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HISTORICAL    SKETCH 


OF 


THE  LATE 


CATHOLIC    ASSOCIATION 


OF   IRELAND. 


BY  THOMAS  WYSE,  ESQ.  JUN. 


Nullius  addictus  jurare  in  verba  magistri." 

HORAT.  EPIST.  LIB.  i. 


IN   TWO   VOLS. 
VOL.  II. 

LONDON: 

HENRY  COLBURN,  NEW  BURLINGTON  STREET. 
1829. 


3 


JIV     A.    .).     VALI'V,     HlilD     LION     COlin,    1'1,E£T    MIIIM. 


CONTENTS 


OF 


THE    SECOND     VOLUME, 


Protestant  sympathy — Society  for  the  Improvement  of 
Ireland — Coalition  of  the  liberal  Protestants — Protestant 
Declaration — Dinner  of  the  friends  of  civil  and  religious  li- 
berty to  Lord  Morpeth — Recall  of  the  Marquess  of  An- 
glesey— Meeting  at  the  Rotunda — Petition  to  parliament 
— Address  to  the  King — The  King's  speech — The  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Association  .....  page  1 

The  Catholic  Clergy's  Remonstrance  of  Loyalty        .      iii 

Oath  of  Allegiance,  to  be  administered  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  by  the  ninth  article  of  the  Capitulation  of  Lime- 
rick, and  no  other  ...  .  .  iv 

Oaths  imposed  by  the  English  Statutes  3rd  and  4th  of 
William  and  Mary,  c.  ii.  in  violation  of  the  ninth  article  of 
Limerick  .  .  .  .  v 

VOL.  ii.  b 


IV  CONTENTS. 

Protest  against  the  Act  to  confirm  the  Articles  of  Lime- 


v 


Mr.  Keogh's  Account  of  the  Delegation  of  1793,  &c.  &c. 
&c. 


vm 


Resolutions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Prelates  in  1799  xvii 

Resolutions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Prelates  in  1810  xx 

Resolutions   of    the    Irish    Catholic    Laity   against  the 
Veto 


xxi 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Monsgr.  Quarantotti  to  the  Right 
Rev.  Dr.  Poynter  .  .  xxii 

Resolutions    establishing    the     General    Committee    of 
1809 


XXVll 


Resolutions  and  Petition  for  Unqualified  Emancipation 
1810 xxx 

Circular  Letter  of  the  Right  Hon.  W.  Welleslev 
P«'« xxxiv 

Letter  of  the  King  on  his  leaving  Ireland  in  1821       xxxv 

Rules  and  Regulations  of  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ire- 
land, commencing  24th  May,  1823  .  .  XXxvii 

Report  on  the  Practicability  of  forming  the  New  Catho- 
lic Association,  agreed  to  at  the  Aggregate  Meeting  held 
13th  July,  1825  .  xxxjx 

New  Catholic  Association     .  .  .  x\v^ 

Extracts  from  Monsieur  Duvergier's  Letters  on  the  State 
of  Ireland,  1826  ...  Ji 

Catholic  Census        .  .  .  Ixxix 


CONTENTS.  V 

Census  of  Religious  Sects               .                   page  Ixxxiii 

Irish  Education         ....  Ixxxvi 

State  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Clergy  in  Ireland  cv 

Elective  Franchise                   .              .              .  cxi 

Waterford  Election    ....  cxxxv 

Order  of  Liberators   .              .             .             .  cxxxix 

Duties  of  Inspectors  and  Churchwardens        .  cxli 

Liberal  Clubs             ....  cxlv 

Mr.  O'Connell's  Address  to  the  Electors  of  the  County 
of  Clare  .....  clxxii 

Reconciliation  Meetings         .  .  .  clxxvi 

American  Associations,  &c.  .  .  cxciv 

Documents  read  in  the  conrse  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton's Reply  to  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  May  4,  18*29  .  .  .  ccxi 

Brunswick  Clubs  .  .  .  ccxx 

Declaration,  &c.  of  Protestants  in  favour  of  a  final  and 
conciliatory  adjustment  of  the  Catholic  question  ccxxvi 

Proceedings  at  the  Rotunda  Meeting,  20th  January, 
18-29  .  .  .  .  .  .  cclii 

Formation  of  the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Civil  and  Re- 
ligious Liberty  ...  .  .  cclxvi 

Catholic  Rent       ...  .  .  cclxx 

Instructions  for  framing  Petitions  to  Parliament    cclxxvii 
Catholic  Eligibility  .  .  .  cclxxxii 


VI  CONTENTS. 

Dissolution  of  the  Catholic  Association,  and  of  the  Society 
of  Civil  and  Religious  Freedom  .  .  page  ccxc 

Meeting  to  prevent  Illuminations  in  Dublin         .         cccii 
Wellington  Testimonial  Meeting  .  .        ccciv 

Majorities  and  Minorities  on  the  Catholic  Relief 
Bill  .  .  .  .  .  .  cccxvii 

A  Tabular  Digest  of  all  the  Proceedings  that  have  taken 
place  in  Parliament  on  the  subject  of  the  General  Laws 
affecting  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, from  the  period  of  the  first  Act  passed  in  1778  to  the 
present  time ;  concluding  with  a  View  of  the  Progress  of 
the  Relief  Bill  through  both  Houses  of  the  Legisla- 
ture .  .  .  .  .  cccxxvii 

Mr.  O'Connell's  Address  to  the  Electors  of  the  County 
of  Clare  .  cccxxxiv 


HISTORICAL   SKETCH 


OP    THE    LATE 


CATHOLIC    ASSOCIATION,   &c, 


CHAP.  I. 

Protestant  sympathy — Society  for  the  Improvement  of  Ire- 
land— Coalition  of  the  liberal  Protestants  — -  Protestant 
Declaration — Dinner  of  the  friends  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  to  Lord  Morpeth — Recall  of  the  Marquess  of 
Anglesey — Meeting  at  the  Rotunda — Petition  to  par- 
liament— Address  to  the  King — The  King's  speech — The 
dissolution  of  the  Association. 

WHILST  the  two  contending  parties  were  now 
closing  more  nearly  upon  each  other,  and  the 
awful  crisis  which  would  soon  have  been  be- 
yond all  human  control  seemed  every  day 
more  visibly  approaching,  a  third  party  ap- 
peared in  the  country,  to  whose  consolidation  (in 
concurrence  with  the  preceding  circumstances) 
the  Catholics  were  mainly  indebted  for  the 
success  which  at  last  terminated  their  event- 
fu1  struggle.  But  it  was  by  a  series  of  very 
delicate  measures,  and  gradual  arrangements, 

VOL.    II.  A 


2  PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY. 

that  this  consolidation  was  brought  about.  The 
liberal  Protestant  for  a  long  period  was  affected 
by  the  same  habitual  indifference  to  existing 
evils,  which  had  formerly  characterised  the 
Catholic  himself.  The  immediate  pressure  of 
danger  did  more  than  any  sense  of  justice  and 
fellow-feeling  they  might  entertain  for  the  cala- 
mities of  their  countrymen.  But  the  time  was 
fast  approaching  when  Catholic  or  Protestant 
were  no  longer  to  be  left  a  choice. 

The  liberal  Protestant  stood  in  a  very  pecu- 
liar position.  Whilst  the  an ti- Catholic  party 
had  remained  passive,  he  testified  for  the  strug- 
gles of  his  Catholic  countrymen  but  a  feeble 
and  modified  interest.  The  relics  of  old  pre- 
judices; the  little  inclination  actively  to  in- 
terfere in  concerns  which  did  not  immediately 
affect  himself;  the  disfavour  which  usually  ac- 
companies voluntary  displays  of  devotion  to  the 
popular  cause,  were  very  powerful  drawbacks 
upon  his  zeal  and  exertions.  But  there  were 
other  motives,  arising  out  of  existing  circum- 
stances, which  had  a  far  more  direct  and  repul- 
sive effect  upon  his  sympathies.  The  Catholic 
Association  generally,  but  especially  the  indi- 
viduals who  were  supposed  to  have  the  greatest 
weight  and  influence  in  its  proceedings,  were 
accused  of  a  very  injudicious  and  inexcusable 


PROTKSTANT    SYMPATHY.  .3 

disregard,  both  in  deed  and  language,  to  the 
feelings  and  opinions  of  others.  It  is  quite  true, 
that  the  provocation  to  such  intemperance  was 
great  and  frequent;  that  the  excess  has  been 
far  surpassed,  especially  in  later  times,  by  the 
excesses  of  their  adversaries  ;  and  that  much  and 
reasonable  apology  may  be  made  for  such  viola- 
tions of  public  propriety,  by  the  consideration  of 
the  usual  habits  of  all  popular  assemblies.  But 
these  redeeming  circumstances  did  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  palliate  or  neutralise  the  im- 
pressions which  they  conveyed  to  all  classes  of 
the  Protestant  community.  The  Catholic,  sepa- 
rated by  the  anti-social  influence  of  the  penal 
laws  from  the  Protestant,  did  not  feel  in  its 
full  force  the  result  of  these  errors.  He  habi- 
tually and  exclusively  associated  with  men  who 
were  not  only  aggrieved  in  precisely  the  same 
manner  with  himself,  but  who,  generally  speak- 
ing, with  very  few  exceptions,  sought  for  relief 
from  their  grievances  precisely  by  the  same 
means.  What  other  men  would  have  regarded 
as  violence,  the  Catholic  considered  as  a  natural 
and  manly  resistance  to  admitted  wrong :  he 
applauded  the  overflowings  of  more  deep  sources 
of  indignation,  which  he  felt  equally  in  his 
own  bosom  :  he  looked  with  admiration  on  the 
man  who  took  the  fiercest  tone,  who  barbed 


4  PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY. 

his  shafts  with  the  keenest  poison,  who  winged 
them  most  directly  and  fearlessly  to  the  heart  of 
his  antagonist.  But  the  liberal  Protestant  stood 
in  a  very  different  position.  His  ordinary  asso- 
ciates for  the  most  part  were  opposed  to  him  in 
opinion  ;  he  had  to  contend  with  their  argu- 
ments, and  what  to  most  men  is  far  more  diffi- 
cult, with  their  scoffs  :  instead  of  receiving  in 
the  evening  any  portion  of  that  meed  of  applause, 
which  usually  repaid  the  exertions  of  the  Catho- 
lic, and  consoled  him  for  the  abuse  of  his  ene- 
mies, he  had  to  enter  into  an  apology  of  his  con- 
duct, and  to  take  up  the  defence  of  men,  and 
of  proceedings,  who,  however  they  might  merit 
every  approbation  in  mass,  were  extremely  ob- 
jectionable in  details.  The  difficulties  of  this  dis- 
heartening warfare  were  still  farther  increased 
by  the  Catholics  themselves.  Many  of  the  most 
earnest  supporters  of  their  cause  were  often,  with 
very  little  inquiry,  heedlessly  included  in  the 
sweeping  denunciations,  with  which  the  good  and 
the  bad,  the  friend  and  the  enemy,  were  sure  to 
be  visited  in  some  way  or  other,  during  the  course 
of  the  annual  debates  of  the  Association.  A 
friend,  who  perhaps  had  been  contending  with 
his  whole  force  the  night  before  in  maintaining 
the  claims  and  deserts  of  the  body,  not  un- 
frequently  found  himself  rewarded  for  his  chi- 


PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY.  5 

valry  the  next  day  in  the  Association,  by  some 
sneer  at  his  lukewarmness,  or  some  coarse  and, 
unmerited  invective  against  his  principles,  the 
injustice  of  which  he  had  no  means  of  repel- 
ling, but  by  entering  into  direct  and  personal 
explanation,  and  perhaps  collision,  with  parties 
who,  except  from  their  connexion  with  such  a 
cause,  had  little  or  no  title  to  his  respect.  Such 
things  are  with  difficulty  to  be  separated  from 
assemblies  in  a  state  of  perpetual  excitement 
like  the  Catholic  Association  :  in  Ireland,  they 
are  particularly  so ;  and  every  Irishman,  who 
could  reason  largely  on  the  subject,  naturally 
extended  to  them  for  these  reasons  no  small 
share  of  his  sufferance  and  indulgence.  But 
the  party  of  which  we  are  speaking,  seldom 
were  so  general  and  philosophic  in  their  views  : 
they  considered  only  the  personal  wound,  and 
the  momentary  result.  Disgusted  and  indif- 
ferent, and  at  last  fatigued  with  fighting  in  a 
cause  in  which  they  had  so  few  to  sympathise 
with,  and  no  allies,  they  retired  gradually  from 
all  intermixture  with  these  proceedings,*  and 

*  There  was  an  obvious  falling  off  of  Protestant  sympathy 
and  interest  from  1825  to  the  middle  of  1828.  There  had 
been  no  attempt  to  repeat  the  meetings  of  1819,  or  the  peti- 
tions of  grand  juries,  counties,  &c.  &c.  The  attendance 
also  on  Catholic  dinners  was  much  less  frequent,  numerous, 


G  PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY. 

finally  surrendered  the  Catholics  to  them- 
selves. 

Another  circumstance,  which  very  much  added 
to  this  reserve,  was  the  inconsistency  with  which 
Protestant  support  was  treated  by  the  Catholics 
themselves.  At  one  time  they  rejected  it  with 
affected  contempt ;  at  another,  they  talked  of 
it  as  the  only  means  by  which  emancipation 
could  be  accomplished ;  as  if  a  nation  of  six 
millions  of  men,  cordially  and  constantly  united, 
had  not  in  their  own  hands  (reason  the  matter 
as  they  might)  the  sure  and  simple  means  of 
their  final  liberation.  If  by  chance  a  small 
gentleman  of  the  favoured  caste,  calculating 
often  his  own  personal  interests  much  more 
closely  than  the  public  good,  happened  to  drop 
in  amongst  their  thousands,  frequently  headed 
by  the  representatives  of  the  oldest  families 
in  the  land,  they  blazoned  forth,  in  the  most 
fulsome  terms,  "  the  honour  which  had  been 
done  them  ;  the  kindness  in  thinking  of  them ; 
the  condescension  in  honouring  them  with  his 
presence ;"  and  poured  out,  with  a  disgraceful 
profusion,  votes  of  thanks  to  "  the  distinguished 

and  respectable.  Compare  the  first  Provincial  meeting  of 
Munster  with  the  last.  Even  the  Protestant  petition  of  1827 
had  but  a  few  hundred  signatures.  In  the  summer  of  1828, 
Protestant  feeling  had  reached  its  lowest  ebb. 


PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY.  7 

and  liberal  Protestant  guest,"  who  sate  down 
on  the  same  bench,  or  deigned  to  eat  of  the  same 
meats  with  a  Papist.  It  was  absurd  for  Catho- 
lics to  speak  after  this,  of  their  spirit  of  freedom, 
and  their  indignation  at  the  unjust  inequality 
which  the  laws  had  established  between  the  two 
religions ;  their  own  resolutions  fully  seconded 
the  efforts  of  the  laws  : — no  more  glaring  instance 
could  be  offered  of  the  deep  debasement  which 
had  been  entailed  upon  every  thing  Catholic  by 
the  penal  Code.  Every  man,  who  felt  within  him- 
self the  sentiment  of  what  freedom  really  was, 
though  not  actually  in  possession  or  enjoyment  of 
the  gift,  must  have  blushed  at  this  deep,  national 
humiliation ;  and  many  no  doubt  there  were 
who  did  so  blush ;  but  the  expediency  system 
was  constantly  urged,  and  it  was  thought  that 
conciliation  could  only  be  purchased  at  the  vile 
price  of  this  unnatural  servility.  A  result  the 
very  opposite  to  what  the  Catholics  had  expected, 
usually  took  place.  If  the  Protestant  had  any 
principle  of  highmindedness  within  him,  he 
must  have  considered  such  unmeasured  contri- 
butions to  his  vanity  as  insincere  and  profligate. 
The  less  wise,  or  the  less  charitable,  attributed 
it,  not  to  the  obvious  influences  of  a  long  state 
of  moral  and  political  oppression,  but  to  the 
religion,  which  the  oppressed  happened  to 


8  PROTESTANT    SYMPATHY. 

profess.  They  often  retained  in  the  midst  of 
their  proffers  of  assistance,  sentiments  hostile  to 
the  creed,  and  contemptuous  to  its  professors. 
Habituated  from  an  early  period  to  a  conscious- 
ness of  rule  —  a  consciousness  encouraged  by 
every  thing  with  which  he  was  surrounded, — it 
was  next  to  impossible  that  he  should  not  accept 
this  admission  of  superiority,  conferred  with 
such  anxiety  by  the  Catholics,  not  as  proof  of 
their  desire  of  union,  but  as  a  natural  right,  to 
refuse  which  would  have  been  injustice,  and  to 
concede  which,  was  mere  duty.  Such  a  class 
of  liberals  (how  many  usurped  the  name,  with 
little  title  to  the  reality !)  immediately  assumed 
the  patronising  air  of  masters ;  set  up  their  pro- 
tection as  an  object  of  competition  to  contend- 
ing parties ;  volunteered  superciliously  their 
counsels ;  and  insulted  with  their  tardy  and 
capricious  assistance ;  until  at  last  the  Catho- 
lics, revolting  from  the  dependence  which  they 
had  been  unfortunately  the  first  to  encourage, 
turned  round  with  fierceness,  and  altogether  re- 
jected, in  a  moment  of  irritation,  both  co-opera- 
tion and  advice. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  the  Protestants 
who  avowed  themselves  favourable  to  the  con- 
cession of  the  Catholic  claims ;  for  several  years 
previous  to  the  events  which  we  have  just  been 


SOCIETY    FOR    THE    IMPROVEMENT,  &C.          9 

detailing— when,  with  a  view  probably  of  con- 
centring whatever  was  still  liberal  in  the  coun- 
try, or  preventing  the  Association  from  altoge- 
ther absorbing  the  public  interest,  in  a  manner 
which  was  considered  by  those  who  saw  but  a 
small  portion  of  the  general  system,  as  highly 
detrimental  to  the  cause,  or  perhaps  with  no 
other  object  than  a  vague  desire  of  benefiting 
the  country,  without  much  inquiry  into  the 
means  by  which  it  was  to  be  effected,  a  society 
under  the  designation  of  a  "  Society  for  the 
Improvement  of  Ireland,"  was  set  on  foot,  and 
commenced  its  sittings  in  the  Mansion  House, 
under  the  immediate  auspices  of  the  Lord  Mayor. 
It  was  open  to  all  sects  and  to  all  classes  ;— was 
intended  to  be  confined  to  the  simple  consi- 
deration of  the  agricultural  and  commercial 
interests  of  the  country; — of  course  excluded 
politics; — and  was  to  apply  to  Government  and 
Parliament  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  its  plans 
into  effect  for  their  support.  So  many  of  these 
joint-stock  experiments  (not  more  wisely  con- 
structed in  general  than  the  academies  of  La- 
puta)  had  of  late  attracted  and  deceived  the 
public,  that  no  great  confidence  or  interest  was 
excited  in  the  Irish  mind  by  the  first  proceed- 
ings of  the  new  society.  They  prophesied  for 
it  over  its  very  cradle,  an  ephemeral  and  useless 


10       SOCIETY    FOR    THE    IMPROVEMENT,  &C. 

existence.  They  already  laughed  over  its  early 
and  untimely  death.  The  prophecy  was  soon  ac- 
complished. After  an  inefficient  series  of  meet- 
ings, in  which  various  plans  were  brought  forward 
and  discussed,  on  the  drainage  of  the  bogs  of  Ire- 
land, on  the  execution  of  a  ship-canal,  &c.  &c.  the 
Society  gradually  relaxed  in  exertions,  which 
were  neither  assisted  by  the  Government  nor  the 
country,  and  its  meetings  were  for  a  while  sus- 
pended, rather  from  the  voluntary  secession  of  the 
members  than  by  any  formal  act  of  the  body 
itself.  It  was  found,  that  as  long  as  the  Catholic 
question  continued  unsettled,  the  public  mind 
would  also  continue  so  totally  absorbed  by  its 
consideration,  that  it  would  be  absurd  to  expect 
such  a  degree  of  attention  as  could  insure  even 
the  slightest  encouragement  to  any  plan  of  na- 
tional improvement.  This  fact,  which  had  pre- 
sented itself  to  the  Catholics  in  a  great  variety 
of  forms,  and  has  been  amongst  the  worst  of  the 
many  evils  consequent  upon  delay,  was  now 
placed  in  the  clearest  point  of  view  before  the 
nation  at  large.  This  was  a  great  benefit,  but  it 
was  destined  to  be  the  forerunner  of  many  others 
of  much  higher  importance.  The  first  conclusion 
which  every  rational  man  drew,  from  the  evi- 
dence which  such  a  failure  so  strongly  exhibited, 
was,  that  nothing  could  be  done,  until  the  ques- 


COALITION,    &C.  11 

tion  was  finally  settled,  for  any  portion  of  the 
country ;  and  the  next,  that  every  man  at  all 
interested  in  its  improvement  or  prosperity,  was, 
by  his  duty  and  interests,  sacredly  obliged  to 
give  every  aid  in  his  power  to  promote  as 
speedily  as  possible  a  settlement,  which  had 
now  become  not  merely  desirable,  but  abso- 
lutely necessary. 

These  impressions  might  have  continued  for  a 
considerable  time  longer  to  hover  loosely  and 
idly  over  the  public  mind,  had  not  the  late  mea- 
sures of  the  Association  and  the  Catholic  body 
at  large,  pressed  more  and  more  immediately  the 
decision  of  the  liberal  Protestants.  They  soon 
found  themselves  in  a  situation,  which  they  could 
scarcely  have  anticipated.  They  thought  the 
question  would  have  been  temperately  and  gra- 
dually adjusted  by  the  gentle  ebbing  of  ancient 
prejudice,  and  the  constantly  augmenting  ma- 
jorities in  the  Commons,  by  a  necessary  induc- 
tion, would  finally  produce  the  just  influence 
which  public  opinion,  expressed  by  its  most 
popular  organ,  must  always  produce  upon  the 
temper  and  decision  of  the  Lords.  Whilst  this 
slow  battle  was  going  on,  their  course  of  proceed- 
ing appeared  obvious  and  easy.  A  few  speeches 
at  public  dinners — a  few  votes  in  either  House — 
two  or  three  complimentary  letters,  in  return  for 


12  COALITION 

votes  of  thanks ;  all  this  did  not  require  any 
great  expenditure  of  time,  talent,  or  patriotism ; 
and  in  the  mean  time  the  Catholics  might  be 
safely  entrusted  with  the  management  of  their 
own  cause,  and  their  friends  maintain  their  pri- 
vilege of  censuring  or  commending  at  a  distance. 
Nothing  could  be  apprehended  from  the  Asso- 
ciation. There  was  then  no  other  body  in  direct 
collision  with  it.  A  few  violent  speeches,  or 
even  a  few  violent  resolutions,  on  the  part  of  their 
adversaries,  could  carry  with  them  no  intrinsic 
weight ;  they  defeated  their  objects  generally 
by  their  very  violence.  The  passion  for  ora- 
torical display  is  an  original  sin  of  the  Irish,  but 
it  has  never  produced  consequences  more  fatal 
to  the  peace  of  a  country  than  any  other  thea- 
trical exhibition.  The  liberal  Protestant  sate 
quietly  looking  on — read  his  article  in  the  Edin- 
burgh Review,  or  the  Morning  Chronicle — pro- 
phesied that  some  time  or  other  the  question 
would  be  carried— regretted  the  obstacles  which 
the  Catholics  had  thrown  in  their  own  way- 
trusted  to  the  gradual  illumination  of  the  lower 
classes  in  England,  and  then  sipped  his  tea,  and 
proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  he  had  fully 
done  his  duty. 

But  in  a  few— a  very  few  months  indeed— all 
this  was  destined  to  undergo  the  most  thorough 


OF    LIBERAL    PROTESTANTS.  13 

alteration.  The  Provincial  and  other  meetings, 
the  Churchwarden  system,  the  Liberal  Club  sys- 
tem, were  not  sufficient  to  disturb  them  from 
their  repose.  These  were  things  which,  though 
containing  within  them  the  principles  of  mighty 
change,  did  not  strike  the  senses  of  men  ;  but 
when  the  Clare  election  fell  like  the  blast  of 
the  trumpet  amongst  them,  they  then,  for  the 
first  time,  suddenly  awoke,  and  found  the  Catho- 
lic Association  on  one  hand,  and  Brunswick 
Clubs  on  the  other,  like  long  lines  of  hostile  in- 
trenchments,  from  north  to  south,  from  east  to 
west,  threatening  and  frowning  on  each  other 
through  the  entire  country,— then  indeed  did 
they  begin  to  think,  that  the  time  had  come, 
and  fully  come,  for  something  more  than  fair 
words,  and  that  they  must  make  their  election, 
and  make  it  instantly,  between  the  ranks  of 
either  army.  The  neutrals  bring  about  revolu- 
tions ;  and  the  Athenian  legislator  showed  not 
only  a  just  sense  of  the  nature  and  working 
of  political  institutions,  but  a  deep  insight  into 
the  first  principles  of  human  nature  itself,  when, 
by  a  formal  law  in  his  republic,  he  rendered 
them  infamous.  The  liberal  Protestants  could 
not  practise  this  coward  moderation.  They  ran 
risk  of  being  crushed  by  the  closing,  and  conflict 
of  either  power.  They  were  alternately  driven 


J4  COALITION,    SCC. 

from  one  to  the  other,  until  they  had  at  last  the 
prudence — the  inevitable  prudence — clearly  and 
irrevocably  to  decide  between  them.  A  crisis 
had  arrived  for  Ireland.  It  was  doubtful  on 
what  side,  whether  for  evil  or  for  good,  the 
trembling  balance  would  determine.  Add  to 
this  the  stings  of  mortified  pride.  The  Catholics 
were  a  nation  contending  for  freedom  ;  the  anti- 
Catholics  were  haughty  masters,  who  fought  for 
mastership ;  but  the  men,  neither  Catholic  nor 
Orange,  who  stood  between  the  masters  and  the 
nation,  were  distrusted  by  one  party,  despised  by 
the  other,  and  finally  sunk  into  the  servants  of 
both.  The  English  nation  knew  them  not; 
Protestantism  knew  them  not ;  the  anti-Catho- 
lics assumed  that  they  were  the  only  Protestants 
and  the  only  Loyalists  in  Ireland.  It  was  full 
time  for  them  to  take  the  attitude  which  became 
them ;  it  was  full  time  to  disabuse  the  Empire. 
A  few  fell  off  to  the  opposite  party;  but  the 
majority,  when  the  hour  of  action  could  no 
longer  be  deferred,  declared  at  last  for  the  Ca- 
tholic, and  for  Ireland. 

But  their  first  steps  were  uncertain,  gradual, 
—  perhaps  timid.  Circumstances  demanded 
caution,  and  they  were  not  principals  in  the 
quarrel.  They  had  coolness  and  impartiality 
enough  to  be  judicious.  Their  first  measure 


/ 


PROTESTANT    DECLARATION'.  15 

was  not  a  petition,  which  had  now  become  ra- 
ther a  hacknied  mode  of  expressing  public  opi- 
nion, and  required  an  arrangement  of  machinery 
not  yet  within  their  grasp.     They  wisely  ab- 
stained from  any  concert  or  connexion  with  the 
Catholic  Association.     The  object  was  to  give 
an  exclusively  Protestant  colour  to  their  acts, 
and  to  rescue  their  measures,  before  the  country 
•and  the  legislature,  from  even  the  imputation 
of  Catholic  bias.     The  weight  which  such  re- 
presentations would  carry  with  the  legislature, 
would  of  course  depend  upon  the  exclusiveness 
and  sincerity   which  characterised  them.     An 
echo  of  the  Association  would  have  produced  an 
effect  considerably  inferior  to  the  voice  of  the 
Association  itself.     This  was  good  policy — the 
obvious  wisdom  of  cool  statesmen.    Many  Catho- 
lics quarrelled  with  it  at  the  time ;  but  it  was 
not  the  first  occasion  that  the  Catholics  required 
to  be  saved  from  themselves.  Their  first  measure 
was  temperate,  simple,  and  above  all  compre- 
hensive.*    A  declaration,  expressive  of  the  deep 

*  It  was  something  more  than  a  petition — it  was  a 
guarantee  for  future  co-operation.  The  first  declaration 
did  not  meet  the  views  of  many  gentlemen  :  a  second  was 
drawn  up,  with  some  trifling  variations  in  the  phraseology. 
This  was  sound  sense  and  real  patriotism.  It  embraced 
every  one. 


16  PROTESTANT    DECLARATION. 

sense  which  the  Protestant  noblemen  and  gen- 
tlemen of  Ireland  entertained  of  the  situation  of 
the  country,  and  the  firm  conviction  they  felt 
that  no  remedy  was  now  adequate  to  repress 
the  evils  which  impended,  which  did  not  include 
Catholic  Emancipation,  was  drawn  up,  and  cir- 
culated through  every  part  of  the  country.  A 
similar  document  had  been  handed  round  the 
preceding  year,  principally  through  the  untiring 
exertions  of  Sir  Charles  Morgan ;  but  the  Pro- 
testant mind,  generally  speaking,  was  not  yet 
ripe  for  such  an  appeal,  and  it  met  with  a  very 
partial  reception.  The  committee,  to  whom  its 
management  had  been  entrusted,  was  indefati- 
gable. In  a  very  short  period,  it  received  the 
most  respectable  signatures  in  Dublin,  and  the 
earnestness  with  which  it  was  seconded  in  most 
parts  of  the  interior,  particularly  in  the  South 
of  Ireland,  furnished  convincing  proof  that  the 
Protestant  mind  was  at  last  fully  kindled  to 
a  sense  of  the  imminent  dangers  with  which 
every  class  of  citizens  was  surrounded,  and  con- 
vinced that  it  required  the  most  united  and 
instant  efforts  of  all  that  was  intelligent  and 
liberal  to  ward  them  off  ere  it  was  too  late 
from  the  country.  The  Declaration,  in  the 
space  of  a  few  months,  was  signed  by  two  dukes, 
seven  marquesses,  twenty-seven  earls,  eleven 


PROTESTANT    DECLARATION.  17 

viscounts,  twenty-two  barons,  two  counts,  twenty- 
two  baronets,  fifty-two  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  upwards  of  two  thousand  gen- 
tlemen of  other  ranks,  all  of  whom  were  person- 
ally interested  in  the  condition  of  Ireland. 

The  convincing  refutation  which  this  docu- 
ment furnished  to  the  assertions  of  the  Brunswick 
Clubs,  had  a  very  important  effect,  not  only  on 
the  mind  of  reflecting  men  in  England,  but 
scarcely  in  a  less  degree  upon  the  spirit  of  the 
Protestants  themselves.  It  proved  to  a  demon- 
stration, that  a  large  proportion  of  Protestant 
rank,  wealth,  and  intelligence,  was  ranged  on 
the  side  of  justice  and  conciliation,  and  little 
more  was  requisite  to  give  it  its  full  influence  on 
the  public  opinion  of  the  country,  than  a  better 
mode  of  bringing  it  into  action,  and  prolonging 
its  power,  by  a  constant  and  uniform  combi- 
nation. 

A  circumstance  unlocked  for,  and  which  had 
no  immediate  connexion  with  the  measures 
actually  in  progress,  contributed  materially  to 
elicit  from  both  parties,  that  expression  of  cor- 
dial and  determined  union,  which  circumstances 
hitherto  had  unfortunately  kept  concealed.  Lord 
Morpeth,  the  eldest  son  of  Lord  Carlisle,  for 
whose  co-operation  in  seconding  Sir  Francis 
Burdett's  motion  the  Catholics  felt  themselves 
VOL.  n.  B 


18  DINNER    TO    LOUD    MORPETH. 

extremely  grateful,  was  on  his  return  to  Eng- 
land, after  an  extensive  tour  through  Ireland,  un- 
dertaken for  the  purpose  of  collecting  juste r  views 
of  the  country,  than  is  common  to  most  Eng- 
lishmen. The  talents  of  this  young  nobleman, 
the  influence  which  his  name,  and  family,  and 
ministerial  connexions  commanded,  were  second 
only  to  the  high  estimate  which  the  Catholics 
had  formed  of  his  devotion  to  their  cause.  The 
Catholics  resolved  by  a  public  dinner,  to  testify 
this  sense  of  his  services,  and  to  give  him  and 
other  Protestants  an  opportunity  of  expressing 
their  opinions  on  the  existing  state  of  Catholic 
affairs.  This  testimony  of  public  feeling  was 
originally  suggested  by  the  Catholics,  but  the 
occasion  was  seized  and  improved  on  with  great 
judgment  and  felicity,  by  their  Protestant  friends. 
The  dinner  was  one  of  the  most  numerously 
attended  which  had  yet  been  given  in  Dublin. 
The  Duke  of  Leinster  presided,  supported  by 
the  Marquesses  of  Clanricarde  and  Westmeath. 
The  tone  of  feeling  which  evinced  itself  at  that 
important  meeting,  was  fully  commensurate  to 
their  most  ardent  hopes.  All  sectarian  jealousy — 
all  ancient  rivalries  -  were  laid  aside.  A  junc- 
tion between  both  parties — an  immediate,  close, 
and  earnest  junction,  was  the  hope  and  the 
desire  expressed  by  every  speaker.  All  sepa- 


DINNER    TO    LORD    MORPETH.  19 

rate  views,  all  party  principles,  were  extin- 
guished in  the  greatness  of  a  common  cause. 
The  enemies  of  the  Catholic  and  of  the  friends 
of  the  Catholic  had  united — the  union  of  both 
had  henceforth  become  a  duty.  The  enthu- 
siasm with  which  these  declarations  were  re- 
ceived and  returned,  was  the  surest  augury 
of  final  success.  The  advantages  of  such 
a  combination  had  been  long  conspicuous  — 
every  man  was  now  convinced  of  the  facility 
with  which  it  could  be  carried  into  execution. 
Before  the  evening  festivities  were  over  a  requi- 
sition was  circulated,  convening  a  meeting  of 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  under  the  common 
and  better  denomination  of  the  Friends  of  Civil 
and  Religious  Freedom,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
cording, in  the  most  ample  and  decided  manner, 
their  joint  opinions  of  the  urgent  necessity  of 
immediate  concession,  and  placing  in  a  still 
more  forcible  view  than  had  been  yet  attempted, 
before  his  Majesty's  government,  the  large  mass 
of  national  wealth  and  respectability  which  were 
anxious  for  such  a  final  and  early  adjustment  of 
the  Question.  The  Requisition  was  signed  by 
three  hundred  noblemen  and  gentlemen  present, 
and  transmitted  for  signatures  to  the  country, 
accompanied  by  a  series  of  firm  and  moderate 
resolutions,  based  on  the  celebrated  resolutions 


20  ROTUNDA    MEETING. 

of  Buckingham  House,  and  the  late  Protestant 
Declaration,  and  expressive  of  the  objects  im- 
mediately intended  by  the  proposed  meeting. 
It  was  originally  suggested  that  it  should  be 
held  on  the  llth  of  December,  in  concurrence 
with  the  Catholic  aggregate  meeting  fixed  for  the 
same  period,  but  finding  that  it  would  be  more 
judicious  to  wait  the  convenience  of  the  Irish 
members  of  either  house,  and  to  bring  the 
opinions  of  so  important  an  assembly  as  closely 
and  directly  as  possible  on  the  attention  of  par- 
liament, it  was  ultimately  postponed  to  the  20th 
of  January,  1829,  and  appointed  to  take  place 
on  that  day  in  the  Great  Hall  of  the  Rotunda. 
In  the  interval  the  Duke  of  Leinster  was  re- 
quested to  transmit,  with  as  much  expedition 
as  possible,  the  Protestant  Declaration  to  his 
Majesty's  ministers,  but  in  an  especial  manner 
to  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  begging  his  most 
deliberate  and  mature  consideration  to  the  same. 
But  in  the  mean  time  events  took  place  of  the 
most  remarkable  importance  ;  events  which 
hurried  to  its  close,  with  a  rapidity  beyond  the 
calculations  even  of  the  most  sanguine,  the  de- 
nouement of  this  strange  and  eventful  history. 

Towards  the  close  of  December,  a  very  re 
markable  production,  from  the  hand  of  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  arrested  the  attention  of  the  pub- 


DUKE  OF  WELLINGTON'S  LETTER.         21 

lie.  A  letter  appeared  in  the  public  papers, 
addressed  to  the  Catholic  primate  Dr.  Curtis,  on 
the  subject  which  at  that  period  engrossed  the 
attention  of  the  entire  empire.  It  was  extremely 
short  and  extremely  obscure,  invol\7ed  in  terms 
apparently  contradictory,  and  written  for  purposes 
which  did  not  appear  at  first  sight  very  obvious. 
Recent  circumstances  have  partially  explained 
these  difficulties;  but  there  are  points  in  the 
correspondence  which  still  elude  the  curiosity 
of  the  inquirer.  The  impressions  it  produced 
were  scarcely  less  diverse  and  conjectural,  than 
the  text  of  the  letter  itself.  There  was  much 
special  pleading  on  terms,  and  some  exceptions 
taken  to  a  variation  in  the  copies ;  but,  all  these 
difficulties  obviated,  the  surmises  still  continued 
very  nearly  as  doubtful  as  before.  Some  read 
in  the  Duke's  letter  an  unchangeable  hostility  to 
the  Catholic  claims,  and  congratulated  them- 
selves on  having,  in  the  permanence  of  the 
Duke's  government,  the  best  pledge  for  the 
continuance  of  that  exclusive  system,  which  it 
had  hitherto  been  the  object  and  effort  of  their 
entire  policy  to  uphold.  Others  again,  extract- 
ing from  it  with  a  studious  complacency  those 
passages  only,  which  were  favourable  to  their 
hopes,  already  saw,  in  the  perspective  indica- 
tions of  a  change  in  the  councils  of  government, 


22         DUKE  OF  WELLINGTON'S  LETTER. 

which  seem  strongly  confirmed  by  the  late 
speech  of  Mr.  Dawson;*  and  the  continuance 
in  the  administration  of  a  nobleman  so  well 
known  for  his  liberal  opinions  as  the  Marquess 
of  Anglesey.  This  view,  supported  as  it  has 
since  been  by  the  late  important  events,  had 
scarcely  sufficient  vouchers  for  it  in  the  letter 
itself.  The  more  rational  opinion,  arguing  on 
preceding  evidence,  regarded  it  as  little  more 

*  Mr.  Dawson  was  one  of  the  first  of  his  own  party  who 
reasoned  on  this  alarming  state  of  public  affairs  with  the 
temper  and  philosophy  of  a  statesman.  No  speech,  previous 
to  his  justly  celebrated  speech  at  Derry,  went  so  far  into  the 
real  sources  of  the  disease.  His  review  of  the  external 
symptoms  and  the  internal  causes  of  the  evils  of  Ireland,  so 
studiously  confounded,  and  so  necessary  to  be  distinguished, 
is  just,  clear,  conscientious,  and  often  eloquent.  He  fully 
comprehended  the  machinery  and  working  of  the  great  en- 
gine :  the  Association  had  been  laid  bare  to  his  eyes ;  he  had 
the  courage  and  skill  to  exhibit  it  in  all  its  truth  to  the  eyes 
of  others.  The  time  also  chosen  for  this  service  to  the  coun- 
try, was  happy.  Mr.  Dawson  had  shared,  it  is  true,  in  great 
part,  the  impressions  made  on  Mr.  Brownlow  by  the  exami- 
nations before  the  Committee  on  the  state  of  Ireland  in 
1825 ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  he  had  then  come  to 
a  determinate  conclusion,  like  Mr.  Brownlow.  At  all  events^ 
he  gave  the  impulse,  when  the  impulse  was  most  necessary. 
He  was  totally  ignorant  of  the  change  of  opinion  going  on 
in  the  Cabinet.  He  had  therefore  the  glory  and  the  merit 
(and  it  is  no  slight  one)  of  anticipating,  and  not  following, 
the  conversion  of  the  ministers. 


MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    LETTER.          23 

than    a    concise    abridgment    of    the    Duke's 
speech  during  the  last  Catholic  debate  in  the 
Lords,  and  attributed  to  it  no  more  importance 
than   to  any  other  effort  which    had  formerly 
been  made  to  keep  things  in  that  sort  of  ba- 
lanced or  neutral  state,  which  might  without 
further  exertion,  prorogue  the  necessity  of  deci- 
sive measures  for  a  few  years  longer.    But  there 
were   peculiarities  connected  with  the  present 
publication  of  a  perfectly  original  nature :  it  must 
have  excited  the  astonishment  of  an  impartial 
person  to  find,  that  with  all  the  avowed  hostility 
to  the  priesthood  and  religion  of  the  Catholics, 
and  the  continued  resistance  to  a  relaxation  of 
the  disabilities  under  which  they  laboured,   a 
Popish   bishop  should   have   been  selected   at 
such  a  moment,  and  for  such  a  communication, 
by  the  Premier  of  the  empire,  and  such  a  pre- 
mier as  the  Duke  of  Wellington.     Why  write 
on   such   a  topic?  why  write   to   Dr.  Curtis? 
why  write   at  all  ?     This  surprise  was  farther 
heightened  by  a  still  more  remarkable  letter, 
which  followed  the  Duke's  a  few  days  after. 
The  Marquess  of  Anglesey  addressed  the  same 
dignitary,  but  in  a  style  very  characteristically 
distinguished  from  that  of  the  Duke  of   Wel- 
lington's.    There  was  nothing  dubious ;  nothing 
concealed;  nothing  contradictory.   It  expressed, 


24  MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY^    LETTER. 

in  temperate  language — manly  feelings — just 
opinions — ardent  wishes,  for  the  happiness  and 
safety  of  the  country.  No  document  had  lately 
appeared  in  Ireland  so  completely  in  accord 
with  the  character  of  the  people.  It  was  the 
open  appeal  of  a  high-spirited  and  anxious  friend. 
The  people  accepted  it,  in  the  same  spirit  in 
which  it  was  given.  Acclamations  of  affec- 
tionate gratitude  arose  from  all  sides.  The  Mar- 
quess had  no  need  of  any  other  proclamation  to 
subdue  into  perfect  obedience  the  passions  and 
spirit  of  the  Catholic  population.  The  anti- 
Catholic  railed,  or  sunk  into  a  sullen  silence. 
The  chief  passages  were  made  the  watchwords 
of  the  country.  If  a  disposition  to  riot  was 
evinced,  if  the  people  forgot  for  a  moment  the 
interest  of  the  cause,  in  the  interests  or  passions 
of  the  individual,  the  name  of  Anglesey  was 
sufficient  charm  to  persuade  them  back  into 
immediate  tranquillity.  "  Constitutional  agita- 
tion "  was  made  the  precept  and  the  practice  of 
every  class.  In  the  midst  of  these  general 
felicitations,  these  good  auguries  for  future  suc- 
cess, this  certainty  that  in  their  chief  governor 
they  had  a  protector,  on  whom,  in  the  worst 
of  times,  all  classes  might  impartially  rely,  a 
calamity,  which  had  never  been  less  calculated 
on  than  at  such  a  moment,  fell  suddenly  upon 


MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL.          25 

the  country.     The  Marquess  of  Anglesey  was 
formally  and  peremptorily  recalled. 

It  was  some  time  before  the  public  could  re- 
cover from  the  astonishment,  which  this  event 
produced.  No  individual  of  his  Majesty's  go- 
vernment seemed  to  be  so  entirely  in  the  con- 
fidence, both  of  his  Majesty  and  of  his  Minister, 
as  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey  himself.  Nothing 
could  be  more  explicit  than  the  expression  of  his 
political  opinions  previous  to  his  acceptance  of 
the  important  situation,  with  which  he  had  been 
just  entrusted.*  Nothing  could  be  more  plain 
and  direct,  than  every  portion  of  his  administra- 
tion, from  the  first  day  in  which  he  held  the 
reins  of  the  Irish  government.  Impartiality  and 
fair  play  ;  lenitives  and  not  coercives  ;  a  just 
appreciation  (derivable  from  patient  investiga- 

*  The  Marquess  had  a  conference  with  several  members 
of  the  Opposition,  with  Lord  Wellington,  and  finally  an  au- 
dience on  the  same  day  with  his  Majesty  himself,  which  left 
no  doubt  on  his  mind,  that  his  intended  plan  of  government 
was  perfectly  well  known,  and  approved  of,  by  all  parties. 
Lord  Anglesey  had  not  only  been  an  emancipator  at  an  early 
period,  but  from  his  repugnance  to  vote  against  the  Ques- 
tion, resigned  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  1801, 
when  Mr.  Pitt  quitted  the  administration.  Since  that  period, 
the  Marquess  has  uniformly  supported  the  Catholic  Question, 
with  the  single  exception  of  the  vote  which  he  gave  in  1825 ; 
the  result  of  a  misconception,  caused  by  the  irritating  lan- 
guage and  conduct  of  the  Association. 


26          MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL. 

tion)  of  the  real  evils  of  Ireland,  and  of  the 
real  remedies  most  applicable  to  their  cure,  had 
been  from  the  very  outset  the  straightforward 
principles  of  his  government.  These  principles, 
so  far  from  having  been  concealed,  were  the 
boast  and  peculiar  glory  of  the  Marquess,  to 
have  extended  to  every  part  of  his  administration. 
The  Duke  of  Wellington  could  not  recently  have 
come  to  a  knowledge  of  what  was  in  the  eyes, 
or  on  the  tongue  of  every  one.  No  palpable 
violation  of  acknowledged  subordination  was 
obvious.  Nothing  that  could  justify  a  measure 
of  extreme  rigour,  nothing  above  all  which  could 
explain  the  inconsistency  of  such  an  order  having 
issued  from  a  quarter  to  whom  the  Marquess 
was  well  known  to  be  attached,  not  merely  by 
the  bonds  of  public  duty,  but  by  the  still  stronger 
ties  of  personal  affection  and  regard. 

The  first  impulse,  was  to  attribute  this  extra- 
ordinary event  to  the  letter  of  which  we  have 
been  just  speaking.  But  the  passions  or  fears 
of  individuals  had  more  influence  in  such  a 
judgment,  than  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
facts.  The  assertion  was  totally  unfounded.  The 
letter  did  not  appear  till  several  days  after  the 
order  of  recall  had  actually  arrived.*  Others 

*  On  the  22nd,  the  Committee  appointed  to  make  the  ne- 
cessary arrangements  for  the  proposed  Rotunda  meeting  as- 


MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL.          27 

again  ascribed  it  to  private  pique — to  circum- 
stances arising  out  of  the  removal  of  Messrs. 
Steele  and  O 'Gorman  Mahon  from  the  com- 
mission of  the  peace  ;  *• — finally  to  the  encou- 

sembled,  and  on  the  day  after  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  was  sent  from  Dundalk  to  one  of  the 
members  of  the  committee,  and  was  by  him  transmitted  to  the 
Marquess  of  Anglesey.  The  following  day,  the  24th,  the 
original  was  inclosed  by  Dr.  Curtis  to  his  Excellency,  and 
it  was  very  probable,  as  erroneous  copies  would  soon  get  into 
circulation,  it  was  thought  right  at  once  to  publish  it.  On 
the  25th  the  letter  of  the  Marquess  was  written  and  inclosed 
to  Dr.  Curtis,  under  the  strictest  injunctions  of  secrecy,  in- 
junctions which  Dr.  Curtis  punctually  obeyed.  The  30th 
of  December  the  Marquess  received  his  letter  of  recall,  dated 
on  the  28th.  Consultations  were  held  on  the  31st.  It  was 
debated,  whether  in  the  actual  state  of  the  country,  and  the 
apprehension  which  might  legitimately  be  entertained,  of  im- 
mediate disturbances  on  the  announcement  of  this  measure, 
it  would  not  be  prudent  to  give  publicity  and  circulation  to 
the  letter  of  the  Marquess  without  farther  delay.  Then  for 
the  first  time,  and  for  purposes  only  of  good,  it  was  made 
known  to  the  country.  It  is  quite  clear,  from  a  comparison 
of  these  dates,  that  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  conduct  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington ;  nor  is  it  at  all  proved,  that  had  it 
been  known  to  his  Grace,  it  would  have  been  deemed  of 
itself,  a  sufficient  ground  for  a  letter  of  recall. 

*  The  two  gentlemen  in  question  had  attended  a  Bruns- 
wick meeting  in  the  county  of  Clare.  The  High  Sheriff, 
apprehensive  of  a  riot,  had  called  in  the  military  for  the 
purposes  of  protecting  it.  Mr.  O 'Gorman  Mahon  had 
used  in  speaking  to  the  military  some  expressions,  not  very 


28          MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL. 

ragement  which  was  said  to  be  extended  by  the 
Marquess  of  Anglesey  in  a  manner  not  exactly 

complimentary  to  the  High  Sheriff.  The  High  Sheriff 
lodged  his  complaint.  It  was  inquired  into.  The  necessary 
depositions  were  taken.  No  evidence  sufficiently  strong 
could  be  obtained  against  the  accused.  The  words  could  not 
be  sworn  to  ;  the  facts  could  not  be  proved.  The  law  au- 
thorities (scrupulously  consulted  on  the  occasion)  declared 
that  there  being  no  conviction,  there  could  be  no  punishment, 
and  counselled  the  Marquess  to  dismiss  the  complaint.  This 
was  clear,  common,  English  justice.  But  Ireland  had  not 
yet  a  title  to  the  luxury.  The  gentlemen  were  members  of 
the  Association.  They  were  the  chief  instigators  and  con- 
ductors of  the  Clare  contest,  and  unfortunately  they  were 
also  magistrates.  The  old  arbitrary  right  or  wrong  system 
was  still  in  operation.  He  was  peremptorily  deprived  of  the 
commission.  If  it  were  wrong  for  Mr.  Mahon,  being  a  ma- 
gistrate (but  not  appearing  as  a  magistrate),  to  use  such  ex- 
pressions to  the  military,  how  much  more  incorrect  for  a 
High  Sheriff  in  his  official  capacity  to  call  a  meeting,  so 
obnoxious  to  public  feeling  as  to  require  for  its  protection 
the  presence  of  the  military  ?  If  Mr.  O 'Gorman  Mahon 
was  to  be  punished,  how  comes  it  that  the  High  Sheriff 
was  not  to  be  even  censured  ?  If  British  citizens  are 
to  be  punished  without  conviction,  what  is  the  meaning 
of  British  justice  ?  If  magistrates  are  to  be  dismissible 
at  the  mere  pleasure  of  the  crown,  that  is,  of  the  Castle 
clerks,  how  can  magistrates  be  expected  to  act  with  im- 
partiality ?  Does  not  the  government  create  the  partisan  ? 
what  right  afterwards  has  it  to  exclaim  against  the  existence 
of  the  corruption  or  the  faction  to  which  such  a  conduct  must 
necessarily  give  rise  ?  The  same  spirit  of  action  subsequently 


MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL.          29 

in  accord  with  the  views  of  government,  to  the 
proceedings  and  leaders  of  the  Catholic  Associa- 
tion.* Portions  of  these  reports  were  correct, 
and  when  taken  in  mass,  they  may  have  origi- 
nated impressions  which  went  far  in  deciding 
the  conduct  of  the  cabinet. t  Whatever  may 

led  to  the  dismissal  of  Mr.  Steele  from  the  magistracy,  upon 
the  alleged  ground  of  his  having  addressed  a  meeting  of  the 
peasantry,  in  the  county  of  Limerick,  calling  upon  them, 
"  through  their  allegiance  to  the  Association,"  to  remain 
peaceful  and  quiet. 

*  Lord  W.  Paget,  Lord  Forbes,  &c.  had  appeared  at  the 
Association  from  motives  of  curiosity,  once — so  had  Lord 
Ellenborough,  &c.  &c.  Their  visit  was  noticed — they  did 
not  repeat  it.  His  Excellency  never  saw  Mr.  Sheil — saw 
Mr.  O'Connell  once — Mr.  Lawless  twice  on  a  silk-trade 
deputation,  and  actually  dined  I  believe  twice  with  Lord 
Cloncurry  :  it  is  true  Lord  C.  was  a  member  of  the  Associa- 
tion ;  but  Lord  Cloncurry  is  also  an  excellent  magistrate,  an 
excellent  country  gentleman,  and  feels  as  much  for  the  in- 
terests of  Ireland  as  Mr.  Gregory.  Even  this  was  not 
without  a  precedent.  How  came  the  present  government  to 
satisfy  themselves,  that  the  Duke  of  Richmond  was  not  a 
united  Irishman,  after  his  dinner  with  Hamilton  Rowan  ? 

f  The  Marquess's  recall  was  not  to  be  ascribed  to  any  one 
particular  act,  but  the  spirit  and  temper  of  his  whole  admi- 
nistration. The  government  on  this  side  of  the  water  had 
not  emerged  from  the  ignorance  in  which  their  predeces- 
sors had  left  them.  Mr.  Peel  retained  many  of  his  Castle 
impressions,  and  it  must  be  recollected  that  he  had  rilled 
the  office  of  Irish  secretary  at  a  period  of  all  others  the  most 


30          MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL. 

have  been  the  principle  of  this  very  important 
change,  the  effect  on  the  country  was  extraor- 

calculated  to  impress  anti-Catholic  and  anti-Irish  opinions 
on  the  mind  of  a  young  Englishman.  The  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton, to  a  certain  degree,  might  be  comprised  under  the  pre- 
ceding observation,  but  his  larger  knowledge  of  mankind, 
and  his  contact  with  other  churches  and  states  than  those  of 
England,  must  have  left  him  much  more  open  than  his  col- 
league to  the  operation  of  facts.  To  such  Ministers,  the  clear 
and  energetic  statements  of  the  Marquess,  again  and  again 
put  forward,  must  have  appeared  startling.  They  were  in 
no  sort  of  harmony  with  the  former  partisan  communi- 
cations from  the  Castle,  and  appeared  at  first  sight  to  have 
originated  from  some  strange  but  concealed  influence  behind 
the  vice-regal  throne,  in  actual  hostility  to  the  government. 
This  secret  oracle  was  sought  for.  Mr.  Gregory  travelled  into 
England  for  his  health  during  the  summer ;  and  Lord  Clon- 
curry,  Hamilton  Rowan,  or  the  Catholic  Association,  were 
believed  to  have  guided  the  pen  and  presided  over  the  coun- 
sels of  his  Excellency.  A  correspondence  ensued,  on  very 
unequal  terms,  and  terminated,  as  all  such  correspondences 
usually  do,  in  disgrace  of  the  weaker  party.  But  the  Mar- 
quess may  now  summon  in  his  vindication  his  very  impugners 
themselves.  The  policy  for  which  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
and  Mr.  Peel  are  lauded  (and  justly  lauded),  it  will  not  be 
forgotten  was  the  identical  policy  for  which  Lord  Anglesey 
was  condemned.  At  the  same  time  it  will  be  conceded,  that 
the  Duke  stood  in  a  very  slippery  position,  and  had  great 
difficulties  to  contend  with.  His  own  correspondence  is  the 
best  evidence  how  much  he  had  to  overcome,  of  prejudice,  or 
indecision,  or  hostility,  in  the  royal  mind.  Every  rumour  from 
Ireland  proved  a  new  obstacle.  The  Duke  wras  anxious  that 


MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY'S    RECALL.         31 

dinary.  Apprehensions  were  entertained  that 
it  would  lead  to  the  most  disastrous  consequen- 
ces. Nor  were  these  apprehensions  altogether 
unfounded  or  exaggerated.  On  a  calm  retrospect 
from  the  position  in  which  we  at  present  stand, 
it  may  be  safely  avowed,  that  to  the  judicious 
publication  of  the  Marquess's  letter  some  days" 
previous,  and  to  his  calm  conduct  subsequent  to 
his  recall,  the  exemption  from  all  violence  in  this 
most  critical  period  is  principally  to  be  ascribed.* 

the  Marquess's  conduct  should  be  such  as  not  to  lend  colour 
to  these  rumours  :  but  they  did  not  understand  each  other. 
The  question  now  is,  whether  a  little  more  frankness  would 
not  have  been  the  better  policy. 

*  "  But  how  was  it  to  be  allayed  ?  What  measures 
could  I  adopt  to  subdue  the  ferment  ?  I  could  not  commu- 
nicate with  the  Catholic  Association  :  I  could  not  address 
the  leaders  of  whom  I  have  spoken :  I  could  not  formally 
proclaim  my  wishes ;  yet  I  was  urged  to  do  something  to 
avert  a  public  calamity.  My  Lords,  it  then  flashed  across 
my  mind  that  this  eventful  letter  might  possibly  be  turned  to 
some  account.  Dr.  Curtis  had  confided  to  me  the  Noble 
Duke's  letter  to  him  on  the  subject  of  the  Catholic  Question: 
I  had  replied  to  it.  My  letter  was  (as  I  before  said)  written 
in  strict  confidence — it  was  not  meant  to  see  the  light — it 
was  marked  '  private  and  confidential  ;' — and  taking  a 
lesson  from  the  circumstance  of  the  Noble  Duke's  letter  to 
the  same  reverend  person  having  become  public,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  Grace  having  omitted  to  mark  it  private,  and 
of  his  having  franked  the  letter  himself,  I  caused  my  letter 


32         MARQUESS    OF    ANGLESEY  S    RECALL. 

Addresses  poured  in  on  all  sides,  in  spite  of  cor- 
poration and  other  opposition,  wherever  it  could 
be  offered,  expressive  of  the  profound  regret 
with  which  the  Catholics  and  liberals  viewed 
this  most  sinister  event.  They  regarded  it  in 
general,  as  the  most  emphatic  expression  which 
the  Minister  could  have  afforded  of  an  immediate 
and  entire  change  of  system.  The  Catholics 
already  prepared  themselves  for  a  recurrence 
of  that  reign  of  terror,  which  at  a  former  period 
had  searched  with  such  dreadful  energy  to  the 
very  inmost  parts  of  the  social  system.  They 
saw  oppressive  measures  one  after  one  brought 

to  be  franked  by  my  Secretary,  who,  at  the  same  time, 
wrote  to  desire  that  it  might  be  considered  as  being  written 
in  my  private  character,  and  not  as  Lord  Lieutenant.  It  is 
evident,  then,  that  this  letter  was  not  meant  for  publication. 
I  then  said  to  these  gentlemen — *  Go  to  Dr.  Murray  (the 
person  to  whom  alone  the  letter  had  been  entrusted  by  Dr. 
Curtis);  look  at  that  letter;  see  if  any  good  use  can  be 
made  of  it : — if  so,  I  give  up  all  private  considerations  for 
the  public  good.  You  may  produce  it,  if  necessary.'  A 
consultation  was  held  as  to  the  expediency  of  publishing  this 
letter  ;  the  parties  who  interested  themselves  in  the  subject, 
conceived  that  it  contained  the  advice  of  a  real  friend  to 
Ireland,  and  that  it  would  be  advantageous  that  its  senti- 
ments should  be  promulgated.  The  letter  was  accordingly 
made  public." — Marquess  of  Anglesey's  Speech  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  4th  May,  on  moving  for  papers  relative  to  his 
recall  from  Ireland  (pullished  by  authority}. 


ORANGEMEN.  33 

into  fierce  and  uncontrollable  action  ;  the 
country  surrendered  up  to  its  old  enemies  for 
their  disport ;  the  violent  disruption  of  all  the 
bonds  of  civil  life ;  the  midnight  massacre  com- 
mencing; new  outrages  justifying  new  oppres- 
sion ;  new  oppression  justifying  new  outrages ; 
till  at  last  the  entire  country,  no  longer  capable 
of  enduring  this  intolerable  state  of  things,  should 
rush  at  once  into  flagrant  war,  and  cast  every 
interest  to  the  bloody  decision  of  the  scaffold 
and  the  sword.  The  Orange  faction  viewed 
the  exertion  of  the  prerogative  in  a  similar  light. 
They  already  triumphed  in  the  completion  of 
their  projects  :  that  secret  alliance  between  the 
crown  and  the  faction,  of  which  they  had  so 
often  boasted  in  private,  they  now  daringly  and 
ferociously  proclaimed :  they  called  out  from 
the  north  to  the  south,  through  all  their  clubs, 
to  support  the  hands  of  his  Majesty's  govern- 
ment; they  looked  forward  to  the  renewal  of 
their  charter  of  misrule ;  and  whilst  on  one 
hand  they  heaped  every  description  of  factious 
abuse  on  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey,  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  and  Mr.  Peel  were  placed  on 
the  altar  of  their  idolatry,  and  worshipped  with 
the  most  servile  adulation,  as  the  uncompro- 
mising champions  of  Protestant  ascendancy. 
The  meetings  of  the  Catholics,  so  far  how- 

VOL.    II.  C 


34  LIBERAL    PROTESTANTS. 

ever  from  evincing  any  unworthy  despondency 
on  this  momentous  occasion,  assumed  a  tone 
which  was  worthy  of  freemen,  and  called  on  all 
classes  of  their  countrymen,  ere  it  was  too  late, 
to  interpose  their  influence  and  exertions,  with 
their  whole  strength  and  their  whole  soul,  be- 
tween the  country  and  destruction.  The  liberal 
Protestants,  with  less  ardour,  were  not  less  ear- 
nest or  less  firm.  During  the  government  of  the 
Marquess  they  had,  for  the  first  time,  obtained 
a  power  and  importance  in  the  country  as  a 
party,  to  which  till  then,  they  had  been  utter 
strangers.  Prior  to  his  administration,  a  Catholic 
could  scarcely  have  less  chance  of  obtaining  an 
audience  from  the  all-powerful  Castle  Secretary 
than  an  avowedly  liberal  Protestant.  They  were 
not  only  without  any  consideration  as  a  party, 
but  even  of  that  consideration  to  which  indi- 
vidual rank,  talent,  or  property,  might  have 
given  them  a  legitimate  claim ;  they  were  studi- 
ously defrauded,  partly  through  the  old  spirit  of 
official  retaliation,  and  partly  with  a  view  to 
mark  more  strongly  the  reprobation  of  the  Mar- 
quess's system.  A  person  unacquainted  with 
the  absolutely  partisan  government  of  every  thing 
Irish,  during  several  years  back,  will  find  it  im- 
possible to  form  any  just  notions  of  the  strict 
line  of  demarcation  which  had  been  established 


LIBERAL    PROTESTANTS.  35 

between  the  Castle  and  the  liberal  party. 
Men  the  most  distinguished  amongst  it,  were 
not  only  treated  with  the  most  calculating  in- 
difference, but  had  not  even  the  opportunity 
allowed  them  of  a  personal  acquaintance  with 
the  ordinary  ministers  of  the  Executive.  The 
results  were  obvious :  every  thing  which  came 
to  the  hands  of  government,  came  in  a  garbled 
and  ex  parte  form.  Nothing  was  done  to  con- 
sult the  people  :  the  only  object  of  the  entire 
government  seemed  to  be,  to  feed  the  slave- 
master  at  the  expense  of  the  slave.  This  co- 
lonial system  was  broken  up  by  the  Marquess 
with  a  total  disregard  to  all  precedents  of  for- 
mer misrule :  the  bureau  influence  was  obliged 
to  allow  free  passage  for  the  representations  of 
the  country ;  the  government  came  in  contact 
with  public  opinion  as  it  really  existed  ;  two 
sides  and  two  pleaders  were  heard  for  the  first 
time  in  the  precincts  of  the  Castle,  upon  every 
question  of  public  policy.  The  liberal  Protest- 
ants at  length  obtained  their  natural  weight: 
their  opponents,  by  coming  into  the  lists  with  men 
perfectly  well  qualified  to  compete  with  them, 
were  reduced  to  their  natural  dimensions.  The 
liberal  Protestants  were  satisfied,  for  they  had 
public  and  generous  objects  in  view  :  their  anta- 
gonists were  dissatisfied, — they  looked  chiefly 


36  RECALL    OF    THE    MARQUESS. 

to  the  continuance  of  their  habitual  system  of 
misrepresentation,  and  its  natural  consequence, 
monopoly.     No  body  of  men  could  then  feel 
more  deeply  than  the  liberal  Protestants,  the 
departure  of  such  a  Viceroy.     Their  addresses 
faintly  expressed  the   profound  sentiments   of 
regret  and  despondency  which  were  heard  dur- 
ing that  critical  pause  between  the  two  systems. 
Not  only  did  they  contemplate  an  instant  relapse 
into  all  the  ancient  evils  of  Irish  politics,  but 
they  apprehended,  from  the  aid  which  they  had 
recently  given  the  Catholics,  that  their  conduct 
would  be  visited  with  the  most  severe  retalia- 
tion by  the  new  government.   Again,  they  would 
be  compelled  to   retire  to  their  former  insig- 
nificance, or  be  delivered  over,  with  additional 
circumstances  of  pain   and  contumely,  to  the 
insult  and  injuries  of  a  triumphant  enemy. 

During  all  this  period,  the  conduct  of  the 
Marquess  of  Anglesey  was  unexceptionable  ;  the 
most  envious  eye  could  not  find  a  spot  for  the 
gratification  of  its  malignity :  to  the  Irish  peo- 
ple it  will  be  a  subject,  in  all  their  fortunes,  of 
the  most  affectionate  recollection.  No  one  ap- 
proached him  during  those  days  of  sorrow  and 
apprehension,  without  being  fully  penetrated  by 
the  sincerity,  the  justice,  the  high  and  statesman- 
like spirit,  with  which  it  was  his  intention  to 


DEPARTURE    OF    THE    MARQUESS.  37 

have  governed  Ireland.  It  was  then  chiefly, 
that  men  began  to  know  how  much  they  had 
lost.  His  kindliness  tempering  his  dignity,  but 
detracting  in  nothing  from  it;  the  sympathy 
with  which  his  whole  family  united  in  the  ex- 
pression of  the  same  feelings  for  Ireland,  the  im- 
pressive cordiality,  the  perfect  forgetfulness  of 
self  in  his  parting  counsels,  won  all  hearts,  and 
made  him  indeed  the  truly  regretted  of  all  the 
people.  Few  of  the  many  deputations  who  ap- 
proached him  on  that  interesting  occasion — and 
there  were  men  of  all  classes— but  left  him  with 
sentiments  of  almost  personal  regret.  He  was 
implored  to  continue  till  the  Rotunda  meeting, 
which  was  now  approaching,  should  take  place  ; 
but  with  that  honourable  anxiety  to  avoid  what- 
ever might  bear  even  the  imputation  of  personal 
pique,  or  opposition  to  his  Majesty's  wishes, 
which  has  ever  characterised  his  conduct,  he 
anticipated  the  meeting  by  a  day  or  two,  and 
left  Ireland  on  the  18th  of  January. 

The  procession  which  accompanied  him  that 
day  to  Kingstown  harbour,  will  not  easily  be 
obliterated  from  the  memory  of  the  Irish  nation. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  was  grave,  pro- 
found, and  taciturn.  There  was  no  unseemly 
riot ;  no  turbulence  ;  no  invective  :  the  bless- 
ings were  not  loud,  but  deep.  Banners  bearing 


38  DEPARTURE    OF    THE    MARQUESS. 

the  passages  of  his  letter,  his  last  advice  to  the 
people,  enwreathed  in  crape,  were  borne  by  the 
different  trades  before  him;  a  long  suite  of  car- 
riages followed  :  every  class  in  the  metropolis 
mingled.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  crowd  the 
eye  anxiously  sought  out  for  the  late  Viceroy. 
The  Marquess  rode  uncovered  in  the  midst  of 
his  friends  and  fellow-soldiers,  and  saluted  the 
people  with  an  expression  of  mingled  pain  and 
pleasure :  there  were  few  guards  ;  an  insignifi- 
cant escort ;  no  troops  :  he  went  escorted  by  the 
affections  of  the  people.  Since  the  day  of  Lord 
Fitzwilliam — to  which  they  often  on  that  day 
likened  it,  with  a  prayer  that  it  might  not  lead 
to  a  repetition  of  the  scenes  which  so  soon  fol- 
lowed— nothing  of  the  kind  had  been  witnessed 
in  Dublin.  Thousands  greeted  him  from  the 
shore,  as  if  with  him  had  fled  all  hopes,  and  all 
chances  for  Ireland.  He  embarked  amidst  their 
blessings,  and  on  his  now  passing  from  their 
sight,  returned  home  in  silence,  to  meditate  on 
the  misfortunes  which  seemed  impending  over 
their  unhappy  country.* 

*  I  select  one  amongst  the  many  addresses,  presented  on 
this  memorable  occasion.  It  contains  a  concise  summary  of 
the  Marquess's  administration  : — 

"  You  arrived  in  this  country  at  a  period  peculiarly  un- 
favourable to  the  acquisition  of  popularity.  A  new  mi- 


ROTUNDA    MEETING.  39 

The  meeting,  however,  appointed  for  the  20th 
in  the  Rotunda,  was  fast  approaching.  Men 

nistry  had  been  displaced,  upon  which  the  hopes  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  community  had  fondly  rested.  The  change 
was  felt  as  a  defeat,  and  you  were  associated  with  their  con- 
querors. Another  portion  hailed  you  as  a  deliverer  from  the 
ambitious  aspirings  of  their  Catholic  antagonists.  You  had 
to  guard  yourself  (a  no  less  difficult  task)  against  their  indis- 
creet triumph.  You  achieved  both.  In  a  few  weeks,  by  a 
great  but  simple  spell,  you  captivated  the  general  heart.  The 
old  Irish  policy  of  division,  for  the  first  time,  was  abandoned. 
You  wielded,  not  one  fragment  of  the  state  against  the 
other,  for  the  benefit  of  the  enemies  of  both  ;  but  you  bound 
— you  consolidated — you  wisely  directed  the  energies  of  all, 
to  the  desire  and  attainment  of  common  good.  You  gave  a 
triumph  to  neither,  but  justice  to  each — you  saw  Ireland  in 
all  her  sons — you  were  not  the  representative  of  a  faction, 
nor  the  governor  of  a  faction — you  ruled  Ireland  as  a  pa- 
triot should  rule  her.  You  were  the  best  representative  of 
the  King — he  has  no  higher  title  than  the  Father  of  all  his 
people. 

"  His  gracious  Majesty,  on  leaving  our  island,  recom- 
mended peace,  harmony,  and  good-will.  What  he  has 
recommended,  you  have  done — and  if  not  quite  done,  it  was 
not  because  your  intentions  were  below  your  means,  but  be- 
cause your  means  were  not  equal  to  your  intentions. 

"  During  a  period  when  all  sects,  all  classes,  were  stirred 
from  the  depths  in  which  they  had  slept,  into  a  commotion 
fierce  and  perilous,  beyond  any  known  in  our  recent  stormy 
history — when  the  entire  nation  split  oft'  into  two  ad- 
verse hosts — your  justice,  tempered  with  mercy — using 
the  balance  rather  than  the  sword — walked  between  both 


40  ROTUNDA    MEETING. 

of  the  first  distinction  arrived  to  assist  at  this 
most  important  assembly.     For  two  days 


armies  —  saved  the  people  from  their  passions,  and  sus- 
pended, as  far  as  in  you  lay,  the  rush  and  ruin  of  the  coming 
conflict. 

"  During  your  administration,  new  principles,  or  old  prin- 
ciples which  seemed  new,  were  called  into  sudden  action, 
and  the  irritation  of  former  times  was  kindled  with  fresh 
irritations  beyond  any  former  example  —  still  were  the  jails 
emptied,  crime  retrenched,  the  people  restrained,  commerce 
restored,  industry  encouraged.  The  nation  saw  that  there 
was  a  beginning  —  the  good  began  to  hope,  and  the  wise  no 
longer  despaired  of  the  country. 

"  Your  Excellency  has  rendered  a  great  and  magnificent 
service  to  this  distracted  land.  You  have  taught  yourself 
the  lesson,  and  shown  how  easily  it  might  be  practised  —  not 
by  words  only,  but  by  example.  In  rendering  a  service  to 
Ireland,  you  have  rendered  a  service  to  the  empire.  In  ren- 
dering a  service  to  the  subject,  you  have,  if  possible,  ren- 
dered a  still  greater  service  to  the  King.  If  you  have  not 
given  all,  you  have  prepared  for  all.  Your  administration 
would  gradually  have  emancipated,  for  it  would  gradually 
have  liberalised  Ireland. 

"  With  the  benedictions  of  a  grateful  people  your  Ex- 
cellency leaves  our  shores  —  may  it  not  also  be  with  their 
despondent  regret  !  We  live  in  days  of  doubt,  and  of  dark- 
ness. We  cannot  but  remember  that  periods  like  the  present 
preluded  to  the  revolutions  of  America  and  France  —  to  our 
own  calamitous  warfare  of  1798.  May  no  sinister  and 
partial  policy  defraud  the  nation  of  the  few  hopes  of  re- 
demption which  are  still  left  her  !  —  and  may  our  children's 
children  have  no  reason  to  assimilate,  in  after  times,  the 


ROTUNDA    MEETING.  41 

vious,  the  committee  entrusted  with  the  preli- 
minary arrangements,  held  meetings  of  the 
greatest  interest.  The  indignation  at  the  Mar- 
quess's recall  was  extreme :  but  a  sense  of  what 
was  due  to  the  cause,  and  indeed  to  his  own 
feelings  and  advice,  restrained  every  expression 
of  these  opinions  within  the  bounds  of  the  strict- 
est moderation.  Even  the  resolution  compli- 
mentary to  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  admi- 
nistration, and  which  embodied  with  so  much 
justice  that  portion  of  his  letter  which  bore  an 
immediate  reference  to  the  religious  peace  of 
Ireland,  was  very  slightly  modified,  and  all  tes- 
timonies of  regret  at  the  Marquess's  departure 
limited  to  an  address,  in  harmony  with  the  gene- 
ral feeling  at  that  time  pervading  the  country.* 

At  an  early  hour  the  great  room  of  the  Ro- 
tunda was  crowded,  by  one  of  the  most  numerous 
assemblies  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  Ire- 
causes  and  consequences  of  your  Excellency's  recall  with 
those  of  the  good  Earl  Fitzwilliam's  !  " 

*  This  was  so  much  the  case,  that  an  address  to  the  King, 
praying  him  to  reverse  the  letter  of  recall,  and  restore  the 
Marquess  of  Anglesey  to  the  affections  of  the  people  of 
Ireland  (drawn  up  by  Lord  Cloncurry),  was  negatived  in 
the  committee  by  a  great  majority.  Every  thing  was 
avoided,  which  could  in  the  least  compromise  that  attitude 
of  dignity  and  good  sense  which  the  Marquess  had  chosen  for 
his  government. 


42  ROTUNDA     MEETING. 

land,  which  had  ever  been  convened  in  public 
meeting.  The  Duke  of  Leinster  took  the  chair. 
The  Rev.  Edward  Groves,  a  Protestant  clergy- 
man, and  Henry  Arabin,  Esq.,  to  whose  united 
exertions  the  Protestant  declaration  had  been 
judiciously  entrusted,  acted  as  secretaries.  The 
resolutions,  already  circulated  and  approved  of 
through  the  country,  were  brought  forward,  and 
supported  with  an  earnestness  and  zeal  very  dif- 
ferent indeed  from  what  had  usually  charac- 
terised Protestant  meetings.  The  heart  was 
thrown,  for  the  first  time,  boldly  and  unre- 
servedly, into  the  language.  The  Protestant 
and  Catholic  mingled  together  in  the  same  im- 
ploring cry  for  the  peace,  the  prosperity,  the 
salvation  of  Ireland.  Both  speeches  and  re- 
solutions spoke  in  clear  and  emphatic  phraseo- 
logy of  the  imperious  necessity  of  immediate 
and  generous  concession ;  entreated  the  govern- 
ment to  interpose  with  wisdom  and  liberality, 
before  it  was  too  late,  between  the  country  and 
the  now  undoubted  certainty  of  civil  war;  point- 
ed in  plain  and  stern  language  to  the  real  sources 
of  these  dissentions;  and  adjured  the  Sovereign 
and  the  legislature,  by  the  most  solemn  appeals, 
to  look  into  their  existence  with  the  energy 
which  became  a  great  nation,  and  apply  boldly 
wise  and  searching  remedies  to  their  redress. 


KOTUNDA    MEETING.  43 

An  address  to  the  King,  and  petitions  to  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  were  unanimously  adopt- 
ed. The  opposite  party  at  an  early  hour  had 
threatened  an  attempt  upon  the  tranquillity  of 
the  meeting ;  and  two  or  three  of  their  notorious 
partisans  were  to  be  seen  hovering  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood  of  the  Rotunda.  But, 
whether  from  a  conviction  of  their  feebleness,  or 
an  apprehension  that  any  disturbance  would  be 
visited  by  immediate  castigation,  they  abstained 
altogether  from  all  offensive  interruption  of  the 
proceedings.  Immediately  after  the  first  resolu- 
tion had  been  put,  a  Mr.  M'Crie,  indeed,  from 
the  county  of  Kerry,  a  person  known  originally 
as  a  dissenting  field  preacher,  and  afterwards  as 
a  Brunswick  orator,  attempted  to  create  confu- 
sion, by  a  proposition  to  divide  the  meeting,  on 
the  question  of  an  adjournment ;  but  the  stratagem 
was  too  palpably  such  to  merit  any  serious  at- 
tention, and  after  a  momentary  appearance  of 
disorder  in  that  part  of  the  hall  where  he  hap- 
pened to  be  stationed,  every  thing  resumed  its 
former  propriety  and  decorum.  One  of  the  most 
touching  incidents  of  this  very  remarkable  scene, 
was  the  appearance,  in  the  midst  of  the  young 
and  ardent  men,  with  whom  the  platform  was 
crowded,  of  the  venerable  patriot  Sir  John  New- 
port. In  the  outset  of  his  political  life,  he  had 


44  ROTUNDA    MEETING. 

assisted  in  that  same  room  at  the  great  Con- 
vention, which  under  the  auspices  of  Lord  Char- 
lemont  had  petitioned  both  of  the  Irish  Houses 
for  reform  in  parliament.  To  the  exclusion  of 
the  Catholics  and  their  cause  from  any  participa- 
tion in  those  great  projects  of  amelioration,  he 
attributed  the  failure  of  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant revolutions,  which  had  ever  occurred,  in  the 
history  of  any  country.  "  The  occurrences  of 
those  days,"  said  he,  "  should  teach  the  present 
age  that  no  species  of  freedom  can  be  lasting, 
unless  it  be  also  general ;  that  it  cannot  endure 
for  any  time,  if  it  be  but  the  freedom  of  a  party, 
or  the  liberty  of  a  sect,  and  that  it  must  be  over- 
thrown if  it  be  based  on  the  ascendancy  of  one 
class  of  men  over  another."  A  noble  and  wise 
lesson,  which,  had  it  been  learnt  in  time,  would 
have  saved  Ireland  many  a  tear,  and  England 
the  whole  of  that  miserable  struggle  for  unjust 
power,  which  is  doubly  odious,  when  exercised 
in  the  bosom  of  a  free  government. 

This  memorable  meeting,  which  may  well 
stand  beside  the  great  Convention  of  1783,  both 
for  the  names  which  it  collected,  the  principles 
which  it  recorded,  and  the  great  results  to 
which  it  so  speedily  led,  did  not  separate  with- 
out taking  the  necessary  measures  for  the  prac- 
tical enforcement  of  its  opinions.  The  noble- 


ROTUNDA    MEETING.  45 

men  and  gentlemen  who  constituted  the  com- 
mittee for  the  Protestant  declaration,  the  din- 
ner to  Lord  Morpeth,  for  conducting  the  ar- 
rangements of  the  late  meeting,  together  with 
the  movers  and  seconders  of  the  resolutions 
just  passed,  were  formed  into  a  body  to  carry 
into  effect  these  resolutions,  and  were  earnestly 
requested,  individually  and  collectively,  to  con- 
tinue their  exertions  for  the  success  of  the  great 
cause  in  which  they  were  engaged— "  the  re- 
ligious peace  of  Ireland." 


*  This  was  not  the  first  meeting  held  in  the  same  place,  for 
the  purpose  of  co-operating  with  the  Catholics  in  their  strug- 
gle for  the  restoration  of  their  civil  rights.  A  meeting  of  the 
Protestants  of  the  city  of  Dublin  took  place  in  the  Rotunda, 
on  the  llth  February,  1811.  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord 
Mayor  (Alderman  M'Kenna)  presided  ;  on  the  platform  was 
observed,  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  the  Earl  of  Charlemont,  the 
Earl  of  Meath,  Lord  Cloncurry,  the  illustrious  Grattan,  Mr. 
Latouche,  Mr.  S.  Tighe,  M.P.,  Mr.  Parnell,  M.P.,  Ant. 
Blake,  M.P.,  Mr.  Power,  M.P.,  Mr.  Burrowes,  Mr.  Wal- 
lace, &c.  &c.  There  were  supposed  to  be  nearly  three  thou- 
sand persons  in  the  room.  The  meeting  was  purely  Protestant. 
On  the  suggestion  of  Alderman  Archer,  the  few  Catholics 
who  were  in  the  hall,  were  requested  to  withdraw.  Lord 
Frankfort,  seconded  by  Mr.  Ellis,  and  supported  by  half-a- 
dozen  aldermen,  attempted  to  carry  an  adjournment,  but 
failed  :  after  a  great  deal  of  confusion,  the  non-contents 
were  induced  to  retire.  A  series  of  moderate  resolutions, 


46  COMMITTEE,    &C. 

The  so  appointed  committee,  pursuant  to  ar- 
rangement, met  together  at  the  Royal  Hotel, 
College  Green,1*  the  day  after,  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  the  preliminaries  of  the  public  din- 
ner, which  was  to  close  the  proceedings  of  the 
Rotunda  meeting.  The  dinner  again  brought  to- 
gether the  majority  of  the  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men who  had  assisted  at  the  meeting  of  the  day 
previous,  and  was  the  means  of  eliciting  new 
pledges  to  the  same  great  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  freedom,  which  had  distinguished  the 
deliberations  of  the  yesterday.  John  David  La- 
touche  presided,  and  was  supported  by  the 
Marquess  of  Clanricarde  and  the  Marquess  of 
Westmeath,  vice-presidents. 

Whilst  the  impulse  which  had  been  given 
was  still  strong,  and  the  feelings  of  zeal  and 
sympathy  in  the  sufferings  of  their  fellow-sub- 

the  first  of  which  was  moved  by  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  were 
unanimously  adopted,  and  a  petition  to  both  Houses  agreed 
upon,  with  a  recommendation  to  have  similar  petitions  signed 
and  presented  from  the  liberal  Protestants,  in  every  county  in 
Ireland.  All  this  was  of  use;  but  there  is  a  very  marked 
difference,  indeed,  between  the  spirit  and  measures  of  the 
two  meetings.  The  meeting  of  1811  produced  nothing;  the 
meeting  of  1829  was  followed  by  a  junction  between  both 
parties,  which  was  sincere,  and  would  no  doubt  have  endured. 
*  It  was  in  this  same  room  the  articles  of  the  legislative 
union  were  originally  arranged. 


PROCEEDINGS    THEREOF.  47 

jects  fresh  and  ardent,  it  was  thought  possible 
that  these  impressions  might  be  rendered  far 
more  efficiently  and  extensively  useful  by  an 
immediate  junction  with  the  Catholic  Associa- 
tion. The  proposition  originated  from  several 
influential  gentlemen  amongst  the  Protestants, 
and  was  received  with  gratitude  and  enthusiasm, 
and  almost  unanimity,  by  the  Catholics.  The 
rumour  spread  ;  and  long  before  any  decisive 
measures  could  have  been  taken  for  the  further- 
ance of  the  project,  it  was  already  announced 
in  the  Catholic  Association,  by  individuals  un- 
authorised certainly,  and  unconnected  with  the 
Committee,  but  still  known  for  the  zeal  and 
activity  which  they  manifested  in  the  conduct 
of  Catholic  affairs,  that  a  new  body  was  about 
to  be  formed  under  the  denomination  of  the 
Irish  Association,  which  should  merge  all  party 
distinctions  in  the  common  feeling  of  country, 
and  annihilate  for  ever,  in  practice,  all  those 
miserable  political  divisions,  which  had  so  long 
kept  them  separate  and  ignorant,  of  each  other. 
The  effect  of  this  declaration  upon  the  people  of 
Ireland  was  great.  It  produced  a  general  feel- 
ing of  enthusiastic  cordiality  and  attachment, 
and  had  already  half  prepared  the  way  for  the 
projected  union.  Nothing  could  be  a  better 
evidence  of  the  kind  predispositions  of  the  Ca- 


48  PROCEEDINGS    THEREOF. 

tholics,  or  the  total  absence  of  any  of  those  mo- 
tives, the  love  of  power  or  ascendancy,  or  the 
cherished  retaining  of  old  religious  rancours, 
which  had  been  so  injuriously  attributed  to 
them,  during  every  period  of  the  struggle.  But 
the  effect  on  England  was  still  more  powerful. 
The  opponents  of  the  measure  already  saw  a 
general  and  extraordinary  revolution  gradually 
maturing.  The  quarrel,  instead  of  being  Catho- 
lic and  Protestant,  was  likely  to  become  Irish 
and  English.  Sectarianism  had  changed  into 
nationality.  They  imagined  that  henceforth  the 
contest  would  assume  something  of  the  character 
of  the  great  struggle  of  1782,  a  battle  not  for 
an  equality  of  rights  between  all  classes  of  the 
same  state,  but  ultimately  perhaps  for  national 
independence  and  separation  from  the  sister 
country.  But  the  period  had  not  yet  arrived  for 
such  a  junction.  The  project  was  full  of  zeal 
and  sincerity ;  but  the  public  mind  was  not  yet 
ripe. 

The  committee  emanating  from  the  Rotunda 
meeting  was  not,  however,  indifferent  to  the 
proposition.  They  entertained  it  with  all  the 
judgment  and  good  feeling  to  which  it  had  a 
claim.  Ten  Catholics  and  ten  Protestants,  after- 
wards increased  by  an  addition  of  ten  more  on 
either  side,  were  appointed  as  a  sub-committee 


OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION.  49 

to  inquire  into  the  principle  of  such  a  coalition, 
and  the  means  best  calculated,  in  case  it  should 
meet  the  approbation  of  the  meeting,  of  bring- 
ing it  into  immediate  effect.  The  committee 
met  and  discussed  at  considerable  length,  for 
several  days,  the  several  bearings  of  this  very 
important  subject.  The  utility  of  the  junction 
was  unanimously  admitted.  The  difficulties  of 
practically  effecting  it,  were  embarrassing.  Most 
of  the  Catholic  members  were  anxious  for  this 
amalgamation,  at  any  cost.  Mr.  O'Connell  and 
Mr.  Sheil  thought  it  could  be  produced  by  the 
Protestants  simply  going  down  in  a  mass  of  thirty 
or  forty,  and  giving  in  their  names  and  subscrip- 
tions to  the  Catholic  Association.  Lord  Killeen, 
Mr.  Wyse,  and  others,  regarded  it  as  a  matter 
which  demanded  the  utmost  care  and  considera- 
tion. They  met  the  Protestant  gentlemen  half 
way,  and  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  fully  ex- 
pressing their  objections.  After  three  successive 
meetings,  it  appeared  on  mature  examination 
of  existing  circumstances,  and  particularly  of 
the  "actual  organization"  of  the  Catholic  As- 
sociation, that  the  plan  was  impracticable.  The 
Catholic  Association  was  constituted  in  a  very 
peculiar  manner,  in  no  sort  of  analogy  with 
any  other  body  on  record.  It  was  not  a  club  ; 
for  members  were  admitted  on  the  simple  pro- 

VOL.    II.  D 


50  OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITIOX. 

position  of  a  member,  and  the  previous  payment 
of  I/,  subscription,  and  not  by  ballot :  it  was 
not  a  representative  body ;  for  "  no  member 
stood  there  as  the  representative  or  delegate  of 
any  town,  borough,  county,  or  individual  what- 
soever." It  was  an  open  society,  calculated 
and  intended  to  extend  to  almost  every  part, 
not  only  of  Ireland  and  England,  but  of 
France  and  America,  and  the  rest  of  the  civi- 
lised world.  It  thus  became,  in  the  strongest 
sense  of  the  word,  a  truly  irresponsible  body. 
The  apartment  in  which  it  assembled  could 
contain  but  a  small  portion  even  of  the  resident 
members.  Thus  no  guarantee  could  possibly  be 
given,  that  the  opinions  of  one  day  would  con- 
tinue to  be  the  opinipns  of  another ;  or  the  votes 
of  the  assembly  at  which  a  gentleman  assisted, 
might  not  be  rescinded  by  a  new  body  on  the 
morrow.  A  man  entering  a  society  necessarily 
desires  to  understand  thoroughly  the  nature  of 
the  principles  and  the  conduct  of  those  to  whom 
he  is  about  to  pledge  himself;  but  in  a  body 
so  fluctuating,  so  composed  of  multitudinous 
and  fleeting  particles,  he  had  no  assurance  that 
he  might  not  pledge  himself  to  men  and  mea- 
sures concurring  in  appearance,  but  in  reality 
and  result,  the  most  opposite  to  his  own  opinions 
and  rule,  of  political  action.  This  evil,  great  as 


OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION.  51 

it  unquestionably  was,  was  still  further  enhanced 
by  another  very  little  inferior.  The  admission 
of  non-members  into  the  rooms  at  one  shilling 
each,  often  gave  a  very  erroneous  tone  to  the 
public  meetings.  It  was  true,  indeed,  that  in 
cases  of  dubious  discussion,  or  where  great  in- 
terests were  at  stake,  a  strict  separation  of  the 
members  from  the  non- members  would  have 
been  insisted  on ;  but  those  cases  were  of  rare 
occurrence,  and  in  the  interval,  the  influence 
of  the  externs  on  the  public  deliberations  was 
frequently  pernicious.  All  the  violent  mea- 
sures of  the  Jacobin  clubs  at  Paris  originated, 
and  were  forced  on  the  meeting,  by  the  galleries. 
It  was  quite  clear,  then,  that  the  Protestant  who 
demanded  some  security  against  these  objection- 
able portions  of  the  system,  demanded  nothing 
but  what  he  might  reasonably  suppose  to  be  es- 
sential to  his  own  independence,  and  requisite  to 
secure  him  against  the  risk  of  being  identified 
with  proceedings,  of  which  possibly  he  could 
not  in  every  particular  approve.  Another  con- 
cession upon  which  he  insisted,  I  will  not 
say  with  the  same  justice,  was  the  restriction 
in  future  of  the  subjects  of  debate,  within 
the  precise  and  narrow  limits  of  the  Catho- 
lic question,  excluding  of  course  every  thing 
which  could  touch  upon  matters  of  collateral 


52  OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION. 

policy  or  legislation,  upon  which  difference  of 
opinion  might  be  supposed  to  exist,  such  as  the 
Church,  the  Subletting  act,  the  Repeal  of  the 
Union,  &c.  These  conditions  were  expressed 
forcibly  by  some  of  the  Protestant  gentlemen,  by 
others  incidentally  and  reluctantly ;  but  it  was 
quite  obvious,  that  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
whether  tacit  or  expressed,  such  was  the  unani- 
mous opinion  of  their  entire  party.  The  Catho- 
lics on  their  side  did  not  feel  themselves  au- 
thorised, whatever  might  be  their  opinions  indi- 
vidually, to  enter  into  such  guarantees  or  alter- 
ations for  the  body  at  large ;  and  measuring- 
things  by  their  practical  utility,  rather  than  by 
their  theoretical  advantages,  they  could  not  but 
feel  that  the  Catholic  Association  so  altered, 
would  lose  a  great  portion  of  its  influence  on 
the  mind  of  the  people.  The  secret  of  that  in- 
fluence was  its  wide  extension  over  the  country 
at  large,  and  the  extreme  facility  with  which 
it  aggregated  to  itself  every  species  of  public 
exertion,  in  every  class  through  every  part  of 
the  Catholic  community.  No  organization  could 
more  successfully  flatter  the  self-love  of  indi- 
viduals, or  more  closely  bind  them  to  a  common 
principle  of  action :  any  restriction  of  such  ex- 
tension would  have  been  fatal:,  the  very  .sus- 
picion, would  have  produced  a  portion  at  least 


OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION.  53 

of  the  bad  results  which  might  be  apprehended 
from  the  reality ; — it  would  have  chilled  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  people ;  relaxed  their  exertions ; 
diminished  the  returns  of  the  Catholic  Rent ; 
sown  new  divisions ;  generated  anew  counter- 
associations,    such    as   Ribbon    meetings,    &c. 
amongst  the  peasantry;    and  thus  neutralised 
perhaps  in  a  few  weeks,  the  good  of  the  many 
laborious  years  which  had  preceded  them.    But 
there  were  other  evils  also,  to  which  the  most 
ample  concessions  to  the  wishes  of  the  Protest- 
ants would  ultimately  have  exposed  both  Pro- 
testant and  Catholic.    The  Catholic  Association 
was  composed  of  very  heterogeneous  materials : 
— there  was  the  old  aristocracy  party ;  the  mer- 
cantile party ;  the  party  of  the  clergy,  very  di- 
versified also  by  its  own  aristocracy  and  demo- 
cracy ;  and  finally,  the  bar  party,  which  was 
split  into  two  classes  totally  distinct.     The  bar 
had  now  for  many  years  been  the  active  guide 
of  Catholic  politics,  and  in  some  instances,  ad- 
vantages were  derivable  from  this  interference 
of  the  greatest  importance  :  in  the  latter  strug- 
gles of  the  Catholic  question,  it  required  un- 
doubtedly a  minute  acquaintance  with  all  the 
technicalities  of  the  law,  to  protect  the  body 
from  any  of  those  numerous  errors  to  which  their 
ignorance  might  otherwise  have  exposed  them. 


54  OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION. 

But  the  bar  itself  was  extremely  divided ;  Mr. 
O'Connell  and  Mr.  Sheil,  with  all  their  intem- 
perance, had,  from  their  more  extensive  know- 
ledge of  the  different  parties  in  the  state,  views 
infinitely  more  sober  and  discreet,  than  many 
of  those  gentlemen,  who  in  the  same  profession 
were  gradually  rising  behind  them.  Young,  in- 
experienced, and  zealous  as  they  were,  little 
doubt  can  exist,  that  had  the  alterations  de- 
manded taken  place,  a  month  would  scarcely 
have  elapsed  without  an  internal  convulsion,  or 
a  gradual  secession,  not  less  productive  of  the 
most  injurious  consequences.  Many  of  these 
young  men  valued  the  Association,  as  well  for 
the  theatre  which  it  afforded  to  the  early  dis- 
play of  talent,  and  the  opportunities  which  it 
opened  to  public  notoriety,  as  for  any  beneficial 
consequences,  which  it  produced  to  the  country 
at  large.  Their  views  on  these  heads  were 
singularly  vague,  and  evinced  a  very  limited 
knowledge  of  the  operation  of  public  opinion, 
or  the  judicious  management  of  a  popular  engine 
upon  the  public  mind.  To  deprive  them  of  an 
arena  and  an  audience,  of  the  tumultuary,  good- 
natured,  and  easily  inflammable  character  which 
accompanied  the  actual  popular  organization  of 
the  Catholic  Association,  would  have  been  in 
their  mind  to  strike  at  the  root  of  every  thing 


OBJECTIONS    TO    A    COALITION.  55 

really  valuable  in  the  body,  and  to  convert  it 
from  a  popular  public  meeting,  into  a  close  cham- 
ber,—an  oligarchical  convention.  There  would 
have  been  constant  appeals,  as  was  formerly  the 
case  in  the  Catholic  body,  from  the  Association 
to  aggregate  meetings ;  and  in  these  meetings, 
purely  democratic,  as  they  always  have  been, 
and  otherwise  liable  to  objection,  the  aristocrats 
would  have  been  denounced,  and  the  Protestant 
associators  held  up,  as  the  cause  of  the  coldness 
and  apathy,  which  had  begun  to  prevail  amongst 
the  body.  The  Protestants,  however  liberal, 
could  not  patiently  have  endured  this  summary 
exercise  of  popular  censure,  and  would  unques- 
tionably, as  more  than  one  Catholic  had  done 
before  them,  have  retired  disgusted  from  the 
public  scene.  Such  a  revulsion  would  have 
been  most  fatal.  The  triumph  of  the  adverse 
party  would  have  been  complete,  and  all  hopes 
of  future  combination  for  a  common  purpose 
definitively  and  for  ever  at  an  end. 

These  objections  were  not  removed  by  the 
Catholic  members  of  the  committee  most  anxi- 
ous for  the  junction,  and  even  the  Lords  Ross- 
more  and  Cloncurry,  Mr.  D.  Latouche,  and 
other  Protestant  members  of  the  Association, 
finally  concurred  in  their  propriety.  A  middle 


56  SOCIETY    OF    THE    FRIENDS 

course  was,  however,  practicable.  There  was 
no  reason  why  the  two  bodies,  constituted  dif- 
ferently, applying  different  means  to  the  one 
object,  might  not  continue  their  sittings  in  the 
same  metropolis,  and  at  the  same  period,  with 
great  benefit  to  the  common  cause.*  After 

*  In  this  point  of  view  the  British  Catholic  Association, 
sitting  in  London,  was  of  unquestionable  utility.  Difference 
of  situation  had  produced  difference  of  character,  and  ren- 
dered a  difference  of  policy  necessary.  It  was  as  unreason- 
able to  ask  from  them  our  agitation  and  activity,  as  from  us 
their  gentleness  and  exceedingly  placid  temper.  We  had 
different  manreuvres  to  execute  in  the  same  field  for  the  same 
object,  to  each  of  which  we  were  respectively  adapted.  It 
would  be  preposterous  to  require  of  the  cavalry  the  service 
of  the  infantry,  or  of  the  infantry  the  service  of  the  cavalry. 
This  was  not  always  kept  in  sight.  Hence  a  great  deal  of 
unnecessary  and  injurious  suspicion  and  rebuke.  As  to  the 
late  quarrel  on  "  Securities,"  the  Irish  did  right  to  keep 
clear  of  every  offer  of  the  kind.  They  already  had  been 
duped  and  swindled  enough.  Governments  are  like  indi- 
viduals (though  by  no  means  so  honest),  and  shamelessly 
take  advantage  of  these  good-natured  propositions.  They 
have  always  done  so,  and  will  always  do  so  to  the  end  of 
time.  The  fault  is  not  in  the  minister,  but  in  the  nature  of 
the  offence.  The  generosity  of  a  nation  is  laughed  at :  such 
magnanimity  is  considered,  and  often  justly  considered,  by 
these  Machiavels,  to  be  little  better  than  weakness,  and  im- 
becility of  spirit.  It  behoves  the  people,  therefore,  to  be 


OF    CIVIL    AND    RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM.        57 

much  discussion,  Mr.  Wyse  suggested  that  a 
distinct  body,  to  be  called  the  Society  of  the 
Friends  of  Civil  and  Religious  Freedom,  should  im- 
mediately be  formed  (the  present  committee 
constituting  the  nucleus),  and  should  still  con- 
tinue their  co-operation  with  the  Catholics  on 
all  subjects  connected  with  the  interests  of  their 
question.  Lord  Cloncurry  proposed  in  addition, 
that  there  should  be  a  standing  sub-committee 
of  conference,  to  be  appointed  by  ballot  from 

also  on  their  guard  :  when  the  bargain  is  about  their  rights, 
they  cannot  be  sufficiently  avaricious, — sufficiently  hard. — 
But  though  these  principles  be  just,  it  must  also  be  remem- 
bered there  are  two  ways  of  inculcating  them.  To  call 
upon  a  body  for  a  solemn  disclaimer  of  the  opinions  of  any 
member,  however  influential,  is  a  most  false  principle,  and 
would  lead,  if  admitted,  to  endless  injustice  and  inconveni- 
ence. Why  did  not  the  Catholic  Association  publish  a  dis- 
avowal of  "  the  Duke  of  York  speeches"  of  Mr.  Sheil  ? 
Because  the  Catholic  Association  thought,  and  Mr.  Sheil 
thought,  that  a  body  should  be  bound  by  its  own  declara- 
tions only,  that  is,  by  its  own  resolutions,  and  not  by  the 
opinions  or  principles  of  any  man  or  any  set  of  men  whatso- 
ever. In  this  the  Association  judged  rightly;  but  when  the 
occasion  arrived  for  applying  it  to  others,  they  altogether 
forgot  their  own  precedent.  They  did  to  others,  what  they 
never  would  have  suffered  to  have  been  done  with  impunity 
to  themselves.  As  to  the  manner  in  which  the  censure  was 
communicated,  public  opinion  has  already  pronounced  on 
it ;  and  public  opinion  has  pronounced  as  it  ought. 


58  UTILITY    THEREOF. 

each  body  ;  but  this  it  was  apprehended  would 
too  closely  connect  them  with  the  proceedings 
of  the  Association,  and  not  very  essentially  differ 
from  an  absolute  coalition.  Mr.  Wyse's  sug- 
gestion, in  its  original  simple  form,  was  finally 
and  unanimously  adopted. 

There  can  be  little  doubt,  that  had  the  great 
and  final  measure  of  relief  been  any  longer  de- 
ferred, this  society  would  have  proved,  if  pro- 
perly conducted,  a  most  powerful  auxiliary  to 
the  Catholic  Association.  It  was  an  unlimited 
society,  similar  to  the  Association,  open  to  all 
sects  and  denominations.  As  many  individuals 
were  members  of  both  Associations,  a  sufficient 
means  of  communication,  and  a  connexion  quite 
close  enough  for  every  useful  and  practical 
purpose,  could  have  been  easily  maintained. 
Whenever  a  still  closer  union  might  have  been 
rendered  necessary  or  desirable,  either  by  the 
very  critical  circumstances  of  the  country,  or 
the  occurrence  of  some  new  emergency,  the  two 
bodies  could  without  difficulty  be  amalgamated 
in  the  course  of  half  an  hour.  There  would  be 
thus  established  on  the  one  hand,  a  medium  of 
communication  with  the  liberal  Protestants,  with 
the  government  (if  necessary),  and  with  the 
English  people,  far  less  obnoxious  to  their  pre- 
judices than  the  Catholic  Association ;  and  on 


PROCEEDINGS.  59 

the  other,  in  the  hour  of  danger,  an  imposing 
power  would  be  always  ready  to  be  brought  up 
in  rear,  either  as  a  moderator  or  supporter,  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Catholics. 

The  "  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Civil  and  Re- 
ligious Freedom"  immediately  commenced  their 
proceedings,  and  one  of  their  first  measures  was 
to  appoint  a  sub-committee  to  watch  the  pro- 
gress of  the  question  during  the  ensuing  session, 
and  to  co-operate  if  necessary  with  the  Catho- 
lics, in  furthering  the  common  cause  whilst  in 
course  of  discussion  through  either  house  of  par- 
liament. Mr.  O'Connell  left  Dublin  about  the 
same  time,  and  several  of  his  friends  crowded 
to  London  to  be  present  at  the  great  question 
which  he  was  so  soon  to  plead  at  the  bar  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  when  an  event  occurred  of 
all  others  the  least  expected,  and  which  fortu- 
nately in  a  moment  rendered  all  these  measures 
for  the  future  unnecessary. 

On  the  6th  of  February,  a  day  ever  memo- 
rable in  the  history  of  the  empire,  a  day  which 
has  opened  a  new  era  of  internal  peace  for  Ire- 
land, the  first  day  of  hope,  of  happiness,  of  se- 
curity, which  has  been  permitted  to  her  for  cen- 
turies, the  King's  speech  from  the  throne  con- 
veyed the  gratifying  assurance,  that  the  ques- 


60  KING'S  SPEECH. 

tion  was  at  last  to  be  brought  before  parliament 
by  his  Majesty's  ministers,  with  a  view  to  such 
final  and  equitable  adjustment,  as  might  be  most 
satisfactory  to  all  classes  of  his  Majesty's  subjects. 
This  measure  of  grace  and  conciliation  was, 
however,  to  be  preceded  by  one  specifically  in- 
tended for  the  suppression  of  the  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation, but  extending  to  every  species  of  politi- 
cal assembly  in  Ireland. 

The  announcement  of  this  important  intelli- 
gence was  received  on  all  sides  with  the  most 
unbounded  exultation  and  confidence ;  and 
though  qualified  by  the  coercive  law  suppress- 
ing the  Association,  a  spirit  of  gratitude  and 
tranquillity,  in  an  instant  superseded  that  angry 
and  menacing  state  of  things,  which  during  the 
two  last  years  had  distracted  the  country.  The 
first  impulse  of  all  the  liberal  Protestants,  friends 
to  emancipation,  and  many  of  the  Catholics 
themselves,  was  to  render  unnecessary  the  ap- 
plication of  the  law,  by  their  own  voluntary 
act.  It  was  quite  true  that  an  act  of  grace 
had  been  rendered  ungracious  by  this  unneces- 
sary expenditure  of  government  power  on  a 
body,  which  would  of  itself  have  disappeared 
before  the  restoration  of  peace  and  union,  and 
the  concession  of  their  just  rights  to  the  reso- 


SUPPRESSION    ASSOCIATION    BILL.  61 

lute  and  intelligent  citizens,  who  composed 
it.  Either  a  most  erroneous  opinion  of  the  prin- 
ciple upon  which  the  power  of  the  Association 
and  even  its  existence  depended,  must  have 
prevailed  in  the  cabinet ;  or  with  a  feeling  from 
which  individuals  are  seldom  exempt,  but  which 
it  ought  to  have  been  the  glory  of  the  legisla- 
ture and  the  government  of  a  great  country  to 
have  disdained,  they  wished  to  brand  their  an- 
tagonist with  unnecessary  defeat,  and  to  give 
a  false  evidence  to  the  country,  that  they  had 
the  power  as  well  as  the  will,  at  last  to  suppress 
it.  Every  one  of  common  sense  must  have  at 
once  perceived,  that  all  this  was  but  a  puerile 
and  petty  idling  with  public  opinion :  no  one 
was  so  blind  or  ignorant  as  to  ascribe  the  disso- 
lution of  that  body  to  the  act  of  parliament ; 
they  gave  the  glory  to  whom  the  glory  was  due, 
to  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  the  accompanying 
measure.  And  if  by  any  untoward  circumstances, 
it  should  have  so  happened,  that  the  ignoble 
game  of  1825  had  been  again  played  over,  and 
the  Relief  bill  had  been  thrown  out  in  the  Lords, 
or  rejected  finally,  as  it  was  preposterously  ex- 
pected by  the  Sovereign,  it  is  as  certain  as  there 
is  a  sun  in  heaven,  that  the  suppression  Associ- 
ation bill  of  1820  would  have  been  even  more 


62  SUPPRESSION    ASSOCIATION    BILL. 

ineffectual  than  that  of  1825,  and  that  in  some 
shape  or  other  the  Catholic  Association  would 
have  reappeared,  but  with  a  spirit  of  detesta- 
tion tenfold  augmented,  and  an  inclination  to 
reject  in  future  every  proffer  at  conciliation, 
until  conciliation  at  last  should  have  become 
impossible,  and  the  contest  been  transferred 
from  the  senate  to  the  field. 

