and degree in which he allows that
truth to influence his passions, feelings, thoughts,
emotions, and judgments. And this varied responsibi-
lity is based upon the reason, that these Scriptures
treat of things of unutterable magnitude and incon-
ceivable importance to every human being. Examina-
tion, inquiry, a desire for information or knowledge,
are demanded of every one ; not a mere passing glance
at, or superficial dipping into evidence and proof, but
that full, active, unbiased, and candid train of investi-
gation, which distinguishes the unfettered and unpre-
judiced mind. This alone can discharge the full weight
of obligation to seek and to know that which is true.
The very nature of revelation presupposes this obliga-
tion, and is inconceivable without it.
We come now to glance directly, though briefly, at
the great principle of authority itself, which has exer-
cised, since the introduction of the Christian code, such
a vast influence on our modes and maxims of reasoning,
both scientific and formal, and with which principle the
preceding remarks have an obvious connexion. The
doctrine of authority was not unknown to the ancient
philosophers, but with them it had no firm basis on
which to rest. To give credence to the statements and
declarations of others, and to constitute this depen-
dence on their veracity and judgment, an active prin-
ciple in the government of our own understandings
and conduct is an original or primary law of human
84 LIBERTY OF THOUGHT AND ARGUMENT.
nature, the end or purpose of which must be obvious
to the most ordinary capacity. Without it, there never
could have been any decided progress in knowledge
whatever, beyond the mere progress of the individual
himself. The information of one age could never have
been transmitted to another. But this original power
of the mind is susceptible of important and beneficial
directions, and can be strengthened, weakened, regu-
lated, expanded, and moulded to a prodigious extent,
by other and extraneous influences. And this is the
reason why it plays such an important part in the his-
tory of the logical and philosophical understandings of
mankind.
Every Christian community places itself in a logical
position, and takes its stand upon certain abstract and
philosophical principles and truths ; and it decidedly
and unhesitatingly takes the initiative in all questions
which come before it for rational discussion and adju-
dication. The liberty of thought and argument which
it proclaims and allows, is not of an absolute, but con-
ditional character. It does not empower its members
to speak, to discuss, to argue, and reason as they
please : this has" never been allowed since Christian
societies were instituted ; nor does it seem a likely
occurrence, that such a measure of liberty of discussion
will ever be meted out in any country where the Bible
is upheld and revered. The fact is, that intellectual
liberty is apt to run into " licentiousness," as well as
social and civil liberty ; and hence the necessity of
some stringent checks upon the movements of the for-
mer as well as on the latter. To exercise the reasoning
faculties in any way, or on any subject we think fit, is
THE PRINCIPLE OF ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITY. 85
a liberty which we can only enjoy under special and
conventional sanctions. More than this no country
can possibly allow; and it may well be questioned
whether a right to absolute and indiscriminate discus-
sion can be exercised in any state of human society,
however rude or barbarous.
The question of ecclesiastical authority, viewed in
relation to logical philosophy, opens out a wide range
of topics for our special contemplation. This authority
may be considered under two aspects — internal and
external. The internal influence manifests itself much
in the same way as we have just noticed, in its indirect
control of the judgment, and in the modifications of
our sentiments, opinions, and decisions on matters of
moment and interest. We are swayed in this manner
in every direction, and to a great extent. And the
more numerous the religious sects of any country are,
the more is this internal or secret power over the logical
forms and conclusions of the understanding brought
into operation. The various shades of opinion on fun-
damental doctrines of faith and practice, the different
systems of church government, and the diversities of
rituals and observances, naturally give rise to nice dis-
criminations of the judgment, and introduce into social
and religious communities an entire code of logical and
argumentative canons, with a view of smoothing down
the angular prominences of sectarian bitterness and
strife, and of giving a free currency to the courtesies
and amenities of human life.
The external manifestations of the principle of
ecclesiastical authority are of a more bold and decided
character than the internal, and may be viewed in a
86 FORCE OF PUBLIC OPINION.
twofold light ; — as expressions of public opinion, and
as rules or principles of legal and judicial prohibition.
The force and influence of public sentiment or opinion
have been powerfully augmented since the Christian
era. They have also been more concentrated and uni-
form in their operation, in proportion as compulsory
prohibitions have become less numerous and severe.
The very liberty of thought which has been allowed to
the philosophic mind of society at large, has added
both to its power and to the refinement and spirituality
of public censure and reproof. The authority of public
opinion has become a natural element of the social in-
tellect,— pervading all its minutest movements and
inclinations, and guiding and moulding its logical
conclusions in conformity to certain pre-established
doctrines and principles. This species of authority is
sufficiently yielding and plastic as to allow great lati-
tude of thought and discussion ; but there are limits to
this indulgence, though not susceptible of practical
definition, beyond which it is not permitted that any
member of society should pass.
All the great and interesting branches of science and
inquiry, and mare especially those in which logical
forms and rules are most indispensable, are conducted
in every Christian state under the absolute control and
supervision of this public opinion and authority. The
sciences of politics, morals, mental philosophy, and
theology, taken in their widest acceptation, where logi-
cal principles and forms constitute such essential ele-
ments in their development and elucidation, afford
striking illustrations of the extreme and sensitive vigi-
lance which is exerted by the community over the
FOKCE OF PUBLIC OPINION. 87
modes of investigation pursued by the cultivators of
these several branches of inquiry; and how intensely
anxious the public mind becomes, that there should be
found no conclusions of the philosophic judgment, save
those which are in strict and lofty harmony with the
leading principles, doctrines, and usages of theological
truth.
In questions relative to political science, for example,
it not unfrequently happens, that some particular prin-
ciple of that science is prominently brought before the
public eye, and gives rise to long and animated discus-
sions. If the principle in question should be carried to
its full or ultra-logical consequences — and if these con-
sequences appear to militate in any degree against some
other general principle or canon of theological or phi-
losophic truth, which the community at large have
previously incorporated with their established creed —
public opinion then makes her voice heard ; calls back
with potent authority the disputers to first principles ;
puts an end, perchance, to the discussion ; and pro-
nounces either for a total rejection of the obnoxious
principle in question, or such a modification of it as
shall comport with certain other elementary and vital
truths which constitute the established faith of the
country.
Thousands of instances illustrative of such proceed-
ings might be gathered from the legislative assemblies
of every country in Europe. Indeed, it seldom happens
that a single session of the British Parliament passes
over, which does not offer some pointed confirmation of
this mode of dealing with public questions. And the
same thing may be affirmed relative to philosophic
88 PHILOSOPHY OF SCRIPTURE.
books and treatises on all the sciences we have just
enumerated. Public opinion displays here, too, its
power in the most effective and absolute manner.
Every work of this kind, as soon as it makes its appear-
ance, is immediately tested by certain abstract principles
of philosophy and theology ; and if found to run counter
to any of these, in an essential degree, it is forthwith
censured, and ultimately repudiated by the entire com-
munity. In fact, the logical understanding, in every
movement and manifestation it assumes, is laid under
a solemn and imperative interdict ; and it is only by a
tacit acquiescence in the truth of certain elementary
principles of human knowledge that its exercise is
tolerated, and the result of its labours become in some
measure appreciated, and introduced to public favour.
Even physical science itself, apparently so far removed
from some of those principles of abstract thought which
mingle themselves with the sciences of human nature, is
not altogether removed from the influence of the philo-
sophy of Scripture. The logical arrangements and sys-
tems of material inquiry have invariably been scrupulously
watched, lest any thing might creep into them inimical
to one or more of those fundamental maxims on which
the Divine record rests. That Christian communities
have been, and are even at this moment, jealous to a
high degree on this point, is a truth which cannot be
disputed. The logical arrangement of facts, the classi-
fication of principles, the construction of theories, and
indeed the whole framework of what is termed the
philosophy of induction, bear evident marks in their
history of the influence of ecclesiastical authority. And
it is little better than a naked truism to declare, that,
LICENTIOUS AND INJURIOUS DISCUSSIONS. 89
however splendid a philosopher's reputation and fame,
and unbounded his knowledge, he has it not in his
power to rear any regularly concatenated system of
material philosophy — to give his opinions any logical
weight in the world of letters — totally irrespective of
those general mental principles on which the Scriptures
are grounded. He cannot take a first step in any
direction towards such an object without their aid,
countenance, and support.
When, however, public opinion becomes outraged,
and is no longer able to check what the community
consider as licentious and injurious discussions and
reasonings, either of a verbal or written character, we
immediately see the manifestation of penal authority.
This species of coercion has existed in every country
since Christianity was incorporated with state affairs.
Though this power of bodily punishment has been
gradually diminishing in most nations for a long time
past, yet none have entirely renounced it. We seldom
now take away liberty or life for opinion's sake ; but
there is still a measure of punishment meted out to
every obstinate and perverse reviler of the established
creed of a whole people. And it seems to me a diffi-
cult thing to conceive, how penal exercises of authority
could be entirely dispensed with, as long as Christianity
forms "a part and parcel" of the law of every civilized
country.
Now, viewing the principle of authority in all its
phases, we cannot fail to recognise its prodigious in-
fluence over the logical and philosophical mind of man-
kind. It compels them to pay a respect and deference
to certain primary and vital principles of human specu-
90 MENTAL MOVEMENTS OF MANKIND.
lation. It places a complete barrier on absolute liberty
of thought and argumentation; and by reason of its
connexion, directly and indirectly, with all the civil,
political, and social institutions of a country, it exer-
cises in the outset of life that portion of influence over
every rising generation, which is generally effective in
checking any violent infringement of its rules and com-
mands. All the avenues of instruction and education
in every state, are placed under the absolute control of
this Christian authority. Universities, colleges, public
and private schools, and seminaries, are all regulated
by its injunctions ; and the entire mass of human know-
ledge, both practical and speculative, is pervaded in
even the most minute sections of it, and to its very
heart's core, with that restraining and directing power
which the declarations of the Christian code possess.
The sacred writings have also exercised a powerful
influence over the logical and philosophical mind of
Christendom, by the inimitable conciseness and the
simplicity of their statements. Being far removed
from every form of dialectical abstruseness and mysti-
cal subtilty, and presenting principles and maxims of
such a logical cast as to meet the wants and satisfy the
curiosity of every state or grade of intellectual advance-
ment, a steadiness is imparted to the mental move-
ments of mankind which nothing but these writings
could supply. It is chiefly from this cause, that when
we cast a cursory glance over the controversies and
argumentative conflicts in which men have been en-
gaged for centuries, we so readily recognise that prin-
ciple of order and uniformity which every way pervades
them. Whenever controversial intemperances and
AUTHOEITY AND INFLUENCE OF SCRirTUKE. 91
excesses have broken out, they have immediately been
corrected by an appeal to the letter and spirit of the
Christian canons of argumentation. The wars of the
mind, like the wars of the body, have been stripped of
their most revolting features, by the conciliatory and
candid spirit conspicuously displayed in the Christian
profession.
The inspired volume is the great book of human
nature, where all its intellectual principles, and moral
springs of action, are displayed with surprising accu-
racy and distinctness. The entire man — body and
spirit — is here portrayed in every conceivable position,
and under the influence of every conceivable motive.
As the science or art of logic has the great field of the
inward man for its exclusive display, and as its maxims
and rules call into requisition nearly the whole train of
intellectual faculties, and exercises moreover a reflex
effect upon his moral affections and sensibilities — we
can perceive at once, that such an inspired record, from
its very fulness, completeness, and universality, must
be an important instrument for guiding the reason of
mankind, and pointing out those paths they ought to
take, amid the perplexing labyrinths that surround
them.
It may be alleged that this authority and influence
of the Scriptures over logical science, are altogether
indefensible ; that they tend to circumscribe and fetter
the human mind; and that they proceed upon an
erroneous principle, relative to the nature and purposes
of human knowledge. To these statements I need
offer no direct arguments at the present moment. It
is only with the facts of the case I have here to do
92 CONNEXION BETWEEN THE THEORY
— to attend to these in a historical sketch is all that is
incumbent upon me. Whatever opinions some philo-
sophers may entertain as to the authenticity or value
of the Bible, the facts of its influence over the reason-
ing faculties of mankind cannot be doubted. They
stand out in prominent relief in every page of history
since the Christian era. To those who question the
legitimacy of theological influence over the logical
understanding, we must refer them to subsequent por-
tions of this treatise, which will develop reasons and
statements bearing directly on the abstract merits of
the entire question.
In bringing those general observations to a close, we
beg to remind the reader, that the chief source of all
this direct and indirect theological influence over
logical systems, both theoretical and practical, arises
from the fact, that the Bible pronounces authori-
tatively and uncompromisingly on the truth and rea-
sonableness of certain mental principles — which prin-
ciples lie at the root of every system of rational logic
or argumentation. The intimate and necessary con-
nexion subsisting between the theoretical and prac-
tical part of logical science, was clearly seen by the
heathen world; but its philosophers and logicians
had no means or power to develop that connexion
in such a way — to encircle it with such safeguards, and
to enforce it with such penalties — as to constitute it an
active and ever-living element in the understandings of
mankind. These logical philosophers were powerless
for such a task, although they clearly saw that it was re-
quisite to be undertaken and executed before the great
object they aimed at could possibly be attained. This
AND PRACTICE OF LOGICAL SCIENCE. 93
important truth is confirmed by arguments, both ab-
stract and historical, the most convincing that can be
presented to the mind of man. Christianity came to
the rescue, and has placed upon record certain facts
and opinions relative to the nature, operations, and
purposes of human reason, which are found, by large
classes of the most intelligent and refined of our race,
to remove much of that haziness and obscurity which
bedimmed the intellectual vision of the sages of anti-
quity. And the more fully these facts and opinions
are understood, and the more universally they are
applied to the scientific elucidation of every species of
knowledge, in the same proportion are the boundaries
of that knowledge extended, and the greater and more
widely disseminated are those advantages, to all classes
of societv, which it is calculated to confer.
94 THE FATHERS OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTEE V.
LOGICAL WRITERS FROM THE CHRISTIAN ERA TILL THE
TIME OF CHARLEMAGNE.
The logical writers of this period of history may be
classed under three divisions — The Fathers of the
Church ; The Alexandrian School, or Latter Platonists ;
and, Miscellaneous Authors.
THE FATHERS OF THE CHURCH.
The logical speculations of the Christian Fathers,
furnish innumerable illustrations of those principles of
mental philosophy which abound in the Scriptures, and
which we have in" the previous chapter endeavoured to
point out. These writers took the volume of inspira-
tion in their hand, and discussed all subjects of human
inquiry through its medium and spirit. They were
the first who openly declared for the moral obligation
of pursuing truth, and for bringing it before the minds
of all men, irrespective of their fortune or condition.
The science of reasoning in their minds involved a
serious and imperative duty ; and the interests of the
human race, both here and hereafter, was necessarily,
THE FATHEKS OF THE CHURCH. 95
in their opinion, connected with the way and manner
in which that duty was discharged. As they were
expounders of a new system of theology, which had to
contend with numerous and formidable difficulties, they
had to deal directly with the understandings of men ;
and, consequently, all legitimate and effective logical
appliances were indispensable instruments to their
calling. They may be considered as the greatest of all
logical reformers and theorists — inasmuch as they
zealously and successfully laid the foundation of all
those broad principles of thought, connected with the
nature, offices, and ends of truth, without a knowledge
of which the civilisation and improvement of mankind
could neither have been exemplified nor secured.
It may be stated as a fact, which the general testi-
mony of ecclesiastical history sufficiently attests, that
the logical principles of Plato were, up to the fifth or
sixth centuries, decidedly preferred by the fathers of
the Church to the writings of Aristotleo The reason
for this preference was, that Plato's philosophy, as con-
nected with the abstract nature of truth, and the rules
of evidence, was more in accordance with that which
the Scriptures developed. The Platonic theory em-
braced more elevated views of moral truth, of a Divine
government, and of a spiritual principle in man, than
were displayed in the writings of any other of the hea-
then sages ; and these doctrines the Fathers considered
as eminently corroborative of the importance which
revelation attached to truth generally, and to those
means in particular by which it could be attained.
" I find," says Justin Martyr (99 a. d.), " powerful
and inexpressible charms in the spiritual notions of
96 WRITINGS OF JUSTIN MARTYR AND TERTULLIAN.
Plato ; and the contemplation of his system of ideas
carries my mind toward grand and lofty topics." St
Athenagoras says (172 a. r>.), " Plato contemplated,
with a lofty stretch of thought, that eternal intelli-
gence and divinity which reason alone can combine." —
" The idea is the first erection of the celestial Euler ; it
is the type of all creation."
And it may be incidentally remarked, that, in view-
ing the Grecian logical systems as a whole, the Fathers
of the Church were deeply impressed with the idea,
that these systems were evidently designed to prove
confirmatory of the abstract truths of the Scriptures ;
inasmuch as these Grecian speculations shewed how
far, and in what manner, the unassisted mind of man
could advance in the path of scientific truth. We see,
said the Fathers, the great speculative difficulties which
lay at the root of all their logical principles and forms
of evidence, and how totally unable the heathen sages
were, notwithstanding their splendid powers and con-
summate refinement, to grapple with any one of them,
so as to disentangle themselves from the jungle of per-
plexities in which they were doomed to spend their
entire existence." Had we not had this notable ex-
ample of man's innate speculative impotence so point-
edly brought before us, one of the most powerful proofs
of the truth and lofty origin of our creed would have
been wanting.*
In the apologetieal writings of Justin Martyr, Tertul-
lian, and others, as well as in those treatises compiled
for the purpose of demonstrating the general credibi-
lity of the gospel history, we have the first-fruits of
* See the Histories of Du Pin, Lardner, Mosheim, and Cave.
WRITINGS OF JUSTIN MARTYR. 97
the application of the logical philosophy of the Bible
to the everyday purposes and reasonings of human
life. We see the art of argumentation displayed in a
manner not to be witnessed in any previous ages of
mankind. We see here continual and stirring appeals
to the innate feelings of men — to then' general notions
or conceptions of right, justice, virtue, vice, &c. — to
those principles of common sense diffused among all
ranks of men — and to all those constitutional and
necessary checks and safeguards which keep contro-
versies and discussions within certain prescribed and
commendable limits. The logical displays which the
purely theological writings of the Fathers exhibit, or
those beneficial effects which indirectly flowed from
them to human inquiry generally, we make no mention
of here, because these writings stand upon different
grounds. But to those which are specially directed to
the world at large, and treat of matters and things
on which men of all ranks and stations can form an
opinion, we owe very great obligation. They were the
pioneers or forerunners of that enlightened system of
philosophical and candid discussion and inquiry, which,
both in its spirit and letter, has descended down to us
unimpaired to the present hour.
Justin Martyr (a. d. 90), one of the first of the
Fathers we shall notice, is a striking example of the
logical influence of the sacred writings. One of his
first efforts, after he became acquainted with the Chris-
tian system, was to obtain clear and concise notions of
the elements of human reason. He saw the necessity
of searching examinations and inquiries, and he steadily
98 JUSTIN MARTYR — TATIEN.
directed his attention to those rudimental conceptions
which lie at the root of all rational argumentation. He
was well acquainted with the philosophical thought of
Greece, and he was not slow to recognise what were
the chief stumbling-blocks which lay in the way of the
most eminent philosophers of that country, in forming
just opinions on the nature of truth generally, and of
those particular laws of the human mind by which it
can be obtained and conveyed to the minds of others.
This led him to grapple with the philosophy of logic —
with those primordial principles — imbedded as it were
in the intellect of mankind. He scanned the various
logical systems of the Pythagoreans, the Sophists, the
Peripatetics, and Stoics, and found them all more or
less imperfect in the correct conception of the true, as
well as in that of the purposes or ends of all rational
investigation. St Justin was deeply impressed with
the solemn duty of examining into all truth; and he
was equally impressed with the conviction, that without
men set out, in their inquiries after it, from sound and
rational starting-points, they could never hope to
obtain it. These starting-points are developed in the
Scriptures, and are to be found nowhere else.*
Tatien (a. d. 170), who was a disciple of Justin's,
followed in the footsteps of the master relative to his
opinions on the nature of truth, and of the powers of
the understanding in pursuing it. Tatien held that
the reason of man was the supreme and loftiest faculty
of the soul ; that it was Divine in its origin and charac-
ter, and could be considered as a logical instrument in
* Apologia, §§ 5, 15. Dialog, cum Triph., §§ 218, 219.
ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL ST ATHENAGORAS. 99
no other light, except in subjection to, and in harmony
with the creative power of the universe.*
LOGICIANS OF THE ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL.
The students and philosophers of this famous semi-
nary of learning, were of all nations and professional
pursuits of life. And hence it is that we are obliged
to treat of both lay and clerical writers under one and
the same division.
The general doctrines, it may be remarked, which
were here taught, were of all imaginable complexions.
We have the mysticism of the East, the Grecian specu-
lations, and the Christian system, blended into one
mass ; and the consequence is, that we find the logical
systems emanating out of this Eastern sect of specula-
tion of every description, both as to abstract principles
and formal classification. We shall notice these writers
or teachers of logic whom we know received their
academical instruction here, totally irrespective of their
professional character or mode of life.
St Athenagoras (a. d. 170) was one of the Christian
Fathers who received his education at Alexandria. He
maintained, that though the faculty of reasoning is
essentially the same in all mankind, yet it is indis-
pensable that it should be under the guidance of some
superior influence to reap the happiest results from its
exercise. Unless it be based on theological principles,
it must fall a prey to the most wild conceits and irra-
tional crudities.")"
* Contra Grsecos, §§ 12, 26, 31, 32.
f Legatio pro Christianis., §§ 5, 6, 8, 15, 19.
100 ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL — PLOTINUS, ST CLEMENT.
Plotinus (a. d. 206) was an able and scientific logi-
cian, but enveloped his principles and rules of reason-
ing in abstruse and mystical speculations. " The
human mind/' says he, " has two modes of acting and
knowing — the one by a participation in the principle
of intelligence, and the other by dialectic or logical
forms. It enjoys the former when filled and illumi-
nated with this high and refined intelligent influence ;
and the second is enjoyed through the means of certain
outward characters or signs, and laws of the mind im-
parted to our natures. All the rational forms of things
are imprinted on the mind by our Creator."
St Clement (a. d. 218) was another distinguished
Father of the Alexandrian school, and one who entered
profoundly into all the philosophical questions of the
day. He defended the rational use of dialectic or
logical forms, on the general ground that they served
as species of bulwarks against the attacks of sophistry
and unbelief. " The cause of all error," says he, " and
false judgment is, that we cannot detect the reasons on
which the accordance or differences of things amongst
themselves are founded; and we thus erroneously
classify matters together which ought to be separated.
It becomes necessary, then, to apply the art of dialec-
tics as a useful instrument to conduct us to truth, to
enable us to demonstrate it to others, and to protect
and defend it from captious argumentations. But we
must guard against the abuse of this dialectic art."
The necessity for this precaution is forcibly pointed
out in that portion of the writings of St Clement, in
which he treats of the logical connexion subsisting be-
tween faith and science, and in all those rules which
ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL PORPHYRY, LACTANT1US, ETC. 101
guide the understanding in every rational investigation
or inquiry.*
Porphyry (a. d. 22-3) was one of the most subtile
logicians of his age. He was the author of a work on
the Predicables of Aristotle. His chief aim is to give
an analysis of the notions we attach to particular
generic terms of reasoning ; such as genus, species, ac-
cidents, contrariety, identity, and the like. " Genus/'
says he, (i is the principle which contains the species
and individuals placed under it, and involves the idea
of multitude or number. If genus and species possessed
each a separate and independent existence, or were two
distinct and separate notions of the intellect, then on
the first supposition they would have a corporeal
existence ; and on the second, they would be of an
incorporeal nature, for they would be separated from
sensible or external things."
There were several Fathers of the Church, as Her-
nias, Tertullian, Arnobius, Irenaeus, and Lactantius,
who entertained opinions that logical pursuits, especially
when viewed through a scientific medium, were gene-
rally inimical to the interests of revealed religion.
Hernias wrote against the Pagan systems of philosophy ;
and Irenaeus against the Gnostic speculations. Tertul-
lian disliked the system of Plato, and considered the
Academic mode of reasoning as destructive of all true
science and wisdom. Logic, in even its most simple
or formal shape, fell under the displeasure of Arnobius,
who maintained, that with all its display of methodical
arrangement and demonstrative conclusions, it was a
very imperfect instrument for guiding us to truth.
* Stroinat., lib. i. Ed. Paris, 1641.
102 ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL ST AUGUSTINE, PROCLUS.
Lactantius followed in the same strain. a That por-
tion/' says he, " of philosophy which we call logic, is
that which contains dialectics and the rules of reasoning.
The Divine reason has no need of any such assistance :
it resides not in the form of words, but in the heart,
and it is of little moment what language we employ ;
for it is things we seek, and not words."
St Augustine (a. d. 354) entered into many specu-
lations on the nature of truth, and the laws of the mind
employed in its acquirement and promulgation; but
his views are so much blended with other topics relat-
ing to mental and theological philosophy, that we can-
not readily separate the purely logical from the general
mass of his writings. In his work, " Against the Acade-
micians" he descants on the value of logical philosophy,
and on the importance of cultivating a love of truth ;
and examines at considerable length, and with much
care, all those general principles of the mind on which
scientific evidence appeared to him to rest. In his
opinion, every form of scepticism is self- destructive ;
for the bare suggestion of a doubt is a proof that there
is such a thing as truth in existence.
0 Proclus (a. d. 409) endeavoured to change the entire
framework of human reason ; but his logical views are
so intimately blended with his theology, that we can
scarcely separate them for especial notice. He culti-
vated the Greek logic, but founded upon it the East-
ern ideas of illumination or intuition ; and this led to
almost impenetrable darkness and mysticism. The
human mind, according to Proclus, may be viewed
under two great categories — identity and diversity.
These purely primordial forms give rise to three other
MISCELLANEOUS .ENESIDEMUS, AGRIPPA. 103
principles — harmony, unity, and similitude. These
three produce by their individual, as well as con-
centrated influence, all the forms and entities which
are displayed in the dialectic or logical processes of the
human understanding.
The Platonic logic was the great idol of Proclus.
With him reasoning was the loftiest and noblest faculty
of the mind. In his Elements of Theology, the reader
will see in what manner he has attempted to develop
the entire system of Platonic speculation.
Synesius (a. d. 410) and Claudianus Mamertus (a. d.
450) were both able expounders of the logical system
of Aristotle. Ammonius, the son of Hermeas (a. d.
470), was the author of a book on the Categories,* in
which many observations will be found connected with
the nature of classification and definition generally.
MISCELLANEOUS writers ox logic.
The logical scepticism of Pyrrho was again revived
by ^Enesidemus and his followers. In the second
chapter of his work on the doctrines of the Academi-
cians, he treats of truth in general, and of those ques-
tions necessarily connected with its investigation ; such
as causation, action, chance, motion, production, de-
struction, and the like. All his observations and
reasonings on these points tend towards impressing the
mind with a feeling of doubt and mistrust, even as to
matters the most familiar and certain.
Agrippa was the successor of -ZEnesidemus, and laid
down five maxims relative to truth, which he considered
* Edit. Venice, 1506.
104 MISCELLANEOUS — FAVORIN, SEXTUS EMPIEICUS.
were in some respects original. The first maxims ap-
pertains to those differences which are to be found in
all the schools of philosophy on fundamental proposi-
tions ; the second embraces the notion of infinity in-
volved in every chain of argumentation; the third
relates to the uncertainty we experience relative to the
nature of all external objects ; the fourth maxim points
out the errors arising from our hasty or purely gratui-
tous mode of reasoning ; and the fifth maxim indicates
the common method of arguing in a circle.
Favorin was a native of Aries, and considered one of
the most profound as well as popular logicians of his
age. He was enthusiastically attached to the entire
doctrines of Pyrrho. Galen was his antagonist, who
remarks, "that some recent writers, and among the
number is Favorin, carry their doubts to such a pitch
as to call in question the existence of the sun."
Sextus Empiricus is, however, the most able and
voluminous writer belonging to this sceptical school of
logic. This author remarks, that nearly all the philo-
sophers who had preceded him had laid down three
principles or standards of truth, or rather three instru-
ments for the discovery of truth and falsehood. The
first is the natural judgment of man ; the second the
means he takes of exercising that judgment through
his senses and understanding; and the third is that
action or power by which he applies these objects or
instruments. The first standard he discards on account
of the compound nature of man, possessing a body and
a soul, which organization must needs give rise to many
inward operations of thought and action which can
never be accurately known. The second criterion is
MISCELLANEOUS SEXTUS EMPIBICUS. 105
refused because the impressions on our outward senses
are variable and conflicting. The third principle is in
like manner rejected, on account of doubts springing
out of our organs of vision.
The impossibility of man recognising truth under
any circumstances, results, according to Sextus, from
three leading considerations, — 1st, The mind itself;
2nd, The objects with which the mind is occupied;
and, 3d, The relations which subsist between the mind
and these objects, or between the subject and the ob-
ject. The author's arguments may be arranged under
three heads or divisions.
1st, Eelative to the mind, the subject of knowledge,
we have sensations and conceptions. This division of
our mental nature embraces fundamental principles of
doubt ; for sensations and conceptions are logically
antagonistic to each other. The treatment of the mind
under this point of view, has given rise to the respective
theories of the ideal and the sensual. Again, if we
ever take sensations and conceptions separately, the
result ends in doubt. Sensations are opposed to each
other, and likewise conceptions ; so that we are hem-
med in on every side, and cannot know what to believe
or not to believe.
2nd, With respect to all external objects it is impos-
sible to understand their nature, fully and adequately,
unless we can comprehend, and take within the mind's
grasp, the entire mass of relations subsisting among
them, and all their individual properties of every kind.
In the world around us, we have to grope our way
among its phenomena by the help of signs, and we are,
in numberless cases, not able to distinguish even one
106 MISCELLANEOUS — SEXTUS EMPIRICUS.
sign from another. The simplicity and the diversified
character of objects, give rise to constant doubt and
misgivings.
3d, "When the objective and subjective relations of
things are duly considered, another wide field is opened
for sceptical conclusions. Sometimes the mind acts by
intuition, and totally irrespective of formal or artificial
combinations of ideas ; and at other times again it is
discursive, and conspicuously unfolds those laws of
mind which logicians more particularly attend to.
When human knowledge is considered logically, as
combining certain perceptions and conceptions accord-
ing to artistic rules, man proceeds to treat of certain
things called definitions, categories, and arguments.
These create confusion in minds. Definitions of all
kinds are entirely useless. He who makes a definition
must be in a position to know every thing that can be
known of the thing defined. If definition is to be
applied to one thing, it must be necessary in all ; and
thus the mind is perpetually whisked round in a com-
plete circle, without coming to any fixed point. If, on
the other hand, we can dispense with definitions in
any one case, why not be able to dispense with them
in all?
All categories, such as genus and species, are useless,
one-sided, imperfect, and often completely false. If
we consider them as purely mental conceptions or con-
troversies of the mind, how can we determine their
relation to external things ? For any thing we know
to the contrary, the mental instrument may have no
real or true relation whatever to the thing on which it
operates.
MISCELLANEOUS — CAPELLA, BOETHIUS, ETC. 107
Argumentation, Sextus states in substance, combines
general propositions with particular ones ; but, on the
one hand, it is requisite to set out from individual
objects in order to arrive at an universal truth; and,
on the other hand, we must rest on universal proposi-
tions when we are desirous of proving the reality of
individual objects. All reasoning and logical trains of
thought, rest upon a basis of particular things admitted
to be false — to run in a vitious circle ; and the mind
cannot arrive at truth, because it requires an examina-
tion of the individual objects, without any limitation or
exception, included in the universal proposition ; and,
consequently, a process of sound and infallible reason-
ing, on any thing whatever, is manifestly impossible
for man to accomplish.
These are the leading points in the logical scepticism
of Sextus. It need scarcely be remarked that univer-
sal scepticism is a thing inconceivable. It also mili-
tates against every feeling and principle of our nature.
The mind revolts from it as it does from the notion
of annihilation itself.
In the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, there
were several writers and expounders of logical science
of note and reputation. Martin Capella wrote on
dialectics. The celebrated and unfortunate Boethius
translated the Categories of Aristotle into Latin.*
Cassiodorus wrote several dissertations on the logical
system of the Stagyrite, which were used as text-books
in some of the schools in the East for a considerable
time after the death of the commentator. His views
" Explicatio qiiorundam Vocabulorum ad Cognitiorum Dialectica conducen-
tionem, et Introductionem ad Logicam Aristotelis."— Toliti. 4, 161(3.
108 MISCELLANEOUS-
are contained in the treatise "Mhetorica Compendium"
wherein he lays down the leading principles of logic,
and also combines them with matters strictly apper-
taining to rhetorical subjects. Later down the stream
of time, we have John the Grammarian discussing logical
systems, as well as St John Damascenus, who makes
the following remarks on method : — " There are four
dialectic or logical methods. The first is the division
which separates genus and species ; the second is that
which defines the subject by the genus; the third is
analysis, which decomposes every part ; and the fourth
is demonstration, which establishes the truth by means
of the last term." This author also distinguishes ana-
lysis by three different characters or signs — natural,
logical, and mathematical. The first resolves compound
ideas into their simple elements ; the second resolves
the syllogism into its component parts ; and the third
consists in the admitting the correctness of a given
principle, in order to arrive at a knowledge of an im-
portant and unknown truth.
Isidorus of Seville, in his " De Arte Mhetorica" enters
at some length into logical disquisitions. The abstract
nature of propositions in general, and the doctrine of
the syllogism, are both dwelt upon. He divides his
subject into two leading portions ; that which is strictly
rhetorical, appertaining to the use and choice of words ;
and that which is dialectical or logical, and relates to
ideas and their formal combination.*
Following this writer, we have some logicians of dis-
tinction in the latter period of the Byzantine empire.
George Pachymera wrote a Compendium of Logic ;
* Paris Edit. 1549., pp. 67, 332, 341.
MISCELLANEOUS PACHYMEEA, PELAGIUS. 109
Theodoras Metacliita stood as the head of a school for
logic and eloquence at Constantinople ; and Magen-
tinus, George Cyprius, and Michael Psellus, are com-
monly known as assiduous cultivators of logical studies.
David, the disciple of Leon the philosopher, wrote on
the Categories and Predicables of Aristotle, and Blemade
composed his Epitomes of Logical and Physical
Science.
Pelagius, a Syrian by birth, but connected with
Spanish affairs, wrote on general logic and the art of
reasoning. He flourished in the eighth century ; and
in the after period of his life lived as a solitary hermit
in one of the wildest and unfrequented parts of the
kingdom of Spain. He appears to have been well
acquainted with the works of Aristotle.
Logic, he maintains, is conversant about three
things ; the nature of the human understanding, the
nature of truth, and the method of investigating and
communicating that truth to others.
There are three acts of the mind more immediately
involved in every logical operation — perception, judg-
ment, and reasoning. There are also three other
faculties necessary to argumentation ; namely, compar-
ing, naming, and ranging our ideas.
There are two sources of error which vitiate our
logical conclusions on many subjects of interest and
importance — authority and precipitancy. The first
induces us to reject an opinion without thoroughly
examining it ; and precipitancy induces us to follow a
like course, by making us content with a very super-
ficial examination of the evidences on which certain
opinions rest. Added to these two, there is also a
110 MISCELLANEOUS — ALCUINUS.
spirit of contradiction which is inimical to our progress
in sound and rational knowledge. *
Alcuinus (Albinus Flaccus) was an English prelate,
who was the principal agent in the establishment of
the public schools founded by Charlemagne towards
the termination of the eighth century. We have
Alcuinus' system of logic, which he divides into two
parts — dialectics and rhetoric. His mode of arranging
the materials of dialectics, is precisely the same as most
of the treatises we have on this subject at this period
of history.')-
The eight centuries we have just past over, present
on the whole but a dark and checkered aspect when
viewed in connexion with the progress of rational
knowledge and science. The good work of improve-
ment, however, was here commenced. This was the
epoch of the regular consolidation of European society.
The seeds were sown which in after times were to
yield a fruitful harvest. The true foundations and
limits of human inquiry were distinctly, though some-
what roughly, sketched out. A mortal struggle be-
tween heathen speculation and revealed truth had
been brought to a successful termination ; and the
human mind, for the first time in its history, had for
its guidance a solid, though still limited code of logical
canons for all matters of deep and general interest.
Speculations on the nature of truth became more
rational and concentrated. Christian institutions were
now being consolidated, and beginning to impart a
steadiness to men's minds of incalculable importance
* See Los Padres del Disierto. Madrid, 1564. Vol. ii. Art. St Pelagius.
t See Dialectica et Grammatica. Folio, p. 487.
MISCELLANEOUS CON CLUSION. Ill
to the future intellectual movements of mankind. The
philosophy of Scripture made itself heard in every
corner of Christendom, and was day after day chasing
away the clouds of mystic fanaticism and ignorance.
Theological doctrines were silently yet steadily forming
the basis of public opinion ; and their intimate rela-
tions with numerous philosophical questions, which
they touched at all points, were constantly becoming
more clearly ascertained and defined. The remarkable
harmony which the Christian scheme exhibited between
the world within and the world without — the subjec-
tive and objective existences of logicians — was of such a
character as to satisfy, in a great measure, the minds
of speculative men, and to induce them to make the
leading principles of that system their common text-
book in the investigation and promulgation of truth.
112 ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC.
CHAPTEE VI.
ON THE ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC, FROM
THE NINTH TO THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
We cannot, in a historical sketch of logic, omit a short
notice of the Arabian and Jewish writers on the
science. The former, in particular, paid great atten-
tion to it, and have left indelible proofs of their inge-
nuity and fervour of zeal in this direction, even to the
present hour. .
The Arabian logical philosophy, taken as a whole,
is a compound of three leading ingredients — the Scrip-
ture doctrine as to the nature of truth, the Grecian
dialectics, and the theories of the New Platonists. A
knowledge of the general philosophy attributed to the
Arabians, is said to have been chiefly derived from the
teachings of some distinguished Christian thinkers,
such as John Philoponus, Mesne of Damascus, Hor-
nian, and others. It was through this channel that
the writings of Aristotle and the commentaries of the
~New Platonists were conveyed to them about the com-
mencement of the ninth century, and which imparted
such a powerful stimulant to their speculative subtilty
and dialectic skill.
ALKENDI, ALFARABI. 113
Alkendi, a native of Bassora, a city on the Persian
Gulf, flourished as a philosopher at the commencement
of the ninth century. He wrote various treatises on
the Categories, the Predicables, the Sophisms, and other
divisions of logical science. He likewise paid great
attention to the nature of mathematical evidence, and
regarded it as a very necessary preliminary study to
philosophy in general.
Alfarabi was a logician of unrivalled skill and talent.
He studied at the city of Bagdad, under John Mesne ;
and the character he bore from one of his contempo-
raries, testifies " that he penetrated the very depths of
logic, revealed its secrets, and facilitated the under-
standing of it. The writings which he composed are
filled with clear observations and acute conceptions."
Alfarabi aimed at great achievements. He was am-
bitious of entering into the very arcana of nature, and
extorting from her all her most hidden secrets. With
the assistance of the formal dialectics of the Greeks, he
essayed to develop the entire system of Oriental intui-
tion, and to resolve all the problems connected with
the moral and physical world. His tract Upon the
Sciences forms a sort of dictionary, or methodical
classification of various branches of human knowledge,
embracing the leading principles of these several sub-
jects of inquiry, and pointing out their logical con-
nexion one with another. He places Divine wisdom
at the head of all. " This science," says he, " demon-
strates, that the objects embodied in this heavenly
branch of knowledge raise the mind of man to the
height of perfection. The ascending scale of his intel-
ligence terminates at the first principle anterior to all
H
114 ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC.
things ; this is the primordial unity, which confers
existence and design upon every thing we see. Truth
flows from it as its only and proper source,*
The author's work Upon the Understanding relates
more particularly to the connexion subsisting between
logical forms and the ideas they represent, or to those
processes of the intellect which are requisite for the
full development of universal truths and propositions.
These are not the results of any mechanical or elabo-
rated process of the understanding, but arise out of it
by virtue of its own innate vigour and spontaneity.
Men can scarcely be said to be really cognisant of their
existence, seeing that they display themselves so
promptly and rapidly in every exercise of their rational
powers.f
Avicenna was another distinguished Arabian logi-
cian. In his Treatise on Logic we find that he adopts
the principles of Aristotle, but does not follow him
slavishly, According to Avicenna's notions, " all
knowledge consists in two things — representation and
conviction. We may represent things to ourselves in
various fashions, without, however, persuading our-
selves of their truth. Representation is acquired by de-
finition, or some such similar contrivance of the mind ;
but conviction is derived from reasoning alone." The
author also conceived that there were certain general
and distinct conceptions of the mind which lay at the
root of all argumentation ; and he cites the notion or
idea of being as one of these. This conception of his
own existence, and the existence of things around him,
* Alfarabi, De Scientiis. Paris, 1638, pp. 35, 36.
f Opera. Paris, p. 43.
AVICENXA, ALGAZELI. 115
is ever present to the mind of man. He cannot, for
even a moment, divest himself of it.*
Algazeli flourished as a logician in the eleventh
century, both at Bagdad and Alexandria. In some
essential points he differed from Avicenna, particularly
as to the mind's power to frame universal conceptions.
All men have not the like power of recognising and
using these universal ideas — inasmuch as Algazeli con-
ceives that high notions of moral worth and intellectual
refinement are indispensable to the attainment of a
large measure of truth. The soul of man is as a
mirror : it reflects the truth ; but, in order to do this
fully and faithfully, it is requisite that it should be
pure and unsullied by vice and error. " The logical
understanding," says he, "can perceive itself; it can
perceive its own perception ; it can perceive what it
produces ; it can pass from the strong to the weak,
from the obscure to the luminous, without any essential
change of its nature; it is strengthened instead of
weakened by years. The derangement of the. organs
of sensation may act upon the reasoning faculty in two
ways — by causing a distraction of the mind, and by
depriving it of that assistance required for judging of
external bodies. But still our intellectual power can,
by virtue of its own innate energy, emancipate itself
from this double dependence." f
The logical method of Algazeli has been charged
with embodying a species of scientific scepticism ini-
mical to all sound reason. His enthusiastic admiration
of the Koran induced him to maintain that all truth
* See Logique d'Avicene, by Vattier. Paris,
t Logica et Philos. Cologne, 1506.
116 ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC.
should be viewed through its pages, and be submitted
to its authority. And, in order to establish this dog-
matic position, he argued for the uncertainty and doubt
which naturally hang around our powers of mental
perception. The only true antidote against absolute
scepticism was, in his judgment, to take shelter in the
Koran,
In the middle of the twelfth century we have the
doctrine of absolute logical intuition brought forward
by Avenpace. He was a profound but mystical genius.
He entertained a thorough contempt for dialectics of
every form, which he considered a barren and stupify-
ing branch of public education. Tophail, who flourished
about the same time at Cordova in Spain, followed in
the same mystical path. His work, The Man of Na-
ture, is a description of a man who in infancy had been
left in a desert, and nursed by a she-wrolf ; having no
intercourse with mankind, but cultivating an acquaint-
ance with nature by means of his unaided physical
and mental powers. He is represented, as he increases
in age, as going forward from one stage of mental con-
templation to another, until he arrives at the perfectly
intuitive, which rests upon Deity itself.
These fanatic opinions created a reaction ; and many
of the Arabian philosophers of lesser note and influence
fell into a species of logical materialism, and considered
all truth to be represented by, or embodied in mere
formal technicalities and rules. The absolute scepti-
cism to which these opinions naturally led, gave rise
to a number of persons, professing the religious doc-
trines of the Koran, called Talkers, who devoted them-
selves, like the Greek Sophists, to mere dialectical
THE TALKERS, AVERROES. 117
exhibitions. The entire secret of their exploits in this
way, was by throwing all questions into obscurity, and
by dwelling on both sides of an argument with equal
earnestness and zeal. Truth with them was a name
only, and nothing more.
This was the precise state of things when Averroes
made his appearance. He was a native of Cordova in
Spain, and flourished in the twelfth century. His
grand aim was to give a right and powerful logical
direction to the science of his age. He attempted to
establish a species of eclecticism relative to the entire
science of reasoning. Dialectical principles and systems
were all at variance, and he strived to reconcile and
harmonize them with each other. Being intimately
conversant with the writings of Plato and Aristotle,
and also with the dialectics of the Alexandrian school,
he conceived there was a possibility of rearing a natural
and consistent theory of truth out of the several dis-
cordant materials before him. With this view, Averroes
maintained it was requisite to examine the primary
foundation of all evidence. It was clear to him that
nature herself distinctly pointed to two kinds of evi-
dence or truth ; to that which was within the man,
and that which lay without him. There was an intellect,
and there was a soul. The former takes cognisance of
all truth as it is exhibited in universal or particular
propositions ; while the office of the latter is to recog-
nise those relations which subsist among the several
phenomena of the material world. The intellect is
active, the soul passive. The former belongs to all
men, although possessing the attribute of distinct
individuality, and the latter constitutes that which is
118 ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC.
individual in each man. The intellect is eternal and
incorruptible, the soul corruptible and mortal. The
union of the two principles is necessary to produce
thought, as it is developed in man. What the univer-
sal intelligence is, the result of this combination, has
been the subject of much controversy among the critics
on Averroes' speculations. Some view it as a decided
pantheistical principle, while others considered it as a
species of logical dualism. The latter opinion is the
more common of the two ; and is supported by testi-
mony from several works of the author, wherein he had
to defend his philosophy against certain objections
which the Mohammedan doctors brought against it.
He seems to have been driven into a corner ; and, to
extricate himself, he maintained there were two kinds
of truth — theological and philosophical. Theology is
simply the expression of popular belief, and is only
relatively true ; it indicates only the outside of things.
Philosophy possesses truth in itself; its principles and
conclusions partake of the absolute.*
Mr Hallam observes, that the general doctrine held
by Averroes was, " that there is one common intelli-
gence,— active, "immortal, indivisible, — unconnected
with matter, the soul of the human kind ; which is not
in any one man, because it has no material form, but
which yet assists in the rational operations of each man's
personal soul, and from those operations, which are
all conversant with particulars, derives its own know-
ledge of universals. Thus, if I understand what is
meant, which is rather subtile, it might be said, that as
in the common theory particular sensations furnish
* AverroeSj Opera. Venice, 1660.
AYERKOES. 11.9
means to the soul of forming general ideas ; so in that
of Averroes the ideas and judgments of separate human
souls furnish collectively the means of that knowledge
of universals which the one great soul of mankind alone
can embrace. This was a theory built, as some have
said, on the bad Arabic version of Aristotle which
Averroes used. But whatever might have first sug-
gested it to the philosopher of Cordova, it seems little
else than an expansion of the Eealist hypothesis, urged
to a degree of apparent paradox. For if the human
soul, as an universal, possesses an objective reality, it
must surely be intelligent ; and, being such, it may
seem no extravagant hypothesis : though incapable of
that demonstration, we now require in philosophy to
suppose that it acts upon the subordinate intelligences
of the same species, and receives impressions from them.
By this also they would reconcile the knowledge we
were supposed to possess of the reality of universals,
with the acknowledged impossibility, at least in many
cases, of representing them to the mind."*
The Jewish writers on logical science, particularly
for the first ten or twelve centuries of the Christian
era, exercised no small influence on the current of
philosophic thought in the East, and in the southern
parts of the European continent. It would appear
from the edict of Augustus, in the year 15 b. c, to all
the governors of the Soman provinces, that, though
we have no account of the Jewish philosophers indi-
vidually, they must have been held in no small note,
both in Spain and the south of France. They occu-
pied chairs of philosophy and logic in all the principal
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 198.
120 ARABIAN AND JEWISH WRITERS ON LOGIC.
schools of learning in several of these provinces, and
particularly in the cities of Cordova and Toledo.*
Abraham Ben Isaac was a logician of Toledo, of
great renown. He was born in 1119, and, on account
of his wisdom and profundity, was called the Sage.
He wrote a work on logic, in which he adopts the
leading principles and forms of Aristotle.
Jehudah Ben Thibon Marimon was born in 1134,
and distinguished for his logical attainments. He
translated into Arabic, and wrote commentaries upon,
the entire works of Aristotle. E. Joseph Aquichi,
born in 1190, followed Thibon Marimon, and adopted
the same opinions as to the nature and offices of logic
as those contained in the commentaries alluded to.
Among all the Jewish writers on logic, Moses Mai-
monides is the most distinguished. He was a native
of Cordova. He is the author of a work on logic
called Miloth Higayon. This treatise was originally
written in the Arabic language ; but, after the death of
the author, it wras translated into Hebrew by Moses
Eben Tibon. Maimonicles follows Aristotle's method,
though he endeavours to make it applicable to his own
peculiar theological views.
* Semaeli David.
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 121
CHAPTEE VII.
ON THE SCHOLASTIC LOGICIAN'S FROM THE COMMENCEMENT
OF THE NINTH, TILL THE EEVIVAL OF LETTEES IN ITALY
IN THE MIDDLE OF THE FOURTEENTH, CENTURY.
The logical philosophy of the scholastic ages is closely
identified with mental science itself; so much so, in-
deed, that it becomes a difficult task to keep always in
view the radical distinction between that science, and
the purely dialectic forms or systems which are ever
obtruded on our notice in the abstract speculations of
the middle ages. This difficulty must be our apology
for such passages, in this chapter, as may appear to
confound or blend together the two branches of know-
ledge.
The writings of the schoolmen present, at first sight,
a huge and disorderly mass of thought. Extending as
they do over nearly six centuries, we are only able to
catch here and there the more bold and rugged parts
of it. But by dint of keeping the mental eye fixed for
a period on the vast materials around us, we gradually
begin to see light gleaming through the rents and
chinks of the apparently solid and impenetrable struc-
ture, and to recognise many of the primary and indivi-
122 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
dual elements which compose it. Though treating of
all things and subjects which can come under the ob-
servation of thinking creatures, yet there is one conspi-
cuous feature in the scholastic literature, — namely, its
logical or dialectic character. Viewed as a whole, it
was essentially one grand and magnificent organon for
the discovery and dissemination of truth. This was its
prominent and ostensible object in all its phases and
vicissitudes. It aimed to give a reason for every thing ;
from Deity itself to the most insignificant material
object. It was constantly in search of some splendid
and infallible logical method, which should conduct the
understandings of men to a full and perfect knowledge
of all truth.
We are very apt to imagine that the logical philoso-
phy of the middle ages was altogether of a purely
formal character, and solely confined to sheer techni-
calities and syllogistic rules. But this was not the
case. The grand source of all the controversies and
disputations of which we read, was not the logical vali-
dity of the formal, but the logical validity and value of
the mental principles of reasoning ; which principles,
as the philosophers of these times conceived, lay at the
root of all formal rules of argument, and were, in fact,
the only things which imparted life and interest to
them. Hence it is that we find every scholastic logician
of any mark had some definite system of mental prin-
ciples and maxims to guide him in all his philosophical
inquiries ; and though he might use the mere formal
portions of logical instruction as a help to his labours,
or as an instrument to express his meaning, yet he
never rested the importance of his cause, nor the
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 123
strength of his conclusions, upon such a narrpw and
insecure basis. It was always to the great and general
principles of reasoning to which he looked forward for
the overthrow of a rival, or the establishment of his
own fame as a solid and original thinker. ~No scho-
lastic logician was ever great, even in his own day, or
in his own university chair, from his mere skilful and
adroit management of the armoury of formal logic. It
was as necessary to the attainment of reputation then
as it is now, that a reasoner should rise above the low
jugglery of logical dilemmas and syllogistic conundrums.
All the really great men of the middle ages had to lay
these aside, and take their stand upon those compre-
hensive principles of mind which are called into requi-
sition in all argumentative trains of thought, employed
in the development or illustration of fundamental and
vital truths.
To the student and ordinary reader, there are certain
characteristics which belong to the scholastic logic,
viewed as an entire system, which it is requisite to
know, in order to fully comprehend its bearings and
import. On some of these we shall make a few brief
observations.
One of the prominent features of the scholastic
philosophy is, that its cultivators sought for their re-
spective logical methods among the principles of human
nature, or within those sciences which more immediately
spring out of, or are based upon, man's mental and
moral constitution. They looked at him in a social,
political, moral, thinking, and religious aspect. It was
in these provinces of the inward man that they carried
on their logical warfare. The abstract evidence derived
124 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
from a purely deductive science, like that of mathema-
tics, was seldom or ever noticed ; and as to any peculiar
philosophical interest being involved in mere physical
phenomena, this never once entered into their minds.
The outward world had but few logical charms for
them. It was to humanity alone, in its strictest signi-
fication and form, that they paid attention. The reason
of this is apparent ; it lies on the very surface of things.
Opinions on the sciences of human nature were more
important, and also more discordant in their elements ;
and here we recognise at once, both cause and effect
for all that argumentative turmoil, and subtile disputa-
tion, so conspicuously portrayed in the middle ages.
These disputes touched the sympathetic cords of huma-
nity in all directions. Every logical method for the
discovery or promulgation of truth was considered as
having a direct reference to some vital, social, political,
or religious principle, intimately involved in the very
constitution of society itself; and therefore the discus-
sion of every such logical method was to be carefully
watched, and kept within proper and orthodox limits.
Though morals, politics, social and mental philoso-
phy, were severally embraced in the scholastic disputa-
tions, yet the theological element greatly predominated
over all these topics. The logic of the schools had a
strong and direct religious bearing or purpose. It was
illustrated and enforced by constant appeals to theolo-
gical doctrines. It was an instrument to strengthen
the powerful hand of the Papacy, which was every way
present ; working with incredible industry, by its mis-
sionaries, its rules, its decrees, and its institutions, to
gain the ascendency over the heathen element around
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 125
it, and to place its authority upon a solid basis. The
grand idea of the schoolmen was, in one word, to rear
an entire and perfect temple of human knowledge, and
to make the logic of theology its basis.
The idea on which the logic of the schoolmen rested,
was unquestionably an idea of theological unity. To
them the entire world of thought seemed to rest upon
it. The grand object of the Bible was to teach truth.
Without it the declarations it contained were worthless,
and man the most forlorn and desolate of creatures.
St Thomas Aquinas is decisive on this point ; and he
speaks the sentiments of all his order who either pre-
ceded or followed him. "Those arts," says he, " which
govern other arts, are called architectonic or ruling
arts ; and those who exercise them are called architects,
and claim the name of wise. These artificers, however,
as aiming only at particular ends, reach not the uni-
versal end of all things. They are, therefore, only
called wise on this or that particular subject. In this
sense it is said, i As a wise master-builder, I have laid
the foundation.'* But the name of absolutely wise is
reserved for him alone whose speculations turn on the
end of the universe, which is also the principle of all
things. Wherefore, as the philosopher says,")- the wise
man must consider the highest causes. But the ulti-
mate end of every thing is that which is intended by
its first author and mover. But the first author and
mover of the universe is Intellect. Therefore the
ultimate end of the universe must be the good of In-
tellect, which is Truth. Truth must then be the ulti-
mate end of the universe ; and with the consideration
* 1 Cor. iii. 10. + Arist. Metaph., 1, 2.
126 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
of this end must wisdom be principally occupied.
Therefore the Divine Wisdom clad in flesh declares,
that He came into the world to manifest the truth,
saying, ' To this end was I born, and for this cause
came I into the world, that I should bear witness unto
the truth.'"*
It is from its theological bearings that the unity of
the scholastic logic is chiefly derived. This unity of
spirit and design is striking and complete when viewed
from a certain point ; but on looking a little deeper
into the subject, and contemplating it apart from its
mere external manifestations, we see from time to time
considerable variety in the general principles it pro-
pounded and discussed. We find among the schoolmen
abstract speculations of every shade and conceivable
cast. We have materialism and spiritualism, empiri-
cism and intuition, pantheism and orthodoxy, with all
the varied hues of opinion to which the mingling of
these leading notions with each other may be subser-
vient, pressed upon our attention in every age of scho-
lastic learning. And it would be difficult to point out
a single speculative theory of the present day, on the
nature and origin of human knowledge, which will not
find its counterpart in the middle ages. But there was
this great difference between these times and our own,
that then books were scarce, and the means of mental
communication between man and man, and kingdom
and kingdom, few and tardy ; and also, that whenever
an opinion or speculative theory reared its head, which
had the most distant chance of militating against spiri-
tual orthodoxy, it was immediately struck down by the
* John xviii. 37. — See Chretien on Logical Method, p. 41.
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 127
hand of clerical authority, and forthwith consigned to
oblivion. The union of the scholastic system is there-
fore only a comparative unity ; for there were in the
shape of abstract principles of thought every variety
and license in its speculative inquiries. Outwardly,
that system presented an unity of purpose which no-
thing seemed capable of disturbing ; but inwardly there
was a great diversity of philosophical sentiment and
unstable speculation.
These remarks apply substantially to the logical unity
of the scholastic system. Though there were here
likewise all kinds of logical methods suggested and de-
veloped, yet there was still a certain unity of purpose
relative to the chief ends of all argumentative processes
of thought. Logic in the eyes of all the schoolmen,
no matter how opposite their abstract principles might
be, was a grand and noble thing. It was to embrace
the entire universe of truth. It contained within itself
all the instruments for the purpose. When the scho-
lastic logician sallied out to battle, he went armed with
the ten Categories, with a certain stock of universal
ideas or conceptions, to which were added the Predi-
cables ; and the whole embracing, as he conceived, the
various divisions of all existing things, both physical
and mental, he was thus enabled to handle all kinds of
propositions, and to mould them, by the use of lan-
guage, into all sorts of nominal shapes and forms. His
machinery was so perfect, that nothing was too com-
prehensive or too minute for its grasp. It constituted
his skill to bend and humour these mechanical appli-
ances to all circumstances and contingencies. And he
no more doubted of their potency than he doubted of
128 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
his own existence. Hence logic was to him the
" science of sciences/' " the rational science/' the " art
of arts." All investigations were to take their depar-
ture from logic, because it was the only mode of teach-
ing how we should proceed in other sciences. This
was the current or everyday belief of all the scholastic
thinkers in every age of their disputations ; and this
belief forms that logical unity which is imprinted on
the mind of every one conversant with their specula-
tions.
Another striking feature of the schoolmen is, their
incessant and pertinacious disputes on the nature
of particular and universal ideas. This is one of the
most conspicuous incidents in their history, and has
served alike to hand down their fame to posterity, and
to make them, in the eyes of many, objects of com-
miseration and contempt. For the sake of those who
may not know the general merits of the question, we
shall make a few explanatory observations upon it.
The point of dispute is simply this : — The Nomi-
nalists affirm that there are two classes of truth ; one
class relating to individual or single objects, and their
particular qualities or properties ; the other class to
general collections or assortments of things, which we
designate by a general term or terms. A man is a par-
ticular idea ; a multitude of men, a general idea. The
Nominalists affirm that the difference between those
two kinds of ideas is only a verbal one ; that is, that
when men talk or reason about these general ideas or
attributes of things, the general term is the only thing
with which the mind is conversant.
Now, the Eealists denied this doctrine in toto. Thev
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 129
maintained, that though these general terms are used
in our descriptions of the similar properties or qualities
of things, yet there is a general idea always present in
the mind when it thus characterises the common attri-
butes which belong to a particular genus or class. This
general term is not a mere verbal instrument or sym-
bol, but stands for a real permanent intellectual con-
ception, which is always present to the mind, and to
which the name of general idea is uniformly given.
Some reasoners attempted to steer a middle course
— they were called Conceptualists. They agreed with
the Nominalists in denouncing general ideas or concep-
tions, such as the Realists considered them to be ; but
they still thought the mind had the power of creating
those general ideas, which they preferred to call concep-
tions. They said there were no essences or universal
ideas to agree with general terms, and that the mind
could reason about classes of individuals without the
mediation of language.
It may be observed in passing, that the schoolmen
must not be considered as the originators of this con-
troversy about particular and universal ideas. We can
trace it in the oldest records we have of logical philo-
sophy. Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, and many other
philosophers and sects, entered deeply into the entire
question. They were all, however, unable to solve it,
and it descended down to the schoolmen of the middle
ages, with all its puzzling freshness and inherent
mystery.
The progress of scholasticism was characterised by
extraordinary public excitement wherever it was studied.
Emperors and kings, as well as the clergy and the laity,
1
130 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
partook of the reigning enthusiasm. The universities
of France, Germany, and England, became one grand
arena for the discussion of the abstract doctrines of the
overheated parties ; and sovereigns, led doubtless by
some political reasons of the day, took part in the con-
tests, and even scrupled not on some occasions to em-
ploy the civil power to gain a victory or punish an
enemy. The accounts which creditable historians and
eyewitnesses have given of these contests, exceed all
ordinary belief. We are told by one author, that at the
public discussions of the scholastic ages it was no uncom-
mon thing to see disputants shout till they were quite
hoarse, use the most gross and insulting language,
make grimaces at each other, threaten personal chas-
tisement, and struggle with and endeavour to prostrate
each other to the ground. When words and threats
failed, recourse was had to the fists. As in the wrest-
ling schools, they buff, and spit, and kick, and bite ;
and even go beyond this, and use clubs and other dan-
gerous weapons, so that many got wounded, and not a
few killed outright.*
We shall not extend these general observations to a
greater length, but shall now give a brief account of the
individual logical opinions and writings of some of the
most distinguished of the scholastic philosophers.
John Scotus Erigena, a. d. 900. — Mere formal logic
had but a feeble hold on the mind of this famous scholastic
writer. In every case he made it subservient to men-
tal science. His grand design was to construct a system
of human knowledge by an a priori process. The primi-
tive unity was the result of his logical synthesis. The
* See Ludovicns Vives.
■ JOHN SCOTUS ERIGENA. 131
entire material universe, and the whole range of human
thought, were the logical domains for the employment
of analysis ; and when this analysis was fully made, and
carried to its ultimate limits, the results were again
absorbed into the union of synthesis — -just as all creat-
ed things must return to the divine unity from which
they sprung.
The chief work of Scotus is his " De Divisione
Naturce." The dialectics incorporated in it are deeply
tinged with Platonic and Oriental notions, This has
led to the general charge against Scotus, that his views
were pantheistical. The "Division of Nature" was in
subsequent ages condemned ; and Pope Honorius III.
issued a bull, in which it was declared that it " abound-
ed with worms of heretical depravity." All persons
were threatened with excommunication who should
retain a copy of the work in their possession. The
treatise is divided into five books; and the author
endeavours to work out his logical problem by means
of four instruments — division, definition, demonstration,
and analysis.
The human understanding, according to Erigena,
has two powers, reason and sense. By the latter he
does not mean external, but internal sense. The ex-
ternal organs of sensation only connect the understand-
ing with the body. Eelatively to their principle of
action, they are but one. These senses are like a
porter or messenger ; they introduce external represen-
tations to the internal senses, which preside over the
operations of the mind in its pursuit after truth. The
grand object of the reasoning faculty in man, is to
direct us to a Deity as an universal cause. All human
132 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
knowledge or investigation may be resolved into four
categories ; namely, " that which creates, and is not
created ; that which is created, and creates ; that which
is created, and doth not create ; and that which
neither creates, nor is created."
The logical method of Erigena sets out, like those
of the philosophers of old, with the primitive unity of
all knowledge ; and this unity, in his mind, was every
thing which is comprehended by the word nature.
2sTow, what would a logician do, aiming at the solution
of all truth, under such circumstances? The answer
is, he must endeavour to shew how variety has been
produced from this radical unity. But, according to
Scotus, every thing rests on Deity ; all phenomena,
diversities, and states of being. The intelligence of
the Deity embraces all other intelligences. All exist-
ent cognitions are simply an expression of the universal
unit. Every thought and feeling is but the represen-
tation of that which does not appear ; the comprehen-
sion of that which is incomprehensible ; the form and
body of that which possesses neither form nor body.
As human intelligence is enshrouded from the outward
eye, and only makes itself known through the means
of sounds and letters ; so, in like manner, does the in-
effable Divine goodness descend from the heights of
creation, and expand itself to the utmost limits of ex-
istence ; doing all things, subsisting in all things, with-
out the slightest alteration or absorption of its nature
or essence. As every thing springs out of this unity,
so must every thing one day return to it. This is the
spiritual progress of things, the ultimate destination of
all science. In this return to the bosom of unity, " the
LANFRANC. 133
body will be resolved into vital motion, vital motion
into sentiment, sentiment into reason, reason into tlie
soul, the soul into the science of all things which are
below God ; science into wisdom, which is the ultimate
and immediate contemplation of truth, so far as it can
be attained by the creature. At this point of return-
ing progress, every spirit becomes an intellectual star,
and thus is accomplished the final consummation ; the
evening of creation, the lying down to rest of all intel-
ligences in the luminous shadows where lie enshrouded
the causes of all things, and thus day and night will be
one and the same."
Lanfranc, a. d. 1036. — Lanfranc was by far the most
able and distinguished dialectician of his age. He was
born at Pavia, but he settled at Avranches in Normandy,
where he established a seminary for the teaching of logic,
among other things. This establishment gained great
popularity and fame. Being deeply versed in all meta-
physical lore, he cultivated a spirit of subtile disputation,
and was in this line one of the master spirits of his age.
We are informed that his pupils were " clerks, the sons
of gentlemen, masters of transcendant renown, power-
ful chiefs, and individuals of high nobility."*
Historians relate a circumstance relative to Lanfranc,
which shews that the " ruling passion " for discussion
and disputation was strong even in death. His dis-
ciples were weeping around him, and offering up their
fervent prayers in his behalf — the last rites of the
Church had been administered — he was upon the very
confines of the unseen world — when he opened his eyes>
and in a feeble but distinct voice said, " I should have
* Tiraboschi, Brucker, Fleury.
134 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
been glad before my death to have committed to writ-
ing my ideas upon the origin of evil, for I had got
some explanations which will now be lost." So say-
ing, he gave a wave with his hand, and immediately
expired.
Koscellinus, a. d, 1089. — This scholastic was canon
of Compeigne. He is commonly considered as the first
writer who distinctly broached the Nominalist theory.
He maintained that all general terms or names used in
formal propositions, are but simple mental abstractions,
which the mind forms by comparing a certain number
of individuals with each other. In fact, he went the
full length of maintaining that universals were nothing
but names. This position appeared novel and startling
to his age ; and hence it was that he drew upon him-
self ecclesiastical censure and rebuke. Eoscellinus was
obliged to retract his opinions at the Council of Sois-
sons, held in the year 1092. He was afterwards
banished both from England and France. The theo-
logical bearings of the logical question were the real
cause of his defeat and punishment. He taught "tres
personas esse tres realitates different es " — a proposition,
says his antagonist St Anselm, that ought to warn
every one how cautiously they should handle questions
of holy writ. Those dialecticians of our day, who are
heretics even in logic, consider universals to be nothing
but mere speech. Such reasoners should be altogether
excluded from discussing spiritual doctrines.*
Aventinus, a writer of the sixteenth century, makes
the following observations on the system of this scho-
lastic : — " Eoscellinus," says he, "the founder of the
* St Anselm, Be Incaniatione Verhi, ch. 2.
ROSCELLINUS, ST ANSELM. " 135
~New Lyceum, first cultivated the science of words and
phrases, and discovered a new mode of cultivating
philosophy. To him we owe a particular illustration
of that system of philosophical inquiry which the Peri-
patetics, or followers of Aristotle, divided into two
classes ; the one, older, abounding in invention, and
claiming for itself the science of things, and therefore
called the real school ; the other, later, embracing the
disturbers of this science, men calling themselves
Nominalists, because, being niggardly of things, and
prodigal of names and notions, they appear to be the
partisans of words." *
St Anselm, a. d. 1109. — St Anselm was one of the
first-rate logical thinkers of his time. His opinions may
be gathered from his Dissertation on Truth, written in
the form of dialogue, and to be found at the com-
mencement of the third book of his " Monologium"
In this essay we find him endeavouring to establish the
three following propositions : — 1st, That all intimations
from our external senses or organs are founded in truth.
Whenever there is any error in this quarter, it arises
from the internal sense of perception. 2nd, There is a
truth in the essence of things ; and this truth depends
upon the supreme truth, which is God himself. 3d,
That truth has neither beginning nor end.
St Anselm was a bold speculator. He conceived
he had found a logical mode of silencing all future
cavillers and disputants. The following is a general
summary of his views : —
While he admitted the certainty of knowledge de-
rived from faith, he maintained, at the same time, that
* Annals. Basil, 1580.
136 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
it was incumbent on all men to cultivate the reasoning
power, and to unfold the truth in the shape of science.
The Scriptures are the true foundation of all mental
knowledge, just as the phenomena of nature, revealed
to the external senses, form the basis or ground-
work of all physical inquiry. Now,, the revealed and
the scientific sources of truth may be brought into com-
plete harmony.
The sphere of science must be considered as an
unity, and within this unity we shall find a general
principle for the elucidation of all things. This prin-
ciple has two inherent attributes ; its logical universa-
lity,— that is, its susceptibility to comprehend all other
ideas ; and, secondly, its character of real or objective
universality, — that is, its harmony with a reality con-
ceived as the source of all other realities. Unless we
have this second attribute, we must be doomed to run
round a series of logical speculations, which, though
they may assume a certain dialectical form or cohesion,
would have no necessary connexion with the reality of
things. What is required therefore is, to establish a
foundation or firm basis for the logical order and the
real order of things ; and the only way of doing this is,
to find out some universal idea which could not subsist
as a perception of the mind, without at the same time
involving the absolute reality of its object. Now, ac-
cording to St Anselm, there is one, and only one, idea
in the human understanding adequate for this purpose
— the idea of infinite perfection, or the supreme good ;
in fact, of Deity itself. The logician maintains, that if
the idea had not a corresponding reality, it could not
be the idea of absolute and supreme perfection. But
ST ANSELM. 137
this idea, the more it is examined, will be found to
unite into one both the logical and the real universality ;
logical universality, since all other ideas, implying more
or less of being or perfection, are contained within it ;
and objective or real universality, since the infinite
reality is the generating principle of all other realities
or states of being. It is manifest that no other idea of
which the human mind is cognisant possesses these two
characteristics ; therefore the idea of G-od is the general
principle of science. The Deity appears under two
aspects ; in the logical sphere, as the head or source of
all ideas ; in the objective sphere of reality, as the head
or source of all existences.*
It is almost needless to say, that though the views
of St Anselm are lofty and noble, he has not succeeded
in placing them beyond the reach of doubt and cavil.
This will appear more fully afterwards.
The authors of the Literary History of France speak
highly of the logical talents and learning of St Anselm.
Logic, say they, agreeably to its general and primary
meaning, was the art of reasoning soundly and justly,
and by which truth might be discovered. But to exer-
cise this art to advantage, certain general ideas, arising
from the knowledge of things, were indispensable ; and
the logicians of this age seemed to have little relish for
such necessary information. Their dialectics consisted
chiefly of words, and dry and barren rules, the proper
and judicious application of which was by no means
commonly understood. To remedy this evil, St Anselm
wrote his work, the Grammarian, which is, in fact, a
* The edition of St Aiiselm's works here referred to, is that of Cologne, 1612,
folio.