The  Catholics,  however,  did  not  allow  them- 
selves to  be  swayed  by  these  impressions. 
They  could  not  but  feel  hurt  by  this  want 
of  reciprocity,  and  looked,  not  without  some 
degree  of  contempt,  at  the  mortified  vanity, 
which  thus  attempted  to  find  consolation  for  its 
former  impotence,  in  a  very  miserable  play  upon 
the  public.  But  the  great  cause  was  uppermost. 
It  was  the  all  in  all.  It  subdued,  it  annihilated 
every  other  feeling.  Beside  it,  every  other  sub- 
ject was  secondary  and  little.  This  was  no  mo- 
ment for  recrimination.  The  true  lover  of  his 
country  was  imperatively  called  on  to  assist,  by 
every  means  consistent  with  dignity  and  jus- 
tice, in  the  noble  work.  Letters  poured  in  on 
every  side.  The  Marquess  of  Anglesey,  still 
watching  with  an  anxious  solicitude  over  the 
destinies  of  a  country,  to  which  he  was  now 
more  than  ever  attached,  gave  admirable  advice, 


DISCUSSIONS    THEREON.  63 

in  a  strain  the  most  kind  and  affectionate :  the 
Knight  of  Kerry,  and  many  other  members  of 
the  lower  house,  evinced  scarcely  less  desire  to 
prevent  any  ebullition  of  popular  feeling  from 
interfering  with  the  opening  prospects  of  the 
country :  several  other  gentlemen,  Catholic  as 
well  as  Protestant,  joined  their  voices,  and  im- 
pressed upon  the  Association  the  propriety  and 
expediency  of  an  immediate  dissolution.  But 
Mr.  O'Connell  was  opposed  to  the  measure,  and 
in  two  successive  letters,  one  from  Shrewsbury 
and  the  other  from  London,  gave  an  emphatic 
opinion  against  the  dissolution.  Two  very  warm 
discussions  took  place  on  the  subject  in  the 
Association.  Mr.  Sheil  brought  forward  the 
proposition,  and  urged  it  with  his  usual  elo- 
quence, supported  by  Mr.  Lawless :  the  oppo- 
sition, conducted  by  Mr.  Brady,  supported  by 
Mr.  Forde,  &c.  made  it  for  a  time  doubtful, 
whether  Mr.  O'Connell's  opinion  would  not 
ultimately  have  prevailed.  Several  resolutions, 
by  letter  and  viva  voce,  were  suggested— some 
basing  the  dissolution  on  the  true  principle  on 
which  it  should  have  rested,  the  inutility  of 
retaining  the  exercise  of  means,  when  the  end 
for  which  they  were  originally  intended  had 
been  fully  attained ;  others  simply  declaratory 


64  DISCUSSIONS    THEREON. 

of  their  confidence  in  government;  others  again, 
moving  the  dissolution  without  any  reference 
to  the  causes,  by  which  it  had  been  pro- 
duced. An  amendment  was  attempted  by 
Mr.  Luke  Plimkett,  proposing  that  the  Asso- 
ciation should  adjourn  sine  die ;  but  besides  that 
this  did  not  materially  differ  from  a  positive 
dissolution,  it  implied  a  lurking  apprehension 
on  the  part  of  the  Catholics,  that  government 
was  not  yet  sincere.  But  the  time  had  fully 
come  in  which  they  might  legitimately  believe 
in  Emancipation,  and  all  feeling  of  doubt  or  want 
of  confidence  at  such  a  moment,  tended  only 
to  neutralise  the  advantages  resulting  from  con- 
cession. This  great  national  treaty  of  amnesty 
and  reconciliation,  to  be  useful  and  permanent, 
required  to  be  met  on  both  sides  with  a  total 
abandonment  of  all  selfish  motive.  The  great 
mass  of  the  body  were  of  this  opinion ;  the 
aristocracy  were  of  this  opinion ;  the  prelacy 
and  clergy  were  of  this  opinion  (for  Mr. 
Sheil  was  formally  commissioned  to  communi- 
cate the  assent  of  the  bishops) ;  and  no  real 
opposition  existed  to  the  dissolution,  even  on 
the  part  of  the  more  turbulent  portion  of  the 
Association.  Mr.  Sheil's  motion  was  carried 
almost  unanimously,  and  the  Catholic  Asso- 


DISSOLUTION   OF  THE  ASSOCIATION.  65 

elation  of  Ireland,  after  enduring,  under  various 
forms  and  with  the  intervention  of  occasional 
interruptions,  from  1760,  stood  finally  and  per- 
petually dissolved.* 

The  announcement  of  this  intelligence  was 
received  with  the  utmost  satisfaction  by  the  old 

*  Mr.  Shell,  in  closing  his  speech,  comprises  in  a  few 
words  the  entire  course,  which  the  Catholics  subsequently 
pursued.  "  The  object  of  this  body  was,  and  is  Catholic 
emancipation ;  that  object  is,  in  my  judgment,  already  ob- 
tained. Nothing  except  our  own  imprudence  can  now  de- 
feat it.  The  end  being  achieved,  wherefore  should  we  con- 
tinue to  exist?  What  are  we  to  do ?  In  a  few  days  an  act 
of  parliament  will  put  us  down.  How  is  the  interval  to  be 
expended  ?  In  the  making  of  harangues,  forsooth — in  the 
delivery  of  fine  fragments  of  rhetoric,  and  in  proclamations 
of  our  own  dignity  and  importance  ?  If  the  minister  acts  a 
false  part  in  our  regard,  we  can  readily  rally  again ;  but  if 
a  fair  and  equitable  adjustment  of  the  question  be  made,  he 
is  an  enemy  of  his  country  who  would  perpetuate  its  divi- 
sions.— The  course  which  I  recommend  is  this  :  Let  us  deter- 
mine to  dissolve — let  us  pass  a  series  of  resolutions  declara- 
tory of  our  motives  for  so  doing ;  let  us  protest  against  any 
unnecessary  abandonment  of  the  rights  of  citizens;  let  us 
discontinue  the  collection  of  the  Rent,  but  preserve  the 
finance  committee,  in  order  to  pay  our  debts,  and  wind  up 
our  pecuniary  concerns ;  let  its  meetings  be  private,  in  order 
that  there  may  be  no  pretence  for  alleging  that  we  maintain 
a  shadow  of  the  Association  ;  and  let  its  measures  be  subject 
to  the  revision  of  an  aggregate  meeting." — Speech  of  Mr. 
Shell  on  the  dissolution  of  the  Catholic  Association. 
VOL.  II.  E 


66  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  SOCIETY    OF 

and  ardent  friends  of  the  Catholics  in  London, 
and  was  the  very  best  refutation  which  the  body 
could  have  offered,  of  the  malignant  conjectures 
of  their  enemies.  It  furnished  a  no  less  just  cen- 
sure on  that  spirit  of  narrow-minded  diffidence 
which  had  suggested  the  Suppression  bill,  and 
told  the  country  in  emphatic  language,  that  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  did  not  require  to  be  forced 
into  harmony  and  unity  with  their  fellow-sub- 
jects. The  conciliation  was  not  a  work  of  com- 
pulsion, but  a  spontaneous  and  voluntary  act  of 
love.  If  any  thing  could  exhibit  in  a  favour- 
able contrast  the  pretensions  of  the  Catholics  to 
those  of  the  government,  it  was  undoubtedly 
this.  It  gloriously  justified,  before  all  men,  the 
good  cause.  Every  one  admitted,  they  had  too 
much  calmness  and  too  much  forbearance,  not 
to  have  been  in  the  right. 

Almost  contemporaneously  with  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Association,  its  co-operating  body, 
the  Association  or  Society  of  the  Friends  of 
Civil  and  Religious  Freedom,  by  a  similar  vote 
dissolved  themselves,  and  in  a  manner  the  most 
flattering  deputed  two  of  their  body  to  go  down 
in  person  and  communicate  the  same  to  the 
Association. 

The  royal  assent  was  given  a  few  days  after 
to  the  Association  Suppression  bill,  and  on  the 


CIVIL    AND    RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM.  67 

same  evening  Mr.  Peel  brought  in  the  bill  for 
the  Relief  of  his  Majesty's  Roman  Catholic  sub- 
jects.    The  grounds  upon  which  he  placed  it, 
were  totally  different  from  those,  which  had  been 
urged  on  any  former  occasion.     The  equaliza- 
tion of  all  classes  of  the  empire,  the  extension 
to  all  the  rights  and  eligibilities,  to  which  all  had 
an  equal  title,  was  the  noble  and  philosophic 
basis  upon  which  the  new  Magna  Charta  was  to 
repose.     The  exceptions  specified  by  the  bill, 
were  such  as  arose  out  of  the  nature  of  our  civil 
and  ecclesiastical   institutions,    and  were  very 
distinct   indeed  from  that  penal  and  exclusive 
principle,  which  had  hitherto  regulated  the  legis- 
lation of  the  country.     Securities  were  attached 
to  these  concessions,  in  perhaps  too  narrow  and 
unconfi ding  a  spirit ;  neither  does  it  appear  what 
species  of  security  such  conditions  could  well 
afford.     The  Elective  Franchise  Regulation  bill, 
the  suppression  of  religious  orders,  and  the  re- 
gulations of  the  appellations  and  titles  of  the 
Catholic  clergy,  either  have  no  connexion  with 
the  security  of  the  Protestant  establishments  of 
the  empire,  or  are  such  as  must  prove,  if  relied 
on,  a  very  feeble  guarantee  indeed.     The  Oath, 
which  still  retains  too  much  of  the  character  of 
a  test,  is  a  more  powerful  instrument,  but  its 
efficacy  must  again  depend  much  more  on  the 


68  RELIEF    BILL. 

interpretation,  which  may  in  practice  be  given 
to  it,  by  the  persons  who  impose  and  the  per- 
sons who  take  it,  than  upon  the  oath  itself.  But 
it  is  not  thence  to  be  inferred  that  the  Protestant 
church  was  more  exposed.  There  were  far  bet- 
ter securities  for  its  protection,  than  what  minis- 
ters could  devise,  or  acts  of  parliament  assure. 
There  was  that  power  resident  in  the  intrinsic 
majority,  in  the  superior  wealth,  numbers,  and 
civilization  of  the  Protestant  portion  of  the  com- 
munity, which  of  itself  must  necessarily  render 
futile  every  attack,  and  the  conviction  of  which 
in  the  mind  of  all  classes,  must  always  go  far  to 
produce  an  habitual  spirit  of  temperance  and 
moderation.  Yet  even  this  conviction  was  less 
efficacious,  than  the  general  satisfaction  which  it 
was  natural  to  expect  from  the  measure  itself. 
In  the  national  tranquillity,  in  the  peace  and 
smoothness  of  all  the  political  and  social  rela- 
tions, attaining  at  last  that  just  level  to  which 
they  had  been  so  long  ascending,  there  was  a 
pledge  of  future  repose,  far  more  permanent  and 
certain,  than  any  that  could  be  attained  by  the 
operations  of  mere  force.  These  considerations 
no  doubt  presented  themselves  to  ministers,  and 
if  they  adopted  measures  which  evinced  a  want 
of  confidence  in  their  truth,  it  is  to  be  attributed 
not  so  much  to  any  real  mistrust,  as  to  the  ne- 


DIFFICULTIES,    &C.    &C.  69 

cessity,  in  which  they  found  themselves  placed 
of  conciliating  fools  with  follies,  and  of  tem- 
pering with  the  appearance  of  sacrifice  the 
prejudices  of  well-meaning  ignorance,  and  the 
interests  and  passions  of  a  large  and  divided 
empire. 

That  they  had  great  and  numerous  difficulties 
to  contend  with,  there  can  now  be  little  doubt 
— not  difficulties  originating  from  the  dissatis- 
faction, or  opposition  of  the  English  people,  not 
difficulties  arising  from  the  wealth,  influence, 
mind,  or  character,  arrayed  against  them,  but 
such  difficulties  as  are  not  always  in  the  reach 
of  the  first  intellect  and  the  purest  principles  to 
control.  The  ear  of  royalty  was  exposed  at  all 
hours  to  the  insidious  whisperings  of  evil  coun- 
sel; rumours  the  most  injurious  to  the  steadi- 
ness and  honour  of  the  Sovereign,  to  the  rela- 
tion in  which  he  then  stood  to  his  people,  to  the 
rank  which  he  held  amongst  the  princes  of  Eu- 
rope, were  industriously  bruited  abroad  :  it  was 
reported,  even  long  after  the  royal  speech  had 
been  pronounced,  that  there  were  hours  of  wa- 
vering and  intervals  of  dissatisfaction,  sudden 
misgivings,  unwise  suspicions  in  the  royal  breast ; 
as  if  the  Monarch  of  these  realms  could  thus 
withdraw,  without  a  sacrifice  of  every  principle, 
his  plighted  word  to  the  country,  and  turn  back 


70  ROYAL    ASSENT    GIVEN. 

alarmed  by  the  malignities  or  menaces  of  any- 
body or  individual,  from  the  broad  course  of 
justice  and  policy,  which  he  had  prescribed  to 
himself.  In  the  Commons  the  question  was 
carried  by  a  very  considerable  majority :  this 
was  anticipated  :  no  strong  impression  seems  to 
have  been  made  on  public  opinion  by  the  event. 
It  was  still  hoped  by  the  exclusionists  that  the 
majority  in  the  Lords  would  be  so  trifling,  as  to 
justify  the  assertion  so  frequently  put  forward, 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  nation,  both  aristo- 
cracy and  people,  were  decidedly  against  the 
measure,  and  that  no  other  house  than  a  Can- 
ning's House  of  Commons  would  have  dared  to 
pass  it.  It  was  still  hoped  a  dissolution  of  par- 
liament might  be  forced  by  circumstances  upon 
ministers,  and  the  King's  mind  might  be  roused 
by  the  dissent  of  his  people.  The  majority  of  one 
hundred  and  five  in  the  Lords,  on  the  second 
reading  of  the  bill,  put  the  matter  beyond  doubt. 
It  passed  through  the  Committee  without  arc 
amendment,  and  on  the  13th  of  April,  amidst 
the  benedictions  of  a  grateful  people,  and  with- 
out the  slightest  demonstration  of  popular  tu- 
mult, on  the  part  of  its  opponents,  it  received 
the  ROYAL  ASSENT. 

Thus  terminated,  after  a  struggle  of  more  than 
half  a  century,  a  noble  cause,  founded,  like  the 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  71 

abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  on  the  principles  of 
the  simplest  justice,  and  supported  in  its  pro- 
gress, by  all  that  was  splendid  in  intellect,  or 
elevated  in  character,  in  this  great  empire.     To 
the  last  moment  that  it  was  at  all  practicable, 
opposition   to  these  just  claims  had  been  con- 
tinued.    No  appeal  to  justice  or  humanity,  no 
assertion  of  solemn  treaty,  no  vindication  from 
infamous   calumny,    no   continuance    of   unim- 
peachable conduct,  had  availed.    Ireland  was  not 
yet  known,  and  was  despised.     All  information 
of  her  wants  came  through  partial  channels.    It 
was  not  then  by  sleep,  and  by  apathy,  and  by 
acquiescence,  and  by  dutiful  behaviour,  that  she 
obtained  her  legitimate  station  and  her  ancient 
birthright ;  but  it  was-— and  let  nations  listen  to 
it  and  learn,  for  it  is  a  great  and  instructive  les- 
son to  those  who  still  sit  in  bondage, — it  was 
by  the  unceasing  importunity  at  the  debtor's 
gate,  by  the  outstretched  and  firm  arm  in  de- 
mand of  natural  rights — by  the  untiring  clamour 
for  redress — by  the  determined  resolve — never, 
never  to  lie  down  in  patient  slavery,  whatever 
might  ensue ;  it  was  by  this  that  she  acquired 
her  freedom,  and  it  was  by  this  that  she  de- 
served to  acquire  it.     This  singleness  and  stea- 
diness of  purpose  in  a  legitimate  struggle,  has 
been  spell  sufficient  to  work  greater  miracles. 


1  \L  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

To  the  gradual  developement  of  such  sacred  con- 
victions in  the  national  heart,  America  owes  her 
independence  ;  and  with  all  obstacles  to  con- 
tend against,  in  herself,  and  in  her  allies,  Greece 
shall  yet  owe  hers.  Once  kindled,  neither  years 
nor  men  can  extinguish  it.  Her  enemies  may 
be  powerful,  and  united,  and  persevering — her 
friends  feeble,  faithless,  and  indolent — a  just 
cause  and  a  firm  will  are  match  sufficient  against 
them  all.  In  the  late  long  battle,  many  there 
were,  who  fixed  their  eyes  more  on  the  combat- 
ants, than  on  the  noble  end  for  which  they  com- 
bated, and  measuring  both  by  such  an  estimate, 
the  chance  of  success  appeared  weak  and  distant. 
These  were  narrow  views :  as  if  in  this  man,  or  in 
that  man  were  bound  up,  the  destinies  of  a  great 
country.  Washington  did  not  make  America — 
but  America  made  Washington.  "  If  Philip  be 
dead,"  says  the  Athenian  orator,  "  your  errors 
will  soon  raise  you  up  another  Philip."  So  was 
it  with  Ireland :  events,  and  the  public  wrongs, 
would  never  have  left  her  without  tongues  of 
fire,  and  arms  of  iron,  to  speak,  and  to  act,  for 
her.  But  this,  and  higher  resources  would 
have  been  useless,  had  not  a  sage  and  judicious 
policy  presided  over  its  management.  In  poli- 
tical struggles,  what  is  not  useful  must  be  inju- 
rious ;  and  no  stray  application  of  the  moral 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

means  vested  in  the  country,  could  have  been 
merely  indifferent.  It  is  in  this  point  of  view, 
an  inquiry  into  the  machinery  of  the  Association 
will  afford  to  all  classes  of  a  free  country,  the 
most  important  instruction.  It  is  true,  indeed, 
that  the  application,  to  Catholic  purposes,  is  for 
the  future  rendered  unnecessary.  But,  in  a 
state  like  ours — founded  at  an  early  period  of 
European  civilization,  and  retaining  still,  in  its 
present  improvement,  much  of  the  ancient  clum- 
siness and  imperfection  of  all  early  institutions — 
it  is  only  natural,  that  there  should  be  a  constant 
struggle  going  on  towards  amelioration.  There 
will  be  in  some  part  or  other  of  the  body  efforts  to 
throw  off  the  old  vices  of  the  system,  continually 
appearing  on  the  surface  of  society ;  and  it  is  a 
matter  of  some  moment  to  the  wellbeing  of  the 
entire  political  body,  that  they  should  be  sub- 
jected to  a  wise  control.  The  reader,  who  has 
followed  the  preceding  narrative  with  attention, 
will  have  caught  some  clue  to  this  mystery.  He 
will  have  seen,  that  the  Catholic  Association 
began  from  very  humble  means,  and  grew  up 
at  last  into  a  body,  capable,  even  on  the  aver- 
ment of  a  cabinet  minister  himself,  in  despite  of 
lord  lieutenant,  and  parliament,  and  sovereign, 
of  shaking  from  its  basis  the  steadiest  institu- 
tions of  the  empire.  This  progress,  when  com- 


74  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

pared  at  long  intervals,  will  appear  marvellous. 
The  two  extremes  of  the  chain  will  seem  out  of 
all  proportion ;  but  when  each  link  is  carefully 
examined,  when  the  eye  follows  calmly  on  from 
one  to  the  other,  the  miracle  will  re-enter  into 
the  ordinary  course  of  nature,  and  the  connex- 
ion between  intermediate  cause  and  effect — 
each  effect  in  its  turn  becoming  cause — will 
become  instantly  conspicuous.  Individual  spi- 
rit, excited  by  personal  injuries  and  insults — 
these  insults  and  injuries  but  exemplifications 
of  the  general  system — were  the  first  causes  of 
the  awakening  of  the  country.  All  the  obsta- 
cles which  usually  hang  about  commencements, 
— puny  jealousies, — concealed  hatreds, — base  en- 
vies,— narrow  views, — the  little  passions  and 
wretched  interests  of  little  men,  disgraced,  or 
impeded,  or  opposed  its  progress.  The  leaders 
of  that  day  were  in  advance  of  the  country,  and 
were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  tedious  and  un- 
grateful task,  of  gradually  illuminating  the  peo- 
ple. But  they  had  their  consolations  too ;  they 
had  cheerful  and  intelligent  co-labourers,  as  they 
proceeded,  and  the  noble  work  advanced.  The 
disasters  of  their  country  occasionally  assisted, 
and  did  more  for  them,  and  the  success  of  their 
cause,  than  all  the  persuasions  of  truth  or  justice. 
Their  shackles  were  loosened :  they  took  ad- 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  75 

vantage  of  the  relaxation ;  they  soon  found  out 
that  what  they  had  obtained,  could  effectually 
be  employed  to  obtain  more.  By  degrees,  the 
habit  of  subduing,  taught  them  to  subdue.  The 
spirit  spread,  from  a  knot  to  a  class,  from  a 
class  to  the  country.  Excitation  shot  round  in 
every  direction,  through  the  system.  Many  rea- 
soned, and  every  one  felt.  New  roads,  shorter 
and  more  effective  means,  were  discovered  to 
the  common  end.  Ingenuity  was  sharpened  by 
distress :  the  national  mind  was  bent  upon  only 
one  object — the  invention  and  practice  of  every 
mode  of  political  attack.  Anarchy  was  in  some 
degree  organised  in  the  country  :  war  was  forced 
into  unnatural  combination  with  peace.  There 
is  no  instance  in  history  of  a  country  standing 
for  a  series  of  years  in  a  state  so  closely  border- 
ing on  revolution.  The  fever  was  made  chro- 
nic. All  parts  of  the  system  were  affected  by  its 
influence.  Nothing  was  wholesome,  or  natural, 
or  steady,  or  profitable,  in  the  state ;  institutions 
which,  in  the  neighbouring  country,  were  dis- 
pensers of  fruitful  blessing  to  all  within  their 
reach,  transplanted  here,  threw  out  the  rankness 
of  the  soil,  and  were  shunned,  and  hated  as  curses. 
The  English  constitution  was  known  only  by  its 
vices,  and  England  by  her  oppressions.  All  these 
were  great  evils  ;  but  these  evils  became  a  good. 


76  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

They  were  the  stern  steel,  and  the  deadly  wea- 
pon, which  an  indignant  people  used,  and  had 
a  right  to  use,  against  their  taskmasters.  The 
duties  of  government  became  as  much  a  pain 
and  penalty  to  the  governors  as  to  the  governed. 
This  was  well ;  for  despotism  has  no  right  to  en- 
joy tranquillity,  nor  injustice  to  taste  the  sweets 
of  doing  good.  For  a  considerable  time,  these 
obstacles  were  not  noticed.  They  came  sepa- 
rately, and  at  intervals.  The  Catholics  had  not 
yet  thought  of  a  general  attack:  a  few  skir- 
mishes amongst  the  outposts  were  the  only 
encounters  ;  the  superior  discipline,  the  more 
compact  character  of  their  adversaries'  tactics, 
proved  for  them  more  than  a  match ;  they  were 
easily  repulsed  :  their  losses  were  magnified  in- 
to a  general  defeat :  defeated,  they  were  scorned, 
despised,  and  treated  as  turbulent  but  irre- 
deemable slaves.  This  was  the  spirit  in  reference 
to  the  Catholics  of  most  of  the  administrations 
before  the  concessions  of  1793,  and  continued  to 
be  the  spirit  of  many  administrations  after.  What 
was  then  granted,  was  a  mere  God-send — a 
patched-up  expedient  to  stop  a  rushing  torrent ; 
it  was  not  the  Irish  legislature,  but  the  giant  of 
the  French  revolution,  who  came,  saw,  and  con- 
quered for  the  Catholics.  The  wisdom  or  gene- 
rosity of  the  Protestants  had  nothing  to  say  to 


CONCLUDING     REFLECTIONS.  77 

the  matter.  It  was  the  surrender  of  reluctant 
fear.  The  bill  itself  is  a  flagrant  anomaly ;  it 
bears  every  where,  the  visible  imprint  of  force 
and  hurry.  They  knew  not  where  to  begin,  nor 
where  to  end.  At  the  time,  they  would  have 
given  any  thing,  and  every  thing.  "  The  Moor 
was  at  the  gate," — they  were  indebted  for  what 
they  retained  to  the  stupid  moderation  and  ha- 
bitual servility  of  their  antagonists — not  to  them- 
selves. The  Catholics  had  not  even  the  courage 
to  receive,  much  less  to  extort.  The  panic 
passed,  and  the  rebellion  of  1798  once  more 
gave  back  to  the  Orange  Protestants  that  ascen- 
dancy which  they  were  on  the  point  of  losing. 
It  was  in  paroxysms  of  this  kind  that  Ireland 
had  always  lost,  what  in  her  better  moments, 
through  toil,  and  time,  and  danger,  she  had  been 
enabled  to  gain.  Here  was  a  great  lesson,  and 
it  was  at  last  understood.  Brute  force  was  at 
length  discarded  ;  it  was  estimated  in  precisely 
the  manner  in  which  it  should.  In  governments, 
where  opinion  has  any  sway,  and  knowledge  can 
at  all  be  circulated,  it  must  be  a  very  extraordi- 
nary contingency  which  will  render  it  necessary. 
In  despotisms,  the  governor  cannot  come  at  the 
opinion  of  the  governed  ;  in  this,  as  in  so  many 
other  particulars,  free  governments  have  singu- 
larly the  advantage ;  the  strictest  espionage  in 


78  CONCLUDING     REFLECTIONS. 

the  world  is  not  for  an  instant  to  be  put  in 
comparison  with  their  free  press;  there  is  no- 
thing to  detect,  where  every  one  is  willing  to 
confess ;  nothing  to  unravel,  where  every  thing 
is  thrown  clearly  and  even  ostentatiously  on  the 
surface.  Not  so  in  despotisms ;  there  every 
thing  is  obscurity,  mystery,  suspicion,  fear  :  the 
jealousies  of  both  ruler  and  subject  lead  to  mu- 
tual mistakes  :  the  people  can  never  be  known 
to  the  prince,  nor  the  prince  to  the  people.  Re- 
volutions are  nearly  matured  in  the  public  mind 
before  the  public  is  aware  of  them,  and  it  is  often 
the  most  insignificant  incident  which  leads  to 
the  great  and  general  convulsion,  which  decides 
all.  A  despotic  sovereign  walks  constantly  on 
a  species  of  solfatara ;  it  is  often  a  mere  shell 
which  divides  him  from  the  fires  below.  Hence 
despotic  governments  are  subject  to  the  rudest 
and  most  unexpected  changes  ;  brute  force  is 
almost  their  only  instrument  of  reform  ;  the  bat- 
tle of  their  rights  is  decided,  not  in  the  senate 
or  the  cabinet,  but  in  the  open  field.  But  the 
institutions  of  England  usually  protect  her  from 
such  evils  :  the  minister  yields  uniformly  to  a 
truly  national  sentiment,  for  the  moment  it  be- 
comes truly  national,  it  becomes  impossible  for 
a  minister  to  resist  it  :  the  man  who  should 
make  the  attempt  would  soon  cease  to  be  a  mi- 


\        REFLECTION  I,  79 

nister.  The  object  then  of  all  political  reformers 
in  such  a  state  should  be  to  attain  this  end — to 
make  their  opinions  the  opinions  of  the  country  ; 
this  done,  rebellion  is  unnecessary,  the  revo- 
lution naturally  and  peacefully  succeeds.  It  was 
a  very  considerable  time  before  the  Catholic 
leaders  seemed  fully  to  be  impressed  with  these 
truths,  or  to  speak  more  correctly,  it  was  not 
until  events  suggested  the  system,  and  expe- 
rience confirmed  its  utility,  that  it  began  to  be 
enforced.  The  progress  was  at  first  slow  ;  all 
the  old  prejudices  of  hereditary  and  national  su- 
periority still  survived  :  the  project  of  gradually 
converting  the  hostility  of  so  large  a  portion  of 
the  community  into  support,  of  communicating 
to  the  ignorant  knowledge,  to  the  blind  sight, 
seemed  as  doubtful  as  the  chances  of  open  war- 
fare. The  war  of  reason  upon  "  chaos  and  old 
night. "  was  marked  in  its  outset,  by  as  many 
diversities  and  disappointments,  as  the  contests 
ot  the  field.  The  petitions  of  the  oppressed 
were  rejected  —  their  complaints  scofted  at — 
their  wrongs  denied — their  misfortunes  made 
subject  of  triumph  and  jeer.  But  discussion  still 
went  on,  and  produced  its  slow  but  inevitable 
results.  Every  defeat  brought  them  nearer  to 
the  certain  though  distant  victory.  The  Ca- 
tholics at  last  threw  otV  all  their  ancient  apathy  ; 


80  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

through  alternations  of  fear  and  hope,  they  at 
last   attained   that   state  of  fixed  and   correct 
resolve  which  was  the  immediate  forerunner  of 
final  success.     Education  came  forward  as  their 
ally.     Their  voice  found  by  degrees  echoes  in 
every  circle.      One  interest   and  then  another 
was  enlisted  in  their  ranks.     Speculative  and 
visionary  objections  vanished  before  the  reali- 
ties,  stern  and  absolute,  of  common  life.     Fi- 
nance, agriculture,  commerce,  literature,  were 
all  made,  more  or  less,  part  and  parcel  of  the 
Catholic  Question.     It  was  a  long  time  before 
its  opponents  would  consent  to  see  the  change ; 
but  its  importance  or  progress  did  not  depend 
upon  their   seeing  it.     The  light  advances  in 
despite  of  the  blind.     Even  the  very  quarrels 
of  the  Catholics  themselves,  censured  as  they 
were,  were  often  productive  of  advantage.    They 
eliminated  the  doubtful ;  they  rejected  the  cow- 
ardly ;  they  tried  the  faithful  ;  they  confirmed 
the  strong.     New  truths  were  struck  forth  by 
the  collision ;  a  greater  clearness  and  decision 
were  given  to  their  movements  ;  a  more  perfect 
accord  was  produced  amongst  all  classes  of  their 
body.    Their  adversaries  had  not  made  the  same 
progress,    and  remained    scattered    and    undi- 
vided.    The  government  still  attempted  to  con- 
duct affairs  on  old  principles,  as  if  every  thing 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  81 

around  them  was  not  new.  But  the  peace  of 
1815  had  produced  on  the  intellect  of  the 
country  the  same  effect  as  on  its  commerce  : 
a  larger  communication  with  the  neighbouring- 
states  had  introduced  greater  circulation  of 
mind,  greater  freedom  of  thought  and  speech. 
A  new  alliance  was  formed  between  the  Ca- 
tholics and  public  opinion  in  every  part  of 
Europe.  The  contest  was  no  longer  between 
two  factions.  It  became  a  grand  and  magni- 
ficent struggle  between  two  principles,  carried 
on  at  the  same  time  with  varied  success  in  every 
other  part  of  the  world.  It  was  not  to  decide 
whether  merely  the  Catholic  should  be  free,  but 
whether  in  a  free  state  there  should  not  be  re- 
cognised a  regenerating  power,  capable  of  cor- 
recting ancient  abuse,  and  of  throwing  off  when 
necessary,  in  the  progress  of  civilization,  the 
slough  and  vice  of  its  early  corruptions.  It  was 
to  establish  the  right  of  a  people  to  interfere  in 
the  management  of  their  own  happiness ;  it  was 
to  mark  more  distinctly  the  privileges  and  power 
of  popular  opinion ;  it  was  to  give  a  new  Magna 
Charta,  consonant  to  the  lights  of  the  age,  to 
every  class  of  citizen,  applicable  to  every  pur- 
pose of  national  reform,  and  capable  of  working 
every  species  of  national  good.  That  this  will 
be  the  operation  of  the  great  measure,  no  rational 

VOL.  II.  F 


82  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

man  can  now  doubt ;  if  it  were  less  than  this,  it 
was  scarcely  worth  the  expense  and  time  of  the 
struggle.  Every  Catholic,  it  is  true,  was  not 
equally  imbued  with  this  conviction,  but  it  was 
not  necessary  he  should.  Immediate  and  per- 
sonal injury  is  a  better  stimulant  than  any  thing 
else ;  and  while  every  Catholic  had  within  him- 
self so  many  stimulants  of  the  kind,  it  would 
be  an  absurd  act  of  supererogation  to  seek  for 
additional  motive  for  excitement  from  without. 
The  activity  of  the  penal  code,  the  habits  of 
oppression  which  it  had  introduced  into  all  por- 
tions of  the  country,  kept  him  constantly  in 
a  state  of  corresponding  violence.  Agitation  ex- 
isted every  where — penetrated  every  where — 
became  the  mode  and  manner  of  existence  of 
the  whole  community.  It  was  now  only  neces- 
sary to  give  it  a  more  precise  and  effective 
direction.  This  was  done  by  Organization. 

The  first  attempts  were  but  a  series  of  experi- 
ments. Many  omissions  and  many  blunders 
taught  the  Catholics  at  last  the  road  to  success. 
The  Catholic  Association,  the  Catholic  Rent 
Committees,  the  Parochial  Meetings,  the  Liberal 
Club  system,  were  only  progressive  steps  in  the 
attainment  of  the  great  final  object — the  most 
expeditious,  the  safest,  and  surest  machinery, 
to  call  into  regular  action  the  powers,  physical 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  83 

and  moral,  by  which  they  were  to  work  their 
cause.     The  press  and  emigration  extended  to 
other  countries  a  parallel  organization.    The  Ca- 
tholic Association  was  a  confederacy,  which  had 
a  thousand  arms.    At  the  period  of  its  dissolution, 
upwards  of  fourteen  thousand  members,  qualified 
to  vote  at  its  sittings,  had  enrolled  themselves 
in  this  great  national  convention.     Amongst  its 
members  were  included  one  thousand  four  hun- 
dred non-Catholics,  four  Catholic  archbishops, 
twenty  Catholic  bishops,  and  two  thousand  six 
hundred  Catholic  clergymen.    That  such  a  state 
of  things  could  continue  exactly  at  the  point  to 
which  it  was  brought,  without  exciting  a  corre- 
sponding confederacy  amongst  their  adversaries, 
was  totally  impossible.     The   Brunswick  club 
system  arose ;  it  was  an  obvious  and  natural 
consequence  of  the  Catholic  Association,  and 
ought  to  have  excited  little  astonishment  in  any 
party  :    the  government  itself  must  have  long 
expected  the  reaction.     The  partisan  politicians 
of  both  sides  imagined  indeed  that  the  govern- 
ment had  originated  it.    But  the  time  had  gone 
by  for  the  Machiavellian  policy,  practised  with 
such  miserable  success  by  their   predecessors. 
The  government,  in  order  to  avoid  being  crushed 
between  both  parties,  in  good  time  decided  on 
legislating  between  both.    What  the  government 


84  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

meditated,  had  long  been  the  anxious  desire  and 
aspiration  of  all  that  was  moderate  and  rational 
in  the  country.  It  was  quite  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose, that  any  portion  of  the  Protestant  commu- 
nity, really  influential,  was  opposed  to  Catholic 
concession  upon  any  reasonable  terms.  Even 
the  Brunswick  leaders  avowed,  in  their  more 
confidential  communications  with  persons  who 
had  an  extensive  knowledge  of  each  party,  that 
the  object  they  had  in  view  was  mistaken  ;  that 
they  merely  united  to  prevent  dictation  from  the 
Catholics ;  but  that  they  were  not  opposed  to 
such  concessions  as  they  considered  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  was  likely  to  submit  to  parliament 
with  the  approbation  or  consent  of  his  Majesty. 
Many  of  the  Catholics,  on  the  other  side,  viewed 
with  alarm  and  regret  the  present  state  of  excite- 
ment in  the  country.  They  were  fully  alive  to 
the  imminent  danger  which  inevitably  attended 
an  appeal  to  popular  passions ;  but  it  would  have 
been  imbecility  on  their  part,  and  not  that  wise 
moderation  which  consists  in  a  just  estimate  of 
the  ends  and  the  means,  to  surrender  the  hold 
which  they  had  obtained  upon  the  public  mind, 
and  the  power  which  resulted  from  that  hold— 
the  combination  and  concentration  of  their  body, 
until  their  legitimate  expectations  had  been  sa- 
tisfied by  the  legislature.  But  between  these 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  85 

two  parties,  a  third  was  gradually  formed  by  the 
force  of  circumstances  and  the  violence  of  the 
two  extremes,  which  immediately  led  to  a  me- 
diation, and  a  compromise.  The  Ultras  on  either 
side  would  never  have  been  able  to  have  come 
into  contact.  Unconditional  Emancipation  on 
the  one  side,  and  No  Surrender  on  the  other,  if 
as  strictly  adhered  to  as  they  were  boldly  an- 
nounced, would  have  led  to  nothing.  There 
would  have  been  no  umpire  to  decide  the  quar- 
rel— there  would  have  been  no  appeal  but  to  open 
force.  Yet  neither  Catholics  nor  anti-Catholics 
acted  injudiciously.  It  is  only  by  taking  op- 
posite extremes  that  we  can  hope  for  terms* 
Had  the  Catholics  shown  less  vehemence  in 
spurning  conditions,  they  would  probably  have 
had  a  bill  full  of  shackles,  and  exceptions,  and 
qualifications — a  Veto  bill,  a  half-emancipation 
bill—another  bill  of  1793,  Had  the  anti-Ca- 
tholics rejected  with  less  vigour  all  sugges- 
tions of  concession,  they  would  probably  have 
had  no  securities  at  all.  There  never  was 
better  chance  of  emancipation,  than  when  these 
extremes  were  most  opposed,  and  the  oppo- 
sition loudest.  Even  the  Marquess  of  An- 
glesey considered  his  recall  as  the  immediate 
harbinger  of  emancipation.  A  measure  so  ex- 
citing, could  not  have  been  ventured  on,  un- 


86  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

less  an  anodyne,  a  calmant,  was  in  reserve- 
Government  had  already  made  up  its  mind  ;  it 
remained  only  to  carry  its  intentions  into  exe- 
cution. To  effect  this,  the  very  circumstances 
which  appeared  to  offer  the  greatest  obstacles, 
were  the  most  favourable.  A  constitutional 
force,  an  intermediate  force,  had  been  generated 
in  Ireland.  It  gave  evidence  of  its  existence 
by  a  distinct  and  decided  act.  The  Protestant 
declaration  was  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the 
cabinet,  for  the  great  purpose  of  national  paci- 
fication. The  government  found  that  in  Ireland 
the  quarrel  was  no  longer  a  Catholic  and  Pro- 
testant quarrel,  but  a  battle  of  enlightened  and 
just  principle  against  obstinate  adhesion  to  old 
and  interested  prejudice.  They  reposed  with 
confidence  on  this  party,  and  for  the  first  time 
judged  with  true  impartiality  between  them 
and  their  opponents.  Then  came  in  rear  the 
whole  numerical  strength,  the  great  physical 
mass  of  the  nation.  With  such  odds  it  was  no 
longer  a  matter  of  doubt  which  should  prevail 
The  nation,  truly  such,  contended  against  a  de- 
clining faction.  Truth  and  power  fought  on  one 
side,  weakness  and  error  on  the  other. 

In  England,  the  public  mind  seemed  more 
divided,  and  it  was  this  division  which  gave  a 
false  semblance  of  activity,  and  illusive  hopes  of 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  87 

success,  to  the  anti-Catholic  faction  at  the  other 
side  of  the  water.  But  the  result  has  proved 
that  they  were  as  little  acquainted  with  the 
workings  of  English  parties,  as  English  parties 
are  with  theirs.  The  prime,  movers  in  the  bu- 
siness made  use  of  the  cause,  as  a  weapon  only 
to  avenge  old  animosities,  or  recent  pique.  They 
could  easily  bear  to  be  converted  with  decorum  ; 
but  there  was  no  forgiveness  for  a  minister  who 
had  not  called  them  into  his  councils,  or  allowed 
them  little  more  than  a  week  or  two  for. their 
political  illumination.  Yet  it  is  unquestionable 
that  this  very  communication  of  the  project 
would  have  defeated  it.  Every  one  would  have 
come  forward  with  his  condition  and  security. 
Self-love,  and  false  pretension,  would  have 
every-where  attempted  to  usurp  and  intrude. 
Every  one  would  have  claimed  a  share  in  the 
merit  of  pushing  forward  the  inevitable  mea- 
sure. The  Duke  wisely  avoided  all  this,  by 
descending  upon  them  in  the  fulness  of  his 
matured  plans.  A  little  awkwardness  was,  no 
doubt,  produced  by  so  coup-de-main  a  manner 
of  arranging  the  business,  amongst  the  old  hack- 
nied  spaniels  of  government ;  and  men  who  be- 
lieved in  the  steadiness  of  statesmen,  were  some- 
what astounded  at  the  impromptu  liberality  of  a 
few  of  the  veterans  in  bigotry ;  but  the  nation 


88  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

at  large  cared  little  for  them  or  their  opinions. 
The  intellect  and  wealth  of  England — Ireland  in 
mass — had  declared  for  the  question.  Govern- 
ment observed — saw — judged  wisely — and  fol- 
lowed the  country.  The  dependents  of  govern- 
ment, in  their  turn,  followed  the  government: — 
this  was  their  trade,  and  they  merited  neither 
greater  censure  nor  greater  praise  than  any  other 
of  the  same  trade  who  had  preceded  them.  As 
to  the  great  body  of  the  people,  most  of  them 
had  no  opinions  at  all :  where  there  was  any 
such  thing  as  opinion,  it  was  favourable.  Towns 
decide  political  revolutions :  they  are  the  ther- 
mometers by  which  statesmen  ought  to  judge  of 
public  feeling.  It  is  natural  and  right  it  should 
be  so.  Superior  civilization  ought  to  be  the  re- 
gulator of  social  and  civil  institutions.  There  is 
no  comparison  between  the  civilization  of  the 
country  and  the  town.  The  towns  then  were 
decidedly  and  naturally  in  favour  of  Catholic 
emancipation  :  the  levies  of  the  country  were, 
after  all,  but  levies  of  the  Church ;  they  were 
good  evidences  of  the  opinions  of  the  Church  ; 
but  to  take  them  as  true  expressions  of  the 
opinions  of  the  nation,  would  be  preposterous. 
With  the  opinions  of  what  should  really  be  con- 
sidered the  people  of  England,  they  had  little  or 
nothing  to  do. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  89 

Agitation,  producing  a  constant  and  habitual 
discontent — organization,  reducing  this  to  sys- 
tem— both  terminating  in  such  a  state  of  things 
in  Ireland,  as  to  leave  scarcely  any  interval  be- 
tween them  and  an  open  rupture  ;  every  indivi- 
dual taking  up  his  party ;  every  social  institution 
in  the  state  embarrassed  or  perverted ;  the  two 
religions,  the  two  nations,  into  which  the  coun- 
try had  split,  with  uplifted  arms  ready  to  strike 
the  blow,— every  expedient  exhausted,  and  ex- 
hausted in  vain,  to  defer  the  advancing  encounter; 
these  were  the  great  impelling  causes  which  act- 
ed at  home ;  but  the  action  of  external  causes 
was  scarcely  less  powerful  and  conspicuous.   The 
whole  civilised  world  seemed  gradually  closing 
round,  to  witness  the  coming  conflict.     Such 
witnesses  could  not  long  abstain,  under  so  many 
exciting  circumstances,  from  becoming    allies, 
and  from   allies,   participators   in   the   contest. 
To  repel  the  enormous  evil,  the  means  of  the 
English  government  were  altogether  inadequate. 
The  finances  were  sinking  under  a  series  of  revul- 
sions— violent  and  unexpected — arising  from  the 
anomalies  in  the  currency,  the  free-trade,  and 
the  corn  questions  :  public  opinion  was  evincing 
more  and  more  every  day  the  sense  of  its  own 
strength :  recurrence   to   brute   force   was   be- 
coming more  inevitable  every  hour.     In  such  a 


90  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS* 

struggle,  so  rude,  and  so  sudden,  it  may  well  be 
doubted,  whether  any  modern  minister  could 
possibly  be  successful.  What  had  they  to  check 
it?  The  army:  but  the  army,  since  1815,  had 
become  an  army  of  citizens  ;  it  could  not  be  re- 
lied on  as  a  mere  passive  instrument.  Recruited 
principally  from  Ireland,  it  was  more  than  half 
Irish,  more  than  half  Papist.  In  an  Irish  Ca- 
tholic war,  such  a  weapon  would  at  once  have 
snapt  asunder.*  The  Duke  of  Wellington  knew 

Dublin,  June  13,  1829. 

*  A  most  serious  affray  between  the  rifle  brigade  of  the 
60th  regiment  and  the  36th  regiment  has  taken  place  in 
Limerick.  The  quarrel  originated  in  a  dispute  about  O'Con- 
nell  and  the  Clare  election.  The  36th  declared  for  O'Con- 
nell ;  and  after  a  furious  contest  in  the  streets  of  Limerick, 
in  which  much  blood  was  spilt,  and  it  is  apprehended  some 
lives  lost,  the  36th  were  declared  the  victors.  The  war  cry 
of  the  60th  was,  "  Bloody  Papists  !"  of  the  36th,  "  O'Con- 
nell  for  ever  !"  You  will  see  contradictory  accounts  of  this 
affray  in  the  Limerick  papers,  but  they  concur  in  stating  that 
a  man  belonging  to  the  60th  was  the  original  assailant ;  and 
it  has  been  mentioned,  I  know  not  with  what  truth,  that 
notwithstanding  the  esprit  de  corps  prevalent  in  the  army, 
a  number  of  the  60th,  who  are  Catholics,  refused  to  join 
their  companions.  This  is  one  of  the  consequences  of  the 
policy  which  decided  on  another  Clare  election.  A  moiety 
of  the  soldiers,  indeed,  I  have  heard  three -fourths,  now  in 
Ireland,  are  Catholics,  and  Irishmen.  Even  the  greater  part 
of  the  Highland  regiments,  it  is  well  known,  belong  to  this 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS.        91 

this,  and  knew  it  well ;  and  knowing  it,  saw  that 
he  had  no  choice.  He  was  stronger  than  all 
opposition  which  could  be  offered  him ;  he  spoke 
with  the  voice  of  a  master :  he  did  rather  than 
spoke ;  but  there  was  a  still  stronger,  a  more 
powerful  master,  a  mightier  mover,  than  any 
minister.  It  was  not  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
who  originated  the  measure,  it  was  the  stem 
voice  and  the  iron  hand  of  uncontrollable 
Necessity. 

Yet  to  see  this  necessity  in  due  time  was 
wisdom  :  to  know  how  to  obey  it  with  dignity 
and  advantage,  was  public  virtue.  The  people 
themselves,  their  energy,  their  unanimity,  their 
perseverance,  created  it ;  but  the  minister  wield- 
ed it ;  the  minister  saw  and  seized— saw  in  time 
and  seized  with  judgment,  the  important  les- 
sons which  it  pointed  out.  Another  would  have 

country.  They  have  manifestly  been  inoculated  with  the 
feelings  of  those  among  whom  they  live,  and  from  whom 
they  were  taken ;  they  experience  the  disorder  of  that  en- 
thusiasm with  which  the  political  atmosphere  of  this  country, 
and  particularly  of  the  South,  is  at  this  moment  charged.  I 
repeat  it — if  such  occurrences  as  those  of  Limerick  and 
Carrick-on-Suir  (where  the  very  esteemed  vicar,  Mr.  Grady, 
lost  his  life)  had  taken  place  before  the  Relief  bill  passed, 
consequences  might  have  followed  which  a  man  of  the 
stoutest  nerve  might  shudder  to  contemplate. — Times,  June 
23d,  1829. 


92  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

sealed  his  eyes  to  the  signs  of  the  times,  and 
called  the  blindness  reason,  and  the  obstinacy 
firmness.  Lord  Wellington  acted  otherwise  : 
he  did  not  affect  to  be  wiser  than  the  wisest, 
nor  stronger  than  the  strongest  before  him. 
Nor  was  Ireland,  in  such  a  crisis,  scarcely  less 
indebted  to  him  than  to  herself;  it  was  neces- 
sary to  have  such  a  man  at  the  head  of  the  go- 
vernment to  answer  her  appeal.  Exceptions 
perhaps  may  be  taken  to  the  mode  in  which  the 
measure  was  brought  forward ;  none  are  justly 
applicable  to  the  measure  itself.  It  may  be 
true  that  the  minister,  in  his  anxiety  for  suc- 
cess, had  somewhat  outstepped  at  times  the 
strict  limits  of  constitutional  freedom; — a  high 
tone,  and  a  determined  arm,  may  have  been 
too  ostentatiously  displayed  in  the  course  of 
these  angry  proceedings :  but  it  is  not  for  men, 
who  undertook  the  defence  of  such  acts  as 
those,  upon  which  the  exclusive  code  was 
founded,  to  complain.  The  Duke  had  to  act 
with  promptitude,  or  submit  to  be  defeated  by 
a  wily  and  vigilant  faction.  Not  the  country, 
but  they,  it  was,  who  were  taken  by  surprise. 
Time,  in  such  cases,  is  half  the  battle ;  next  to 
secrecy,  it  is  the  great  instrument  of  victory. 
He  employed  against  the  conspiracy  (for  it 
scarcely  deserves  a  nobler  or  gentler  name) 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  93 

the  same  weapons  which  the  conspiracy  had 
employed  so  often  against  himself  and  against 
others.     Another  policy,  less  decisive,  less  in- 
stant, less  vigorous,  might  unquestionably  have 
deferred  the  wished-for  consummation,   but  it 
could  not   have  prevented  it :    it  would    have 
only  changed  its  character;  it  would  have  bap- 
tised it  in  blood.    This  was  the  difference  be- 
tween the  policy  of  Lord  Eldon  and  of  Lord 
Wellington.     Both  would   ultimately    perhaps 
have   terminated   in  the   same  point ;    but  the 
road  by  which  they  would  have  arrived  at  such 
conclusion,  would  have  been  different  indeed. 
No   one  can    disguise    from  himself,   that  the 
constitution  of  1688  has  been  seriously  altered  ; 
but  few  are  so  mad,  except  for  the  purposes 
of  temporary  argument,  as  to  assert,  that  consti- 
tutions, more  than  any  thing  else  human,  are  to 
continue  unaltered  and  unalterable.     The  only 
point  seems  to  be,  how  such  alterations  are  to 
be  brought  about  in  the  most  gradual  and  kind- 
liest manner,  with  the  most   general   satisfac- 
tion,  at  the   least  possible   risk,    and   for  the 
greatest  share  of  public  benefit.     Lord  Welling- 
ton is  for  "  legislation,"  but  Lord  Eldon  for  the 
"  wager  by  battle."     Posterity  will  judge  be- 
tween them. 

Such  then  has  been  the  history  of  the  past— 


94  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

the  experiment  has  been  at  last  fairly  and  fully 
tried ;  we  are  now  called  on  to  witness  the  re- 
sults ;  to  judge  of  the  hopes  and  prospects  of 
the  future.  New  relations  have  been  created 
by  this  great  revolution ;  new  duties  have  risen 
up  with  them.  It  is  right  we  should  be  ena- 
bled to  understand  and  appreciate  both.  Most 
of  the  prophecies  put  forward  with  confidence 
at  various  periods  of  this  eventful  discussion, 
are  already  in  a  rapid  process  of  realization. 
They  were  founded  in  a  common-sense  view  of 
human  nature ;  in  a  just  conception  of  the  mo- 
tives of  human  action ;  in  a  correct  application 
to  present  things,  of  the  experience  of  by-gone 
history.  The  cessation  of  the  principle  of  com- 
motion has  been,  in  itself,  peace.  The  opposite 
armies  have  been  disembodied,  the  camp  is 
broken  up,  the  ranks  have  been  allowed  to  mix 
with  each  other.  With  the  exception  of  a  few 
factious  traffickers  on  public  passions,  both  par- 
ties, mutually  fatigued,  are  only  anxious  for 
repose.  Allowed  to  approach  each  other  for  the 
first  time,  both  are  at  length  beginning  to  per- 
ceive qualities  which  had  escaped  them  in  the 
distance.  Mutual  acquaintance  is  beginning 
to  produce  mutual  confidence  and  esteem.  All 
classes  have  benefited.  The  Irish  Protestant  is 
allowed  to  leave  his  citadel,  to  wander  beyond 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  95 

his  fortifications ;  the  besieged  join  in  the  same 
rejoicings  with  the  besiegers.  The  sovereign 
rests  in  the  security  of  contented  hearts ; — the 
subject  has  other  motives  than  the  fictions  of  law 
for  his  loyalty ;  he  is  about  to  enjoy  a  happiness 
to  which  hitherto  he  had  been  a  stranger,  and 
will  be  attached  to  the  state  which  shall  confer 
it.  His  attachment  to  the  state,  in  a  well-ordered 
government,  involves  necessarily  his  attachment 
to  the  sovereign.  The  public  attention  will  no 
longer  be  frittered  away  in  side  experiments ; 
the  art  of  governing  will  no  longer  be  the  art  of 
a  charlatan,  the  discovery  and  application  of  pal- 
liatives. National  occupations  begin  at  length 
to  claim  the  national  spirit  and  the  national  in- 
dustry. Time  and  means  are  given  for  public 
exertion.  Every  where  there  are  symptoms  of 
the  departure  of  ancient  evil ;  ere  long  there  will 
be  indications  of  the  arrival  of  expected  good. 
This  is  much,  but  it  is  not  to  be  pretended  that 
it  is  all.  It  would  be  strange  indeed,  if  an  act 
of  parliament  had  that  magic  in  it,  which  in  an 
instant  could  exorcise  the  evil  spirit  which  had 
so  long  sat  in  undisputed  mastery  over  the  body 
of  the  state.  The  charm,  no  doubt,  is  strong  ; 
but  its  working  must  necessarily  be  slow  :  cen- 
turies were  requisite  to  form  these  habits — 
months  cannot  take  them  away.  The  old— and 


06  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

let  it  also  be  remembered,  the  defeated,  oppo- 
nents of  the  measure,  will  naturally  seek  for 
some  consolation  to  their  wounded  pride  in 
every  slight  ebullition  of  popular  feeling,  which 
may  chance  to  survive  the  contest.*  But  they 
mistake  coincidences  for  causes.  These  are  ra- 

*  The  late  riots  in  some  parts  of  the  South  of  Ireland,  so 
far  from  being  arguments  against  the  policy  of  concession, 
are  the  strongest  confirmations  of  its  wisdom  and  necessity. 
In  Limerick  and  Carrick-on-Suir,  they  originated  from  those 
very  elements  of  religious  division,  as  we  have  already  no- 
ticed, which  it  had  been  the  first  object  of  the  late  measure 
to  extinguish  and  repress.  In  Tipperary  there  are  symptoms 
of  the  reappearance  of  those  old  family  factions,  the  Dwyers, 
the  N  ashes,  &c.,  relics  of  the  turbulence  of  former  times, 
which  were  momentarily  checked  by  the  great  absorbing  in- 
terest of  the  Catholic  question,  but  more  especially  by  the 
active  interference,  the  judicious  counsel,  the  commanding 
influence  of  the  late  Catholic  Association.  The  withdrawal, 
sudden  and  entire,  as  it  has  been,  of  this  great  moral  force, 
has  of  course  allowed  the  old  forces,  to  which  it  was  op- 
posed, to  revert  for  a  time  to  their  ancient  position.  Such 
occasional  agitation  in  the  system  must  for  some  time  longer 
continue  to  endure,  until  a  new  power  of  repression  shall  be 
generated  in  the  country  instead  of  the  old  ;  that  is,  until  the 
equal  and  impartial  and  vigorous  distribution  of  justice 
shall  have  inspired  a  proper  reverence  for  the  laws,  and  made 
appeals  to  the  tribunals  of  the  country  more  frequent  than 
the  recurrence  to  those  physical  means  of  defence  or  retalia- 
tion, by  which  all  quarrels  between  man  and  man  have 
hitherto  been  adjusted. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  97 

ther  the  last  relics  of  ancient  feuds,  than  the 
commencements  of  new  ones.     It  would  be  just 
as  reasonable  to  take  the  tumblings  of  the  sea, 
after  the  storm  had  subsided,  for  the  storm  itself* 
The  swell  and  roll  must  continue  to  be  felt  for 
some  time  longer  in  the  public  mind  :— the  tem- 
pest which  produced  them,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, endured  for  centuries.     New  attractions, 
and  new  repellants,  will  by  degrees  scatter  into 
new  forms  all  those  elements  of  disturbance. 
Time  itself,  and  all  the  usual  workings  of  the 
political  system,  will  do  more  for  this  desirable 
result  than  any  acts  of  parliament.    The  legis- 
lature ought  to  follow  in  the  track  of  public 
necessities,  rather  than  seek  over-rashly  to  di- 
vine them.    One  of  our  most  inveterate  national 
maladies  is,    an   extravagant  passion  for  over- 
legislation.    We  are  fond  of  codification,  as  mere 
experiment,  and  provided  our    blunders  stand 
tolerably  well  during  the  interval  of  two  sessions, 
we  sit  down  satisfied  that  our  work  of  "  good 
counsel"  is  fully  done.     But  in  treating  such  a 
convalescent  as  Ireland,  rescued  with  so  much 
difficulty,  recovering  so  slowly,  all  political  em- 
piricism should  for  ever  be  at  an  end.     Ireland, 
for  a  short  time,  ought  to  be  left  to  rest,  and  to 
herself.      She  is  in  transitu  to  a  new  state  of 
society.     It  is  idle  to  make  laws  for  a  position  of 

VOL.    II.  G 


98  CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 

things,  which,  when  the  law  is  made,  may  have 
already  passed  away.  It  is  not  action,  but 
thinking,  which  we  require.  Dispassionate  and 
painful  inquiry,  and  not  dogmatism,  and  not  self- 
sufficiency,  and  not  precipitancy,  is  now  the  duty 
of  the  public  man.  Let  facts — cleared  from  the 
ancient  colouring  of  sectarianism— let  facts  and 
not  theories,  be  collected  : — let  them  be  con- 
trasted, and  proved,  and  weighed,  one  against 
the  other — let  them  be  tried  by  the  touchstone 
of  general  utility.  Then  act,  if  so  you  will — but 
not  till  then.  On  such  foundations  the  super- 
structure will  endure.  All  others  are  mere  frost- 
work— attempts  at  improvement, — the  old  Pene- 
lope web  of  Irish  civilization — doing  laboriously 
to-day,  what  must  be  undone  with  still  more 
labour  to-morrow ;  and  wasting  years  and  money, 
and  men  and  mind,  in  nothings — giving  to  poste- 
rity the  same  record  of  indolence  or  imbecility, 
which  we  received  from  our  ancestors ;— and 
keeping  Ireland  the  by-word  amongst  nations, 
which  she  so  long  has  been,  for  arrogant  pre- 
tensions and  impotent  conclusions — for  doing 
little,  and  talking  overmuch. 

It  cannot  be  concealed,  however, — and  to  the 
philosophic  and  calm  observer  it  is  surely  a 
matter  of  deep  regret — that  the  very  hands  which 
conferred  the  blessing,  should  have  gone  so  far 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS.  99 

to  mar  and  delay  its  effects.  There  was  an  air 
indeed  of  "  unwilling  willingness  "  from  the  out- 
set about  the  giving,  which  not  a  little  detracted 
from  the  value  of  the  gift.  But  this  was  to  be 
attributed  more  to  the  circumstances,  than  to  the 
men.  Latterly — I  speak  of  the  exclusion  of  Mr. 
O'Connell  from  the  Commons  House  of  Parlia- 
ment— they  have  claim  perhaps  to  much  less  in- 
dulgence. The  men  and  their  passions  have 
unfortunately  appeared  to  have  had  more  to  do 
with  the  matter,  than  the  irresistible  force  of  cir- 
cumstances. This  is  a  calamity.  It  has  left, 
what  Mr.  Peel  so  much  wished  to  avoid,  a  Ca- 
tholic question  behind.  The  "  uno  avulso  non 
deficit  alter,"  the  growing  up  of  new  complaint 
on  the  removal  of  the  old,  the  constant  allega- 
tion of  the  enemy,  has  been  half  justified.  That 
all  this  troubling  of  the  waters  afresh  will  soon 
pass  away,  like  the  far  more  terrible  convulsions 
of  the  elements  which  had  preceded  it,  I  have 
little  doubt ;  but  it  appears  a  supererogatory  pre- 
dilection for  popular  excitation,  to  have  afforded 
even  the  slightest  opportunity  for  troubling  them 
at  all.  The  virtue  of  the  panacea  has  begun  al- 
ready to  be  doubted,  and  this  doubt  is  akin  to  a 
denial  of  its  benefits  ;— suspicion  soon  becomes 
certainty  in  the  mind  of  the  multitude,  and 
such  a  certainty  once  prevalent  in  the  coun- 


100  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

try,  the  Relief  bill  might  as  well  not  have  been 
passed.  It  ought  to  have  been  an  object  with 
ministers  to  have  done  what  they  undertook  to 
do,  perfectly  and  finally.  Clare  has  again  evoked 
the  exorcised  spirit  of  the  Catholic  Association ; 
and  Mr.  O'Connell,  who  would  have  soon  melt- 
ed into  a  simple  British  citizen,  has  been  forced 
back  to  his  old  profession  of  Catholic  agitator.* 

*  It  was  originally,  it  seems,  Mr.  O'Connell's  anxious  desire 
to  avoid  a  recurrence  to  those  scenes  and  recollections  of  civil 
discord,  which  it  was  the  chief  object  of  the  Relief  bill  for 
ever  to  suppress.  His  whole  conduct  in  London,  during  the 
discussions  in  either  house,  was  temperate  and  conciliating. 
His  most  judicious  course  at  that  time  would  have  been,  to 
have  resigned  the  representation  of  the  county  of  Clare  (if 
in  accord  with  the  wish  of  his  constituents),  and  to  have  re- 
entered  the  house  at  a  later  period,  when  all  differences  on 
the  subject  were  set  at  rest.  It  is  true  indeed  that  such  a 
course  would  not  have  redeemed  the  pledge  he  had  given  to 
the  country;  but  it  would  have  been  a  matter  worth  the 
consideration  of  a  judicious  politician,  and  a  true  lover  of  his 
country,  whether  all  personal  feeling  should  not  have  ceded 
at  such  a  moment,  to  the  paramount  interests  of  every  class 
in  the  community.  The  object  which  the  electors  of  Clare 
had  principally  in  view  was,  the  final  adjustment  of  the  Ca- 
tholic claims  :  this  object  was  triumphantly  attained;  it  was 
no  longer  necessary  to  cling  with  unwise  pertinacity  to  the 
means.  But  Mr.  O'Connell  seems  to  have  been  led  into 
considerable  error,  by  the  conduct  of  the  ministers  them- 
selves. All  along  he  appears  to  have  believed  that  his  case 
would  have  been  supported  by  their  advocacy,  or  at  least 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  101 

Of  the  actually  accompanying  measures  I  have 
already  spoken.     The  Suppression  Association 

connivance,  in  both  houses.  For  this  impression  he  had  some 
grounds.  The  ministers  stood  in  a  most  doubtful  position. 
They  had  been  obliged  to  make  a  sacrifice  (many  said  un- 
willingly) to  prejudices  still  existing  in  a  high  quarter. 
When  the  discussion  was  over,  it  was  hoped  that  all  decided 
hostility,  in  the  mind  of  an  illustrious  personage  would  have 
quietly  passed  away.  The  case  was  otherwise.  Ministers  were 
compelled  to  persevere  :  it  was  notorious  that  the  Premier 
had  expressed  himself  favourably  to  Mr.  O'Connell's  right ; 
but  under  the  circumstances,  it  is  not  easy  to  say  how  far  he 
was  at  liberty  to  act  up  to  this  conviction.  The  error  (to  give 
it  much  too  soft  a  name)  does  not  rest  with  him.  Mr.  O'Con- 
nell,  disappointed  and  mortified  at  what  he  construed  into  an 
act  of  premeditated  treachery,  and  humiliated  at  having 
been  in  appearance  the  dupe  of  promises  and  professions, 
threw  himself  once  more  upon  the  country.  This  was  now 
unavoidable  :  the  fault  did  not  lie  with  Mr.  O'Connell ;  the 
government  had  rendered  it  necessary.  But  Mr.  O'Connell 
might  have  acted  the  part,  with  infinitely  more  dignity  and 
judgment.  There  was  no  need  of  reverting  to  the  old  topics  of 
popular  excitation  :  Brunswicker  and  Papist  should  for  ever 
have  been  expunged  from  his  vocabulary.  The  man  who  took 
the  hand  of  Cobbett,  ought  to  have  known  how  to  forgive, 
when  forgiveness  would  not  have  been  a  disgrace,  but  a 
virtue.  Mr.  O'Connell  ought  to  aim  at  nobler  game,  than 
to  be  the  applauded  of  a  party.  The  country,  through  all 
its  sects  and  classes,  claims  his  talents.  He  ought  not  to 
have  rendered  them,  as  far  as  possible,  suspected,  or  useless. 
—This  after  all  is  the  chief  point.— Has  Mr.  O'Connell  at- 
tended to  it  ? 


102  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

bill  has  operated  probably  in  the  precise  manner 
in  which  it  was  intended.  It  was  a  harmless 
pains  and  penalty  enactment,  swept  to  oblivion 
almost  in  the  moment  of  its  birth — an  "  imbelle 
telum  sine  ictu" — a  Congreve  rocket  shot  idly 
into  the  air.  The  same  may  be  said,  as  I  have 
already  remarked,  of  the  "  securities  "  embodied 
in  the  bill  itself.  Some  clamour  and  anxiety  were 
shown  at  the  time  about  these  absurdities ;  but 
both  minister  and  people  have  agreed  to  laugh  at 
them  now.*  Not  so  with  the  Disfranchisement 
Forty-shilling  Freehold  bill.  This  "  Regulation 

*  There  are  not  more  than  three  professed  Jesuits  in  Ire- 
land, and  one  in  England.  Was  it  worth  the  while  to  legis- 
late against  them  ?  A  Jesuit  becomes  professed,  by  taking 
certain  vows,  which  vows  are  received  by  one  person  only, 
and  with  closed  doors.  How  is  the  fact  to  be  proved  ?  Is  a 
Jesuit  to  accuse  a  Jesuit  ?  or  is  there  to  be  an  ecclesiastical 
inquisition  established  to  inquire  into  the  fact  ?  Colonel  Sib- 
thorpe  made  loud  complaints  against  the  continued  assump- 
tion of  titles,  &c.  by  the  Catholic  dignitaries.  Mr.  Peel 
answered  with  a  smile.  He  knew  well  that  the  Catholic 
bishops  themselves  cautiously  abstained  from  such  assump- 
tion. If  others  give  them  these  appellations,  they  resign 
themselves  to  the  honour  with  what  patience  they  can. 
Blucher,  in  concurrence  with  the  restored  Bourbons,  or- 
dered that  the  Pont  Jena  should  change  name.  The  court 
obeyed,  but  the  hackney-coachmen,  the  porters,  &c.,  and 
others  whom  it  more  concerned  than  the  court,  still  call  it 
by  its  old  name  of  the  Pont  Jena. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  103 

bill,"  as  it  is  called,  will  yet  form  a  fertile 
source  of  irregularity  and  innovation  in  the  con- 
stitutional law  of  the  country.  It  is  the  first 
principle  of  a  new  reform  code.  Parliamentary 
regeneration  will  spring  out  of  the  spoliation  ; 
out  of  evil,  will  yet  come  good.  It  was  originally 
meant,  I  believe,  to  be  a  peace-offering  to  the  ir- 
ritated and  deserted  genius  of  Protestant  Ascen- 
dancy—a sacrifice  of  Catholicism  to  Protestant- 
ism—of the  priests  and  their  influence,  to  the 
parsons  and  their  influence,  and  so  on.  It  has 
turned  out  to  be  much  more :  counties  have  be- 
come boroughs,  and  the  constituency  a  corpora- 
tion. These  consequences  were  not  altogether 
unforeseen.  The  supporters  of  popular  rights 
were  warned  in  due  time,  but  the  bill  was  suf- 
fered to  pass  on.  It  has  since  become  a  matter 
of  question,  whether  its  supporters  acted  right  or 
wrong — whether  they  were  traitors  to  the  coun- 
try, or  patriots.  The  doubt  may  be  easily  de- 
cided. Surrendered  it  certainly  was,  but  as  a 
great  price  for  a  greater  good,  by  the  Whigs — 
but  by  the  Tories,  it  was  demanded  as  a  quid 
pro  quo,  a  make -weight  in  the  great  account, 
in  return  for  relinquished  privileges : — by  the 
same  Tories  too,  be  it  remembered,  who,  when 
this  very  measure  had  formerly  been  coupled 
with  emancipation,  had  rejected  it,  with  an 


104  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

affected  devotion  to  popular  rights,— out  of  mere 
love  and  affection,  as  they  averred,  to  the  demo- 
cratic portion  of  our  constitution.  But  the  ques- 
tion of  1825,  and  the  question  of  1829,  were 
two  different  questions.  The  contest  was  no 
longer  between  relief  and  non-relief — but  be- 
tween peace  and  war.  The  delay  of  a  session 
might  have  proved  fatal :  it  might  have  amount- 
ed to  the  rejection  of  all  conciliatory  adjust* 
ment  for  ever.  The  lover  of  his  country  had 
to  decide,  whether  he  would  give  up  a  portion 
of  its  franchises,— or  whether  he  would  put  to 
risk — all. 

The  bill  in  Ireland  has  so  far  worked  very 
nearly  in  the  manner  that  was  expected.  Few 
notices  have  been  sent  in ;  of  those  few,  not 
more  than  one-third,  and  in  some  places  not 
more  than  one-fifth  have  been  accepted.  Due 
information  should  have  been  procured  of  the 
probable  number  of  forty- shilling  freeholders 
who  could  register  a  ten -pound  freehold,  before 
the  qualification  should  have  been  raised  so  high, 
and  so  sweeping  a  privation  of  actually-vested 
franchises  have  been  attempted.  It  was  not  to 
be  imagined  that  Ireland,  under  the  endurance 
of  so  many  political  evils  for  so  long  a  period  of 
time,  should  suddenly  emerge,  on  the  passing  of 
the  bill,  into  an  agricultural  and  commercial  pros- 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  105 

perity,  sufficiently  great  to  qualify  any  really  effi- 
cient portion  of  her  population  for  admission  to 
those  important  privileges.     The  question  then 
was,  whether  such  a  people  should  be  permitted 
to  vote  at  all— that  is,  whether  a  people,  who  had 
become  impoverished  by  a  series  of  calamities 
not  within  their  control,  should  for  the  future  be 
precluded  all  share  in  the  government  of  their 
country.     As  to  assimilation  to  England,  and 
to   English   franchises,   it  was  mere  plea  and 
pretext ;  and  after  all,  as  untrue  as  it  was  un- 
just.    The  assimilation  should  begin  elsewhere, 
and  not  with  the  elective  franchise.     The  En- 
glish system  is  scarcely  less   vicious  than  the 
Irish — far  more  diversified  and  anomalous — and 
ought  to  be  held  up  rather  as  an   object  for 
correction,  than  imitation.     Neither  was   there 
any  approximation  in  the  bill  itself,  either  in  its 
principle,  or  in   its  details,  to   the  practice  OF 
privilege,  as  it  actually  exists  in  England.   There 
is  no  resemblance  between  the  life-tenure  free- 
hold of  the  Irish,    and  the  fee-simple   tenure 
of  the  English  elector.    The  abuses,  where  such 
existed,  have  been  left  untouched  ;  the  appear- 
ance of  abuse  has  been  alone  corrected.     The 
law,   as   it  now   stands,   or  rather   as  it  now 
operates,    is   a   law   simply   against   the  poor. 
Much  has  been  said  in  favour  of  its  necessity ; 


106  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

but  it  certainly  behoved  the  supporters  of  the 
principle,  on  which  such  laws  rest,  to  be  less 
partial  in  its  application.  The  same  poverty, 
which  morally  incapacitates  an  individual  from 
taking  a  part  in  the  apportioning  of  the  public 
burdens,  ought  in  no  less  degree,  in  common 
justice,  to  exempt  him  from  bearing  the  burdens 
themselves.  The  great  principle,  that  taxation 
and  legislation  are  correlative  terms,  has  too 
frequently  been  lost  sight  of  in  Ireland.  This 
however  is  no  reason,  why  it  should  not  be 
recalled,  and  practised  for  the  time  to  come. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  by  no  means  meant, 
that  it  would  be  right  to  revert  altogether  to  the 
old  fictitious  constituency  :  far  from  it.  It  had 
enormous  vices — numerous  defects.  Ireland  was 
constantly  oscillating  between  two  extremes. 
The  former  system  was  alternately  the  expres- 
sion of  the  aristocratic  influence,  and  the  phy- 
sical force  of  the  country.  Certain  alterations 
were  necessary,  to  steady  the  balance.  Whether 
they  have  yet  been  found,  is  another  question. 
In  towns  there  will  no  doubt  be  gradually  gene- 
rated, by  the  operation  of  the  late  law,  a  sort  of 
counterbalance  to  the  oligarchical  influence  in 
the  country.  The  towns  have  lately  felt  the 
sweets  of  independence ;  the  facility  of  change  ; 
the  few  local  predilections  ;  the  slight  and  tran- 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  107 

sient  connexion  which  binds  them  to  their  land- 
lords ;  the  comparative  ease  with  which  in  such 
places  a  ten-pound  freehold  can  be  obtained, 
must  not  only  contribute  to  multiply  freeholds  in 
towns,  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  in  the  coun- 
ties, but  must  always  render  them  far  less  liable 
to  be  affected  by  the  power  or  influence  of  the 
aristocracy.  Yet  it  will  be  a  very  considerable 
time,  indeed,  before  these  effects  shall  have  be- 
come conspicuous.  In  the  interval,  the  constitu- 
ency is  likely  for  some  time  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  gentry  and  the  clergy,  with  a  slight 
sprinkling  of  the  more  comfortable  farmers.*  If 
this  were  any  thing  but  a  transitory  state,  it 
would  be  an  evil  so  serious,  as  almost  to  amount 
to  a  radical  change  or  perversion  of  the  con- 
stitution. But  there  is  scarcely  a  clause  ia 
the  bill,  which  does  not  bear  upon  it  a  provision- 
ary  character.  Sooner  or  later,  it  must  lead 

*  The  aristocracy  however  have  in  many  counties  been 
the  chief  sufferers.  In  the  North  particularly,  where  the 
forty-shilling  freeholders  more  especially  abounded,  the 
landed  proprietors  have  been  suddenly  shorn  of  all  their  in- 
fluence. The  Marquess  of  Conyngham,  of  two  thousand 
freeholders  and  upwards,  registers  now  not  many  more  than 
fifty.  In  the  South,  Lord  Glengall  does  not  proportionally 
register  quite  so  many.  So  it  is  with  many  more  of  the  great 
aristocrats — a  balance  of  good,  for  the  evils  in  other  in- 
stances inflicted  by  the  bill. 


108  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

to  a  total  and  decisive  revision  of  the  elective 
code  in  both  countries.  Scarcely  one  intrinsic 
defect  has  yet  been  efficiently  corrected ;  new 
anomalies  and  inconsistencies  have  been  intro- 
duced ;  the  machinery  has  become  far  more 
complicated ;  the  simplest  results  have  been 
sought  by  the  most  confused  means  ;  the  vicious 
method  pursued  in  our  other  legislation,  instead 
of  being  corrected,  has  been  adopted  with  addi- 
tional defects.  No  marvel  then  if  we  soon 
shall  have  to  return  to  patching  and  repatch- 
ing,  until  at  last  it  will  be  found  better  to 
throw  the  work  into  the  fire,  than  to  go  on  cor- 
recting old  blots  with  new.  The  age  has  pro- 
claimed loudly  its  thirst  for  improvement.  We 
must  follow  the  age,  and  its  necessities,  for  we 
cannot  make  it  follow  us.  A  total  change — 
less  feudal,  less  incongruous,  more  in  analogy 
with  the  real  principles  of  a  representative  go- 
vernment— must  sooner  or  later  take  place. 
France  has  given  us  lessons,  in  criminal  and 
civil  justice,  already.  We  must  not  disdain  bor- 
rowing a  suggestion  or  two  more  from  her  con- 
stitutional laws.  She  has  discovered  the  true 
principle,  and  practised  it  with  success.  To 
her,  with  all  our  pride,  in  this  instance  at  least, 
we  must  go  for  instruction.* 

*  The  French  system  reposes  on  the  principle,  so  generally 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  109 

Ireland  has  now  thrown  open  to  her  a  noble 
perspective.  She  presents  a  wide  field  for  every 
species  of  legislative  improvement.  Her  agri- 
cultural and  commercial  polity — the  education — 
the  comfort  of  her  population — provision  for  her 
poor— encouragement  of  her  manufactures — re- 
generation and  amelioration  of  her  system  of 
justice,  must  sedulously  and  immediately  engage 
her  attention.  In  all  these  departments,  there 

recognised  in  the  English  constitution,  that  taxation  should 
be  always  accompanied  with  a  proportionate  share  in  the 
application  of  the  taxation  ; — in  other  words,  that  all  payers 
to  the  exigencies  of  the  state  should  have  a  proportionate 
share  in  its  legislation  and  government :  thus  the  elective  fran- 
chise is  regulated  by  the  rate  of  public  contributions  ;  in  pro- 
portion as  the  contributions  increase,  the  elective  franchise  in- 
creases, that  is,  becomes  more  extended — in  other  words,  more 
popular:  it  thus  furnishes  a  corrective  to  over-expenditure,  and 
an  instrument  and  means  of  retrenchment.  One  force  balances 
or  counteracts  the  other,  like  the  opposed  metal  bars  in  the 
pendulum  of  a  chronometer.  The  American  system,  de- 
pending principally  on  population,  is  less  suited,  even  to  the 
purposes  of  a  republic  ;  but  in  a  monarchy,  and  still  more  in 
an  aristocracy,  no  question  can  exist  of  the  superior  advan- 
tages of  the  French.  In  fact,  whatever  may  be  the  theories 
of  popular  writers  on  the  subject,  all  legislation,  more  or 
less,  in  practice  resolves  itself  into  supplies.  If  this  be  the 
business  of  representation,  it  stands  as  a  necessary  conse- 
quence, that  the  criterion  of  the  elective  franchise  ought  to 
be  the  amount  and  nature  of  taxation. 


110  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

must  be  great  and  radical  changes ;  in  many, 
every  thing  is  yet  to  be  done.  Education  must 
be  rendered  far  more  general,*  more  practical, 
more  applicable  to  common  purposes,  in  stricter 
relation  with  the  actual  wants  and  opinions  of 
the  labouring  classes  of  the  community.  The 
propriety  of  introducing  into  Ireland  the  system 
of  a  compulsory  provision  for  the  poor  has  been 
discussed,  but  by  fits  only,  and  conjecturally. 
It  is  fortunate,  that  want  of  time  prevented  our 
legislators  from  proceeding  farther.  It  is  to  be 
desired,  that  their  crude  theories  should  not 
assume  any  positive  shape,  before  there  be  a 
state  of  things  somewhat  more  permanent,  both 
in  a  political  and  financial  point  of  view.  We 
must  prepare  for  great  changes  arising  out  of 
the  Sub-letting  act,  Disfranchisement  bill,  &c. 

*  For  example,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  country,  in  con- 
currence with  the  government,  should  not  establish  in  a 
central  position,  Athlone  for  instance,  a  second  university. 
The  exigencies  of  Ireland  are  great;  and  the  Dublin  Uni- 
versity, though  increased  within  a  few  years  by  more  than 
one-third  above  its  former  number  of  students,  is  altogether 
inadequate  to  supply  them.  Catholics  and  Protestants,  for 
such  objects,  should  and  would  unite.  To  such  purposes 
the  old  Catholic  rent  might  be  advantageously  and  properly 
applied — much  better,  at  least,  than  frittering  it  away  in 
elections.  From  the  people  it  came,  and  to  the  people  only 
it  ought  to  return. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  Ill 

&e.  superadded  to  the  embarrassments,  which 
we  share  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  British 
empire,  from  the  unsettled  state  of  the  cur- 
rency, the  free  trade,  and  corn  law  questions. 
But  a  wholesale  application  of  any  system, 
much  less  the  vicious  system,  still  oppressing, 
with  its  multitudinous  and  increasing  abuses, 
every  portion  of  the  English  community,  instead 
of  being  the  removal  of  an  old  grievance,  would 
undoubtedly  be  the  infliction  of  a  new  one.  If 
the  country,  from  a  certain  mal-aise,  and  diffi- 
culty generated  by  defects  in  her  other  institu- 
tions, cannot  do  without  such  stays  and  sup- 
ports, let  them  be,  at  all  events,  in  accord  with 
the  peculiarities,  in  the  habits,  character,  and 
actual  condition  of  the  people.  Let  us  begin 
from  the  beginning  ;  and,  not  like  the  academi- 
cians of  Laputa,  think  of  building  our  houses 
from  the  roof.  Let  the  necessities  and  disposi- 
tions of  the  people  first  suggest  ;  let  these  sug- 
gestions be  tried  in  limited  and  occasional  ex- 
periments, as  in  Scotland  and  the  North  of  Ire- 
land ;  and  if  found  to  work  well  in  detail,  let 
the  legislature  then  generalise  the  more  salutary 
portions  of  the  system,  and  give  them,  as  far  as 
may  be  necessary,  the  sanction  of  statute  law.* 

*  The  system  of  Mendicant  asylums  ought  to  be  taken  as 


112  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

As  it  is,  a  very  considerable  poor  tax  is  at  this 
moment  levied  in  Ireland,  in  the  shape  of  county 
cesses  for  hospitals,  dispensaries,  £c. ;  and  that 
too  in  the  mode  and  manner  every  way  the 
most  objectionable,  of  the  many  objectionable 
modes,  still  tolerated  in  this  free  country.  An 
irresponsible  and  fugitive  body,  at  their  own 
discretion,  assess  a  large  class,  but  distantly  be- 
nefited by  the  taxation,  and  mix  up  the  raising 
and  alteration  of  these  funds  with  others,  as 
totally  distinct  from  them,  as  any  of  the  excise 
or  other  duties  levied  by  act  of  parliament. 
A  poor  cess,  originating  from  the  people  them- 
selves, and  continuing  under  the  control  of 
the  people,  will  be  regulated  by  a  very  diffe- 
rent standard— by  public  necessity  and  public 
opinion,  and  will  always  meet  in  both,  some 

the  principle,  and  the  Tithe  Composition  act  as  the  model,  of 
the  machinery.  The  adoption  of  the  bill  should  be  left  at 
the  option  of  each  parish  or  townland,  and  should  not  be  ex- 
tended beyond  the  period  of  one  or  two  years.  The  rate  payers 
should  have  each  a  vote,  and  the  management  of  their  con- 
cerns should  be  entrusted  to  a  standing  committee,  chosen  by  a 
general  meeting  of  the  voters  at  the  beginning  of  the  year. 
The  nature  and  extent  of  the  assessment  would  thus  be  a  mat- 
ter of  local  arrangement  at  the  discretion  of  the  meeting  of 
the  parish.  This  plan,  with  such  modifications  as  circum- 
stances required,  might  be  embodied  in  a  short  bill,  and  not 
enforced,  but  left  to  the  choice  of  the  public. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  113 

sort  of  check  to  the   acknowledged   tendency 
which  all  managements  of  the  kind  inherit,  to 
gradual  corruption  and  decay.  How  far  the  agri- 
cultural and  commercial  interests  of  the  country 
require  the  interposition  of  parliament  to  raise 
them  from  their  actual  depression,  is  a  far  wider 
and  more  difficult  theme.     They  labour,  in  Ire- 
land, under  a  different  species  of  disease  from 
what  they  do  in  England.     In  Ireland,  properly 
speaking,  there  are  no  manufactures  at  all,  except 
the  manufacture  of  the  soil !     Agriculture  has 
no  home  market,   in  comparison,   to  what  she 
ought  to  have.     Ireland  is  consequently  depen- 
dent almost  exclusively  upon  her  relations  with 
England ;  and  liable  to  be  seriously  affected,  in 
addition  to  her  own  miseries,  by  the  miseries  of 
her  neighbour.     Capital  has  hitherto  not  been 
allowed  a  free  circulation ;  there  has  been  ac- 
cumulation in  some  parts  of  the  empire,  and 
want  in  others :  the  usual  evils  of  these  unna- 
tural restrictions  have  been  experienced :  they 
have  produced  upon   the  wholesome  action  of 
the  body  politic  effects  quite  analagous  to  what 
are  sometimes  observed  in  the  human  frame. 
There  has  been  plethory  and  marasma ;  a  gross 
but  deceitful  appearance  of  health,  a  dwindling 
and  pining  away,  side  by  side ;  poverty  in  the 
bosom  of  plenty,  luxury  linked  with  starvation, 

VOL.    II.  H 


114  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

and  in  all  these  various  shapes,  decay,  and  often 
death.  The  Relief  bill,  in  doing  away  these  inju- 
rious restraints,  has  gone  far  to  restore  its  natural 
health  to  the  commercial  body  of  the  country. 
Capital  is  already  beginning  to  find  in  Ireland 
its  natural  level;  and  though  it  has  not  pro- 
ceeded in  a  torrent,  as  some  had  fondly  anti- 
cipated, it  is  not  less  certain  that  it  is  even  now 
in  gradual  but  constant  flow.  Nor  is  this  delay 
after  all  so  injurious.  Manufactures  which  come 
slowly,  generally  come  to  stay.  No  better  pledge 
can  be  given  of  the  permanence  of  an  establish- 
ment, than  the  patient  and  judicious  preliminary 
inquiries  of  its  projectors.  Yet  with  all  this,  the 
first  projectors  of  such  establishments  will  be 
always,  more  or  less,  like  adventurous  navigators, 
of  speculative  and  daring  dispositions ;  some  will 
succeed,  and  succeed  greatly,  but  for  jone  suc- 
cess there  will  of  course  be  many  failures  ;  and  for 
a  time  at  least,  the  country  must  make  up  its 
mind  to  be  subjected  to  all  the  excitations  and 
depressions,  the  various  pernicious  vicissitudes, 
of  a  gamester.  But  this  must  pass,  and  its 
momentary  existence  should  not  discourage, 
much  less  repel.  These  are  not  symptoms 
peculiar  to  Ireland,  but  the  usual  demonstration 
of  the  same  morbid  or  rather  incipient  state  of 
iniprovement,  in  every  country  in  the  world. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  115 

Out  of  such  mistakes  true  knowledge  will  at 
last  spring  :  upon  this  bitter  tree  of  disappoint- 
ment will  at  last  grow  the  sweet  fruit  of  victory. 
To  success,  we  should  be  well  persuaded,  with 
all  our  national  vanity  (which  is  often  excessive), 
there  neither  now  is,  nor  ever  will  be  a  royal 
road  :  we  must  labour  up  the  hill,  as  every  nation 
worthy  of  the  name  has  constantly  laboured  be- 
fore us ;  and  do  things  by  degrees,  if  we  wish  what 
we  intend  to  do,  should  be  really  and  effectively 
done  at  all.  Sudden  bounties,  high-sounding 
subscriptions,  levies  en  masse  of  labourers  for 
public  works,  and  all  such  grandiloquous  and 
magnificent  commencements,  may  be  full  of 
dramatic  show  and  parade,  but  they  end  gene- 
rally where  they  begin  ;  they  are  little  better 
than  the  army  of  Caligula  setting  out  with  thou- 
sands, to  gather  up  a  few  cockleshells  from  the 
ocean.  What  the  country  wants  from  the  go- 
vernment, is  a  simple  removal  of  difficulties- 
peace,  leisure,  repose ;  if  she  has  any  thing  in 
her,  she  ought  of  herself  to  be  able  to  do  the 
rest ;  if  not,  though  government  were  to  work 
miracles  in  her  behalf,  she  would  still  remain 
where  she  is.  But  Ireland  has  given,  even  in 
her  worst  days,  proof  that  she  has  the  elements 
of  regeneration  within  her  bosom  ;  they  re- 
quire only  to  be  evoked  ;  but  it  is  not  every  one 


116  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

who  possesses  the  enchanter's  wand,  or  who 
knows  how  to  read  aright  the  magic  book.  The 
love  of  industry  and  comfort  is  to  be  taught  by 
practice,  and  by  enjoyment ;  the  more,  pros- 
perity and  comfort  be  felt,  the  greater  thirst 
and  desire  there  will  be,  for  more.  Habits  after 
all  are  nothing  but  the  repetitions  of  the  same 
act,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  good  ones 
should  not  be  as  easily  practised  and  enforced 
as  bad.  When  once  these  habits  begin  to  be 
formed,  an  anxious  desire  for  their  preserva- 
tion will  naturally  appear.  The  impartial  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  the  equal  protection  of 
property,  the  exact  observance  of  the  laws, 
perfect  regard  to  the  rights  and  franchises  of 
the  lowest  citizen,  are  all  natural  results  of 
this  anxiety.  When  once  this  desire  is  fully 
expressed,  rapid  and  radical  ameliorations  must 
take  place  in  every  part  of  the  country.  With 
such  a  desire,  neither  the  Grand  Jury  system, 
nor  the  Vestry  system,  nor  much  of  the  actual 
Church  system,  can  possibly  coexist.  Alter- 
ations of  some  kind  or  other  must  occur  in  all 
these  things,— and  great  alterations  in  some. 
The  Grand  Jury  taxation  must  be  abolished  alto- 
gether, or  Grand  Juries  must  become  representa- 
tive bodies,  chosen  by  baronies  and  parishes,  if 
they  are  to  continue  invested  with  the  extensive 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  117 

powers  which  they  actually  enjoy.  They  would 
thus  form  a  series  of  small  state  legislatures, 
good  substitutes  for  local  parliaments.  It  is 
intolerable,  that  a  body  chosen  by  a  high  she- 
riff, chosen  again  by  the  crown,  or  the  dispenser 
of  the  influence  of  the  crown,  should  dispose  as 
lavishly,  and  far  more  vexatiously,  of  public  pro- 
perty, than  the  legislature  itself.*  The  Vestry 
act  is  another  direct  infringement  of  the  right 
of  self- taxation,  and  in  a  state  which  affects  to 
consider  this  right,  as  the  basis  of  all  its  institu- 
tions, it  is  a  system  which  ought  not  to  be  suf- 
fered for  another  session  to  endure.  It  ought  to 
be  the  desire  of  honourable  men,  putting  all  its 
flagrant  injustice  out  of  the  question,  to  seek  for 
a  support  of  their  religious  establishment  else- 
where than  in  the  pockets  of  the  starving  pea- 

*  The  same  may  be  said  of  Corporations.  They  are  not 
only  obsolete,  but  absurd.  They  were  formerly  intended  as 
barriers  against  the  feudal  encroachments  of  the  neighbour- 
ing barons,  defences  for  artisans,  encouragements  to  trade, 
&c.  But  when  the  barons  and  their  feudalism  are  gone, 
why  preserve  the  barriers  ?  It  is  like  taking  an  antidote 
against  a  poison,  when  the  poison  no  longer  infects  the 
system.  The  antidote  in  such  a  case  very  often  becomes  a 
poison,  worse  than  that  against  which  it  was  to  guard.  But 
the  government  ere  long  will  direct  its  attention  to  these 
abuses ;  or  if  the  government  neglect  it,  the  people  will  do 
their  duty,  and  take  its  place. 


118  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

sant.  A  proud  church,  as  the  church  of  Eng- 
land boasts  itself  to  be,  ought  to  disdain  acting 
the  shameless  and  sturdy  mendicant ;  a  rich 
church,  as  the  church  of  England  unquestion- 
ably is,  ought  not  to  be  suffered  to  act  the  plun- 
derer of  the  poor  man's  earnings— the  compul- 
sory exactor  of  a  tribute,  for  which  she  returns 
no  equivalent  or  gain.  But  these  are  evils  which 
must  be  corrected,  not  by  the  Catholics,  but  by 
the  country.  They  are  evils  in  which  all  are 
interested— evils  which  in  the  end  produce  quite 
as  much  injury  to  those  who  receive,  as  to  those 
who  give.  The  Church  by  this  time  ought  to  be 
pretty  well  impressed  with  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  reform  ;  whether  it  shall  be  self-reform, 
that  is,  internal  reform,  or  reform  from  without, 
depends  principally,  if  not  solely,  upon  herself. 
If  she  will  not  go  down  to  the  innovations  which 
are  advancing  upon  her,  quietly  and  judicious- 
ly, the  innovations  will  come  up  violently  and 
abruptly,  to  her.  Such  was  the  case  in  the  in- 
stance of  the  church  of  Rome  ;  such  will  be  the 
case  in  hers.  In  such  a  crisis,  let  her  be  well 
persuaded  that  all  former  feuds  will  be  altoge- 
ther forgotten ;  Catholics  and  Protestants  will 
melt  into  laymen.  The  battle  will  be  between 
old  vested  interests,  and  new  interests,  ten  times 
stronger,  which  have  grown  up  in  their  stead. 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  119 

Neither  antiquity,  nor  possession,  nor  any  other 
venerable  prejudice,  can  now  be  pleaded  in  bar 
of  an  amelioration.  The  forty-shilling  freeholder 
pleaded,  and  the  forty-shilling  freeholder  was 
not  listened  to.  The  late  Disfranchisement  bill, 
amongst  its  numerous  bad  consequences,  has  at 
least  produced  this  one  good,  that  it  has  cleared 
away  much  cant,  on  this  as  on  other  subjects,  and 
left  matters  of  national  improvement  to  be  argued 
on  their  own  intrinsic  merits,  and  not  on  the  fic- 
tions and  prejudices  of  the  past.  No  side  or 
partial  interests,  such  as  the  late  Catholic  ques- 
tion, will  for  the  future  interfere  with  a  just  value 
for  the  common  interests  of  the  state.  The  peo- 
ple will  speak  out,  and  be  believed  when  they 
speak.  It  will  no  longer  be  considered,  when  a 
public  and  notorious  abuse  is  under  observation, 
whether  the  abuse  or  the  attack  be  Catholic  or 
Protestant,  but  whether  the  abuse  be  fact,  and 
whether  the  attack  be  just.  This  is  a  great 
and  important  result,  for  it  at  length  opens  the 
sure  and  straight  path  to  national  and  gradual 
regeneration.  Eligibility  to  office,  individual  ad- 
vantage, are  as  nothing  by  the  side  of  such  a 
benefit.  Were  the  Catholic  only  to  become,  what 
his  Protestant  countryman  actually  is  or  has 
been,  much  certainly  would  have  been  effected  ; 
but  how  little  in  comparison  to  what  still  remains 


120  CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS. 

behind !  Yet  let  it  not  be  invidiously  said,  that 
the  Catholic  is  not  satisfied.  Far  from  it— the 
Catholic  is  fully  satisfied  ;  but  there  is  no  reason 
why  the  Irishman  and  the  British  citizen  should 
not  wish  for  more.  That  there  will  always  be 
such  desires — that  there  will  always  be  parties, 
and  always  agitation,  in  such  a  state  as  ours,  is 
quite  natural.  It  is  the  very  condition  of  our 
liberties — it  is  the  principle  from  which  we  have 
our  political  birth  and  being.  God  forbid  it 
should  not  be  so ! — God  forbid  we  should  ever  be 
condemned  to  live,  in  a  country  so  lost  to  all  no- 
ble aspirings,  so  stagnant  and  so  sluggish  to  all 
that  is  great  and  good,  as  not  to  show  a  constant 
yearning  and  effort  towards  improvement !  As 
well  might  we  wish  to  navigate  a  sea  without 
waves,  or  to  dwell  under  a  sky  without  winds  or 
clouds.  Motion  is  the  health  of  all  bodies,  mo- 
ral as  well  as  physical.  Compel  them  interest, 
and  they  die.  But  there  is  a  great  difference 
between  a  legitimate  object  for  such  exertion, 
and  an  illegitimate  one.  Catholic  emancipation 
has  done  this — it  has  given  a  just  and  national 
direction  to  the  national  efforts.  It  has  done 
more  than  any  other  measure,  since  the  period 
of  the  great  laws  of  the  Commonwealth,  to  make 
the  country  truly  citizen.  It  has  turned  our 
faces  to  the  right  point.  Its  discussions  have 


CONCLUDING    REFLECTIONS.  121 

already  given  us  activity,  spirit,  habits  of  think- 
ing, of  reasoning,  of  acting  :  all  we  now  want 
is  union.  That  also,  let  it  be  hoped,  we  shall  in 
due  season  acquire.  Present  men  may  then 
take  up  with  confidence  the  noble  task :  they 
may  labour  for  the  prosperity  of  their  country, 
and  hope  to  leave  something  behind  them  for 
the  benefit  and  gratitude  of  posterity.  Who  is 
there,  in  looking  back  on  the  perils  and  diffi- 
culties through  which  we  have  passed,  who 
does  not  glory  in  having  lived  in  such  times  ? 
Who,  with  such  a  lesson  before  him — be  the 
obstacles  great  or  small — be  the  adversary  weak 
or  mighty — be  the  battle  long  or  short,  shall 
hereafter  dare  to  despair  of  the  perfect  salvation 
of  his  country? 


VOL.    II. 


APPENDIX. 


VOL.   II. 


APPENDIX 


No.  T. 

The  Catholic  Clergy  s  Remonstrance  of  Loyalty. 

WE,  your  Majesty's  subjects,  the  Roman  Catholic 
Clergy  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  together  assembled, 
do  hereby  declare  and  solemnly  protest,  before  God  and 
his  holy  angels,  that  we  own  and  acknowledge  your 
Majesty  to  be  our  true  and  lawful  King,  supreme  Lord, 
and  undoubted  Sovereign,  as  well  of  this  realm  of 
Ireland  as  of  all  other  your  Majesty's  dominions ;  con- 
sequently we  confess  ourselves  bound  in  conscience  to 
be  obedient  to  your  Majesty  in  all  civil  and  temporal 
affairs,  as  any  subject  ought  to  be  to  his  prince,  and 
as  the  laws  of  God  and  nature  require  at  our  hands. 
Therefore  we  promise  that  we  will  inviolably  bear 
true  allegiance  to  your  Majesty,  your  lawful  heirs  and 
successors;  and  that  no  power  on  earth  shall  be  able 
to  withdraw  us  from  our  duty  herein  :  and  that  we  will, 
even  to  the  loss  of  our  blood,  if  occasion  requires,  assert 


IV  APPENDIX. 

your  Majesty's  rights  against  any  that  shall  invade  the 
same,  or  attempt  to  deprive  yourself,  or  your  lawful 
heirs  and  successors,  of  any  part  thereof.  And  to  the 
end  this  our  sincere  protestation  may  more  clearly 
appear,  we  further  declare,  that  it  is  not  our  doctrine, 
that  subjects  may  be  discharged,  absolved,  or  freed  from 
the  obligation  of  performing  their  duty  of  true  obedience 
and  allegiance  to  their  prince :  much  less  may  we  allow 
of,  or  pass  as  tolerable,  any  doctrine  that  perniciously, 
or  against  the  word  of  God,  maintains,  that  any  private 
subject  may  lawfully  kill  or  murder  the  anointed  of  God, 
his  prince.  Wherefore,  pursuant  to  the  deep  appre- 
hension we  have  of  the  abomination  and  sad  conse- 
quences of  its  practice,  we  do  engage  ourselves  to 
discover  to  your  Majesty,  or  some  of  your  ministers,  any 
attempt  of  that  kind,  rebellion  or  conspiracy,  against 
your  Majesty's  person,  crown,  or  royal  authority,  that 
comes  to  our  knowledge,  whereby  such  horrid  evil  may 
be  prevented.  Finally,  as  we  hold  the  premises  to  be 
agreeable  to  good  conscience,  so  we  religiously  swear 
the  due  observance  thereof  to  our  utmost;  and  we  will 
preach  and  teach  the  same  to  our  respective  flocks.  In 
witness  whereof  we  do  hereunto  subscribe  the 
day  of  June,  1666. 

No.  II. 

Oath  of  Allegiance,  to  be  administered  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  by  the  Ninth  Article  of  the  Capitulation 
of  Limerick,  and  no  other. 

I,  A  B,  do  solemnly  promise  and  swear,  that  I  will 


APPENDIX.  V 

be  faithful  and  bear  true  allegiance  to  their  Majesties 
King-  William  and  Queen  Mary. 

So  help  me  God. 

No.  III. 

Oaths  imposed  by  the  English  Statutes  '3rd  and  4th 
of  William  and  Mary,  c.  ii.,  in  violation  of  the  Ninth 
Article  of  Limerick. 

DECLARATION  AGAINST  TRANSUBSTANTIATION. 

I,  A  B,  do  solemnly  and  sincerely,  in  the  presence 
of  God  profess,  testify,  and  declare,  that  I  do  believe 
that   in  the  sacrament    of  the  Lord's  supper  there  is 
not  any  transubstantiation  of  the  elements  of  bread  and 
wine  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  at  and  after 
the  consecration   thereof,  by  any   person  whatsoever; 
and  that   the  invocation   or   adoration   of  the   Virgin 
Mary,  or  any    other  saint,    and   the    sacrifice  of   the 
mass,  as  they  are  now  used  in  the  Church  of  Rome, 
are  superstitious  and  idolatrous.      And  I  do  solemnly  in 
the  presence  of  God  profess,  testify,  and  declare,  that 
I  do  make  this  declaration,  and  every  part  thereof,  in 
the  plain  and  ordinary  sense  of  the  words  read  unto  me, 
as    they   are   commonly    understood    by    English    Pro- 
testants, without  any  evasion,   equivocation,  or  mental 
reservation  whatsoever ;  and  without  any  dispensation 
already  granted  me  for  the  purpose  by  the  Pope,  or 
any  other  authority  or  person  whatsoever;  or  without 
any  hope  of  any  such  dispensation  from  any  person  or 
authority  whatsoever;  or  without  thinking  that  I  am, 


VI  APPENDIX. 

or  can  be,  acquitted  before  God  or  man,  or  absolved  of 
this  declaration,  or  any  part  thereof,  although  the  Pope, 
or  any  other  person  or  persons,  or  power  whatsoever, 
should  dispense  with,  or  annul  the  same,  or  declare  that 
it  was  null  and  void  from  the  beginning. 

Oath  of  Abjuration. 

I,  A  B,  do  swear,  that  I  do  from  my  heart  abhor, 
detest,  and  abjure,  as  impious  and  heretical,  that 
damnable  doctrine  and  position,  that  princes  excom- 
municated or  deposed  by  the  Pope,  or  any  authority  of 
the  See  of  Rome,  may  be  deposed  or  murdered  by  their 
subjects,  or  any  person  whatsoever.  And  I  do  declare 
that  no  foreign  prince,  person,  prelate,  state,  or  po- 
tentate hath,  or  ought  to  have,  any  jurisdiction,  power, 
superiority,  pre-eminence,  or  authority,  ecclesiastical 
or  spiritual,  within  this  realm. 

So  help  me  God. 

No.  IV. 

Protest  against  the  Act  to  confirm  the  Articles  of 
Limerick. 

RESOLVED  on  the  question,  that  the  engrossed  Bill 
sent  up  by  the  Commons,  entitled  "An  Act  for  the 
Confirmation  of  Articles  made  at  the  Surrender  of  the 
City  of  Limerick,"  do  pass  into  a  law. 

Ordered  on  motion,  that  such  lords  as  please  may 
enter  their  protest  to  the  last  foregoing  vote,  with  their 
reasons. 

We,  the  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  whose  names 


APPENDIX.  VII 

are  hereafter  subscribed,  do  dissent  from  the  aforesaid 
vote,  and  enter  our  protest  against  the  same  for  the 
reasons  following : — 

1.  Because  we  think   the  title  of  the  Bill  doth  not 
agree  with  the  body  thereof,  the  title  being,  "An  Act  for 
the  Confirmation  of  Articles  made  at  the  Surrender  of  the 
City  of  Limerick  ;"  whereas  no  one  of  the  said  Articles 
is  therein,  as  we  conceive,  fully  confirmed. 

2.  Because  the  said  Articles  were  to  be  confirmed  in 
favour  of  them  to  whom  they  were  granted.     But  the 
confirmation  of  them  by  the  Bill  is  such,  that  it  puts 
them  in  a  worse  condition  than  they  were  before,  as 
we  conceive. 

3.  Because  the  Bill   omits  these    material    words — 
"  and  all   such  as  are  under   their   protection    in   said 
counties,"  which  are  by  his   Majesty's  letters    patent 
declared  to  be   part  of  the   2nd   article,    and  several 
persons  have  been  adjudged  within  the  said  2nd  article 
by  virtue  of  the    aforementioned  words :    so  that  the 
words  omitted,  being  so  very  material,  and  confirmed 
by  his  Majesty  after  a   solemn  debate,  as  we  are  in- 
formed, some  express  reasons,  as  we  conceive,  ought  to 
have  been  assigned  in  the  Bill,  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
world  as  to  that  omission. 

4.  Because  several  words   are  inserted  in  the  Bill 
which  are   not   in   the   Articles;  and   others   omitted, 
which  alter  both  the  sense  and  meaning  of  some  parts 
of  the  Articles,  as  we  conceive. 

5.  Because   we   apprehend    that   many    Protestants 
may  and  will  suffer  by  this  Bill,  in  their  just  rights  and 
pretensions,  by  reason  of  their  having  purchased,  and 


Vlll  APPENDIX. 

lent  money  upon  the  credit  of  the  said  Articles;  and,  as 
we  conceive,  in  several  other  respects. 

Londonderry.  John  Ossory. 

Tyrone.  Thomas  Limerick. 

Duncannon.  Thomas  Killaloe. 

S.  Elphin.  Kerry. 

Will.  Derry.  Howth. 

Will.  Clonfert.  Kingston, 

W.  Killala.  Strabane. 

No.  V. 

Mr.  Keoylis  Account  of  the  Delegation  of  1793, 
fcc.  fcc.  ftc. 

In  the  year  1791,  twelve  Catholic  citizens  obtained 
an   audience   of  the   then   secretary   to   the   viceregal 
government,  and  presented  to  him  a  list  of  a  part,  and 
but  a  part  of  the  penal  laws,  entreating  the  interest  and 
protection  of  government,  while  they  sought  a  removal 
of  any  one,  although  it  should  be  the  very  smallest  of 
our  grievances.     The  secretary,  the  agent  of  this  trem- 
bling court,  did  not  deign  to  give  this  respectful  depu- 
tation even  a  refusal ;  he  dismissed  them  without  an 
answer.     Repelled  in  this  quarter,  we  prepared  a  brief 
and  most  humble  petition  to  the  legislature.     But  four 
millions  of  subjects  could  not  get  one  member  of  parlia- 
ment even  to  present  their  petition  to  the  house !     Mr. 
(afterwards  Lord)   O'Neil,  had  indeed  undertaken  the 
task  ;  but  superior  influence  induced  or  compelled  him 
to  retract,  and  he  peremptorily  refused   to   discharge 
his  engagement. 


APPENDIX.  IX 

As  to  the  aristocracy  of  the  Catholics,  they,  it  must 
be  confessed,  were  not  inactive:  they  exerted  them- 
selves, it  is  true,  but  their  exertions  were  directly  in 
opposition  to  our  seeking  redress.  The  peerage  was 
unanimous,  and  supported  by  some  of  our  bishops,  by 
many  of  our  wealthy  merchants,  and  by  nearly  the  whole 
of  the  landed  interest,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  what  must 
have  been  the  aggregate  weight  of  such  a  body.  They 
triumphed  in  our  discomfiture,  and  the  insulting  manner 
in  which  the  deputation  had  been  dismissed  from  the 
castle  furnished  them  with  a  copious  subject  of  ridicule. 
Thus,  then,  rejected  by  government,  refused  admittance 
to  parliament,  scoffed  at  and  opposed  by  our  own  no- 
bility and  gentry,  and  all  over  whom  either  possessed 
any  influence,  our  petition  was  abandoned  by  the  Catho- 
lics of  Dublin  themselves,  from  a  conviction  that  any 
farther  application  for  redress  must  be  hopeless,  while 
the  accumulated  influence  of  government,  parliament, 
and  even  of  their  own  body,  was  placed  in  the  opposite 
scale  against  it.  On  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  Catholicus 
ipse,  has  the  unparalleled  ignorance  or  the  unblushing 
effrontery  to  say,  "  that  a  trembling  court  intended  to 
grant  our  emancipation."  And  as  the  assertion  is  made 
in  the  form  of  a  charge  against  me,  I  am  compelled,  for 
the  purpose  of  repelling  it,  to  state  the  share  I  had  in 
raising  the  Catholics  from  the  despondency,  or  rather 
the  despair,  into  which  they  had  fallen ; — and  I  shall  do 
this,  with  two  of  the  committee  of  that  inauspicious 
period  in  my  view,  who  can  correct  if  there  be  any 
thing  erroneous,  or  contradict  if  there  be  any  thing 
false,  in  my  statement. 


X  APPENDIX. 

The  select  committee  was,  at  my  request,  summoned, 
and  met  at  Allen's  Court,  It  was  their  determination  to 
give  up  the  cause  as  desperate,  lest  a  perseverance  in 
what  they  considered  as  an  idle  pursuit,  might  not  only 
prove  ineffectual,  but  draw  down  a  train  of  persecution 
on  the  body.  I  was  of  a  different  opinion,  and  pressed, 
that  one  of  the  committee  should  be  deputed  to  London 
to  advocate  their  cause  with  the  immediate  ministers  of 
the  crown,  and  that  the  expenses  of  his  mission  should 
be  defrayed  out  of  the  general  fund,  which  was  then 
sufficient  for  the  purpose.  The  proposal  was  of  a  novel, 
and  thought  to  be  of  an  idle  nature,  an  emanation  of  an 
ardent,  an  enthusiastic,  perhaps  a  disordered  mind. 
They  were  persuaded  that  the  minister  would  not  re- 
ceive their  deputy,  and  at  all  events  would  grant  no  re- 
laxation of  our  grievances,  upon  the  not-unnatural  pre- 
sumption, that  the  Irish  government  must  have  been 
apprised  of  his  sentiments  when  they  closed  the  doors 
both  of  the  cabinet  and  the  parliament  against  us. 
Finally,  every  man  refused  to  go  upon  so  hopeless  an 
errand,  and  the  meeting  was  actually  breaking  up,  and 
about  to  disperse  for  ever,  when  I,  and  I  alone,  offered 
to  go  to  London,  and  at  my  own  expense,  to  solicit  an 
audience  from  ministers.  All  I  required  was  the  au- 
thority of  their  permission,  which  I  obtained,  and  I  ac- 
cordingly set  out  for  the  British  capital,  where  I  re- 
mained for  three  months,  and  whence  I  returned  to  this 
kingdom,  in  January,  1792 — accompanied,  at  my  own 
desire,  by  the  son  of  that  illustrious  Irishman,  Edm. 
Burke. 

I  arrived  in  London  without  any  introduction  from 


APPENDIX.  XI 

this  country,  without  any  support,  any  assistance,  any 
instructions.  I  call  upon  those  who  hear  me,  and  who, 
as  I  before  said,  are  competent  to  contradict  me,  if  I 
falsify  or  exaggerate,  to  say  whether  I  have  been  guilty 
of  either.  I  had  gone,  in  the  opinion  of  my  brethren 
of  the  committee,  upon  a  forlorn  hope,  and  they  proba- 
bly scarce  expected  to  hear  any  thing  more  of  me  or  my 
mission.  I  was  introduced  to  the  truly  great  Edmund 
Burke,  the  sincere  friend  of  Ireland,  and,  for  that  very 
reason,  of  the  Catholic  body ;  through  him  to  the  pre- 
sent Lord  Melville,  then  Mr.  Dundas,  and  minister  of 
the  Irish  department.  I  will  not,  because  it  is  not  now 
necessary,  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  reasons  I  urged  in 
my  interview  with  that  statesman ;  suffice  it  to  say,  that 
I  had  the  very  good  fortune  and  happiness  to  convince 
that  minister  that  the  interest  of  his  Majesty  required 
that  the  condition  of  his  Catholic  subjects  in  Ireland 
should  be  ameliorated. 

In  consequence  of  this,  at  the  opening  of  the  ensuing 
session,  in  January,  1792,  a  ministerial  member,  Sir  H. 
Langrishe,  introduced  a  bill  into  the  House  of  Commons 
of  Ireland,  which  afterwards  received  the  royal  assent, 
and  which  opened  to  us  the  profession  of  the  law — privi- 
lege of  education  unrestrained  by  the  necessity  of  license 
— and  of  legal  intermarriage  between  Protestants  and 
Catholics ;  and  now  for  these  exertions,  made  at  my 
own  expense,  and  attended  with  a  degree  of  success 
beyond  the  most  ardent  hopes,  or  even  wishes  of  the 
Catholics  at  that  period,  are  accusations  brought  against 
me  by  this  infamous  calumniator,  of  having  betrayed  the 
cause,  which  my  then  individual  efforts  supported.  But 
let  me  proceed. 


Xll  APPENDIX. 

So  far  was  complete  emancipation  from  being  de- 
manded, or  even  thought  of,  at  that  time,  much  more 
of  course  from  being  in  the  contemplation  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  the  Irish  parliament,  on  the  20th  day  of  the 
following  month,  February,  1792,  rejected  a  petition 
from  the  Catholic  body,  for  "  only  some  share  in  the 
elective  franchise,"  with  a  majority  of  203  against  23. 

The  hostile  spirit  of  the  Irish  government  met  in  the 
aristocracy  of  the  Catholics,  very  active,  very  zealous, 
but  certainly  not  very  able  partisans.  The  peers  and 
gentry,  and  all  whom  they  could  influence,  signed  a 
declaration  at  the  instigation  of  government,  in  which 
meanness  and  folly  were  combined,  opposing  the  in- 
tended relief  of  their  country,  their  children,  and  t hem- 
selves;  and  the  Irish  government  forwarded  this  decla- 
ration to  Lord  Melville,  then,  as  I  before  said,  Mr. 
Secretary  Dundas,  for  the  declared  purpose  of  inducing1 
him  to  withdraw  the  support  of  government  from  the 
proposed  bill  of  Sir  Hercules  Langrishe ;  but  that  mi- 
nister refused  to  gratify  them  in  this  instance. 

Animated  by  the  relaxation  they  had  obtained,  the 
Catholics  of  Dublin  summoned  a  convention  from  every 
part  of  the  kingdom  to  assemble  in  the  capital.  This 
measure  created  a  universal  outcry  from  the  Irish  go- 
vernment and  all  its  agents,  whether  at  county  meet- 
ings, grand  juries,  or  corporations.  We  were  charged 
with  an  attempt  to  overawe  the  parliament,  or  to  erect 
the  standard  of  rebellion.  The  Catholic  nobility  were 
again  pressed  into  the  service,  for  which  they  were  ap- 
parently more  calculated  by  their  disposition  than  their 
abilities.  They  pledged  themselves,  not  only  not  to 
join  in,  but  likewise  to  prevent  the  assembling  of  the 


APPENDIX.  Xlll 

convention.  Terrified  by  the  threats  of  government 
upon  the  one  side,  weighed  down  by  the  millstone  of 
aristocratic  influence  upon  the  other,  the  counties  re- 
mained unmoved,  apparently  unaffected  ;  at  least  they 
did  not  make  any  effort  towards  appointing  representa- 
tives to  the  intended  convention.  This  obstacle  was  to 
be  overcome,  or  the  hopes  of  the  Catholics  were  blasted 
for  ever.  I  again  came  forward  :  I  went  through  the 
four  provinces,  accompanied  by  my  lamented  friend,  T. 
W.  Tone ;  I  attended  the  meeting  of  the  Catholic 
bishops  in  Ulster,  held  in  that  province.  With  those 
prelates  I  found  it  necessary  to  have  an  interview,  like- 
wise with  the  bishops  of  Connaught,  who  had  been 
tampered  with  and  deceived  by  the  misrepresentations 
of  a  Catholic  lawyer.  In  my  journey  thither,  I  was 
accompanied  by  my  dear  and  much-lamented  friend, 
Thomas  Broughall,  with  whom  I  traversed  the  whole 
south  of  Ireland.  When  a  good  example  was  once  set, 
it  was  followed  with  enthusiasm,  and  the  convention  be- 
came the  genuine,  full,  and  complete  representation  of 
the  Catholics  of  Ireland.  Yet  even  this  convention  did 
not  entertain  an  idea,  for  some  time,  of  applying  for  more 
than  the  elective  franchise  and  admission  to  grand  juries, 
until,  towards  its  close,  it  determined  to  petition  the 
sovereign  himself  for  a  full  admission  to  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  constitution.  The  convention  ap- 
pointed five  of  its  members  to  carry  the  petition  to  the 
foot  of  the  throne.  In  January,  1793,  the  deputation 
was  introduced  to  the  King,  and  presented  the  petition. 
I  was  of  the  number ;  so  were,  Lord  French,  Christopher 
Bellew,  and  James  Edward  Devereux,  Esqrs.,  who  are 


XIV  APPENDIX. 

still  living ;  arid  to  these  three  surviving  delegates  I  re- 
fer for  the  honourable  testimony  which  they  bore  with 
respect  to  my  services  at  our  interview  with  Lord  Mel- 
ville. But  I  hasten  to  what  gives  me  infinitely  greater 
pleasure,  the  result.  The  result  was,  that  the  Catholics 
were  restored  to  the  elective  franchise — to  magistracies 
— to  grand  juries— and  one  sweeping  clause  removed 
numberless  penal  statutes.  These  privileges,  so  bene- 
ficial to  the  tenantry  of  Ireland,  from  the  greatest  land- 
holder to  the  peasant,  my  accuser  calls  petty  privileges  ^ ; 
and  the  share  I  have  had  in  procuring  them,  he  pro- 
nounces to  be  another  of  the  injuries  I  have  done  to  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland. 

This  anonymous  writer  calls  on  me  to  account  for  the 
address  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford :  he  says,  that  it  is 
grovelling  and  slavish,  without  one  expression  conveying 
a  hope  of  Catholic  emancipation.  I  have  in  my  hand 
that  address,  from  which  I  will  read  two  paragraphs,  to 
prove  his  want  of  truth  in  this,  as  in  his  other  charges, 
and  that  the  address  did  convey  a  hope  of  emancipation. 
The  following  are  the  paragraphs  I  allude  to : — 

"  That  it  will  be  the  achievement  of  your  Grace's  ad- 
ministration to  have  guided  a  salutary  and  comprehen- 
sive scheme  of  policy  to  that  glorious  development,  of 
which  the  advantages  have  been  in  part  displayed  ;  and 
the  important  consequences  must  be  to  invigorate  the 
admirable  British  constitution,  by  introducing  a  loyal 
people  to  defend  it,  as  their  own  chief  good. 

"  May  your  Grace  permit  us  to  conclude  with  the 
expression  of  those  sentiments,  in  which  all  Irish  Catho- 
lics can  have  but  one  voice.  Bound  as  we  are  to  the 


APPENDIX.  XV 

fortunes  of  the  empire,  by  a  remembrance  of  past  and 
the  hope  of  future  benefits— by  our  preference  and 
by  our  oaths — should  the  wise  generosity  of  our  law- 
givers vouchsafe  to  crown  that  hope,  which  their  justice 
inspires,  it  would  be  no  longer  our  duty  alone,  but  our 
pride,  to  appear  the  foremost  against  approaching  dan- 
ger; and,  if  necessary,  to  remunerate  our  benefactors 
by  the  sacrifice  of  our  lives." 

But  a  strong  and  specific  charge  remains  to  be  an- 
swered— that  either  five  or  six  thousand  a  year  was 
offered  by  government,  as  a  bribe  for  keeping  back  for 
one  year  the  Catholic  petition.  The  charge  is  against 
me : — it  is  evident,  that  he  must  insinuate,  that  not  only 
the  offer  was  made  to  me,  but  accepted  by  me ;  for  if  I 
rejected  the  offer,  where  would  be  the  crime  on  my 
side?  I  once  more  call  on  this  defamer  to  come  for- 
ward, and  give  even  a  shadow  of  proof  in  support  of 
this  charge.  The  present  and  the  late  government  must 
know  of  every  sum  paid  for  secret  services;  and  I  defy 
Catholicus  ipse — I  defy  the  late  administration — I  defy 
the  present  administration,  or  any  man  living,  to  sub- 
stantiate this  charge ;  and  now,  in  the  presence  of  my 
country  and  my  God,  do  solemnly  declare,  that  I  never 
received  from  any  minister  or  government  to  the  amount 
of  sixpence  for  myself,  my  sons,  or  for  any  part  of  my 
family ;  arid  the  proceedings  here  this  day  shall,  through 
the  medium  of  the  public  prints,  come  before  every  one 
of  the  parties.  As  to  the  allusion  of  my  being  visited 
by  Messrs.  Ponsonby  and  Grattan,  and  the  hint,  that 
no  acquaintance,  friendship,  or  family  connexion,  exists 
between  them  and  me— I  scorn  to  make  u  boast  of  ac- 


XVI  APPENDIX. 

quaintance  with  elevated  characters. — Whatever  ad- 
vances to  any  thing  of  that  kind  may  have  taken  place, 
have  uniformly  proceeded  from  themselves ;  but  if  the 
writer,  whoever  or  whatever  he  is,  means  it  as  an  as- 
persion, that  I  am  the  founder  of  my  own  fortune — that 
I  have  no  hereditary  estate  in  a  country,  where  robbery, 
under  the  form  of  confiscation  or  the  penal  code,  Jbas 
deprived  all  the  ancient  Irish  of  their  property — the  un- 
meaning allusion  and  insipid  hint  I  shall  treat  with 
silent  contempt,  and  hasten  to  the  refutation  of  one  lie 
more,  that  "  I  kept  back  the  recital  of  our  sufferings 
during  the  late  administration." 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  arrived  here  about  April,  1806. 
— On  the  very  commencement  of  the  next  session,  a 
deputation,  of  which  I  was  one,  had  two  interviews  with 
Mr.  Secretary  Elliot  and  Lord  Chancellor  Ponsonby,  to 
press  the  question  of  emancipation.  As  soon,  however, 
as  I  had  reason  to  think  that  our  application  was  over- 
ruled in  England  by  Lord  Grenville,  I  then  sounded 
the  alarm  at  a  meeting  held  on  the  24th  of  January, 
1807 ;  and,  as  what  I  then  said  was  printed  by  Fitz- 
patrick,  by  order  of  the  committee,  I  refer  to  it,  with- 
out troubling  the  present  meeting  with  a  recapitulation. 
A  degree  of  consequence  was,  indeed,  attributed  by 
others  to  that  speech,  which  I  never  thought  it  merited ; 
which  is,  that  it  was  brought  to  the  King,  and  contri- 
buted to  the  dismissal  of  Lord  Grenville  and  his  col- 
leagues in  1807.  But  this  much  I  know,  that,  from 
that  day  to  this,  Mr.  Ponsonby  never  honoured 
me  with  a  visit — which  I  regret  infinitely,  more 
from  my  personal  respect  for  the  man,  than  on  ac- 


APPENDIX.  XV11 

count  of  his  being  a  leader  in  opposition  or  adminis- 
tration. 

Permit  me  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  return  my  most 
grateful  thanks  to  you  and  this  assembly,  for  the  pati- 
ence with  which  I  have  been  heard,  the  honour  which 
has  been  conferred  upon  me,  and  the  indignation  which 
has  been  evinced  against  an  infamous  assassin,  who  has 
attempted  to  surprise  and  calumniate  a  man,  who  had 
devoted  near  thirty  years  of  his  life  for  the  purpose  of 
breaking  the  chains  of  his  countrymen. 

No.  VI. 

Resolutions  of  the  Roman   Catholic  Prelates  in  1799. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Roman  Catholic  prelates,  held  in 
Dublin  the  17th,  18th,  and  19th  of  January,  1799,  to 
deliberate  on  a  proposal  from  government,  of  an  inde- 
pendent provision  for  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  Ire- 
land under  certain  regulations,  not  incompatible  with 
their  doctrine,  discipline,  or  just  principles: — 

It  was  admitted,  that  a  provision  through  government 
for  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  this  kingdom,  com- 
petent and  secured,  ought  to  be  thankfully  accepted. 

That,  in  the  appointment  of  the  prelates  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  religion  to  vacant  sees  within  the  king- 
dom, such  interference  of  government  as  may  enable  it 
to  be  satisfied  of  the  loyalty  of  the  person  appointed,  is 
just,  and  ought  to  be  agreed  to. 

That,  to  give  this  principle  its  full  operation,  without 
infringing  the  discipline  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church, 
or  diminishing  the  religious  influence,  which  prelates 
VOL.  II.  b 


XV111  APPENDIX. 

of  that  church  ought  justly  to  possess  over  their  respec- 
tive flocks,  the  following  regulations  seem  necessary  : — 

1st. — In  the  vacancy  of  a  see,  the  clergy  of  the  dio- 
eese  to  recommend,  as  usual,  a  candidate  to  the  prelates 
of  the  ecclesiastical  province,  who  elect  him,  or  any 
other  they  may  think  more  worthy,  by  a  majority  of  suf- 
frages : — in  the  case  of  equality  of  suffrages,  the  metro- 
politan or  senior  prelate  to  have  the  casting  vote. 

2d. — In  the  election  of  a  metropolitan,  if  the  provin- 
cial prelates  do  not  agree  within  two  months  after  the 
vacancy,  the  senior  prelate  shall  forthwith  invite  the 
surviving  metropolitans  to  the  election,  in  which  each 
will  then  have  a  vote : — in  the  equality  of  suffrages,  the 
presiding  metropolitan  to  have  a  casting  vote. 

3d. — In  these  elections,  the  majority  of  suffrages 
must  be,  ultra  medietatem,  as  the  canons  require,  or 
must  consist  of  the  suffrages  of  more  than  half  the 
electors. 

4th. — The  candidates  so  elected,  to  be  presented  by 
the  president  of  the  election  to  government,  which, 
within  one  month  after  such  presentation,  will  transmit 
the  name  of  the  said  candidate,  if  no  objection  be  made 
against  him,  for  appointment  to  the  holy  see,  or  return 
the  said  name  to  the  president  of  the  election,  for  such 
transmission  as  may  be  agreed  on. 

5th. — If  government  have  any  proper  objection  against 
such  candidates,  the  president  of  the  election  will  be  in- 
formed thereof  within  one  month  after  presentation ;  who 
in  that  case  will  convene  the  electors  to  the  election  of 
another  candidate. 

Agreeably  to  the  discipline  of  the  Roman  Catholic 


APPENDIX.  XIX 

church,  these  regulations  can  have  no  effect  without  the 
sanction  of  the  holy  see ;  which  sanction  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic prelates  of  this  kingdom  shall,  as  soon  as  may  be, 
use  their  endeavours  to  procure. 

The  prelates  are  satisfied,  that  the  nomination  of 
parish  priests,  with  a  certificate  of  their  having  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  be  certified  to  government. 

Richard  O'Reilly.  J.  T.  Troy. 

Edward  Dillon.  Thomas  Bray. 

P.  J.  Plunkett.  F.  Moylan. 

Daniel .  Delany.  Edmund  French. 

James  Caulfield.  John  Cruise. 

Subsequent  Resolution  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Electors. 

The  prelates  assembled  to  deliberate  on  a  proposal 
from  government  of  a  provision  for  the  clergy,  have 
agreed,  that  M.  R.  Doctor  O'Reilly,  M.  R.  Doctor 
Troy,  and  R.  R.  Doctor  Plunkett,  and  such  other  of 
the  prelates  who  may  be  in  town,  be  commissioned  to 
transact  all  business  with  government  relative  to  said 
proposal,  under  the  substance  of  the  regulations  agreed 
on  and  subscribed  by  them. 

Thomas  Bray.  James  Caulfield. 

Edward  Dillon.  Edmund  French. 

F.  Moylan.  John  Cruise, 
Daniel  Delany. 

Dublin,  28th  January,  1799. 


XX  APPENDIX. 

No.  VIL 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Roman  Catholic  prelates,  assembled 
in  Dublin,  on  the  26th  Feb.  1810,  the  following  reso- 
lutions had  been  unanimously  adopted: — 

1.  Resolved,  that  it  is  the  undoubted  and  exclusive 
right  of  Roman  Catholic  bishops  to  discuss  all  matters 
appertaining  to  the  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  church. 

2.  Resolved,  that  we  do  hereby  confirm  and  declare 
our  unaltered  adherence  to  the  resolutions  unanimously 
entered  into  at  our  last  general  meeting,  on  the  14th 
September,  1808. 

3.  Resolved,  that  we  are  convinced,  that  the  oath  of 
allegiance  framed  and  proposed  by  the  legislature  itself, 
and  taken  by  us,   is  not  only  adequate  security  for  our 
loyalty,  but  that  we  know  of  no  stronger  pledge  that 
we  can  possibly  give. 

4.  Resolved,   that  having  disclaimed  upon  oath  all 
right  in  the   Pope  or  any  other  foreign  potentate  to  in- 
terfere in  the  temporal  concerns  of  the  kingdom,  an  ad- 
herence to  the  practice  observed  in  the  appointment  of 
Irish  Roman  Catholic  prelates  cannot  tend  to  produce 
an  undue  or  mischievous  exercise  of  any  foreign  in- 
fluence whatsoever. 

5.  Resolved,  that  we  neither  seek  nor  desire  any  other 
earthly  consideration  for  our  spiritual  ministry  to  our 
respective  flocks,  save  what  they  may,  from  a  sense  of 
religion  and  duty,  voluntarily  afford  us. 

6.  Resolved,  that  an  address,  explanatory  of  these 


APPENDIX.  XXI 

our  sentiments,  be  prepared  and  directed  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  clergy  and  laity  of  Ireland,  and  conveying  such 
further  instruction  as  existing  circumstances  may  seem 
to  require. 

No.  VIII. 

Resolutions  of  the  Irish  Catholic  Laity  against 
the  Veto. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  of  the  Catho- 
lics of  Ireland,  held  at  D'Arcy's,  in  Earl  Street,  on  the 
2d  of  March,  1810, 

LORD  FFRENCH  in  the  Chair, 

The  Most  Rev.  Doctor  Murray  read  to  the  Committee 
a  written  communication  from  the  Catholic  prelates  of 
Ireland.  It  was  unanimously  resolved,  That  the  thanks 
of  the  Committee  are  due,  and  are  hereby  given,  to  the 
Most  Rev.  and  Right  Rev.  the  Catholic  prelates  of 
Ireland,  for  the  communication  now  made  to  us  through 
the  Most  Rev.  Doctor  Murray  and  the  Rev.  Doctor 
Hamill. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  meeting  are  due,  and  are 
hereby  given,  to  the  Most  Rev.  Doctor  Murray  and  the 
Rev.  Doctor  Hamill,  for  making  the  communication, 
That,  as  Irishmen,  and  as  Catholics,  we  never  can  con- 
sent to  any  dominion  or  control  whatsoever  over  the 
appointment  of  our  prelates  on  the  part  of  the  crown, 
or  the  servants  of  the  crown.  That  the  thanks  of  the 
Committee  are  hereby  given  to  Daniel  O'Connell,  Esq. 
for  the  faithful  discharge  of  the  duty  of  secretary. 

FFRKNCH,  Chairman. 


XXII  APPENDIX. 

No.  IX. 
ORIGINAL. 

Copy   of  a  Letter  from  Monsgr.  Quarantotti  to  the 
Right  Rev.  Dr.  Poynter,  V.A. 

ILLME    AC    RME    DNE, 

Noil  sine  maxima  voluptate  accepimus,  facile  esse 
futurum,  ut  lex,  quae  superiore  anno  rogata  fuit  pro 
Catholicorum  istius  florentissimi  regni  emancipatione  a 
posnalibus  legibus,  quaeque  ex  modico  suffragiorum  de- 
fectu  rejecta  fuit,  in  novis  hujus  anni  comitiis  iterum 
proponatur.  Utinam  hsec  tarn  optata  lex  aliquando 
feratur,  et  Catholici,  qui  prceclara  semper  praebuerunt 
obedienticB,  ac  fidelitatis  suce  argumenta,  a  gravissimo, 
quo  jamdiu  premuntur,  jugo  tandem  emergant  ;  ut 
absque  ullo  honorum  ac  facultatum  detrimento  ad  ea 
possint  alacrius  incumbere,  quae  et  religio  et  patriae 
bonum  ab  iis  expostulant:  quod  quidem  sperare  juvat  a 
beneficentissimo  Rege,  atque  ab  inclyta  natione,  quae 
aequitate,  prudentia,  casterisque  virtutibus,  turn  anteri- 
us,  turn  maxime  postremis  hisce  temporibus  tantam  sibi 
apud  omues  populos  gloriam  comparavit.  Et  quoniam 
delatum  est  aliquas  inter  Episcopos  obortas  esse  quaasti- 
ones,  atque  discrimina  circa  conditiones,  quae  Catho- 
licis  appositae  sunt,  ut  caeteris  aequiparentur ;  nos,  qui 
summo  absente  Pastore  sacris  Missionibus  praaferti 
sumus,  et  Pontificiis  omnibus  facultatibus  ad  id  com- 
muniti,  muneris  nostri  partes  esse  putavimus  omnem 
ambiguitatem,  atque  objectionem  removere,  quae  optatse 
conciliationi  possit  obsistere,  et  quo  non  pervenit  Episco- 


APPENDIX.  XX111 

porum  facultas,  S.  Sedis  auctoritate,  et  consensione  sup- 
plere.  HABITO  IGITUR  DOCTISSIMORUM  PR^SULUM, 
AC  THEOLOGORUM  CONSILIO,  perspectis  litteris,  turn 
ab  ampl6.  tua,  turn  ab  archiepiscopo  Dubliniensi  hue 
missis,  ac  re  in  peculiari  congregatione  MATURE  PER- 
PENSA,  decretum  est,  ut  Catholici  legem,  qua  supe- 
riore  anno  rogata  fuit  pro  illorum  emancipalione 
juxta  formam,  qua  ab  ampl*.  tua  relata  est,  vEQUO, 

GRATOQUE  AN1MO  EXCIPIANT,  ET   AMPLECTANTUR. 

Unum  est,  quod  aliqua  declaratione  eget,  scilicet  se- 
cunda  jurisjurandi  pars,  qua  Clerus  obstringitur  nullam 
habere  se  posse  cum  Summo  Pontifice,  ej usque  Mini- 
stris,  communicationem,  quae  directe,  vel  indirecte  va- 
leat  Protestantium  regimen,  sive  Ecclesiam  subvertere, 
aut  quomodolibet  perturbare.  Satis  exploraturn  est,  id 
jure  divino  praecipuum  esse  Ministrqrurn  Ecclesias  mu- 
nus,  ut  Catholicam  fidem,  quaB  una  potest  ad  eeternam 
felicitatem  perducere,  undique  propagare  curent,  errores- 
que  depellere.  Hoc  Evangelii  praecepta  decent,  hoc 
Apostolorum,  eorumque  Successorum  exempla.  Jam 
si  Catholicus  Protestantem  aliquem  ad  Orthodoxam 
Religionem  revocaverit,  perjurii  reus  poterit  judicari, 
quia  nempe  illo  avocando  Protestantem  Ecclesiam  ali- 
quo  modo  turbasse  videretur.  Si  res  ita  intelligatur, 
juramentum  hoc  praestare  non  licet,  utpote  quod  Catho- 
lico  dogmati  reluctatur.  Sin  ea  sit  Legislatorum  mens, 
ut  Catholicae  Ecclesiae  ministris  non  interdicta  sint^nz- 
dicatio,  suasio,  consilium,  sed  tantum  ne  liceat  ipsis 
Protestantem  Ecclesiam,  seu  regimen,  vi,  et  armis,  aut 
malis  quibusque  artibus  perturbare,  hoc  rectum  est, 
nostrisque  principiis  apprime  coha?ret.  Tuiim  itaque 


XXIV  APPENDIX. 

erit  excelsum  istud  regimen  omni  animi  demissione,  ac 
studio  deprecari,  ut  ad  sedandas,  tutandasque  Catholici 
Cleri  conscientias,  modificationem,  aut  declarationem  ali- 
quam  ejusmodi  juramenti  formulae  dare  velit,  qua3,  omni 
ambiguitate  sublata,  pacific^  praedicationi,  ac  persua- 
sioni  locum  relinquat.  Quod  si  vel  lata  jam  fuerit 
rogata  lex  iisdem  verbis,  vel  nihii  in  iis  immutari  volu- 
erit,  Clerus  acquiescat ;  ac  satis  erit,  ut  palam  ipse 
denunciet,  earn  esse  suam  jurandi  mentem,  ut  Ortho- 
doxa  in  ejusmodi  juramento  doctrina  salva  remaneat,  ac 
non  aliter ;  atque  ut  protestatio  ista  omnibus  innotescat ; 
et  sit  etiam  posteris  exemplum  in  acta  relata  servabitur. 
Optandum  quoque  foret,  ut  ab  aliquibus  etiam  publici 
concilii  membris,  si  fieri  posset,  declaratio  fieret,  hoc 
plane  sensu,  ac  non  alio,  Britannicum  regimen  a  Catho- 
lico  Clero  juramentum  exigere.  Caetera  vero,  quae  in 
proposita  lege  centineri  scripsisti,  ea  quidem  poterunt 
ex  Apostolicae  sedis  indulgentia  tolerari. 

Quod  rex  certior  fieri  velit  de  illorum  fidelitate,  qui 
ad  Episcopatum,  vel  Decanatum  promoventur,  ac  tutus 
esse,  num  iis  dotibus  instruct!  sint,  quae  bonum  civem 
decent :  quod  ipse  praeterea  ad  haec  investiganda  Comi- 
tatum  instituat,  qui  in  eorum  mores  iuquirat,  ac  referat 
regi,  prout  Ampl.  Tua  nobis  significavit :  quod  demum 
ea  ipsa  de  causa  rex  ab  his  dignitatibus  exclusos  in  pos- 
terum  velit,  turn  alienigenas,  turn  eos,  qui  a  quinquennio 
domicilium  in  regno  non  habuerunt ;  haec  omnia  cum  id 
tantum  respiciant,  quod  civile  est,  omnem  mereri  to- 
lerantiam  possunt.  Praestat  quidem,  ut  nostri  An- 
tistites  grati  acceptique  sint  regi ;  ut  plena,  illius  con- 
sensione  suum  ministerium  exerceant;  ut  denique  de 


APPENDIX.  XXV 

illorum  probitate  constet  etiam  apud  eos,  qui  de  Eccle- 
siae  gremio  non  sunt;  Episcopum  enim  (ut  docet  Apo- 
stolus,  i.  ad  Timoth.  3.  7.)  oportet,  et  testimonium 
habere  bonum  ab  iis,  qui  foris  sunt.  Haec  cum  ita  sint, 
ex  tradita  nobis  auctoritate  indulgemus,  ut  qui  ad  Epis- 
copatum,  vel  Decanatum  designati  ac  propositi  sunt  a 
Clero,  admitti,  vel  rejici  a  rege  possint  juxta  rogatam 
legem.  Postquam  igitur  Clerus  illos  de  more  delegerit, 
quos  ad  occupandas  hujusmodi  dignitates  digniores  in 
Dno  judicaverit,  Metropolitanus  provinciae  in  Hibernia, 
Vicarius  vero  Apostolicus  Senior  in  Anglia  et  Scotia 
illos  comitatus  denunciabunt,  ut  regia  inde  approbatio, 
sive  dissensio  liabeatur.  Si  candidati  rejecti  fuerint, 
alii  proponent ur,  qui  regi  placeant :  si  vero  probati, 
Metropolitanus,  aut  Vicarius  Apostolicus,  ut  supra, 
acta  mittet  ad  sacram  hanc  Congregationem,  quae  sin- 
gulorum  meritis  rite  perpensis,  canonicam  a  Summo 
Pontifice  institutionem  obtinendam  curabit.  Illud  quo- 
que  video  commissum  esse  eidem  comitatui  munus,  ut 
nempe  litteras  examinare  debeat  quae  alicui  ex  Clero 
Britannico  ab  ecclesiastlca  potentate  scribuntur,  ac  dili- 
genter  inquirere,  an  aliquid  illae  contineant,  quod  guber- 
nio  offensum  sit,  aut  publicam  tranquillitatem  perturbare 
aliquo  modo  possit.  Cum  in  ecclesiasticis,  ac  spirituali- 
bus  rebus,  non  interdicta  sit  cum  Capite  Ecclesiae  com- 
municatio,  sed  comitatus  inspectio  ad  politicum  tantum 
referatur,  erit  etiam  in  hoc  acquiescendum.  Bonum 
est,  ut  regimen  istud  nullam  plane  concipere  possit  de 
nostra  commuriicatione  suspicionem.  Cunctis  patere 
possunt  ea,  quae  seribimus ;  non  enim  nos  ullo  pacto 
miscemus  in  iis,  quae  civilia  sunt,  sed  ea  tantum  inqui- 


XXVI  APPENDIX. 

rimus,  quae  divina,  et  ecclesiastica  lex,  ac  bonus,  ec~ 
clesia3  ordo  postulare  videntur.  Ea  tantum  secreto  ser- 
vanda  erunt,  quae  internum  conscientiae  forum  afficiunt ; 
at  in  iis  satis  cautum  fuisse  video  per  regulas  ab  eadem 
lege  traditas  ;  satis  nobis  persuasum  est,  sapiens  istud 
regimen,  dum  publicae  secnritati  consulere  vult,  nunquam 
proinde  exigere  velle,  ut  Catholici  religioni  desint  suae ; 
imo  potius  gratum  habere,  ut  illam  sedulo  observent ; 
haec  enim  sancta,  et  plane  divina  religio  publicae  potes- 
tati  favet,  solia  firmat,  subditosque  facit  obtemperan- 
tes,  fideles,  studiososque  patriae.  Nihil  propterea  potest 
Apostolicas  sedi  gratius  ac  jucundius  accidere,  quam  ut 
inter  gubemium  istud,  et  Catholicos  illi  subjectos,  plena 
concordia,  mutuaque  fiducia  servetur  ;  ut  reipublicae 
moderatores  de  Catholicorum  fidelitate,  obedientia,  at- 
que  adhaesione  dubitare  numquam  possint ;  ut  denique 
Catholici  ipsi  omni  plane  studio,  candore,  alacritate, 
patriae  deserviant.  Quapropter  omnes  in  Domino  hor- 
tamur,  praesertim  vero  Episcopos,  ut  omni  contentione 
seposita,  ad  caeterorum  edificationem,  omnes  unanimiter 
idipsum  sapiant  ac  sentiant,  ut  nullus  detur  schismati 
locus,  nee  ullum  rei  Catholics  damnum  inferatur ;  ve- 
rum  si  lata  fuerit  lex,  qua  Catholici  a  poenis,  quibus 
obstricti  sunt,  liberentur,  earn  non  modo  aequo  animo  am- 
plectantur  juxta  ea,  quae  dicta  sunt,  sed  etiam  Majestati 
suae,  et  magnificentissimo  ejus  Concilio  maximas  agant 
pro  tanto  beneficio  gratias,  eoque  se  dignos  exhibeant. 
Denique  Amplem.  Tuam  rogamus,  ut  cunctis  istius 
Regni  Episcopis  Vicariisque  Apostolicis  epistolam  hanc 
commuiiicari  curet ;  ac  fore  sperantes,  ut  his,  quae  ex 
tributa  nobis  potestate  decreta  sunt,  prompte,  pleneque 


APPENDIX.  XXV11 

sese  conferment,  Deum  O.  M.  precor,  ut  Arnplitem. 
Tuam  diutissime  hospitet,  atque  interim  omni  cum 
observantifr  me  tibi  obstrictum  profiteer. 

Obsequentissimus  Famulus, 

J.  B.  QUARANTOTTJ,  Vice  Prafus. 

MICHAEL  ADEODATUS  GALLEASSI,  Substut. 

Datum  Roma},  ex  ^Edibus  de  Propaganda 
Fide,  16  Februarii,1814. 

Illmo  ac  Rmo  Dno  Guillelmo  Poynter, 
Epis°.  Haliensi,  Vicario  Londini 
Apostolico,  Londinum. 

No.  X. 

Resolutions  establishing  the  General  Committee 
of  1809. 

At  a  meeting  held  at  the  Exhibition  Room,  William 
Street,  May  24,  1809,  the  following  resolutions  were 
agreed  to : 

Resolved,  We,  the  Catholics  of  Ireland,  have  made 
repeated  petitions  for  the  relief  of  our  grievances.  The 
greatest  and  wisest  of  men,  both  in  and  out  of  parlia- 
ment, both  in  and  out  of  office,  were  decidedly  in  favour 
of  the  expediency  and  justice  of  our  claims ;  and  they 
further  insisted,  that  it  was  necessary  to  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  empire  to  interest  in  its  defence  a  popula- 
tion of  from  four  to  five  millions  of  Catholics,  consti- 
tuting more  than  a  fourth  of  the  United  Kingdom.  We 
are  now  unhappily  and  experimentally  convinced,  that 
no  principle  of  justice,  no  force  of  reasoning,  is  suffi- 


XXV111  APPENDIX. 

cient  to  counteract  a  malignant  influence,  which  threat- 
ens the  empire  with  general  contamination  and  conse- 
quent destruction.  Public  delinquents  and  defrauders 
would  put  to  hazard  the  existence  of  the  reigning  family, 
and  the  integrity  of  the  empire,  rather  than  restore  the 
people  to  the  privileges  of  the  constitution,  which  would 
produce  such  wholesome  reform  of  abuses  as  must  de- 
prive themselves  of  the  opportunity  of  undue  influence 
and  peculation.  Under  these  discouraging  circum- 
stances, without  hope  of  success  at  present,  we  are  un- 
willing to  agitate  our  claims  by  petition  to  parliament, 
feeling  that  rejection  might  increase  the  discontent  al- 
ready existing  in  our  body ;  and  we  cannot  be  indiffe- 
rent to  the  pernicious  effect  of  acquainting  authentically, 
through  the  debates  of  the  British  parliament,  our  po- 
tent and  too  successful  enemy,  of  the  internal  divisions 
and  the  corruptions  of  the  state  in  the  only  powerful 
nation  not  yet  subject  to  his  control. — Proposed  by 
Mr.  Keogh. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  noble  Lords  who 
compose  the  Catholic  peerage,  and  the  survivors  of  the 
persons  who  were  in  the  year  1793  delegates  of  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland,  and  acquitted  themselves  of  that 
charge  with  zeal,  talent,  and  permanent  utility,  together 
with  the  persons  who  were  appointed  by  the  Catholic 
citizens  of  Dublin  to  prepare  a  late  address,  do  possess 
the  confidence  of  the  Catholic  body. — Proposed  by  Mr. 
Mac  Donnell. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  in  case  of  the  death,  or 
want  of  confidence  in  any  of  the  above-mentioned  per- 
sons, the  remainder  shall  receive  among  them  such  per- 


APPENDIX.  XXIX 

son  or  persons  as  shall  distinctly  appear  to  them  to  pos- 
sess the  confidence  of  the  Catholic  body. — Proposed  by 
Mr.  Mac  Donnell. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  persons  who  com- 
posed the  committees  to  manage  the  petitions  in  the 
years  1805  and  1807  do  form  part  of  the  above  body, 
so  that  the  number  of  those  added  does  not  exceed 
forty-two. — Proposed  by  Mr.  Burke,  of  Glynske. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  it  be  confided  to  the 
foregoing  noblemen  and  gentlemen  to  take  into  con- 
sideration the  form  of  a  petition  to  parliament,  and  the 
mode  of  presenting  it,  so  that  the  same  may  be  prepared 
by  the  first  day  of  the  next  session. — Proposed  by  Mr. 
O'Connell. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men aforesaid  are  not  representatives  of  the  Catholic 
body,  or  any  portion  thereof;  nor  shall  they  assume  or 
pretend  to  be  representatives  of  the  Catholic  body,  or 
any  portion  thereof.  Therefore,  that  it  be  imperative 
upon  them  to  have  the  said  petition  presented  to  parlia- 
ment within  the  first  fortnight  of  the  next  session. — 
Proposed  by  Mr.  O'Connell. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  above-mentioned 
persons  be  authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  the 
purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses  attendant  on  the 
Catholic  petition. — Proposed  by  Mr.  Burke. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  from  the  activity,  zeal, 
integrity,  and  ability,  evinced  by  Edward  Hay,  Esq.  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duty  as  secretary  to  the  Catholics 
of  Ireland,  he  is  hereby  appointed  to  act  as  secretary  to 


XXX  APPENDIX. 

the  aforesaid  body. — Proposed   by  Mr.  Lalor,  County 
Tipperary. 

FINGAL,  Chairman. 

The  Earl  of  Fingal  having  left  the  chair,  and  Sir 
Francis  Goold,  Bart.,  being  called  thereto, 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  most  marked  thanks 
of  this  meeting  are  hereby  offered  to  the  Earl  of  Fingal, 
for  his  dignified  and  proper  conduct  on  this  and  every 
other  occasion. — Proposed  by  Mr.  O'Connell. 

No.  XI. 

Resolutions  and  Petition  for  Unqualified  Emancipa- 
tion, 31st  Jan.  1810. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  of  the  Catho- 
lics of  Ireland,  held  at  the  committee  room,  No.  4, 
Crow  Street,  on  the  31st  Jan.  1810, 

SIR  THOMAS  ESMONDE,  Bart.,  in  the  Chair, 

Resolved,  That,  solemnly  protesting  against  the  unre- 
lenting system  of  intolerance,  which  the  Catholics  of 
Ireland  appear  to  be  doomed  in  this  enlightened  age  to 
endure,  we  are  yet  steadfastly  determined  to  persevere 
in  claiming  our  emancipation  : 

And  by  our  constancy  in  this  just  pursuit,  and  by 
availing  ourselves  of  all  warrantable  means  for  this  pur- 
pose, to  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  those  equal  rights 
and  liberties,  which  we  demand,  and  can  never  consent 
to  forego. 


APPENDIX.  XXXI 

Resolved,  That,  not  dismayed  by  past  disappointments, 
or  deterred  by  existing  difficulties,  we  shall  take  every 
occasion  to  utter  our  complaints,  to  solicit  ample  dis- 
cussion, and  to  render  our  degraded  and  oppressed  con- 
dition universally  known,  relying,  that  the  unerring 
influence  of  justice  and  sound  reason  (to  which  we  ap- 
peal) must  speedily  subdue  those  blind  and  fatal  preju- 
dices, which  obstruct  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  Ire- 
land. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  this 
committee  to  have  their  petition  to  parliament  presented 
to  both  houses,  so  that  the  entire  merits  of  our  cause 
may  be  fairly  and  amply  discussed. 

Resolved,  That  the  Earl  of  Fingal  be  requested  forth- 
with to  cause  our  petitions  to  both  houses  of  parliament 
to  be  so  proceeded  upon,  as  to  ensure  that  inquiry  and 
discussion,  which  the  honour  and  interest  of  the  Catho- 
lic body  imperiously  require. 

The  following  is  the  copy  of  that  petition : 

To  the  Honourable  the  Commons  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  in  parliament  assem- 
bled; 

We,  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed,  on  behalf 
of  ourselves  and  others,  his  Majesty's  subjects,  profess- 
ing the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Ireland,  humbly 
beg  leave  to  represent  to  this  honourable  house — 

That  we,  your  petitioners,  did,  in  the  years  1805  and 
1808,  humbly  petition  this  honourable  house,  praying 
the  total  abolition  of  the  penal  laws  which  aggrieve 
the  Catholics  of  Ireland. 

We  now  feel  ourselves  obliged,  in  justice  to  ourselves, 


XXX11  APPENDIX. 

our  families,  and  our  country,  once  more  to  solicit  the 
attention  of  this  honourable  house  to  the  subject  of 
our  said  petition. 

We  state,  that  the  Catholics  constitute  the  most 
numerous  and  increasing  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Ireland,  comprising  an  immense  majority  of  the  manu- 
facturing, trading,  and  agricultural  interests,  and 
amounting  at  least  to  four-fifths  of  the  Irish  popula- 
tion ;  that  they  contribute  largely  to  the  exigencies  of 
their  country,  civil  and  military;  that  they  pay  the  far 
greater  part  of  the  public  and  local  taxes;  that  they 
supply  the  armies  and  navies  of  this  empire  with  up- 
wards of  one-third  part  in  number  of  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  employed  in  the  public  service;  and  that  not- 
withstanding heavy  discouragements,  they  form  the 
principal  constituent  part  of  the  strength,  wealth,  and 
industry  of  Ireland. 

Yet  such  is  the  grievous  operation  of  the  penal  laws, 
of  which  we  complain,  that  the  Roman  Catholics  are 
thereby  not  only  set  apart  from  their  fellow  subjects  as 
aliens  in  their  native  land,  but  are  ignominiously  and 
rigorously  proscribed  from  almost  all  situations  of  pub- 
lic trust,  honour,  or  emolument,  including  every  public 
function  and  department,  from  the  houses  of  legislature 
down  to  the  most  petty  corporation, 

We  state,  whenever  the  labour  of  public  duty  is  to 
be  exacted  and  enforced,  the  Catholic  is  sought  out  and 
selected  ;  where  honours  or  rewards  are  to  be  dispensed, 
he  is  neglected  or  contemned. 

Where  the  military  and  naval  strength  of  the  empire 
is  to  be  recruited,  the  Catholics  are  eagerly  solicited, 


APPENDIX,  XXXHl 

nay  compelled,  to  bear  their  full  share  in  the  perils  of 
warfare,  and  in  the  lowest  rank ;  but  when  preferment 
or  promotion  (the  dear  and  legitimate  prize  of  success- 
ful valour)  are  to  be  distributed  as  rewards  of  merit,  no 
laurels  are  destined  to  a  Catholic's  brow,  or  fit  the 
wearer  for  command. 

We  state  thus  generally  the  grievous  condition  of 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland,  occasioned  solely  by 
the  fatal  influence  and  operation  of  the  penal  laws ;  and 
though  we  forbear  to  enter  into  greater  detail,  yet  we 
do  not  the  less  trust  to  the  influence  of  reason  and 
justice  (which  eventually  must  prevail)  for  effecting  a 
full  and  deliberate  inquiry  into  our  grievances,  and  ac- 
complishing our  effectual  relief. 

We  do  beg  leave,  however,  most  solemnly,  to  press 
upon  the  attention  of  this  honourable  house  the  immi- 
nent public  dangers,  which  necessarily  result  from  so 
inverted  an  order  of  things,  and  so  jicious  and  unnatu- 
ral a  system  of  legislation;  a  system,  which  has  long 
been  the  reproach  of  this  nation,  and  is  unparalleled 
throughout  modern  Christendom. 

And  we  state  it  as  our  fixed  opinion,  that  to  restore 
to  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  a  full,  equal,  and  unqualified 
participation  of  the  benefits  of  the  laws  and  constitution 
of  England,  and  to  withdraw  all  the  privations,  restric- 
tions, and  vexatious  distinctions,  which  oppress,  injure, 
and  afflict  them  in  their  country,  is  now  become  a  mea- 
sure not  merely  expedient,  but  absolutely  necessary; 
not  only  a  debt  of  right  due  to  a  complaining  people, 
but  perhaps  the  last  remaining  resource  of  this  empire, 
in  the  preservation  of  which  we  take  so  deep  an  interest, 

VOL.    II.  C 


XXXIV  APPENDIX. 

We  therefore  pray  this  honourable  house  to  take  into 
their  most  serious  consideration  the  nature,  extent,  and 
operation  of  the  aforesaid  penal  laws,  and  by  repealing 
the  same  altogether,  to  restore  to  the  Roman  Catholics 
of  Ireland  those  liberties  so  long  withheld,  and  their 
due  share  in  that  constitution,  which  they,  in  common 
with  their  fellow  subjects  of  every  other  description, 
contribute  by  taxes,  arms,  and  industry,  to  sustain  and 
defend. 

And  your  petitioners  will  ever  pray,  &c.  &c. 

No.  XII. 

Circular  Letter  of  the  Right  Hon.  W.  Wellesley  Pole. 

Dublin  Castle,  February  12th,  1811. 
SIR, 

It  being  reported  that  the  Roman  Catholics  in  the 

county  of are  to  be  called  together,  or  have 

been  called  together,  to  nominate  or  appoint  persons  or 
representatives,  delegates  or  managers,  to  act  in  their 
behalf  as  members  of  an  unlawful  assembly,  sitting  in 
Dublin,  and  calling  itself  the  Catholic  Committee,  you 
are  required,  in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  an  Act 
of  the  33rd  of  the  King,  chap.  29,  to  cause  to  be 
arrested,  and  to  commit  to  prison  (unless  bail  shall  be 
given),  all  persons  within  your  jurisdiction  who  shall  be 
guilty  of  giving  or  having  given,  or  of  publishing  or 
having  published,  or  of  causing  or  having  caused  to  be 
given  or  published,  any  written  or  other  notice  of  the 
election  and  appointment,  in  any  manner,  of  such  repre- 
sentative, delegate,  or  manager,  as  aforesaid  ;  or  of 


APPENDIX.  XXXV 

attending,  voting,  or  acting,  or  of  having  attended, 
voted,  or  acted,  in  any  manner,  in  the  choice  or  appoint- 
ment of  such  representative,  delegate,  or  manager. 
And  you  are  to  communicate  these  directions,  as  far  as 
lies  in  your  power,  forthwith,  to  the  several  magistrates 
of  the  said  county  of . 

N.  B.  Sheriffs  are  to  act  under  the  warrant  of 
magistrates  in  cases  where  the  crime  has  been  com- 
mitted. 

By  command  of  His  Grace  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 

W.  W.  POLE. 
To ,  &c.  &c.  &c. 

No.  XIII. 

Letter  of  the  King  on  his  leaving  Ireland  in  1821. 

Dublin  Castle,  September  3rd,  1821. 
MY  LORD, 

The  time  of  the  King's  departure  from  Ireland  being 
arrived,  I  am  commanded  by  His  Majesty  to  express 
his  entire  approbation  of  the  manner  in  which  all  per- 
sons acting  in  civil  and  military  situations  in  the  city  of 
Dublin  and  its  neighbourhood  have  performed  their 
several  duties  during  the  period  of  His  Majesty's  resi- 
dence in  this  part  of  the  kingdom.  His  Majesty  is 
pleased  to  consider,  that  to  your  Excellency  his  acknow- 
ledgments are  particularly  due :  he  is  conscious  how 
much  he  owes  to  your  Excellency's  attentions  and  ar- 
rangements ;  and  His  Majesty  gladly  avails  himself  of 
this  occasion  of  declaring  the  high  sense  which  he  enter- 
tains of  the  ability,  temper,  and  firmness,  with  which  your 


XXXVI  APPENDIX. 

Excellency  has  uniformly  administered  the  great  trust 
which  he  has  placed  in  your  hands. 

I  am  further  commanded  to  state,  that  the  testimonies 
of  dutiful  and  affectionate  attachment  which  His  Ma- 
jesty has  received  from  all  classes  and  descriptions  of 
his  Irish  subjects,  have  made  the  deepest  impression  on 
his  mind ;  and  that  he  looks  forward  to  the  period  when 
he  shall  revisit  them  with  the  strongest  feelings  of  satis- 
faction. His  Majesty  trusts  that,  in  the  mean  time,  not 
only  the  spirit  of  loyal  union  which  now  so  generally 
exists  will  remain  unabated  and  unimpaired,  but  that 
every  cause  of  irritation  will  be  avoided  and  discounte- 
nanced, mutual  forbearance  and  good-will  observed  and 
encouraged,  and  security  be  thus  afforded  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  that  concord  amongst  themselves,  which  is 
not  less  essential  to  His  Majesty's  happiness  than  to 
their  own  ;  and  which  it  has  been  the  chief  object  of 
His  Majesty,  during  his  residence  in  this  country,  to 
cherish  and  promote. 

His  Majesty  well  knows  the  generosity  and  warmth 
of  heart  which  distinguish  the  character  of  his  faithful 
people  of  Ireland  ;  and  he  leaves  them  with  a  heart  full 
of  affection  towards  them,  and  with  the  confident  and 
gratifying  persuasion,  that  this  parting  admonition  and 
injunction  of  their  Sovereign  will  not  be  given  in  vain. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  truth  and  regard,  my  Lord, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 
And  faithful  Servant, 

SlDMOUTJfc 
His  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 


APPENDIX.  XXXV11 


No.  XIV. 

Rules  and  Regulations  of  the  Catholic  Association  of 
Ireland,  commencing  Saturday,  2±th  May,  1823. 

JOSEPH  M'DoNNELL,  Esq.  in  the  Chair. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  the  draft  of 
laws  and  regulations  for  the  Association  reported,  where- 
upon the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  : 

That  the  Catholic  Association  be  formed  to  adopt  all 
such  legal  and  constitutional  measures  as  may  be  most 
useful  to  obtain  Catholic  emancipation. 

That  the  Association  is  not  a  representative  or  dele- 
gated body ;  and  that  it  will  not  assume  any  representa- 
tive or  delegated  authority  or  quality. 

That  such  individuals  as  shall  give  in  their  names  to 
the  secretary,  and  pay  an  annual  subscription  of  one 
pound  two  shillings  and  ninepence,  be  members  of  this 
Association ;  and  that  same  be  payable  each  first  day  of 
January. 

That  no  motion  shall  be  debated  at  any  meeting  of 
this  Association  without  one  week's  previous  notice. 

That  all  reporters  for  newspapers,  &c.  be  at  liberty  to 
attend  all  the  meetings  of  the  Association. 

That  the  Secretary  do  call  an  extraordinary  meeting 
of  the  Association  w.henever  required,  by  a  requisition 
signed  by  at  least  twenty  members. 

That  the  proceedings  of  the  Association  as  well  as 
notices  of  motions  be  entered  in  a  book,  always  open 


XXXVUI  APPENDIX. 

for  inspection  and  reference ;  and  that  a  book  be  also 
kept,  containing  as  well  the  names  as  the  address  of  each 
member,  to  be  always  open  for  inspection. 

That  no  member  be  allowed  to  speak  twice  in  any 
discussion,  except  the  mover  of  the  original  question, 
who  shall  have  the  right  to  reply ;  such  reply  to  close 
the  debate. 

That  during  any  discussion  every  member  be  seated, 
except  the  member  addressing  the  chairman. 

That  the  object  of  the  foregoing  resolutions  is  to  pre- 
vent as  much  as  possible  any  debate  or  discussion,  but 
what  must  be  absolutely  necessary  to  ascertain  the  sense 
of  each  meeting. 

That  Saturday  be  the  fixed  day  of  meeting,  subject 
to  such  adjournment  as  the  Association  may  agree  to. 

That  at  least  ten  members  must  be  in  attendance  in 
order  to  constitute  a  meeting  of  this  Association. 

That  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  be  the  fixed  hour 
of  all  meetings ;  and  that  so  soon  as  ten  members  are  in 
attendance  after  three  o'clock,  the  chair  shall  be  imme- 
diately taken. 

Treasurers  and  secretaries  were  appointed. 

JOSEPH  M'DoNNELL,  Chairman. 
N.  PURCELL  O'GoRMAN,  Secretary. 


APPENDIX.  XXXIX 

No.  XV. 

Report  on  the  Practicability  of  forming  the  New 
Catholic  Association. — Agreed  to  at  the  Aggregate 
Meeting  held  13th  July,  1825. 

Mr.  O'Gormari  here  read  the  following  Report  of  the 
Committee  of  twenty-one.  Several  of  the  passages 
were  received  with  the  most  enthusiastic  applause,  but 
more  particularly  that  part  which  unfolds  "  the  plan  of 
the  NEW  CATHOLIC  ASSOCIATION." 

The  committee  appointed  by  a  general  ballot  to  con- 
sider, in  pursuance  of  the  resolution  of  the  last  aggre- 
gate meeting,  "  whether  there  can  be  framed,  without 
any  violation  of  the  existing  laws,  a,  permanent  body  to 
assist  in  the  conducting  or  management  of  such  portion 
of  Catholic  affairs  as  it  may  be  by  law  permitted  to  have 
managed,  without  resorting  to  the  too  frequent  holding 
of  aggregate  meetings,  and  in  particular,  without  in 
any  way  infringing  on  a  recent  statute,"  have  agreed  to 
the  following 

REPORT. 

The  Committee  have  endeavoured  anxiously  to  fulfil 
the  duty  imposed  upon  them.  They  have  been  deeply 
impressed,  on  the  one  hand,  with  the  conviction,  that 
the  cause  of  the  Catholics  must  retrograde,  and  the 
calumnious  imputations  of  their  enemies  increase  in 
number,  power,  and  effect,  unless  there  be  some  perma- 
nent body  watching  over  Catholic  interests,  and  taking 
care  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  station  the  Catholics 
have  already  attained,  while  it  is  not  permitted  to  pro- 


X  APPENDIX. 

ceed  further.     And  on  the  other  hand,  we  were  and  are 
unalterably  determined,  not  to  suggest  or  advise  any 
course  which  could  with  any  degree  of  fair  dealing  or 
justice  be  deemed  any,  even  the  slightest,  infringement 
on  the  law. — We  are  determined  to  obey  a  statute  which 
we  cannot  respect,  and  to  set  to  our  countrymen  the 
example  of  a  dutiful  and  ready  submission  to  that  which 
is  law — notwithstanding  our  conviction  of  the  impolicy 
of  its  enactment.     We  have,   in  fact,  lately  received 
from  our  Protestant  fellow-countrymen  such  support  as 
requires  our  utmost  gratitude,  and  such  advice  as  com- 
mands our  ready  and  respectful  obedience.     We  allude 
'in  particular  to  the  advice  of  the  illustrious  noblemen 
lately  assembled  in  London.     They  have  recommended 
to  the  Catholics  firmness,  temperance,  and  union.     We 
place  full  and  cordial  confidence  in  them  and  in  their 
counsels,  and  we  are  resolved  to  merit  their  patronage 
and  protection,  by  the  alacrity  with  which  we  ourselves 
,  submit  at  all  times  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  the  zeal 
and  activity  which  we  shall  ever  display,  to  procure  a 
similar   submission   from   all   classes   of    our   country- 
men. 

With  these  impressions,  we  have  come  to  the  deter- 
mination to  recommend  to  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  to 
conduct  their  affairs  in  future  in  strict  obedience  to  the 
law,  by  managing,  by  means  of  a  permanent  association, 
such  portion  thereof  as  has  no  reference  to  obtaining 
relief  or  redress,  or  any  alteration  of  the  existing  code — 
but  to  reserve  every  thing  that  relates  to  petitioning  for 
relief,  or  obtaining  legal  redress,  or  altering  the  existing 
code,  to  such  separate  or  aggregate  meetings  of  short 


APPENDIX.  Xl 

duration  as  shall  be  in  strict  conformity  with  the  recent 
statute. 

We  therefore  beg  leave  to  lay  before  the  public  the 
following  plan  of  a  New  Catholic  Association,  and  to 
express  our  unanimous  and  fixed  conviction  that  it  will 
not  in  any  wise  violate  or  infringe  upon  any  law  or 
statute  whatsoever. 

PLAN    OF    A   NEW    CATHOLIC    ASSOCIATION. 

1st. — As  it  is  desirable  that  the  proposed  New  Ca- 
tholic Association  should  combine  Irishmen  of  all  reli-  . 
gious  persuasions,  it  is  expressly  declared,  that  no  person 
professing  any  of  the  forms  of  religious  faith,  allowed 
or  tolerated  by  law,  shall  be  excluded  therefrom ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  Christians  of  all  denominations  are 
invited  to  become  members  thereof. 

2d. — No  member  of  the  New  Catholic  Association 
shall  be  required  to  take  any  oath  or  make  any  declara- 
tion whatsoever. 

3d. — To  avoid  the  possibility  of  its  being  alleged, 
even  by  means  of  any  perverse  interpretation  of  the 
act  of  6th  Geo.  I Vth,  chap.  4th,  that  the  New  Catholic 
Association  can  come  within  the  provisions  thereof,  it  is 
expressly  declared,  that  the  New  Catholic  Association 
shall  not  assume,  or  in  any  manner  or  by  any  means  or 
contrivance  exercise,  the  power  of  acting,  for  the  pur- 
pose or  under  the  pretence  of  procuring  the  redress  of 
grievances  in  church  or  state,  or  the  alteration  of  any 
matters  by  law  established  in  church  or  state  ;  or  for 
the  purpose,  or  under  the  pretence  of  carrying  on,  or 


Xlii  APPENDIX. 

assisting  in,  the  prosecution  or  defence  of  causes  civil 
or  criminal. 

4th. — That  the  New  Catholic  Association  shall  not 
be  composed  of  different  divisions  or  branches,  or  of 
different  parts  acting  in  any  manner  separate  or  distinct 
from  each  other ;  and  that  there  shall  be  no  separate  or 
distinct  secretary,  or  delegate,  or  other  officer  elected 
or  appointed  by  or  for  any  particular  part,  or  authorised 
to  act  for  any  particular  part ;  neither  shall  the  New 
Catholic  Association  communicate  or  correspond ;  neither 
shall  its  constitution  contain  any  provision  for  commu- 
nication or  correspondence  with  any  other  society,  com- 
mittee, or  body  of  persons  ;  neither  shall  it,  in  any 
respect,  act  in  any  manner  inconsistently  with  the  said 
statute  of  the  6th  Geo.  IVth,  chap.  4th. 

5th. — The  New  Catholic  Association  can  and  may  be 
formed  merely  for  the  purposes  of  public  and  private 
charity,  and  such  other  purposes  as  are  not  prohibited 
by  the  said  statute  of  the  6th  Geo.  IVth,  chap.  4th. 

6th. — The  first  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  that  of  promoting  public  peace 
and  tranquillity,  as  well  as  private  harmony  and  con- 
cord, amongst  all  classes  of  his  Majesty's  subjects 
throughout  Ireland. 

7th. — The  second  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  the  encouragement  and  exten- 
sion of  a  liberal,  enlightened,  and  religious  system  of 
education,  founded  on  the  basis  of  Christian  charity  and 
perfect  fair  dealing. 

8th. — The  third  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  that  of  ascertaining  the  number 


APPENDIX.  xliii 

of  the  population  of  Ireland,  and  the  relative  propor- 
tions which  the  professors  of  the  various  Christian  per- 
suasions bear  the  one  to  the  other;  and,  in  particular, 
to  ascertain  the  number  of  children  of  each  persuasion 
in  a  course  of  education. 

9th. — The  fourth  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  to  devise  the  means  of  erecting 
suitable  Catholic  churches  for  the  celebration  of  divine 
worship,  and  to  procure  and  establish  Catholic  burial- 
grounds,  wherein  the  Catholic  dead  may  be  interred, 
without  being  liable  to  any  species  of  contumely  or 
insult. 

10th.— The  fifth  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  to  promote  all  improvements  in 
science  and  in  Irish  agriculture,  to  encourage  the  con- 
sumption of  Irish  manufactures  and  the  extension  of 
Irish  commerce. 

llth. — The  sixth  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation is,  and  shall  be,  to  encourage  as  much  as  possible 
a  liberal  and  enlightened  press,  to  circulate  works  cal- 
culated to  promote  just  principles  and  mutual  toleration 
and  kindness,  and  to  vindicate  the  principles  of  the 
Catholics  against  the  unjust  and  slanderous  attacks 
daily  made  upon  them. 

12th. — The  seventh  purpose  of  the  New  Catholic 
Association  will  be,  to  procure  a  detailed  statement  of 
the  various  charges  made  against  the  Catholics  in  the 
petitions  presented  to  parliament  during  the  recent 
sessions,  arid  to  publish  authentic  refutations  of  such 
charges,  in  the  places  where  they  respectively  ori- 
ginated. 


APPENDIX. 

13th. — That  every  person  who  shall  think  fit,  on  or 
before  a  day  to  be  named,  to  pay  the  sum  of  one  pound 
on  his  admission,  shall  be  a  member  of  the  New  Catho- 
lic Association ;  and,  after  that  day,  each  person  paying 
one  pound,  and  procuring  one  member  to  propose  and 
another  to  second  him,  shall  also  be  a  member. 

The  committee  having  thus  stated  affirmatively  and 
negatively  the  limits  within  which  the  New  Catholic 
Association  can  and  ought  to  act,  deem  it  their  duty  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  Catholics  in  general  to  those 
provisions  of  the  statute  of  the  6th  Geo.  IVth,  chap.  4th, 
which  must  restrain  the  sphere  of  the  New  Catholic 
Association,  and  render  it  necessary  for  the  Catholics 
in  general  to  seek  for  redress  and  relief,  through  the 
medium  of  other  meetings,  and  by  the  intervention  of 
other  instruments. 

That  most  unconstitutional  statute  prohibits  these  two 
things — 

First,  The  sacred  right  of  petitioning  for  the  redress 
of  real  and  substantial  grievances  in  the  only  mode 
likely  to  be  successful ;  namely,  by  the  intervention  of 
a  committee  or  association,  of  sufficient  duration  to 
be  able  to  make  useful,  and  in  fact  necessary  arrange- 
ments. 

Second,  The  right  of  such  committee  or  association 
giving  any  pecuniary  assistance  to  the  poor  and  op- 
pressed, in  order  to  enable  them  to  punish  by  due 
course  of  law  their  oppressors  :  it  being  obvious  that 
without  money  there  can  be  little  prospect  of  being 
able  to  take  the  measures  necessary  to  obtain  redress 
from  any  legal  tribunal. 


APPENDIX. 

Now,  as  the  New  Catholic  Association  cannot  inter- 
fere in  any  way  to  procure  redress  from  parliament  or 
the  courts  of  law ;  and  as  the  Catholics  certainly  suffer 
the  cruellest  oppressions,  and  the  most  unjust  exclusions 
from  the  undoubted  rights  of  British  subjects,  it  is  in- 
cumbent on  them  to  adopt  other  means  altogether  un- 
connected with  the  New  Association,  of  preparing  and 
presenting  petitions  to  parliament,  and  also  for  prevent- 
ing and  punishing  acts  of  individual  oppression  and  of 
party  insolence. 

The  petitions  to  parliament  must  of  course  be  alto- 
gether unconnected  with  the  New  Catholic  Association, 
and  must  originate  with  and  be  conducted  by  general 
or  aggregate  meetings ;  which,  as  the  law  now  stands, 
may  be  continued  by  adjournment  for  fourteen  days  and 
no  longer. 

It  is  obvious  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrange 
all  the  petitions  necessary  to  be  presented  to  parliament 
in  the  ensuing  sessions,  in  one  space  of  fourteen  days. 

It  is  advisable  to  have  a  petition  presented  from  every 
parish  in  Ireland. 

The  country  should  be  therefore  taken  separately  by 
counties.  There  can,  in  point  of  law,  be  fourteen  days 
given  to  each  county,  separately  and  distinctly ;  but  the 
business  of  petitioning  for  each  county  must  be  con- 
ducted by  general  or  aggregate  meetings,  unconnected 
with  the  New  Catholic  Association ;  and  such  general 
or  aggregate  meetings  can  continue  to  sit  for  the  peti- 
tions of  each  county  during  fourteen  days,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  the  statute. 

Thus   the  New  Catholic   Association   will    have   to 


Xlvi  APPENDIX. 

attend  to  details  in  Catholic  affairs,  consistent  with  the 
duration  of  our  present  grievances,  and  with  an  ac- 
quiescence in  our  present  sufferings. 

The  separate  or  aggregate  meetings  must  and  will 
seek  for  the  redress  of  grievances,  and  the  alteration 
of  those  matters  in  church  and  state  by  which  we  are 
oppressed. 

The  committee  further  very  earnestly  recommend  to 
the  Irish  people,  to  make  the  repeal  of  the  said  statute  of 
the  6th  Geo.  IVth,  chap.  4th,  the  first  object  of  a  petition 
to  the  legislature;  and  that  such  petition  do  state  to 
the  legislature  the  unconstitutional  and  oppressive  na- 
ture of  that  statute,  and  expose  to  parliament  the  false- 
hood of  the  pretexts  on  which  it  was  enacted. 

The  committee  further  beg  leave  to  suggest,  that  in 
the  management  of  the  further  petitions  of  the  Catholics 
of  Ireland,  care  be  taken  to  have  our  claims  for  relief 
brought  before  parliament,  and  kept  free  from  any  ex- 
traneous matter  or  any  details  on  subjects  of  any  other 
description,  we  being  convinced  that  the  simple  and 
single  object  of  obtaining  unconditional  and  unqualified 
relief  from  our  disabilities,  should  be  solely  attended  to, 
as  well  by  the  Catholics  themselves  as  by  their  friends 
in  parliament. 

July  llth,  1825. 

Gonville  Ffrench,  Chairman. 

Gormanston  O'Conor  Don 

Killeen  Nicholas  Mahon 

Edward  Preston  C.  Macloghlin 

John  Burke  James  John  Bagott 


APPENDIX. 

Daniel  O'Connell  Philip  Fogarty 

Nicholas  Purcell  O'Gorman  Michael  Bellew 

William  Murphy  Stephen  Coppinger 

Michael  O'Brien  George  Bryan 

Richard  Sheii  Hugh  O'Connor. 

The  committee  have  further  agreed  to  the  following 
resolution : — 

Resolved,  that  the  committee  of  twenty-one  gladly 
avail  themselves  of  the  present  opportunity  to  return 
to  Daniel  O'Connell  their  marked  thanks  for  the  undi- 
minished  zeal  and  talent  with  which  he  has  prepared 
the  plan  of  a  report  for  the  formation  of  a  new  associa- 
tion. 

No.  XVI. 
NEW  CATHOLIC  ASSOCIATION. 

Dublin,  Saturday,  July  23. 

DOWELL  O'REILLY,  Esq.  in  the  Chair. 

Mr.  Conway  was  appointed  Secretary  to  the  meet- 
ing. 

Mr.  John  Dillon  presented  the  Report  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  twenty- one,  and  proceeded  to  read  the  docu- 
ment, of  which  the  following  is  a  copy  : — 

REPORT. 

The  committee  appointed  to  report  upon  rules  and 
regulations  to  govern  the  New  Catholic  Association  do 
report  as  follows: — 


xlviii  APPENDIX. 

1st. — That  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of  twenty- 
one,  agreed  to  at  the  late  aggregate  meeting,  be  in- 
serted on  the  minutes  of  this  Association. 

2d. — That  in  pursuance  of  the  suggestions  in  the 
said  report,  we  are  a  society  formed  and  acting  merely 
for  the  several  purposes  not  prohibited  by  the  6th  Geo. 
IVth,  cap.  4th ;  and  that  our  proceedings  be  governed 
by  the  following  rules  and  regulations  : — 

3rd. — That  such  individuals  as  shall  give  in  their 
names  to  the  secretary  on  or  before  the  first  of  Nov. 
next,  and  pay  an  annual  subscription  of  one  pound,  be 
members  of  this  Association ;  and  that  after  that  day, 
each  person  paying  one  pound,  and  proposed  by  one 
member  and  seconded  by  another,  shall  also  be  a  mem- 
ber. 

4th. — That  a  new  subscription  be  payable  on  every 
first  day  of  January  in  every  year ;  and  that  any  gentle- 
man who  shall  be  one  month  in  arrear  of  his  subscrip- 
tion, shall  cease  to  be  a  member. 

5th. — That  no  person  (a  gentleman  of  the  press  ex- 
cepted)  shall  be  allowed  to  be  present  at  any  meeting 
of  this  Association,  without  having  paid  the  sum  of  one 
pound,  as  above  required. 

6th. — That  all  gentlemen  of  the  press  be  at  liberty 
to  attend  the  meetings  of  this  Association,  on  leaving 
their  names  with  the  secretary  and  obtaining  tickets. 

7th. — That  no  motion  shall  be  debated  at  any  meet- 
ing of  this  Association  without  one  week's  previous 
notice. 

8th. — That be  appointed  joint  Treasurers 

to  the  Association. 


APPENDIX. 


xlix 


9th.— That  a  committee  of  twenty-one  be  appointed 
a  committee  of  finance  and  accounts. 

10th.— That  the  Secretary  do  call  an  extraordi- 
nary meeting  of  the  Association  whenever  required 
by  a  requisition,  signed  by  at  least  twenty  mem- 
bers. 

llth. — That  a  Secretary  and  two  honorary  assistant 
Secretaries  be  appointed. 

12th. — That  every  requisition  for  an  extraordinary 
meeting,  with  the  original  signatures,  be  posted  in 
the  meeting  room  of  the  Association,  and  be  entered 
in  the  book  of  proceedings,  prior  to  the  meeting  con- 
vened. 

13th. — That  the  purpose  of  each  extraordinary  meet- 
ing be  signified  in  the  requisition,  and  in  the  notice 
calling  such  meeting. 

14th. — That  the  rules  and  regulations  be  posted  in 
the  meeting  room  of  the  Association. 

15th. — That  no  expense  on  account  of  the  Association 
be  incurred,  without  an  order  of  the  Association  ex- 
pressive of  the  purpose ;  and  that  no  money  be  paid  by 
the  Treasurer,  save  on  an  order  signed  by  the  acting 
Secretary,  and  at  least  three  members  of  the  committee 
of  accounts. 

16th. — That  the  proceedings  of  the  Association,  as 
well  as  the  notices  of  motions,  be  entered  in  a  book 
always  open  for  inspection  and  reference,  and  that  a 
book  be  also  kept,  containing  the  name  and  the  ad- 
dress of  each  member,  to  be  always  open  for  in- 
spection. 

17th. — That  the  chairman  do  not  receive  any  motion 
VOL.  ii.  d 


1  APPENDIX. 

or  resolution,  unless  such  motion  or  resolution  be  de- 
livered to  him  in  writing. 

18th. — That  no  member  have  a  right  to  speak  twice 
in  any  discussion,  except  the  mover  of  the  original 
question,  who  shall  have  the  privilege  to  reply;  such 
reply  to  close  the  debate. 

19th. — That  no  second  amendment  (except  a  motion 
to  adjourn)  be  received  until  the  first  amendment  shall 
have  been  disposed  of. 

20th. — That  Wednesday  be  the  fixed  day  of  meeting, 
subject  to  such  adjournment  as  the  Association  may 
agree  to. 

21st. — That  at  least  ten  members  must  be  in  attend- 
ance, in  order  to  constitute  a  meeting  of  the  Associa- 
tion. 

22d. — That  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  be  the  fixed 
hour  of  all  meetings,  and  that  as  soon  as  ten  members 
are  in  attendance,  after  three  o'clock,  the  chair  shall  be 
immediately  taken. 

That  the  Catholic  clergy  of  Ireland  be  members  of 
this  Association. 


APPENDIX.  11 


No.  XVII. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  MONSIEUR  DUVERGJER'S  LETTERS 
ON  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  18*26.* 

LETTER   II. 

Meeting  at  Ballinasloe — Traces  of  the  conquest — Gene- 
ral agitation — Connaught — Meeting  in  a  chapel — 
Portrait  of  Shell — Irish  Catholicity — Votes  of 
thanks — Summary  influence  of  the  Catholic  priest- 
hood—  Census  of  Waterford. 

I  assisted  the  8th  of  October  at  the  meeting  at  Bal- 
linasloe, and  the  following  observations  were  written 
the  day  after : — 

To  Hell  or  Connaught. — It  is  now  more  than  one 
hundred  years  since  Cromwell  pronounced  this  dreadful 
denunciation,  and  it  might  be  said,  that  it  has  ever 
since  served  as  the  rule  of  conduct  which  has  animated 
and  directed  the  measures  of  every  constituted  authority 
which  has  succeeded  him.  In  Ireland  as  in  France, 
after  the  invasion,  as  in  England  after  the  conquest, 
there  were  two  nations,  the  conquerors,  and  the  con- 
quered ;  whom  the  progress  of  time  would  gradually 
have  blended  together,  had  not  English  policy  ex- 
hausted every  effort  in  keeping  them  perpetually  asun- 

*  This  talented  gentleman,  accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Montebello 
and  the  Messrs.  Thayer  (French.  Protestants),  made  a  tour  through  the 
principal  part  of  Ireland,  shortly  after  the  general  election,  1826.  The 
pamphlet  from  which  this  extract  is  translated  was  published  on  bis  re- 
turn to  Paris,  and  has  since  been  most  extensively  circulated  on  the  conti- 
nent. 


lii 


APPENDIX. 


der.  It  is  thus  that  the  soil  of  that  unfortunate  country 
still  continues  to  bear  two  races  essentially  distinct — the 
one  which  commands,  the  other  which  obeys  ; — the  one 
which  reposes,  the  other  which  labours ; — the  one  which 
suffers,  the  other  which  enjoys.  Except  in  some  of  the 
principal  cities,  in  vain  do  you  look  for  those  inter- 
mediary classes,  who  are  at  once  the  strength  and 
ornament  of  society.  There  is  nothing  between  the 
master  and  the  slave,  between  the  cabin  and  the  palace; 
there  is  nothing  between  all  the  luxuries  of  existence, 
and  the  last  degree  of  human  wretchedness  ;  nothing, 
in  fine,  between  the  Englishman  and  the  Irishman, 
the  Protestant  and  the  Catholic  (for  to  this  every  thing 
resolves  itself  at  last) ;  and  what  is  the  last  perfection 
of  the  evil,  these  distinctions  are  not  as  elsewhere  the 
natural  result  of  an  inequality  in  the  human  faculties, 
or  in  the  rights  of  property,  but  the  growth  of  a  bad 
and  feeble  policy  :  the  conquest  created  them ;  oppres- 
sion has  maintained  them  :  and  though,  since  the  period 
of  1782,  the  Catholics  have  been  permitted  the  right 
of  acquiring  land,  yet  forty  years  of  imperfect  toleration 
have  not  been  sufficient  altogether  to  efface  the  deeply- 
written  traces  of  so  long  a  period  of  political  degrada- 
tion. Nine-tenths  of  the  landed  property  belongs  to 
the  English,  to  the  Protestants ;  and  the  Catholics,  who 
have  acquired  or  accumulated  property  by  patient  and 
personal  exertions,  are  mere  upstarts,  whom  they  have 
a  right  to  despise.  As  to  the  peasantry,  they  may  think 
themselves  well  treated,  if  they  are  allowed  to  rank 
with  the  beasts  of  the  field.  But  listen  to  the  reasoning 
of  the  most  liberal  of  these  landlords,  on  what  he  is 


APPENDIX.  liii 

pleased  to  terra,  the  insurrection  and  revolt  of  the  forty- 
shilling  freeholders.*  He  cannot  conceive  it  possible 
that  they  should  possess  a  will,  an  opinion,  a  conscience 
of  their  own.  Of  what  consequence  was  it  that  Lord 
George  Beresford  was  the  declared  enemy  of  the  Ca- 
tholics ?  He  was  their  lord  and  their  master,  and  it 
was  their  bounderi  duty  to  return  him  to  parliament. 
Besides,  was  it  not  for  that  express  purpose  he  made 
them  freeholders  ?  f  To  drive  them  on  to  acts  of  dis- 
obedience, every  way  so  criminal,  was  to  burst  asunder 
all  the  bonds  of  society,  to  break  through  every  natural 
relation,  and  bring  back  upon  earth  the  confusion  and 
anarchy  of  chaos  once  again.  It  would  be  quite  as 
reasonable  to  counsel  the  horse  to  rebel  against  the 
man. 

Such  is  the  reasoning  to  which  I  am  compelled  to 
listen  almost  every  day ;  and  all  the  arguments  employed 
by  the  colonists  of  Martinique  and  Guadaloupe,  when 
their  negroes  are  in  question,  I  find  them  here  in  mouths 
which,  at  the  other  side  of  the  channel,  are  loudest  in 
their  exclamations  of  No  slave  trade !  No  slavery!  There 
is,  however,  a  right  more  sacred  and  important  than  any 
one  of  these,  and  of  which  no  one  has  yet  thought  pro- 
per to  deprive  the  Catholics  of  Ireland,  and  that  is,  the 
right  of  assembling  and  of  discussing  in  public  their  own 

*  It  is  well  known,  that  in  the  last  election  many  of  the  freeholders 
voted  against  their  landlords.  It  was  thus  that  Lord  George  Beresford 
lost  the  representation  of  the  county  of  Waterford. 

t  To  constitute  a  freeholder  in  Ireland,  it  is  sufficient  to  possess  a  life- 
interest  of  40s.  per  annum  ;  and  this  interest  an  acre,  or  half  nn  acre  is 
sufficient  to  confer.  Hence  the  custom  of  planting  freeholders,  like  trees, 
upon  a  property. 


v  APPENDIX. 

affairs.  Thus  what  the  80,000  electors  of  France,  the 
aristocracy  of  the  country,  would  not  think  of  attempt- 
ing, here  an  oppressed  caste  actually  effect,  without 
the  slightest  fear  or  impediment  whatsoever.  Convened 
every  day  by  the  call  of  a  free  press,  they  are  in  motion 
at  this  moment  over  the  surface  of  the  entire  country. 
There  is  not  a  county,  nor  a  city,  nor  a  borough,  nor  a 
parish,  where  there  are  not  meetings,  to  address  peti- 
tions to  the  new  parliament,  to  pass  votes  of  thanks 
to  the  forty-shilling  freeholders,  and  what  is  still 
more  to  the  purpose,  to  offer  assistance  and  support  to 
those  very  men  whom  their  masters  have,  in  consequence 
of  their  late  conduct,  unmercifully  ejected  from  their 
holdings.  O'Connell  and  Sheil  fly  from  province  to  pro- 
vince, from  meeting  to  meeting.  Every  where  they 
are  received  with  enthusiasm :  every  where  their  elo- 
quent declamations  rouse  in  the  souls  of  the  old  Mile- 
sians the  stern  sense  of  their  strength  and  their  degra- 
dation. To  enforce  obedience,  they  require  neither 
gens  d'armes  nor  soldiers.  A  word  of  theirs  is  of  more 
power  than  twenty  decrees  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant ;  and 
the  delegates  of  old  England  are  compelled  to  tremble 
before  two  lawyers!  Admirable  fruit  of  this  wise  system 
of  policy  !  Brilliant  result  of  an  administration  which 
pretends  to  govern  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and 
convert  by  the  scourge  of  the  law  ! 

On  the  boundaries  of  Connaught,  in  the  small  town  of 
Ballinasloe,  there  is  held  annually  a  fair,  where  120,000 
sheep  and  40,000  horned  cattle  are  brought  to  market. 
There  the  farmer  of  Connaught  comes  to  sell,  and  the 
farmer  of  Leinster  to  buy ;  there,  from  the  most  distant 


APPENDIX.  v 

parts  a  crowd  is  assembled,  as  if  for  the  holding  of  a  ge- 
neral congress.  The  Catholics  could  not  possibly  choose  a 
better  season ;  nor  a  better  theatre.  If  the  ancient  Eryn 
exists  still  in  any  part  of  the  country,  it  is  to  be  found  in 
Connaught.  Situated  in  the  jnost  remote  part  of  Ire- 
land, the  last  subdued,  and  at  different  periods  assigned 
as  a  prison  to  the  conquered  population,  this  province, 
more  than  any  other,  has  preserved  its  ancient  religion, 
and  even  its  ancient  language.  There,  at  an  earlier 
period  than  in  any  other  part  of  Ireland,  was  gradually 
formed  a  class  of  independent  gentry*  whose  belief  and 
interests  were  strictly  identified  with  those  of  the  ma- 
jority of  the  people.  It  is  this  gentry  in  particular 
who  feel  themselves  aggrieved  by  the  operation  of  the 
penal  laws  ;  and  it  was  this  class  which  yesterday  were 
assembled  in  crowds  at  the  meeting  of  Ballinasloe. — 
Emancipation— full,  total,  and  unconditional  emancipa- 
tion, such  is  at  present  the  unanimous  cry  of  six  mil- 
lions of  men.  One  would  be  inclined  to  say,  that  this 
single  word  contained  within  itself  the  panacea  for  all 
the  sufferings  of  Ireland.  For  the  Catholic  proprietor, 
it  signifies  a  place  in  parliament ;  for  the  lawyer,  a  silk 
gown ;  f  for  the  poor,  bread.  In  the  midst  of  this 
fever  of  hope,  the  wise  statesman  well  knows,  that  the 
effects  of  so  many  ages  of  oppression  are  not  to  be  got 
rid  of  in  a  day ;  but  he  also  knows,  that  without  eman- 

*  The  appellation  of  the  country  proprietors. 

t  The  silk  gown  gives  the  barrister  on  whom  the  king  thinks  proper  to 
confer  such  a  distinction  very  many  important  privileges ;  for  instance, 
that  of  being  entitled  to  bring  forward  the  cause  in  which  he  is  engaged 
before  any  other  counsel  employed. 


Ivi 


APPENDIX. 


cipation  nothing  can  be  done  ;  and  he  gives  all  his  sup- 
port to  every  exertion  which  is  calculated  to  obtain  it. 
We  are  no  longer  in  the  times  of  helotism ;  and  to  exist 
in  peace,  on  the  same  soil,  it  is  necessary  that  all  should 
be  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  same  rights.  In  France, 
a  child  is  capable  of  understanding  this ;  but  in  this 
country  of  England,  in  other  particulars  so  enlightened, 
there  are  men  who  still  continue  to  deny  it.  For  the 
honour  of  their  intellect,  let  us  hope  they  are  not  sin- 
cere ;  for  the  honour  of  their  sincerity,  let  us  hope  .  .  . : 
but  on  them  must  depend  the  choice. 

An  old  chapel,  without  any  ornament,  white-washed, 
and  half  in  ruins ;  before  the  altar  a  platform,  rudely 
constructed  ;  on  the  left,  a  gallery  for  the  men ;  another 
for  the  women  on  the  right;  on  the  platform,  about 
two  hundred  country  gentlemen,  in  a  sort  of  morning 
dress,  which  is  not  without  its  pretension  ;  and  in  every 
other  part  of  the  chapel,  a  peasant  population,  of  a 
savage  aspect,  and  a  picturesque  costume  :  such  was 
the  singular  spectacle  which  was  first  presented  to  me 
at  the  great  meeting  of  Ballinasloe.  After  having 
called,  as  is  customary,  the  most  distinguished  indi- 
vidual present  to  the  chair,  and  chosen  the  most  intelli- 
gent for  secretary,  the  proceedings  were  opened;  the 
most  profound  silence  prevailed  on  all  sides ;  and  a 
series  of  resolutions,  prepared  the  day  before,  were 
successively  submitted  to  the  opinion  of  the  assembly. 
The  recollections  which  I  had  of  the  country  gentlemen 
of  Lancashire  gave  me  some  reason  to  apprehend  the 
eloquence  of  the  country  gentlemen  of  Connaught ;  yet 
almost  all  of  them  expressed  themselves  with  the  utmost 


APPENDIX.  Ivii 

warmth  and  facility.  Whilst  one  of  these  speakers  was 
engaged  in  deploring  the  long- continued  perfidy  of 
England,  and  recalling  to  the  recollection  of  his  auditors 
the  menacing  example  of  America,  thunders  of  applause 
burst  forth  on  a  sudden  from  every  quarter :  every  hat 
was  waved  over  the  head  ;  and  a  piercing  cry,  the  ex- 
pression of  joy  amongst  the  Irish,  shook  the  chapel  to 
its  very  roof.  It  was  Mr.  Shell,  who  had  just  appeared 
on  the  platform,  and  whose  unexpected  presence  at 
the  meeting  produced  this  electric  effect.  Were  I  com- 
missioned to  take  down  the  signalement  of  Mr.  Sheil, 
this  would  be  very  nearly  the  result.  Five  feet ;  eyes, 
quick  and  piercing;  complexion,  pale;  chin,  pointed; 
hair,  dark :  and  in  adding,  mouth,  middle-sized,  I 
flatter  myself  I  should  have  given  a  description  not  to 
be  excelled  in  exactness  at  the  bureau  des  passe-portes. 
But  this  is  the  portrait  of  the  gentleman;  that  of  the 
orator  is  widely  diverse.  When  you  behold  that  little 
gascon  figure  in  repose,  it  is  impossible  to  suspect  to 
what  changes  passion  is  capable  of  converting  it.  There 
is  in  Sheil  something  of  Juvenal,  of  Pindar,  and  of 
Mirabeau.  His  satire  is  shrewd  and  biting;  his  poetry 
dazzles ;  his  enthusiasm  carries  you  away.  When  he 
flings  forth  his  sarcasm,  a  bitter  smile  contracts  his  lips; 
when  he  threatens,  his  eyes  dart  forth  lightnings ;  when 
he  is  under  the  dominion  of  poetical  inspiration,  they 
take  an  expression  altogether  sublime.  His  voice  is 
meagre,  harsh,  and  shrill ;  but  a  profound  emotion  seems 
to  regulate  its  vibrations.  His  gesture  is  quick,  abrupt, 
and  rather  disorderly ;  but  it  is  always  in  perfect  accord 
with  such  sentiments  as  he  has  to  express.  Sheil  pos- 


Iviii  APPENDIX. 

sesses,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the  surprising  faculty  of 
exerting  himself  to  the  very  verge  of  delirium,  without 
once  losing  his  complete  self-possession.  I  was  at  his 
side  whilst  speaking ;  and  more  than  once  I  saw  all  his 
limbs  tremble  beneath  him :  a  moment  after  he  resumed 
the  discussion,  with  not  less  composure  than  ingenuity. 
Like  the  English,  whom  in  other  particulars  he  so  little 
resembles,  Sheil  is  too  fond  of  quotations.  Certain  pas- 
sages in  bad  taste,  it  may  also  be  observed,  occasionally 
disfigure  the  best  of  his  speeches  ;  and  in  general  it  has 
been  remarked,  that  in  both  elocution  and  diction,  there 
is  something  too  much  of  the  theatre  about  him.  These 
reproaches  have  some  appearance  of  being  well  founded ; 
and  more  than  once,  indeed,  I  imagined  I  had  the  figure 
of  Kean  actually  before  me ;  but  then  I  must  also  add 
that  Kean  is  a  very  admirable  actor.  In  a  word,  I  was 
seduced  ;  I  was  dazzled  ;  and  together  with  me  the 
whole  assembly.  During  an  entire  hour,  one  single 
soul,  that  of  the  orator,  seemed  to  animate  this  living 
mass ;  and  from  time  to  time  you  would  have  said,  that 
an  electric  shock  completely  convulsed  them.  I  never 
before  assisted  at  so  absolute  a  triumph. 

Before  Mr.  Sheil,  several  orators  had  been  heard  with 
applause ;  after  him,  it  would  appear  there  was  nothing 
more  to  be  done  than  to  remain  silent.  A  young  gen- 
tleman, however,  of  the  neighbourhood,  Mr.  M'Dermott, 
still  found  means  to  keep  up  the  attention  of  the  meet- 
ing. What  will  the  Bishop  of  Hermopolis  say  to  the 
following  propositions  ? — 

1.  The  state  should  have  no  established  religion. 
It  should  preserve  its  neutrality  between  them  all. 


APPENDIX.  lix 

2.  Salvation  is  possible  in  all  religions,  provided  you 
believe  honestly  and  sincerely   the  religion  you  profess 
to  be  the  best. 

3.  To  attempt  seizing  on  public  education,   with  a 
view  of  converting  it  into  a  monopoly  for  any  particular 
class  or  sect,  is  to  disturb  in  a  direct  manner  the  order 
of  society. 

4-  The  spirit  of  proselytism  is  deserving  of  censure. 
Each  creed  or  sect  ought  to  remain  quiet  within  its 
respective  limits. 

5.  To  keep  the  clergy  virtuous,  it  is  requisite  to 
keep  them  poor.  Make  them  rich,  and  you  corrupt 
them. 

These  certainly  are  very  abominable  maxims,  prin- 
ciples the  most  injurious  and  atheistical :  philosophism 
has  produced  nothing  more  pernicious.  Yet  such  are 
the  very  principles  which  the  Catholics  preach  from 
Dublin  to  Gal  way,  and  from  Derry  to  Bantry  Bav ; 
and  as  Catholicity  is  essentially  one,  I  have  good  rea- 
son to  presume,  that  until  this  moment  we  have  been 
altogether  ignorant  of  its  doctrines.  But  this  is  not 
all ;  you  may  here  laugh  as  much  as  you  think  proper 
at  the  Bible,  provided  you  do  so  in  attacking  the  Bible 
societies.  Mr.  Sheil  has  done  so,  more  than  once,  and 
he  is  not  less  a  favourite  of  the  clergy  in  consequence. 
Voltaire  himself,  with  this  trifling  precaution,  would  have 
soon  become  their  protege.  They  read  in  the  meeting 
of  yesterday  a  letter  quite  full  of  that  mystical  jargon, 
so  much  applauded  in  our  modern  seminaries.  There 
was  nothing  but  pious  sighs,  fervent  acts  of  contrition, 
devout  aspirations  to  Heaven,  the  whole  seasoned  with 


x  APPENDIX. 

comparisons,  and  figures,  and  tropes,  borrowed  from 
Holy  Writ.  At  Paris,  it  would  have  been  quoted  as 
the  sublime  effusion  of  a  tender  and  religious  spirit ; 
but  as  it  was  written  by  a  minister  of  the  established 
church,  it  was  laughed  at,  at  Ballinasloe,  as  an  absolute 
model  of  hypocrisy  and  folly.  In  fine,  Catholicity  and 
Protestantism  in  this  country  seem  altogether  to  have 
changed  sides  ;  the  latter  is  dogmatical  and  intolerant, 
the  former  has  suddenly  become  almost  philosophical. 
Now  this  is  an  incarnation  more  extraordinary  than  all 
the  incarnations  of  Vishnou  ;  and  hence  it  is,  that  it  is 
not  every  one  who  is  willing  to  give  credit  to  the  fact. 
Whatever  may  be  the  case,  T  should  like  to  know  how 
the  Etoile  will  translate  the  following  phrase  of  Mr. 
M'Dermott:  "They  talk  to  us  without  ceasing  of 
Protestant  ascendancy.  This  word  ascendancy  in  a 
free  state  is  what  I  cannot  comprehend — and  applied 
to  Catholicity,  I  should  feel  as  much  horror  of  it,  as  I 
do  at  this  moment  when  applied  to  Protestantism." 

As  no  one  was  empowered  to  close  the  proceedings 
of  the  assembly,  towards  the  end  of  the  day  we  were 
obliged  to  endure  the  eloquence  of  four  or  five  orators 
of  the  most  interminable  modesty.  Each  commenced 
his  discourse  by  announcing  that  he  would  not  abuse 
our  patience,  and  each  spoke  for  a  full  hour,  lengthening 
their  speeches  by  the  frequent  repetition  of  their  inten- 
tion to  confine  themselves  within  the  limits  of  a  few 
words.  Three  amongst  them  were  called  princes,  for 
there  are  very  few  Irishmen  who  are  not  descended 
from  two  or  three  kings  at  the  very  least.  Unfor- 
tunately, however,  it  was  very  easily  perceived  that 


APPENDIX. 


Ixi 


their  Highnesses  had  not  yet  provided  themselves  with 
ministers  qualified    to   prepare  their   speeches  for   the 
public.     After  this  came  the  votes  of  thanks,  which,  as 
a  matter  of  course,  called  for  a  return  from   those  who 
had  already  been  thus  honoured.     Language  was  inade- 
quate to  express  their  feelings,  a  circumstance  which 
did  not  prevent  them  however  from  expressing  them 
at  great  length.      The  forty-shilling  freeholders  were 
then  thanked,  and  the  orators,  and  the  secretary,  and 
the  newspaper  editors,  and  Lord  Wellesley,   and   Mr. 
O'Connell,  and  the  spectators,  and  for  aught  I  know, 
the  carpenter  who  was  employed  to  erect  the  platform. 
At  last  came  the  turn  of  the  chairman,  and   he  was 
thanked  with  all  the  rest,  for  the  very   impartial  and 
dignified   manner  with  which  he  repeated  about  fifty 
times,   "  As  many  as  are  of  opinion  that  the  resolution 
should  pass,  will  say    *  Aye ;'   as  many   as   are   of  the 
contrary  opinion,  will  say  'No.'"     It  was  now  about 
seven  o'clock,  and  thirty  resolutions  and  a  petition  had 
been    unanimously   adopted.      The   Catholics   of  Con- 
naught  in  quitting  the  chapel,  sate  down   to  a   table, 
where,  from  health  to  health,  and  from  speech  to  speech, 
the  boldest   amongst   them    continued  till   about   four 
o'clock  in  the  morning.     During  all  this  time  the  port 
wine  did  not  for  an  instant  cease  to  circulate,   or  the 
punch  to  flow.     What  pains  one  must   take  to  obtain 
common  justice ! 

A  meeting  cannot  be  supposed  to  be  as  dramatic  as 
the  day  of  an  election.  It  is  what  a  review  may  be 
imagined  to  be  compared  to  a  battle  :  but  a  review  may 
at  times  give  expressive  evidence  of  many  an  important 


APPENDIX. 

particular.  In  the  temple  of  a  persecuted  religion  I 
saw  assembled  an  immense  multitude.  I  saw  them 
shudder  at  the  recital  of  their  sufferings,  burst  forth 
at  the  mention  of  their  oppressors,  exult  at  the  name 
of  America  and  freedom.  Under  the  control  of  their 
priests  and  orators,  united,  compact,  firm,  I  saw  them 
ready  to  rush  on  to  the  very  first  appeal  which  should 
call  them  forward.  Has  England  then  forgotten  Boston? 
There  is  a  lofty  principle  in  human  nature,  which  revolts 
against  every  species  of  constraint ;  and  far  from  en- 
feebling by  time,  two  centuries  of  unremitting  persecu- 
tion have  only  more  and  more  contributed  to  render 
Catholicism  national  in  Ireland.  It  may  be  a  mis- 
fortune, but  it  is  riot  less  a  fact,  and  it  is  a  lesson  which 
the  history  of  all  nations  ought  to  have  taught  England 
already.  The  Irish  peasantry  have  been  reproached 
with  being  the  slaves  of  their  priesthood — who  made 
them  such  ?  Enter  their  miserable  cabin  of  mud,  with- 
out a  chimney,  without  a  bed,  without  furniture  of  any 
kind,  and  behold  the  numerous  family,  who,  laid  pell- 
mell  on  the  earth,  have  not  even  a  mattress  to  lie  on,  or 
a  blanket  to  cover  their  nakedness.  With  how  many 
enemies,  how  many  oppressors,  is  the  inmate  surrounded? 
There  are,  first,  the  middlemen,  intermediary  farmers, 
tyrants  of  the  second  order,  made  use  of  by  the  absentee 
proprietors  to  extort  from  the  poor  cultivator  an  ex- 
orbitant rent.  Then  comes  the  Protestant  parson,  with 
menaces  and  maledictions  in  his  mouth,  to  extract  his 
share  also,  from  a  subsistence  scarcely  sufficient  for  the 
bare  wants  of  human  nature.  Of  ten  potatoes,  one 
belongs  to  him— to  him,  who,  minister  of  a  hostile  reli- 


APPENDIX.  Ixiii 

gion,  knows  only  how  to  curse  and  insult,  whom  it  is  his 
duty  and  profession  to  aid  and  bless.  Nor  is  this 
all.  It  is  found  necessary  to  build  a  new  church  or  to 
repair  the  old.  A  meeting  of  Protestants  is  imme- 
diately convened — a  tax,  the  church-rate,  is  passed,  and 
this  tax  is  instantly  assessed  on  the  miserable  Catholic. 
Should  he  refuse  to  pay,  or  be  unprovided  with  the 
means,  his  pig-  is  immediately  seized,  and  his  ruin  con- 
summated without  delay.  In  the  midst  of  this  organised 
system  of  plunder,  this  legal  vampirism,  the  gentry  in 
their  turn  come  forward  to  claim  their  portion  of  the 
spoil.  Assembled  in  grand  juries,  they  pass  present- 
ments for  roads,  calculated  only  to  improve  the  ap- 
proaches to  their  own  residences ;  and  new  tax-gatherers 
go  through  the  cabins,  where  they  are  met  by  others 
appointed  by  the  state.  In  this  wretched  situation 
appears  a  man  who,  clothed  with  a  sacred  character, 
brings  with  him  wherever  he  goes  the  balms  of  a  kindly 
consolation.  He  speaks  in  the  name  of  God — he  pro- 
mises another  and  a  better  world — he  points  beyond 
the  tomb  to  a  state  of  happiness  without  change  or  alloy, 
as  the  price  and  recompence  of  so  much  human  endu- 
rance and  resignation.  How  is  it  possible  that  such  a 
man  should  not  be  listened  to?  This  man  moreover 
is  not  a  stranger :  he  is  a  brother —he  is  a  friend.  Born 
in  the  cabin  himself,  he  is  deeply,  he  is  painfully  alive 
to  all  its  privations  :  he  is,  farther,  poor — he  is  Irish — 
he  is  oppressed  ;  and  human  sympathy  adds  a  new 
force  and  sanction  to  the  divine  word.  Once  more  I 
ask,  how  is  it  possible  that  such  a  man  should  not  be 
listened  to? 


Ixiv 


APPENDIX. 


Let  no  one  then  be  surprised  at  the  progress  of 
Catholicity  in  Ireland.  To  renounce  it,  is  not  only  to 
change  religion  :  it  is  to  change  country ;  the  same  word, 
Sassenach,  designates  at  once  the  Englishman  and  the 
Protestant.  At  the  meeting  of  Ballinasloe  Mr.  Sheil 
read  an  extract  from  a  census  which  has  lately  been 
completed  in  the  county  of  Waterford.  There  are 
10,000  Protestants,  and  230,000  Catholics.  Such  fi- 
gures are  more  eloquent  than  all  the  reasoning  in  the 
world.  Yet  such  is  the  feeble  minority  who  pretend 
to  retain  for  themselves  exclusively  all  power.  Such 
is  the  faction  who,  by  unjust  enactments,  irritating 
speeches,  by  public  processions,  oppress,  and  brave  at 
the  same  time,  an  entire  nation. 

This  is  a  state  of  things  which  cannot  possibly  endure : 
it  must  terminate  some  way  or  other,  either  by  a  legis- 
lative enactment  or  by  open  violence  ;  and,  to  adopt 
the  words  of  an  enlightened  statesman,  "  The  degrada- 
tion of  the  Catholics  in  England  is  a  crime :  in  Ireland 
it  is  more,  it  is  a  crime  and  an  error." 

LETTER    III. 

Alarm  of  the  Orangemen — Speech  of  the  Due  de  Mon- 
tebello— English  magnanimity — Egotism  of  the  Ca- 
tholics—The Association — Portrait  of  O'Connell, 
Lawless,  Wyse,  jEneas  M'Donnell — Speech  of  O1  Con- 
nell — Power  of  the  Association — Orange  blunder. 