138 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
treatise on the art of reasoning. In this work he
undertakes to define the two general attributes of all
our ideas, substance and quality. This definition aided
greatly in simplifying the researches and teachings of
future logicians. From him the inquirers after truth
learned to elevate their minds above the barbarous
sophisms of the schools ; to make use of that natural
reason that was within them ; and to contemplate the
eternal essence in all its magnificent effulgence.*
Gtuinalon, a. b. 1119. — This was a monk who wrote
a treatise under the title of " Liber pro insipiente adver-
sus Anselmi in Prosologio Ratiocinationem" in order to
refute the leading opinions of St Ansehxu Guinalon
endeavours to prove that his antagonist has not made
out a good case ; that his theory of human knowledge
is gratuitous ; and that, in matters of detail, it is full
of logical imperfections and fallacies.
William of Ciiampeaux, a. d. 1120. — This may be
styled the Augustan age of scholastic logic. Our
modern notions of the value of dialectics, come far
short of realizing the interest and mental activity which
were called into requisition under the championship of
William of Champeaux, He opened, in 1109, his
school of logic in the University of Paris, which had
been founded about a century before. His fame
speedily spread to the remotest corners of Europe.
Wherever he came immense numbers of students
flocked around him, to hear him expound his logical
system. The Benedictines of St Maur represent Paris,
in their glowing language, to be a Modern Athens ;
and they affirm that the number of logical and philo-
* Hist. Lit. dc la France, torn. xiv.
WILLIAM OF CHAMPEAUX. 139
sophical students was so great, that they actually out-
numbered the ordinary citizens themselves. The in-
flux of scholars was so prodigious, that Philip Augustus
had to enlarge the boundaries of the city for their
accommodation. Paris was called the city of the
world.*
It is recorded, that there were certain days of the
week which were more than usually thronged with
students ; and these were set apart by William for the
exclusive discussion of universals. And the eagerness
o
to obtain an entrance to the lecture-hall was so great
on these occasions, that students often took their places
the day before, and that more than once death was
produced from the extreme pressure of the crowd.
These lectures were the engrossing topic of general
discussion ; and epitomes or abstracts of them were
every day handed about, both among the nobles at
court, as well as the merchants and traders of the
city.f
That the eloquence and method of instruction of
this celebrated scholastic teacher were unrivalled, is an
opinion in which all historians seem to agree. We
have the testimony of Abelard on this point, who
says : — u I preferred the armour of dialectic warfare to
all other modes of philosophy; for it I quitted the
military life, choosing rather the conflicts of disputa-
tion than the trophies of real battles. With this view,
emulating the Peripatetic fame, and disputing as I
went, I passed through various provinces, wherever I
understood that the study was zealously pursued. At
length I reached Paris, which was then the great
* Hist. Lit. de la France, torn ix. 73. f Chron. de Paris, folio, 1596.
140 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
theatre of the art, where William of Champeaux
taught, whom I chose for my preceptor."*
William of Champeaux had been a pupil of Kos-
cellin's, but differed entirely from his master on the
nature of universals. These he considered as ideas
which had a positive and independent existence, apart
from all forms or combinations of words. There was
something permanent and real in such terms as good-
ness, justice, creation, intelligence, mind, and the like.
His entire Eealistic theory is based upon the assump-
tion, that universals are individualized in particular
objects or beings, in such a manner that these par-
ticular objects or beings, though strictly identical in
their respective essences, differ only in the variety of
their accidents or transient forms.
It is said that William renounced this logical creed
in a later period of his life. Abelard says : — " Again
I attended his school to hear his lectures on the art of
rhetoric ; but where, in our several contests, I so pressed
him on his favourite doctrine of universals, that he
gave up the point, renounced his former opinion, and
hence lost all the fame which he had acquired."
Abelard, a. d. 1142. — The name of Abelard is inti-
mately connected with the early history of scholastic
logic. He was a zealous JSTominalist, and zealously con-
tended for the validity of his theory through every
phase of his eventful life. John of Salisbury says : —
" That Abelard and his disciples looked upon the pro-
position, that we can affirm one thing from another
thing, as a great absurdity, though this absurdity was
backed by the authority of Aristotle."
': A.belard's Epist., 1.
ABELARD. 141
It is a difficult matter, even at the present hour, to
ascertain correctly how far Abelard is really compro-
mised in the Nominalist theory. He certainly denounces
the Realists in no measured terms ; but his own pre-
cise opinions on the chief point of dispute are by no
means accurately known. De G-erando conceives that
Abelard considered universals to have no strict or
proper independence or objective reality, but to be
simply conceptions, formed and retained in the mind
solely by virtue of the signs of language. Again, John
of Salisbury says : — " The one (meaning Roscellin)
takes his stand on words; the other (Abelard) on
propositions.'" These statements would go to prove,
that Abelard looked upon these conceptions as deriving
their validity and authority, not simply from the power
of words, but from their logical position in every formal
proposition submitted to the understanding. If this
opinion be correct, Abelard must not then be classed
with the supporters of absolute Nominalism, but must
occupy a kind of middle station between the Nominalist
theorists, and those who go under the denomination of
Conceptualists.
Up to the time of Abelard, logic had been most
assiduously cultivated in many countries in Europe.
Schools and academies for its cultivation were esta-
blished at Padua, Modena, Naples, Capua, Toulouse,
Salamanca, Lyons, and Cologne. The Platonic dialec-
tics were preferred in some localities, while Aristotle
was all dominant in others. In the West, looical
philosophy found munificent patrons in the Emperor
Frederick IL, and Alphonso X., king of Leon ; the
former of whom caused the logical works of Aristotle
142 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
to be translated into Latin, with the laudable view of
giving them a more extended circulation, and making
them more general topics of commentary and public
discussion.
The mere dialectical character of logical studies
began at this time, however, to wear itself out for a
season. Men became tired with the everlasting play
upon the pure syllogistic forms, and longed for some
variety, and a wider range for their powers and facul-
ties. The human mind became arid and mechanical,
there being nothing to touch or fire the inward soul,
nor satisfy its natural cravings for interesting novelties
or lofty speculations. The reasoning power itself
assumed a disproportionate activity and strength, and
was out of keeping with the other parts of the mental
structure. A reaction, therefore, against the entire
dialectic system was the natural consequence. The
heart and the head must be brought into a closer con-
tact and sympathy. Science and knowledge were to
be known and cultivated through the medium of con-
templative and elevated feelings, and not by boisterous
and logical chicanery. A new path to wisdom must
be discovered, and the old one of pure abstractions
abandoned. We must look to the moral and theologi-
cal principles of our being for this new direction,
where we shall find that contemplative intuition which
can alone give confidence to our footsteps, and conso-
lation to the spirit. We must impart comprehension
and spirituality to our reasonings, and no longer
mould them in those inanimate and shrivelled forms in
which the dialecticians present them to us. The new
school said, in fact, " What have we to do with the
HUGO ST VICTOR, RICHARD ST VICTOR. 143
disputes about genera or species, or particulars or
universals ? He for whom the eternal Word is enough,
is freed from an infinite perplexity of doubts and
opinions."
Hugo St Victor, a. d. 1140; and Eichard St
Victor, a. d. 1173. — These two scholastics were of
the contemplative school of logic. Hugo belonged to
Belgium, and Eichard to Scotland, and both were
monks of the Abbey of St Victor, at Paris.
Hugo's logical method may be summed up in the
following words : — " Our organs of sensation apprise
us of the nature of external objects, and the imagina-
tion refers to things beyond the confines of matter.
The latter power expands itself every where, and moves,
and acts, and creates, and wills, just as it pleases. It
ranges over boundless space, and embraces all the
works of the Almighty, meditates and contemplates
upon them, and all heavenly phenomena. Eeason
perceives the substances, forms, differences, proper-
ties, and qualities of objects. It detaches the qualities
from the object, not however in reality, but by the
power of abstraction, and places them before the eye
of the mind. The understanding is the faculty which
perceives invisible and spiritual substances or things.
Intelligence is that which immediately recognises the
existence and attributes of the Deity, and which
ascends to the source of all things, and to all that is
immutably true. . This intelligence is exclusively di-
rected to the abstract principles of things ; that is to
say, those relating to the Deity, to substance, and
ideas generally. Genius seeks after that which is un-
known, and reason judges of these discoveries of genius.
144 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
Memory gathers and preserves these judgments, and
collects other fresh materials from new decisions. There
is thus established a progressive system of ascension
from things inferior to things superior ; the one de-
pending upon the other. The understanding is a kind
of image of intelligence, reason a sort of image of the
understanding ; and so on throughout the whole extent
of mental operations. The senses form the imagina-
tion, and this again gives birth to reason and sagacity.
The Divine presence enlightens reason, and thus pro-
duces intelligence ; and this again gives rise to that
which we term wisdom. There are two distinct move-
ments, or it may be said, there are two distinct sexes,
in the human spirit. One movement bears reason to
heavenly things — this is true wisdom ; the other move-
ment draws it downwards to earthly objects — and this
constitutes worldly prudence and judgment.*
Richard's logical views may be stated as follows : —
" There are three parts to instruction — experience,
rational deductions, and faith. The first conducts to
profane and worldly knowledge ; the other two to ever-
lasting knowledge. Wisdom conducts to virtue, and
virtue to wisdom : nevertheless, men are generally car-
ried with more ardour towards wisdom than towards
virtue. The latter requires sacrifices — a triumph over
our passions, which cannot, in ordinary cases, be ob-
tained without a considerable effort.
" Philosophy is the living thought, the identical
reason, the primitive intelligence of all things.
" The exercise of the bodily senses precedes the
senses of the heart in a knowledge of things ; for if the
* Eruditio Didascalia, hook ii. c. 6.
JOHN OF SALISBURY, ETC. 145
mind were not made previously acquainted with them
through the influence of the organs of sensation, there
could be no opportunity for it to exercise thought upon
these objects. What are visible things, if they are not
a kind of picture of invisible objects ? But intelligence
is the power by the aid of which we can perceive in-
visible objects."
Gilbert de la Poree, a. d. 1150. — Gilbert was a
determined Eealist. He published a work entitled
The Six Principles, which some have considered as an
attempt to condense the Categories of Aristotle into
that number ; while other critics again affirm, that The
Six Principles were only a species of expansion of the
six latter Predicaments, which the Greek philosopher
had passed too cursorily over. Gilbert gives us a logi-
cal definition of form. " Form," says he, " is contin-
gent on matter, consisting of simple and invariable
essence."
Peter Lombard, a. d. 1170. — Peter Lombard, far
from indulging in any contemplative mysticism about
the nature of scientific truth, was nevertheless deeply
impressed with the conviction, that the general dialec-
tics of the day were by no means serviceable to the
progress of sound knowledge and religious truth. It
was in order to give a check to the current of logical
disputation, that he composed his Book of Sentences,
which was an attempt to harmonize general philosophy
with religion. He was a decided Eealist.
John of Salisbury, a. d. 1180. — This distinguished
scholastic was a native of England. He directed his
critical powers with great vigour against the prevalent
abuse of the formal logic so commonly taught in his
K
146 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
clay. He tells us that all his companions in France
were so entangled in sophistic pursuits, that they had
not for many years made a single step in the path of
useful knowledge, nor did he think it probable they
ever would. He says, " The benefits of the art, as it
perfected other mental acquisitions, I am ready to ad-
mit ; but by itself it is sterile and void of life."
This author tells us that there were six distinct sects
of Realists in his own time. These some modern critics
have, however, reduced to four ; namely, 1st, Those
who adopted the doctrines of Plato on ideas, and main-
tained that the names of genera and species belonged,
strictly speaking, only to those objectively existing
universals. 2nd, Those who thought that the indivi-
dual contained within itself the entire essence of the
class, and consequently, when such particular was
viewed in a certain light, it was itself an universal.
3d, Those who declared that the entire aggregate of
individuals was identical with the universal. And
4th, Those who looked upon the universal as a sub-
stance in some mode or other existing in the singular
being or object.
The following is his exposition of the Conception-
alists — a class of logicians whose notions are but very
vaguely understood even at the present hour : — " The
senses," says he, "judge of material things; but intel-
ligence is requisite to perceive spiritual or incorporeal
things, and reason to form a judgment of them. The
understanding considers real objects under various
points of view ; sometimes in an absolute manner,
sometimes as a whole ; sometimes as connected with
other things with which they are not necessarily con-
AMAURY DE CHARTRES, DAVID DE DINANT. 147
nected ; and sometimes separated from that with which
they may be combined. Though by analysis the ap-
pearance of things may be otherwise than their real
qualities, this operation is not nevertheless a vain con-
ception of the mind ; for it opens the way to the most
sagacious and useful investigations. Analysis is an
instrument of philosophy ; it sharpens reason, and dis-
tinguishes objects according to their true nature. If
we separate the understanding from the faculty of ab-
straction, we shall remove from the arts the arsenal
which contains their instruments. What the senses
perceive — that is, subject to forms — is primary and sin-
gular substance. We give the name of secondary substance
to that which is necessary to the existence of objects,
and to their susceptibility of being known to us. That
which is one is always one. A universal is that which
is common to many by reason of the constitution of
their nature. The notion of a universal is produced
in the understanding when it conceives the conformity
which nature has established amongst divers objects, as
their forms, qualities, &c. Though qualities and relations
cannot exist separately in the order of realities, they
can be separately laid hold of by the mind, and this is
the essential end or purpose of all true philosophy."
A short time after John of Salisbury, we have a
pantheistical reaction against the logical methods of
both the Nominalists and Eealists. This reaction
manifested itself in the writings of Amaury de Char-
tres, a, d. 1195, and David de Dinant, a. d. 1220.
Garson gives us the ideas of Amaury de Chartres
in the following words : — " Every thing is God, and
God is every thing. The Creator and the creature are
148 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
one and the same being. Ideas are at once creative and
created, God is the end of all things, in the same
sense that all things must return to him, in order to
constitute with him an immutable individuality. Just
as Abraham and Isaac are nothing but individualiza-
tions of human nature ; so all beings are only indi-
vidual forms of one sole essence." This is the ideal
pantheism he taught. Our ideas are the only things
in which there is any reality ; every thing besides these
is only a manifestation.
David de Dinant broached a pantheism of a material
cast. Deity is the universal matter of existence ; and
all forms — that is, every thing not material — are but
imaginary accidents or qualities.
Vincent de Beauvais, a. d. 1260. — Vincent studied
logic with great zeal. He supports the Realist theory
with great ardour. The three great problems pro-
posed by Porphyry, in his introduction to the Cate-
gories of Aristotle, relative to the certainty of general
ideas, engrossed the whole of Vincent's attention.
Before attempting to resolve them, he ascribes three
different meanings to the word being — the one meta-
physical, the second mathematical, and the third phy-
sical. On the first problem, after comparing the opin-
ions of Plato and Aristotle on the point, he comes to
the conclusion, that universals exist not only in the
intellect, but in nature. The second problem he solves
in accordance with universals relative to spiritual mat-
ters. The third and last problem he resolves in the
following fashion : — " There are two causes which bring
the universal within the sphere of being ; the one
material, which resides in the individual ; the other
ST THOMAS AQUINAS, ETC. 149
efficient, which resides in the understanding. Under
the first relation the universal is one in many ; in the
second it is one simply in unity. Thus we are able to
reconcile the conflicting opinions of Plato and Aris-
totle."*
William of Paris, a. d. 1270. — William was well
skilled in all the logical systems and speculations of
the Arabians. He points out six meanings to the word
truth : — 1st, The fidelity of the sign should express the
thing signified ; 2nd, Eeality opposed to apparent de-
ception ; 3d, The purity of a substance, as when we
call good silver that which is exempt from all adultera-
tion ; 4th, The essence of things, such as is expressed
by the definition ; oth, The existence of a Creator ;
6th, Simple logical truth, which relates to the harmony
between the terms and the proposition.
St Thomas Aquinas, a. d. 1274. — Thomas Aquinas
is the greatest name in the annnals of scholastic logic
and speculation. He was styled in his day the Ange-
lic Doctor. He was born in the kingdom of ^Naples ;
and after publicly teaching, with great eclat, at Bo-
logna and Paris, he died in 1274, in an Italian monas-
tery, at the early age of forty-seven.
The logical method of Aquinas, and his speculations
on the nature of truth and evidence generally, are de-
veloped chiefly in his Summa Theologica, and in his
Commentaries on some parts of the philosophy of Aris-
totle. The former work has retained a high character
among theologians and philosophers ever since its ap-
pearance ; and, in fact, it is almost the only treatise
* Speculum Doctrinale, lib. iii. chap. 7.
150 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
out of the numerous folios which the scholastic ages
produced, which we meet now in ordinary libraries, or
which is referred to as an authority by modern writers.
Aquinas maintained that the end or object of all
human science is the perfection of man. As there are
several paths to science, there must needs be some guid-
ing and regulating principle to collate and apply the
evidence from each to this grand and common result.
The different sciences are like individual and indepen-
dent states, but governed and directed by a federal head.
This federal authority or head, is mind. This mind or
intellect is to be considered under three phases : — 1st,
as being conversant about the causes of things. 2ndly,
as being entirely distinct from the external senses, be-
cause these relate to particular things or objects, where-
as the mind is conversant about universals. And
3dly, the mind is the only real standard of the in-
telligibility of things ; for, in proportion as it is freed
from material influences, its sphere is enlarged, its de-
cisions are more momentous and important, and the
happiness of man is more directly and extensively pro-
moted. All rational intelligence, therefore, depends
upon and springs out of the following categories, —
Being, Possibility, Existence, Cause and Effect, Action,
and Passion. Mind embraces the whole of these ; all
other parts or divisions of human knowledge have
only a partial and subordinate reference to them.
From such a huge mass of abtruse speculation as
the works of Aquinas present, it is entirely beyond
the reach of a work of this limited character to offer
even a naked summary or outline of his arguments.
ST THOMAS AQUINAS. 151
The reader must therefore be content with our touch-
ing upon a salient point here and there in his logical
philosophy.
Considering the unity of science in a logical point of
view, Aquinas asks the question, Do scientific prin-
ciples result from a pre-existing empirical knowledge ?
In grappling with this question, he maintains that there
are two elements in the principles of science ; the terms,
which he calls the matter of these principles, and the
relations of these terms. To illustrate this, let us take
the principle or proposition, the whole is greater than a
part. The ideas, whole and -part, are the terms or mat-
ter of the principle ; the idea of greater extension is
the relation of the terms. Again, in the principle or
proposition, the affirmative and the negative cannot be
both true of the same thing; the ideas of affirmation and
negation are the terms by means of which the mind
recognises the relation. Keeping in view this distinc-
tion, we immediately see a knowledge of the terms of
any principle whatever depends upon our idea derived
from experience ; but the knowledge of the relation of
these terms is not derived from experience, but is a part
of the mind itself. To illustrate this more fully, let us
take an example from the science of morals. The habit
of virtue rests upon the innate notion or conception of
what virtue is, or what it implies. Before the habit is
formed, virtue lies in an incipient state ; when it is exer-
cised, it enters into the experimental state, and then
arrives at its consummation. But the disposition and
power to act virtuously, is an altogether different ele-
ment or thing from the empirical habit of it. Now, it
is precisely the same with science. The germs of all
152 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
sciences lie in the rational conceptions of the mind.
From this doctrine, Aquinas laid it down as a logical
truth beyond all doubt, that every demonstration of a
formal proposition is the result of the union of these
two elements ; the experimental and the rational. The
one is the matter of the demonstration, and the other
its productive form. In this sense logic has a necessary
relation to ontology.
In the great controversy on universals, Aquinas
adopted the doctrine of the Realists, at least of that
division of the sect or party who maintained that the
one universal existed in the many individuals. This
notion followed from his exposition concerning form
and matter. Universals may be considered relative
either to their matter or their form. The matter of the
universal of tree, for example, is the union of all the
attributes or qualities which belong to trees. In this
sense universals are a parte rei ; their matter exists
solely in each individual thing or object. The form of
universals is the character or attribute of universality
applied to this matter; this character or attribute is
derived solely by abstracting what is peculiar to each
individual thing or object, in order to fix the attention
on what is common to many of them. Universals are,
consequently, a parte intellectus.
St Bonaventure, a. d. 1277. — This author was call-
ed the Seraphic Doctor, and his views of the nature of
scientific truth and logical evidence were of a spiritual,
or rather mystical character. The rational faculty of
man is illuminated in four different modes. The first
is external, and refers to the mechanical arts of life ; the
second internal, shewing the natural forms and sen-
DUNS SCOTUS, RAYMOND LULLY. 153
sible truths of things ; the third is also internal, mani-
festing intellectual and philosophical truths ; and the
fourth teaches divine things. There is a truth in lan-
guage, a truth in things, and a truth in manners.
Duns Scotus, a. d. 1308. — It has been a matter of
doubt whether this scholastic was a native of England,
Scotland, or Ireland — each country has contended for
the honour of his birth. He studied at Paris, under
St Bonaventure and Aquinas. He founded a logical
school, in opposition to his last-named master. He
differed with St Thomas relative to the Eealist question.
Aquinas maintained that universals existed really in
the individuals, whereas Duns Scotus affirmed that they
existed only formally in individual things or objects.
His broad doctrine was, that intelligence, as a principle,
had nothing to do with the formation of general terms ;
these were indeterminate entities really subsisting out
of the mind. He considered universal ideas to be the
production of another entity. This opinion was really
not his own, but had been broached by some specula-
tors before his time ; but he developed it more fully,
and with great subtilty and acuteness.
Duns Scotus died suddenly at Cologne, when he had
only reached his thirty- fourth year. His reputation
for logical ability was unbounded ; and historians have
left it upon record, that thirty thousand students press-
ed forward to attend his lectures.
Raymond Lully, a. d. 1309. — This was a zealous,
but eccentric logician. His life, in connexion with
logical and philosophical studies, is full of romantic
interest. His Ars Magna is the exposition of a plan
to enable the mind to work out all kinds of propositions
154 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
through the means of a mechanical table of ideas, dis-
posed in such a manner that their different correlations
would furnish satisfactory answers to every imaginable
sort of questions. A great deal of ingenuity is display-
ed in this logical scheme ; and some degree of interest
was at first excited in different schools of learning as to
its practical and successful application. But its barren-
ness and formality soon became apparent ; and many
of the scholastic doctors pronounced it as useless, and
as little better than a severe satire upon the entire
system of dialectic mechanism.
During the life of Lully, and for nearly two centuries
after his death, his opinions on logical science were
pretty generally adopted in seminaries of learning, both
in Majorca and in a part of Spain. Even in the col-
leges of Parma, Montpelier, Paris, and Borne, he was
cordially esteemed as a logician whose general views were
both enlightened and highly favourable to sound religion
and morality. His theory of reasoning was nearly in all
cases, however, adopted with some reservations; and
he was admired more for his ingenuity than for sound-
ness and comprehensiveness of judgment. The doctors
of the Sorbonne protested against the system of Lully,
although it was taught with great eclat at Toulouse by
Raymond de Seboncle. Politian praises his method ;
and Leibnitz himself thought his logical works a monu-
ment of genius and industry. He has been alike the
object of ardent admiration and severe censure. Whilst
it has been declared that the simple touch of his hand-
kerchief frequently cured hundreds of the sick, yet the
Church at one time pronounced himself and all his
disciples as heretics, and Gregory IX. placed his writ-
WILLIAM OCCAM. 155
ings, by a formal bull, in the Index Expurgatorkis.
There seems to have been as much vitality in his sys-
tem, as to maintain its remembrance for a considerable
time after the death of its founder.
The chief object of Lully was to reconcile the philo-
sophy of reason with revelation. This was the prime
notion at the bottom of his formal system. But the
leading conception is so attenuated and expanded by
numerous divisions, that it becomes almost impossible
to keep his original drift in view in prosecuting any
connected commentary on his speculations and forms.
His writings are voluminous to a surprising extent.
It has been stated that he wrote more than seven hun-
dred distinct treatises on philosophy and logic. The
most complete edition of his works is that published by
Bucholius, at Mayence, in ten volumes folio, 1721.
The following are among the best Spanish commen-
tators on the logic of Raymond Lully. Alphonsus
de Cepeda, Arboe de la Ciencia de Raimundo Lullo ;
Petrus Cirnelo, De Arte Raimundi ; Jaimus Januarius,
Ars Artium Raimundi ; and J. A. de Herrera, Apologia
pro Raimundo.
William Occam, a. d. 1320. — Occam was a native
of the county of Kent, studied at Merton College,
Oxford, under the celebrated Duns Scotus, and was
called the Invincible Doctor. The Realistic doctrines
met with a bold and formidable opponent in Occam.
He adopted a certain form of the Nominalists' theory.
He maintained that general ideas could not have an
existence independent of external things, and of the
Deity. In external things there can be no general or
universal ideas ; for in this case they would either be
156 LOGICAL PHILOSOrHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
the whole, or only a part of these things. In reference
to the Deity, these things do not constitute the inde-
pendent essence of the Divinity, but are simply objects
of knowledge. In the mind of man there is nothing
more than this. "Every substance," says he, "is
numerically one and singular; it is itself, and no other.
It is not the same with a universal. If the universal
were a thing existing in a number of individual or par-
ticular things, it would then possess a distinct and in-
dependent existence ; for every thing which is superior
to another thing, must, according to the established
laws of Grod, be independent of that thing — a conse-
quence which leads to a gross absurdity in reference to
universal notions." *
Again, " Every universal is really in itself a singular,
and is therefore solely a universal in consequence of its
signification, which is a sign or symbol of several things.
This doctrine was maintained by Avicenna, who de-
clares that a single form in the understanding is related
to a multitude of things, and is therefore a universal,
inasmuch as it is an intention in the mind, whose oper-
ation is invariable to whatsoever you apply it. In
consequence, this" form, though in relation to the indi-
viduals it is a universal, yet in relation to the intellect
on which it is impressed is itself only an individual,
for it is one of the forms which are in the understand-
ing." "No universal is any thing external to
the mind." "No universal is a singular sub-
stance ; for, should this be maintained, it would follow
that Socrates is a universal ; for there is no more reason
why one singular substance should be a general idea
* Logica Oceami, chap. xiv.
JOHN CHARLIER DE GERSON. 157
more than another." " If any substance be
more things than one, it must be either several singu-
lars or several universals. If the former, it follows that
a certain substance will be, — e. g.y several men ; and
then, although the universal will be distinct from any
one particular man, it will necessarily be, however, the
same with all the particulars together. But, looking at
the other side of the question, that one substance is
really several universals, we must then ask ourselves,
Is this universal a plurality of things, or only one ? If
we answer it is only one, it follows that it is only a
singular ; if we say it is several things, I again demand
whether it is several universals or several singulars, and
so on, ad infinitum"*
The commentators and critics of Occam have been
by no means agreed as to the precise nature of his own
opinions. He is charged with arguing in the most
decided manner against the Eealists — stating the case
of the Nominalists, and then leaving the question with-
out offering his own opinions upon it. What these
really were seems to be, that he could not go the whole
length with the Nominalists' theory, and that he was
substantially what is denominated a Conceptualist.
Occam's logical doctrines were prohibited in the
university of Paris by Pope John XXII. All persons
claiming the degree of Master of Arts were bound by
oath not to teach his system.
John Charlier de Gterson, a. d. 1363. — This able
man filled for some years the important office of Chan-
cellor of the University of Paris. He seems to have
entertained a very low estimate of the scholastic logic ;
* Logics chap. xiv.
158 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
and, to escape from its chilling effect, he took shelter
in the intuitive or mystical philosophy. He maintained
that "logic was not of itself a science, but only the
path which conducted to science." He conceived that
the pivot on which the whole contention of the schools
moved, arose from the notion which was invariably
attached to the general term being as the point of con-
tact between the thinking principle and an external
universe — a notion which had been buried under a load
of obscurity by imaginary abstractions and refined
verbal distinctions. He defines two distinct modes of
being : — " The one is absolute being or existence, arising
from the nature of the thing itself; the other consists
in its representative character as an object of the un-
derstanding. Being, under the latter point of view, is
quite a different thing from what it is under the former.
This distinction will be found to be the key for the
pacification of the Realists and Nominalists, if it can
be clearly and steadily seized and kept in view by the
mind. Real being or existence cannot constitute a
science, when considered in its objective character, in
relation to positive or absolute reality ; it does not
change its real existence to agree with modifications
arising out of this objective character. Such is the
error of the Realists, who wish to establish metaphysics
upon realities, without taking into account the opera-
tions of the understanding. On the other hand, the
Nominalists envelope themselves too frequently with
numerous verbal distinctions, which have little or no
meaning."*
The scholastic system which we have attempted to
* De Concordia Metaph. et Logic, 20.
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 159
sketch, taken in its widest logical sense and applica-
tion, failed in the grand object as a scientific organon,
chiefly from aiming at ideal perfection. Its deductive
apparatus wanted coherence in its first premises. Error
once admitted was irreparable ; and nothing could
check its downward movement. Its first principles fell
short of necessary truths, and its facts were by no
means infallibly tested. The chain of perfect demon-
stration became thus broken ; and no fresh materials
could repair the breach. The scholastic system dealt
with all subjects, but it dealt with them in so reflective
and formal a fashion, that it deadened the perceptions
of truth, and paralysed the active powers of mind.
Every thing fell into a mechanical routine, and a
drowsy apathy stole over the intellect, and deprived it
of all vigorous and healthy impulses and movements.
A change was imperatively called for; and when it
came, though it was slow, it was sure. Another order
of things was fast ripening to maturity, which gradually
widened the basis of human knowledge and freedom of
thought ; and, though old logical difficulties still re-
mained, they were rendered less disheartening by a
vast accession of new and interesting truths. The
schoolmen served their day and generation ; and were
soon to be supplanted by men of more enterprising
genius, and more varied tastes and acquirements.
160 FROM THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTER VIII.
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FOUR-
TEENTH CENTURY TILL THE PUBLICATION OF LORD BACON'S
NOVUM ORGAN UM, IN 1620.
Logical science was now on the eve of undergoing a
great change, both in its scientific and formal character.
New and powerful influences were about to display
themselves in rousing the activity of the European
mind, and in directing it into those paths of investiga-
tion which would extend the boundaries of knowledge
far beyond their present limits. In reference to Logic,
men were in a sort of transition state ; held, on the
one hand, by the power of custom and authority to
exercise their reasoning powers in a certain formal and
prescribed manner ; and, on the other, strongly urged,
from the circumstances of the times, to give unbounded
freedom to their faculties, and to set out afresh on new
discoveries in search of more comprehensive and satis-
factory methods and systems of eliciting and promul-
gating all truth, both secular and theological.
There were several causes external to the study of
logic itself, which had a considerable share in the pro-
ducing of this state of things. The dismemberment of
TILL THE NOVUM ORGANUM m 1620. 161
the Eastern empire induced a number of learned men
to take refuge in Italy, who were of contemplative and
speculative habits, and deeply imbued with philosophic
lore. They were received with enthusiasm in the
country of their adoption. They imparted a fresh
ardour to abstract studies, and particularly to logic and
mental philosophy, and other kindred subjects of in-
quiry. The entire system of Greek speculation was
overhauled, and submitted to a critical and most
searching examination ; and, as might be naturally
expected, men divided themselves into sects and
parties, in accordance with their general leaning to-
wards particular systems, connected with the great
and venerated names of antiquity. Plato and Aristotle
were the two grand centres of attraction and rivalship,
and divided between them, in certain variable propor-
tions, the general suffrages of the new school of philo-
sophical inquirers.
There was another event at this time highly influen-
tial in extending the boundaries of science generally,
and logic in particular ; namely, the discovery of the
art of printing. From the rise to the fall maturity of
scholastic philosophy, discussions on logical methods
had been chiefly, and indeed necessarily, confined to
oral lectures ; but after printing became somewhat
general, these discussions were embodied into formal
treatises, disseminated in every direction, and were
also submitted to a more critical ordeal than they ever
could have been subjected to within the walls of a
university or college. Hence logical inquirers became
better known, as well as more widely circulated ; and
they travelled with more rapidity and accuracy from
162 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
one country to another, than they had formerly done
from one professional chair to another.
It may be remarked here, that the general mass of
logical discussion which distinguishes this period of
history we have now entered upon, was marked by its
decided leaning towards viewing all reasoning methods
for the discovery and promulgation of truth, through
the medium of certain metaphysical principles and
faculties. The passionate admiration for Plato and
Aristotle encouraged this mode of thinking. The
Italian philosophers entered fully into all those ab-
stract notions which lie at the root of the dialectic
systems of both Plato and the Stagyrite ; and they
laboured hard to shew that these notions were in per-
fect good keeping with the purely formal systems of
reasoning adopted by both these distinguished men.
This is one of the leading features of the logical philo-
sophy of this period.
The logical writings of this section of history may be
classified, for all essential purposes of utility, under
three heads ; those of the philosophical, the theologi-
cal, and the mystical logicians.
PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
The logical writers under this head were chiefly
those who viewed the art or science of reasoning
through the medium of the Grecian philosophy. As
it was pregnant with antagonistic principles, there was
consequently a corresponding difference of opinion
among its expounders and commentators ; and on
some occasions we witness an almost complete depar-
PLETHO. 1 63
ture from the logical canons of Plato, Aristotle, and
other Greek speculators. Indeed we see here very
distinctly, for the first time during many centuries,
that men were bent on testing all logical methods and
systems by their own private judgment, and to be no
longer led by the sheer power of authority for ancient
and venerated names. This independent spirit, it is
true, was shared by a few only of the more bold and
courageous among the crowd of logicians of the times ;
but still the speculative principles of these despisers of
intellectual authority, have exercised a powerful influ-
ence on the general current of logical studies, from
their own day to the present hour.
George Gemistus Pletho (a. d. 1391) entered
warmly into the dialectic system of Plato. In his
work, On the Difference between the Platonic and
Aristotelian Philosophy, he endeavours to shew, that
Plato's views of the great principles which lay at
the foundation of the ratiocinative art, were the only
sound and elevating ones with which the human
mind could be satisfied in its pursuit after truth. In
every respect they were much superior to those em-
bodied in the Aristotelian system, which are manifestly
tinged to a great extent with empirical and material
elements. It must be acknowledged, however, that
Pletho carries his admiration of the Platonic system to
an extravagant and unwarrantable length, incorporating
in his disquisitions many of the attenuated and mys-
tical notions common to Eastern speculation, and to
the theories promulgated by the Alexandrian school.*
This was the reason why his work was, after his death,
* De Differentia, &c, pp. 44, 60. Frankfort Edition, 1584.
164 , PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
committed publicly to the flames. Bessarion, Bishop
of Mce (a. d. 1400), wrote also in favour of the Pla-
tonic dialectics, but in a more rational and subdued
tone than Pletho. The bishop conceived that there
were in reality but few points of difference between
Plato and Aristotle on the main principles of their re-
spective logical systems. What difference there was,
was more apparent than real ; arising not from the
purely abstract nature of the two systems, but from
the transcendental interpretation which was commonly
given to that which Plato espoused. His theory of
truth rested on the eternal character of his ideas, and
on his considering the law of thought and the rule of
it to be alike involved in, and necessary to all logical
processes whatever. Aristotle, as Bessarion points out,
viewed reasoning in the same light ; only the Stagyrite
did not adopt to its fullest extent Plato's system of ideas,
having their archetypes in the Divine mind. It was
chiefly from these considerations, that the bishop was
anxious to reconcile all those differences of opinion
which arose in his own day, relative to the respective
natures and importance of the Platonic and Aristotelian
dialectical philosophy.
Cosmo de Medici, being an enthusiastic admirer of
the dialectic theory of Plato, as well as of his other
speculations, patronised Marsilius Facinus (a. d. 1430),
and induced him to undertake a translation of all the
Platonic treatises, as well as to act upon the defensive
against the assailants of the great doctrines they con-
tained. Mr Eoscoe makes the following just observa-
tions on Facinus, in reference to the influence of his
labours on that spirit of free inquiry which a short time
FACINUS, GE0EGE OF TEEBIZOTO, ETC. 165
after his clay formed so conspicuous a feature in the
scientific mind, both of Italy and of other countries in
Europe. "The education of Facinus," says he, "was,
as he himself informs us, entirely directed to the new
philosophy. The doctrines and precepts of the Grecian
sage were assiduously instilled into his infant mind;
and, as he increased in years, he applied himself to the
study, not of the works of Plato only, but also those of
Plotinus — a distinguished promoter of the doctrines of
that philosopher in the third century. Nor were the
expectations which Cosmo had formed of Facinus dis-
appointed. The Florentine Academy was some years
afterwards established with great credit, and was the
first institution of Europe for the pursuit of science,
detached from the scholastic method then universally
adopted. It is true the sublime and fanciful doctrines
of Plato were almost as remote from the purposes of
common life and general utility as the dogmatic opinions
of Aristotle ; but the introduction of the former was
nevertheless of essential service to the cause of free
inquiry and substantial knowledge. By dividing the
attention of the learned, they deprived the doctrines of
Aristotle of that servile respect and veneration which
had so long been paid to them ; and, by introducing the
discussion of new subjects, they prepared the way for
the pursuit of truths more properly within the sphere
of the human intellect."*
The admirers of the Aristotelian logic were far from
viewing this homage paid to Plato with complacency,
Theodore Gaza (a. d. 1440), Georgius Scholarius (a. d.
1464), and George of Trebizond (a. d. 1484), were
* Life of Lorenzo de Medici, p. 15.
166 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
three Greek philosophers who came into Italy under
the patronage of the Medici family, and who were en-
thusiastic admirers of the logical philosophy of the
Stagyrite. They unitedly maintained the superiority
of his system above every other.
Manettus (a. d. 1435), a Florentine by birth, trans-
lated Aristotle's Categories, with Porphyry's Introduc-
tion, and wrote treatises on Wisdom, Truth, Possibility,
&c. His notion of the nature of all truth was, that it
was an absolute principle of unity, and that it was
essentially in essence the same in the Divine nature as
in man.* Larentius Yalla (a. d. 1445), a native of
Rome, warmly combated the Aristotelian logic, and
maintained that the study of it could in nowise advance
the cause of useful knowledge. Erasmus praises Valla
for his literary industry, learning, and eloquence. ]Sfor
ought we to omit mentioning the name of Erasmus
himself (a. d. 1464) as an enemy to the logic of the
schools, who in his treatise, The Praise of Folly, makes
use of the most severe and biting sarcasms against the
logical excesses and frivolities of the middle ages.
" They are making preparations (he writes) for a war
against the Turks. With what view soever this be
undertaken, we ought to pray God that it may be
profitable not to a few, but to all of us in common.
Should we conquer them, it is to be supposed (for we
shall hardly put them all to the sword) that attempts
will be made to bring them over to Christianity. Shall
we then put into their hands an Occam, a Durandus, a
Scotus, a Gabriel, or an Alvarus? What will they
think of us (for after all they are rational creatures),
* Opera, folio, p. 64. Frankf., 1564.
LUDOVICUS VIVES. 167
when they hear of our intricate and perplexed subtilties
concerning instants, formalities, quantities, and rela-
tions ? What, when they observe our quibbling pro-
fessors so little of a mind, that they dispute together
till they turn pale with fury, call names, spit in one
another's faces, and even come to blows ? What, when
they behold the Jacobins fighting for their Thomas, the
Minorites for their most refined and seraphic doctors,
and the Nominalists and Realists each defending their
own jargon, and attacking that of their adversaries ?"
The names of these three men are honourably known
in connexion with the improved translations of Aris-
totle's works. Gaza was, however, so ill rewarded for
his labour, that he fell into a state of hopeless despon-
dency, and destroyed himself. Trebizond wrote A
Comparison of Aristotle and Plato> full of party rancour
and bitterness. Scholarius was the author of an Intro-
duction to Porphyry on TJniversals, and a Commentary
on the Categories of Aristotle.
Ludovicus Vives (a. d. 1440), a man of great talent
and penetration of judgment, raised up his voice against
the general system of scholastic logic. He says : —
" Some persons maintain, that studies of this descrip-
tion are useful to prepare the way for other kinds of
learning, by sharpening and invigorating the faculties
of the student; and that those who understand such
subtile questions will the more readily acquire know-
ledge of a less difficult nature. Neither of these
assertions is true. One of the chief reasons why ques-
tions of this kind are thought profound and ingenious
is, that they are not fully comprehended; for it is no
uncommon thing for men to applaud what they do not
168 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
understand. In the opinion of many, however, these
enigmatical subtilties are only to be ranked as childish
amusements ; being in truth, not the produce of vigo-
rous understandings exercised by sound erudition, but
springing up in an unoccupied mind, from a sheer
ignorance of better things, like noxious weeds in un-
cultivated grounds."*
James Faber or Le Fevre (a. d. 1483) was another
mortal enemy to the logical philosophy of the school-
men. He conceived that all logical studies ought to
proceed from a broad and enlightened system of men-
tal philosophy ; and that the mere technicalities of the
schools tended to cramp and impair the human under-
standing. He wished to restore Aristotle's logic to its
original purity ; and his Commentaries on the Dialectics
of the Stagy rite, have this for their chief object. One
of his contemporaries states, that " Faber has rendered
the Peripatetic doctrine so obvious and intelligible, that
we have no longer any occasion for Ammonius, Sim-
plicius, or Philoponus." These logical innovations, how-
ever, brought upon the head of the author the perse-
cutions of the Sorbonne ; but he was protected by
Margaret, Queen of Navarre, at whose court he re-
mained for the remainder of his life, which terminated
at the advanced age of one hundred years. Nearly
contemporary with Faber, was Koclolphus Agricola
(a. d. 1484), who sought to effect a reformation of
logic He is praised by Leibnitz ; and Peter Ramus
affirms, that Agricola awakened a lively feeling in Ger-
many towards the correction of the abuses which had
for centuries disfigured the logical tuition of that
* Lib. iii., p. 120.
PETER RAMUS. 169
country ; and that he taught the youth of his day, not
only how to express themselves with correctness and
readiness in debate, but also to think and reason with
power and justness.
Peter Eamus (a. d. 1515) stands conspicuously in
the history of logic at this period. He was a very
popular lecturer of the science at the college of Na-
varre ; and, in order to obtain the degree of Master of
Arts, he published a thesis, in which he was bold
enough to controvert some of the chief tenets of the
philosophy of Aristotle, and also to speak in dis-
paraging terms of the logical system of the Stagyrite.
This act produced an immense ferment throughout the
whole of France. Alarm was pictured in every counte-
nance, and the university of Paris took the affair
immediately under their cognisance. The members
of this institution censured the conduct of Eamus
severely; they considered him a rash and headstrong
person, and charged him with bringing ridicule and
dishonour on their entire body. Nor did then censure
spend itself in mere words. They prosecuted Eamus
before the parliament of Paris, and petitioned that
some marked and adequate punishment should be
inflicted upon him for the heinous offence of which he
had been guilty; an offence, they affirmed, which di-
rectly aimed at the entire subversion of all sound
morality and religion. The members of the university
being, however, somewhat suspicious that the parlia-
ment might not enter so warmly into their views as
they desired, got the indictment against Eamus removed
to the king and council, where it was confidently an-
ticipated a suitable verdict would be obtained.
170 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
Francis the First was not slow to respond to the call
which the university made upon him. He entered
warmly into all their grievances and prejudices. Judges
were appointed to investigate the matter. They heard
evidence, and gave judgment in favour of the university.
The king heartily approved of the decision, and pub-
lished it as a royal mandate, with his own observations
upon it. The sentence was, that Ramus had been
guilty of rashness, impudence, arrogance, and igno-
rance ; that his thesis was an unfounded and malicious
attack on the Aristotelian logic, which all the world
admired, and which he did not himself comprehend ;
that the publication of this thesis should be entirely
suppressed for the peace of society, and the interest of
truth ; and that no person whatsoever should transcribe,
print, disperse, or read it, under pain of the most severe
punishment.
Teissier mentions, in his Eloge des Hommes Savans,
that the books of Ramus (his Institutionem Dialectics,
and Animadversiones Aristotelicce) were prohibited by
the Court, and publicly denounced before the Eoyal
College. Eamus was condemned to " abstain from
pursuing his logical instructions." His sentence was
published in Latin and French, and placarded through-
out all the streets of Paris. He was even publicly
ridiculed on the stage, amidst the uproarious plaudits
of thousands of the disciples of Aristotle. He recovered,
however, from these multiplied and unmerited insults.
The plague raged in Paris, and cut off several of
its most influential and popular of the professors of
the university ; and this event seems to have again
opened the way to his logic chair. In 1527, the sen-
PETER RAMUS. 1 71
tence of Trancis was reversed by Henry II., and
Eamus was appointed Eegius Professor of Eloquence
and Philosophy. But this was only a deceptive glimpse
of hope in his fortunes. Worse things soon awaited
him. The cry was raised against him of secretly enter-
taining and propagating Protestant opinions ; and, in
consequence of this imputation, he was assassinated at
the great massacre of St Bartholomew, and, shocking
to relate, his mutilated body was thrown out of the
windows of the college, and his infuriated students
actually tore out his very intestines, and dragged them
about the street ! *
Eamus gives us his reasons for making this attack
on the logic of Aristotle. He says, that after he had
spent three years in the study of this system of dialec-
tics, he put some questions to himself, " What use has
it been to me? Has it rendered me more fluent in
speech — given me a finer and quicker perception of
poetic beauties — made me better acquainted with all
those really important subjects which, when a man
thoroughly understands, he is said to be a wise man ? "
The answer, he tells us, to these questions, was not by
any means satisfactory. Wherein, then, lay the imper-
fection ? Did it rest with him, or with the system of
logic which he studied ? He pondered over these mat-
ters for some time : at length the dialogues of Plato
fell into his hands, and he thought he discovered a
more plain and effective instrument for general reason-
ing than that he had been using from Aristotle. Full
of this idea, he concocted that system of logic which
now bears his name ; and it was with this instrument
* Varillas, Hist, de Charles IX.
1 72 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
that he produced such a terrific effect amongst the
learned doctors of the university of Paris.
The leading notion which seemed to have occupied
the mind of Ramus relative to logic was, that all its
formal rules should be pure transcripts of the laws of
thought, as these are displayed in the act of reasoning.
ISTothing should be admitted into any system that will
not bear this test. He defines logic to be the art of
discoursing correctly or justly ; and the examples which
he gives are chiefly taken from the ancient orators and
poets. Though professing to introduce new matter
into the science of reasoning, yet all his innovations
are merely of a nominal character ; for the essentials
of his work are altogether of an Aristotelian cast.
Ramus seems to have had a very incorrect and incom-
plete idea of definition. He places it in the first rank
in all logical operations. And there can be no doubt
but this led him to pay more attention to verbal than
mental definitions.
It is difficult to determine of what the great logical
improvements of Ramus consists. His system, viewed
as a whole, seems as complicated and as formal as any
work of the kind, even in the most rampant days of
the schoolmen. It has been surmised, and I think
truly, that Ramus owes more of his popularity to his
disclaimer of Aristotle's authority, than to any thing
he himself suggested or did in reference to logical
science. In this he kept no bounds. He vilified the
private character of Aristotle, and attempted also to
shew, that the logical works attributed to him were
really not written by him, but were the result of studies
long prior to his day — to Prometheus among the
PETER RAMUS. 173
Greeks, and to Noah among the Israelites. Mr Hallam
observes, that " as the logic of Eamus appears to be of
no more direct utility than that of Aristotle in assisting
us to determine the absolute truth of propositions, and
consequently could not satisfy Lord Bacon, so perhaps
it does not interfere with the proper use of syllogisms,
which indeed, on a less extended scale than in Aristotle,
form part of the Eamean dialectics. Like all those
who assailed the authority of Aristotle, he kept no
bounds in depreciating his works, — aware, no doubt,
that the public, and especially younger students, will
pass more readily from admiration to contempt, than to
a qualified estimation of any famous man."*
After his death, the logic of Eamus became very
popular in many of the European seats of learning.
Melancthon introduced it into Germany ; in some parts
of Italy it was received with favour ; and even in
France itself, in many districts at least, it contested
the honour with the Stagyrite himself. Andrew Mel-
ville introduced the logical doctrines of Eamus at
Glasgow university; and they were prelected on at
Cambridge in 1590. His work passed through various
editions in England before the year 1600. His views
were also well known at this time in Switzerland, Den-
mark, and Holland.
An able and popular historian and biographer of the
Eeformation, has expressed himself deeply impressed
with the great advantages which resulted, to Scotland
in particular, from the cultivation of the logical system
of Eamus. It is on this account that I venture to lay
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 390.
174 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
the following quotations before the reader, containing,
as they do, many observations worthy of notice : —
" In investigating the progress which science made
in Scotland during this period, the first thing which
strikes us is the introduction of the Eamean philoso-
phy, and its general substitution in the room of the
Aristotelian. The influence which Eamus had in the
advancement of philosophy, has not, in my opinion, had
that importance attached to it by modern writers which
it deserves. In forming an estimate of the degree in
which any individual has contributed to the illumination
of the age in which he lived, it is necessary to take into
account something more than the character of his opin-
ions viewed in themselves : we must show that they
were brought fairly and fully into contact with public
opinion, and attend to the circumstances which com-
bined to aid or to neutralize their effect. By a close
examination of the writings of such men as Bruno and
Cardan, we may discover here and there a sentiment
akin to a truer philosophy ; but then these sentiments
appear to have struck their minds during certain lucid
intervals, and are buried in a farrago of fantastic, extra-
vagant, and unintelligible notions, which must have
discredited them with every sober thinker. They are to
be viewed rather as curious phenomena in the history of
individuals, than as indications of the progress made by
the human mind. There are three grand events in
the modern history of philosophy. The first is the
revival of literature, which, by promoting the study of
the original writings of the ancients, rescued the Aris-
totelian philosophy from the barbarism and corruption
PETER RAMUS. 1 75
which it had contracted during the middle ages. The
second is the emancipation of the human mind from
that slavish subjection to authority under which it had
been long held by a superstitious veneration for the
name of Aristotle. The third is the introduction of
what is commonly called the inductive philosophy. In
the progress of the human mind it behoved the two
former to precede the latter. In bringing about the
first, a multitude of persons in all parts of Europe had
co-operated with nearly equal zeal. The merit of
effecting the second is in a great measure due to one
individual. The Platonic school, which was founded in
the fifteenth century, did not produce any extensive or
permanent effects on the mode of study and philoso-
phizing. It originated in literary enthusiasm ; its dis-
ciples were chiefly confined to Italy; and they con-
tented themselves with pronouncing extravagant and
rapturous panegyrics on the divine Plato. Valla,
Agricola, Yives, and Nizolius, had pointed out various
defects in the reigning philosophy, and recommended
a mode of investigating truth more rational than that
which was pursued in the schools. But they had not
succeeded even in fixing the attention of the public on
the subject. The attack which Eamus made on the
Peripatetic philosophy was direct, avowed, powerful,
persevering, and irresistible. He possessed an acute
mind, acquaintance with ancient learning, an ardent
love of truth, and invincible courage in maintaining it.
He had applied with avidity to the study of the logic
of Aristotle ; and the result was a conviction, that it
was an instrument utterly unfit for discovering truth in
1 76 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
any of the sciences, and answering no other purpose
than that of scholastic wrangling and di-gladiation. His
conviction he communicated to the public ; and, in
spite of all the resistance made by ignorance and pre-
judice, he succeeded in bringing over a great part of
the learned world to his views. What Luther was in
the church, Ramus was in the schools. He overthrew
the infallibility of the Stagyrite, and proclaimed the
right of mankind to think for themselves in matters of
philosophy — a right which he maintained with the most
undaunted fortitude, and which he sealed with his
blood. If Ramus had not shaken the authority of the
long venerated Org anon of Aristotle, the world might
not have seen the Novum Organum of Bacon. The
faults of the Ramean system of dialectics have long
been acknowledged. It proceeded upon the radical
principles of the logic of Aristotle ; its distinctions often
turned more upon words than things ; and the artificial
method and uniform partitions which it prescribed in
treating every subject were unnatural, and calculated
to fetter, instead of forwarding, the mind in the dis-
covery of truth. But it discarded many of the useless
speculations, and much of the unmeaning jargon re-
specting predicables, predicaments, and topics, which
made so great a figure in the ancient logic. " It in-
culcated upon its disciples the necessity of accuracy
and order in arranging their own ideas, and in analys-
ing those of others. And as it advanced no claim to
infallibility, submitted all its rules to the test of practi-
cal usefulness, and set the only legitimate end of the
whole logical apparatus constantly before the eye of the
PETER RAMUS. 177
student, its faults were soon discovered, and yielded
readily to a more improved method of reasoning and
investigation." *
" The bold and persevering spirit/' says Dugald
Stewart, "with which Eamus disputed, in the univer-
sity of Paris, the authority of Aristotle, and the perse-
cution he incurred by this philosophical heresy, entitle
him to an honourable distinction from the rest of his
brethren. He was certainly a man of uncommon acute-
ness, as well as eloquence, and placed in a very strong
light some of the most vulnerable parts of the Aristo-
telian logic ; without, however, exhibiting any marks of
that deep sagacity which afterwards enabled Bacon,
Descartes, and Locke, to strike at the very roots of
the system. His copious and not inelegant style as a
writer, recommended his innovations to those who
were disgusted with the barbarism of the schools ;
while his avowed partiality for the reformed faith (to
which he fell a martyr in the massacre of Paris), pro-
cured many proselytes to his opinions in all the Pro-
testant countries of Europe. In England his logic had
the honour, in an age of comparative light and refine-
ment, to find an expounder and methodizer in the
author of Paradise Lost ; and in some of our northern
universities, where it was very early introduced, it
maintained its ground till it was supplanted by the
logic of Locke." It has been said of Eamus, that
" although he had genius sufficient to shake the Aris-
totelian fabric, he was unable to substitute any thing
more solid in its place;" but it ought not to be for-
gotten, that even this praise, scanty as it may now
* M 'die's Life of Melville, vol. ii. p. 302.
M
178 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
appear, involves a large tribute to his merits as a phi-
losophical reformer. Before human reason could ad-
vance, it was necessary that it should first be released
from its fetters.*
James Concio (a. d. 1530) was a native of Trent,
and is the author of a little work, De Methodo, of con-
siderable merit. He sets out with some observations
showing the necessity of a given or prescribed method,
when pursuing our philosophical inquiries into any sub-
ject whatever. This method is the primordial idea on
which the mind rests ; and to bring out all our con-
clusions in strict logical harmony with it, is, or ought
to be, the grand object of all reasoners. A method is
a classified arrangement, a general term, a starting-
point, a conception, a comprehensive idea, a purpose
or end, a theory or a hypothesis. It is like the
central point of a circle to which all the radii converge.
Hence no formal system of logic can be intelligible,
unless there be a method lying underneath it which
aims at accomplishing some definite thing, or effecting
some definite conclusion of the understanding. A
method is the living principle of all formal reasoning ;
without it the mere technicalities of an argumentative
process are devoid of all significancy or value.
All terms, such as general idea, principle, concep-
tion, genus, species, analysis, synthesis, &c, have then-
foundation in the notions of method which the human
mind, from its first rudimental movements, is led to
entertain. These terms, or their equivalents, enter
into every thing susceptible of arrangement and classi-
fication. Children display this power of methodizing
* Dissert., p. 30.
JAMES CONCIO. 179
very early in life; and among all characters of men
we find it in active operation, and as constituting one
of the chief features in their intellectual physiognomy.
But there is, so to speak, a method even in the em-
ployment of method. We find abuses from the use
of it, just as we find abuses from the employments
of many of our powers and faculties. Absurd sys-
tems and theories arise out of the use of method, as
well as rational and sound ones. To determine its fit
and beneficial application, there would seem to be
a set of faculties which sit in judgment, as it were,
upon it, determining the legitimacy of its use here,
and denouncing its misapplication there. All kinds of
scientific excellencies and defects take then rise from
this common source ; from the huge collector of scat-
tered and undigested facts, to the concise and methodi-
cal systematizer of them for popular use and instruction.
Method is the first step in the rational movements of
men ; the significant symbol of growing intelligence
and usefulness. It operates as a finger-post to point
out the road to some hitherto unknown or undiscovered
region. There is in the mind of every philosophical
inquirer an undefined notion of the direction he should
take, the general appearance he should give to his
materials, and the end or purpose they should serve;
still, as this is but vaguely set before the intellect by
the notion of method adopted from the commencement
of his labours, the intrinsic value and importance of
the guide can only be estimated when the journey is
finished, and the labours summed up.
Method, he tells us again, is the proper manner of
proceeding, whether in the examination of known
180 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
truths, the obtaining of those which are not known, or
in transmitting knowledge to others. But a philoso-
phical method requires preliminary arrangements. It
is requisite we should determine beforehand in what
the knowledge of things consists, how we obtain that
knowledge, what matters it embraces, and what por-
tion of these we are able to trace to their proper causes.
These are considerations of great moment. We may
be said to have a perfect knowledge of a thing if we
know what it is ; comprehend it, not only as a whole,
but in all its most minute parts and dependencies.
We should know the genus as well as the species ; not
only immediate or proximate causes and effects, but
those that are more remote and hidden.
All knowledge deduced from a process of reasoning
presupposes some primitive truths, immediate, founded
on nature, and independent of the reasoning process.
The office of method is to bring these primitive truths
to light.*
Logic may be summed up as the " right method of
thinking and teaching:" recta contemplandi docendique
ratio. This "right method" demands great attention
and labour ; so much so, indeed, that Concio affirms,
that if a subject required thirty years' study or applica-
tion, he would not think it disproportioned to allot
two-thirds of that period to the acquiring a dexte-
rous use of the methodical arrangements requisite for
the execution of the work. He lays great stress upon
the rules which he gives for constructing definitions, by
paying strict attention to the genus and differentia.
The soundness of many of these rules may, however,
* De Metlmdo, §§ 1, 3, 13, 20, 61. Antwerp, 1602.
ZABARELLA, NIZOLINI, CAMPENELLA. 181
be fairly called in question. In the distributing of a
subject the analytic method is the best, both for the
investigation and communicating of truth.
James Zabarella (a. d. 1532) was a logician of some
note, and published Commentaries on Aristotle. Marius
^izolini (a. d. 1553), wrote a work On the Proper
Principles and Mode of Reasoning, in which he dis-
cusses some of the leading points of the Aristotelian
logic, and likewise enters into an inquiry relative to
the nature and offices of general terms. He was a
decided [Nominalist, and conceived that the Eealistic
theory had not a single argument of any weight on
which it could rest. Leibnitz, who published an edi-
tion of his work with an able preface, censures Nizo-
lini for his unmeasured condemnation of the Eealists.
In Italy his work met with little countenance or sup-
port— chiefly from his violent censures on the logic of
Aristotle; and in more modern times it has been
variously estimated by Bruker, Buhle, Dugald Stewart,
and others. " Nizolini argues," says Mr Hallam,
" against all dialectics, and therefore differs from Eamus
— concluding with two propositions as the result of his
whole book : — That as many logicians and metaphysi-
cians as are any way found, so many capital enemies
of truth will then and there exist ; and that, so long as
Aristotle shall be supreme in the logic and metaphysics
of the schools, so long will error and barbarism reign
over the mind. There is nothing very deep or pointed
in this summary of his reasoning." *
Thomas Campanella (a. d. 1568) was one of the
most active spirits of his age. He seems to have early
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 18.
182 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
in life imbibed a strong feeling against the logical
system of the schools. He enters into the question
as to its value in his work, Philosophia Mealis. He
here states fully the arguments for and against it ; and
comes to the conclusion, that the interests of truth and
the salvation of men require that a final and complete
renunciation should be made of the Aristotelian logic.
He maintains that all truth centres in a Deity ; and
there are only two great sources from which it can be
obtained, — first, by examining nature carefully by way
of induction, and then directing the attention to what
intuition teaches, and to what the prophets reveal to
us. These he considers as the chief heads under which
all human knowledge should be classified.
The innovations which Campanella introduced into
dialectics, could scarcely be said to be any decided im-
provement on the system of the schools. He seems to
have laboured under the notion, that whatever he could
advance contrary to the formal system of the Stagyrite,
must necessarily prove a valuable addition to logical
science.
He expresses himself with great contempt for the
logical squabbles' so frequent and inveterate in the ages
which had preceded him. In his work, De Investiga-
tions, he says that he ventures upon pointing out to
young men a better and readier mode of obtaining
knowledge than either Plato or Aristotle ever taught.
He would teach them to reason, not like Raymond
Lully, through the instrumentality of mere words, but
from the sensible objects and operations of nature
around them.
Sanchez (a. d. 1576), a Portuguese physician, was a
SANCHEZ. 183
theoretical logician of a decidedly sceptical cast. His
arguments, if such they may be called, are chiefly those
which the ancient Pvrrhonians used, arising from the
differences of opinion and sentiment among mankind
on most subjects of acknowledged importance. There
is nothing new or striking in Sanchez's scepticism. He
maintains there are two modes of arriving at truth, but
neither of them give us positive information of the
real nature of things. These modes are experiment
and reason. Neither of these alone can communicate
absolute scientific truth. Mr Hallam observes, that
" this treatise of Sanchez's bears witness to a deep
sense of the imperfections of the received systems in
science and reasoning, and to a restless longing for
truth, which strikes us in other writers of this latter
period of the sixteenth century. Lord Bacon, I believe,
has never alluded to Sanchez, and such paradoxical
scepticism was likely to disgust his strong mind ; yet we
may sometimes discern signs of a Baconian spirit in
the attacks of our Spanish philosopher on the syllogis-
tic logic, as being built on abstract and not significant
terms, and in his clear perception of the difference be-
tween a knowledge of words and one of things."*
Logical pursuits had been cultivated the latter part
of the fifteenth, and the whole of the sixteenth century,
with great ardour and industry. Independent of those
names we have singled out in the sections of this chap-
ter, there were many other logicians of no small repu-
tation, both as teachers and writers. There seemed to
be a restless desire for indefinite logical innovations,
both as to fundamental principles and formal systems.
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 16.
184 PHILOSOPHICAL LOGICIANS.
New methods of investigation, and new classifications
and arrangements of rules, were seen springing up in
every direction. Many were eagerly engaged in pulling
down old systems, while others were tenaciously de-
fending them. Every where men's minds appeared in
search of new truths, and more practical and popular
modes of disseminating them when found. Kecker-
man, who published his Prcecognitio in 1606, tells us
that there were upwards of sixty distinguished logical
writers in his day.
In Spain and Italy there were many logical authors
of note in the sixteenth century. We can do nothing
more than merely mention a few of them. All the
logicians of the former country took their leading prin-
ciples from the system of speculation developed by
Thomas Aquinas. In Italy there was not the same
uniformity among its theoretical writers on the art of
reasoning. Francis Toledo (a. d. 1550) wrote Institu-
tiones ad Logicam ; Father Zunica (a. d. 1560) was a
popular teacher of dialectics; Antonius Eubeo (a. d.
1582) was the author of Commentaria in Universam
Aristotelis Logicam; Franciscus Murcia de la Liana
(a. d. 1584), Selecta circa Universam Aristotelis Dialec-
ticam ; Francis Gonzalez (a. d. 1600), Logica Tri-
partita ; to whom may be added the names of Francis-
cus de Bivar, Antonio Coronelli, Antonius Johannes
Andreas ; Gregorius Valentinus Arcisius ; Barth. J.
Paschius, Dominic Soto, Joh. Bapt. Monlorius, John
Clementis, and Petrus H. de Mendoza.
In Belgium and Holland we have many distin-
guished names connected with logic in the sixteenth
century. Among the number we may mention Petrus
THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS, 185
de Bruxella, Petrus Bertius, Joh. Murmellius, J.
Polyander, Th. Eebus, P. Grallardius, Justus Yelsius,
J. Sturmius, P. Carpenterius, John Bononia, J. Csesa-
rius, Th. Buridanus, Father Dionysius, Franciscus
Byrs^eus, F. Titelmannus, Bodolphus Snellius, Augus-
tus Huens, Bar. Latonius, Martinus Dorpius, Gerd,
Listrius, and Joh. Aldeburgus.
Olaus Mcolai Nericius introduced the logical doc-
trines of Peter Bamus into Sweden in 1570. He
illustrated them with great eloquence, and was one of
the most popular lecturers on logic in the north of
Europe. John Skytte was at the same time the zeal-
ous organ of the Aristotelian system. Bishop Gothus
published his Comments in 1578, on the general scope
of Eamus's innovations in logic ; and a short time after
this, J. Rudbeckius gave to the world his System of
Logic, in which were incorporated many important
metaphysical speculations.
THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
The great movement of the Eeformation effected
logical science considerably — not only in its formal, but
in its scientific character. All the great reformers,
though differing on matters of detail as to logical
instruction, maintained that the Scriptures, as a whole,
had their own philosophical method relative to the
manner in which truth should be investigated and dis-
seminated among mankind. They dealt with the
science of man in all his relations as a political, social,
moral, and religious being. On all the branches of
knowledge springing out of these several relations.
186 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
they spoke with authority and without compromise.
There was no appeal from their decisions. What was
not taught in the Bible concerning human nature, was
neither true nor fit to be taught. This was the first
time in the history of mankind that Eevelation had
been fairly and directly placed, face to face, with the
natural understanding of man. Whatever conflicts
had taken place between the philosophy of pure reason
and theological truth, had only assumed the character
of occasional skirmishes ; but now the great battle was
to be fought, which should once and for ever deter-
mine where sovereign authority should permanently
reside.
It was impossible that such ardent minds as those of
the Reformers, could view with complacency any mere
dry and formal study, which seemed to cramp the
energies of the mind, and which dealt, or professed to
deal, with the great principles of human reasoning.
And this impossibility will appear still greater when
we reflect that a system of this kind was one of the
chief instruments which sustained the power and influ-
ence of their enemies. Accordingly we find, that the
scholastic logic was one of the first things to which
Luther and his reforming associates directed their
attention. It presented a stupendous stumbling-block
at the threshold of their theological movements. To
remove it altogether seemed beyond their strength;
and to modify it appeared a work of no ordinary diffi-
culty. But something was to be done. It must be
grappled with in some shape, or Protestant doctrines
and teachings would be of no avail. Luther, being the
most ardent and impetuous of all the Reformers, and
LUTHER. 187
the least able to brook authority of any kind, was very
much inclined to strangle the " logical monster " forth-
with, as the only means of making his future footsteps
smooth and secure. Of course he keeps no terms with
the schoolmen. He decidedly declares, that it would
be impossible to establish any beneficial mode of public
tuition in theology, if students were to be clogged with
the scholastic dialectics. He spoke from experience,
having filled an Aristotelian chair of philosophy him-
self. The Bible was every thing to him. He even
goes so far as to paraphrase its grand and leading doc-
trines with the chief divisions of the philosophy of the
schools in a somewhat whimsical manner. He says,
" In divine things, the Father is the Grammar ; for
he imparts words, and is the source whence flow good,
pure, and harmonious sayings. The Son is Logic, and
suggests arrangement, order, and sequence of ideas. The
Holy Ghost is Rhetoric, states, presses home, enlarges,
and gives life and strength, so as to impress and hold the
hearers' hearts. The schoolmen have neglected these
important signs for silly trifles." " The decalogue is
the doctrine of doctrines ; the creed the history of his-
tories; the Lord's prayer the prayer of prayers ; the
sacraments the ceremonies of ceremonies." Again he
says, " What doth it contribute towards the knowledge
of things, to be perpetually trifling and cavilling, in
language conceived and prescribed by Aristotle, con-
cerning matter, form, motion, and time?" "I am
persuaded that neither Thomas, nor all the Thomists
together, ever understood a single chapter of Aristotle."
"The schoolmen! let them go to ." "The
pagan Aristotle was held in such honour, that whoever
188 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
had disputed his authority would have been condemned
at Cologne as a rank heretic ; but that he was so little
understood, that a monk, preaching on the passion,
favoured his hearers with a two hours' discussion of the
question, whether quality were really distinct from sub-
stance— stating as an instance, " I could pass my head
through that hole, but not the size of my head."
The cumbersome forms and quaint language of the
dialectic system annoyed Luther not a little. He says,
" The most celebrated and best school is at Paris, in
France. It has twenty thousand students and upwards.
The theologians there have the pleasantest spot in the
whole city, being a street to themselves, with gates at
each end : it is called the Sorbonne — a name derived, I
fancy, from the fruit of the service-tree (sorbus), which
grows by the Dead Sea, and which, beautiful without,
are only ashes within. Even so the university of Paris
shows a goodly multitude, but is the mother of many
errors. In disputing, they bawl like drunken peasants
in Latin and French, so that the auditors are obliged
to stamp with their feet to silence them. Before one
can take one's degree as doctor of theology, one is
obliged to have been a student of their sophistical and
futile logic for ten years. The respondent must sit a
whole day, and dispute with every comer, from six in
the morning to six in the evening." " If I were to
write a treatise on logic, I would reject every foreign
word, as proposition syllogismus, enthemena, exemplum,
&c, and give them German synonyms." " Aristotle,
Porphyry, the theologians of the sentences — these are
the unprofitable study of this age. I desire nothing
more ardently than to lay open before all eyes this false
LUTHER. 189
system, which has tricked the church by covering itself
with a Greek mask, and to expose its worthlessness
before the world." " If the syllogistic method were
applicable to divine things, the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity would be ' known/ and not ' believed.' '
"Aristotle is to theology as darkness to light."
Luther had studied logic under Justus Jodocus
of Eisenach, or, as he is commonly called, Dr Eisenach,
a monk, and the author of two works, Summa Totius
Logicce, 1501, and Epitome seu JBreviarium Dialectics.
Luther seems to have entertained a great affection for
his master ; but the latter felt deeply concerned at the
former's reproachful and unqualified denunciations of
the scholastic system — a system which appeared, in the
doctor's eyes, as the sum and substance of all real
knowledge and learning. And it is affirmed, that so
much did he take the matter to heart, that his death
was hastened, if not actually produced, by the opinions
and sentiments of the great reformer on this subject.
In Luther's letters we find these differences between
his logical tutor and himself often alluded to. In an
epistle, addressed to Spalatin, there is a remarkable
passage containing his opinion of the school logic in
reference to theology ; and so important are his state-
ments, that although the passage is long, I cannot
refrain from quoting it, because it embodies in fact,
and in very clear terms, some of the leading philoso-
phical difficulties which lie in the way between this
logical system and revealed truth.
" You ask," says Luther, " how far I think dialectic
is useful to theology ; verily I do not see how it can be
other than poison to a true divine. Grant that it may
190 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
be useful as a sport or exercise for youthful minds, still
in sacred letters, where simple faith and divine illumi-
nation are to be awaited, the whole matter of the syllo-
gism is to be left below, even as Abraham, when about
to sacrifice, left the youth with the asses. And this,
John Eeuchlin, in the second book of his Cabbala,
sufficiently confirms. For if any dialectic be necessary,
that given by nature is enough, by which a man is led
to compare one belief with another, and so to arrive at
the truth. I have not unfrequently engaged in discus-
sions with my friends as to the profit to be gained from
this so sedulous study of philosophy and dialectic ; and
truly with one consent we have marvelled at, yea be-
wailed over, the calamity of minds finding in these
studies no help, but rather a whole flood of hinderance.