A  little  smoke  on  the  side  of  Mount  Vesuvius  is 
sufficient  to  alarm  the  inhabitant  of  Portici;  and  the 


APPENDIX.  1XV 

Irish  Orangeman  thinks  himself  exposed  to  certaiu 
destruction  the  moment  he  hears  murmurs  of  tolera- 
tion, liberty,  and  above  all,  of  revolution.  At  these 
dreadful  words,  though  pronounced  by  chance,  his  frame 
becomes  agitated,  his  countenance  disturbed,  and  the 
disorder  of  his  whole  person  betrays  the  secret  of  his 
weakness.  The  following  is  a  recent  example.  One 
of  our  countrymen,  the  Due  de  Montebello,  assisted  at 
the  meeting  of  Ballinasloe.  Flattered  at  having  a  peer 
of  France  the  witness  of  their  energetic  reclamations 
to  the  legislature,  the  Catholics  of  Connaught  honoured 
him  with  a  vote  of  thanks,  to  which  he  replied  by  the 
expression  of  every  wish  for  the  success  of  their  cause. 
This  is  a  circumstance  of  almost  daily  occurrence  in 
England.  In  Ireland,  however,  the  case  is  different; 
simple  as  it  was,  it  was  instantly  converted  into  a  mat- 
ter of  state.  The  Catholics  rejoiced  at  it  as  at  an  object 
of  the  first  importance,  and  the  government  was  suffi- 
ciently absurd  to  evince  indications  of  alarm.  More 
than  one  meeting  of  the  privy  council  was  held  in  Dub- 
lin to  deliberate  on  the  dangers  which  might  be  appre- 
hended by  their  party.  Protestant  meetings  took  place, 
where  the  speakers  held  forth  in  great  detail  on  treason, 
imprisonment,  and  even  on  the  scaffold.  In  the  interval 
the  papers  were  not  backward.  One  denounced  to  the 
public  execration,  "  the  son  of  one  of  the  chiefs  of  that 
sanguinary  horde,  whom  France,  in  the  days  of  her 
Atheism,  had  vomited  forth  upon  the  rest  of  Europe ;" 
another  converted  him  into  "  the  emissary  of  the  Jesuits 
at  Rome ;"  and  a  third  called  for  the  peremptory  execu- 
tion of  the  Alien  Bill,  forgetting  that  its  provisions  had 
VOL.  II.  e 


xv  APPENDIX. 

long  since  expired.  The  grave  "Connor"  discovered 
in  the  speech  of  the  Due  de  Montebello  "  the  cloven 
foot  of  foreign  invasion;"  and  the  "  John  Bull,"  with 
a  delicacy  peculiarly  aristocratic,  reproached  him  with 
not  having  a  rental  of  8,000/.  a  year,  thus  calling  in 
the  aid  of  one  prejudice  against  another.  All,  in  fine, 
dreamt  that  Ireland  was  in  flames;  and  the  "  Times" 
itself,  the  wise  and  sagacious  Times,  sent  his  Grace  to 
conspire  with  Mr.  Sheil  against  the  Protestant  religion 
and  the  House  of  Hanover.  In  the  midst  of  this  power- 
ful empire  of  Great  Britain  were  already  exhibited  all 
those  paltry  little  fears,  all  those  miserable  suspicions, 
all  those  disgraceful  agonies  of  apprehension,  which  are 
worthy  only  of  the  Lombard- Austrian  government — 
just  punishment  of  intolerance  and  persecution  !  It  is 
already  for  the  oppressed  a  beginning  of  vengeance. 

Yet,  after  all,  what  was  this  extraordinary  speech,  at 
once  Jesuitical  and  seditious,  diplomatic  and  incendiary, 
which  shook  to  its  centre  the  British  empire,  and  forced 
to  tremble  on  its  base,  the  glorious,  pious,  and  immortal 
statue  of  the  great  and  good  King  William  ?  I  will  give 
you  the  original. 

"  Were  I  an  Irishman,  I  should  endeavour  to  render 
myself  deserving  of  the  honour  which  you  have  just 
conferred  upon  me,  by  making  every  exertion  in  my 
power  for  the  support  and  advancement  of  your  cause. 
But,  stranger  as  I  am,  what  can  I  offer  beyond  the  sim- 
ple expression  of  my  most  ardent  wishes  for  your  wel- 
fare and  deliverance  ?  It  is  a  consoling  thing  to  meet 
with  men  amongst  whom  the  words  of  justice  and  tolera- 
tion are  not  yet  become  mere  empty  sounds.  Of  suck 


APPENDIX.  Ixvii 

men  there  are  many  in  France.  And  how  is  it  possible 
we  should  be  insensible  to  your  sufferings — we  who,  de- 
livered within  a  few  years  from  our  bondage,  have  not 
yet  forgotten  the  period  when  we  yet  struggled  for  our 
delivery  ?  We  have  at  last  conquered  our  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberties  ;  we  have  conquered  them,  by  that  glo- 
rious revolution,  so  little  understood  by  those  whose  eyes 
are  only  open  to  its  excesses ;  arid  though  Catholics,  for 
the  greater  part,  if  to-morrow  Protestantism  were  at- 
tacked in  any  of  its  rights  or  privileges,  to-morrow  also 
would  we  rise  up  against  the  encroachments  of  Catholi- 
cism, with  the  same  spirit  and  energy  with  which  you 
rise  up  to-day  against  those  of  the  church  established. 
Permit  me  then  to  wish  you,  in  the  name  of  liberal 
France,  a  speedy  and  total  emancipation.  By  perse- 
verance in  your  present  efforts  you  cannot  fail  to  obtain 
it,  and  I  cannot  suppose  that  the  admirable  constitution 
of  England  will  for  ever  allow  itself  to  be  dishonoured 
by  the  political  helotism  of  six  millions  of  subjects." 

Such  sentiments  contain  nothing  but  what  is  noble 
and  generous.  Expressed  in  the  North  of  England, 
they  would  have  been  passed  over  as  perfectly  harmless, 
the  Courier  would  have  said  nothing,  and  they  would 
have  been  eulogised  by  the  Times  ;  but  they  were  pro- 
nounced and  eulogised  in  Ireland,  and  the  moment  that 
Ireland  is  in  question,  the  English  altogether  lose  their 
heads.  Even  when  it  becomes  the  subject  of  conversa- 
tion amongst  the  more  enlightened,  they  always  speak 
of  it  in  the  pride  of  a  conqueror  in  the  naivete  and 
frankness  of  a  master  who  goes  back  to  the  times  of  the 
Henrys  and  the  Cromwells.  In  their  eyes  the  claims 


Ixviii 


APPENDIX. 


in  question  are  not  rights,  but  boons  and  favours.  They 
are  high  and  puissant  lords,  feudal  Suzerains,  who  gra- 
ciously condescend  to  emancipate  their  serfs.  It  is 
really  amusing  to  witness  the  tone  of  lofty  indignation, 
with  which  they  exclaim  against  whatever  has  the  ap- 
pearance of  demand.  "  Pray,"  cry  they,  "beg — but  do 
not  threaten.  Pray  ! — we  are  Englishmen,  and  full  of 
magnanimity !  See  with  what  courtesy  we  treat  the  ad- 
dresses of  your  brethren  in  England.  It  is  true,  indeed, 
that  no  portion  of  their  petitions  has  yet  been  granted, 
whilst  your  insurrections  appear  to  have  procured  for 
you  some  important  rights ;  but  if  our  gracious  conde- 
scension has  singled  you  out  as  the  especial  object  of 
our  favour,  during  the  war  in  America,  and  the  French 
revolution,  and  your  own  rebellion,  be  assured  that 
chance,  mere  chance  was  the  cause  of  this  remarkable 
coincidence.  With  regard  to  the  Catholics  of  England, 
we  delay  our  favours,  with  a  view  only  of  rendering 
them  more  conspicuous.  Pray,  therefore,  entreat,  suppli- 
cate, and  in  due  time — why,  in  due  time, — we  shall  see." 
In  the  opinion  of  others,  the  Catholics  are  too  numerous 
to  be  emancipated  without  the  most  imminent  danger  to 
the  state.  Instead  of  being  seven  to  one  as  they  now 
are,  if  they  were  only  one  to  seven,  the  case  would  be 
entirely  altered.  In  England,  on  the  contrary,  the  op- 
posite argument  is  put  forward.  The  Papists  there 
form  a  feeble  minority,  and  it  is  universally  admitted 
that  in  every  instance  the  minority  should  bow  to  the 
majority.  Read  over  in  addition  to  all  this,  the  evi- 
dence taken  in  1825  by  the  House  of  Commons.  You 
will  there  find  in  several  places  that  it  is  perfectly  false, 


APPENDIX. 


Ixix 


that  the  question  of  emancipation  agitates  the  country  ; 
"  for,  if  the  Catholic  priests  and  gentry  were  only  willing, 
they  might  without  the  least  difficulty  blot  out  all  recol- 
lection or  anxiety  for  the  measure  from  the  minds  of  the 
people."  Unfortunately,  however,  neither  priests  nor 
gentlemen  are  quite  so  complaisant.  Instead  of  nobly 
eulogising  the  staff  which  strikes  them,  they  have  such 
little  generosity  in  their  composition  as  to  declare  that 
they  are  deeply  sensible  of  its  inflictions,  and  go  so  far 
as  to  exhibit  to  the  public  the  very  marks  of  the  blows 
they  have  received.  What  incredible  egotism !  and  how 
well  such  men  deserve  the  innumerable  contumelies  which 
the  English  press  continually  heaps  upon  them !  Their 
conduct  recalls  that  animal  of  which  a  traveller  has  thus 
concluded  the  description :  "  He  is  so  furious,  that  he 
will  defend  himself  if  you  attempt  to  kill  him." 

At  the  head  of  these  disloyal  subjects,  these  criminal 
agitators,  stands  the  Catholic  Association,  a  numerous 
and  powerful  body,  where  all  the  friends  of  religious 
liberty  are  invited  to  take  their  seats.  Its  history  is 
singular  enough.  Founded  about  five  years  ago,  it  had 
already  acquired  a  formidable  portion  of  political  power, 
when  last  session  parliament  decided  upon  its  suppres- 
sion. It  was  alleged  to  be  an  imperium  in  imperio. 
Accordingly,  Mr.  Canning  and  Mr.  Peel,  Lord  Eldon 
and  Mr.  Plunkett,  entered  into  a  coalition  against  it ; 
and  a  bill,  in  fifteen  long  paragraphs,  decreed  its  disso- 
lution. Six  months  afterwards  it  reappeared.  If  the 
act  of  parliament  annihilates  it  as  a  political  association, 
what  prevents  it  from  reviving  as  an  association  for  the 
promotion  of  education!  A  clause  in  the  bill  formally 


1XX  APPENDIX. 

prohibits  them  from  levying  money  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  on  judicial  proceedings;  but  a  subscription  to 
assist  the  poor  cannot  be  considered  as  a  violation  of  the 
law.  In  a  word,  if  they  cannot  assemble  for  more  than 
fourteen  days  in  continuation,  for  the  purpose  of  discuss- 
ing and  voting  petitions  to  parliament,  they  can  dis- 
solve the  meeting  at  the  precise  termination  of  these 
fourteen  days,  and  the  next  week  convene  another. 
Of  all  these  means  to  defeat  the  provisions  of  the  bill, 
not  one  has  been  neglected ;  and  the  profound  wisdom 
of  parliament  has  produced  no  other  result  than  the 
revival  of  the  old  Association ;  so  difficult  is  it  in  England 
to  attack  the  right  of  meeting  and  petition :  a  sacred 
right ;  an  imprescriptible  right ;  the  best  pledge  and 
substitute  for  so  many  others.  France  has  yet  some 
lessons  to  take  from  her  neighbours. 

The  Association  holds  its  meetings  in  an  oblong  hall, 
surrounded  with  benches,  and  arranged  nearly  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  House  of  Commons.  The  first  time 
I  entered  it,  I  saw  on  his  legs  a  man  of  about  fifty 
years  of  age ;  who,  with  his  hand  in  his  bosom,  seemed 
throwing  Out  his  opinion  in  a  negligent  manner  to  about 
three  hundred  persons,  who  were  listening  with  the 
greatest  attention  around  him.  This  man  was  O'Connell, 
the  glory  of  Kerry  and  the  pride  of  Munster.  In  his 
person  he  is  tall  ;  his  appearance  is  imposing  ;  his 
countenance  full  of  frankness  and  keenness,  though 
somewhat  bordering  on  the  vulgar ;  and  when  he  speaks, 
his  physiognomy,  as  changeable  as  his  imagination, 
expresses,  in  two  minutes,  twenty  different  passions. 
There  is  no  sort  of  study  either  in  his  gesture  or  Ian- 


APPENDIX. 

guage.  With  him,  one  feels  one's  thoughts  gradually 
spring  upward,  and  develop  of  themselves ;  they  seem 
to  take,  as  he  proceeds,  if  I  may  use  the  expression,  the 
clothing  of  a  tangible  and  visible  form  ;  and  words, 
gesture,  accent,  all  are  produced  at  once,  and  by  a 
single  and  simple  effort  of  the  will.  If  he  threatens, 
his  entire  figure  seems  ready  to  follow  the  defiance, 
which  he  hurls  against  the  power  of  England ;  if  he 
indulges  in  a  trait  of  humour,  before  it  is  yet  upon  his 
lips  an  expansive  gaiety  already  radiates  from  all  his 
features.  I  know  of  no  living  orator  who  communicates 
so  thoroughly  to  his  audience  the  idea  of  the  most  pro- 
found and  absolute  conviction.  Between  his  eloquence 
and  that  of  Shell's  there  is  not  less  difference  than  be- 
tween their  persons.  The  first,  more  classic,  is  all  cal- 
culation ;  the  second,  more  popular,  is — inspired. 

Sheil  is  a  dramatic  author.  To  him,  a  speech  is  a 
piece  got  up  for  mere  display,  meditated  and  prepared 
for  many  days  before,  and  at  length  sent  forth  to  the 
admiration  of  the  public,  much  in  the  same  way  as  if  it 
were  a  tragedy.  To  O'Connell  it  is  a  conversation, 
sublime  or  familiar,  according  to  the  exigencies  or  feel- 
ings of  the  day.  In  preparing  himself  beforehand,  the 
former  can  rouse  the  souls  of  his  auditors  without  in 
any  degree  travelling  beyond  mere  generalities.  The 
latter  requires  some  peculiar  circumstance  to  impel  him 
forward  ;  some  local  or  momentary  interest  to  excite 
him.  Sheil,  in  fine,  is  the  brilliant  man,  the  show  man; 
O'Connell,  the  man  of  business  of  the  Association. 
Though  a  lawyer  in  the  first  business  in  Dublin,  he  is 
always  the  first  and  the  last  at  these  meetings;  he  runs 


Ixxii 


APPENDIX. 


thither  on  quitting  the  Four  Courts  ;  and  if  by  chance 
he  be  delayed  upon  the  way,  no  one  thinks  of  taking 
his  place.  It  is  he  who  brings  forward  all  motions, 
who  directs  the  discussion,  and  who  carries  every  ques- 
tion which  he  thinks  proper  to  propose.  When  he 
rises,  there  is  an  immediate  silence  upon  all  sides ;  when 
he  sits  down,  and  has  ceased  speaking,  the  room  re- 
sounds with  peals  of  applause  ;  and  when  he  retires, 
the  Association  seems  to  retire  also.  What  modesty,  in 
the  nature  of  things,  could  continue  proof  against  the 
influence  of  such  a  situation  ? 

O'Connell's  has  completely  yielded  to  the  temptation; 
and  where  his  enemies  can  discover  little  more  than  a 
factious  ambition,  there  is  nothing  after  all  but  a  little 
vanity.  Popularity,  an  inordinate  love  of  popularity, 
is  his  ruling  passion:  he  is  its  absolute  slave:  if  he 
were  to  lose  it,  he  would  instantly  die.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  an  ardent  attachment  to  his  country,  I  do 
not  think  him  in  other  particulars  a  man  of  very  steady 
principles.  He  praises  in  the  same  breath  Bolivar  and 
the  Holy  Alliance,  Napoleon  and  the  Bishop  of  Her- 
mopolis.  James  II.  to-day  appears  to  him  a  god,  to- 
morrow a  tyrant.  He  thunders  against  the  Biblical 
societies,  and  raises  to  the  skies  the  missionaries  of 
France :  he  declares  himself  the  champion  of  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  people  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  of  divine 
right.  In  a  word,  as  has  been  justly  observed,  there 
are  in  him  eight  or  nine  different  men,  who  are  not 
always  of  the  same  opinion,  but  who  combine  together 
to  curse  the  oppression  of  the  penal  laws,  and  to  detest 
the  oppressors  of  Ireland.  The  secret  and  real  leaning, 


APPENDIX.  Ixxiii 

however,  of  O'Connell's  mind,  I  believe  to  be  towards 
the  ancient  monarchy,  with  all  its  titles,  and  orders, 
and  gewgaws  of  every  description.  When,  in  18*21, 
George  IV.  came  to  Dublin,  the  Irish  patriot  was  a 
faithful  dancer  of  attendance  in  the  ante-chamber  of  the 
monarch ;  and  that  green  riband,  which,  as  chief  of 
the  order  of  the  liberators,  he  continues  to  wear  about 
his  neck,  notwithstanding  the  raillery  of  the  entire 
country,  is  a  sufficient  evidence  of  the  same  weakness. 
Under  certain  points  of  view,  O'Connell  may  be  consi- 
dered the  Chateaubriand  of  Ireland.  Like  that  great 
writer,  he  appears  intoxicated  with  his  own  phrases. 
From  constantly  descanting  on  religion,  he  has  at  last 
become  religious  himself.  In  all  his  speeches  you  find 
traces  of  the  man  of  the  good  old  times.  What  always 
proves  the  subject  of  the  greatest  excitation,  is  the 
Emerald  Isle,  with  its  gothic  towers,  and  still  more 
gothic  recollections.  He  weeps  at  the  names  of  the 
great  Dublachtah,  Flabhertah,  Bryan  Boromhe,  mag- 
nanimous Princes,  who,  before  the  invasion  of  the 
English,  constituted  the  happiness  and  glory  of  Ireland  ; 
and  in  our  modern  times,  the  only  person  who  enjoys 
the  privilege  of  affecting  him,  is  the  Catholic  priest. 
Between  such  ideas  and  ours  there  is  little  or  no  coin- 
cidence ;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  all  this,  I  defy  any 
man  to  hear  O'Connell  without  experiencing  the  most 
profound  emotion.  Such  is  the  astonishing  power  of 
an  eloquence  proceeding  from  the  sources  of  true  feel- 
ing. For  some  minutes  it  bears  you  away  from  yourself. 
There  is  not  in  the  ideas  of  O'Connell  so  much  order 
as  abundance ;  one  would  imagine  that  in  their  exer- 


IXXLV  APPENDIX. 

tion  to  escape,  and  the  disorder  produced  by  this  interior 
combat,  he  had  not  the  power  of  mastering  them.  They 
are  young  recruits,  as  yet  ill  disciplined ;  but  in  return, 
what  courage,  what  vigour,  what  impetuosity  !  Known 
personally  to  the  Irish  peasantry,  and  living  with  them 
a  great  portion  of  the  year,  he  has  something  about  him 
of  their  manners,  their  language,  and  even  of  their 
accent.  You  should  see  him  with  his  cravat  loose,  and 
waistcoat  unbuttoned,  in  a  chapel  in  Munster.  He 
boasts  of  the  beauty  of  Ireland,  the  delights  of  her 
vallies,  the  loveliness  of  her  hills,  and  above  all,  of  the 
incontestable  superiority  of  her  inhabitants  above  those 
of  every  other  quarter  of  the  globe  :  and  if,  by  chance, 
he  should  in  the  slightest  degree  touch  on  "  the  children 
of  your  bosom"  or  "  the  ivives  of  your  affection"  you 
instantly  see  tears  of  joy  sparkle  in  every  eye.  He 
does  not,  however,  pretend  to  know  any  thing  beyond 
Ireland.  He  lends  an  eloquent  voice  to  the  sentiments, 
the  passions,  and  even  to  the  prejudices,  of  six  millions 
of  men.  That  is  all.  Hence  his  extreme  popularity; 
bence,  also,  his  numerous  contradictions  and  inconsis- 
tencies. But  his  contradictions,  if  I  may  so  speak,  are 
national;  his  inconsistencies  patriotic.  Of  what  conse- 
quence is  it  to  the  people  that  he  does  not  say  the  same 
things  to  them  to-day  that  he  did  yesterday,  provided 
that  they  always  hear  what  pleases  them  most?  What 
the  people  want  is  emancipation :  to  obtain  it  he  would 
go  from  heaven  to  hell :  he  would  become  a  tory  or  a 
radical,  a  loyalist  or  a  rebel,  without  a  suspicion  for 
a  moment  that  he  had  been  changing  sides.  O'Connell 
is  of  the  people.  He  is  a  glass  in  which  Ireland  may 


APPENDIX.  1XXV 

see  herself  completely  reflected  ;  or,  rather,  he  is  Ire- 
land himself.  He  has  been  compared  to  an  inspired 
peasant.  It  may  be  so,  but  that  peasant,  if  he  wished 
it,  might  have  a  million  of  others  at  his  back. 

I  intended  to  have  spoken  of  the  Association,  and  I 
have  spoken  only  of  O'Connell.  There  is  some  reason 
for  this ;  it  is  because  it  lives  in  this  extraordinary  man 
altogether,  and  entire.  Let  us,  however,  cast  a  coup 
&wil  on  a  few  others  of  its  members.  There  is  Jack 
Lawless  at  the  end  of  the  table.  Friend  of  Cobbett, 
and  head  of  the  opposition,  he  always  rises  immediately 
after  O'Connell,  and  seldom  without  attacking  him. 
He  is  about  fifty ;  and  his  countenance  recalls  that  of 
the  actor  Lepeintre,  though  characterised  by  a  greater 
degree  of  energy,  and  by  features  much  more  marked 
and  decided.  In  his  snarling  and  cavilling  humour,  he 
strikes  without  discernment,  but  sometimes  he  strikes 
home ;  and  his  bluntness  and  frankness  have  acquired 
him  partisans.  He  is  the  greatest  opponent  of  the 
glory  of  Kerry.  At  the  side  of  Sheil  I  see  Mr. 
Wyse,  a  man  of  esprit,  good  sense,  and  talent.  For 
the  loftiness  of  his  views,  the  extent  of  his  infor- 
mation, and  the  justice  of  his  conceptions,  he  is  far 
above  all  those  who  surround  him;  and  one  day, 
perhaps,  his  popularity  will  suffer  in  consequence. 
Near  him  is  a  person  of  a  very  different  description, 
Mr.  JEneas  M'Donnell,  agent  of  the  Catholics  in  Lon- 
don. With  what  transport  is  he  applauded  when  he 
asserts  that  the  Catholic  religion  has  never  persecuted  ! 
Gifted  with  a  Herculean  constitution,  and  lungs  of  iron, 
he  has  moreover  declared  himself  the  avowed  enemy  of 


APPENDIX. 

the  Biblicals.  He  pursues  them  from  county  to  county  ; 
harasses  them  from  meeting  to  meeting ;  and  compels 
them,  in  their  own  despite,  to  listen.  At  Ballinasloe, 
he  spoke  for  eighteen  hours  in  three  days  ;  and  had  he 
not  been  interrupted  by  the  police,  it  is  not  unlikely  he 
would  have  continued  speaking  to  this  very  hour.  He 
it  was  whom  I  heard  exclaim  on  one  occasion  : — "They 
accuse  Catholicity  of  being  contrary  to  liberty.  Con- 
trary to  liberty !  the  religion  of  Montesquieu,  of  Bos- 
suet,  of  Richelieu,  contrary  to  liberty  !  What  an  atro- 
cious calumny  !"  You  will  not  find  such  passages  in  the 
speeches  of  Mr.  Wyse. 

Having  thus  made  myself  acquainted  with  the  orators, 
I  was  now  prepared  to  follow  the  course  of  the  discus- 
sion. But  of  what  interest  to  us  are  the  quarrels  of 
Mr.  Brie,  or  of  Mr.  Lawless ;  the  invective  or  eulogy 
lavished  on  Lord  Wellesley ;  the  augmentation  or  dimi- 
nution of  the  salary  of  Mr.  M'Donnell  ?  The  Catholics 
lose  too  often  a  great  deal  too  much  of  their  time  in 
these  idle  discussions,  and  the  frequency  of  their  meet- 
ings is  the  real  cause.  By  repeating  day  after  day  the 
same  things,  men  at  last  cease  to  feel  them ;  and  I  am 
quite  sure  that  O'Connell,  from  so  constantly  declaim- 
ing on  the  miseries  of  Ireland,  is  no  longer  susceptible 
of  the  same  high  excitement  which  he  felt  some  two  or 
three  years  ago.  He  rises  to  speak  for  the  fourth  time 
to-day.  His  speech  is  an  absolute  manifesto  against 
England ;  an  open  declaration  of  war  against  the  parlia- 
ment of  the  united  kingdoms.  "  In  vain,"  cries  he, 
"  they  enact  their  laws  against  us:  these  laws  we  will 
brave ;  and  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  will  never  cease 


APPENDIX.  1XXVH 

their  meetings  until  emancipation  shall  be  fully  granted 
them.  We  petitioned  last  year  with  the  greatest  humi- 
lity for  the  restoration  of  our  rights,  the  British  senate ; 
the  British  senate  refused  our  prayer :  this  year  we  call 
for  emancipation  ;  full,  total,  entire,  without  condition 
or  qualification  whatsoever.  We  no  longer  supplicate  : 
we  demand.  We  are  told  that  such  are  not  the  means 
by  which  we  are  to  succeed ;  and  I  answer,  such  are  the 
means  ;  and  there  are  no  others.  In  the  hour  of  pros- 
perity England  has  constantly  rejected  with  scorn  our 
most  dutiful  supplications ;  in  the  hour  of  adversity  only 
has  she  deigned  to  listen  to  our  prayer.  Let  us  hope, 
then  ;  for  she  suffers : — let  us  hope  ;  for  bankruptcy  is 
at  her  door  : — let  us  hope  ;  for  she  is  humbled."  When 
slaves  can  express  themselves  thus,  there  are  yet  grounds 
for  hope. 

The  Association  is  violently  attacked,  and  at  times 
with  justice.  Open  to  the  whole  world,  existing  only 
on  the  passions  of  the  country,  recruited  from  the  bosom 
of  a  population  for  centuries  in  bondage,  it  cannot  but 
contain  within  itself  a  large  portion  of  ignorance,  fickle- 
ness, and  dishonesty.  The  leaders  themselves  are  con- 
fined within  too  narrow  a  circle ;  you  would  almost  say 
their  ideas  cannot  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  Ireland. 
Beyond  it,  they  see  nothing,  they  understand  nothing ; 
and  instead  of  boldly  associating  themselves  and  their 
cause  with  all  that  is  liberal  in  Europe,  it  too  frequently 
happens  that  they  speak  exclusively  as  Catholics ;  and 
as  Catholics,  exclusively  consider  themselves  aggrieved. 
To  all  these  defects  I  am  fully  sensible,  and  yet  I  am  of 
opinion  that  the  Association  is  decidedly  of  advantage 


XXV111  APPENDIX. 

to  the  country.  It  rallies  the  friends  of  religious  free- 
dom :  it  keeps  up  in  the  people  a  due  feeling  of  their 
rights ;  forces  Catholicity  to  proclaim  the  principles  of 
toleration  ;  fatigues  and  alarms  England ;  and  rouses 
the  lower  classes  from  that  degrading  apathy,  from 
which  they  have  risen  but  once  or  twice  in  a  century, 
to  rush  into  acts  of  the  most  atrocious  vengeance.  In 
the  month  of  November,  the  Catholic  Association 
realised  per  day  £50  sterling ;  and  already  more  than 
one  Orange  landlord,  who  was  prepared  to  eject  in  mass 
his  unfortunate  tenantry,  has  been  obliged  to  draw  back 
in  alarm  before  it.  In  a  word,  it  is  a  species  of  new 
parliament,  which  really  represents,  and  is  the  organ  of, 
seven  millions  of  men  ;  levies  taxes,  dictates  ordinances, 
and  sends  whomever  it  thinks  proper  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  spirit  of  the  priesthood,  I  repeat  it, 
has  too  much  influence  within  its  circle  ;  but  in  face  of 
a  church,  haughty,  intolerant,  and  burning  with  the 
spirit  of  proselytism,  it  scarcely  can  be  otherwise.  The 
Biblicals  are  the  missionaries  of  Ireland ;  and  whilst  the 
one  are  escorted  by  fifty  soldiers  to  Brest,  the  others 
support,  by  the  eloquent  arguments  of  their  bayonets, 
their  pious  predications  at  Ballinasloe.  Unfortunately, 
in  this  rebellious  age,  the  sword  has  not,  in  religious 
matters,  all  the  influence  which  it  ought ;  nor  does  it 
turn  away  a  greater  number  from  Catholicity  at  Bal- 
linasloe than  it  brings  back  to  its  fold  at  Brest.  From 
time  to  time,  however,  the  Protestant  papers  are  very 
vociferous  on  the  subject  of  a  few  conversions,  bought 
by  weight  of  gold,  or  obtained  through  the  agonies  of 
hunger ;  but  the  moment  the  fever  appears,  the  Catholic 


APPENDIX. 


Ixxix 


priest  is  immediately  recalled.  One  of  these  conver- 
sions was  lately  announced  in  the  following  terms: — 
"  We  feel  a  lively  satisfaction  in  announcing  that  two 
Catholics  have  just  abjured  the  errors  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  to  embrace  those  of  the  church  established." 
The  clergy,  it  is  said,  were  by  no  means  disposed  to 
smile  at  the  blunder. 


No.  XVII. 


CATHOLIC  CENSUS. 


I. — Census  Returns  from 

Pari 

Ardfert  and  Aghadse 

Achonry 

Armagh 

Ardagh 

Clonfert 

Clogher 

Cork 

Cashel 

Cloyne 

Dromore 

Down  (Aughagallow) 

Dublin 

Derry 

EJphin 


the  Diocese  of 


return 

ed.  R.  Catholics. 

Not  R.  C, 

15 

103,745 

2,249 

2 

10,780 

101 

10 

47,695 

26,395 

11 

55,447 

5,255 

4 

22,582 

1,129 

7 

42,424 

16,184 

8 

54,726 

6,873* 

23 

119,519 

4,388. 

36 

147,996 

6,556 

3 

11,051 

5498 

1 

2,319 

2,473 

6 

31,914 

7,174f 

8 

40,901 

18,894 

25 

169,514 

10,483; 

*  The  city  not  included,  nor  any  principal  town  except  Bandon. 
t  Only  one  parish  of  the  city  included,  Michael  and  John's. 


Ixxx 


APPENDIX. 


Parishes  returned.  R.  Catholics. 

Not  R.  C. 

Ferns 

.         . 

5 

28,723 

3,487 

Gal  way 

. 

2 

5,991 

140 

Kildare  and 

Loughlin 

14 

98,206 

12,078 

Kilmacduagh  and  Kil- 

fenora 

. 

4 

14,854 

69 

Killaloe 

. 

11 

69,606 

3,732 

Kilmore 

.         , 

5 

32,384 

10,520 

Killala 

. 

1 

2,638 

12 

Limerick 

. 

3 

20,246 

1,040* 

Meath 

.         . 

27 

117,090 

8,325 

Ossory 

. 

20 

123,770 

5,842f 

Tuam 

. 

11 

57,995 

1,153 

Waterford 

• 

37 

233,553 

10,102 

1,665,669 

170,152 

of  Limerick  1 

4,913 

420 

300        1,670,582 


170,572 


II. — Details  of  the  Census  of  the  united  Dioceses  of 
Waterford  and  Lismore. 

County  of  Waterford  .  131,353        2,996 

City  of  Waterford,  and  Liberties 
south  of  the  Suir 

County  of  Tipperary 

County  of  Cork 

Total  Population  of  the  Dio- 
cese 


28,250 
71,829 
386 

4,121 
3,025 

7 

231,818 

10,149 

*  This  includes  but  one  parish  of  the  city. 
t  Including  but  one  parish  of  the  city  of  Kilkenny. 


APPENDIX. 


Ixxxi 


R.  Catholics.       Not  R.  C. 


159,603        7,117 


303 


Adding  to  the  county  and  city 

as  above         .          . 
One    townland  of  the  county 

Waterford,  not  included  in 

the  united  dioceses 
The   total    population    of   the 

county  and  city  is          .  159,906          7,122 

Being  in  the  proportion  of  more  than  twenty -two  Ca- 
tholics to  every  one  of  other  persuasions. 

III.  — Comparison  of  the  number  of  Catholics  and  Pro- 
testants in  England  in  the  time  of  William  III. 
See  Memoirs  of  Sir  James  Dalrymple,  vol.  ii.  Ap- 
pendix, part  ii.  p.  12. 


NUMBER  OF  FREEHOLDERS  IN  ENGLAND. 

Conformists.      Non-Conf.     Papists. 

2,123,362    93,151    11,878 
353,892    15,525      1,978 


Province  of  Canterbury 
York 


Conformists 
Non-  Conformists 
Papists 


2,477,254    108,676  13,858 
2,477,255 
108,676 
13,856 


2,599,786 

Proportion  of  Conformists  to  Non- 
Conformists 

Conformists  to  Papists     . 

Conformists  and  Non- Conformists 
to  Papists 


22|  to  1 

178^ 


1861 


In  the  Province  of   Canterbury  there  were  23,740 

VOL.  II.  f 


IXXXU  APPENDIX. 

Papists.   Thus  divided  :— 

Under  16  .  .  11,870 
Aged  above  60  .  3,391 
Women  .  .  4,239 

Men  fit  to  bear  arms  4,239 

In  the  Province  of  York  there  were  3,956  Papists. 
Thus  divided  :— 

Under  the  age  of  16  1,978 
Aged  above  60  .  565 

Women  .         .  701 

Men  fit  to  bear  arms  701 

Total  of  Papists  in  England         .         .         27,696 
Men  fit  to  bear  arms  .         .         .  4,940 

From  the  schedule  of  the  same  document  it  appears 
that  in  the  diocese  of  Worcester,  where  the  dispropor- 
tion is  the  least,  the  Papists  are  to  the  Protestants 
as  1  to  52|. 

In  that  of  Litchfield  and  Coventry  as     1  to      79^. 
In  that  of  London  as  .  1  to    127^. 

In  that  of  Ely  as  .  1  to  2208J. 

These  returns  are  taken  from  an  official  return  found 
in  the  iron  chest  of  King  William.  They  do  not  furnish 
a  very  strong  justification  of  the  coercive  measures 
adopted  during  his  reign. 

The  British  Catholics  scattered  in  England,  Scotland, 
and  Wales,  now  amount  to  about  1,000,000,  though 
some  returns  make  them  much  lower.  The  counties  in 
England  containing  the  greatest  number  of  Catholics 
are,  Lancashire,  Staffordshire,  Warwickshire,  Worces- 
tershire, Cheshire,  Northumberland,  Durham,  Nor- 
folk, Suffolk,  and  Kent.  The  Catholic  population  of  the 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxiii 

metropolis  and   its  immediate  neighbourhood  has  been 
estimated  at  about  200,000. 

IV.— CENSUS  OF  RELIGIOUS  SECTS. 

1.    CHRISTIANS. 

Roman  Catholics              .             .             .  100,000,000 

Greek  and  Eastern  churches        .             .  36,000,000 
Protestant,  Lutheran,  and  Calvinistic 

churches              ....  50,000,000 

2.    JEWS. 

Basnage  states  the  Jews  at  about  .         3,000,000 

3.  MAHOMEDANS. 

Of  the  various  tribes  of  persons  follow- 
ing the  doctrine  of  Islamism,  about      .     143,000,000 

4.    HINDOOS    AND    OTHER    PAGANS      468,000,000 

Total  .         800,000,000 

In  England,  Ireland,  and  Wales,  the  number  of  re- 
ligionists of  various  sects  and  denominations  may  be  es- 
timated nearly  as  follow  : — 

1.  Church  of  England  *  .  .  5,000,000 

2.  Roman  Catholics  f  .  .  5,400,000 

3.  Presbyterians,  who  are  (in  England) 
chiefly  Unitarians,  Arians,  and  Gene- 
ral Baptists  .  .  .  60,000 

*  The  number  of  livings  in  England  and  Wales  is  above  10,500. 

t  In  England  and  Wales  there  are  about  300,000,  of  whom  5000  are  in 
London.  There  are  upwards  of  900  Catholic  churches  and  chapels  m  Eng- 
land. 


APPENDIX. 

4.  Quakers  and  Moravians       .             .  60,000 

5.  Wesleyan  Methodists  *        .             .  500,000 

6.  Baptists,  of  various  kinds,  exclusive 

of  General  Baptists              .            .  60,000 

7.  Independents,   including  the  Whit- 
fieldians  and  other  Calvinistic   Me- 
thodists                .                 .             .  110,000 

8.  Swedenborgians                   .             .  20,000 

9.  Miscellaneous  minor  sects               .  15,000 

10.  Resident  Jews                 .               .  15,000 

11.  Deists,  Theophilanthropists,  and 

other  Freethinkers            .               .  25,000 

V.       1.  —  PROTESTANTS     UNDER     CATHOLIC 
PRINCES    IN   AUSTRIA. 

In  the  country  below  the  Ems            .  4,300 

Above  the  Ems                  .                .  24,700 

In  Styria                 .             .                 .  2,500 

In  Illyria                 .             .                 .  17,000 

In  Bohemia             .             .                 .  50,000 

In  Moravia             .            .                .  68,000 

Total  in  Austria       .  166,500 

In  Bavaria              .             .                 .  1,100,000 

In  Saxony               .              .                 .  1,420,000 

In  Anhalt  Coethen                               .  34,000 


In  all  .  .  2,720,500 

In  the  two  principalities  of  Hohenzollern,  and  in  that 
of  Lichtenstein,  there  are  very  few  Protestants. 

*  The  Wesleyan  Methodists,  "  all  over  the  world,"  exclusive  of  the 
new  connexion,  and  some  others,  amounted  in  1820  to  nearly  486,000. 


APPENDIX. 


Ixxxv 


2. — CATHOLICS    UNDER    PROTESTANT    PRINCES. 


In  Prussia 
Hanover 
Wurtemburg     . 
Baden 

Hesse  Cassel 
Hesse  Darmstadt 
Holstein-Lauenburg 
Luxemburg 

Saxe- Weimar  Eisenach 
Saxe-Meiniugen 
Saxe-Altenburg 
Saxe-Coburg  Gotha 
Brunswick 

Mecklenburg  Schwerin 
Mecklenburg  Strelitz 
Oldenburg 
Nassau 

Anhalt  Dessian  and  Bunburg 
Hesse  Homburg 
Frankfort 
Hamburg 


3,250,000 

250,000 

470,000 

800,000 

106,000 

165,000 

1,000 

285,000 

10,000 

300 

100 

200 

2,500 

1,000 

60 

75,000 

150,000 

100 

5,000 

6,000 

5,000 


Total        .  .  5,580,200 

In  the  dominions  of  the  two  houses  of  Schwartsburg, 

of  the  Princes  of  Reuss  Lippe,  Delmold,  and  Schaum- 

burg  Weldeck,  and  in  Bremen  and  Lubeck,  there  are 

very  few  Catholics. 


IxXXVi  APPENDIX. 

No.  XIX. 
IRISH  EDUCATION. 

Ireland  is  said  at  an  early  period,  to  have  been  the 
centre  of  the  education  of  Europe.  Bede,  William  of 
Malmsbury,  Camden,  &c.  bear  ample  testimony  to  her 
intellectual  superiority.  Her  scholars  were  known  and 
celebrated  over  the  continent.  The  Universities  of 
Paris,  Pavia,  Oxford,  Cambridge,  &c.  are  said  to  have 
been  founded  by  Irishmen.  The  University  of  Dublin, 
which  is  generally  ascribed  to  Elizabeth,  was  com- 
menced by  Joannes  Leclurs,  under  the  auspices  of 
Clement,  and  afterwards  completed  by  Alexander  Big- 
nor,  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  in  1329,  with  the  approba- 
tion of  Pope  John  XXII.  But  the  convent  and  College 
of  Mayo  enjoyed  a  much  higher  degree  of  reputation. 
It  was  founded  about  665,  and  was  exclusively  dedi- 
cated to  the  education  of  strangers.  Though  in  a  re- 
mote part  of  Ireland,  it  contained  at  one  time  no  less 
than  two  thousand  English,  foreign  monks,  and  students. 
The  son  of  Alfred  is  reckoned  amongst  the  number. 
His  ashes  are  said  to  repose  amongst  its  ruins. 

At  the  Reformation,  no  less  than  one  thousand  lite- 
rary institutions,  connected  in  general  with  monastic 
establishments,  were  destroyed.  But  instruction  was 
not  quite  extinguished.  This  achievement  was  reserved 
for  the  penal  laws. 

What  had  not  been  effected  by  the  confiscations  of 


APPENDIX. 

James,  the  faithlessness  of  Charles  I.,  the  ingratitude  of 
Charles  II.,  with  the  uninterrupted  civil  wars  which 
their  tyranny  and  misrule  had  brought  in  their  train, 
was  finally  accomplished  by  the  anti-education  code 
which  immediately  followed  the  conquest  of  William 
of  Nassau. 

The  7th  of  William  and  Mary,  c.  4.,  enacted  that, 
"  no  person  of  the  Popish  religion  should  publicly  teach 
a  school  under  a  penalty  of  201. ,  and  three  months  im- 
prisonment. The  child  who  went  abroad  for  education, 
forfeited  all  the  goods,  chattels,  and  lands,  to  which  he 
might  become  entitled  by  inheritance.  The  father  who 
sent  him,  incurred  the  same  forfeiture." 

In  1730,  Primate  Boulter  suggested  the  system  of 
Charter  schools  :  the  objects  had  in  view  are  best  ex- 
plained in  his  own  words.  "  I  can  assure  you,"  says  he, 
"  the  Papists  are  here  so  numerous,  that  it  highly  con- 
cerns us,  in  point  of  interest,  as  well  as  out  of  concern 
for  the  salvation  of  these  poor  creatures,  who  are  our 
fellow-subjects,  to  try  all  possible  means  to  bring  them 
and  theirs  over  to  the  knowledge  of  the  true  religion ; 
and  one  of  the  most  likely  methods  we  can  think  of  is, 
if  possible,  instructing  and  converting  the  young  gene- 
ration ;  for  instead  of  converting  those  that  are  adult, 
we  are  daily  losing  many  of  our  meaner  people,  who 
go  off  to  Popery." — Yet  the  Penal  code  had  now  endured 
for  fifty  years. 

The  system  sketched  by  Boulter  was  filled  up  in 
1734.  The  anti-Catholic  schools  started  into  existence. 
A  Baron  Vryhouven  bestowed  upon  them  56,0007. ;  an 
anonymous  benefactor  gave  them  40,000/.;  certain  estates 


Ixxxviii  APPENDIX. 

were  bequeathed  to  them  by  the  Earl  of  Ranelagh ;  and 
they  got  bequests  from  many  other  persons.  They 
received  also  in  addition  to  these  funds,  in  Parliamentary 
grants,  upwards  of  one  million  ;  and  their  total  expen- 
diture in  ninety  years,  is  stated  by  the  Commissioners  of 
education  themselves,  in  their  late  report,  to  have  ex- 
ceeded 1,600,000/. ! 

The  benefits  resulting  from  these  institutions  were 
by  no  means  commensurate  with  the  enormous  ex- 
penses which  they  entailed.  From  the  very  outset  they 
were  scenes  of  the  most  shocking  enormities  ;  yet, 
though  chancellors,  bishops,  and  judges  successively 
acted  as  their  governors,  no  inquiries  seem  to  have 
taken  place  into  the  existence  of  these  abuses,  until  the 
year  1787.  In  that  year,  in  consequence  of  the  urgent 
representations  of  the  benevolent  Howard,  a  Committee 
of  investigation  was  appointed  by  the  Irish  House  of 
Commons.  The  result  of  this  inquiry  was  important. 
It  was  ascertained,  that  in  the  whole  of  these  establish- 
ments, instead  of  2,100  children,  the  number  stated  by 
the  society  to  be  maintained,  not  more  than  1,400  could 
actually  be  produced.  Mr.  Howard  was  examined  by  the 
committee,  and  he  stated  among  other  things,  that  many 
of  the  schools  were  much  out  of  repair,  and  going  to  ruin  : 
that  the  children  were  neither  well  clothed,  well  fed, 
nor  well  taught ;  that  some  of  them  that  were  at  Santry 
school,  and  who  had  previously  been  six  years  at  that  of 
Bally  Castle,  could  not  read  ;  and  that  what  he  called 
"  the  dreadful  situation  of  the  schools,"  prevented  their 
being  filled.  "  The  children  in  general,"  he  stated, 
were  sickly,  pale,  and  such  miserable  objects,  that  they 


APPENDIX. 

were  a  disgrace  to  all  society,  arid  their  reading  had 
been  neglected  for  the  purpose  of  making  them  work 
for  their  master."  In  addition  to  several  other  wit- 
nesses, the  committee  examined  Sir  Jeremiah  Fitzpa- 
trick,  Inspector- General  of  Prisons,  who,  in  the  years 
1786  and  1787,  had  visited  twenty-eight  Charter 
schools.  He  stated,  that  the  barbarous  treatment  which 
he  had  witnessed  of  some  children  in  the  school  at 
Kilkenny,  was  one  of  his  first  and  principal  inducements 
to  persevere  in  the  inspection  of  the  other  Charter 
schools  ;  that  he  found  the  children  in  them  puny,  and 
not  in  that  state  of  health,  in  which  children  generally 
are  ;  they  were  in  general  filthy,  and  ill  clothed.  He 
has  seen  them  without  shifts  or  shirts,  and  in  such  a 
situation  as  it  was  indecent  to  look  on ;  the  diet  was 
insufficient  for  the  support  of  their  delicate  frames ; 
their  instruction  was  very  much  neglected ;  in  general 
the  children  had  the  itch,  and  other  eruptive  disorders. 
At  Castle  Carbery,  there  was  no  appearance  of  a  school- 
room :  part  of  a  window  was  stuffed  with  a  turf-kish 
and  dung,  and  there  were  but  twenty-four  ragged  shirts 
and  shifts,  though  there  were  eighteen  girls  and  fourteen 
boys,  most  of  them  sickly,  wretched-looking  creatures, 
covered  with  the  itch  ;  two  only  could  read,  and  all 
order  appeared  to  have  been  neglected  ;  but  the  master's 
and  mistress's  apartments  were  comfortable  and  well 
furnished,  as  likewise  the  parlour  which  served  for  a 
committee-room.  All  these  disclosures  were  made,  yet 
no  attempt  to  correct  the  abuses  or  to  punish  the  cruel- 
ties, down  to  the  very  period  of  the  late  visitation,  ap- 
pears to  have  occurred. 


XC  APPENDIX. 

Some  time  subsequent  to  this  investigation  of  the 
committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  a  Rev.  Dr. 
Beaufort,  and  a  Mr.  Corneille,  a  saintly  barrister,  were 
sent  on  a  tour  of  inspection.  They  made  their  report  a 
few  years  back,  and  though  it  was  quite  notorious,  that 
grievous  atrocities  had  not  in  the  slightest  degree  abated, 
their  report  proves  that  they  were  either  incapable  or 
unwilling,  to  find  out  as  much  as  was  easily  discovered 
nearly  forty  years  ago  by  the  benevolent  exertions  of 
Howard.  They  met  only  with  the  traces  and  footsteps 
of  perfection  itself.  Some  schools  were  good ;  others 
were  better  than  good  ;  none  were  bad ;  none  were  in- 
different ;  none  demanded  reformation  or  rebuke.  The 
Commissioners  of  education  have  instanced  the  report, 
and  placed  it  in  juxtaposition  with  their  own  in- 
quiries. 

The  office  of  visitor,  &c.  &c.  was  now  found  so  in- 
effectual, that  they  were  at  length  finally  discontinued. 
In  their  place  was  substituted  another  mode  of  commu- 
nication. Catechists  were  appointed,  clergymen  of  the 
church  of  England,  with  a  salary  of  207.  and  a  gratuity  of 
21.  10s.  per  quarter,  which  the  committee  of  fifteen  were 
authorised  to  grant  to  every  catechist  who  should  com- 
ply with  the  society's  regulations.  They  were  obliged 
to  furnish  monthly  reports  for  the  use  of  the  committee 
on  the  state  of  schools,  &c.  immediately  under  their 
care.  The  following  extract  from  the  examination  of 
the  secretary  of  the  society,  taken  the  30th  of  October 
1824,  will  show  how  much  of  this  duty  was  performed 
or  neglected,  while  at  the  same  time  we  learn  from  the 
same  officer,  that  he  is  not  aware  of  an  instance  in 


APPENDIX.  XCl 

which  a  part  of  the  salary  of  a  catechist  has  been  with- 
held during  the  last  fifteen  or  twenty  years. 

"  Q.  If  the  rules  of  the  society  were  observed,  is  it 
not  the  fact  that  each  catechist  would  monthly  have 
reported  upon  his  own  school  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  There  are  about  thirty  schools  belonging  to  the 
society  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  It  would  follow,  that  about  two  hundred  and 
seventy  monthly  reports  at  least  ought  ere  now  to  have 
been  made ;  of  these  two  hundred  and  seventy,  how 
many  have  been  made,  as  nearly  as  you  can  answer  'I 

A.  There  is  a  small  proportion,  I  cannot  tell  how 
many. 

Q.  Have  ten  been  received  ? 

A.  From  the  1st  of  January  to  the  1st  of  October, 
there  ought  to  have  been  nine  letters  from  each  cate- 
chist, that  would  be  two  hundred  and  seventy  letters. 

Q.  How  many  of  these  two  hundred  and  seventy 
have  you  received  ? 

A.  /  declare  I  do  not  think  there  are  fifty. 

Q.  Do  you  believe  that  as  many  as  ten,  out  of  those 
two  hundred  and  seventy  regular  monthly  reports,  have 
been  received  by  you  ? 

A.  Upon  my  word  I  doubt  it. 

Q.  Can  you  recollect  any  one  instance,  in  which  a 
catechist  has  made  one  of  his  monthly  returns  since  the 
1st  of  last  January  ? 

A.  I  do  not  think  there  is" 

From  such  inquirers  and  reporters  little  information 


XC11  APPENDIX. 

and  little  anxiety  for  reform  were  to  be  expected.  Ac- 
cordingly years  elapsed,  before  the  public  seemed  to 
have  been  sufficiently  convinced  of  the  iniquities  of  these 
establishments.  The  general  habits  of  discussion  ge- 
nerated by  the  great  political  question,  which  more  or 
less  embraced  every  other,  at  length  turned  the  atten- 
tion of  the  government  to  the  nuisance,  and  a  commis- 
sion was  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  most 
minute  inquiry  into  the  evils  and  infamies  with  which 
these  schools  were  charged,  by  the  almost  unanimous 
voice  of  the  country,  with  a  view  to  their  immediate  and 
radical  correction. 

The  innumerable  delinquencies  and  abuses,  which  the 
Commissioners  detected,  soon  justified  every  particular 
of  these  accusations.  During  the  course  of  the  exami- 
nation, every  atrocity  and  cruelty,  every  violation  of  the 
public  trust,  every  corrupt  perversion  of  the  public  be- 
nevolence, were  successively  displayed  in  their  true 
colours.  The  report  leaves  us  at  a  loss,  whether  most 
to  express  our  horror  at  the  systematic  plan  of  bigotry 
and  cruelty  upon  which  these  schools  were  conducted, 
or  at  the  profligate  expenditure  of  the  public  money  to 
which  they  owe  their  support,  and  of  which  no  less  a 
sum  than  1,600,0007.  was  spent  in  the  course  of  ninety- 
three  years  upon  the  education  of  twelve  thousand  chil- 
dren, being  less  than  a  fourth  part  of  the  number  edu- 
cated every  year  by  the  Catholic  clergy,*  with  infinitely 

*  It  is  stated  in  the  evidence  before  the  House,  that  a  priest  in  the  parish 
of  Lewisburg  in  the  county  of  Sligo,  established  no  less  than  thirteen 
schools,  with  little  other  assistance  than  what  he  derived  from  his  own  ex- 
ertions. This  fact  is  by  no  means  solitary.  There  are  many  similar  in- 
stances to  be  found  in  various  parts  of  Ireland. 


APPENDIX.  XC111 

less  than  one  twentieth  part  of  the  means.  Fraud  and 
inhumanity  mix  up  in  every  detail.  Instead  of  teach- 
ing the  orphans  committed  by  the  nation  to  their  charge, 
these  barbarous  educators  of  youth  had  literally  made 
them  their  beasts  of  burden.  They  thus  got  an  interest 
in  prolonging  their  period  of  bondage.  Every  part  of  the 
report  abounds  with  evidences  of  these  facts.  We  find 
that  "  David  Porter"  had  in  twelve  months  added  only 
half  a  year  to  his  age.  The  same  happened  to  "  James 
M'Kenzie."  M'Gann  remained  fifteen  all  the  year  round, 
or  rather  was  younger  in  1823  than  in  the  year  pre- 
ceding. This  is  farce,  but  we  now  come  to  tragedy. 
The  Sligo  school  was  visited  by  two  of  the  Commission- 
ers. It  appeared  on  an  attentive  examination,  that  the 
master  was  a  man  of  violent  and  ungoverned  passions, 
and  that  the  boys  were  most  severely  and  cruelly  pu- 
nished, not  only  by  him  personally,  but  also  by  his  son 
and  by  a  foreman  in  the  weaving  department,  and  that 
these  punishments  were  inflicted  for  very  slight  faults. 
At  the  Castle  Dermot  school,  two  boys  had  been  very 
severely  punished  by  the  master.  They  stated  that  they 
had  been  set  to  work  in  the  garden,  and  having  had 
but  little  breakfast  they  were  hungry,  and  had  eaten  a 
raw  cabbage ;  that  the  master,  who  appeared  to  be  a  man 
of  violent  passions,  caught  them,  and  flogged  them  for 
this  offence  severely ;  that  one  of  them  received  sixteen 
stripes  in  the  usual  manner,  and  six  blows  with  a  stick 
on  the  head,  which  continued  cut  and  bruised  when  the 
school  was  visited  by  the  Commissioners.  The  other  boy 
had  eloped  in  consequence  of  the  beating.  The  boys 
stated,  "  that  the  Usher  beats  the  boys  oftenest,  but  the 


XC1V  APPENDIX. 

master  the  most  severely  :  the  usher  for  offences  in  the 
school-room,  the  master  for  other  offences."     At  Strad- 
bally  school,  eight  boys  had  been  beaten  so  severely, 
that  when  the  Commissioners  saw  them,  they  were  in  a 
shocking  state  of  laceration  and  contusion.    The  offence 
with  which  these  boys  were  charged  by  the  usher  was, 
"  looking  at  two  policemen  playing  at  ball,  in  the  boys 
alley  ;"  but  the  catechist  states,  "  that  he  believes  the 
usher  may  have  been  actuated  in  the  punishment  by  his 
feelings,  as  to  what  the  boys  may  have  said  of  him  on 
the  former  visit  of  the  Commissioners"     Such  was  the 
nature  of  the  discipline — their  acquirements  were  strictly 
in  harmony.     "  On  examining  the  boys,"  say  the  Com- 
missioners,  "  they  were  found  able  to  repeat  the  cate- 
chism and  the  expositions  of  it  correctly,  but  attached 
little  or  no  meaning  to  the  words  they  repeated.     The 
two  head  classes  consisted  of  twenty  boys,  of  thirteen, 
fourteen,  and  fifteen  years  of  age :  seventeen  of  them 
declared  they  had  never  heard  of  St.  Paul,  and  half  of 
them  had  no  idea,  whether  the  word  "  Europe  "  meant 
a  man,  a  place,  or  a  thing ;  and  only  three  boys  in  the 
school  could  name  the  four  quarters  of  the  world.    Two 
boys  only  appeared  ever  to  have  heard  of  Job ;  and 
only  one  could  give  any  account  of  his  history !  But  it 
was  not  gross  ignorance  only   which  was  encouraged. 
The  consequences   were  not   merely   indifferent,   they 
were  flagrantly  and  extensively  pernicious.     From  the 
correspondence  and  examination  of  an  individual  who 
was  candidate  for  a  situation  in  the  Santry  school,  the 
most  curious  facts  were  elicited.     Firstly,  it  was  de- 
clared, that  the  chief  efforts  of  every  teacher  are  di- 


APPENDIX.  XCV 

rected,  to  impress  upon  the  mind  of  the  children  from 
the  earliest  dawn  of  reason,  the  most  absolute  hatred  of 
Popery.  Secondly,  that  though  this  be  the  case,  they 
still  discover  a  marvellous  partiality  to  the  obnoxious 
creed,  and  many  are  found  to  abandon  the  creed  of  their 
infancy  before  they  reach  the  age  of  ten :  and  thirdly, 
that,  instead  of  producing  a  veneration  for  the  word  of 
God,  the  plan  pursued  in  these  notable  seminaries,  pro- 
duces consequences  precisely  the  reverse.  The  causes 
are  obvious :  one  of  these  teachers  stated  on  oath,  that 
the  learners  are  obliged  to  get  portions  of  the  Bible  by 
heart ;  that  they  are  most  severely  beaten  for  failing  to 
commit  these  portions  to  memory  ;  that  the  sacred  word 
is  in  this  manner  perverted  into  an  additional  instru- 
ment of  torture,  and  consequently  the  children  are  found 
generally  to  leave  the  school,  with  as  cordial  abhorrence 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  as  of  "  the  errors  of  the  church 
of  Rome  itself."  Thus  this  beneficent  scheme  of  edu- 
cation, which  was  pompously  stated  by  its  most  reverend 
author  to  be  a  plan  the  best  of  all  others  calculated  to 
ensure  "  the  salvation  of  those  poor  creatures,  who  are 
our  fellow-subjects,"  has  been  proved  on  the  most  in- 
contestable evidence,  to  have  produced  mere  hotbeds  of 
bigotry,  engendered  by  proselytism,  and  kept  alive  by 
the  bad  passions  of  the  community  ;  establishments 
known  only  to  the  country,  by  the  enormous  sums  they 
receive  from  it  in  the  shape  of  Parliamentary  grants ; 
infamous  nurseries  of  ignorance  and  political  rancour ; 
where  the  child  was  separated  from  the  parent  by  fraud 
or  by  force,  and  submitted  to  a  course  of  cruelty  and 
demoralization,  which  makes  the  blood  freeze,  and  raises 


XCV1  APPENDIX. 

a  blush  upon  the  cheek  of  every  honourable  man.  In- 
stead of  being  fit  objects  of  the  support  of  the  legisla- 
ture, they  were  only  worthy  of  the  animadversion  and 
severity  of  the  Attorney  General.  Under  ''another  go- 
vernment, they  would  have  long  since  been  visited  with 
the  outstretched  arm  of  the  law,  as  they  have  already 
been  fully  branded  with  the  execration  of  every  thinking 
and  honest  man  in  the  community. 

Such  was  the  course  of  education  provided  for  the 
wants  of  the  Catholic  peasantry  of  Ireland,  in  substitu- 
tion for  that  of  which  they  had  been  violently  robbed 
by  the  legislation  of  the  preceding  century.  No  won- 
der, that  from  such  a  tree  fruits  of  bitterness  and  evil, 
fruits  of  religious  rancour,  fruits  of  civil  dissension,  should 
alone  have  been  plucked  by  the  ill-fated  generations 
who  succeeded.  Accordingly  few  sources  of  domestic 
hostility  have  been  so  prolific,  few  means  have  been  so 
dangerously  successful,  in  keeping  alive  the  hates  and 
inequalities,  which  have  so  long  been  the  curse  of  Ire- 
land. With  such  teachers,  they  made  in  after  life,  civil 
contention  the  first  of  civil  duties,  substituted  sectari- 
anism for  religion,  a  faction  for  the  country,  and  abused 
those  faculties  which  might  have  been  of  service,  even 
in  the  lowest  sphere,  in  rescuing  her  from  her  calami- 
ties, in  adding  new  poignancy  to  the  malady,  and  ren- 
dering every  day  more  and  more  difficult  her  cure. 

The  schools  of  the  Society  for  discountenancing  Vice, 
of  the  trustees  for  Erasmus  Smith  Fund,  of  the  London 
Hibernian  Society,  &c.  were  intended  to  be  substituted 
for  the  deficiencies,  or  auxiliary  to  the  labours,  of  the 
Charter  schools  of  Ireland ;  but  previous  to  the  year 


APPENDIX.  XCVU 

1811.  They  seem  comparatively  to  have  done  nothing. 
The  fourteenth  report  of  the  commissioners  of  educa- 
tion gives  some  details  which  will  go  to  show  a  very 
considerable  increase  both  of  schools  and  scholars  since 
that  period.  In  1811  the  commissioners  state,  that  the 
gross  number  of  schools  throughout  Ireland,  amounted 
to  about  4600,  attended  by  about  200,000  children,  and 
that  an  increase  had  taken  place,  from  that  year  to 
the  year  1824,  the  date  of  the  report,  of  7223  schools, 
and  360,000  scholars.  The  details  of  this  comparison 
will  place  the  fact  in  a  still  stronger  point  of  view : 

In  1811  In  1824 

Association  for  discounte- 
nancing Vice  had      .         38  schools       .         226 

Trustees  of  Erasmus 

Smith  had  8  do.  .         113 

London  Hibernian 
Society  .         .         38  do.  .         618 

Kildare  Place  Society     did  not  exist         .         919 

Sunday  School  Society          44         .  .      1,640 

This  may  appear  a  very  flattering  portrait  of  the  rapid 
improvement  in  the  diffusion  of  education,  principally 
among  the  poorer  classes,  during  so  short  a  period  as 
thirteen  years  ;  but  in  1826,  the  Commissioners  of 
education,  after  a  very  attentive  examination,  recom- 
mended the  withdrawing  of  the  grants  from  these 
very  societies,  that  is,  from  the  Society  for  discounte- 
nancing Vice,  and  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  fund, 
&c.  The  London  Hibernian  Society,  by  the  confes- 
sion of  many  of  its.  own  members,  Messrs.  Pringle, 

VOL.  II.  g 


XCV111  APPENDIX 

Gordon,  &c.  was  convicted  of  employing  education 
merely  as  an  instrument  of  proselytism ;  and  the  Kil- 
dare  Place  Society,  which  had  set  out  with  such  large 
professions  of  liberalism,  was  demonstrated  to  have 
acted  in  a  manner  very  inconsistent  with  the  avowed  ob- 
jects of  its  institution,  and  to  have  been  totally  inade- 
quate to  the  purposes  for  which  it  originally  had  been 
set  up.  The  zeal  with  which  the  Catholics  (and  the 
priesthood  not  less  than  the  laity)  had  offered  their  co- 
operation at  the  outset,  was  totally  misconstrued,  and 
finally  abused.  The  Bible  was  introduced,  without  note 
or  comment,  contrary  to  the  preliminary  understanding 
between  both  parties,  and  the  consequences  were  such 
as  might  have  been  apprehended,  a  total  disruption  of 
the  amicable  relations  which  previously  subsisted,  and  a 
want  of  confidence  and  cordiality,  without  which,  in  a 
country  so  divided  as  Ireland,  it  is  quite  evident  every 
plan  of  national  education  must  utterly  fail.*  These 
views  very  strongly  impressed  themselves  upon  the  Com- 

*  The  late  Primate  of  all  Ireland  (Dr.  Stuart),  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin 
(Dr.  Magee),  Dr.  Jebb,  Dr.  Mant,  and  many  others  of  the  most  learned 
prelates  in  either  persuasion,  have  stated  it  as  their  opinion,  that  note  and 
comment  are  absolutely  essential  to  the  right  understanding  of  the  sacred 
volume.  The  following  table,  though  by  no  means  offered  as  a  proof  that 
an  indiscriminate  reading  of  the  Bible  encourages  crime,  is  sufficient  evi- 
dence that  it  has  not  done  very  much  to  prevent  it. 

In  the  seven  years  preceding  the  exertions  made  for 
the  diffusion  of  the  Bible,   the  committals  of  Eng- 
land and  Wales  amounted  to         ....         47,522 
Out  of  which  there  were  capital  convictions        .        .  4,126 

In  the   seven  succeeding  years  in  the  same, 

committals  .  93,282 

convictions  .        .         •         .         »         .         .  8,244 


APPENDIX.  XC1X 

missioners,  and  as  the  result  of  much  patient  and  im- 
partial research  into  the  deficiencies  and  vices  of  preced- 
ing and  existing  systems,  they  ventured  to  suggest  with 
a  view  to  their  correction,  and  with  due  reference  to  the 
existing  state  of  the  country,  such  a  system  of  national 
education  for  the  lower  classes,  in  lieu  of  all  those  ac- 
tually in  use,  as  might  embrace  both  moral  and  religious 
instruction,  and  at  the  same  time  sufficiently  respect 
the  several  prejudices  of  all  classes  in  the  community. 
They  proposed  a  united  system  of  education,  where 
the  children  of  all  religious  persuasions  might  be  edu- 
cated together,  from  which  if  possible  all  suspicion 
should  be  banished,  and  every  ground  of  political  or  re- 
ligious distrust  should  be  as  much  as  possible  removed. 
Under  such  a  system,  it  was  to  be  hoped  that  the  chil- 
dren would  gradually  imbibe  similar  ideas  and  form 
congenial  habits,  and  would  gradually  lose  that  distinct- 
ness of  feeling  and  separation  of  interests,  which  had 
been  found  by  experience  to  have  been  one  of  the  fertile 
principles  of  the  miseries  of  Ireland,  and  the  chief  cause 
of  the  divisions  and  animosities  of  her  children.  The  Ca- 
tholic prelacy  evinced  on  the  occasion  a  becoming  anxiety 
to  meet  the  proposition  half  way ;  and  in  their  synod 
held  at  Dublin  January  21,  1826,  they  came  unani- 
mously to  the  following  important  resolutions. 

These  resolutions  were  subsequently  transmitted, 
January  23d,  by  Dr.  Murray  to  Lord  Killeen,  for  the 
purpose  of  being  laid  before  the  Catholic  Association, 
and  met  on  their  being  presented  their  unanimous  ap- 
probation. 


APPENDIX. 


RESOLUTIONS   OF   THE  ARCHBISHOPS   AND 
BISHOPS   OF    IRELAND. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Archbishops  and  Bishops  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  church  in  Ireland,  held  in  Dublin  on 
the  21st  January  1826,  the  following  resolutions  on 
the  subject  of  National  Education  were  unanimously 
adopted : — 

1.  That  the   admission   of  Protestants   and   Roman 
Catholics  into  the  same  schools,  for  the  purpose  of  lite- 
rary instruction,  may,  under  existing  circumstances,  be 
allowed,  provided   sufficient  care  be  taken  to  protect 
the  religion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  children,  and  to 
furnish   them    with    adequate    means   of    religious   in- 
struction. 

2.  That  in  order  to  secure  sufficient  protection  to 
the  religion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  children,  under  such 
a  system  of  education,  we  deem  it  necessary,  that  the 
master  of  each  school  in  which  the  majority  of  the  pupils 
profess  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  be  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic ;  and  that,  in  schools  in  which  the  Roman  Catholic 
children   form   only  a   minority,   a  permanent   Roman 
Catholic  assistant  be  employed ;  and  that  such  master 
and  assistant  be  appointed  upon   the  recommendation 
or  with  the  express  approval  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
bishops  of  the  diocese  in  which  they  are  to  be  employed  ; 
and  further,  that  they  or  either  of  them  be  removed, 
upon  the  representation  of  such  bishops :  the  same  rule 
to  be  observed  for  the  appointment  or  dismissal  of  mis-, 
tresses  and  assistants  in  female  schools. 


APPENDIX.  Cl 

3.  That  we   consider  it  improper  that  masters  and 
mistresses  intended  for  the  religious  instruction  of  Ro- 
man Catholic  youth,  should  be  trained  or  educated  by 
or  under  the  control  of  persons  professing  a  different 
faith ;  and  that  we  conceive  it  most  desirable,  that  a 
male  and  female  model  school  shall  be  established  in 
each  province  in  Ireland,  to  be  supported  at  the  public 
expense,  for  the  purpose  of  qualifying  such  masters  and 
mistresses  for  the  important  duties  which  they  shall  be 
appointed  to  discharge. 

4.  That  in   conformity  with   the   principle  of  pro- 
tecting the  religion  of  Roman  Catholic  children,  the 
books  intended  for  their  particular  instruction  in  reli- 
gion shall  be  selected  or  approved  by  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic prelates ;  and  that  no  book  or  tract  of  common 
instruction  in  literature  shall  be  introduced  into  any 
school  in  which  Roman  Catholic  children  are  educated, 
which  book  or  tract  may  be  objected  to,  on  religious 
grounds,  by  the  Roman  Catholic  bishop  of  the  diocese 
in  which  such  school  is  established. 

5.  That  a  transfer  of  the  property  in  several  schools 
which  now  exist  or  may  hereafter  exist  in  Ireland,  may 
be  utterly  impracticable  from  the  nature  of  the  tenure 
by  which  they  are  or  may  hereafter  be  held,  and  from 
the  number  of  persons  having  a  legal  interest  in  them, 
as  well  as  from  a  variety  of  other  causes ;  and  that,  in 
our  opinion,  any  regulation  which  should  require  such 
transfer  to  be  made,  as  a  necessary  condition  for  receiv- 
ing parliamentary  support,  would  operate  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  many  useful  schools  from  all  participation  in  the 
public  bounty. 


Cll 


APPENDIX. 


6.  That  appointed  as  we  have  been  by  Divine  Provi- 
dence to  watch  over  and  preserve  the  deposit  of  Catho- 
lic faith  in  Ireland,  and  responsible  as  we  are  to  God 
for  the  souls  of  our  flocks,  we  will,  in  our  respective 
dioceses,  withhold  our  concurrence  and  support  from 
any  system  of  education  which  will  not  fully  accord 
with  the  principles  expressed  in  the  foregoing  resolu- 
tions. 


Patrick  Curtis,  D.  D. 
Oliver  Kelly,  D.  D. 

F.  O'Reilly,  D.  D. 
P.  M'Loughlin,  D.  D. 
J.  Magauran,  D.  D. 

G.  T.  Plunkett,  D.  D. 
James  Keating,  D.  D. 
Chas.  Tuohy,  D.  D. 
Edw.  Kiernan,  D.  D. 
Patrick  Kelly,  D.  D. 
Corn.  Egan,  D.  D. 
Wm.  Crolly,  D.  D. 
Pat.  Maguire,  D.  D. 
P.  M'Mahon,  D.  D. 
John  M'Hale,  D.  D. 


Dan  Murray,  D.  D. 
Rob.  Laffen,  D.  D. 
J.  O'Shaughnessy,  D.  D. 
Thos.  Costello,  D.  D. 
K.  Marum,  D.  D. 
P.  Waldron,  D.  D. 
John  Murphy,  D.  D. 
James  Doyle,  D.  D. 
P.  M'Nicholas,  D.  D. 
P.  M'Gettigan,  D.  D. 
Edm.  French,  D.  D. 
Thomas  Coen,  D.  D. 
Robert  Logan,  D.  D. 
Pat.  Burke,  D.  D. 
John  Ryan,  D.  D. 


These  dispositions  were,  however,  but  very  partially 
realised.  The  code  still  neutralised  every  effort  at 
national  improvement.  The  public  mind,  absorbed  by 
the  one  thought,  gave  little  or  no  attention  to  these 
projects.  Reasonable  men  admitted,  that  if  emancipa- 
tion were  passed,  every  improvement  would  rapidly  and 
naturally  follow ;  if  not,  every  improvement  would  be 


APPENDIX.  Clll 

useless.  Education  was  in  a  great  measure  left  to  itself, 
and  progressed  but  slowly.  The  smallest  town  in  Italy 
evinced  a  much  higher  state  of  intellectual  cultivation 
than  the  largest  in  Ireland.*  Every  thing  was  politics, 
and  politics  was  every  thing.  Yet  the  impulse  which 
the  peasantry  had  received  unquestionably  augmented. 
Their  known  passion  for  instruction  increased;  numerous 
small  schools,  aided  in  part  by  the  Association,  began 
to  appear,  and  at  last  a  model  school,  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  Catholic  prelacy,  and  to  which  500/.  was 
contributed  by  public  vote  from  the  Rent,  was  founded 
in  Dublin,  for  the  purpose  of  providing  well-disciplined 
instructors,  and  giving  a  regular  and  systematic  form  to 
Catholic  education  throughout  the  kingdom.  It  is  to 

*  In  a  small  town  in  the  Papal  states,  containing  not  more  than  ten 
thousand  inhabitants,  I  found  three  well  provided  libraries  open  every  day 
to  the  public  ;  lectures  in  surgery  and  physic  at  the  hospitals,  &c.  twice  a 
week ;  lectures  in  logic,  mathematics,  astronomy,  &c.  thrice — both  gratis. 
An  academy  for  the  encouragement  of  the  sciences,  literature,  and  an- 
tiquities of  the  country,  of  which  almost  every  gentleman  was  member, 
and  which  held  its  sittings  once  a  month.  A  museum  of  the  natural  his- 
tory and  mineralogy  of  the  district ;  another  of  the  antiquities ;  a  small 
botanical  garden  ;  two  theatres ;  besides  a  small  private  theatrical  company 
of  amateurs  composed  of  the  gentry  of  the  town,  and  many  of  whom  were 
artists  of  real  merit,  performing  in  rotation  Goldoni's  comedies,  Alfieri's 
tragedies,  and  some  of  the  best  operas  of  Cimarosa,  Rossini,  Faerni,  &c. 
The  "Commune"  supported  several  public  schools,  and  maintained  an 
artist  at  Rome,  at  their  own  expense,  in  perpeluum.  This,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, was  in  the  Patrimonio,  that  is,  in  one  of  the  least  intellectual 
parts  of  Italy,  and  is  rather  below  than  above  the  general  scale  of  educa- 
tion, even  in  that  district.  Compare  it,  such  as  it  is,  with  the  state  of  edu- 
cation at  Cork,  Limerick,  &c.  and  then  panegyrise  the  wisdom  of  our  an- 
cestors, and  the  blessings  of  an  ascendancy  code,  which  has  placed  us 
where  we  are. 


CIV  APPENDIX. 

be  hoped  in  the  present  ameliorated  state  of  things,  this 
laudable  effort  will  attract  the  attention  of  the  legisla- 
ture and  the  country,  and  the  great  work  of  national 
education  be  taken  up  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  ought, 
not  with  a  view  of  widening  but  of  closing  the  breaches 
which  hitherto  have  existed  between  man  and  man,  of 
providing  good  members  for  society,  free  citizens  for 
our  constitution,  and  steady  and  enlightened  supporters 
of  those  several  institutions,  in  which  mainly  consist  the 
glory  and  the  power  of  every  civilised  community.    The 
portion  of  Rent  still  in  hands,  collected  as  it  was  from  the 
peasant,  in  a  great  degree  for  the  purpose  of  providing 
him  with  useful,  religious,  and  literary  instruction,  ought, 
without  fail  or  further  delay,  to  be  employed  for  the  pea- 
sant' s  use  and  benefit.    Agricultural  schools  in  the  seve- 
ral districts,  where  such  institutions  are  most  practicable 
and  most  required,   should   be   founded.     The  people 
should  be  encouraged  to  better  their  condition,  by  con- 
ferring on  them  the  knowledge  of  the  means  by  which 
their  condition  may  be  bettered.     New  links  should  be 
formed  between  the  different  orders  of  the  state ;  the 
relations  which  a  long  series  of  unwise  measures  and 
cruel  laws  have  burst  and  kept  asunder,  should  be  re- 
stored ;  the  national  intellect,  waste  but  fertile,  should 
be  brought  into  cultivation,  and  another  people,  truly 
such,  and  not  as  they  hitherto  have  been,  too  frequently 
a  populace,  should  be  raised  up,  out  of  the  wrecks  and 
lees  of  the  past.     England  owes  us  this  atonement  for 
her  former  misrule  and  spoliation :  she  it  was  who  made 
us  and  kept  us  ignorant.     At  her  door  is  to  be  laid  our 
barbarism,  and  all  that  our  barbarism  has  entailed  upon 


APPENDIX.  CV 

us.  A  better  order  of  things  has  begun  ;  let  her  nobly 
aim  at  its  consummation.  Power  is  crime,  unless  it  be 
productive  of  blessing,  and  the  most  brilliant  tyranny 
which  ever  dazzled  and  crushed  man,  is  not  to  be  com- 
pared to  the  patient  enduring  of  happiness  out  of 
misery,  health  out  of  malady,  knowledge  out  of  igno- 
rance, and  morning  out  of  night.  Such  trophies  en- 
dure ;  they  are  well  won.  She  will  find  in  the  Irish 
mind,  when  fairly  dealt  with,  an  enthusiastic  and  gene- 
rous co-operator.'*  But  this  fairness  Ireland  must  have ; 
with  it  she  may  do  every  thing ;  without  it — nothing. 


No.  XX. 

STATE  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC 
CLERGY  IN  IRELAND. 

The  Roman  Catholic  church  of  Ireland  is  composed 
of  four  Archbishops  and  twenty- two  Bishops.  The 

*  Even  with  all  drawbacks,  education  of  the  lower  classes  is  farther  ad- 
vanced than  in  France.  At  a  recent  meeting  in  Paris  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  elementary  education,  the  secretary  read  a  paper  with  the  follow- 
ing  particulars : — 

Children  to  whom  desirable  to  communicate  instruction, 

Boys  .  .  .     2,750,000  ) 

{    5,500,000. 
Girls  .  .  .do.  5 

Communes  39,381,  in  which  there  are  27,000  schools,  educating 
Boys  .  .  .     1,070,000 

Girls  .  .  .       430,000 

To  be  educated         .  .    4,000,000 

Ireland  educates  indiscriminately  above  half  a  million. 


CV1  APPENDIX. 

archbishops  take  their  titles,*  as  in  the  established 
church,  from  Armagh,  Dublin,  Cashel,  and  Tuam.  Of 
the  bishops  eight  are  suffragans  of  Armagh,  and  are 
those  of  Ardagh,  Clogher,  Derry,  Down  and  Connor, 
Dromore,  Kilmore,  Meath,  and  Raphoe.  Dublin  has 
but  three  suffragans,  Leighlin  and  Ferns,  Kildare,  and 
Ossory.  Six  are  suffragans  to  Cashel,  viz.  Ardfert  and 
Aghadoe,  Cloyne  and  Ross,  Cork,  Killaloe,  Limerick 
and  Waterford,  and  Lismore.  Four  are  subject  to 
Tuam,  viz.  Athenry,  Clonfert,  Elphin,  and  Killaloe. 
There  are  besides  these  the  bishops  of  the  united  dio- 
ceses of  Kilmacduagh  and  Kilfenora ;  the  one  in  Con- 
naught,  the  other  in  Munster,  who  is  alternately  suf- 
fragan of  Tuam  and  Cashel. 

As  in  the  established  church,  we  also  have  a  dignitary 
in  Galway  called  a  Warden,  who  has  nearly  an  episcopal 
jurisdiction,  and  is  no  further  subject  to  higher  powers 
than  that  he  is  liable  to  a  triennial  visitation  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tuam. 

Every  bishop  has  a  vicar-general  of  his  own  appoint- 
ment, who  holds  his  office  only  durante  bene  placito, 
and  whose  jurisdiction  ceases  on  the  death  of  the 
prelate. 

Every  diocese  has  also  a  Dean  appointed  by  the  Car- 
dinal Protector,  i.  e.  that  Cardinal  in  Rome  who  has 
the  peculiar  direction  of  all  ecclesiastical  matters  ap- 
pertaining to  Ireland,  and  also  an  Archdeacon,  named 
by  the  Bishop.  These  two  are  men  of  nominal  dignities, 
having  neither  power  nor  emolument  annexed  to  them. 

*  I  speak  of  the  period  antecedent  to  the  passing  of  the  Catholic  Relief 
bit). 


APPENDIX.  CV11 

On  the  death  of  a  Bishop,  the  clergy  of  a  diocese  are 
empowered  by  the  canon  to  elect  a  Vicar  Capitular, 
who  is  invested  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see  with  epis- 
copal jurisdiction  ;  but  if  such  election  does  not  take 
place  within  a  specified  number  of  days  after  the  de- 
mise of  the  bishop  has  been  notified  to  them,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  the  province  may  appoint  of  his  own  authority 
the  vicar. 

The  clergy  in  the  mean  time  assemble  and  fix  their 
choice  on  one  of  their  own  body,  or  sometimes  on  a 
stranger,  and  petition  the  Pope,  or  in  technical  language, 
postulate  that  he  may  be  appointed  to  the  vacant  see. 
The  bishops  also  of  the  province  consult  each  other,  and 
unite  in  presenting  to  the  Pope  two  or  three  men  of 
merit,  one  of  whom  is  usually  appointed  ;  for  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  prelates  has  always  more  weight  in 
Rome,  than  the  postulations  of  the  inferior  clergy. 

The  appointment  of  the  Irish  bishops  lies  in  the  car- 
dinals, who  compose  the  congregations  de  propaganda 
fide.  It  takes  place  on  Monday,  and  on  the  following 
Sunday  is  submitted  by  their  secretary  to  the  Pope, 
who  may  confirm  or  annul  the  nomination  at  will ;  it 
very  rarely  however  happens  that  he  does  not  confirm  it. 

There  is  a  custom  common  in  all  Roman  Catholic 
countries,  and  frequently  practised  in  Ireland,  which  I 
believe  is  not  known  in  the  established  church,  that  of 
appointing  assistant  or  coadjutor  bishops.  In  the  event 
of  old  age,  infirmity,  or  any  accidental  visitations  of 
Heaven,  whereby  a  bishop  is  rendered  incapable  of  at- 
tending to  the  laborious  duties  of  his  station,  he  may 
choose  any  meritorious  clergyman  to  be  his  coadjutor, 


CV111  APPENDIX. 

and  to  succeed  him  at  his  death.  His  recommendation 
is  almost  invariably  attended  to  in  Rome,  the  object  of 
his  choice  is  appointed  and  consecrated,  taking  his  title 
from  some  oriental  diocese,  which  title  he  relinquishes 
on  his  succeeding  at  the  death  of  the  old  and  infirm 
bishop  whom  he  was  appointed  to  assist.  While  retain- 
ing the  oriental  title,  though  in  character  and  by  con- 
secration a  bishop,  he  is  called  a  bishop  in  partibus,  be- 
cause the  see,  from  which  he  takes  his  designation,  be- 
ing under  the  dominion  of  some  eastern  power,  is  styled, 
in  the  language  of  the  office  from  which  the  bull  of  the 
appointment  is  issued,  to  be  in  partibus  inftdelium. 

The  emoluments  of  the  bishop  arise  from  three  sour- 
ces, which  are  usually,  the  best  parish  in  the  diocese, 
the  licenses,  and  the  cathedralicum. 

The  license  is,  a  dispensation  granted  by  the  bishop 
in  the  publication  of  banns,  for  which  a  sum  not  less 
than  a  crown,  and  according  to  the  means  of  the  parties, 
sometimes  half  a  guinea  or  a  guinea  is  paid.  And  as  it 
very  seldom  happens  that  the  parties  are  inclined  to 
have  the  banns  published,  the  generality  are  married  by 
license. 

The  cathedraticum  is,  a  yearly  sum,  generally  from 
two  to  ten  guineas,  given  by  each  parish  priest  to  the 
bishop,  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  his  parish,  for  the 
purpose  of  supporting  the  episcopal  dignity.  There  is  no 
law  to  enforce  this  tribute,  nor  any  obligation  to  pay  it, 
yet  it  is  a  very  ancient  practice,  and  is  never  omitted. 

Parish  priests  are  appointed  solely  by  the  bishop, 
and  if  collated,  or  having  three  years  peaceable  posses- 
sion, they  cannot  be  dispossessed,  otherwise  they  may 


APPENDIX.  C1X 

be  removed  at  pleasure.  A  collation,  is  a  written  ap- 
pointment signed  by  the  bishop,  by  which  he  confers  a 
parish  on  a  clergyman,  and  confides  it  indefinitely  to 
his  care. 

Coadjutors  or  curates  are  also  appointed  by  the 
bishop,  and  are  movable  at  will. 

The  parish  priest  is  supported  by  voluntary  contribu- 
tions, if  that  can  be  called  voluntary  which  is  esta- 
blished by  ancient  custom  and  general  prevalence.  His 
income  springs  from  various  sources ;  from  Easter  and 
Christmas  dues.  These  consist  in  a  certain  sum  paid 
by  the  head  of  every  family  to  the  parish  priest  for  his 
support,  and  in  consideration  of  his  trouble  in  cate- 
chising, instructing,  and  hearing  the  confessions  of  his 
family.  The  sum  is  greater  or  smaller  in  proportion  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  parishioners.  In  the  country 
parishes,  it  is  generally  a  shilling  at  Easter,  and  a  shil- 
ling at  Christmas.  Some  give  half-a-crown,  some  a 
crown,  and  some  few  a  guinea  a  year.  There  is  no 
general  ecclesiastical  law  to  enforce  the  payment  of 
these  trifles ;  but  as  the  mode  was  struck  out,  in  what 
has  been  denominated  the  council  of  Kilkenny,  under 
Rennucini,  it  has  continued  ever  since  (o  be  practised, 
and  from  custom  has  acquired  the  force  of  law. 

Weddings.  The  sum  to  be  paid  at  these  is  different 
in  different  dioceses.  The  usual  sum  given  by  the 
bridegroom  is  a  guinea ;  in  addition  to  which,  a  collec- 
tion is  frequently  made  among  the  friends  of  the  par- 
ties who  have  been  invited,  for  the  benefit  of  the  parish 
priest. 

The  consideration  made  to  the  clergyman  for  saying- 


CX  APPENDIX. 

mass  at  the  house  of  a  parishioner,  varies  in  different 
dioceses. 

The  general  stipend  of  the  curate  is  the  third  part 
of  the  general  receipts  of  the  parish.  But  in  some  in- 
stances, such  as  when  the  parish  priest  is  old,  infirm,  or 
unacquainted  with  Irish,  and  consequently  incapable  of 
lessening  in  any  great  degree  the  labour  of  the  curate, 
the  latter  frequently  receives  half  of  the  parochial  emolu- 
ments. 

Stations,  are  meetings  at  some  commodious  house 
appointed  by  the  priest  for  the  convenience  of  such 
people  as  live  at  a  distance  from  the  chapel,  where 
he  hears  their  confessions,  gives  the  communion,  cate- 
chises the  children,  &c. ;  and  it  is  at  their  half-yearly 
meetings  that  he  receives  his  Easter  or  Christmas 
dues. 

The  parochial  fae  for  each  christening  is  two  shil- 
lings or  half-a-crown,  besides  which  the  sponsors  usu- 
ally give  something  more.  Some  trifle  is  generally 
given  for  visiting  the  sick ;  a  shilling  usually  in  the 
country. 

In  some  parts  of  the  country,  custom  has  established 
that  a  certain  quantity  of  hay 'and  oats  is  sent  by  the 
more  opulent  parishioners  to  the  clergyman ;  that  his 
turf  should  be  cut,  his  corn  reaped,  his  meadow  mowed, 
&c.  gratis ;  and  I  have  heard  it  more  than  once  stated, 
that  in  some  parts  of  Ireland,  bordering  on  the  sea- 
coast,  a  certain  quantity  of  fish  is  given  to  the  priest, 
in  lieu  of  parochial  dues. 


APPENDIX,  CXI 

No.  XXI. 
ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE. 

I. — Constituency  of  Ireland. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  50/.,  20/.,  and  405. 
freeholders  in  Ireland,  at  the  period  of  the  last  general 
election  :* — 

County  of  £50  £20  40s. 

Antrim        ...  389  127  6,056 

Armagh      ...  145  129  9,802 

Carlow         ...  313  160  3,073 

Cavan          .         .         .486  218  7,110 

Clare           .         .         .  G05  327  13,035 

Cork            .         .         •  2,106  793  14,966 

Down          ...  644  147  13,324 

Dublin         ...  800  591  2,947 

Fermanagh          .         .  347  247  8,333 

Kerry          ...  741  438  5,537 

Kildare        ...  370  103  761 

Kilkenny     ...  520  63  589 

King's  County     .         .  819  48  377 

Leitrim        ...  45  113  5,950 

Limerick     .         .         .  1,119  774  10,793 

Londonderry        .         .  353  81  4,213 

Longford     ...  292  125  3,106 

.  *  The  very  great  disproportion  of  the  different  species  of  freeholders  as 
returned  in  this  statement,  may  convey  some  idea  of  the  great  extent  to 
which  the  Disfranchisement  bill  must  operate,  in  depriving  the  people  of 
Ireland  of  their  just  rights  as  freemen. 


CX11  APPENDIX. 

Louth,  there  are  3,000  freeholders,  but  the  amounts 
of  qualification  are  indiscriminately  mixed  in  the  book. 

Mayo  318  157  19,987 

Meath          ...  663  62  1,089 

Monaghan             .         .  261  109  6,754 

Queen's  County  .         .  762  225  4,483 

Roscommon         .         .441  199  8,685 

Tipperary             .         .  602  562  6,180 

Tyrone         ...  108  155  8,779 

Waterford            .        .  333  114  2,119 

Westraeath          .         .  441  131  2,275 

Wexford     .  580  452  8,194 

Wicklow     ...  257  59  1,086 

Returns  have  not  been  received  from  the  counties  of 
Donegal,  Galway,  and  Sligo. 

The  totals  of  the  above  are — forty  shillings,  179,103 — 
twenty  pounds,  6,909— fifty  pounds,  20,560.  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  that  they  afford  an  accurate  view 
of  the  real  state  of  the  constituency,  as  some  of  the 
clerks  of  the  peace  have  made  such  notifications  as  the 
following : — 

I  certify  that  the  foregoing  is  a  true  return,  as  the 
different  classes  of  freeholders  appear  entered  on  the 
registry ;  but  numbers  of  all  the  classes,  more  particu- 
larly the  fifty-pound  freeholders,  the  return  of  which 
goes  as  far  back  as  1795,  must  be  dead,  or  have  lost 
their  freeholds  by  the  expiration  of  their  titles,  by  the 
diminution  in  the  value  of  lands,  and  from  various  other 

causes. 

JAMES  CHETTETON, 

Clerk  of  the  Peace,  Co,  Cork. 


APPENDIX.  CX111 

I  do  not  think  that  more  than  one-half  of  the  above 
number  could  now  vote,  as  many  of  them  are  dead  ;  and 
almost  all,  if  not  the  entire,  of  the  forty-shilling  and 
twenty-pound  freeholders  are  twice  registered,  and  many 
three  times. 

ADAM  NIXON, 

Clerk  of  the  Peace  for  Fermanagh. 

The  forty-shilling  and  twenty-pound  freeholders  are, 
taken  up  from  April  1817 :  the  fifty-pound  freeholders 
from  December  1785:  many  of  the  fifty-pound  free- 
holders are  supposed  to  be  dead.  There  are  a  number 
of  forty-shilling  freeholders  lately  registered,  which, 
agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  House  of  Commons,  could 
not  be  included  in  the  foregoing  return. 

JOHN  FLOOD, 

Clerk  of  the  Peace,  Co.  Kilkenny. 

NOTE. — I  think  it  may  reasonably  be  presumed  that 
some  of  the  above  number,  whose  names  appear  on  the 
books,  are  not  now  living ;  and  I  believe  also,  that  the 
apparent  gross  number  is  multiplied,  from  the  circum- 
stance that  there  are  some  re-registries  among  the  forty- 
shilling  freeholders. 

ARTHUR  D'ESTERRE, 

Deputy  Clerk  of  the  Peace,  Co.  Limerick. 

We  cannot  help  remarking,  that  a  slovenliness  and 
indifference  are  manifest  in  most  of  the  documents  trans- 
mitted to  parliament  from  public  officers  in  this  country, 
which  deserve  the  strongest  censure.  Of  thirty-two 
returning  officers,  it  seldom  happens  that  three  will  take 

VOL,    II.  h 


CX1V  APPENDIX. 

the  same  view  of  the  duty  that  is  imposed  upon  them, 
or  discharge  it  in  a  similar  manner.  Some  will  alto- 
gether withhold  the  information  sought  to  be  obtained 
from  them,  arid  others  give  it  vaguely  and  imperfectly, 
in  instances  in  which  accuracy  and  precision  seem  not 
only  practicable  but  easy.  When  any  of  our  representa- 
tives next  moves  for  a  series  of  returns,  we  would  re- 
commend him  to  notice  the  matter  with  the  seriousness 
which  it  deserves. 

One  of  the  objects  in  seeking  for  freehold  lists  was, 
to  ascertain  the  number  of  forty-shilling  voters  who 
hold  in  fee.  "  John  Bourne,  clerk  of  the  peace  for 
Louth,"  could  not  give  the  least  information  on  the 
subject.  In  his  books  there  is  no  classification  of  the 
voters ;  but  there  is  preciseness  enough  to  enable  him 
to  bundle  all  together,  and  tell  the  aggregate  amount. 
We  beg  his  pardon.  On  looking  again  to  the  return, 
we  see  there  is  a  "  value  column;"  but  he  tells  us  that 
"  the  forty-shilling,  the  twenty-pound,  the  fifty-pound, 
and  the  hundred-pound  freeholders  are  indiscriminately 
mixed"  Perhaps  the  explanation  which  he  gives  of  this 
"  indiscriminate  mixture"  will  be  deemed  sufficient, 
namely,  that  "  there  never  was  a  contested  election  in 
the  county  of  Louth  since  the  year  1768."  May  we 
be  permitted  to  mention,  that  the  families  who  have  so 
capitally  succeeded  in  making  a  borough  of  this  county 
for  fifty-seven  years  are  the  Jocelyns  and  the  Fosters? 
Of  the  other  clerks  of  the  peace,  it  seems  three  (those 
of  Donegal,  Galway,  and  Sligo)  had  sent  no  returns,  bad 
or  good  ;  and  five  (those  of  Armagh,  Dublin,  Fermanagh, 
Kerry,  and  the  Queen's  County)  sent  returns,  but  were 


APPENDIX.  CXV 

not  able  to  state  any  thing  positively  with  regard  to  the 
fee  interests  of  the  forty-shilling  freeholders. 

The  Counties  of  which  the  reporters  are  able  to 
speak  with  certainty  are  twenty-two.  Of  these,  nine — 
viz. 


Antrim, 

Clare, 

Londonderry, 

Carlow, 

Cork, 

Longford,  and 

Cavan, 

Down, 

Louth— 

have  1661  forty-shilling  freeholders,  possessed  of  pro- 
perty in  fee,  supposing  the  numbers  set  down  for  Long- 
ford (1341)  to  be  correct.  This,  however,  a  London 
paper,  with  apparent  reason,  conceives  to  be  very  doubt- 
ful. The  Counties  in  which  it  is  ascertained  that  there 
are  no  freeholders  possessing  property  in  fee,  are — 


Kildare,                Louth, 

Tyrone, 

Kilkenny,             Mayo, 

Waterford, 

King's  County,    Meath, 

Westmeath, 

Leitrim,                Roscommon, 

and 

Limerick,             Tipperary, 

Wicklow, 

Tipperary  is  stated  as  containing  6002  fifty-shilling 
freeholders.  This,  too,  seems  manifestly  erroneous. 
Indeed  the  whole  return  is  all  through  clumsy,  unpre- 
cise,  and  unsatisfactory. 


CXV1  APPENDIX. 

II. — Freeholders  registered  and  Freemen  admitted  for 
the  last  seven  years  in  different  parts  of  Ireland  as 
far  as  returned  to  Parliament. 

Athlone                  ...  10 

Bandon                  ...  92 

Belfast                   ...  4 

Carrickfergus        ...  47 

Cashel                   ...  2 

Cork  freeholders                                .  12,267 

freemen        .               .               .  837 

Drogheda             .                .               .  574 

Dublin  freeholders               .               .  1,260 

freemen                   .               .  960 

Dungannon           .              .               .  770 

Kilkenny  freeholders          .               .  326 

freemen              .               .  212 

Kinsale  .  .42 

Mallow  .  .538 

Tralee                                  .  11 

Waterford  freeholders        ,               .  17 

freemen             .               .  66 

Yougbal                  .                             .  none 

No  returns  arrived  from  Clonmel,    Ennis,   Limerick, 
Londonderry,  Galway,  and  Portarlington. 

III. — Augmentation  and  Decrease  of  the  several  classes 
of  Freeholders  throughout  Ireland  from  1801  to 
1821. 

The  increase  and  decrease  of  freeholders  in  Ireland 
may  be  classed  under  the  following  heads  : — 


APPENDIX.  CXV11 


FORTY-SHILLING    FREEHOLDERS. 

1st,  In  Ulster,  since  1803  to  1821,  the  forty-shilling 
freeholders  remained  very  nearly  stationary,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  county  of  Londonderry,  where  they  quin- 
trupled,  and  Donegal,  where  they  doubled.  2nd,  In 
Leinster  there  was  a  very  great  change  within  the  same 
period.  This  appears  particularly  striking  on  compar- 
ing both  the  aggregate  and  the  details.  The  aggregate 
decreased  from  3*2,127  to  28,492.  There  was  a  dimi- 
nution of  about  half  in  the  King's  County ;  in  Kilkenny 
and  Louth  they  increased,  doubled  in  West  Meath 
and  Wexford,  and  tripled  in  Meath.  In  "Wicklow  they 
fell  off  about  one-third ;  in  the  other  counties  they  re- 
mained nearly  stationary.  3rd,  In  Connaught  the  aggre- 
gate number  of  forty-shilling  freeholders  increased  up- 
wards of  10,000.  This  augmentation  was  most  sensible 
in  Galway  and  Leitrim,  where  they  doubled ;  they  in- 
creased about  one-third  in  Mayo  and  Roscommon,  and  in 
Sligo  they  diminished  about  one-fifth,  4th,  In  the  pro- 
vince of  Munster,  the  augmentation  far  exceeded  that 
of  the  other  provinces.  The  aggregate  increased  from 
24,653  to  41,256.  This  augmentation  was  most  per- 
ceptible in  Limerick,  where  the  number  of  freeholders  in- 
creased one-fifth ;  in  Clare,  Cork,  and  Waterford,  where 
they  doubled  ;  but  especially  in  Tipperary,  where,  owing 
probably  to  a  series  of  contested  elections,  they  very 
nearly  tripled.  Kerry  appears  the  only  county  which  suf- 
fered any  diminution.  Its  forty-shilling  constituency  fell 
off  very  nearly  one-fifth.  In  the  cities,  generally  speak- 


CXVlll  APPENDIX. 

ing,  they  slightly  increased.  Dublin  formed  an  exception ; 
from  216  they  at  one  period  fell  off  to  21. 

FIFTY    AND    TWENTY    POUND    FREEHOLDERS. 

They  are  by  far  most  numerous,  in  proportion  to  its 
extent,  in  Leinster.  From  1801  to  1821,  the  fifties 
increased  one-third,  the  twenties  diminished  nearly 
one-half.  In  Ulster  the  fifties  increased  from  807  to 
1,888,  and  the  twenties  from  1,407  to  1,724.  This  is 
a  very  small  proportion  compared  with  the  forty-shil- 
ling constituency  of  the  same  province.  In  1821,  the 
forty-shilling  freeholders  amounted  to  27,737,  far  ex- 
ceeding the  proportion  of  this  description  of  electors  to 
the  fifty  and  twenty  pound  freeholders  in  any  other 
province.  Even  in  Connanght,  considered  the  poorest, 
the  number  of  fifty-pound  freeholders  exceed  those  in 
Ulster ;  their  forty-shilling  freeholders  were  considerably 
less.  As  in  Leinster,  the  fifty-pound  freeholders  slightly 
increased,  but  the  twenty-pound  freeholders,  though  in 
a  much  smaller  proportion,  diminished.  Munster  pre- 
sents the  most  remarkable  augmentation.  In  1803, 
there  were  6,795  fifties ;  they  had  increased  in  1821  to 
8,197.  The  twenties  had  not  suffered  by  this  altera- 
tion as  in  Leinster  and  Connaught,  but  had  risen  in 
the  same  period  from  3,254  to  5,572.  This  gives  a  very 
great  excess  above  the  fifty  and  twenty-pound  consti- 
tuency in  Ulster,  which,  nearly  equal  in  extent,  is  sup- 
posed to  be  far  richer  (and  with  its  riches  more  equally 
diffused)  than  Munster.  The  numerous  "  locations,"  as 
they  are  termed,  and  the  combination  of  manufactures 
with  agriculture,  sufficiently  account  for  the  very  large 


APPENDIX. 


CX1X 


amount  of  the  forty-shilling  constituency  in  the  North, 
but  I  am  not  aware  of  any  satisfactory  reason  for  the  pro- 
portionably  small  number  of  the  fifty  and  twenty  pound 
freeholders  in  the  same  district.  From  its  acknow- 
ledged superiority  in  civilization,  precisely  the  contrary 
phenomena  should  be  expected. 


IV. — List  of  the  numbers  of  Freeholders  polled  in 
ous  shires  in  England  in  which  severe  contests 
taken  place  within  a  recent  period. 

1820. 

Bedford. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         .    3,982 

Berk*. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         .    2,270 

Cumberland. 
Three  candidates. 

400 


var- 
have 


Total  number  of  votes 
Devon. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         .    6.2U8 

Glamorgan. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         .    3,741 

Durham. 

Two  candidates. 

Total  number  of  votes       .    1,284 

Middlesex. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes     .     10,G02 

Sussex. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes     .      5,515 
Westmoreland. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes     ,      4,341 


Bedford. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 

Huntingdon. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 
Northumberland. 
Four  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes 
Oxford. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes 
Somerset. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 

Surrey. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 

Sussex. 

Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 
Westmoreland. 
Three  candidates. 
Total  number  of  votes         . 


3,786 


2,737 


5,253 


3,598 


3*840 


5,735 


5,353 


5,499 


CXX  APPENDIX. 

V. — Elective  Franchise  in  France. 

The  Charter  declares  that  no  man  can  be  an  elector 
who  does  not  pay  300  francs  of  direct  taxes,  and  that  no 
man  is  eligible  who  does  not  pay  1,000  francs. 

The  law  of  the  5th  of  Feb.  1817,  a  law  proposed  by 
the  King,  who  was  the  author  of  the  charter,  and  after- 
wards sanctioned  by  him,  appeared  to  have  regulated 
for  ever  the  application  of  this  principle,  and  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  electoral  right.  This  organic  law  was 
identified  with  the  fundamental.  It  notwithstanding 
received  important  modifications  by  the  law  of  June 
1820. 

The  law  of  1817  declared,  that  every  Frenchman  pay- 
ing a  contribution  in  direct  taxes  of  300  francs  was  an 
elector,  and  that  every  Frenchman  paying  1,000  francs 
was  himself  eligible.  This  was  the  liberal  interpreta- 
tion of  the  charter. 

The  first  electors  were  highly  favourable  to  the  po- 
pular party.  The  inconsiderate  choice  of  the  Abbe 
Gregorie  gave  rise  to  the  most  violent  recriminations. 
The  King  was  alarmed ;  foreign  powers  interfered ;  and 
at  the  congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  they  exacted  from 
the  Duke  of  Richelieu  an  engagement  to  modify  the  law 
of  1817.  The  active  intrigues  of  the  Minister,  the  mur- 
der of  the  Duke  of  Berry,  the  creation  of  seventy  new 
peers  by  M.  de  Cazes,  finally  triumphed  over  the  cause 
of  the  nation.  The  law  of  the  29th  June,  1820,  was 
substituted  for  that  of  the  5th  September,  1817. 

A  third  election  law  was  passed  on  the  2nd  of  July 
last. 


APPENDIX.  CXX1 

The  result  of  these  laws  on  the  elective  franchise  is 
as  follows  : 

The  taxes  which  must  be  paid  to  give  the  rights  of 
election  and  eligibility  remain  unaltered. 

The  law  of  the  5th  of  February,  1817,  made  the  elec- 
tors meet  in  one  single  college,  in  the  chief  town  of  each 
department.  Thus  eighty-six  electoral  assemblies  were 
formed. 

The  law  of  June  29,  1820,  broke  the  Electoral  body 
into  factions,  and  created  two  hundred  and  seventy-eight 
arrondissement  colleges,  but  still  leaving  eighty-six  de- 
partmental colleges,  in  which  a  certain  number  of  elec- 
tors (forming  one-fourth  of  the  whole  electoral  body),  after 
having  voted  in  the  arrondissement  colleges,  again  vote. 
Thus  men  of  large  property  have  a  double  vote,  a  pri- 
vilege evidently  contrary  to  the  character  and  spirit  of 
our  laws. 

Not  satisfied  with  these  usurpations  of  the  rights  of 
the  public,  in  the  name  of  law,  no  description  of  vio- 
lence or  fraud  was  omitted,  in  order  to  procure  the  re 
turn  of  the  partisans  and  supporters  of  government. 
The  law  of  28th  of  July  last  has  attempted  to  establish 
some  security  against  the  return  of  such  abuses.  It 
presents  new  rules  for  the  formation  of  the  electoral 
lists,  and  authorises  the  intervention  of  hired  parties 
against  violations  of  the  franchise. 