" Finally, I have written to Dr Isenach, the prince
of dialecticians (as it seems) in this age, insisting most
strongly on the same thing, which indeed cannot be
denied ; to wit, that dialectic cannot help theology, but
rather hinders it, because the same grammatical terms
are used in a widely different sense in theology and in
logic. How, therefore, I say, can dialectic be of any
use, when, after "I enter on theology, the same term
which in logic signified such a thing, I am compelled
to reject, and to receive in another sense ? And, that I
may not multiply words, take for example the follow-
ing : — Body, in the tree of Porphyry, signifies a thing
made up of matter and form; but such body cannot
belong to man, seeing that in the Scriptures our body
signifies matter only, not also form; as where it is said,
' Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able
to kill the soul.' Farther, I instance the absurd state-
MELANCTHON. 191
merit, that an angel is neither rational nor irrational ;
as also, that it is of no use to the Scriptures for a man to
be called sensitive, rational, corporeal, animated; and
briefly, the whole of that arrangement of the tree of
Porphyry, I have said, and still say, is more trivial
than an old woman's fancy or a sick man's dream, and
justly, therefore, is it called Porphyrean (that is,
bloody), from the Christian souls, to wit, which it has
slain.
" The good man took it much to heart, and affirmed
that my sophisms could not be credited even by my-
self. But these worthies are the bondmen of Aristotle
and Porphyry, and consider not what is said, but
simply who says it. Hence it comes that they are not
able to understand a single chapter of Scripture, much
less to render it."*
Melancthon's antipathy to the scholastic logic was
not so bitter as that of Luther's ; but he by no means
entertained a very high opinion of its merits. Speak-
ing in general terms he says, " It was, however, the
prevalent opinion, that logical philosophy was to be
pursued merely in subservience to theological disputa-
tion, and to furnish weapons for controversy. [Nothing
but abstruse and subtle questions were proposed, which
generated a war of words. It was characteristic of the
scholastic philosophy to display all possible ingenuity
in reasoning about nothing, or nothing better than the
merest trifles. Dialectics were employed not to assist
the understanding in the search for truth, which is their
* Luther's Briefe, Ed. De Wette, vol. i. See also Baynes, " On the New
Analytic of Logical Forms," Appendix, pp. 108-113, from which this extract is
taken.
192 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
only legitimate application, but to perplex what was
plain, to distinguish what did not differ, and to entangle
the mind in a labyrinth of inexplicable absurdities.
The topics of discussion were intention and remission,
proportion and degree, infinity, formality, quiddity,
individuality, and others equally intelligible and edify-
ing ! Aristotle was considered as having reached the
utmost limit of human knowledge — a convenient opin-
ion, it must be admitted, for those who were desirous
of being spared the trouble of thinking or examining
for themselves ; and so preposterous was their attach-
ment to this heathen oracle, that they blasphemed the
great Teacher of the world by publicly reading to the
people in sacred assemblies the Ethics of Aristotle, in-
stead of the Gospel of Christ I" *
Melancthon's opinions underwent, however, a change
as to the Peripatetic system. He conceived that it
was not, in its general tenor, so inimical to the Chris-
tian faith as Luther conceived. Melancthon says, " I
will add something concerning philosophy, and the
reasons for believing that of Aristotle to be the most
useful for the church. It is agreed, I think, by all,
that logic is of prime importance, because it teaches
method and order ; it defines fitly, divides justly, con-
nects aptly, judges and separates monstrous associa-
tions. Those who are ignorant of this art, tear and
mangle the subjects of discourse as puppies do rags. I
admire the simile of Plato, who highly extols it as re-
sembling the fire which Prometheus brought from
heaven, to kindle a light in the minds of men by which
they might be able to form correct ideas. But he does
* Melanc. Apol , p. 62.
MELANCTHON, ETC. 193
not furnish us with the precepts of the art, so that we
cannot dispense with the logic of Aristotle. That of
the Stoics is not extant ; and, instead of being a simple
method of reasoning fit for the explanation of profound
subjects, it appears to have been a complete labyrinth
of intricacies, and, in fact, a mere corruption of the
art."*
The two chief ends which Melancthon proposed to
himself in compiling his two treatises on logic, was to
shorten the student's passage to a knowledge of the
science, and to guide and direct him through the chan-
nel of religious sentiment and doctrine. His contem-
poraries give him credit for the accomplishment of both
these purposes. And what was Melancthon's object in
this respect, was alike the object which all the most
active continental reformers had in view. They wished
to avail themselves of whatever was rational and sound
in the old logic ; but at the same time cultivating an
acquaintance with it through the medium of more
comprehensive and liberal principles of philosophical
inquiry than those adopted by the generality of the
schoolmen.
The professors of logic in most of the Protestant
colleges and universities, adopted the dialectic views of
Melancthon. The most eminent among these were
Simon Simonius, Philip Scherbius, Ernest Sonner,
Michel Picart, Christ. Scheible, Cornelius Martini,
Daniel Stahl, James Schegk, Conrad Hornejus, Christ.
Dreyer, Hermann Conring, and Melchior Ziedler.
The Eeformation effected in our own country a great
change in logical pursuits and studies. In England,
* Orat. de Aristotle.
194 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
though the syllogistic method was still preserved, yet
there crept into all the seminaries of learning grave
doubts as to its value and importance as a general
branch of academical education. These doubts in the
course of time gradually weaned the minds of the
learned from logical studies of any kind ; and, speaking
with considerable latitude of meaning, this has been
the prevailing state of feeling, in this part of the island,
from the first dawn of Protestant opinions till the pre-
sent hour.
In the report of the visitation of Oxford, ordered by
Henry VIII. in 1535, we find the scholastic system of
logic treated with great contempt. The king himself
had indeed been at one time a zealous admirer of
Thomas Aquinas ; but, after his rupture with the Eoman
see, the schoolmen had but few merits in his estimation.
In Scotland the case was somewhat different. Here
the clergy took up the scholastic logic with great zeal
and earnestness, and considered its general bearings on
theological doctrines nearly in the same light as their
Protestant brethren on the continent. Andrew Mel-
ville, as we have already seen, introduced the logic of
Eamus into the university of Glasgow in the latter part
of the sixteenth century. James Melville, his brother,
was appointed professor of logic when Andrew left for
St Andrews. John Eutherford was one of the distin-
guished logicians in Scotland at this period. He was
a native of Jedburgh, in Eoxburghshire, but had been
educated in France. He became principal of St Sal-
vator's college at St Andrews, His work on the Art of
Reasoning* is considered as one which decidedly marks
* Comment, de Arte Disserendi. Edin. 1577.
JOHN RUTHERFORD. 195
the progress of sound knowledge in his own country.
It is founded on the system of Aristotle, but differed in
some essential particulars. " Treading in the steps of
his master De Grouchi, Rutherford rejected the errors
into which the ancient commentators upon Aristotle
had fallen, and discarded many of the frivolous ques-
tions which the modern dialecticians do so much de-
light in discussing." *
The university of St Andrews is the earliest, and for
a long period was the most distinguished, academical
institution in Scotland. Its foundation dates from
1411, and its educational functions were classified under
the title of a general study. Prior to this period there
was no university in Scotland ; and those who were
destined to follow the learned professions, had to seek
their education in foreign countries. The university
was modelled from those of Paris and Bologna. Soon
after its foundation, logic was regularly taught by lec-
tures ; and all graduates had to send in a petition
stating their knowledge of the text of Aristotle. The
regent assembled his class three hours every day, —
reading and explaining the books of the Stagy rite,
which the students were bound to bring with them.
The first course began with dialectics or logic ; and
then followed ethics, physics, metaphysics, and ma-
thematics. To exercise the students in the art of
argumentation, there were regular days appointed for
public disputations.*)- In the early part of the sixteenth
* M'Crie's Life of Melville.
+ " We hard the Oration pro rege Deitaro. Than he gaiff ws a compend of his
awin of Philosopi and the partes yr of. We enterit in the Organ of Arist. y* year,
and leirnit to the Demonstrations. The secund yeir of my course we had the Demon-
strations, the Topiks, and the Sophist captiones." — James Melville's Diary, p. 22.
196 THEOLOGICAL LOGICIANS.
century logical studies underwent a change. There
was a dissatisfaction manifested at the unprofitableness
of the Aristotelian system generally ; and it was en-
acted that " the most profitable and needful parts only
of the logic of the Stagyrite should be insisted on ; and
that there should be likewise lectures on the Platonic
philosophy, in order to counterbalance in some measure
the formal and deadening effect of Peripateticism.
This alteration was hailed by the liberal part of the
university with great pleasure. Melville is generally
considered as having been the chief instrument in
effecting this reformation.*
It would appear, however, that this modification of
the scholastic logic was not well received by many of
the more bigoted portions of the university; and
Melville came in for his full share of the obloquy thrown
on the innovators.")- " Disregarding the ignorant cla-
mour and interested alarm which had been excited, he
persisted in the course which he had taken ; and, when
the subject was introduced in the public meetings of
the university, at vacations and promotions, he refuted
the arguments of his opponents with such readiness,
force of reasoning, and overpowering eloquence, as re-
duced them to silence. Before he had been two years
at St Andrews, a favourable change was visible on the
university. Many of those who were most strongly
prejudiced against the new learning, as they called it,
were induced to apply to the acquisition of languages ;
instead of boasting perpetually of the authority of Aris-
* Melville's Diary, pp. 58, 64.
f "Their breadwinner, their honor, their estimation, all was guan, giff Aristotle
should be so owirharled in the hairing of their shollars." — James Melville's Diary,
MYSTICAL LOGICIANS. 197
totle, and quoting him ignorantly at second-hand, they
perused his writings in the original, studied the arts for
purposes of real utility, and not for show and verbal
contention ; and, becoming real philosophers and theo-
logians, acknowledged that they had undergone " a
wonderful transportation out of darkness into light." *
MYSTICAL LOGICIANS.
The mystical logicians of this period of history
scarcely differ from those of their sect in former times,
save, perhaps, by their somewhat greater extravagance
and love of paradox. It must always, however, be
taken into consideration, that there are every degree
of mysticism, from the overheated zeal for grand and
noble principles, to absolute folly and conceit. Where
the mystical spirit begins, and the rational terminates,
is often a very nice and difficult question to solve.
Mysticism is unquestionably a phase of the intuitive,
but a phase embodying more or less of a lofty reli-
gious feeling.
Nicolas de Cusa (a. d. 1401) was born at Treves,
and was a philosophical logician of some note in his
day. He maintained that the reasoning faculty of
man only develops itself through the instrumentality
of ideas of number; which ideas are its constituent
elements. Human nature, considered in all its fulness,
is simply that which belongs to man as man ; and
every movement of this nature, in its argumentative
phases, is solely for the attainment of God in man.f
* M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville, vol. i. p. 259.
t Opera, Paris, 1514.
198 MYSTICAL LOGICIANS.
Paracelsus (a. d. 1493) denied there was any active
or spontaneous power in the reason ; it was entirely
passive. All science lies, as it were, in the depths of
the human intellect, in the same manner as we con-
ceive it lies in the mind of the Deity. No formal
reasonings can develop it ; but man must retire into
himself, and then he will recognise the truth by a
species of divine illumination, to obtain which prayer
is the means, and purity of heart an indispensable
condition.
Yan Helmont (a. d. 1577) adopts nearly the same
theory as that of Paracelsus as to the nature of evi-
dence. The former enters, however, more fully than
the latter into the nature of logical science, and mi-
nutely examines its methods, in order to shew their
complete insufficiency for leading us to the fountain of
truth. He maintains that the several relations which
subsist between the terms of a syllogism, exist in our
minds prior to the conclusion we draw from them ;
and therefore all syllogistic modes of argumentation
are nothing more than a bare repetition of anterior
notions, the only uses of which are that of facilitating
an exposition of the ideas of a speaker, and of aiding
the recollection of them on the part of the hearer.
All science has an independent existence apart from
demonstration ; and the only way of realizing its con-
clusions and principles is by intuition. Sound reason-
ing or knowledge depends upon the entire annihilation
of every intellectual operation.
Jacob Bohme (a. r>. 1578) maintained, that it was
impossible for any man to arrive at truth by any other
means than by a direct illumination from heaven. At
JACOB BOHME, ETC. 199
the same period with Bohme, Fred. Aug. Frankonius
flourished in Sweden as a mystical logician. He
taught that every ordinary truth was a direct scintilla-
tion from the Divine mind, and that in the acquire-
ment of science men were entirely the instruments in
the hands of Providence, who meted out such portions
of general intelligence as suited the ends and purposes
of the times. George Stjernhjelm, a few years after,
followed in his wake with nearly the same class of
dogmas. John Buraens also, a Swedish writer, illus-
trated the nature of scientific truth through the
medium of the doctrines of Zoroaster.
200 ON THE NOVUM ORGAN CM,
CHAPTEE IX.
ON THE NOVUM ORGANUM, OR BACONIAN LOGIC.
One of the great landmarks of logic, considered in its
philosophical bearings, is the Novum Organum of Lord
Bacon. It gave a new and powerful impetus to logi-
cal investigations. We have seen, in several of the
preceding chapters, how theories of reasoning fluc-
tuated from Plato to Aristotle, and from Aristotle to
Plato; but it was reserved for his lordship to with-
draw the scientific world from these distinguished
names, and fix its attention almost exclusively on him-
self, and that mode of investigation and inquiry which
he has so carefully pointed out, in the celebrated work
now before us.
It would be altogether unnecessary, in a treatise of
this nature, to do any thing more than give a very
concise outline of the nature and scope of the Novum
Organum for general purposes. The Baconian method,
or logic, as his lordship's work is often called, has
been a standard topic of discussion for more than two
centuries in every country in Europe, and has elicited
various, and somewhat conflicting, opinions on its real
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 201
nature and importance. Indeed, these are by no means
agreed on at the present hour. But to state the dis-
cussion fully, and give all the arguments for and
against, would require many volumes ; consequently
the reader must, on the present occasion, content him-
self with our brief notice, however limited or imperfect
it may appear. Should he require mure lengthened
statements, there are plenty to be had in all languages,
and at a very trifling cost of either money ur trouble.
The great object of the Novum Organum is pointed
out by his lordship in the following words: — " But
whence," says he, " can arise such vagueness and
sterility in all the physical systems which have hitherto
existed in the world? It; is not certainly from any
thing in nature itself ; for the steadiness and regularity
of the laws by which it is governed, clearly mark
them out as objects of certain and precise knowledge.
Neither can it arise from any want of ability in those
who have pursued such inquiries, many uf whom have
been men of the highest talents and genius of the ages
in which they lived; and it can therefore arise from
nothing else but the perverseness and insufficiency of
the methods that have been pursued. Men have sought
to make a world from their own conceptions, and to
draw from their own minds all the materials which
they employed ; but if, instead of doing this, they had
consulted experience and observation, they would have
had facts and not opinions to reason about, and might
have ultimately arrived at the knowledge of the laws
which govern the material world.
" As things are at present conducted," he adds, "a
202 ON THE NOVUM ORGANUM,
sudden transition is made from sensible objects and
particular facts to general propositions, which are
accounted principles, and round which, as round so
many fixed poles, disputation and argument continually
revolve. From the propositions thus hastily assumed,
all things are derived by a process compendious and
precipitate — ill suited to discovery, but wonderfully
accommodated to debate. The way that promises
success is the reverse of this. It requires we should
generalize slowly, going from particular things to those
that are but one step more general; from these to
others of greater extent; and so on to such as are
universal. By such means we may hope to arrive at
principles, not vague and obscure, but luminous and
well defined, such as nature herself will not refuse to
acknowledge."
The Novum Organum consists of two leading parts.
The first is that which the author thought was fitted
to prepare the mind for the full development of the
inductive process. The first aphorism of the first book
embraces, in fact, his whole theory of reasoning —
" Man, the servant and interpreter of nature, does and
understands only so far as he may have observed by sense,
or mentally, of the order of nature — beyond this he neither
knows nor can know."
The divers modes in which men are led from the
true method of interpreting nature, Bacon classifies
under the head of idols. In the thirty-ninth aphorism
of the first book, he states that " There are four kinds
of idols (or false images) which beset the mind of
man. To these, for instruction, we have given names,
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 203
calling the first kind Idols of the Tribe; the second,
Idols of the Cave ; the third, Idols of the Forum ; the
fourth, Idols of the Theatre.
" The excitation of notions and axioms by true in-
duction, is certainly the fit remedy for discharge and
removal of idols ; and yet an indication of the idols is
of much profit, for the doctrine concerning idols has a
like regard to the interpretation of nature, as the doc-
trine concerning sophistical confutations has to the
common logic.
" Idols of the Tribe are planted in the human nature
itself, and in the very tribe or nation of mankind.
For it is untruly asserted, that human sense is the
measure of things — nay, contrariwise, all the percep-
tions, whether of sense or mind, are from analogy of
man, not from analogy of the universe ; and the human
intellect is like an uneven mirror to the rays of things,
which mingles its own nature with the nature of things,
and distorts and corrupts it.
" Idols of the Cave are idols of the individual man.
For every one, besides aberrations of the human
nature in kind, has a den also, or certain individual
cave, which breaks or vitiates the light of nature —
either through the peculiar and individual nature of
any one — or through his education and converse with
others — or through his reading of books, and authorities
of those he studies and admires — or through differences
of impressions, as they happen in a mind pre-occupied
and pre-disposed, or in one equal and sedate — and the
like. So that plainly the human spirit (as it is disposed
in several men) is an inconstant thing, and every way
disordered, and, as it were, casual. Hence Heraclitus
204 ON THE NOVUM OROANUM,
has it well, that men seek for knowledge in their own
little worlds, and not in the great and common world.
" There are idols, too, as if by agreement and mutual
confederacy of the human kind — which, on account of
the commerce and consort of men, we call Idols of the
market-place or Forum. For mankind associate by
discourse ; but words are imposed from the apprehen-
sion of the vulgar. Accordingly, the evil and foolish
imposition of words besets the intellect in strange ways.
Neither do the definitions or explications, by which
learned men have been used to fortify and clear them-
selves in some, at all retrieve the matter. But words
plainly put a force upon the intellect, and trouble all
things, and draw men away to idle and numberless
controversies and fictions.
" There are idols, lastly, which have immigrated into
the minds of men from the sundry dogmas of philoso-
phy, and even from perverted laws of demonstrations —
and these we call Idols of the Theatre; because, as
many philosophies as have been received or invented,
we count so many fables produced and acted, which
have furnished fictitious and scenic worlds. Neither
do we talk only of the present, or even ancient philoso-
phies and sects, since many other such fables may be
framed and compacted; for of errors wholly different
the causes are yet nearly common. Nor, again, do we
understand this only of universal or entire philosophies,
but of the many principles also, and axioms of science
which have grown to strength from tradition, and
trust, and negligence. But of these several sorts of
idols, we are to speak more at large, and separately, for
caution of the human intellect."
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 205
Such is the description which Bacon gives of his
Idols. His further illustration of them occupies nearly
the entire portion of the first book of the Novum Or-
ganum. The second part is devoted to a more extended
development of his method of studying nature. Here
his matter becomes more philosophical, if we may so
term it, although more abstruse. His designations
may be divided into three portions, — 1st, The discovery
of forms ; 2nd, Tables to illustrate this discovery ; and,
3d, The doctrine of instances.
What Bacon meant by forms is extremely difficult to
say. He gives us the following, among several defini-
tions of the word : — " When we speak of forms, we
understand nothing more than those laws and modes
of action which regulate and constitute any simple
nature — such as heat, light, weight, in all kinds of
matter susceptible of them ; so that the form of heat,
or the form of light, and the law of heat, and the law
of light, are the same thing, nor do we ever lose sight
of praticce and things as they are." *
The tables which he gives as illustrative of the in-
ductive method of reasoning, are taken from his Sylva
Sylvarum, or, A Natural History in Ten Centuries.
Many of the materials in this section of his work will
not bear the examination of modern science. And the
same thing may be stated in reference to his doctrine of
instances, or facts illustrative of the discovery of forms.
* This word form has cut a great figure in all logical systems, from Plato down-
wards. Butler makes Hudibras say, that he
" profess'd
He had first matter seen undrest,
And found it naked and alone,
Before one rag of form was on."
206 ON THE NOVUM ORGANUM,
We must here, however, refer the reader to the Novum
Organum itself as a justification of these observations.
The Baconian logic proceeds upon the assumption
of there being certain laws of nature, and that they are
uniform and stable in their operation. The great mat-
ter, then, in all physical inquiries in particular is, to
bring the numerous facts which constitute them under
general heads or principles ; and not to pronounce any
thing as being either a cause or effect of another thing —
or, in other words, as being a law of nature — until re-
peated observations satisfactorily establish the fact
beyond all cavil or dispute. His lordship's system may
be viewed as a piece of general advice, admonishing
philosophers to come to no hasty conclusions, but to
leave their minds open to the freest current of observa-
tion and experiment. Nature must be tested and in-
terrogated; and we must be ever on the watch to
record accurately and faithfully the result. We must
neither generalize too soon nor too late. Every thing
must be well and properly timed, and then our physical
researches will proceed upon a satisfactory and enlight-
ened basis. This is the only legitimate way in which
true science can extend her dominion.
His logic is, then, solely of a cautionary and admo-
nitory character. It promulgates no new principle,
because mankind have uniformly acted upon his sug-
gestions from the earliest times; but they have not
always viewed them in all their comprehensive fulness
and import. They have been rash and froward when
they should have been calm and circumspect, and been
fond of theorizing when they should have been simply
observing and recording facts and circumstances. They
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 207
have too often hastened to be wise, and, like commer-
cial aspirants who hasten to be rich, have often found
a snare in their path. Accurate observation and cau-
tious generalization are the two graces which preside
at his logic ; and, except they act in harmony with each
other, little good, in the way of promoting sound
knowledge, can be effected. All theories should hang
lightly and loosely about the true philosopher. He
must ever be as ready to entertain a doubt as to search
for and state a fact. To him systems must be mere
terms of classification; and, when he sees need, he
must make a cheerful surrender of every theoretical
notion, no matter how long and warmly cherished, and
consider himself again simply as a recorder of observa-
tions and facts.
Men in all ages and degrees of civilisation have sys-
tematized or theorized, and must ever do so, whatever
may be the number and accuracy of the facts with
which they have to deal ; and Lord Bacon would un-
doubtedly have conferred upon them a most invaluable
mental instrument, had he been able to lay down any
general and uniform principle to show when men were
fully justified in framing a theory, or adopting a gene-
ral system of scientific classification of the raw materials
of their knowledge. This would indeed have been an
instrument or organon of immense value. But the
Baconian logic does nothing of this kind. ]STotwith-
standing the great extension of physical science since
Bacon's time, we are apparently no nearer obtaining
any such instrument than were those interrogators of
nature who preceded him. Beyond a general and
loud proclamation of caution and circumspection in the
208 ON THE NOVUM OROANUM,
construction and promulgation of general truths of
science, his lordship's system does nothing. But still
the admonitions he gives are admirable as far as they go;
and he deserves well of mankind for bringing them be-
fore their attention in the way and manner he has done.
The Novum Organum is founded on a grand idea —
on the absolute unity of all knowledge. This was by no
means new ; but the method Bacon took to realize this
unity, differed from that which the scholastics adopted.
His mode of proceeding was the very opposite of theirs.
He built his unity on plurality — they took the unity
and descended to particulars. He took his stand on a
broad pyramidal basis of facts and observations, till he
came to the highest point of knowledge, which is
theology. He did not commence with this vital and
sublime science, like many of his predecessors, but
ended with it. " It is the duty," says he, " and virtue
of all knowledge, to abridge the infinity of individual
experience as much as the conception of truth will
permit, and to remedy the complaint of vita hrevis, ars
long a — which is performed by uniting the notions and
conceptions of sciences — for knowledges are as pyra-
mids, whereof history is the basis. So, of natural philo-
sophy, the basis is natural history, the stage next is
physic, the stage next the vertical point is raetaphysic.
As for the vertical point, opus quod operatur JDeus a
principio usque ad finem, we know not whether man's
agency can attain unto it. But these three be the
true stages of knowledge, and are to them that are
depraved no better than the giants' hills,
' Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam
Scilicet, atqne Ossne fronclosum involvere Olympum.'
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 209
But to those which refer all things to the glory of Grod,
they are as the three acclamations, 'Sancte, Sancte,
Sancte ; ' holy in the description or dilatation of His
works, holy in the connexion or concatenation of them,
and holy in the union of them in a perpetual and uni-
form law."
Again he says, " Horns are attributed by the
ancients to Pan, or the universe, broad at the base, but
tapering to a point ; for the whole nature of things is
pointed like a pyramid. The individuals over which
the base of nature extends are infinite; these are
collected into species, themselves also numerous ; the
species again rise into genera; and these too again
contract into classes still more general, till all nature
at last seems to unite in one — which is indicated by the
pyramidal figure of the horns of Pan ; and no wonder
that his horns strike the very heavens. For the lofty
things of nature, or universal forms, in some sense touch
divinity; and therefore that famous chain of Homer
(the chain, that is, of natural causes) was said to be
fixed to the foot of Jupiter's throne. And no one (as
may be seen) has treated of metaphysic and the eter-
nal and immutable truths of nature, withdrawing
his mind for a time from the flux of things, without at
the same time touching on natural theology — so ready
and natural is the passage from the vertex of the pyra-
mid to things divine." *
This figure of the pyramid looks tolerable upon
paper, but will not bear a minute examination. Men
are so constituted that they cannot lay a broad founda-
tion of inductive science before they arrive at any theo-
* De Augin., lib. ii.
O
210 ON THE NOVUM ORGANUM,
logical opinions. The very contrary is the course of
nature. Theological, moral, and mental principles are
among the very first productions or objects of human
thought, and the topics of impassioned interest. This
is not a matter of choice, but necessity. A man is not
left at complete liberty to adopt any method of acquir-
ing knowledge he may think proper ; the constitution
of things does this, in a great measure, for him. 2tfo
individual ever did rear such a pyramid of knowledge
as Bacon here delineates, nor will any man ever do so
till the end of time. The phenomena of human nature
must, in a great degree, be the first objects of atten-
tion and generalization; the universal conceptions of
being and creation must occupy the reflective under-
standing ; and the rules of duty and obligation form
the current interchange of thought between man and
man, in even the most rude and primitive state of
existence. The scholastics, whose logical philosophy
the Novum Organum intended to supersede, had a
better claim to consider their deductive principles as
the primary staples of all science and truth, and the
first to be developed and treated of, than Bacon's judi-
cious interpretation of nature could lay claim to. The
scholastic theory had the ordinary course of nature,
and the historical records of our race, to support it ; the
Novum Organum, in its extreme principles, is a pure
fiction of the imagination. This is the view which has
been taken of it by many distinguished philosophers
on the continent, and by some even in England. The
idea of working upward, from a complete and accurate
interpretation of nature to a knowledge of nature's
God, may seem a feasible and unexceptionable maxim
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 211
in common conversation or discourse ; but when viewed
as the keystone to a logical and philosophical system,
it cannot fail to prove both unsatisfactory and mis-
chievous.
Perhaps the true and sole conception which Bacon
had of his own logical system was, that it should oper-
ate as a check upon those extreme views which philo-
sophers had entertained relative to human reason.
They vastly overrated its powers and capabilities in
working out the unity of science. Under this impres-
sion he wished to call men back again to the study of
the material universe, as a suitable counterpoise to this
one-sided estimation of the value of logical methods.
Philosophical logicians were too apt to be carried away
by an extreme love of system ; hence he says, that the
mind "needs not the addition of wings, but rather a
burden as of lead, to bar all leaping and flying." The
inductive science was the true remedy for all logical
vices springing out of this cause. " As vulgar logic,"
says he, " which governs its subjects by syllogism, per-
tains to all sciences, and not to physical science onlv,
so likewise our logic, which proceeds by induction,
embraces all."
Lord Bacon's view of the syllogistic theory was not
favourable to it. He says, (i The logic which is in use
avails rather for establishing and fastening errors (which
are founded in vulgar notions), than for inquisition of
truth ; so it is hurtful more than profitable."
" Syllogism is not applied to the entrances and rudi-
ments of the sciences ; and to mediate axioms is applied
in vain, since it is by many degrees unequal to the
subtilty of nature. Accordingly it binds assent, not
212 ON THE NOVUM ORGAN UM,
things." " Syllogism consists of propositions,
propositions of words, words are the symbols of notions.
Therefore if notions themselves (which are the ground
of the matter) be confused, and hastily taken up from
things, there is no solidity in what is built upon them.
The only hope, then, is in a true induction." *
These opinions had a powerful, though not an im-
mediate effect, upon the reputation and mode of teach-
ing of the syllogistic logic. The great effect, however,
of Lord Bacon's writings on this branch of learning,
arose more from negative or indirect causes, than from
his own openly declared sentiments on the nature and
offices of the syllogism itself. He directed men's minds
into other channels of philosophic inquiry ; and this
had the natural tendency to humble the lofty preten-
sions, and to call in question the general principles, of
the old school of disputation. The influence of the
Novum Organum in universities, was long in being
sensibly felt on the prescribed modes of logical tuition.
This is not to be wondered at.f Innovations are here
invariably tardy. Adam Smith truly observes — " The
improvements which have been made in several branches
of philosophy have not, the greater part of them, been
made in universities, though some no doubt have. The
greater part of universities have not been very forward
* Novum Org., Aph. 12, 13, 14.
t " Considering the nature of the reformation brought abo\it by Bacon, and view-
ing it, as it ought to be viewed, in the light of a simple return to the principles of
unsophisticated reason, it was not to be expected that any material addition to the
rules of investigation, considered as an art, could be made either by his immediate
successors, or by more modern philosophers. The Novum Organum professed to
accomplish little more than to induce men to reason on philosophical subjects, as
they are accustomed to reason in the ordinary affairs of life ; to rescue them, in
short, from the dominion of art, and restore them to the clear light and unfettered
liberty of nature." — Jardiv's Outlines of Phil os. Education, p. 152.
OR BACONIAN LOGIC. 213
to adopt those improvements after they were made ;
and several of these learned societies have chosen, for
a long period, to be the sanctuaries in which exploded
systems and obsolete prejudices found shelter and pro-
tection after they had been hunted out of every corner
of the world. In general, the richest and best endowed
societies have been the slowest in adopting those im-
provements, and the most adverse to admit any con-
siderable change in the established forms of education.
Those improvements were more easily introduced into
some of the poorer universities, in which the teachers,
depending upon their reputation for the greatest part
of their subsistence, were obliged to pay attention to
the current opinions of the world." *
The different views which have been taken of the
nature and value of the Baconian method of induction
have been various, though on the whole flattering. The
late Professor Napier, in a paper read to the Eoyal
Society of Edinburgh, and inserted in its published
Transactions, has given a very graphic and full account
of the influence which the Novum Organum exercised
over the minds of the learned in every country in
Europe soon after its publication. This influence seems
to have been great beyond ordinary conception. On the
other hand, the work has fallen considerably in philoso-
phical admiration, from modern critiques on its merits
which have of recent years appeared both in England
and on the continent. To enable the reader to form
an opinion on the subject, we shall furnish him with a
quotation or two from popular writers of acknow-
ledged talents and reputation.
";;" Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 258.
214 ON THE NO VUM OR(JANUM,
" The great glory of literature/' says Hume, " in this
island, during the reign of James, was Lord Bacon. If
we consider the variety of talents displayed by this
man — as a public speaker, a man of business, a wit, a
courtier, a companion, an author, a philosopher — he is
justly entitled to great admiration. If we consider him
merely as an author and a philosopher, the light in
which we view him at present, though very estimable,
he was yet inferior to his contemporary Galileo — per-
haps even to Kepler. Bacon pointed out, at a distance,
the road to philosophy ; Galileo both pointed it out to
others, and made himself considerable advances in it.
The Englishman was ignorant of geometry ; the Floren-
tine revived that science, excelled in it, and was the first
who applied it, together with experiment, to natural
philosophy. The former rejected, with the most posi-
tive disdain, the system of Copernicus ; the latter forti-
fied it with new proofs, derived both from reason and
the senses. Bacon's style is stiff and rigid; his wit,
though often brilliant, is also often unnatural and far-
fetched. Galileo is a lively and agreeable, though
somewhat a prolix writer."
" Though it cannot be denied," says Professor Play-
fair in answer to this, " that there is considerable truth
in these remarks, yet it seems to me that the compari-
son is not made with the justness and discrimination
which might have been expected from Hume, who
appears studiously to have contrasted what is most
excellent in Galileo with what is most defective in
Bacon. It is true that Galileo showed the way in the
application of mathematics and geometry to physical
investigation, and that the immediate utility of his
Oil BACONIAN LOGIC. 215
performance was greater than that of Bacon, as it im-
pressed more movement on the age in which he lived,
example being always so much more powerful than
precept. Bacon, indeed, wrote for an age more en-
lightened than his own, and it was long before the full
merit of his work was understood. But though Galileo
was a geometer, and Bacon unacquainted with the
mathematics — though Galileo added new proofs to the
system of the earth's motion which Bacon rejected
altogether — yet it is certain, I think, that the former
has more followers as equals in the world of science
than the latter, and that his excellence, though so high,
is less unrivalled. The range which Bacon's specula-
tions embraced was altogether immense. He cast a
penetrating eye on the whole of science, from its feeblest
and most infantine state to that strength and perfection
from which it was then so remote, and which it is per-
haps destined to approach continually, but never to
attain. More substitutes might be found for Galileo
than for Bacon. More than one could be mentioned,
who, in the place of the former, would probably have
done what he did ; but the history of human knowledge
points out nobody of whom it can be said that, placed
in the situation of Bacon, he would have done what
Bacon did : no man whose prophetic genius would have
enabled him to delineate a system of science which had
not yet begun to exist — who could have derived the
knowledge of what ought to be from what was not — and
who could have become so rich in wisdom, though he
received from his predecessors no inheritance but their
errors. I am inclined therefore to agree with D'Alem-
bert, that when one considers the sound and enlarged
216 ON THE NOVUM ORGAN UM,
views of this great man, the multitude of objects to
which his mind was turned, and the boldness of his
style, which unites the most sublime images with the
most rigorous precision, one is disposed to regard him
as the greatest, the most universal, and the most elo-
quent of philosophers."
" The vulgar notion," says Mr Macaulay, " about
Bacon, we take to be this, that he invented a new
method of arriving at truth, which method is called
Induction ; and that he detected some fallacy in the
syllogistic reasoning which had been in vogue before
his time. This notion is about as well founded as that
of the people who, in the middle ages, imagined that
Virgil was a great conjurer. Many, who are far too
well informed to talk such extravagant nonsense, enter-
tain, we think, incorrect notions as to what Bacon
really effected in this matter.
" The inductive method has been practised ever
since the beginning of the world by every human
being. It is constantly practised by the most ignorant
clown, by the most thoughtless schoolboy, by the very
child at the breast. That method leads the clown to
the conclusion, that if he sows barley he shall not reap
wheat. By that method the schoolboy learns that a
cloudy day is the best for catching trout. The very
infant, we imagine, is led by induction to effect milk
from his mother or nurse, and none from his father.
" Not only is it not true that Bacon invented the
inductive method, but it is not true that he was the
first who correctly analysed that method and explained
its uses. Aristotle had long before pointed out the
absurdity of supposing that syllogistic reasoning could
OK BACONIAN LOGIC. 217
ever conduct men to the discovery of any new prin-
ciple ; had shown that such discoveries must be made
by induction, and by induction alone ; and had given
the history of the inductive process, concisely indeed,
but with great perspicuity and precision." *
" The Baconian logic/' says Mr Hallam, " deduces
universal principles from select observation ; that is,
from particular, and, in some cases of experiment, from
singular instances, It may easily appear to one con-
versant with the syllogistic method less legitimate than
the old induction, which proceeded by an exhaustive
enumeration of particulars, and at most warranting but
a probable conclusion. The answer to this objection
can only be found in the acknowledged uniformity of
the laws of nature ; so that whatever has once occurred
will, under absolutely similar circumstances, always occur
again. This may be called the suppressed premise of
every Baconian enthymem, every inference from ob-
servation of phenomena which extend beyond the
particular case. When it is once ascertained that
water is composed of one proportion of oxygen to one
of hydrogen, we never doubt but that such are its in-
variable constituents. We may repeat the experiment
to secure ourselves against the risk of error in the
operation, or of some unperceivecl condition that may
have effected the result ; but when a sufficient number
of trials has secured us against this, an invariable law
of nature is inferred from the particular instance :
nobody conceives that one pint of pure water can be of
a different composition from another. All men, even
the most rude, reason upon this primary maxim ; but
* Essays, vol. ii. p. 406.
218 ON THE NOVUM ORGANUM,
they reason inconclusively, from misapprehending the
true relations of cause and effect in the phenomena to
which they direct their attention. It is by the sagacity
and ingenuity with which Bacon has excluded the
various sources of error, and disengaged the true cause,
that his method is distinguished from that which the
vulgar practise." *
The following remarks from Stewart's Life of JReid
present as correct and candid a view of the Baconian
method as any to be found elsewhere : — f The influ-
ence of Bacon's genius on the subsequent progress of
physical discovery, has been seldom duly appreciated —
by some writers almost overlooked, and by others con-
sidered as the sole cause of the reformation in science
which has since taken place. Of these two extremes
the latter certainly is the least wide of the truth ; for
in the whole history of letters no other individual can
be mentioned whose exertions have had so indisputable
an effect in forwarding the intellectual progress of man-
kind. On the other hand it must be acknowledged,
that before the era when Bacon appeared, various
philosophers in different parts of Europe had struck
into the right path; and it may perhaps be doubted
whether any one important rule, with respect to the
true method of investigation, be contained in his
works, of which no hint can be traced in those of his
predecessors. His great merit lay in concentrating
their feeble and scattered lights — fixing the attention
of philosophers on the distinguishing characteristics of
true and of false science by a felicity of illustration
peculiar to himself, seconded by the command of
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 420.
Oil BACONIAN LOGIC. 219
powers of a bold and figurative eloquence. The method
of investigation which he recommended had been pre-
viously followed in every instance in which any solid
discovery had been made with respect to the laws of
nature ; but it had been followed accidentally and
without any regular preconcerted design ; and it was
reserved for him to reduce to rule and method what
others had effected, either fortuitously or from some
momentary glimpse of the truth. These remarks are
not intended to detract from the just glory of Bacon ;
for they apply to all those, without exception, who
have systematized the principles of any of the arts.
Indeed they apply less forcibly to him than to any
other philosopher whose studies have been directed to
objects analogous to his — inasmuch as we know of no
art of which the rules have been reduced successfully
into a didactic form, when the art itself was as much in
infancy as experimental philosophy was when Bacon
wrote." *
* Sect. 2.
:
MBfi.
220 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
CHAPTEE X.
LOGICAL SPECULATION'S OF HOBBES, GASSENDL AND
DESCAETES.
We have witnessed, in the two previous centuries, the
extraordinary activity of the logical understanding,
and how generally and earnestly men were engaged in
examining into the established modes of discovering
and promulgating truth, on all subjects cognisant to
the human mind. The influential and important prin-
ciples which lay in the background to this logical
movement, were chiefly those which related to the
inward nature of man — to man as a social, political,
moral, and theological being. On matters of philoso-
phical inquiry, arising out of these divisions of his con-
stitution, there were silently, though steadily, prepa-
ring important and sweeping theories and speculations,
which were at no distant period to ripen into practical
systems, calculated to exercise no small influence on
his condition and prospects. These general views of
human nature could not be fully developed nor worked
out by a dry and formal system of logical rules. All
such barren collections of technicalities were repudiated
by the ardent and comprehensive minds of the age,
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 221
who were bent on renouncing all kinds of authority,
and of hewing out to themselves new paths to know-
ledge and science. Great differences of opinion on the
leading principles of political science, on the foundation
of moral sentiments, on the doctrines of theology, and
on the rudimental nature of mind itself, obliged philo-
sophers to refuse at once an acquiescence in any uni-
form logical system which immediately had to deal
with their respective theories. It therefore behoved
every new system to have a new logical instrument of
its own — otherwise its propounder could never hope
either to gain proselytes or fame.
The philosophic mind, being now in a high state of
excitement, called in question the truth of every
branch of knowledge, and nothing could satisfy it short
of commencing afresh at the very elements of things,
and of re-constructing the entire edifice of human
thought and speculation. It was from this cause that
we now distinctly recognise a mingling of all the chief
ingredients of mental investigation with logical prin-
ciples and rules, and perceive treatises on the art of
reasoning issuing from the press — more or less imbued
with distinct portions of political, moral, intellectual,
and religious philosophy. The proportions of all, or
any one of these, which might be amalgamated with
logical maxims and forms, depended entirely on the
views the writer entertained, and the ultimate object
he wished to accomplish. If a man had a political
theory to establish, he sought out a logic to correspond
with it ; and if a theological system was to be consoli-
dated, a logical scheme must likewise be had to agree
and harmonize with its general nature and character.
222 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
And the same thing may be remarked of every other
science or department of human inquiry. All direct or
formal allegiance to any particular logical system was
thrown off; and every speculative mind felt itself fully
at liberty to mould its logical tools to the nature of its
special habits or undertakings.
We date, therefore, from this period the general
embodiment of considerable portions of mental philoso-
phy with strictly logical forms and maxims — a practice
which has been, in latter times, so commonly followed
in every country in Europe. The intimate relationship
subsisting between the mind itself, and its laws and
formal manifestations, as displayed in the reasoning
process, has undoubtedly been one of the leading
incentives to this mode of treating logical science. But
still there were other causes which had a share in this
effect ; and these are fairly traceable to that indiscri-
minate license in which all speculators thought they
had an undoubted right to indulge, — to mould their
instrument of ratiocination in any way and manner
best suited to the attainment of the grand object they
had in view.
The philosophers whom we have now before us in
the seventeenth century, were in many essential points
possessed of more intellectual vigour, and a stronger
stamina of enthusiasm, than the current mass of logical
writers who had for two or three centuries preceded
them. The men of this day had not, perhaps, more
learning, but they had certainly more talent than their
predecessors. The former were not made-up philoso-
phers, but full of original energy, ambitious projects,
and theoretical skill. Thev would not allow anv mere
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 223
prescriptive authority on formal matters to stand in the
way of their inquiries, nor sacrifice their cherished
systems to any mere punctilious attentions to what
might be considered logical etiquette or formalism.
Their great object was to press forward, to open up
new and hitherto unknown routes to knowledge and
science, and to inscribe their names on the highest
pinnacles of philosophic fame and distinction. Many
of them had bidden farewell to all that lay behind
them, in the shape of speculative knowledge and learn-
ing ; fully determined to labour henceforward on their
own individual account, and for their own individual
honour and aggrandizement. What others had said
or done before, was nothing to them. The unfettered
exercise of their faculties imparted additional vigour to
their movements ; and, breathing the air of perfect
freedom, and conscious of their own strength, they
were neither overawed by the responsibilities of innova-
tion, nor the number or magnitude of their toils.
The names we have placed at the head of this chap-
ter are well known throughout the speculative world.
They undoubtedly figure more in the character of
philosophers than as mere logicians ; but it would be
difficult to name other three men, living contemporane-
ously with each other, whose opinions and writings
have exercised a greater indirect effect upon the science
of reasoning in modern times. They were decidedly
three of the most active and logical understandings of
their age. We shall take especial care, however, to
shape our remarks on their several systems, so as to
keep as closely within the boundaries of purely logical
science as we possibly can. Their general philosophical
224 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
principles do not fall within our present historical
range.
Thomas Hobbes, b. 1588, n. 1679. — Hobbes was one
of the most able men of his time, and occupies an im-
portant station in the history of speculative knowledge
in the seventeenth century.
Hobbes' system of philosophy was evidently of a
material cast ; and, on this account, he was too clear-
headed to admit into his logic any principle or formal
arrangement which might seem to be at variance with
his leading views on human nature. All thought, he
says, is engendered by sensation. Reasoning, in every
form it assumes, is resolvable to seeking either the
whole by the addition of all its parts, or a part by the
subtraction or withdrawal of the rest. All deductive
and inductive reasonings are simply forms of equation —
or, in other words, all thoughts are expressible in ma-
thematical formulas ; and every thing which cannot be
put into such formulas can have no reality, at least in
reference to our understandings.
All words, according to Hobbes, employed in pro-
cesses of reasoning — expressing, or attempting to ex-
press, the incorporeal or spiritual, the infinite, &c. —
have no meaning whatever, because they have no
representative sensations in the mind. All such terms
ought therefore to be banished from systems of logical
philosophy and instruction.
The Computatio sive Logica, which contains the au-
thor's views on the art of reasoning, is part of his great
work, Elementa Philosophic. He thought favourably of
the syllogistic theory, both as an instrument for demon-
stration and useful instruction. His notion of the
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 225
abstract nature of the syllogism is in some points
original.
ft The thoughts/' says Hobbes, " in the mind answer-
ing to a direct syllogism, proceed in this manner, —
first, There is conceived a phantasm of the thing named,
with that accident or quality thereof for which it is in
the minor proposition called by that name which is the
subject ; next, The mind has a phantasm of the same
thing, with that accident or quality for which it hath
the name, that in the same proposition is the predicate ;
thirdly, The thought returns of the same thing as
having that accident in it for which it is called by the
name, that is the predicate of the major proposition ;
and, lastly, Remembering that all these are the accidents
of one and the same thing, it concludes that these three
names are also names of one and the same thing ; that
is to say, the conclusion is true. For example, when
this syllogism is made, Man is a living creature — a
living creature is a body — man is a body — the mind con-
ceives first an image of a man speaking or discoursing,
and remembers that that which so appears is called
man ; then it has the image of the same man moving,
and remembers that that which appears so is called
living creature; thirdly, it conceives an image of the
same man as filling some place or space, and remem-
bers that what appears so is called body ; and, lastly,
when it remembers that that thing which was extend-
ed, and moved, and spake, was one and the same thing,
it concludes that the three names of the thing, man,
living creature, and body, are names of the same thing,
and that therefore man is a living creature is a true
proposition. From whence it is manifest, that living
226 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
creatures that have not the use of speech, have no con-
ception or thought in the mind answering to a syllogism
made of universal propositions ; seeing it is necessary
to think not only of the thing, but also by turns to
remember the divers names, which for divers consider-
ations thereof are applied to the same."*
Hobbes was a rigid nominalist in logic, and conceived
that words, and words only, were the things with which
the mind is conversant in a reasoning process. At least
this is the conclusion to which we are led from many
passages in his writings connected with the acquisition
of knowledge. We shall, however, cite a few passages
from his Leviathan, relative to the nature and offices of
words as used in general reasoning : — " One universal
name is imposed on many things for their similitude in
some quality or other accidents ; and whereas a proper
name bringeth to mind one thing only, universals re-
call any one of these many." "The universality of
one name to many things, hath been the cause that
men think the things are themselves universal, and so
seriously contend, that besides Peter and John, and all
the rest of the men that are, have been, or shall be in
the world, there is yet something else that we call man,
namely, man in general, deceiving themselves by taking
the universal or general appellation for the thing it
signineth."f " Logic is," he says, " the art of compu-
tation." "Logicians add together two names to make
an affirmation, and two affirmations to make a syllo-
gism, and many syllogisms to make a demonstration ;
and from the sum or conclusion of a syllogism they
subtract one proposition to find another."! " Reason
* Coin put., p. 50. i Leviathan, c. 4. J Ibid., c. 5.
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 227
is nothing but reckoning (that is, adding and subtract-
ing) of the consequences of general names agreed upon,
for the marking and signifying of our thoughts."
In the author's Logica we find the same doctrine
maintained. "An universal/' says he, " is not a name
of many taken collectively, but of each thing taken
separately. Man is not the name of the human family
in general, but of each single member of it — as Peter,
John, and the rest, separately. Therefore this univer-
sal name is not the name of any thing existing in na-
ture, nor of any idea or phantasm formed in the mind,
but remains so by some word or name. It thus hap-
pens that when an animal, or a stone, or a ghost, or
any thing else, is called universal, we are not to under-
stand by this term, that any man, or stone, or any
thing else, was, or is, or can be, an universal ; but only
that these terms, animal, stone, and the like, are uni-
versal names, — that is, names common to many things ;
and the ideas or conceptions corresponding to them in
the intellect, are the images or phantasms of single
animals or other things. And consequently we do not
need, in order to comprehend what is meant by an
universal, any other faculty than that of imagination,
by which we remember that such words have excited
the ideas in our minds, sometimes of one particular
thing, sometimes of another."* " If speech be peculiar
to man, as for ought I know it is, then is understanding
peculiar to him also ; understanding being nothing else
but conception caused by speech." " True and false
are attributes of speech, not of things ; where speech
is not, there is neither truth nor falsehood, though there
* Cap. ii. § 9.
228
may be error. Hence as truth consists in the right
ordering of names in our affirmations, a man that seeks
precise truth hath need to remember what every word
he uses stands for, and place it accordingly."*
On the nature and offices of definition in processes
of reasoning, he makes the following observations : —
" Every man who aspires to true knowledge should
examine the definitions of former authors, and either
correct them or make them anew. For the errors of
definitions multiply themselves according as the reckon-
ing proceeds, and leads men into absurdities, which at
last they see, but cannot avoid, without reckoning anew
from the beginning, in which lies the foundation of their
errors In the right definition of names lies the
first use of speech, which is the acquisition of science.
And in wrong or no definitions lies the first abuse,
from which proceed all false and senseless tenets, which
make these men that take their instruction from the
authority of books, and not from their own medita-
tions, to be as much below the condition of ignorant
men, as men endued with true science are above it.
For between true science and erroneous doctrine, igno-
rance is the middle. Words are wise men's counters ;
they do but reckon by them ; but they are the money
of fools." f
On the nature of human knowledge generally,
Hobbes remarks, " There are two kinds of knowledge ;
the one, sense or knowledge, original, and remembrance
of the same ; the other, science, or knowledge of the
truth of propositions, derived from the understanding.
Both are but experience, one of things without, the
* Leviathan. f Ibid.
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 229
other from the proper use of words in language ; and
experience being but remembrance, all knowledge is
remembrance. Knowledge implies two things, truth
and evidence ; the latter is the concomitance of a
man's conception, with the words that signify such
conception in the act of ratiocination." " Evidence is
to truth as the sap to the tree, which, so far it creepeth
along with the body and branches, keepeth them alive ;
when it forsaketh them they die ; for this, evidence,
which is meaning with words, is the life of truth."
" Science is evidence of truth, from some beginning or
principle of sense. The first principle of knowledge is,
that we have such and such conceptions ; the second,
that we have thus and thus named the things whereof
they are conceptions ; the third is, that we have joined
these names in such a manner as to make true propo-
sitions ; the fourth and last is, that we have joined
these propositions in such a manner as they could be
concluding, and the truth of the conclusion said to be
known."*
Hobbes defines method to be " the knowledge we
acquire by true ratiocination of appearances, or ap-
parent effects, from the knowledge we have of some
possible production or generation of the same ; and of
such production, as has been or may be, from the
knowledge we have of the effects. Method is, there-
fore, the shortest way of finding out effects by their
known causes, or of causes by their known effects." f
Gassendi, b. 1592, d. 1655. — The most important
event in the life of Glassendi was the publication of his
Exercitationes Paradoxic^, published in 1624. This
* Hum. Nat., c. 6. + Coinput., p. 66.
230 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
was a bold and fierce attack upon the logical system of
Aristotle. Though the work raised up many enemies
against him, yet it extended his fame, and obtained
him Church preferment. The censures in the treatise
were, however, so severe and general, that Gassendi
found it expedient to qualify his opinions on the sub-
ject of logic, and to allow the scholastic system some
portion of honour and merit.
These modified logical opinions, cherished in after
life, are to be found in G-assendi's Syntagma Philo-
sophicum. The work is divided into three parts, logic,
physics, and ethics. In the first two books on the
logic, we have a history of the science from Zeno to
Descartes, and on the criterion of truth.
In this historical sketch we have an account of the
logic of Zeno, of Elea ; Euclid, of Megara ; of Plato, of
Aristotle, of Epicurus, of Eaymond Lully, of Ramus, of
Bacon, and of Descartes. These several dissertations
amount collectively to thirty-six pages folio.
The author's Institutiones Logicce are divided into four
parts, — 1st, The conception or idea of things ; 2nd,.
Propositions ; 3d, .The Syllogism ; and 4th, Method. *
We must seek for Gassendi's logical opinions in his
system of mental philosophy. He may be said to have
followed a sort of middle path between Hobbes and
Descartes. Gassendi conceived that sensation was the
source of all human knowledge; and hence his often
repetition of the ancient maxim, " that there was
nothing in the mind which had not been previously in
the senses." But the position was qualified in this
manner, Sensation furnishes us with the perception of
* Opera Omnia, vol. i. Lugd. 1658.
GASSENDI, AXD DESCAETES. 231
facts, but the mind makes a comparison of facts ; and
from this mental act or movement there spring up
particular notions, and general ideas and principles.*
Gassendi's writings were more influential on logical
science, from the spirit of discussion which they awak-
ened in Europe than from any positive innovations he
made in the mode of teaching science itself. His
speculations became known in every seat of learning;
his great and acknowledged erudition, his love of truth,
his intellectual courage, and the opposition he encoun-
tered, were favourable to the extension of his opinions ;
and his indefatigable industry enabled him to turn
these varied advantages to the most profitable use.
Descartes, b. 1596, d. 1650. — This distinguished
man was a native of Haigh, in Touraine, and received
his education at the Jesuits' College of Fleche. Here
he studied philosophy; but soon joined the French
army in Holland. His innate love of study was, how-
ever, too powerful for the pleasures and perils of the
camp, and he retired, while quite a young man, into
private life, there to devote himself henceforward to the
more congenial and noble occupations and pursuits of
the philosopher.
Descartes is to be considered both in the light of a
theoretical and practical logician. In the former capa-
city he lays down the principles on which all evidence
and science rest ; and in the latter he treats of those
common, but important rules, which guide the reason-
ing faculty to great and interesting results, and pre-
serve it from pursuing erroneous and futile methods of
investigation.
* Logic, p. 93.
232 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
From the incessant and discordant disputes on the
nature of truth, and the fundamental axioms of science,
which had preceded Descartes in the schools of logic
and philosophy, he was led to entertain desponding
thoughts relative to the standard of scientific truth
generally, and to meditate on the apparent impos-
sibility of the human understanding ever being able to
extricate itself from the jungle of difficulties into which
the ingenuity of men, from age to age, had led it.
Thinking long and earnestly on this topic, he was in-
duced to conceive that there must certainly be some
method or other which, if pursued, would enable candid
and inquiring minds to throw off this incubus of doubt ;
and, following up the first suggestion, he thought he
saw in the distance, like a nebulous cloud in the horizon,
a certain principle which pointed him to something
like certitude and truth. Setting aside all the stand-
ards of evidence of which he had ever heard or read,
he began the inquiry himself, and in himself; and this
inquiry led him to repose an unconditional and absolute
confidence in the principle of his own internal conscious-
ness, Cogito, ergo .sum, was his first and solid stepping-
stone to rational conviction. What he himself felt
must be true, if there be any thing true in nature what-
ever. This appeared to be a maxim of immense value
to the prosecution of scientific certainty, and he hoped
to be able to shew, by a full and comprehensive devel-
opment of it, that the reasoning faculty of manjiad
something satisfactory and solid to rest upon. " What-
ever doubts," says he, " I may have, I cannot doubt
of my own existence."
Having made this maxim of consciousness a starting-
233
point, he proceeded to demonstrate certain other im-
portant truths, some of which, however, lie within the
provinces of philosophy and theology rather than logic.
Among the most vital of these was the existence of a
Deity, which Descartes considered was vitally con-
nected with the logical elements of all truth and
science. The problem he attempted to solve assumed
this form. To find an idea which could not subsist as
an intellectual conception, without its object itself
having also a positive existence — an idea which should
be invested with subjective possibility, as far as it had
objective reality. He makes the idea of a supremely
perfect Being as the principle which connects or binds
the ideal with the real. This idea of supreme perfec-
tion implies or involves existence, inasmuch as existence
is itself a decided perfection. " If we ask," says he,
" not in respect of a body, but in respect to any thing,
whatever that thing may be, which has within itself all
the perfections which can be embodied within it,
whether existence is to be reckoned among them, we
may at first perhaps be in some doubt about it, be-
cause our mind, which is finite, not being in the habit
of considering them separately, may not perceive at the
first glance how necessarily they are joined together.
But if we examine with care whether existence belongs
to a Being supremely powerful, and what sort of exist-
ence that really is, we shall find ourselves in a position,
first, to affirm, that at the least possible existence agrees
with Him, as well as with all other things of which we
have of ourselves any clear idea, even those which are
composed of fictions of our own understanding; and,
secondly, because we cannot think that His existence is
234 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
possible, without knowing at the same time that He
can exist by His own innate power or force ; — hence
we conclude that He really exists, and that He has
been from all eternity. It is very evident from the
light of nature, that that which exists by virtue of its
own force or power, exists always ; and thus we come
to know that necessary existence is contained in the
idea of a supremely powerful Being, not by a fiction of
the understanding, but because it belongs to the true
and immutable nature of such a Being to exist; and
we readily know that it is impossible for this supremely
powerful Being not to have in himself all other perfec-
tions that are contained in the idea of God, in such
order and character, that by their own proper nature,
and without any fiction of the understanding, they are
always joined together and exist in the Divine essence.
Just, in like manner, as I affirm my own existence,
because the idea of it is contained in the notion or con-
ception of thinking ; so, likewise, I affirm the existence
of the supremely perfect Being, because the idea of ex-
istence is contained in the very idea of such a Being.
The existence of ,an external reality rests, therefore,
upon the same logical basis as the internal reality."
The logical rules deducible from Descartes' method,
may be stated under the four following heads, — 1st,
Nothing is to be admitted as true or certain but what
is clearly and obviously so — that is, there is to be
nothing more admitted in the conclusion than what
presents itself distinctly to the understanding; 2nd,
Every question should be analysed into as many sepa-
rate parts as possible, in order that every part may be
easily recognised and conceived, and its relation to the
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 235
whole more readily ascertained ; 3d, Every examina-
tion should be conducted with order, commencing with
objects the most simple and easiest known, and ascend-
ing step by step to truths of a more complex and
difficult character. 4th, We must calculate with great
care and circumspection, that nothing is omitted in the
consideration of the question before us.
And here it may be remarked, that the chief incen-
tive to Descartes' inquiry as to the foundation of logical
philosophy, proceeded from a theological source. We
have here before us another striking illustration of the
all-powerful influence of revelation on logical studies
and inquiries, which we have already noticed at some
length in the fourth chapter. The train of thought
which led Descartes to institute investigations into the
nature of truth, was precisely the same as that which
displayed itself in the mind of Plato, Aristotle, and
others — only qualified and rendered more precise and
definite in its aim by the knowledge which the French
philosopher had of the sacred canons. It appeared
obvious to the ancients, that the doctrines of an intelli-
gent First Cause, and the immortality of the soul, had a
direct and necessary bearing upon all abstract maxims
or principles of reasoning ; and the same thing, in the
case before us, occurs to Descartes. He seems to have
said to himself — of what importance are any discussions
about truth, if there be no intelligent Being in the
universe ? If, moreover, men die like the grass or the
beasts of the field, of what consequence to him whether
a thing be what you term true or false ? What can
moral truth, or political truth, or judicial truth, or any
other kind of truth, be to a being that is born but to
236 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
die, and for ever perish ? It is only a contradiction in
terms to talk of truth, while it is denied in the same
breath that there is any intelligent principle in nature.
Truth and intelligence are but two words for the same
idea. And how did that idea ever enter into the mind
of man ? From whence did it proceed ? Why should
truth be the eager object of all our inquiries and pur-
suits, if there be no great intelligent cause in nature
on which it can rest ? Why connect truth with man ?
Why not talk of animal truth, of vegetable truth, of
fossil truth, or of granite truth, if man has neither an
intelligent Creator nor a spirit within him ?
Such, I have no doubt, constituted the substance of
the inquiries which Descartes often put to himself, in
meditating on his philosophical and logical method.
We have the strongest proof that such trains of thought
really did pass through his mind, not only from the
general scope of his writings, but from the language
used in one of his meditations. He says, " I have
always conceived that the two grand questions — the
existence of God, and the immortality of the soul, were
the chief of those which ought to be demonstrated
rather by philosophy than by theology. For although
it is sufficient for us, who are of the faithful, to believe
in God, and that the soul does not perish with the
body, it certainly does not appear to be possible to per-
suade the infidels to any religion, nor hardly to any
moral virtue, unless we first prove to them these two
doctrines by natural reason."
This famous logical method of Descartes took its
rise, therefore, from a purely theological source. The
connexion between the elementary principles of religion
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 237
and the standard of truth, had, it is true, been often
noticed before, and had indeed constituted the theories
of many logical speculators ; but he saw that connexion
in a new light, and illustrated its character and influ-
ence after his own fashion.
There are many objections made to the chief prin-
ciple of Descartes' method, by different philosophers of
note, all of which he endeavoured to obviate or explain
away. In his posthumous work, On the Search after
Truth, in one of his replies to the objection, that
to prove one's own existence by the act of think-
ing, we should previously know what existence and
thought are, we find one of the most acute and pro-
found passages on the nature of verbal definition gene-
rally, to be found in any writer. The aim of the pas-
sage is to shew that there are certain elementary
principles of thought which circumscribe the range of
definitions of all kinds ; and without these elementary
principles, or intuitive ideas, such a thing as reasoning
would be impossible. Descartes gives here an impor-
tant lesson on the general use of definition — a lesson
which ought not to be thrown away on those modern
writers on logic, who seem to lay such stress upon what
they call the correct defining of terms, as to lead their
readers to imagine that the whole art or science of
reasoning depended upon its exercise.
" I agree with you," says Descartes, " that it is ne-
cessary to know what doubt is, and what thought is,
before we can be fully persuaded of this reasoning. I
doubt, therefore I am ; or, what is the same, I think,
therefore I am. But do not imagine that for this
238 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
purpose you must torture your mind to find out the
next genus, or the essential differences, as the logicians
talk, and so compose a regular definition. Leave this
to such as teach or dispute in the schools. But who-
ever will examine things by himself, and judge of them
according to his understanding, cannot be so senseless
as not to see clearly, when he pays attention, what
doubting, thinking, being are, or to have any need to
learn their distinctions. Besides, there are things
which we render more obscure in attempting to define
them ; because, as they are very simple and very clear,
we cannot know and comprehend them better than by
themselves. And it should be reckoned among the
chief errors that can be committed in science, for men
to fancy that they can define that which they can only
conceive, and distinguish what is clear in it from what
is obscure ; while they do not see the difference between
that which must be defined before it is understood, and
that which can be fully known by itself. Now, among
things which can be thus clearly known by themselves,
we must put doubting, thinking, being. For I do not
believe any one ever existed so stupid as to need to
know what being is before he could affirm that he is ;
and it is the same of thought and doubt. Nor can he
learn these things except by himself, nor be convinced
of them but by his own experience, and by that con-
sciousness and inward witness which every man finds
in himself when he examines the subject. And as we
should define whiteness in vain to a man who can see
nothing, while one who can open his eyes and see a
white object requires no more ; so to know what
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 239
doubting is, and what thinking is, it is only necessary
to doubt and to think."*
" Nothing/' says Mr Hallam, whose translation is
here adopted, " could more tend to cut short the ver-
bal cavils of the schoolmen, than this limitation of
their favourite exercise, definition. It is due there-
fore to Descartes, so often accused of appropriating
the discoveries of others, that we should establish his
right to one of the most important that the new logic
has to boast." f
Out of this scientific method of inquiry sprung the
little practical treatise of Descartes on logic, entitled,
Rules for the Direction of the Understanding. This
abounds with many general and valuable remarks on
the cultivation of the reasoning powers, and on the
best modes of strengthening them, and giving them,
particularly in early life, a proper direction. He here
evinces his dislike to syllogistic forms of argumenta-
tion. " Truth," says he, " often escapes from these
fetters, in which those who employ them remain en-
tangled. We frequently witness this in the case of
those who make no use of logical forms whatever, ex-
perience showing that the most subtle of sophisms
delude none but the sophists themselves; never those
who trust to the power of natural reason. And to
convince ourselves how little this syllogistic art serves
towards the discovery of truth, we may remark, that
the logicians can form no syllogism with a true conclu-
sion, unless they are already acquainted with the truth
that the syllogism develops. Hence it follows, that the
vulgar logic is entirely useless to him who would dis-
* Vol. ii., p. 369. f Lit. Mid. Ages, vol. ii., p. 453.
240 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
cover truth for himself, though it may assist in ex-
plaining to others the truth he already knows, and
that it would be better to transfer it as a science from
philosophy to rhetoric." *
As an example of the many popular observations
contained in this work, we shall just quote one, rela-
tive to the mode which Descartes himself followed in
the acquirement of knowledge — a mode not unworthy
of the attention of young men of the present day.
The passage is quoted by Mr Hallam for a different
purpose ; but its intrinsic excellence will support a
transference of it to these pages. " I confess," says
Descartes, " that I was born with such a temper, that
the chief pleasure I find in study is not from learning
the arguments of others, but by inventing my own.
This disposition alone impelled me in youth to the
study of science ; hence, whenever a new book pro-
mised by its title some new discovery, before sitting
down to read it, I used to try whether my own natu-
ral sagacity could lead me to any thing of the kind,
and I took care not to lose this innocent pleasure by
too hasty a perusal. This answered so often, that I at
length perceived that I arrived at truth, not as other
men do, after blind and precarious guesses, by good-
luck rather than skill ; but that long experience had
taught me certain fixed rules, which were of surprising
utility, and of which I afterwards made use to discover
more truths."
It must be acknowledged, however, that there are
some of the rules in this work very loosely stated, and,
if carried into practice, would contract human know-
* Vol. ii., p. 255.
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 241
ledge to a very great extent. In one place, Descartes
counsels us never to trouble ourselves about objects
except those which the mind appears capable of ac-
quiring on unquestionable and irrefragable proof. As
he was a distinguished mathematician, and considered
arithmetic and geometry as affording a species of evi-
dence the most conclusive, he uses language which is
apt to lead the reader to conclude, that every other
branch of knowledge affords a species of evidence less
satisfactory than arithmetical and geometrical rela-
tions, and consequently less to be relied on. He says,
" From this we may conclude, not that arithmetic and
geometry are the only sciences which we must learn,
but that he who seeks the road to truth, should not
concern himself with any matter of which he cannot
have as certain a knowledge as of arithmetical and
geometrical demonstrations." If this were Descartes'
real opinion, it stands directly opposed to some of the
leading canons of his own philosophical method. In
fact, if the rule were taken in accordance with its lite-
ral meaning, it would cut off nine-tenths of the learn-
ing and knowledge of mankind.
In this little treatise there are twenty-one rules for
the government of the understanding ; but the reader
will find the first six or seven the most valuable and
philosophical in their aim.
Before closing this brief notice of Descartes' logic,
I cannot refrain from inserting a few lines from Mr
Hallam, who seems to entertain a very high opinion of
its general merits. He says, " I consider The Rules
for the Direction of the Understanding, as one of the
best works on logic (in the enlarged sense) which I
Q
242 LOGICAL SPECULATIONS OF HOBBES,
have ever read — more practically useful, perhaps, to
young students than the Novum Organum ; and
though, as I have said, his illustrations are chiefly ma-
thematical, most of his rules are applicable to the gen-
eral discipline of the reasoning powers. It occupies
little more than one hundred pages ; and I think that
I am doing a service in recommending it. Many of
the rules will, of course, be found in later books ; some
possibly in earlier."*
The Cartesian system spread widely after the death
of its founder. All the churches and public institu-
tions of learning in Holland, were filled with able men
devoted to its leading views and principles. Mr Hal-
lam observes, that " The old scholastic philosophy
became ridiculous : its distinctions, its maxims, were
laughed at, as its adherents complain ; and probably a
more fatal blow was given to the Aristotelian system
by Descartes than even by Bacon. The Cartesian
theories were obnoxious to the rigid class of theolo-
gians ; but two parties of considerable importance in
Holland, the Arminians and the Coccejans, generally
espoused the new philosophy. Many speculations in
theology were immediately connected with it, and it
acted on the free and scrutinizing spirit which began
to sap the bulwarks of established orthodoxy." f
Descartes was viewed, however, by some parties as
an obnoxious innovator. The University of Ley den,
in 1651, condemned his doctrines, on the ground that
they sapped the foundation of Aristotle's system ; and,
about the same time, the University of Utrecht made a
formal declaration of the same import, j
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 456. f Ibid., vol. iii. p. 316.
X Tessel. Hist. Phil. Cartesian*, p. 55.
GASSENDI, AND DESCARTES. 243
It is almost impossible to estimate the amount of
influence, direct and indirect, which the logical specu-
lations of Descartes have exercised over the science of
method and reasoning since his day. Nearly all the
modern theories of truth and evidence touch upon it in
some direction or other. Dugald Stewart conceives,
that the true philosophy of modern times may be
dated from the Principia of Descartes rather than the
Novum Organum of Bacon, or even the works of
Locke. Victor Cousin maintains, that Descartes esta-
blished in France the same method that Bacon did in
England ; and that he did this with less grandeur
of imagination, but with more exactness and precision.
" The Cartesian philosophy," says Mr Hallam, " in
one sense carried in itself the seeds of its own decline :
it was the Scylla of many dogs ; it taught men to
think for themselves, and to think often better than
Descartes had done. A new eclectic philosophy, or
rather the genuine spirit of free inquiry, made Carte-
sianism cease as a sect, though it left much that had
been introduced by it. We owe thanks to those Car-
tesians of the seventeenth century for their strenuous
assertion of reason against prescriptive authority ; the
latter end of this age was signalized by the overthrow
of a despotism which had fought every inch in its re-
treat, and it was manifestly after a struggle on the
continent with this new philosophy, that it was ulti-
mately vanquished." *
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 317.
244 LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM DESCARTES
CHAPTEB XL
LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM DESCARTES TILL THE PUBLICATION
OF LOCKE'S ESSAY IN 1690.
After the writings of Bacon, Hobbes, Gassendi, and
Descartes became known throughout the continent and
England, logical systems became modified and varied
in a surprising manner. This change is less observable
in the universities than out of them ; but in every
direction we find writers intensely occupied in the cul-
tivation of the principles of logical philosophy, and in
moulding the formal and educational treatises on the
subject into a conformity with the general theories of
reasoning adopted by different authors. A love of
change seemed to have taken possession of the philo-
sophic mind of Europe.
The predominating phase belonging to the class of
writers in this portion of history, is that of seeking out
new logical methods of inquiry, which would, in some
degree at least, supply the deficiency which arose out
of the mere verbal and phenomenal character which
logic had assumed from Bacon's time. Principles of
logical philosophy had been propounded, which directly
TILL THE PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S ESSAY. 245
closed the door against theology, In treating of man's
moral obligation, in conjunction with religious senti-
ment and feeling, there was needed a solid and subjec-
tive element, altogether apart from mere verbal defini-
tions and external experience, in order to render it
intelligible, and to effect the hidden though powerful
instincts of the heart. We must see, in fact, the con-
nexion between God and ourselves. This must be
brought fairly and directly before us. Looking merely
at the outward forms or constitution of things, was not
sufficient ; the everyday actions and feelings of men
were always demanding some comprehensive and gene-
ral rules of a subjective character, by which they might
be measured, guided, and estimated. Logical methods,
therefore, which were based on mere verbal arrange-
ments and psychological phenomena, gave only a one-
sided and imperfect view of man's nature, and the na-
ture of truth generally. It. was from considerations of
this kind, that many of the most influential writers we
are now about to notice handled the subject of scientific
evidence, and attempted to lay down such logical rules
as would embrace the abstract principles of theology,
as well as those phenomena more directly connected
with external nature.
The generality of these logical methods we are now
about to sketch, had therefore a threefold object — to
shew the connexion of thought with language ; to dwell
upon physical and mental phenomena as they are de-
veloped in our sensational system; and to unfold and
bring to open day the fundamental conceptions of
Divinity as they lie in the depths of the human heart.
It was requisite that each distinct object which these
246 LOGICAL SCIENCE FROM DESCARTES
logical methods embraced, should be individually dwelt
upon, and its offices and limitations accurately defined,
so that the entire structure of scientific truth and
knowledge should be of fair and goodly proportions.
Philosophical inquiry was to be unfettered, and science
embraced in all its fulness and comprehensiveness; a
unity of character was to be impressed upon it, and
that unity was to rest on the theological element as its
basis. The grand object of all reasoning, as now
taught, was to elevate man in the scale of intellectual
existence, and to make him a more moral, religious,
and happy being than heretofore. This was the burden
of all the logical treatises and speculations given to the
world at this period, which enjoyed any thing like a
general or European reputation or popularity. They
aimed at the improvement of the entire man in head
and in heart.
Indeed, at no period did the important element of
theological authority and sentiment exercise a more
marked influence over logical systems than at the pre-
sent epoch. Religious principles were regularly and
systematically incorporated with almost every dialectic
method. They formed an essential ingredient in the
philosophic mind. They dictated the modes in which
truth should be sought after and promulgated. Logic
had no limits save the entire science of man in all his
relations in life. On the evidence belonging to the
several branches of knowledge, springing out of these
relations, logical writers spake with authority and
power. There was no hesitation or compromise ; nor
was there allowed any appeal from their decisions. The
spirit which animated them sprung from the ennobling
TILL THE PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S ESSAY. 247
doctrines they espoused relative to the reason or soul
of man. They felt it incumbent to raise it from the
mire. It had often been made an ignoble thing, and
perishable withal ; like the leaf that spangles on the
tree, now full of beauty and verdure, but soon doomed
to fade and drop from its stem, to be again resolved
into its original elements. A logic which taught, or
attempted to teach, a more elevating doctrine, was
therefore received by Christian societies with ardour
and gratitude, and as possessing an especial and intense
interest in the eyes of those who had the guidance of
general education. Man was no longer considered as
only a finer specimen of the animal, but had within an
immaterial and immortal principle, which the coldness
of the grave could not destroy. This was the true
secret of that influence which many of the works we
are now about to notice exercised over the logical studies
and opinions of the world.
And as a necessary consequence, in some measure,
of this vigilant search after subjective logical methods,
and the desire to render them extensively useful, and
to bring them to bear on all departments of human
knowledge, was a practice which now sprung up, of
expounding logical principles and rules through the
medium of some particular subject or science. Some
writers took mathematics, some law, some divinity, and
some the interpretation of Scripture facts and doc-
trines.
Godfrey William Leibnitz. — Few names in modern
philosophy have been more influential on logical science
than that of Leibnitz, especially in Germany and the
north of Europe. His speculations, though of a general
248 LOGICAL SCIENCE — LEIBNITZ.
and abstruse character, have nevertheless a pointed
reference to the great questions connected with scien-
tific truth and certainty. His logical investigations are,
however, so much mingled with mental theories and dis-
cussions, as to render it a difficult matter to separate
the former from the general mass of his philosophy,
and present them, in all their unalloyed purity, to
the attention of the general reader. Wherever we cast
the eye over his productions, we meet with the hypo-
thetical element in rich and varied abundance.
To a certain extent Leibnitz was an expounder of the
Cartesian philosophy; but his theory of the universe
leads to conclusions very different from the theory of
Descartes. The monads, or ultimate atoms of Leibnitz,
play an important part in his cosmogony ; and all his
speculations on the nature of scientific truth, have a
close affinity with the doctrines involved in this peculiar
theory. A knowledge of it is certainly desirable, in
order to see the nature of his logical views; but its
development requires more space than is at our com-
mand. We must therefore attempt to make his
notions on the nature of reasoning somewhat intelli-
gible, without going over the entire range of his philo-
sophy.
According to Leibnitz, all rational perceptions are
connected together by a law which is superior to that
of memory. This law rests, however, on two principles,
and these form the basis of every species of reasoning
or dialectic argumentation. The one principle is the
sufficient reason, and the other the principle of contra-
diction.
By the principle of the sufficient reason, we consider
LOGICAL SCIENCE LEIBNITZ. 249
that no fact can occur without reason sufficient for its
occurrence in a particular manner, rather than other-
wise. All theories or arrangements of facts rest upon
this principle.
The principle of contradiction enables us to mark
and distinguish what is false or untrue ; because what-
ever implies at one and the same time an affirmation
and a negation, involves a contradiction — as if, for ex-
ample, we were to affirm that the same thing could be
and not be at the same moment. This principle of
contradiction is the principle of identity, and the basis
on which all necessary truths rest.
The principle of sufficient reason deals with facts,
and the principle of contradiction with indemonstrable
truths. Apparently these two principles are distinct
when considered in reference to two different species of
knowledge ; yet the one is derived from the other. The
necessity of a sufficient reason for every thing which
exists, is itself a necessary or fundamental truth in all
reasonings, because the negative of it cannot be con-
ceived. Ultimately, therefore, the principle of contra-
diction is the sole and common root from which all
scientific truth springs.
These principles, developed by great talent and ori-
ginal genius, extended themselves in every direction
throughout Germany and other neighbouring states,
and exercised a marked influence over logical studies
and systems of logic very soon after their promulgation.
In respect to the syllogistic mode of reasoning,
Leibnitz expresses himself a qualified admirer of it. In
his criticisms on the observations which Locke made
upon it, he maintains that, though he agreed in the
250 LOGICAL SCIENCE LORD HERBERT.
main with the English philosopher's statements, he still
thought that the syllogism ought not to be indiscrimi-
nately condemned. It has its value chiefly as an in-
strument of classification, and for the prompt and
ready disposal of knowledge previously obtained or
agreed upon by disputants. Even if it be admitted
that men ignorant of artificial logic, reason sometimes
more promptly and correctly than those intimately
skilled in it; yet this does not prove its absolute in-
utility, any more than because we occasionally find per-
sons quick and correct at arithmetical accounts, who
nevertheless know scarcely any thing of formal figures,
that therefore the science of numbers is of little use.
Syllogisms have undoubtedly been greatly abused, and
too often made the instruments of ingenious trifling and
sophistication ; but still they may prove advantageous
in quickening the faculties of the mind, and imparting
to them a vigour and energy which they would not
otherwise possess.
Lord Herbert of Cherbury was a speculative logical
writer of this period of some note and eccentricity.
His general views- were decidedly sceptical as to the
nature and extent of general evidence ; but his influ-
ence on the current of philosophic thought has hitherto
been but slender and limited.
His lordship's work, De Veritate (1624), is an at-
tempt to point out the sure means of discerning and
discovering truth, — distinguishing, however, the truth
from revelation, from probability, from possibility, and
from falsehood. General or absolute truth rests upon
seven fundamental axioms, — 1st, Truth exists ; 2nd, It
is coeval with the things to which it relates ; 3d, Its
LOGICAL SCIENCE BLAISE PASCAL. 251
existence is every where ; 4th, It is self-evident ; oth,
There are as many different truths as there are differ-
ences among things ; 6th, We recognise these differ-
ences by our natural faculties; and, 7th, There is a
general truth attached to all these several truths. An
analysis of these axioms gives the following results : —
All truth is distinguished into the truth of the thing or
object, — the truth of appearance, the truth of percep-
tion, and the truth of the understanding.
The powers of the human mind being limited, we
can only know or grasp the truth of things in a corre-
sponding degree. There must be a given or determined
relation between the truth of things as they are in
themselves and our intellect ; but this relation is not
always an object of accurate perception. In order to
seize it in all its totality or unity of being, it requires
we should know all the properties of things, which
knowledge is denied us. A conditional or limited view
of this relation is therefore all we can obtain ; and this
depends upon three principles, — 1st, That objects be
neither immensely large or minutely small ; 2nd, That
every object should have its principle of difference, or
its individuality, distinctly marked out from other
things with which it may be connected ; and, 3d, That
this individualization should be in accordance or har-
mony with some sense or perceptive organ. All truth
must rest upon these primary conditions.
All the faculties of the human soul, so far as the
discovery and appreciation of truth is concerned, are
four — instinct, internal perception, external sensation,
and reason.
Blaise Pascal, — Pascal is not a regular logical
252 LOGICAL SCIENCE — BLAISE PASCAL.
writer, but lie lias treated of some of the principles of
reasoning in a way which, has excited the attention of
many eminent logicians since his day. He says but
little, but that little is of weighty import.
He had meditated long and deeply on the nature of
truth in every department of human knowledge and
speculation, and had fixed in his own mind the precise
amount of evidence which each science yielded. In
point of logical certainty, he gave the preference to
geometry, because, he says, geometers are the only
reasoners who always keep the true laws of demonstra-
tion uniformly before them. These, according to his
system of classification, are eight in number. 1st, To
define nothing which cannot be expressed in clearer
terms than those in which it is already expressed ; 2nd,
To leave no obscure or equivocal terms undefined ;
3d, To employ in the definition no terms not already
known ; 4th, To omit nothing in the principles from
which we argue, unless we are sure it is granted ; 5th,
To lay down no axiom which is not perfectly self-evi-
dent ; 6th, To demonstrate nothing which is as clear
already as it can be made ; 7th, To prove every thing
in the least doubtful by means of self-evident axioms,
or of propositions already demonstrated ; 8th, To sub-
stitute mentally the definition instead of the thing
defined.
Pascal affirms that the first, fourth, and sixth rules
are not absolutely requisite to avoid erroneous conclu-
sions, but the other five rules are indispensable. He
also remarks, that although they may be found in our
ordinary books of logic, yet none but geometers have
recognised their importance, or been guided by them.
LOGICAL SCIENCE — POET-ROYAL LOGIC. 253
All other rules than those now given are mischievous
or useless ; they embody, he maintains, the entire art
of demonstration.*
The Port-Koyal Logic. — The work which goes
under this name forms an important landmark in mo-
dern logical science. It was the production of several
writers — Arnauld, Nicole, Sacy, Lancelot, and others ;
but chiefly the two first. Indeed, according to the
manuscript of the younger Eacine, they were the sole
writers of it ; for it is there stated, that the disserta-
tions and additions are by Nicole ; the first parts are
by Arnauld and Mcole together ; and the fourth, On
Method, by Arnauld alone. The first edition appeared
in 1662, under the following title : — La Logique, ou
V Art de Penser ; contenant outre les Megles communes,
plusieurs Observations nouvelles, propres a former le juge-
ment.
It is stated in the advertisement, that its production
arose from the following circumstance : — In the course
of a conversation, it was mentioned as a somewhat
remarkable thing, that a person had made himself well
acquainted with the greater part of logic in fifteen
days. This led one of the company to remark in a
sportive mood, that if Mr So-and-so would take the
trouble, he would engage to learn him all that was
really useful in logic in four or five days. From this
random proposal it was resolved to make the attempt.
An abstract of the science was determined upon, which,
it was thought, would not occupy more than one day ;
but, instead of this limited time, it took four or five
days, and at the end of this period the work was sub-
* ffiuvres. i. 66.
254 LOGICAL SCIENCE — PORT-ROYAL LOGIC.
stantially finished, nearly in the state we now have it.
The treatise has been translated into nearly every lan-
guage in Europe.*
The following is the definition of logic given by the
authors of the Port-Royal : — " Logic is the art of
directing reason aright in obtaining the knowledge of
things, for the instruction both of ourselves and others.
It consists of the reflections which have been made on
the four principal operations of the mind — conceiving,
judging, reasoning, and disposing"
The logic of the Port-Royal is divided into four parts.
I. Containing reflections on Ideas, or on the first opera-
tion of the mind, which is called conceiving, — This part
embraces the nature and origin of our ideas — their
relation to their objects — the ten categories of Aristotle
— the ideas of things and signs — ideas relative to their
simplicity or composition — of ideas relative to their
generality, particularity, and singularity — of genus,
species, difference, property, and accident — of complex
terms, universal and particular — of clear and distinct,
of obscure and confused ideas — examples of these from
morals — of the causes of confusion and obscurity of
our thoughts and discourses — of the nature and influ-
ence of definition, and of the ideas which the mind
adds to those which are expressed by words or signs.
Part II. Containing the reflections which men have
made on their judgments. — This section of the work
contains the nature of words relative to propositions —
of the verb — of what is implied by a proposition — of
simple, accidental, and compound propositions — of the
* There are three English translations of the work ; one in 1680, another in 1716,
and the third by Mr Baynes, 1850. I have quoted from the last.
LOGICAL SCIEXCE — PORT-KOYAL LOGIC. 255
falsity incident to complex propositions — of affirmation
and negation, subject and attribute, relative to propo-
sitions.
Part III. Reasoning. — The nature of reasoning —
the syllogism — rules relative to its figures and modes —
of sophistical and bad reasoning in civil life and in
common discourse.
Part IV. Of Method. — What is implied in this —
two kinds of it — method of composition — method of
geometers, axioms, demonstration — method of the
sciences — what can be known by faith, human and
divine — rules for the direction of reason — of the judg-
ments we should form relative to future events.
Arnauld's system of reasoning is essentially an expo-
sition of Descartes' doctrines on the same subject,
though there was a difference between these two philo-
sophers on some matters of minor import. The word
idea is used in the Port-Eoyal logic in its widest and
most common acceptation ; standing for notions, per-
ceptions, images, volitions, conceptions, desires, &c.
This is an important point to be kept in view, in judg-
ing of the nature and merits of this celebrated and
popular treatise.
The great end of all logical studies is, according to
Arnauld, to perfect our judgments on subjects connect-
ed with human nature — to view man aright in his
several relations, as a moral, political, and religious
being. This is emphatically dwelt upon in the follow-
ing observations : — " The main object of our attention
should be, to form our judgment, and render it as
exact as possible ; and to this end the greater part of
our studies ought to tend. We employ reason as an
256 LOGICAL SCIENCE — POET-ROYAL LOGIC.
instrument for acquiring the sciences ; whereas, on the
contrary, we ought to avail ourselves of the sciences as
an instrument for perfecting our reason — -justness of
mind being infinitely more important than all the
speculative knowledge which we can obtain by means
of sciences the most solid and well established. This
ought to lead wise men to engage in these only as far
as they may contribute to that end, and to make them
the exercise only, and not the occupation of their men-
tal powers.
" If we have not this end in view, the study of the
speculative sciences, such as geometry, astronomy, and
physics, will be little else than a vain amusement, and
scarcely better than the ignorance of these things,
which has at least this advantage — that it is less labo-
rious, and affords no room for that empty vanity which
is often found connected with these barren and unpro-
fitable knowledges. These sciences not only have nooks
and hidden places of very little use ; they are even
totally useless, considered in themselves and for them-
selves alone. Men are not born to employ their time
in measuring lines, in examining the relations of angles,
and considering the different movements of matter —
their minds are too great, their life too short, their time
too precious, to be engrossed with such petty objects ;
but they ought to be just, equitable, prudent, in all
their converse, in all their actions, and in all the busi-
ness they transact, and to these things they ought spe-
cially to discipline and train themselves. This care and
study .are so very necessary, that it is strange that this
exactness of judgment should be so rare a quality."*
* Discourse I.
LOGICAL SCIENCE POET-ROYAL LOGIC. 257
The Port-Koyal logic was one of the boldest attempts
to overthrow the Aristotelian system that had been
made up to the time of its publication ; and its anti-
pathy to that system is more decided and general than
what at first sight appears from the work itself — inas-
much as the syllogistic rules are retained and given at
full length, But this is evidently done under the im-
pression that it would not have been prudent to carry
opposition to a greater extent. The whole of the chapters
of the work, from the third in part third, to the twelfth,
are considered as consisting of matters of no practical
utility. These contain the rules for the various modes
and figures of the syllogism. The authors say in refer-
ence to these — " More of doubt arose in relation to
certain matters difficult enough and but of little use —
such as the conversion of propositions and the demon-
stration of the rules of figure ; but we have determined
not to omit them, since their very difficulty is not alto-
gether without its use."
The ten categories are given at length in the work ;
but the authors remark that " these are the ten cate-
gories of Aristotle, about which there has been so much
mystery, although in truth they are in themselves of
very little use ; and not only do not contribute much
to form the judgment, which is the end of true logic,
but often are very injurious, for two reasons, — First,
we regard the categories as something founded on
reason and truth, whereas they are altogether arbitrary,
and are founded only in the imagination of a man who
had no authority to prescribe a law to others ; and the
second reason which renders the study of the cate-
gories dangerous is, that it accustoms men to satisfy
R
258 LOGICAL SCIENCE — PORT-ROYAL LOGIC.
themselves with words, and to imagine that they know
all things, when they know only arbitrary names, which
form in the mind no clear and distinct idea of the
things."*
The fourth part, on method, is a valuable portion of
the work. Pascal's rules of evidence are here adopted,
but enlarged and illustrated at greater length. Method
is considered one of the most useful and important
portions of logical science. It substantially consists of
a series of several reasonings, by which we incontest-
ably prove some truth.
" The Port-Eoyal logic," says Mr Hallam, " though
not perhaps very much read in England, has always been
reckoned among the best works in that science, and
certainly had a great influence in rendering it more
metaphysical, more ethical (for much is said by Arnauld
on the moral discipline of the mind, in order to fit it
for the investigation of truth), more exempt from
technical barbarisms, and trifling definitions and divi-
sions. It became more and more acknowledged, that
the rules of syllogism go a very little way in rendering
the mind able to follow a course of inquiry without
error, much less in assisting it to discover truth ; and
that even this vaunted prerogative of securing us from
fallacy is nearly ineffectual in exercise. The substitu-
tion of the French language in its highest polish, for
the uncouth Latinity of the Aristotelian, was another
advantage of which the Cartesian school legitimately
availed themselves."")'
M. Crousaz observes in his Logic, that the Port-Eoyal
logic exercised a more powerful influence in reforming
* Tart I., chap, ill, t Lit. Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 322.
LOGICAL SCIENCE MALEBRANCHE. 259
academical instruction throughout the whole continent
of Europe, than the writings of either Bacon or Des-
cartes. We may also acid the testimony of Stewart,
who says, " Ho publication, certainly, prior to Locke's
Essaij, can be named, containing so much good sense,
and so little nonsense on the science of logic ; and very
few have since appeared on the same subject, which
can be justly preferred to it in point of practical
utility."*
Father Malebranche. — This philosopher based his
logical evidence upon theology. His Recherche de la
Verite was published in 1674, and excited considerable
attention among the scientific men of Europe.
The grand principle of his system is, that we see all
things in Grod. In this he follows the example of
Descartes and many others ; only he works out the
problem in a very original and talented manner. All
scientific truth must ultimately rest upon an infinitely
true and perfect being ; no other foundation is con-
ceivable. This idea of the Divine nature implies, on
the one hand, the existence of its object ; and, on the
other, all the individual ideas, which can never be any
thing else save particular aspects or phases of the One
universal idea of being. " The union," says he, " of
the soul to God, is the sole means by which we acquire
a knowledge of what is true. This union has, however,
been rendered so obscure by our original transgression,
that few can understand what is implied by it — to
those who are blindly led by the dictates of sense and
passion, it appears imaginary. The same cause has so
strengthened and fortified the connexion between the
* Dissert., p. 80.
260 LOGICAL SCIENCE MALEBKANCHE.
soul and the body, that we consider them as one sub-
stance, of which the latter portion is the principal part.
It is from this reason that we may be all apprehensive
that we do not clearly distinguish the confused sounds
with which the senses fill the imagination, from that
pure voice of truth which speaks to the soul. The
body speaks in a tone louder than Grod himself; and
our pride makes us presumptuous enough to judge
without waiting for those words of truth, without
which we cannot really judge at all."
The work is divided into six books. The five first
are devoted to pointing out the errors of judgment
arising out of the senses, the understanding, the imagi-
nation, the natural inclinations or desires, and the pas-
sions. The sixth book contains the logical method of
avoiding these.
The Aristotelian logic, though rapidly falling in-
to discredit among enlightened laymen in almost
every country in Europe, had still a numerous host of
firm and zealous friends in most of the universities,
and particularly in the bosom of the Catholic Church
generally , The -theories of Descartes and Leibnitz,
the common-sense views of Arnauld, and the philo-
sophy of Bacon, were making a deep impression among
thinking men in every direction ; but in proportion as
this innovating spirit gained strength, in the same
ratio did alarm spread itself among the advocates of the
purely syllogistic theory. The Jesuits were conspicu-
ously active in retaining the ancient method of instruc-
tion ; and the Sorbonne of Paris, in 1693, raised its
voice in their behalf, by ordering Aristotle to be main-
tained in all his integrity and power.
LOGICAL SCIENCE — DIGBY, WHITE, GLANVIL. 261
These conflicting opinions gave rise to various logi-
cal speculations, having for their ostensible object a
reformation of the science to some extent, but the real
aim of which was to give support to one or other of
the leading systems which divided the philosophical
opinion of Europe. The religious element predomi-
nated in most of these logical publications, though
there were exceptions of a sceptical cast to the gene-
rality of the rule.
Edward Digby wrote his De Duplici Methodo libri
duo, unicam P. Rami Methodum Refutantes, in 1589 ;
a work of considerable merit. The main object of it
is, to point out the advantages of method in the expo-
sition of those principles and rules which lead the mind
to sound reasoning. His views on this subject are
very much in unison with those developed by James
Concio, already noticed. Thomas White, a Soman
Catholic clergyman, argues for the supremacy of the
syllogistic theory, and maintains that it is admirably
calculated to promote sound knowledge. His observa-
tions are contained in a work, entitled, An Exclusion
of Sceptics from all title of dispute ; being an Answer to
the Vanity of Dogmatizing. White taught publicly at
Lisbon, Douay, Rome, and Paris. Joseph Grlanvil, the
author of The Vanity of Dogmatizing (1661), against
which White directs his censures, has a violent attack
upon the Aristotelian logic, which, it is affirmed, is
nothing but a play upon words. " It tells us nothing,"
says the author, " but what a child may understand."
This publication was afterwards entitled Sceptis Scien-
tifica ; and has received the high commendation of
Dugald Stewart, who observes, that it is " one of the
262 LOGICAL SCIENCE — SIK KE.NELM DIGBY, ETC.
most acute and original productions of which English
philosophy had then to boast."* Glanvil likewise stig-
matizes the system of Aristotle in severe terms, in his
Plus Ultra, or the Progress and Advancement of Know-
ledge since Aristotle (1668). His own views on the
nature of scientific truth may be gathered from the
following observations : — " The philosophy that must
signify either for light or use, must not be the work of
the mind turned in upon itself; but it must be raised
from the observations and applications of sense, and take
its account from things, as they are in the sensible
world. The illustrious Lord Bacon hath noted this as
the chief cause of the unprofitableness of the former
methods of knowledge, namely, that they were but the
exercises of the mind, making conclusions, and spinning
out notions from its own native store ; from which
mode of proceeding nothing but dispute and air could
be expected." f
Sir Kenelm Digby, grandson of Edward Digby, just
noticed, was a stout defender of the Aristotelian logic.
His opinions on this subject will be found in his Insti-
tutiones Peripateticce. John Morris, in his Essay to-
wards the Theory of the Ideal or Intelligible World,
endeavoured to illustrate the logical philosophy of
Plato, relative to general truths and essences. In this
he follows the footsteps of Malebranche. Wallis's
work, Institutio Logicce ad Communes Usus Accommo-
data (1687), became generally well known among
logicians in England. And Oldfield's Essay towards
the Improvement of Reason, founded upon some of the
logical principles of the Port-Royal, obtained some
* Dissert,,, p. 217. t Plus Ultra, \\ 52.
LOGICAL SCIENCE BUKGEKSDICIUS, KEG1S. 263
limited notice in its day. About this time appeared
Aldrich's Compendium Artis Logicce. We have the
Artis Logicce of the immortal John Milton, who de-
fines logic to be " the art of reasoning well." His
work is divided into two parts ; the one relates to the
nature and invention of different kinds of arguments,
and the other to the disposing of them in formal order.
The last division is worked out in conformity to the
logical views of Peter Ramus. Method, Milton says,
is of vital moment in logic.
Fran. Burgersdicius was a distinguished logician at
this period, and published his Instit. Logicce ad Aristo-
telis prcecepta Concinatce at Cambridge in 1647, and at
Geneva in 1651. Smiglecius likewise obtained no in-
considerable reputation in the path of logical literature.*
Louis de la Forge examines the nature of truth through
a Cartesian medium in his Traite de V Esprit de V Homme
(1666). Of what does knowledge or truth consist?
He answers the question thus : " To know is simply to
perceive that which is internally represented in the
mind." Innate ideas are of three classes — the sub-
stance which thinks, the substance which is extended,
and the third is a composition of both. Pierre Sylvain
Regis followed nearly in the footsteps of De la Forge.
The logic of Regis will be found in his Systeme de la
Philosophic (1690). At the commencement he states,
"All I have said being due to M. Descartes, whose
principles and method I have followed even in explana-
tions that are different from my own." In accordance
with his master, he tells us that all knowledge from
reasoning is acquired "by a simple and internal in-
* " La Logique de Smiglecius est un bel ouvvage." — Rapin.
264 LOGICAL SCIENCE — HUET, FOUCHEK.
tuition, which precedes all acquired knowledge, and
which I call consciousness." In the author's logic, he
professes to be guided by the doctrines of the Port-
Royal, although he does not give any account of the
figures and modes of the syllogism.* Huet, Bishop of
Avranches, discusses several of the leading principles of
logic in his several works, Traite Philosophique sur la
Faiblesse de V Esprit Humain, Demonstratio JEvangelica,
Qucestiones Alnetance, and the Censura Philosophice
Cartesiance. Huet's notions of scientific evidence in-
clined to scepticism. " We demand," says he, " a
criterium of truth — a sign, a stamp to which conviction
shall be attached. But where is this criterium ? It is
not in man, and nature declares she knows nothing of
it. It cannot be in the instruments we use, for our
senses and imagination deal only in deceptive impres-
sions ; and the understanding and reason offer no
grounds for certainty, since they are both a hidden
mystery to us. Nor need we look for it in the active
energy of the mind itself. In fine, to obtain a criterium
of truth, we must previously know what truth is ; whilst
again, to know truth, we should still require a criterium.
Of what importance is a rule, if it be not a right one '?
And how can we know it is right ?"f
We find a portion of the same scepticism in the
Dissertation sur la Recherche de la Verite, ou sur la
Logiques des Academicians of the Abbe Foucher. He
also maintains the doctrine that there are no necessary
* " Nous ne dirons rien des figures ni des syllogismes en general : car Men que
tout cela puisse servir de quelque chose pour la speculation de la logique, il n'est au
moins d'aucun usage pour la practique, laquelle est I'unique but que nous nous
sommes proposes dans co traite." — P. 37.
f Traite, ch. 8.
LOGICAL SCIENCE HIRNHAIM, DERODON. 265
truths connected with the sciences of physics and morals ;
they are only to be found in mathematics, and in the
demonstrations of the existence of a Deity. The logi-
cal opinions of P. Marsenne will be found in his work,
La Verite des Sciences contre les Sceptiques. As an
antidote in some measure to the doubt pervading some
of these speculations, we have the treatise of Jerome
Hirnhaim of Prague, entitled, De la Certitude des Con-
naissances Humaines (1671). He maintains that all
the reasonings of men are grounded upon a few ele-
mentary principles of an intuitive character, — as the
belief of our own existence, the faith in the testimony
of others, and the firm conviction of our perceptions of
right and wrong."5"
David Derodon was a logician of great eminence in
his day. He taught logic in several universities in
France, but ultimately settled at Geneva, where he
officiated for many years as professor of philosophy.
His general principles of logic are founded on Aris-
totle's system, which, viewed as a whole, he considers
based on incontestable evidence. Being, however, of
an original and independent mind, Derodon did not
take the commonly received doctrines of reasoning mi-
grant ed, but urged many special grounds of dissent
from some notions prevalent in his time. The most
important of these related to the predicaments, to the
definitions of universals, to the nature of genus and
species, and to the discrepancies of opinion on some
points of little importance, between Aristotle and the
logical views of Plato, Democritus, and Epicurus.")*
About the same time Duhamel flourished, who likewise
* De la Certitude, chap. vii. + Logiea, Part. i. % 5.
266 LOGICAL SCIENCE DUHAMEL, BAYLE.
proved himself a profound logician, and who was ap-
pointed secretary to the French Academy at its estab-
lishment. His work, Philosophia Vetus et Nova ad
Usum Scholce Accommodata (1684), contains many
valuable observations on the art of reasoning. He
thinks Bacon's inductive method not altogether satis-
factory, chiefly on the ground that induction, from its
very nature, must prove a fallacious guide in many
instances by the imperfect manner it is performed by
the mass of mankind. Duhamel conceives that the
best logical method, both for the discovery and pro-
mulgation of truth, is to combine, in fair proportions,
theoretical with practical knowledge. They ought
always to go hand in hand in the study of nature.
"Investigations of causes," says he, "is confirmed by
experience ; but experiments by themselves are often
only blind and fortuitous kinds of things, unless there
be some light thrown on their causes."
The " logic " of Peter Bayle is contained in the fourth
volume of his collected works, and is given in Latin and
French. He defines logic to be " the art of forming
those instruments. which guide us to truth." His views
on logic as a science are compounded of the opinions of
Aristotle and Descartes. He ends his work with a
short chapter on method, which contains some sound
remarks on giving our argumentative labours a fixed
and determinate direction. His constitutional scepti-
cism is discernible, however, in many portions of the
Logique ; and in his other treatises we see evident signs
how prone his mind was to toy with subtle and extra-
logical questions. A striking instance we have of this
in his Dictionary, under the article " Chrysippus."
LOGICAL SCIENCE BAYLE. 267
" What is it, said some of the ancient sophists, which
constitutes what we call little, much, long, broad, small,
or great ? Do three grains of corn make a heap ? The
answer must be — no. Do four grains make a heap ?
You must make the same answer as before. They con-
tinued their interrogatories from one grain to another
without end ; and if you should happen at last to answer,
' Here is a heap,' they pretend your answer was absurd,
inasmuch as it supposed that one single grain makes
the difference between what is a heap, and what is not.
I might prove by the same method, that a great
drinker is never drunk. "Will one drop of wine fuddle
him ? ~No. Two drops, then ? By no means ; neither
three nor four. I might thus continue my interroga-
tories from one drop to another ; and if, at the end of
the nine hundred and ninety-ninth drop, you answered,
He is not fuddled, and at the thousandth, He is, I
should be entitled to infer that one single drop of
wine makes the difference between being drunk and
being sober— a most absurd proposition. If the inter-
rogations went on from bottle to bottle, you could
easily mark the difference in question. But he who
attacks you with a sorites, is at liberty to choose his
own weapons ; and, by making use of the smallest con-
ceivable increments, renders it impossible for you to
name a precise point which fixes a sensible limit be-
tween being drunk and being sober ; between what is
enough, and what is too much. A man of the world
would laugh at these sophistical quibbles, and would
appeal to common sense — to that degree of knowledge
which, in common life, is sufficient to enable us to
establish such distinctions. But to this tribunal a
268 LOGICAL SCIENCE — BOSSUET.
professed dialectician was not permitted to resort ; he
was obliged to answer in form ; and, if unable to find a
solution according to the rules of art, his defeat was
unavoidable. Even at this day, an Irish tutor who
should harass a professor of Salamanca with similar sub-
tilties, and should receive no other answer except this —
Common sense, and the general consent of mankind, suffi-
ciently shew your inferences are false — would gain the
victory ; his antagonist having declined to defend him-
self with those logical weapons with which the assault
had been made."
Bossuet's logical opinions had some influence in his
day, chiefly among the most refined and philosophical
of the French clergy. His Logique is divided into
three books, in accordance with the three powers or
faculties of the understanding — conception, judgment,
and reasoning. There are general precepts given at
the end of each book for the guidance of the mind in
its pursuit of knowledge. The work was composed for
the Dauphin of France, and is written in a very plain
and popular style. He defines truth to be that which
exists, and falsehood that which has no existence.
Truth being eternal, it must of necessity rest upon
Deity. All necessary truths and principles existed
prior to the human understanding ; and consequently
we can only be said to find truths, not to create them.
Huygens, professor of logic in the University of
Louvain, and the celebrated Fenelon, entertained nearly
the same notions of the philosophy of logic as Bossuet
did. Thev both argue for the intuitive nature of all our
primary maxims of reasoning, and that the idea we
entertain of the absolutely true, is intimatelv and neces-
LOGICAL SCIENCE — FOKTEtfELLE, MARIOTTE. 269
sarily connected with our general conceptions of a
Divine and Intelligent power. Fontenelle's view of
logical truth did not differ widely from those of the
three last-named authors. In his Fragments on Human
Reason, the Human Mind, and Instinct, he lays down
the proposition generally, that any cumbrous dialec-
tical framework is calculated to retard rather than ad-
vance our knowledge and intellectual improvement.
His opinion is, that all universal propositions and
scientific maxims are the result of often repeated ex-
periments or observations. Necessary truths he terms
natural axioms. These natural axioms constitute the
basis of all human reasoning, and may be divided into
two great classes — those which are derived from the
external world, and those appertaining to our internal
nature. What Fontenelle calls the laws of thought,
seem to be of the same character as those subsequently
developed by the common sense school of philosophy.
The Abbe Mariotte's work, Essai de Logique, Con-
tenant les Principes des Sciences (1678), contains ex-
cellent illustrations of those principles on which the
certainty of human knowledge is based ; and the same
thing may be said of several other French works on
logic, which appeared at, or a little before this time.
The logical works of Italy and Spain at this period
are not of a character to require any special enumera-
tion. In Spain particularly, every thing remained just
as it was in the clays of Thomas Aquinas. IsTo new or
foreign element had been introduced into the formal
treatises appropriated to logical education. Kapin
even affirms, that the logicians of this country had
made, for the last two centuries, a decidedly retrograde
270 LOGICAL SCIENCE KEMPE, ETC.
movement, instead of advancing, by the practice of
introducing into logic a great number of childish and
frivolous questions and subtilties, which had no other
effect than to bewilder the intellect.
In the north of Europe logical studies were prose-
cuted with ordinary diligence, There were several
works of importance published in Sweden during the
seventeenth century. In 1623 we have Alexander
Kempe discussing the merits of Aristotle's logic, and,
on many vital points, calling its validity in question.
He argues that the syllogism is too slender a basis for
rational argumentation. He is followed by Joh. Ches-
neiopherus in 1629, who, in his Logica, incorporated
many of the notions of Ramus. P. Aurivillius defended
the logic of Aristotle, and stoutly maintained it was the
only safe guide to the understanding. Enander, in
1640, became a very popular lecturer on logic, and
partially made known some of the peculiar views of
Bacon and Descartes on the subject. Students from
the remotest parts of the kingdom came to hear him.
His rival was J. Boethius, a professor of logic. For-
sius and George .Olavi were dialecticians of a mystical
character. The logical works of Laurens, Javelin, and
Gezelius, are purely treatises of a formal or scholastic
order.
In Holland and Belgium we have the following au-
thors, among many others, who cultivated logic : — Joh.
Schalerus, P. Nannius, P. Cornelius Brederod, Martinus
Schookius, M. Paludanus, Baldinus Junius, Gerardus
de Boot, Guil. Philippi, Jacob Speecq, A. Verhel,
Anth. Senguerdius, A. Deusinghins, Gisb. ab Ysen-
doorn, and Cornelius ab Hooghelandc.
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE. 271
CHAPTEE XII.
THE LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
It may safely be affirmed, that Locke's Essay on the
Human Understanding (1690), has given birth to a
more diversified series of logical systems and specula-
tions, as well as modes of tuition, than any other single
work since the days of Aristotle. Though not profess-
edly a logical treatise, yet it contains so many views
and facts connected with the reasoning process, and has
proved so suggestive to the minds of men, relative to
the government of the understanding, that novel logical
doctrines and systems have sprung up on all sides of
us, from the publication of the Essay till the present
day. It has been the great dialectical innovator for
nearly two centuries — aiming at the solution of all pro-
blems on the broad principles of common sense and
common reason, arising out of the varied and subtle
movements of the reasoning faculty.
Locke's influence over the logical studies of modern
times, has arisen chiefly from two sources — the one
metaphysical, and the other dialectical. The mental
powers are so minutely analysed, so accurately and
272 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE. .
plainly mapped out, that the entire structure of the
inward man is laid bare to every inquirer ; and then
again, the logical apparatus which moved, guided, and
directed the individual parts to their several offices and
ends, was so simple and effective, and so much in unison
with the everyday current of thought, that men have
been led to think that every thing necessary to be
known was to be found in the Essay, and nowhere else.
By a single sentence or a passing remark, he some-
times throws a flood of light upon some logical precept,
and shows its relation to the entire economy of the
reasoning faculty. Then, again, he deals with the
science or art of argumentation in its widest significa-
tion— pointing out the most striking phenomena —
harmonizing scattered and disjointed facts — and guid-
ing the judgment to some important generalization or
abstract truth.
It is not necessary to give more than a brief outline
of so well-known a book as the Essay on the Human
Understanding. And this outline must also be limited
to that portion of the Essay which directly bears upon
logical principles and rules. With the philosophy of
the treatise, properly so called, we have nothing to do,
further than to obtain that very general conception
of its character and scope, which is absolutely neces-
sary to a ready comprehension of the author's logical
theory.
The mental philosophy of Locke is based upon two
principles — the origin of our ideas, and the principle of
human knowledge, — that is, the agreement of ideas with
objects-
There are two sources of the origin of our ideas —
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE. 273
sensation and reflection. All ideas of things distinct
from the thinking subject are derived from sensation,
or the effects of external bodies upon our several senses
of seeing, hearing, tasting, smelling, and touching.
All ideas of the modes of being, or of the operations
of the intellect — such as ideas of perception, thought,
doubt, belief, knowledge, will, reasoning, intelligence, and
the like — are derived from the power of reflection.
The principle of knowledge, or the correspondence
of ideas with things, embraces that portion of the au-
thor's speculations which have a direct reference to
logical systems.
Locke defines knowledge to be the perception of the
agreement or disagreement of our ideas. It can be
viewed in three different aspects, — 1st, In reference to
its objects ; 2nd, In reference to its nature ; and, 3dly,
In reference to its origin.
Knowledge, in reference to its objects, is of four
kinds, — 1st, A knowledge of identity and diversity ;
2nd, A knowledge of relation ; 3d, A knowledge of co-
existence ; and, 4th, A knowledge of real existence.
Knowledge, in reference to its nature, is of two kinds
— actual and habitual.
Knowledge, in reference to its origin, is of three
kinds — intuitive, demonstrative, and sensitive.
Locke prescribes the limits of human knowledge in
this manner: — 1st, We have knowledge no further
than we have ideas ; 2nd, We have knowledge no fur-
ther than we have perceptions of the agreement or
disagreement of these ideas ; and, 3d, That this per-
ception is either by intuition, demonstration, or sen-
sation.
274 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
Truth is defined by Locke to be the joining or sepa-
rating of signs, according as the things signified by
these signs agree or disagree among themselves. He
again divides truth into two kinds — moral and meta-
physical. Moral truth consists in speaking as we think,
whether the thing spoken of be as we state or not.
Metaphysical truth is, when thought corresponds with
the real existence of things.
A proposition is defined to be a sentence affirming
the agreement or disagreement of two ideas — such as,
Plato was a philosopher ; white is not black. Every
proposition consists of three members, — namely, the
subject, the predicate, and the copula.
Judgment and probability are two important instru-
ments in Locke's logical system. Judgment is defined
to be the joining or separating ideas, as they are pre-
sumed, not perceived, to agree or disagree. Probability
consists in the appearance of agreement or disagree-
ment of ideas through the means of other intermediate
ideas, whose connexion is not invariable, but only more
or less frequent.
Probable evidence forms the greatest portion of all
the evidence we have for the truth of any thing. It is
based on two principles — experience and testimony.
Experience is of two kinds — partial and general ;
and testimony is regulated by six distinct circumstances,
namely, — 1st, The number of the witnesses ; 2nd, Their
integrity ; 3d, Their skill or knowledge ; 4th, Their
intention or aim ; 5th, The consistency of their rela-
tion ; and, 6th, Contrary testimony.
Reason is treated of by Locke at considerable length.
AH reasoning consists of four parts or elements, — 1st,
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OP LOCKE. 275
The finding out of proofs ; 2nd, The disposing of them
in proper order ; 3d, The perceiving of their mutual
connexion ; and, 4th, The making a right use of them.
It is in this division of his work that he treats of the
syllogistic logic. Of the syllogism generally, he says,
" It serves our reason but in one only of the foremen-
tioned parts of it ; and that is, to show the connexion
of the proofs in any one instance, and no more : but in
this it is of no great use, since the mind can conceive
such connexion where it really is, as easily — nay, per-
haps better — without it." " If we will observe the
actings of our own minds, we shall find that we reason
best and clearest when we only observe the connexion
of the proof, without reducing our thoughts to any rule
of syllogism." . . . . " All who have so far considered
syllogism as to see the reason why, in three propositions
laid together in one form, the conclusion will certainly
be right, but in another not certainly so, I grant are
certain of the conclusion they draw from the premises
in the allowed modes and figures. But they who have
not so far looked into these forms, are not sure by
virtue of syllogism that the conclusion certainly follows
from the premises — they only take it to be so by an
implicit faith in their teachers, and a confidence in
those forms of argumentation ; but this is still but be-
lieving, not being certain. Now if, of all mankind,
those who can make syllogisms are extremely few in
comparison of those who cannot — and if, of those few
who have been taught logic, there is but a very small
number who do any more than believe that syllogisms
in the allowed modes and figures do conclude right,
without knowing certainly that they do so — if syllogisms
276 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
must be taken for the only proper instrument of reason
and means of knowledge — it will follow, that before
Aristotle there was not one man that did or could know
any thing by reason ; and that, since the invention of
syllogisms, there is not one of ten thousand that did."
" God has not been so sparing to men to make them
barely two-legged creatures, and left it to Aristotle to
make them rational, — that is, those few of them that
he can get to examine the grounds of syllogisms as to
see, that in about threescore ways that three proposi-
tions may be laid together, there are but fourteen
wherein one may be sure that the conclusion is right.
God has been more bountiful to mankind. He has
given them a mind that can reason without being in-
structed in methods of syllogism."
" Of what use," says he again, " then, are syllogisms ?
I answer, their chief and main use is in the schools,
where men are allowed without shame to deny the
agreement of ideas that do manifestly agree ; or, out of
the schools, to those who from thence have learned
without shame to deny the connexion of ideas, which
even to themselves is visible. But to an ingenuous
searcher after truth, who has no other aim but to find
it, there is no need of any such form to force the allow-
ing of the inference ; the truth and reasonableness of it
is better seen in ranging of the ideas in a simple and
plain order. And hence it is that men in their in-
quiries after truth never use syllogisms to convince
themselves." " Eules of syllogism serve not to furnish
the mind with those intermediate ideas that may show
the connexion of remote ones. This way of reasoning
discovers no new proofs, but is the art of marshalling
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE. 277
and ranging the old ones we have already." . . . . "A
man knows first, and then he is able to prove syllogis-
tically. So that syllogism comes after knowledge, and
then a man has little or no need of it." *
Again he says, " Having here had an occasion to speak
of syllogism in general, and the nse of it in reasoning
and the improvement of our knowledge, it is fit, before
I leave this subject, to take notice of one manifest mis-
take in the rules of syllogism, — namely, that no syllo-
gistical reasoning can be right and conclusive but what
has at least one general proposition in it. As if we
could not reason, and have knowledge about particu-
lars ; whereas in truth, the matter rightly considered,
the immediate object of all our reasoning and know-
ledge is nothing but particulars. Every man's reason-
ing and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in
his own mind, which are truly, every one of them,
particular existences ; and our knowledge and reason
about other things is only as they correspond with
those of our particular ideas." j-
The logical theory of Locke may, I conceive, be
substantially and fairly illustrated in the following man-
ner : — It consists of three divisions or members — ideas,
faculties, and reason or intelligence. He considers
ideas as the raw material out of which propositions and
arguments of every kind spring. Hence his maxim,
that the more ideas a man has, the more soundly and
comprehensively is he likely to reason. He considers
them as the foundation of all logical operations ; and
to have correct conceptions of their various orders and
* Essay, ehqh-xvi. 0^.^,0^.17. t Book IV., chap. xvii.
278 LOGICAL PEINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
chief characteristics, is a necessary preliminary to every
rational movement of the mind.
The author having fixed the science of reasoning on
ideas, he next directs attention to the faculties or
powers of the mind. These are the instruments which
operate on ideas. These powers are all, individually
and collectively, susceptible of improvement from exer-
cise ; therefore a knowledge of their nature and offices
in the mental economy is of essential service in their
use and application. It is incumbent to examine into,
and to obtain clear conceptions of what these various
original powers and faculties are, which are thus em-
ployed about ideas, either in their creation through the
inward power of reflection, or in that power of recalling
them before the mind's eye, and regulating their move-
ments in the process of mental conviction. These are
the instruments which the logician must wield when-
ever he makes a display of his art, either to satisfy his
own mind, or to bring the force of truth to bear on the
minds of others.
]SText comes reason or intelligence, whose office is
to direct the faculties in all their dealings with our
ideas, — in guiding, directing, and moulding them to
some given end or object, which is invariably a general
idea or conception, and which lies in ihe bosom of the
intelligent principle, so to speak, till circumstances de-
velop or quicken it into life and activity. The reason,
therefore, exercises an efficient and superintending
power over the entire mental machinery. It is not
itself a mere intellectual faculty or process : it is more.
It embraces the whole man. It enters into every thing
LOGICAL PEINCIPLES OF LOCKE. 279
in the shape of knowledge. Whether we deal with
facts, experiments, or observations, we never get beyond
the sphere of reason. As the author observes, " If
general knowledge consists in a perception of the
agreement or disagreement of our own ideas, and the
knowledge of the existence of things without us be had
only by our senses, what room is there for the exercise
of any other faculty but inward sense and inward per-
ception ? What need is there for reason ? Yery much,
both for the enlargement of our knowledge and regu-
lating our assent ; for it has to do both in knowledge
and opinion, and is necessary and assisting to all our
other intellectual faculties."
We can see from the general scope of Locke's Essay,
that he aims at the laying down certain comprehensive
rules for the discovery and promulgation of truth. He
makes the distinct portion of his philosophy subser-
vient to this end. He looked upon his own system in
the same light as Bacon did his, as forming an entire
and consolidated organon for the successful prosecution
of all science and knowledge. But there was this great
difference between these two distinguished logicians, —
Locke engrafted his logic upon certain primary prin-
ciples of mind, very dogmatically and pointedly en-
forced ; whereas Bacon dealt simply with the sensible
and material things around him, and only ventured to
suggest admonitory cautions and maxims as to their
arrangement, and the discovery of their causes. Locke's
theory of human knowledge and logical truth, was
therefore more fraught with the elements of dispute
and misapprehension than Bacon's ; and more likely
to give riser when reduced to any practical bearing, to
280 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
more diversified opinions as to its intrinsic nature and
merits. And this is just what we find has been the
case. The logical aim of Locke has been more severely
and minutely criticized, and more generally misappre-
hended and misconstrued, than that of Bacon's. The
theory of scientific evidence maintained by the latter,
was preserved from oscillating beyond a given point by
the material agencies within which it was encircled ;
but the system of Locke opened out at once a bound-
less range of discussion and speculation, calculated to
affect questions of the most vital character.
A very cursory glance at the chief parts of the Essmj
of Locke, will teach us that his logical method is pre-
cisely the same as the inductive method which Bacon
applied to the study of physical science. The philo-
sophy of mind is a science of facts revealed to us by
consciousness. This is Locke's fundamental position,
and the basis of all his logical illustrations. His mental
power of reflection is the instrument which corresponds
to the artificial instruments and reproductive processes
of the Baconian hypothesis.
We cannot close these remarks on Locke's logical
views without a passing word on his little tract, On the
Conduct of the Understanding. This has occasionally
been incorporated as a distinct chapter in his Esscaj,
for which it was originally intended by its author. It
is a valuable fragment. Its general scope is, to impress
upon the youthful mind in its pursuit of knowledge
the moral and religious obligation attending every ex-
ercise of the judgment and understanding; and that
every display of the logical art should be guided and
influenced by a conscientious love of truth. This
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE. 281
small essay of seventy-five octavo pages has often
been employed as a logical text-book in some of
our English universities. Indeed, its utility, as an
instrument of early •philosophical education, is highly
spoken of by Mr Hallam, whose learning, judgment,
and candour, give at all times great weight to his
opinions. He says, " Aristotle himself, and the whole
of his dialectical school, had pointed out many of the
sophisms against which we should guard our reasoning
faculties ; but these are chiefly such as others attempt
to put upon us in dispute. There are more dangerous
fallacies by which we cheat ourselves — prejudice, par-
tiality, self-interest, vanity, inattention, and indifference
to truth. Locke, who was as exempt from these as
almost any man who had turned his mind to so many
subjects where their influence is to be suspected, has
dwelt on the moral discipline of the intellect in this
treatise better, as I conceive, than any of his predeces-
sors." Again, "I cannot think any parent or instruc-
tor justified in neglecting to put this little treatise in
the hands of a boy about the time when the reasoning
faculties become developed. It will give him a sober
and serious, not flippant or self-conceited, independency
of thinking ; and while it teaches how to distrust our-
selves, and to watch those prejudices which necessarily
grow up from one cause or another, will inspire a rea-
sonable confidence in what he has well considered, by
taking off a little of that deference to authority, which
is the more to be regretted in its excess, that, like its
cousin-german party- spirit, it is frequently united to
loyalty of heart and the generous enthusiasm of youth."*
* Lit. Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 388
282 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF LOCKE.
The monuments of Locke's influence over the logical
mind of Europe, are to be seen in every direction. He
founded a school of his own, and gathered around him
a body of ardent and intelligent disciples, in whose
labours we recognise the sagacity and truthfulness of
their master. His method and his principles have
taken a deep root in the minds of men ; and though
these, in some cases, have given rise to speculations at
variance with the general spirit of his logical philo-
sophy, yet, on the whole, his labours have proved highly
serviceable in the extension of rational knowledge and
scientific thought among the masses of mankind.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY. 283
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY, FROM THE
PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S « ESSAY," TILL THE END OF THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The writings of Bacon, Descartes, Leibnitz, and Locke,
were not long in making their way into all the chief
seminaries of learning in Europe. Although viewed in
various lights in reference to logical science, yet they
unitedly produced a great effect upon the established
methods of developing its rules and principles for the
purposes of general instruction. It was now attempted
to place logic, both in its scientific and formal relations,
upon a more comprehensive basis — to give it a popular
and useful direction — and to supplant that lethargic
system of the schools which had for so long a period
retained possession of the public mind in every country
of Europe.
In no part, however, of the continent was there a
greater change effected by the writings in question
than in Germany. We recognise the new doctrines of
the philosophy of reasoning in almost every logical
work of the eighteenth century. This change effected
284 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
the scientific more than the formal rules of logic. The
profound thinkers of Germany turned their attention
to the abstract principles of the ratiocinative art, with
a view of discovering some short and certain route to
• all knowledge, which, they conceived, must certainly
lie embosomed in some of the forms and principles of
the intellect itself. With this design, they turned all
their thoughts inwardly, scrutinized every movement of
mind and feeling, and sought to reduce the entire
phenomena of existence to some single principle or
general law. And so intent were they on this mode of
proceeding, and so full of hope that their fondest wishes
would be realized, that they plunged at once into the
most unfathomable speculations, and gave eager chase
to the most attenuated and nebulous forms of thought,
in order that they might have something to boast of in
the way of originality, if a higher object could not be
attained. Hence it is that the philosophical logicians
of Germany stand so conspicuously apart from, and
have so few points of intellectual contact with, their
brethren in every other quarter of the world. The
German savans .philosophise to themselves, and for
themselves. Their logical systems, viewed in their
scientific relations, stand like colossal and unshapely
buildings in the heart of a desert plain — monuments of
intellectual labour, but totally unsuggestive of a single
rational motive why they were ever conceived or con-
structed.
In spite, however, of their general arid and unsatis-
factory character, there was a lofty spiritual aim in all
the logical speculations of Germany. They had no-
thing in them directly low and grovelling. One of the
DESCARTES AND LEIBNITZ. 285
most prominent elements in this spiritualism was the
theological, which ofttimes, it must be allowed, made
its appearance under very questionable aspects, but still
a distinct and individual element it was of great power
and efficiency. The religious feelings of mankind were
clearly and forcibly demonstrated to constitute one of
the main pillars of truth in general ; and the peculiar
way in which this was often done, threw no small portion
of light upon the fundamental doctrines of theology,
considered as an embodiment of scientific truth. ]5Tot-
withstanding, therefore, all the mystical vagaries of the
German logicians — and they have been neither few in
number, nor insignificant in influence — they have not
treated theology with an open and disdainful contempt.
They have generally acknowledged her authority and
influence in the science of reasoning, although the
manner they have often chosen to manifest their alle-
giance was calculated, in the eyes of sober thinkers, to
militate against both.
The logical systems of Bacon and Locke did not ex-
ercise any thing like the same degree of influence over
the German mind as those of Descartes and Leibnitz.
The latter, in particular, reigned for a long period with
almost undivided sway and authority in the province of
philosophical logic.
We can hold out but slender hopes that what we
shall advance on the logic of Germany, will in any de-
gree prove intelligible to the general reader. To gain
an insight into it, some knowledge of the metaphysics
of the country is indispensably requisite ; but, as we
cannot enter upon so vast a subject, he must needs
grope his way, as he best can, through what we have to
286 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
state on the matter. If he can make himself in some
measure familiar with the German mode of prosecuting
mental science, and of the phraseology currently em-
ployed, his case will not prove quite so hopeless and for-
lorn. But, under the most favourable circumstances,
it will be prudent to keep his expectations of realizing
any great stock of useful knowledge within somewhat
narrow bounds.
Following Leibnitz, we have Tschirnhausen and
Christian Thomasius : the father of the latter, Jacob
Thomasius, author of Logica (Leipsic, 1695), had been
the tutor of Leibnitz, and one of his most ardent ad-
mirers, Neither Tschirnhausen nor Thomasius entered,
however, very fully into his logical philosophy, although
they viewed it favourably, and, to some extent, founded
their own individual views upon it. In his Medicina
Mentis (1696), Tschirnhausen develops some prin-
ciples of logic with clearness and great acuteness.
Thomasius thought logic and history the two eyes
of all human knowledge. The abstract principle on
which he considered all reasoning rested was this, — that
sensation furnished the rough materials of knowledge ;
but the reason, a faculty of a complex character, elabo-
rated out of them all those fundamental principles
relative to human nature which constitute what we
term the science of man. It is a false view of truth to
consider it as a thing relative to the intellect alone :
it is the product of the sentiments and feelings of the
soul, as well as of the mind, strictly so called. Hence
all truths concerning human nature are under the di-
rect influence and control of two distinct principles —
intelligence and will. The entire body of scientific truth
TSCHIRNHAUSEN, THOMASIUS, WOLFF. 287
relative to man — as a social, moral, religious, and think-
ing being — must always be viewed in reference to these
two separate sources from which they flow. It is from
not keeping this distinction before them, that logicians
in all ages have, in the opinion of Thomasius, com-
mitted such egregious blunders in the construction of
their systems.
The great logical instructor of Germany, after Leib-
nitz, was Wolff. He devoted a long and laborious
life to illustrating the principles of the author of the
Pre-established Harmony, and applying them to the
science of logic, both philosophical and formal. Wolff
stands, even in Germany, as a striking monument of
indefatigable application and methodical skill.*
The Philosophia Mationalis sive Logica of Wolff has
gone through many editions, and been moulded into
innumerable digests and epitomes. The author de-
fines logic to be that science which directs and guides
our faculties to a knowledge of truth. He divides logic
again into innate and acquired. All men reason with-
out a knowledge of any formal rules ; but they reason
more steadily and comprehensively from an acquaint-
ance with logical maxims and precepts.
In the first part of his work he treats of the leading-
principles of logic — of notions, judgments, and reason-
ing. In the second part, he shews the method of dis-
tinguishing the true from the false ; how to discover
truth ; the scheme of composing or arranging our ideas ;
the most effective plans of communicating truth to
* " M. Wolff a rainene les principes et les regies cle la logique a la demonstration.
Nous n'avons rien de plus exact sur cette science que la grande logique latine de ce
philosophe." — Encycl. Fran^ais.
288 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
others ; the best means of promoting general know-
ledge ; and, lastly, how to bring the entire mass of our
acquired information to bear upon our conduct of life.
He makes constant appeals to the force and great
value of geometrical reasonings ; and he conceived it
was quite possible to introduce mathematical forms or
symbols into argumentations on all subjects connected
with human nature.
In his logical work, Wolff endeavours to combine
and classify all the chief elements of Leibnitz's philo-
sophy, so far as they could be brought to bear on logic
as a distinct and separate branch of study. This cir-
cumstance has naturally circumscribed his reputation
as an original thinker into very narrow limits. He
makes the two great principles of the Leibnitzian
theory — the sufficient reason and the principle of con-
tradiction— play an important part in his logical specu-
lations. They appeared to him to embrace doctrines
of great utility in the art of general reasoning.
As a key to his entire views of logic, we may refer to
his two leading points, empirical reason and pure reason.
The former deals with the elements or products of sen-
sation, the latter with necessary truths.
It was a favourite opinion of Wolff's, that all our
reasonings could be greatly facilitated by having re-
course to a uniform system of signs. He conceived
that hieroglyphical emblems or figures might be so
applied as to represent fully and forcibly all general
notions and propositions.
The knowledge of Wolff's logic was not confined to
Germany alone. Deschamps made it known in France ;
and in Sweden, and other neighbouring countries, it
WOLFF, RUDIGER. 289
was expounded by able writers and professors. The
Swedish logicians, Wallachius, Brunnmark, and Kyrger,
differed with Wolff as to the application of the sufficient
reason to logical views, although they bore testimony to
the general soundness and importance of his system,
taken as a whole. There were also some ardent ad-
mirers of the logic of Wolff in the Low Countries, in
Poland, and in Italy.
The admirers and opponents of Wolff in his own
country were numerous and respectable, both in point
of talent and reputation. The logical portion of his
writings was variously contemplated, as it happened to
agree with, or militate against, some favourite meta-
physical or theological theory. As the religious and
mental philosophy of the country became more varied
in its character and aim, and foreign elements of specu-
lation became likewise more generally known and cul-
tivated, there arose a greater diversity of opinion as to
all logical systems and modes of tuition among the
active and leading spirits of Germany. We find every
where fragments of all sorts of theories, and often very
capriciously and fantastically tacked together. We
find some favourite theme of Locke dovetailed into
another of Leibnitz, and an aphorism of Bacon paying
homage to Descartes or Spinoza. Still, amid all this
apparent variety and contradiction, logic preserved its
German physiognomy and unity. It retained its
transcendental type, and the grand distinction between
empirical and pure reason was steadily kept in view.
Andrew Eudiger was the contemporary of Wolff,
and opposed to many of his logical views. In his
290 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
Philosophia Synthetica (1707) and other works, he
argues strenuously and forcibly for the great impor-
tance of logical science. He entertained an idea, that
the chief source of all error was fairly traceable to the
imperfect and one-sided treatises on the subject which
commonly fell into the hands of young students. Being
of a captious and fastidious turn, he was led to search
for imperfections more among the forms than the prin-
ciples of dialectics ; and this induced him to make so
many divisions and technical alterations in his logical
works, that his readers were more perplexed than bene-
fited by his labours. Yet his views were generally
sound, and of a decided and enlightened eclectic cha-
racter. Against the application of mathematical forms
and reasonings to other branches of knowledge he
raised his voice, and boldly maintained that such a
course, if carried out to its legitimate results, would
prove subversive of all sound and useful knowledge.
The learned Budeus was hostile to the leading
speculations interspersed throughout the logic of Wolff,
and particularly to his application of the doctrines of
the pre-established harmony, and the principle of con-
tradiction. In his work, JBedenken ilber die Woljffianische
Philosophic, he charges Wolff with undermining the
orthodoxy of his students, by the introduction into his
scheme of public tuition of the elements of heresy and
infidelity. Syrbius was a logician of independent mind,
and seemed always under the active influence of a sin-
cere love of truth, although he was a little wayward
and mystical. He thought that a knowledge of the
mental faculties was indispensable to every mode of
conducting regular and systematic logical studies, but
CRUSIUS, D ARIES, ETC. 291
that this knowledge should be as free from theoretical
bias as possible.
Crusms thought the principle of contradiction not of
so much importance in philosophical logic as Leibnitz
and his followers conceived it to be. He confined its
application solely to mathematics. He thought there
was another principle of much more utility and influ-
ence in all our reasonings on matters connected with
our internal constitution. — namely, the impossibility of
conceiving certain things otherwise than true. There
were two portions of this principle — incompatibility and
inseparability ; and these lay at the basis of many of
our most important conclusions relative to moral and
metaphysical truths. Gottsched was an admirer of the
logical principles of Locke, who, he conceived, had
done especial service to the general cause of truth and
rational knowledge. He departed, nevertheless, from
some of the leading maxims of the English philosopher
— particularly by giving a conspicuous station to the
principle of contradiction and sufficient reason. Accord-
ing to Gottsched, reasoning, in all its higher and more
lofty manifestations, is a complex operation, calling
into activity nearly every power or faculty of the intel-
lect. Sensation, perception, attention, and abstraction,
form inseparable ingredients in every judgment or
conclusion of the understanding.
Daries, professor of logic at Jena, in his Via ad
Veritatem (1740) entered profoundly into the prin-
ciples of logical philosophy. His lectures created a
lively interest throughout many parts of Germany.
He was an admirer of Wolff to some extent ; and for
Descartes and Leibnitz he entertained an enthusiastic
2.92 PROGRESS OP LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
veneration. Locke and Bacon were likewise familiar
to him. In his logical labours he paid great attention
to the rules of definition. He remarks, in reference to
the introduction of new terms into speculative subjects,
that, in the progress of language, words become often
less expressive and significant, and seldom convey at
once a clear view of a subject, and a logically connected
abstract of it. Hence arise so often an apparent ne-
cessity for creating a new scientific terminology. But
on all sciences founded on human nature, this expe-
dient only removes the immediate and more pressing
impediments, without solving the real difficulty. In-
deed, novel words and phrases introduce new difficulties.
Their coinage may be unlucky ; their acceptation is
always tardy ; their powers of verbal combination are
very limited; and the necessity of learning a new
language, in order to understand some new view of
an old science, renders to most persons that science
unpalatable.
Daries likewise treats of induction, and of the mode
the mind follows in arriving at truths from this source.
He discusses the nature of philosophical theories, and
endeavours to account for them in this manner : — In
the investigation of any subject, however limited, where
a train of reasoning is required, the mind instinctively
or intuitively forms to itself some theory or general
conception under which the facts or things under con-
sideration are to be arranged ; and then, in the second
place, it does not rest satisfied with this, but is invariably
inquisitive relative to the final cause of every event or
occurrence. The intellect in all reasoning is thus in-
fluenced by two separate powers, which, when exten-
SCHLETEWEIN, RENSCH, PLOUCQUET, ETC. 293
sively cultivated and developed, are the impelling
motives to that spirit of theorizing so visibly imprinted
on the mental history of mankind, and which is the
prolific source of all scientific arrangement and inves-
tigation. Man, in his search after truth, deals there-
fore at the outset with a priori principles or conceptions,
and reasons downwards to particular things. Were
this not the case, science, properly so called, would,
according to Daries, be impossible.
Schletewein of Jena, and Holhnann of Grottingen,
both attempted to popularize the study of logic, by
freeing it from unnecessary and cumbrous terms and
divisions. Augustus F. Muller made the science a
somewhat material and formal thing, founding it upon
pure sensation, or the products of the senses. The
logic of Eeimarus, published at Hamburg and Kiel in
1756, became very popular throughout Germany. It
is characterised by clearness of statement, and its
moral and religious tendency.
Eeusch was a logician whose views were chiefly taken
from Leibnitz and Locke. The faculties of sensation
and reflection of the latter, were mingled with the prin-
ciple of contradiction and the sufficient reason of the
former. His Sy sterna Logicum (1741), obtained con-
siderable reputation for many years after its first
publication. Walch resolves all logical science into
experience. Every thing must result from observa-
tion. No truth can stand apart from it. Sensation
and sentiment are the foundations of all human rea-
sonings.
Ploucquet, in his Methodus Calculandi in Logicis
(1764), and other works, laboured hard to introduce
294 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
new elements into the science of logic. His great aim
was to reduce all human knowledge to one or two
simple principles or rules, and to establish upon these
a logical method which would, mechanically as it were,
convey knowledge on every branch of science with in-
fallible certainty and great expedition. Reasoning
was to be reduced to its simple elements, and, by means
of algebraical signs, rendered a matter of pure calcula-
tion. Logic was only, according to Ploucquet, the art
of deducing by an immutable rule the known from the
unknown, and this is amply sufficient for the explana-
tion of every department of human inquiry. He re-
duces all judgments on facts or experience to identical
propositions, by the aid of the principle of sufficient
reason*
John Henry Lambert was a philosophical logician of
distinguished eminence. He was a native of Alsace,
and published his Novum Organum in 1763. The
logical principles he advances are chiefly taken from
Leibnitz, Wolff, Locke, and Bacon. He was of opinion
that mathematical reasoning was susceptible of appli-
cation to every subject of human knowledge. It was
this notion which induced him to lay so much stress
upon verbal and technical terms and classifications.
In several of the logical works we have just enume-
rated, and in others we have not particularly specified,
there is an element of speculation which is entitled to
a passing notice. Some logicians talk of reason, and
the reasoning faculty, as a power rather than an intel-
ligence ; as something which produces an effect without
having any appreciable consciousness of its doing so.
* Method., S§ 10. 18, 104.
KANT. 295
The peculiar nature of German philosophy leads the
minds of its cultivators to this mode of thinking and
writing. The constant dwelling on the subjective ele-
ment, and considering it in all its totality, induce the
mind to impart a sort of materiality to it, and to
assimilate its workings to those of objective agencies
or powers. But truth is, in all its phases, necessarily
allied to intelligence; and this intelligence is itself
under the influence of the active and voluntary powers
of the individual. Eeasoning is not, therefore, a gene-
ral and blind energy or impulse, directed to a particular
end, and guided by nothing higher nor extrinsic to
itself. Under no conceivable circumstances can we
form a notion of truth as belonging to any thing or
quality whatever, as being purely the result of any such
impersonal and fortuitous energy or power.
The general scope of the logical speculations of
which we have attempted to give a mere sketch, gra-
dually prepared the way for the introduction of Kant's
system — a system which has imparted to the logical
philosophy of Germany a peculiar and interesting
character. His views on logic, strictly so termed, are,
however, so intimately connected with his entire theory
of metaphysical science, that it is next to impossible to
discuss his hypothesis of reasoning without offering
some short notice of his speculations on mental science.
Kant asked himself the question, Is human know-
ledge composed solely of elements furnished by expe-
rience? He answered this in the negative. He
maintained that we have certain notions altogether
independent of sensation, and which are the product
of the understanding itself. And, in the first place,
296 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
he noticed the mathematical sciences, which are ground-
ed on notions of this stamp. He maintained that the
judgment we form, that the radii of a circle are all
equal to one another, is not the fruit of experience,
but is something permanent, necessary, and universal ;
whereas experience deals with nothing but particular
facts. There are therefore cognitions of an a priori cast,
entirely distinct from any sensible element. Kant ex-
tended his inquiries into our other notions relative to
the constitution of human nature, and he likewise form-
ed judgments here of the same a priori character, and
subject in their application to the same conditions and
limits which mark all truths of a mathematical kind.
There are thus, therefore, two sorts of judgments.
In the one the attribute or predicate is contained in
the subject, as, for example, an infinitely perfect being is
good. This judgment does nothing, however, but de-
velop a notion, without adding to it any other notion,
and in this point of view does not enlarge the circle of
our knowledge. Such judgments Kant termed ana-
lytical judgments. The second kind of judgments are
those in which the attribute is not contained in the
subject, as, every phenomenon has a principle or cause.
This principle or cause is not contained in the simple
notion of phenomenon. Judgments of description in-,
crease our knowledge, inasmuch as they consist in an
affirmation or statement of something not comprised in
the bare conception of the subject. This second class
of judgments Kant terms synthetic ones.
Having now obtained two species of judgments, the
analytical and synthetical, it became necessary to shew
how they mutually co-operated to produce that which
KANT. 297
we call human knowledge. This is the problem he
undertook, in his metaphysical system, to solve. His
speculations to this end are divided into three principal
branches ; the criticism of theoretical reason ; the criticism
of pure reason ; and the criticism of another mode of rea-
son, whose office or nature is to establish the harmony or
alliance of the theoretical and practical reason.
Leaving the reader, now, to other sources of infor-
mation on these abstruse points, we come to state the
categories of Kant, which form the groundwork of all
his logical speculations. These he reduces to four ;
and he affirms they contain all the several judgments
which the human mind can form —
First — Quantity, \ \\
i-ii < Plurality,
which embraces, j . J
( Universality,
Second — Quality, \ ea 1 7*
i-ii < -Negation,
which embraces, j . 6.
(^ Limitation.
Third-KELATiON, ( Substance and Accident,
which embraces, 1 Causality and Dependence.
( Action and Eeaction.
Fourth-MoDALiTY, ( Possibility Impossibility.
i-ii < Existence, .Non-existence,
which embraces, ) . '
( Necessity, Contingency.
These categories are not the result of experience;
they are solely the universal and necessary laws of the
understanding. All our notions fall within them, and
they are the forms of the intellect, as time and space
are the forms of our sensibility.
The particular treatise which goes under the deno-
298 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
mination of Logic, was a posthumous work of Kant's.
It is necessary we should see what notions he enter-
tains of the nature and province of logic. He affirms
that we can neither think, nor make use of our under-
standings, otherwise than in accordance with certain
rules. All these rules are either necessary or contin-
gent. The former embrace those without which no
use of the understanding would be possible ; the latter,
those without which a certain determinate use of it
would not take place. When we reflect inwardly, we
discover those rules of the understanding which are
absolutely necessary in every respect, and without
regard to any specific objects of thinking, because,
without them, we could not think at all. Hence we
have an a priori knowledge of them ; because they com-
prise, without any reference to external objects, merely
the condition of the use of the understanding generally,
whether relative to matters of pure reason or of expe-
rience. Hence it is that all necessary and universal
rules of thinking must relate to the form of the mind,
and not to the matter. Logic is, therefore, the science
of the necessary -laws of the understanding and of the
reason, or the mere form of thinking generally. Logic
is to be considered as the foundation of all other
sciences, but it is not an organon of the sciences. An
organon presupposes an exact knowledge of the sciences
— of their objects and their sources. The mathema-
tics, for instance, is a science which comprises the ground
of extending our knowledge in certain other directions,
and on this account may fitly enough be termed an
organon. But logic is but the use of the rules of the
understanding, and cannot go into the sciences, and
KANT. 299
anticipate their matter. It is not for enlarging, but
solely for judging and regulating our knowledge. It is
simply a canon of the understanding and the reason,
and must not borrow principles, either from science
or experience ; it must comprehend nothing save its
a priori laws, which necessarily appertain to the under-
standing itself.