The  provisions  by  which  contested  elections  are  de- 
cided are  numerous.  If  a  citizen  claiming  the  right  of 
voting  finds  himself  erroneously  described  in  the  list 
drawn  up  by  the  prefect,  he  may  proceed  in  support  of 
his  claim  before  that  magistrate  by  a  petition,  which  is 


CXX11  APPENDIX. 

tried  in  the  council  of  the  prefecture ;  arid  if  there  arise 
any  dispute  as  to  domicile,  or  the  rating  of  the  taxes, 
the  claimant  may  appeal  to  the  royal  courts,  which  give 
judgment  in  the  last  resort.  Third  persons,  that  is  to 
say,  other  electors  than  he  who  is  directly  interested  in 
the  question,  may  prosecute  the  person  who  has  pro- 
cured an  illegal  inscription.  The  proces  is  then  carried 
on  by  the  third  party  before  the  administration  of  the 
prefecture ;  and  on  the  appeal  before  the  royal  courts, 
all  the  keepers  of  civil  registers  and  of  lists  of  taxes, 
are  held  bound  to  allow  the  electors  to  examine  these 
documents,  and  to  deliver  extracts  from  them  when  re- 
quired. These  wise  and  patriotic  precautions  are  due 
to  the  law  of  2nd  July,  1828,  and  to  the  present  Ministry. 

When  an  eligible  candidate  is  chosen  deputy,  the  va- 
lidity of  his  return  is  decided  on  by  the  chamber,  which 
is  divided  into  nine  bureaus  or  sections  formed  by  lot. 
The  bureau  to  which  the  returned  candidate  belongs 
examines  his  election,  and  a  report  of  that  examination 
is  made  to  the  chamber  in  a  public  sitting. 

There  are  no  hustings,  no  processions,  no  expense 
ruinous  to  the  candidates.  The  elections  are  perfectly 
peaceable.  They  take  place  in  the  towns  marked  out 
by  the  president.  The  electoral  assembly  appoints  four 
scrutators  and  a  secretary : — an  election  may  be  con- 
cluded in  a  day.  The  Urn  for  receiving  the  votes  is 
open  from  eight  in  the  morning  till  three  in  the  after- 
noon. Every  elector  votes  secretly,  by  delivering  to 
the  president  a  sealed  billet  which  contains  his  vote. 
To  render  the  election  valid,  the  Electoral  assembly 
must  consist  of  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  electors  in- 


APPENDIX.  CXX111 

scribed  on  the  list,  and  the  candidate  must  have  an  ab- 
sulute  majority  of  the  suffrages.  The  secrecy  of  the 
vote  is  rigorously  required;  and  nothing  revolted  the 
public  against  the  last  administration  more  than  the  in- 
decent manner  in  which  the  violation  of  this  rule  was 
encouraged.  The  candidates  doubtless  endeavour  to 
gain  the  favour  of  the  electors ;  but  a  failure  would  be 
certain  were  money  to  be  distributed  amongst  them. 
The  only  expenses  consist  in  a  few  dinners  given  and  re- 
ceived, and  in  the  line  of  carriages  to  bring  up  distant 
or  tardy  electors. 

The  deputies  are  elected  for  seven  years.  An  elec- 
tor cannot  vote  until  he  is  thirty,  and  a  candidate  must 
be  forty  to  entitle  him  to  be  elected.  These  precau- 
tions against  the  vivacity  of  the  French  character  might 
be  modified  with  advantage.  The  former  might  be  re- 
duced to  twenty-five  and  the  latter  to  the  thirty. 

The  number  of  electors  in  1820  was  102,000.  It  is 
now  not  more  than  88,000,  in  consequence  of  an  altera- 
tion in  the  land-tax.  The  number  eligible  for  deputies 
was  then  22,000;  they  do  not  at  present  amount  to  more 
than  16,000,  a  very  inconsiderable  number  indeed,  in  a 
nation  containing  32,000,000  of  inhabitants. 

VI. — Comparison  between  the  English  and  French  mode 
of  Election,  by  a  recent  French  Traveller  in  Ireland, 
Monsieur  Duvergier. 

"  What  do  you  think  of  our  elections  ?"  Such  is  the 
question  I  am  asked  almost  every  day  ;  and,  simple  as  it 
may  at  first  appear,  I  find  it  extremely  difficult  to 


CXX1V  APPENDIX. 

answer  it.  The  English  elections  are  in  fact  a  very 
singular  mixture  of  ever}/  thing  the  most  noble  and  the 
most  vile,  the  most  serious  and  the  most  ridiculous,  of 
the  very  best  and  the  very  worst  in  our  nature.  On  one 
side,  orgies,  gross  and  debasing,  a  market  where  con- 
science is  set  up  to  the  highest  bidder,  a  hideous  picture 
of  disorder,  riot,  tumult,  and  brutality  ;  on  the  other, 
the  platform  raised  in  the  midst  of  the  public  square, 
the  initiation  of  the  people  in  all  the  most  important 
affairs  of  the  country,  and  the  grand  spectacle  of  an  in- 
telligent and  free  nation,  called  forth  to  decide  on  its 
own  destinies  and  interests.  How  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  considerations,  each  so  completely  distinct  from 
the  other,  is  it  at  all  practicable  to  give  a  sure  or  de- 
cided opinion  ?  This  difficulty  augments  as  you  de- 
scend to  details.  The  great  number  of  the  electors, 
the  publicity  of  their  votes,  the  open  contest  between 
the  candidates,  all  these  are  most  admirable  institutions ; 
but  then  in  return  how  many  absurdities — how  many 
anomalies  do  they  embrace?  How  many  populous 
cities  are  there  without  any  representatives  ?  how  many 
counties  which  cannot  be  approached  without  the  pass- 
port of  many  thousand  pounds?  how  many  boroughs 
where  some  rich  proprietor,  or  his  agent,  or  coachman, 
are  the  only  electors  ?  in  fine,  every  thing  which  can  be 
imagined  most  capricious,  absurd,  and  oppressive.  There 
are  some  clever  people  in  France,  who  set  the  question 
at  rest  without  quitting  their  firesides,  and  decide  at 
once,  according  to  their  respective  prejudices,  that  the 
English  elections  are  the  most  admirable  or  abominable 
of  political  institutions.  I,  who  have  just  witnessed 


APPENDIX.  CXXV 

these  elections,  am  considerably  less  advanced.     I  do  not 
know  what  opinion  I  am  to  form. 

In  this  confusion  however  of  good  and  evil,  is  it  not 
possible  to  make  some  sort  of  choice  ?  Here  are  mon- 
strous abuses,  recognised  as  such  by  the  entire  country : 
how  comes  it  that  the  entire  country  is  not  yet  agreed 
to  erase  them  at  once  from  the  code  of  her  laws  ?  Thus 
purified  from  the  corruptions  which  deface  it,  the  effects 
of  such  a  system  would  be  soon  felt  by  the  blessings  and 
advantages  which  it  would  be  so  well  calculated  to  pro- 
duce. Such  was  my  conviction  but  a  month  or  two  ago. 
A  closer  and  more  attentive  examination  has  since 
taught  me  very  materially  to  modify  this  opinion ;  and 
the  proposition  of  Lord  John  Russell  now  appears  to  me 
but  very  little  better  than  mere  trifling.  Like  the  sys- 
tem of  the  Jesuits,  it  is  essential  that  the  election  sys- 
tem of  England  should  exist  as  it  is,  or  not  exist  at  all. 
It  is  an  edifice,  the  component  parts  of  which,  though 
ill  linked  in  appearance,  are  indissoluble  in  reality. 
Throw  it  down  if  you  think  proper,  and  build  up  ano- 
ther in  its  place ;  but  to  think  of  repairing  it  under  its 
present  form  is  the  very  worst  of  absurdities  :  instead 
of  making  it  better,  you  will  only  make  it  worse. 
Look  for  example  at  the  rotten  boroughs :  it  is  against 
them  in  particular  that  is  usually  levelled  the  whole 
artillery  of  the  demi-reformers.  Now,  in  the  actual 
state  of  things,  the  rotten  boroughs  are  the  only  seats 
open  to  talent,  the  only  counterpoise  to  the  immense 
ascendancy  of  birth  and  fortune.  Without  the  rotten 
boroughs,  you  must  have  a  property  of  20,000/.  a  year 
to  qualify  you  for  a  place  in  the  House  of  Commons. 


CXXV1  APPENDIX. 

Without  them  Mr.  Canning  would  never  have  been 
Minister,  nor  Mr.  Brougham  head  of  the  opposition. 
The  borough  of  Grampourid  carried  on  a  public  traflic 
on  the  rights  of  election.  In  order  to  visit  this  abuse 
with  the  punishment  it  merited,  the  legislature  has 
transferred  to  the  county  of  York  the  privilege  of 
choosing  the  two  members  who  formerly  were  returned 
by  the  borough  of  Grampound.  Nothing  could  be 
fairer  in  appearance  than  such  an  adjudication;  and 
yet,  in  the  reality,  what  is  the  result?  That  from  a 
smaller  place  two  seats  in  parliament  have  passed  to 
a  greater.  For  four  or  five  thousand  pounds,  a  person 
might  have  represented  Grampound.  Now,  to  repre- 
sent Yorkshire,  you  must  at  least  run  the  chance  of 
losing  80,000/. :  and  this  is  what  is  usually  termed  an 
amelioration ! 

Such,  generally  speaking,  are  most  of  the  half  mea- 
sures which  are  annually  proposed  in  parliament.  One 
or  two  Lords,  to  acquire  a  certain  share  of  popularity  at 
a  small  expense,  may  indulge,  if  such  be  their  fantasy,  in 
preaching  up  these  partial  kinds  of  reform  :  they  may 
thunder  against  the  rotten  boroughs,  if  so  they  will,  or 
generously  extend  from  fifteen  days  to  a  month  the  time 
allotted  to  pursue  and  punish  corruption  :  but  the  peo- 
ple of  England  are  not  to  be  deceived  ;  they  are  opening 
their  eyes ;  they  are  no  longer  to  be  amused  by  these 
paltry  expedients.  They  fully  feel,  that  the  object  they 
have  in  view  is  of  a  totally  different  nature,  and  that  an 
entire  and  thorough  remodelling  of  the  system  can 
alone  radically  and  efficiently  improve  it.  This  also  is  the 
opinion  of  Bentham  and  his  school ;  but,  in  his  passion 


APPENDIX.  CXXV11 

for  abstractions,  Bentham  sweeps  away  both  the  good 
and  the  evil.  In  his  plan  there  are  no  more  hustings, 
no  more  public  meetings,  no  more  public  speaking,  no 
more  votes  given  boldly  and  freely  in  public ;  but  in 
each  village  there  is  proposed  in  their  stead  a  box, 
where  secretly  and  without  the  least  noise  each  citizen 
may  come  and  drop  his  billet;  in  a  word,  silence  and 
mystery  are  every  where  substituted  for  agitation  and 
publicity ;  a  great  deal  of  order,  but  no  spirit ;  a  sem- 
blance, a  shadow,  but  no  life.  Is  not  this  treating  the 
man  like  a  machine,  and  the  whole  moral  system  like 
a  system  of  algebra  ?  Better,  a  thousand  times  better, 
the  elections  as  they  are,  with  all  their  turbulence  and 
corruption. 

Augment  the  number  of  electors,  they  exclaim  in 
another  direction,  and  when  every  citizen  is  called  on  to 
vote,  seduction  will  be  rendered  impracticable.  Take 
every  means  to  diminish  them,  they  repeat  in  a  third, 
and  the  choice  of  our  representatives  will  then  be  en- 
trusted to  men  of  honour,  bond  fide  proprietors  of  the 
soil,  who  will  not  descend  to  a  base  traffic  upon  their 
rights.  The  first  of  these  opinions  leads  directly  to 
universal  suffrage,  and  Preston  is  there  to  furnish  a 
reply.  As  to  the  second,  I  much  doubt  whether  it  be 
in  any  degree  preferable.  In  the  present  system,  the 
contest  is  carried  on,  at  least  with  equal  arms.  An 
elector,  whatever  may  be  his  vote,  is  sure  to  have  his 
conveyance,  eating  and  drinking,  at  free  cost.  As  long 
as  bribery  goes  no  farther  than  this,  he  is  in  the  full 
and  perfect  enjoyment  of  his  freedom.  Raise  the  quali- 
fication of  the  franchise,  and  to  the  bribery  of  a  few 


CXXV111  APPENDIX. 

bottles  of  wine  will  soon  succeed  the  bribery  of  place 
and  pension.  France  can  furnish  some  useful  illus- 
trations on  this  head.  It  must  not  be  imagined  that 
those  whose  rental  exceeds  one  thousand  francs  a  year 
are  at  all  less  disposed  to  sell  themselves,  than  those 
whose  rental  is  considerably  below  that  standard.  The 
whole  difference  appears  to  be,  that  they  sell  themselves 
for  something  else,  and  this  something  else,  like  a  bottle 
of  wine,  is  at  the  disposition  of  all  the  world.  One  man 
is  anxious  to  obtain  for  his  son  a  commission  in  the 
army,  another,  a  situation  in  the  church.  In  England, 
as  elsewhere,  these  advantages  are  not  to  be  obtained 
without  influence  and  protection.  The  irresistible 
argument  also  of  many  of  the  more  enlightened  classes, 
"  Of  what  consequence  is  one  vote  more? — if  I  am  not 
the  person,  it  will  be  some  one  else"  comes  very  oppor- 
tunely in  aid  of  such  arrangements,  and  without  much 
more  delay  the  son  obtains  his  appointment.  With 
what  justice  or  propriety  can  such  men  as  these  look 
down  on  that  inferior  class  of  electors,  whose  corruption 
is  confined  to  occasional  intoxication  ? 

Every  year  a  variety  of  new  schemes  are  submitted 
to  the  consideration  of  the  legislature ;  for  of  those  who 
are  the  most  vociferous  for  reform,  there  are  not  two 
perhaps  who  understand  the  word  in  precisely  the  same 
sense.  Yet  with  all  this,  clubs  of  reformers,  annual  meet- 
ings of  reformers,  are  to  be  met  every  where,  amongst 
whom  the  most  touching  and  affecting  unanimity  seems 
to  prevail.  You  would  suppose  they  were  all  animated 
by  a  single  soul,  so  much  emotion  is  there  in  their  lan- 
guage, such  a  spirit  of  brotherhood  and  good-fellowship 


APPENDIX.  CXX1X 

distinguishes  their  public  speeches.  There  is  but  one 
omission  in  all  this,  that,  they  forget  to  express  distinctly 
what  are  the  real  objects  they  have  in  view,  or  rather 
they  do  not  forget,  but  take  good  care,  how  they  com- 
mit so  material  an  imprudence.  Suppose,  for  instance, 
assembled  at  the  same  table,  the  opposition  and  the 
counter-opposition  of  France.  As  long  as  they  confine 
themselves  to  general  attacks  upon  the  Ministry,  or  to 
vague  declamations  in  praise  of  liberty,  every  thing 
would  probably  go  as  well  as  could  be  desired.  But 
do  you  imagine,  that  the  moment  they  should  take  it 
into  their  heads  to  give  their  opinions  a  precise  and 
determinate  form,  the  whole  of  this  flattering  appear- 
ance of  harmony  would  not  immediately,  in  some  man- 
ner or  other,  be  taken  up  ?  Now  this  is  precisely  the 
case  with  the  reformers  of  England. 

What  conclusions  then  are  we  to  draw  from  all  this  ? 
That  the  country  is  not  yet  ripe  for  a  Parliamentary 
Reform  ;  that  this  reform  ought  perhaps  not  to  precede 
but  to  follow  many  other  changes  of  still  higher  import ; 
and  that  in  awaiting  this  desirable  amelioration,  the 
people  of  England  cannot  do  better  than  to  sit  down 
satisfied  with  the  existing  system.  From  so  much  in- 
quiry and  discussion  as  lately  have  taken  place,  a  clear 
and  simple  idea  must  sooner  or  later  undoubtedly  spring 
up,  which  in  due  time  will  strike  all  eyes,  and  shake  to 
their  foundation  every  remaining  prejudice.  It  will 
then  be  full  time  to  embody  such  idea  into  a  law ;  but 
till  then,  every  attempt  at  change  will  be  little  other 
than  an  innovation  without  an  improvement.  Taking 
every  thing  together,  there  is  besides,  it  must  be  re- 
VOL.  ii.  i 


CXXX  APPENDIX. 

member-ed,  in  the  present  system,  something  exceedingly 
vigorous  and  grand.  It  is  surely  no  ordinary  spectacle, 
that  of  a  nation  convened  upon  an  appointed  day,  to 
hear  the  humble  supplication  of  its  rulers,  and  accord- 
ing to  their  works  to  confirm  or  cashier  them :  such  an 
institution  may  well  defy  many  sneers,  and  resist  the  in- 
fluence of  many  inherent  vices.  And  what  in  effect  are 
its  actual  results  ?  Of  six  hundred  and  fifty  members, 
riot  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  have  been  changed, 
and  already  the  eyes  of  the  public  are  turned  on  all 
sides  towards  the  new  parliament.  The  numerical  ma- 
jority it  is  well  known  cannot  suffer  any  material  altera- 
tion, and  yet  every  one  is  in  expectation  and  suspense. 
What  is  the  cause  of  this  singular  phenomenon?  and 
how  comes  it  that  an  assembly  born  in  the  very  lap  of 
riches  and  corruption,  is  capable  of  inspiring  an  interest 
so  lively  ?  how  is  it  possible,  that  any  thing  can  be  ex- 
pected from  a  meeting  so  defectively  constituted  in  its 
very  origin  ?  It  is,  because  the  very  right  of  election 
implies  a  power  which  is  superior  to  it ;  and  as  long  as 
it  shall  be  permitted  to  develope  itself  freely,  this  power, 
in  England,  must  always  end  by  carrying  before  it 
every  other.  I  speak  of  public  opinion,  of  the  sove- 
reign ruler  of  the  entire  nation,  the  power  before  which 
must  bow  all  other  powers  in  the  country.  The  aristo- 
cracy itself  exists  but  through  and  by  it,  and  is  com- 
pelled to  flatter  its  supremacy,  in  order  to  maintain  its 
own  due  rank  and  station  in  the  community.  Where  the 
public  manners  continue  pure  and  vigorous,  where  the 
press  is  free,  where  the  right  of  associating  and  meeting 
iii  public  is  without  control  or  restriction,  what  could  a 


APPENDIX.  CXXX1 

parliament  be  capable  of  effecting  which  was  once  aban- 
doned by  public  opinion  ?  On  all  sides  would  soon  spring 
up  new  rivals,  in  new  Houses,  in  new  assemblies  of  the 
nation,  who,  chosen  freely  by  the  will  of  the  people, 
would  soon  rise  above  it  in  popular  estimation.  Towards 
them  exclusively  would  the  public  direct  its  attention, 
in  them  exclusively  would  the  public  repose  its  confi- 
dence. In  vain  would  the  legitimate  House  of  Com- 
mons send  forth  its  decrees;  in  vain  would  it  fulminate 
its  prohibitions  :  its  competitors  would  revive  under  a 
thousand  pretexts,  and  favoured  by  the  very  agitation 
and  tumult  even  of  the  electors,  they  would  ultimately 
succeed  by  governing  the  country.  Let  no  one  then  be 
deceived ;  public  opinion  has  always  in  the  end  obtained 
what  it  willed  with  energy;  and  if,  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  the  English  code  continues  still  to  be  stained 
with  the  relics  of  former  fanaticism  and  inequality,  it  is 
because  inequality  and  fanaticism  still  exist  in  the  man- 
ners and  mind  of  the  English  people. 

For  a  considerable  time,  the  reformers  seem  alto- 
gether to  have  passed  over  this  important  truth.  It  was 
against  the  parliament  that  their  efforts  were  exclusively 
directed.  They  seem  scarcely  to  have  thought  of  re- 
mounting to  the  original  principle.  At  last,  however, 
their  eyes  are  opened.  They  no  longer  aim  at  the  sum- 
mit, but  at  the  base,  well  assured  of  a  complete  victory 
the  moment  that  public  opinion  shall  declare  in  their 
favour.  Hence  it  is  that  books  have  replaced  conspira- 
cies, and  the  corn  question  that  of  annual  parliaments. 
This  new  march  of  things  and  men  cannot  but  be  at- 
tended with  some  great  result.  Thanks  to  such  a  change ; 


CXXX11  APPENDIX. 

the  great  political  farce,  so  long  played  off  between  op- 
posite parties,  has  now  almost  entirely  disappeared,  or 
rather  those  parties  themselves  have  very  nearly  become 
extinguished.  When  in  the  present  day  we  talk  either 
of  a  Whig  or  a  Tory,  we  talk  of  things  which  no  longer 
have  a  meaning.  Mr.  Canning  is  a  Tory,  and  yet  he  it 
was  who  proposed  the  changes  which  have  lately  taken 
place  in  the  corn  laws.  Lord  Grey  is  a  Whig,  and  he, 
it  is  said,  has  declared  in  parliament,  that  he  will  trans- 
mit untouched  to  his  son  the  inheritance  of  his  fathers. 
Sir  Francis  Burdett  is  a  Radical,  and  he  professes  the 
most  marked  aversion  to  any  system  which  does  not 
sanction  the  principle  of  entail,  and  the  inequality  which 
at  present  exists  in  the  division  and  apportioning  of  pro- 
perty. After  such  anomalies,  I  should  like  to  hear 
what  constitutes  the  essential  difference  between  Tory, 
Whig,  and  Radical.  Between  Whig  and  Tory,  Hunt 
professes  to  see  but  one  distinction,  that  the  Tory  is 
actually  in  power,  and  the  Whig  is  anxious  to  be  so. 
This  opinion  indeed  may  be  considered  applicable  to  a 
great  number  of  Whigs.  For  many  years,  opinions 
were  never  consulted  in  the  selection  of  a  party.  A 
man  assumed  the  principles  of  Whig  or  Tory,  from 
mere  family  compact  or  inheritance:  the  member  of 
such  and  such  a  house  could  not  without  dishonour  sit 
down  on  the  benches  of  the  opposition,  or  of  such  ano- 
ther, on  those  of  the  treasury  : — they  were  ministerialists 
or  oppositionists  born.  In  other  particulars,  they  had 
in  every  respect  the  same  ideas,  the  same  opinions,  and 
the  same  prejudices.  I  am  acquainted  with  a  circle  in 
London,  the  admission  into  which  requires  the  proof  of 


APPENDIX.  CXXX111 

at  least  four  quarters  of  nobility ;  and  more  than  one 
Whig  of  high  birth  inveighs  with  bitterness  against 
those  villanous  shopkeepers,  who  have  had  the  insolence 
to  blazon  upon  their  equipages  their  coats  of  arms. 
Speak  of  the  game  laws  to  Mr.  Peel  or  Sir  Francis 
Burdett,  and  then  tell  me  which  of  the  two  is  the 
most  liberal  ? 

This  decomposition  or  dissolution  of  ancient  parties, 
is  indeed  quite  evident  to  the  most  casual  observer. 
The  elements  which  originally  composed  them  must  in 
time  have  acquired  new  affinities.     Until  these  affinities 
shall  be  clearly  ascertained,  there  of  course  will  continue 
to  be  much  confusion  and  disorder,  but  out  of  this  dis- 
order, sooner  or  later  must  arise,   a  new  system,  a  bet- 
ter order  of  things.     To  a  classification  altogether  fac- 
titious, will  gradually  succeed  another,  infinitely  more 
natural :  every  one  will  then  know  his  objects  and  his 
intentions,  what  he  aims  at,  whither  he  is  going,  and 
the  public  will  no  longer  be  duped  by  a  few  high-sound- 
ing words.     The  discussion  of  the  corn  question  is  well 
calculated  to  accelerate  these  changes.     There  will  ere 
long   be   a   struggle,    direct    and   uncompromising ;    a 
struggle  of  substantial  and  solid  interests,  between  the 
contending   powers   of  the    community ;   and   such   in 
general  are  all  those  which  lead  to  any  thing  efficient  or 
permanent  in  a  country.     The  question  for  decision  will 
then  be,  whether  a  few  Lords,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping 
up  their  incomes  to  their  present  rental,  will  insist  on 
their  privilege  of  starving  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
Neither  the  people  nor  Mr.  Canning  seem  to  be  of  thig 
opinion :  but  the  aristocracy  is  alarmed,  and  it  is  not 


CXXX1V  APPENDIX. 

unlikely  the  whole  will  end  by  a  mutual  compromise 
between  all  parties.  In  such  a  case,  however,  to  com- 
promise is  to  yield.  Taken  individually,  four  hundred 
out  of  the  six  hundred  members  of  the  Commons,  are 
very  possibly  supporters  of  the  most  absolute  prohibi- 
tion ;  but  in  their  public  capacity,  they  dare  not  for  an 
instant  maintain  these  sentiments,  so  completely  are 
they  under  the  wholesome  control  of  that  public  opi- 
nion, which  in  other  places  and  circumstances  they 
affect  to  despise.  Under  such  a  guardianship  as  this, 
there  cannot  exist  a  bad  parliament. 

After  he  has  witnessed  the  elections,  conduct  a  stranger 
into  the  House  of  Commons,  and  he  will  not  believe  it 
possible  that  such  means  could  produce  so  remarkable 
a  result,  or  that  a  machine  so  rickety  in  itself,  when 
applied  to  use,  could  work  so  well.  To  solve  the  pro- 
blem, a  word  or  two  will  be  sufficient.  With  such, 
every  thing  becomes  intelligible;  without  them,  nothing. 
Chain  to-morrow  the  English  press ;  prohibit  the  citi- 
zens from  meeting  or  speaking  in  public  ;  prevent  them 
from  associating  together,  as  they  may  think  proper ; 
see  that  the  elections  be  conducted  in  secrecy  and  si- 
lence, and  in  a  very  short  period  you  will  have  Venice 
instead  of  London.  Yet  all  the  forms  of  the  constitu- 
tion shall  religiously  be  preserved  ;  and  more  than  one 
politician  may  still  continue  to  indulge  in  ecstasies  on 
the  exact  balance  of  the  several  constituent  powers  of 
the  republic.  Between  the  43rd  and  51st  degree  of 
latitude,  there  does  exist  a  country  which  has  nearly 
come  to  this.  But  as  long  as  a  certain  word  remains 
written  on  a  certain  piece  of  paper,  for  a  great  portion 


APPENDIX.  CXXXV 

of  mankind,  it  is  quite  sufficient.  It  reminds  one  of 
the  horse  which  Orlando  dragged  after  him :  the  beast 
was  an  admirable  one,  it  is  true,  but  it  had  one  defect, 
that  of  being  dead. 

No.  XXII. 

WATERFORD  ELECTION. 

I.— First  Address  of  Lord  George  Beresford  to  the 
Noblemen,  Gentlemen,  Clergy,  and  Freeholders,  of 
the  County  of  Waterford, 

Gentlemen, 

I  would  not  have  intruded  myself  upon  your  atten- 
tion, at  a  time  when  the  exercise  of  your  elective  fran- 
chise must  be  distant,  did  I  not  fear  that  my  silence 
might  be  misinterpreted  ;  and  I  should  indeed  regret, 
that  any  of  those  friends  whose  independent  support 
has  rendered  my  success  certain  (let  a  dissolution  of 
parliament  take  place  when  it  may),  should  believe  that 
the  security  with  which  they  have  invested  me  can 
ever  make  me  unmindful  that  it  is  to  their  kindness  I 
owe  it. 

I  fully  agree  with  my  juvenile  antagonist,  that  the 
result  of  the  approaching  contest  will  do  much  to  de- 
termine the  real  nature  of  the  elective  franchise — to 
determine  whether  property  is  to  have  its  due  weight, 
and  whether  the  long-cherished  relations  of  landlord 
and  tenant  are  to  exert  their  fair  and  legitimate  influ- 
ence, or  whether  the  political  obedience  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  freeholder  is  due  to  his  spiritual  guide — and 
whether  the  county  of  Waterford  is  to  put  forth  its 


CXXXV1  APPENDIX. 

strength  in  the  dignity  of  independence,  or  to  crouch 
to  a  coalition  hatched  and  held  together  by  a  few  dema- 
gogues, unconnected  with  your  county,  who  claim  that 
toleration  they  have  never  practised. 
Gentlemen, 

I  seek  a  seat  in  parliament  at  your  hands,  as  an 
object  of  ambition — of  honest,  of  honourable  ambi- 
tion. I  seek  your  independent  support  upon  prin- 
ciples as  independent,  and  ofter  myself  to  your  con- 
sideration, not  as  an  intolerant  or  party  man  (as  has 
been  invidiously  alleged  against  me),  but  as  an  inde- 
pendent candidate,  unshackled  by  coalition,  unfettered 
by  associations,  unsubdued  by  demagogues,  unawed  by 
power,  and  unpledged  to  the  support  of  men  or  mea- 
sures ;  free  as  that  glorious  constitution  which  we  justly 
prize  as  our  dearest  inheritance,  and  determined  con- 
scientiously and  fearlessly  to  support  the  best  interests 
of  my  native  country  and  of  the  empire  at  large. 

Upon  these  principles  I  rest  my  pretensions,  and 
solicit  your  powerful  and  constitutional  support,  to  re- 
buke and  annihilate  the  unnatural  and  intolerant  com- 
bination formed  against  your  rights  and  independence. 
Nor  can  I  for  a  moment  doubt  that  your  spirited  and 
patriotic  exertions  will  maintain  me  in  the  proud  situa- 
tion which  I  now  hold,  and  in  which  my  family  and 
myself  have  long  had  the  honour  to  serve  you. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Gentlemen, 

Your  much  obliged  and  devoted  Servant, 
GEORGE  T.  BERESFORD. 

Cnrraghmore,  21st  October,  1825. 


APPENDIX.  CXXXV11 


II.—  Address  of  H.  Villiers  Stuart,  Esq.  to  the  Gentle- 
men, Clergymen,  and  Freeholders,  of  the  County 
Waterford, 

Gentlemen, 

Called  upon  as  I  have  been  by  a  great  majority  of 
the  independent  electors,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  announce 
without  further  delay  my  intention  of  offering  myself  as 
a  candidate  for  the  representation  of  your  county  at  the 
next  election. 

Little  known  as  yet  in  public  life,  I  could  not  think 
of  soliciting  your  suffrages  without  giving  you  previ- 
ously an  open  and  explicit  declaration  of  my  political 
sentiments. 

To  the  British  constitution,  which  is  the  basis  of 
our  liberties  and  our  glory,  I  feel  an  ardent  attachment ; 
and  as  Catholic  emancipation  is  that  measure  which  in 
my  mind  is  best  calculated  to  uphold  and  strengthen  it, 
my  constant  and  most  strenuous  exertions  shall  be  di- 
rected towards  its  accomplishment.  In  making  this 
declaration,  my  motive  is  not  one  of  selfish  policy,  which 
would  accommodate  principle  to  temporary  advantage. 
I  am  influenced  by  a  strong  sense  of  the  justice  of  the 
claims  of  my  Catholic  fellow- subjects,  and  by  an  entire 
confidence  in  the  honesty  of  their  views  and  principles. 
The  desire  which  they  manifest,  with  so  unequivocal  a 
unanimity,  to  be  relieved  from  disabilities  and  to  share 
in  the  privileges  of  the  state,  while  it  affords  a  proof 
that  they  duly  appreciate  the  value  of  a  free  constitu- 
tion, gives  the  strongest  and  best  assurance  of  their  dis- 


CXXXV111  APPENDIX. 

position  to  maintain  it. — Every  true  friend  to  the  real 
welfare  of  the  empire  must  be  deeply  interested  in  the 
success  of  this  great  measure.  Ireland  can  never  prosper 
nor  enjoy  tranquillity,  nor  will  the  security  of  England 
rest  on  a  solid  basis,  whilst  seven  millions  of  inhabitants 
are  kept,  on  account  of  tenets  purely  religious,  in  a  state 
of  political  servitude. 

As  I  mean  now  to  have  the  honour  of  making  per- 
sonal application  to  each  of  you,  I  deem  it  right  to 
make  this  explicit  avowal  as  to  the  terms  upon  which  I 
aspire  to  the  high  honour  of  becoming  one  of  your 
representatives  in  parliament.  I  would  not  purchase  a 
single  vote  by  any  artful  disguise  of  my  sentiments 
upon  a  subject  of  such  paramount  interest  to  the  empire 
at  large,  and  of  such  peculiar  importance  to  the  county 
of  Waterford ;  and  if  I  have  the  misfortune  of  differing 
with  any  of  my  friends  upon  this  great  and  vital  ques- 
tion, I  have  only  to  claim  that  indulgence  to  which 
honest  conviction  is  justly  entitled. 

With  every  feeling  of  respect, 

I  have  the  honour  to  remain, 

Gentlemen, 
Your  obedient  humble  Servant, 

HENRY  VILLIERS  STUART. 

Waterford,  August  8,  1825. 

III.— Sum  Total  of  the  Poll. 

Mr.  Power  ....  1424 
Mr.  Stuart  ....  1357 
Lord  George  Beresford  .  .  528 


APPENDIX.  CXXX1X 

Besides  upwards  of  seven  hundred  freeholders  more, 
who  were  ready  to  come  to  the  poll,  for  Power  and 
Stuart,  when  his  Lordship  gave  in. 

No.   XXIII. 

ORDER   OF  LIBERATORS. 

Rules  and  Regulations  of  the   Order. 

The  Order  of  the  Liberators  is  a  voluntary  association 
of  Irishmen  for  purposes  legal  and  useful  to  Ireland. 

The  objects  of  "  The  Order"  are  these  :— 

I.  As  a  mode  of  expressing  the  gratitude  and  con- 
fidence of  the  people  for  past  services : — 

II.  To  form  a  society  of  persons,  who  will  consider  it 
a  duty  due  to  their  country  to  effectuate  the  following 
purposes : — 

No.  1.  To  prevent  the  formation  or  continuance  in 
their  respective  vicinages  of  any  secret  society  or  con- 
federacy whatsoever,  the  greatest  evil  in  Ireland,  and 
that  which  has  tended  most  to  prevent  the  success  of 
her  efforts  to  meliorate  the  condition  of  the  people, 
being  secret  societies.  No  person  who  is  not  deeply 
convinced  of  this  truth,  can  belong  to  the  Order  of 
Liberators. 

No.  2.  To  conciliate  all  classes  of  Irishmen  in  one 
bond  of  brotherhood  and  affection,  so  that  all  religious 
animosities  may  for  ever  cease  among  Irishmen. 

No.  3.  To  bury  in  total  and  eternal  oblivion  all 
ancient  animosities  and  reproaches,  no  matter  by  whom 
inflicted  or  who  may  be  the  sufferer. 

No.  4.   To  prevent  the  future  occurrence  of  feuds 


CXl  APPENDIX. 

and  riots  at  markets,  fairs,  and  patrons,  and  to  reconcile 
the  parties  and  factions  which  have  hitherto  disgraced 
many  parts  of  Ireland. 

No.  5.  To  promote  the  collection  of  a  national  fund 
for  national  purposes,  as  far  as  that  can  be  done  con- 
sistently with  law. 

No.  6.  To  protect  all  persons  possessed  of  the 
elective  franchise,  and  especially  the  forty- shilling  free- 
holders, from  all  vindictive  proceedings  on  account  of 
the  free  exercise  of  such  franchise. 

No.  7.  To  promote  the  acquisition  of  such  franchise, 
and  its  due  registry,  to  ascertain  the  number  of  votes  in 
each  county  and  city  in  Ireland,  and  the  political  bias  of 
the  voters  generally. 

No.  8.  To  promote  the  system  of  dealing  exclusively 
with  the  friends  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  Protestant 
and  Catholic,  with  a  selection,  when  a  choice  can  be 
made,  of  Protestant  friends,  being  the  most  disinter- 
ested of  the  two  ;  and  also  to  prevent,  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, all  dealing  with  the  enemies  of  Ireland,  whether 
Protestant  Orangemen,  or  Orange  Catholics,  the  worst 
of  all  Orangeists. 

No.  9.  To  promote  the  exclusive  use  of  articles  the 
growth  and  manufacture  of  Ireland. 

No.  10.  To  form  two  distinct  tribunals  in  every 
county,  with  branches  in  every  town  and  village 
therein — the  one  for  the  purpose  of  reconciling  differ- 
ences, and  procuring  parties  to  adjust  their  litigations 
and  disputes,  and  the  other  tribunal  for  the  purpose 
of  deciding,  by  arbitration,  litigations  and  disputes 
between  parties  who  may  resist  a  settlement  without 
arbitration. 


APPENDIX.  CXH 


No.  XXIV. 

DUTIES  OF  INSPECTORS  AND  CHURCH- 
WARDENS. 

The  committee  having  taken  into  consideration  the 
subject  of  the  appointment  of  five  inspectors  of  Catholic 
Rent  in  each  county,  have  agreed  to  the  following  re- 
port : — 

That  such  appointment  would  manifestly  be  of  the 
greatest  utility,  in  order  the  better  to  organise  and  ex- 
tend the  collection  of  the  Catholic  Rent  to  every  Parish 
in  Ireland ;  but  to  render  the  appointment  of  perma- 
nent value,  it  is  necessary  it  should  be  made  by  the  in- 
habitants of  each  county  for  themselves. 

In  order  to  obtain  the  co-operation  of  the  counties  in 
this  most  useful  measure,  the  committee  do  strongly 
recommend  the  Association  to  appoint  from  amongst 
their  members  one  chief  or  head  inspector  of  Catholic 
Rent  for  each  county. 

That  it  be  the  duty  of  such  inspector  to  repair  without 
delay  to  the  county  for  which  he  shall  be  appointed,  and 
take  all  necessary  measures  to  effectuate  the  following 
purposes : — 

I.  To  procure  the  appointment  of  five  local  inspectors 
of  Catholic  Rent  in  and  for  each  county. 

ii.  To  procure  such  inspectors  to  divide,  and  to  as- 
sist them  in  dividing,  the  county  into  five  districts  of 
parishes,  so  as  to  make  each  district  as  nearly  equal  as 
may  be  most  convenient,  having  regard  to  the  local  cir- 
cumstances of  each  county. 


Cxlii  APPENDIX. 

in.  To  arrange  with  the  local  inspectors,  and  per- 
sonally to  assist  them  in  procuring  the  nomination  of 
Catholic  churchwardens  in  every  parish  in  the  county. 

IV.  To  arrange  with  the  local  inspectors  and  church- 
wardens to  have  the  Catholic  Reut  collected  in  each 
parish  on  the  first  Sunday  in  every  month — such  Sunday 
to  be  called  Catholic  Rent  Sunday. 

v.  That  each  inspector  be  authorised  and  required  to 
organise  the  collection  of  the  Catholic  Rent  in  every 
parish,  with  the  assistance  of  the  local  inspectors  and 
churchwardens,  as  far  as  he  can  procure  the  same  ;  but 
that  it  be  an  indispensable  duty  upon  him  to  have  the 
Rent  put  into  a  state  of  collection  as  speedily  as  pos- 
sible, even  previously  to  the  appointment  of  local  in- 
spectors or  churchwardens. 

vi.  That  the  chief  inspector  do  give  full  instructions 
to  the  local  inspectors  and  churchwardens  for  the  dis- 
charge of  their  respective  duties. 

vii.  That  the  duties  of  the  local  inspectors  are  as 
follows : — 

To  make  a  return  once  a  month  to  the  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation, giving  in  detail — 

1st.  The  names  of  the  parishes  in  the  district  in  one 
column. 

2nd.  The  name  and  address  of  each  Catholic  clergy- 
man in  such  district  in  a  separate  column. 

3rd.  The  name  and  address  of  each  Catholic  church- 
warden in  his  district  in  a  separate  column. 

4th.  The  names  of  the  parishes  in  which  there  are 
no  churchwardens  appointed  in  a  separate  column  ;  and 
to  add  to  such  last-mentioned  column  such  measures  as 


APPENDIX. 


cxliii 


the  inspector  has  taken  to  procure  the  appointment  of 
churchwardens  in  the  parishes  contained  in  such  last- 
mentioned  column. 

5th.  The  names  of  the  parishes  in  which  the  Catholic 
Rent  has  been  collected  during  the  preceding  month, 
and  the  amount  of  such  collection,  and  how  it  has  been 
disposed  of. 

6th.  The  names  of  the  parishes  in  which  no  Catholic 
Rent  has  been  collected  in  the  preceding  month,  and  to 
state  any  suggestions  that  he  may  deem  useful  for  ex- 
tending the  collection  of  the  Catholic  Rent  to  the  de- 
faulting parishes. 

vin.  That  the  duties  of  the  Catholic  churchwardens 
be- 

1st.  To  assist  the  parochial  clergy  in  all  affairs  relat- 
ing to  temporal  concerns  of  the  parish  and  its  schools, 
and  other  charities  which  the  parochial  clergy  may  con- 
fide to  them. 

2nd.  To  procure  parish  collectors  of  Catholic  Rent, 
to  any  extent  that  may  be  required  to  complete  the  col- 
lection of  the  Catholic  Rent  within  that  parish. 

3rd.  To  give  notice  on  the  last  Sunday  of  every 
month  that  the  ensuing  Sunday,  being  the  first  Sunday 
of  the  month,  would  be  the  Catholic  Rent  Sunday. 

4th.  To  attend,  either  in  person  or  by  a  deputy,  at 
each  mass  on  the  Catholic  Rent  Sunday,  and  to  receive 
all  such  sums  as  may  be  voluntarily  contributed. 

5th.  To  give  all  useful  information  to  the  local  inspec- 
tors of  the  district  for  the  better  collection  and  arrange- 
ment of  the  Catholic  Rent. 

6th.  To  make  a  monthly  report  to  the  Catholic  As- 
sociation of  Ireland  on  the  following  heads: — 


CXliv  APPENDIX. 

1st.  As  to  the  amount  of  Catholic  Rent  collected  in 
the  parish  within  the  month. 

2nd.  The  number  of  registered  freeholders. 

3rd.  Whether  there  be  any  and  what  number  of  per- 
sons capable  of  being  registered  as  freeholders,  but  who 
are  not  so. 

4th.  The  known  or  at  least  probable  political  bias  of 
the  freeholders,  stating  as  well  as  can  be  done  the  com- 
parative numbers  of  each  party. 

5th.  The  number  of  schools  in  the  parish,  and  how 
supported — and  whether  on  liberal  principles,  or  the 
Kildare  Place,  or  other  improper  plan. 

6th.  To  state  all  matters  of  local  grievance  in  the 
parish,  especially  with  respect  to  any  magisterial  delin- 
quency. 

7th.  To  state  the  situation  of  the  parish  in  relation 
to  tithes,  parish  cess,  and  county  rates. 

The  Committee  earnestly  recommend  the  adoption 
of  the  plan  of  naming  for,  and  sending  to,  each  county  a 
chief  or  head  inspector,  so  as  to  arrange  and  organise 
the  collection  of  the  Catholic  Rent  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  procure  those  abundant  resources  which  the  present 
state  of  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  so  press- 
ingly  requires. 

The  following  duties  the  Committee  deem  to  be- 
long equally  and  vitally  to  each  class  of  persons  en- 
gaged  in  any  way  in  the  collection  of  the  Catholic 
Rent  :— 

1st.  To  prevent  the  existence  of  Whiteboy  disturb- 
ances of  every  species  and  description. 

2nd.  To  prevent  the  existence  of  any  secret  societies 
whatsoever. 


APPENDIX. 

3rd.  To  prevent  the  taking  of  illegal  oaths  of  any 
nature  or  kind  whatsoever. 

4th.  To  put  an  end  to  party  feuds  and  quarrels  of  all 
kinds. 

5th.  To  take  care  that  an  accurate  census  of  each 
parish  be  procured. 

6th.  To  collect  signatures  to  the  several  petitions,  and 
transmit  them  for  presentation. 

7th.  To  promote  peaceable  and  moral  conduct,  and 
universal  charity  and  benevolence,  amongst  all  classes. 

The  committee  are  aware  that  success  cannot,  and 
indeed  ought  not  to  be  attained,  unless  we  procure  the 
countenance  and  assistance  of  the  Catholic  clergy. — 
That  venerated  and  most  exemplary  class  of  men,  will 
give  us  their  assistance  on  the  terms  only  of  our  deserv- 
ing that  assistance. 

JOHN  JOSEPFI  MURPHY,  Chairman. 

No.  XXV, 
LIBERAL  CLUBS. 

Letter  of  Mr.  Wyse,  Jun.  on  the  Organization  of 
Liberal  Clubs. 

Waterford,  July  30,  1828. 
Sir, 

It  has  always  occurred  to  me  that  the  great  defect  in 
our  entire  system  was — the  want  of  a  good  organization. 
By  good,  I  mean,  a  uniform,  universal,  permanent,  sys- 
tem of  enlightened  and  energetic  co-operation.  Co- 
operation we,  no  doubt,  have,  and  much  intelligence, 
VOL.  ii.  k 


Cxlvi  APPENDIX. 

and  more  energy ;  but  the  other  requisites  still  appear 
to  be  eminently  wanting.  To  say  that  Ireland  feels  as 
one  man,  is  merely  saying  that  there  is  common  suffer- 
ing, common  pursuit,  and  common  sympathy ;  but  float- 
ing loosely  over  society,  without  order  or  combination, 
this  feeling  is  not  yet  of  sufficient  practical  avail.  Like 
similar  powers  in  the  physical  world,  unless  pressed,  by 
skill  and  management,  into  proper  directions  and  com- 
binations, for  any  really  useful  result,  they  might  as 
well  not  exist.  "We  want  a  well-digested  system  of 
political  tactics,  emanating  from  a  single  point,  and 
extending  in  circle  upon  circle,  until  it  shall  embrace 
the  entire  nation.  We  want  not  merely  an  electrical 
spark  here  and  there  from  the  body,  surprising  and 
astonishing  for  a  moment,  but  a  continued  stream  of 
the  fluid,  a  regularly  augmenting  system  of  light  and 
power.  The  materials  lie  in  abundance  around  us  ;— 
the  time  is  come  to  give  them  shape  and  utility ; — we 
have  no  longer  to  create — we  have  only  to  make  use  of 
what  we  have  created — we  have  only  to  sit  down  and 
apply  and  arrange — the  materials  are  in  our  hands. 

Our  public  business  has  hitherto  been  carried  on  by 
aggregate  meetings  of  all  Ireland  (as  they  are  called), 
by  county  meetings,  city  meetings,  parish  meetings,  and 
the  Association.  Now  all  these  are  excellent  things 
when  properly  brought  to  act  together:  the  defect  I 
complain  of  is,  that  they  are  not.  They  are  isolated, 
desultory,  seldom  held  in  concert,  and  almost  never 
in  reference  or  relation  to  each  other.  I  do  not  say 
that  they  are  of  little  use,  but  I  say  they  might  be  of  a 
great  deal  more.  I  would  not  keep  them  separated  and 


APPENDIX.  Cxlvii 

unconnected,  but  I  would  hang  one  upon  the  other ;  I 
would  try  to  make  them,  not,  as  they  are,  a  series  of 
links,  but  a  chain.  The  aggregate  meetings  of  all  Ire- 
land, for  instance,  are  absolute  illusions.  The  very 
name  is  a  misnomer.  All  Ireland  is  indeed  summoned, 
but,  debarred  as  we  are  from  delegation,  all  Ireland 
cannot  come.  Few  of  our  provincial  gentry  are  ever 
present :  the  middle  and  lower  classes,  in  this  extended 
sense,  not  at  all.  Fictions,  political  as  well  as  legal, 
may  go  very  far,  but  I  know  of  none  which  can  convert 
the  men  of  Dublin  into  the  men  of  Waterford  and 
Cork.  It  is  true  they  generally  express  the  same  or 
similar  opinions,  but  this  is  a  coincidence,  not  a  result. 
There  is  no  representation,  the  usual  remedy  for  this 
defect :  the  nation  is  not  present  either  in  person  or  by 
attorney.  But  how  is  this  to  be  obviated,  and  what  can 
we  do  ?  Simply  this — hold  the  meetings  if  we  like,  but 
give  them  a  right  name ;  call  them  the  aggregate  meet- 
ings of  the  county  and  city  of  Dublin,  which  they  aret 
and  not  the  meetings  of  all  Ireland,  which  they  cer- 
tainly are  not. 

The  County  meetings  are  scarcely  better  constituted. 
They  are,  too  often,  the  mere  accompaniments  of  an 
assizes.  If  there  be  an  eloquent  or  loquacious  Catholic 
on  the  circuit,  they  take  place ;  if  sick  or  absent,  they  do 
not.  Like  the  man  of  Roderick  Dhu,  they  spring  up 
where  the  bar  treads  ;  when  the  bar  passes  on,  they  sink 
into  the  ground.  This  is  no  evil  for  public  men,  and 
perhaps  a  slight  one  for  the  country :  in  all  cases  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  inevitable.  Country  gentlemen  are  not 
easily  to  be  got  together  at  any  other  time  of  the  year. 


cxlviii  APPENDIX. 

They  love  their  home  first,  and  then  their  country,  and 
are  always  ready  to  attend  to  her  interests  whenever 
they  find  them  (which  sometimes  happens)  in  company 
with  their  own.  Besides,  though  tolerable  listeners, 
they  are  bad  speakers,  and  it  is  natural  and  proper  they 
should  avail  themselves  of  the  transit  of  a  star.  But 
what,  after  all,  is  the  real  use  of  this?  Has  a  half- 
yearly  speech  or  two  ever  yet  regenerated  a  coun- 
try? 

The  parishes,  till  within  these  few  years  back,  were 
mere  brute  matter— absolutely  inert  or  dead.  The 
clergy  were  doubting  or  afraid  ;  they  had  the  memory 
of  the  past — the  shadows,  and  dreams,  and  hobgoblins 
of  the  night,  about  them  still.  The  people  were  what 
the  clergy  and  gentry  made  them ;  newspapers  were  not 
only  not  read,  but  not  written — the  schoolmaster,  if 
abroad,  was  in  the  shape  of  an  oppressor,  and  not  as  he 
now  is,  of  a  deliverer — the  scholar  saw  the  charter 
house  in  instruction,  and  could  not  bear  to  be  whipped 
and  persecuted  into  education.  The  peasant  knew  no 
other  country  than  his  farm— no  law  but  tithe  law  on 
one  side,  and  his  own  guerilla  law  on  the  other — no 
rights  but  the  half  rights,  the  miserable  crumbs  which 
fell  by  inadvertence  from  the  table  of  his  bloated  and 
rack-rent  landlord.  By  degrees,  and  by  slow  degrees, 
the  thing  altered.  The  government,  dreaming  about 
its  own  wretched  interests,  whilst  the  interests  of  a 
nation  were  at  stake,  letting  loose  the  reins,  and  then 
pulling  them  back — committing  the  people  to  them- 
selves, and  then  exciting  them  when  so  committed,  was 
the  chief  cause  of  this  great  revolution.  Then  came 


APPENDIX.  CXliX 

the  imbecilities  of  the  local  ascendancy  masters.  The 
people  and  their  strength  were  set  at  defiance — their 
pride  was  goaded — they  were  gradually,  fully,  and  effec- 
tually, roused.  The  slave  conquered  :  the  tax-master 
was  trampled  to  the  earth.  Waterford,  Louth,  &c. 
vindicated  the  honour  of  our  national  spirit  and  intelli- 
gence. The  people  got  tired  of  kneeling,  and  rose  up 
almost  in  one  mass,  and  walked,  in  a  few  days,  as  if 
they  had  never  been  in  the  dust.  Two  or  three  elections 
did  more  in  educating  them  to  a  proper  sense  of  their 
wrongs  and  power,  than  all  the  petitioning,  and  grovel- 
ling, and  chiding,  of  the  last  half  century.  Then  came 
the  simultaneous  meetings,  an  excellent  measure ;  and 
had  they  taken  place  on  any  other  day  than  on  a  Sun- 
day— a  mighty  miracle.  As  it  was,  there  was  illusion 
in  the  business.  The  petition  came  to  them — they  did 
not  go  to  the  petition.  But  the  thing  was  begun — the 
week-day  will  come  yet — we  cannot  retrograde — and  who 
is  he  who  now  dare  say  to  the  nation,  "  Thou  shall  not 
advance  further  ?" 

Throughout  all  this,  then,  there  is  the  grand  defici- 
ency which  I  have  already  pointed  out — the  want  of 
uniform,  universal,  and  permanent  co-operation.  Meet- 
ings of  a  day — meetings  of  bodies,  totally  unconnected 
with  each  other,  will  not  do.  To  do  any  thing,  men 
must  belong  to  each  other ;  that  what  they  do  should 
last,  their  exertions  must  be  constant  and  systematic. 
Holiday  impulses,  anniversary  explosions,  are,  like  all 
other  kinds  of  fire- works,  grand  things ;  but  it  is  not  by 
poetry,  but  by  prose,  that  we  are  to  succeed — by  the 
common-place,  plodding,  persevering  habit  of  every  day. 


cl- 


APPENDIX. 


The  morning  and  evening  thought  of  peer  and  peasant 
must  be  his  wrongs — his  wrongs — his  wrongs.  This  in 
the  first  place  ;  and,  next,  how  he  may  best,  and  most 
constitutionally,  and  most  effectively,  get  rid  of  them. 
His  chains,  like  those  of  Columbus,  should  be  for  ever 
in  his  sight :  it  is  right  he  should  feel  them,  weigh  on 
and  gnaw  them,  in  order  that  they  may  determine  him, 
by  his  own  exertions,  to  throw  them  off.  Then  he 
should  learn  to  estimate  his  strength.  No  man  is  feeble 
with  the  nation  behind  him.  The  smallest  meeting 
must  be  taught  that  they  hang  upon  a  still  greater ; 
every  peasant  must  feel  (profoundly  and  strongly  feel) 
that  he  is  an  integral  part  of  his  country.  There  must 
be  many  hands  like  Briareus,  but,  like  Briareus  also, 
these  hands  must  have  but  one  heart  and  one  head  to 
guide  them. 

The  Association,  old  and  new,  attempted  to  achieve 
this ;  but  I  may  be  pardoned,  I  hope,  in  saying,  that  they 
went  wrongly  about  it.  They  continued  pouring  in, 
day  after  day,  new  streams  of  electricity — charging  with 
the  animating  fluid  numberless  portions  of  the  political 
machine — generating  steam  as  occasion  suggested ;  but 
a  great  deal  of  this  was  done  at  random,  and  no  pro- 
vision was  made  or  attempted,  when  such  powers  were 
fully  produced,  for  their  temperate  and  judicious  appli- 
cation. Besides  the  danger  which  they  exposed  us  to 
in  this  wandering  and  uncontrolled  shape,  they  did  not 
allow  us  to  bring  one-half  of  our  energies,  and  that  half 
but  feebly,  into  play.  At  the  same  time,  both  Associa- 
tions had  their  utility;  they  did  much — they  struck  the 
spark  out  of  the  flint— they  created  life  within  the  dead 


APPENDIX.  Cli 

• — they  gave  us  the  materials— they  prepared— they  ani- 
mated— they  created,  Their  errors  were  inseparable 
from  their  constitution:  if,  sometimes,  too  much  the 
medium  for  local  and  individual  varieties,  the  fault  was 
in  the  very  nature  of  the  body,  much  more  than  in  the 
members.  What  could  be  expected  from  an  assembly 
which  was  not  representative,  and  which,  of  course, 
must  have  been,  in  many  instances,  too  much  Dublin, 
and  too  little  Ireland?  This,  if  not  counteracted  by 
many  circumstances,  would  have  been  a  serious  evil. 
No  country  is  healthy  where  the  heart  drinks  away  life 
from  the  members.  As  long  as  France  was  absorbed 
in  Paris,  there  was  no  freedom.  America,  to  this  day, 
has,  properly  speaking,  no  capital. 

But  are  these  evils  to  be  remedied  ?  I  think  they 
are,  and  am  astonished  they  have  not  been  remedied 
earlier.  The  form  which,  of  all  others,  I  confess  I 
should  prefer,  for  the  administration  of  our  affairs,  is 
that  system  of  delegation  upon  which  was  constructed 
the  general  committee  of  1793.  But  from  this  we  are 
precluded  by  the  Convention  act,  or  rather  its  interpre- 
tation. We  have  only  then  to  choose  what  comes  nearest 
to  that  system ;  I  care  not  for  the  form,  provided  the 
essentials  be  the  same.  We  must,  at  all  events,  have 
the  uniformity,  the  universality,  the  permanence  which 
I  have  recommended.  In  the  materials  already  before 
us,  with  a  little  modification,  these  requisites  may  be 
found.  This  is  an  advantage.  A  wise  man  will  as  little 
as  possible  disturb  existing  habits  ;  he  will  only  use 
them  in  another  way,  and  for  other  purposes.  The 
point  is,  I  repeat  it,  not  to  create  (that  we  have  done 


Clii  APPENDIX. 

already) ;    but   having   created,   not    to    squander,   but 
apply. 

1.  The  Association,  the  central  point,  the  head  well 
of  all  the  public  feeling  in  our  body,  might  stand  as  it 
is,  too  many  public,  and,  perhaps,  too  many  private  in- 
terests existing  to  allow  any  material  alteration :  if  such 
were  practicable,  that  is,  palatable,  perhaps  it  might  be 
converted  with  advantage  into  a  head  or  presiding  club, 
augmenting  its  forces,  by  monthly  ballot,  from  the  coun- 
try and  city  clubs  all  over  Ireland. 

2.  County   and   city   clubs   might   be   instituted   in 
every  county.     They  are  thus  separated,  because  their 
objects,  though  not   their   interests,  may  occasionally 
differ. 

3.  Every  city  club  might  be  composed  of— 1st,  Origi- 
nal subscribers  within  one  month,  the  nucleus  of  the  club. 
Sndly,  The  members  balloted  for  after  the  expiration 
of  that  period.     3rdly,   The  rent  collectors,  as  honorary 
members,  with  or  without  the  power  of  voting,  as  might 
be  judged  expedient.     The  two  first  classes  might  fur- 
nish the  materials  for  committees,  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  proceedings,  for  the  restoration  of  defrauded 
rights,  as  far  as  the  laws  might  permit,  under  the  name 
of  committees  of  management.     The  third  class,  besides 
combining  with  the  other  two,  would  be  eminently  ser- 
viceable as  a  committee  of  inquiry,  investigating  regis- 
tries of  freeholders,  admissions  of  freemen,  and  directly 
communicating  (within  the  limits  of  the  statute)  with 
the  rent  or  parish  clubs  established  by  the  people. 

4.  Every  county  club  might  be  composed  of  the  two 
first  classes.     They  should    establish   parish   clubs   in 


APPENDIX.  cliii 

every  parish  in  their  respective  counties.  This  might 
be  done  by  a  committee  of  gentlemen,  who  should 
make  a  circuit  of  the  county.  Each  parish  club  might 
consist  of  the  clergy,  gentry,  churchwardens,  and  a 
certain  number  of  the  respectable  farmers  of  the 
parish . 

5.  The  committees  of  each  county  and  city  club 
should  meet,  at  least,  once  a  week ;  there  should  be 
ordinary  meetings  once  a  month,  and  extraordinary 
meetings  twice  a  year. 

By  this  system,  the  affairs  of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland 
might  be  conducted  with  precision,  constancy,  unanimity, 
and  uniformity. 

1.  The    Association    might   have   the   initiative   of 
our   proceedings.       It   should   recommend   the   period 
most  proper  for  the  holding  of  provincial,  county,  and 
parish  meetings. 

2.  The  county  and  city  clubs  should  provide  for  the 
execution  of  this  recommendation.     1st,  By  convening 
aggregate   meetings  in   their   respective   counties  and 
city.   2ndly,  By  these  meetings  recommending  provincial 
meetings,  and  convening  them.    3rdly,  By  simultaneous 
parish  meetings,  confirming  the  whole. 

3.  A  general  meeting  of  fourteen  days  might  con- 
clude the  series.     It  should  be  held,  of  course,  in  Dub- 
lin, after   the   termination  of  county,  provincial,  and 
parish  meetings,  and  immediately  previous  to  the  sitting 
of  parliament. 

The  principal  members  of  the  parish  clubs  should 
pledge  themselves  to  attend  the  county  meetings,  the 
principal  members  of  the  county  meetings  and  clubs  in 


cliv 


APPENDIX. 


like  manner  the  provincial  meetings,  and  the  principal 
attendants  of  the  provincial  meetings  the  general  four- 
teen days'  meeting  of  the  Association.  Thus  might  be 
obtained  a  regular,  authentic,  and  continued  statement 
of  the  feelings  and  progress  of  every  portion,  however 
small,  of  the  entire  country. 

As  the  facilities  which  such  a  system  affords  for  com- 
munication and  dissemination  of  newspapers,  tracts,  ad- 
dresses, political  catechisms,  &c.,  they  do  not  require  to 
be  insisted  on.  Any  person  who  has  seen  it  in  operation 
during  an  election,  will  well  know  how  to  appreciate  its 
advantages. 

By  such  a  system,  the  Catholic,  or  rather  independent 
constituency  of  Ireland,  will  be  completely  disciplined, 
and  will  not  need  any  application  of  extraordinary  stimu- 
lants to  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  their  constitutional 
duty.  Every  county,  in  a  few  months,  will  naturally, 
and  almost  of  itself,  become  a  Clare  or  a  Waterford. 
The  electors  will  be  home-taught— they  will  learn  well — 
they  will  remember  long. — The  county  club,  and  the 
city  club,  and  the  parish  club,  the  club,  I  may  say,  of 
every  place  and  of  every  hour,  will  keep  up  the  feeling 
to  a  determined,  enlightened,  vigorous  temper.  The 
passion  will  become  conviction,  and  the  conviction  habit. 
Every  man  will  become  familiar  with  his  rights ;  he  will 
know  where  to  look  for  and  how  to  obtain  them.  The 
knowledge  will  then  practically  work ;  the  dissolution 
of  parliament  will,  some  time  or  other,  come,  and  entire 
Ireland  will  be  fully  prepared.  If,  then,  we  leave  a 
Jocelyn,  or  a  Foster,  or  a  Beresford  to  represent  us, 
whilst  we  have  Stuarts,  and  Grattans,  and  Dawsons, 


APPENDIX.  Civ 

and  it  may  be  O'Connells,  to  represent  us,  the  fault 
will  be  with  ourselves,  not  with  our  destiny,  and  from 
that  hour  forth  we  ought  to  bear  our  destiny  like  willing 
slaves,  and  not  dare  to  raise  our  heads  and  rail  inso- 
lently against  it. 

A  third  advantage,  and  it  is  inestimable,  is  the  con- 
trolling influence  which  such  a  system  gives  us  over  the 
tumultuary  feelings  of  the  country.  It  suppresses  all 
private  feud ;  it  extinguishes  all  party  dissension ;  it 
breaks  up  those  pernicious  secret  societies,  which,  at 
times,  have  wasted  so  much  of  the  energies  of  our  peo- 
ple ;  it  prevents  the  recurrence  of  all  those  angry  and 
insane  ebullitions,  which  a  government  hostile  to  the 
people  can  so  easily  magnify  or  fan  into  insurrection. 
Political  ameliorations  in  the  present  state  of  human 
knowledge  are  not  to  be  obtained  by  physical  force. 
This  is  a  great  truth,  and  cannot  be  too  constantly  or 
strongly  inculcated.  Despotism  is  to  be  combated 
with  other  arms  than  those  of  the  flesh.  The  people 
must  be  taught  this  every  where  and  at  every  hour: 
they  must  be  taught  to  look  up  to  a  higher  principle  of 
strength,  to  that  great  moral  power  arising  from  the 
concert  and  universality  of  constitutional  exertion,  which 
no  government,  had  it  the  head  of  Pitt,  and  the  arm  of 
Wellington,  can  resist  long,  or  resist  at  all,  consistently 
with  its  own  happiness  and  power.  We  must  teach 
them  every  where,  how  very  inconvenient  and  annoying 
it  is  for  a  haughty  master  to  have  too  many  discontented 
slaves.  We  must  convert  oppression  from  a  luxury  to 
a  pain ;  the  aggrieved  many  must  make  themselves  felt 
in  the  midst  of  all  the  enjoyments  and  superiorities  of 


elvi  APPENDIX. 

the  oppressing  few.  This  lesson  is  learning  rapidly — 
the  feeling  is  every  where— the  intelligence  which  is  to 
guide  it  is  coming  after — the  combination  only,  which 
is  necessary  to  make  this  efficient,  yet  remains  behind. 
But  that  depends  not  on  our  enemies,  but  on  ourselves. 
Thank  God,  our  regeneration  can  come,  and  is  coming 
from  within.  Practice  is  making  us  perfect ;  what  was 
thought  impossible  yesterday,  is  done  to-day — what  we 
do  to-day,  will  be  laughed  at  to-morrow — I  will  not  say, 
God  grant  it  may.  It  is  not  the  wish  we  want,  but  the 
will.  With  that  will,  universal  and  uniform,  what  can 
we  not  obtain  ?  What  is  there  in  the  men  of  Louth, 
Waterford,  or  Clare,  that  is  not  in  the  men  of  Ireland  ? 
— This  only — that  they  had  order,  system,  organization 
— and  why  should  not  all  Ireland  have,  at  this  moment, 
the  same  ? 

I  am,  Sir,  &c.  &c. 

THOMAS  WYSE,  Jun.* 
To  Edw.  Dwyer,  Esq. 
Secretary  of  the  Catholic  Association. 

*  Another  letter  on  the  improvement  of  clubs  was  addressed  by  Mr. 
Wyse  to  the  Association  a  few  days  previous  to  the  last  aggregate 
meeting  in  Dublin,  in  which  he  suggests  the  propriety  of  calling  upon  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  to  assemble  in  a  species  of  Annual  •Session,  imme- 
diately previous  to  the  meeting  of  parliament,  on  the  principle  and  for 
the  purposes  for  which  were  adopted  the  fourteen  days'  meeting  of  the  New 
Association.  The  collection  of  as  large  a  portion  of  the  scattered  opinion 
of  the  country  into  one  focus  as  possible  being  the  great  object  in  view,  he 
proposed  that  the  Secretary  to  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  should,  a  fortnight 
before  the  day  fixed  for  the  sittings,  address  a  circular  to  the  Secretaries  of 
every  county  and  city  club  in  Ireland,  "requesting  them  to  impress  upon 
their  most  active  and  intelligent  members  the  absolute  necessity  of  their 
giving  their  attendance  at  the  proposed  meeting,  and  delivering  a  return ^ 


APPENDIX.  Civil 

At  the  Munster  Provincial  Meeting,*  held  2Qth  August, 
1828,  at  Clonmel,  it  was  moved  by  James  Roe,  of 
Rocsborough,  and  seconded  by  Thomas  Wyse  of  the 
Mar-or  of  St.  John,  Esq.,  Jun. 

That  we  most  earnestly  recommend  the  formation  of 
Liberal  Clubs  in  each  county  and  city  in  Munster,  with 
branches  in  each  parish,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
due  registration  of  freeholders  ;  the  obtaining  of  the 
freedom  of  cities,  towns,  and  boroughs ;  the  correcting 
abuses  by  legal  means  ;  the  contesting  illegal  cesses, 
grand  jury  taxation  and  vexatious  tithes;  the  preventing 
secret  societies,  illegal  oaths,  and  every  manner  of  white- 
boy  outrage  ;  the  discouraging  of  party  riots,  drunken- 
ness, and  village  faction ;  and  promoting  the  peaceable 
co-operation  of  all  the  people  in  constitutional  and  legal 
exertions  for  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  Ireland. 

before  the  expiration  of  the  week,  of  such  members  as  would  pledge 
themselves  to  attend."  Mr.  Wyse  conceived  that  such  a  measure  would 
be  the  completion  of  the  Liberal  Club  system ;  as  it  would  combine  all  the 
advantages  desirable  from  a  mean  between  the  Association  and  the  County 
and  City  clubs.  If,  the  day  after,  the  Association  had  been  suppressed,  it 
would  have  been  a  day  too  late.  The  Association  would  fall  back  into  the 
clubs — the  clubs  might  be  scattered,  but  the  members  would  endure. 

*  This  was  the  first  Provincial  meeting,  which  sanctioned  the  principle 
advanced  by  the  Catholics,  of  demanding  the  following  pledges  from  all 
future  candidates  at  elections  j  viz.  1st,  Opposition  to  the  Wellington 
administration.  2ndly,  Support  of  the  Catholic  Question.  Srdly,  Of 
reform  in  parliament.  The  latter  pledge  formed  the  subject  of  a  warm 
discussion  at  Clonmel  and  Kilkenny,  but  was  acceded  to,  more  from  a 
wish  to  preserve  the  unanimity  of  the  body,  than  the  policy  of  the  proposi- 
tion. At  this  meeting  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  Irish  members  friendly 
to  the  cause,  to  assemble  in  Dublin  previous  to  the  parliamentary  session ; 
and  the  appointment  of  provincial  inspectors  of  the  Catholic  Rent  was  also 
agreed  to. 


clviii 


APPENDIX. 


A  similar  resolution  had  been  passed  by  the  aggregate 
meeting  of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland,  and  this  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  other  provincial  meetings  of  Ireland. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  to  the  Editor  of  the  Cork  Chronicle 

on  the  Objects  and  Utility  of  Liberal  Clubs. 
Firstly, — A  Liberal  Club  would,  in  whatever  parish  or 
district  it  is  formed,  serve  as  a  centre,  as  a  band  of 
union,  as  a  rallying  point,  for  the  "men  of  good-will" 
of  all  religions  and  of  all  classes,  belonging  to  such 
parish  or  such  district.  The  Protestant  and  the 
Catholic,  the  Methodist  and  the  Presbyterian,  the  rich 
and  the  poor,  the  learned  and  the  unlearned,  all  but 
immoral  men,  would  be  eligible  to  be  members  of  it. 
Observe  the  good  that  would  flow  from  this  Irish 
convention.  Men  who  now  think  alike  on  politics,  but 
who  seldom  come  together,  various  circumstances  in 
life  keeping  them  apart,  would  be  congregated  in  a 
liberal  club ;  and  associating  and  working  as  they  would 
be  for  common  purposes,  they  would  find  in  the  com- 
munity of  their  interests,  and  the  ardour  and  honesty 
of  their  co-operation,  motives  for  an  increase  of  mutual 
confidence  and  mutual  affection.  The  Protestant  would 
withdraw  from  the  business  or  the  conviviality  of  a 
liberal  club,  with  a  determination  to  add  to  the  number 
of  our  Brownlows ;  and  the  Catholic  would  withdraw 
from  the  same,  with  a  firm  resolve  to  obliterate  the 
past  from  his  own  mind,  and  to  efface  the  memory  of  it 
from  the  minds  of  all  those  over  whom  he  may  possess 
influence.  Classes,  too,  not  distinguished  by  religious 
difference,  would  have  their  advantage.  The  rich 
member  of  the  club  would  descry  qualities  in  the  poor 


APPENDIX. 

member,  for  which  he  might  not  have  given  him  full 
credit  before,  and  he  would  communicate  the  discovery 
to  his  wealthy  neighbours  ;  and  the  poor  member  again 
would  see  that  arrogance  and  heartlessness  were  not 
the  necessary  concomitants  of  riches,  and  the  lesson 
he  would  have  learned,  he  too  would  impart  to  his 
fellows.  Thus  the  uniting  principle  of  the  club  would 
operate  far  beyond  the  club  itself;  and  ten  men  of  good 
will  would  create  ten  hundred  like  themselves.  This 
would  be  the  prime  feature  of  a  liberal  club. 

Secondly, — A  liberal  club  would  leave  no  stone  un- 
turned to  insure  for  the  county,  city,  or  borough,  to 
which  it  belonged,  a  full,  free,  cheap,  honest,  and  effi- 
cient representation  in  parliament.  It  would  increase 
the  freehold  registry  to  the  utmost  limits  of  extension, 
and  maintain  it  so.  It  would  do  every  thing  in  its 
power  that  the  franchise  in  corporate  towns  should  be 
employed  for  the  good  of  the  public,  and  not  for  the 
private  ends  of  corporators.  It  would  labour  that 
honest  men  should  be  returned  to  parliament  without 
expense,  and  that  knaves  should  be  beggared  in  their 
attempt  to  foist  themselves  upon  the  representation. 
It  would  reform  the  House  of  Commons,  by  reforming 
the  electors,  who  are  supposed  to  constitute  it.  No 
member  of  a  liberal  club  would  have  the  hardihood  to 
expect,  that  any  man  who  had  expended  ten  or  twelve 
thousand  pounds  in  getting  a  seat  in  the  legislature, 
would  employ  his  purchase  for  the  public.  The  club 
would  labour  that  the  public  should  have  the  giving  of 
the  seat,  and  that  honesty,  intelligence,  and  efficiency, 
should  be  the  exclusive  claims  to  it. 

Thirdly, — A  liberal  club  would  be  useful  in  pointing 


APPENDIX. 

out  all  those  matters  which  might  be  fit  subjects  for 
parliamentary  influence,  and  in  seeing  that  the  petitions 
arising  out  of  them  were  seasonably  got  up,  properly 
signed,  and  duly  forwarded  to  the  local  representatives; 
and  a  liberal  club  would  note  whether  those  represen- 
tatives neglected  the  petitions  intrusted  to  them,  sup- 
ported their  prayer,  or  opposed  it.  It  is  at  once 
ludicrous  and  melancholy  to  observe  how  this  work  of 
petitioning  has  been  hitherto  done,  or  rather  not  done, 
in  Ireland.  You,  Sir,  I  believe,  have  a  tolerably 
correct  notion  how  those  affairs  a're  managed  ;  but  it 
may  not  be  amiss  to  expose  the  system,  or  the  want  of 
system,  in  this  particular,  to  those  who  may  deem 
liberal  clubs  unnecessary.  In  the  April  of  the  last 
year,  I  think  it  was,  an  aggregate  meeting  of  the 
Catholics  of  the  city  and  county  of  Cork  assembled  in 
the  south  parish  chapel  of  your  city,  and  adopted  two 
among  other  resolutions.  One  of  these  resolutions 
pledged  those  who  adopted  it  "  to  petition  the  legis- 
lature for  a  full,  free,  and  entire  representation  of  the 
people  of  this  island  in  the  Commons  House  of  Par- 
liament." It  was  proposed  by  the  member  for  Clare, 
and  seconded  by  Mr.  Richard  Ronayne.  The  second 
resolution  denounced  the  compulsory  payment  of  the 
Irish  Protestant  clergy  by  the  Irish  Catholic  people  ; 
and  it  also  contained  a  pledge  to  seek  parliamentary 
redress.  This  latter  resolution  was,  I  remember,  pro- 
posed by  Mr.  James  Daly,  who  certainly  made  some 
very  pertinent  observations  in  introducing  it,  and  gave 
no  promise  that  the  complaint  which  he  uttered  would 
not  be  echoed  in  St.  Stephen's.  What,  however,  has 
been  the  fact  respecting  both  those  resolutions?  Not  a 


APPENDIX. 

single  petition  has  gone  forth  from  your  city  or  county 
touching  the  one  or  the  other  of  them.  We  can  find 
persons  enough  to  speak,  but  few  to  do  the  work.  Far 
be  it  from  me  here  to  glance  disparagingly  at  Mr. 
O'Connell :  that  gentleman  has  done  the  work  of  his 
country,  and  is  doing  it.  The  blame  lies  with  gentle- 
men of  this  city  and  county  ;  but  there  would  be  blame 
with  none,  if  liberal  clubs  had  been  established.  Such 
clubs,  as  a  matter  of  course,  would  take  up  the  great 
principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  They  would 
study  that  no  resolution  but  a  good  one  should  be 
adopted  by  the  people  ;  and,  when  adopted,  they  would 
see  that  it  was  carried  into  execution. 

Fourthly, — A.  liberal  club  would  be  useful  in  di- 
recting attention  to  all  meetings  where  any  thing  of 
property  or  right,  belonging  to  the  public,  would  be  to 
be  disposed  of,  whether  those  meetings  be  called  by 
act  of  parliament,  or  by  corporate  authority,  or  by 
vestry,  or  by  party,  or  by  individual.  So  much  mis- 
chief has  been  done  from  time  to  time  to  the  public 
under  the  sanction  of  meetings  at  which  the  public  may 
be  supposed  to  be  present,  but  of  which  the  public 
actually  knew  nothing,  that  the  most  unreflecting  must 
see  how  very  beneficially  employed  a  liberal  club  would 
be  in  this  particular.  Some  of  the  worst  acts,  general 
and  municipal,  which  disgrace  the  statute  book,  some 
of  the  veriest  blots  of  Irish  legislation  would  never 
have  been  heard  of,  had  there  been  Liberal  clubs  to  nip 
the  evil  in  the  bud,  to  strangle  it  in  its  infancy.  The 
foulest  invasions  of  private  right  and  of  public  liberty 
would  be  prevented,  if  those  who  first  suggested  the 

VOL.  II.  / 


APPENDIX. 

aggression  had  been  met  at  the  outset  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, and  if  public  opinion  had  been  brought  to  bear 
properly  against  them.  Take  for  instance  any  of  our 
Corporations.  Why,  as  matters  stood  hitherto,  the 
public  were  altogether  at  their  mercy;  those  bodies 
could  do  any  thing,  because  they  could  proceed  with 
a  virtual  secrecy.  There  was  no  check,  no  opposition 
to  them ;  and  hence  they  could  have  their  Wide-street 
Commissioners  bills,  their  Harbour  Commissioners 
bills,  and  their  Trustees  of  Corn-market  bills,  and 
their  Court  of  Conscience  and  Police-office  bills,  and 
their  Weigh-house  and  Pipe-water  Establishments  bill. 
Were  these  good,  or  were  they  bad  for  your  city  ? 
Were  they  designed  to  promote  the  public  welfare,  or 
to  strengthen  the  hands  of  a  party  ?  Were  they  mea- 
sures such  as  ought  to  be  praised,  or  such  as  ought  to 
be  reprobated  ?  The  citizens  of  Cork  had  no  control 
in  originating,  modifying,  or  perfecting  them  ;  but  a 
Liberal  club  would ;  it  would  teach  the  Corporation  to 
respect  public  opinion ;  or  if  it  failed  in  that,  it  would 
then  have  two  representatives  who  would  be  sure  to 
represent  it.  It  is,  however,  in  preparing  for  the 
Easter  vestry  meetings  that  your  liberal  club  would 
be  eminently  useful.  It  would  have  every  man  in  the 
parish  ready  at  his  post,  to  raise  his  voice  against 
taxation  without  representation :  it  would  send  its 
honest  Protestant  there  to  protect  against  injustice,  to 
shame  him  who  would  praise  Heaven  and  plunder  his 
neighbour ;  and  it  would  send  the  Catholic  there  to 
vote  when  he  may,  and  to  learn  when  he  may  not.  We 
must  all  see  that  it  was  most  unreasonable  to  throw,  as 


APPENDIX.  clxiii 

heretofore,  the  burden  of  the  vestry  war  on  some  few 
individuals.  The  latter  might,  to  be  sure,  have  been 
prodigal  of  their  services  in  the  cause  of  their  country. 
The  business  of  all,  however,  should  be  executed  by  all, 
and  it  is  only  when  all  take  it  up,  that  it  is  discharged 
efficiently. 

Fifthly, — A  liberal  club  would  employ  the  press, 
prudently,  universally,  and  permanently,  for  the  en- 
lightening of  the  people.  It  would  adopt  or  select  those 
political  journals,  tracts,  or  catechisms,  which  would 
be  best  calculated  for  the  instruction  of  the  public,  and 
it  would  take  good  care  that  they  should  receive  the 
widest  possible  circulation.  It  would  teach  the  people 
their  rights  and  duties.  It  would  teach  them  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  magistrate,  and  the  duties  of  the  citizen ;  it 
would  tell  them  what  it  is  to  be  an  elector,  and  what  a  repre- 
sentative ;  it  would  point  out  the  road  to  parliament,  as 
the  road  to  the  redress  of  public  grievances,  telling  them 
at  the  same  time,  that  with  themselves  lay  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  redresser  ;  it  would  recommend  reform,  and 
depict  revolution,  and  it  would  show  how  criminal  would 
be  the  latter,  if  attempted  by  persons  who  could  quietly 
compass  the  former.  All  this  a  liberal  club  would  do, 
and  doing  this,  it  would  be  each  day  diminishing  its 
own  labour,  and  causing  itself  to  be  less  needed. 

Sixthly, — A  liberal  club  would  prove  its  utility 
by  reconciling  factions — by  discountenancing  the  for- 
mation of  illegal  associations — by  keeping  the  people 
on  their  guard  against  emissaries — by  labouring  that  pri- 
vate and  public  peace  should  be  the  characteristic  of  the 
country.  With  a  view  to  these  ends,  so  desirable,  so 


APPENDIX. 

necessary,  the  attention  of  the  club  would  be  directed 
to  that  curse  of  Ireland,  "  the  excessive  use  of  spiritu- 
ous liquors."  The  drunken  man  is  prone  to  riot;  he  is 
easily  induced  by  fools  or  knaves  to  act  seditiously,  or 
to  speak  so.  The  drunkard,  therefore,  could  not  be  a 
member  of  any  liberal  club.  Such  a  character  would 
be  outlawed.  Two  thousand  parishes  would,  by  their 
clubs,  reprobate  the  brute  as  unfit  for  moral  enjoyment 
or  social  intercourse ;  and  would  not  this  be  a  great 
good  for  Ireland  ?  "W  hat  legislation  could  effect  for  this 
country  any  result  half  so  beneficial  ?  Now  liberal  clubs 
would  realise  it  in  twelve  months ;  they  would  render 
drunkenness  unpopular.  The  Irish  drunkard  would 
soon  be  like  the  French,  and  the  Spanish,  and  the  Ame- 
rican drunkard,  not  laughed  at,  but  detested — detested, 
as  abominable  and  infamous. 

Seventhly, — Liberal  clubs  would,  and  it  would  be  a 
great  desideratum,  free  the  Catholic  clergy  from  the 
heavy  yoke  of  politics.  Those  gentlemen  have  not  en- 
tered into  that  arena,  in  which  they  now  cut  so  con- 
spicuous a  figure,  from  choice,  but  from  necessity. 
They  were  forced  into  it.  They  saw  that  the  system 
which  prevails,  led  to  disorder,  to  outrage,  to  gross  im- 
morality, to  the  peril  of  the  rich,  to  the  ruin  of  the  poor ; 
they  saw,  likewise,  that  it  was  pregnant  with  evils, 
greater  than  any  it  had  ever  before  engendered  :  with 
this  they  perceived  that  the  remedy  lay  with  the  legis- 
lature, and  they  girt  themselves  accordingly,  that  the 
legislature  might  be  favourable.  However,  though  the 
priests  greatly  contributed  to  send  in  Dawson  for  Louth, 
and  Stuart  for  Waterford,  and  O'Connell  for  Clare 


APPENDIX. 

still  they  were  not  "  vessels"  of  this  "  election,"  and 
they  felt  that  they  had  a  higher  and  a  loftier  vocation  ; 
they  could  not  but  regret  that  the  laity  did  not  know 
and  could  not  do  their  own  duty.  It  would  then  be  an 
inexpressible  delight  to  any  Roman  Catholic  clergyman, 
that  a  liberal  club  should  be  established  in  his  parish. 
He  would  be  sure  that  by  such  an  institution  a  know- 
ledge of  their  rights  would  be  secured  to  his  flock,  and 
with  it  a  knowledge  how  constitutionally  to  assert  them. 
As  a  matter  of  course,  even  liberal  Protestants  would 
be  glad  that  there  would  be  no  further  occasion  for  cle- 
rical interference.  Whilst  they  would  be  ready  to  ad- 
mit, that  it  had  been  necessary  and  useful,  they  would 
like  to  have  the  bugbear  removed  from  the  ken  of  their 
less  liberal  brethren. 

Eighthly, — Liberal  clubs  would  be  very  valuable  in 
their  exhibition  of  working  men.  The  member  of  a 
liberal  club,  who  would  merely  speak,  might  be  listen- 
ed to,  but  he  would  be  certainly  laughed  at ;  the  indivi- 
dual, too,  who  would  honour  the  club  once  a  year  with 
his  notice,  and  do  no  more,  would  be  in  like  odour. 
None  but  the  active  men  would  be  regarded — those 
who  would  give  most  practical  effect  to  the  principle  of 
the  club  ;  that  is,  those  who  would  do  the  greatest  por- 
tion of  the  public  business.  This  result  of  the  institution 
of  clubs  would  be  most  gratifying  ;  for  it  is  really  most 
mortifying  to  see  men,  who  are  not  known  at  all  to  the 
public,  coming  forward  at  election  times,  and  other  sea- 
sons, and  assuming  airs  of  consequence,  as  though  they 
were  the  greatest  benefactors  of  that  public,  and  demi- 
gods in  the  eyes  of  all  others,  as  they  are  great  gods  in 


APPENDIX. 

their  own.  All  this  tribe  will  be  opposed  to  liberal 
clubs,  because  the  clubs  will  be  greater  than  all  of  them 
together,  and  the  most  hard-working  man  in  the  club 
the  most  honoured,  and  the  most  influential  in  it. 

I  could,  Sir,  proceed  with  several  other  matters  of 
great  import,  in  which  a  liberal  club  would  be  useful ; 
but  I  feel  that  I  have  encroached  too  much  on  your 
space,  and  that  I  have  trespassed  on  the  patience  also 
of  your  readers.  I  shall  therefore  close  this  letter,  by 
wishing  sincerely  that  all  Ireland  had  clubs,  the  opera- 
tions of  which  were  steadily  directed  to  the  purposes 
which  I  have  recited  above.  How  unlike  they  would 
be  to  those  Orange  pandemonia,  where  nothing  but 
blood  is  spoken  of!  Do,  Sir,  proceed  in  advocating  the 
institution  of  liberal  clubs.  The  faction  is  already  or- 
ganised ;  it  cannot  progress  ;  but  the  Irish  people  may, 
by,  as  Wyse  says,  a  universal,  uniform,  permanent  sys- 
tem of  enlightened  and  energetic  organization  for  con- 
stitutional ends  and  purposes. 


Rules  and  Regulations  for  the  Formation  of 
County  Clubs.* 

The  rules  and  regulations  of  the  "  County  of  — • 

Liberal  Club"  are  divided  into  five  sections.  1st,  Of 
the  members,  their  admission  and  qualification.  2nd,  Of 
the  officers  and  committees  of  the  club.  3rd,  Of  the 

*  The  rules  both  for  the  county  clubs  and  the  parish  clubs  were  modi- 
fied according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  and  the  exigencies  of  the 
several  parishes  and  counties. 


APPENDIX. 

meetings  of  the  club.  4th,  Of  the  order  of  business  at 
the  meetings.  5th,  Of  the  adding  to,  or  amending,  or 
abrogation  of  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  club. 

I. — OF    THE    MEMBERS,    &C. 

1st — Pursuant  to  the   resolutions  of  the  aggregate 

meeting,  held ,  instituting  the  county  of 

liberal  club,  it  shall  consist  of  the  following  members  : — 

I. — Original  members,  or  those  who,  within  the  period 
of  one  month  from  the  date  of  said  aggregate  meeting, 
subscribe,  or  shall  subscribe. 

II. — Members  by  ballot,  or  those  who,  after  the  ex- 
piration of  such  period,  shall  be  balloted  for  and  ad- 
mitted. 

2nd — A  ballot  shall  be  held  once  every  three  months  at 
the  ordinary  meetings.  One  black  bean  in  five  shall  ex- 
clude. The  candidates  must  give  in  their  names  to  the 
secretary  a  week  before. 

3rd — Every  member  shall  pay  a  subscription  on  ad- 
mission of  30s.,  and  thenceforth  the  same  sum  on  the  1st 
January  annually.  Till  paid,  no  member  shall  be  al- 
lowed to  vote,  speak,  or  in  any  way  interfere  in  the  con- 
cerns of  the  club  ;  and  if  unpaid  for  a  month  after  be- 
coming due,  he  forthwith  ceases  to  be  a  member  of  the 
club. 

4th — Every  member  on  being  received,  shall  subscribe 
to  these  rules  and  regulations,  and  the  following 

PROMISE. 

I  promise,  on  the  honour  of  a  gentleman,  to  observe 
the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  county  of liberal 


clxviii  APPENDIX. 

club,  and,  in  case  I  shall  infringe  them,  to  submit  to 
exclusion,  should  the  club  assembled  in  extraordinary 
meeting-  deem  fit. 

II. — OF    THE    OFFICERS,   &C. 

1st — The  club  shall  be  governed  by  a  president,  se- 
cretary, and  treasurer,  to  be  chosen  half-yearly,  at  the 
extraordinary  meetings  of  the  club. 

2nd — The  business  of  the  club  in  the  interval  of  the 
meetings,  shall  be  conducted  by  a  committee  of  ma- 
nagement, varying  in  numbers  according  as  circum- 
stances may  require. 

3rd — This  committee  shall  be  chosen  and  its  duties 
prescribed  at  the  extraordinary  meetings  of  the  club. 

4th— The  governing  officers  of  the  club  shall,  ex- 
officio,  be  members  of  the  committee. 

Ill OF   THE   MEETINGS,   &C. 

1st — The  committee  shall  meet  for  the  transaction  of 
business  every  week,  on  such  day  as  they  may  find  most 
convenient.  These  meetings  shall  be  called  Committee 
meetings. 

2nd — The  club  shall  meet  by  public  advertisement,  to 
transact  business,  and  receive  the  reports  of  the  com- 
mittee, every  three  months.  These  meetings  shall  be 
called  Ordinary  meetings. 

3rd — The  club  shall  meet  by  individual  summons  from 
the  secretary,  and  dine  together  twice  a  year,  at  the 
period  of  the  assizes,  to  transact  business,  and  receive 
the  reports  of  the  ordinary  meetings.  These  meetings 
shall  be  called  Extraordinary  meetings. 


APPENDIX. 

4th — Five  members  must  be  present  to  constitute  a 
committee  ; — to  constitute  an  ordinary  meeting1  ; — to 
constitute  an  extraordinary. 

5th — All  other  meetings,  which  may  be  deemed  ne- 
cessary, shall  be  convened  by  requisition,  signed  by  five 
members  of  the  club. 

6th — The  place  of  each  ensuing  meeting  shall  be  de- 
termined at  the  previous  ordinary  meeting  of  the  club. 

IV.— OF   THE   ORDER   OF    BUSINESS,   &C. 

1st — The  order  of  business  in  the  committees  shall  be 
at  the  discretion  of  their  respective  chairmen. 

2nd — The  order  of  business  in  the  ordinary  meetings 
shall  be — 1st,  the  proceedings  of  last  meeting;  2nd,  the 
reports  of  the  committee  and  correspondence;  3rd,  bal- 
lot for  the  admission  of  members ;  4tb,  motions,  of  which 
notice  must  be  handed  in  to  the  secretary  three  days 
previous ;  5th,  finance  report,  with  which  the  meeting 
shall  conclude. 

3rd — The  order  of  business  in  the  extraordinary  meet- 
ings shall  be — 1st,  the  proceedings  of  the  last  extraor- 
dinary meeting  ;  2nd,  the  reports  of  the  ordinary  meet- 
ings and  correspondence ;  3rd,  ballot  for  the  election  of 
officers  ;  4th,  motions,  of  which  notice  must  be  given  at 
the  last  ordinary  meeting ;  5th,  finance  report  for  the 
last  half-year. 

4th — No  resolution  or  other  documents  shall  be  pub- 
lished, unless  such  publication  be  authorised  by  a  gene- 
ral meeting  of  the  club. 


C'lxX  APPENDIX. 


V.— OF    CHANGING    THE    RULES    AND  REGULATIONS. 

1st — These  rules  and  regulations  may  be  added  to, 
amended,  or  suppressed,  at  the  discretion  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  club. 

2nd — This  power  can  only  be  exercised  at  extraor- 
dinary meetings,  on  a  motion  of  a  member,  of  which 
notice  shall  be  given  at  the  previous  ordinary  meeting 
of  the  club. 

Rules  for  the  Formation  of  the  Parish  Clubs. 

Sir, 

I  am  directed  by  the  County  Liberal  Club,  pursuant 
to  the  resolution  passed  at  their  first  public  meeting, 
held  August  2,  to  communicate  with  you  on  the  prac- 
ticability of  establishing  in  your  parish  a  Parochial  Club, 
on  the  following  principles  : — 

1.  The  club  to  be  composed,  as  much  as  possible,  of 
the  principal  gentry,  clergy,   churchwardens,  and  such 
of  the  respectable  farmers  as  can  read,  and  are  able  and 
willing  to  take  a  part  in  such  proceedings  in  their  parish 
— These  to  form  the  first  members — others  to  be  added 
afterwards  by  nomination  or  ballot. 

2.  The  club,  when  so  formed,   to  hold  meetings  (if 
possible)   once  a  fortnight ;   but  at  all  events  once   a 
month,  in  such  place  and  time  as  they  may  judge  ex- 
pedient. 

3.  These  clubs  and  meetings  to  have  for  object,  keep- 
ing every  man  in  constant  readiness  for  future  elections, 
maintaining  the  registries,  inquiring  into  and  giving  in- 


APPENDIX. 

formation  of  any  persecution  of  freeholders,  &c,,  and 
promoting  good  order,  perfect  subordination  to  the  laws, 
political  knowledge,  and  liberal  feeling,  as  much  as  pos- 
sible in  their  parish. 

4.  A  report  of  these  particulars,  addressed  to  the  se- 
cretary, will  be  expected  once  in  every  three  months  by 
the  county  club,  and  perhaps  oftener. 

5.  Every  club  to  contribute  three  pence  a  week,  and 
to  be  (hereby  entitled  to  a  weekly  paper,  to  be  sent  down 
every  Saturday  for  their  information.     No  other  con- 
tribution to  be  required. 

You  will  be  so  kind  on  the  perusal  of  the  above  to 
state — 

1.  Your  approbation  or  disapprobation  of  each  article, 
and  on  what  grounds,  seriatim. 

2.  The  difficulties  existing  (if  any)  to  their  execution. 

3.  Whether  you  be  willing  or  unwilling  to  co-operate 
in  their  establishment. 

I  beg  you  to  give  me  such  answer  as  I  may  be  able 
to  lay  before  the  club  at  their  next  quarterly  meeting, 
and  to 

Believe  me,  dear  Sir, 

Very  sincerely,  your  faithful  Servant. 


APPENDIX. 


No.    XXVI. 

MR.    O'CONNELL'S    ADDRESS    TO    THE 
ELECTORS  OF  THE  COUNTY  CLARE. 

Dublin,  June,  1828. 
Fellow-Countrymen ! 

Your  county  wants  a  representative. — I  respectfully 
solicit  your  suffrages,  to  raise  me  to  that  station. 

Of  my  qualification  to  fill  that  station  1  leave  you  to 
judge.  The  habits  of  public  speaking,  and  many,  many 
years  of  public  business,  render  me,  perhaps,  equally 
suited  with  most  men  to  attend  to  the  interest  of 
Ireland  in  Parliament. 

You  will  be  told  I  am  not  qualified  to  be  elected  : 
the  assertion,  my  friends,  is  untrue. — I  am  qualified  to 
be  elected,  and  to  be  your  representative.  It  is  true 
that,  as  a  Catholic,  I  cannot,  and  of  course  never  will, 
take  the  oaths  at  present  prescribed  to  members  of 
parliament;  but  the  authority  which  created  these 
oaths — the  parliament — can  abrogate  them  :  and  I 
entertain  a  confident  hope  that,  if  you  elect  me,  the 
most  bigotted  of  our  enemies  will  see  the  necessity  of 
removing  from  the  chosen  representative  of  the  people 
an  obstacle  which  would  prevent  him  from  doing  his  duty 
to  his  king  and  to  his  country. 

The  oath  at  present  required  by  law  is,  "That  the 
sacrifice  of  the  mass,  and  the  invocation  of  the  blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  and  other  saints,  as  now  practised  in  the 


APPENDIX.  clxxiii 

church  of  Rome,  are  impious  and  idolatrous."  Of 
course  I  will  never  stain  my  soul  with  such  an  oath :  I 
leave  that  to  my  honourable  opponent,  Mr.  Vesey  Fitz- 
gerald. He  has  often  taken  that  horrible  oath;  he  is 
ready  to  take  it  again,  and  asks  your  votes,  to  enable 
him  so  to  swear.  I  would  rather  be  torn  limb  from 
limb  than  take  it.  Electors  of  the  County  Clare ! 
choose  between  me,  who  abominates  that  oath,  and  Mr. 
Vesey  Fitzgerald,  who  has  sworn  it  full  twenty  times! 
Return  me  to  parliament,  and  it  is  probable  that  such 
blasphemous  oath  will  be  abolished  for  ever.  As  your 
representative,  I  will  try  the  question  with  the  friends 
in  parliament  of  Mr.  Vesey  Fitzgerald.  They  may 
send  me  to  prison. — I  am  ready  to  go  there  to  promote 
the  cause  of  the  Catholics,  and  of  universal  liberty. 
The  discussion  which  the  attempt  to  exclude  your 
representative  from  the  House  of  Commons  must  excite, 
will  create  a  sensation  all  over  Europe,  and  produce 
such  a  burst  of  contemptuous  indignation  against  British 
bigotry  in  every  enlightened  country  in  the  world, 
that  the  voice  of  all  the  great  and  good  in  England, 
Scotland,  and  Ireland,  being  joined  to  the  universal 
shout  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  will  overpower  every 
opposition,  and  render  it  impossible  for  Peel  and 
Wellington  any  longer  to  close  the  doors  of  the  con- 
stitution against  the  Catholics  of  Ireland. 

Electors  of  the  County  Clare  !  Mr.  Vesey  Fitzgerald 
claims  as  his  only  merit,  that  he  is  a  friend  to  the  Catho- 
lics. Why,  I  am  a  Catholic  myself;  and  if  he  be  sin- 
cerely our  friend,  let  him  vote  for  me,  and  raise  before 


APPENDIX. 

the  British  empire  the  Catholic  question  in  my  humble 
person,  in  the  way  most  propitious  to  my  final  success. 
But  no,  fellow-countrymen — no ;  he  will  make  no  sacri- 
fice to  that  cause.  He  will  call  himself  your  friend,  and 
act  the  part  of  your  worst  and  most  unrelenting1  enemy. 

I  do  not  like  to  give  the  epitome  of  his  political  life ; 
yet,  when  the  present  occasion  so  loudly  calls  for  it,  I 
cannot  refrain.  He  first  took  office  under  Perceval — 
under  that  Perceval  who  obtained  power  by  raising 
the  base,  bloody,  and  unchristian  cry  of  "  No  Popery" 
in  England. 

He  had  the  nomination  of  a  member  to  serve  for  the 
borough  of  Ennis.  He  nominated  Mr.  Spencer  Per- 
ceval, then  a  decided  opponent  of  the  Catholics. 

He  voted  on  the  East  Retford  bill,  for  a  measure 
that  would  put  two  violent  enemies  of  the  Catholics 
into  Parliament. 

In  the  case  of  the  Protestant  Dissenters  in  England, 
he  voted  for  their  exclusion  ;  that  is,  against  the 
principle  of  the  freedom  of  conscience — that  sacred 
principle,  which  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  have  ever 
cultivated  and  cherished,  and  on  which  we  found  our 
rights  to  emancipation. 

Finally,  he  voted  for  the  suppression  of  the  Catholic 
Association  of  Ireland  ! ! ! 

And  after  this — sacred  Heaven !  he  calls  himself  a 
friend  to  the  Catholics ! 

He  is  the  ally  and  colleague  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton and  Mr.  Peel ;  he  is  their  partner  in  power ;  they 
are,  you  know,  the  most  bitter,  persevering,  and  unmi- 


APPENDIX.  C1XXV 

tigated  enemies  of  the  Catholics  :  and  after  all  this,  he, 
the  partner  of  our  bitterest  and  unrelenting  enemies, 
calls  himself  the  friend  of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  ! 

Having  thus  traced  a  few  of  the  demerits  of  my  Right 
Honourable  Opponent,  what  shall  I  say  for  myself? 

I  appeal  to  my  past  life  for  my  unremitting  and 
disinterested  attachment  to  the  religion  and  liberties  of 
Catholic  Ireland. 

If  you  return  me  to  parliament,  I  pledge  myself  to 
vote  for  every  measure  favourable  to  radical  reform 
in  the  representative  system,  so  that  the  House  of 
Commons  may  truly,  as  our  Catholic  ancestors  intended 
it  should  do,  represent  all  the  people. 

To  vote  for  the  repeal  of  the  Vestry  bill,  the  Sub- 
letting act,  and  the  present  grinding  system  of  Grand 
Jury  Laws. 

To  vote  for  the  diminution  and  more  equal  distri- 
bution of  the  overgrown  wealth  of  the  Established 
church  in  Ireland,  so  that  the  surplus  may  be  restored 
to  the  sustentation  of  the  poor,  the  aged,  and  the  infirm. 

To  vote  for  every  measure  of  retrenchment  and  re- 
duction of  the  national  expenditure,  so  as  to  relieve  the 
people  from  the  burden  of  taxation,  and  to  bring  the 
question  of  the  repeal  of  the  Union,  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible period,  before  the  consideration  of  the  legislature. 

Electors  of  the  County  Clare  !  choose  between  me 
and  Mr.  Vesey  Fitzgerald ;  choose  between  him  who 
has  so  long  cultivated  his  own  interests,  and  one  who 
seeks  only  to  advance  yours  ;  choose  between  the  sworn 
libeller  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  one  who  has  devoted 
his  early  life  to  your  cause;  who  has  consumed  his 


APPENDIX. 

manhood  in  a  struggle  for  your  liberties,  and  who  has 
ever  lived,  and  is  ready  to  die  for,  the  integrity,  the 
honour,  the  purity,  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  the  pro- 
motion of  Irish  freedom  and  happiness. 

Your  faithful  Servant, 

DANIEL  O'CONNELU 

No.   XXVII. 
RECONCILIATION  MEETINGS. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Association,  held  at  Dublin,  August 
1828,  Mr.  Shell  proposed  the  following  resolutions: 

First, — That  while  we  warmly  congratulate  the  peo- 
ple of  Tipperary  upon  the  happy  cessation  of  their 
feuds,  we  implore  them  to  discontinue  the  holding  of 
assemblies  of  the  peculiar  character  which  have  recently 
taken  place. 

Secondly, — That  we  humbly  entreat  the  Catholic 
clergy  to  co-operate  with  the  Association  in  carrying 
the  above  resolution  into  effect. 

Thirdly, — That  Daniel  O'Connell,  to  whose  influence 
the  pacification  of  Tipperary  should  be  referred,  is 
hereby  called  upon  to  employ  his  powerful  and  deserved 
authority,  in  deterring  the  people  of  Tipperary  from 
the  holding  of  such  meetings,  in  an  address  to  be 
printed  and  circulated  at  the  expense  of  the  Associa- 
tion. 

Fourthly, — That  it  be  referred  to  the  standing  com- 
mittee to  report  whether  it  be,  or  may  become  expe- 


APPENDIX.  clxXVii 

client,  that  a  deputation  shall  be  sent  to  Tipperary,  and 
suggest  such  other  measures  as  shall  be  deemed  advis- 
able, in  order  to  dissuade  the  people  from  holding  such 
meetings. 

Fifthly,— Moved  by  Mr.  Sheil,  seconded  by  Mr.  Cos- 
telloe— That  Mr.  O'Gorman  (the  Secretary  of  the  As- 
sociation) be  requested  to  forward  the  resolutions  to 
Mr.  O'Connell. 

Address  of  the  Catholic  Association  to  the 
Catholics  of  Tipperary. 

Fellow- Countrymen ! 

The  Catholic  Association,  which  has  been  the  means, 
under  Providence,  of  calling  the  Catholic  people  into 
existence,  as  a  nation — which  has  taught  the  humblest 
individual  in  the  community  to  appreciate  his  rights, 
and  the  community  itself  to  approach  the  legislature 
with  a  legal  firmness,  and  a  union  of  sentiment  and 
purpose,  without  a  parallel,  for  a  restitution  of  those 
rights — the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland,  virtually 
representing  the  feelings,  the  opinions,  and  the  interests 
of  the  Catholic  people,  think  it  due  to  themselves,  and 
above  all,  a  duty  they  owe  to  you,  to  address  the  brave, 
the  intelligent,  and  the  docile  people  of  Tipperary,  on 
an  occasion  which  they  deem  of  great  public  importance, 
not  only  to  the  inhabitants  of  Munster,  but  to  the  Ca- 
tholic cause  itself. 

The  Association  thank  the  men  of  Tipperary  for  the 
wise  and  honourable  alacrity  with  which  they  listened 
to  the  voice  of  their  great  leader— of  that  eminent  and 
VOL.  n.  m 


clxxviii  APPENDIX. 

extraordinary  man,  who,  under  God,  is  leading  them 
out  of  the  house  of  bondage  into  the  blessings  of  equal 
freedom.  They  thank  the  Tipperary  men  for  listening 
to  the  voice  of  Daniel  O'Connell — and  burying,  as  they 
have  done,  in  utter  oblivion,  the  feuds  and  follies  of  the 
generations  which  preceded  them,  and  of  their  own. 
No  incident  in  the  modern  history  of  Ireland  can  be 
regarded  by  a  true  Irishman  with  greater  delight  than 
that  general  and  cordial  peace  which  you  have  esta- 
blished in  every  quarter  of  your  great  county. 

But,  fellow-countrymen,  since  that  peace  has  been 
fully  ratified — since  that  admirable  harmony  has  been 
made  to  extend  through  the  South  of  Ireland — -since 
you  have  done  all  that  you  have  been  required  by  Daniel 
O'Connell  and  the  Catholic  Association  to  do — that 
Association,  which  watches  your  interests  with  the 
deepest  anxiety — which  is  bound  in  honour  and  in  duty 
to  watch  for  your  safety,  cannot  regard,  without  appre- 
hensions for  the  result,  the  continuance  of  those  pro- 
cessions— the  immense  assemblies  and  the  disciplined 
array ;  the  almost  military  precision ;  and  the  marchings 
and  counter-marchings  through  various  parts  of  your 
county. — And  what  is  your  object?  We  know  that  you 
are  loyal ;  we  know  that  you  are  ready  to  meet  the  ene- 
mies of  your  king  and  country,  when  called  upon  by 
the  voice  of  your  Sovereign,  as  Irishmen  always  do, 
with  bravery  and  devotion — we  know  that  you  harbour 
no  wrong  in  your  minds— we  know  you  to  be  what  you 
are,  generous,  ardent,  and  confiding ;  but  we  know  too, 
that  the  wolf  is  on  the  walk ;  that  you  have  enemies 
anxious  for  an  opportunity  of  doing  you  evil,  and  in- 


APPENDIX. 

flicting  injury  upon  your  cause ;  that  there  are  persons 
desirous  to  take  advantage  of  these  immense  assemblies 
of  men ;  that  there  are  persons  who,  if  they  cannot  pro- 
voke you  to  violate  the  peace  themselves,  are  eager  to 
alarm  the  government. 