Those logicians, therefore, who amalgamate psycho-
logical principles with logic, act erroneously. This
mode of inquiry leads but to a knowledge of contin-
gent laws ; whereas in logic the inquiry is not after
contingent, but necessary rules — how we think, but not
how we are to think. It is to teach us the right use
of the understanding, as the use is in perfect agreement
or harmony with itself.
Logic is a demonstrative science, for it is occupied
with the empirical use of the understanding and of
reason ; and about the universal and necessary laws of
thought, which depend upon a priori principles, and
from which all its rules can be derived, and proved to
be those to which all cognitions of the reason must be
conformable.
Universal logic is to be distinguished from transcen-
dental logic. The latter represents an object as the
naked product of the understanding ; whereas universal
logic extends to all objects in general.
Logic is divided by Kant into the analytic and the
dialectic. The analytic discovers all the operations of
reason which we perform in the act of thinking in gene-
ral. It is the analysis of the forms of the understand-
ing and of reason, and justly styled the logic of truth.
The dialectic is the logic of appearances, and arises
300 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
from the abuse of the analytic, and was the foundation
in former times of the mere art of formal disputation.
The ordinary division of logic into popular and scien-
tific, Kant considers unjustifiable. Natural logic is
not logic, but simply an anthropological science, which
deals with the natural use of the understanding, and
which has only empirical principles to rest upon.
Scientific logic, comprising the universal rules of
thinking, is that alone which deserves the name of
logic.
The division of logic into theoretical and practical is
likewise wrong. Universal logic, considered as a canon
of the understanding, and abstracted from all objects,
is not susceptible of any practical application. The
same objections lie against the common division of
pure, and applied or mixed logic. The latter is not
entitled to be called logic at all. It is mere psychology,
whose object is to consider how our thinking is usually
carried on, not how it must go on. Neither, according
to Kant, can the division of logic into common and
speculative be sustained. He likewise says that
common sense can be no foundation of logical science ;
because this sense is the faculty of knowing the rules of
thinking in the concrete, whereas logic must be a
science which embraces the rules of thinking in the
abstract.
Kant enters upon the discussion as to the nature of
truth. The question, What is truth ? relates, he says,
to two distinct things, — to that which is without us,
and to that which is within us ; or, technically, to ob-
jective and subjective materials. With respect to the
first, the objective materials, they can furnish us with
KANT. 301
no criterion of truth ; but the subjective materials can
furnish such a criterion. A universal criterion of truth
from objects around is not possible ; because it would
be impossible to embrace all the modes in which objects
differ from one another, even if we could know all the
objects themselves. But a subjective criterion is pos-
sible, because truth from this source consists entirely
in the agreement of the act of thinking with itself. The
universal criteria of formal truth are consequently
nothing but universal logical marks of the agreement
of cognition with itself, or with the invariable laws of
the understanding and of the reason.
All formal universal criteria, though they cannot
constitute objective truth, are to be considered as its
conditio sine qua non.
The formal criteria of logical truth are, — 1st, The
proposition of contradiction ; and, 2d, That of sufficient
reason. The first determines the logical possibility of
a cognition, and the latter the logical reality.
There are three principles connected with the criteria
of formal truth, — 1st, The principle of contradiction
and of identity, which determines for problematical
judgments the internal possibility of a cognition ; 2nd,
The principle of sufficient reason, on which the logical
reality of an act of thinking depends, as forming matter
for assertive judgments ; and, 3d, The principle of the
exclusive third Qprincipium exclusi medii inter dua con-
tradictor ici), in which the logical necessity of a cogni-
tion is founded.
The distinction between theoretical and practical
cognition or thinking is this : — Practical cognitions are,
— -1st, Imperatives, and opposed to theoretical cogni-
302 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
tions ; and, 2nd, The grounds to possible imperatives ;
and, in this point of view, opposed to all speculative
thinking. Every imperative proposition expresses or
implies a possible freedom of action by which a certain
end is to be realized. Theoretical cognitions are such
as express, not what must be, or ought to be, but what
really is ; consequently they refer not to acting, but to
being or existence. It is the nature of the practical,
however, to absorb all the theoretical ; for the absolute
value of all thinking is to be estimated from its prac-
tical results. And it must be borne in mind here, that
the practical reason, as unfolded in Kant's entire system
of philosophy, contains four doctrines — the liberty
of the will, the obligation to virtue, our existence in
a future state, and our responsibility to a supreme
Creator or Governor of the universe.
These general principles, and others of a like philo-
sophical character — respecting the nature of belief,
probable and mathematic evidence, cause and effect,
&c. &c. — are given as an introduction to the study of
logic proper, which consists of two parts. The first
contains the General Doctrine of Elements ; and the
second, the General Doctrine of Method.
The first item in the elements of logic are conceptions.
All cognitions or thoughts are either intuitions or con-
ceptions. An intuition is a single, and a conception a
universal representation. The cognition, or knowledge
of conceptions, is termed thinking or cogitation.
Matter and form belong to every conception. The
object constitutes the matter of the conception, the
universality its form.
The origin of all logical conceptions may be traced
KANT. 303
to three sources, — 1st, Comparison, or the comparing
of representations with one another relative to the
unity of consciousness ; 2nd, Reflection, or reflecting
how the several representations may be comprehended
in one individual act of the consciousness ; 3d, Ab-
straction, or the separation of all that by which any
given number of representations are distinguished from
one another.
The sphere of our conceptions is in a direct ratio
with the number of things which come under our con-
sideration and reflection.
The universal rules relative to the subordination of
our conceptions are, — 1st, Whatever agrees with, or is
repugnant to, the superior conceptions, likewise agrees
with, or is repugnant to, all the inferior ones which are
contained under them ; and 2nd, Conversely, whatever
agrees with, or is repugnant to, all inferior conceptions,
likewise agrees with, or is repugnant to, their superior
ones.
A. judgment, according to Kant, is the representation
of the unity of the consciousness of various represen-
tations, or the representation of their relation, provided
they make up a conception. Matter and form belong
to every judgment as its constituent elements. Logic
cannot occupy itself with the matter, but only with the
form of conceptions. All the logical forms of judg-
ments are comprehended under the four categories —
Quantity, Quality, Relation, and Modality.
The syllogism is treated of in the third section of the
first part ; and Kant's discussion of the subject does
not differ in any material point from our common
treatises on syllogistic rules. Syllogising, he tells us,
304 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
is that function of thinking by which one judgment is
derived from another.
In the second part of Kant's logic, which treats of
Method, he observes that all thinking or knowledge,
considered as a whole, must be conformable to some
general rules. These rules relate either to manner,
which is free, or to method, which is co-active.
All thinking, in its scientific relations, must be
arranged according to some method. All science re-
quires a systematical cognition, regulated by digested
rules. Logical method has to treat of the form of a
science, or of the way of proceeding, in order to connect
the varied cognitions of any particular department of
knowledge. All methods should be characterised by
distinctness, profundity, systematical order, and com-
prehensiveness.
Method is divided by Kant into several kinds, as
the following — the scientific or popular method; the
systematical or fragmentary method; the analytic or
synthetic method ; the syllogistic or tabellary method ;
the acroamatic or erotematic method ; and meditation,
by which is understood, reflection or methodical
thinking.
The general doctrines implied and set forth, both in
Kant's philosophical and formal logic, may be summed
up as follows.
What we denominate human knowledge, taken in its
widest extent, is composed of two elements ; the expe-
rimental, or a posteriori element, and the pure reason
element, or that derived from an a priori source. If the
intelligence or reason did not apply its forms to the
intuitions furnished from sensation, these intuitions
KANT. 305
could never become cognitions, or objects of thinking.
They would be lifeless and abortive. On the other
hand, these forms of the understanding would be with-
out any signiflcancy were they to stand alone, without
the intuitions which the senses furnish. To consti-
tute real knowledge, there must be here an action and
reaction of one element on the other.
All the notions of the pure reason are destitute of
objective reality, and this arises from the reason not
acting upon the intuitions of sense, but only on the
forms of the judgments which the intellect produces.
In attributing to these notions of the pure reason
an objective reality, we act erroneously, because we are
straining to comprehend existences which are beyond
the sphere of the sensible world. The limits of our
knowledge are the limits of our experience.
We likewise act erroneously when, instead of em-
ploying the notions furnished by the pure reason in
arranging and systematizing our judgments, we apply
them immediately to the results of experience. This
mode of inquiry gives rise to the antinomies, which are
a series of judgments terminating in contradictory or
inconceivable results. These antinomies are placed as
sentinels, as it were, to apprise the philosophic inquirer
that all such modes of proceeding as give rise to them
are decidedlv erroneous and vicious.
What we term the laws of nature are nothing but
the laws of our own intelligence. We impose the laws
of our mind upon nature. The order which we attri-
bute to the operations of nature, are at bottom only the
order of our intellectual perceptions, determined by the
fundamental forms of the understanding.
u
306 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GERMANY.
The logical principles of Kant, which more immedi-
ately sprang out of his Critic of Pure Reason, created
a lively sensation, not only throughout the author's
own country, but, to some extent, in other European
states. It roused the spirit of inquiry, and was the
prolific parent of that huge mass of German speculation,
which has astonished and perplexed the philosophic
minds of men wherever it has been heard of and studied.
Reinhold, in his Versuch einer Kritik der Logik,
founded logical science on the representative faculty,
which is a modification of the pure reason of Kant.
There are six rules in reference to philosophical logic
which it is of great importance to keep in view, — 1st,
All elementary truths should be immediately perceived ;
2d, Every fundamental truth should have an existence
of all knowledge from experience ; 3d, This funda-
mental truth should be simply the expression of a fact ;
4th, It ought to be recognised by all men; 5th, It
must be entirely separated from sensation ; and, 6th,
It ought, however, to appertain, in a certain logical
manner, to all experience and to all our thoughts.
Abicht, in his Verbesserte Logik oder Wahrheits-
Wissenschaft (1795), defines logic to be simply the
perception of truth. Three questions are embodied in
all reasoning, — 1st, What is the surest and most direct
road to knowledge? 2nd, What is the criterion of
truth ? and, 3d, What is the best mode of communicat-
ing truth and science to others ? Salomon Maimon
attacked the categories of Kant in his Die Kategorien
des Aristoteles (1794), on the general ground that no
objective reality could be inferred from them. Jacob
Sigismond Beck published his Lehrbuch der Logik in
PLATTFEK, ANCILLON, ETC. 307
1796, which contains some remarks on the logical
principles involved in the Pure Reason of Kant.
Plattner was a distinguished logician who followed
in the wake of Kant. He took an enlightened and
comprehensive view of logical truth. And the same
remark is applicable, to a certain extent^-toL the logical
speculations of Eberhard, Tetens, Schaumann, and
Maass.
In the Transactions of the Berlin Academy, estab-
lished in 1700, and which enjoyed for many years an
European reputation in matters of speculative science,
many interesting papers on logical topics will be found
— chiefly from the pens of Formey, Begnelin, Beausobre,
Merian, Maupertuis, Boyer, and Ancillon.
308 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
CHAPTER XIV.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE, FROM THE
PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S "ESSAY" TILL THE END OF THE
. EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The historical aspect of logic in France, in its scientific
relations, from the time of Locke till the termination
of the last century, is altogether of a different cast from
that which we have just noticed in Germany. The
philosophic mind of France had little constitutional
relish for abstruse systems. It preferred something
palpable, clear, definite, and material. Bacon, Locke,
and Gassendi, had more charms for the French logi-
cians than Descartes, Leibnitz, and Kant. Hence it
is that, speaking generally, the current of logical philo-
sophy chiefly ran, during the period of which we are
now speaking, in the channel which the three first-
named philosophers opened out for the prosecution and
development of scientific truth. Here and there we
recognise the logical influence of Descartes and Leib-
nitz ; but it has only been within the last half century
that the French have manifested a lively interest in
these two distinguished men.
The logical works of the French writers, in this
PROGEESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FEANCE. 309
century, are characterised by a vehement desire for
analysis and simplification. They labour to reduce the
entire reasoning powers to a single element, and to
account for the whole mental economy by the operation
of an individual principle. This principle was, with
them, the result of some outward influence from ex-
ternal bodies on our senses; and reasoning, in all its
forms and aspects, was but the necessary or mechanical
product of this sensational power. The laws of nature
were invoked, attention was riveted upon them, and
all the rational operations and sentiments of the inward
man deduced from them. The French logicians re-
fused to look into the intellect itself — to recognise any
subjective element beyond the authority of sensation —
or, if the great facts of mental consciousness were occa-
sionally noticed or appealed to, it was only for the
purpose of being indiscriminately buried in the mass of
external perceptions and material agencies. This mode
of analysing logical science necessarily led to a one-
sided view of man and of human knowledge generally —
increasing the objective at the expense of the subjective
element, and thereby destroying the proper balance
between them. The majority of French logicians never
saw that the fundamental principles of thought were
altogether different from the phenomena which seemed
to suggest them. They looked upon them as pure
abstractions — things set apart merely from the pheno-
mena, but in no sense superior to them, or having any
higher office to perform in the logical economy of the
understanding.
The early and enthusiastic reception in France of the
logical philosophy of Locke, tended greatly to produce
310 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
this mode of treating logic. 'Not forming a fair esti-
mate of the general scope and design of the English
philosopher's system, the French thinkers unfortunately
stumbled on what was purely physical and mechanical
in his plan, and obstinately shut their eyes against the
intellectual and spiritual portion of his admirable trea-
tise. They aimed at reforming and improving Locke,
while they only mutilated and disfigured him. Their
constitutional appetency for what was clear and pointed,
naturally induced them to shrink from the very appear-
ance of every thing bordering on profound reflection or
abstract refinement ; and commentaries and abridge-
ments of Locke, sound and clever as far as they went,
getting once hold of the public mind, there could be
no effective check given to the spread of misconception
and error. Consequently, we meet with repetitions of
his logical notions in every direction, without the
slightest reference to any statements or explanations
calculated to qualify and correct their import and ten-
dency.
There was a bold and uncompromising nominalism
displayed in the entire logical literature of France
within this period. Words, and words alone, were the
things which constituted the elements of argumen-
tation. We find it stated again and again, that it is
the sole province of logic to regulate language. Think-
ing is only known to us through the medium of speech ;
and consequently, every idea in a proposition must have
some internal or external sign to represent it. There
is a necessary relation between the sign and the thing
signified. The professed object of logic being to make
us acquainted with what is going on in our minds, it is
CROUSAZ. 311
clear, say the French logicians, that any change made
in the symbols we adopt to express our ideas, must
completely alter the nature of any propositions we lay
before the understanding of others for their compre-
hension or guidance. Unless the different parts of
speech are accurately arranged with regard to each
other, no sound logical conclusion can be arrived
at.
This verbal hypothesis, though in strict keeping with
the general spirit of French philosophy in the eighteenth
century, threw logical speculations comparatively into
the background. They became little heeded and cul-
tivated. Man was considered only as a being possessed
of a superior instinctive power, not differing in essence
from other portions of the animal creation. This no-
tion lay at the root of a great proportion of the logical
systems and speculations current among the French
literati. Of course, this mode of considering logic
naturally led to narrow and degraded views of human
nature. It was likewise dogmatic and imperious in its
tone and spirit. Every thing which savoured of spiritu-
ality was scouted as ridiculous and fanatical, and the
result of an imbecile or misguided understanding.
The Logic of M. Crousaz, professor of philosophy in
the university of Lausanne, was for many years a popular
work on the continent, and particularly in France. It
is contained in three thick and closely printed volumes.
He divides logic into two great parts — natural and
artificial. The first leads him to treat of all the powers
and faculties of the mind ; and the latter to the nature
of language, the syllogism, &c. The treatise closes
with a dissertation on method, which, he maintains, to
312 PROGRESS OY LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
be useful in logical matters, must always be full, brief
and certain.
The logic of Crousaz is decidedly founded upon
Locke's views of the nature of mind generally, and the
faculty of reasoning in particular. Gibbon, in his
published correspondence, bears testimony to the value
of Crousaz's labours. "The logic of Crousaz," says
he, " had prepared me to engage with his master Locke
and his antagonist Bayle, — of whom the former may
be used as a bridle, and the latter applied as a spur to
the curiosity of a young philosopher." " But what I
esteemed most of all : from the perusal and meditation
of De Crousaz's logic, I not only understood the prin-
ciples of that science, but formed my mind to a habit
of thinking and reasoning I had no idea of."
Dumarsais's Logique is grounded on the Port-Royal
system. It attempts to shew that the more our ideas
are multiplied, and the more correct notions we have
of the nature and operation of our minds, the more
likely are we to reason, on other branches of knowledge,
with clearness and profundity. The author conceives
that the power of mental abstraction is one of the chief
habits which logicians should strive to cultivate to its
highest state of perfection, inasmuch as it is the foun-
dation of all those conceptions we form of general truths
and propositions. Dumarsais falls in with the common
current of French thought in reference to the influence
of language in reasoning, and ascribes to the proper
adaptation of words, both in speech and writing, the
most important logical results. He adopts the maxim
of Leibnitz on this point, that language is the mirror of
the understanding.
313
The Abbe Terrason, in his work La Philosophie de
V Esprit, maintains that logic is not a branch of
knowledge from which philosophy derives its essential
rules and maxims of investigation ; on the contrary, it
is an emanation from philosophy itself, which sheds
its influence and power over the understanding gener-
ally, thereby guiding the judgment to a full compre-
hension of all the truths of science and art.
Father Buffier, a French Jesuit, is the author of a
work on logic which has obtained considerable cele-
brity as well in his own country as in foreign seats of
learning. In order, however, to comprehend accurately
the general scope of this work, it is necessary we should
peruse some of his philosophical dissertations, particu-
larly those under the heads of First Truths and Meta-
physics. His Logic is substantially a formal exposition
of the principles entertained in these two essays. The
end or object of logic is, the author says, to form just
conceptions, and to reason well. For these ends, there
must be rules for the government of the mind. Buffier
here follows the scholastic plan, by determining the
rules to be three — apprehension, judgment, and reason-
ing; and though he admits the importance of other
rules, such as relate to comparison, doubt, method, and
the like, yet he resolves all these into the three primary
ones laid down at the commencement of his work.
The Logic is divided into two parts, — the first is in
the form of letters, and the second under the arrange-
ment of distinct articles, to the number of twenty-six.
The syllogism is treated of in the first division, and the
nature and origin of our ideas in the second.
Buffier says that logic is nothing but a mass of rules
314 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
for the ready direction of the mind in its several opera-
tions. This is the total of all logical discussion. The
end of logic is, whatever the intelligent mind purposes
to accomplish.
Whether logic be a science or an art, Father Buffier
says, depends entirely upon the meaning attached to
the two words science and art. If we call all true
knowledge acquired by certain modes of reflection, or
by rules, science, then logic is a science. Whether logic
be an art, depends solely on the conceptions men have of
the term, as relating to material or spiritual matters.
The name of Father Buffier is intimately associated
with the history of philosophical logic in France during
this century. His peculiar views on the subject con-
nect him with the common-sense school of logicians,
which will be more particularly dwelt upon in a sub-
sequent part of this volume. Suffice it to state, in
passing, that Buffier' s work On First Truths aimed at
shewing, that not only the ancient but even modern
philosophers, have involved the nature and offices of the
reasoning faculty in such abstruseness and difficulty, as
to demand far too large a share of reflection to be com-
prehended by men of ordinary capacity and learning.
To simplify the matter, he endeavours " to know truths
in their very source — to analyse those to which we
must ascend, in order to ascertain whatever is necessary
to be proved, and which constitute the utmost boundary
of human inquiry— to deduce principles capable of dis-
pelling the mist of vulgar prejudice, the perplexity of
the schools, and the prepossessions even of certain
learned and modish philosophers."
In order to accomplish this desirable purpose, it was
BUFFIEK. 315
necessary to refer to the primary truths of common
sense in all our logical investigations, of which the fol-
lowing is the author's definition : " Common sense is
that quality or disposition which nature has placed in
all men, or evidently in the far greater number of them,
in order to enable them all, when they have arrived at
the age and use of reason, to form a common and uni-
form judgment with respect to objects different from
the internal sentiment of their own perception, and
which judgment is not the consequence of any anterior
principle." Burner says again, " The original source
and first principle of every truth which we are capable
of comprehending, is the interior sense we each of us
have of our own existence, and which we feel within
ourselves. This is, I say, the foundation of every other
truth, and the basis of all human knowledge. Nothing
else can give us a more home conviction, that the object
of our thought is as truly existent as our thought itself;
for the object, the thought, and the inward sense we
have of them, are really nothing else but ourselves, who
think, exist, and have an interior sense of those things."
The perceptions of common sense are grounded on
the following principles : —
1. There are other beings and other men in the
world besides ourselves.
2. There is in them something that is called truth,
wisdom, prudence; and this something is not merely
arbitrary.
3. There is something in ourselves which we call in-
telligence or mind, and something which is not that
intelligence or mind, and which is named body ; so that
each possesses properties different from the other.
316 PROGRESS OP LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE,
4. What is generally said and thought by men, in all
ages and countries of the world, is true.
5. All men have not combined to deceive me.
6. What is not intelligence or mind cannot produce
all the effects of intelligence or mind ; neither can a
fortuitous jumble of particles of matter form a work
of such order, and such regular motion, as a watch.
Burlier defines, as first truths, all propositions so clear
and obvious that they can neither be proved nor refuted
by other propositions.
Father B-egnault, another Jesuit, followed the foot-
steps of Buffler, in an attempt to trace the first prin-
ciples of reasoning to their proper source. Begnault's
work, La Logique en forme d'entretiens, ou V Art de
tr ouver la Verite" (1742), is written in the form of
dialogue between master and pupil, and thrown into
the most popular form for easy comprehension. It
enjoyed considerable reputation in France generally;
and, among the order of ecclesiastics to whom the author
belonged, it was for many years considered a valuable
and indispensable manual of the science.
Diderot, in many parts of his philosophical writings,
reduces reasoning to a mere species of sensation. He
says, " Every idea must necessarily, when brought to
its state of ultimate decomposition, resolve itself into a
sensible representation or picture ; and since every thing
in our understanding has been introduced there by the
channel of sensation, whatever proceeds out of the
understanding is either chimerical, or must be able, in
returning by the same road, to re-attach itself to its
sensible archetype. Hence an important rule in phi-
losophy— that every expression which cannot find an
DIDEROT, D'ALEMBEItT. 317
external and a sensible object to which it can thus
establish its affinity, is destitute of signification." * Hel-
vetius affirms, likewise, that all truths may be reduced
to simple facts, or identical propositions ; A = B. The
reasoning process is nothing more, he says, than the
development of this simple law of our intellectual ex-
istence.-)"
In D'Alembert's Histoire de Philosophie (1760), the
reader will find, in the fifth essay of the fourth volume,
a dissertation on logic. It is brief, only extending to
eight pages. But, small as it is, it contains many re-
marks of great value and profundity. The purport
of it is, that geometry is the only department of human
study where vigorous demonstration can be obtained ;
that all attempts to introduce mathematical forms of
reasoning into subjects of human nature or theology are
absurd; and that a rational conjecture is a legitimate
and useful instrument in every general system of logic,
although it is too commonly passed over by logicians
as a matter of little moment.
The logical doctrines of the Encyclopedic (1745), a
work which exercised a powerful and striking influence
over the philosophical opinions of Europe for many
years, are contained in the articles " Logique" and
" Syllogism." Logic is defined to be the art of think-
ing justly, and of exercising our mental faculties in the
best manner in the investigation and promulgation of
truth.
In the article " Logique," the question is raised,
whether formal or artificial logic is in any degree
useful for the prosecution and attainment of general
* CEuvres, torn. vi. f (Euvres, torn. iii. p. 218.
318 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
knowledge and science; and it is answered in the
negative ; and the reasons given for this opinion are
mostly a repetition of those found in Locke's Essay on
the Human Understanding.
In the article " Syllogism" it is affirmed, that the
notion that the syllogistic theory was, in a great degree,
useful to the cause of truth or real science, was one of
the great heresies of the scholastic ages.
The logical speculations and writings of Condillac
made a deep and lasting impression on the scientific
mind of France. He took Locke's Essay for his guide.
The logical portion of his voluminous works are con-
tained under the general head of Cours dEtude.
Here we have the development of his logic under three
different aspects — the Art of Reasoning, the Art of
Thinking, and Logic. The illustrations of the Art of
Reasoning are mostly taken from the mathematics and
the physical sciences. The author here asserts that
there are three grand sources of evidence on which all
reasoning is based — the evidence of fact, the evidence
of sentiment, and the evidence of reason.
In the Art of Thinking, Condillac gives an account
of the origin of our ideas of truth. As a fundamental
principle, he lays it down that sensations constitute
the origin of all our knowledge. He likewise treats of
the use of signs, of analysis, synthesis, method, &c, on
all of which topics there is much useful and interesting
information.
In Condillac's Logic, he conceives that all reasoning
may be ultimately resolved into the same form and
certainty as mathematical evidence. The mode of
accomplishing this, would be to effect such improve-
CONDILLAC. 319
ments in language as to make it represent certain
fixed and determined ideas. In this portion of his
speculations he endeavours to mould the logical views
of Bacon, Locke, and Descartes, into one harmonious
and consistent code of logic, both scientific and practi-
cal. Still, however, the entire framework of reasoning
is never raised beyond the standard of sensational
knowledge. " Judgment," says he, " reflection, the
passions, in short, all the faculties of the soul, are
nothing but sensations which transform themselves
differently." Again, " When there is an act of double
attention, comparison is the result ; to attend to two
ideas, is to compare them ; the operations are identi-
cal. We cannot, however, do this, without recognising
either a resemblance or difference between them ; this
recognition is to judge. The operations of comparing
and judging are only attention ; and it is in this manner
that sensation becomes successively, attention, com-
parison, and judgment."
On the character of the Logique of Condillac, the
author of his life and writings, in the last edition of
the Encyclopcedia Britannica, gives us the following
opinion : — " The object of this work is to give a con-
densed account of the principles of analysis, taken in
the acceptation already mentioned. This process,
he observes, is taught by nature, and is always con-
ducted with accuracy when man is in quest of the
means of supplying the urgent necessities of his being.
It is when curiosity forms to him a separate order of
objects for his gratification, that we become precipitate
in grasping at conclusions, and embracing them with
readiness, though not the produce of that rigorous
320 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
exactness of method which necessarily imposes on his
earlier pursuits. In giving an account of the origin of
ideas and the mental faculties, he exemplifies his views
of analysis, and at the same time prepares the way for
further applications of the mental powers of his pupils.
He adheres to his doctrine of the supreme and exclu-
sive influence of language in conducting all intellectual
pursuits. Generalization and classification are, with
him, nothing more than the contrivance of generic
terms. The art of reasoning is made to consist in the
formation of an appropriate language for the different
sciences. He considers the justness of our reasonings
as depending on the degree of perfection of the lan-
guages which we possess. The superior certainty of
mathematical as compared with other knowledge, is
ascribed by him to the superior certainty of mathema-
tical language. Hence his favourite illustrations of the
progress of the mind are taken from arithmetic and
algebra. This principle is certainly carried by him to
great excess in the framing of his general positions;
yet we find him on other occasions recommending to
his readers to cultivate the unbiassed study of nature,
and to choose their words rather from the correctness
of their application to objects as they have fallen under
actual observation, than from having their meaning
fixed by the unsatisfactory formality of verbal defini-
tions. He lays down some highly useful rules for the
prosecution of knowledge. His errors arise chiefly
from a strained effort to give to his subject a degree
of simplicity not adapted to its nature. Hence some
of his maxims are more quaint than just ; but com-
pared with the complicated systems of logic previously
DESTUTT-TRACY. 321
in use, that of our author formed an improvement which
merited the grateful reception that was given to it ; and
even at the present day. if we pardon the paradoxical
generalities by which it is disfigured, we may profitably
trace, in company with the author, the steps by which
many intellectual attainments are made, and the means
by which the process admits of being facilitated."*
Destutt-Tracv, in the third volume of his EUmens
ct Ideologie, treats of logic. He considers it under two
aspects — scientific and technical. He follows the lead-
ing principles of Condillac on the subject. He declares
Locke's Essay to be the best logical treatise that ever
appeared.
Destutt-Tracy affirms that all our perceptions and
ideas are real to us, and must be the sole foundation of
all our reasonings. The larger treatise in his Logic is
divided into nine chapters, but they contain no account of
the syllogism whatever. There is prefixed to the end of
the volume another small work taken from Hobbes, for
the special use of students, entitled, Principes Logiques.
In this the author alludes to the syllogism, and observes
that it is not expressive of the entire act of reasoning.
The theory of all truth and reasoning lies in a small
compass — in the sensibility of our frame. We recog-
nise four modifications of this sensibility: — 1. Those
impressions which arise from the present action of ex-
ternal objects on the senses. 2. Those which result
from past action. 3. Those which give rise to relation,
and are susceptible of comparison. And 4. Those
impressions which arise from our wants, and which
compel us to seek a gratification of them. The first class
* Article Condillac.
322 PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE.
of impressions gives rise to feeling simply, the second to
memory, the third to judgment, and the fourth to will.
This constitutes the entire man.
We cannot refrain from noticing a small work by
an unknown author, entitled, Principes de la Logique
(1793), which displays an enlightened spirit, and a
correct conception of logic, both as a science and an
art. It is divided into two parts. In the first the
author observes, that little or no advancement can be
made in sound knowledge, unless we take a compre-
hensive view of the powers of the. mind, and institute a
rigid examination into the origin of all those primary
principles of thought and feeling which constitute what
we term humanity. Mere technical arrangements and
forms of reasoning will of themselves prove useless, in
the way of giving a decided progressive character to
valuable and popular truths among the great bulk of
mankind. Truth, even in matters of science, is a thing
to be felt as well as understood ; and, unless we con-
duct our logical operations on the broad basis of human
nature, we run a certain risk of failing in realizing any
increase of knowledge applicable to the great end or
purposes of human life. There is unquestionably much
in this study of scientific logic that is difficult and
perplexing ; because every man is apt to look at the
subject from his own nature. Hence arise doubt, par-
tiality, one-sidedness, and misapprehension, But still,
if a love of truth animates our inquiries, and guides us
in all our conclusions, we shall soon find that a com-
prehensive logic is one of the most direct and powerful
instruments in elevating and improving the intellect
of a nation.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN FRANCE. 323
In the second part of the author's volume, he goes
into an examination of the nature of formal propo-
sitions, and gives a short account of the rules and
attributes of the syllogism. These he conceives are
useful; but the mind should look beyond them, and
only recognise their validity as a part, and not the
whole, of the mental economy of reasoning.
324 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM
CHAPTEE XV.
LOGICAL SCIENCE IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM, FROM THE
PUBLICATION OF LOCKE'S "ESSAY" TILL THE END OF THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
In Holland and Belgium, logical speculation presents,
during this period of history, but few materials for
lengthened comment. Such works as appeared from
time to time, were characterised by a serious and con-
templative air, dwelling on the moral obligations implied
in every art of reasoning, and looking on logic as one
of the chief instruments for the extension of general
information and science. These views were supported
and strengthened by the fervid and profound religious
feelings which generally pervaded the entire community
of these countries.
The opinions of Descartes and Leibnitz exercised, for
the whole of the eighteenth century, great influence in
this section of the European continent. The method
of the former, and the pre-established harmony and the
principle of contradiction of the latter, constituted the
basis of the logical philosophy generally cultivated.
Bacon and Locke were well known, and on many
points highly appreciated.
The logical treatise of Gravesande was, for many
GRAVESANDE, LE CLERC, HULSCHOFF. 325
years after his death, a general favourite in several of
the most distinguished seats of learning on the con-
tinent. He classifies our complex or general notions,
shews the nature and use of propositions, points out the
principle which guides the intellect in judging of pro-
bable and necessary truths, and singles out very care-
fully the chief sources of our errors in reasoning ; and
lays down also many excellent rules for fixing the
attention of students, and strengthening their memories
and understandings. In addition to all these, he shews
the use of analysis and synthesis, and the advantages
to be derived from the use of theories in many depart-
ments of human knowledge.
o
The Logica, sive ars Ratiocinandi of John le Clerc,
forms the first volume of his Opera Philosophica (1722).
He was a native of Geneva, but settled and died in
Holland. His Logic is divided into four parts : on Ideas,
on Judgments, on Method, and on Argumentation. It
is an excellent work of its kind, incorporating much
valuable philosophical thought with the common rules
and principles of logical science.
Allard Hulschoff was a native of Groningen, and born
in 1734. He was the author of several works which
discuss the leading principles of philosophical logic.
He dissented particularly from the doctrines of Leib-
nitz and Wolff; and maintained, in fact, that their
several views led to scepticism and infidelity. All the
principles of truth, and all the modes of investigating
and promulgating it, must have a direct reference to a
Deity. This was the fundamental maxim which Hul- -
schoff took as his starting-point. Every portion of the
inward man has an especial sympathy with a spiritual
326 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM.
being, whose existence and attributes form the ground-
work of all human knowledge.
Dion. Van de Winpersse published his Institutiones
Logicce at Groningen in 1767. He was a professor at
the university of that place, and afterwards at Ley den.
His logical work had long a considerable reputation in
Holland, and formed the text-book in many seats of
learning. His views of logic as a science are of an
eclectic character. About the same period Elie Luzac
published at Groningen his Pecherches sur quelques
Principes des Connaissances Humaines. He upholds
the logical opinions of Leibnitz and Wolff. A few years
later Dan. Wyttenbach wrote his Prcecepta Philosophice
Logicce (1781), which, though of a scholastic, is of a
judicious character. He maintained for many years an
angry controversy with Yan Hemert on the nature of
Kant's Pure Reason. Wyttenbach was violently op-
posed to Kant's general system of logical truth, and
invariably predicted that it would, before many years
passed over, be entirely neglected and forgotten.
Paul Yan Hemert introduced Kant's philosophical
logic into Holland. His views of truth in its highest
attributes are the following: — All science is distin-
guished by four qualities — it is general, special, true,
and necessary. Error is the result of the contracted
nature of the human mind. The senses by themselves
could never lead to truth. Truth lies in the reason.
The nature of this reason Yan Hemert discusses at
great length. He shows the objective character of our
sensational system — what constitutes the basis of syn-
thetic unity, the origin of analytical judgments, the
nature and offices of analogy, of union and diversity, of
KIKKER. 327
matter and form, of idealism and realism, so far as they
affect our judgments and modes of reasoning; the
limitations of human knowledge, and its division into
theoretical and practical. These topics are all treated
of in reference to the great question, What is truth ?
Johann Kinker, who was born near Amsterdam in
1764, took a lively interest in the dissemination of
Kant's philosophy in Holland. According to Kinker's
notions, the mind, in its acquisition of general know-
ledge, runs the following course : — Objects act directly
upon it through the external senses. We then, by a
determined inward act or process, collect a certain
number of these perceptions together, and this collec-
tion constitutes a conception. The mind, in like man-
ner, combines a certain quantity of those conceptions
under one head; and by this means reasoning and
argumentation are produced. Propositions of every
kind, when fully analysed, will be found to be the
result of this simple process.
In Belgium the principles of some of the French
logicians gained a footing in the latter part of this cen-
tury. The systems of Condillac and Destutt-Tracy
were known and admired among a certain class of
thinkers ; but in the colleges and seminaries of learn-
ing, they never, so far as I know, formed a part of the
general routine of logical instruction. The clergy, both
in Belgium and Holland, kept a watchful eye over these
French theories ; and, though unable to prevent their
introduction altogether, they were always powerful
enough to check their general growth and cultivation.
328 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
CHAPTEK XVI.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN,
FROM THE TIME OF LOCKE'S "ESSAY" TILL THE END OF
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
From the days of Bruno, Cardan, and Campanella,
logical and other kindred speculations on mind had
been very little cultivated in Italy. Philosophy in
general had been unfruitful for nearly an entire cen-
tury. Bacon, Locke, and Grassendl, had made a partial
impression on the reflective mind of the nation ; but
still their respective modes of handling logical methods
and rules had, at the commencement of the eighteenth
century, been but'little influential on the philosophical
literature of the country. The spirit of enlightened
innovation was heard but here and there in a whisper ;
a general apathy and indifference predominated in all
the seminaries of learning ; and the deathlike stillness
which every where prevailed, formed a striking and
saddening contrast with the philosophical vigour and
activity of the Italian mind of the preceding century.
The first manifestations of what we may justly enough
call the second or modern revival of speculation in Italy,
were in the direction of logical philosophy. And we
LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN. 329
here witness, what is visibly imprinted on the entire
history of abstract literature, that the first impulse
experienced in the several epochs of intellectual pro-
gression has invariably assumed a dialectical character.
This was the case in Greece. Socrates, Plato, and
Aristotle, by their respective logical methods, gave
order and consistency to the scattered fragments of
human knowledge, and thereby imparted to them a
useful and practical efficiency. The Christian system
conferred new logical canons on the nature, importance,
and promulgation of truth. In the various philoso-
phical epochs of mental history, from the first intro-
duction of this system to the time of Charlemagne, we
find the logical element the chief innovator, and ruling
and claiming precedence over every other. The first
intellectual movement at the commencement of the
middle ages, by the Arabian philosophers and the
scholastic divines, is indicated by an inquiry into the
nature of particular and universal ideas, and the offices
they respectively hold in the logical economy of the
mind. And every phase of scholastic learning, mapped
out by the hand of the mental historian, is solely cha-
racterised by the novel methods of philosophising, and
the fresh rules of logical deduction, then brought con-
spicuously before the public mind for general discussion.
And when this lingering, though vehement conten-
tion, on the merits and abstract nature of logical forms
and principles, had exhausted itself, we contemplate
with pleasure the first dawn of intellectual freedom in
Italy, at the grand revival of letters and literature under
the fostering care and munificence of the Medici family.
But here, again, philosophy presents the same aspect.
330 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
It was in reference to the comparative value of ancient
logical methods and systems, that the energetic and
active spirits of that day displayed their learning, and
taxed their ingenuity. When the discussions in this
direction came to a close, we are introduced to the
important logical epoch of Bacon, whose name is im~
perishably imprinted on the memorials of modern
philosophy, not for the amount of what he himself
knew, but on account of his pointing out the path or
logical method for the guidance and direction of those
who might come after him. This was the crowning
glory of the Lord of Verulam. Then after him we have
Hobbes, Locke, Descartes, Leibnitz, — all of whom have
become landmarks in the history of modern speculation,
chiefly from the development of their respective plans
of logical method, and their liberal and enlightened
suggestions as to the most sound and efficient rules for
the improvement and guidance of the human faculties,
in the pursuit of general truth and science.
And this predominance of the logical element in the
history of human progress, presents nothing but what
a priori reasonings would lead us to expect. Know-
ledge of all kinds is a personal thing, and must die
with the possessor, unless means be taken to perpetuate
it. The disproportion between those who have a large
share of scientific information, and those who are com-
paratively destitute of it, and to whom it is desirable it
should, in as ample a measure as possible, be commu-
nicated, is, and ever must be, great and palpable. The
inquiry, then, which every reflective mind institutes
within itself is, How shall I be able to impart the
knowledge I have to others ? Which is the shortest
vico. 331
and most effective plan of instruction ? How shall I
gain possession of the minds of others at the least
possible cost of time and labour? How shall I most
surely secure myself and others from erroneous concep-
tions of what I do wish to communicate ? How shall
I clothe or present truth in the most engaging and
fascinating forms ? These, and a thousand questions
of a like nature, pass through the minds of all who are
engaged in the pursuit and dissemination of knowledge.
And the great object with every philosophical inquirer
is, and ever will be, to lay his hands on such intellec-
tual instruments as are best fitted to accomplish the
urgent business he has in hand, of communicating what
he knows to the minds of others. It is this necessity
of our condition which sets us at all times in eager
pursuit for logical methods, and which has, through the
vicissitudes of ages, sustained that lively interest which
mankind have felt in every scheme or plan which pro-
mised aid to the reasoning powers or faculties of our
nature. The moment knowledge is obtained, there is
a strong and instinctive desire to communicate it ; and
we set to the task of finding out those formal and
scientific rules of thought which we conceive most
likely to effect our purpose. This is one of the most
conspicuous attributes of our mind, when viewed in its
active and practical manifestations.
This innate desire after logical methods and rules is
strikingly illustrated in the state of Italian philosophy
at the period we are now treating of. We have the
illustrious Vico before us, with his Scienza Nuova, or
New Science. He felt himself dissatisfied with all the
logical methods that had gone before him, and was
332 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
bent upon finding out, if he could, a more comprehen-
sive and satisfactory one. It was to be a regular
organon, to account for all knowledge, and to lead the
mind, by short and unerring steps, to the real source of
all our rational conceptions and judgments. Bacon,
Locke, and Descartes, had only given a one-sided and
partial view of the reasoning powers of man, and of the
fundamental principles of scientific thought. But Vico
was prepared, in his New Science, to place human
knowledge on a solid basis. He did not invoke a pro-
found metaphysic to effect this end. He wished to
direct the attention of philosophers and logicians more
to the outer world of human action and passion, than
to refined abstract contemplation. The materials for
his theory, he contended, were scattered around him in
rich and varied profusion ; and it only required the
application of some comprehensive principle to combine
and arrange them into a consistent and harmonious
unity.
There are, according to Vico, two essential matters
connected with the cultivation of all knowledge which
it is requisite we" should know, — namely, the end or
object of all studies, and the best means of prosecuting
them. The grand object of all knowledge is, to refine
and exalt human nature, and to bind us more closely
to Deity. There are three elements of all divine and
human science — knowledge, will, and power. The
whole rests on intelligence ; not on a blind, unaccount-
able, or irrational power. The eye of this intelligence
is reason ; and the eternal flambeau of reason is Deity.
These three elements furnish us with conceptions of
our own personal existence, and we can in turn explain
vice 333
them again by the power of thought. The first prin-
ciples of all wisdom and truth rest upon God ; denuded
of this spiritual and immaterial conception, they are
unintelligible.*
In order to develop the principles of truth and cer-
tainty, we must analyse or reduce them to their ori-
ginal elements, which are, — 1st, Human manners and
customs, and social and civil institutions ; and, 2d,
Language, which is the key to the human understanding.
It is from these that the primary principles of a com-
prehensive logic can be revealed to our minds. Let
us look into man as he is portrayed in his aggregate
union with his kindred, and we shall be sure to find all
those general ideas on which human science rests.f
" Logical philosophy," says Vico, " contemplates
reason, and forms the science of truth. Philology, or
language, recognises the authority of human judg-
ments, and this creates the consciousness of conviction.
Logicians and grammarians deceive themselves if they
neglect to give mutual aid to each other. The inten-
tion of our being is, that there should be a mutual
reaction between them. Human judgment, uncertain
in its nature and conclusions, obtains by their union
the infallible sanction of common sense in matters of
urgency and utility. This common sense, the guide of
the argumentative powers of men, is an unreflecting
judgment, which is felt, or rather formed, by a com-
munity, a people, a nation, and, in fact, by all mankind.
Uniform ideas, under the guidance of uniform logical
principles, created among an entire people who have no
* Del Metodo, t. 2. + Scienza Nuova, pp. 10, 15, 60.
334 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
individual knowledge of each other, must be stamped
with the seal of truth."*
The foundation of all logical science, when brought
to the test of practice, is to be found, says Yico, in
method. It must embody the formal processes of
thought, as well as universal ideas of science or truth.
In order, however, to enable us to fix on true scientific
methods, we should endeavour to form right conceptions
of the end or purpose which every chain of reasoning
is intended to accomplish. A desire to know the truth
is indispensable to finding it. We should bear in mind
that all true science or wisdom perfects the understand-
ing and regulates the conduct. The most momentous
of all kinds of knowledge is that which relates to Deity ;
and the rule which should guide our faculties in the
pursuit of truth is, that we select only those things
for logical inquiry which are fitted to produce the
greatest amount of good to mankind.")"
G-enovesi was a distinguished logician, and introduced
into Italy a knowledge of the writings of Locke and
Leibnitz, and likewise the logical systems of Tschirn-
hausen, Christian" Thomasius, Wolff, and Rudiger. His
works are, Elemental Artis Logico-Criticce (1767)? and
Delia Logica (1799).
Genovesi's logic is founded on a psychological view
of the mind. He points out three formidable obstruc-
tions to sound knowledge, which he calls maladies of
intellect, with the object of pointing out the means by
which they may be removed. He distinguishes four
kinds or sorts of ignorance — the want of notions or
* Del Metodo, t. 3. Paris, 1844. t Ibid., t, 2.
GENOVESI. 335
ideas ; a want of the power of conception ; our in-
capacity of recognising the relations of one thing to
another ; and the want of perceiving the relation of
ideas to a common end or object. There are likewise
four species of erroneous judgments : in our primary
conceptions or general notions ; in our conclusions ; in
our trains of reasoning ; and in our method. He
attributes errors to three sources, — those which arise
from the mind itself; those which relate to material
substances ; and those which spring from the influence
of external agencies generally.
All knowledge is referred by Genovesi to four pri-
mary principles — consciousness, sensation, testimony,
and reasoning. Our various ideas or conceptions may
be all arranged, for logical purposes, under four heads,
according to the way or manner in which we consider
them, — 1st, Whether considered relatively to their
origin ; 2d, Relatively to themselves ; 3d, In relation to
the objects they represent ; and, 4th, According to the
way or mode in which they may be represented to us.
Under the first point of view, ideas are adventitious,
fictitious, and natural. Adventitious ideas are those
arising from sensation, from material bodies, their diffe-
rent qualities, forms, and modes of action. Fictitious
ideas are formed in our understandings from similitude,
proportion, association, abstraction, and deduction.
Natural ideas, which some call innate, constitute the
foundation of the conceptions we have of our own
existence, all the internal phenomena of the thinking
principle, and the notions we have of truth, justice,
right, intelligence, and the like.
Ideas under the second general aspect are intelligible
336 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
or sensible, simple or compound. Under the third
aspect they are positive or negative, adequate or in-
adequate, singular or universal, absolute or relative,
abstract or concrete, real or chimerical. Ideas under
the last aspect are either clear or obscure, distinct or
confused.
Every system of logic, G-enovesi conceives, ought to
be based on a knowledge of the power or faculties of
the mind.
The nature of truth and its criterium are discussed
at considerable length. There are four kinds of it, —
moral, natural, metaphysical, and logical. His general
opinion is, that every department of human knowledge
has a peculiar species of evidence belonging to itself.
There is, for example, the criterium of reasoning ap-
plied to all the abstract sciences ; physical certainty to
all matters belonging to natural history and philo-
sophy ; and moral evidence to whatever relates to
human nature.
The following observations are from the pen of a
modern Italian author on the merits of Genovesi as a
philosophical logician : — " Few can lay juster claims to
the title of a reformer of Italian philosophy than
Genovesi, who not only made it known to, but re-
spected by, the learned of other countries. He knew
how to enrich it with sound logical strictures, profound
metaphysical discussions, and correct moral reflections.
However numerous and distinguished the philosophers
who have trodden the same path before him, or who
have anxiously endeavoured, by profound meditations
and sound maxims, to assist the mind to think closely
and clearly (and Bacon, Malebranche, Locke, Wolff,
SCARELLA, BALDINOTTI, ETC. 337
and others, have almost exhausted every thing which
could be said upon the subject), still Genovesi knew
how to embellish his subject with original speculations
and remarks, and to furnish his readers with a system
of logic, not only full and complete for philosophical
purposes, but highly useful to private individuals, and
for the purposes of civil society." *
The JElementa Logicce (1762) of J. B. Scarella is a
work of merit, considered as a popular manual of logic.
It is founded on a knowledge of the mental faculties,
and is eclectic in its character ; the author having
culled out whatever he thought useful from the writings
of Descartes, Locke, and Leibnitz. Scarella's theo-
retical view of logical science rested upon two principles
— that the senses furnish one set of truths, and the
mind, from its own internal resources, another. J.
Gualberto de Saria, in his Rationalis Philosophice In-
stitutiones, illustrated the logical principles of Genovesi
with great eclat at Pisa, and other cities in Italy, His
labours are chiefly directed to the laying down useful and
general rules for the government of the understanding
in its prosecution of science. Claude Fromond wrote
a work entitled Delia Logica (1762), in which he
attempted, and with considerable success, to popularise
logic, by stripping it of many of those formal techni-
calities and minute divisions which the scholastic times
had imposed upon it. His own terminology is often,
however, more troublesome and perplexing than the
old language he has displaced.
Baldinotti was a philosophical logician of distinction
and note. In his De Recta Mentis Institutione (1787),
* D. Jxien. Andres. Venice, 1800.
Y
338 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
he lays down the general principles of a comprehensive
logical system, embracing human knowledge in its
totality. Though every system of this kind must rest
on mental philosophy, yet the application of all the
general rules of a philosophical logic must be illustrated
from the models of thought and wisdom which posterity
has left us, and the actual discoveries in science which
history records. A successful prosecution of truth lies
more in the mode of treating it than is commonly
imagined. Scientific knowledge must be prosecuted in
a given way and manner : we must bring the mind to
grasp many principles and objects at one and the same
time, to view them in all their varied relations to each
other, and then to draw the lessons they are fitted to
impart with logical precision and fidelity. A philo-
sophical spirit is a spirit which regulates itself by means
of a method or a congeries of methods — all tending to
some given end or purpose, and at the same time
paying a most rigid adherence to unity of action and
result/'
The name of Facciolati stands high in the logical
literature of Italy. His logical works are the following
— JRudimenta Logica, Institutiones Scholce Peripat.,
Acroases Dialectics. He grounds his system on the
views of Aristotle. There are two sources of certainty
- — the one historical, and the other the internal or living
sense, which testifies our own feelings and existence.
The rules of reasoning are developed by Facciolati with
much care and minuteness ; and his suggestions for the
government of the understanding in the pursuit of truth,
are at once profound and practical. Franc. Soave, in
* De Recta Meat. Instit,, p. 583.
MAZAKELLI, ETC. 339
his Institutiones de Logica, illustrates the leading prin-
ciples of Locke's Essay, which he considered the best
work that had then appeared on the logical training of
the mind. Soave pays great attention to the bearings
of language on logical operations; but he denounces
the employment of mathematical forms of reasoning in
moral subjects, as destructive of all sound knowledge.
Mazzarelli, in his 11 buon uso della Logica in Materia
di Religione (1787), discusses the science of logic
through the medium of theology. Taking the Scrip-
tures as the foundation of all truth — the standard by
which its character and value are to be estimated — he
institutes the inquiry, how far the ordinary notions en-
tertained of logic are in unison with the declarations
and doctrines contained in the sacred canons. We
cannot reason soundly in theology, he maintains, unless
we take into account the special nature of the evidence
which the science of religion presents. Its fundamen-
tal principles being both of an abstract and declaratory
nature, they demand the application of special logical
rules to demonstrate every proposition connected with
them ; which rules may, or may not, as circumstances
require, be requisite in other branches of speculative
inquiry. The author illustrates these views in a variety
of ways, and accompanies his illustrations with many
profound and excellent remarks on the science of
general reasoning.
In the speculations on scientific logic advanced
from time to time in the Transactions of the Academy
of Turin, the reader will find many topics handled
with acuteness and ability. Saint-Eaphael, Tiraboschi,
Denina, Lampredi, and M. Falette-Barrol, have dis-
340 LOGICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ITALY AND SPAIN.
cussed, from various points of view, the primary prin-
ciples relative to the abstract nature of truth, and to
the operations of the mental faculties, as manifested in
the process of general reasoning, and the development
of scientific methods of investigation. Many of the
papers inserted in the Transactions, from the pens
of these authors, evince a truly philosophical and en-
lightened spirit.
Yincenzo Micheli discusses the logical principles of
Leibnitz and Wolff at considerable length. He enters
with great fervour into the questions of necessary con-
nexion, sufficient reason, and the principle of contradic-
tion, with a view to shew their fundamental bearing
upon all the deductions of the understanding.
The logical philosophy of Italy, during the period
now under review, presents, on the whole, an intelligent
and improving aspect. Questions were examined
under the influence of a sincere love of truth, and an
ardent desire to bring logical studies to bear upon the
ordinary pursuit of knowledge, in such a manner as to
facilitate its acquisition and dissemination. This was
the general character of the published or regular
treatises on logic ; but with respect to the teaching of
the science in the old-established universities and col-
leges in the several states in the kingdom, there was
little or no change visible during the eighteenth cen-
tury. Almost all the ordinary epitomes or abstracts of
the science, more directly used for educational purposes,
were entirely confined to the illustration of the old
scholastic doctrines, — no new element of modern philo-
sophy being admitted into the formal and technical
arrangements of the subject. The logical instruction
VERNE Y. 341
directed and imparted by collegiate institutions, em-
braced therefore a very limited range, compared with
that which was afforded by the philosophical treatises
of the most able of the Italian logicians.*
The logical writings of Spain during the eighteenth
century are but few in number, and of little intrinsic
merit. We have the Logic of Louis- Antoine Verney
(1750), which contains some enlightened philosophical
views of the science. The author lays great stress upon
method. He arranges all human knowledge under
three categories, — substances, modes, and relations.
Universal notions are necessary to every act of reason-
ing ; and the mind forms them by contemplating those
qualities which objects have in common, and abstract-
ing that in which they differ. Language enables us to
record these general conceptions ; but, though an
indispensable instrument in all dialectic exercises, it is
nevertheless one which gives rise to a vast number of
errors. Our judgments are of three kinds, — nominal,
real, and ideal. Verney considers this a most impor-
tant division, and thinks logicians have committed
serious blunders by not keeping it in view. Besides
errors from this source, there are others to which the
understanding is liable from the delusions of the senses,
the power of imagination, and the abuse of the theo-
retical spirit. Truth is the result of an act of compa-
rison between the subject and the attribute.
* I regret I have not been able to meet with the Milan edition of Galileo's works,
which contains his views of logical science.
342 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
CHAPTER XVII.
PROGRESS OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRE-
LAND, FROM THE TIME OF LOCKE'S "ESSAY" TILL THE END
OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The history of the science of logic in Great Britain,
during this period, is marked by some features of in-
terest and importance. One of the principal of these
is, the almost utter discredit into which the syllogistic
or school logic fell in general estimation. It was almost
unanimously scouted and condemned, by writers of
every grade and system, as a useless and sophistical
instrument ; and even where it was still retained in
treatises on logic, it was viewed more in the light of an
antiquarian relic "than as a thing possessing any intrinsic
value in any plan of general education.
It is necessary to premise here, that this chapter will
be devoted almost exclusively to works not immediately
connected with university or academical systems of
tuition, but solely such as treat of logic as a part or
division of mental philosophy. I shall give an ac-
count, in a subsequent chapter, of the systems of logical
instruction which have, for a certain number of years,
been followed in most of the universities and colleges
of our own country.
TYRWITT, LEE. 343
Firsts then, I shall notice a small and very scarce
volume, though, a little out of chronological order, writ-
ten by one Thomas Tyrwitt, hearing the date of 16-52,
entitled, Solid Reasons for Philosophizing. It appears
to have been printed and published at Winchester. It
is entirely directed against the logical doctrines con-
tained in the Novum Organum of Bacon. Tyrwitt
maintains that the svstem of reasoning laid down in
that celebrated treatise, cannot lead the mind to right
conclusions as to the moral and religious nature of man;
matters which are, he says, of the deepest importance
both to individuals and society. He observes, that
" the mode or fashion of going from fact to fact, and
testing and cross- questioning nature in every possible
form, cannot satisfy the wants of the mind; for the
power of creation, and the arrangement of materials,
are the things which, in seeking after knowledge, we
are constantly in search after." In another place, he
prophesies that his lordship's view of science " will
only tend to be a will-o'-the-wisp to mankind."*
The publication of Mr Locke's Essay excited great
attention throughout England; and many were the
pens directed against particular portions of his treatise.
Among his opponents, Dr Lee holds a distinguished
place, chiefly from directing his remarks, embodied in
his Anti- Scepticism (1702), to those parts of Mr Locke's
work which have a logical bearing and import. Lee's
observations on the nature of propositions in general,
are in many instances both ingenious and sound ; and
there will be found, in this part of his work, many prin-
ciples faintly shadowed forth, relative to the nature
* Pp. 132,. 1S4.
344 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
and province of reasoning generally, which subsequent
English writers have more fully developed, and made
the groundwork of their logical theories.
On the abstract nature of truth, and of the mind's
manner of perceiving and estimating it, we have a great
deal of valuable information and acute reasoning, in
Morris's Theory of the Ideal or Intelligible World (VJOY).
There is much of the same kind of speculation relative
to the logical foundation of truth, and to those faculties
of the mind more immediately connected with the rea-
soning process, as that which characterises the writings
of Malebranche, and others of the same school. The
first volume of Morris is the most interesting.
Dr Watts' Logic (1*728) was the first popular fruit,
in England, of the speculations of Locke, on the mental
powers and faculties, as connected with reasoning, and
the advancement of knowledge generally. The work
has been a great public favourite for more than a cen-
tury and a quarter ; and such is its happy adaptation
of logical materials, that it promises fair to maintain its
position, in spite of changes of opinion and systems, for
many years to come.
The author says, that " logic is the art of using reason
well in our inquiries after truth, and the communica-
tion of it to others." Again, he says, " The design of
logic is, to teach us the right use of our reason, or
intellectual powers, and the improvement of them in
ourselves and others."
He divides his Logic into four parts, according to the
old scholastic fashion, but with a very extended mean-
ing and application ; namely, perception (used as syno-
nymous with conception or apprehension), judgment,
reasoning, and disposition.
WATTS. 345
The first part is appropriated to long discussions on
the general nature of our ideas — the objects of our
conceptions ; the general divisions or kinds of them ; the
words or signs by which these ideas or conceptions are
expressed ; and general and special rules and directions
how to mould and direct these mental materials to a
given end or purpose. The second part relates to
judgments and propositions. The author enters into
an examination of the nature and offices of these ; the
various sorts of them ; what general directions should
be observed, in order that we may judge soundly ; and
what special rules should likewise be attended to, in order
to arrive at right conclusions on particular subjects and
questions. Reasoning, properly so called, is treated of
in the third part. This embraces the nature of syllo-
gistic forms ; the doctrine on which they are founded ;
the nature of erroneous judgments, and how they may
be avoided ; and general rules for the guidance of our
reasoning powers on all subjects to which they may be
directed. The fourth and last part relates to disposi-
tion or method. This must be fully considered, along
with all the general and special rules which come under
it, in applying it to human knowledge in all its bear-
ings and ramifications.
Watts' Improvement of the Mind is a supplement to
his Logic. It embodies a vast amount of just and use-
ful observations on the government of the mind, and in
connexion with education generally. Dr Johnson, in
his Life of Watts, observes that " few books have been
perused by me with greater pleasure than his Improve-
ment of the Mind, of which the radical principles may
indeed be found in Locke's Conduct of the Understand-
346 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
ing ; but they are so expanded and ramified by Watts,
as to confer on him the merit of a work in the highest
degree useful and pleasing. Whoever has the care of
instructing others, may be charged with deficiency in
his duty if this book is not recommended."
Dr Duncan's Logic (1760) is a work of precisely
the same cast and character as that of Dr Watts.
Duncan was professor of moral philosophy at Aberdeen,
and this gave his volume no small degree of influence,
not only in his own country, but even in England. It
is plainly and simply written, and has proved a really
useful and instructive volume. It has, like Watts'
work, gone through many editions ; but it has not by
any means been so popular, in the southern part of the
island, as the Logic of the English divine.
Dr Duncan's volume proceeds on the same logical
hypothesis as Locke assumed in his Essay. The un-
derstanding is represented as advancing from one step
of knowledge to another, and exerting various distinct
acts, according to the degrees of progress it makes.
To watch and record these steps is the chief office of
the logician. The principal divisions into which logic,
as a science, is mapped out, are used to explain the pro-
cedure of the mind in its different stages of improve-
ment. The rules and observations requisite for this
purpose must be drawn from a knowledge, more or
less extensive, of the mind itself, viewed chiefly in a
psychological aspect ; and therefore some account of its
various powers and faculties becomes necessary, agree-
ably to this theory, in order to give clearness and force
to the illustrations of logical or scientific rules and
methods.
duncan. 347
The doctor has followed the same scholastic division
of logic as Watts has done. There are four books.
The first treats of simple apprehension — a subject
which embraces a copious account of the origin of our
ideas, the various kinds or sorts of them, the manner
in which knowledge is derived from them, — together
with some observations on the rise, progress, and nature
of language in general, and its specific application to
logical subjects in particular. The second book is de-
voted to the consideration of our judgments or intui-
tions. Here the doctrine of propositions is developed,
and their division into self-evident and demonstrable
made apparent. The third book brings us to the
syllogism, which is illustrated in the ordinary way
of most school treatises on the subject. The fourth
book ends with method. This the doctor thinks impor-
tant. It can only be made use of with advantage, he
remarks, when our mental faculties have been exer-
cised, and some decided progress in general knowledge
made. He observes, that "when a man, accustomed
to much thinking, comes, after any considerable interval
of time, to take a survey of his intellectual acquisitions,
he seldom finds reason to be satisfied with that order
and disposition according to which they made their
entrance into his understanding. They are there dis-
persed and scattered without subordination, or any just
and regular coherence ; insomuch that the subserviency
of one truth to the discovery of another does not so
readily appear to the mind. Hence he is convinced of
the necessity of distributing them into various classes,
and combining into one uniform system whatever re-
lates to one and the same subject. !N~ow, this is the
348 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
true and proper business of method, — to ascertain the
various divisions of human knowledge, and so to adjust
and connect the parts in every branch, that they may
seem to grow one out of another, and form a regular
body of science, rising from first principles, and pro-
ceeding by an orderly concatenation of truths."
The two treatises of Watts and Duncan tended
greatly to obliterate from the public mind of this
country, every vestige of esteem and reverence for the
scholastic logic. But, besides these, there were other
writers whose speculations, partly metaphysical and
partly logical, tended still more to increase the disre-
gard of the principles and forms of the Aristotelian
system. These antagonists of formal logic were most
energetic and zealous in the northern portions of the
island. Among their number, 'Dr Campbell stands
conspicuous. His Philosophy of Rhetoric (1762) is a
work which, during the latter part of the last century,
exercised a marked influence, indeed, over the general
current of logical thought in Great Britain. And his
treatise is not destitute of influence even at the present
day. He appears to have entertained very decided
opinions on the nature of the syllogistic theory of
reasoning. He says, " The method of proving by
syllogism appears, even on a superficial review, both
unnatural and prolix. The rules laid down for distin-
guishing the conclusive from the inconclusive forms of
argument, the true syllogism from the various kinds of
sophisms, are at once cumbersome to the memory, and
unnecessary in practice. No person, one may venture
to pronounce, will ever be made a reasoner who stands
in need of them. In a word, the whole bears the
CAMPBELL. 349
manifest indications of an artificial and ostentatious
parade of learning, calculated for giving the appearance
of great profundity to what in fact is very shallow.
Such, I acknowledge, have been, for a long time, my
sentiments on the subject. On a near inspection, I
cannot say I have found reason to alter them, though
I think I have seen a little further into the nature of
this disputative science, and consequently into the
grounds of its futility."
Dr Campbell says again, in reference to the general
character of the scholastic logic, " that the disputation
of the schools became to be so much a mechanical ex-
ercise, that if once a man had learned his logic, and
had thereby come to understand the use of his weapons,
and had gotten the knack of wielding them, he was
qualified, without any other kind of knowledge, to de-
fend any position whatsoever, how contradictory soever
to common sense, and to the clearest discoveries of
reason and experience."
After making some observations on the abstract
nature of the svllooism, which he thinks is resolvable
into a mere identical proposition, the doctor sums up
the whole discussion with these words : — " What shall
we denominate the artificial system or organ of truth,
as it has been called, of which we have been treating ?
Shall we style it the art of reasoning ? So honourable
an appellation it by no means merits, since, as hath
been shewn, it is ill adapted to scientific matters.
Shall we then pronounce it the science of logomachy,
or, in plain English, the art of fighting with words, and
about words? And in this wordy warfare shall we
say that the rules of syllogising are the tactics ? This
350 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GEEAT BRITAIN.
would certainly hit the matter more nearly ; but I
know not how it happens, that to call any thing logo-
machy or altercation would be considered as giving bad
names ; and when a good use may be made of an in-
vention, it seems unreasonable to fix an odious name
upon it which ought only to discriminate the abuse. I
shall therefore only title it the scholastic art of dispu-
tation. It is the schoolmen's science of defence."*
Lord Karnes was another Scottish writer who spoke
lightly of the school logic. In his Sketches of the His-
tor y of Man (1770), he says: "The slow progress of
useful knowledge during the many ages in which the
syllogistic art was most highly cultivated as the only
guide to science, and its quick progress since that art
was disused, suggest a presumption against it; and
this presumption is strengthened by the puerility of the
examples which have always been brought to illustrate
its rules." " The ancients seem to have had too high
notions, both of the force of the reasoning power in
man, and of the art of syllogism as its guide. Mere
reasoning can carry us but a very little way in most
subjects. By observation and experiments properly
conducted, the stock of human knowledge may be en-
larged without end ; but the power of reasoning alone,
applied with vigour through a .long life, would only
carry us round like a horse in - a mill, who labours
hard, but makes no progress.'-' " When the power of
reasoning is so feeble by nature, especially in subjects
to which this syllogistic theory can be applied, it would
be unreasonable to expect great effects from it. And
hence we see the reason why the examples brought to
* Vol. i. p. 182.
LORD KAMES, BEATT1E. 351
illustrate it by the most ingenious logicians have rather
tended to bring it into contempt." " Although the
art of categorical syllogism is better fitted for scholastic
litigation than for real improvement in knowledge, it is
a venerable piece of antiquity, and a great effort of
human genius. We admire the pyramids of Egypt,
and the wall of China, although useless burdens on the
earth. We can hear the most minute description of
them, and travel hundreds of leagues to see them. If
any person should with sacrilegious hands destroy or
deface them, his memory would be had in abhorrence.
The predicaments and predicables, the rules of syllogism,
and the topics, have a like title to our veneration as
antiquities. They are uncommon efforts, not of human
power, but of human genius ; and they make a remark-
able period in the progress of human reason."
Speaking of reasoning in general, his lordship says,
that " all real knowledge of mankind may be divided
into two parts, — the first consisting of self-evident pro-
positions ; the second, of those which are deduced by
just reasoning from self-evident propositions. The
line which divides these two parts ought to be marked
as distinctly as possible, and the principles that are
self-evident reduced, as far as can be done, to general
axioms."*
Lord Karnes' Introduction to the Art of Thinking
contains little or nothing of a logical character.
Dr Beattie's Essay on Truth (1770) had a great
effect in strengthening the antipathy against the scho-
lastic logic throughout Great Britain. The work was
exceedingly popular. On the general influence and
* Sketches, vol. iii.
352 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
tenor of this species of logic on the character and
minds of those who cultivate it, he observes : — " The
apparent tendency of the school logic is, to render men
disputatious and sceptical, adepts in the knowledge of
words, but inattentive to fact and experience, It makes
them fonder of speaking than thinking, and therefore
strangers to themselves, — solicitous chiefly about rules,
names, and distinctions, and therefore leaves them
neither leisure nor inclination for the study of life and
manners. In a word, it makes them more ambitious
to distinguish themselves as partisans of a dogmatist,
than as inquirers after truth. It is easy to see how far
a man of this temper is qualified to make discoveries in
knowledge. To such a man, indeed, the name of truth
is only a pretence ; he neither is, nor can be, much
interested in the solidity or importance of his tenets :
it is enough if he can render them plausible — nay, it is
enough if he can silence his adversary by any means.
The captious turn of an habitual wrangler deadens the
understanding, sours the temper, and hardens the
heart ; by rendering the mind suspicious and attentive
to trifles, it weakens the sagacity of instinct, and ex-
tinguishes the fire of imagination : it transforms con-
versation into a state of warfare, and restrains the lively
sallies of fancy, so effectual in promoting good- humour
and good-will, which, though often erroneous, are a
thousand times more valuable than the dull correctness
of a mode-and-ngure disciplinarian."*
Lord Monboddo, in his Ancient Metaphysics (1779),
is an enthusiastic admirer of the Aristotelian logic. He
argues that Mr Locke and all his followers have com-
* Essay on Truth, p. 389.
LORD MONBODDO. 353
pletely mistaken the theory of general reasoning, which
has no other foundation than the syllogism.
Before Aristotle's time, Lord Monboddo says, " Many
philosophers no doubt reasoned very well, and made
great discoveries, but they reasoned as the women and
children spake ; for though women and children, who
have been well educated, may speak very well, they do
it by mere habit, without being able to give any account
how they do it : the reason of which is, that they can-
not analyse language into its elements." " The philo-
sophers before Aristotle could reason very well ; but as
they could not analyse reason, so they could not give
any rational account why one argument was conclusive,
and another inconclusive."
Lord Monboddo keeps no terms with the common
sense school of logic. He observes : " Common sense,
they will say, is sufficient to let us know what certainty
and conviction are, and when we ought to be convinced,
and when not. But I will tell them, that not only
common sense is not sufficient for this purpose, but even
the most uncommon sense and the greatest natural
genius ; and, in order to know what truth and science
are, they must either have invented themselves a great
system of science, such as Aristotle has delivered in his
books of analytics, or they must have learned it from
others."
Lord Monboddo defines logical truth to be " the
perceiving by the act of the mind, comparing together
its own ideas or perceptions ; and it is distinguished
from what is called metaphysical or transcendental truth,
which belongs only to single ideas."
z
354 LOGICAL SCIENCE IK GEE AT BRITAIN.
All demonstrative reasoning presupposes, according
to his lordship, not only the existence of general ideas,
but that there is a principle of subordination running
through one to another; that is, one general idea or
conception is more comprehensive than another, and
the less general is contained in, and makes a part
of, the more general one. It is this constitution of
things which makes the syllogism, and imparts to it
its demonstrative character.
Lord Monboddo's notion of the nature of truth is,
that it ultimately rests on a theological basis. There
are numerous passages of his work illustrative of this
idea. Without religious principle, logical science is
unintelligible. He says : " From what I have said of
the subordination of ideas, we may observe the progress
of things upwards, and the wonderful tendency of all
things in nature towards one principle of union. This
is to be found in all the several classes of beings, which
still rise one above another till they end in that one
category to which they belong. And here the analysis
of logic ends ; but where logic ends theology begins,
and shews that all the ten categories terminate in one
principle, and have one common origin, the Intellect
Divine, the source of every thing existing, or that can
exist in the universe, where all things exist in the most
perfect unity ; for there is not first or last there, nor
the succession of ideas as in our minds, but all things
are present at once, and the past, the present, and the
future, what is precedent and what is consequent, are
seen in one view. In this manner, not only logic, but
every other science, ends in theology, the summit of all
philosophy, and which to know is the perfection of
HUME. 355
human nature."* Again he says : " Truth and science
are to be deduced from a much higher source than the
human mind, even from Grod himself." " Here we
may see with what propriety God is called in Scripture
the God of Truth ; for in him are all ideas or species
of things, with all their connexions, dependencies, and
relations one to another."
We must call a moment's attention to the writings
of David Hume, who deeply interested himself in the
fundamental principles of reasoning. All human know-
ledge, he affirms, may be embraced in two categories —
impressions and ideas. Impressions comprehend the
entire mass of our sensational knowledge ; and ideas
stand for all those thoughts which relate to the higher
functions of the mind — as remembering, imagining,
reasoning, &c. His notions, however, on the relation
of all sciences whatever to the science of human nature,
are so interesting, and have been, in fact, so suggestive
to other writers on the principles of logical science,
that we must allow this able and subtle writer to state
his own case in his own words : —
"It is evident," says he, "that all the sciences have
a relation, greater or less, to human nature ; and that,
however wide any of them may seem to run from it,
they still return back by one passage or another. Even
mathematics, natural philosophy, and natural religion,
are in some measure dependent on the science of man,
since they lie under the cognisance of men, and are
judged of by their powers and faculties. *. If therefore
the sciences of mathematics, natural philosophy, and
natural religion, have such a dependence on the know-
* Ancient Met., vol. i. p. 484^
356 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
ledge of man, what may be expected in the other
sciences, whose connexion with human nature is more
close and intimate ? The sole end of logic is, to ex-
plain the principles and operations of our reasoning
faculty, and the nature of our ideas ; morals and criti-
cism regard our tastes and sentiments ; and politics
consider men as united in society, and dependent on
each other. . ; .Here, then, is the only expedient from
which we can hope for success in our philosophical
researches, to leave the tedious lingering method which
we have hitherto followed, and, instead of taking now
and then a castle or village on the frontier, to march
up directly to the capital or centre of these sciences —
to human nature itself, which, being once masters of, we
may every where else hope for an easy victory. From
this station we may extend our conquests over all those
sciences which more intimately concern human life, and
may afterwards proceed at leisure to discover more
fully those which are the objects of pure curiosity.
There is no question of importance whose decision is
not comprised in the science of man, and there is none
which can be decided with any certainty before we
become acquainted with that science. In pretending,
therefore, to explain the principles of human nature, we
in effect propose a complete system of the sciences,
built on a foundation almost entirely new, and the only
one upon which they can stand with any security."
We come now to notice an entire class of writers
whose united speculations have given birth to several
new views of logical truth, and of the utility of logical
systems generally. This class is denominated the
common sense school of philosophers. Its doctrines are
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 357
known wherever science is cultivated. Though not
strictly expounders of regular and formal treatises of
logic, yet they discussed the leading principles of the
science, and came to entertain certain opinions regard-
ing it considerably at variance with pre-existing theories
and maxims. The principal writers who constituted
this school, and to whose labours we shall now briefly
direct attention, are Doctors Reid, Beattie, and Oswald,
and the late Professor Dugald Stewart. In shaping
our present course, we shall avoid all theological and
purely metaphysical discussion, and confine our remarks
as closely as possible to the bearing which these specu-
lations have on the broad and scientific principles of
logic, and on the nature of those mental powers con-
sidered more immediately called into requisition in
every act of reasoning and argumentation.
For the sake of those whose knowledge of mental
philosophy may be but scanty, we beg to premise that
there have been various and somewhat conflicting defi-
nitions of common sense current among modern philo-
sophers and logicians ; but the general meaning of the
term, as we shall here use it, is mainly the same as that
given of this sense by Father Buffier, to whom it origi-
nally belongs, and which has been inserted in a previous
chapter of this volume. We shall, however, give this
definition again : — " Common se?ise is that quality or
disposition which nature has placed in all men, or evi-
dently in the far greater number of them, in order to
enable them all, when they have arrived at the age and
use of reason, to form a common and uniform judgment
with respect to objects different from the internal sen-
timent of their own perception, and which judgment is
358 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
not the consequence of any anterior principle." The
reader will readily perceive that this common sense is
not like those senses of seeing, hearing, tasting, and
the like, which recognise the existence and qualities of
external bodies by a species of intuitive discernment ;
but it is simply that quality or attribute of mind which
men, by virtue of circumstances and age, become expe-
rimentally possessed of, and by which they are enabled
to form a common and uniform judgment on divers
classes of objects or things which come before them.
This explanation will be found to coincide substantially
with those definitions given of this common sense by
nearly all writers who have discussed the subject.
The logical doctrines which sprang out of, or received
great support from, this common sense school of philo-
sophy, may be stated under the following general
heads : —
1st, The doctrine which this school maintained re-
lative to the reasoning powers was, that there was a
natural logic, which was quite sufficient of itself to
guide men in their ordinary intercourse of life, and to
enable them to sit in judgment on all the most impor-
tant truths and questions more immediately connected
with their own inward nature — their mental, moral,
and religious feelings. No formal or artificial systems
or rules are here required. The uniformity which
human life has presented in all times, and that com-
plete certainty with which we expect certain conse-
quences from certain causes, are irrefragable proofs of
the existence of this natural logical talent. The great
mass of human knowledge relative to man — as a think-
ing, moral, social, and religious being — is purely derived
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 359
from consciousness, and common sense or experience;
and the principles which embody the entire science of
man, are the exponents of the common sense feelings
and common sense ideas of the generality of men.
These principles can neither be detected by any formal
logical rules, nor their truth tested by them in any way
whatever. They rest on a foundation altogether their
own, and refuse to be brought under the technical
forms and discipline of the mere school logician. " All
reasoning," says Dr Beattie, " terminates in first prin-
ciples ; all evidence is ultimately intuitive ; common
sense is the standard of truth to man." Again he
says, " There are few faculties, either of our mind or
body, more improvable by culture than that of reason-
ing ; whereas common sense, like other instincts, arrives
at maturity with almost no care of ours. To teach the
art of reasoning, or rather of wrangling, is easy ; but it is
impossible to teach common sense to one who wants it."*
Common sense, it is substantially affirmed by the
same school, exercises a larger share of direct authority
over the formation and consolidation of some sciences,
than many philosophers imagine. Some fixed idea is
laid hold of by the mind in ordinary cases, which lies,
as it were, on the surface of things ; and it serves as a
kind of methodical nucleus, around which are arranged
a multitude of individual things susceptible of scientific
classification, and which collectively constitute a body
of truth, having to the individual all the attributes of
a regular science. Many men are to be found who
have a very considerable portion of information on
many branches of knowledge, who have derived it
* Essay on Truth, p. 41.
360 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
entirely from a shrewd and painstaking method which
they have accustomed themselves to follow in every
step of their search after science. Such persons often
become quite bewildered when you attempt to shew
them the logical beauty and cogency of pursuing their
inquiries in accordance with some comprehensive and
logical system of investigation. They cannot seize hold
of the mere formal thread of thought ; and, therefore,
work out the problem in their own way and fashion.
The common sense views they adopt are grounded
upon conceptions not very accurately defined, nor sus-
ceptible of intelligible development to others ; but to
themselves they serve the purpose of giving a full
and faithful interpretation of the things of which they
are in search. All such scientific conceptions are
involved in a cloud of mystery whenever we attempt to
penetrate their abstract nature, to inquire into the
manner they are formed, or the bond or link which
connects them with the general faculties of the mind ;
but of their real individual existence there can be no
possible doubt whatever. Numerous illustrations, con-
firmatory of these statements, might be derived from
the history of every department of human know-
ledge.
Even in those cases where writers of this school did
not feel themselves fully justified in going the extent
of maintaining, that natural logic, such as they con-
ceived it to be, was of itself sufficient for the purposes
of ordinary education ; yet it has been invariably con-
tended, that formal logic was of little or no use without
the aid of the natural. Buffier, who was no enemy to
the old or technical dialectics, affirms his conviction,
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 361
that no logical system can be efficient unless both the
common sense and formal systems be united. He says,
" The perception, in fact, of first or common sense
truths is, as it were, the key to all the sciences ; the
source or cause of every just decision ; the surest guide
to the most accurate knowledge; the very soul and
essence, in some sort, of all truth in general, which
logic attains only in part, though it has the honour to
be styled the organ of truth — but it is no more than
the organ of truth consequentially. And this supposes
principles already known; so that, as experience demon-
strates, a man may be an excellent logician, and yet
fall into considerable errors from an imperfect know-
ledge of the first truths ; whilst those which are to be
drawn from the inmost recesses and most immediate
operations of the human mind, belong to that more
extensive science which forms the subject of this treatise.
If it shall be considered by some truly metaphysical,
they will not perhaps be mistaken ; but, whatever it may
be, it must so closely accompany, precede, or follow logic,
that they mutually lend a necessary support to each
other. Logic, therefore, remains in some measure incom-
plete until it be joined to this, which likewise, in various
places, supposes the former; but those two articles
being united, furnish any thing that relates to the
science of the human understanding, and teach us to
form thence the true art of thinking justly, and with
precision — the object most deserving the attention of
man — the most solid fruit of science."*
It is almost unnecessary to remark, that this opinion
of Buffi er's has been entertained, with some modifica-
* Premieres Verites, p. 2.
362 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
tions, by a majority of the most acute logicians of every
country in Europe.
2d, The common sense school maintained, that
reason was not a single faculty or power, but a complex
operation, involving the exercise of nearly the entire
intellectual apparatus. It required a due balance to be
sustained of all the separate powers of which it was
composed. If there were any irregularity in the con-
stitution of the inward man — any power more vigorous
than another, and out of keeping with it — there was a
corresponding derangement in the reasoning capabili-
ties of the individual, and his chances of being a sound
and comprehensive reasoner proportionally diminished.
The question was reduced to one of actual experience.
This opinion was a favourite one with the late Dugald
Stewart ; and every reader of his admirable works will
readily bring to mind some of those fine discriminations
of individual character, which throw such an agreeable
charm over many of his abstruse speculations on the
powers of reasoning generally. Indeed, this doctrine
of the compound character of the argumentative or
logical talent, forms at bottom the only substantial
grounds for the majority of these rules for what is called
the government of the understanding — a phrase scattered
up and down in almost every logical treatise published
within the two last centuries. For example, memory,
which instantaneously follows sensation, and serves as
a kind of repository or storehouse for all the materials
of our experience and observation, is a faculty as neces-
sary, even for the simplest form of logical argument, as
the act of comparison itself, from which an inference is
said by logicians directly to proceed. And the same
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 363
thing may be remarked relative to the share which
other intellectual powers have in the general result
of all reasoning whatever. Even in mathematical
science itself, no progress can be made in it without the
active assistance and co-operation of the power of
memory with other faculties of the intellect.
3d, It is a part of the logical creed of the common
sense metaphysicians, that the various departments of
human knowledge have particular kinds of evidence or
certainty belonging to each ; and, therefore, it is espe-
cially requisite that the logical principles appertaining
to every individual science should be carefully noted,
and considered in all reasonings and conclusions
regarding it. Physical science rests on one kind of
evidence, mathematical science on another, moral evi-
dence on a third, and so on. There must be no con-
founding of the one with the other. It would be pre-
posterous, say the writers of this school, to attempt to
solve a moral, political, or religious question by the
forms and rules of mathematical reasoning. This species
of reasoning rests entirely on intuitive conceptions, and
consists of an uninterrupted series of axioms. It is
solely conversant about number and extension. On the
other hand, moral evidence is made up of many detached
or isolated ingredients. When we reason about virtue
and vice, pain and pleasure, right and duty, there is no
standard by which to estimate their different agree-
ments in numbers and figures. In moral evidence we
have degrees ; in demonstrative we have none. It is
therefore of essential importance that logical systems
should treat of these distinctions in the several sciences,
in order that rules may be laid down for the govern-
364 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BEITAIN.
merit and instruction of the understanding in the pro-
gress of general knowledge.
kth, The common sense logicians had a great aver-
sion to formal systems of logic. All such systems, say
they, have their hold on the minds of men chiefly from
their shutting out from attention these general ideas
which form the staple, as it were, of thought and intel-
ligence, and are almost ever present to the intellect
when in a state of activity. Human thought is so in-
timately blended with questions of good, right, truth,
justice, advantage, enjoyment, and questions connected
with practical life and consequences, that when any
mere collection of formal rules are presented to the
mind's attention, and repeated over and over, the
interest flags, and they become positively nauseous and
unpleasant.
We cannot handle any thing in the shape of know-
ledge, without having present in the intellect, in a state
more or less vivid and distinct, certain general ideas,
such as existence, causation, power, efficiency, agency,
&c. These are perpetually obtruding their presence
upon us, and imperatively demanding a share of our
immediate attention.
The disadvantages arising from an artificial and
purely formal system of logic being estimated at more
than it is really worth, are graphically pointed out by
Dugald Stewart in the following passages : —
" For my own part, so little value does my individual
experience lead me to place on argumentative address,
when compared with some other endowments subser-
vient to our intellectual improvement, that I have long
been accustomed to consider that promptness of reply
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 365
and dogmatism of decision, which mark the eager and
practised disputant, as almost infallible symptoms of a
limited capacity — a capacity deficient in what Locke
has called large, sound, roundabout sense. In all the
higher endowments of the understanding, this intellec-
tual quality, to which nature, as well as education,
must contribute, may be justly regarded as an essential
ingredient." " If these observations hold with respect
to the art of reasoning or argumentation, as it is culti-
vated by men undisciplined in the contentions of the
schools, they will be found to apply with infinitely
greater force to those disputants who, in the present
advanced state of human knowledge, have been at
pains to fortify themselves, by a course of persevering
study, with the arms of the Aristotelian Logic. Persons
of the former description often reason conscientiously
with warmth from false premises, which they are led
by passion, or by want of information, to mistake for
truth. Those of the latter description proceed syste-
matically on the radical error of conceiving the reason-
ing process to be the most powerful instrument by
which truth is to be attained, combined with the secon-
dary error of supposing that the power of reasoning
may be strengthened and improved by the syllogistic
art."*
5th, The Scotch philosophers insisted upon the intro-
duction of nearly all questions relating to mind into
systems of a logical character. They were not, how-
ever, the originators of this mode of procedure — they
only carried out the opinions and plans of their pre-
decessors to a greater extent: Disliking the formal
* Phil, of Mind, p. 432.
366 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GEE AT BRITAIN.
logic, the common sense school more earnestly insisted
on the utility, and even necessity, of extending our
examinations into the most abstruse and profound
questions of intellectual philosophy, and of laying bare
the entire framework of the mind itself. Hence logi-
cians were called upon, before entering on the formal
rules of their science, to give some account of the
faculties of the mind, cause and effect, the belief in
testimony, the nature of experimental and intuitive
judgments, and the like. It was impossible, these
writers maintained, that a person could make any
advances in logic unless he were conversant with all
the leading questions relative to the science of mind.
6th, The common sense philosophers imparted a
nominalism to the logical speculations of their times.
Though Drs Eeid and Beattie entertained some opinions
on the nature of universals, which might bring them
within that class of logicians called Conceptualists, yet
they were by no means very decided on this point.
Their general leaning was evidently towards the
nominal theory. Stewart was uncompromisingly at-
tached to this' theory likewise ; but it is curious to
witness, that he was only bold on the subject when an
enemy was in the field : for when musing in security,
and in a joyous and contemplative mood, he often
expresses himself somewhat puzzled by the theory of
language, which he generally and strenuously main-
tained. It may be remarked that the most ultra view
of universals agrees better with the leading principles
of the common sense theory of logic than with any
modifications of the nominal hypothesis.
7M, The formation of what they termed a philoso-
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 367
phical logic was a favourite theme with the most influ-
ential of the common sense school. Wishing to make
logic a great and universal instrument, both for the
discovery and promulgation of truth, they conceived it
could only be made effective for this end by being
placed on a much more extended and solid basis than
it had hitherto been. Among the things desiderated
for this purpose, was a thorough knowledge of the
philosophy of mind ; because without this no just opi-
nion could be formed of the classifications and objects of
human knowledge, nor of the rules for the investigation
and communication of truth.
The anticipated advantages to be derived from such
a philosophical logic, are enumerated by Dugald Stewart
to be the following : — 1st, Such " an instrument would
be of the highest importance in all the sciences to ex-
hibit a precise and steady idea of the objects which
they present to our inquiry. What was the principal
circumstance which contributed to mislead the ancients
in their physical researches ? AYas it not their confused
and wavering notions about the particular class of truths
which it was their business to investigate?" "If
we examine, in like manner, the present state of morals,
of jurisprudence, of politics, and of philosophical criticism,
I believe we should find that the principal circum-
stance which retards their progress is the vague and
indistinct idea which those who apply to the study of
them have formed to themselves of the objects of their
researches." "A philosophical logic would
assist us in our particular scientific investigations, — 1st,
By keeping steadily in our view the attainable objects
of human curiosity; so, 2d, By exhibiting to us the
368 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
relation in which they all stand to each other ; and,
3d, The relation which they all bear to what ought to
be their common aim, the advancement of human
happiness ; 4th, It would have a tendency to confine
industry and genius to inquiries which are of real
practical utility ; and would, 5th, Communicate a dig-
nity to the most subordinate pursuits which are in any
respect subservient to so important a purpose." ....
" From such a system of logic, too, important assistance
might be expected for reforming the established plan of
public and private education ? It is melancholy to reflect
on the manner in which this is carried on in most,
perhaps I might say in all, the countries of Europe ;
and that, in an age of comparative light and liberality,
the intellectual and moral characters of youth should
continue to be formed on a plan devised by men who
were not only strangers to the business of the world,
but who felt themselves interested in opposing the
progress of useful knowledge."
2d, "Another very important branch of a rational
system of logic ought to be, to lay down the rules of
investigation which it is proper to follow in the different
sciences. In all these the faculties of the understand-
ing are the instruments with which we operate; and,
without a previous knowledge of their nature, it is
impossible to employ them to the best advantage. In
every exercise of our reasoning and of our inventive
powers, there are general laws which regulate the
progress of the mind ; and, when once these laws are
ascertained, they enable us to speculate and to invent
for the future with more system, and with a greater
certainty of success." " The method of com-
COMMON SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 369
municating to others the principles of the different
sciences, has been as much neglected by the writers on
logic as the rules of investigation and discovery ; and
yet there is certainly no undertaking whatever in
which their assistance is more indispensably requisite."*
8th, All reasonings and judgments, according to the
common sense of philosophy, must relate to two orders
or classes of truths, — contingent and necessary.
Reasonings involving contingent judgments have the
following common sense principles as their basis : —
1st, Every thing which is attested to me by the
power of consciousness and the internal sense must
really exist.
2d, The thoughts of which I am conscious are
thoughts of a being whom I call i", or myself.
3d, The things which memory distinctly recalls to
me really happened.
ith, I am certain of my own personal identity from
the remotest period to which my memory can carry
me.
5th, Objects which I perceive by the aid of my senses
really exist, and are as I perceive them to be.
6th, I exert some degree of power upon my actions
and determinations.
7th, The natural faculties by which I distinguish
truth from error are not delusive.
8th, My fellow-men are living and intelligent crea-
tures like myself.
9th, Certain expressions of countenance, certain
sounds of the voice, and certain gestures, indicate cer-
tain thoughts and certain dispositions of mind.
* Phil, of Mind, vol. i. p. 31.
2 A
370 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
10th, We have naturally some regard for the testi-
mony of men in matters of fact, and even for human
authority in matters of opinion.
11th, Many events which depend upon the free-will
of our fellow-men, may nevertheless be foreseen with
more or less probability.
12th, In the order of nature, that which is to take
place will probably resemble that which has taken place
in similar circumstances.
The necessary truths of common sense are of a
grammatical, logical, mathematical, esthetical, moral,
and metaphysical character.
The logical philosophy of the common sense philo-
sophers contains little or nothing which can be called
original. It is a compound of the doctrines of Bacon,
Hobbes, Descartes, Locke, and Leibnitz, and was the
natural result of the state of mental science for nearly
a couple of centuries before. It is firmly and consis-
tently put together, and made to bear on important
and interesting questions connected with the science of
human nature. It has had, and always will have, great
influence on logical principles and studies ; chiefly for
this reason, that it is based on the most complete
observation of our internal feelings and constitution.
Every thing arising out of the operations of the intel-
lect is brought out to open day, and contrasted with
the rules of philosophic investigation, and the promul-
gation of scientific truth, in every department of human
knowledge.*
The common sense school of logic entertained lofty
* See the several philosophical works of Reid, Campbell, Beattie, Oswald, and
Dueald Stewart.
COMMON -SENSE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHERS. 371
and refined views of human nature and human science.
It displayed, in all its phases, a healthy and invigo-
rating tone. It viewed truth, and the means and appli-
ances to obtain and disseminate it, through the medium
of all that was sacred and elevating. Setting out with
the open and direct intention of attacking infidelity
and scepticism in their strongholds, it threw a whole-
some moral responsibility about logical science, which
removed it far from every thing sophistical, formal, and
trifling. It can bear a favourable contrast with the
logical philosophy of France at the same period, where
human reason was tested in a very ignoble and scurvy
manner. The labours of the common sense philo-
sophers were likewise opportune as well as wise. They
tended to counteract, in no small degree, the silly and
trashy logical literature so prevalent among our Gallic
neighbours during the eighteenth century, and pre-
vented the philosophic mind of Europe generally from
running headlong into the same course of folly and
flippancy.
This philosophic school of logicians aimed likewise
at being extensively useful. They wished to arm
human reason at all points, with a view that it might
be benefited as extensively as possible from scientific
truth of all kinds. Their logic was a logic for the
millions. The name they bore indicated the number
of their students, and the universal character of their
instructions. It was not one portion of the intellectual
frame they studied to strengthen at the expense of
another; but they directed their attention to that
mental cultivation which preserves the vigour and
symmetry of the entire inward character, and imparts
372 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN GREAT BRITAIN.
to it real beautv and usefulness. This school conceived
there was an analogy between the body and the mind ;
the expertness and flexibility of the fingers might be
purchased at the expense of the strength of the limbs,
or the general health. So likewise with the intellect. A
quickness and cleverness in small matters might be
obtained at the expense of solid and enduring qualities.
To make the mental soil really generally productive, it
must be deeply trenched, and not merely scratched on
the surface. Truth is a thing of paramount interest to
every human being of whatever station and condition ;
and the great question is, How shall we bring it home
to every man's mind in all its comprehensiveness and
variety ? The most solid means of doing this are obvi-
ously the best. If, say Dr Eeid and his followers, we
make a young man acquainted with the different kinds
of evidence, the best means of applying them, and store
his mind with sound and general rules of investigation
and reasoning on all important subjects, he will be
better fitted for the miscellaneous duties of life, than if
merely skilfully versed in dialectical forms and subtil-
ties. This was the practical view the common sense
school took of the nature and offices of logic.
LOGICAL SCIENCE IX THE NORTHERN NATIONS. 373
CHAPTER XVIII.
OF LOGICAL SCIENCE IN SWEDEN, NORWAY, DENMARK,
POLAND, RUSSIA, &c, &c, FROM THE PUBLICATION OF
LOCKE'S "ESSAY" TILL THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY.
The northern nations of Europe became pretty early
acquainted with the speculations of Bacon, Descartes,
Locke, and other writers on the principles of logic.
But the progress of innovation and change was here
comparatively slow, and a longer time elapsed ere the
philosophic mind in these regions was roused to that
pitch which gives birth to new systems, or to great
modifications of old ones.
In Sweden, Andrew Eydelius entered warmly, in
the latter part of the seventeenth century, into the
philosophical opinions of Descartes. We have his
Compendium Logices, which is a scholastic work both
in matter and arrangement. His opinions on the
general principles of logical science are to be found in
his other publications devoted to mental philosophy.
M. GL Block was also a Cartesian, and maintained that
the philosophical method of Descartes was the only
foundation on which science could be prosecuted with
374 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN THE NORTHERN NATIONS.
success. His works bear the date 1708. Joh. Bilberg,
in his Dissertations on the method of Descartes, mani-
fests his admiration of it, but takes the liberty of differ-
ing from his master upon some points of his system.
Bilberg affirms, that Descartes' philosophy of reasoning,
taken as a whole, gives an undue preponderance to the
subjective over the objective element. From Descartes'
notion, that assurance is not the same as the standard
or criterium of truth, he likewise dissents ; because he
maintains that assurance must be prior to the reasons
on which we rest certainty, and is the only safe and
conceivable guide to solid conviction.*
Wolff's logic was a great favourite in Sweden for the
greater part of the eighteenth century. Many Swedish
logicians, however, abridged and epitomized his system,
so as to render it less perplexing and cumbrous for
young students. There is a number of these abridge-
ments to be found, in almost every direction, in the
northern portions of the Continent,
The logic of Wallarius (1706) was popular, though
of a scholastic type. About the middle of this century,
Lallenstedt and J. Plenning entered profoundly into
the principles of philosophical logic, and discussed
various portions of the systems of Descartes, Leibnitz,
and Wolff. The nature of method, considered accord-
ing to the Cartesian hypothesis, as an instrument for
a scientific end or purpose ; the identification of sub-
stance and power — an important ingredient in the
Leibnitzian philosophy; and the formal definitions of
Wolff — constituted the leading topics of logical discus-
sion in the works of these authors. Nearly about the
BleditationSj p. 256.
STKOKVICH, KOLMARK, CHRISTIERNIX. 375
same time, P. Holstrom, A. Wahlstroin, S. Sinus, Elis.
HyphofF, A. J. Molander, B. Westtersten, C. Mester-
ton, 0. Ronigk, H. Moller, and A. Axelson, severally,
in their respective philosophical publications, treated of
the leading principles of logical science, chiefly through
the medium of the theories of Descartes and Leibnitz.
The logical speculations of Locke were well known
in Sweden in the middle of this century, and highly
prized by some philosophers of note. Among the
number was M. Yan Strokvich, who published an
epitome of the Englishman's work, with notes and
illustrations. The Swedish author's treatise, Logica,
eller Stutkonsten, &c. (1721), gave rise to a contro-
versy on some of the leading logical tenets of Locke's
book, which, for a time, was carried on with great zeal
and some bitterness among the logicians of Stockholm.
But the fullest and most complete account of Locke
On the Conduct of the Understanding, is from the pen
of G. P. Leopold, whose work was published at the
close of the last century, and became exceedingly
popular among general readers of logical treatises.
P. Kolmark made an amalgamation of the respective
theories of Locke and Wolff, in reference to logical
science. His work was favourably received, and in
some colleges made a text-book.
The intelligence of the publication of Kant's logical
views was transmitted to Sweden at an early period,
and created a lively interest among the logicians of
that country. P. E. Christiernin attempted to unite
the Critique of Pure Reason with some of the leading
tenets of Locke. His work was published at Upsal
in 1794, and considered a valuable treatise on the
376 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN THE NORTHERN NATIONS.
abstract principles of logic. Bjurbaeck and J. Gottmark
were also distinguished writers on the same subject.
Magnus Blix, Dan. Boethius, and C. A. Ehrensvand,
discussed logic in conjunction with mental philosophy,
and their several works were highly esteemed by the
learned of their own country, but beyond which they
were little known.
As far as I have been able to penetrate into the
subject, it appears that the general mode of teaching
logical science in the universities of Sweden, during
this period of history, was a combination of the leading
principles of mental philosophy with the ordinary forms
of the syllogistic logic. This mode of introducing
topics of intellectual speculation, with a view of illus-
trating the nature of reasoning in general, became
prevalent in the early portion of last century; but
towards its close there was little or no notice taken of
the logical peculiarities and bearings of the Kantian
system in any of the ordinary seminaries of education
in this country. The common summaries and text-
books on logic, which have fallen in my way, present
here, as in most other places, a great degree of simi-
larity both as to matter and formal arrangement.
Denmark and Norway have paid considerable atten-
tion to logical studies in their several academical insti-
tutions. The systems usually adopted here during the
last century, bore a great resemblance to those taught
in the Swedish universities during the same period of
time. About the middle of the last century logic
began to be discussed in Denmark and Norway, in con-
junction with a portion of mental philosophy — such,
for example, as the nature of our simple and compound
ROTHE TYGE, NIELS TRESCHOW, ETC. 377
ideas, the laws of memory, the power of abstraction,
and the like. Then followed the nature or kinds of
propositions, the forms of the syllogism, and a few
closing observations on method. This was the uniform
routine of logical instruction, in these two countries,
during the period of history of which we are now
treating.
Apart, however, from mere academical tuition, there
were several philosophers in these countries who took
a more comprehensive view of the reasoning powers of
man, and who have recorded their several opinions in
respectable philosophical treatises. Eothe Tyge dis-
cussed logic through the medium of theology. He
embraced the opinions of Malebranche, and defended
them with great zeal and ability. Christian Bartholin
followed in his footsteps, but gave a more popular turn
to his discussions and investigations. Chr. Horneman
was a distinguished professor in the University of
Copenhagen, and illustrated the logical system of
scientific truth common to the views of Kant and
Locke combined. Niels Treschow is one of the ablest
Danish logicians of this period. He entered very fully
into the systems of Locke and Hume, and into the
logical foundations of what is meant by existence,
eternity, space, time, intelligence, and the like. On
the logic of Bacon, and the categories of the principal
German writers, he displays great skill and erudition.
The logical systems commonly taught in the colleges
and universities scattered over Hungary, Bohemia,
Moravia, and Galacia, were, as far as I have been able
to collect any positive information on the subject,
378 LOGICAL SCIENCE IN THE NORTHERN NATIONS.
chiefly compounded of the old scholastic views. Towards
the latter end of the last century, there were here and
there new doctrines from the German school intro-
duced into logical discussions ; but these were not suf-
ficient to force any change in the established mode of
treating the art of reasoning in these several coun-
tries.
Logical studies formed a general and necessary
portion of academical education in Poland during the
last century. They were founded on the Aristotelian
theory ; but, towards the latter part of the century,
there were several novel ingredients incorporated
with them, chiefly from the domain of German philo-
sophy.
Logic was introduced into the Russian empire in
the middle of the sixteenth century, and was cultivated
in the purely Aristotelian fashion till the commence-
ment of the last century. A change then took place,
chiefly through the instrumentality of JSTikodim Sellj, a
Russian monk, who had entered very profoundly, not
only into the scholastic logic, but into all those
abstract questions which many of the middle age logi-
cians coupled with it. In 1756, Nikolaj Popofskj
gave public lectures on logic at the University of
Moscow, which he popularized to a great extent —
giving at full length many of the most valuable por-
tions of Locke on the government of the mind. After
the death of this professor, Michael Katschenofskj suc-
ceeded him, and imparted additional life to logical
studies at the same university. He was intimately
acquainted with the speculations of Descartes, Leibnitz.
PODSCHIWALOFF. 379
Malebranche, Locke, and Wolff. A still wider logical
range of inquiry was instituted by Wassilj Sergeje-
witch PodschiwalofF, who became professor of logic
and polite literature. In addition to the German and
English systems of logical speculation, he introduced
some of the doctrines of the French school.
380 REMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC.
CHAPTER XIX.
A FEW BRIEF REMARKS ON THE EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC.
I confess it is chiefly from a compliance with recent
custom, that I here offer these few remarks on the
systems of logic known in the Eastern nations and in
India. I have no doubt whatever of the existence of
such logical forms as have of late years been brought
prominently forward among European literati; but I
have a great doubt of such logical views becoming of
any value whatever in the cause of general knowledge
or science, or of ever having any fair claim to be ad-
mitted as an integral part of the Catholic philosophy
of mankind. It is absurd to conceive that a logic can
be of any value from a people who have not a single
sound philosophical principle, nor any intellectual
power whatever to work out a problem connected with
human nature, in a manner that is at all rational or
intelligent. Reasoning, at least in the higher forms of
it among such semi-barbarous nations, must be at its
lowest ebb ; nor does there seem to be any intellectual
stamina, in such races of men, to impart to it more
vigour and rationality.
Gotama is considered the founder of the logic of
EEMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC. 381
India. In his system there are six "Predicaments"
or " Objects of Proof/' — namely, Substance, Quality,
Action, Community, Particularity, and Kelation. To
this some of the Indian sages add another, — Privation,
or Negation.
The intellect is the substratum of eight different
qualities, — namely, Number, Quantity, Individuality,
Conjunction, Disjunction, Priority, Subsequence, and
Faculty.
Many of these categories relate, however, more to
systems of cosmogony than to logic proper. It is re-
quisite, therefore, in order to give any thing like an
adequate conception of this science as interpreted in
India, that we should enter a little more fully into
particulars.
In the discovery and promulgation of truth, on
whatever subject, there must be a method ; and this
method embraces the enunciation or pro-position, which
is the name of any object, or a proper name ; then
follows the definition, which fixes or determines the
qualities or attributes of the subject ; and then, lastly,
there comes the investigation, whose office it is to dis-
cuss the nature and application of this definition.
Connected with this logical method, Gotama enume-
rates sixteen dialectical categories: — 1. Proof; 2. The
object or matter of proof; 3. Doubt; 4. Motive; 5.
Example ; 6. The truth demonstrated ; 7. The regular
argument ; 8. Eeduction to the absurd ; 9. Acquisition
of certainty; 10. Debates ; 11. Conference or interlo-
cution; 12. Controversy ; 13. Fallacious assertion; 14.
Fraud and unfair controversy ; 15. Futile reply ; and,
16. Defect in judgment.
382 REMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC
The sixteen categories have, however, been compress-
ed, by some commentators, into three general catego-
ries,— namely, 1st, That which treats of proof; 2d,
Whatever relates to the object of proofs ; and the 3d
Refers to what is termed the organization of proofs.
First Category — Principle of Proof. — The entire
principles which constitute proof may be divided into
four kinds,- — 1st, Perception. 2d, Induction, which is
of three sorts : consequent when it ascends from effect
to cause ; antecedent when it descends from cause to
effect ; and analogous when based on resemblances or
affinities. 3d, Comparison. And, 4th, Affirmation,
which embraces revelation and tradition.
Second Category — Objects of Proof — The objects of
proof are, — 1st, The soul, which is the seat of eternal
knowledge or intelligence. 2d, The human body, the
seat of this soul, considered both in its active and pas-
sive state ; under the first relation it is the fountain or
source of exertion ; under the second it is the seat of
enjoyment. 3d, The organs of sensation : these re-
late to the various material elements, — as earth, water,
light, air, and the ethereal element which produces
hearing. 4th, The objects of the senses constitute an
important medium of proof: these are derived from the
above enumerated primary elements.
The other objects of proof are, — the intelligence.
which embraces notions and recollections ; the manas,
considered as the instrument of intelligence ; activity or
determination, from which vice and virtue proceed ;
transmigration, or the future condition of the soul ;
retribution, punishment ; and lastly, salvation or deliver-
ance.
REMABKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC. 383
Third Category — The Organization of Proofs. — This
general class of proofs is divided into three heads : the
first embraces legitimate and conclusive proofs; the
second relates to the discussion which brings proofs
into play ; and the third refers to false proofs or so-
phisms.
Legitimate or conclusive proofs are those in which
doubt is expressed by the position of the question ; the
motive or reason ; then the example, which is a point
upon which, in every controversy, the parties are fully
agreed.
Demonstrative truth is that which is recognised
either universally or individually ; either hypothetically
or by concession. The regular and complete argument
is the syllogism, which is composed of five members, —
the proposition, the reason, the example, the applica-
tion, and the conclusion.
This is the form of the Hindu svllogism : —
1 . The mountain is burning ;
2. For it smokes.
3. That which smokes burns, as the kitchen-fire.
4. Accordingly the mountain smokes ;
5. Therefore it burns.
We have also, in connexion with the organization of
proofs, the JEteductio ad Absurdum, which consists in
deducing from (false) premises conclusions manifestly
inadmissible, which compels the mind to renounce the
premises. Then, again, we have the acquisition of
certainty, which is the result of proof. Debate is that
which consists of two persons with contrary principles,
each endeavouring to subvert his antagonist's position.
384 REMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC.
Interlocution is a conference between two persons, in
order to arrive at truth. Disputation is defined to be
that state when one of the controversialists seeks to
overthrow the opinion of his adversary without intend-
ing to put forward his own individual opinion or system.
False proofs or sophisms are fallacious assertions, having
the semblance of reason without the reality.
Thus we see that the categories of G-otama are in
part a classification of the chief objects of philosophical
investigation, and the other part a development of the
scientific methods and processes of investigation itself.
Both comprehend the subjective and objective elements
of human knowledge,
In comparing the European syllogism with the
Hindu logic, it has been observed, that the three last
propositions correspond exactly to our syllogism, with
this single difference — that the first, or major term, con-
tains invariably an example. Under this designation the
logicians of India comprehend either a sensible object
or some particular point admitted, or supposed to be
admitted, by those to whom the argument is submitted,
and which in this relation becomes a positive fact. By
means of the example, as an integrant part of the
syllogism, and inherent in the major premiss, the
general proposition is not presented, except as realized
in a positive fact, and thus abstraction assumes a body
and form.
When the five members of the Hindu syllogism is
considered, we shall readily perceive that it is in reality
formed of two syllogisms, constructed in an inverse
order. Setting out from the third, which is the major
REMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC. 385
proposition, and which is placed in the centre, we find
successfully the minor and the conclusion, whether we
go backward to the two anterior, or forward to the two
posterior propositions. This construction of the syllo-
gism, it is contended, is in strict harmony with the
constitution of the human mind, which alternately
proceeds by analysis and synthesis. The first syllogism,
which commences with particular propositions in order
to arrive at a general truth, corresponds to the analy-
tical process of reasoning; while the second, which
begins with the general in order to arrive at the parti-
cular propositions, furnishes an example of the synthetic
process. However ingenious this may appear, still, it
is argued, the Indian syllogism is vastly more cum-
bersome and unwieldy than the European, and less
susceptible of ready and expert application.
The followers of Jina, an ancient and celebrated sect
in India, hold that there are five great principles or
causes which unite in the production of all events.
These are, — Time, Nature, Fate, or JSTecessity, Works,
or the principle of Retributive Justice, and Mental
Effort, or Perseverance.
The same sect hold likewise that there are six cate-
gories,— namely, Motion, Rest, Vacuum, Time, Life,
and Matter.
The intellectual or inward soul of man is, according
to the doctrine of the Persians, composed of five sepa-
rate parts, each having peculiar offices or duties to
perform. These are, —
1. The Feroher, or principle of sensation.
2. The Boe, or principle of intelligence.
2 B
38 G REMARKS ON EASTERN AND INDIAN LOGIC.
3. The JRouan, or the principle of practical judgment.
4. The Akho, or principle of conscience.
5. The Jan, or principle of animal life.*
* For further information on the subject of this chapter, I beg to refer to The
Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. ; The Asiatic Researches of Cal-
cutta, vol. ix. ; to Mr Fraser's account of Persia in the Edinburgh Cabinet Library ;
and to the History of Philosophy adopted by the university of France.
NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE. 387
CHAPTER XX.
ON THE NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT OF EUROPE,
FROM THE YEAR 1800 TILL THE PRESENT DAY.
Within the last fifty years, and particularly within the
latter part of this period, the study of logic has been
greatly on the increase, both in collegiate institutions,
as well as among the philosophic portion of the reading
community. Able works on the science have made
their appearance in every country ; and very opposite
and conflicting discussions, as to both its abstract and
practical utility, have marked the character of the
generality of these productions.
The distance over which we have to travel, and the
scanty portion of space left us, must be our apology for
tripping somewhat hastily over the ground in this
chapter. As there must be limits to all things in this
world, so must there likewise be limits to a historical
sketch of logic. As a general principle, it is desirable
both to know and to communicate all things ; though,
when this principle comes to be applied, it is often
found to be neither very edifying nor practicable.
Commencing with Germany, it may be observed that
388 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
Kant's theory was the great starting-point, either in
the way of supporting, modifying, or opposing, to most
of the logical treatises of the country during this pre-
sent half century. This theory obtained such a firm
hold of the philosophic mind of the nation during the
first twenty years of its history, that the philosophers
and logicians of Germany seemed spellbound, and
unable to set a single foot beyond the prescribed circle
of the Critique of Pure Reason. The entire mass of
logical speculation of modern times, rests upon an in-
genious system of ringing the changes on the leading
ideas or principles involved in Kant's views, and those
of his immediate followers and critics.
Fred. Bouterweck viewed the principles of logical
science through a spiritual medium. Self or conscious-
ness is the basis of reasoning in all its forms and aspects.
In the apodictic logic, reason examines and interrogates
itself. Every train of reasoning, of whatever length it
may be, is of a purely subjective character. The reason
is a living, active, and creative principle.
Krug taught logic at Wittenberg, Frankfort, Konigs-
berg, and Leipsic, and published his work on the science
in 1806. In his exposition of the nature of truth, he
maintains that every proposition rests upon intuitive
certainty. Human nature and the understanding are
our boundaries ; consequently we can only seek for
proof within this prescribed range. The principle of
absolute reality is the principium essendi, and the ideal
principle is the principium cognoscendi: the first pos-
sesses the attribute of perfect unity, and the second is
either material or formal. Mathematical evidence,
Krug conceives, has a decided superiority in point of
IX THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 389
certitude to the evidence from human nature. The
latter never rises above the degree of probability.
J. F. Fries was an influential and able writer on
logic. Being dissatisfied with Kant's system, ho pub-
lished A New Critique of Pure Reason. His theory of
the logical elements is based on intuitional knowledge,
faith in testimony, and the notions of a Deity. " Sea-
son is the law of truth, and embraces an immediate
knowledge, purged of all alloy of doubt and error. It
reposes on the inward convictions of the existence of a
Deity ; the supreme good ; the elements of all beauty,
virtue, truth, right, and justice." Fred. Yon Calker
supported Kant's leading views in his logical philosophy.
Truth consists in the harmony of a knowledge of the
objective with a notion of the subjective ; and science
is the agreement of consciousness with perception and
intuition — an agreement involved in our belief of reality.
Science requires proofs ; and those are derived from
demonstration and deduction, acquired through the
means of pure and empirical intuition. Bardili founded
his logic on purely ontological principles. Being is the
basis of all human knowledge and reasoning. The
Deity is the first principle of all reality, of all thought,
of all truth, science, and being.
Fichte viewed all logical results through the medium
of a lofty transcendentalism. His several treatises
contain many profound and singular doctrines relative
to truth and the general operations of reasoning ; but
they are treated of in such a manner as to bring them
more within the province of mental philosophy than
logic
Schelling, in his system of philosophy, did not treat
390 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
of logic in a regular and formal manner, but merely
touched upon the principles of scientific certainty in
some particular directions. His categories of all human
knowledge will afford a glimpse of his leading views on
logical arrangement and evidence.
1. The Absolute, the whole in its primary form
(God), manifests himself in,
2. Nature (the Absolute, according to its secondary
forms).
It then produces itself in two relative orders, viz. —
The Real. The Ideal.
Under the following powers :-
Weight— Matter.
Light — Movement.
Organization — Life.
Truth — Science.
Goodness — Eeligion.
Beauty — Art.
Above, as reflected forms of the universe, place
themselves, —
Man, the Microcosm. The State.
The System of the World (the External Universe),
— History.
Klein follows Schelling in his logical views. He
maintains that all formal developments of logical rules
are merely general expressions of metaphysical prin-
ciples. Logic he divides into two parts; the analytical
and dialectical. All the higher manifestations of the
reasoning faculty rest upon intuitive principles. Un-
Ifl THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 391
less these be granted, such a science as logic is impos-
sible. F. Ant. Nuesslein founded all sound and practical
logical tuition on psychology. According to his idea, no
logical hypothesis is intelligible unless it rests on a
notion of Deity. Wagner, in his Logik, views the
science of reasoning in a different light from any of his
contemporaries. His aim is to give a purely mathema-
tical form to all logical rules, much after the same
fashion as Lully and Bruno. Baader and Henry
Steffens are both somewhat mystical in their notions
as to the nature and application of philosophical logic.
Hegel, in his Wissenschaft der Logik (1816), denies
that logic is merely expressive of the forms of thought :
it constitutes its very essence and reality. Logic dis-
plays three different states or conditions. We simply
consider, and look at a thing. We then separate that
thing from others, for nothing can exist in absolute
unity; it must have two aspects, or a positive and a
negative side ; and then out of these arises a certain
relation, which alone constitutes truth, reality, being, the
absolute. There is thought in its immediate existence :
thought is communicated, and thought is forming a full
and complete conception of its ownself. The formal
arrangement of Hegel's Logic runs thus : —
1. Thought in its immediate Existence or Being.
Quality : comprehends Being (Seyn), Existence (Da-
seyn), Independent Existence (Fiir-sichseyn).
Quantity : Pure Quantity (Reine Quantitat), Divisible
Quantity (Quantum), and Degree (Gracl.)
Measure (Maas) : The union of Quality and Quantity.
392 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
2. Thought or Mind as communicated..
Ground of Existence: Pure Notions of Essence,
Essential Existence (Existenz), Thing (Ding).
Phenomenon : Phenomenal World (Welt der Erschein-
ung), Matter and Form (Inhalt und Form), Rela-
tion (Yerhaltniss).
Reality : embracing the union of the ground of Existence
and Phenomenon. — Relation of Substance, Relation
of Cause and Effect, Action and Reaction.
3. Thought on Mind as forming a Conception of Itself .
Subjective Notion : Notion as such (Begriff als salches),
Judgment (Urtheil), Inference (Schluss).
Objects : Mechanical Powers (Mechanismus), Chemi-
cal Powers (Chemismus), Design (Teleologie).
Idea : Life (Leben), Intelligence (Erkennen), Absolute
(Absolute).
John Fred. Herbert was an able logician, and ex-
pounded the principles of the science through the views
of his mental philosophy, which was, on the whole, of
an enlightened and eclectic character. Eskharshausen
maintained that there were seven categories of the un-
derstanding and judgment ; namely, — 1st, That which
recognises external objects ; 2d, That which enables us
to pay attention to them ; 3d, That which reflects upon '
them ; ^th, That which confers variety and multiplicity
to our perceptions ; 5th, That which passes a judgment
on any thing ; 6th, That which discovers the relations
among divers things ; and, 7th, That which unites into
one general conception the truth of many individual
things. Krausc, in his Logik, makes all logical and
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 393
scientific truth rest on two ground pillars — Organized
Knowledge, embracing Unity, Infinity, Absolute ; and
Super-Essential Knowledge, wliicli includes — 1st, Sen-
sible Knowledge — External, Internal ; 2d, Intellectual
Knowledge — Conception (the common and abstract),
Super-Sensible (the universal and necessary).
H. C. W. Sigwart defines logic, in his work on the
science, to be that which unfolds the laws of thought.
Scientifically considered, his work embraces the entire
theory of human knowledge, and has the whole frame-
work of the mind for its basis. Practical logic, he says,
is that which influences our thoughts, so as to enable us
to form mental prepositions and conclusions. Rixner
considers logic as a universal science under the relation
of quantity ; and views it under two aspects — as true
science and apparent science. J. Hermann Fichte founds
all human knowledge on four phases of consciousness.
The third phase gives rise to abstract ideas or concep-
tions, out of which logic takes its rise, embracing con-
ception, judgment, reasoning, inference, &c.
Such is the general outline of the logical philosophy
of Germany. It is a compound of many things ; and
yet there is a unity of character about it, sufficient to
sustain its nationality and distinctness from the dialec-
tical speculations and systems of every other people.
There is this peculiarity, among many more, about the
logical as well as the mental speculations of the country,
that they will not bear transplanting to any other
region. As a totality, or whole, they are suited to
Germany, and Germany is suited to them. And even
if any one of the leading principles of their logical
theories were detached from the aggregate mass, and
394 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
engrafted on a French, or English, or Italian stock, it
would impart such a grotesque quaintness to the whole,
that it would mar and neutralize all scientific and
popular plans of instruction. All attempts to mix and
blend German logic with any other, have hitherto, in
every country, proved utter failures.
With perfect unity, there is likewise great variety in
the logical systems of this country. The chief reason
of this is, that the professors of logic, as well as pro-
fessors of every other branch of study, are allowed the
most perfect liberty to treat their respective subjects
according to their own personal views and opinions,
and altogether apart from the prevalent political and
ecclesiastical sentiments of the day. Another important
circumstance increases this variety of logical systems ;
namely, the wide field which a logic chair offers to a
mind ambitious of fame and distinction. The great
mental activity which prevails in all the German uni-
versities, arises from the national mind being deprived
from playing any great part, either in the grand game
of politics or of commerce. The love of distinction is,
therefore, driven to open out other channels for its field
of operation ; and none proves more inviting, both for
social honour and government patronage, than a logic
chair, filled by a professor who can collect a crowd
about him, either from the singularity of his doctrines,
or his brilliant manner of developing and illustrating
them. Novelty becomes here one of the chief ingre-
dients in a popular and successful logical chair.
Logic is more generally taught in Germany at the
present clay than in any other country in the world.
All matriculated students must undergo an cxamina-
IS THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 395
tion in logic previous to their admission to the univer-
sities. The Gymnasia, or public schools of the country,
give a regular course of logical tuition to the scholars.
Indeed, so generally is the science of logic cultivated,
that it has been estimated that there are not ten out
of every hundred of the gross amount of students
throughout all the universities who have not had logical
instructions, more or less full and complete, before they
go to college. The extent of the study may, therefore,
be in some measure calculated, when we take into
account the number of universities, and the number of
students who attend them. The following will, I con-
ceive, prove a pretty correct statistical account of the
subject : —
The University of Berlin has 2140 students; Bonn
700; Halle 700; Breslau 700; Greifswalde 400;
Konigsberg 450 ; Tubingen (Wirtemberg) 850 (in
1844); Munich (Bavaria) 1330; Leipsic (Saxony)
900 ; Gottingen (Hanover) 640 (in 1844) ; Heidelberg
(Baden) 698 (in 1844); Jena (Saxe- Weimar) 420;
Erlangen (Bavaria) 303 ; Wiirzburgh (Bavaria) 485 ;
Giessen (Hesse-Darmstadt) 446 ; Marburgh (Hesse-
Cassel) 294 ; and Freiburg (Baden) 273.
There are the Austrian universities of Vienna,
Prague, and Gratz (Styria), which have unitedly 2500
students, but whose constitution is different from the
German universities of the West. Then, again, there
are the German universities of Strasburg, Rostock
(Mecklenburg) ; Keil (Holstein) ; and those of the
Swiss towns of Basle, Berne, Freiburg, and Zurich,
which number upwards of 4000 students, — making a
grand total of neariy fourteen thousand.
396 NATURE A^D CHAEACTEll OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
Turning now to France, we perceive, during the last
fifty years, an increased interest felt in reference to
logical science, both in its philosophical and educational
character and relations. More elevated views have
likewise been taken of it ; so that it is not now the
same mechanical, material, or instinctive thing, which
most of the French logicians made it during the last
century. The principal cause of this favourable change
is the more refined and spiritual tone which has been
imparted, in this country of late years, to mental philo-
sophy generally. Logical science, from its intimate
relation to metaphysical inquiries, infallibly partakes of
their fortunes, whether they be for good or for ill.
During the better half of this period, France pre-
sents logical studies under a varied and unsettled
aspect. This was common to other countries as well
as herself. The philosophical opinions of a nation are
but slowly changed or modified. The logical notions
of the preceding century had sunk deeply into the
minds of the learned, and had tainted the ordinary
channels of education at their fountain-heads. In
attempting to return to a healthier condition of think-
ing, a mental struggle was inevitable. This manifested
itself in various ways, and with a variable intensity at
different times ; and the spirit of reformation had to
fight its way, step by step. During this state of trial
and probation, we can recognise, with sufficient distinct-
ness, four orders of logical philosophers: — those who
took the pure sensualism of the last century ; those who
viewed logical science through the medium of theolo-
gical doctrines ; those who favoured a logical eclecticism ;
and a fourth, who were imbued with the fanatical and
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 397
irrational dogmas of St Simonism. If we cast an eye
over the logical productions of France, from the com-
mencement of the present century till 1830, we shall
see these rival and struggling classes mapped out very
clearly and distinctly. After this period, the contest
seemed to lie between the rationalism of Descartes and
the a priori school of intuition.
Among the most able and distinguished French
logicians of the early part of this present century, we
may place the name of M. De Gerando. His work,
Des Signes et de V Art de Penser (1801), enters very
fully into one of the most subtile and important ques-
tions connected with logical science, — namely, the
relation which verbal signs bear to the mental faculties
in a process of reasoning. M. De Gerando considers
all questions as to the precise nature and province of
logic, when viewed as an educational instrument, must
remain involved in darkness, until some progress is
made in the solution of this problem. It is impossible
for us to enter into this question in a full and regular
manner : we must, therefore, refer the reader to M. De
Gerando 's pages for further information on this inte-
resting though perplexing subject. Suffice it to say,
that this learned writer has successfully and clearly
pointed out some of the principal errors into which
Condillac and his disciples had fallen, relative to the
use of language as a medium of thought. A few
observations from the author's work must close our
remarks on this division of De Gerando's logical
labours.
" The same task," says he, " which must have been
executed by those who contributed to the first forma-
398 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
tion of a language, and which is executed by every
child when he learns to speak it, is repeated over in
the mind of every adult when he makes use of his
mother tongue : for it is only by the decomposition
of his thoughts that he can learn to select the signs
which he ought to employ, and to dispose them in a
suitable manner. Accordingly, those external actions,
which we call speaking and writing, are always accom-
panied with a philosophical process of the understand-
ing, unless we content ourselves, as too often happens,
with repeating over mechanically what has been said
by others. It is in this respect the languages, with
their forms and rules, conducting (so to speak) those
who use them into the path of a regular analysis —
tracing out to them, in a well-ordered discourse, the
model of a perfect decomposition — may be regarded,
in a certain sense, as analytical methods" " In asserting
that languages may be regarded as analytical methods,
I have added the qualifying phrase, in a certain sense;
for the word method cannot be employed here with any
exact propriety. Languages furnish the occasions and
the means of analysis — that is to say, they afford us
assistance in following that method, but they are not
the method itself. They resemble signals and finger-
posts, placed on a road to enable us to discover our
way ; and if they help us to analyse, it is because they
are themselves the results, and, as it were, the monu-
ments of an analysis which has been previously made :
nor do they contribute to keep us in the right path,
but in proportion to the degree of judgment with which
that analysis has been conducted."*
* Des Signes, pp. 138, 180.
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 3.99
The formation of a philosophical logic- — similar in its
character and intended offices as that contemplated by
the late Dugald Stewart, of which we have previously
given some account — was a favourite speculation of M.
De Gerando. He expected great things from such an
extension of logical science. One of the fundamental
errors connected with general education, he contended,
was, that the reasoning power was not directed in a
healthy and vigorous manner to the consolidation of
knowledge in general. Truth was too much addressed
to the memory, and too little to the understanding.
Men commonly consider the memory in the light of an
inexhaustible magazine, from which a plentiful stock
of information may be obtained whenever required;
but the French logician conceives this is but one part,
and comparatively an insignificant part too, of a really
sound and philosophical education. The most impor-
tant thing is to acquire the habit of employing our
knowledge to some useful end or purpose. Unless this
be steadily kept in view, acquired information is but of
little utility.
M. Noel's work, Loyique de Condillac (1802), is a
sort of running commentary on the system of Condillac.
It presents nothing that is new or interesting. M.
Mongin throws a little novelty into his Philosophic
JEUmentaire (1803), by merging all logic into universal
grammar. He considers the entire force of mental
propositions to lie in the modes of disposing of the
respective terms in which they are couched. This
doctrine had but a very limited number of admirers in
France. Daube (1805) followed in nearly the same
steps, but with no more success. His system is now
400 NATURE AND CHARACTER OP LOGICAL LITERATURE
almost entirely forgotten. J. S. Flotte, in his Logique
(1805), defines the science to be " a collection of
observations made by philosophers, on the mode of
conducting the faculties of the mind, so as to avoid
error and arrive at truth."
The philosophical writings of Lancelin, Keratry,
Laromiguiere, Royer-Collard, and Maine de Biran,
tended greatly to direct men's minds to the higher
principles of logical science, and to fix it upon a more
spiritual and refined basis. It was chiefly through the
labours of Royer-Collard that the logical opinions of
the common sense school were made fully known to the
philosophic mind of France. He gathered around him
numerous followers, to whom he imparted his zeal, his
method, and his principles.
Whilst this change was going on among professed
philosophers and logicians, the theologians of France
were not idle. They viewed the science, which had
for its aim the detection of error and the discovery of
truth, in their own way and fashion. They felt, and
enlarged upon, the insufficiency of mere abstract
philosophy to solve all the problems connected with a
process of reasoning, and the nature and character of
truth. They fell back, therefore, on those a priori
notions of spiritual knowledge which form such a con-
spicuous element in the human understanding, and
which are so strikingly developed, illustrated, and
enforced, in the system of revelation. They attempted
to form, in fact, a complete theory of scientific truth —
a regular philosophical organon — by the aid of such
intuitive conceptions, joined to the abstract character
of a revelation itself, and the positive authority of the
IN THE SEVEEAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 401
Church. These respective historical and mental ele-
ments were amalgamated and combined with singular
adroitness and ability, and brought to bear on the
grand object in view, with a power of reasoning, and a
copiousness and elegance of illustration, never surpassed
in any similar intellectual enterprise. We can do
nothing more, however, than barely draw attention to
the several writings of Le Maistre, Lamenais, Bonald,
D'Eskstein, Ballanche, Battain, and the philosophical
disquisitions published from time to time in the
Universite Catholique. Here a great mass of discussion
will be found, bearing on the various principles of
logical philosophy, and throwing no inconsiderable
degree of light upon the nature of language as an
instrument of reasoning, on the standard of truth, on
the sources of erroneous judgments, and on those
various powers of the mind, called into requisition in
every process of argumentation having for its direct
aim the establishment of the vital truths which engross
the attention of general humanity.
J. P. Brissot's work, De la Verite, ou Meditations sur
les moyens de parvenir a la Verite dans toutes les Con-
naissances Humaines, is a species of logic based on the
common sense view of the phenomena of reasoning. It
is decidedly practical in its aim and matter, and contains
many highly useful statements and observations. F.
Perron attempts to give a new scheme of logic in his
JEssai d'une Nouvelle Theorie sur les Idees Fondamentales.
He affirms that all previous logical systems have been
erroneous from the Grecian downwards, and have been
founded on perfectly gratuitous and arbitrary principles.
Writers have assumed certain logical conditions as
2 c
402 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
the relatii
of
, among tiie relations 01 our fundamental
and have clothed them with the attributes of
subsisting
ideas
necessity, universality, immutability, and the like. This
is a radical error. These logical conditions do not
possess a more a priori origin than any thing else
belonging to the understanding. M. Perron also
maintains that the categories of the intellect have been
strangely misunderstood by logicians in general.
Man, according to this writer, has but one thinking
faculty; this is, however, of a very comprehensive
character. What we perceive of external objects con-
stitutes their veritable properties or modes of existence.
Our knowledge commences with concrete perceptions ;
and what are usually termed the categories are not
certain forms of thought — pure conceptions of the
reason — but simply generalizations of individual objects
or things. This the author endeavours to demonstrate
from considerations drawn from space and time, cause
and effect, the finite and the infinite, &c.
In M. Perron's logical system there are nine cate-
gories which, he conceives, embrace every relation
subsisting among all things of which the mind can be
conversant. These are —
1. If they are? . . Category of Existence.
2, What are they ?
3. How are they ?
4. By What? .
5. Why?
6. Where?
7. When?
8. How many ?
9. In what relations ?
Essence.
Mode.
Causality.
End.
Space.
Time.
Number.
Eelation.
IN THE SEVEEAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 403
M. Delariviere, in his Logique Classique (1829), says
that logic is the science of internal and external discourse
— of which rhetoric and general grammar form a part.
M. Hauchecorne founds logic on a knowledge of
the mental constitution. It is both natural and arti-
ficial; and is that science or art which guides the
understanding in all the affairs of life. Logic, accord-
ing to M. Grentz, is the entire art of thinking, or that
which governs the mind in the search and promulga-
tion of truth.
A portion of the general philosophy of Victor Cousin
(1831) has a direct and important bearing on logical
science. His philosophical method rests on conscious-
ness ; observation of facts, and experiment and reasoning
in dealing with them, constitute the foundation of all
human knowledge. M. Cousin maintains that Des-
cartes and Locke developed the true scientific method
of philosophizing, though their respective speculations
have been often misunderstood and misrepresented.
Logic proper is based on psychology : it can have no
other basis. To place it, with the majority of German
logicians, on ontology, is to launch at once into every
thing theoretical and mystical. Consciousness has
three faculties, — sensibility, activity, and reason ; to
the last, logic especially belongs. This reason is not
an individual thing: it is impersonal; it is governed
by necessary and absolute conceptions. Its analysis gives
us three classes of these conceptions, — 1st, The idea
of infinite, variously expressed by the terms unity, abso-
lute cause, the absolute, &c. ; 2d, The idea of the finite,
expressed likewise by the words plurality, phenomenon,
relative cause, the conditioned, the limited, &c. ; and
404 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
3d, The idea of relation between what is infinite and
finite. Those three elements are the result of the syn-
thesis of thought, and constitute the unity of reason.
The convictions of this reason are not particular or
personal convictions, but universal truths — truths for
all intelligences — truths that are the same to the Divine
mind as to our own. They are truths in themselves
— absolute, unalterable by any power of will.
The absolute laws of thought may be reduced to two
categories, — the law of causality and the law of sub-
stance. These are two primary principles, from which
all logical deductions proceed. They are contem-
poraneous unity in consciousness. The law of sub-
stance is logically the first in order of time, and that of
causality the second.
Logic is defined by Cousin to be the legitimate passage
from the idea to being — that is, the law of our existence,
which authorizes or commands us to say, this is; it
exists.
Logic may be considered under two aspects, — natural
and reflective. The first rests on facts, and is purely
affirmative in its character; the second on reflective
affirmation — that is, a necessity of denying or affirm-
ing.
M. Damiron, in his Cours de Philosophic (1836),
devotes an entire volume to logic, which he discusses
on a comprehensive plan, and in a liberal and enlight-
ened spirit. He commences his work by making some
preliminary observations on the nature and province of
logic ; then on the character of our judgments and the
criterium of truth ; on perception, and its laws and
rules ; on a posteriori generalizations ; on reasoning in
IX THE SEVEKAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 405
general ; of the syllogism ; of analogy and probability ;
on language considered in relation to thought; on
our sensibility connected with the rules of judgment ;
on habit ; on the sources of error ; and on the exposi-
tion of method, relative to a proper history of philo-
sophy.
There are several later writers on logic in France
whose works will repay perusal, but which we cannot
notice at any length. The principal of these are, —
Charma, Dufour, Larguet, Perrard, and Javari.
The logical disquisitions of Belgium and Holland
have been influenced to some extent, since the com-
mencement of the present century, by the prevailing
systems of mental philosophy both in Germany and
France.
In Holland, however, the change is less perceptible
than in Belgium. Among the Dutch philosophers the
logic of Wyttenbach has been long in general use, and
highly esteemed. Paul Yan Hermert introduced the
logical principles of Kant into this country during the
latter part of the last and the beginning of the present
century. We shall find many of the leading views of
the German logician discussed with great ability in Van
Hermert's Elements of the Philosophy of Kant. The
Dutch writer maintains that there are four categories
on which all scientific knowledge rests, — namely, the
general, the special, the true, and the necessary.
M. Aitzema, in 1821, translated into the national
language the logical system of M. Snell, which is
founded on the principles of Kant. In 1828, the
Society of Public Good published lessons on logic for
the use of young men who had quitted school. This
406 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
is a short and popular book, the author of which was M.
Alex. Bake, rector of the Latin school of Leeuwarden.
M. BTieuwenhuis is one of the most able philosophical
logicians in Holland. His Commentary on the system
of Descartes (1828), and his Initio, Philosophies Theo-
retics (1833), shew an intimate acquaintance both with
the history and philosophy of logic. And the same
remarks are applicable to the writings of Van Heusde*
— a logician whose reputation has extended far beyond
the limits of his own country. In his Initia he treats
of the dialectics of Plato ; and in his Socratic School
we have a learned dissertation on the nature of scientific
truth. The author asks, What is logic ? The answer
he gives is, that it is the art of communicating know-
ledge according to the principles of sound reason.
Logic is by no means to be confounded with the dia-
lectics of the schools.
There have been two parties who have cultivated
logical science in Belgium, — one connecting it with a
system of rationalistic philosophy ; and the other dis-
cussing it, both in its scientific principles and formal
arrangements, with an especial reference to certain
theological purposes and doctrines. There is not,
however, such a wide difference between the logical
treatises of these two parties as one might be led at
first sight to imagine. In their leading principles and
forms there is a great resemblance among them all.
We have De Meuport's Essai sur la Theorie du
Raisonnement prefixed to his edition of Condillac's
Logic, in which he discusses several of the leading
* "De Socratische School of Wijsgeerte, voor de Negentiende Eeuw," Utrecht,
1834. " Initia Philosophise Platonic®, " 1831.
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 407
principles of the science of reasoning. Though his
opinions are attached to the French philosopher's work,
yet he differs from him on many essential points in
reference to logic. Meuport makes reasoning a more
spiritual and complex operation than Condillac does.
Professor Liebaert filled the logic chair at the univer-
sity of Louvain during the entire period that the
country was under the government of France. The
system of instruction he pursued is laid down in his
Tractatus de Logica (1818), which is divided into two
parts, — the one lays down the general laws of thought ;
and the second treats of the various kinds of truth, and
the various degrees of certainty which belong to eachkind.
About the same period we have Elements de Logique
(1817), from the pen of a clergyman — a work which
has for its especial object to direct and strengthen the
minds of youth before they enter upon the study of the
higher branches of philosophy.
We have a full and systematic account of the philo-
sophy of logic in M. Ignt. Deuzinger's two works, Prima
Lineamenta Logices (1818), and Compendium Logices
(1823). These are both treatises of great merit.
Logical science in Belgium owes at this period great
obligations to the several writings of M. Yan Meenen,
who combated with zeal and talent the theory of logic
propounded by Condillac and his partisans, which had
found favour in that country among some influential
cultivators of speculative philosophy. Jean Herman
Janssens, in his Logique, views the science of reasoning
in connexion with those principles of philosophy culti-
vated by the Catholic Church. He was professor at
the university of Louvain. In the Expose des Facultes.
408 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
des Lois, el des Operations de V Ame (1838) of M.
Becart, we have a very familiar and useful dissertation
on logic.
The Principes de Logique (1833) of Baron ReifTen-
berg is an able and instructive work. He looks at
logic through the medium of philosophical rationalism.
He defines logic to be the science of those laws to which
we submit our reason in the search after truth. It is
divided into four portions, — namely, the Idea, Judg-
ment, Eeasoning, and Method. M. Gibon, in his
Gouts de Philosophie (1842), maintains that all the
conceptions of the human understanding may be classed
under three heads, — Ontology, Psychology, and Logic,
We have two works proceeding from the university of
Louvain, — namely, E. Tandel's Cours de Logique
(1841), and Logicce seu Philosophice Pationalis Elementa
of President Ubaghs. The last is a most profound and
able work.
From the political connexion which subsisted between
France and Italy, from the commencement of the
present century to the end of the general war, there
necessarily arose a corresponding philosophical intimacy
between the two countries. And this was manifested
in reference to logical literature, as well as in many
other branches of science. Most of the prevailing
systems of mental philosophy current in France in
modern times, have now found their way, with some
little interruptions in certain localities, to most of the
Italian states, and form a certain portion of the current
literature of the day in the several universities and
seats of learning in the kingdom.
But foreign opinions have not as yet effected any
IX THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 409
great change in modes of discussing logical science in
Italy. In most of the Italian works on the subject, the
writers discuss the science from a religious point of
view. There is less latitude of philosophical inquiry
on the vital principles of the art of reasoning observable
here, than in England. France, or Germany. Nearly
all the regular text-books in common use in colleges
are of a decidedly scholastic and formal stamp, — seldom
venturing beyond the rules of syllogism, and a few
scattered remarks on the nature of propositions, the
sources of error, &c. But out of the direct range and
authority of the colleges, we find treatises on logic
of a more comprehensive and scientific character ; but-
even here the influence and power of the Church are
brought to bear upon the current investigations on the
subject, and to impart to them a specific form and
complexion.
Cardinal Gerdil, Tamasia, Lallebasque, and G.
Grones, were not strictly logical writers ; but in their
respective treatises on mental philosophy, there are
many of the first principles of logic discussed in an
able and erudite manner. Yincenzo Bini, in his Corso
JElementario di Lezioni Logico-Metafisico-Morali (1818),
develops the principles of logic, and shews their depen-
dence upon mental and moral science. B. Poli follows
nearly in the same path, in his Corso di Filosofia (1828),
only he enters more fully and systematically into the
nature of the human mind. The second volume is
devoted to logic. It is treated in a purely elementary
manner — the author having very fully discussed the
nature of the reasoning faculty in the first volume of
his treatise. Gaetano Ventura enters profoundly into
410 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
the science of method. In his De Methodo Philoso-
phandi (1828), he shews that method in logic presup-
poses a previous exercise of our faculties, and that a
certain stock of general information must be obtained
before it can be put in operation. This, Yentura
affirms, is implied by every logician when he speaks of
method. We must know various kinds of truths before
we can discourse upon their connexions and relations,
or take any step in arranging them in such a manner
as to carry conviction to the minds of others. All
logical methods proceed on the principle of analysis.
The mind looks at an entire system, or a large
assemblage of general principles, and then seems to set
about the work of analysis or separation with a view
of realizing one general idea, which is known only to
itself, and which is often obtained by a mental process,
which entirely eludes the most searching efforts of con-
sciousness. Every thing must be taken to pieces ; every
corner and crevice of the system must be examined,
before the several parts can be put together and adjusted
agreeably to the. scientific idea which we have in our
own minds, and which we set out in our inquiries
to establish and realize. These are the leading steps
of the mental process in every philosophical method.*
The Esercizio Logico (1824) of Sig. Cuoco is a plain
and familiar work, and has been well spoken of by
Italian critics. Gr. D. Eomagnosi was one of the ablest
of modern Italian writers in logic. His philosophical
works are published in nineteen volumes. He differed
from the general tenets held by several French logicians ;
especially those of Cousin and Damiron. On the
* Do Methodo. § 6. Edit, Venice, 183,1
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 411
subject of logic, in his twelfth volume, many profound
and just remarks are to be found on the operations of
the mind : more particularly in the second book on
invention. He shews the intimate connexion which
subsists between this faculty and that of attention, and
how the concentration of the latter power aids the mind
in its creative energies. In the third and fourth
books, on judgment and reasoning, the author endea-
vours to prove that, though these two powers are nearly
allied to each other, yet there is sufficient ground for
a logical distinction between them.
The abstract foundation of all logical truth the
author develops in his essay, Vedute Fondimentali sulV
Arte Logica. He considers the phenomena connected
with the direct investigation of truth to be one of the
most difficult to analyse of any presented to our notice.