Fellow-countrymen!  we  believe  that  the  Lord  Lieute- 
nant of  Ireland  is  deeply  solicitous  for  your  welfare,  and 
most  anxious  to  promote  the  liberties  of  our  country. — 
But  we  have  reason,  at  the  same  time,  to  be  assured, 
that  many  applications  for  the  exercise  of  those  powers 
with  which  he  is  invested  have  been  made  at  the  seat  of 
government.  The  alarm  caused  by  your  assemblages, 
so  often,  in  such  numbers  and  with  such  array,  has  been 
represented,  we  believe,  to  his  Excellency,  with  designs 
inimical  to  your  safety.  We,  ourselves,  fellow-country- 
men, feel  it  difficult  to  answer  for  the  continuance  of 
tranquillity.  We  know,  indeed,  that  the  peace  will  not 
be  violated  by  you ;  but  at  the  same  time  do  not  doubt 
that  a  system  of  annoyance  and  of  exasperation  may  be 
practised  against  you,  with  such  wicked  artifice  that 
you  will  not  be  able  to  restrain  your  own  feelings,  or  to 
avoid  the  natural,  but  under  the  circumstances  of  the 
country,  what  would  prove  to  be  a  fatal  reaction. 

How,  then,  are  you  to  avoid  such  a  calamity  as  this 
would  prove  to  yourselves,  to  us,  and  to  the  nation? 
There  is  one  way,  and  a  simple  one,  fellow-countrymen, 
discontinue  your  meetings. 

You  have  already  obtained  your  great  object — you 
have  made  peace  amongst  yourselves — preserve  that 
peace.  You  may  return  the  men  of  your  own  selection 
for  the  county.  Cherish  that  right  which  you  have 


C1XXX  APPENDIX. 

earned  by  your  unanimity.  These  are  the  great  ends 
for  which  Mr.  O'Connell  addressed  you ;  these  are  the 
great  ends  which  you  promised  him  you  would  accom- 
plish. You  have  achieved  this  victory. 

Nothing  now  remains  for  you  to  do,  but  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  your  Association  and  to  obey  the  recom- 
mendation. 

The  Association  advises  you,  then,  to  give  up  your 
meeting ;  they  implore  of  you  to  attend  to  this  their 
most  solemn  recommendation.  Your  safety  and  the 
cause  of  the  country  depend  in  a  great  measure  on  your 
compliance. 

And  finally,  fellow-countrymen,  attend  to  those  pious 
and  exemplary  men,  whose  whole  lives  are  devoted  to 
your  temporal  and  spiritual  welfare — the  pastors  of  your 
holy  and  persecuted,  but  eternal  church. 

Mr.  O'Connell  himself  will  address  you.  In  the 
mean  time,  until  his  powerful  voice  is  heard  in  Tippe- 
rary,  we  have  felt  it  our  bounden  duty  to  warn  you  of 
the  danger  which  surrounds  you. 

JOHN  MULLINS,  P.P.,  Kilkenny,  Chairman. 
NICHOLAS  P.  O'GORMAN,  Secretary  to  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland.* 

*  Fearing  that  the  same  spirit  might  extend  itself  to  the  North,  a  very 
able  and  powerful  address  (drawn  up  by  a  Mr.  Brady,  a  most  distinguished 
young  Catholic  barrister)  embodying  similar  feelings,  and  inculcating  the 
necessity  of  peace  and  tranquillity,  was  submitted  to  the  Association,  ap- 
proved of,  and  widely  circulated  in  the  North,  antecedent  to  Mr.  Lawless'* 


APPENDIX. 

Address  of  Daniel  O'Connell  to  the  People  of  the 
County  of  Tipper ary. 

Derrinane  Abbey,  30th  Sept.  1828. 

Beloved  Brothers ! 

It  was  late  last  night  when  I  received  the  command 
of  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland  to  address  you, 
My  first  business  this  morning  is  thus  to  obey  that  com- 
mand. 

I  address  you,  in  the  first  place,  with  the  most  heart- 
felt affection  and  gratitude.  1  have  laboured  already 
twenty-eight  years  in  the  great  "  Catholic  cause,"  and 
I  have  at  length  been  rewarded  for  it.  By  whom  have 
I  been  so  rewarded  ? 
PEOPLE  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  TIPPERARY,  BY  YOU. 

Yes — you  have  rewarded  me.  I  will  tell  you  how : 
You  obeyed  my  advice  as  if  it  were  a  command.  I  ad- 
vised you  to  give  up  factious  fights  and  quarrels — you 
have  given  them  up.  I  advised  you  to  abstain  from 
party  feuds  and  riots — you  have  abstained  from  them. 
I  advised  you  to  forgive  one  another,  and  to  be  recon- 
ciled to  each  other — you  have,  at  my  advice,  forgiven 
each  other,  and  have  become  friends  and  brothers.  My 
friends,  my  brothers,  I  thank  you.  I  advised  you  to 
cease  from  injuring  your  fellow-creatures,  and,  above 
all,  to  shudder  lest  you  should  continue  to  offend  the 
great  and  good  God.  Oh!  may  that  merciful  God, 
who  certainly  will  one  day  judge  us  all  for  eternal  bliss 
or  everlasting  misery — may  that  merciful  and  good  God 


APPENDIX. 

pour  down  his  choicest   blessings  on  the   honest  and 
worthy  people  of  the  county  of  Tipperary ! 

You  have  obeyed  my  advice — you  have  made  peace 
amongst  yourselves — you  have  prevented  the  recurrence 
of  whiteboy  crimes  or  nocturnal  outrages.  How  sin- 
cerely do  I  thank  you !  Persevere  in  that  course,  my 
dear  friends— my  beloved  brothers.  We  will  then  be 
able,  as  we  promised  at  the  Clonmel  meeting,  to  open 
the  gaol  door,  and  fling  the  key  into  the  Suir. 

But,  my  beloved  brothers  and  friends,  I  have  now 
again  to  advise  you.  In  making  peace,  you  have  held 
large  meetings.  My  opinion  is,  that  you  were  right  at 
first  in  holding  such  meetings,  because  you  held  them, 
as  I  advised,  in  perfect  obedience  to  the  law,  and  with- 
out the  least  violence  or  outrage  to  any  body.  You 
were  so  kind  as  to  call  yourselves  my  police.  Surely 
no  police  ever  behaved  themselves  half  so  well,  or 
kept  the  peace  with  half  so  much  kindliness  and  good- 
humour. 

But  the  time  is  come  to  discontinue  those  public 
meetings.  For  the  present  year,  let  us  have  no  more  of 
them. 

Halt,  therefore,  my  beloved  friends — halt,  my  dear 
brothers.  I  give  you  the  word  of  command.  Halt, 
and,  for  the  present,  let  those  public  and  general  meet- 
ings be  discontinued. 

In  the  mean  time,  depend  upon  it  that  the  Catholic 
Association  will  not  slumber  over  your  wrongs.  I  my- 
self shall  not  be  idle.  We  will  make  our  arrangements 
peaceably  and  constitutionally,  but  perseveringly  and 
vigorously,  to  assert  your  rights,  and  to  obtain  for  the 


APPENDIX.  clxxxiii 

Catholics  of  Ireland  that  justice  which  is   due  to  us, 
and  which  is  all  we  want, 

Will  you  not  listen  to  my  voice?  Will  you  not  follow 
the  advice  I  give  you ?  I  venture  to  promise  that  you 
will  listen  to  the  advice  that  comes  from  a  friend — from 
a  brother,  who  has  no  other  object  under  heaven  but  to 
obtain  justice  for  the  professors  of  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  liberty  and  happiness  for  the  people  of  Ireland. 

You  know  that  I  am  your  friend— you  know  that  my 
life  has  been  devoted  to  your  service — you  know  that  I 
have  been  the  active  enemy  of  Orange  injustice  and 
Orange  oppression.  I  have  opposed  the  Orangemen, 
laughed  at  them,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  Catholic  As- 
sociation, protected  many  of  the  Catholics  of  the  North 
against  them,  and  brought  the  guilty  to  shame,  and 
some  of  them  to  punishment. 

I  am  your  friend.  I  am  the  enemy  of  oppression, 
bigotry,  and  tyranny.  As  your  friend,  I  advise  you — I 
entreat  you — allow  me  to  add,  I  order  you,  to  discon- 
tinue large  and  general  meetings  for  the  present  year, 
and  not  to  expose  yourselves  to  the  machinations  of 
your  enemies,  or  the  treachery  of  pretended  friends. 

In  the  mean  time,  and  before  the  next  summer  comes, 
I  trust  that  the  accursed  flag  of  Orange  oppression  will 
be  laid  in  the  dust  for  ever.  I  trust  that  Irishmen  of 
every  class  and  of  every  sect  and  persuasion,  will  be- 
come friends  and  brothers,  and  that  our  lovely  native 
land,  green  Erin,  of  the  rivers  and  streams,  will  be  the 
abode  of  peace  and  happiness  and  liberty 

Yes,  my  friends,  I  can  venture  to   promise,  that  if 
you  obey  the  advice  of  the  Catholic  Association — if  you 


APPENDIX. 

follow  the  counsels  that  I  give  you — liberty  will  be  near 
at  hand,  and  that  within  the  space  of  one  or  two  years 
at  the  utmost,  we  shall  see  all  we  want,  all  we  desire — 
we  shall  see  throughout  Ireland — 

"  Happy  homes  and  altars  free." 

Commit  no  crime.  Be  not  guilty  of  any  outrage. 
Discontinue  large  meetings.  Hold  no  secret  meetings 
whatsoever.  Have  no  secret  societies  of  any  kind. 
Secrecy  in  political  matters  is  in  itself  bad,  and  is  the 
fruitful  source  of  every  crime.  I  have  no  secret  what- 
soever. The  Catholic  Association  has  no  secrets.  The 
Orangemen  and  the  Whiteboys  have  secrets,  and  ac- 
cordingly blood  and  murder  and  every  species  of  ini- 
quity are  produced  by  them. 

Our  instructions  to  you  are  public — we  publicly  call 
on  you  to  discontinue  for  the  present  those  large  and 
public  meetings.  Let  parties  be  reconciled  in  their  own 
respective  parishes,  but  let  not  one  single  man  go  into 
any  other  parish  for  that  purpose.  If  any  man  after 
this  warning  go  into  any  other  parish,  or  make  any  part 
of  a  public  procession  or  meeting  out  of  his  own  parish, 
believe  me  he  is  not  a  friend.  He  is  an  enemy.  Do  not 
trust  him  as  a  brother,  but  deal  with  him  as  with  a  hired 
spy.  Treat  him  with  contempt  and  scorn. 

Discontinue,  therefore,  immediately,  those  large 
meetings.  Discontinue  them  cheerfully,  readily,  and 
at  once. 

Listen  as  men  of  sense  to  the  reasons  why  these 
meetings  should  be  discontinued. 

First,— Your  most  valuable  and  excellent  clergy— the 


APPENDIX.  clxXXV 

poor  man's  best  friends,  all  join  in  advising  you  to  dis- 
continue them.  Did  they  ever  give  you  bad  advice  ? 
Never.  Did  you  ever  regret  that  you  followed  the  ad- 
vice they  gave  you  ?  Never.  When  have  you  disre- 
garded their  advice  without  being  sorry  for  it  after- 
wards ?  Never.  Follow  then  the  advice  of  your  pious 
and  exemplary  clergy,  and  discontinue  those  meetings. 

Secondly, — The  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland  ad- 
vises and  orders  you  to  discontinue  those  meetings. 
That  body  constitutes  the  most  honest  and  patriotic  as- 
sembly that  ever  yet  met  to  advance  the  cause  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty.  That  honest,  patriotic,  and  pure 
body,  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland,  advise  and 
command  you  to  discontinue  those  meetings.  Obey 
their  advice  as  if  it  were  a  command. 

Thirdly, — I,  your  faithful  friend,  advise  you  imme- 
diately to  discontinue  those  meetings.  I  have  laboured 
for  you  for  twenty-eight  long  years,  and  am  going  to 
parliament  that  I  may  be  able  to  do  you  some  effectual 
good.  I  ought  to  know  what  is  useful  to  you,  and  I  do 
most  solemnly  assure  you  that  nothing  could  be  more 
injurious  to  you  than  having  any  more  of  those  large 
meetings  for  the  present.  You  took  my  advice  before — 
the  Catholic  people  in  many  parts  of  Ireland  take  my 
advice — discontinue  those  large  meetings. 

Fourthly, — It  is  the  wish  of  the  honest  and  patriotic 
part  of  the  present  government  that  you  should  discon- 
tinue those  meetings.  The  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  Mar- 
quess of  Anglesey,  is  a  sincere  friend  of  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  Ireland ;  he  is,  what  you  all  like  and  love 
— as  brave  a  soldier  as  ever  wielded  a  sword ;  he  is  most 


APPENDIX. 

desirous  to  produce  peace,  tranquillity,  and  happiness 
in  Ireland.  He  is  anxious  to  put  down  oppression  of 
every  kind  and  crime  of  every  description.  The 
Orangemen  hate  and  fear  him — the  people  love  and 
respect  him — it  is  necessary,  in  order  to  gratify  what 
must  be  his  wishes,  that  those  large  meetings  should 
be  discontinued.  Discontinue  them,  therefore,  that  the 
noble  and  brave  Marquess  of  Anglesey  may  be  able  to 
serve  our  country,  to  put  down  faction  and  party  of 
every  description,  and  to  do  his  duty  to  the  King  and 
the  people,  by  seeing  Ireland  tranquil,  free,  and  happy. 

Fifthly, — Let  me,  as  a  fifth  reason,  tell  you  that  we 
have  also  in  the  government  a  most  impartial  and  up- 
right chancellor.  Under  his  control  are  the  magistracy 
of  the  country.  The  Catholics,  during  the  chancellor- 
ship of  Lord  Manners,  suffered  much  from  delinquent 
magistrates.  Let  us  be  grateful  to  Sir  Anthony  Hart, 
and  show  that  gratitude,  by  our  ready  obedience  to  the 
law.  Let  us,  therefore,  discontinue  those  public  pro- 
cessions and  large  meetings,  which  must  be  displeasing 
to  him,  and  injurious  to  the  great  cause  in  which  the 
people  are  engaged. 

Sixthly, — Let  me  also  tell  you  that  we  have  in  the 
government  another  manly,  independent,  high-minded, 
and  honest  friend  to  the  people  of  Ireland.  I  mean 
Lord  Francis  Leveson  Gower.  Depend  upon  it  you 
could  not  displease  him  more,  nor  more  disturb  the 
course  of  his  honest  exertions,  than  by  continuing  those 
large  meetings.  Instead  of  being  your  friend,  you  will 
necessarily  make  him  your  enemy,  if  you  reject  so  much 
good  advice  as  is  thus  given  you,  and  if  you  continue 


APPENDIX. 

those   meetings  after   you   are   thus   emphatically  and 
earnestly  called  on  to  desist. 

Seventhly, — In  proportion  as  the  Catholics  and,  the 
friends  of  the  Catholics  are  anxious  to  put  an  end  to 
those  meetings,  in  the  same  proportion  are  the  Orange- 
men desirous  that  they  should  be  continued.  The 
Orangemen  wish  that  you  should  disobey  the  Catholic 
Association.  The  Orangemen  wish  to  commit  you  with 
the  government,  and  against  the  law.  We  desire  that 
you  should  cultivate  the  esteem  of  a  friendly  govern- 
ment, and  strictly  obey  the  law.  I  need  not  ask  which 
you  will  obey,  the  Catholic  Association,  or  gratify  the 
Orangemen.  I  am  ready  to  pledge  my  life  for  it,  that 
you  will  obey  us,  that  you  will  confide  in  our  affection 
for  you,  and,  as  we  ask  it,  you  will  at  once  discontinue 
those  meetings. 

Eighthly, — The  Orangemen  have  assumed  a  new  de- 
nomination. Some  of  them  call  themselves  Brunswick 
clubs,  but  they  are  better  and  more  appropriately  known 
by  the  appellation  of  "  Blood-hound  clubs,"  because  they 
seek  to  continue  an  unjust  and  odious  monopoly,  by 
shedding  the  blood  of  the  people.  These  wicked  and 
sanguinary  men  have  subscribed  large  sums  of  money 
for  purposes  which  they,  depraved  though  they  be,  are 
ashamed  to  avow— but  which  must  be,  amongst  other 
bad  intents,  to  hire  spies  and  informers,  and  other 
wretches,  who  would  mingle  amongst  the  people,  insti- 
gate them  to  acts  of  violence,  fabricate  false  plots  and 
conspiracies,  and  betray  the  people  in  every  way  to  their 
enemies.  These  "  blood-hounds"  wish  that  you  should 
continue  those  large  meetings,  in  order  that  by  means 


clxxxviii  APPENDIX. 

of  their  own  spies  and  informers  they  may  find  some  op- 
portunity to  shed  your  blood.  If  any  man  tells  you  to 
disobey  the  advice  of  the  Catholic  Association,  believe 
me  that  such  men  must  be  in  the  pay  of  "  the  blood- 
hounds." I  implore  of  you  to  treat  him  as  such. 

Ninthly  and  lastly, — If  you  disobey  the  advice  of  the 
Catholic  Association,  and  if  you  refuse  to  listen  to  my 
entreaty,  we  must  at  once  desert  you — we  must  aban- 
don you.  It  would  be  with  the  greatest  reluctance  that 
we  should  desert  or  abandon  the  people  of  Tipperary. 
But  we  ask  yourselves,  what  else  can  we  do?  If  you 
refuse  to  listen  to  the  honest  advice  which  we  give  you 
for  your  own  good  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Catholic 
cause,  why  it  will  in  that  case  be  our  duty  not  only  to 
abandon  you,  but  actually  to  resist  the  course  which  you 
are  taking. 

But,  my  friends,  my  brothers,  honest  arid  worthy 
people  of  the  county  of  Tipperary,  I  am  quite  certain 
that  you  will  obey  us.  I  firmly  belieye  that  one  word 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  procure  that  obedience. 
You  know  there  is  no  use  in  being  resolute  and  brave, 
unless  you  have  the  virtue  of  perfect  subordination. 
Without  subordination  it  would  be  impossible  to  pre- 
serve the  peace  amongst  yourselves,  or  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  crimes  and  outrages  which  would  stain 
you  with  guilt,  bring  down  deserved  punishment  on 
you,  and  give  a  triumph  to  your  bitter  and  unrelenting 
enemies,  "  the  blood-hounds  "  of  Ireland. 

Allow  us  of  the  Catholic  Association  to  conduct  the 
great  Catholic  cause  to  final  success :  we  approach  to 
that  success  daily ;  and  I  tell  you  we  are  certain  of  sue- 


APPENDIX. 

cess,  unless  the  people  themselves,  by  some  misconduct, 
prevent  us.  Is  there  a  single  honest  man  amongst  you 
that  would  not  bitterly  regret  his  disobedience,  if  it 
were — as  it  certainly  would  be — the  means  of  preventing 
the  success  of  the  Catholic  cause,  which  involves  in 
itself  the  very  principle  of  freedom  of  conscience  all 
over  the  world  ? 

Rely  on  the  Catholic  Association ;  we  will  not  sleep 
on  our  posts : — we  desire  to  obtain  liberty  for  the  Irish 
people ;  but  we  desire  to  do  it  by  raising  the  moral  and 
religious  character  of  that  people.  Liberty,  glorious 
liberty,  is  within  our  reach,  if  we  will  only  deserve  it. 
Let  me  strongly  advise  you  to  be  regular  and  constant 
in  your  various  duties  ;  consider  no  man  as  worthy  of 
being  called  "  a  friend  and  brother,"  but  a  man  who  is 
observant  of  the  rules  and  practices  of  his  religion — who 
is  honest,  conscientious,  and  moral  in  his  conduct — who 
is,  according  to  his  relations  of  life,  a  good  son  to  his 
parents,  a  good  brother  to  his  sisters,  a  loving  and  kind 
husband  to  his  wife,  and  a  tender  and  careful  father  to 
his  children.  We  disclaim  the  assistance  of  the  idle, 
the  profligate,  the  vicious.  Religious  and  moral  men 
are  those  alone  who  can  regenerate  Ireland,  and  I  am 
sure  there  are  amongst  you  many,  many,  very  many 
such  friends  to  liberty  and  Old  Ireland. 

The  greatest  enemy  we  can  have  is  the  man  who 
commits  any  crime  against  his  fellow-man,  or  any 
offence  in  the  sight  of  his  God.  The  greatest  enemy 
of  the  liberty  of  Ireland  is  the  man  who  violates  the  law 
in  any  respect,  or  breaks  the  peace,  or  commits  any 
outrage  whatsoever. 


CXC  APPENDIX. 

My  friends,  my  beloved  brothers,  cultivate  your  moral 
and  religious  duties.  Avoid  every  kind  of  crime  ;  avoid, 
as  you  would  a  pestilence,  all  secret  societies,  all  illegal 
oaths  ;  seize  upon  any  man  who  proposes  to  you  to  be- 
come a  member  of  any  secret  society,  or  proposes  to  you 
any  oath  or  engagement  of  a  party  or  political  nature. 
I  denounce  every  such  man  to  you  as  a  "  blood-hound" 
in  disguise.  Treat  him  as  such,  and  drag  him  before  a 
magistrate  for  prosecution  and  punishment. 

Rely  on  it  also  that  I  will  not  lose  sight  of  the  great 
work  of  the  pacification  of  the  county  of  Tipperary.  I 
am  proud  of  having  begun  that  great  and  glorious  work. 
We,  my  friends  and  brothers,  will  not  leave  that  work 
unfinished.  You  will,  I  am  sure,  desist  from  those 
large  and  unnecessary  meetings  ;  and  I  promise  you  to 
mature  a  more  useful  plan.  That  plan,  when  matured, 
I  will  submit  to  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland ; 
and  if  it  meets  the  approbation  of  that  learned,  intelli- 
gent, and  most  patriotic  body,  I  am  sure  you  will  adopt 
it,  and  that  it  will  spread  all  over  the  land. 

The  outline  of  that  plan  will  be  to  divide  the  people 
for  all  political,  moral,  and  religious  purposes,  into 
numbers  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  twenty.  That 
these  one  hundred  and  twenty  should  elect  amongst 
themselves  a  person  to  take  charge  of  the  whole  under 
the  name  of  a  "  pacificator."  No  man  to  be  a  "  pacifi- 
cator" but  a  man  regular  in  his  religious  duties,  and  at 
least  a  monthly  communicant.  The  "pacificator"  to 
have  power  to  nominate  two  persons,  to  be  called 
"regulators,"  under  him,  and  the  three  to  be  responsible 
that  no  crime  or  outrage  or  violation  of  the  law  should 


APPENDIX.  CXC1 

be  committed  by  any  of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty. 
On  the  contrary,  that  they  should  assist  in  the  preser- 
vation of  the  peace,  in  the  prevention  of  all  crimes — in 
the  suppression  of  all  illegal  societies — in  the  collection 
of  the  Catholic  Rent,  and  in  all  other  useful,  legal,  and 
honest  purposes. 

It  would  be  part  of  my  plan,  that  the  name  and  re- 
sidence of  each  "  pacificator  "  should  be  transmitted  to 
every  neighbouring  magistrate  and  police  station,  and 
advertised  in  the  newspapers,  and  enrolled  in  the  books 
of  the  Catholic  Association. 

I  mention  this  faint  outline  of  my  plan,  merely  to 
show  you  that  if  the  Orangemen  and  Brunswick  blood- 
hounds proceed  in  their  sanguinary  career,  we  shall 
easily  find  legal  and  constitutional  means  to  counteract 
them,  and  to  protect  the  people  against  them,  and  to  set 
them  at  defiance. 

Observe,  however,  that  this  plan  is  not  yet  adopted 
by  the  Catholic  Association — until  it  is,  it  will  not  be 
carried  into  effect  any  where.  As  soon  as  I  reach 
Dublin,  I  will  return  thither  speedily — I  will  bring 
forward  my  plan  of  "  General  Pacification." 

Obey  the  laws;  follow  the  advice  of  the  Catholic 
Association  ;  listen  to  the  counsels  I  give  you  ;  discon- 
tinue, I  know  you  will  discontinue,  those  large  meetings ; 
avoid  secret  societies  and  illegal  oaths;  contribute, 
according  to  your  means,  to  that  sacred  and  national 
fund,  the  Catholic  Rent ;  cultivate  your  moral  duties  ; 
attend  seriously  and  solemnly  to  your  holy  and  divine 
religion. 

You  will  thus  exalt  yourselves  as  men  arid  as  Chris- 


CXC11  APPENDIX. 

tians.  Bigotry  and  oppression  will  wither  from  amongst 
us.  A  parental  government,  now  held  out  to  us,  will 
compensate  for  centuries  of  misrule.  We  will  plant  in 
our  native  land  the  constitutional  tree  of  liberty.  That 
noble  tree  will  prosper  and  flourish  in  our  green  and 
fertile  country.  It  will  extend  its  protecting  branches 
all  over  this  lovely  island.  Beneath  its  sweet  and 
sacred  shade,  the  universal  people  of  Ireland,  Catholics, 
and  Protestants,  and  Presbyterians,  and  Dissenters  of 
every  class,  will  sit  in  peace,  and  union,  and  tranquillity. 
Commerce  and  trade  will  flourish ;  industry  will  be 
rewarded ;  and  the  people,  contented  and  happy,  will 
see  Old  Ireland — what  she  ought  to  be, 

Great,  glorious,  and  free, 
First  flower  of  the  earth,  first  gem  of  the  sea. 

Believe  me,  beloved  friends,  to  be  your  devoted  Servant, 
DANIEL  O'CONNELL, 

Of  the  Order  of  Liberators. 

A  Proclamation  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant- General 

and  Governor  of  Ireland. 
ANGLESEY. 

Whereas,  in  certain  counties  in  this  part  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  meetings  of  large  numbers  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects  have  been  lately  held,  consisting  of 
persons  both  on  foot  and  on  horseback,  coming  together 
from  various  and  distant  parts  and  places,  acting  in 
concert  and  under  the  command  of  leaders,  and  assum- 
ing the  appearance  of  military  array  and  discipline,  or 


APPENDIX.  CXC111 

exhibiting  other  marks  and  symbols  of  illegal  concert 
and  union,  to  the  great  danger  of  the  public  peace,  and 
to  the  well-founded  terror  and  dread  of  his  Majesty's 
peaceable  and  well-disposed  subjects  ; 

And  whereas  we  have  received  information  that,  in 
other  parts,  certain  persons  have  been  passing  through 
the  country,  provoking  and  exciting  the  assemblage  of 
large  bodies  of  people,  for  no  purpose  known  to  the 
law,  to  the  great  terror  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and 
the  endangering  of  the  public  peace  and  safety  ; 

And  whereas  the  meeting  and  assembling  together  in 
such  numbers,  and  in  such  manner  as  aforesaid,  and 
thereby  occasioning  such  dread  and  terror,  and  endan- 
gering the  public  peace,  is  a  manifest  offence  and  an 
open  breach  of  the  law,  and  such  unlawful  assemblies 
ought  therefore  to  be  suppressed  and  put  down  ; 

And  whereas  many  well-affected  but  unwary  persons 
may  be  seduced  by  divers  specious  pretences  given  out 
for  the  holding  of  such  assemblies,  and  in  ignorance  of 
the  law,  to  frequent  the  same; 

We,  therefore,  the  Lord  Lieutenant-general  and 
General-governor  of  Ireland,  being  resolved  to  suppress 
and  put  down  such  illegal  meetings,  and  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  thereof,  have  thought  fit  to  issue  this  procla- 
mation, solemnly  and  strictly  warning  all  his  Majesty's 
liege  subjects  from  henceforth  to  discontinue  the 
holding  or  attending  any  such  meetings  or  assemblies 
as  aforesaid  ;  and  do  charge  and  earnestly  exhort  them,  to 
the  utmost  of  their  power,  to  discountenance  all  meetings 
and  assemblies  of  a  similar  nature,  and  thereby  to  pre- 
vent the  dangers  and  mischief  consequent  on  the  same ; 
VOL.  ii.  n 


CXC1V  APPENDIX. 

and  being  determined  and  resolved  strictly  to  enforce 
the  law,  and  the  penalties  thereof,  against  persons 
offending  in  the  premises,  do  charge  and  command  all 
sheriffs,  mayors,  justices  of  the  peace,  and  all  other 
magistrates,  officers,  and  others  whom  it  may  concern, 
to  be  aiding  and  assisting  in  the  execution  of  the  law, 
in  preventing  such  meetings  and  assemblies  from  being 
held,  and  in  the  effectual  dispersion  and  suppression  of 
the  same,  and  in  the  detection  and  protection  of  those 
who,  after  this  notice,  shall  offend  in  respects  afore- 
said. 

Given  at  his  Majesty's  Castle  of  Dublin,  this  30th 
day  of  September,  1828. 

By  his  Majesty's  command, 

F.  L.  GOWER. 

No.  XXVIII. 

AMERICAN  ASSOCIATIONS,  &c. 

At  a  Meeting  held  at  Harmony  Hall,  New  York, 
July  6,  1826,  the  following  resolutions  were  unani- 
mously agreed  to  : — • 

That  the  persons  assembled  at  this  meeting  form 
themselves  into  a  society,  for  the  three  following  pur- 
poses : — 1st,  The  establishment  of  a  rent,  in  order  to 
co-operate  the  more  effectually  with  those  illustrious  in- 
dividuals in  Ireland,  who  are  desirous  to  accomplish  the 
emancipation  of  their  country. — 2nd,  To  give  efficient  ex- 
pression to  our  sympathy  for  the  oppressed,  and  our  in- 


APPENDIX.  CXCV 

dignation  at  the  conduct  of  the  oppressors.— 3rd,  To  ad- 
dress the  free  and  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth  on 
the  subject  of  Ireland's  wrongs  and  England's  intole- 
rance— to  proclaim  to  them  that  the  enemy  of  religious 
toleration  must  be  inimical  to  the  universal  law  of  na- 
tions. 

ROBERT  SWANTON,  Chairman. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  friends  of  Ireland,  convened 
agreeably  to  public  notice,  held  on  Friday  evening  the 
1st  of  August,  1828,  at  the  Masonic  Hall,  Broadway, 

Dr.  Macnevin  was  called  to  the  chair,  and 

James  Shea  was  appointed  secretary  ; 

The  chairman  explained  the  object  of  calling  the 
meeting,  with  a  eulogium  on  the  patriotism  and  public 
spirit  displayed  by  the  Irish  forty- shilling  freeholders 
at  the  late  general  election  in  Ireland — whereupon  it 
was  unanimously 

Resolved,  That  in  the  boldness  of  the  forty-shilling 
freeholders  of  Ireland,  so  independently  exemplified  at 
the  late  election  of  representatives  to  parliament,  we 
discover  with  high  satisfaction  a  new  evidence  that  Ire- 
land is  not  deficient  in  the  materials  for  forming  a  great 
people:  the  men  who  have  conquered  their  dictating 
landlords^have  subdued  the  most  powerful  of  their  ene- 
mies ; — they  who  have  dared  under  the  apprehension  of 
a  persecution  scarcely  endurable  to  oppose  their  would- 
be-masters,  have  undoubtedly  the  courage  to  resist  ty- 
ranny whencesoever  it  may  come.  The  stern  honesty 
of  the  forty-shilling  freeholder  gives  assurance,  on  which 
we  may  rely,  that  at  no  very  distant  day  his  virtue  will 
be  rewarded  by  the  regeneration  of  his  country. 


CXCV1  APPENDIX. 

Resolved,  That  an  Association  be  immediately  formed, 
to  be  styled  "The  Association  of  the  Friends  of  Ireland, 
in  the  city  of  New  York." 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  shall  be  appointed 
to  draft  such  rules  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  regulation 
of  the  Association  now  formed,  and  report  the  same  to 
a  general  meeting,  to  be  called  by  said  committee,  as 
soon  as  convenient. 

The  blank  was  then  filled  with  the  following  names ; 
viz.  Dr.  Macnevin,  Judge  Swan  ton,  Counsellor  O'Con- 
nor, John  Doyle,  and  James  Shea. 

Resolved,  That  the  chairman  be  requested  to  write  an 
opening  address  for  the  Association. 

Resolved,  That  a  list  be  taken  of  the  names  of  indi- 
viduals now  present,  wishing  to  become  members  of  the 
Association — whereupon  about  one  hundred  names  were 
recorded. 

JAMES  SHEA,  Secretary. 

Boston,  1828. 

At  the  semi-annual  public  meeting  of -the  Hibernian 
Relief  Society,  held  at  Boylston  Hall,  on  Monday  even- 
ing, 6th  inst.,  the  following  resolutions,  offered  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Byrne,  were  unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  a  special  meeting  of  the  society  be 
on  Monday  evening,  the  20th  inst. 

Resolved,  That  a  remittance  be  made  to  the  Catholic 
Association  in  Dublin,  by  the  packet  of  the  1st  of  No- 
vember, or  sooner,  if  convenient,  after  the  special  meet- 
ing. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  be  appointed 


APPENDIX.  CXCV11 

to  examine  the  treasurer's  accounts,  and  report  at  the 
special  meeting  the  amount  of  the  society's  funds,  after 
deducting  what  may  be  due  for  expenses. 

llesolved,  That  the  names  of  all  the  members  who 
shall  have  paid  all  their  assessments,  be  transmitted  with 
the  remittance. 

Resolved,  That  donations  be  received,  as  well  from 
members  as  from  others  who  wish  to  aid  the  people  of 
Ireland  in  their  struggles  for  civil  and  religious  li- 
berty. 

Resolved,  That  the  said  donation  be  acknowledged, 
by  having  the  name  of  each  donor,  and  the  amount  given 
by  him,  published  in  one  or  more  of  the  Boston  news- 
papers. 

Resolved,  That  a  separate  list  of  the  names  of  donors 
be  transmitted  to  Ireland,  and  the  amount  given  by  each 
annexed  to  his  name. 

Resolved,  That  the  trustees  be  requested  to  exert 
themselves  in  procuring  donations,  and  also  in  calling 
upon  members  who  may  be  in  arrears  to  pay  in  their 
assessments. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  be  appointed  to 
draw  up  an  address  or  letter  to  accompany  our  remit- 
tance, and  congratulating  Daniel  O'Connell  upon  his 
election  to  Parliament,  and  that  such  letter  or  address 
be  read  at  the  special  meeting. 

Resolved,  That  the  said  special  meeting  shall  be  a 
public  one,  and  that  all  donations  there  received  shall 
be  recorded  and  announced  from  the  chair. 

Committees  were  then  appointed  agreeably  to  the 
above  resolutions. 


CXCV111  APPENDIX. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

An  Association  of  persons  of  all  nations,  and  without 
distinction  of  creed  or  party,  has  been  formed  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  aiding  the  people  of  Ireland  in  the  re- 
covery of  their  civil  and  religious  liberties.  They  have 
taken  upon  themselves  the  title  of  "  The  Association  of 
the  Friends  of  Ireland  in  New  York."  They  deem  it  of 
importance  to  address  you  as  freemen,  as  Christians, 
and  as  the  promoters  of  liberal  principles,  in  behalf  of 
that  people  who  may  justly  claim  your  notice,  your  sym- 
pathy, and  your  assistance.  Their  subject  is  the  en- 
slavement of  a  people  possessing,  in  common  with  your- 
selves, consciousness  of  right,  sensibility  to  injustice, 
and  a  deep  conviction  of  the  cruelty  of  that  oppression 
which  would  devise  and  enforce  laws  to  bind  the  con- 
science in  matters  of  religious  belief,  which  would  de- 
prive man  of  his  political  privileges,  for  asserting  his 
mental  independence. 

Americans !  people  of  the  United  States !  we  call 
upon  you  by  all  those  endearing  ties  which  bind  man 
to  his  brother :  by  those  obligations  which  are  esteemed 
the  most  sacred  among  the  most  enlightened  nations  :  in 
the  name  of  that  divine  charity  which  directs  the  sen- 
sibilities of  the  heart  beyond  the  limits  of  home  :  we 
call  upon  you  in  the  spirit  of  true  Christianity,  which 
extends  its  benevolence  to  all  men :  by  that  enlarged 
sense  of  gratitude  which  delights  to  acknowledge  sa- 
crifices and  benefits :  we  call  upon  you  to  extend  your 
pecuniary  aid  to  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty 
in  Ireland.  Her  people  ask  your  aid — not  as  a  favour, 


APPENDIX.  CXC1X 

but  as  a  right.  They  are  your  brothers,  and  cannot 
justly  be  denied  :  they  have  claims  upon  your  gratitude  : 
they  are  entitled  to  your  assistance :  they  are  oppressed 
by  harsh  and  illiberal  laws,  and  they  appeal  to  you  as  to 
a  people  who,  by  the  peculiar  felicity  of  your  fortunes, 
are  constituted  the  arbiters  between  the  oppressor  and 
the  oppressed — are  placed  conspicuous  among  nations, 
as  the  preservers  and  dispensers  of  free  principles. 
Their  fathers  have  fought  and  bled  side  by  side  with 
your  fathers — have  died  \vith  them  to  obtain  for  you 
that  liberty  which  you  now  enjoy.  May  the  debt 
which  you  owed  to  the  fathers,  be  now  paid  to  the 
children ! 

The  services  of  Irishmen  have  been  pre-eminent  where- 
soever the  standard  of  freedom  hath  been  unfurled  to 
the  breeze.  Alas !  their  exertions  have  only  been  un- 
successful in  emancipating  their  own  land !  On  the 
plains  of  revolutionary  France ;  on  the  wild  pampas  of 
Peru ;  amid  the  dark  defiles  of  the  snow-clad  Andes ; 
upon  the  island  shores  of  classic  Greece,  they  have 
proved  their  devotion  to  the  rights  of  man — they  have 
sealed  with  their  blood  their  covenant  with  freedom. 
Thus,  far  from  their  own  green  isle,  they  have  died  for 
strangers  ; — and  their  bones  now  whiten  in  the  sun  on 
fields  where  the  glory  of  dying  in  the  cause  of  universal 
emancipation,  was  their  incentive  to  exertion ;  where 
the  hope  that  their  sacrifices  would  be  remembered  by 
the  world  in  favour  of  their  native  land,  when  her  call 
for  assistance  should  go  forth,  was  at  once  their  reward 
and  their  consolation. 

But  especially  have  Irishmen  aided  in  obtaining  and 
preserving  the  liberties  of  that  country  whose  cordial 


CC  APPENDIX. 

reception  and  generous  protection  have  almost  repaid 
them  for  the  loss  of  their  own.  In  that  memorable 
revolution  which  conferred  upon  these  United  States 
independence  and  glory,  power  and  prosperity — for 
their  bravery,  their  fortitude,  and  their  incorruptible 
constancy,  Irishmen  were  not  surpassed  even  by  native 
Americans.  The  venerable  Ramsay  has  published  to 
the  world  in  his  elegant  history  of  that  revolution,  that 
then  "  Irishmen  were  famous,  but  the  sons  of  Irishmen 
were  conspicuous." 

We  deem  it  unnecessary  to  enumerate  those  brave 
and  gifted  men  whom  Ireland  sent  to  the  aid  of  your 
fathers  during  that  momentous  struggle  against  tyranny, 
or  to  dwell  upon  their  exploits.  We  address  you  as  an 
intelligent  people.  We  appeal  with  confidence  to  your 
knowledge  of  the  brightest  pages  which  history  pre- 
sents ;  of  those  which  describe  the  battles,  the  suffer- 
ings and  the  sacrifices  of  your  brave  fathers  and  their 
equally  brave  compatriots,  during  that  glorious  war. 
Come  forward,  then,  and  declare  your  knowledge  of 
that  history,  and  the  estimation  in  which  you  hold  those 
services,  by  assisting  the  children  of  those  Irishmen  to 
break  the  degrading  chains  which  oppress  their  consci- 
ences and  confine  their  minds.  Contribute  to  the  sacred 
fund  of  this  Association ;  enable  the  forty- shilling  free- 
holders of  Ireland  to  avail  themselves  of  that  import- 
ant franchise  secured  by  the  act  of  Union.  The  time  is 
auspicious ;  the  only  danger  will  arise  from  delays. 
Greece  had  claims  upon  your  sympathy — Ireland  hath 
demands  upon  your  justice.  Assist  her  peasantry  to 
maintain  their  rightful  advantage  against  the  local 
aristocrats,  and  the  slave-drivers  of  the  absentees ;  and 


APPENDIX.  CCl 

an  event,  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  shall 
occur — a  revolution  conferring  the  blessings  of  tolera- 
tion, and  all  the  immunities  that  gave  value  to  exist- 
ence, upon  seven  millions  of  people,  without  the  shed- 
ding of  blood,  and  without  the  dismemberment  of  an 
empire ! 

Ireland  is,  at  length,  united  for  this  great  purpose. 
Her  unity  is  what  her  oppressors  have  ever  dreaded — it 
is  irresistible.  It  frustrates  the  secret  operations  of 
their  dividing  system.  Come  forward,  people  of  free 
America !  and  by  aiding  with  your  accustomed  liberality 
a  cause  in  which  all  good  men,  without  distinction  of 
sect,  country,  or  party,  must  agree,  share  in  the  eternal 
glory  of  giving  civil  and  religious  freedom — not  to  any 
set  or  party,  but  to  your  fellow-men — to  immortal  beings 
like  yourselves — to  the  people  of  Ireland. 

Published  by  order  of  the  Association  of  "  The 
Friends  of  Ireland  in  New  York." 

WM.  J.  MACNEVIN,  President. 

ADDRESS   TO   THE    FRENCH. 

(Translated  from  the  Courier  des  Etats  Unis.) 

The  friends  of  Ireland,  desirous  of  aiding  by  their 
countenance  and  contributions  the  efforts  now  making 
in  Ireland  for  the  attainment  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  still  denied  to  its  Catholic  inhabitants,  re- 
spectfully acquaint  their  French  fellow-citizens  that  an 
association  of  persons  of  liberal  principles,  of  all  nations, 
has  been  formed  with  that  sole  object. 

The  people  of  France,  for  ages  past,  have  been  the 
generous  friends  and  benefactors  of  the  Irish,  whom  re- 


CC11  APPENDIX. 

ligious  persecution  tore  from  their  native  homes.  In 
France  they  found  a  country :  its  hospitality  was  ever 
open  to  them ;  and  though  no  nation  possesses  more 
talent,  valour,  and  great  qualities  of  its  own,  the  Irish 
were  always  admitted  without  jealousy  or  reluctance  to 
civil  and  military  employments,  and  to  all  sorts  of  pre- 
ferment under  the  government  of  France.  With  these 
facts  in  our  memory,  and  engraven  on  our  hearts,  we 
cannot,  without  inconsistency  and  an  appearance  of  in- 
gratitude, to  which  we  are  strangers,  pass  over  in  silence 
our  French  brethren  on  this  interesting  occasion.  The 
French  enjoy  liberty,  and  love  it ;  they  hate  oppression, 
and  can  appreciate  the  political  exertions  of  Ireland, 
and  sympathise  with  her  wrongs.  We  flatter  ourselves 
too  that  Frenchmen  entertain  gratifying  recollections  of 
the  return  made  by  Irishmen,  at  all  times,  for  the  asy- 
lum they  received ;  proving  themselves  gallant  in  war, 
faithful  in  peace,  deserving  the  entire  confidence  with 
which  they  were  always  honoured  by  their  generous  and 
kind  friends.  It  is  for  this  we  address  them. — To  be- 
come a  member  of  the  Association  it  is  only  requisite 
to  sign  the  constitution,  pay  one  dollar  initiation,  and 
twelve  and  a  half  cents  per  month.  Its  meetings  are 
held  at  Tammany  Hall,  one  every  Wednesday  evening. 
WM.  J.  MACNEVIN,  President. 

New  York. 

THE   ADDRESS    OF   THE    LADIES    OF    MARYLAND    TO 
THE   FEMALES    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.* 

At  a  momentous  period,  when  all  the  civilised  world 
turns  with  interest  and  astonishment  to  view  the  strug- 

*  This  address  was  drawn  up  by  a  patriotic  lady  of  Maryland. 


APPENDIX.  CC111 

gle  of  seven  millions  of  people  for  their  legal  rights — 
at  a  moment  when  so  many  hands  are  raised  in  suppli- 
cation, and  so  many  hearts  breathe  their  prayers,   to 
obtain  from  the  Lord  of  Hosts  an  emancipation  from  a 
bondage  the  most  galling,  shall  we  remain  unconcerned 
spectators,  while  a  generous  feeling  pervades  the  minds 
of  all  patriots? — No,  beloved  sisters,  it  shall  never  be 
said,  that  humanity  and  Christian  benevolence  have  per- 
vaded our  bosoms! — it  shall  never  be  said,  that  women, 
in   whose   hearts   "  tender   compassion   ever   loves  to 
dwell,"  shall  remain  deaf  to  the  voice  of  misfortune,  in 
its  most  distressing  forms !     Shall  we,  dwelling  in  this 
region  of  happiness  and  peace,  forget  our  fellow-crea- 
tures in  a  foreign  land,  bound  to  some  of  us  all  by  the 
common  laws  of  nature ;  the  children  of  the  same  Al- 
mighty Father,  whom  we  are  all  enjoined  to  assist,  by 
the  holy  precept  of  the  same  Divine  Redeemer,  "  to 
love  our  neighbour  as  ourselves  ?" — To  you,  daughters 
of  Columbia,  I  need  not  expatiate  on  political  motives ; 
to  you,  it  is  sufficient  to  recall  to  your  memory,  that 
some  of  our  most  eminent  patriots,  that  some  of  our 
bravest  defenders  during  the  glorious  struggle  for  our 
independence,  were  natives  of  Ireland— that  Ireland, 
the  land  of  the  brave,  the  land  of  oppressed  humanity, 
the  land  of  hospitality,  and  of  all  the  virtues  religion 
inspires  ! — that  land  whose  suffering  inhabitants  I  solicit 
you  to  assist,  by  all  the  just  claims  they  have  on  your 
most  grateful  feelings,  for  their  blood  freely  shed  in  the 
hour  of  peril,   and  the  enthusiastic   devotedness  they 
have  ever  evinced  for  the  country  of  their  adoption. 
Dear  to  them  are  the  gifts  received  from  the  hands  of 


CC1V  APPENDIX. 

freemen  of  all  nations  and  of  all  creeds ;  but  dearer 
and  sweeter  shall  be  the  offerings  of  female  tenderness 
on  the  altar  of  freedom. 

Daughters  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  residing  in 
these  happy  states,  on  you  we  call !  on  you  who,  blessed 
with  the  advantages  of  health  and  education,  can  so 
well  contribute  by  the  sacrifice  of  some  useless  purchase. 
To  you,  whose  daily  labour  supplies  your  daily  wants, 
we  call  to  spare  one  mite,  which,  like  "  the  widow's 
mite,"  will  be  more  appreciated  "  than  all  that  was 
before  cast  into  the  treasury."  Blessed  with  the  appro- 
bation of  your  conscience,  delightful  will  be  the  recol- 
lection, that  for  a  trifling  sacrifice  of  your  pleasures,  or 
your  conveniences,  you  will  have  contributed  to  the 
happiness  of  thousands.  You  will  have  been  the  in- 
struments in  the  hands  of  Divine  Providence  to  aid  in 
effecting  the  emancipation  of  a  nation,  of  whom  may 
we  soon  exclaim,  in  the  energetic  language  of  Curran, 
"  that  she  stands  redeemed,  regenerated,  and  disen- 
thralled, by  the  genius  of  universal  emancipation." 

Daughters  of  Erin,  on  you  more  particularly  do  we 
call,  to  perform  the  sacred  duty  of  tendering  your  heart- 
felt gifts  to  the  beloved  land  of  your  nativity; — that  dear 
native  soil,  to  which  memory  turns  with  delight,  the 
scene  of  all  your  early  joys  and  purest  pleasures  !  Cold 
indeed  and  insensible  must  be  the  heart  that  can  forget 
it,  and  unworthy  of  her  country  must  she  be  who 
heeds  not  her  call  in  the  crisis  of  her  destiny !  Yet, 
what  do  we  say  ?  Shall  your  hearts  alone  vibrate  to  the 
hallowed  appeal  I  No ;  those  ties  bind  other  hearts,  as 
tenderly,  as  truly  as  your  own !  Never  shall  the  widow 


APPENDIX.  CCV 

cease  to  remember  that  the  loved  and  lamented  partner 
of  her  youth  was  a  native  of  the  Emerald  Isle.  Shall 
then  the  descendant  of  an  Irish  family  forget  the 
affinity  which  connects  her  with  the  sages,  the  orators, 
the  poets,  the  noble  peasantry,  whose  patriotism  and 
long-suffering  reflect  honour  on  their  kindred  and 
their  names  ?  with  the  modest  daughters  of  that 
"  sweetest  gem  of  the  ocean,"  whose  charms  and  ex- 
emplary virtues  adorn  the  lowly  cottage  as  well  as  the 
splendid  hall?  No,  sisters;  united  in  one  common  cause, 
we  shall  make  no  distinction  of  country  or  religion  ;  no 
prejudices  or  political  opinions  shall  sway  us ;  one 
heart-felt  impulse  shall  alone  animate  us — the  duties  of 
humanity  and  the  delights  of  benevolence.  Behold 
where  New  York  exhibits  to  our  view  the  names  of 
many  females  inscribed  on  the  proud  records  of  those 
freemen,  who  unite  their  efforts  in  the  cause  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty !  Shall  we  (some  of  whom  have 
subscribed  for  the  glorious  cause  of  Greece)  refuse  or 
neglect  our  brethren,  whose  integrity  of  conscience  has 
alone  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  misery  and  degrada- 
tion for  so  many  centuries  ?  Shall  we  be  excelled  by  a 
sex  whom  nature  has  not  endowed  with. that  tender 
sensibility  which  characterises  our  own  ?  No ;  let  the 
tribute  of  compassion  and  sympathy  be  paid  in  each 
city,  in  each  village,  of  this  happy  country ;  the  most 
trifling  offering  will  be  accepted. — Should  our  circum- 
stances fortunately  enable  us  to  give  bountifully,  for 
"  the  Lord  loveth  the  cheerful  giver,"  let  us  hasten  to 
present  it.  Are  our  means  straitened,  let  us  bestow 
the  mite  our  poverty  allows  us,  and  be  the  amount  ap- 
plied as  the  donor  shall  direct  for  the  benefit  of  Ireland. 


CCV1  APPENDIX. 

Daughters  of  every  clime,  Christians  of  every  sect, 
we  conjure  you,  arise!  in  the  name  of  Heaven,  religion, 
and  humanity,  arise !  with  all  the  tender  sympathies 
of  your  nature,  and  pour  into  the  treasury  of  benevo- 
lence those  offerings  most  acceptable  to  the  Lord  of 
Hosts,  the  free  gifts  of  hearts  warm  with  generous  feel- 
ings, who  evince  their  veneration  for  their  Creator  by 
"  loving  their  neighbours  as  themselves."  We  ask  not 
to  be  enrolled  on  the  records  that  shall  proclaim  to  a 
grateful  people  the  names  of  their  friends  and  bene- 
factors :  be  our  offerings  only  accepted — the  approbation 
of  our  own  hearts,  the  benedictions  of  our  fellow-beings, 
in  the  "sweetest  isle  of  the  ocean,"  and  the  glad  tidings 
of  her  glorious  emancipation  shall  be  our  most  valued 
reward. 

O !  may  Heaven  prosperously  grant,  that  the  same 
feelings  which  animate  our  hearts,  may  inspire  you  to 
unite  in  the  performance  of  this  sacred  duty ! — May  the 
pious  and  grateful  prayers  of  the  orphans  and  widows 
you  will  assist,  of  the  millions  whose  cause  you  will 
advocate,  ascend  to  the  throne  of  the  Most  High,  and 
may  his  blessings  descend  on  you  as  you  fulfil  his  divine 
injunctions ! ! ! 

These  addresses  were  followed  by  the  formation  of 
associations,  at  Charleston,  Sept.  16th  ;  Savannah, 
Sept.  17th,  1828;  at  Washington,  Sept.  27th;  at 
Brooklyn,  Oct.  7th ;  at  Quebec,  Augusta,  Kingston 
in  Upper  Canada,  Norfolk  in  Virginia,  Louisville  in 
Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  at  Bardstown  in  Kentucky, 
in  the  month  of  November.  These  Associations  were 
rapidly  extending,  and  all  actuated  by  the  same  views 


APPENDIX.  CCV11 

— the  collection  of  pecuniary  aid,  and  rousing  the  sym- 
pathy of  every  friend  of  freedom  in  the  cause  of  Ireland. 
The  lively  interest  which  they  appear  to  have  taken  in 
the  affairs  of  this  country,  has  been  more  than  once 
evinced  by  the  admirable  advice  and  co-operation 
tendered  in  their  spirited  addresses  (such  for  example 
as  those  from  New  York,  Charleston,  and  the  city  of 
Augusta)  to  the  Catholic  people  of  Ireland.  The  dis- 
cussions upon  the  first  presentation  of  these  documents 
at  the  Catholic  Association  were,  it  may  be  recollected, 
violent  and  protracted  ;  and  from  the  cautious  policy 
which  the  Catholics  were  compelled  to  pursue,  neces- 
sarily opposed  to  a  public  testimony  of  their  gratitude 
as  a  formal  act  of  their  body.  Subsequently  there  was 
less  difficulty  ;  and  in  the  case  of  the  address  of  the  city 
of  Augusta,  a  vote  of  thanks  was,  through  the  inde- 
fatigable and  patriotic  exertions  of  Mr.  Stephen  Cop- 
pinger,  passed,  and  transmitted  through  their  chairman, 
Mr.  Wyse,  to  Major-general  Montgomerie,  who  pre- 
sided at  the  meeting  at  Augusta,  and  to  the  Right 
Reverend  Dr.  England.* 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  resolution  : 

"  That  as  the  sympathy  of  the  generous  and  the  free  must  ever  be  a 
source  of  consolation  and  of  hope  to  the  victims  of  persecution  in  every 
country  and  in  every  clime,  we  should  consider  ourselves  unworthy  of  that 
sympathy  from  any  portion  of  the  civilised  world,  did  we  not  hail,  with  the 
liveliest  sentiments  of  affection  and  gratitude,  the  kind  and  noble  indica- 
tions of  this  feeling,  evinced  in  our  behalf  in  the  able,  powerful,  and  lumi- 
nous address  to  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland,  adopted  by  the  dis- 
tinguished friends  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  who  assembled  in  the  city 
of  Augusta,  in  the  State  of  Georgia,  on  the  2nd  of  April,  1827  ;  and  that 
we  hereby  present  to  them  the  warmest  tribute  of  our  heartfelt  thanks,  as 
well  for  this  address,  as  for  the  enlightened  sentiments  which  pervaded  the 
meeting  at  which  it  was  adopted.  And  while  we  are  convinced  that  ia 


CCV111  APPENDIX. 

NEW  YORK. 

The  Association  of  the  Friends  of  Civil  and  Religious 
Liberty,  and  of  the  Friends  of  Ireland  in  New  York, 

To  DANIEL  O'CONNELL,  ESQ.  M.  P. 
Sir, 

By  us  patriotism  is  marked  amongst  the  most  exalted 
of  human  virtues  ;  and  every  practical  example  it  affords 
of  usefulness  or  well-merited  zeal,  attracts  our  undi- 
vided attention  and  admiration.  With  approving  sym- 
pathy we  have  long  witnessed  your  strenuous  efforts  in 
the  service  of  a  wronged  country.  The  lofty  ardour, 
the  untiring  perseverance,  the  discretion  and  magna- 
nimity, which  have  characterised  your  labours,  encourage 
the  hope  that  your  exertions  will  yet  be  rewarded  with 
success. 

Impartial  observers  of  the  tyranny  which  has  so  long 
enchained  unhappy  Ireland,  we  can  scarcely  give  ade- 
quate expression  to  the  indignation  with  which  it  has 
inspired  us :  we  have  beheld  that  tyranny  supporting 
itself  by  cruel  discord  and  extortion  ;  by  extinguishing 
rights  and  paralysing  industry;  by  annihilating  com- 
merce, and  reducing  its  victims  to  imbecility;  then 
despoiling  her  legislative  assemblies,  and  tauntingly 
forcing  on  her  the  livery  of  a  province.  A  crisis, 
however,  approaches  ;  the  hour  of  Ireland's  redemption 

thus  giving  expression  to  the  emotions  by  which  the  members  of  this  Asso- 
ciation are  actuated,  we  but  touch  a  chord  that  vibrates  in  unison  with  the 
grateful  feelings  of  eight  millions  of  Irish  Catholics.  We  cannot  but  con- 
template  the  increased  and  increasing  interest  which  our  situation  and  suf- 
ferings are  already  exciting  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  as  a  sure, 
and  perhaps  not  distant,  forerunner  of  brighter  and  happier  days  for  Ire- 
land." 


APPENDIX.  CC1X 

is  at  hand ;  the  eyes  of  enlightened  nations  are  fixed 
upon  you  and  your  companions ;  recede  not  a  single 
step ;  cement  your  strength  and  your  purposes ;  and 
though  still  religiously  preserving  the  most  inviolable 
tranquillity,  let  not  your  vigilance  relax  until  the  minions 
of  corruption  abandon  their  machinations  in  despair. 
Yes,  Sir,  we  approve  of  your  exertions,  and  admire 
your  talents ;  but  the  principles  you  have  promulgated 
in  your  speeches  and  writings,  are  eminently  more 
worthy  of  our  praise.  You  have,  Sir,  proclaimed, 
that  your  efforts,  and  those  of  the  Catholic  Association, 
are  not  designed  exclusively  for  a  sect,  but  extend  to 
all  denominations  of  men.  Yours  is  not  a  theological 
controversy,  as  your  enemies  would  represent  it ;  you 
have  indignantly  denied  the  calumny ;  you  labour  for 
Dissenters  as  well  as  Catholics  ;  and  we  were  rejoiced 
to  perceive,  that  the  proudest  and  most  successful  of 
your  labours  was  a  convincing  illustration  of  this  prin- 
ciple ;  for  the  course  pursued  by  the  Catholic  electors 
of  Clare  was  intended  to  manifest  their  disapprobation 
of  Mr.  Fitzgerald's  illiberality  towards  their  dissenting 
countrymen.  Again,  we  say,  proceed ;  while  your 
conduct  is  marked  by  such  principles,  every  enlightened 
friend  of  his  species  must  ardently  wish  you  success. 
Circumstances  auspicious  to  your  cause  are  multiplying 
in  every  portion  of  the  globe — happy  combinations  of 
events  are  daily  arising  to  aid  your  hopes.  Look  far  to 
the  east,  and  to  the  west,  and  immediately  around  you, 
and  feel  confident  of  success.  Let  the  hopes  of  your 
nation  revive. 

Amidst   the  gloom  that   has  so   long  lowered  over 

VOL,    II.  O 


CCX  APPENDIX. 

Ireland,  perhaps  it  may  be  no  inconsiderable  consolation 
to  you  and  your  countrymen  to. know,  that  millions  of 
honest  and  intrepid  freemen  in  this  republic  regard 
your  condition  and  your  struggles  with  the  highest 
degree  of  interest.  Public  opinion  in  America  is  deep, 
and  strong,  and  universal,  in  your  behalf.  This  predi- 
lection prevails  over  the  broad  bosom  of  our  extensive 
continent.  Associations  similar  to  ours  are  every  where 
starting  into  existence — in  our  largest  and  wealthiest 
cities — in  our  hamlets  and  our  villages — in  our  most 
remote  sections ;  and  at  this  moment,  the  propriety  of 
convening  at  Washington,  delegates  of  the  friends  of 
Ireland  of  all  the  States,  is  under  serious  deliberation. 
A  fund  will  ere  long  be  derived  from  American 
patriotism  in  the  United  States,  which  will  astonish 
your  haughtiest  opponents.  It  is  our  ardent  hope  that 
you  will  continue  to  preserve  the  steady  purpose  in 
which  you  have  been  so  long  engaged.  A  sublime 
trust  is  reposed  in  you ;  a  question  of  surprising  interest 
is  consigned  to  your  care.  You  enjoy  the  confidence  of 
your  countrymen  ;  you  consequently  possess  a  com- 
manding influence  over  their  deeds.  May  you  ever 
exercise  this  influence  with  fidelity  and  effect ;  with  an 
uncompromising  regard  for  human  rights ;  with  a  firm 
allegiance  to  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  and  a  never-ceasing 
hostility  to  bigots,  factionists,  and  exclusionists,  whether 
of  Protestant  or  Catholic  complexion! 

WM.  J.  MACNEVIN,  President. 

New  York,  Jan.  20,  1829. 


APPENDIX.  CCXl 

• 

No.  XXIX. 

Documents  read  in  the  course  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton's Reply  to  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  May  4,  1829. 

I. — Lord  Anglesey  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 

(EXTRACT.)          September  24, 1828. 

I  have  known  for  a  considerable  time,  and  a  recent 
communication  has  strongly  corroborated  the  fact,  that 
the  Catholic  question  may  be  adjusted  at  this  moment 
with  more  facility  (upon  as  good  terms,  and  with  as  little 
opposition),  on  the  part  both  of  the  bishops  and  the 
agitators,  than  at  any  other  period.  I  have  reason  to 
feel  confident  that  the  bishops  would  be  satisfied  with 
very  fair  terms,  in  respect  to  their  nomination ;  that 
they  would  only  very  feebly  oppose  the  payment  of  the 
Catholic  clergy ;  and  that  even  upon  the  much  more 
difficult  subject  of  the  forty-shilling  freeholders  there 
would  only  be  little  resistance. 

II.— The  Duke  of  Wellington  to  Lord  Anglesey. 

My  dear  Lord  Anglesey, 

I  have,  equally  with  my  colleagues,  seen  three  letters 
which  you  have  written  to  Mr.  Peel  on  the  Roman 
Catholic  question.  1  have  laid  one  of  them  before  the 
King ;  the  other  two  he  has  not  seen  yet,  as  his  Majesty 
has  been  unwell ;  and  no  immediate  necessity  existed 
for  laying  them  before  him.  But  I  will  lay  them  be- 


CCX11  APPENDIX. 

fore  the  King  as  soon  as  he  shall  be  sufficiently  well  for 
me  to  speak  to  him  upon  a  subject,  of  which  he  never 
hears  nor  never  thinks  without  being  disturbed  by  it. 
I  have  not  written  to  you  on  this  subject,  because  I  had 
nothing  to  tell  you.  As  an  individual  member  of  par- 
liament, I  never  will  support  what  is  called  Catholic 
emancipation  till  it  shall  be  brought  forward  by  the 
government,  as  government,  in  a  shape  to  satisfy  me 
that  the  arrangement  proposed  will  secure  the  interests 
of  the  state.  In  these  I  include  the  church  of  England. 
As  the  King's  servant,  I,  equally  with  all  the  servants 
whom  his  Majesty  has  had  in  his  service  since  the 
year  1810 — that  is,  the  commencement  of  the  unre- 
stricted regency — am  bound  not  to  act  in  this  question 
as  the  King's  minister.  The  late  Mr.  Canning  em- 
bodied in  a  memorandum,  which  I  have  seen,  and  which 
was  communicated  to  the  members  of  his  government, 
that  which  was  before  that  time  understood. 

From  this  statement  you  will  see  that  the  first  step 
of  all  is  to  reconcile  the  King's  mind  to  an  arrangement. 
Till  that  should  be  done,  I  should  deceive  myself,  or  the 
person  to  whom  I  should  address  myself,  by  talking 
about  it  at  all. 

I  think,  likewise,  that  I  should  give  just  grounds  for 
suspicion  to  his  Majesty,  and  his  servants,  and  to  the 
Protestants  of  the  empire  in  general,  with  whom  after 
all  the  difficulty  of  the  question  rests,  if  I  were  to  dis- 
cuss with  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy,  or  the  dema- 
gogues of  the  Roman  Catholic  Association,  a  plan  to 
be  submitted  by  the  government  to  parliament  for  the 
adjustment  of  this  question. 


APPENDIX.  CCX111 

You  see  the  preliminary  difficulties  attending  it ;  and 
I  must  add,  that  all  those  attending  the  question  exist 
here.  These  are  of  a  nature  quite  distinct  from  those 
existing  in  Ireland.  Some  are  of  opinion  that  the  diffi- 
culties in  Ireland  will  be  got  the  better  of  by  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  question.  I  doubt  it.  But  whether  this 
will  be  the  result  or  not,  it  is  quite  clear  that  nothing 
can  be  done  now : — that  our  affair  now,  and  indeed  in 
Ireland  always  will  be,  to  preserve  the  peace,  and  to 
insure  the  loyalty  and  good-will  of  all  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects, by  protecting  the  lives  and  properties  of  all. 

Ever  yours,  &c. 
(Signed)  WELLINGTON. 

III. — Lord  Anglesey  to  Mr.  Peel. 

July  26th,  1828. 

If  I  should  fortunately  be  enabled,  by  the  advice  and 
warnings  I  give,  to  keep  this  country  in  a  quiet  state 
for  a  little  time  longer — if  the  Association  should  cease 
to  agitate,  and  there  were  to  be  any  thing  like  an 
appearance  of  moderation — I  most  seriously  conjure  you 
to  signify  an  intention  of  taking  the  state  of  Ireland  into 
consideration  in  the  first  days  of  the  next  session  of  par- 
liament. 

IV.— The  Duke  of  Wellington  to  Dr.  Curtis. 

London,  Dec.  llth,  1828. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant,  and  I 


CCX1V  APPENDIX. 

assure  you  that  you  do  me  justice  in  believing  that  I  am 
sincerely  anxious  to  witness  a  settlement  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  question,  which,  by  benefiting  the  state,  would 
confer  a  benefit  on  every  individual  belonging  to  it. 
But  I  confess  that  I  see  no  prospect  of  such  a  settle- 
ment. Party  has  been  mixed  up  with  the  consideration 
of  the  question  to  such  a  degree,  and  such  violence 
pervades  every  discussion  of  it,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
expect  to  prevail  upon  men  to  consider  it  dispassion- 
ately. 

If  we  could  bury  it  in  oblivion  for  a  short  time,  and 
employ  that  time  diligently  in  the  consideration  of  its 
difficulties  on  all  sides  (for  they  are  very  great),  I  should 
not  despair  of  seeing  a  satisfactory  remedy. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir, 
Ever  your  most  faithful  humble  Servant, 

(Signed)  WELLINGTON. 

V. — Letter  of  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey  to 
Dr.  Curtis. 

Phoenix  Park,  Dec.  23rd,  1828. 
Most  Reverend  Sir, 

I  hasten  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
the  22nd,  covering  that  which  you  received  from  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  of  the  llth  instant,  together  with 
a  copy  of  your  answer  to  it. 

I  thank  you  for  the  confidence  you  have  reposed  in 
me. 

Your  letter  gives  me  information  upon  a  subject  of 
the  highest  interest.  I  did  not  know  the  precise  sen- 


APPENDIX.  CCXV 

timents  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  Catholic  question. 

Knowing  it,  I  shall  venture  to  offer  my  opinion  upon 
the  course  that  it  behoves  the  Catholics  to  pursue. 

Perfectly  convinced  that  the  final  and  cordial  settle^ 
ment  of  this  great  question  can  alone  give  peace,  har- 
mony, and  prosperity,  to  all  classes  of  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects in  this  kingdom,  I  must  acknowledge  my  dis- 
appointment on  learning  that  there  is  no  prospect  of  its 
being  effected  during  the  ensuing  session  of  parliament. 
I,  however,  derive  some  consolation  from  observing  that 
his  Grace  is  not  wholly  adverse  to  the  measure ;  for,  if 
he  can  be  induced  to  promote  it,  he,  of  all  men,  will 
have  the  greatest  facility  to  carry  it  into  effect. 

If  I  am  correct  in  this  opinion,  it  is  obviously  most 
important  that  the  Duke  of  Wellington  should  be  pro- 
pitiated ;  that  no  obstacle  that  can  by  possibility  be 
avoided  should  be  thrown  in  his  way;  that  all  personal 
and  offensive  insinuations  should  be  suppressed  ;  and 
that  ample  allowance  should  be  made  for  the  difficulties 
of  his  situation. 

Difficult  it  certainly  is,  for  he  has  to  overcome  the 
very  strong  prejudices  and  the  interested  motives  of 
many  persons  of  the  highest  influence,  as  well  as  to 
allay  the  real  alarms  of  many  of  the  more  ignorant  Pro- 
testants. 

I  differ  from  the  opinion  of  the  Duke,  that  an  attempt 
should  be  made  to  "  bury  in  oblivion  "  the  question  for 
a  short  time — first,  because  the  thing  is  utterly  impos- 
sible ;  and  next,  because,  if  the  thing  were  possible,  I 
fear  that  advantage  might  be  taken  of  the  pause,  by 


CCXV1  APPENDIX. 

representing  it  as  a  panic  achieved  by  the  late  violent 
reaction,  and  by  proclaiming  that  if  the  government  at 
once  and  peremptorily  decided  against  concession,  the 
Catholics  would  cease  to  agitate,*  and  then  all  the 
miseries  of  the  last  years  of  Ireland  will  be  to  be  re- 
acted. 

,What  I  do  recommend  is,  that  the  measure  should  not 
be  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of; — that  all  anxiety  should 
continue  to  be  manifested ; — that  all  constitutional  (iu 
contradistinction  to  merely  legal)  means  should  be  re- 
sorted to,  to  forward  the  cause  ; — but  that,  at  the  same 
time,  the  most  patient  forbearance,  the  most  submissive 
obedience  to  the  laws,  should  be  inculcated  ; — that  no 
personal  and  offensive  language  should  be  held  towards 
those  who  oppose  the  claims. 

Personality  offers  no  advantage  ;  it  effects  no  good  :— 
on  the  contrary,  it  offends ;  and  confirms  predisposed 
aversion.  Let  the  Catholic  trust  to  the  justice  of  his 
cause— to  the  growing  liberality  of  mankind.  Unfortu- 
nately, he  has  lost  some  friends,  and  fortified  his  ene- 
mies, within  the  last  six  months,  by  unmeasured  and 
unnecessary  violence.  He  will  soonest  recover  from  the 

*  I  was  literally  inaccurate  in  imagining  and  asserting  that  the  word 
agitate  did  not  occur  in  the  letter ;  hut  I  was  substantially  and  logically 
correct  in  saying,  that  I  did  not  recommend  the  Catholics  to  agitate. 
Where  that  word  occurs,  it  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  their  enemies,  who 
are  supposed,  in  a  certain  contingency,  to  be  taunting  and  reproaching 
them. 

I  do  not  say,  "  I  advise  you  to  agitate  ;"  but  I  say,  "  if  you  are  quite 
silent,  your  enemiei  (who  describe  your  fair  and  constitutional  exertions 
by  the  word  agitation,  meant  iu  an  offensive  sense)  will  cryv  out,  that  you 
have  ceased  to  agitate,  because  they  have  been/firm  and  peremptory." — A. 


APPENDIX.  CCXV11 

present   stagnation  of  his  fortunes,  by   showing   more 
temper,  and  by  trusting  to  the  legislature  for  redress. 

Brute  force,  he  should  be  assured,  can  effect  nothing. 
It  is  the  legislature  that  must  decide  this  great  question  ; 
and  my  greatest  anxiety  is,  that  it  shall  be  met  by  the 
parliament  under  the  most  favourable  circumstances, 
and  that  the  opposers  of  Catholic  emancipation  shall  be 
disarmed  by  the  patient  forbearance  as  well  as  by  the 
unwearied  perseverance  of  its  advocates. 

My  warm  anxiety  to  promote  the  general  interests  of 
this  country,  is  the  motive  that  has  induced  me  to  give 
an  opinion,  and  to  offer  advice. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 
(Signed)  ANGLESEY. 

To  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Curtis,  &c. 

VI. — Letter  of  the  Most  Reverend  Dr.  Curtis,  in  answer 
to  the  preceding  of  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey.* 

Drogheda,  Dec.  25,  1828. 
My  Lord, 

I  have  this  moment  the  honour  of  receiving  your 
Excellency's  letter  of  the  23rd  inst.  returning  to  me  his 
Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  communications,  and 
conveying  your  own  admirable,  kind,  and  patriotic  sen- 
timents on  the  Catholic  question,  with  most  friendly 
advice  concerning  the  proper  means  to  be  adopted  for 
promoting  that  cause,  and  for  sedulously  avoiding  such 
violent  measures,  as  have  already  injured,  and  may,  if 
not  corrected,  eventually  ruin  it. 

*  This  letter  has  never  before  been  printed. 


CCXVlll  APPENDIX. 

Vouchsafe,  my  Lord,  to  accept  my  unfeigned  thanks 
for  this  excess  of  condescension,  and  real  goodness  of 
heart,  of  which  I  find  no  precedent  at  all  similar  in  any 
Chief  Governor  that  this  ill-fated  country  has  ever  before 
had ;  but  I  am  peculiarly  grateful  for  so  extraordinary 
a  mark  of  your  Excellency's  confidence  reposed  in  me, 
which  shall  not  be  deceived  or  disappointed,  but  end  by 
a  suitable  return  of  fidelity  and  attentive  caution. 

I  have,  however,  taken  the  liberty  (which  I  confide 
your  Excellency  will  approve)  of  communicating  the 
purport  of  your  letter  (as  I  had  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton's) to  my  chief  confidential  friend  and  confrere,  the 
Most  Rev.  Doctor  Murray,  R.  C.,  Bishop  of  Dublin, 
whom  I  have  always  found  to  be  a  most  capable,  safe,  and 
pious  prelate,  and  the  best  qualified  I  know  for  aiding 
me  to  induce  the  popular  leaders  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
body,  and  others,  in  and  out  of  the  Catholic  Association, 
to  pursue  a  more  moderate  course  of  proceeding  than 
they  had  sometimes  hitherto  done,  and  thereby  caused, 
as  they  well  know,  no  small  pain  to  Dr.  Murray  and  to 
me. 

I  hope  I  may  not  be  considered  as  obtrusive  in  taking 
the  liberty  humbly  to  recommend  that  worthy  and 
amiable  prelate  to  your  Excellency's  notice,  should  any 
thing  occur,  on  the  present  or  any  future  occasion,  in 
which  his  co-operation  might  be  considered  useful ; — for 
all  such  purposes,  as  indeed  for  every  thing  else,  Dr. 
Murray  would  be,  not  only  more  at  hand,  but  much 
more  efficient  than  I  could  be,  that  am  sinking  under  a 
weight  of  years  to  the  grave. 

I  was  really  astonished,  and  cannot  as  yet  conceive, 


APPENDIX.  CCX1X 

how  your  Excellency,  overwhelmed  with  so  many  im- 
portant affairs,  could  possibly  find  time,  or  submit  to  the 
trouble  of  writing  with  your  own  hand  the  long  letter 
I  have  just  been  honoured  with  ;  so  remarkable  for  its 
solidity  and  prudent  benevolence,  that  I  am  confident 
that  even  the  warmest  Catholic  agitators,  if  they  heard 
it  read,  would  gratefully  acquiesce  with  me  in  every 
syllable  it  contains  ;  even  independently  of  your  Excel- 
lency's assurances  of  personal  attachment  to  the  Catholic 
cause,  with  which  they  would  necessarily  be  delighted 
beyond  description ;  for,  in  effect,  your  sentiments  are 
so  highly  favourable,  that  I  could  not  wish  them,  nor 
could  they  possibly  be  more  so,  unless  your  Excel- 
lency became  an  ultra  partisan  of  the  cause,  and  con- 
sequently incapable  of  rendering  it  any  real  service  in 
your  present  elevated  station. 

I  have  the  honour  to  remain,  with  the  utmost  respect 
and  sincere  gratitude, 

My  Lord, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 
(Signed)  P.  CURTIS. 

To  hisExcellency  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey, 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  &c.  &c.  &c. 


CCXX  APPENDIX. 

No.   XXX. 
BRUNSWICK  CLUBS. 

I. — Dublin  University  Brunswick  Club.* 

At  a  meeting  held  at  Morrison's  Rooms,  on  Friday, 
the  7th  instant,  pursuant  to  resolution  of  the  28th  ult., 
to  form  a  Brunswick  Constitutional  Club  of  the  Gradu- 
ates of  the  University  of  Dublin,  Dr.  Hodgkinson,  Vice- 
Provost,  having  been  unavoidably  detained  during  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  the  chair  was  taken  in  his  ab- 
sence by 

LORD  VISCOUNT  CASTLEMAINE. 

Previous  to  the  business  of  the  day,  it  was  moved  by 
Colonel  Irwin,  A.  B.,  and  seconded  by  Joseph  Napier, 
Esq.  A.  M.— 

That,  as  a  proper  preliminary  to  the  regular  proceed- 
ings of  the  day,  the  meeting  do  express  their  heart-felt 
gratitude  to  the  Rev.  Charles  Boyton,  for  his  manly 
and  constitutional  conduct  in  having  aroused,  not  only 

*  The  meeting  here  alluded  to,  is  selected  from  the  many  which  had 
previously  been  established  in  almost  every  part  of  Ireland,  being  in  its 
nature  and  means  of  support  most  calculated  to  influence  the  future  desti- 
nies of  Ireland.  In  the  very  wide  extension  of  these  pernicious  sources 
of  private  feud  and  animosities  of  the  most  uncharitable  character,  it  may 
be  remarked,  that  the  city  of  Waterford  formed  an  almost  solitary  and  truly 
honourable  exception,  notwithstanding  the  attempts  which  were  made  to 
introduce  such  a  system  of  irritation  and  bad  feeling, 


APPENDIX.  CCXX1 

the  Protestant  spirit  of  the  University,  but  of  the  whole 
country. 

The  following  resolution  then  passed  unanimously : 

1st  Resolution, — Proposed  by  the  Venerable  Arch- 
deacon of  Lismore,  seconded  by  the  Rev.  Marcus  Beres- 
ford— 

That  the  graduates  of  the  University  of  Dublin  feel 
themselves  called  on  to  unite,  at  the  present  important 
crisis,  not  from  any  principle  of  offence,  but  solely  for 
defence ;  and  that  it  is  the  bounden  duty  of  every  gradu- 
ate of  the  University  to  stand  fearlessly  forward  in  de- 
fence of  that  church  which  the  University  was  esta- 
blished to  support — in  defence  of  those  laws,  the  dis- 
pensers of  which  that  University  was  established  to 
provide,  and  in  defence  of  that  religion,  which  that 
University  was  established  to  inculcate  and  disseminate. 

2nd  Resolution,— Proposed  by  Robert  M'Loughlin, 
Esq.,  A.B.,  seconded  by  Charles  Lendrick,Esq.,  L.L.D., 
and  M.D.— 

That  a  society  be  now  formed,  entitled  the  Bruns- 
wick Constitutional  Club  of  the  Graduates  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Dublin ;  the  principles  of  the  club  to  be  such 
as  necessarily  flow  from  a  determination  to  preserve  our 
Protestant  constitution,  and  maintain  the  Protestant 
institutions  of  the  country  in  their  present  integrity. 

3rd  Resolution, — Proposed  by  George  Moore,  Esq., 
L  L.D.,  and  M.P.,  seconded  by  the  Rev.  T.  P.  Magee, 
L.L.D.— 

That  all  graduates  of  the  University  not  amenable 
to  college  discipline,  as  well  as  all  others,  become  such 
by  their  ad  eundem  privilege,  who  are  now  present,  and 


CCXXll  APPENDIX. 

who  are  willing  to  subscribe  to  the  foregoing  resolutions, 
be  admitted  members  of  the  club,  on  payment  of  a 
subscription  not  less  than  half-a-guinea,  nor  more  than 
one  guinea  annually,  in  advance ;  and  that  all  graduates 
who  may  hereafter  wish  to  join  the  club  shall  be  eligible 
on  the  recommendation  of  three  members. 

4th  Resolution, — Proposed  by  the  Rev.  J.  Stack, 
A.  B.,  and  F.T.C.  D.,  seconded  by  William  Kellock 
Tatam,  Esq.,  A.B.— 

That  his  Royal  Highness  the  Duke  of  Cumberland, 
Chancellor  of  our  University,  and  L.L.D.,  be  requested 
to  become  patron  of  the  club. 

5th  Resolution, — Proposed  by  Frederick  de  Butts, 
Esq.,  A.  M.,  seconded  by  Richard  Handcock,  Esq., 
A.  B.,  and  M.  P.— 

That  Francis  Hodgkinson,  Esq.,  L.  L.  D.,  and  Vice- 
Provost  of  our  University,  be  requested  to  accept  the 
office  of  President  of  the  club,  and  that  the  following 
noblemen  and  gentlemen  be  requested  to  accept  the 
office  of  Vice- Presidents  of  the  club : — 

Earl  of  Enniskillen  Rev.  John  Darley,  A.  B.,  and  F.  T. 

Earl  of  Carrick  C.  D. 

Viscount  Castlemaine  Venerable  Archdeacon  of  Lismore 

Lord  Edward  Chichester  Rev.  John  Crostwaite,  B.  D. 

Sir  Edward  Hayes,  Bart.  Rev.  H.  Maxwell,  A.  B. 

Rev.  George  Millar,  D.  D.  Sergeant  Lefroy,  L.  L.  D. 

Rev.  William  Phelan,  D.D.  George  Ogle  Moore,  Esq.,  L.L.D., 

Rev.  Romney  Robinson,  D.  D.  and  M.  P. 

Rev.  T.  P.  Magee,  L.L.D.  Richard    Handcock,    Esq.,    A.B., 

Rev.  J.  C.  Martin,  A.  M.,  and  F.T.  and  M.  P. 

C.  D.  Edward  Synge  Cooper,  Esq.,  A.  B., 
Rev.   Charles  Boyton,  A.  M.,  and  and  M.  P. 

F.T.  C.  D.     "  Colonel  Irwin,  A.  B. 

Rev.  J.  B.  Chapman,   A.  M.,  and  Colonel  Blacker,  A.  B. 

F.  T.  C.  D.  Lieutenant-Colonel  M'Alpine,  A.B. 

Rev.  Joseph  Stack,  A. B.,  and  F.T.  Charles  Lendrick,  Esq.,    L.  L.  D., 

C.D.  President    of   the   College   of 

Physicians 


APPENDIX.  CCXXlll 

That  Henry  Maxwell,  Esq.,  A.B.,  and  M.P.,  be  ap- 
pointed Secretary  to  the  Club ;  and  the  Rev.  H.  Cot- 
tingham,  A.M.,  Joseph  Napier,  Esq.,  A.M.,  W.  K. 
Tatam,,  Esq.,  A  B.,  and  F.  De  Butts,  Esq.,  A.M.,  be 
appointed  Assistant- Secretaries  ;  and  that  Richard  C. 
Martin,  Esq.,  A.  B.,  be  appointed  Treasurer;  and  that 
the  following  gentlemen,  together  with  the  officers  of 
the  club,  do  constitute  the  Committee  of  Manage- 
ment : — 


Rev.  T.  F.  Knipe,  A.M.  J.  C.  Moutray,  Esq.  A.B. 

E,ev.  Marcus  Beresford,  A  M.  James  Saunderson,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  Prince  Crawford,  A.M.  Oliver  Nugent,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  John  Whitty,  A.M.  St.  George  Gray,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  Irvine  Whitty,  A.M.  R.  Fox,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  R.  Ryan,  A.B.  Andrew  Bell,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  W.  H.  Halpin,  A.B.  Tliomas  Dixon,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  H.  Vaughan,  A.B.  Thomas  Luby,  Esq.  A.M. 

Rev.  A.  J.  Preston,  A.B.  W.  Beatty,  Esq.  A.M.  M.B. 

Rev.  J.  II .  Torrens,  A.B.  Richard  Webb,  Esq.  A.B. 

Rev.  D.  Thompson,  A.M.  John  Dunlevie,  Esq.  A.B. 

Lees  Gifford,  Esq.  L.L.D.  Robert  Kelly,  Esq.  A.B. 

William  Maginn,  Esq.  L.L.D.  E.  John  Smith,  Esq.  A.B. 
Dixon  Eccles,  Esq.  A.B. 


II. — Orangemen  of  Ireland. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Ireland,  held 
at  19,  Dawson  Street,  on  the  5th  November  and  follow- 
ing days,  the  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Enniskillen, 
Deputy  Grand-Master,  in  the  chair — 

The  report  of  the  committee  having  been  read — 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  following  address  to 
the  Protestants  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  be  adopted, 
immediately  circulated  : — 

It  is  not  less  the  interest  than  the  duty  of  Protestants 


CCXX1V  APPENDIX. 

to  support,  by  every  lawful  means,  the  religious  and 
civil  establishments  of  their  country.  By  these  the 
honour  of  God  and  the  happiness  of  man  are  most 
effectually  secured.  In  the  present  era,  our  religion  is 
menaced  by  the  attacks  of  Popery  and  Infidelity,  while 
our  constitution  is  assailed  by  faction  and  sedition. 

Against  the  double  danger  the  Orange  institution 
was  formed,  being  so  named  in  honour  of  King  William 
the  Third,  Prince  of  Orange,  the  illustrious  champion 
to  whom  Great  Britain  owes  her  deliverance  from 
thraldom,  spiritual  and  political,  the  establishment  of 
the  Protestant  religion,  and  the  inheritance  of  the  Bruns- 
wick throne. 

We  lay  no  claim  to  exclusive  loyalty,  or  exclusive 
Protestantism ;  but  no  man,  unless  his  creed  be  Pro- 
testant, and  his  principles  loyal,  can  associate  with  us. 
We  recognise  no  other  exclusions.  Our  institution 
receives,  nay,  solicits  into  its  circle,  every  man  whose 
religion  and  character  can  stand  these  tests. 

We  reject  also  an  intolerant  spirit.  It  is  a  previous 
qualification,  without  which  the  greatest  and  wealthiest 
man  would  in  vain  seek  our  brotherhood,  that  he  shall 
be  incapable  of  persecuting,  injuring,  or  upbraiding  any 
one  for  his  religious  opinions  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that 
he  shall  be  disposed  to  aid  and  assist  loyal  subjects  of 
every  religious  persuasion,  and  to  protect  them  from 
violence  and  oppression.  Such,  and  such  only,  are 
the  principles  upon  which  the  Orange  institution  was 
founded,  and  upon  which  it  has  uniformly  acted.  Yet 
our  enemies  have  affected  to  consider  our  forms  and 
arrangements  contrary  to  statutes  which  were  enacted 


APPENDIX.  CCXXV 

against  treasonable  and  seditious  societies.  The  spirit 
of  such  statutes  could  by  no  ingenuity  of  perversion  be 
urged  against  the  Orange  institution ;  but  where  the 
most  strained  interpretation  could  question  its  legality, 
the  institution  promptly  complied,  and  disdained  to 
evade,  even  the  letter  of  these  statutes. 

Our  rules  are  open  not  only  to  the  members  of  our 
institution,  but  to  the  whole  community.  We  have  no 
reserve  whatsoever,  except  of  the  signs  and  symbols 
whereby  Orangemen  know  each  other,  and  these  the 
law  has  not  included  in  its  prohibition.  Our  Associa- 
tion is  general ;  it  meets  wherever  Orangemen  are  to  be 
found,  and  that  we  trust  will  soon  be  in  every  part  of 
the  empire. 

There  is  not  either  oath,  obligation,  or  test,  which 
candidate  or  brother  can  take  or  offer  in  our  society  ; 
the  proposal  of  members,  their  admission,  and  their  con- 
tinuance among  us,  are  wholly  unfettered  with  pledge 
or  promise ;  nevertheless  we  can  truly  tell  the  world,  that 
no  unqualified  person  can  come  into,  and  no  unworthy 
brother  remain  in  our  fellowship. 

The  Orange  institution  cannot  be  suppressed,  but  by 
means  which  would  subvert  the  constitution  of  Great 
Britain,  and  erase  the  name  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
from  among  her  sovereigns.  After  that  erasure,  the 
Brunswick  dynasty  would  soon  follow.  The  liberty  of 
these  realms,  our  religion,  and  our  monarchy,  would 
again  be  placed  under  Papal  darkness  and  despotic 
oppression. 

By  order, 

HENRY  MAXWELL,  M.P., 

Grand  Secretary/ 

VOL.    II.  p 


CCXXVl  APPENDIX, 


No.    XXXI. 

Declaration  of  the  undersigned  Protestants,  in  favour 
of  a  final  and  conciliatory  adjustment  of  the  Catholic 
question.* 

We,  the  undersigned,  being  personally  interested  in 
the  condition,  and  sincerely  anxious  for  the  happiness 
of  Ireland,  feel  ourselves  called  upon,  at  the  present 
juncture,  to  declare  the  conviction  we  entertain,  that 
the  disqualifying  laws  which  affect  his  Majesty's  Roman 
Catholic  subjects,  are  productive  of  consequences  pre- 
judicial in  the  highest  degree  to  the  interests  of  Ireland, 
and  the  empire  to  which  she  is  united.  With  respect 
to  Ireland  in  particular,  they  are  a  primary  cause  of  her 
poverty  and  wretchedness,  and  the  source  of  those  poli- 
tical discontents  and  religious  animosities  that  distract 
the  country,  endanger  the  safety  of  its  institutions,  and 
are  destructive  alike  of  social  happiness  and  national 
prosperity. 

*  Whilst  this  important  document  was  circulating,  the  last  aggregate 
meeting  of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  took  place.  The  resolutions  consisted 
of  their  usual  declarations  of  their  principles  ;  and  a  determination  to  seek 
for  total,  unrestricted,  unqualified,  and  unconditional  emancipation  by  legal 
and  constitutional  means  alone  j  the  rejection  of  any  plan  of  emancipa- 
tion coupled  with  any  species  of  interference  with  the  tenets,  doctrine,  or 
discipline,  of  the  Catholic  church  in  Ireland  ;  any  attempt  to  deprive  forty- 
shilling  freeholders  of  their  franchise,  which  they  considered  a  direct  viola- 
tion of  the  constitution  ;  and  strongly  recommended  the  adoption  of  the 
liberal  Club  system — the  appointment  of  Catholic  Rent  inspectors,  and  that 
two  gentlemen  from  every  county  in  Ireland  should  accompany  Mr.  O'Con- 
nell  to  London,  on  making  his  attempt  to  take  his  seat  in  parliament. 


APPENDIX.  CCXXV11 

We  are  further  of  opinion,  that  unless  the  wisdom  of 
the  legislature  shall  speedily  apply  a  remedy  to  those 
evils,  they  must,  in  their  rapid  progress,  assume,  at  no 
distant  period,  such  a  character  as  must  render  their 
ultimate  removal  still  more  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

We  therefore  deem  it  of  paramount  importance  to  the 
welfare  of  the  empire  at  large,  and  of  Ireland  especially, 
that  the  whole  subject  should  be  taken  into  immediate 
consideration  by  parliament,  with  a  view  to  such  a  final 
and  conciliatory  adjustment  as  may  be  conducive  to  the 
peace  and  strength  of  the  united  kingdom,  to  the  stability 
of  our  national  institutions,  and  to  the  general  satisfac- 
tion and  concord  of  all  classes  of  his  Majesty's  subjects. 

NOBLEMEN. 

Duke  of  Devonshire  Earl  of  Clare 

Leinster  Leitrim 

Marquess  of  Lansdowne  Lucaa 

Downshire  Llandaff 

Sligo Caledon 

Westmeath  Gosford 

Ormonde  Blessington 

Hastings  Glengall 

Clanricarde  Dumaven 

Earl  of  Essex  Bective,  M.P.  co.  Meath 

Jersey  Viscount  Dillon 

Fortescue  Bangor 

Meath  Boyne 

Granard  Clifden 

Albemarle  Harberton 

Wentworth  Fitzwilliam  Lismore 

Darnley  Ebrington,  M.P.  Tavistock 

Besborough  Ennismore,  M.P.  co.  Cork 

Egmont  Forbes,  M.P.  co.  Longford 

Ludlow  Duncannon,  M.P.  county 

......  Miltown  Kilkenny 

Charlemont  Kingsborough 

Howth  Baron  Sherborne 

Kingston  .......  Riversdale 

Portarlington  Cloncurry 

Annesley  Waterpark 

Mountnorris  Rossmore 

Wicklow  Crofton 


ccxxvm 


APPENDIX. 


Buron  De  Blaquiere 

Ventry 

Waliscourt 

Dunalley 

Clanmorris 

Ashtovvn 

Glenlworlh 

Perceval 

Oxmantown,    M.  P.    King's 

county 


Baron  Clements,  M,  P.  co.  Leiwim 

Clifton,  M.P.  Canterbury 

Biugham,  M.P.  co.  Mayo 

Brabazon 

Arthur  Hill,  M.P.  co.  Down 

William    C.   O.    Fitzgerald, 

M.P.  co.  Kildare 

Robert  Stephen  Fitzgerald 

Count  de  Salis 
Baron  de  Roebeck 


BARONETS. 


Thomas  Charles  Style,  Kent 
Francis  L^nch  Blosse,  co.  Mayo 
Thomas  Butler,  co.  Carlow 
N.  C.  Colthurst,  M.P.  Cork 
C.  Coote,  M.P.  Queen's  co. 
William  R.  de  Montmorency,  coun- 
ty Kilkenny 

John  Godfrey,  county  Kerry 
Aubrey  de  Vere   Hunt,  county  Li- 
merick 

Nicholas  Loftus,  co.  Kilkenny 
Capel  Molyneux,  co.  Armagh 


Emanuel  Moore,  co.  Cavan 
R.  Musgrave,  co.  Water  ford 
John  Newport,  M.P.  Waterford 
Edward  O'Brien,  co.  Clare 
H.  Parnell,  M.P.  Queen's  co. 
George  Shee,  co.  Galway 
M.  Somerville,  M.P.  co.  Meath 
W.  J.  Homan,  co.  Westmealh 
J.  C.  Coghill,  Surrey 
James  M.  Stronge,  co.  Armagh 
F.  W.  Macnaghten,  co.  Antrim 
Richard  Killett,  co.  Cork 


MEMBERS  OF  PARLIAMENT. 


Right    Hon.    Maurice     Fitzgerald, 

M.P.  county  Kerry 
Hon.  Henry  Caulfield,  M.P.  county 

Armagh 
Hon.  H.  R.  Westenra,  M.P.  county 

Moaaghan 
Hon.  F.  Ponsonby,   M.P.   Higham 

Ferrers 

Hon.  Geo.  Ponsonby,  M.P.  Youghal 
Hon.  F.  A.  Priltie,   M.P.  co.  Tip- 

perary 
Hon.   R.  Fitzgibbon,    M.P.  county 

Limerick 
Hon.  C.  H.  Butler  Clarke,  M.P.  co. 

Kilkenny 
Hon.  Thomas  R.  King,  M.P.  county 

Cork 
Hon.  G.  I.   W.  Agar  Ellis,   M.  P. 

Ludgershall 

Charles   Brownlow,    M.P.   co.  Ar- 
magh 

Thos.  Bernard,  M.P.  King's  county 
J.  H.  North,  M.P.  Milborne  Port 
Samuel  White,  M.P.  county  Leitrim 


James  Grattan,  M.P.  co.  Wioklow 
C.  D.  O.  Jephson,  M.P.  Mallow 
Lucius  O'Brien,  M.P.  county  Clare 
William  S.  O'Brien,  M.P.  Ennis 
James  O'Hara,  M.P.  Galway 
James  Daly,  M.P.  county  Galway 
Alexander  Dawson,  M.P.  co.  Louth 
Arthur  French,  M.P.  co.  Roscom- 

mon 

Henry  V.  Stuart,  M.P.  co.  Waterford 
H.  M.  Tuite,  M.P.  co.  Westmeath 
Richard  Power,  M.P.  co.  Waterford 
Thomas  S.  Rice,  M.P.  Limerick 
Thomas  Lloyd,  M.P.  co.  Limerick 
Henry  Grattan,  M.P.  city  of  Dublin 
J.  S.  Lambert,  M.P.  county  Galway 
Robert  S.  Carew,  M.P.  co.  Wexford 
Richard  W.Talbot,  M.P.  co.  Dublin 
James  Browne,  M.P.  county  Mayo 
Henry  White,  M.P.  county  Dublin 
Robert  Latouche,  M.P.  co.  Kildare 
Peter  Van   Homrigh,    M.P.    Dro- 

gheda 
J.  Fitzgerald,  M.P.  Seaford,  Sussex 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXIX 


ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  GENTLEMEN  AND  OTHER  RANKS. 


Arabin,  H.  Kilrnacud,  co.  Dublin 
Arabin,  H.  W.  Clare-street,  Dublin 
Alcock,  H.  (J.P.)  Waterford 
Acheson,  James,  Fleet-st.  Dublin 
Ambrose,  W.  S.  St.  Andrew-st.  do. 
Arabin,  Charles,  Moyvoughly 
Armstrong,  A.  Gallen,  King's  co. 
Armstrong,     A.     Kilsbarvari,      co. 

Meath 

Armstrong,   F.  St.  George,   Garry- 
castle  House,  King's  county 
Armstrong,     Owen,    Gormanstown 

Green,  county  Meath 
Atkinson,  Joseph,  Barberstown 
Allridge,  William,  Kilbereen 
Arabin,  J.  L.  Corkagh,  co.  Dublin 
Anderson,  Wm.  Abbey-st.  Dublin 
Armstrong,  L.  Stephen's- green,  do. 
Armstrong,  R.  (Col.)  Newtovm  Hill 
Armstrong,  J.  Mt.  Venus,  co.  Dublin 
Armstrong,  D.  Merchant's- quay,  do. 
Armstrong,  R.  L.  Ormond-quay,  do. 
Armstrong,  H.  L.  Bridge-st.  ditto 
Armstrong,  James,  M.A.  Presbyte- 
rian Minister,  Hardwicke-st.  do. 
Allen,  Francis,  Usher- st.  do. 
Alleyn,  Richard  J.  (Lieut.  R.  N.) 

Kildinan,  county  Cork 
Archdekin,  T.  Michael-st.  Waterford 
Arnold,  Wm.  Creve,  co.  Monaghan 
Armstrong,    George,    (elk.)    Bing- 

field,  county  Cavan 
Adderley,     A.    (Surgeon,      R.  N.) 

Newry 

Allingham,   William,  Ballyshannon 
Allingham,  Edward,  ditto 
Atkinson,  John,  M.  D.  Castlebar 
Acheson,  James,  Oakes,  L.  Derry 
Ardagh,  William   M.  (J.P.)  Water, 

ford 

Ambrose,  Charles,  ditto 
Alcock,  Alexander  M.  ditto 
Alcock,  John  C.  ditto 

Alcock,  John,  ditto 

Anderson,  James,  Queen  st.  Dublin 
Allingham,  John,  Capel-street,  do. 
Adams,  J.  Drumberboy,  co.  Armagh 
Arthur,  William,  Belfast 
Andrews,  James,  Comber,  co,  Down 


Andrews,  John,  co.  Down 
Archer,  Samuel,  Belfast 
Abbott,  Richd.  Queen-st.  Dublin 
Armstrong,  E.  St.  George 
Allingham,  James,  Capel-st.  Dublin 
Altoon,  J.  Cloghan  Castle,  King's  co. 
Andrews,  James,  jun.  Belfast 
Agnew,  Edward  Jones,  Kilwaughter 

Castle,  Lame,  county  Antrim 
Alcock,  Waskeline,  (J.P.)   Rough 

Grove,  Bandon 

Allman,  Francis,   Overtou,  co.  Cork 
Allman,  George,  Milton,  do. 
Allman,  Robert,  Bandori,  ditto 
Allman,  William  George,  ditto 
Allman,  Charles,  ditto 
Audley,   Archibald  T.  county  Cork 
Alker,  John  Drew,  South  Mall,  Cork 
Abbott,  John  G.  Mallow 
Allman,  James  C.  Bandon 
Allman,  Richard,  ditto 


B 


Bushe,  Gervais  Parker,  Waterford 
Bushe,    Henry  Amyas,    Glencairn, 

Lismore 

Busby,  John,  jun.  New-st.  Dublin 
Burton,   E.  W.   General     Military 
Hospital,  Phoenix  Park,  Dublin 
Blood,  Geo.  Montpelier-hill,  ditto 
Blood,  George,  jun.  ditto 
Bushe,  Henry,  Waterford 
Barrett.  Samuel,  N.  Anne-st.  Dublin 
Bolton,  Wm.  E.  Brazil,  co.  ditto 
Barrett,  Richd.  Suffolk- st.  ditto 
Brady,  Maziere,  Blessington-st.  do. 
Birch,  Thos.  Wormwood-gate,  do. 
Blundell,  Henry  R.  Prussia-st.  do. 
Brice,  Edward,  Kilroot,  co.  Antrim 
Bennett,  John,  Church-st.  Dublin 
Bennet,  H.  Anderson's- court,  ditto 
Bryan,    Robert    Butler,    Mallards- 
town,  county  Kilkenny 
Brennan,  Jas.,  L.  Bridge-st.  Dublin 
Bell,  Francis,  Linenhall-street,  do, 
Bernard,  Charles,  Carlow 
Barnes,  Joseph,  Upper  Pembroke- 
street,  Dublin 

Booker,  B.  Mecklenburg-st.  ditto 
Bell,  Richard,  Linenhall-street,  do. 


ccxxx 


APPENDIX. 


Beauman,  E.  J.  Furnace,  co.  Kildare 

Burro wes,  Peter,  Leeson-st.  Dublin 

Blood,  Neptune,  Trinity  street,  do. 

Beere,  Daniel,  Mountjoy-sq.  E.  do. 

Bond,  Walter  M'Keogh,  Denican, 
county  Armagh 

Barrington,  Richard,  Great  Britain- 
street,  Dublin 

Bennett,  R.  N.  Harcourt-street,  do. 

Bennett,  Richard  B.  ditto 

Bermingham,  Richard,  (elk.)  Rec- 
tor of  Mora,  county  Tipperary 

Boyse,  Samuel,  Grange, co.  Wexford 

Boyse,  Thos.,  Grange,  ditto 

Byrne,  A.  Merchant's-quay,  Dublin 

Byrne,  R.  Lower  Bridge  street,  do. 

Baird,  Samuel,  Merchant's- quay,  do. 

Baird,  James  H.  ditto 

Browne,  S.  (M.D.)  Seapoint  Ave- 
nue, county  Dublin 

Burnside,  Matthew  J.  (J.P.)  Cor- 
creevy  House,  county  Tyrone 

Burnside,  Matthew,  Five-mile-town, 
ditto 

Brown,  Samuel,  Cavan 

Beauclerk,  Aubrey,  Ardglass  Castle, 
county  Down 

Bruce,  Samuel,  Dame-street,  Dublin 

Barnes,  Thos.  Dunover,  co.  Meath 

Barnes,  Thomas,  Westland,  ditto 

Berwick,  Edward,  Lower  Fitzwil- 
liam  street,  Dublin 

Berwick,  Walter,  do*  do. 

Baird,  T.  M.  Merchant's-quay,  do. 

Butler,  William,  E.  T.  M.  Ville, 
Clonmel 

Browne,  Dominick,  Castlemacgarret, 
county  Mayo 

Brennan,  George,  Corn-market, 
Dublin 

Balfour,  B.  T.  Townley  Hall, 
Drogheda 

Brough,  Frederick,  Henry-street, 
Dublin 

Bryan,  J.  Castletown,  Fermanagh 

Byrne,  Thos.  Corn-market,  Dublin 

Brega,  S.  B.  Middle  Mountjoy- 
street,  ditto 

Barret,  William,  Lower  Merrion- 
street,  ditto 

Burrowes,  George,  Kells 

Brooke,  R.  Ballyboden,  co.  Dublin 

Burchell,  George,  Lower  Ormond- 
qtfsy,  Dublin 


Brechon,  Thomas,  Newtown,  near 

Ross,  county  Wexford 
Bruce,  George  Evan,  (J.P.)  Charle- 

ville 

Bell,  J.  H.  (M.D.)  Newry 
Bick,  Samuel,  ditto 
Baird,  Hans,  ditto 
Bingham,  John,  (M.D.)  Rossmore 
Beatty,  Josias,  Armagh 
Browne,  W.  H.  (J.P.)  Rahins,  co. 

Mayo 

Browne,  W.  P.  D.  ditto 
Budd,  James,  Waterford 
Bingham,  Hon.  Denis  Arthur,  Ra- 

hasane,  county  Gal  way 
Blake,  James  Cuffe,  Belmont,  ditto 
Burke,  William,  ditto         ditto 
Blake,  Valentine,  ditto 

Blake,  Thomas  ditto 

Blake,  J.  F.  ditto 

Barnes,  George,  county  Armagh 
Boyd,  Robert,  Marlacor,  ditto 
Barnes,  John,  county  Armagh 
Barnes,  James,  ditto 

Bell,  Thomas,  Drumennis,  ditto 
Boyd,  William,  Belfast 
Barnett,  James,  ditto 
Boyd,  William,  jun.  ditto 
Brennan,  Alexander,  ditto 
Blennerhassett,      Henry,     (M.  D.) 