It is only by the most patient and careful attention to
the inward movements of the mind, that we can possibly
detect any of those laws which regulate its procedure
in abstract reasonings.*
The opinions of Antonio Eosmini, as to the founda-
tion of logical science, have attracted a considerable
share of attention, both in Italy and in other continen-
tal countries. The account given of the foundations of
human knowledge by Condillac, Eeid, Hume, Kant,
and Stewart, did not appear satisfactory to him ; and,
in consequence, he was determined to set out in search
of a new org anon for himself. He seized hold of the
idea of Being, and made it the starting-point of his
system. He maintained, in his Nuovo Saggio (1830),
that this idea was an innate idea — a notion, indeed,
* Opera, torn. 12.
412 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
which had often been entertained before. But he
commenced to split this idea into fragments as it were,
and hence arose his confusion and troubles. In the
general working out of his theory, he stated matters
which gave offence to some leading Catholic philo-
sophers, both in his own country and in France, who
censured his doctrines, and represented them as of a
decidedly pantheistical character. Our limits will not
permit entering into the nature or merits of this con-
troversy; therefore we must refer the reader to the
works on the subject. We shall merely give Eosmini's
definition of this general idea of Being, which he affirms
is the real foundation of all science and truth. He
says, — 1st, This idea is not concrete, but abstract, and
the ultimate possible abstraction. 2d, It is not indivi-
dual or particular, but generic and universal. 3d, It
is not personal, but common. 4th, It is not real, but
ideal ; not effective, but possible. 5th, It subsists in
itself, and is not a derivation from the resources of the
human mind. 6th, It is not determined, but entirely
indetermined. 7-th, It is not God. 8th, It is not an
idea of, or any thing appertaining to, God. And, 9th,
It is not the word (verb) of God.*
Pietro Bottura's Logica (1833) is a work which
enters fully into the general principles of logic. We have
here treated of the nature of definition ; the grounds
of human judgments, which are intuition, experience,
and testimony ; on the nature of affirmative and nega-
tive propositions ; and of the several kinds of demon-
stration which arise from the genera and species of
things. In addition to these leading points of his
■ Tom. ii. pp. 712, 719, 722, 750.
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 413
logic, Bottura points out at some length the errors in-
volved in the logical theories of Condillac, Tracy, and
others of the French school. Sig. Fabriano makes
logical science rest on one of the great and primary
divisions of the mind itself. This idea is developed in
his Prospetto degli Studj Filosofici (1833).
The Lezioni di Logica e di Metafisica (1841) of
Baron Pasquale Grallupi is an important Italian work.
The part devoted exclusively to logic is in the first
volume. He takes a wide range in the treatment of
his subject. In the respective works of Tommaseo,
Sig. Manio, Salvatore Mancino, and Gioberti, there are
important discussions on many of the leading principles
of logical science. Count Terenzio Mamiani discusses
the nature of method in his DeW Ontologia del Metodo
(1841) at considerable length. He makes it rest on
five principles, — namely, invention, induction, demon-
stration, synthesis, and analysis.
Logical speculations in Spain have undergone con-
siderable change within these fifty years. In the first
quarter of the present century, several of the French
systems of logic found their way into the universities of
the country ; chiefly with the view, however, to com-
ment and refutation. The leading principles of Bacon,
Descartes, and Locke, relative to logic, were discussed
in a small work called Logica (1815), written by a
Father Bostos. It displays a philosophical mind, and
a candid and ingenuous spirit. The work points out
what the writer conceived were the leading errors of
the Novum Organum ; and then passes on to the
consideration of Descartes and Locke, who find more
favour in his eyes. The Elementos de Logica (1847) of
414 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
D. Teodoro de Almeida is a popular treatise, written
expressly for the instruction of young persons. It is a
sensible work.
We have a volume on logic from the pen of D. Ramon
Marti de Eixala, one of the professors in the university
of Barcelona, entitled, Corso di Filosofia Elemental-
Compriendiendo la Theoria de las Ideas, la Gramatica
general y la Logica (1847). The work is divided into
three parts — Ontology, Grammar, and Logic. The
last division contains a definition of logic ; the nature
of perception, abstraction, analogy, &c. ; the nature of
reasoning and judgment ; on authority and testimony,
and the several kinds of demonstrative proofs ; and,
finally, on method.
The Logica (1850) of Don Jaime Balmes of Barce-
lona is a work of talent, and displays an enlightened
spirit. He thinks the syllogistic logic does not com-
prehend the entire science : a knowledge of the opera-
tions of the mind, and the particular evidence belonging
to individual sciences, should be taken into account in
every system of logical tuition.
In most of the colleges of Spain the old scholastic
logic prevails. It is very rare that we find any new
principle introduced into the ordinary text-books used
for university purposes.
The state of logical literature in Portugal at the
present time, is much upon a par with that of Spain.
Some translations of French systems of logic, of the
early part of the present century, are to be met with ;
but most of the treatises on the science for educational
purposes are of the ordinary scholastic character. A
knowledge of logic is rendered imperative in the pro-
IN THE SEVEEAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 415
fessions of law and divinity in all the universities of the
kingdom.
In Sweden, at the early part of this century, we find
B. H. Hoijer prosecuting logical subjects with great
zeal and success. He wrote several able works on
mental science generally, in which there are many
scattered dissertations connected with the philosophy
of reasoning. His aphorisms of transcendental logic
was published at Upsal in 1812. He founds all
operations connected with the especial prosecution of
truth, no matter on what science, on the faculties of
the mind, particularly those of an intuitive and reflec-
tive character. Samuel Grubbe, a professor in the
university of Upsal, undertook to develop the intellec-
tual intuition of Schelling, and to apply it to the science
of logical method. Grubbe attempted to reduce every
thing to one single idea, and maintained the possibility
of rearing upon it a complete system of knowledge,
both as to mind and matter. He argues that this
intellectual intuition, though admitted to be a pure
assumption, does not place the speculations of Schelling
upon a more insecure foundation than almost every
other theory of knowledge is reared upon, however
rational and popular it may appear to be. The great
problem is, to demonstrate the finite from the infinite ;
the relative from the absolute ; and the particular from
the general. This, Grubbe thought he had accom-
plished by his fuller illustration of this celebrated
German theory.
A. Lidbeck approved of the general logical theory of
Schelling, and the commentaries upon it by Grubbe ;
but he likewise thought that an eclectic system, framed
416 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE
out of the several systems of Wolff, Baumgarten, Sul-
zer, and Kant, would be a near approximation to the
true method of philosophizing. This system he deve-
loped, and it proved popular for a time, but soon gave
way to other more exciting novelties. Among the
number of these, was G-eyer's treatise on the Nature of
Truth. This is conducted much upon the same plan
as Dr Beattie's Essay on Truth. Geyer connected the
discussion as to the distinct nature of truth, and our
specific faculties and powers of discerning and commu-
nicating it, with the leading principles of theology.
He treats of the evidence from the external senses ; of
mathematical demonstration ; of cause and effect ; of
analogy, testimony, &c. ; and shews their several logi-
cal dependences upon the leading principles of religion.
In 1820, Sodensten attempted, and with some success,
to frame a system of logic out of the joint views of
Wolff and Locke.
C. M. Schoerbing, in attempting to dispense with
all empirical sources of scientific evidence, ran into the
opposite extreme of spiritual pantheism. He identifies
truth and the Deity, thus destroying those notions of
identity and personality requisite to purposes of all
sound reasoning. In the logical philosophy of Atter-
born and Almquist, two modern writers of great abi-
lities and reputation, some subtile and original views
are developed.
In most of the logical works used in the Swedish
universities within the last fifty years, there is more
metaphysical matter introduced than is observable in
similar works in this country published during the last
century. The French theories of reasoning seem to
IN THE SEVERAL NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT. 417
have gained some ground in Sweden, particularly
within the last ten or fifteen years.
Henry StefFens, in the early part of this century,
made the several logical theories of Germany pretty
well known in Denmark and JSTorway. His writings
are of an eclectic character, Fred. C. Sibbern took
Hegel for his guide ; and in his Logik als Denklehre,
&c. (1835), attempted to illustrate the system of the
German philosophers, but with little success. The
mystical views of Sibbern fell into disrepute. Heiberg
was somewhat more successful. Though professing
himself generally favourable to Hegel's doctrines, yet
he gave them a more solid and common-sense direc-
tion, in his Einleitenden Vortrag zum Logischen Cursus
(1840).
There are about 700 students in the University of
Copenhagen, and nearly two-thirds of them attend the
logic class.
The German systems of logic have made some pro-
gress within these thirty or forty years in Poland.
J. S. Fuchs is a commentator of Kant's Critique of
Pure Reason; and Etienne Gyorgyi has a work on
logic, which is a compound of the notions of Kant,
and those of Locke and Wolff. This work was pub-
lished at Posen in 1805. Sioism. Carlowszkv is a later
Polish logician, whose works bear the date of 1830,
and are of popular and academical character. There
were public lectures in several districts of Poland in
1840-41, on the logical systems of Schelling and
Hegel ; but they are said to have failed in rendering
these respective systems clearly understood.
Logical literature has made great advances in seve-
2d
418 NATURE AND CHARACTER OF LOGICAL LITERATURE.
ral districts of the Eussian dominions within the last
fifty years. There are few works published on the
subject in Germany and France but what find their
way to some of the seats of learning in that country.
In the universities of Moscow, Krakow, Kiew, Kasan,
St Petersburg, and Dorpat, regular courses of logical
instruction are given every year ; and the general sys-
tem followed in most of these places, is that of a mix-
ture of formal with theoretical logic — the latter element
varying with the opinions of the teacher.
BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC. 419
CHAPTER XXL
A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
IRELAND DURING THE LAST HUNDRED YEARS.
We purpose confining the following statements solely
to the manner in which logic has been taught in the
several seminaries and seats of learning in our own
country. We shall not make any direct allusion to
such logical works as legitimately belong to the philo-
sophical literature of the kingdom, and which are
intended for general study and perusal. These will
afterwards be noticed in due order.
Cambridge and Oxford, being among the earliest
university foundations of Europe, naturally, in reference
to their studies and plans of education, partook of the
spirit of ancient times; and the predominating elements
in that spirit were, controversial divinity and dialectical
or logical disputation. As has already been noticed,
the Grecian logic became, after the introduction of the
Christian religion, one of the chief instruments in the
hands of theological disputants. There were, from
the first, considerable difference of opinion relative to
the Christian system, both as to doctrine and ritual
420 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
observances ; and the ancient logic, with its forms,
essences, entities, categories, and predicables, was
soon found to be a powerful engine in disputatious
warfare by every heated and zealous partisan. The
consequence was, that logic became cultivated in all
the universities in Europe more than any other art or
science; and Cambridge and Oxford, from their very
foundation, lay claim to a fair share of these logical
honours.
The University of Cambridge was at a very early
period a logical seminary. We are told that, in
the year 1109, Joffred, abbot of Croyland, intending
to rebuild his monastery, which had been destroyed
by fire, deputed G-islebert, with three other monks,
to the manor of Cottingham, near Cambridge. These
persons, it is stated, were talented and learned, well
skilled in philosophical problems and in dialectics.
They went daily to Cambridge, and hired a barn, in
which they gave public lectures. As a part of this
instruction it was appointed that, at ten o'clock, brother
Terricus, an abl'e sophist, should read to the elder por-
tion of the audience Aristotle's Logic, according to the
commentaries of Porphyry and Averroes.
In the reign of Henry VIII. a change was made in
logical studies at this university, by order of that
monarch. He ordered the work of Eudolphus Agri-
cola, De Dialectica Inventione, to be used in conjunction
with the works of Aristotle, instead of the logical com-
mentaries of Duns Scotus and Barleses. It is said that
the writings of Agricola, which had then become very
popular in many parts of Europe, and had been trans-
lated into French and Italian, exercised a considerable
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 421
influence in effecting a change in the philosophical
opinions of this seat of learning.
Sir Eobert Read was a very popular lecturer on logic
at Cambridge in 1584. It is said that there were very
few students who did not avail themselves of his public
instructions, which consisted of an hour five days of
the week.
In the course of the seventeenth century, the logical
views of Bacon, Descartes, Locke, and Leibnitz, became
known in Cambridge ; but they were not by any means
generally adopted. Bacon was better known than any
of the other three philosophers ; and about the middle
of this century his Novum Organum seems to have been
rather popular than otherwise. Anthony Wood says,
Glanvil lamented that his friends did not send him to
Cambridge ; because he used to say, that the new philo-
sophy, and the art of philosophizing, were more culti-
vated there than at Oxford.
For more than a century, Cambridge has been greatly
behind in the study and cultivation of logical philo-
sophy; so much so, indeed, as to have become the
object of reproachful contumely and scorn. The Edin-
burgh Review of 1833 observes, " In Cambridge the
fortune of the study is indicated by the fact, that the
Elements of Logic of William Duncan of Aberdeen have
long dispensed a muddy scantling of metaphysic,
psychology, and dialectic, in the university where
Downam taught."
Oxford, as well as Cambridge, is highly celebrated
for its early logical history. It occupies a conspicuous
position in the scholastic ages. Anthony Wood, in his
account of Oxford, revels with delight at its logical skill
422 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
and reputation in the middle ages. " What university/'
says he, " I pray, can produce an invincible Hales, an
admirable Bacon, an excellent well-grounded Middleton,
a subtile Scotus, an approved Burley, a resolute Bacon-
thorpe ? all which persons flourished within the compass
of one century. I doubt that neither Paris, Bologna,
nor Rome, that great mistress of the Christian world, or
any place else, can do what the renowned Bellosite
(Oxford) hath done. And, without doubt, all impartial
men may receive it for an undeniable truth, that the
most able arguing in school divinity did take its begin-
ning in England, and from Englishmen." *
In the middle of the thirteenth century, Robert
Gros teste, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, lectured at
Oxford on scholastic logic to large audiences. A short
time after (in 1308) we find Duns Scotus teaching
logic at Clare Hall.
The Baconian logic had made some progress at
Oxford in 1623, when the university presented an
address to Bacon, who is represented " as a mighty
Hercules, who had by his own hand greatly advanced
those pillars in the learned world, which, by the rest of
the world, were supposed irremoveable."
Edward Sandys was a popular teacher of logic at
Oxford in 1629, according to the system of Aristotle.
He did not, however, adhere strictly to this system;
for it is said that he was very partial to both Bacon
and Locke, and frequently alluded to their respective
logical views in his public lectures.
In the fourth of Archbishop Laud's Statutes of
Oxford (1636) it appears, "that the lecturer in logic
* A the. Oxoniensis. vol. i.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 423
is, on Mondays and Thursdays, at eight o'clock in the
morning, publicly to expound either the introduction
of Porphyry, or some part of Aristotle's logic, by
clearly and tersely explaining the text ; and he is not
to dwell long on questions about the method or analysis
of the book or text, but in the usual way to raise ques-
tions pertinent to the subject of the book, and to resolve
them with brevity and force." " The auditors of this
lecturer are to be all scholars, from the end of their
first year till they are presented for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts."
These Statutes were, however, gradually lost sight of;
and a general laxity as to logical studies and philo-
sophy was induced throughout the entire university.
This subject has been of late so fully and accurately
depicted by Sir William Hamilton, that I shall make
no apology, on the present occasion, for quoting his
remarks.
" During the scholastic ages," says he, " Oxford was
held inferior to no university throughout Europe ; and
it was celebrated, more especially, for its philosophers
and dialecticians. But it was neither the recollection
of old academical renown, nor any enlightened per-
suasions of its importance, that preserved logic among
the subjects of academical tuition, when the kindred
branches of philosophy, with other statutory studies,
were dropt from the course of instruction actually
given. These were abandoned from no conviction of
their inutility, nor even in favour of others of superior
value : they were abandoned when the system under
which they could be taught was, for a private interest,
illegally superseded by another, under which they could
424 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
rest. When the college fellows supplanted the univer-
sity professors, the course of statutory instruction
necessarily fell with the statutory instruments by which
it had been carried through. The same extensive, the
same intensive, education which had once been possible
when the work was distributed among a body of pro-
fessors— each chosen for his ability, and each concen-
trating his attention on a single study — could no longer
be attempted when the collegiate corporations, a for-
tuitous assemblage of individuals, were authorized to
become sole teacher of the whole academical encyclo-
paedia. But while the one unqualified fellow-tutor
could not perform the work of a large body of quali-
fied professors, it is evident that, as he could not
rise and expand himself to the former system, the
present, existing only for his behoof, must be con-
tracted and brought down to hirn. This was accord-
ingly done. The mode of teaching, and the subjects
taught, were reduced to the required level and extent.
The capacity of lecturing, that is, of delivering an
original course Df instruction, was not now to be
expected in the tutor. The pupil, therefore, read to
his tutor a lesson out of a book — on this lesson the
tutor might, at his discretion, interpose an observa-
tion, or preserve silence ; and he was thus effectually
guaranteed from all demands beyond his ability or
inclination to meet. This reversed process was still
denominated a lecture. In like manner, all subjects
which required in the tutor more than the fellow's
average of learning or acuteness, were eschewed. Many
of the most important branches of education in the
legal system were thus discarded ; and those which it
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 425
was found necessary or convenient to retain in the
intrusive, were studied in easier and more superficial
treatises. This, in particular, was the case with logic.
66 Until the statutory system was superseded, an
energetic and improving exercise of mind, from the
intelligent study of the most remarkable monument of
philosophical genius imposed on all, was more especially
secured in those who would engage in the subsidiary
business of tuition. This, and other conditions of that
system, thus demanded a far higher standard of quali-
fication in the tutor, when the tutor was still only a
subordinate instructor, than remained when he had
become the exclusive organ of academical education.
When, at last, the voice of the professors were silenced
in the university and in the colleges, the fellows had
been able to exclude all other graduates from the new
principal office of tutor, the study of logic declined with
the ability of those by whom the science was taught.
The original treatises of Aristotle were now found to
transcend the college complement of erudition and
intellect. They were accordingly abandoned ; and with
these the various logical works previously in academical
use, which supposed any reach of thought, or an
original acquaintance with the organon. The Compend
of Sanderson stood its ground for a season, when the
more elaborate treatises of Brerewood, Crakanthorpe,
and Smiglecius were forgotten. But this treatise, the
excellent work of an accomplished logician, was too
closely related to the Organon, and demanded too
frequently an inconvenient explanation, to retain its
place, so soon as another text-book could be introduced,
more accommodated to the fallen and falling standard
426 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
of tutorial competency. Such a text-book was soon
found in the Compendium of Aldrich."*
Oxford's modern logical history is brief, and soon
told. Aldrich's logic appeared in 1691. Of the nature
and merits of this work, the learned and able writer
we have just quoted, observes, " Absolutely considered,
it has little or no value : it is but a slight eclectic
epitome of one or two logical treatises in common use
(that it is exclusively abridged from Wallis is incorrect);
and when he wanders from, or mistakes his authorities,
he displays a want of information to be expected,
perhaps, in our generation, but altogether marvellous
in his. It is clear that he knew nothing of the organon,
and very little of the modern logicians. The treatise
likewise omits a large portion of the most important
matters ; and those it does not exclude are treated with
a truly modifying brevity. As a slender introduction
to the after study of logic (were there not a hundred
better), it is not to be despised; as a full course of
instruction, as an independent system of the science, it
is utterly contemptible. Yet, strange to say, the Com-
pend of Aldrich, having gradually supplanted the Com-
pend of Sanderson, has furnished, for above a century,
the little all of logic taught in these latter clays by the
university of Bradwardin and Scotus."f
About five and twenty years ago, Dr Whately's
Elements of Logic made their appearance at Oxford,
and were instantly effective in giving a new and vigo-
rous impulse to dialectic pursuits. We shall notice this
work in the following chapter. In the mean time we
may mention, that the doctor informs us that at the
* Edin. Review, 1833. t Ibid.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 427
period of the publication of his work logical studies
were at the lowest ebb at the university. He says, " a
very small proportion even of distinguished students
ever became proficients in logic, and by far the greater
proportion pass through the university without knowing
any thing at all of the subject. I do not mean that
they have not learned by rote a string of technical
terms, but that they understand absolutely nothing
whatever of the principles of the science."
A great change has been effected in Oxford of late
years, and almost solely through the labours of Dr
Whately. Since the publication of his Elements, many
excellent works have made their appearance from this
venerable seat of learning, in different departments of
logical science, some of which will be noticed more
particularly in the following chapter of this volume.
The logical systems taught in King's College, and
University College, London, since their respective esta-
blishment about twenty years ago, have been of an
eclectic character, partly philosophical, and partly
formal or syllogistic.
We shall now briefly direct attention to the Scottish
universities in reference to logical studies. These are
Edinburgh, Glasgow, St Andrews, and Aberdeen.
As we have already noticed, the leading Scottish
divines, at the time of the Reformation, took a decided
part against the scholastic logic, and did every thing
they could to effect a change in the general routine of
logical studies within the boundaries of their jurisdic-
tion. The feeling against what was then considered
one of the chief instruments of papal power, still mani-
fested itself long after the principal events of the Eefor-
428 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
mation had become merely matters of history. But
so far back as 1647, more than two hundred years ago,
the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, on
account of several complaints having reached it relative
to the manner of teaching the Aristotelian logic,
appointed commissioners to inquire into the alleged
grievances, and to suggest a remedy. In one, among
the several acts of this commission, it is declared, " that
the dyting (dictating) of long notes has, ill times past,
proved not only a hindrance to the necessary studies,
but also to the knowledge of the text itself, and to the
examination of such things as are taught ; it is therefore
recommended by the commissioners to the dean and
faculty of arts, that the regents (the professors who had
charge of educating the youth) spend not so much
time in dyting of their notes ; that no new lesson be
taught till the former be examined ; that every student
have the text of Aristotle in Greek ; and that the
regent first analyse the text, viva voce, and thereafter
give the sum thereof in writing."
In 1696, a parliamentary commission issued a variety
of particular regulations respecting the course of logic
and metaphysics in all the universities of Scotland.
These regulations had for their object the purging of
those institutions of heresy and infidelity. In 1699,
this commission orders the several principals of univer-
sities " to go through the whole system of philosophy
(logic and metaphysics), to compendize it, and to make
their remarks thereon, as they shall think fit ; and to
present their remarks to the commission against their
first meeting in June next, with certification ; if they
fail, the commission will censure them for their con-
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 429
tempt." In a second meeting of the commissioners, a
few days after the promulgation of this order, they
enumerated sixteen separate propositions in the pre-
scribed courses of logic and metaphysics, which they
find to be erroneous, and which they forbid to be
taught, because they were contra fidem et bonos mores.
About the same date, this same commission ordered
the university of St Andrews to send to the university
of Edinburgh copies of the systems of logic and meta-
physics taught at St Andrews.
The causes of these alleged heresies arose from cer-
tain tenets which had been industriously circulated
throughout the Scottish universities on the Epicurean
philosophy, taken from the commentaries on it, pub-
lished by the celebrated Gassendi.
It does not, however, appear that any very great
changes in the abstract principles of logical studies
were ever recommended by the Scottish divines as a
body. What changes were subsequently effected in
the several universities of Scotland, of a systematic
character, arose from individual teachers of the science,
and the progress of philosophy in general.
We shall now make a few statements and remarks
on the several universities of Scotland in regular order.
Glasgow University. — This university has been
distinguished, for the last century especially, for the
importance attached to logical studies ; and also for the
great and, in the opinion of many, judicious changes
introduced into the mode of treating the science of
logic generally, both as to its principles and forms.
The logic of Ramus was introduced here at the time
430 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
of the Reformation ; and, up to a comparatively modern
date, continued to be exclusively taught within the
walls of this university.
In 1727, a royal visitation of the university took
place, and certain changes in the mode and times of
giving lectures on logic and metaphysics were recom-
mended by it ; but these alterations only effected the
plan of teaching logic, and did not in the least effect
any alteration in the mode of discussing the principles
of the science.
In 1750, Adam Smith, the author of The Wealth of
Nations, was appointed to the logic chair in Glasgow,
but he only held it for one year.
In 1774, Dr Jardin was appointed professor of
logic in Glasgow university — a man of active mind and
sound judgment. He made great alterations in the
mode of studying logic. He tells us that his " class
opened on the 10th October with reading and com-
menting on some portions of the memorabilia of So-
crates, which exercise continued two or three weeks,
until the greater part of the students were assembled.
On the 1st of November, the proper business of the
course began with an explanation of Aristotle's logic.
This subject occupied the attention of the class till
about the beginning of February, when the professor
entered upon metaphysics" The doctor goes on to
inform us how the public feeling against the scholastic
or old logic gradually increased, until it was found
absolutely necessary to make great changes in the
mode of teaching logical science. He says : " Having
myself attended the logic class in this university, I
remember well the general impression which was made
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 431
upon my mind by the lectures then delivered, and also
the opinion which was entertained of them by the more
intelligent of my fellow-students. The sentiment which
universally prevailed among us was, that though the pro-
fessor explained the subjects of which he treated with
great perspicuity and distinctness, yet no useful or per-
manent effects could possibly result from his prelections,
either in the way of promoting activity of mind, or of
establishing sound scientific principles." . . . - " This
conviction of the general uselessness, and even positively
hurtful consequences, of spending six or seven months
in the study of logic and metaphysics, was not confined
to the youth within the walls of the college. From the
time that the lectures began to be delivered in English,
the eyes of men were opened to the unsuitable nature
of the subjects of which they treated ; and the defects
of the system, as embracing a very important part of
public education, became every day more striking, and
called more loudly for a radical reform. It was ob-
served by those who interested themselves in this
question, that the subjects introduced in the logic
class, even when perfectly understood, had little or no
connexion with that species of knowledge which was
necessary to prepare the student either for the specu-
lative pursuits of science, or for the active business of
life. The local situation, too, of this university — in
a great commercial city, where a quick perception of
utility, and a clear insight into the adaptation of means
to ends, may be supposed to predominate — gave fre-
quent occasion to animadversions on our scheme of
preparatory instruction. Intelligent persons who sent
their sons to the logic class, although not themselves
432 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
proficient in literature, could not fail to observe that
the subjects to which their attention was directed had
no relation to any profession or employment whatever ;
that the discussions connected with them had no ana-
logy to those trains of thinking which prevail in the
ordinary intercourse of society ; and, in short, that
nothing could be derived from prelections on such
topics which was likely in the smallest degree either to
adorn conversation, or to qualify the student for the
concerns of life."*
Dy Jar din goes on, in his Essay, to state that he
found it was absolutely necessary to effect a great
change in his logical instructions; and, after much
anxious thought, he came to the conclusion of ground-
ing his system entirely upon an analysis of the mental
faculties. "The particular department," says he, " of
mental science I have selected for the business of this
class, is an analysis of the powers of the understanding,
— perception, attention, consciousness, reflection, me-
mory, imagination, abstraction, judgment, and reason-
ing. The object of this analysis, I need hardly observe,
is to communicate distinct notions of those original
faculties — their operations and offices — their connexion
and intimate dependence upon each other."
This formed the basis of Dr Jardin's logical theory.
He did not, however, altogether discard the syllogism.
He thought it a useful instrument in particular cases.
The following remarks convey his views on the subject
of logic generally, as fully as can well be done in so
short a compass : —
te It is by minute attention to the progress of the
* Outlines of a Philo. Education, p. 25.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 433
reasoning faculties, in the different situations in which
man is placed, that we shall most successfully lay the
foundations of an act of reasoning ; for here especially,
according to Lord Bacon, we must obey nature, observe
her dictates, and follow the course she prescribes. She
imperatively enjoins that the first efforts of art should
be directed to the improvement of those powers of the
mind by which we form clear, just, and distinct notions
— by which we discriminate likewise differences and
relation among the various subjects of our knowledge —
as being the only solid basis for an enlightened educa-
tion. It is indeed impossible to teach men to reason
until they have been first taught to know — that is, to
form clear and accurate conceptions of the things about
which they are to reason ; and, when the former pro-
cess shall be correctly accomplished, few rules will be
necessary to direct them to the latter. Thus, in the
different professions and occupations of life, we find
that men reason easily and justly from mere habit, and
without any assistance of an artificial logic ; because,
from their daily pursuits, they have formed distinct
notions relative to the several objects about which their
reason is employed.
" But though, by this natural logic, as it may be
called, the understanding may be so improved as to
answer all the practical purposes of life, it frequently
happens, in certain cases where a man is called upon
to exercise his reason, that the assistance of art may be
extremely useful. When the objects presented to the
mind are of an abstract, general, or complicated nature,
the logical instruments of definition, division, and
2 E
434 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
classification, may be applied with great advantage ;
and when, in the comparison of different objects, of
which the relations are so remote or obscure that
they cannot be discovered but by means of intermediate
ideas connected with both extremes, the faculty of
reason finds again resources in art, which, by suggesting
certain positions and arrangements of thought, lead the
mind by safe and easy steps to the perception of truth.
We have accordingly received from the philosophers
of Greece an art for improving and directing the power
of reason — a system of rules according to which, in
particular cases at least, comparison may be fairly
made, and conclusions justly deduced."*
We have thus been induced to dwell upon the system
which Dr Jardin introduced into the university of Glas-
gow at some length, — partly from the extended period
he occupied the logic chair, full fifty years, and partly
from the widely spread and distinguished reputation he
has left behind him as a teacher and logician.
We shall now merely add a few remarks from the
Commissioners' Eeport of 1830 relative to this univer-
sity : — " Logic is here taught with rhetoric. The first
division of the logical course contains an analysis of the
powers of the understanding, with the means of im-
proving, assisting, and directing them in the acquisition
of knowledge, and in the investigation of truth. Dr
Buchanan continues the system of Dr Jardin, with
such alterations as his own experience has suggested
to him. He thinks logic could not be taught to
young persons without examination ; and he conceives
the examinations and the hearing of essays to be more
* Essay, 126.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 435
useful than delivering lectures. Average number of
students (1828), 150."
Marischal College, Aberdeen. — This college was
founded in 1593. Logic was here originally taught in
the first course as a necessary study to every other.
This has been reversed for many years, and it now
takes the last place. Logical tuition is given here in
conjunction with moral philosophy.
The Commissioners' Eeport of 1830 states, that " the
system followed here as to logical studies is, that the
lecturer must shew that the foundation of a proper
system of logic must be laid in an analysis of the mental
faculties ; the distinction of the various kinds of terms
and the right use of them are explained ; the nature
and varieties of propositions are pointed out ; there is
given an analysis of arguments, shewing how then- truth
may be discovered, or their fallacy detected ; and there
is subjoined a description of the methods of classifica-
tion and arrangement, which best enables us to retain
and to apply the knowledge we have acquired. Ave-
rage number of students in logic class, 34."
King's College, Aberdeen. — This college was found-
ed in 1506. Logic is taught in this establishment in
conjunction with rhetoric. The scholastic system was
the established one here till about the middle of the
last century.
In the new regulations of King's College in 1753, it
was, among other things, recommended that the study
of logic should be shortened, to give more time for the
acquisition of historical knowledge.
436 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
Till about 1760, logic, with the abstract sciences,
took precedence over mathematics and natural philo-
sophy ; because it was alleged that these sciences could
not be successfully taught while men were ignorant of
the art of reasoning and the rules of judging. But
this rule was altered upon the ground, " that mankind
are now fully convinced of the inefficiency of the syllo-
gistic art to guide the understanding in the discovery
of truth. The logic which can answer this end must
have for its groundwork all arts and sciences, and be
founded on an analysis and natural history of the in-
tellectual faculties. Every illustration and maxim
must be derived from these sources ; and its rules can
be understood no further than the several sciences
which it reviews and criticizes are understood. Nor is
the previous knowledge of logical rules necessary to-
wards acquiring the elements of science. Man exercises
his understanding before he is formally instructed in
the rules of reasoning. Upon these grounds, logic
was considered to belong more naturally to the last
than the first part of a philosophical course of educa-
tion."
St Andrew's University. — Up to the period of the
appointment of Mr Henry Bymer to the logic chair of
St Andrews in 1747, the logical system of Peter Ramus
had been generally taught in the university. Rymer,
however, was a zealous disciple of Locke's, and a great
admirer, too, of Bacon's Novum Organum ; and he
made the first regular departure from the old formal
system. He introduced, as a course of preliminary
lectures, the leading logical views of both Bacon and
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 437
Locke. Still, however, the formal or syllogistic rules
were retained, but made to follow as a sort of secondary
course of logical study. Mr Kobert Watson succeeded
Professor Rymer in 1756, and followed the same gene-
ral plan of tuition as his predecessor.
Mr William Barron succeeded Mr Watson in 1778.
The logical system which Mr Barron taught is founded
on the doctrines of the common sense school of thinking.
The cultivation of the understanding or reason, he
says, ought to be the great object of all mental im-
provements. " It is the faculty by which we are most
distinguished above the creatures of this world, and by
which, perhaps, we partake most of the constitution of
superior natures." " Of all arts, then, that
surely is entitled to attention which pretends to tell us
how we may improve and properly employ this most
useful faculty ; and logic is that art. The professed
purpose of it is to teach the right use of reason, both
in the investigation and in the communication of truth ;
to inform us how to introduce clearness and good order
among our ideas ; to explain the operations of the
mind which are conversant about them ; and by the
proper exercise of which operations we shall be least in
danger of deviating into error."*
According to this view of the object of logic, he
treats it under two leading divisions : — the nature of
ideas, which are the materials on which the reason or
understanding acts ; and the nature of the faculties or
powers of the mind which are immediately engaged
in the act of reasoning. The explanations under
* Barron's Lectures, vol. ii. p. 362.
438 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
these two heads, embrace the whole science or art of
logic which can be of any utility whatever.
On the nature of the syllogistic logic, Mr Barron
makes the following remarks : — " The principal opera-
tions of any investigation are the invention of inter-
mediate ideas, and the comparison of them with one
another, and with the extremes. The invention of
middle terms is the chief operation, and excellence in
it is the most important qualification any inquirer can
possess. It seems to depend on natural sagacity and
acuteness, fortified and improved by exercise. ~No art
can be of any use. From syllogism, in particular, no
aid can be derived. It does not even pretend to give
any aid. Its only object is to assist in the second
operation, the comparison of ideas ; and we have seen
that the syllogistic exhibition is not more perspicuous
than the natural one." . . . " What is the mystery of
this mighty syllogistic art, which has so long engaged
the attention of learned men, and is still accounted
by many of that description to contain something
mysterious, or to be an analysis of the art of reason-
ing ? It is no more than this : whatever agrees with
any genus, will agree with ever species of that genus ;
or whatever disagrees with any genus, will disagree
with every species of that genus. If this be the prin-
ciple of the art, can we wonder at the self-evidence of
all the conclusions of all its syllogisms, or that it never
gratified science or business with the discovery of any
useful truth?"*
Mr Joseph Hunter succeeded Mr Barron as profes-
* Lect., vol, ii. p. 540.
TAUGHT IK THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 439
sor of logic in 1806. He followed his immediate pre-
decessor in the mode of treating the science, making
it dependent upon a knowledge of the faculties of the
understanding.
The Eeport of the Parliamentary Commission of
1830, makes the following statements on the logical
tuition of St Andrews : — " The professor of logic
teaches one class on five days of the week one hour,
from eleven to twelve each day. He commences his
prelections with an investigation of the powers of ex-
ternal perception, as exercised through the medium of
the five senses; passing thence to an analysis of the
intellectual operations of attention, conception, ab-
straction, association of ideas, memory, imagination,
judgment, and reasoning, he next considers the various
sources of our prejudices and errors, and the means
which have been devised to guard against them ; tak-
ing here a hasty survey of the syllogistic logic of
Aristotle, and pointing out the advantages which in-
duction, or the study of facts, must ever possess over
the multiplication of verbal distinctions. He then
concludes his logic course with some lectures on
method, explaining its nature, and shewing its import-
ance as an indispensable preparation for profitable
study, and for perspicuous and persuasive writing."
Among the general suggestions of the Commissioners
in treating of the university of St Andrews, is one point-
ing out the advantages which would follow from a system
of examination on the logical lectures delivered. The
report states : " Eow, mere lecturing is a very imperfect
mode of teaching. Addressing itself in the same way
to minds of the greatest variety as to acumen, it must
440 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
necessarily leave a multiplicity of matters obscure to
some that may be perfectly clear and comprehensible
to others, and may thus be available in many cases to
communicate only the most superficial information. It
does not, moreover, supply necessarily any stimulus
whatever to mental exertion — any excitement to culti-
vate habits of reflection, of judging, of reasoning, of
arrangement, of statement and communication, the
great object of all academical tuition. Very advanced
students may perhaps find no other aid necessary for
forwarding them in their course. But the great mass
of students are not singularly gifted persons, and must
be catechised — must be dealt with in easy colloquy- —
must be indulged with explanations — must frequently
perform exercises, in order to insure to them the most
ordinary portion of learned attainment."*
Mr William Spalding was successor to Mr Hunter,
and entered on his duties in 1845. Professor Spalding
enters more fully into the syllogistic logic in his lec-
tures than any of his predecessors for the last century.
The number of logical students average about forty
annually.
Thus we see that, till within these few years, the
mere formal logic was almost entirely banished from
the Scottish colleges, and a system adopted in its stead
which had for its direct object the improvement of the
entire mental faculties, with a view of conducting the
mind to the highest logical manifestations. This mode
of teaching logic had a powerful and direct tendency
to uphold the speculative views of the common sense
philosophy. Indeed, the mode of teaching this science
* Report, p. 51.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 441
was a pure exponent of the mental principles of this
school relative to reasoning generally.
Edinburgh University. — The foundation of this seat
of learning is intimately associated with the science of
logic. It may be said to have been founded by the
labours and munificence of a Mr James Lawson, a
minister of Edinburgh, who was a passionate admirer
of logical studies, and whose aim was to introduce them
to public notice and favour through the medium of a
school on an extended scale. General philosophy was
to be taught in it ; but the scholars were to be instructed,
in an effective and careful manner, in every thing that
appertained to dialectical knowledge and skill.
The logical system of Peter Ramus was countenanced
at an early period in the history of this seat of learning.
In 1604, we find the students were interrogated on his
Dialectics and the Ars Syllogistica. Porphyry and the
categories were also used — together with Aristotle's
Topics and book of Sophisms. In 1615, we find a Mr
Young professor of logic in this university — a gentle-
man who enjoyed an unrivalled reputation as an able
and subtile expounder of Aristotle's system.
The formal appointment of the logic chair in Edin-
burgh, bears date from the year 1708. Up to a certain
period this chair was held in conjunction with that of
rhetoric.
Mr John Stevenson was appointed logical professor
in 1730. The science of metaphysics was likewise
joined to his chair. The logic class was the second in
the course, and the lectures were given in the Latin
language. Mr Stevenson, it appears, did not admire
442 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
the scholastic logic ; but he, at the same time, thought
it his duty to give a distinct sketch of its history and
nature, and to render that art which had been the
admiration of ages in some measure understood by his
students. His conviction was, that the Aristotelian
logic presented a formidable barrier to the free and
expansive movements of the human mind, and to the
extension of useful and popular information; and he
was, consequently, particularly anxious to impress upon
the minds of his young auditory, that truth was not to
be discovered by the employment of such an instru-
ment. The work he used as a text-book was the logical
treatise of Heineccius. He did not, however, follow it
slavishly, as may readily be surmised — inasmuch as this
work is strongly tinged with Aristotelian principles and
forms. At the time Mr Stevenson was appointed to the
logic chair, the philosophy of Locke had just reached
the university. Mr Stevenson entered warmly into its
spirit, and was, in fact, the first person of any note who
introduced to academical students the Essay on the
Human Understanding. He also introduced to his
class Dr Wynne's abridgement of the Essay, which he
considered a highly useful publication. A short time
after, Professor Stevenson adopted this abridgement of
Locke's work as a text-book, and was thus instrumental
in laying the foundation of the English philosophical
system in the university. He died in 1775, having
held the logic chair £ov forty -four years.
Mr John Bruce was appointed Mr Stevenson's suc-
cessor. His system of logical tuition was founded on
Locke and Bacon's philosophy. According to Bruce,
scientific evidence rested on three general principles, —
TAUGHT IN, THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 443
the evidence of consciousness or attention, the evidence
of sensation, and the evidence of cause and effect. Mr
Bruce resigned his chair in 1792.
Dr James Finlayson succeeded Mr Bruce, and held
the logic chair till 1808. His general logical instruc-
tions were grounded on the principles of the common
sense philosophy, then all prevalent in Scotland. Dr
Finlayson was an ardent admirer of the opinions of the
late Dugald Stewart, on the practicability and useful-
ness of a philosophical logic.
Dr David Ritchie was Dr Finlayson's successor, and
filled the chair till the appointment of Sir William
Hamilton in 1836.
The Commissioners appointed to examine into the
Scotch colleges in 1830, make the following observa-
tions, in their Report, on the subject of logical studies
in the university of Edinburgh : — " The logic class
meets one hour each day, for five days of the week,
during the session of five months and a half. Some
students so young as thirteen have entered this class ;
but in general they are about fifteen years of age, and
many of them older. The average number who attend
is from 170 to 175, or 180. The lectures are divided
into four parts, — the first consists of a view of intellec-
tual philosophy, or a description of the faculties by
which we acquire the elements of our knowledge, the
laws which regulate their operation, and the imperfec-
tions to which they are liable, with hints for their
improvement. The second part comprehends the
theory of evidence, and includes a view of demonstra-
tive evidence, of the evidence of sense, consciousness,
memory, testimony, experience, analogy, mixed mathe-
444 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
matics, and the calculation of chances. The third
includes reasoning, and explaining syllogistic reason-
ing, with the various abridged modes of it in common
use, and the sophisms or fallacious reasonings connected
with it ; and, secondly, inductive reasoning, and a view
of the prejudices which are apt to mislead the mind.
The fourth part explains the analytical and synthetic
method of conducting our reasonings, as well as the
Socratic and controversial method, and the principles
of interpreting written documents. The course con-
cludes with a view of the theory of language, or prin-
ciples of universal grammar."*
About three years after the Report of the Govern-
ment Commissioners on the state of the Scotch univer-
sities, from which we have taken some passages, there
appeared in the Edinburgh Review some pungent
remarks on the state of logical knowledge and tuition
in Scotland generally. The writer, Sir William Hamil-
ton, observes, that in the colleges " of Scotland the
chairs of logic have for generations taught any thing
rather than the science which they nominally profess —
a science, by the way, in which the Scots have not
latterly maintained the reputation once established by
them in all, and still retained in other departments of
philosophy. To the philosophers of our country we
must confess, that in part at least is to be attributed
the prevalence of the erroneous notions on this subject
promulgated by Locke. ~No system of logic deserving
of notice ever appeared in Scotland ; and for Scottish
writers of any merit we must travel back for more
than two centuries, to three contemporary authors.
' Report, 1830.
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 445
whose abilities, like those indeed of almost all the
more illustrious scholars of their nation, were developed
under foreign influence — to Robert Balfour, Mark
Duncan, and William Chalmers, professors in the
universities of Bordeaux, Samur, and Angers."
Sir William Hamilton succeeded Dr Ritchie in 1836
in the Edinburgh University. About fours years after
this, it is said that the professor introduced what is
termed his new analytic method of teaching formal logic.
This method proceeds on a thoroughgoing quantification
of the predicate. By the adoption of this principle we are
told that " past evils are corrected, past omissions sup-
plied, and logic receives its highest development in the
perfection and simplicity of its form."
The entire doctrine of the conversion of svlloo-isms
is, on the principle of this new analytic method of Sir
William's, pronounced to be useless and false. " This
inconsistent and cumbrous doctrine resulted, as we
have said, from a false analvsis bv logicians of the ele-
ments with which they had to deal. The whole doc-
trine is founded upon the relation of quantity between
the subject and predicate in a proposition ; but if a
principal element of that relation be left out, the doc-
trine will of course be defective. Logicians stand
chargeable with this neglect. They commenced to
recompose their system before, by thorough decompo-
sition, they had obtained all the elements requisite for
that purpose."*
In Ireland there are three collegiate institutions where
* New Analytic of Logical Forms, p. 30, Edinburgh, 1850, to which the reader
is referred for a full account of the system .
446 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYSTEMS OF LOGIC
logic forms an essential part of academical learning :
Trinity College, Dublin, the Eoman Catholic College
of Maynooth, and the three Queen's Colleges of Cork,
Galway, and Belfast, now embodied into one university.
In Trinity College, Dublin, logic has been taught
from the system of Archbishop Murray, enlarged and
commented on by Mr Walker and other writers. In
the preface to the edition of his book of 1847, it is
stated that " many writers consider the study of logic
as the proper introduction to a metaphysic, others as
intended as a prelude to mathematical pursuits, and
accordingly works on logic have been composed with
reference to either of these views ; but until some sys-
tem of logic is produced in our language, which is
founded upon, and grows out of some philosophical
system, it is surely better for the student to study a
purely formal logic, independent of any philosophical
system, and yet applicable to all. Such are the senti-
ments of a celebrated writer, and such have been the
views of the University of Dublin in their adoption of
the present treatise."
In the introduction to the archbishop's work, now
used as a text-book, it is stated, that after the student
goes through the syllogistic logic, he is introduced to
the new or modern logic of Mr Locke's Essay on the
Human Understanding.
In the Catholic College of Maynooth, in Ireland,
logic is taught with great care and erudition. All
students are examined on the science when they enter
the college. The system taught is of a comprehensive
character, although the text-books in common use pre-
sent but a meagre outline of the study. But the
TAUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF GEE AT BRITAIN. 447
professor of logic invariably examines the students in
reference to their knowledge of the most elaborate
and systematic works. The logical philosophy coun-
tenanced, however, has a decided leaning to theological
science, as well as to those particular views of scientific
truth which the Catholic clergy generally entertain
and promulgate in their ordinary channels of philo-
sophical literature. The number of logical students
amounts to about sixty annually.
In the Queen's Colleges, the logic class is only now
about to open. There is no prescribed mode of teach-
ing the science ; and it is quite open to the several
logical professors to adopt any system of tuition, in
accordance with their own individual judgment.
448 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
CHAPTEE XXII.
THE LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, OF A PHILOSOPHIC AND
SYSTEMATIC CAST, FROM THE YEAR 1800 TILL THE PRESENT
DAY.
The logical works of Great Britain during the last half
century have been both numerous and important. The
first twenty years of this period were comparatively
unfruitful ; but since then both logical studies and
literature have received fresh impulses and a somewhat
new direction.
At the commencement of this century we have Mr
Belsham's Logic (1801). He defines his subject thus :
" The use of logic is to guide and assist the intellectual
powers in the investigation of truth, and the commu-
nication of it to others." . . . " Logic is not, as some
have supposed, a mere explanation of scholastic phrases,
nor, as others have imagined, the art of disputing by
mechanical forms ; but it is one branch of the theory
of the human mind applied to a valuable practical
purpose."
Mr Belsham keeps to the old division of his subject
into four parts — Perception, Judgment. Reasoning, and
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 449
Disposition ; the four operations of the mind employed
in the acquisition and communication of knowledge.
Dr Richard Kirwan's Logic (1807) is a highly re-
spectable and useful treatise. He defines logic thus : —
(; Logic is both a science and an art ; it is a science
inasmuch as, by analysing the elements, principles, and
structure of arguments, it teaches us how to discover
their truth, or detect their fallacies, and point out the
sources of such errors. It is an art, inasmuch as it
teaches how to arrange arguments in such a manner
that their truth may be most readily perceived, or their
falsehood detected.'' *
Up to the year 1820, the writings of Dngald Stewart
on mental philosophy occupied the chief place in public
estimation, relative to the abstract nature and application
of the principles of logical science. Some of his principal
works made their appearance during the early part of the
present century. They abound with many most ingeni-
ous speculations on logical studies generally, and on the
varied character of the evidence which belongs to many
individual departments of scientific investigation. Much,
valuable instruction is to be derived from the volumes he
published within the period now mentioned. We shall
not, however, refer to them again, as we have already
made a formal allusion to them in a previous chapter.
We have classed their highly-gifted author with the
philosophical school to which he belonged, and to which
lie was so great an ornament.
When Dr Thomas Brown's Lectures on the Philo-
sophy of the Human Mind (1822) made their appear-
ance, a new direction was given to mental science ; and
* Vol. i. p. 1.
2 F
450 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
the subject of reasoning, and logical deduction and
inference, were handled after a new fashion. Brown's
theory of the argumentative process was altogether
different from that of his predecessor's, Professor
Stewart : in fact, they had nothing in common, save
perhaps the unity of sentiment which both philosophers
expressed on the inutility of the syllogism, or all mere
formal looic.
The science of looic or of reasoning forms one of the
divisions in Brown's system of the philosophy of mind.
His general position is, that there are no independent
or distinct faculties of the intellect, but simply different
states of it. Every thing is merged into one universal
law, which he calls the Jaiv of suggestion. This sugges-
tion is either simple or relative. All reasoning belongs
to the latter. Propositions of every kind are but the
verbal enunciation of the relation of two terms. Every
proposition implies an analysis ; and there may be
propositions expressive of position, of resemblance, of
order, of proportion, of degree, and of comprehension.
Brown makes no distinction between reason and
judgment — a distinction which is found in almost every
other work on logic. Eeasoning with him is nothing
more than a series of relative suggestions, or feelings
of relation, which, in being expressed in formal lan-
guage, constitute a series of propositions. The terms
reason and judgment, may be indifferently applied to
the susceptibility of feeling these relations. He says,
" The natural progress of reasoning I have already
explained to you, and illustrated by examples, both of
the analytic and proportional kind. One conception
follows another conception, according to certain laws
AXD THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 451
of suggestion, to which our Divine Author lias adapted
our mental constitution ; and, by another set of laws
which the same Divine Author has established, certain
feelings of relation arise from the consideration of the
suggesting and suggested object. This is all in which
reasoning, as felt by us, truly consists. We have the
conception of A ; it suggests B ; and these two con-
ceptions coexisting, we feel some relation which they
bear to each other, B, thus suggested, suggests C ;
and the relation of these is felt in like manner; and
thus, through the longest ratiocination, analytical or
proportional, each subject of our thought suggests
something which forms a part of it, and is involved in
it, or something which has to it a certain relation of
proportion ; and the relation of comprehension in the
one case, or of proportion in the other case, is felt
accordingly at every step. Nothing, surely, can be
simpler than a process of this kind ; and it is not easy
to conceive how the process could be made shorter
than nature herself has rendered it, unless every
truth were known to us by intuition. Objects, and
the relation of objects — these are all which reasoning
involves ; and these must always be involved in every
reasoning, While reasoning, then, or a series of pro-
positions, is necessary for the development of truth,
the intervening conceptions which form the subjects
of those propositions that connect one remote concep-
tion with another, must arise successively in the mind,
and their relations be felt, in like manner, successively.
What is it which the syllogistic art would confer on us
in addition ? To shorten the process of arriving at
truth, it forces us to use in every case three proposi-
452 LOGICAL LITERATIM OF GREAT BRITAIN
tions, instead of the two which nature directs us to
use. Instead of allowing us to say, i Man is fallible; be
may therefore err even when be thinks himself most
secure from error' — which is the spontaneous order of
analysis in reasoning — -the syllogistic art compels us to
take a longer journey to the same conclusion by the
use of what it calls a major proposition — a proposition
which never rises spontaneously, for the best of all
reasons, that it cannot rise without our knowledge
of the very truth which is by supposition unknown.
To proceed in the regular form of a syllogism, we
must say, 'All beings that are fallible may err even
when they think themselves most secure from error.
But man is a fallible being ; he may therefore err even
when he thinks himself most secure from error.' In
our spontaneous reasonings, in which we arrive at
precisely the same conclusions, and with a feeling of
evidence precisely the same, there are, as I have said,
no major propositions, but simply what, in this futile
art, are termed technically the minor and the conclu-
sion. The invention and formal statement of a major
proposition, then, in every case, serve only to retard
the progress of discovery, not to quicken it, or render
it in the slightest degree more sure." Again, he
observes, " The syllogism, therefore, which proceeds
from the axiom to the demonstration of particulars,
reverses completely the order of reasoning, and begins
with the conclusion in order to teach us how we may
arrive at it. It is in the great journey of truth, as if, in
any of our common journeyings from place to place —
from Edinburgh to London, for example — we were to
be directed first to go to London, and then to find out
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 453
York, or some other intermediate town, when we
might be quite sure of knowing the way from York to
London, because we must already have travelled it.
Is this the sort of direction which we could venture to
give to any traveller ? or would not every traveller, if
we were to venture to give them such a direction,
smile at our folly ?"*
On the nature of logical science generally, Dr
Brown makes the following remarks : — " That there
may be, or rather that there is, a rational logic, I
am far from denying ; and many useful directions, in
conformity with a certain system of rules, may be
given to the inexperienced student, that may facilitate
to him acquisition of knowledge, which, but for such
directions, he would have made only more slowly, or
perhaps not made at all. The art of reasoning, how-
ever, which a judicious logic affords, is not so much
the art of acquiring knowledge as the art of commu-
nicating it to others, or recording it in a manner that
may be most profitable for our own future advance-
ment in the track which we have been pursuing." . . .
•'• If an art of reasoning is to be given to us, it is surely
to be an art which is to render the acquisition of
knowledge more easy, not more difficult — an art which
is to avail itself of the natural tendency of the mind to
the discovery of truth, not to counteract this tendency,
and to force the mind, if it be possible, to suspend the
very progress which was leading it to truth."
Thus we see, that it is the distinctive characteristic
of Dr Brown's theory of reasoning, that all the logical
powers of the understanding are absorbed in conscious^
* Lecture 49 >
454 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
ness, and tills consciousness is again resolved into
simple feeling. There is but one principle or law of
the mind — that of suggestion — which regulates the
several combinations and successions of feelings, and
which imparts that unity of operation and design
which enters into every conception we can form of
mind or intellect as a whole. In reference to cause
and effect/ which enter into the logical systems of
many authors, Dr Brown identifies causation with
succession. The principle he holds is simply this —
Every cause is an invariable antecedent ; therefore
every invariable antecedent is a cause.
Archbishop Whately's Elements of Logic (1825),
is one of the most important and influential logical
publications of modern times. It is an able and
popular exposition of the scholastic logic ; and has,
in fact, been the main instrument in producing the
revival of the syllogistic system in Great Britain. The
work has gone through many editions, and is used
more or less, in several seats of learning, as an ordinary
text-book for logical students.
The archbishop informs us, that f( logic, in the
most extensive sense which the name can with pro-
priety be made to bear, may be considered as the
science, and also as the art of reasoning. It investi-
gates the principles on which argumentation is con-
ducted, and furnishes rules to secure the mind from
error in its deductions. Its most appropriate office,
however, is that of instituting an analysis of the pro-
cess of the mind in reasoning, and in this point of
view it is, as has been stated, strictly a science ; while,
considered in reference to the practical rules above
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 455
mentioned, it may be called the art of reasoning. This
distinction, as will hereafter appear, has been over-
looked, or not clearly pointed out, by most writers on
the subject ; logic having been in general regarded as
merely an art, and its claim to hold a place among the
sciences having been expressly denied."
This definition of the nature and offices of logic lias
been the subject of numerous criticisms, embracing
very opposite opinions and statements. We cannot
enter into these, except by merely stating that this
account of logic is very incorrect, and in some points
contradictory. It is abundantly proved by the most
cursory glance at the history of logic, that, in opposi-
tion to the statements of the archbishop, the opinion of
its ranking as a science is almost the uniform one in
all ages. This error of the definition is simply an error
of a matter of fact. The contradiction involved in it
is apparent. The author says, " The most appropriate
office of looic is that of instituting an analysis of the
process of the mind in reasoning ;" and then again, "that
the process of reasoning is alone the appropriate pro-
vince of logic." If the object of logic is to analyse the
process of reasoning, then logic must be identified with
the science of mind ; for this science does, among
other things, profess to make such an analysis. But
when the archbishop's definition is contrasted with
other portions of his work, the contradiction is still
more marked and irrreconcilable. He says, " In
introducing the mention of language previously to the
definitions of logic, I have departed from established
practice, in order that it may be clearly understood
that logic is entirely conversant about language — a
456 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
truth which most writers on the subject, if indeed they
were fully aware of it themselves, have certainly not
taken due care to impress on their readers."* . . .
" Logic is wholly concerned in the use of lan-
guage." f
" All reasoning," says the author again, " rests on
the one simple principle, that what is predicated, either
affirmatively or negatively, of a term distributed, may
be predicated in like manner of any thing contained
under that term." . . . " Whatever the subject matter
of an argument may be, the reasoning itself, con-
sidered by itself, is in every case the same process ; and
if the writers against logic had kept this in mind, they
would have been cautious of expressing their contempt
of what they call ' syllogistic reasoning,' which is in
truth all reasoning ; and, instead of ridiculing Aristotle's
principle for its obviousness and simplicity, would have
perceived that these are in fact its highest praise — the
easiest, shortest, and most evident theory, provided it
answer the purpose of explanation, being ever the
best,"
The archbishop, however, nearly makes a complete
shipwreck of this doctrine, so decidedly laid down.
On the nature of sophisms, he says, " It is to be
observed, however, that in all correct reasoning the
premises virtually imply the conclusion ; so that it is
not possible to make precisely the distinction between
the fallacy in question (the petitio prindpii) and fair
argument,"
Archbishop A\ nately's account of induction is as
follows : — " Logic takes no cognisance of induction for
* Elem., p. 5G.- f Ibid., p. 74.
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 457
instance, or of a priori reasoning; &c, as distinct forms
of argument ; for when thrown into the syllogistic
form, and when letters of the alphabet are substituted
for the terms (and it is thus that an argument is pro-
perly to be brought under the cognisance of logic),
there is no distinction between them ; e. cj.y c a property
whicl i belongs to all horned animals; rumination be-
longs to these ; therefore to all.' This, which is an
inductive argument, is evidently a syllogism in Bar-
bara. The essence of an inductive argument (and so
of the other kinds which are distinguished from it)
consists, not in the form of the argument, but in the
relation which the subject matter of the premises bears
to the conclusion.'' — (P. 110.) And again: — "In
the process of reasoning by which we deduce, from our
observation of certain known cases, an inference with
respect to unknown ones, we are employing a syllogism
in Barbara with the major premiss suppressed; that
being always substantially the same, as it asserts that
4 what belongs to the individual or individuals we have
examined, belongs to the whole class under which they
come.' "—(P. 216.)
By the advocates for strictly formal logic, the arch-
bishop has been charged with deviating from their,
and even his own principles, by assigning certain
offices to the syllogism which are entirely foreign to
its nature. He observes, " It belongs exclusively to a
syllogism, properly so called (i. e., a valid argument so
stated that its conclusiveness is evident from the mere
form of the expression), that if letters, or any other
unmeaning symbols, be substituted for the several
terms, the validity of the argument shall still be evi-
458 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
dent." The following statements are, however, in
direct opposition to this doctrine : — " Should there be
no sign at all to the common term, the quantity of the
proposition (which is called an indefinite proposition)
is ascertained by the matter ; that is, the nature of the
connexion between the extremes, which is either neces-
sary, impossible, or contingent" It is contended, that
by here admitting the matter of a syllogism as an
element of its argumentative conclusiveness, the entire
principle of formal logic is surrendered. A, B, and C,
it is said, know nothing whatever of what is necessary,
impossible, or contingent.
We regret we cannot enter more fully into the
merits of the Elements of Logic, Particular views of
the author's system, as a whole, will fall in our way as
we proceed to notice other recent logical publications.
We cannot, however, refrain from giving a sentence or
two from the pen of Sir "William Hamilton, published
a few years after the appearance of the archbishop's
treatise : — " The work, indeed, never transcends, and
generally does not rise to the actual level of the
science ; nor, with all its ability, can it justly pretend
to more than a relative and local importance. Its
most original and valuable portion is but the insuffi-
cient correction of mistakes touching the nature of
logic, long exploded, if ever harboured, among the
countrymen of Leibnitz, and only lingering among the
disciples of Locke." *
There were several writers on logic immediately fol-
lowed Dr Whately, whose treatises may be consulted
with advantage. Among the number, we may mention
* Edin, Rev., 1833.
ASD THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 459
Introduction to Logic (1827), by the Eev. Samuel
Hinds ; Questions on Aldriclrs Logic (1829) ; An
Examination of some Passages in Dr Whatehfs ' Ele-
ments,'' by G. C. Lewis, Esq. ; and Outline of a New
System of Logic (1827), by G. Bentham, Esq.
Though not assuming the shape of a regular treatise,
we feel bound to give a formal notice of Sir William
Hamilton's article on several logical publications, in
the Edinburgh Review for April 183-3. This paper
has had no small degree of influence over logical specu-
lations in this country since its appearance : and on
this account, as well as for its intrinsic merits, we feel
justified in giving a brief and passing summary of the
chief points discussed in the article in question, for the
especial use and guidance of those who feel an interest
in the subject. This periodical communication forms,
in fact, a distinct landmark in the modern history of
logic.
The learned author gives a brief sketch of the state
of logical science in Scotland, Cambridge, Oxford, and
Dublin. He then commences to notice Dr Wnately'a
Logic, and the treatises of several other logicians,
pointing out, as he proceeds, some of the chief errors
into which they have respectively fallen. Sir "William's
remarks on the question, whether logic be a science or
an art, or both, are entitled to especial notice. He
lavs down the position, that the laws of thought, and
not the laws of reasoning, constitute the proper objects
of logical science. On the real nature and intrinsic
value of Aristotle's purely iogical works, there are
many important statements given by the able critic.
460 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
Sir William denies that the schoolmen were ever guilty
of attempting to employ logic for the purpose of physi-
cal discoveries — an accusation often made against them,
but without any solid foundation whatever. " Logic is
a formal science ; it takes no consideration of real
existence, or of its relations, but is occupied solely
about that existence and those relations which arise
through, and are regulated by, the conditions of
thought itself. Of the truth or falsehood of proposi-
tions in themselves, it knows nothing, and takes no
account ; all in logic may be held true that is not con-
ceived as contradictory. In reasoning, logic guarantees
neither the premises nor the conclusions, but merely
the consequence of the latter from the former ; for a
syllogism is nothing more than the explicit assertion of
the truth of one proposition, on the hypothesis of other
propositions being true in which that one is implicitly
contained. A conclusion may thus be true in reality
(as an assertion), and yet logically false (as an infer-
ence)." The truth or falsehood being extra-logical,
so likewise is the modality of the syllogism. The
syllogistic inference is always necessary ; it comes
under no extra-formal condition, but is equally apo-
dictic in contingent as in necessary matter."
Our critic, after having disposed of some minor
matters, proceeds to examine some positions relative to
categorical, hypothetical, and disjunctive syllogisms,
and the enthymeme, and lays down several important
rules relative to their nature and application. On the
use of the terms induction and deduction, and of their
correct philosophical meaning, we have many excellent
A XI) THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 461
and profound critical remarks. This part of Sir
William's critique is by far the most acute and most
ably argued.
If any proof were wanting of the opposite and irre-
concilable opinions men entertain at the present day
of logical science, it would be furnished by a reference
to the New System of Logic (1839) of Mr Bosanquet.
Here we have the scholastic dogmatists of all shades
set at nought, and their entire system considered little
better than a piece of gross and mischievous delusion.
The author tells us that the Aristotelian logic, taken
as a whole, is manifestly inconsistent with a Divine
revelation, because it adopts a style of reasoning alto-
gether opposed to its special character and offices.
For this chief reason, the existing svstems of logic,
which are founded upon it, ought to be set aside, and
a more rational and perfect one substituted in its
stead. The Grecian dialectics being of heathen origin,
they weaken the proper tone of the mind, run counter
to Christian principle, and give a wrong direction to
those processes of analysis and reasoning, called into
requisition in all theological investigations and re-
searches. " The mind which lias been trained and
formed in the schools of Grecian wisdom, cannot see
the truths of Christianity. To the Greeks they must
still be foolishness."*"
As Aristotle's logic is one of the main supports of
this heathen system, the author's object is to refute its
chief principle, the syllogism, and display its utter
incompetency to accomplish what it professes to per-
form. This logic, the author maintains, is founded on
* Logic, p, 10.
4G2 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
a false principle ; inasmuch as it commences with a
division of the operations of the mind, the proper sub-
jects of which are thoughts and ideas ; and then it
abruptly passes on to language, which is a very imper-
fect means of representing them. The consequence of
this is, that the logic does not treat of thoughts and
ideas, but only gives us rules for the use of language —
an imperfect substitute for an instrument which is itself
imperfect. Besides, the division of the intellectual
operations is absurdly imperfect. The distinction made
between judgment and reasoning is without any foun-
dation. Judging and reasoning, for logical purposes,
are one and the same thing. In order to support the
Aristotelian division, a the whole province of judg-
ment is made to consist in the mechanical use and
estimate of such forms of words as convey a simple
affirmation or negation ; being, it is true, by a fortui-
tous and figurative coincidence of language, an expres-
sion of the 'judgment/ or 'sentence' of the reason-
ing faculty; not at all, however, the operation of judg-
ment and reasoning itself."* The Aristotelian logic,
therefore, " leaves the whole faculty of judgment with-
out use or office, except in so far as it is employed in
drawing the conclusion from the syllogism — an opera-
tion which it performs professedly by virtue of tlie
mere form of words, and not by the full exercise of
that discretion to which the term is properly applied,
and which is chiefly requisite, in the use of this system,
to form and arrange the premises. This division,
therefore, is wholly specious, and falls to the ground."
Mr Bosanquet affirms, that the syllogism is to the
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 463
processes of reasoning what language is to ideas. It
is an imperfect instrument, and used for the purpose
of representing these processes rapidly and compen-
diously.
Mathematical reasoning is like every other kind of
reasoning, with the exception of its subject-matter.
This distinguishes a mathematical argument from every
other. The author likewise maintains, that propositions
in this science cannot be reduced to the syllogistic
form, " except only by distant and figurative approxi-
mation. For every mathematical syllogism would have
four terms in it, instead of three ; namely, the two
terms which are compared, the term of comparison, and
the term of equality or proportion ; for the substitution
of the term ' greater,'' or ' equal to,' for the only legiti-
mate logical link or copula ' is,' at once removes it
beyond the application and principles of logic."*
Mr Bosanquet differs from Mr Locke as to the ab-
stract character of knowledge in general. He considers
that Locke's notion, that the perception of the agree-
ment of ideas constitutes knowledge, is entirely erro-
neous. Neither does truth consist in the joining of
signs, according to their actual agreement. These are
pronounced as pure chimeras, Ideas themselves are
knowledge, whether of a simple or compound charac-
ter. Opinion is the attaching these ideas to real
things ; and truth is the actual agreement of these
ideas and opinions with realities. " The idea of colour
is knowledge. The idea of pleasure and of pain is
knowledge. The idea of heat is knowledge. The idea
of pain following or accompanying heat also is know-
* P. 45.
4G4 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
ledge. The agreement of this idea with reality and
experience is truth. In like manner, the ideas of
virtue and of duty are knowledge. The idea of God
is knowledge. The idea of God rewarding ns for the
performance of our duty in a future life is know-
ledge."*
The Lectures on Logic (1838) by Francis W. New-
man, display an intimate and correct knowledge of
logical subjects, and contain many acute and valuable
remarks on the science of reasoning generally. He
tells us, that " the object-matter of logic is no parti-
cular set of phenomena parallel in character to that
which other sciences contemplate, but is proof or
evidence, as such. And in discussing evidence, the end
in view is to investigate the laws of evidence — to lay
down when and why it is that we say a thing has been
proved ; its evidence is good ; it is therefore to be
believed." " I conceive it is a part of logic to inquire,
both why we believe our senses, and why we believe
human testimony."
Mr Newman -throws an air of originality over every
thing he discusses. The reader will find this observa-
tion borne out by a reference to his remarks on defini-
tion, analogy, cause and effect, and induction.
We shall now make a few remarks illustrative of
Mr Stuart Mill's System of Logic, Matioci native and
Inductive (1843). From the voluminous and varied
character of the work, we can do little more than
merely advert, and that very briefly indeed, to a few of
the leading principles on which the author's peculiar
theory of reasoning is founded.
* r. 112.
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 4G5
Mr Mill says, that " Logic comprises the science of
reasoning, as well as an art founded on that science;"
and he then goes on to shew the various meanings,
hoth scientific and popular, which are attached to the
word reasoning. He comes, however, to the conclu-
sion, " that the province of logic will include several
operations of the intellect not usually considered to
fall within the meaning of the terms — reasoning and
argumentation." He says again, " The sole object of
logic is the guidance of one's own thoughts." " Logic
takes cognisance of all intellectual operations only as
they conduce to our own knowledge, and to the com-
mand of that knowledge for our own uses." The art
of communicating knowledge to others. Mr Mill refers
to rhetoric, to which, he conceives, it rightly belongs.
It will tend greatly to give an insight into the entire
scope and drift of Mr Mill's system of logic, to pre-
mise, at the outset, that there are two important
doctrines which lie, as it were, in the background of
all his reasonings and discussions on the principles of
logical science, and to which he seems indissolubly
wedded ; — namely, the theory of causation, developed
by Hume, and illustrated by Dr Brown ; and the doc-
trine of the association of ideas, maintained by Hartley,
Priestly, and others. Upon those two principles or
theories, or whatever they may be called, Mr Mill
takes his stand, under a firm persuasion that no one
has the power to dislodge him frorn his fancied
security.
In accordance with the general philosophy embodied
in these two theories of our mental nature, Mr Mill
speaks of truth in these words : — " Truths are known
2g
466 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
to us in two ways ; some are known directly, and of
themselves ; some through the medium of other truths.
The former are the subject of intuition or conscious-
ness; the latter of inference. The truths known by
intuition are the original premises from which all
others are inferred." This brings us by a short route
to the source of all truth, consciousness or feeling —
the same conclusion on which Dr Brown's logical
theory rests.
The first chapter of Mr Mill's first volume is chiefly
occupied with discussions on the nature of language,
and its connexion with various kinds of propositions.
Mr Mill is a nominalist, and views the offices which
words perform in our reasoning, in strict conformity
with the canons laid down in the verbal school of
thinking. There are, however, in this division of the
work, many excellent and profound observations, not
to be met with in other treatises on logical science.
In the second chapter we come to ratiocination, or
the syllogism, with the formal rules of which the
author enters to" some limited extent. He tells us in
his preface, in reference to the syllogistic logic gene-
rally, that " the scientific theory on which its defence
is usually rested, appears to him erroneous." He
gives his reasons for this in the part of his work now
under consideration. The reader will find some excel-
lent .matter here ; and we regret exceedingly that
want of space forbids our giving even an outline of all
the arguments adduced against the scientific validity
and value of the syllogism. All we can do is to cull
out a passage or two at random* " It must be
granted," lays Mr Mill, '"' that in every syllogism, con-
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 46?
sidered as an argument to prove the conclusion, there
is a petiiio principu. "When we say, ' All men are
mortal ; Socrates is a man ; therefore Socrates is
mortal' — it is unanswerably urged by the adversaries
of the syllogistic theory, that the proposition. Socrates
is mortal; is presupposed in the more general assump-
tion, All men are mortal ; that we cannot be assured
of the mortality of all men, unless we were previously
certain of the mortality of every individual man ; that
if it be still doubtful whether Socrates, or any other
individual you chose to name, be mortal or not, i^ie
same degree of uncertainty must hang over the asser-
tion, All men are mortal : that the general principle,
instead of being given as evidence of the particular
case, cannot itself be taken for true without exception,
until every shadow of doubt which could effect any
case comprised with it, is dispelled by evidence aliunde ;
and then what remains for the syllogism to prove ?
That, in short, no reasoning from generals to particu-
lars can, as such, prove any thing ; since from a gene-
ral principle you cannot infer any particulars, but
those which the principle itself assumes as foreknown."
. . . " This doctrine is irrefragable." *
" Archbishop Whately has contended, that syllogis-
ing, or reasoning from generals to particulars, is not,
agreeably to the vulgar idea, a peculiar mode of reason-
ing, but the philosophical analysis of the mode in which
all men reason who reason at all. With the deference
due to so high an authority, I cannot help thinking
that the vulgar notion is, in this case, the more correct.
If from our experience of John, Thomas, &c, who
* Vol. i. p. 216.
468 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
once were living, but are now dead, we are entitled to
conclude that all human beings are mortal, we might
surely, without any logical inconsequence, have con-
cluded at once from these instances that the Duke of
Wellington is mortal. The mortality of John, Thomas,
and Company, is, after all, the whole evidence we have
for the mortality of the Duke of Wellington. £Tot one
iota is added to the proof by interpolating a general
proposition." . . . " ~Not only may we reason from
particulars to particulars, without passing throng] i
generals; but we perpetually do so. All our earliest
inferences are of this nature. From the first dawn of
intelligence we draw inferences ; but years elapse be-
fore we learn the use of general language."
Leaving the doctrine of the syllogism, and passing
over much excellent discussion on Trains of Keason-
ings and the Deductive Sciences, we come to another
leading branch of Mr Mill's logic, that of Induction;
the theory of which is as follows : — All inference is
of a decidedly inductive character, and rests upon the
great principle of the association of ideas. One event
A, is a mark or sign of another event B ; for this sole
and simple reason, that A and B have been conjoined
in our experience : we have seen the one follow the
other. Reasoning by induction is, therefore, just the
recording of the connexion (of whatever nature that
may be) subsisting among particular objects or events ;
the mind goes from one particular thing to another
particular thing, without the intervention of any gene-
ral or formal proposition whatever. When we refer an
individual thing or object to a collection, a class, or
assortment of other objects or events, either from a
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 4G9
principle of resemblance, or from a frequency of con-
junction, tins collection, class, or assortment, is consi-
dered bv tlie mind as a single or individual thing ;
whether it be. in fact, composed of only two units, or
two millions of units. The totality of its character is
never broken or impaired ; it is still, in the mind's eye,
one particular and individual object or event. Mr Mill
says, " If reasoning be from particulars to particulars,
and if it consists in recognising one fact as a mark of
another, or a mark of a mark of another, nothing is
required to render reasoning possible except senses and
association — senses to perceive that two facts are con-
joined ; association, as the Law by which one of these
two facts raises up the idea of the other. For these
mental phenomena, as well as for the belief or expec-
tation which follows, and by which we recognise as
having taken place, or about to take place, that of
which we have perceived a mark, there is evidently no
need of language. And this inference of one particu-
lar tact from another, is a case of induction. It is of
this sort of induction that brutes are capable ; it is in
this shape that uncultivated minds make almost all
their inductions, and that we all do so in the cases in
which familiar experience forces our conclusions upon
us, without any active process of inquiry on our part,
and in which the belief or expectation follows the
suggestion of the evidence, with the promptitude and
certainty of an instinct."*
This, in few words, is the sum total of the author's
theory of inductive logic, It is simply the observing
of one event following another ; which act of observing
* Vol. ii. p. 233.
470 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
resolves itself into pure consciousness or feeling; or,
to speak more strictly, it is nothing but this conscious-
ness or feeling itself. This law of antecedent and con-
sequent gives rise (query, how?) to a certain rule of
judging, or of calculating probable events or circum-
stances ; but the law can never give any thing ap-
proaching to infallible certainty that any event, or
series of events, will actually take place. It is only
probable evidence which we have to deal with in induc-
tive philosophy; which, says Mr Mills, is founded on
this rule : " Certain individuals have a given attribute ;
an individual or individuals resemble the former in
certain other attributes ; therefore they resemble them
also in the given attribute."
We shall now make a remark or two on this theory
of reasoning.
Mr Mill has a deep and singular abhorrence of any
thing being considered binding on the minds of men
to believe. His scheme will admit of no mental com-
pulsion or dictation. He cannot tolerate any who
" adduce as evidence of the truth of fact in external
nature, any necessity that the human mind may be
conceived to be under of believing it." His whole
inward man rises up in open rebellion against an act
of such licentious and unbridled authority. But let us
see, by his own system, how he stands in reference to
this necessity of believing. The law of association,
that is, the law by which A suggests B, is the only law
of an intellectual cast which enters into his inductive
theory. It is the only law which he thinks necessary
or adequate to produce the effects he describes. Is
this law compulsory ? Does it imply a necessity of be-
AXD THE I/XITED STATES OF AMERICA. 471
lieving any tiling? Is it quite optional with us whether
we attend either to antecedents or consequents, or pin
the slightest degree of faith upon either or both?
Surely there is something very like an internal necessity
to helieye what this associating law of antecedent and
consequent is said to teach us. It must be borne in
mind, that Mr Mill has here left us no choice in the
matter ; for he points out no other law but this law of
association, by which the reality of that which he
himself calls knowledge can be substantiated. If we
are under no necessity whatever of believing any thing
upon the power or authority of this law, it must be a
law without authority, and by whose yoice his own
system cannot be sustained, as one having the smallest
particle of evidence or certainty attached to it. With
all due deference, we conceive Mr Mill is bound, for
the credit of his own theory, to place this matter upon
a more satisfactory basis.
With respect to the nature of mathematic evidence,
a subject which forms a conspicuous element of discus-
sion in several sections of his work, Mr Mill main-
tains the position, that it is decidedly of an experi-
mental character, and by no means what is termed
necessary or intuitive. "'What is the ground," he asks,
" of our belief in axioms ? What is the evidence on which
they rest ? I answer, they are experimental truths J
generalizations from observation. The proposition,
6 Two straight lines cannot inclose a space ; or, in other
words, Two straight lines which have once met, do not
meet again, but continue to diverge,' is an induction
from the evidence of our senses." The author also
affirms, that arithmetical science is a science of expe-
472 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
rience and observation. " The fundamental truths of
that science all rest upon the evidence of sense ; they
are proved by shewing to our eyes and our fingers, that
any given number of objects, — ten balls for example
may, — by separation and re-arrangement, exhibit to
our senses all the different sets of numbers, the sum of
which is equal to ten."
On the categories of Aristotle Mr Mill remarks :
" The imperfections of this classification are too obvious
to require, and its merits are not sufficient to reward, a
minute examination. It is a mere catalogue of the
distinctions rudely marked out by the language of
familiar life, with little or no attempt to penetrate, by
philosophic analysis, to the rationale even of these
common distinctions." He gives us four categories of
his own, which he conceives embrace all nameable
things. 1st, Feelings, or states of consciousness. 2d,
The minds which experience those feelings. 3d, The
bodies or external objects which excite certain of those
feelings, together with the powers or properties whereby
they excite them; And 4th, The successions and co-
existences, the likenesses and unlikenesses, between
states of consciousness.
We should have liked to have examined Mr Mill's
theory of causation ; but we are compelled to cut short
our observations on his work. We venture to affirm,
however, that in our humble opinion this is a very
unsound part of his system. It is ill reasoned, and
presents flagrant inconsistencies and contradictions at
every turn. We are fully aware that he was under the
necessity of adopting and carrying out these views on
cause and effect, in order to impart a semblance of
AKB THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ' 473
unity to liis entire theory ; which, being of an entirely
material character, could admit no spiritual or purely
mental element to come in contact with it. But we
feel confident that when the question as to causation
is dispassionately examined, and upon strictly philo-
sophical grounds, it will be found that there is a prin-
ciple implanted in human nature, of steady and un-
erring operation, that refers every true cause to some
power, faculty, or mental influence. This position, we
conceive, is as susceptible of complete demonstration
as any thing in the whole circle of human knowledge
can manifest.
Among the number of English writers on the philo-
sophical principles of logical science, we must include
Mr Hallam, who, in his Introduction to the Literature
of Europe, has entered into the subject, not only as a
commentator on writers on logic generally but as an
original thinker on some of the main points connected
with modern controversies on the nature of the reason-
ing process. Mr Hallanvs opinions are of very recent
date (1847), and are entitled to attentive considera-
tion, both from his unquestionable learning and dis-
passionate judgment. The passage we are about to
quote, though somewhat long, is valuable ; because it
contains his matured and settled opinions on the
nature and utility of the syllogistic theory, now a gene-
ral topic of interest and discussion.
Mr Hallam observes, " It by no means is to be
inferred, that because the actual text of Bacon is not
always such as can be well understood by very young
men, I object to their being led to the real principles
of inductive philosophy, which alone will teach them to
474 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN"
think, firmly but not presumptuously, for themselves,
Few defects, on the contrary, in our system of educa-
tion, are more visible than the want of an adequate
course of logic ; and this is not likely to be rectified,
so long as the Aristotelian methods challenge that
denomination, exclusively of all other aids to the rea-
soning faculties. The position, that nothing else is to
be called logic, were it even agreeable to the derivation
of the word, which it is not, or to the usage of the
ancients, which is by no means uniformly the case, or
to that of modern philosophy and correct language,
which is certainly not at all the case, is no answer to
the question, Whether what ice call logic does not
deserve to be taught at all ?
" A living writer of high reputation, who has at least
fully understood his own subject, and illustrated it
better than his predecessors, from a more enlarged
reading and thinking, wherein his own acuteness has
been improved by the writers of the Baconian school,
has been unfortunately instrumental, by the very
merits of his treatise on logic, in keeping up the pre-
judices on this subject, which have generally been
deemed characteristic of the university to which he
belonged. All the reflection I have been able to give
to the subject, has convinced me of the inefficacy of
the syllogistic art in enabling us to think rightly for
ourselves, or, which is part of thinking rightly, to
detect those fallacies of others which might impose on
our understanding before we have acquired that art.
It has been often alleged, and, as far as I can judge,
with perfect truth, that no man who can be worth
answering ever commits, except through mere mad-
AXD THE UNITED STATES OE AMERICA. 475
vertence, any paralogisms which the common logic
serves to point out. It is easy enough to construct
syllogisms which sin against its rules ; but the question
is, By whom were they employed ? For though it is
not uncommon, as I am aware, to represent an adver-
sary as reasoning illogically, this is generally effected
by putting his argument into our own words. The
great fault of all, over-induction, or the assertion of a
general premiss upon an insufficient examination of
particulars, cannot be discovered or cured by any
logical skill ; and this is the error into which men
really fall, not that of omitting to distribute the middle
term, though it comes in effect, and often in appear-
ance, to the same thing. I do not contend that the
rules of syllogism, which are very short and simple,
ought not be learned ; or that there may not be some
advantage in occasionally stating our own argument,
or calling on another to state his in a regular form
(an advantage, however, rather dialectical, which is,
in other words, rhetorical, than one which affects the
reasoning faculties themselves) ; nor do I deny that it
is philosophically worth while to know, that all general
reasoning by words may be reduced into syllogism, as
it is to know that most of plane geometry may be
resolved into the superposition of equal triangles ; but
to represent this portion of logical science as the whole,
appears to me almost like teaching the scholar Euclid's
axioms and the axiomatic theorem to which I have
alluded, and calling this the science of geometry. The
following passage from the Port-Royal logic is very
judicious and candid, giving as much to the Aristo-
telian system as it deserves :— ' That part of which we
476 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
now have to treat, and which comprehends the rules
of reasoning, is regarded as the most important in
logic, and is almost the only one which has been
treated of with any care. But it may be doubted
whether it is really as useful as it has been supposed
to be. The greater part of the errors of men, as we
have already said elsewhere, arises much more from
their reasoning on false principles, than from their
reasoning wrongly on their principles. It rarely hap-
pens that men allow themselves to be deceived by
reasonings which are false, only because the conse-
quences are ill deduced ; and those who are not
capable of discovering such errors by the light of
reason alone, would not commonly understand the
rules which are given for this purpose, much less the
application of them. Nevertheless, considering these
rules simply as speculative truths, they may always be
useful as mental discipline ; and, further than this, it
cannot be denied that they are of service on some
occasions, and in relation to those persons who, being
of a lively and inquiring turn of mind, allow themselves
at times, for want of attention, to be deceived by false
consequences, which attention to these rules would
probably rectify.' How different is this sensible pas-
sage from one quoted from some anonymous writer in
AVhately's Logic, p. 34 : — ' A fallacy consists of an
ingenious mixture of truth and falsehood, so entangled,
so intimately blended, that the fallacy is, in the che-
mical phrase, held in solution ; one drop of sound logic
is tliat test which immediately disunites them, makes
the foreign substance visible, and precipitates it to the
bottom.' One fallacy, it alight be answered, as com-
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 477
mon as any, is the false analogy, the misleading the
mind by comparison, where there is no real proportion
or resemblance. The chemist's test is the necessary
means of detecting the foreign substance. If the 6 drop
of sound logic' be such, it is strange that lawyers,
mathematicians, and mankind in general, should so
sparingly employ it — the fact being notorious, that
those most eminent for strong reasoning powers are
rarely conversant with the syllogistic method. It is
also well known, that these i intimately blended mix-
tures of truth and falsehood,' perplex no man of plain
sense, except when they are what is called extra-
logical — cases wherein the art of syllogism is of no
use."
Oxford, for the last fifteen years, has taken a lead-
ing part in the cultivation and extension of logical
science. Mr Huyshe's work on the subject (183-3)
contains many valuable and acute observations on the
principles of reasoning generally. But, in our humble
opinion, Mr Chretien's Essay on Logical Method
(1848) is by far the most philosophical treatise which
lias hitherto appeared from this venerable seminary of
learning. The grand aim of the work is to shew the
connexion of logical methods with science in general.
In the preliminary parts of the treatise, the author
gives us the view which the ancient logicians took of
the connexion of method with scientific knowledge :
the opinions which the scholastic reasoners entertained
on the matter ; and then, lastly, the discussions of
modern philosophers on the subject. In every part of
this extended inquiry, we see displayed a perfect know-
ledge of logical history, and a philosophical spirit of
w
478 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
the highest and most genial kind — genial in all that is
elevating, noble, and improving.
In reference to logical method generally, Mr Chre-
tien observes : " Logic is no part of philosophy ; or,
in other words, it is not a science. The student of
pure logic has, as such, no more speculative know-
ledge on any particular subject of investigation, when
he concludes his course, than when he began it.
The basis of logic may shew through, indeed, and so
some insight into metaphysics be gained ; or its appli-
cation, by way of example, may inform him of physical
truths, before unknown, as the case may be, in art, or
morals, or theology. But this does not really effect its
proper nature as a system of rules, implying previous
knowledge, and ministering to its further attainment,
but of little value in themselves as theoretic truths,
and even assuming an imperative form more naturally
than that of a proposition.""
The author divides logical method into three distinct
branches ; the method of science, art, and of practical
evidence. All science is made up of general concep-
tions of the mind ; and the grouping of several of
these conceptions together under one idea, constitutes
a science. And the same thing may be applied to
method, when considered in reference to the fine arts,
and to the nature and application of practical evidence
of every kind and degree. For the full illustration of
this subject, we must refer to the author's work itself.
The following general observations on the nature of
the verbal school of logic, must conclude our notice of
this able treatise : — " It is much to be regretted, that
* P, 128.
AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 479
so many symptoms of an adhesion to the opinions of
this moderate section of the verbal school, are to he
found in the able treatise of Archbishop Whately.
His definition of logic, as the " art of employing lan-
guage properly for the purpose of reasoning/ is con-
ceived quite in this spirit. To trace this evil tendency
in detail through his work, would be quite foreign to
our present purpose. Two of the more general features
may, however, be mentioned here, as illustrative of the
turn of mind with which this logical theory is asso-
ciated. In the first place, he is led to attach far too
much importance to the mere arrangements of words,
and to measure the elasticity and pliability of thought
by that of the raw material out of which its finished
representations are fabricated. The most striking in-
stance of this defect is found in his way of treating;
hypothetical and inductive arguments. He compels
methods of reasoning, which, when viewed in the
thinking mind, are clearly distinct from the deductive
process and from each other, to bow to an artifice of
language, and submit to the one unvarying formula of
syllogism. And, secondly, he shews a continual dis-
position to underrate the number of real questions at
issue among mankind, and to increase in proportion
the number of merely verbal differences. His com-
mon way of dealing with contending disputants, is to
accuse them of an equivocation, to assure them that'
they either mean the same thing by different words,
or use the same words to signify distinct things. Or,
if this plan will not succeed, he looks for some formal
error in the argument of one of the parties, and is
ready to assign the discrepancy to any cause except
480 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
that which is really probably the real one — some broad
difference of principle underlying the whole discussion,
and forcing, as it were, the superficial strata of thought
from what would be else their level and unbroken
direction. This is in fact to assume, that men can
with equal ease be made to be of one mind and of one
vocabulary.
" The truth is, that the minds of men differ in actual
constitution as widely as their bodies. As we do not
all spontaneously move our limbs in the same manner,
so neither do we think alike. When discipline makes
men uniform and simultaneous in their motions, it
only suspends their natural peculiarities, and does not
destroy them. Though the effect of the drill-ser-
geant's labours may be observable when the soldier is
off parade, they no longer produce an exact uniformity.
Those differences of gait and bearing then display them-
selves once more, which at the time seemed oblite-
rated."
Mr Moberly's Lectures on Logic (1848) is a work
of considerable merit. He divides the science of logic
into two branches ; the first considers the forms of
reasoning ; and the second makes clear the method of
their application. The author expresses a hope, that
the Latin manual of Aldrich " may still be retained
in our (Oxford) university, without much actual alter-
ation of the text, but vivified and made practical by
continual increase of knowledge, as to botli the forms
of reasoning and their matter/'
Mr Mansel's work on logic (1840), is another
Oxford publication of fair reputation and importance.
He is inclined to think, that the benefits derivable
AND THE UNITED STATES OP AMEEICA. 48 1
from logic are of a secondary, and not of a primary
character. He says, " It is not intended to deny the
usefulness of logic ; but it may safely be asserted, that
its more valuable fruits are to be found in the training
which the mind unconsciously receives, rather than in
the conscious employment of knowledge in the forma-
tion and examination of reasonings, and that both,
in respect of the true character of the science, are
secondary and accidental results, not primary and
essential features."*
Mr Thomson's Outline of the Necessary Laws of
Thought (1849), is another Oxford publication, of a
profound and scientific character. His categories of
the rational understanding are quantity, quality, rela-
tion ; and relation he resolves again into time, space,
causation, composition, agreement and repugnance,
polar opposition of finite to infinite. The author con-
siders logic as a science rather than an art, that it is the
science of the necessary laws or forms of thought, and
has thought rather than language for its object-matter.
While Oxford has been displaying of late so much
zeal and well-directed labour in the field of logical
science, Cambridge has not been altogether idle. Mr
Soly's work is highly spoken of ; and Mr De Morgan's
Formal Logic (1847), is a treatise of acknowledged
ability. The chapter on Probabilities, and that on
Fallacies, are the two most interesting in his book.
Mr Boole's Mathematical Analysis of Logic (1848), is
an attempt to resolve the ordinary proposition and
syllogism to such a form as will admit of the applica-
tion of symbolical notation. We regret that his system
* Artis Log. Rud. . Oxford, 1849,
2h
482 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN
requires more attention to matters of detail than we
can now devote to it.
In Scotland we have recently had Mr Leechman's
Logic (1847), and Mr Munro's Manual of Logic
(1850), both good works of their kind, and embodying
many acute and valuable observations on logic, viewed
as a philosophical instrument.
Mr Bayne's Essay (1850) we have already alluded
to in connexion with Sir William Hamilton's system of
logic. We subjoin the following letter which appeared
in the Athenceum of 21st December last, on the sub-
ject to which the work especially refers: —
"Quantification of the Predicate. — I trust you will
oblige me by giving insertion to the following remarks
on the discovery of the doctrine of a thorough-going
quantification of the predicate by Sir W. Hamilton : —
Having lately perused Mr Bayne's Essay on the new
analytic of logical forms, it occurred to me that I had long
since seen the same doctrine advanced and carried quite
as far in a work" on logic which I rather think fell still-
born from the press. The work in question was pub-
lished in the year 1827, under the title of An Outline
of a New System of Logic, with a critical examination
of Dr Whately's Elements of Logic, by George Ben-
tham, Esq. It is strange that the title of this book
never attracted the attention of the Edinburgh pro-
fessor of logic, and is not mentioned in the Historical
Notice touching the Quantification of the Predicate,
appended to Mr Bayne's Essay. I invite logicians
carefully to examine chapters eight and nine of Mr
Bentham's Outline, and to compare the views therein
AXD THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 483
contained with the pages of the above-named Essay,
and then to state in what respect they fall short of Sir
W. Hamilton's doctrine. The Outline was evidently
written in haste and for a temporary purpose. More-
over, it contains many errors ; but in it the principle
'of a thorough-going quantification' is as clearly laid
down and carried into practice as it is in the essay
which so ably expounds the doctrine of Sir W. Ha-
milton. Unfortunately, the author has never since
furnished us $ with a summary of his more matured
views.' I should not have spoken of the quantifica-
tion of the predicate as a discovery, but for the follow-
ing passage in Mr Bayne's Essaij : — ' We cannot, how-
ever, close, without expressing the true joy we feel,
that in our country, and in our time, this discovery
has been made.' — I am, &c. W. Warlow."
" Haverfordwest."
The logical literature of the United States is not of
any great or original value. It has, however, been
cultivated with some zeal within the last half-century.
Levi Hedge, of Harvard College, published his Ele-
ments of Logic (1816), a work founded on the common
sense views of Eeid and Stewart. The subject is divided
into three branches. In the first the author gives an
account of the various powers or faculties of the mind ;
in the second, he discusses the nature of general terms
and propositions ; and in the third, he points out those
intellectual instruments more immediately engaged in
the operation of reasoning or argumentation, " Inductive
reasoning," says the author, " is founded on the belief
that the course of nature is based on uniform laws,
484 LOGICAL LITERATURE OF GREAT BRITAIN, ETC.
and that things will happen in future as we have
observed them to happen in times past. We can give
no proof of a permanent connexion between any events,
or between any two qualities either of body or of mind.
The only reason for supposing such a connexion in any
instance is, that we have invariably found certain things
to have been conjoined in fact ; and this experience, in
many cases, produces a conviction equal to that of
demonstration." (P. 61.)
The Elements of Logic (1840) of Charles K. True,
of Boston, is a treatise of considerable talent. His
definition of logic is, that it is the science of enabling
us to discover truth, and communicate it to others.
That part of the work devoted to the consideration of
general propositions, general terms, and the principles
of induction, are the most interesting and useful.
Henry P. Tappan's Elements of Logic (1844) con-
tain, independent of logical matters, an introductory
view of the philosophy of mind generally. Logic is
treated of in the eleventh section of the first part, and
is founded on the German transcendental philosophy.
THE ESD.
INDEX OF NAMES.
Abelard, 139, 140.
Abicht, 306.
jEnesidemus, 103.
Agricola, Rudolphus, 168, 420.
Agrippa, 103.
Aitzema, M., 405.
Alcinous, 65.
Alcuinus, Alblnus Flaccus, 110.
Aldeburgus, J., 185.
Aldrich, 263, 426.
Alembert, D', 317.
Alexander, 65.
Alfarabi, 113.
Algazeli, 115.
Alkendi, 113.
Almeida, De T., 414.
Almquist, 416.
Alphonso X., 141.
Alphoxsus de Cepeda, 155.
Amaury de Chartres, 147.
Ammonius, 103.
Ancillon, 307.
Andreas, A. John, 184.
Anselm, St, 135.
Antiphon, 9.
Antisthenes, 16.
Apelion, 49.
Aquinas, St Thomas, 125, 149.
Arcesilaus, 62.
Arcisius, G. V., 184.
Ariston, 53.
Aristotle, 19, 26, 34, 49, 79.
Aristoxenus. 52.
Arnauld, 253.
Arnobius, 101.
Athenagoras (St), 96, 99,
Atterborn, 416.
Atticus, 49.
Augustine, St, 102.
auriytllius, p., 270.
AVENTINUS, 134.
Ayenpace, 116.
Ayeroes, 117.
Ayicenna, 114.
Axelson, A., 375.
Baader, 391.
Bacon, Lord, 200.
Baconthorpe, 422.
Bake, Alex., 406.
Baldlnotti, 337.
Balfour, E., 445.
Ballanche, 401.
Balmes, Don. J., 414.
Bardili, 389.
Barrol, M. F., 337.
Barron, TF., 437.
Battam, 401.
Bayle, Peter, 266.
Beattie, Dr, 351, 357.
Beausobre, 307.
Becart, M., 408.
Beck, Sigis., 306.
Begnelin, 307.
Belsham, 449.
Bentham, G., 459.
Bertius, Joh., 185.
Bessarion, 164.
Bilberg, John, 374.
Bini, Vin., 409.
486
INDEX OF NAMES.
Biran, Maine de, 400.
Biyar, Fran, de, 184.
Blamede, 109.
Block, M. G., 373.
BOETHIU3, J., 270.
Boilme, Jacob, 198.
Bonald, 401.
BONAVENTURE, St, 152.
Boxxoxia, John, 185.
Boole, Mr, 481.
Boot, G. de, 270.
Bosanquet, 459.
Bossuet, 266.
Bostos, F., 413.
Bottura, P., 412.
Bouterweck, Fred., 388.
Boter, 307.
Bradwardln, 426.
Brederod, R. C., 270.
Brerewood, 423.
Brissot, J. P., 401.
Beown, Dr Thos., 449.
Bruce, John, 442.
Brunnmark, 289.
Bruxella, Peterus de, 185.
Bijdeus, 290.
Buffler, Father, 313.
Bltleus, John, 199.
Burger sdicius, Fran., 263.
Buridanus, Th., 185.
Burley, 422.
Butler, Sam., 205."
Byrs^us, F., 185.
Calker, F. V., 389.
Campanella, Thomas, 181.
Campbell, Dr, 348.
Carlowszky, S., 417.
Carneades, 62, 63.
Caeonelli, Antonius, 184.
CarPEXTARIUS, P., 185.
CiESARIUS, J., 185.
Cassiodorus, 107.
Crakanthorpe, 423.
Chalmers, W., 445.
Charma, 405.
Chesneiophorus, John, 270.
Chretien, 126, 477.
Christernlx, 375.
Cicero, 24, 64.
Clement, St, 100.
Clemextis, Johx, 194.
Clerc, J. Le, 323.
Clitomachus, 63.
Coxcio, James, 178.
coxdlllac, 318.
Coxrlxg, Her., 193.
Cousin, Y. 243, 402.
Critolaus, 53.
Crousaz, M., 258, 311.
Crusius, 291.
Cuoco, 411.
Cusa, Nicolas de, 197.
Cyprius, George, 108.
Damascenus, 108.
Damlron, 404.
Damon, 10.
Daube, 399.
David of Leon, 109.
Dated de Dlnaut, 147.
Daytes, 291.
Deiariyieee, M., 402.
Democrttus, 54.
Dexixa, 339.
Derodon, Dayid, 265.
Descartes, Rexe, 231.
Desciiamps, 288.
Destutt-Tracy, 321.
Deuslxghius, A., 270.
Deuzixger, M. J., 407.
Dic^archus, 52.
Diderot, 316.
Digby, Edward, 261.
Digby, Sir Kenelm, 262.
Diogexes Laertius, 35, 64.
Dioxysodorus, 9.
Dioxysius, Father, 184.
Dorpius, M. 185.
Doytcam, 421.
Dreyer, Ch., 193.
Dufour, 405.
INDEX OF NAMES.
487
DuHAMEL, 265.
Dumarsais, 312.
Dukcak, De, 346, 421.
Duxcax, Mark, 445.
Eberhard, 307.
Eisenach, J. J., 189.
Elxala, D. R., 414.
Empiricus, Sextus, 104.
Exaxder, 270.
Erasmus, 166.
Erigexa, John Scotus, 130.
eskharshausex, 392.
eskstelx, d
Euclid, 16.
Eudemus, 51.
euthydemus, 9.
Faber, James, 168.
Fabriano, Sig., 413.
Facciolati, 338.
Faclnus, Marcelius, 164.
Fayorin, 104.
Fexelox, 268.
Fickte, 389.
Fichte, J. Hermann, 393.
Fixlaysox, Dr, 443.
Flotte, J. L., 400.
Foxtexelle, 269.
Forge, Louis de la, 263.
Foucher, Abbe, 264.
Fraxkoxius, F. A., 199.
Frederic II., 141.
Fries, J. F., 389.
Fromoxd, Claude, 337.
Fughs, J. S., 417.
Galex, 65, 104.
Gallardius, P., 185.
Gallupi, B. P., 413.
Gassexdi, 229.
Gaza, Theodore, 165, 167.
Gexoyesi, 334.
Gextz, M., 402.
Geraxdo, 397.
Gerdel, Cardlnal, 409.
Gerson, 147, 157.
Geyer, 416.
Gezelius, 270.
Gilbert de la Poree, 145.
Gioberti, 413.
Gibox, M., 408.
Glaxytl, Joseph, 261.
Goxzalez, Fraxcis, 184.
Gorgias, 9, 10.
Gotama, 380.
Gothus, Bishop, 185.
Gottsched, 291.
Gravesaxde, 324.
Groxes, G., 409.
Grostete, R., 422.
Grote, Mr, 6, 9, 23.
Grubbe, S., 415.
Gulxalox, 138.
Gyorgyi, E., 417.
Hales, 422.
Hallam,Mr, 118, 173, 181, 183,
217, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243,
258, 281, 473.
Hamiltox, SmW., 423, 443, 459,
482.
Hauchecorxe, M., 402.
Hedge, Levi, 483.
Hegel, 391.
Heiberg, 417.
Helmoxt, Tax, 198.
Herbert, Lord, 250.
Herbert, J. F., 392.
Hermas, 101.
Hermext, Yax, 326, 405.
Heerera, J. A. de, 155.
Heusde, Yax, 406.
Hlxds, Key. S., 459.
Hlppias, 9.
Hlrxham, Jero:»ie, 265.
Hobbes, Til, 224.
Holier, B. H., 415.
Hollmaxn, 293.
Holstroux, P., 375.
Hooghelaxde, Cor. Ab., 270.
Horxessis, C, 193.
488
INDEX OF NAMES.
Huet, Bishop, 264.
Huexs, Aug., 185.
Hugo, St Victor, 143.
Hulschoff, A., 325.
Hume, David, 214, 355.
Hunter, J., 438.
IIuygexs, 2G8.
Huysche, 477.
Hyphoff, E., 375.
Irenjeus, 101.
Isaac, Abraham Ben, 120.
Isidore of Seville, 108.
Janssexs, J. H., 407.
Jardin, 212.
Jardin, Dr, 430.
Javari, 405.
Javelin, 270.
Jina, 385.
Joffred, Abbot, 420.
John the Grammarian, 108.
John of Salisbury, 141, 145.
Junius, B., 270.
Kames, Lord, 350.
Kant, 295.
Katzchexofskj, M., 378.
Keckerman, 184.
Kempe, Alex., 270.
Keratry, 400.
Klxker, 327.
Kirwan, Dr Richard, 449.
Klein, 390.
Kolmack, P., 375.
Krause, 392.
Krug, 388.
Kyrger, 289.
Lactantius, 101.
Lallebasque, 409.
Lallersted, 374.
Lamexais, Abbe, 401.
Lampredi, 337.
Lancelot, 253.
Lancelot, 400.
Lanfranc, 131.
Larguet, M., 405.
Laromiguiere, 400.
Latonius, Bart., 185.
Lawrens, 270.
Lawson, J., 441.
Lee, Dr, 343.
Leechman, Mr, 482.
Leibnitz, G. W., 247.
Leopold, G. P., 375.
Lesbos, 51.
Lewis, G. C., 459.
Lidbeck, A., 415.
Liebaert, M., 407.
Listrius, G., 185.
Llaxa, Fran. Murcta de la, 184.
Locke, John, 271.
Lully, Raymond, 153.
Luther, 186.
Luzac, E., 326.
Lycon, 53.
Maas, 307.
Macaulay, 216.
Magentixus, 109.
Maimonides, Moses, 120.
Maimon, S., 306.
Maistre, Le, 401.
Malebranche, Father, 259.
Mamertus, Claudianus, 103.
Mamiani, Count T., 413.
Mancio, S., 413.
Manio, Sig., 413.
Manettus, 166.
Mansel, 480.
Mariotte, Abbe, 269.
Marsenxe, P., 265.
Martin Capella, 107.
Martini, C, 193.
Martyr, Justin, 95, 97.
Maupertuis, 307.
Maxim us, 65.
Mazzarelli, 339.
M'Cree, 177, 195, 197.
Medici, Cosmo di, 164.
Meexex, M. Van, 407.
INDEX OF NAMES.
489
Melancthon, 173, 191.
Melville, Andrew, 173, 194.
Melville, James, 19-4.
Mendorius, Joh. B., 184.
Mendoza, P. H. de, 184.
Merian, 307.
Mesne, John, 113.
Mesterton, C, 375.
Metachita, Theodorus, 109.
Mill, Mr Stuart, 464.
Moberly, 480.
Molander, A. J., 375.
Moller, H., 375.
Monboddo, Lord, 352.
Mongin, M., 399.
Morgan, A. de, 481.
Muller, Aug. P., 293.
Munro, Mr, 482.
Murmellius, J., 185.
Murray, Arch., 44 G.
Nannius, P., 270.
Napier, Prof., 213.
Naricius, Ol. N., 185.
Newman, Francis W., 4G4.
Nicole, M., 253.
Nieuport, De, 406.
Nieuwenhuis, M., 406.
Nizolini, M., 184.
Noel, M., 399..
Norms, John, 262-344.
Nuesslein, F. A., 391.
Occam, William, 155.
Oldfield, 262. .■
Oswald, 357.
paladanus, m.,.270..
Paracelsus, 198.
Parmenides , 5 , . 1 7 .
Pascal, Blaise, 251.
Paschius, Barth. J., 184.
Pelagius, 109.
Perrard, M., 405.
Perron, 401.
Peter Lombard, 145,
Petrus Cirnelo, 155.
Picart, M., 193.
Philo, 63.
Philippi, G., 270.
Plato, 26, 45, 95.
Plattner, 307.
Playfair, Prof., 214.
Plenning, J., 374.
Pletho, George G., 163.
Plotinus, 100.
Ploucquet, 293.
PODSCHrWALOFF, W. S., 379.
Poli, B., 410.
Polus, 9.
polyander, j., 185.
Popofskj, N., 378.
POKPHYRY, 101.
POTAMON, 64. '
Pkoclus, 102.
Prodicus, 9.
Protagoras (of Abdera), 9, 10.
Psellxts, 109.
Pyrrho, 54, 103, 104.
Ramus, Peter, 169.
Read, Sir R., 421
Rebus, Tho., 185.
Regis, Pierre . Sylvain, 263.
Regnault, Father, 316.
Reid, Dr, 357.
Retffexbeeg, Baron, 408.
Reimarius, .293.
Relxhold, 306.
Reuchlin, John, 190.
Reusch, 293.
Richai{d, St Victor, 143.
Ritchie, Dr, 443.
Rixxer, 393..
Romagnosi, G. D., 411.
Ronigk, O., 375.
Roscellinus, 134.
Roscoe, 164.
Rosmlni, Ant., 411.
R.OYER COLLARD, 400.
Rubeo, Antonius, 184.
Rudbeckius, J., 185.
490
INDEX OP NAMES.
Rudigee, And., 289.
RUTHEEFOED, JOHN, 194.
Rydelius, Andbew, 373.
Rymee, H., 436.
Sacy, 253.
Saint-Raphael, 339.
Sanchez, 182.
Sandeeson, 425.
Sandys, C, 422.
Saeia, G. de, 337.
SCAEELLA, J. B., 337.
SCHALEEUS, JOH., 270,
SCHAUMANN, 307.
SCHEGK, J., 193.
SCHEIBLE, CH., 193.
SCHELLLNG, 389.
SCHEEBIUS, P., 193.
SCHLETEWEIN, 293.
SCHOEEBLNG, C. M., 416.
Scholaeius, GEOEGroSjl65, 167.
Schookius, M., 270.
Scotus, Duns, 153.
Sell j, N., 378.
Sengueedius, Anth., 270.
SlBBEEN, F. C, 417.
Sigwabt, 393.
Slmonius, S., 193.
Sinus, S., 375.
Skitte, J., 185.
Smiglecius, 263.
Smith, Adam, 212, 450.
Snellius, R., 185.
Socbates, 17.
Sodensten, 416.
Soly, Me, 481.
Somnee, Eenest, 193.
Soto, Domlnic, 184.
Spalding, W., 440.
Speecq, G., 270.
Stahl, D., 193.
Steffexs, Henry, 391, 417.
Stevenson, Me, 441.
Stewaet, Dug., 177, 218, 357.
Stilpo, 54.
Stjebahjelm, G., 199.
Steato, 53.
Steokwich, M. Van, 375.
Stuemius, J., 185.
Sylla, 49.
Synesius, 103.
Syebius, 290.
Tappan, H. P., 484.
Tamasia, 409.
Tandel, E., 408.
Tatian, 98.
Teissieb, 170.
Teebason, Abbe, 313.
Teetullian, 95, 101.
Tetens, 307.
Theophbastus, 51.
Thibon Maebion, Jehudah Ben,
128.
Thomasius, 286.
Thomson, Me, 481.
Theasymachus, 9.
Tibon, Moses Eben., 120.
Tlmon, 54.
Tibabochi, 339.
Titelmannus, F., 185.
Toledo, Feancis, 184.
Tommasio, 413.
TOPHAIL, 116.
Teebizond, Geoege of, 165, 167.
Teue, C. K., 484.
tschienhausen, 286.
Tyeannion, 49.
Tybwitt, T., 343.
Ubaghs, M., 408.
Valla, Laueentius, 166.
Velsius, J., 185.
Ventuea, G., 410.
Veebel, A., 270.
Vico, 331.
Vincent de Beauvais, 148.
Viyes, Ludoyicus, 167.
TVagneb, 391.
Wahlsteom, A., 375.
INDEX OF NAMES.
491
Walch, 293.
"Walker, 446.
Wallachius, 289.
Wallarius, 374.
Wallis, 262, 426.
Warlow, W., 483.
Watson, Robert, 437.
Watts, Isaac, 344.
Westtersten, B., 375.
Whately, Archbishop, 426, 454.
White, Thomas, 261.
William of Champ aux, 138.
William of Paris, 149.
Winperse, D. Van, 326.
Wolff, 287.
Wood, Anthony, 421.
Wyttenbach, Dan., 326, 405,
Xenophon, 19.
Yocng, 441.
Zabarella, James, 181,
Zeno of Elea, 5, 17.
Ziedler, Mel., 193.
Zuxica, Father, 184.
A LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC,
ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED.
Abicht (Joh. Tieinr.), Philosophic cler Erkenntnisse. Bayr., 1791.
Idem, Von dem Nutzen und der Einrichtung eines zu Logischen Uebun-
gen bestimmten Collegium. Leipsic. 1790.
Idem, Yerbcsserte Logik oder Wahrheits, &c. Fuerth., 1802.
Idem, Anleitung und materialien zu einem Logisch-practischen Insti-
tute. Erlangen, 1796.
Academle Lovaxiexsis Comment aria in Isagogen Porphyrii, et in omnes
libros Aristotelis de dialectica. Loi\, 1568. Fol.
Acevedo, Dialectica et Logica. Madrid, 1563.
Ackeksdyck (Corn, ab), Logica. Traj. ad R. 1666.
Acoxtius (Jac.), De methodo, sive de recta investigaudarum traden-
darumque artium ac scientiarnm ratione. Basil, 1558.
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Feciixee (G. Th.), Katcchismus der Logik oder Denklehre. Lips., 1823;
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Idem, Grundsaetzc der Logik und Mciaphysik. Goett., 1794.
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Fedku (J. G. H.), Yorlesimgen ueber die Federschc Logik mid Metaph.
Lemgo, 1793-1794.
Idem, Erklaerung der Logik, Metaph. imdpract.Philosopli. naeli Feder.
Wien, 1793-1794.
Idem, Institutiones logica} ct metaph. Goeit., 1797.
Fellx, Lecons de logique. Yverdon, 1770.
Fell (Dr John), Artis Logica?, &c.
Felwinger (Jo. Paul.), Philosophia Altdorfiana, hoc est disputationcs
collectse Scherbi, Soneri, Piccarti. Xorimb., 1644.
Ferdixaxdus Encias, Princip. Dialectica?.
Ferrer (J. C. F.), Vernimftlehrc. 1770.
Idem, Grundriss der Vemunftlehre. Ilelmst., 1774.
Feuerldjus (J. G.), Diss, do variis modi's logicam tradendi. Jena;,
1712.
Idem, De logic* Meroglypliiea. Lips., 1712.
Idem, Orat. inaug. de prudent ia logica ex vitis cruditorum addis-
ccnda. Alt., 1715.
Fichte (J. G.), Leber den Begriff der Wissenschaftslehre oder soge-
nannten Philosophic. Weimar, 1794-1798.
Idem, Grundlage der gesammten Wissenschaftslelire. Lips., 1794-
1802.
Fillasier, Eraste, on l'amidela jcunesse. Cinquieme ed. Paris, 1803.
— Les entretiens 2 et 3 contiennent des elemens de logique.
Fischhaber (G. E. F.), Lt'lirbuch der Logik. Stuttg., 1818.
Flatt (K. Ch.), Bemerkungen gegen den Kantischen mid Kiesewetter-
ischen Grundriss der reinen allgemeinen Logik. Tuebingen,
1802.
Flotte (J. S.), Lecons elementaires de philos., t. ler, Logique. 2me
ed. Paris, 1805.
Fonseca (Petr.), Institutt. dialectics, lib. viii. Basil, 1590; Colon.,
1591 ; Leod., 1608.
Formey, Examen de la question: Si toutes les verifces sout bonnes a
dire. Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin, 1777, pp. 333-354.
Foestee (Chr.), A. G. Baumgarten philos. gen. cum dissert, prcemiali
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Franctscus Alphonsus, Disputa in Logicam.
Fraxciscus Bivaries, Dialectica,
Franctscus del Fresno, In Univcrs. et Prredieamenta,
Fraxciscus Fuetado, Dialectica.
Franciscus Loscos, De Logica Arte.
Fraxciscus Mubgia, Selecta ad Dialect.-
Fraxciscus Nunez, Dialectics.
504 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
Franciscus de Oyiedo (Maclritanus), Soc. Jcsn, cursus pliilos. ad unum
corpus redactus, t. I., complectcns summulas, logicam, physicam,
&c. Lugd., 1651.
Franciscus Sanchez, Organum Dialec.
Franciscus Satjrez, Iii Logicam.
Franciscus Satjrez de Yillegas, Dialcctica.
Franciscus de Toledo, Logica.
Fraunce (Abraham), Lawier's Logike. London, 1588.
Freights (Jo. Th.), Artium logicarum schematism! logici. Bas., 1560.
Fries (Jac. Fred.), Grundriss der Logik. Heidelb., 1811-1819.
Frischlinus (Nic), Dialogus contra P. Rami sophisticam pro Aristotclc.
Franco/., 1590.
Frfsius (Paulus), Comparationum logicarum lib. III. Franco/, 1596.
Frommenius (Andrew), Synopsis Metaphysica. Oxford, 1649.
Fromond (Claude), Delia Logica. 1762.
Fuller, Art of Thinking. London, 1731.
Foiana (Adam), System of Logic. Padua, 1739.
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Gallandius (Petrus), Oration, desert, pro Aristotele et Parisiensi
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Gallupi (Baron Pasquale), Lczioni di Logica, c di Metafisica. Firenze,
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Gammarus (P. A.), Ehetorica ac dialcctica lcgalis.
Garniee (Adr.), Precis d'nn cours de psychologic. Paris, 1831. 8vo.
Garrigues, Cours de philosophic Paris, 1821.
Garve, De nonnullis qua? pertinent ad logicam probabilium. 1766.
Gascon (Johannes), In Logicam.
Gaspar Cardillo, Intro, in Dialecticam. Smnma Summularum. In
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Gaspar de la Fuexte, Dialectica.
Caspar Lax, Dialectica.
Gaspar Vaz, Dialectica.
Gassendi (P.), Opera omnia. Lugd., 1658.
Idem, Syntagma philosophic Epicuri. Hayoz Comit., 1659.
Idem, Exercitationes paradoxical adversus Aristotelem. Amstet.^
Flzcv., 1649.
Gaultier (I'Abbt'), Methode pour analyser la peusec et pour fairs des
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Gebwiller (Jo.), Par. Artis Logices Compil. Basil, 1511.
Genovesi (Antony), Artis Logicse. Naples, 1744.
Idem, Elementa Artis Logic. -Critic. 1767.
Idem, Delia Logica. 1799.
Georghjs Axeporymus, Compendium pliilos, sire organi Aristotelis;
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Georgius (Brnxellensis), Logica secundum, &c. 1512.
Georgius Dla.contjs, Epitome logics Aristotelis. Par., 1548.
Gexty (F. J. H.), Siemens de philosophic, livre premier, Logique.
Paris. 1819.
Gerhard (Ephr.), Delineatio philos. rationalis eclectica?. Jena, 1703
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Gerlach (Glo. Willi.), Grundriss der Logik. Halle, 1817, 1822.
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Georgius, Expositiones logicales. S. L., 1504. 4to.
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Geulixgius ou Geulixcx (Arnold), Logica fundamentis, &c. Lugd.
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Idem, Annotata majora in principia philosophic R. Descartes. Dor-
draci, 1691.
Idem, De Geest-knnde. Dordr., 1696.
Gezelius (B.), Artis Logica? Compil. 1661.
Giiiffexe (Laurent.), Prodidagmata sive logica?, &c. Ioi\, 1627. 4to.
Gillet (R.), Logic. Lond., 1796.
Gibox, Cours de Philosophic. 1842.
Goclexius (Rud.), P. Rami dialectica collecta a M. Chst. Cramero.
Ursell, 1600.
Idem, Isagogc in organon Aristotelis. Franco/., 1598.
Idem, Problemata logica et philosophica. Marb., 1614.
Goess (G. F. D. von), Grundriss der Logik. Amst., 1795.
Goxzalez (Fr.), Logica Tripartita. Romce, 1639. 4to.
Goel.eus (David), Exereitationcs philosophical. 1620. Foppens,
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Goescius (J.), Commentariorum artis dialectica1. Lips.
Gothus (L. P.), Institut. Logica?. 1578.
Gottigxies (Mg. F.), Logistica Univer. Neap., 1687.
Gottsched (J. Chr.), Erstc griinde der gesammten Wcltweishcit. Leipz.,
1734.
Goyeaxus (Ant.), Responsio ad Rami calumnias pro Aristotele. Paris,
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Goyeaxus (Th.), Logica elenchtica. Dublini, 1683.
Gray (G. T.), Lessons on Logic. London, 1850.
Granger (Thomas). Diviue logic. London, 1620*
Gravesaxde (W. J.), Logic.
Greexe (Robert), The Principles of Philosophy. Cambridge, 1717.
Gregorius de Arcis, Dialectica.
Groeffe (Joh. Fr. Chr.), Die Socratik nach ihrer urspruenglichen Bes-
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Gileter (F. D.), Ausfuehrliche Logik. Esslingen, 1815.
Grosserus (Sam.), Pharus intellcctus sive logica electiva". Lipsice,
1697.
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506 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
Gkuyee (L. A.), Systemc des facultes dc Lame, par Laromiguierc.
Bruxelles, 1823.
Gemellus (Petr.), Commentarius de doctrina ct arte deinonstrandi.
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Guischet (P.), Artis Rationandi. Sahnur., 1650.
Guxdlixg (N. H.), Via ad veritatem moralem. Bailee, 1713 et 1726.
Guxtherus (J. Casp.), Dissertatio dc metliodo disputandi Megarica.
Jence, 1707.
Gutkius (Gcorg.), Logica divina sivc peripatetica. Colon., 1631.
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Hagek (Joli. Geor.), Dissertatio dc metliodo dispntandi Euclidis. Lips..
1736.
Hallier (Francis), Analysis Logica?. Paris, 1630.
Haxgestus (Hier.), Problemata Logicalia, Paris, 1516.
Haxschius (Mich. Gottl.), Principia philosophic. Franco/, et Lips.,
1728.
Idem, Ars inveniendi, sive synopsis regularum prsecipuarnra artis in—
veniendi. Franc, et L/ps., 1728.
Haxslik (J.), Uebersicht der logischen Formen, 3 Tabell. gr. fol. Prag..
1823.
HARDEnyriCExsis (Gerardus), Commentaria in Logicani Aristotelis.
1494.
Harlay (Fr. de), Artificii logici descriptio. Paris, 1605.
Hateaxus (Stcph.), Introductio ad principia philosophies solidioris.
Debriezini, 1757.
Hauchecorxe, Abrege latin de philosophic, avec nnc introd. et des
notes francaises. Paris, 1784. 2 vols., 12mo.
Idem, Logique francaise, pour preparer les jeuncs gens a la rhctorique,
Paris, 1810.
Haumoht, Discours sur les arts et les sciences en general, et sur leur
laugue en particulier. Brux,, 1818.
Haughtox (Sir Graves Chammig), Prodromus, or an Inquiry into the
First Principles of Reasoning, including an Analysis of the Human
Mind. London, 1859.
Hauxoldus (C), Logica practica in rcgulas digesta. Ingotst., 1646.
Hedge (Levi), Elements of Logic. New York, 1816.
Heeeeboobd (Adr.), Ermenia logica. Lugd.Bat., 1654 et 1656.
Idem, Philosophia naturalis, moralis, rationalis. Lugd. Bat., 1654.
Heeueboord (And.), Synop. Logica1. Lond., 1658.
Hegel (G. W. F.), Wissenschaft der Logik. Nurenberg, 1816.
Idem, Encyclopaedic der philos. Wissenschaften im Grimdriss. Heidelb. ,
1817.
Hegendorphtnus (C), Dialectica legalis cum scholiis. Paris, 1547.
Heiberg, Einleit'T.'len Yorirag zran Logischen Csrsus. 1840.
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Heigl (G. A.), Die platonisclie Dialektik. Landsh., 1812.
Heeseccius (J. G.), Elemeuta pfailos. Amst., 1730.
Hemert (P. van), Beginzels der Kantiaeusclie wysgeerte, naar liet hoog
duitsch vreylyk gevolgd, &c. Amst,, 1796.
Hbmstekhuys, Aristee, ou de la verite. Paris, 1779.
Hex'xert (Job. Fred.), Aphorismi philosophici. Traj. ad II., 1718.
Herbart (J. F.), Lehrbuch zurEinleitimgin die Philosophic Kcenigsb.,
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Herbert (B.), Elementa logica?. 'Wurizb., 1773.
Hexser (E. J.), Logics pra?lectionibus accommodata. Colon., 1815.
Hesselbeinius (Job.), Theoria Logica. Franc, 1606.
Hierius (Joau.), Precepta Doctrina? Logica?. Cant., 1617.
HiERoxv:\irs Moxtee, Dialectica.
HiERcomirs Pardo, Dialectica.
HlE»03?T8fus Pla. Dialectica.
HiEROXvurs de Valera, Dialectica.
Hilaire, St (J. B.), Logique d'Aristote. Paris, 1844.
Hillebraxd (Jos.), Gi'iindriss der Logik. Heidclb., 1820.
Hiller, (J. F.), Curriculum philosophise, logicam compl. Wittenb.
Hills (T. S.), System of Logic. 1846.
Hixd (Samuel), Introduction to Logic. Oxford, 1827.
Hrppius (Fabianus), Prob. Physica et Logica. Franc, 1603.
Hutius (M. Fabianus), Problemata pliysica et logica peripatetica.
Witteb., 1698.
Hispanus (P.), Sum inula? logic ales. Colon. Ayr., 1622. 4to.
Hobbes (Th.), Opera omnia. Amst., 1668. 2 vols., 4to.
Hoeckelsiioyex (Jo.), Systema logicum in versibus. Franco/., 1611.
Hoex (Math.), Comp. Logices. Cologne, 1619.
Hoffbaueb (J. C), Anfangsgrueiiclc der Logik. Halle, 1794-1810.
Idem, Analytik der Urtheile und Schluesse. Halle, 1792.
HonoLVx (Don.), De usu et appli. noti. Logicarum. Frankfort, 1596.
Hogel (Cli.), Empirische Psychologic und Logik. Gera., 1810.
Hoijer (B. H.), Aphorismi Logic. Transcendent. Upsala, 1812.
Hollmax^x (S. C), Institutiones philos. Vitemb., 1729.
LIolyoake (G. L.), The Logic of Facts. London, 1848.
LTooke (Dr), The True Method of Building a Solid Philosophy ; or, A
Philosophical Algebra. London, 1645.
Korxeius (Con.), Logicte. Ilelmt., 1621.
IIortius (Gregory), Instit. Logicarum. 1618.
Horvatt (J. B.), Institutiones logics. Aug. Vind., 1772 et 1781.
Hotomaxxt:s (F.), Dialectica? institutiones. Hcerii, 1573.
Huexs, (Augustus, a native of Mechlin, and born 1521), Dialectica.
Idem, Prodidagmata Logices. 1578.
Huetivs (P. D.), Censura philosophia? Cartesian*. Paris, 1689.
Idem, De imbecilitate mentis humanse, lib. III. Amst., 1738.
HrLscnorr (Allard.), Logica. 1772.
Huxgar (C. F.), Ueber die Natar der Wahrlieit Dresden, 1786.
508 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
Hunnveus (Aug.), Dialectica. Antverpice, 1566.
Idem, Prodidagmata logics. Antverp., 1566.
Hutcheson (Fr.), Compendium logics et metaph. Argent., 1771.
Huyche (John), A Treatise on Logic. Oxford, 1833.
Hyacintiius le Sarasa, In Logicam.
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Ignatius Franciscus, In Arist. Logicam.
Isendooen (Gisbertus), Cursus Logicus. Oxford, 1658.
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Jacob (L. H.), Grundriss tier allgemeinen Logik. Halle, 1789.
jAccHiBUs (Gilb.), Primae Philosophise Institutiones. Lugd. Bat.,
1616.
Jacquier, Elemens de Psychologic, d'ideologie, et de logiquc.
Jameson, Grammar of Logic. 1821:.
Jankowsky (J. E.), Logique en Polonaise. Cracovie, 1822.
Jani i>i Soeia, Philosophia3 Kationalis Institutiones. 1741.
Janssens (J. H.), Logique. Louvain, 1825.
Jardine, Synopsis of Logic. 1820.
Javelin (H. L.), In Arist. Logicam. 1663.
Joachimus Climenti, Disputa Dialectics.
Joannes Bx\.ptista Moullok, Priorum Analyticorum. De Nomine En-
telech.
Joannes Cantero, In Porph. Isagogen.
Joannes Caramuel, Pra3cnrsor Logicus.
Joannes Clemens, In Prsdicamenta.
Joannes (Constan.), Artis Logicse. Massil, 1671.
Joannes Dalz, Syllogismi.
Joannes (Grammaticus), Comment, in prior, analyt. Aristotelis. Vend.,
1536.
Josef-hus Ferrer, Logica.
Julius Pacius, Commentarius Analyticus in Porphyrii Isagogen et
Aristotelis Organon. Francof, 1592.
Jungius (Joach.), Logica Hamburgensis. Hamburg, 1638.
Kalkreutii (H. W. A. von), Was ist Wahrheit? Leipz., 1821.
Kames (Lord), Sketches of the History of Man. 1770.
Kant (Emm.), Kritik dcr reinen Vernunft. Leipz., 1781.
Idem, Die falsche Spizfindigkeit der vicr syllogistichen FigureiL
Kccnigsb., 1763.
Idem, Vermischte Schriftcn. Halle, 1799.
Idem, Logik, herausg. Kamigrb., 1800.
LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC. 509
Keckerman (Barth.), Systema Logica. Han., 1600.
Idem, Prsecog. Logica. Han., 1604.
Idem, Gymnasium Logicum. Han., 1605.
Idem, Systema Logicum. Han., 1613.
Kempe (Alex.), Systema Logica. 1623.
Keslerus (Andreas), Tract. Logicus. Wittenb., 1623.
Idem, Priucip. Logicorum. Wittenb., 1642.
Kept (Henry), Logic. Lond., 1809.
Kiesewetter (J. G. C), Gruiidriss einer allgemeinen Logik. Berlin,
1795.
Idem, Logik zum Gebrauch fuer Schulen. Berlin, 1797.
Idem, Compendium einer allg. Logik nacli Kant'schen Grundsaetzen.
Berlin, 1796.
Kinker (J.), Essai d'une exposition succincte de la critique de la raison
pure. Amst., 1801.
Kirby (John), Logic. Lond., 1752.
Kirchman (John), Eudim. Logics. Lub., 1669.
Kirwant (Rich.), Logic. Lond., 1807.
Klein (G. M.), Verstandeslehre. Bamb., 1817.
Idem, Anschanungs und Denklehre, ein Handbuch zu Vorlesuugen.
Bamb. und Wiirzb., 1818.
Knigge (Phil. Freih. von), Versuch einer Logik. Hanov., 1789.
Knutzen (Mart.), Elementa Philos. Rationalis sive Logica. Regio-
monti, 1771.
Koch (C. D.), Specimen Polyhistoris Logici. Jence, 1728.
Idem, Programma de Logices Abusu. lb.
Koeppen (Fred.), Leitfaden fuer Logik und Metaphysic. Landshut.,
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Kohler (Lud. Mar.), Elementa Logica?. Gotting., 1740.
Kragius (Andr.), Schola Ramea, vel defensio P. Rami adversus G.
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Krentz (Albert), Instit. Logica?. Leipsic, 1517.
Krause (C. Christi Fred.), Grundriss der Historischen Logik. Jena, 1803.
Krug (Willi. Traug.), Denklehre oder Logik. Kamigsb., 1806.
Idem, Handbuch der Philos. und der Philosophischen Litteratur.
Leipz., 1820.
Idem, Fundamental Philosophic Zullichau und Freystadt, 1803.
Idem, Von der Ueberzengung nach ihren verschiedenen Graden. Jena,
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Idem, System der theoret. Philos: — Logik. Kamigsb., 1819.
Lambert (Joh. Heinr.), Neues Organon. Leipz., 1764. 2 vols.
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Idem, Logische und Philosophische Abhandlungen. Dessau, 1786,
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510 LIST OP WOEKS ON LOGIC.
Lambert (Joh. Heinr.), Anlage zur Architektonik, oder Theorie des
Erstern und Einfachen in der Philos. und Mathemat. Riga, 1771.
2 vols.
Idem, Examen d'une espece de superstition ramenee au calcul des
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Laxceux, Introduction a l'analyse des systemes.
Laxge (Joh. Joach.), Medicina mentis. Halo?, 1703.
Laxiolle (De), La Logique sans epines, et ses matieres rendues les plus
claires du monde, par des exemples sensibles. 2me edit. Paris,
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Lapidaxtts (Guill.), Methodus dialectics Aristotelicas. Lud., 1542.
Laromeguiere (P.), Lecons de Philosophie. Paris, 1815.
Larroque (P.), Elemens de Philosophic Paris, 1831.
Latham, First Lines of Logic.
Latjr^us (01.), Elementa Logical. 1655.
Layritz (P.), Elementa Logical. Stuttg., 1765.
Lax (Gasp.), In Logicam Tractatus varii. Paris, 1511. Fol.
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Ledexo (Joannes Sanchez), Logica.
Leechmax (John), Logic. Glasgow, 1847.
Leewis (Dion, a), De Scientia Universalium.
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Idem, Institutio Philosophica. Lond., 1672; Norimb., 1679.
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Leibxitius (God. Guil.), Opp. omnia. 1768.
Lemoxier (P.), Cursus Philosophicus, ad scholarum usum accommo-
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Leo (Ambrosius), Ambrosii Nolani Castigationes, adversus Averroes.
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Letomus (Barth.), Summa totius ratiouis Disserendi. Colon., 1527.
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Lever (Richard), the Art of Reason, rightly termed Witcraft, teaching
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Lewes (G. C), An Examination of some passages in Dr "Whately's
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LiBAvirs (Andr.), Collatio dialectices Melancthonis et Rami. Norimb.,
1593.
Liebaert (M»), Tractatus de Logica. 1818.
Likawetz (J. C), Elementa Philos. Grcecii, 1820.
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Lipsius (J.), Manndnctio ad Stoic. Pliilos. Paris, 1604.
Listrius (Gerd.), Coinmontarium in Dialecticam Petri Hispani. 1520.
Loewe (J. H.), Ucber den Begriff der Logik. YYien, 1848.
Lorrrs (Dudley), Logica Armeniaca. Dublin, 1657.
Lossius (Joh. Chr.), Unterricht der Gesimden Vemunft. Gotha, 1777.
Idem, De arte obstetrica Socratis. Erfurt., 1785.
Lott. Zur Logik. 184G.
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Mackexsex (Vr.), Grundriss zu einer Theorie des Abstractions vermoe-
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Mackestseus (Geo.), De humanse rationis imbecilitate. Ultraj., 1690.
Mackexzie (Sir James), Reason, an Essay. London, 1675.
Madeitaxes (P.), Dialectica sen Logica Minor. Romce, 1711.
Mailhat (Raymond) Sinnma Philosophic. Colon., 1660.
Madiox (Salom.), Vcrsneh einer neuen Logik oder Theorie des Denkens.
Berlin, 1792.
Idem, Die Kategorien des Aristotelis. Berl., 1798.
Idem, Kritische Untersuchungen ueber den menschlichen Geist. Leipz.,
1787.
Majeb (G. F.), Vernunfthlehre. Halle, 1752.
Major (John), Logicos et Magistrum. Lyons, 1514.
Majoeagiis, Reprcheusiones contra Xizolium. 1570.
Idem, Explanationes in Aristotelis Rhetoricam. 1572.
Makes (P.), Compend. Logics Institutio. Yindobona?, 1760.
MaJxBBRAJSiCHE (Xic), De la Recherche de la Verite. Ed. Paris, 1712.
Mamiani (Terenzio), Dell' Ontologia del Metodo. Parif/i, 1841.
Manderston (Gail.), Tripartitam epitoma in totius dialectics artis
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Mangold (J. M.), Philosophia rationalis. Ingolst., 1755.
Maxsel (H. L.), Artis Logicee Rndimenta, from the text of Aldrich.
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Maxsfelt (Reg.), Elementa recta? ratiociuationis. Ultraj., 1668.
Marcus (de los Hnertos), Quaest. Dialecticam.
Mariotte, Essai de Logiqne. Paris, 1678.
Maries (Xizolius), Antibarbarns. Pawnee, 1553.
Mabsais (C. C), Logic. Paris, 1762.
Mars.vis (Dn), Logiqne et principes de grammaire. Paris, 1769.
Idem, Essais snr les prejages, on de l'iaflaence de l'opinion snr le
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Marsh (Narciss.), Manductio ad Logicam. Oxon.. 1678.
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512 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
Martiaxus (Capelle), Probate et sincere latinitatis auctoris Dialectica,
perutilis acjucunda omnibus Ms qui, spretis barbaricis deviis, rectum
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Villaume (P.), Practische Logik. Berlin und Libau, 1787.
Idem, Populaere Logik znr Einleitung in die Schuhvissenschaft,
Hamb. und Mainz, 1805.
Vincentius Justinianus, In Logicam.
Vincentius Montanus, In Logicam.
Viottus (Barthol.), De demonstratione, lib. V. Paris, 1560.
Viyes (Joannes Ludovicus), In Dialecticos.
Vives (Lud.), Opp. Basil, 1555.
Idem, De disputatione.
Idem, Anfuhrung zu der Weisheit. (trad.) Wolffenb., 1656.
Vladeraccus (Christ.), Epitome dialectices Hunnaei. Sylvce Ducis, 1590.
Vossrus (J. G.), De logices et rhetoricae natura et constitutione, lib. II.
Hagce, 1658. 4to.
2l
522 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
w
Wagnek (L. H.), Grundriss der reinen und allg. Logik. Ho/., 1806.
Walch (J. G.), Einleitung in die Philos. Leipz., 1727.
Idem, Philos. Lexikon. Leipz., 1726 and 1775.
Walch (J. J.), Commentatio de philosophiis veterum criticis.
Walchius (J. GottL), Novum logica? systema. Jence, 1766.
Walker (J.), Familiar Commentary on Logic. London.
Wall, Practical Logic. 1838.
Wallarkts (N.), Compen. Logica? Instit. 1706.
Waxdelincourt (Hubert), Cours d'education pour les ecoles du second
age, t. I., la Logique du second age, ou l'art de bien diriger les
idees. Paris, 1801.
Watts (Isaac), Logic. Lond., 1736.
Idem, Supplement to his treatise of Logic, &c. 1741.
Weber (Jos.), Logica in usum eorum qui eidem student edita. Land-
shuti, 1799.
Weise (F. C), Architectonik aller menschlichen Erkenntnisse. Heidelb.,
1820. Fol.
Weisens (Christ.), Curieuse Fragen ueber die Logica. Leipz., 1676.
Weishaupt (A.), Ueber die Gruende und die Gewiszheit der menschl.
Erkenntniss, zur pruefung von Kant's Kritik der reinen Vernunft.
Nurenb., 1788.
Weiss (Chr.), Lehrbuch der Logik. Leipz., 1801.
Wekdel (J. A.), Skeptische Logik. Coburg und Leipz., 1819.
Wendelentus (M. F.), Logics institutiones. Amst., 1640.
Idem, Insti. Logica?. Amst., 1654.
Wenzel (G. J.), Canonik der Verstandes und der Yernunft. ein Com-
mentar ueber Kant's Logik. 1810.
Werenfels (S.), De logomachiis eruditorum. Amst., 1716.
Whately, Logic. 1842.
Wiedeburg (Fr. Aug.), Ueber die practische Logik. Helmst., 1789.
Wild (J. C. D.), Logik und allg. Encyclop. Goett., 1802.
Willis (Profess.), Institutio Logica?. Oxon, 1715.
Wilson (Sir Thomas), Art of Logic. London, 1580.
Wittenbachitts, Praecepta Philos. Logica?. 1823.
Wittichius (Chr.), Anti-Spinozo. Amst., 1690.
Wolf (Chr.), Vernuenftige Gedenken von den Kraeften des mensch-
lichen Verstandes. Halle, 1710.
Idem, Philosophia rationalis sive logica methodo scientifica pertrac-
tata. Franco/, et Lips., 1728. 4to.
Idem, Philosophia Wolfiani contracta logicam, &c. Halce, 1744,
1745. 2 vols. 4to.
Idem, Logique, ou reflexions sur les forces de l'entendement humain.
Woetzel (J. K.), Versuch der einzig zweckmaessigen Prapaedeutik der
Vernunftlehre oder Logik, &c. Leipz., 1802.
Wotton (Samuel), The Art of Logik. Lond., 1626.
LIST OF WORKS OX LOGIC. 523
Wottox (Antony), Logic of Peter Ramus. London, 1626.
Wyxpersse (Dion, van de), Institutiones logicae. Groninga, 1767;
Lugd. Bat, 1779.
Wrssrus (Casp.), Logica. Geneva, 1609.
Wyttenbach (Dan.), Prascepta philosophise logicae. Amst., 1781.
X
Xylander (Will.), Instit. Aph. Logicae. Heidelb., 1577.
Yzexdoorx (Gisb. ab), Compendium logicae peripateticae. 1640.
Idem, Logica peripatetica. 1645. 4to.
Zabauella (Jacob), Opera logica. Basil, 1594 ; Colon., 1597. 4to.
Idem, Tabulae logical. Patavii, 1580. Fol.
Zeidlerus, Introductio in Aristot. Gothce, 1684.
Idem, De modo solvendi sophismata. Rudolst., 1679.
Zeisoldus (J.), Collegium logicum. Jence, 1660.
ANONYMOUS.
A Familiar Commentary on Logic. Oxford, 1793.
A Key to Questions on Aldrich's Logic. Oxford, 1829.
A Philosophical Discourse of Speech, conformable to the Cartesian
Principles. London, 1668.
A Rational Introduction to Bentham's Logic. Oxford, 1773.
Ars Rationis, videlicet Logica, ad mentem nominalium. Oxon, 1673.
Ars Sciendi sive Logica. By T. G. London, 1681.
Artis argumentandi principia, in usum stud, juvent. concinnata. Lugd.
Batav., 1741.
Artis Logics Rudimenta. Oxon, 1837.
Commentaria in quatuor libros novae logicae secimdum processus bursas
Laurentianae Coloniensis ubi doctrina Alberti magni, &c. Colon.,
1494. Fol.
De Logica. Madrid, 1563.
524 LIST OF WORKS ON LOGIC.
Dialogus de dialectica Aristotelis a Melancthone et Ramo exposita.
Franco/., 1600.
Easy Lessons on Reasoning. London, 1847.
Elementa Logics. 1795.
Elements de Logique. Bruxelles, 1817.
Essai sur les prejuges, ou Ton traite principal ement de la nature et de
l'influence des prejuges philos. Neuchdtel, 1796. (Attrib. to J.
Tremble y, Genevese.)
Essai sur la psychologie, comprenant la theorie du raissonnement et du
langage, l'ontologie, l'esthetique, et la diceosyne. Paris, 1826.
Excerpta ex Aristotelis Organon. Oxford, 1802.
Gramniatica rationis, sive institutiones logics. Oxonis, 1685.
Institutio logics ad communes usus accommodata. 1687. Fol.
Institutiones philosophies in novam methodum digests. Antissiodori.
1761. 3 vols. 12mo.
Institutionum philos. cursus, ad usum stud. juv. prssertimque semina-
riorum accommodatus. Paris, 1818.
Introduction to Logic. Oxford, 1830.
Lectures on Locke; or, The Principles of Logic. London, 1840.
Logic by Question and Answer. London, 1790.
Logic, or the Key of Sciences. 1692.
Logica, sive ars Cogitandi. Adjects sunt adnotationes logics. Ultruj..
1707.
Logica, pars prima Philos. ad usum seminarii Leodiensis. Leod., 1816.
et 1817.
Logica, sive ars Cogitand. Lug. Bat., 1682, 1694, et 1702. Arnst.,
1736.
Logica, sive ars Cogitandi ; adj. sunt adnot. logics. Traj. ad R., 17 '07.
Logics ; sive ars Cogitandi, e Gallica in Latinum sermonem versa. 1674.
Political Logic. Lond., 1773.
Prolegomena zur Analysis in der Philos. Gotha, 1804.
Questions on Aldrich's Logic. Oxford, 1829.
Specimen artis ratiocinandi naturalis et artificialis ad Pantosophis
principia manuducons. Hamb., 1684.
Systema logicee Dantiscanse. Hanov., 1618.
Systeme de Logique. Lausanne, 1735.
Tractatus de logica in schol. philos. Lovanii dictata. Lovanii, 1817.
Wit, Interpreter, or New Logic. 1655.
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RALLANTYiNE, PRINTER, EDINBURGH.
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