Dingle,  county  Kerry- 
Brooke,  Henry,  North  Wall,  Dublin 
Bernie,  James,  Waterford 
Blackmore,    John,    Callan,    county 

Kilkenny 
Brennan,    John    Edward,   Furnace, 

county  Kildare 

Brown,  John,  Usher's-quay,  Dublin 
Blackwell,  James,  county  Dublin 
Brennan,  R.  Bridge-street,  Dublin 
Blake,  Michael,  Cook-street,  Dublin 
Breckon,  John,  New  Ross,  county 

Wexford 

Burrowes,  Peter,  jun.  co.  Dublin 
Burke,  T.   Gisborne,  Fahy,  county 

Gal  way 

Blake,  Giles  Eyre,  Grange,  ditto 
Barnes,  William,  Aughnacloy 
Budd,   James,   Tramore,   county   of 

Waterford 

Boomer,  James,  Belfast 
Bevington,  James  B.  London 
Boyd,  Robert,  jun.  Belfast 
Bankhead,  John  B.  ditto 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXXl 


Bradshaw,  Robert  Scott,  Belfast 
Barnett,  John,  ditto 
Boyd,  John,  ditto 
Benson,  John,  ditto 
Bell,  Henry,  ditto 
Barkley,  Archibald,  ditto 
Bowles,  Adam,  ditto 
Boyd,  Cunningham  Gregg,  ditto 
Boyd,  John  C.  do 

Brierly,  Henry,  Lower  Gloucester- 
street,  Dublin 

Biggar,  James,  N.  Anne-street,  do. 
Bradley,  John,  Bishopland 
Bannington,   William,  Molesworth- 

street,  Dublin 
Burderry,  John,  Belfast 
Bolton,     George,    Beresford- place, 

Dublin 

Bryan,  James  B.  Temple,  London 
Browell,  Samuel,  Dundrum,  county 

Dublin 
Blunden,  Simeon,  Annfield,  county 

Kilkenny 
Browne,  G.  Coolin,  county  Roscom- 

mon 

Beatin,  Henry  I.  Moira,  co.  Down 
Baly,  Benj.  Myshall,  co.  Carlow 
Blacker,  Robert,   Newtown,  county 

Wicklow 
Browne,  Dennis,  Brownstown  House, 

county  Mayo 
Bradly,  Benjamin,   Old  Bawn,   co. 

Dublin 

Ball,  Robert,  Digges-street,  Dublin 
Blood,  Edward,  T.  C.  D. 
Boursiquot,   Samuel,  Upper  Sack- 

ville- street,  Dublin 
Boursiquot,  John,  ditto 
Burrowes,  Richard,  jun.  co.  Dublin 
Butler,  P.  S.  ditto 

Burch,   George,    Monaentra,    Ros- 

crea,  Queen's  county 
Burch,  James  F.  ditto 
Burch,  John,  Burch  Green,  ditto 
Blake,  Richard,  (J.P.)Garracloone, 

county  Mayo 
Boyd,  James,  Belfast 
Billing,  James  S.  Beresford-place, 

Dublin 
Bradshaw,  Benjamin  B.  Gambons- 

town,  county  Tipperary 
Bowning,  Jeffrey,  Carass  Park,  Li- 
merick 

Brady,  Matthew,  Trinity-st.  Dublin 
Butler,  Walter,  Creg,  co.  Galway 


Burke,  William,  Tuam,  Galway 
Barron,    Charles  C.    Strand-street, 

Waterford 

Barrett,  Daniel  D.  Michael-st.  do. 
Blacker,    William,    (J.P.)    Wood- 
brook,  county  Wexford 
Beamish,  Francis  Bernard,  Cork 
Beamish,  Robert  Beaumont,  ditto 
Boardman,  Arthur  A.  ditto 
Beamish,  Charles,  ditto 
Burose,  William  Edward,  ditto 
Beamish,  William  Beaumont,   ditto 
Burchaell,      David,      Crandondale, 

county  Cork 
Burchaell,  Richd.   Tinnehinch,  co» 

Carlow 
Burtchaell,  Edward,    Knockbarron, 

county  Kilkenny 
Burtchaell,    Robert,     Lockincorley, 

ditto 

Burtchall,  Robert,  Kilkenny 
Borbridge,  William,  Cookstown 
Bleazby,     William,     Ballynacurra, 

county  Cork 
Breerton,  David,  Springfield,  county 

Longford 

Bingham,  George  Elliott,  Longford 
Butler,  Pierce,  (J.P.)  Ballyconna, 

county  Kilkenny 

Burgh,  W.  (J.P.)  Norelands,  ditto 
Baker,  John,  Killuran,  ditto 
Bayley  W.  John's  Hill,  ditto 
Bayley,  Clayton,  Kilmeen,  ditto 
Baker,  Henry,  Killuran,  ditto 
Burchall,  David,  High-street,  ditto 
Bradley,  Thomas,  ditto 
Bell,  James,  county  Down 
Boswell,  William,  Athlone 
Boswell,  John,  (barrister)  Athlone 
Bourke,  B.  (Solicitor)  Thurles,  co. 

Tipperary 

Biggs,  Jeremiah,  Bandon 
Bates,  John,  Cork 
Bullen,  John,  Roughwood,  Kinsale 
Bullen,  William,  ditto 
Bullen,  Robert,  ditto 
Bullen,  Edward  Roche,  ditto 
Bullen,  J.  Harbour  View,  Kinsale 
Bowen,  Robert  Cole,  Bandon 
Bowen,  Henry  Cole,  ditto 
Browne,  John,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Brown,  Alexander,  Bangor,  county 

Down 

Brown,  James,  ditto 
Brown,  Henry,  ditto 


CCXXX11 


APPENDIX. 


Brown,  Henry,  jun.  co.  Down 

Bryan,  William,  ditto 

Boyd,  Alexander,  ditto 

Bowman,  James,  ditto 

Bourke,    B.  jun.    Thurles,    county 

Tipperary 

Bourke,  James  Williams,  ditto 
Bradshaw,  George,  (M.D.)  ditto 
Birmingham,  S.  Carremanna  Lodge, 

county  Galway 
Bowles,  H.  (J.P.)  Sackville   House, 

Ardfert,  county  Kerry 
Barnes,  William,  Armagh 
Bellsaigne,  Matthew,  Bandon 
Bayly,  Thomas,  Kilbrittaius,  county 

Cork 
Beecher,    William   Wrixon,   Bally- 

giblin,  Mallow 
Baker,  Henry  J.  Kilcoran,  county 

Kilkenny 

Bushe,  Arthur,  Merrion-row,  Dublin 
Bryan,  John,  Mallardstown,  county 

Kilkenny 
Beatty,   Robert,    Ballyconnell,    co. 

Down 

Barren,  Robert,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Byron  Andrew,  Coltown,  ditto 


Colclough,  Cfflsar,  Tintern   Abbey, 

county  Wexford 

Caulfield,  James  Eyre,  co.  Armagh 
Corry,  James,  Merrion-sq.    Dublin 
Considine,  H.  Dark,  county  Clare 
Curran,    William    Henry,    Holies- 
street,  Dublin 

Curran,  Henry  Grattan,  ditto 
Conway,  Frederick  William,  Rath- 
mines,  county  Dublin 
Caulfield,  John,  county  Meath 
Cooper,     William,    Cooper's    Hill, 

Carlow 

Cooper,  William  Cope,  ditto 
Cockburn,  George,  (General)  Shan- 
ganagh   Castle,    Bray,    county 
Dublin 
Coall,   Henry,  3,  Upper  Sackville- 

street,  Dublin 
Cheyne,  J.  (M.D.)  Merrion-square, 

ditto 
Colles,  A.  (M.D.)  Stephen's-green, 

ditto 

Cochran,  Henry,  Merchant's-quay, 
ditto 


Cusack,  M.  Kildare-street,  Dublin 

Carpenter,  Henry,  Merchant's-quay, 
ditto 

Cullinan,  Roper,  A.B.  Sch.  T.C.D. 

Carmichael,  Richard,  Rutland-squ. 
ditto 

Clarke,    Jonathan   D.    Menion-sq. 
ditto 

Callanan,    James,   (M.D.)    Exche- 
quer-street, ditto 

Craig,  William,  Tucker's-row,  ditto 

Crawford,  Thomas,  Ballievy,  county 
Down 

Christie,    James    M.    Linen    Hall, 
Dublin 

Cox,   R.  Castletown,  co.  Kilkenny 

Culhbert,   Eccles,   Stephen's-green, 
Dublin 

Crampton,  Philip,   (Surgeon- Gene- 
ral), Merrion-square,  ditto 

Classon,  John,  Blackhall-place,  do. 

Costello,  Marcus,  Sch.  T.C.D. 

Cuming,  William,  Clare-st.  Dublin 

Collins,   John   G.  Montague-street, 
ditto 

Caulfield  John,  county  Carlow 

Chambers,  Edward  Elliott,  Kildare- 
street,  Dublin 

Colgan,  James,  St.  Andrew-st.  do. 

Coghran,  James,  (Merchant,)  Sligo 

Cordue,  William,  Ballina 

Cordue,  William,  ditto 

Colclough,     Bagnall,     St.    Kerin's, 
county  Wexford 

Clarke,  Thomas,  Bailestown,  ditto 

Callanan,      Patrick      James,    Sch. 
T.C.D. 

Clendinning,  Alexander,  (J.P.)  Bal- 
linrobe 

Carey,  Robert,  (elk).  Donoghmore 
Glebe,  county  Tipperary 

Clerk,  Edward,  A.B.  T.C.D. 

Cholmondeley,    Horace,    New-town, 
barry,  county  Wexford 

Coyle,  George  K.  Moorfield,  county 
Galway 

Chute,  Arthur,  Tralee 

Challoner,  Robert,  Coolattyn  Park, 
Tinahely 

Cooke,  Samuel,  Poiustown,  county 

Tipperary 

Concannon,  John   Edward,    Water- 
loo, county  Galway 
Campbell,  John,  sen.  James' -street, 
Dublin 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXX111 


Chute,  Pierce,  (J.P.)  Nelson- street, 

Tralee 

Chute,  Thomas,  ditto     ditto 
Crainmore,    William,     Carnmoney, 

county  Antrim 

Campbell,  Robert,  sen.  Bangor 
Carr,  John,  ditto 

Clealand,  James,  ditto 

Campbell,  Thomas,          ditto 
Crooke,  William,  Derreen,  Cork 
Carey,     Michael,     (Lieut.     83rd.) 

Mount-rivers,  Cork 
Carson,  William,  Little  Island 
Chute,   Pierce,  jun.  Nelson- street, 

Tralee 

Clarke,  Alexander,  Athlone 
Cox,  Sir  William,  (J.P.)  Coolcliff, 

county  Wexford 
Cooper,  S.  Gt.  Clonard,  ditto 
Cooper,  Henry,  ditto 
Church,  George,  Listowel,    county 

Kerry 

Church,  John  G.  ditto    ditto 
Creagh,  Francis,    Ballyboman,   co. 

Kerry 
Cannon,  Charles,  Moyglare,  county 

Meath 

Coddington,  H.  B.  Farm,  ditto 
Coote,    Charles,    (J.P.)    Bellmont 

Forest 
Cully,  Richard,  Moorehall,  county 

Armagh 
Coulter,  Richard  Carnmeen,  county 

Down 

Coulter,  James,  ditto    ditto 
Coulter,  John,  county  Armagh 
Corbett,  John,  Newry 
Coulter,  William,  ditto 
Corry,  T.  (J.P.)  ditto 
Cumming,   John,   Lower   Ormond- 

quay,  Dublin 

Cavendish,  Frederick,  Castlebar 
Creagh,  John,  Dromartin 
Creagh,  Francis,  Killoughnan 
Creagh,  Oliver,  ditto 
Cooke,  William,  Waterford 
Concannon,  Edward,  county  Galway 
Carroll,  William,  Armagh 
Cuthbert,  John,  Limerick 
Cochran,  George,  Armagh 
Cairaes,  William,  Belfast 
Charters,  John,  ditto 
Curell,  John,  ditto 
Corbett,  Thomas,  ditto 


Coates,  William,  Snugbrook,  Belfast 
Cunningham,  John,  Macedon,  ditto 
Cunningham,  John,  jun.  ditto  ditto 
Chaytor,  Joshua  M.  Belview,  county 

Dublin 

Crawford,  William  Sharman,  Ban- 
gor. county  Down 
Clarke,  I.  (elk.)  Waterford 
Carew,    Robert  S.  Woodstock,   co. 

Wexford 

Cooke,  Richard,  Waterford 
Clarke,  Henry,  ditto 
Carroll,  William,  ditto 
Clarke,  Pierce,  ditto 
Caiwell,  N.  jun.  Dublin 
Crawford,   George,  Ballydown,  co. 

Down 
Connor,  Charles,  Moyglore,  county 

Meath 
Cojle,  George  K.,   Moorfield,  co. 

Galway 
Charlton,  Andrew  D.,  Derrynauget, 

Armagh 
Cumming,  James,  Aughnacloy,  co. 

Tyrone 

Corbit,  William,  Belfast 
Campbell,  James,  ditto 
Chirmside,  Thomas,  ditto 
Cosgrave,  John,  ditto 
Callwell,  Robert,  ditto 
Campbell,  Robert  W.  ditto 
Corvan,  Samuel,  ditto 
Corduke,  John,  ditto 
Campbell,  Samuel,  ditto 
Caird,  John,  ditto 
Charles,  John,  Finnaghy,  ditto 
Coieman,  J.  H.  ditto 

Colville,  John,  jun.  ditto 
Cross,  Maurice,  ditto 
Cranston,  William,  ditto 
Cobham,   John,  Upper  Temple-st. 

Dublin 

Campion,  Christopher  W.  French- 
street,  ditto 

Creevy,  John,  Downpatrick 
Carey,  T.  (J.P.)  county  Armagh 
Clarke,  Joseph,  Carrickmacross 
Curney,  Robert,  Clonrael 
Close,  Burrowes,  ditto 
Chambers,  B.  R.  Rahinstown,   co. 

Armagh 

Croker,  Robert,  Bally  boy 
Cordukes,  Isaac,  jun.  Strand-street, 
Dublin 


CCXXX1V 


APPENDIX. 


Clements,  George,  Temple-bar,Dub- 

lin 

Cooney,  John,  Rathmines,  ditto 
Clouston,    Thomas,   Poolbeg- street, 

ditto 

Coffey,  Eneas,  Dock  Distillery,  do. 
Chambers,   James,   Killyleagh,   co. 

Down 

Crawford,  William,  Lakelands,  Cork 
Crawford,  George,  ditto 
Crawford,  William,  Ferney,  near  do. 
Christian,  George,  Cork 
Clarke,  Richard,  ditto 
Carroll,   John,  Tulla    House,   Ne- 

nagh,  county  Tipperary 
Crosbie,  James,  Bally heige  Castle, 

Tralee 

Crosbie,  Oliver,  ditto 
Cros>bie,  Francis,  ditto 
Clarke,  Usher,  Carrick-on-S»ir 
Cunningham,  Wm.  Carrickfergus 
Cunningham,  Hugh,  ditto 
Carey,  Thomas,  Belfast 
Cole*man,  Alexander  A.  ditto 
Crevey,  John,  Carmn 
Coghran,  William,  Springfield,  co. 

Longford 

Campbell,  Robert,  jun.  co.  Down 
Colthurst,  John  B.  Dripsey  Castle, 

county  Cork 
Colles,  Richard,  Riverview,  county 

Kilkenny 

Colles,  William,  Millmount,  ditto 
Connellan,  Peter,  Jerpoint,  ditto 
Chebsey,  Peter,  Jersey 
Cuthbert,  John,  Newenham-street, 

Limerick 

Cooke,  Adam,  Thurles 
Cooke,  Charles,  ditto 
Cooke,  Archibald,  Athlone 
Cook,  Archibald,  jun.  ditto 
Curning,  James,  Armagh 
Carey,  James  Lodge,  (Lieut.  101st 

Foot,)  county  Cork 
Clealand,  Baiben,  Bangor,  county 

Down 


D 


Dillon,  Charles,  Athlone 
Daxon,  Giles,  county  Clare 
Dreunan,  Wm.  Terople-st.  Dublin 
Dawson,  James,  Kingstown 
Dickson,  John,  Fleet-street,  Dublin 


Dickson,  Fleet-street,  Dublin 
Domville,   John,   Lower   Mount-st. 

ditto 
Dickson,  Stephen,  Stephen's- green, 

ditto 

Darley,  Arthur,  South  Cumberland- 
street,  ditto 

Duggan,  James,  Usher's-island,  do. 
Dickson,  Stephen  Fox,  Townsend- 

street,  ditto 

Durham,  Francis,  Henry- street,  do. 
Digby,  Thomas  George,  Drumduff, 

county  Roscommon 
Dudgeon,    John,    Merchant's-quay, 

Dublin 
Dick,   James,   Ballyboden,    county 

Dublin 

Dunbavin,  Wra.  High-st.  Dublin 
Dixon,  William,  Liverpool 
Devonshire,  A.  Kilshernick  Castle, 

county  Cork 

Dyas,  William,  Castle-st.  Dublin 
Day,  Thomas,  Tralee 
Denning,  Maynard,  ditto 
Dobbin,  John,  New   Ross,  county 

Wexford 
Dawson,   Charles,   (J.P.)  Terragh, 

county  Monaghan 
Dodd,  John,  Emaville 
Davis,  Matthew,  Ballyshannon,  co. 

Donegal 
Dickson,  William,  Templemore,  co. 

Tipperary 

Devlin,  Thomas,  Castlebar 
Dobbin,  Leonard,  Armagh 
Dickson,  Samuel,  High  Sheriff  of  the 

county  Limerick 
Dobbin,   William,   Ternacolee,   co. 

Armagh 
Dobbin,  John,  Rathdrumgarne,  co. 

Armagh 

Dobbin,  Clotworthy,  Belfast 
Dunne,  Stewart,  Carrickfergus 
Dobbin,  Thomas,   Rathumgan,   co. 

Armagh 

Dobbin,  Thomas,  Armagh  city 
Dunlop,  James,  Belfast 
Dundas,  George,  ditto 
Dobbyn,  Michael,  Waterford 
De  Blaquiere,  P.  D. 
Darley,   Henry,  Stillorgan,   county 

Dublin 
Donovan,  Daniel,  (M.D.)  C'hiswell- 

street,  London 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXXV 


Dickson,  Samuel,  Flcet-st.  Dublin 
Durham,  Thomas,  Henry-st.  ditto 
Dunlavy,  George,  Kinsale,  co.  Cork 
Donnelly,  Thomas,  Enniscorthy 
Dowden,  Richard,  Cork 
Dickson,  Stephen,  Moonroe,  Vicar 

of  Dungarvan 
Drought,     Thomas,      Droughtville 

Forest,  King's  county 
Dogherty,  John,  Aughenderry,   co. 

Deny 

Downes,  H. 
Dumoulin,   John,    Stephen's-green, 

Dublin 

Dickey,  Adam,  Ballymena 
Dickson,  Robert,  Carmoney,  county 

Antrim 

Dix,  Thomas,  (elk.)  Belfast 
Drought,Robt.,Ballygeehan,Queen's 

county 

Dixon,  John,  county  Wexford 
Dixon,  James,  ditto 
Dixon,  John,  jun.  ditto 
Dixon,  William,  ditto 
Davidson,  William,  Monaghan 
Divine,  Richard,  Ullard,  county  Kil- 
kenny 

Drought,  Richard,  Graigue,  Carlow 
De  la  Cour,  Robert,  Bear  Forest, 

Mallow,  county  Cork 
Day,  Edward,  (Lieut.  Col.)  Tralee 
Dunne,  John,  Bangor,  co.  Down 


E 


Evans,   George,    Portrane,    county 

Dublin 

Ensor,  George,  Armagh 
English,  William,  Eccles-st.  Dublin 
English,  Isaac,  Bachelor's-walk,  do. 
English,  William,  Dawson-st.  ditto 
Ellis,  William  S. 
Engar,  J.  Minard,  county  Kerry 
Egan,  Robert,  Dingle,  ditto 
Evans,  George,  Farmhill,  Athy 
Edmundson,  Allen,  Boyle,   county 

Roscommon 

Ellis,  Henry,  Prussia- st.  Dublin 
Edgeworth,  Lovel,  Edgeworthstown 

House 

Ellis,  Francis,  Crescent,  Bath 
Elliott,  Gilbert,  Clinto,  county  Mo- 

naghan 


Egan,  Daniel,  Borrosokeane,  county 

Tipperary 

Emerson,  James,  Belfast 
Egerton,    James,    Thurles,    county 

Tipperary 
Elliott,  E.  county  Kilkenny 


Farrell,  Thomas,  Stephen-st.  Dublin 
Fortescue,    William    H.   J.    Great 

George-street,  ditto 
Fisher,  John,  Upper  Bridge-street, 

ditto 

Forbes,  George,  Burgh- quay,  ditto 
Ferguson,    William,  (M.D.)    Leix- 

lip 
Finlay,    John,     Cumberland- street, 

Dublin 

French,  R.  jun.  Monivea 
Fowler,  John,  Portland-place,  Dub- 
lin 
Forster,  Robert,  Springfield,  countj 

Tyrone 
French,     Fitzstephen,     Frenchpark 

House,  county  Roscommon 
French,  John,  (elk.) 
French,  Richard,  Elm  Lodge,  South- 
ampton, Hants 
Fetherston,  James,  Rockview,   co. 

Westmeath 

Fetherston,  Richard,  ditto 
Farrell,  Luke,  Belfast 
Ferguson,    Hugh,    Bachelor's-walk, 

Dublin 
litzmorris,   James,   Clenstown,  co. 

Kilkenny 
French,  Thomas  Fitzstephen,  county 

Roscommon 

Fitzgerald,  Gerald,  Clonmel 
Fitzgerald,  James  Henry,  Bally  mo  - 

nan,  county  Wicklow 
Fosbrey,  George,  Curra  Bridge,  co. 

Limerick 

Fleming,  George,  Athlone 
Fleming,  Henry,  ditto 
Ffrench,    Anthony   Frederick,  New 

Ross,  county  Wexford 
Fletcher,  Henry,  ditto 
French,  John,       ditto 
French,  Anthony,  ditto 
French,  Thomas,  ditto 
Fisher,  Robert,     ditto 


CCXXXV1 


APPENDIX. 


Fawcett,    James,     Blackball  street, 

Dublin 
Fletcher,  William,  Merrion- square, 

ditto 

Fletcher,  W.P.  Foster- place,  ditto 
Fivey,  Wm.  Union  Lodge,  Newry 
Fitzgerald,  Charles,  Foxford,  county 

Mayo 

Fitzgerald,  John,  ditto 
Fitzgerald,  Hamilton,  R.  N. 
Fitzmaurice,  W.  Lagatina,  co.  Mayo 
Fletcher,  John,  Ferns,  co.  Wexford 
Fanning,  Nicholas,  Blackhall-street, 

Dublin 

Furnell,  Michael,  Limerick 
Forsythe,  James,  (M.D.)  Belfast 
Frie,  Henry,  Waterford 
Foss,  Richard,  Usher's-quay,  Dublin 
Flinn,  William,  Cork-street,  ditto 
Flinn,  John,         ditto  ditto 

Fitzgerald,  Gerald,  Enniscorthy 
Finlay,  F.  D.  Belfast 
Ferguson,  John  J.  ditto 
Finlay,  Alexander,  ditto 
Ferguson,  J.  S.         ditto 
Flint,  Abraham,  Cook-street,  Dublin 
Farrar,  Joshua,  county  Wicklow 
Farrar,  William,         ditto 
Fayle,  William  Knot,  Parsonstown, 

King's  county 
Fitzhenry,   William  Evans,   Bally- 

williamroe,  county  Carlow 
Foot,  Wade,  Cork 
Foot,  Henry  B.  Carriquina  Castle, 

Cork 

Foot,  George,  ditto 
Fraser,  James,  Carrick-on-Suir 
Finch,   Edward,  Tullaghmore,  No- 

nagh 
Finch,  William,  (J.A.)  county  Tip- 

perary 

Finch,  Daniel,  ditto 
Farrell,  John,  Doagh,  co.  Antrim 
Flood,  Ross,  Cranagh,  Athlone 
Fitzgibbon,  E.  Agherenagh,  county 

Cork 
Francis,  Robert,  George's- st.  Cork 


Groves,  Edward,   (elk.)  Leeson-st. 

Dublin 

Grierson,  John,  ditto 
Guinness,    Arthur,   Beaumont,    co. 

Dublin 


Guinness,  Benjamin  L.  James'-gate, 

Dublin 

Guinness,  Arthur  L.  ditto 
Grierson,  James,  Swift's-alley,  do. 
Geoghegan,  William  M.  Francis-st. 

ditto 
Gopld,   John,   Cullenswood   House, 

county  Dublin 
Grattan,  Richard,  (M.D.)  York-st. 

Dublin 

Gaskin,  Edward,  College-green,  do. 
Goodshaw,  James,  (M.D.)  Leixlip 
Goodshaw,  Thomas,  ditto 

Goodshaw,  William,  ditto 
Gunning,  John  B.  Stranorlar 
Galbraith,  John,  Harold's-cross,  co. 

Dublin 
Gillington,    George,    Abbey-street, 

Dublin 
Guthrie,    John,    (barrister,)    Great 

Britain-street,  ditto 
Green,  Peter  H.,  A.B.T.C.D.  Cork 
Gray,  George,  Linenhall-st.  Dublin 
Grace,  Sheffield,  Temple,  London 
Going,  James,  Clanbrasil- st.  Dublin 
Gibbing,  Samuel,  Sandymount  Ave- 
nue, county  Dublin 
Goskin,  J.  S.  Swift's  Hill,  county 

Kilkenny 

Going,  Henry,  Cranna  House,  ditto 
Guinness,  William  S.  Mountjoy-sq. 

North,  Dublin 
Gayer,   Arthur    Edward,  Talbot-st. 

ditto 

Gahan,  B.  county  Londonderry 
Gahan,  Henry  G.  ditto 
Gouldsbury,  J.  A.  county  Longford 
Gamfort,  William,   Great  Clonard, 

Wexford 

Gamfort,  Joseph,  ditto 
Graves,  William,  Ross 
Graham,  Allen,  High  Mount, county 

Limerick 

Green,  Robert,  Newry 
Glenny,  Isaac,  Glenville,  ditto 
Graham,  John,  Poyntzpass 
Godfrey,  George  Ogle,  Newry 
Graham,  Jacob 
Green,  F.  W.  Kilvanslagh 
Gibson,  James,  A.B.  Belfast 
Graham,  Benjamin,  Waterford 
Gibbons,  John,  Tramore,  ditto 
Gudman,  Arthur,  ditto       ditto 
Gardner,  Samuel,  county  Armagh 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXXV7!! 


Gardner,  Edward,  county  Armagh 
Gardner,  William,  ditto 
Green,  George,  Lurgan,  ditto 
Girvin,  James,  Greenvale,  ditto 
Grimshaw,  Robert,  Belfast 
Grimshaw,  C.  B.  ditto 
Gamble,  Robert,  ditto 
.Grimshaw,  J.  M.  Whitehouse,  ditto 
Getty,  Edmond,  ditto 
Getty,  Robert,  ditto 
Green,  Joseph,  Kilkenny 
Grimshaw,  John,  Belfast 
Glasgow,  James,  ditto 
Getty,  William,  ditto 
Gregg,  Cunningham,  (J.P)  ditto 
Greenlaw,  Robert,  ditto 
Gunning,  Robert,  ditto 
Gray,  Robert,  ditto 
Gowan,    Henry,    Lower    Ormond- 

quay,  Dublin 
Galbraith,  Samuel,  Nicholas-street, 

ditto 

Galbraith,  William,  ditto 
Gion,  A.  Ballymena,  co.  Antrim 
Garvey,  J.  P.    Castle   House,   Ba- 

nagher,  King's  county 
Goslin,  John,  Bride-street,  Dublin 
Green,  Thomas,  Clonmel 
Going,  James,  ditto 
Goodison,  Richard,  Carneen,  county 

Wicklow 

Goodison,  Thomas,  ditto 
Goodison,  William,  ditto 
Gilbert,  Joseph,  ditto 
Griffin,  John,  ditto 
Griffin,  John,  jun.  ditto 
Gilbert,  Francis,  ditto 
Griffin,  William,  ditto 
Goslin,  Isaac,  ditto 
Graham,  William,  county  Wexford 
Grant,  James,  Claremount,Banagher, 

King's  county 
Gilpin,  Joseph,  Portadown,  county 

Armagh 

Grey,  Thomas,  Keady,  ditto 
Gibson,  John,  Cork 
Gouldsbury,  J.  A.  Springfield,  co. 

Longford 
Green, Joseph,  (J.P.)  Lower  Grange, 

county  Kilkenny 

Geale,  Benjamin,  Mountgeale,  ditto 
Grubb,  Robert,  High-st.  Kilkenny 
Grubb,    Samuel,    Cloghecn,  county 

Tipperary 


Green,    John,    Greenville,    county 

Kilkenny 

Green,  George,  Lurgan,  co.  Armagh 
Gardner,  John,  Coltown,  co.  Down 
Gray,  James,  Bangor 


H 


Howard,   Hon.   Hugh,    Busby  park, 

county  Wicklow 
Hope,  S.  C.  Dublin 
Hunt,  V.  De  Vere,  Curragh,  county 

Limerick 

Hone,  Joseph,  Harcourt-st.  Dublin 
Hart,  William  S.  Fitzwilliam-square, 

Dublin 
Hart,  William,  Williamstown,Black- 

rock,  ditto 

Home,  George,  National  Market,  do. 
Holmes,  Alexander,  Kilcullen,  co. 

Kildare 
Howell,  George,  Molesworth- street, 

Dublin 

Hill,  J.  M.  Armagh 
Huband,  Joseph,  Charlemont-mall, 

Dublin 

Hatchell,  George,  Rathfarnham 
Henry,  Arthur,  Lodge  Park,  county 

Kildaro 

Hutton,  John,  Summer-hill,  Dublin 
Hutton,  Robert,         ditto         ditto 
Hutton,  Thomas,        ditto         ditto 
Harty,  Leu  is,  Kilkenny 
Hogan,  Anthony,  Kildare  st.  Dublin 
Harley,  John,  James'-street,  ditto 
Humphreys,  Christopher  W.  Mer- 

chant's-quay,  ditto 
Humphreys,  Charles,  ditto 
Hone,  Brindley,  Roebuck 
Hill,  Edward,  (M.D.)  York-streel, 

Dublin 

Haughton,  William,  City-quay,  ditto 
Hutton,  Edward,  Summer-hill,  ditto 
Henderson,  David,  Dodder  Bank, 

county  Dublin 

Hutton,  Henry,  Baldoyle,  ditto 
Heyland,   James    A.    CulJeuswood, 

ditto 

Hutton,  Henry,  Summer-hill,  Dublin 
Henderson,  James,  Tritonville,  San- 

dymount 
Hudson,  W.  (M.D.)  Dawson-streej, 

Dublin 


CCXXXV111 


APPENDIX. 


Hughes,  Reuben,    Lower  Ormond- 

quay,  Dublin 
Hawkshaw,  Benjamin,  Behaman,  co. 

Tipperary 

Hughes,  William,  Waterford 
Hartley,  William  J.  Fitzwi!liam-sq. 

East,  Dublin. 
Hartstonge,  Matthew  Weld,  Moles- 

worth-street,  Dublin 
Hutton,  John,  James'-street,  ditto 
Hutton,  Charles,  ditto 
Hutton,  Daniel,  jun.  Marlborough- 

street,  ditto 
Hawthorn,  Chas.  S.  Belmont  House, 

county  Dublin 

Hyde,  John,  Castle  Hyde,  co,  Cork 
Hyde,  John,  jun.      ditto  ditto 

Hitchcock,  Robert,  Harcourt-street, 

Dublin 
Hutton,  Joseph,  (elk.)  Summer-hill, 

ditto 
Haig,     Robert,    Roebuck,    county 

Dublin 

Haig,  John,  Flora  Ville,  ditto 
Hayes,  Robert,  Lower  Bridge-street, 

Dublin 

Hale,  John,  Fever  Hospital,  Cork- 
street,  ditto 

Harty,  Robert,  (Alderman)  Dublin 
Healy,    Robert,    (M.D.)    Aungier- 

street,  Dublin 
Hay  es,Thomas,Lower  Bridge-street, 

ditto 

Henry,  Robert,  College-green,  ditto 
Hayes,  Robert,  jun.  Lower  Bridge- 
street,  Dublin 
Hewit,  Christopher,  Ballyboden,  co. 

Dublin 

Hewit,  William,  ditto 
Hudson,  Edward  G.  (elk.)  Rector  of 

Glenville,  county  Cork 
Head,  Michael  Prittie,  Derry  Castle, 

county  Tipperary 
Hickson,  John,  Dingle,  co.  Kerry 
Hickson,  Samuel  Murry,  ditto 
Hume,  Wm.  Wentworth  Fitzwilliam, 

Humewood,  county  Wicklow 
Haughton,  Thomas,  Kelvin   Grove, 

Carlow 

Haughton,  Edmond,  ditto 
Holton,  John,  Athlone 
Howlan,  James,  (J.   P.)  Bally cro- 

nigan,  county  Wexford 
Harvey,  William,  (J.P.)  Kyle,  ditto 


Harvey,  Christopher  G.  (J.P.)   co. 

Wexford 

Harvey,  Maurice  Crosbie,  (J.P.)  do. 
Hill,  Robert,  New  Ross,  ditto 
Hill,  George,       ditto       ditto 
Hayes,  Joseph,  New  Ross,  do.  do. 
Hillard,  Henry,  county  Kerry 
Harnet,  John  Creagh,  Listowel,  do. 
Homan,  Frederick,    (J.P.)   Arden 

Wood,  county  Dublin 
Harding,  George,  Gurteen,  county 

Limerick 

Hudson,  William,  Armagh 
Holland,  James  N.  N.  ditto 
Hunter,  Robert,  Castlebar 
Hewson,  Thomas,  Westport 
Handcock,  William  H.  Carantrilla, 

county  Galway 
Hudson,    William    Elliott,     Lower 

Merrion-street,  Dublin 
Hackett,  James,  Newcastle,  county 

Tipperary 

Handcock,  John,  (J.P.)  co.  Armagh 
Henderson,  William,  Belfast 
Howe,  Thomas,  ditto 

Hartley,  John,  ditto 

Houston,  Robert,        ditto 
Hodgson,  John,  ditto 

Hamilton,  W.  R.  (Capt.  R.  N.)  Kil- 

lyleagh  Castle,  county  Down 
Hewson,  Thomas,  Upper  Merrion- 
street,  Dublin 

Hogan,  John,  (J.P.)  co.  Westmeath 
Hayden,  William  Henry,  Waterford 
Hammond,  William,  ditto 
Hayes,  J.  James'-street,  ditto 
Humphrey,  John  Caulfield,  county 

Carlow 

Hunt,  James,  Francis -street,  Dublin 
Haughton,  James,  City-quay,  ditto 
Hyle,  Charles,  Cook-street,  ditto 
Hunter,  Robert,  College-green,  do. 
Hagarty,  James  C.  Eccles-street,  do. 
Harrington,  R.  Aughnacloy,  county 

Tyrone 

Hardman,  William,  Belfast 
Hyndham,  George  C.  ditto 
Houston,  John  H.  Orangefield,  ditto 
Harvey,  William  F.  Belfast 
Haughton,  Edward,  ditto 
Holden,  Henry,         ditto 
Hyndham,  Hugh,      ditto 
Hervey,  John,  ditto 

Horn,  John,  Liverpool 


APPENDIX. 


CCXXX1X 


Hunter,  Alexander,  Dunmanry,  Bel- 
fast 

Hindley,      Joseph,      Mecklenburg- 
street,  Dublin 
Hamilton,  Henry,   Freeman  of  the 

Merchants'  Guild,  Dublin 
Hewston,    David,    Piltown,    county 

Kilkenny 

Haslett,  John,  Lurgan,  co.  Armagh 
Hussey,  Edward  J.  Galtrim,  county 

Meath 

Hussey,  Edward  H.  ditto 
Holbrooke,  Benjamin,  Manchester 
Hackett,     Michael,      Parsonstown, 

King's  county 
Heenan,  William,  ditto 
Holbrook,  John  Richard,  Anglesey- 
street,  Dublin 

Hunt,  John,  Aungier-street,  ditto 
Hawkes,  Charles,  Brierfield,  county 

Roscotnmon 
Hamilton,    Thomas,    Stewartstown, 

county  Tyrone 
Hill,  John,  Omagh,  ditto 
Hilles,  John,  Bailieborough,  county 

Cavan 
Haughton,    Barcroft,    Castlecomer, 

county  Kilkenny 

Hart,  William  Gerard,  (elk.)  Cork 
Halliday,  William,  Deerpark  Lodge, 

county  Cork 
Halliday,  Daniel,  jun.  Carrick-on- 

Suir 

Halliday,  Daniel,  ditto 

Hinley,  John,  Ricliardstown,  ditto 
Helsham,  John,  (J.P.)  county  Kil- 
kenny 

Hayden,  William,  ditto 
Hartford,  Thomas,  ditto 
Henderson,  Andrew,  ditto 
Hickson,   Robert,  Vicar  of  Duagh, 

county  Kerry 
Ilanna,  Robert,    Crawfordburn,  co. 

Down 

Hickson,  James,  Kenmare,  co.  Kerry 
Hayden,    Henry,    Thurles,    county 

Tipperary 

Hayden,  William  Henry,  ditto 
Harrington,  R.  Armagh 
Hunter,   William,    (elk.)     Bandon, 

county  Cork 
Hayes,  H.  B.  Cork 
Haynes,    John    William,    Mallow, 
county  Cork 


Howard,  William,  Clonaghmore,  co. 

Meath 
Holmes,  John,  Carrickfergus 


Irwin,   W.  Cloncorrick,  Killyshan- 

dra,  county  Cavan 
Ingham,   John,  Lisnamain,  Beltur- 

bet,  county  Cavan 
Ivie,  George,  Waterford 
Ingram,  Moses,  Rosegrove,  Harold's 

Cross,  county  Dublin 
Irwin,  William,  Armagh 
Innis,  Thomas  William,  Innistiogue, 

county  Kilkenny 
Irwin,    Edward,    Merchant's-quay, 

Dublin 


Johnson,  Robert,  Edenderry,  King's 
county 

Jacob,  Ebenezer,  Upper  Temple- 
street,  Dublin 

Journeaux,  James  A.  Arran-quay,do. 

Jays,  Edward,  Curie-street,  ditto 

Jeffcott,  William,  A.B.  T.C.D 

Johnson,  Thomas,  Seville  -  place, 
Dublin 

Johnson,  Daniel,  Leixlip 

Jones,  Arnold,  Vitriol  Works,  Wat- 
ling-street,  Dublin. 

Jackson,  William,  Ballybay,  county 
Monaghan 

Jones,  Edw.  BachelorVwalk,Dublin 

Jordan,  Thomas,  Peace  Ville,  New- 
town  Mount  Kennedy,  county 
Wicklow 

Jameson,  John,  Upper  Sackville- 
street,  Dublin 

Jackson,  Thomas,  Great  Brunswick- 
street,  ditto 

Jones,  William  Griffith,  Dominick- 
street,  ditto 

Jameson,  James,  Dublin 

Jameson,  John,  ditto 

Jordan,  Richd.Richview,  co.  Dublin 

Joyce,  Henry,  Clonmel 

Jeffcott,  Thomas,  Dingle 

Jeffries,  Thomas,  Great  Clonard, 
county  Wexford 


ccxl 


APPENDIX. 


James,  John,  Ross,  co.  Wexford 
Jeffries,  Joseph,  ditto 

Jeffries,  George,  ditto 
Jeffries,  Shephard,  Great  Clonard,t!o. 
Johnson,   ArUmr,   (M.D.)  Carrick- 

breda,  county  Armagh 
Jackson,  James  Eyre,  Sullydoy,  do. 
Jago,  Edward 
Johnson,  George,   Beresford-street, 

Dublin 

Johnson,  Thomas,  ditto 
Johnson,  James,  Lurgau,  co.  Armagh 
Johnson,  John,  Belfast 
Johnson,  William,  Fortfield,  ditto 
Johnston,  Thus.  Mountjoy-squ.  do. 
Judge,  Benjamin,  Newtown,  King's 

county 

Jordan,  P.  Townsend-street,  Dublin 
Jones,  Thomas,  Cork 
Jones,  Anthony,  (M.D.)  Ashbourn, 

county  Meath 

Jones,  R.  B.  Tullow,  co.   Waterford 
James,    Christopher,   Danville,   co. 

Kilkenny 
Jackson,  Hugh,  Bally wooly,  county 

Down 
Johnston,  Thomas,  Thurles,  county 

Tipperary 
Johnston,  William,  Bangor,  county 

Down 

Johnston,  Robert,  ditto 
Johnston,  John,  ditto 
Jenkins,      William,     Mallowgilon, 

Bandon 


K 


Kelly,  Thomas,  (elk.)  KellyvilJe, 
Queen's  county 

Kelly,  Thomas,  jun.  ditto 

Kennedy,  John,  Johnstown,  county 
Dublin 

Kelly,  James,  Upper  Pembroke-st. 
'Dublin 

Kelly,  Francis,  Wexford 

Kertland,Wm.Prussia  street,  Dublin 

Kingsmill,  Luke,  Templemore 

Knox,  John,  \rilla  Park,  Grand  Ca- 
nal, Dublin 

Knox,  Charles,  Ardglass,  county 
Down 


Kidley,  John  H.  (M.D.)  Belfast 
Kinnon,  E.  S.   Monkstown,  county 
Dublin 

Kelly,  John,  Kilkenny 

Kelly,  Daniel,  Cargins,  county  Ros- 
common 

Kertland,  Joseph,  Lower  Sackville- 
street,  Dublin 

Kelly,  Edmond  W.  Ballymurry 

Kelly,  Edmond,  jun.  Ballymurry 

Knowles,  Lionel, Gomershall,  Leeds, 
"  a  friend  to  peace" 

Knox,  John,  North  Anne  st.  Dublin 

Kent,  John,  Ballymalone 

Kellett,  Richard,  Blessington-street, 
Dublin 

Kellett,  John,  Great  Clonard,  Wex- 
ford 

Keogh,  Edw.  Ross,  county  Wexford 

Kavanagh,  Edward,  (J.  P.)  ditto    . 

Kelly,  John,  Waterford 

Kennedy,  James,  Newry 

Kearney,  Robert, Ballinvilla,  county 
Mayo 

Kingston,  Isaac,  Waterford 

Kidd,  Hugh,  Armagh 

Kane,  John,  ditto 

Kidd,  James,  Mullmount,  ditto 

Knight,  James,  Waterford 

Kearney,  Joshua,  Henry-st.  Dublin 

Kennedy,  John,  Rosemount,  ditto 

Kellett,  William  Harvey,  Great  Clo- 
nard, county  Wexford 

Keppel,  Hon.  George,  county  Ros- 
common 

Kelly,  John,  Harold's-Cross,  Dublin 

Kidd,  Samuel  Archibald,  Linenhall, 
Armagh 

Kidd,  James,  county  Armagh 

Keegan,  Robert,  county  Wexford 

Knaggs,  Geo.  Parsonstown,  King's 
county 

Kennedy,  John,  Ballykillare,  county 
Down 

Knaggs,   James,    Thurles,    county 
Tipperary 

King,  Robert,  Ashgrove,  co.  Armagh 

Kennedies,  John  Mackey,  Armagh 
Kingston,  F.  B.  Bandon,  co.  Cork 
Kelly,  James,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Kelly,  Andrew,  ditto 


APPENDIX. 


ccxli 


La   Touche,   John   David,    Castle- 
street,  Dublin 

La  Touche,  Peter,  jun.  ditto 

La  Touche,  David  Charles,  ditto 

La  Touche,  R.  D.  ditto 

La  Touche,  George 

La  Touche,  John,  (elk.)   Vicar   of 
Mountrath 

La    Touche,   Robert,  (Lieut.-Col.) 
county  Dublin 

Leader,  Nicholas  P.  Dromard  Cas- 
tle, Kanturk,  county  Cork 

Lambert,  Thomas  D.  county  Galway 

Leahy,    John,    North    King- street, 
Dublin 

Leeson,  William  Edward,  Ely-place, 
ditto 

Lawlor,  M.  S.  county  Kerry 

Leslie,  P.  A.  Bride-street,  Dublin 

Lowe,  Josiah,  Fitzwilliam  Lodge,  do. 

Lawson,  Edward,  William-st.  ditto 

Lidwill,  George,   Dromard,   county 
Tipperary 

Lowe,  Pascaf  Pasley,  Leixlip 

Leeson,    Hon.    Robert,    Ely-place, 
Dublin 

Livingston,  Edmund  D.  North  Earl- 
street,  ditto 

Litton,  Daniel,  Lower  Mount- street, 
ditto 

Livesley,  Henry,  Ellenea  Villa,  Ter- 
renure,  county  Dublin 

Litton,   Richard,    Lower    Ormond- 
quay,  Dublin 

Lysaght,  Richard,  Lower  Pembroke- 
street,  ditto 

Lewis,  George  Christian,  Meath-st. 
ditto 

Lewis,  Abraham,  Merchant's-quay, 
ditto 

Leahy,  John,  Sch.  T.C.  D. 

Lambert,   Walter,  Lambert   Lodge, 
county  Galway 

Lambert,  Henry,  Oggard,  ditto 

Lloyd,  John,  Lloydsborough,  Ros- 
crea,  Queen's  county 

Lindsey,  Thomas   Spencer,   Holly- 
mount  House,  county  Mayo 

Littlewood,  H.  J.  Linenhall- street, 
Dublin 

Langstaff,  Joseph,  Kingstown. 
VOL.  II. 


Lloyd,  Thomas,  jun.    Ballyvourm  , 
county  Limerick 

Lloyd,  Eyre,  Birchmount,  ditto 

Lynam,  John,  jun.  Bachelor's-walk, 
Dublin 

Leake,  George  R.  county  Clare 

Larnphier,  Thomas,   New  Ross,  co. 
Wexford 

Larnphier,  Joseph,  ditto 

Lamphier,  Joseph  F.  ditto 

Leigh,  John,  ditto 

Leadman,  Thos.  county  Kerry 

Lloyd,  Edw.  Heathfield,  county  Li- 
merick 

Little,  Archibald,  Newry 

Lipselt,  Michael,  Bally  shannon,  co. 
Donegal 

Lyle,  Joseph,  Newry 

Lewis,  W.  county  Mayo 

Lamrick,  William,  Castlebar 

Lyle,    Acheson,    Gardiner's -place, 
Dublin 

Lyle,  Hugh,  Oak   Lodge,  London- 
derry 

Lawson,  James,  Waterford 

Lindsey,  Richard,  Armagh 

Lyle,  John,  Belfast 

Lake,  Samuel,  ditto 

Lindsey,  John,  Sackville  st.  Dublin 

Lamb,  Joshua,  Lisburn 

Laphan,  John  D.  Waterford 

Lamphrey,  J.  (M.D.)  ditto 

Lane,  Edw.  Clonmel 

Lindsay,  John,  Tullyhenan,  county 
Down 

Lucas,  Edward,  Castleshane,  county 
Monaghan 

Law,  Hugh,  Gilford,  county  Down 

Lightfoot,  William,  High-st.  Dublin 

Luke,  James,  Belfast 

Lamb,  Joshua,  Lisburn 

Leech,  William  Preston,  Kilkenny 

Leeson,  Isaac,  county  Wicklow 

Leggett,  Robt.  county  Wexford 

Lane,  Vere,  Denzille  st.  Dublin 

Lidwill,   Frederick  M.  Droma,  co. 
Tipperary 

Lane,  James,  Cork 

Logan,  Wm.  C.  county  Cork 

Lane,  George,  Kilworth,  ditto 

Lester,  Richard,  Carrick-on-Suir 

Lester,  George,  ditto 

Loftus,    Francis    Hamilton,   Mount 
Loftus,  county  Kilkenny 


ccxlii 


APPENDIX. 


Leadbeater,  Richard  G.  Stradbaliy 

Langley,  Benjamin,  Athlone 

Langley,  William,  ditto 

Lester,  Joshua,  Thurles,  county  Tip- 
perary 

Lawless,  Robert,  ditto 

Laud,Wm.  H.  Cardiffe,  Glamorgan- 
shire, "  a  visitor  to  Ireland  " 

Leader,  Thomas,  Cork 

Lindsay,  James,  Caramoney 


M 


Mahony,    Pierce,    Merrion-square, 

Dublin 

Morrisson,  Richd.  Gloucester-st.  do. 
M'Donnell,  John,  New  Hall,  Ennis, 

county  Clare 
M'Kenny,     Thomas,     (Alderman,) 

Dublin 

Maguire,  Constantine,  Tempo 
M'Neill,  Gordon,  county  Dublin 
Marley,  G.  (Lieut.-Col.)  Belvedere, 

county  Westmeath 
Mahony,  David,  Mount-st.  Dublin 
Magee,  James,  Trinity-street,  ditto 
Milner,  George, Rutland,  co.  Dublin 
Malone,  Richd.  Baronstown,  King's 

county 

Maunsell,  Charles 
M'Mullen,  John,   Blackhall-street, 

Dublin 
Martin,  Thos.  Ballinahinch  Castle, 

county  Galway 
Milward,  William,  Waterford 
M' Bride,  George,  Abbey-st.  Dublin 
Melladew,  Thomas  B.  Wormwood- 
gate,  Dublin 
Metcalfe,    Timothy,    James'-street. 

ditto 
Macartney,   James,  (M.D.)   Upper 

Merrion- street,  ditto 
M'Cready,  JohnD.  (M.D.)  Eustace- 
street,  ditto 

Murry,  Samuel,  Harcourt-st.  ditto 
Millner,  John,Mountmellick 
Maxwell,    Thomas,     Burgh  -  quay, 

Dublin 

M'Dermott,  Joseph,  Castlekiew 
Morgan,  Sir  T.  Charles  (knt.)  Kil- 

dare-street,  Dublin 
Maeder,  John  George^  Queen-street, 

ditto 


Mongan,  Thomas,    Lower   Mount- 
street,  Dublin 

Murray,  Matthew,  Ranelagh 
Mee,  William  Moore,  Dublin 
Millikin,  Richard,  Grafton-st.  ditto 
Morris,  Benjamin,  Grafton-st.  ditto 
Manders,    Richard,  Brackenstown, 

county  Dublin 

Manders,  Robt.  Airfield,  co.  Dublin 
M'Conchy,   William,   Buckingham- 
street,  Dublin 

Marshall,  J.  Markham,  co.  Kerry 
Mansergh,  John   Wm.  Ballyboden, 

county  Dublin 
Morris,  William,  Waterford 
M' del  land,    Robert,  Summer-hill, 

Dublin 

Mills,  Thomas,   (M.  D.)  Rutland- 
square,  ditto 

M'Intire,  N.  B.  Summerhill,  ditto 
Marsh,  Henry,  (M.  D.)  Molesworth- 

street,  ditto 

Moore,  William,  Mabbot-st.  ditto 
Mannington,  Edward,  ditto 
Mathers,    John  P.   Camden-street, 

ditto 

Mitchell,  James,  (M.D.)  Newtown 
Mount  Kennedy,  co.  Wicklow 
Martineau,  James,  (elk.)  Dublin 
M'Connell,    John,    St.   Andrew-st. 

ditto 

Maguire,  Alexander,  Bolton-st.  do. 
M'Donnell,   John,   (M.D.)    Belve- 
dere-place, ditto 
M'Carthy,  M.  F.  T.  Enniskean,  co. 

Cork 

M'Carthy,  Dionysius,  A.B.  T.C.D. 
Montgomery,  Robert,   Essex- street, 

Dublin 

Morrisson,  John,  (M.D.)  ditto 
Morrisson,  Richard,  jun.  (M.D.)  do. 
Morrisson,   William,   Gloucester-st. 

ditto 
Morrisson,  Fielding,  (elk.)  Vicar  of 

Corkmahide 
M'Cullagh,  Henry,  Ballyboden,  co. 

Dublin 
Morgan,   Edward,   Bridestown,  co. 

Cork 
Molyneux,  James,  Great  Brunswick. 

street,  Dublin 

Meares,  Charles,  Dorset-street,  do. 
Meahan,  John,  New  Ross,  county 
Wexford 


APPENDIX. 


ccxliii 


Mason,    Frederick,    Ballygrennan, 

county  Kerry 

Moore,  Howard,  (R.N.)  Carlow 
M'Minn,  Joseph,  jun.  Newry 
Mollon,  John,  ditto 

Melling,  John,  ditto 

May,  James,  ditto 

Madden,  Wm.  James'-st.  Dublin 
Meaken,  Robert,  Newry 
Molyneux,    Echlin,    Great    Bruns- 
wick-street, Dublin 
Malley,  William  S.  county  Mayo 
Martin,  Thomas,  ditto 
Maxwell,  W.  W.  (elk.  J.  P.)  Pre- 
bendary of  Balla,  co.  Mayo 
Mason,  Oliver,  (J.P.)  Kilmore 
M'Clean,  Benjamin,  Waterford 
Massey,  Godfrey,  Tramore,  county 

Waterford 

Massey,  Hugh,  ditto     ditto 
Macklin,  Thos.  Thornton,  George's- 

place,  Dublin 

M'Guire,  Geo.  Holies-street,  ditto 
M' Williams,  William,  Armagh 
Marshall,  Joseph,  ditto 

Murry,  William,  Ednavease,  ditto 

M'Williams,  Thomas,  ditto 
Marks,  Benjamin,  Cloveneden,  co. 
Armagh 

Moore,  Edward  F.  Black watertowu, 
ditto 

Marks,  Jacob,  Cloveneden,  ditto 

M'Kinstry,  Robert,  ditto 

M'Kinstry,  L.  Glenkeady,  ditto 

M'Kean,  Edward,  Ballyhandan,  do. 

M'Bride,  Robert,  Allistragh,  ditto 

M'Cance,  John,  Suffolk,  Belfast 

Mulholland,  Andrew,  ditto 

M'Laine,  Alexander,  ditto 

Maclurkan,  Thomas,  ditto 

Moore,  William  John,  ditto 

M'Kibben,  Hugh,  ditto 

M'Cracken,  Francis,  ditto 

Murphy,  John,  ditto 

M'Clean,  Adam,  ditto 

M'Tear,  George,  ditto 

M'Donnell,  Alexander,  ditto 

M'Donnell,  James,  (M.D.)  ditto 

M'Cracken,  John,  ditto 

M'Cance  (elk.)  William,  Waterford 

M'Dougall,  Patrick,  ditto 

Mortimer,  Michael,  ditto 

M'Dougall,  Thomas,  ditto 

Marks,  Samuel  A.  ditto 


Morrissy,  Samuel,  Waterford 
M'Grath,  Thomas,  ditto 
M'Bride,  Thomas,  county  Dublin 
Mulligan,  John,  Ballyboden,  ditto 
Maddox,  Thomas,    Buckingham-st. 

Dublin 
Mulligan,  John,  Parkmount,  county 

Down 
Molswood,    Christopher,    Capel-st. 

Dublin 

Morton,  James,  Clonmel 
Montgomery,  Thomas,  Aughnacloy, 

county  Tyrone 

Mackey,  John,  Kennedies,  ditto 
M'Kinstry,  J.  Lurgan,  co.  Armagh 
M'Kenzie,  John,  Belfast 
M'Clean,  Samuel,  ditto 
Montgomery,  George,  ditto 
M'Donnell,  Thomas,  ditto 
Montgomery,  H.  (elk.)  ditto 
M'Adam,  James,  ditto 
M'Adam,  John,  ditto 

Moore,  James,  ditto 
Magee,  Robert,  Lodge,  ditto 

Morgan,  John,  Belfast 

Magill,  James,  ditto 

M'Dowell,  Robert  A.  (J.P.)  ditto 

M'Cormick,  Henry,  (M.D.)  ditto 

M'Cabe,  Thomas,  (M.D.)  ditto 

Montgomery,  Hugh,  ditto 

Munford,  James,  ditto 

Murphy,  William,  ditto 

M'Clancy,  Robert,  ditto 

Mulholland,  Thomas,  ditto 

Martin,  William,  ditto 

Mayne,  S.  Lower  Bridge-st.  Dublin 

Mills,  Robert,  Roper's  Rest,  county 
Dublin 

Milikin,  Israel,  Belfast 

Mtmster,  P.  L.  ditto 

M'Calmont,  Hugh,  ditto 

Montgomery,   James,    Garvey,   co. 
Tyrone 

M'Kinstry,  Zach.  county  Armagh 

Maxwell,  John,    Rathlish,  Portar- 
lington 

M'Mahon,  Charles,  Carrickmacross 

Moore,  William,  ditto 

Murray,  John,  Moorfield,  Clonmel 

Murphy,  Thomas,  ditto 

Molloy,  John,  Rockfield,  King's  co. 

Meares,  Thomas,  Doughill,  ditto 

Meares,  Richard,  Newtown  Lodge, 
ditto 


ccxliv 


APPENDIX. 


Meares,  George,   Newtown  Lodge, 

King's  county 
Meares,  Richard,  ditto 
M'Cabe,  Christopher  John,  Moate, 

county  Westmeath 
Morris,  Thomas,  county  Wicklow 
Mayberry,  Duckett  M.  Greenlane, 

Kenmare,  county  Kerry 
Mayberry,  John,  jun.  ditto 
Mitchell,  Geo.  Parsonstown,  King's 

county 

M'Donnell,  Lawrence,  T.C.D. 
Moffat,  William,  Portadown,  county 

Armagh 
Moon,   George,   Ballybay,    county 

Monaghan 
M'Curdy,  Samuel,  Newtown  Lima- 

vady,  county  Londonderry 
M'Mahon,  Hugh,  Ormond  Market, 

Dublin 

Meade,  John,  Sch.  T.C.D. 
Milner,  Robert,  William-st.  Dublin 
Morton,  Samuel,  Little  Island,  Clon- 

mel 

Mayne,  James,  Bridge-st.  Dublin 
Maguire,  H.  Camden- street,  ditto 
Mullins,  Hon.  Robert,  Monivac, 

county  Kerry 

Mullins,  Hon.  Edward,  Dingle,  do. 
Mullins,  William  Townsend,  ditto 
Mullins,  Thomas,  ditto 
Mawe,  Thomas,  (M.D.)  Tralee 
Millet,  E.  (M.D.  J.P.)  Cove,  co. 

Cork 

Millet,  Thomas,  T.C.D. 
Montgomery,  Francis,  Carlow 
M'Namara,  Dillon,  York-st.  Dublin 
Macuamara,   William    Nugent,   co. 

Clare 

Meyler,  John,  Carlow 
Mawe,  James  Henry,  Tralee 
Maguire,  Peter,  Peterfield,  Cork 
M'Mullen,  Joseph,  ditto 

Montgomery,  R.H.  T.C.D. 

M'Craith, High-st.  Kilkenny 

M'Ferrar,  James,  county  Down 
M'Gowan,  John,   Ballysallagh,   co. 

Down 

Moffatt,  Robert,  Ballymullen,  ditto 
M'Wha,  Dupre,  county  Down 
M'Naghten,   Thomas,  Thomastown 

Park,  county  Roscomnion 
M'Naghten,  E.  H. Thomastown  Park, 

county  Roscommon 


Mills,  Joseph,  Thurles,  county  Tip- 

perary 
Montgomery,    H.    Blessingborough 

Cottage,  (J.P.)  Fermanagh  and 

Tyrone 
M'Dowell,  Charles,  Howth,  county 

Dublin 
Montgomery,  Thomas,  Aughnacloy, 

county  Tyrone 
Moore,  Richard,  Bandon 
Maziere,  R.  Petersfield,  Cork 
Morris,  Thomas,  county  Wicklow 
M'Culloch,  Alexander,  Rathgill,  co. 

Down 

M'Culloch,  George,  ditto 
M'Mahon,  William,  Bangor 
Maguire,  James,  ditto 
M'Blaine,  William,  ditto 
M'Cartney,  James,  ditto 
Martin,  Robert,  ditto 
M'Murray,  Ross,  ditto 
M'Connell,  William,  ditto 
M'Connell,  John,  ditto 
Martin,  James,  ditto 
Miskell,  William,  Ballyverron,  co. 

Down 

Melvin,  John,  Bangor,  ditto 
M'Feran,  James,  Crawfourdsbourn, 

Bangor 

Marshall,  Alexander,  ditto 
M'Stockhart,  John,  ditto 
M'Dowell,  Hugh,  ditto 
Mitchell,  Carney,  ditto 
M'Millin,  William,  ditto 
M'Murray,  John,  ditto 
Martin,  James,  jun.  ditto 
M'Mahon,  David,  ditto 
Martin,  William,  ditto 
M'Blain,  George,  ditto 


N 


Napier,  Richard,  Kingstown 
Newport,  Simon,  (knt.)  High  Sheriff 

of  Waterford 
Ness,  George,  Great  Britain- street, 

Dublin 
Norton,  Thomas,  Exchequer-street, 

ditto 
Norton,  John  Radley,  Parnel-place, 

ditto 

Nowlan,  Edward,  Wicklow 
Newport,  S,  Jolm's-hill,  Waterford 


APPENDIX. 


ccxlv 


Newport,  Samuel,  Waterford 

Neville,  Thomas,  Annamult,  county 
Kilkenny 

Nolan,  John,  (M.D.)  Dublin 

Nixon,  Henry,  ditto 

Nesbilt,  John,  London 

Nesbitt,  Cosby,  Lismore,  Cavan 

Nixon,  Henry,  Clone  House,  county 
Kilkenny 

Nicholson,  Joseph,  Bessbrook,  Ar- 
magh 

Nelson,  William,  Newry 

Naper,  J.  L.  Loughcrew,  Old  Castle, 
county  Westmeath 

Newport,  William,  New  Park,  Wa- 
terford 

Nicholson,  R.  James'-street,  Dublin 

North,  James,  Lower  Bridge-st.  do. 

North,  Thomas,  ditto 

Napier,  William,  Belfast 

Napier,  William,  jun.  ditto 

Nicholson,  J.  New  Holland,  Armagh 

Newell,  George,  Lismore 

Neville,  J.  (J.P.)  Annamult,  county 
Kilkenny 

Newbold,  J.  Thoroas'-street,  Dublin 

Nangle,  Walter,  Clonbercon,  county 
Meath 

Neill,  William,  Bangor,  co.  Down 


O 


O'Brien,  William,  (Lieut.-Col.)  co. 

Clare 

O'Brien,  R.  (Capt.  R.N.)  ditto 
O'Callaghan,  George,  Maryfort 
O'Connor,  Henry,  Mount  Pleasant, 

Dublin 

Orr,  William,  Strabane,  co.  Tyrone 
Overard,  John,  Suffolk-st.  Dublin 
Orr,  Robert,  Merchant's- quay,  do. 
Ogle,  William  H.  Nelson- street,  do. 
Outterson,  Andrew,  county  Dublin 
Outterson,  Andrew,  jun.  ditto 
Outley,  Edward,  Ballyboden,  ditto 
Outterson,  James,  ditto 
O'Keeffe,  Thomas,  A.B.T.C.D. 
O'Keeffe,  Arthur  J. 
O'Donoghue,  John,  A.B.  T.C.D. 
O'Brien,   Donogh,  Upper  Merrion- 

street,  Dublin 

O'Callaghan,  A.  (elk.)  Seville-place, 
Dublin 


O'Callaghan,  William  Edw.  Wheat- 
field,  county  Dublin 
O'Callaghan,  Andrew,  Seville-place, 

Dublin 
Ottiwell,  John  R,  Beresford-place, 

ditto 

Ogilvie,  William,  Ardglass,  co.  Down 
Osbrey,  Thomas,   Rath  gar,   county 

Dublin 

Outterson,  John,  Ballyboden,  ditto 
Osborne,  John,  Cork 
O'Mally,  Charles,  (J.  P.)  Hawthorn- 
Lodge,  Castlebar 
O'Mally,  St.  Clair,  (J.P.)  ditto 
O'Hara,  James  Arthur,  Sligo 
Osbrey,  John,  Rathgar,co.  Dublin 
Ogle,  John,  (Solicitor)  Newry 
O'Neill,   John,    Fitzwilliam-square, 

Dublin 

O'Connor,  H.  Tralee 
Ogle,  George,  (Solicitor)  Newry 
Ogle,  Samuel,  ditto 

Ogle,  John,  (J.P.)  ditto 

O'Mally,  Andrew  C.  (J.P.)  New. 

castle,  county  Mayo 
O'Malley,    Owen,    Spencer     Park, 

Castlebar 
Ogle,  John,  (Col.)  Forkhill,  county 

Armagh 

Ogle,  Henry,  ditto 
Osborn,  Walter  Richards,  Cork 
Oliver,  James,  Enagh,  county  Ar- 
magh 

Oliver,  Joseph,  Tullymore,  ditto 
Oliver,  Benjamin,  Killylean,  ditto 
Orr,  William,  Belfast 
O'Reilly,  John  A.  ditto 
Oldham,  H.  Newtownards 
Orr,  Alexander,  Belfast 
Orr,     Alexander     B.     Commercial 

Buildings,  Dublin 
O'Brien,  J.  Waterford 
O'Brien,  James,  Kilkenny 
Osborne,  James,  Belfast 
Ogle,  John,  (J.P.)  county  Armagh 
O'Brien,  John,  (M.D.)  Dublin 
O'Meagher,     Joseph,      Bleakfield, 

Queen's  county 
O'Meagher,  Samuel,  ditto 
Osborne,  William,  co.  Wicklow 
O'Malley,  George   May,   Prospect, 

Eyrecourt,  county  Gal  way 
Oliver,  Thomas,  Ashbuurn,  county 
Meath 


ccxlvi 


APPENDIX. 


Osborne,  Richard  Boyse,  (J.P.)  co. 
Kilkenny 


Power,  John,  Kilfane,  co.  Kilkenny 
Power,  John,  jun.  ditto  ditto 
Powel,  Caleb 

Pirn,  James,  Townsend-st.  Dublin 
Purdy,  Richard,  Dame -street,  ditto 
Pirn,  James,  jun.  Dame-street,  ditto 
Pirn,  Henry,  City-quay,  ditto 
Pirn,  J.  G.         ditto       ditto 
Perry,  Samuel,  Woodroof,  Clonmel 
Patten,  John,  Sandymount,  county 

Dublin 

Power,  Robert,  Mountjoy  Fort 
Power,  Robert,  Whitechurch,  county 

Waterford 
Price,  John  R.  Mountrath,  Queen's 

county 

Pim,  George,  Usher's  Island,  Dub- 
lin 

Pay,  Jobn,  North  Anne-street,  ditto 
Plunket,  Hon.    John,  Upper   Fitz- 

wiiliam-street,  ditto 
Peck,  Wm.  Neptune  Villa,  Kings- 
town 
Pemberton,  Benjamin,  Moore-street, 

Dublin 

Perrin,  Henry,  Abbey-street,  ditto 
Perrin,  John,  Wicklow 
Pomeroy,  Henry,  Dublin 
Perry,  Samuel,  jun.  Woodrooffe,  co. 

Tipperary 
Pickering,    Thomas,    Abbey-street, 

Dublin 
Purdon,  Peter,  Ballyboden,  county 

Dublin 

Pool,  William  Mullinahack,  ditto 
Purser,  John,  James'-street,  Dublin 
Purser,  John,  jun.  James'-gate,  do. 
Perry,  James,  Pill-lane,  ditto 
Page,  Robert  Luke,  (M.D.)  Dun- 

dalk 

Plunket,  Hon.  W.  (elk.)  Bray 
Price,  George,  N.  Anne-st.  Dublin 
Plunket,    Hon.   David,    Stephen's- 

green,  ditto 
Plunkett,  Thomas,  (elk.)  Dromore, 

county  Tyrone 

Pullen,  John,Thoma§'-8treet,  Dublin 
Perrin,  Lewis,  Granby-row,  ditto 


Purdon,  R.  (M.D.)  Tralee 

Parke,    Marlborough,    Woodberry, 

Athlon  e 

Pindon,  Robert,  Newry 
Persse,  Bunton,  jun.  Persse  Lodge, 

county  Galway 

Persse,  Dudley,  Roxborough,  ditto 
Pickett,  Henry,  A.B.  T.C.D. 
Prentice,    Alexander,    jun.    county 

Armagh 

Prentice,  Alexander, ditto 
Perrie,  William,  Belfast 
Patterson,  Joseph,  ditto 
Pope,  Richd.  (Alderman)  Waterford 
Pope,  A.  R.  Waterford 
Parsons,  Thomas,  ditto 
Prossor,  Thomas,  ditto 
Pope,  Henry,  ditto 
Palmer,  P.  ditto 
Pope,  William,  ditto 
Patten,  George,  ditto 
Pope,  Richard,  ditto 
Pope,  Alexander,  jun.  Waterford 
Pope,  Josiah,  ditto 
Plunket,  J.    (Capt.    late    (S.A.S.) 

Grand  Canal  Harbour,  Dublin 
Pheepes,  John,  Capet-street,  ditto 
Palmer  and  Greville,  Messrs.  Mary- 
street,  Dublin 

Peebles,  William,  Usher's-quay,  do. 
Purser,  John  Edward,  ditto  do. 

Pedder,  Henry,  Clonmel 
Poole,  Thomas,  Ballyanchor,  county 

Waterford 

Pearce,  Thomas,  county  Wicklow 
Palmer,  Joseph,  Coombe,  Dublin 
Palmer,  John,         ditto       ditto 
Palmer,  F.  ditto       ditto 

Pomeroy,  John  James,  (J.P.)Ratb.- 

angan,  county  Kildare 
Parks,  John,  Cork 
Perrott,  Thomas,  Uplands,  Cork 
Perrott,  Samuel,  Fermoy,  co.  Cork 
Perrott,  John,  jun.  ditto          ditto 
Perrott,  Samuel,  Cloon  Hill,  ditto 
Parker,  Nicholas  D.  Cork 
Poe,  James,  Parade,  Kilkenny 
Purdon,  Rowan,  (M.D.)  Tralee 
Patton,  Thomas,  Ballygroth,  county 

Down 
Patterson,  Thomas,  Moyrath,  county 

Meath 
Park,   John,  Coltown,  Bangor,  co, 

Down 


APPENDIX. 


ccxlvi'i 


Patterson,  Robert,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Pollock,  John,        ditto 
Pollock,  William,  ditto 
Pollock,  James,      ditto 
Philips,  Alexander,  ditto 
Penrose,  James,  Woodhill,  Cork 
Parker,  Nicholas  D.  Bandon 


Q 


Quinn,  Thomas,  Ballyboden,  county 

Dublin 

Quinn,  Peter,  Belfast 
Quinn,  James,  ditto 


Roe,  Robert,  Dublin 

Roe,  Henry,  ditto 

Robinson,  Richard,  Parkgate-st.  do. 

Rowan,  Archibald  Hamilton,  Killy- 
leagli  Castle,  county  Down 

Robinson,  Samuel,  National  Market, 
Dublin 

Rogers,  Adam,  (Alderman)  Water- 
ford 

Reade,  Robert,  Mary's  Abbey,  Dub- 
lin 

Roberts,  Paul  A.  Gt.  George's-street, 
ditto 

Rawlins,  Thomas,  Harcourt-st.  ditto 

Robinson,  George,  Manor-street,  do. 

Raper,  Richard,  county  Meath 

Roe,  Shephard,  Serpentine  Avenue, 
county  Dublin 

Rumley,  Thomas,  Stephen's -green, 
Dublin 

Richards,  John,  Glenn,  county  Fer- 
managh 

Reynell,  Richard,  Killyron,  county 
Westmeath 

Reynell,  Edward,  ditto  ditto 

Richards,  Thomas,  L.L.B.  T.C.D. 

Reed,  John  Hamilton,  Linenhall- 
street,  Dublin 

Reade,  James,  Liverpool 

Roche,  Edw.  Trabolgan,  co.  Cork 

Riall,    William,   Anneville,   county 


Roche,  David,  Carass,  co.  Limerick 

Roche,  David,  jun.         ditto 

Roe,  George,  Fitzwilliam-st.  Dublin 


Ruthven,  E.  S.  Oakley  Park,  Down- 

patrick 
Ruthven,  C.  Newbury  Hall,  county 

Kildare 
Richards,  L.  Van,  (J.  P.)  Rathna- 

speck,  Wexford 
Reilly,  Thomas,  St.  Andrew-street, 

Dublin 

Russell,  Matthew,  Newry 
Richardson,  Thomas,  ditto 
Russell,  John,  ditto 
Russell,  Matthew,  jun.  ditto 
Reid,  John,  ditto 

Risk,  Eccles,  Usher's-quay,  Dublin 
Robinson,  Moses,  Waterford 
Rawlinson,  Richard,  Sir  John  Ro- 

gerson's-quay,  Dublin 
Richards,       Gorfdard      Hewstson, 

Grange,  Wexford 

Robinson,  John,  Tassngh,  Armagh 
Riddle,  John,  Belfast 
Roberts,  John,  Collon,  Belfast 
Ross,  Thomas,  ditto 

Riall,  Arthur,  Clonmel 
Roche,  Matthew,  county  Wexford 
Roche,  Stephen,  ditto 

Rochford,   John,   Walkerstown,  co. 

Dublin 
Regan,  William,  Rosscarberry,  co. 

Cork 

Roche,  Jeremiah,  Passage,  ditto 
Richards,  William,   Portadown,  co. 

Armagh 

Ready,  William,  Westport,  co.Mayo 
Rogers,    George    Pigott,  RosehiH, 

Cork 
Rose,  James,    Hollywood,    county 

Monaghan 

Rankin,George^Sackville-stJDublin 
Ryan,  Henry,  Kilfera,  Kilkenny 
Robertson,  John,  High-street,  ditto 
Robinson,  William,  ditto 
Robb,  Daniel,  county  Down 
Rockell,  Elisha,  Ashbourne,  county 

Meath 

Robinson,  Alexander,  ditto 
Richards,  John,  Merrion-sq.  Dublin 
Russell,  Benjamin,  Tlmrles,  county 

Tipperary 

Russell,  William,  ditto 
Russell,  Charles,  ditto 
Russell,  E.  ditto 

Rickey,   Hugh,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Richey,  Allen,  ditto 


ccxlviii 


APPENDIX. 


Russell,  James,   Thurles,    co.  Tip- 

perary 

Roger,  Robert  N.  Bandon,  co.  Cork 
Richey,  James,  Bangor,  co.  Down 
Rea,  David,  ditto 

Richey,  Alexander,  ditto 


Sinclair,  James,    Strabane,   county 

Tyrone 
Stevelly,  James,    Croydon,    county 

Dublin 

Smyth,  David,  Linen  Hall,  Dublin 
Scott,  Thomas,  (banker,)  Waterford 
Scott,  R.  S.  ditto 

Scottowe,  Edmund,  ditto 

Stamper,     Thomas    J.    Belvedere- 
place,  Dublin 
Sterne,    Samuel,    Belmont,    county 

Dublin 
Stewart,     Isaac,      Bachelor's-walk, 

Dublin 

Stitt,  John,  Rathmines,  co.  Dublin 
Singleton,  John,  Quinville,  co.  Clare 
Singleton,  John  Blood,   (07th  regt.) 
Stephens,  Edward,  Roebuck,  county 

Dublin 

Smyth,  James  Hugh,  Sch.  T.C.D. 
Sloane,  Charles,  Sackville-st.  Dublin 
Sloane,  Charles  Alexander,  ditto 
Smyth,  William  Meade,  Drogheda 
Simpson,  John,  Francis- st.  Dublin 
Smithson,     Sandwith,     Wellington- 
quay,  ditto 
Sheill,  Edward  Cooke,  General  Post 

Office,  Dublin 

Stokes,  Gabriel,  Dorset-street,  do. 
Spencer,  Joshua,  Dominick-st.  do. 
Stopford,  Adam,  Mullinahack,  ditto 
Stopford,  Elisha,  ditto 
Sharpe,  Charles,  Aungier-street,  do. 
Stephens,  H.  C.  Bishop-street,  do. 
Stephens,  B.  F.  Rathmines 
Stephens,    William,    Trinity-street, 

Dublin 

Sadlier,  Francis,  D.D.  S.F.  T.C.  D. 
Stewart,  W.  Creg,  Fermoy,  co.  Cork 
Savage,  Marmion  W.  Mecklenburg- 
street,  Dublin 

Sloane,  John,  Summer-hill,  ditto 
Stroker,    William,   Paternoster-row, 
London 


Smithson,   Thomas,   Lower  Bridge- 
street,  Dublin 
Smith,  John,  Kells 
Shaw,    Zachariah,    North    Anne-st. 

Dublin 
Sinclair,  Adam,  Ballyboden,  county 

Dublin 

Saunderson,  Bassett,  co.  Cavan 
Stamper,    John,    Newtown    Mount 

Kennedy,  county  Wicklow 
Smith,  Thomas,   (M.D.)  Belmont, 

Kilgobbin,  county  Dublin 
Smith,   Joseph,  (J.P.)  Mount  But- 
ler, Roscrea,  Queen's  county 
Seymour,  J.  county  Roscommon 
Smith,  Henry,  Fermoy,  co.  Cork 
Scott,  Henry,  Clonmel 
Smith,  James,  Cross,  Londonderry^ 
Smith,  Brent,  Clarendon-st.  Dublin 
Stokes,  John,  Harcourt  Lodge,  Gd. 

Canal,  county  Dublin 
Smith,  William  Lynd,  Lisdillen,  co. 

Londonderry 

Square,  John  Foster,  Waterford 
Skipton,   Valentine,   (J.P.)   county 

Longford 
Sherlock,  John,  jun.  New  Ross,  co. 

Wexford 

Stewart,  John^  ditto 
Surry,  James,  (civil  engineer,)  Tul- 

larnore 

Spence,  James,  Newry 
Sanderson,  A.  Ballyshannon,  county 

Donegal 

Swansy,  Thomas  B.  Newry 
Smyth,  George,  county  Waterford 
Sheridan,  Henry,  county  Mayo 
Sheridan,  G.  M.  ditto 
Spiigg,   Samuel,  jun.  Tramore,  co. 

Waterford 

Sinclair,  John,  Belfast 
Stewart,  Alexander,  ditto 
Simms,  William,  ditto 
Steene,  William,  ditto 
Sinclair,  Thomas,  jun.  ditto 
Simpson,  Samuel  D.  Annmount,  co. 

Armagh 

Simpson,  Thomas,  Birdhill,  ditto 
Scott,  Robert,  Bradshaw,  Belfast 
Simms,  Robert,  ditto 
Sloane,  John  E.  ditto 
Stevelly,  John,  ditto 
Stephenson,  Joseph,  ditto 
Spence,  Thomas,  ditto 


APPENDIX. 


ccxlix 


Stewart,  John  W.  Waterford 
Sprigg,  John,  ditto 
Swaine,  Joshua,  Usher's-qu.  Dublin 
Slater,  George,  Baggot- street,  ditto 
Stephens,  T.  Trimbush,  co.  Dublin 
Staines,  Henry,  Abbey-st.  Dublin 
Simpson,  James,  Aughnacloy 
Smithson,  B.,  L.  Bridge-st.  Dublin 
Smithson,  John,  ditto  ditto 

Scott,  James,  Omagb,  co.  Tyrone 
Sheridan,  George,  county  Mayo 
Sterling,  Walter  Jay,  (M.D.)  Bur- 

ros-in-Ossory,  Queen's  co. 
Smyth,  George,  county  Wexford 
Smyth,  William,  ditto 
Stoakes,  Thomas,  county  Wicklow 
Smith,  Richard,  ditto 
Sleator,  John,  ditto 
Spear,  Arthur,  Clanbrasil-st.  Dublin 
Smyth,   Henry,   Mounthenry,  Port- 

arlington 
St.  Laurence,  E.  (elk.)  Archdeacon 

of  Ross,  county  Cork 
Stowell,  James  L.  Kilbrilland,  ditto 
Skottowe,  H.  Carrick-on-  Suir 
Smyth,    William,     Tullow,     county 

Waterford 

Simpson,  Samuel,  Ardee,  co.  Louth 
Smyth,  John,  Turbuck,  co.  Mayo 
Smyth,  James,  ditto 
Smyth,  William,  ditto 
Smyth,  Thomas,  ditto 
Stawell,  Charles,  Kilbrittan,  co.  Cork 
Stroud,     Thomas,     Tallow,    county 

Waterford 
Sinclair,  J.  Belfast 
Skipton,  Val.  (J.P.)  Springfield,  co. 

Longford 
Skilling,  Thomas,  Crawfordsbourne 

Village,  county  Down 
Shackleton,   Ebenezer,   Moone,  co. 

Kildare 
Strangman,  S.  Thurles,  county  Tip- 

perary 

Shaw,  John,  ditto  ditto 

Strangman,  Joshua,          ditto 
Shaw,  Thomas  ditto 

Smyth,  Francis,    Blessington-street, 

Dublin 
Sampson,  Samuel  D.  Annmount,  co. 

Armagh 

Simpson,  Thomas,  Birch- hill,  ditto 
Syner,  James,  (Lieut.  Cth  Infantry,) 

Bandon,  county  Cork 


Scott,  W'alter,  Gortaglanna,  co.  Cork 
Scott,  Hibernicus,  Coolmain,  ditto 
Smyth,  James,  Castlehill,  co.  Down 
Stewart,  Hamilton,  Bangor,  ditto 


T 


Trench,    William,    Cangort     Park, 

King's  county 
Turbet,  Robert,    Bachelor's-walk, 

Dublin 

Twigg,  Paul,  Great  George's-st.  do. 
Tighe,  Daniel,  Rosanna,  co.  Wicklow 
Tandy,  Charles,  (Solicitor)  Water- 
ford 
Tandy,  Francis,  Mount  Pleasant,  Ra- 

nelagh 
Tuite,  Hugh,  Sonna,  Mullingar,  co. 

Westmeath 
Tighe,  Robert  J.  Mitchelstown,  co. 

Westmeath 

Tighe,  Richard  Sterne,  ditto 
Thompson,  James,  High-st.  Dublin 
Thompson,  John,  Leixlip 
Trench,  Frederick  Fitzwilliam,  (elk.) 

Perpetual  Curate  of  Cloughjor- 

dan 
Toone,  F.  Elastings,  Ballincor,  King's 

county 
Trench,  Charles  J.   Sopwell   Hall, 

county  Tipperary 
Trench,  James,  Woodlawn,  county 

Galway 

Trench,  John,  ditto 
Tuite,  Samuel,   Lower  Gardiner  st. 

Dublin 

Thompson,  Henry  William,  Stone- 
brook,  county  Kildare 
Taylor,  John,  Newbrook,  co.  Dublin 
Trench,  Richard,  Elm  Lodge,  Hants 
Tighe,  William   S.   Woodstock,    co. 

Kilkenny 
Turbet,     James,     Bachelor's-walk, 

Dublin 
Tonson,  Hon.  Charles  L.   Rathcor- 

muck 

Turnly,  John,  Rockport,  co.  Down 
Taylor,  James,  Newry 
Thangway,  Thomas,  Ballyshannon, 

county  Donegal 
Trowton,  Charles,  Newry 
Tudtl,  David,  ditto 
Tredennick,T.  Camolin,  co.  Donegal 


ccl 


APPENDIX. 


Tandy,  Thomas,  Johnsbrook,  county 

Meath 
Thompson,  Robert,  Forkhill,  county 

Armagh 
Tennison,  Thomas,  Castle  Tennison, 

county  Roscommon 
Thornton,  R.  J.  Armagh 
Tennent,  William,  Belfast 
Tandy,  James,  Mount  Pleasant,  co. 

Dublin 
Thompson,  Robert,  Ravensdale,  co. 

Armagh 

Thompson,  James,  Belfast 
Thompson,  B.  (M.D.)  dilto 
Turner,  William,  ditto 
Tennent,  Robert  J.  ditto 
Tennent,  Robert,  (M.D.)  ditto 
Traile,  Robert,  Lurgan,  co.  Armagh 
Thompson,    George,  North    Anne- 
street,  Dublin 

Tennent,  Robert  James  Wm.  Belfast 
Thompson,  John,  Clonmel 
Taylor,  Edwin,  Clogheen 
Tapley,  John,  county  Wicklow 
Thompson,  William,  Cork 
Twigg,  Paul,  Stafford-st.  Dublin 
Thorogood,  William,  (coroner,)  Bal- 

nadumna,  county  Meath 


U— V 

Ulton,  James,  Limerick 

Uniacke,  R.  (Lieut.-Col.)  Woodhill, 

Cork 

Vance,  James,  Cuffe- street,  Dublin 
Vogan,  James,  Armagh 
Vance,  Andrew,  Bridge-st.  Dublin 
Vance,  George  W.  Bishop-st.  do. 
Vance,  John,  Belfast 


W 

Winter,  John  Pratt,  Agher,  county 

Meath 
Ward,    Samuel,  L.L.D.   Dorset-st. 

Dublin 

Williams,  Henry  F.  (elk.)  Dublin 
Wallace,  James,  Waterford 
Walker,  M.  C.  Leeson-st.  Dublin 
White,  James,   Upper  Sackville-st. 

ditto 
Willans,  William,  Bridge- street,  do. 


Watson,    Solomon,  Sackville-street, 

Dublin 

Whitfield,Thos.  Merchant's-quay,do. 
Whitcroft,  John,  county  Dublin 
Warham,  Thomas,  jun.  Grand  Canal 

Harbour,  Dublin 
Whitcroft,  John  H.  jun.  Merchant's 

quay,  ditto 
Walsh,  Edward,    (M.D.)    Summer- 

hill,  ditto 

Whiteside,  James,  T.C.D. 
Warham,    Thomas,     Grand    Canal 

Harbour,  Dublin 
Wade,  Richard,  Paddenstown,  co. 

Meath 

Williams,  J.  D.  Eustace- st.  Dublin 
Weekes,  William,  (Alderman,)  Wa- 
terford 

Watts,  John,  Fleet-street,  Dublin 
Watts,   William,    Mecklenburgh-st. 

ditto 

Warham,  John,   Grand  Canal  Har- 
bour, ditto 
Williamson,    Jonathan,    Lakelands, 

county  Dublin 
Ward,  Right  Hon.  Robert,  Bangor, 

county  Down 
Winter,    Samuel,    Tullaghard,    co. 

Meath 

Winter,  Francis,  (elk.)  Agher,  do. 
Walsh,    James,    (late     Lieut.- Col.) 

Mohill,  county  Leitrim 
Woodcock,    William,  Enniscorthy, 

county  Wexford 

Williams,  Henry,  Lincoln's  Inn 
Fields,  London—"  a  visitor  in 
Ireland,  whose  signature  is  the 
result  of  unprejudiced  personal 
observation  " 

Watt,  James,  Ramelton,  county  Do- 
negal 
Went  worth,  William,  Lower  Bridge - 

street,  Dublin 
West,    John,     Ballyboden,    county 

Dublin 

West,  Sterling,     ditto  ditto 

West,  Matthew,    ditto  ditto 

Williams,  William,   Dominick-st. 

Dublin 

Walker,  Thomas,  Fermoy,  co.  Cork 
Wilson,  James 
Watson,  Launcelot,  Dublin 
Wilson,    John,    Shamrock    Lodge, 
Drogheda 


APPENDIX. 


cell 


Wall,  Henry,  Elliot- place,  Dublin 
Wall,  Henry,  jun.  ditto        ditto 
Wall,  Edward,      ditto        ditto 
Williams,  Vance,  (M.D.)  co,  Long- 
ford 
Walker,  Charles  A.(J.P.)  Belmont, 

county  Wexford 
Walker,  Thomas,  jun.  ditto 
West,  Wra.  J.  G.  Great  Clonard,  do. 
Whitney,  Henry,  New  Ross,  ditto 
Weld,  Isaac,  Ravenwell,  co.  Dublin 
Walker,  Francis  Spring,  Belville,  co. 

Limerick 

White,  John,  (J.P.)  Armagh 
White,  John,  Newry 
Wilson,  James,  ditto 
Wilson,  James,  jun.  ditto 
Wilson,  John  Richard,  ditto 
Waters,    George    A.   (M.D.)  Tra- 

more,  co.  Waterford 
Waters,  George  A.  jun.  ditto 
Wheland,    Joseph,     Glenvale,  Ar- 
magh 

Waugh,  James,  Cavanacan,  ditto 
Wynne,  Thomas,  Lislea,  co.  Armagh 
Wilson,  Thomas,  Mountjoy- square, 

Dublin 

Williams,  Josiah,  Riverview,  Water- 
ford 

Webber,  James,  ditto 
Walsh,  Peter,  Bellview,  ditto 
Wilson,  Thomas,  ditto 
Woods,  Simon,  ditto 
Watkins,  Richard,  Ardee-st.  Dublin 
Watkins,  Joseph,  ditto 

Wilson,  John,  Pill-lane,  ditto 
Watson,  Joshua  E.  Sallymount,  co. 

Dublin 
Waddy,     Cadwallader,     Kilmacoe, 

Wexford 

Workman,  Robert,  Belfast 
Whittle,  F.  (J.P.)  Castleupton,  co. 

Antrim 

Webb,  William,  Belfast 
Waller,  Thomas,  ditto 
Williamson,  Robert,  (J.P.)  Lambeg 

House,  county  Antrim 
Williamson,  Alexander,  ditto 


Wilkinson,  Joseph,  Barberstown 

White,  David,  (elk.)  Belfast 

Woods,  John,  Carrie kmacross 

Willis,    Anthony,  Gardiner-street, 
Dublin 

Walsh,   Samuel,   Piltown,   co.  Kil- 
kenny 

White,  Edward,  county  Wicklow 

White,  William,  ditto 

Woods,  Thos.  Parsonstown,   King's 
county 

Webb,  Robert,  Bloomfield,  county 
Dublin 

Wilson,  John,  Castle  Blayney,  co. 
Monaghan 

Wilson,  James,  Burns,  co.  Carlow 

Wilson,  Thomas  B.  Cork 

Watt,  Charles  Wm.  Coolnamuck,do. 

Wilson,  Thomas,  Carrick-on-Suir 

Walsh,  Peter,  Bellisle,  ditto 

Wright,  John,         ditto 

Walpole,  James,  Graig,  county  Kil- 
kenny 

Wilson,     Richard,     Upper  James'- 
street,  Dublin 

Wilson,  Richard,  jun.  ditto 

Wilson,  James  Gibbon,  ditto 

Wetherall,  Joseph  L.  jun.  Bellview, 
Killarney 

White,  Patrick,  Thurles,  co.  Tip- 
perary 

Wanston,   William  S.  Bandon,  co. 
Cork 

Wrixon,  H. 

Ward,  Hon.  Wm.  Robert,  Bangor 
Castle,  county  Down 

Wilson,  Kill,  Bangor,  ditto 

Ward,  Edward  Michael,  ditto 

Wilson,  Thomas,  Kilcaskan,   Ban- 
don, county  Cork 


Younge,  Drelincourt,  Bridge-street, 

Dublin 

Younge,  J.  H.  James'-gate,  Dublin 
Young,  Joseph,  Bangor,  co.  Down 


cclii  APPE.\DIX. 


Resolutions  passed  at  the  Rotunda  Meeting,  on  Tues- 
day, 20th  January,  1829,  his  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Leinster  in  the  Chair. 

Moved  by  Alderman  M' Kenny,  seconded  by  Colonel 
Drought : — 

That  Henry  Arabin,  Esq.,  and  the  Rev.  Edward 
Groves,  be  appointed  Secretaries  to  the  meeting. 

Moved  by  the  Hon.  Robert  King,  M.P.,  seconded 
by  John  David  Latouche,  Esq. : — 

That  no  portion  of  our  fellow-subjects  are  more  deter- 
mined than  we  are,  to  maintain  the  principles  which 
placed  the  House  of  Brunswick  on  the  throne  of  these 
realms. 

Moved  by  Lord  Dunalley,  seconded  by  Thomas  Boyse 
of  Bannow,  Esq. : — 

That  those  principles  are  founded  upon  the  basis  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom. 

Moved  by  the  Earl  of  Bective,  M.P.,  seconded  by 
Sir  John  Newport,  Bart.,  M.P.  :— 

That  being  personally  interested  in  the  condition,  and 
sincerely  anxious  for  the  happiness  of  Ireland,  we  feel 
ourselves  called  on  at  the  present  alarming  juncture,  to 
declare  our  conviction,  that  the  disqualifying  laws  affect- 
ing his  Majesty's  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  which  in 
earlier  periods  were  considered  essential  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Protestant  constitution  and  religion,  have, 
through  the  enlightened  character  of  the  times,  ceased 
to  be  so,  and  may  with  safety  to  that  constitution  be 
repealed. 


APPENDIX.  ccliii 

Moved  by  the  Earl  of  Milltown,  seconded  by  Lord 
Clements,  M.P.  :— 

That  from  the  progress  of  wealth,  intelligence,  and 
liberality,  which  so  pre-eminently  characterises  the  pre- 
sent age,  the  continuance  of  those  disqualifying  laws 
operates  most  injuriously  as  a  bar  to  the  cessation  and 
oblivion  of  political  discord,  and  to  that  union  of  senti- 
ment and  interest  on  which  the  internal  peace  and  pros- 
perity of  a  nation  can  alone  permanently  rest. 

Moved  by  Hugh  M.  Tuite,  Esq.,  M.P.,  seconded  by 
J.  L.  Naper,  of  Loghcrew,  Esq.  : — 

That  with  respect  to  Ireland  in  particular,  we  are  of 
opinion  that  those  disqualifying  laws  become  a  primary 
cause  of  disunion,  by  perpetuating  those  political  dis- 
contents and  religious  animosities  which  distract  the 
country,  endanger  the  safety  of  all  its  institutions,  and 
are  alike  destructive  of  social  happiness  and  national 
prosperity. 

Moved  by  Count  Magauley,  seconded  by  Edward 
Berwick,  Esq. : — 

That  we  are  further  of  opinion,  that  unless  the  wis- 
dom of  the  legislature  shall  apply  an  immediate  remedy 
to  those  evils,  they  will  in  their  progression  assume,  at 
an  early  period,  a  character  which  must  necessarily 
augment  the  difficulties  of  their  removal. 

Moved  by  Charles  Brownlow,  Esq.,  M.P.,  seconded 
by  Sir  Thomas  Charles  Style,  Bart. : — 

That  it  is  of  paramount  importance  to  the  welfare  of 
the  empire  at  large,  and  more  especially  of  Ireland,  that 
the  condition  of  this  country  should  be  taken  into  im- 
mediate consideration  by  parliament,  with  a  view  to 


CCliv  APPENDIX. 

such  a  final  and  conciliatory  adjustment  as  may  be  con- 
ducive to  the  peace  and  strength  of  the  United  King- 
dom, to  the  stability  of  our  national  institutions,  and  to 
the  general  satisfaction  and  concord  of  his  Majesty's 
subjects. 

Moved  by  the  Earl  of  Howth,  seconded  by  Thomas 
Lloyd,  Esq.,  M.P.  :— 

That  a  petition  to  his  Most  Gracious  Majesty,  in  the 
spirit  of  the  foregoing  resolutions,  be  forthwith  prepared, 
assuring  his  Majesty  of  our  most  unalterable  attachment 
to  his  throne  and  person,  and  praying  that  he  may  be 
pleased,  with  the  least  possible  delay,  to  recommend  to 
parliament  to  take  into  their  most  serious  consideration 
the  alarming  and  wretched  state  of  this  country. 

The  draft  of  a  petition  to  the  King  having  been  read, 
it  was  moved  by  the  Earl  of  Glengall,  seconded  by 
Dominick  Browne,  of  Gastlemacgarrett,  Esq. : — 

That  the  petition  which  has  been  prepared  by  the 
noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  and  now 
read,  be  adopted  by  this  meeting. 

Moved  by  the  Hon.  Frederick  Ponsonby,  M.P.,  se- 
conded by  "William  Crawford,  of  Ferney,  county  Cork, 
Esq.  :— 

That  this  petition  be  presented  to  his  Majesty  by  our 
noble  chairman,  accompanied  by  the  following  peers 
and  members  of  parliament,  viz. : — 

Duke  of  Somerset  Marquess  of  Clanricarde 

Devonshire  Earl  of  Meath 
Marquess  of  Lansdowne  Darnley 

Downsbire  Wentworth  Fitzwilliam 

Anglesey  Ferrers 

Westmeath  Kingston 

Ormonde  Portarlington. 


APPENDIX.  CClv 


Earl  of  Wicklt)w  Sir  Henry  Parnell,  Bart.  M.P. 

Leitrim  Hon.  H.  Caulfield,  M.P. 

Clare  Hon.  George  Ponsonby,  M.P. 

Gosford  Hon.  Frederick  Ponsonby,  M.P. 

Caledon  Charles  Brownlow,  M.P. 

Glengall  Thomas  Spring  Rice,  M.P. 

Dunraven  Thomas  Lloyd,  M.P. 

Viscount  Goderich  Lucius  O'Brien,  M.P. 

Ebrington  James  Grattan,  M.P. 

Milton  Henry  Grattan,  M.P. 

Ennismore  Hugh  M.Tuite,  M.P. 

Clements  Henry  V.  Stuart,  M.P. 

Duncannon  Charles  D.  O.  Jephson,  M.P. 

Lord  Grenville  Alexander  Dawson,  M.P. 

Dundas  Henry  White,  M.P. 

Rossmore  Peter  Van  Homrigh,  M.P. 

Killeen  Arthur  French,  M.P. 
Pluuket  And    such    other  noblemen  and 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  J.  Newport,  Bart.  M.P.  members  of  the  House  of  Corn- 

Right  Hon.  M.  Fitzgerald,  M.P.  mons  as  wish  to  attend. 


Moved  by  Thomas  Wyse,  of  Water  ford,  Esq.,  se- 
conded by  the  Hon.  David  Plunket : 

That  we  most  earnestly  recommend  the  immediate 
attendance  in  parliament  of  all  the  peers  and  members 
representing  Ireland,  and  that  for  the  sake  of  our  com- 
mon country,  as  well  as  the  empire  at  large,  we  trust 
that  all  party  distinctions  and  jealousies  will  be  buried 
in  oblivion,  so  that  Ireland  may  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
their  collective  and  calm  consideration  of  her  wants. 

Moved  by  Lord  Killeen,  seconded  by  Charles  D.  O. 
Jephson,  of  Mallow,  Esq.,  M.P.  : — 

That  we  adopt  the  sentiments  contained  in  the  Pro- 
testant declaration,  signed  by  their  Graces  the  Dukes 
of  Leinster  and  Devonshire,  and  by  seven  marquesses, 
twenty-six  earls,  eleven  viscounts,  twenty- two  barons, 
two  counts,  twenty-two  baronets,  fifty-two  members  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  upwards  of  two  thousand 
gentlemen  of  other  ranks,  all  of  whom  are  personally 


APPENDIX. 

interested  in  the  condition  of  Ireland  ;  and  that  our 
noble  chairman  be  instructed  to  present  to  his  Majesty, 
together  with  our  petition,  a  copy  of  that  declaration, 
with  the  signatures  attached  to  it. 

Petitions  to  both  houses  of  parliament  having  been 
laid  before  the  meeting,  it  was 

Moved  by  Nicholas  Phil  pot  Leader,  of  Dromagh 
Castle,  Esq.,  seconded  by  William  Tighe,  of  Wood- 
stock, Esq. : — 

That  the  petitions  now  read,  and  which  are  founded 
on  the  resolutions  of  this  meeting,  be  adopted,  and  pre- 
sented to  both  houses  of  parliament : — that  to  the  Lords 
by  the  Marquess  of  Anglesey,  and  that  to  the  Commons 
by  Charles  Brownlow,  Esq. 

Moved  by  Lord  Clanmorris,  seconded  by  the  Hon. 
Colonel  Westenra : — 

That  his  Excellency  the  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of 
Anglesey  is  entitled  to  and  possesses  our  entire  confi- 
dence ;  and  we  regret  that  circumstances  have  induced 
his  Excellency  to  relinquish  the  government  of  this 
country  ;  for  that,  relying  upon  his  wisdom  and  justice, 
we  do  assure  his  Excellency,  to  adopt  the  language  of  a 
distinguished  Englishman,  "  There  is  no  nation  of  peo- 
ple under  the  sun  that  doth  love  equal  and  indifferent 
justice  better  than  the  Irish,  or  will  rest  better  satisfied 
with  the  execution  thereof,  although  it  be  against  them- 
selves, so  as  they  may  have  the  protection  and  benefit 
of  the  law,  when  upon  just  cause  they  do  desire  it." 

Moved  by  John  Power,  of  Kilfane,  Esq.,  seconded 
by  Sir  Thomas  Esmonde,  Bart. : — 

That  the  address  to  his  Excellency  the  Marquess  of 


APPENDIX.  CClvii 

Anglesey,  now  read,  be  adopted  by  this  meeting,  and 
that  our  noble  chairman  be  requested  to  transmit  the 
same  to  his  Excellency  at  his  Grace's  earliest  conveni- 
ence. 

Moved  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Preston,  seconded  by  Robert 
Roe,  Esq.  :— 

That  copies  of  these  resolutions  and  petitions  be  for- 
warded to  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  and  the 
rest  of  his  Majesty's  ministers,  calling  their  attention  to 
the  deplorable  situation  of  this  country,  and  requiring 
them  to  give  peace,  and  above  all,  religious  peace,  to 
Ireland  ;  which,  by  benefiting  the  state,  will  confer  a 
benefit  upon  every  individual  in  it. 

Moved  by  Robert  Challoner,  of  Coolatyn  Park,  Esq., 
seconded  by  Walter  Berwick,  Esq. : — 

That  the  thanks  of  the  country  and  of  this  meeting 
are  eminently  due,  and  are  hereby  given,  to  the  noble- 
men and  gentlemen  who  constituted  the  committee  for 
the  Protestant  declaration,  the  dinner  to  Lord  Morpeth, 
and  the  arrangements  of  this  meeting,  and  we  do  ear- 
nestly request,  that  they  will  individually  and  collec- 
tively continue  their  exertions  for  the  success  of  the 
great  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged — "  the  religious 
peace  of  Ireland  ;"  and  that  the  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men who  have  moved  and  seconded  these  resolutions  be 
added  to  the  committee. 

LEINSTER,  Chairman. 

The  Duke  of  Leinster  having  left  the  chair,  and  the 
Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Milltown  having  been 
called  thereto,  it  was 

VOL.  11.  r 


cclviii  APPENDIX. 

Moved  by  Daniel  O'Connell,  Esq.,  M.P.,  seconded 
by  Richard  Sheil,  Esq. : — 

That  the  thanks  of  the  country,  and  more  especially 
of  this  meeting,  are  pre-eminently  due,  and  are  hereby 
given,  to  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  the  premier 
noble  of  Ireland,  not  only  for  his  dignified  and  impartial 
conduct  in  the  chair  this  day,  but  for  his  undeviating 
attachment  and  devotion  to  the  true  interests  of  Ireland. 
MILLTOWN,  Chairman. 
EDWARD  GROVES,  ^ 
HBNRY  ARABIN,     5    Secretaries. 

Address    to    his   Majesty,    adopted   at    the    Rotunda 
Meeting,  on  Tuesday,  20th  January,  1829. 

TO   THE    KING'S    MOST     EXCELLENT    MAJESTY, 

The  humble  Petition  of  the  Noblemen  and  Gentlemen 
undersigned. 

May  it  please  your  Majesty, 

We,  your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects 
of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  beg  leave  to  approach  your 
throne  with  assurances  of  our  unalterable  fidelity  and 
attachment  to  your  Majesty's  royal  person  and  govern- 
ment, 

Reigning  by  the  free  voice  of  a  proud  and  brave 
people,  your  Majesty  holds  the  crown  of  these  realms 
by  the  highest  of  all  titles — the  clearest  of  all  legiti- 
macies ;  we  venerate  you  as  the  guardian  of  just  laws, 
and  the  last  perfection  of  a  noble  constitution.  You 
rule  in  the  interests  of  your  people— your  throne  has 


APPENDIX.  Cclix 

the  best  security  for  any  throne,  the  enlightened  con- 
fidence of  your  subjects. 

No  portion  of  your  Majesty's  loyal  people  are  more 
truly  devoted  than  we  are  to  the  principles  which  placed 
the  illustrious  House  of  Brunswick  on  the  throne. 

We  conceive  these  principles  to  be  founded  on  the 
basis  of  civil  and  religious  freedom. 

It  is  to  the  diffusion  of  these  great  gifts  we  attribute 
the  gradual  union,  the  industry,  the  wealth,  the  intel- 
ligence, the  consequent  prosperity,  and  the  only  perma- 
nent security,  of  any  state.  In  proportion  as  the  citizen 
derives  advantages  from  the  constitution  under  which 
he  lives,  he  will  naturally  give  back  to  the  preservation 
of  that  constitution  his  zealous  and  persevering  sup- 
port. 

Your  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased,  on  the  memo- 
rable occasion  on  which  you  honoured  these  shores  with 
your  royal  presence,  to  impress  upon  the  mind  of  your 
faithful  Irish  subjects  these  important  truths ;  and  it  is 
not  without  a  deep  recognition  of  their  value,  we  still 
hold  in  our  recollection  the  conciliatory  terms  of  your 
Majesty's  parting  advice. 

But  with  profound  regret,  we  venture  to  represent  to 
your  Majesty,  that  little  benefit  has  yet  accrued  to  this 
distracted  nation  from  your  Majesty's  paternal  counsels. 
Instead  of  the  cordiality  and  union  which  your  Majesty 
had  so  emphatically  recommended,  the  whole  land  is 
divided  into  two  adverse  parties,  measuring  each  other's 
strength  in  silence,  or  menacing  open  and  undisguised 
hostilities  abroad — corrupting  to  evil  all  the  sources  of 
national  good — disturbing  in  their  course  the  beneficial 


cclx  A  p  PEN  nix. 

influences  of  the  constitution — lending  to  justice  the 
character  of  faction — irritating,  by  a  succession  of  dan- 
gerous stimulants,  the  entire  national  temperament — 
embittering  every  variety  of  social  intercourse,  and 
shaking  to  the  foundation  that  mutual  confidence,  with- 
out which  all  government  is  difficult,  and  the  entire 
frame  of  civil  society  must  ultimately  be  dissolved. 

Industry,  deprived  of  all  its  natural  nourishment, 
languishes — commerce,  uninvited  by  proportionate  secu- 
rity, flies  our  shores — manufactures,  unsupported  by 
capital,  have  almost  disappeared— employment,  exclu- 
sively agricultural,  is  not  adequate  to  the  wants  of  our 
population ;  the  surplus  emigrates,  in  every  shape  of 
wretchedness,  to  the  more  prosperous  parts  of  your 
Majesty's  dominions,  or  passing  on  through  a  rapid  suc- 
cession of  disasters  at  home,  from  idleness  to  want — 
from  want  to  malady — perish,  at  last,  in  almost  annual 
visitations  of  pestilence  or  famine. 

The  consequences  of  these  evils  are  obvious  and  uni- 
versal ;  they  are  commensurate  with  our  entire  system. 
The  Protestant  is  not  more  exempt  than  the  Catholic ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  in  proportion  to  his  superior  wealth 
and  station  in  the  community,  is,  if  possible,  more  ex- 
posed to  their  injurious  effects.  They  embrace  every 
individual  in  their  influence,  and  they  affect  all  the 
relations  of  every  individual  whom  they  embrace. 

And  your  faithful  and  loyal  subjects  presume  further 
to  represent  to  your  gracious  Majesty,  that  the  influence 
of  these  calamities  is  not  restricted  to  Ireland  alone  ; 
that  such  a  state  of  things  must  require  a  large  military 
establishment  for  its  support;  that  this  establishment 


APPENDIX.  CClxi 

necessitates  a  corresponding  taxation  of  the  country  ; 
that  the  country,  by  the  repression  of  its  natural  ener- 
gies and  resources,  is  unequal  to  this  supply ;  and  that 
thus  this  kingdom,  instead  of  being  a  source  of  strength, 
is,  by  a  singular  anomaly  in  government,  a  source  of 
weakness  to  the  united  empire. 

Your  petitioners  would  willingly  believe  that  these 
evils  were  of  a  temporary  nature,  removable  by  tem- 
porary expedients ;  but  they  have  reason  to  apprehend 
that,  instead  of  diminishing,  they  will  gradually  increase, 
unless  prevented,  ere  it  be  too  late,  by  a  patient  and 
impartial  inquiry  into  their  causes,  and  the  generous 
application  of  a  full  and  final  remedy  to  their  cure. 
Their  continuance  will  prepare  for  the  first  aggression 
of  foreign  foes  a  long-accumulating  spirit  of  dissatis- 
faction in  the  country — it  will  invite  the  insult  and 
injury  of  surrounding  nations — it  will  paralyse  the 
national  forces  of  the  state — it  will  detract  from  the 
moral  strength  and  character  which  enabled  England  so 
long  to  hold  the  first  rank  in  European  civilization,  and 
materially  endanger,  and  perhaps  ultimately  compromise, 
the  safety  of  the  entire  British  empire. 

Your  petitioners  cannot  ascribe  these  evils  to  any 
defect  in  the  moral  or  physical  condition  of  the  country 
itself;  they  are  compelled  to  seek  elsewhere  for  the 
fertile  source  of  these  calamities.  They  see,  in  the 
partial  distribution  of  the  burdens  and  rewards  of  the 
state,  the  exclusion  of  one  part  of  the  people  from  the 
franchises  and  rights  enjoyed  by  the  other,  a  just  and 
enduring  principle  of  discontent,  further  exasperated  by 
religious  animosity,  the  parent  of  that  national  disunion 


Cclxii  APPENDIX. 

from  which  every  other  national  evil  must  necessarily 
proceed. 

It  does  not,  however,  escape  the  attention  of  you  i 
humble  petitioners,  that  this  exclusion  may  originally 
have  been  intended  for  the  better  maintenance  of  the 
constitution  and  religion  of  the  state ;  but  they  respect- 
fully submit  to  the  consideration  of  your  Majesty 
whether,  on  the  extinction  of  the  causes  which  required 
such  guarantee,  these  restrictions  on  the  liberty  of  the 
subject  should  not  also  be  repealed. 

And  it  is  the  further  conviction  of  your  Majesty's 
humble  petitioners  that  these  causes  have  long  since 
so  disappeared — and  this  opinion  is  grounded  on  the 
policy  of  other  states,  in  reference  to  this  country— the 
cessation  of  all  external  menace  or  attack ;  the  sup- 
pression of  all  pretensions  to  the  throne  of  these  realms, 
and  the  increasing  liberality  and  enlightened  feeling  of 
every  class  and  persuasion  in  the  present  times. 

Your  petitioners  are  therefore  satisfied,  that  the 
removal  of  the  disabilities  under  which  their  Catholic 
fellow- subjects  still  labour,  so  far  from  being  attended 
with  any  peril  to  the  institutions  of  these  realms,  would, 
on  the  contrary,  by  a  removal  of  all  just  ground  of  com- 
plaint, most  eminently  tend  to  coalesce  all  sects  and 
orders  in  the  country,  in  united  exertions  for  their  com- 
mon support;  and  thus,  by  "  benefiting  the  state,  would 
confer  a  benefit  upon  every  individual  belonging  to  it." 
And  in  this  belief  your  petitioners  are  more  fully  con- 
firmed, by  the  gracious  message  of  your  Majesty's  royal 
Father  to  his  Irish  parliament  in  1793,  in  which  ho 
was  pleased  to  recommend  such  measures  as  might  be 


APPENDIX.  cclxiii 

most  likely  to  strengthen  the  general  union  and  senti- 
ment amongst  all  descriptions  of  his  Majesty's  subjects, 
in  support  of  the  established  constitution  ;  and  in  which 
his  Majesty  was  further  pleased  to  point  out  the  relief 
of  his  Catholic  subjects  of  Ireland,  from  the  disqualifi- 
cations by  which  they  were  affected,  as  the  means  best 
calculated  to  ensure  this  desirable  result. 

And  your  petitioners  gratefully  remember,  that  your 
Majesty  has  professed,  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
towards  your  faithful  people  of  Ireland,  a  favour  and 
affection  not  inferior  to  that  evinced  by  your  royal 
Father.  May  we  then  implore  your  Majesty,  graciously 
to  interpose  the  noblest  exercise  of  your  royal  prero- 
gative in  their  behalf?  may  we  implore  you  to  allow  the 
inhabitants  of  this  distracted  but  generous  country  to 
dedicate  their  undivided  energies — now  exerted  chiefly 
against  each  other — to  the  augmenting  the  resources, 
the  ennobling  the  character,  and  elevating  the  glory 
and  prosperity,  of  their  native  land?  And  may  your 
Majesty  be  pleased,  with  the  least  possible  delay,  to 
recommend  to  your  parliament  to  take  into  their  most 
serious  consideration,  the  alarming  and  wretched  state 
of  this  portion  of  your  Majesty's  dominions,  with  a  view 
to  such  final  and  conciliatory  adjustment  as  may  be 
conducive  to  the  peace  and  strength  of  the  united 
kingdom,  to  the  stability  of  our  national  institutions, 
and  to  the  general  concord  of  your  Majesty's  loyal  sub- 
jects; so  may  your  Majesty  more  fully  reign  in  the 
hearts  of  a  grateful  people,  and  transmit  your  crown 
with  additional  lustre  to  posterity. 


APPENDIX. 

A  petition  to  the  Houses  of  Lords  and  Commons, 
conveying  similar  sentiments,  &c.  was  also  adopted  by 
the  meeting1. 

An  address  from  the  same  petitioners  to  the  Marquess 
of  Anglesey  was  likewise  proposed  and  adopted,  decla- 
ratory of  "  those  principles  of  civil  and  religious  freedom 
which  are  the  bond  of  their  union,  and  were  the  guide 
of  his  Lordship's  counsels,"  and  which  now  induced 
them  to  join  "  the  voice  of  a  multitudinous  people, 
uplifted  to  mourn  an  event,  whose  painful  interest 
has  been  able  (words  of  no  light  import)  for  a  season  to 
suspend  the  universal  discordance,  to  unite  all  orders  in 
one  common  sentiment  of  sorrow,  and  to  show  that  the 
passions  which  have  disturbed  our  judgments  have  not 
yet  softened  our  hearts." 

Marquess    of  Anglesey's  Answer. 

Uxbridge  House,  April  14th,  1829. 
My  Lord  Duke — My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 

I  have  received,  with  the  highest  gratification,  the 
address  with  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  honour 
me,  on  my  retirement  from  the  government  of  Ireland. 

When  it  reached  me,  the  happy  measure,  which  it 
was  your  object  to  promote,  was  already  under  the  con- 
sideration of  the  legislature  ;  and  I,  therefore,  deferred 
offering  my  acknowledgments  for  your  personal  kind- 
ness to  me,  in  the  hope  that  I  should  soon  be  enabled  to 
add  to  them,  as  I  now  most  joyfully  do,  my  sincere 
congratulations  upon  the  accomplishment  of  the  great 
good  which  you  desired  for  your  country. 


APPENDIX.  CC1XV 

To  the  parental  solicitude  of  his  Majesty  for  the 
general  happiness  of  his  people,  to  the  sound  counsel 
of  his  ministers,  and,  finally,  to  the  liberality  and  wisdom 
of  parliament,  the  empire  is  indebted  for  this  glorious 
act  of  true  policy,  grace,  and  justice. 

The  whole  British  constitution  is  now,  for  the  first 
time,  extended  to  the  whole  people  of  Ireland.  As 
they  enjoy  the  same  liberties,  so  may  they  derive  the 
same  benefits  from  it — the  same  peace,  prosperity,  and 
happiness,  which  it  has  so  long  conferred  upon  Great 
Britain. 

To  secure  those  blessings  to  Ireland,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary that  her  people  act  in  the  spirit  which  brought  you 
so  auspiciously  together ;  and  that  they  should  continue 
to  practise  that  forbearance  and  good-will  towards  each 
other,  which  distinguished  their  conduct  through  the 
whole  of  the  late  proceedings  in  Ireland,  and  which  so 
mainly  contributed  to  bring  them  the  desired  result. 

Allow  me,  in  conclusion,  to  assure  you,  that  I  shall 
ever  feel  the  sincerest  devotion  to  the  interests  of 
Ireland,  and  the  deepest  gratitude  for  all  the  kindness 
I  have  experienced  from  her. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

ANGLESEY. 
To  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  &c. 


CClxVl  APPENDIX. 

No.  XXXII. 

Formation  of  the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Civil  and 
Religious  Liberty. 

Royal  Hotel,  College  Green,  Dublin,  Wednesday, 
21st  January,  1829 — William  Sharman  Crawford, 
Esquire,  in  the  chair ; 

It  was  unanimously 

Resolved,  That  in  pursuance  of  the  twentieth  resolu- 
tion, agreed  to  at  the  meeting  of  the  Friends  of  Civil 
and  Religious  Liberty,  held  yesterday,  we  recommend 
that  a  committee  of  forty  persons,  twenty  Protestants 
and  twenty  Catholics,  be  now  appointed,  and  be  selected 
from  the  list  of  nobility  and  gentry  of  both  persuasions, 
who  concurred  in  those  proceedings,  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  the  most  effectual  means  for  establishing  a 
permanent  junction  of  Catholics  and  Protestants,  in 
order  to  insure  a  continuance  of  their  exertions  for  the 
success  of  the  cause  in  which  we  are  all  engaged, 
"  the  religious  peace  of  Ireland." 

Resolved,  That  the  following  noblemen  and  gen- 
tlemen, together  with  the  chairman,  be  the  members  of 
the  committee. 

The  Duke  of  Leinster  Charles  D.O.  Jephson,  Esq.M.P. 

The  Earl  of  Glengall  William  D.  Napper,  Esq. 

The  Earl  of  Bective  Richard  Napier,  Esq. 

Lord  Cloncurry  James  Sinclair,  Esq. 

Lord  Riversdaie  John  D.  La  Touche,  Esq. 

Lord  Rossmore  William  Sharman  Crawford,  Esq. 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  Newport  Robert  Roe,  Esq. 

Sir  Charles  Stjle,  Bart.  George  Grier,  Esq. 

Sir  Charles  Morgan  W.  W.  Berwick,  Esq. 

Hugh  M.  Tuite,  Esq.  M.P.  John  M.  Marshall,  Esq. 

Charles  Brownlow,  Esq.  M.P.  Lord  Killeen 


.APPENDIX.  CClxvii 

Lord  Gormanstown  James  O'Gorman  Mahon,  Esq. 

Sir  Thomas  Esmonde,  Bart.  Gerald  Dease,  Esq. 

Sir  Richard  Nagle,  Bart.  James  John  Bagott,  Esq. 

Daniel  O'Connell,  Esq.  M.P.  George  Taffee,  Esq. 

Richard  Shell,  Esq.  Richard  Moore  O'Ferrall,  Esq. 

Thomas  YVyse,  Esq.  Michl.  Francis  Coppinger,  Esq. 

William  Sweetman,  Esq.  William  Grainger,  Esq. 

Nicholas  Mahon,  Esq.  John  Maher,  Esq. 

William  Murphy,  Esq.  Barthw.  Corballis,  Esq. 

Nicholas  P.  O'Gorman,  Esq. 

Moved  by  Lord  Killeen,  seconded  by  Earl  Bective, 
and 

Resolved,  That  the  Rev.  Edward  Groves  be  re- 
quested to  give  his  most  valuable  services  as  secre- 
tary ;  also, 

That  the  committee  do  make  a  report  on  Saturday. 

Adjourned  at  five  o'clock. 

Royal  Hotel,  College  Green,  Dublin,  Thursday,  22nd 
January,  1829 — The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Rossmore  in 
the  chair ; 

Resolved,  That  no  proceedings  are  to  have  publicity 
until  they  shall  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

Resolved,  That  the  following  gentlemen  be  added  to 
the  committee, 

Joseph  Stone,  Esq.  Pierce  Mahony,  Esq. 

Richard  P.  Leader,  Esq.  Count  Magawley 

Edward  Berwick,  Esq.  Dominick  O'Reilly,  Esq. 

Resolved,  That  the  committee  do  stand  as  at  present 
constituted,  without  further  addition. 

Resolved,  That  the  committee  is  of  opinion,  that  for 
the  sake  of  our  common  country,  as  well  as  of  the  empire 
at  large,  all  party  and  sectarian  distinctions  and  jea- 
lousies should  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and  that  all  persons 


cclxviii  APPENDIX. 

should  be  invited  to  advance  and  uphold  the  great  cause 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  universal  sentiment  of  this 
meeting,  that  no  member  of  the  committee  is  or  shall  be 
deemed  to  be  bound  by  any  resolution  or  proceeding  to 
which  he  does  not  personally  assent. 

Resolved,  That  no  question  be  decided  on  its  first 
mention,  but  that  notice  be  inserted  in  the  summons  for 
a  subsequent  meeting  that  such  a  measure  would  be 
considered. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  expressly  understood,  that  the 
proceedings  of  this  committee  are  to  have  no  publicity, 
farther  than  what  may  be  sanctioned  by  a  resolution  of 
the  committee. 

Resolved,  That  our  secretary  be  requested  to  write  to 
the  absent  noblemen  and  gentlemen  named  on  the  com- 
mittee, enclosing  a  copy  of  the  resolution  passed  yes- 
terday, and  intimating  the  names  of  those  noblemen 
and  gentlemen  who  have  signified  their  consent  to  act, 
and  to  beg  that  they  will  intimate  with  as  little  delay  as 
possible  their  concurrence. 

Resolved,  That  the  secretary  be  requested  to  call  a 
meeting  of  the  committee  appointed  on  the  20th  instant 
by  the  19th  resolution,  and  to  report  to  them  that  we 
have  consented  to  take  their  commission  into  considera- 
tion, and  that  we  recommend  them  to  proceed  in  the 
mean  time  to  provide  for  the  financial  arid  other  details 
necessary  to  the  furtherance  of  the  great  end  of  their 
assembling. 

Resolved,  That  this  committee  adjourn  from  day  to 
day  at  one  o'clock  till  further  notice. 

Ross  MO  RE. 


APPENDIX.  Cclxix 

Friday,  23rd  January,  1829— The  Right  Hon.   Lord 
Rossmore  in  the  chair ; 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  having  been  read,  it 
was 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  opinion  that  a  society  should 
be  formed,  to  be  called  "  The  Society  of  the  Friends  of 
Civil  and  Religious  Liberty  of  all  religious  Denomi- 
nations," for  the  sole  purpose  of  promoting  the  principles 
contained  in  the  resolutions  of  the  late  meeting  at  the 
Rotunda ;  and  that  our  secretary  be  requested  to  com- 
municate the  present  resolution  to  the  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  who  have  signed  the  Protestant  Declaration 
and  the  requisition  for  the  said  meeting,  and  to  others, 
in  order  to  ascertain  as  speedily  as  possible  their  con- 
currence to  the  same. 

Moved  by  Thos.  Wyse,  Esq. 

Seconded  by  T.  L.  Naper,  Esq. 

Resolved,  That  this  committee  do  take  immediate 
steps  to  convene  the  friends  of  civil  and  religious 
freedom  in  London,  before  the  discussion  of  the  great 
question  of  Catholic  emancipation  in  Parliament. 

Moved  by  P.  Mahony,  Esq. 

Seconded  by  John  Latouche,  Esq. 

Resolved,  That  this  committee  do  adjourn  till 
Wednesday  the  fourth  day  of  February  next,  on  its 
rising. 

Moved  by  Sir  Charles  Morgan. 
Seconded  by  Barth.  Corballis,  Esq. 

Resolved,  That  the  following  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men do  form  a  sub- committee,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 


CCIXX  APPENDIX. 

veiling  the  meeting  in  London,  with  power  to  add  to  the 
number. 

The  Duke  of  Leinster  Charles  Brownlow,  Esq. 

Earl  of  Darnley  C.  D.  Jephson,  Esq. 

Lord  Dunally  T.  S.  Rice,  Esq. 

Sir  John  Newport,  Bart.  Arthur  French,  Esq. 

James  Grattan,  Esq.  Sir  Henry  Parnell,  Bart. 

Henry  Grattan,  Esq.  Pierce  Mahony,  Esq. 

Moved  by  P.  Mahony,  Esq. 
Seconded  by  J.  D.  Latouche,  Esq. 

Resolved,  That  the  first  resolution  passed  this  day 
be  published  in  all  the  Dublin  papers. 

Moved  by  D.  O'Connell,  Esq. 
Seconded  by  T.  L.  Naper,  Esq. 
ROSSMORE. 

No.   XXXIII. 
CATHOLIC  RENT. 

Details  of  Receipts  and  Expenditure  for  the 
year  1826. 

County  of 

1  Antrim  .  .  .£138    5  9 

2  Armagh  .  .     113     6  3 

3  Cork  .  .  .  2824  13  10 

4  Clare  .  .  .     428  30  2 

5  Carlow  .  .  .     239     9  5 

6  Cavan  .  .  .     792     0  0 

7  Donegal  .  .       76     2  9 

8  Down  .  .  .     240     8  1J 

9  Dublin  .  .  .  1952  19  5 

10  Meath        .         .         .604  14     5J 

11  Fermanagh         .         .       72  17     8 

12  Galway      .         .         .     635  15     7 


APPENDIX. 

13  Kerry        .  .  .  £381  15    ?i 

14  Kildare      .  .  .     567     4  10J 

15  Kilkenny  .  .     749  19  10 

16  King's       .  .  .     549    3    3£ 

17  Leitrim      .  .  .     148     2    9 

18  Louth        .  .  .     689    2    8£ 

19  Limerick  .  .     548     8  11 

20  Longford  .  .     168     7     1 

21  Londonderry  .  .     144     2     0 

22  Monaghan  .  .     194  15  10 

23  Mayo         .  .  .     293    6     Oj 

24  Queen's     .  .  .     257     0     5± 

25  Roscommon  .  .     166    7     0 

26  Sligo          .  .  .164  14     3| 

27  Tipperary  .  1648     7     6} 

28  Tyrone       .  .       65  10     7 

29  Westmeath         .  .     526  19    9 

30  Wicklow  .  .     174  14    7 

31  Wexford   .         .  .     504     1     0 

32  Waterford          .  .     738  11     4J 


£16,895  18  1H 

Subscriptions    .         .         .  2,224     4     5 
Interest  on  government  se- 
curities .         .  144     0     0 


£19,228    3    4J 
Paid  sundry  expenses  from 
Dec,  31, 1824,  to  March 
18,  1825       .         .         .  4,331  11    61 

Total,         £14,896  11  10 


APPENDIX. 


DR.    CATHOLIC    FUND. 

1825. 

March  18.  To  sundry  payments  made 

to  during  this  period,  up  to 

Dec.  16.  change  of  currency         .     £1,049  17     9 

BRITISH. 

1826.     £1049:  17:  9  Irish,  at  8^  is       £969  2  0 

Jan.  22.      To  sundry  payments  made         215  2  3 

Balance  in  treasurer's  hands          21  6  11 
£16,150  government  stock, 

security  for  repayment  of    13,000  0  0 


£14,205  11     8 

CR.    CATHOLIC    FUND. 

1825.        By  securities  and  cash  on 
March  18.        hand  this  day      .         .     £14,896  11  10 
By  interest  on  several  se- 
curities from  July  7  to 
Dec.  3         ...  236    5    0 

By  balance  do.  per  Mr. 

Hayes         ...  38  17     7 

£15,171  14     5 


BRITISH. 

1826.        Exchange  at  Par  is          .     £14,004  13     3 
Jan.  13.     By  interest  on  government 

stock  to  this  day  .  200  18     5 

£14,205  11     8 


APPENDIX.  cclxxiii 

Summary  of  Catholic  Rent  for  the  years  1825, 
1826,  1827, 1828,  1829. 

Rent  received 

to  March  1825  .         £16,212  11  4 

Dec.  1826    .         .         .     6,261     9  9 

Dec.  1827    .         .         .     3,066  15  7 

Dec.  1828    .         .  21,424  19  1 

Feb.  1829  5,300     0  0 


52,265  15  9 

Interests  and   receipts  at 

door  of  Corn  Exchange     2,617     5  0 

54,883    0  9 


CATHOLIC    RENT    FROM    AMERICA. 

Since  the  dissolution  of  the  Association,  the  following 
letter  has  been  received  from  America : — 

To  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland. 

Patriots,  Friends,  and  Brothers, 
The  undersigned  have  been  appointed  a  special  com- 
mittee by  "  The  Association  of  the  Friends  of  Ireland 
in  Charleston,"  to  transmit  to  "  the  Catholic  Associa- 
tion of  Ireland  "  an  address  accompanying  their  first 
remittance  of  one  thousand  dollars,  for  which  they  have 
purchased  a  bill  of  exchange,  drawn  by  Magwood,  Pat- 
terson, and  Co.,  of  this  city,  upon  I.  O.  Johnson,  of 
Liverpool,  and  made  payable  in  London,  to  the  order  of 
Daniel  O'Connell,  or  Nicholas  Purcell  Q'Gorman,  and 
which  is  herewith  remitted. 

VOL.    II.  5 


APPENDIX. 

The  Irish  Catholic  Association,  and  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic people  of  Ireland,  have  long  since  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  proceedings  of  a  public  meeting  held  in 
this  city  on  the  22nd  of  last  September,  and  have  doubt- 
less received  the  address  which  the  Hon.  John  Gads- 
den,  the  intendant  of  our  city,  and  president  of  that 
meeting,  has  transmitted  in  duplicate.  The  Association 
of  the  Friends  of  Ireland  in  this  city  was  formed  sub- 
sequently to  that  meeting,  and  adopted  for  its  regulation 
a  constitution,  a  copy  of  which  we  beg  leave  to  send 
you,  for  the  purpose  of  better  exhibiting  its  object  and 
our  organization ;  you  will  also  find  attached  a  form  of 
our  certificates,  together  with  a  list  of  our  members, 
and  of  our  benefactors. 

It  might  be  proper  to  inform  you,  that  on  those  lists 
are  to  be  found  the  names  of  several  of  our  most  distin- 
guished fellow-citizens,  natives  of  this  State,  as  well  as 
of  many  emigrants  from  your  own  lovely  island,  and 
from  several  of  the  other  civilised  nations  of  the  world. 
The  modes  of  religion  professed  by  our  associates  are 
equally  various  as  the  regions  which  gave  birth  to  them- 
selves. We  have  in  our  body  the  descendants  of  the 
ancient  patriarchs  of  Judea,  who  still  follow  the  Levi- 
tical  rites,  as  well  as  brethren  who  differ  in  their  pre- 
ference of  the  ancient  mode  of  Christianity.  They  all 
sympathise  with  you,  and  desire  to  relieve  you,  not  for 
any  partiality  to  the  peculiar  tenets  of  your  faith,  but 
because  of  their  great  love  for  the  principle  of  liberty 
of  conscience,  and  freedom  of  worship  to  every  child 
of  Adam,  which  principle  they  behold  glaringly  vio- 
lated in  your  case ;  and  to  the  spirit  of  which  principle/ 


APPENDIX.  CC1XXV 

great  and  glorious  as  it  is,  they  find  you  warmly  and  de- 
votedly attached.  Receive  their  mites,  therefore,  rather 
as  evidences  of  their  affection  for  men  of  sound  prin- 
ciple, than  as  the  measure  by  which  they  estimate  your 
deserts. 

They  perceive  that  you  have  judiciously  used  the 
means  already  entrusted  to  your  care,  in  enlightening 
the  ignorant,  in  protecting  the  oppressed,  in  restraining 
petty  despotism,  in  vindicating  and  asserting  the  right 
of  extended  suffrage,  in  guarding  against  the  establish- 
ment of  an  influence  which  would  stretch  the  power  of 
the  executive  over  the  liberties  of  the  people,  beyond 
those  limits  which  the  ancient  and  pure  constitution  of 
Great  Britain  had  provided  ;  and  hence  they  rejoice  at 
the  prospect  of  your  receiving  additional  funds  from 
your  friends  at  this  side  of  the  Atlantic — the  friends  of 
Ireland,  the  friends  of  rational  liberty,  the  friends  of  the 
meritorious,  though  oppressed  ;  they  are  cheered  by  the 
emission  of  new  rays,  which  promise  increasing  splen- 
dour to  your  hopes  from  this  hemisphere. 

They  have  been  seriously  gratified  at  witnessing  your 
exertions  to  preserve  peace  and  to  promote  conciliation 
amongst  Irishmen  ;  they  have  prayed  for  your  success, 
and  been  grateful  to  God  for  having  blessed  your  efforts ; 
and  thankful  to  the  Irish  people  for  having  obediently 
followed  the  advice  of  you  their  best  friends.  May  this 
spirit  continue  amongst  you  and  them  !  Your  strength 
is  to  be  found  in  union  ;  your  victory  will  be  achieved 
by  moderation ;  your  opponents  will  be  vanquished  only 
by  your  firmness,  your  patience,  and  your  forbearance. 
The  constitution  of  your  country  furnishes  the  only  means 


APPENDIX 

which  you  can  at  present  wield  with  a  prospect  of  suc- 
cess. 

We  do  trust  that  the  misguided  men,  who  from  various 
motives  oppose  the  justice  of  your  claims,  and  disturb 
the  peace  of  your  country,  will  be  brought  to  better  sen- 
timents ;  and  that,  if  no  other  principle  can  operate 
upon  them,  the  sense  of  shame,  which  must  arise  from 
the  well-merited  reproach  of  the  civilised  world,  will 
cause  them  to  desist,  and  will  drive  them  from  endea- 
vouring to  impede  the  progress  of  justice  and  of  peace, 
of  affection,  and  of  national  prosperity. 

Such  acknowledgments  as  you  may  think  proper  to 
make  to  our  body,  or  to  any  of  its  members,  after  a  con- 
sideration of  the  contents  of  our  packet,  will  be  received 
in  the  spirit  of  cordial  esteem  and  of  fraternal  affection. 
With  the  most  sincere  regard  for  your  patriotic  body, 
and  the  most  anxious  desire  for  your  success  in  achiev- 
ing the  emancipation  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  and  affectionate  and  zealous  co- 
operation amongst  men  of  all  religious  denominations 
for  the  welfare  of  your  "  Emerald  Isle," 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  your  sincere  friends, 

JOHN,  Bishop  of  Charleston,  Chairman. 

ALEXANDER  BLACK. 

CHARLES  RIVERS  CARROLL. 

K.  BOYCE. 

JOHN  MAGRATH. 
Charleston  (S.  C.),  January  1, 1829. 
Association  Room.     Friends  of  Ireland  in  Charleston, 
South  Carolina. 


APPENDIX.  CClxXvii 


No.  XXXIV. 

INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  FRAMING  PETITIONS 
TO  PARLIAMENT. 

(Circular.) 

Corn  Exchange,  Dublin,  January  1,  1829. 

Reverend  Sir, 

It  is  deemed  of  vital  importance  to  the  Catholic 
cause,  that  petitions  should  be  presented  in  the  ensuing- 
session  of  parliament  from  every  parish  in  Ireland.  To 
facilitate  the  attainment  of  this  great  end,  it  has  been 
considered  expedient  to  furnish  you  with  the  annexed 
models  of  petitions,  from  which  you  may  select  one  that 
appears  to  you  most  suitable.  These  models  are  not 
transmitted  with  the  view  of  dictating  to  any  individual, 
or  set  of  men,  but  merely  saving  them  trouble.  It  is 
not  deemed  necessary,  that  any  of  these  models  should 
be  selected  by  you,  or  at  the  meeting  at  which  you  may 
preside.  All  may  be  rejected — and  when  this  can  be 
done  with  convenience,  it  is  decidedly  the  better  course; 
sentences  may  be  taken  from  each — corrections  or  altera- 
tions may  be  made  in  them — passages  may  be  intro- 
duced, and  passages  omitted— in  short,  any  thing  may 
be  done  with  these  models,  which  may  be  thought  de- 
sirable; and  the  Association  only  entreat,  that  at  all 
events  some  form  of  petition  may  be  adopted  in  each 
parish  throughout  Ireland. 


cclxxviii  APPENDIX. 

Heretofore  the  usage  has  been  to  send  forward  only 
one  petition  from  every  union  of  parishes :  it  is  deemed 
of  great  importance  that  there  should  be  a  departure  from 
this  course  in  the  present  instance,  arid  that  when  there 
are  three  parishes  united,  there  should  be  three  petitions 
(each  form  being  different)  instead  of  one  petition. 

The  Association  deem  it  of  the  greatest  importance 
that  the  business  of  preparing  petitions  should  proceed 
forthwith.  They  respectfully  recommend,  that  as  soon 
as  may  be  convenient  after  the  receipt  of  this  docu- 
ment, notice  should  be  given  in  each  chapel,  that  a 
meeting  for  the  adoption  of  a  petition  will  be  held  after 
last  mass  on  a  given  day.  In  the  mean  time  yourself 
and  the  churchwardens  (if  churchwardens  have  been 
appointed  in  your  parish,  and  if  they  have  not,  you  are 
entreated  to  take  measures  to  nominate  them),  or  other 
parishioners,  may  confer  as  to  the  form,  amongst  the 
models,  which  may  appear  to  you  or  to  them  fittest  to 
be  copied. 

To  some  clerk,  or  scrivener,  or  schoolmaster,  this 
form  should  be  given,  without  delay,  to  be  by  him 
copied  on  a  large  sheet  of  paper,  or  any  sized  sheet  of 
paper  that  will  contain  the  words — the  heading  should 
invariably  be,  "  To  the  Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgesses, 
of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
in  this  present  Parliament  assembled — The  Humble  Pe- 
tition of  the  undersigned  Inhabitants  of  the  Parish  of 

,  in  the  County  of ,  Humbly  Sheweth,  That, 

&c."  or  when  the  petition  is  intended  for  the  House  of 
Lords,  it  should  be,  "  To  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
poral, in  the  present  Parliament  assembled — Petition, 


APPENDIX.  CClxxix 

&c.  Humbly  Sheweth."  Care  should  always  be  taken 
to  have  some  signatures  on  the  sheet  containing  the 
form  of  words  of  the  petition,  otherwise  it  will  not  be 
received  by  the  House.  The  greatest  exertions  should 
be  made  to  obtain  a  number  of  signatures.  Every  per- 
son in  the  chapel,  or  in  the  parish,  who  can  write,  should 
be  called  upon  to  subscribe  his  name. 

The  most  effective  mode  of  procuring  signatures  is 
to  place  a  table,  with  pen  and  ink,  at  each  chapel 
door,  and  to  apprise  each  congregation  of  the  circum- 
stance from  the  altar.  Another  mode  is  to  appoint 
some  person  to  take  the  ruled  sheets  about  from  house 
to  house. 

Petitions  may  be  sent  forward  to  the  respective 
county  or  other  members  from  each  parish,  and  through 
the  post-office,  the  ends  being  left  open  like  a  news- 
paper, and  "  Parliamentary  Petition"  written  on  the 
cover.  Petitions  may  also  be  forwarded  to  the  Secre- 
tary to  the  Catholic  Association,  Corn  Exchange,  Dub- 
lin. It  would  be  desirable,  in  order  to  avoid  the  ex- 
pense of  carriage,  to  send  them  by  private  hand ;  they 
should  never  be  sent  through  the  post-office  when 
that  can  be  avoided,  or  otherwise  than  as  a  coach 
parcel.  When  they  are  sent  directly  to  the  individual 
requested  to  present  them,  a  letter  should  be  written  to 
the  Secretary  to  the  Catholic  Association,  mentioning 
the  fact  of  their  having  been  forwarded,  and  mention- 
ing also,  the  name  of  the  member  selected  to  present 
them,  the  day  on  which  they  were  forwarded,  and  es- 
pecially the  number  of  signatures  each  petition  con- 
tained. 


CC1XXX  APPENDIX. 

It  should  be  observed,  that  when  the  signatures  are 
numerous,  and  the  petition  consists  of  many  sheets,  all 
the  sheets  should  be  pasted  together.  It  is  deemed  ex- 
pedient again  to  point  attention  to  the  necessity  of  some 
signatures  being  written  upon  the  sheet  containing  the 
prayer  of  the  petition. 

The  models  will  furnish  aid  as  well  in  the  drawing 
up  of  resolutions  as  the  framing  petitions.  Resolutions 
themselves  may  be  turned  into  petitions,  by  the  changing 
of  the  word  "  Resolved,"  into  "  That."  In  instances 
in  which  there  are  no  persons  to  write  or  compose  reso- 
lutions, and  in  which  it  may  be  thought  desirable  to 
save  time  or  trouble,  no  other  resolution  need  be  entered 
into  than  one  declaring  that  the  form  of  petition  selected 
from  the  models  be  adopted  as  that  of  the  parishioners 
in  each  case. 

It  is  deemed  essential,  that  each  petition  should  have 
reference  to  any  local  grievance,  which  the  inhabitants 
in  any  parish  suffering  such  grievance  may  think  it 
useful  to  point  out  to  the  attention  of  the  legislature. 
It  is  also  deemed  of  the  utmost  importance,  that  each 
petition  should  end  with  a  prayer,  that  relief  may  be 
granted  to  his  Majesty's  Catholic  subjects  in  Ireland, 
without  qualifications,  conditions,  or  what  are  termed 
"  securities,"  of  any  kind  or  denomination,  or  with  any 
infringement  or  invasion  of  popular  rights. 

The  Association  respectfully  direct  your  attention  to 
the  fact,  that  the  models  include  three  distinct  classes 
of  petitions — one  for  emancipation  generally — one  for 
the  repeal  of  the  Subletting  act,  and  one  for  the  repeal 
of  the  Vestry  act.  A  form  from  each  of  these  classes, 


APPENDIX. 

or  any  original  petition  on  each  of  these  subjects,  should 
be  passed  at  every  meeting.  The  trouble  attending  one 
will  be  nearly  the  same  as  that  attending  three;  but 
the  great  importance  of  three  being  passed  at  the  same 
meeting  will  be  manifest,  when  it  is  recollected,  that  if 
there  be  only  seven  hundred  meetings  convened  (the 
number  supposed  to  have  been  assembled  last  year), 
there  will  be  above  two  thousand  petitions  produced, 
or  as  many  as  will  furnish  between  twenty  and  thirty 
petitions  for  presentation,  during  each  night  of  the 
sitting  of  parliament,  throughout  the  entire  session. 
Every  person  who  signs  one  petition  should  sign  the 
three,  and  should  sign  a  copy,  as  well  for  the  Lords  as 
the  Commons. 

It  is  respectfully  submitted,  that  in  the  general  peti- 
tion some  clause  or  sentence  should  be  introduced,  decla- 
ratory of  the  public  feeling  on  the  all-important  subject 
of  national  education. 

In  conclusion,  the  Association  deem  it  right  to  repeat, 
that  these  models  are  sent  merely  to  save  time  and 
trouble,  and  that  in  all  instances  in  which  original  peti- 
tions can  be  conveniently  drawn  up,  they  should  be  pre- 
ferred to  any  of  the  models. 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

EDWARD  DWYER, 
Secretary  to  the  Catholic  Association. 


cclxxxii  APPENDIX. 

XXXV, 
CATHOLIC  ELIGIBILITY. 

Offices,  fyc.from  which  Roman  Catholics  were  formally 
or  virtually  excluded. 

It  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  proportions  of  the 
Irish  population,  which  may  be  fairly  estimated  as  fol- 
lows : — 

Catholics          ....  7,000,000 

Protestants  and  Dissenters  of  all  descriptions  1,100,000 

ADMINISTRATION    OF    JUSTICE. 

Offices  from  which    Catholics  are  excluded  by  Law  in 

Ireland. 

Peers  of  Parliament                 .             .  28 

Lord  Chancellor               ....  1 

Judges  of  superior  Law  Courts            .             .  12 

Master  of  the  Rolls          ....  1 

Masters  in  Chancery                 ...  4 

Judge  of  the  Admiralty           ...  1 

Governors  of  Counties             ...  73 

Custodes  Rotulorum                ...  32 

Members  of  Privy  Council      ...  63 
Sergeants  at  Law         .                                       .3 

Attorney  and  Solicitor-General           .              .  2 

King's  Counsel            ....  42 

Sheriffs            .....  48 

Sub-Sheriffs                 ....  38 

Officers  of  Corporations,  about             .             .  400 

Total  748 


APPENDIX. 


cclxxxiii 


Offices  to  which  Catholics  are  eligible  by  Law  in 
Ireland. 


In  Chancery 

Insolvent  Court 

King's  Bench 

Common  Pleas 

Exchequer 

Exchequer  Chamber 

Revenue  Appeals 

Admiralty  . 

Taxing  Officers  of  Law  Courts 

Civil  Bill  Court 

City  of  Dublin  Record  Court 

County  of  Dublin  Sessions 

Dublin,  inferior  Courts 

Registry  Office  for  Deeds 

Benchers  .  .  . 

Assistant  Barristers  of  Counties 

Clerks  of  the  Peace 

Clerks  of  the  Crown 

Crown  Solicitors 

Crown  Circuit  Court,  say 

Court  of  Delegates  . 

Court  of  Prerogative 

Metropolitan  and  Consistorial  Courts 

Office  of  Charitable  Donations 

Ouzel  Galley  Society 

Valuation  Commissioners 

Police  Magistrates  of  Dublin 

Association  for  Improvement  of  Prisons 


Number 

Catho- 

of Offices. 

lics. 

73 

0 

10 

1 

28 

3 

32 

1 

56 

2 

13 

0 

4 

0 

10 

0 

2 

0 

2 

0 

4 

0 

2 

0 

19 

0 

4 

0 

48 

1 

32 

2 

39 

0 

12 

0 

8 

0 

20 

1 

1 

0 

19 

0 

100 

1 

3 

0 

36 

1 

4 

0 

18 

0 

47 

0 

APPENDIX. 

Number    Catho- 
of  offices,      lies. 

Richmond  Bride  well  (exclusive  of  Chaplains)  8  0 
Richmond  General  Penitentiary  (exclusive  of 

Chaplains)             ....             8  0 
Smithfield  Penitentiary  (exclusive  of  Chap- 
lains)              6  0 

Officers  of  Towns  and  Corporations,  say        100  0 

Inspectors-General  of  Prisons               .              2  0 
Jailers,  Local  Inspectors,  and  other  Officers 

of  County  Prisons            .         .         .          151  6 

Chief  Magistrates  of  Police  for  Ireland             4  0 

Chief  Constables  of  Police,  say            .          350  20 

Officer  under  Tithe  Corporation  Act  .              1  0 

Total  .       1314          39 

Add  number  excluded  by  Law  .          748 

Total,  Officers  connected  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  Justice  in  Ireland  .       2062 
Total,  Protestants  filling  such  offices    .       2023 
Total,  Catholics  filling  such  offices        .  39 
Total,  Catholics  filling  such  offices,  excepting 

Police  Chief  Constables  .         .  19 

To  these  should  be  added  the  long  and  most  impor- 
tant list  of  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and  Grand  and  Petit 
Jurors,  and  the  army  of  Constables,  in  which,  could 
they  be  procured,  the  same  proportions  would  be  found 
to  exist ;  as  the  persons  whose  right  it  is  to  appoint  to 
those  offices,  almost  uniformly  act  upon  the  same  spirit 
of  exclusion  and  intolerance  as  that  from  which  their 
own  nomination  emanated. 


APPENDIX.  CC1XXXV 


Offices  of  Civil  Rank,  or  of  Honour,  from  which 
Catholics  are  excluded  by  Law   in  Ireland. 

Lord  Lieutenant            ....  1 

Chief  Secretary  1 
Peers  of  Parliament      .                                        .28 

Members  of  the  House  of  Commons      .             .  100 

Lord  Chancellor             ....  1 

Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal          .                          .  1 

Vice -Treasurer              ....  I 

Teller  of  the  Exchequer             .             .  1 

Auditor- General  1 

Governors  of  Counties                ...  73 

Custodes  Rotulorum                  ...  32 

Secretary  to  Lord  Lieutenant                .             .  1 

Members  of  Privy  Council         ...  63 

Attorney- General  1 

Postmasters-General     ....  2 

Sheriffs                .....  48 

Provost  and  Fellows  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin  25 

Officers  of  Corporations              .             .            .  400 


780 


It  is  right  to  observe,  that  some  of  the  above  are  in- 
cluded in  the  list  of  persons  connected  with  the  admi- 
nistration of  justice. 


APPENDIX. 

Offices  of  Civil  or  Military  Rank,  or  of  Honour ;  or  con- 
nected with  Trade,  Manufactures,  Education,  Chari- 
table Institutions,  &c.  to  which  Catholics  are  eligible 
in  Ireland,  as  well  those  under  the  direct  appoint- 
ment or  control  of  the  Crown,  as  others  connected  with 
Societies  or  Institutions  supported,  in  the  whole  or 
in  part,  out  of  the  Public  Funds. 

Number     Catho- 
of  Offices,     lies. 

Household  of  Marquess  Wellesley         .         28  3 

State  Officers,  &c.  &c.                .                      90  1 

Knights  of  St.  Patrick  .  19  1 
Officers  of  the  Order  ..90 

Officers  for  Auditing  Public  Accounts  21  1 
Law-Inquiry  Commission  ..60 
Commissioners  for  Issue  of  Money,  and  their 

Officers           .            .             .             .21  1 
Do.  for  Assistance  of  Trade  and  Manufac- 
tures               ....         10  1 
Do.  for  Fisheries            .             .             .52 
Do.  for  Inland  Navigation,  and  Roads  and 

Bridges          ....         14  0 

Royal  Canal  Control      ...           5  0 

First-Fruits        ....         11  0 

Charitable  Donations  ...  3  0 
Education  Commissioners  and  Officers  of  the 

Board             ....         10  0 

Paving  Corporation  .  .  .18  1 
Commissioners  of  Fountains  ..50 

Do.  of  Wide  Streets  and  Offices             .         26  0 

Trustees  of  the  Royal  Exchange  and  Officers  16  0 


APPENDIX.  CClxXXvii 

Numher    Catho- 

of  offices,  lies. 

Dublin  Police  .  .,  .  18  0 
Corporation  for  preserving  the  Port  of  Dub- 
lin and  Officers  ...  .31  1 
Commissioners  of  Kingstown  Harbour  13  0 
Bank  of  Ireland,  Directors  and  Chief  Officers  33  0 
College  of  Physicians  37  1 
Local  Army  and  Navy  Surgeons  .  4  0 
Oculist  ....  1  0 
Officers  of  Treasury  ...  29  0 
Do.  Customs  ...  151  7 
Do.  Excise  .  .  .161  10 
Do.  Stamps  ...  42  1 
Do.  General  Post-Office  .  53  0 
Trustees  of  the  Linen  Manufacture  .  72  0 
Officers  of  Linen  Board  57  2 
Treasurers  of  Counties  39  0 
Secretaries  of  Grand  Juries  38  1 
Comir  ^rcial  Buildings  Company  .  20  1 
Apothecaries'  Hall  .  .19  0 
Commissioners  of  Education  Inquiry  and 

Officers  ....  7  1 
General  Board  of  Health  14  0 
Commissioners  and  Officers  of  Lunatic  Asy- 
lum .  .  .10  0 
St.  Patrick's  Hospital  14  0 
Richmond  Lunatic  Asylum  .  .  24  1 
House  of  Industry  .  .31  1 
Stevens's  Hospital  .  .23  0 
Mercers'  Hospital  .  .25  0 


cclxxxviii  APPENDIX. 

Number    Catho- 
of  offices,     lies. 

Hospital  for  Incurables                                     33  0 

Lying-in  Hospital            .                      .50  0 

Meath  Hospital                .                     .37  3 

Simpson's  Hospital           .                      .22  0 

Westmoreland  Lock  Hospital                          14  1 

Fever  Hospital         ...             .36  5 
Dun's  Hospital  (for  Instruction  of  Medical 

Students)              ...             .17  0 

Dublin  General  Dispensary                              15  3 

Sick  Poor  Institution       .         .             .           10  2 

Maison  de  Sante               .                                    8  2 

Cow- Pock  Institution       ...             7  0 
National  Eye  Infirmary             ..80 

Whitworth  Hospital         .                                 24  0 

Dispensary  of  St.  Thomas'  Parish        .             7  1 
Do.           St.  Mary's  Do.                .71 

Institution  for  Cure  of  Diseases  of  Children  12  0 

Magdalene  Asylum           .                      .55  0 

Lock  Penitentiary            .         .             .11  0 

Dublin  Female  Do.          ...             4  0 

Richmond  National  Institution                        18  0 

Molineux  Asylum             .                      .18  0 
Female  House  of  Refuge         ..30 

Sick  and  Indigent  Room-keeper's  Society        2  1 

Old  Men's  Asylum           .                      .13  0 

Mendicity  Society             .                                 82  11 

Society  of  Education  of  Deaf  and  Dumb        74  1 

Meath  Charitable  Loan                                     18  0 

The  Charitable  Loan                                           8  0 


APPENDIX. 

Number     Catho- 
of  Offices.      lies. 

Society  for  Sheltering  Females  Discharged      8  0 

St  Peter's  Parish  Savings  Bank            .           14  0 

Dublin  Library  Society             .             .           26  15 

Officers  thereof             ...             3  0 

Dublin  Institution        ...             2  0 
Royal  Irish   Institution  for  promoting  Fine 

Arts  ....  34  I 
Royal  Hibernian  Academy  of  Painting,  &c.  14  0 
Farming  Society  of  Ireland  .  .  26  0 
Royal  Dublin  Society  for  improving  Hus- 
bandry and  other  useful  Arts  .  29  2 
Royal  Irish  Academy  for  promoting  Science  33  0 
Officers  of  Military  Department  *  100  2 
Army  Agents  ...  5  0 
Militia  Staff  Officers  ...  228  6 
Brigade  Majors  of  Yeomanry  .  10  0 
Commissariat  ...  10  0 
Army  Medical  Department  ..91 
State  Surgeons  ...  9  2 
Military  Account  Office  23  2 
Ordnance,  Civil  Branch  81  4 
Barrack-Masters  ...  91  4 
Hibernian  Society  for  the  Care  of  Soldiers' 

Children       ....           47  0 
Hibernian    Marine  Society   for  the  Care  of 

Soldiers' Children     .             .                        50  0 

Royal  Hospital,  Kilmainham,  for  old  Soldiers  29  1 

General  Military  Hospital                                    3  I 
Kildare  Place  Society,  for  Education  of  the 

Poor  of  Ireland         .                                      43  8 

VOL,    II.  / 


CCXC  APPENDIX. 

Number     Catho- 
of  Offices,      lies. 

Foundling  Hospital  .  .  42  0 
Dublin  Weekly  and  Daily  Schools,  without 

religious  distinction  23  0 
Sunday  and  Daily  Schools,  without  religious 

distinction  ....50 

Freemason  Female  Orphan  House  .  9  0 

Female  Orphan  House  .  .  8  0 

Charitable  Infirmary  .  27  16 

Schools  and  Charities  of  Erasmus  Smith  37  0 

Association  for  Discountenancing  Vice  12  0 

No.    XXXVI. 

DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  ASSO- 
CIATION, AND  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF 
CIVIL  AND  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Association,  held  at  the  ^Corn 
Exchange,  Dublin,  on  Thursday,  the  12th  February, 
1829, 

SIR  THOMAS  ESMONDE,  Bart,  in  the  Chair; 

It  was  resolved,  1st,  That  the  Catholic  Association 
do,  at  its  rising  this  day,  stand  totally  dissolved. 

2nd,  That  in  dissolving  the  Association,  we  think  it 
our  duty  to  protest  against  any  law  which  may  have  the 
effect  of  abridging  the  rights  of  the  subject,  and  for 
which  our  voluntary  dispersion  has  left  no  plausible 
pretext. 

3rd,  That  in  coming  to  this  determination,  we  do  not 
either  directly  or  impliedly  acknowledge  that  there  is 


APPENDIX.  CCXC1 

any  foundation  whatever  for  the  charges  against  a  body, 
which  has  uniformly  inculcated  an  obedience  to  the 
laws,  and  endeavoured  to  effect  the  pacification  of  the 
country  ;  but  that  we  are  influenced  by  a  disposition  to 
yield  to  the  advice  of  our  parliamentary  friends,  by  a 
solicitude  to  mitigate  prejudice,  and  above  all  by  an 
anxiety  to  take  away  every  ground  for  insisting  that  we 
are  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  that  final  and  con- 
ciliatory measure  of  justice,  which  we  trust  is  in  pro- 
gress for  our  complete,  unqualified,  and  unconditional 
relief. 

These  resolutions  were  followed  by  a  strong  protest 
against  any  interference  with  the  forty-shilling  free- 
holders, or  the  discipline  of  the  Catholic  church  of 
Ireland ;  and  votes  of  thanks  were  passed  to  the  Mar- 
quess of  Anglesey  ;  their  Protestant  fellow-countrymen 
who  assisted  them  in  their  struggle;  to  the  Catholic 
clergy  of  Ireland ;  to  Richard  Sheil,  Nicholas  Purcell 
O'Gorman,  John  Lawless,  Lord  Killeen,  Edward 
Dwyer,  and  Eneas  M'Donnell,  for  their  successful 
and  strenuous  exertions  in  the  Catholic  cause ;  and 
finally  it  was  resolved, 

That  as  the  last  act  of  this  body  on  the  point  of  disso- 
lution, we  do  declare,  that  we  are  indebted  to  Daniel 
O'Connell,  beyond  all  other  men,  for  its  original  creation 
and  sustainment ;  and  that  he  is  entitled,  for  the  achieve- 
ment of  its  freedom,  to  the  everlasting  gratitude  of 
Ireland. 

N.  B.  The  successful  issue  of  the  object  of  this 
meeting  was  mainly  to  be  attributed  to  the  powerful 
efforts  of  Mr.  Sheil.  Letters  were  also  read  at  the 
meeting  from  Mr.  O'Connell  (then  in  London)  disap- 


CCXC11  APPENDIX. 

proving  of  the  dissolution  ;  from  Mr.  Eneas  M'Don- 
nell,  Mr.  M.  Fitzgerald,  and  Mr.  Wyse,  jun.  (then  at 
Torquay,  Devon)  advising  in  the  strongest  manner  the 
dissolution  of  the  body. 

Letter  from  Mr.  O'Connell. 

Mr.  Maurice  O'Connell  read  the  following  Letter, 
which  was  ordered  to  be  inserted  on  the  minutes :  — 

Shrewsbury,  8th  February,  1829. 
My  dear  Friend, 

I  can  add  nothing  to  your  stock  of  facts.  I  have 
not,  and  indeed  could  not  possibly  have  had,  any  com- 
munication from  London,  and  I  write  principally  to  ex- 
press my  anxiety  during  the  present  crisis  of  our  affairs. 

One  thing  is  certain,  and  most  consolatory,  namely, 
that  some  measure  of  emancipation  appears  inevitable. 
The  admission  attributed  to  Mr.  Peel,  that  it  had  be- 
come necessary  to  extend  civil  privileges,  is  decisive 
that  something  must  be  done  for  us.  Who  created  that 
necessity  ?  The  honest,  constitutional,  and  truly  loyal 
exertions  of  the  Catholic  Association  of  Ireland.  How 
fortunate  it  was  that  our  resolution  to  dissolve  the  Ca- 
tholic Association  (in  the  event  of  a  bill  for  unconditional 
emancipation)  passed  before  the  issuing  of  the  ministers' 
denunciation  of  that  body  !  I  suppose  there  is  not  one 
single  individual  in  the  Association  disposed  to  do  any 
act  which  could  be  construed  as  pleading  guilty  in  any, 
even  the  remotest  degree,  to  the  false  charges  brought 
against  us  by  the  ministry.  How  noble  and  how  con- 
sistent is  the  conduct  of  that  wise  and  excellent  man, 
Lord  Anglesey,  in  all  his  conduct  since  he  first  landed 


APPENDIX.  CCXC111 

in  Ireland  !  You  have  seen  the  testimony  he  bore  to  the 
rectitude  of  our  motives.  He  does,  indeed,  deserve  the 
eternal  gratitude  of  Ireland. 

I  trust  that  the  most  strenuous  efforts  will  be  made 
to  continue  the  universal  collection  of  the  Catholic  Rent, 
until  we  see  the  hour  of  our  political  dissolution  ap- 
proach. There  is  no  use  in  any  other  scheme  to  attain 
emancipation  than  that  by  which  we  have  arrived  thus 
far,  by  constitutional  agitation.  The  ministry  have  not 
the  slightest  necessity  to  pass  any  law  to  stab  the  con- 
stitution in  order  to  reach  the  Association — not  the 
slightest — that  is,  if  they  mean  fairly  by  Ireland.  If, 
indeed,  they  intend  not  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of 
our  country,  nor  to  produce  religious  peace,  but  merely 
to  exchange  one  species  of  servitude  for  another,  then, 
indeed,  there  is  a  distant  object  for  which  the  minister 
will  be  disposed  to  annihilate  our  present  constitutional 
privileges.  At  this  moment,  I  do  not  understand  the 
meaning  of  that  most  preposterous  proceeding  of  sup- 
pressing an  association,  which  "they  tell  us"  they  are 
otherwise  about  to  kill  with  kindness. 

My  earnest  advice  (which  I  offer  with  the  most  re- 
spectful deference)  is  to  pause  before  any  one  act  is  done 
on  our  part  to  recognise  the  guilt  with  which  we  are  so 
unjustly  charged.  The  Association  should  not,  in  my 
humble  judgment,  be  dissolved  by  any  act  of  ours  before 
emancipation,  complete  and  unconditional.  If  the  con- 
stitution is  to  be  trampled  under  foot,  let  it  be  the  act 
of  our  enemies. 

I  have  not  the  least  idea  of  what  are  to  be  the  minis- 
terial terms  of  emancipation.  The  expression  itself  is 
an  unhappy  one.  I  will  not  anticipate ;  but  this  I  will 


CCXC1V  APPENDIX. 

say,  that  every  attempt  to  interfere  with  the  elective 
franchise  should  be  met  by  a  petition  from  every  parish  in 
Ireland  to  reject  any  bill  of  emancipation,  no  matter  how 
extensive,  if  accompanied  by  any  such  interference. 

We  never  were  placed  in  so  critical  a  situation. 
There  never  was  a  moment  in  which  it  was  so  necessary 
to  be  vigilant,  but  temperate.  Temperate,  because  there 
is  much  to  cheer — vigilant,  because  there  is  reason  to 
apprehend  delusion  or  contrivance.  I  speak  as  deli- 
cately as  I  can  ;  but  this  one  truth  should  never  be  for- 
gotten— that  Ireland  never  yet  confided  but  she  was 
betrayed.  Vigilant  let  us  be — cautious  let  us  be ;  and 
whilst  we  prepare  the  public  mind  for  the  total  cessa- 
tion of  religious  feuds,  and  cultivate  the  good  opinion 
of  every  liberal  and  honest  Protestant,  let  us  recollect 
that  we  are  debtors  to  constitutional  liberty,  and  must 
not  do  any  act  which  could  injure  the  rights  or  liberties 
of  any  human  being.  Of  course  we  must  never  consent 
or  submit  to  any  kind  of  interference  with  our  religious 
concerns. 

I  conclude  this  hasty  letter  with  reminding  the  Asso- 
ciation, "  that  Ireland  never  yet  confided  but  she  was 
betrayed." 

I  will  write  again  as  soon  as  I  can  give  any  accurate 
information.  You  certainly  shall  have  a  letter  from  me 
for  the  meeting  of  Thursday.  In  the  mean  time  vigi- 
lance should  be  alive,  and  the  people  should  distinctly 
understand  that  any  species  of  violence  would  inevitably 
destroy  our  now  brightened  prospects. 

Believe  me  to  be,  yours  very  faithfully, 

DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

Edward  Dwyer,  Esq. 


APPENDIX.  CCXCV 

The  Secretary  read  the  following  Letter  :— 

London,  February  6,  1829. 
My  dear  Sir, 

Having  given  the  best  consideration  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  yesterday,  and  the  suggestions  of  many  of  our 
most  esteemed  friends,  and  taken  into  account  the  de- 
claration of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and  Mr.  Peel,  as 
to  the  intended  measure  of  relief,  I  cannot  any  longer 
hesitate  in  recommending  that  the  Association  should 
mark  its  sense  of  the  obligations  due  to  his  Majesty ; 
and,  in  respect  towards  the  Sovereign,  display  its  readi- 
ness to  meet  the  royal  will  by  an  immediate  adjourn- 
ment for  two  or  three  months  ;  so  as  to  remove  all 
plausible  obstacles  that  our  enemies  may  ground  on 
an  alleged  disregard  on  our  part  of  the  wishes  of  his 
Majesty. 

I  should  have  taken  this  course  yesterday,  were  I  not 
anxious  to  avoid  any  recommendation  that  could  be 
construed  into  a  compromise  of  character  ;  but  I  think 
that  the  speech  of  Lord  Anglesey  has  removed  every 
difficulty  on  this  head,  and  that  it  would  be  a  waste  of 
your  labours  and  anxieties  were  you  to  raise  any  by 
battles  on  the  topic. 

I  should,  however,  suggest  the  propriety  of  your 
closing  your  labours  for  the  present  with  a  resolution  of 
a  vindicatory  character,  firm  but  temperate ;  and  a  cor- 
dial and  affectionate  address  to  your  Protestant  fellow- 
subjects,  urging  oblivion  of  the  past,  and  a  general 
national  offering  of  an  undivided  people  to  their  Sove- 
reign. 

If  my  views  should  be  acted  upon,  promptitude  is 
most  essential  to  the  attainment  of  their  object. 


CCXCV1  APPENDIX. 

I  cannot  close  without  again  urging  promptitude  in 
your  action,  should  you  approve  my  views. 

I  entreat  of  you  to  write  in  course,  and  daily.  By 
adopting  the  course  I  suggest,  you  will  enable  the 
minister  to  come,  at  once,  to  the  consideration  of  the 
measure  of  emancipation,  which  I  consider  most  desi- 
rable for  many  reasons. 

Very  truly  yours, 

ENEAS  MCDONNELL. 

Edward  Dwyer,  Esq. 

Mr.  Maurice  O'Connell  read  the  following  letter  : — 

London,  6th  February,  1829. 
My  dear  Sir, 

The  policy  is  now  decidedly  for  the  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation to  dissolve,  before  they  can  be  caught.  This 
would  disappoint  their  enemies,  materially  aid  their 
friends,  and  contribute  to  a  temperate  and  more  favour- 
able discussion  on  the  main  question. 

I  seldom  write  to  give  advice,  but  I  think  that  if  you 
can  at  all  induce  them  to  this  course,  the  impression 
here  will  be  most  favourable.  They  are  to  get  the  sub- 
stance of  their  claims,  and  their  best  line  would  now  be 
that  which  will  best  conciliate  their  many  opponents, 
and  effect  the  most  good-humoured  settlement  of  the 
matter.  They  are  bound  to  give  this  sort  of  assistance 
to  the  Duke,  who  has  fought  the  noble  fight  for  them — 
the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  which  they  have  been 
and  are  very  little  aware  of. 

Yours  affectionately, 

M.  FITZGERALD. 
J.  D.  Latouche,  Esq. 


APPENDIX.  CCXCV11 

The  Secretary  read  the  following  Letter,  which  was 
ordered  to  be  inserted  on  the  minutes  : — 

February  6th,  1829,  Torquay,  Devon. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  just  read  his  Majesty's  speech.  The  great 
event— the  desired  of  our  forefathers— for  which  they 
and  their  descendants  have  now  toiled  for  more  than 
half  a  century— is  about  to  take  place.  The  regenera- 
tion of  Ireland  is  approaching.  In  a  few  weeks  we 
shall  no  longer  form  two  distinct  people.  The  Catholic 
and  Protestant  will  rise  into  Irishmen.  We  shall  have 
at  last  a  country  to  glory  in. 

In  such  a  moment  of  general  exultation,  it  is  of  more 
than  ordinary  importance  that  we  should  conduct  our- 
selves with  that  good  sense  and  dignity  which  are  befitting 
the  post  and  bearing  of  a  delivered  nation.  We  have 
suffered  much  in  a  righteous  cause,  and  owe  our  re- 
demption not  less  to  our  own  untameable  spirit  than  to 
the  favourable  circumstances  which  have  lately  awarded 
it.  Let  us  look  about,  and  meet  the  Sovereign  and  the 
legislature,  pari  passu,  with  the  steady  manliness  and 
cordial  gratitude  which  become  us.  Let  us  march  with 
them  side  by  side.  There  is  no  need  of  prostration  and 
servility  on  our  side ;  neither  is  there  for  indecent  and 
debasing  triumph  on  the  other. 

The  Association  is  to  be  suppressed  ;  but  his  Majesty's 
most  gracious  recommendation,  the  simple  promise  of 
justice,  has  already  virtually  suppressed  it.  The  Asso- 
ciation arose  out  of  popular  grievance — out  of  popular 
complaint.  It  was  the  expression,  not  the  substance — 
the  effect,  not  the  cause.  The  people  had  it  in  their 


CCXCV111  APPENDIX. 

hearts  long  before  it  took  shape  and  voice — upon  their 
tongues,  and  in  their  deeds.  The  besieged  and  the  be- 
siegers was  the  precise  relation  in  which  the  two  great 
divisions  of  the  country  stood  in  reference  to  each  other. 
The  Catholic  suffered — the  Protestant  enjoyed.  The 
Association  was  one  of  the  instruments  which  the  suf- 
ferers put  forward  to  obtain  an  equality  with  the  enjoyers. 
That  equality  is  promised — that  promise  will  soon  be 
carried  into  effect.  The  half  emancipation  of  1793  will 
be  perfected  by  the  entire  and  coming  emancipation  of 
1829.  The  end  is  now  on  the  point  of  being  achieved— 
of  what  use,  any  longer,  are  the  means  ? 

What  then  is  to  be  done?  That  which  a  wise,  a 
generous,  and  I  may  even  add,  a  proud  people  ought  to 
do.  Throw  aside  what  is  now  useless — throw  it  aside 
immediately — throw  it  aside  yourselves — outstrip  gene- 
rosity by  generosity — prove  by  deeds  your  boasted  sin- 
cerity— show  how  you  can  trample  on  all  paltry  jealou- 
sies, and  let  your  first  act  be  evidence  that  you  are 
already  prepared  to  sit  down  with  your  compeers  in  the 
constitution  as  coequal  freemen,  as  true  compeers. 

This  will  be  done,  in  my  mind,  most  effectively,  by 
convening  a  full  meeting  of  the  Association  the  moment 
his  Majesty's  speech  shall  be  received.  Could  1  have 
the  fortune  of  being  present  at  such  a  meeting,  I  should 
venture  to  propose  the  following  resolution,  or  some 
other  to  the  same  or  similar  effect : — 

"  Resolved — That,  inasmuch  as  the  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation of  Ireland  was  originally  instituted  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  obtaining  the  full  restitution  of  our  just 
rights,  and  for  that  purpose  only  has  continued  to  de- 


APPENDIX.  CCXC1X 

liberate  and  act  up  to  the  present  moment ;  and,  inas- 
much as  such  restitution  has  been  now  recommended  by 
his  most  gracious  Majesty  to  his  present  parliament,  we 
do  now  consider  the  existence  of  such  a  body  no  longer 
necessary,  and  that,  deeply  impressed  with  its  services, 
which  we  commit  with  confidence  to  the  adjudgment  of 
posterity,  we  solemnly  declare  its  dissolution  advisable, 
and  that  hereby  such  dissolution  has  actually  taken 
place." 

There  may  be  a  few,  perhaps,  to  whom  such  a  pro- 
position may  appear  objectionable ;  but  I  beg  them  to 
consider  whether  the  present  is  not  a  period  when  mu- 
tual sacrifice  is  both  noble  and  necessary.  Should  the 
people  stand  back  when  the  government  has  come  half 
way  ? 

The  true  secret  will  thus  have  been  discovered  to 
effect  that  which  defied  the  utmost  ingenuity  of  legisla- 
tive enaction.  It  will  be  a  glorious  precedent  in  our 
free  history ;  a  lesson  of  wisdom  to  be  read  to  our  chil- 
dren, that  one  word  of  justice  is  worth  a  thousand  penal 
statutes,  and  that  no  government  is  stronger  than  that 
which  finds  its  support  in  the  affections  and  gratitude  of 
a  happy  people. 

At  the  same  time  I  am  not  one  of  those,  I  beg  it  to 
be  understood,  who,  though  their  fetters  are  loosened, 
can  altogether  forget  the  slave.  I  call  for  no  un- 
seemly rejoicing,  no  idle  homage  for  tardy  justice.  Let 
our  thanks  be  like  those  of  the  Dissenters,  brief,  just, 
and  emphatic.  We  now  receive  what  for  seventy  years 
we  have  been  contending  for.  It  is  the  well- won  reward 
of  patient  and  persevering  effort.  We  owe  much  to  his 


CCC  APPENDIX. 

Majesty's  ministers — more  to  the  events  and  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  day — but  most  of  all,  to  ourselves.  Let  us 
receive,  then,  the  restitution  of  our  own — erect.  No 
Catholic  who  receives  it  otherwise  deserves  to  receive 
it  at  all.  We  are  freemen  who  have  been  captives,  and 
not  manumitted  slaves.  Neither  should  we  evince  the 
miserable  rejoicings  of  a  triumphant  faction.  Our  op- 
ponents will,  soon  enough,  without  any  lesson  from  us, 
be  glad  to  grow  wiser,  and  have  their  enmity  and  them- 
selves forgotten.  In  all  this,  temper  and  moderation  are 
quite  as  essential  and  glorious  as  in  the  midst  of  our  ad- 
versity— so  shall  Europe,  which  is  at  this  moment  in- 
tently gazing  upon  the  lightest  of  our  movements,  admit 
that  we  have  fully  deserved  our  redemption.  I  trust 
we  have  been  restored  to  the  rights  of  freemen,  and  not 
conciliated  with  the  base  boons  which  are  sometimes 
flung  to  unruly  but  uniting  slaves. 

I  beg  you  will  communicate  the  above  with  as  little 
delay  as  possible  to  the  Association,  and  give  it  an  early 
insertion  with  their  other  proceedings. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  much  respect, 

Your  humble  Servant, 

THOMAS  WYSE,  Jun. 
Edward  Dwyer,  Esq. 

Dissolution  of  the   Society  of  Civil  and 
Religious  Freedom. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  committee  of  the  Friends  of  Civil 
and  Religious  Freedom,  appointed  to  devise  the  best 
means  of  promoting  a  permanent  union  &f  the  Pro- 


APPENDIX.  CCC1 

testants  and  Catholics  of  Ireland,  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  object,  the  "  religious  peace  of 
Ireland,"  and  held  at  the  Royal  Hotel,  College-green, 
Dublin,  on  Friday,  13th  February,  1829, 

JOHN  DAVID  LA  TOUGHE,  Esq.  in  the  chair — 

Moved  by  Sir  Richard  Nagle,  Bart.,  seconded  by  Sir 
T.  Charles  Morgan,  and 

Unanimously  resolved,  That  his  Majesty  having 
graciously  recommended  to  parliament  to  take  such 
measures  as  will  restore  tranquillity  to  his  people,  and 
his  Majesty's  ministers  having,  in  accordance  thereto, 
pledged  themselves  to  introduce  a  measure  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  civil  disabilities  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of 
the  empire,  we  feel  that  we  shall  best  express  our  gra- 
titude, and  show  our  confidence  in  the  legislature,  by 
discontinuing  the  meetings  of  this  committee,  whose 
great  object  now  appears  so  near  the  happiest  consum- 
mation. 

Moved  by  James  Sinclair,  Esq.,  seconded  by  Sir 
Thomas  Charles  Style,  Bart.,  and 

Unanimously  resolved,  That  this  committee,  at  its 
rising,  do  dissolve. 

Moved  by  Walter  Berwick,  Esq.,  seconded  by 
Nicholas  P.  Leader,  Esq.,  and 

Unanimously  resolved,  That  the  conduct  of  our 
Catholic  fellow-countrymen,  on  the  present  occasion, 
merits  our  warmest  approbation ;  and  we  particularly 
feel,  that  the  generous  confidence  in  the  promises  of 
government,  which  they  have  shown  by  the  dissolution 
of  their  Association,  demonstrates  that  they  are  men 


CCC11  APPENDIX. 

deserving  of  freedom,  and  secures  to  them  the  good 
wishes  and  cordial  affection  of  their  Protestant  coun- 
trymen ;  and  should  circumstances,  which  we  are  far 
from  anticipating,  require  our  mutual  co-operation,  we 
feel  that  they  have  bound  us  to  their  cause,  and  that  we 
are  pledged  to  their  support. 

Moved  by  Bartholomew  Corballis,  Esq.,  seconded  by 
Nicholas  P.  Leader,  Esq.,  and 

Unanimously  resolved,  That  the  strongest  expressions 
of  thanks  of  this  committee  are  due,  and  are  hereby 
given,  for  the  eminent  services  of  our  Secretaries,  the 
Rev.  Edward  Groves  and  Henry  Arabin,  Esq. 

JOHN  D.  LATOUCHE,  Chairman. 

EDWARD  GROVES,  i 

HENRY  ARABIN,     }  Secretaries. 


No.   XXXVII. 

MEETING  TO  PREVENT  ILLUMINATIONS 
IN  DUBLIN. 

At  a  numerous  meeting  of  the  Friends  of  Civil  and 
Religious  Liberty,  held  this  day,  at  No.  12,  Burgh- 
quay, 

SIR  THOMAS  ESMOND E,  Bart,  in  the  Chair, 

It  was  moved  by  Wm.  Francis  Finn,  Esq.,  seconded 
by  Michael  Dillon  Bellew,  Esq. : 

That  we  regard  not  as  a  triumph  over  any  class  of 
our  fellow-subjects,  but  as  a  measure  of  strict  justice 


APPENDIX.  CCC111 

and  of  sound  policy,  removing  the  badge  of  inferiority 
from  the  Catholic,  without  encroaching  upon  the  rights 
or  privileges  of  the  Protestant — destroying  invidious 
distinctions  and  unjust  preferences,  which  poisoned  the 
intercourse  of  social  life,  and  sapped  the  foundation  of 
public  prosperity — that  we  prize  this  measure  chiefly 
because  it  puts  an  end  to  every  pretext  for  discord  and 
dissention  between  the  inhabitants  of  our  common 
country,  arid  the  subjects  of  our  common  Sovereign, 
and  leaves  us  leisure  to  combine  the  virtuous  energies 
of  the  entire  community  in  a  general  effort  to  maintain 
its  honour,  and  to  promote  its  prosperity. 

Moved  by  David  Lynch,  Esq.,  seconded  by  James 
Dwyer,  Esq. : 

That  while  those  opinions  have  been  long  familiar  to 
the  minds  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this  country,  and 
their  numerous,  highly  gifted,  and  distinguished  sup- 
porters of  every  other  religious  persuasion,  we  cannot 
forget  that  there  is  a  portion  of  our  fellow-countrymen 
whose  sentiments  are  of  an  opposite  character.  We 
would,  therefore,  strongly  recommend  to  our  fellow- 
citizens  to  abstain  from  any  demonstrations  of  triumph, 
such  as  bonfires,  illuminations,  &c.  which,  not  ema- 
nating from  the  constituted  authorities,  might  compro- 
mise the  public  peace,  or  by  possibility  give  offence  to 
men  whose  opinions,  however  erroneous,  are  in  some  in- 
stances the  result  of  honest  conviction. 

Moved  by  Richard  Sheil,  Esq.,  seconded  by  Arthur 
Guinness,  Esq. : 

That  the  above  resolutions  be  published  in  the  Dublin 
Morning  and  Evening  papers,  and  that  handbills  and 


CCC1V  APPENDIX. 

placards  be  distributed  and  posted  up  in  the  most  con- 
spicuous parts  of  the  city. 

Moved  by  Wm.  F.  Finn,  Esq  ,  seconded  by  P.  M. 
Murphy,  Esq. : 

That  Sir  Thomas  Esmonde  do  leave  the  chair,  and 
that  Arthur  Guinness,  Esq.  do  take  the  same. 

Moved  by  James  Dwyer,  Esq.,  seconded  by  David 
Lynch,  Esq. : 

That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be  given  to  Sir 
Thomas  Esmonde,  Bart.,  for  his  dignified  conduct  in 

the  chair. 

ARTHUR  GUINNESS,  Chairman. 

JOHN  MURPHY,  Secretary. 
14th  April,  1829. 

No.  XXXVIII. 

WELLINGTON  TESTIMONIAL  MEETING. 

Resolutions  unanimously  agreed  upon  at  a  Public  Meet- 
ing, convened  by  Advertisement,  and  held  at  the 
London  Tavern,  Bishopsgate  Street,  on  Wednesday, 
the  6th  May,  1829. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  seconded 
by  Lord  Stourton, 

It  was  resolved,  That  the  Earl  Fitzwilliam  do  take 
the  chair. 

The  EARL  FITZWILLIAM  in  the  chair. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  seconded 
by  Lord  Stourton, 

It  was  resolved,  That  Peirce  Mahony,  Esq.  be  ap- 
pointed secretary  to  this  meeting. 


APPENDIX.  CCCV 

On  the  motion  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  seconded 
by  Lord  Stourton, 

It  was  resolved,  That  we  feel  it  to  be  our  duty  to 
express  our  gratitude  to  his  Majesty  for  his  gracious 
assent  given  to  the  bill  for  the  Relief  of  the  Protestant 
Dissenters  in  the  last  session  of  parliament,  and  for  his 
generous  recommendation,  at  the  opening  of  this  ses- 
sion, that  a  full  participation  of  civil  rights  should  be 
granted  to  his  Majesty's  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  in 
conformity  with  his  Majesty's  royal  constitutional  de- 
claration— "  That  his  power  was  held  for  the  benefit 
of  his  people." 

On  the  motion  of  the  Marquess  of  Downshire, 
seconded  by  Lord  Dundas, 

It  was  resolved,  That  an  address  congratulating  his 
Majesty  on  the  success  of  his  gracious  recommendation 
to  parliament  for  the  relief  of  his  Majesty's  Roman 
Catholic  subjects,  which  was  adopted  by  both  houses 
with  unexampled  majorities,  be  now  prepared. 

On  the  motion  of  Lord  Clifford,  seconded  by  Lord 
Dunally, 

It  was  resolved,  That  the  address  to  our  gracious 
Sovereign  now  read  be  adopted ;  and  that  our  noble 
chairman  do  sign  the  same  in  our  behalf ;  and  that  he 
be  requested  either  to  present  or  transmit  the  same, 
according  to  his  Majesty's  pleasure. 

On  the  motion  of  Lord  Stafford,  seconded  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Courtnay, 

It  was  resolved,  That  we  also  feel  it  our  duty  sin- 
cerely to  congratulate  all  classes  and  parties  in  this  great 
empire  on  the  happy  adjustment  of  questions,  so  long- 

VOL.    II.  u 


CCCV1  APPENDIX. 

sources  of  discord  and  weakness  to  the  state ;  and  we 
do  hope  that,  as  their  several  prejudices  can  no  longer 
distract  the  attention  of  our  fellow-citizens,  the  empire 
will  henceforward  enjoy  the  benefit  of  their  united  ex- 
ertions, without  distinction  of  sect  or  party,  in  its  sup- 
port. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Earl  of  Darnley,  seconded 
by  the  Hon.  G.  A.  Ellis,  M.P. 

It  was  resolved,  That  to  his  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  national  gratitude  is  eminently  due  for 
accomplishing,  as  prime  minister  (under  our  gracious 
Sovereign),  the  invaluable  work  of  "  religious  peace." 

On  the  motion  of  the  Earl  of  Bective,  M.P.,  se- 
conded by  the  Hon.  Valentine  Jerningham, 

It  was  resolved,  That  our  sincere  acknowledgments 
and  thanks  are  likewise  especially  due,  and  are  hereby 
given,  to  the  Right  Hon.  Robert  Peel  (secretary  of 
state  for  the  home  department),  and  to  the  rest  of  his 
Majesty's  ministers,  for  their  support  of  these  great 
measures. 

On  the  motion  of  John  Lawless,  Esq.  seconded  by 
Henry  Hunt,  Esq. 

It  was  resolved,  That  the  gratitude  of  this  meeting 
(representing  as  it  does  the  feelings  of  the  Irish  people) 
is  hereby  given  to  the  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of 
Anglesey,  for  his  impartial  administration  in  Ireland, 
and  that  we  feel  it  a  duty  we  owe  to  that  distinguished 
soldier  to  acknowledge,  that  to  his  ardent  sensibility  to 
the  grievances  of  Ireland,  and  to  his  zealous  remon- 
strances on  behalf  of  the  Irish  nation,  the  splendid  results 
now  enjoyed  are  greatly  to  be  attributed. 


APPENDIX.  CCCV11 

On  the  motion  of  Thomas  Moore,  Esq.,  seconded  by 
James  Corry,  Esq. 

It  was  resolved,  That  we  must  ever  bear  in  mind  how 
much  the  great  cause  of  religious  freedom  owes  to 
the  many  illustrious  persons,  both  living  and  dead,  who 
have  lent  their  powerful  aid  to  its  advancement. 

On  the  motion  of  James  Grattan,  Esq.,  M.P.,  se- 
conded by  F.  S.  Flood,  Esq. 

It  was  resolved,  That,  in  order  to  perpetuate  to  the 
remotest  generations  these  feelings  of  just  acknowledg- 
ment, and  at  the  same  time  to  record — that  religious 
freedom  was  won  by  the  same  great  captain  who  restored 
national  independence  to  Europe,  and  gave  security  to 
this  empire — a  voluntary  subscription  be  now  entered 
into  for  the  purpose  of  erecting,  in  or  near  Dublin,  a 
statue  of  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  commemo- 
rative of  this  the  most  glorious  of  his  public  services. 

On  the  motion  of  O'Gorman  Mahon,  Esq.,  seconded 
by  Thomas  Wyse,  Jun.  Esq. 

It  was  resolved,  That  our  committee  be  hereby  em- 
powered to  record  on  the  pedestal  of  the  statue  just 
voted,  the  names  of  those  illustrious  men,  as  well  the 
dead  as  the  living,  who,  in  either  house  of  parliament, 
have  at  different  periods  supported  the  measure  of 
Catholic  emancipation  which  has  now  passed  into  a  law, 
under  the  benignant  auspices  of  his  Majesty. 

On  the  motion  of  Lieut.  Gen.  Thornton,  seconded 
by  the  Hon.  Frederick  Ponsonby,  M.P. 

It  was  resolved,  That  our  committee  be  empowered  to 
receive  subscriptions,  and  that  they  be  requested  to  open 
accounts  for  that  purpose  with  such  of  the  principal 


CCCV111  APPENDIX. 

banks  of  the  united  kingdom  as  are  willing  to  co- 
operate with  them. 

On  the  motion  of  James  Corry,  Esq.,  seconded  by 
Lord  Dunally, 

It  was  resolved,  That  copies  of  the  foregoing  resolu- 
tions be  forwarded  to — 

The  Duke  of  Wellington,  the  First  Lord  of  the 
Treasury, 

Right  Hon.  Henry  Goulburn,  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer, 

Lord  Lyndhurst,  the  Lord  Chancellor  of  England, 

Earl  Bathurst,  President  of  the  Council,       > 

Right  Hon.  Robert  Peel,     ^ 

Earl  of  Aberdeen,  \Secretaries  of  State, 

Right.  Hon.  Sir  G.  Murray,  J 

Viscount  Melville,  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty, 

Right  Hon.  J.  C.  Herries,  the  Master  of  the  Mint, 

Lord  Ellenborough,  the  President  of  the  Board  of 
Control, 

Right  Hon.  W.  V.  Fitzgerald,  the  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade, — and  also  to 

The  Marquess  of  Anglesey. 

On  the  motion  of  Daniel  O'Connell,  Esq.,  M.P., 
seconded  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wade, 

It  was  resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  are 
eminently  due,  and  are  hereby  given,  to  the  noblemen 
and  gentlemen  who  signed  the  Irish  Protestant  Decla- 
ration, and  who,  as  friends  of  Ireland  as  well  as  of  civil 
and  religious  freedom,  took  part  in  the  meeting  at  the 
Rotunda  in  Dublin,  on  the  20th  of  January  last ;  and 
we  do  congratulate  them,  collectively  and  individually, 


APPENDIX. 


CCC1X 


on  the  successful  termination  of  their  exertions,  which 
so  eminently  contributed  to  carry  the  great  measure  by 
which  religious  peace  has  been  given  to  this  empire, 
and  more  especially  to  Ireland. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Rev.  Michael  Keating,  se- 
conded by  John  Wright,  Esq. 

It  was  resolved,  That  the  following  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  do  constitute  a  committee  (with  liberty  to 
add  to  their  numbers),  in  order  to  carry  the  foregoing 
resolutions  into  effect : 


His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Norfolk, 

His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Devonshire, 

His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Leinster, 

The  Marquess  of  Downshire, 

Earl  Fitzwilliam, 

Earl  of  Cork  and  Orrery, 

Earl  of  Darnley, 

Earl  of  Besborough, 

Earl  of  Shannon, 

Earl  of  Miltown, 

Earl  of  Kingston, 

Earl  of  Portarlington, 

Earl  of  Clare, 

Earl  of  Leitrim, 

Earl  of  Gosford, 

Earl  of  Blessington, 

Earl  of  Glengall, 

Earl  of  Llandaff, 

Earl  of  Darlington,  M.  P. 

Earl  of  Bective,  M.  P. 

Lord  John  Russell,  M.  P. 

Lord  William  Fitzgerald,  M.  P. 

Viscount  Lismore, 

Viscount  Templetown, 

Viscount  Morpeth,  M.  P. 

Viscount  Killeen, 

Viscount  Forbes,  M.  P. 

Viscount  Duncannon,  M.  P. 

Viscount  Acheson, 

Viscount  Bingham,  M.  P. 

Viscount  Ennismore,  M.P. 

Lord  Stourton, 

Lord  Clifford, 

Lord  Foley, 

Lord  Alvanley, 

Lord  Dundas, 


Lord  Nugent,  M.  P. 

Lord  Riversdale, 

Lord  Cloncurry, 

Lord  Rossmore, 

Lord  Dunally, 

Lord  A.  Hill,  M.  P. 

Right  Hon.  Lord  Francis  L.  Gower, 

M.P. 

Honourable  John  Boyle,  M.P. 
Honourable  A.  Cavendish  Bradshaw, 
Honourable  George  Dawson  Darner, 
Honourable  G.  Agar  Ellis,  M.  P. 
Honourable  R.  Fitzgibbon,  M.  P. 
Honourable  W.  Booth  Grey, 
Honourable  Robert  King,  M.  P. 
Honourable  Edward  Petre, 
Honourable     and    Reverend    John 

Pomeroy, 

Honourable  WilliamPonsonby.M.P. 
Right    Hon.    Sir    George   F.   Hill, 

Bart.  M.P. 
Right  Hon.  Sir  John  Newport,  Bart. 

M.P. 
Right  Hon.  M.  Fitzgerald,  Knt.  of 

Kerry,  M.  P. 
Reverend  Sir  Francis  Lynch  Blosse, 

Bart. 

Sir  Francis  Burdett,  Bart.  M.  P. 
Sir  Charles  Coote,  Bart.  M.  P. 
Sir  Thomas    B.   Lethbridge,    Bart. 

M.P. 
General  Sir  George  Nugent,  Bart. 

M.P. 

Sir  James  C.  Anderson,  Bart. 
Otway  Cave,  Esq.  M.  P. 
George  Robert  Dawson,  Esq.  M.  P. 


cccx 


APPENDIX. 


Thomas  Duneombe,  Esq.  M.  P. 
John  Easthope,  Esq.  M.  P. 
James  Grattan,  Esq.  M.  P. 
John  Cam  Hobhouse,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Joseph  Hurae,  Esq.  M.  P. 
John  Hely  Hutchinson,  Esq.  M.  P. 
C.  D.  O.  Jephson,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Ralph  Leycester,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Thomas  Lloyd,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Daniel  O'Connell,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Michael  George  Prendergast,  Esq. 

M.P. 

Thomas  Spring  Rice,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Henry  Villiers  Stuart,  Esq.  M.  P. 
R.  Wagon  Talbot,  Esq.  M.P. 
Robert  La  Touche,  Esq.  M.  P. 
H.  M.  Tuite,  Esq.  M.  P. 
Judge  Day, 
Admiral  Donnelly, 
Reverend  Francis  Sadler,  D.D.  and 

S.F.T.  C.D. 
Reverend  A.  S.  Wade,  D.D.  Vicar 

of  St.  Nicholas,  Warwick, 
Reverend  Michael  Keating, 
Henry  Arabin,  Esq. 
W.  H.  Arabin,  Esq. 
A.  R.  Blake,  Esq. 
Edward  Blount,  Esq. 
William  H.  Bourne,  Esq. 


James  Corry,  Esq. 

William  Henry  Curran,  Esq. 

Stephen  Dickson,  Esq. 

James  Dwyer,  Esq. 

Lieut.-Colonel  De  Lacy  Evans, 

Frederick  Solly  Flood,  Esq. 

John  Howley,  Esq. 

John  David  Latouche,  Esq. 

John  Lawless,  Esq. 

A.  H.  Lynch,  Esq. 

Cornelius  Lyne,  Esq. 

Thomas  M'Kenny,  Esq.  Alderman, 

O 'Gorman  Mahon,  Esq. 

Peirce  Mahony,  Esq. 

David  Mahony,  Esq. 

Richard  Morrisson,  Esq. 

William  Morrisson,  Esq. 

Thomas  Moore,  Esq. 

Pierce  Nagle,  Esq. 

Maurice  O'Connell,  Esq. 

A.  C.  O'Dwyer,  Esq. 

Nicholas  Purcell  O'Gorman,  Esq. 

John  Power,  Esq.  of  Kilfane, 

Richard  Shell,  Esq. 

Charles  Stanley,  Esq. 

Edward  Sterling,  Esq. 

Stephen  Woulfe,  Esq. 

John  Wright,  Esq. 

Thomas  Wyse,  Esq. 


WENTWORTH  FITZWILLIAM, 
Chairman. 

Earl  Fitzwilliam  having  left  the  chair,  and  the  Duke 
of  Leinster  having  been  called  thereto,  it  was,  on  the 
motion  of  Lord  Stourton,  seconded  by  Daniel  O'Con- 
nell, Esq.,  M.P. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  thanks  of  this  meet- 
ing are  especially  due,  and  are  hereby  given,  to  the 
Earl  Fitzwilliam,  for  his  dignified  and  impartial  con- 
duct in  the  chair  this  day,  and  for  his  uniform  zeal  in 
support  of  the  principle  of  civil  and  religious  freedom. 

LEINSTER,  Chairman. 
PEIRCE  MAHONY,  Sec. 


APPENDIX. 


CCCX1 


After  which  the  following  Subscriptions  were 
announced. 


£.  s. 

Earl  Fitzwilliam 200  0 

Duke  of  Devonshire 100  0 

Duke  of  Leinster 100  0 

Marquess  of  Downshire  . . .   100  0 

Marquess  of  Anglesey  ....   100  0 

Earl  Darnley 50  0 

Earl  Bective 25  0 

Earl  ofGlengall 25  0 

Lord  Viscount  Templetown     50  0 

Lord  Viscount  Northland . .     25  0 

Lord  Viscount  Killeen 20  0 

Lord  Viscount  Forbes,  M.P.     1010 

Lord  Clifford 50  0 

Lord  Stourton 50  0 

Lord  Stafford 25  0 

Lord  Dundas 25  0 

Lord  Dunally    25  0 

Lord    William    Fitzgerald, 

M.P 20  0 

Lord  Arthur  Hill,  M.P 20  0 

Lord  Francis  Leveson 

Gower,  M.P 25  0 

The  Right  Hon.  Sir  George 

F.  Hill,  Bart.  M.P 25  0 

The  Hon.  G.  A.  Ellis,  M.P.     20  0 

The  Hon.  H.  C.  Clifford  . .     25  0 
The    Hon.    William    Pon- 

sonby,  M.P.  .'.' 20  0 

The    Hon.    Geo.    Dawson 

Darner 20  0 

The    Hon.   Valentine   Jer- 

ningham   10  10 

The    Hon.    Robert    King, 

M.P 10  0 

The  Hon.  George  Fortescue, 

M.P 6  0 

The  Right    Reverend  Dr. 

Weld 10  0 

Sir    Charles    Coote,    Bart. 

M.P 25  0 

Sir   Thos.    B.    Lethbridge, 

Bart.  M.P 21  0 

Judge  Day 25  0 

Geo.  R.  Dawson,  Esq.  M.P.     25  0 

Thomas  Lloyd,  Esq.  M.P.     25  0 
Henry  Villiers  Stuart,  Esq. 

M.P 25  0 


£.     s. 

James  Grattan,  Esq.  M.P.  25     0 

Ralph  Leycester,Esq.M.P.  20     0 
Daniel      O'Connell,      Esq. 

M.P 10  10 

Joseph  Hume,  Esq.  M.P. .  5     0 

Rev.  Dr.  Wade 2     2 

Rev.  M.  Keating 10     0 

Rev.  J.  Courtnay 5     0 

Lieut.- Gen.  Thornton 3     3 

Lieut. -Colonel  De  Lacy 

Evans 5     0 

Capt.  Herbert,  Esq.  R.N.  .  10     0 

R.  Bourne,  Esq.  R.  N.   . . .  5     0 
Robert  Ogilby,  Esq.  (co.  of 

Derry) 50     0 

A.G.Wright,  Esq 25     0 

John  Wright,  Esq 25     0 

Daniel  Neal  Lister,  Esq.  ..210 

W.  H.  Bourne,  Esq 15  15 

Peirce  Mahony,  Esq 10  10 

David  Mahony,  Esq 1010 

W.  Henry  Curran,  Esq 10     0 

James  Dwyer,  Esq 10     0 

John  Howley,  Esq 10     0 

Maurice  O'Connell,  Esq. . .  10     0 

Henry  Robinson,  Esq 10     0 

Richard  Shell,  Esq 10     0 

Edward  Sterling,  Esq 10     0- 

Stephen  Woulfe,  Esq 10     0 

Thomas  Wyse,  Esq. 10     0 

James  Corry,  Esq 5     0 

Patrick  Curtis,  Esq 5     0 

Fred.  Solly  Flood,  Esq.  ...  50 

John  William  Fulton,  Esq.  5     0 

Cornelius  Lyrie,  Esq 5     0 

O'Gorman  Mahon,  Esq.  ...  50 

Thomas  Moore,  Esq 5     0 

Henry  Robinson,  Jun.  Esq.  5     0 
Bleaden,    Alexander    and "} 

Co.     of      the     London  >     5     5 

Tavern j 

Scipio  Clint,  Esq 1     1 

W.  Finnelley,  Esq 1     1 

William  Tafbot,  of  Ennis . .  10 


CCCX11  APPENDIX. 


Address  unanimously  adopted  at  a  Public  Meeting, 
held  at  the  City  of  London  Tavern,  Bishopsgate 
Street,  on  the  6th  May,  1829. 

WE,  your  Majesty's  dutiful  and  most  loyal  subjects, 
beg  leave  respectfully  to  approach  your  throne,  with 
assurances  of  our  unalterable  fidelity  and  attachment 
to  your  Majesty's  royal  person  and  government.  We 
are  most  anxious  to  be  permitted  to  offer  to  your  Ma- 
jesty our  warmest  expressions  of  gratitude  for  the  great 
work  of  "  civil  and  religious  freedom"  which  (under 
your  Majesty's  most  gracious  sanction  and  authority) 
has  just  been  completed.  By  this  act,  your  Majesty 
has  crowned  the  glories  of  your  august  reign  ;  a  reign, 
the  commencement  of  which  was  distinguished  by  un- 
paralleled successes  in  war,  while  its  continuation  has 
been  still  further  illustrated  by  the  peace  which  it 
has  afforded,  first  to  Europe,  and  now  to  your  own 
dominions. 

That  these  wise  and  paternal  measures  will  bring 
with  them,  both  to  your  Majesty  and  to  the  empire,  their 
"  own  exceeding  great  reward,"  in  the  increased  and 
increasing  love  and  veneration  for  your  Majesty's 
throne,  and  in  the  renewed  and  indissoluble  union  of 
all  classes  and  all  denominations  against  our  common 
enemies,  we  are  fully  convinced.  But,  while  we  thus 
anticipate  these  advantages,  we  feel  that  we  should 
have  been  wanting  in  our  duty  to  your  Majesty  if  we 
had  not  thus  early  presented  ourselves  at  the  foot  of 
your  Majesty's  throne,  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  our 


APPENDIX.  CCCX111 

gratitude  and  devotion  to  your  royal  person,  and  of 
hailing  your  Majesty  as  the  common  father  of  your 
people. 

That  your  Majesty  may  long,  very  long,  continue  to 
witness  the  benefits  of  which  you  are  yourself  the  author, 
and  to  enjoy  in  your  own  royal  person  that  happiness 
which  you  have  conferred  on  your  people,  is  the  earnest 
wish  and  prayer  of  us,  your  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects. 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  meeting, 

WENTWORTH  FITZWILLIAM, 
Chairman. 

a.) 

Union  Hotel,  Cockspur  Street, 

29th  May,  1829. 
My  Lord  Duke, 

By  order  of  the  committee  appointed  at  a  public 
meeting  held  on  the  6th  inst.  at  the  London  Tavern,  to 
carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  there  agreed  to,  and  in 
pursuance  of  the  16th  resolution  passed  at  that  meeting, 
I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  for  your  Grace's  infor- 
mation the  enclosed  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  noble- 
men and  gentlemen  there  assembled. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

My  Lord  Duke, 

Your  very  humble  Servant, 

PEIRCE  MAHONY. 
To  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  &c.  &c. 


CCCX1V  APPENDIX. 

(II.) 

Union  Hotel,  Cockspur  Street, 

May  29th,  1829. 
Sir, 

By  order  of  the  committee  appointed  at  a  public 
meeting  held  on  the  6th  inst.  at  the  London  Tavern,  to 
carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  there  agreed  to,  and  in 
pursuance  of  the  16th  resolution  passed  at  that  meeting, 
I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  for  your  information,  the 
enclosed  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  there  assembled. 

The  committee  have  further  desired  me  to  request 
(for  the  instruction  of  the  Earl  of  Fitzwilliam)  that  you 
will  inform  us  in  what  manner  it  is  his  Majesty's  plea- 
sure to  receive  the  Address  there  unanimously  agreed 
to,  a  copy  of  which  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  very  humble  Servant, 

PEIRCE  MAHONY. 

Right  Hon.  R.  Peel,  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Home  Department,  &c.  &c. 

(HI.) 

London,  June  2nd,  1829. 
Sir, 

I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  last  night  your  letter 
of  the  29th  May,  in  which  you  enclosed  a  copy  of  reso- 
lutions unanimously  agreed  upon  at  a  meeting  held  at 
the  London  Tavern,  on  Wednesday  the  6th  May ;  the 
Earl  Fitzwilliam  in  the  chair. 


APPENDIX.  CCCXV 

I  am  highly  flattered  by  the  honour  conferred  upon 
me  especially,  and  my  colleagues,  his  Majesty's  ser- 
vants, by  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  there  assembled, 
and  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks  for  conveying  to  me 
a  copy  of  their  proceedings  upon  that  occasion. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  Servant, 

WELLINGTON. 
Peirce  Mahony,  Esq. 

(IV.) 

Whitehall,  June  2nd,  1829. 
Sir, 

I  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter 
of  the  29th  ultimo,  enclosing  the  printed  copy  of  an 
Address  to  his  Majesty,  which  was  unanimously  adopted 
by  a  public  meeting  held  at  the  City  of  London  Tavern 
on  the  5th  of  May,  of  which  meeting  the  Earl  Fitz- 
william  was  chairman,  and  requesting  to  be  informed, 
"  for  the  instruction  of  his  Lordship,"  in  what  manner  it 
may  be  his  Majesty's  pleasure  to  receive  such  Address. 

If,  as  it  is  probable  that  a  levee  will  not  be  held  by 
his  Majesty  at  a  very  early  period,    you  will  transmit 
the  Address  mentioned  in  your  letter  to  this  office,  I 
will  not  fail  to  lay  it  before  his  Majesty  without  delay. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  Servant, 

ROBERT  PEEL. 
Peirce  Mahony,  Esq. 

Union  Hotel,  Cockspur  Street. 


CCCXV1  APPENDIX. 

(V.) 

Cowes,  June  16th,  1829. 
Sir, 

I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter,  together  with 
a  copy  of  a  resolution  agreed  upon  at  a  public  meeting 
held  at  the  London  Tavern  on  the  6th  May  last,  and  I 
beg  that  you  will  express  for  me  the  grateful  feelings 
with  which  I  am  impressed  by  every  testimonial  which 
connects  my  name  with  the  prosperity  of  Ireland. 

I  also  beg  to  acknowledge  your  obliging  attention  in 
conveying  the  resolution  to  my  hands. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Your  most  obedient  Servant, 

ANGLESEY. 
Peirce  Mahony,  Esq. 

(VI.) 

Whitehall,  June  llth,  1829. 
My  Lord, 

I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
Lordship's  letter  of  the  6th  of  June  last,  enclosing  an 
Address  to  his  Majesty,  resolved  upon  at  a  meeting  at 
the  London  Tavern  of  which  your  Lordship  was  chairman. 
I  beg  leave  to  acquaint  your  Lordship,  that  I  have  laid 
this  Address  before  his  Majesty,  who  was  pleased  to 
receive  the  same  very  graciously. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  esteem, 

Your  Lordship's 
Most  obedient,  humble  Servant, 

ROBERT  PEEL. 
The  Earl  Fitzwilliam,  &c. 


APPENDIX. 


CCCXV1I 


No.    XXXI. 


MAJORITIES  AND  MINORITIES  ON  THE 
CATHOLIC  RELIEF  BILL. 

House  of  Lords. — Division  on   the  Second  Reading, 
April  4,  1829. 

Those  marked  thus  *  had  heretofore  opposed  the  claims  either  in  the 
House  of  Lords  or  House  of  Commons. 

CONTENT.— PRESENT. 


*  Duke  of  Clarence 

Clarendon 

*Strange(Duke  of  Athol) 

Duke  of  Sussex 

Carnarvon 

Somers 

Duke  of  Gloucester 

Caledon 

*  Stradbroke 

*  Lord  Chancellor 

*  Chichester 

Thanet 

*  Lord  President 

Cawdor 

Tankerville 

Lord  Privy  Seal 

Denbigh 

Vane  (Marquis  of  Lon- 

DUKES. 

*  Doncaster    (Duke    of 

donderry) 

Brandon  (Hamilton) 
*  Beaufort 

Buccleugh) 
*  Dartmouth 

*  Westmoreland 
Wicklow 

Devonshire 

De  la  Warr 

VISCOUNTS. 

*  Leeds 

Dudley 

*  Beresford 

*  Manchester 

Essex 

Duncan 

*  Rutland 

Elgin 

Gordon  (Earl  of  Aber- 

Somerset 

Ferrers 

deen) 

*  St.  Alban's 

Fitzwilliam 

Granville 

*  Wellington 

Grosvenor 

Goderich 

MARQUESSES. 

Gosford 

Hood 

Anglesey 

Grey 

Leinster  (Duke  of) 

*  Bath 

Hardwicke 

Maynard 

Bristol 

Hillsborough     (Marquis 

Melville 

Bute 

of  Downshire) 

St.  Vincent 

Camden 

Harrowby 

Torrington 

Conyngham 

Ilchester 

BISHOPS. 

Hastings 

Jersey 

Chester 

Lansdown 

*  Liverpool 

*  Derry 

Winchester 

Limerick 

Kildare 

EARLS. 

Minto 

*  Llandaff 

Albemarle 
Amherst 

Morley 
Oxford 

*  Lichfield  and  Coventry 
*  Oxford 

Blessington 

*  Powis 

Rochester 

Chesterfield 

Radnor 

*  St.  David's 

Carlisle 

Roseberry 

*  Winchester 

Cowper 

Roslyn 

CCCXV111 


APPENDIX. 


LORDS. 

Auckland 

Abercroraby 

Ailsa  (Earl  Cassilis) 

Belhaven 

Boyle  (Earl  of  Cork) 

Braybrooke 

*  Byron 

Clifton  (Earl  of  Darnley) 
Carleton  (Earl  of  Shan- 

i»on) 
Carteret 
Calthorpe 

*  Carberry 

*  Clanwilliam  (E.) 
Dacre 

Dundas 

De  Dunstanville 

Dunally 

Durham 

Foley 

Fitzgibbon(Earl  of  Clare) 


*Fife  (Earl  of) 

Gower 

Grantham 

Granard 

Howard  de  Walden 

Holland 

Hill 

King 

*Ker(M.  of  Lothian) 

Lyttelton 

*  Lilford 
Lynedoch 
Montford 

*  Montague 
Mendip 

*  Meldrum  (Earl  of 

Aboyne) 
Melbourne 
Maryborough 
Melros   (Earl   of    Had- 

dington) 


Montcagle  (M.  of  Slig(») 

Napier 

Ormond  (M.  of) 

Oriel 

Plunkett 

*  Ravensworth 
Ranfurly  (Northland) 

*  Saltoun 
Say  and  Sele 
Sundridge  (Duke  of  Ar- 


Suffield 

Selsey 

Somerhill  (M.  of  Clanri- 

carde) 
Seaford 
*  Teynham 
Wellesley  (M.) 
Wharncliffe 
Willoughby  d'Eieeby 
Yarborough 


PROXIES. 


DUKES. 

*  Harcourt 

Clinton 

Cambridge 

Kingston 

Crewe 

Bedford 

Lucan 

*  Douglas 

Buckingham 

Mulgrave 

Downey  (V.  Downe) 

Grafton 

*  Orford 

*  Dufferin 

Marl  borough 

Ross 

Erskine 

*  Northumberland 

Spencer 

*  Forrester 

Portland 

St.  Germans 

Grenville 

MARQUESSES. 

Suffolk 

Howard  of  Effingham 

Cleveland 

Waldegrave 

*  Hawke 

*  Hertford 

*  Warwick 

Hopetoun  (E.  of  ) 

Northampton 

Wilton 

Lauderdale  (Earl) 

Queensberry 

VISCOUNTS. 

Lovell  and  Holland  (E. 

Stafford 

*  Arbuthnot 

of  Egmont) 

Tweeddale 

Anson 

Ponsonby  (Earl  of  Bes- 

EARLS. 

Hereford 

borough) 

*  Ashbumham 

Hutchinson    (Donough- 

*Ross   (Earl  of   Glas- 

Belmore 

more) 

gow) 

Buckinghamshire 

*  Strathallan 

Sondes 

*  Chatham 

BISHOP. 

Southampton 

Charlemont 

Norwich 

Sherborne 

Derby 

LORDS. 

Stewart  Garlics  (E.  Gal- 

Errol 

Alvanley 

loway) 

Fortescue 

Bar  ham 

*Saltersford  (E.  of  Cour- 

*Graham  (Duke  of  Mon- 

Berwick 

town) 

trose) 

Breadalbane  (Earl) 

*  Stuart  and  Rothsay 

Howe 

Carrington 

*Wemyss(Earlof) 

Harrington 

APPENDIX. 


CCCX1X 


NOT  CONTENT PRESENT. 


Duke  of  Cumberland 

Longford 

Ely 

ARCHBISHOPS. 

Lonsdale 

Exeter 

Canterbury 

Malniesbury 

Gloucester 

York 

Mansfield 

Lincoln 

Armagh 

Mayo 

London 

DUKES. 

Morton 

Meath 

Dorset 

Mountcashel 

Salisbury 

Newcastle 

Norwich  (Duke  of  Gor- 

St. Asaph 

Richmond 

don) 

LORDS. 

MARQUESSES. 

O'Neill 

Arden 

Aylesbury 

Onslow 

Bexley 

Cholmondeley 

Plymouth 

Boston 

Exeter 

Poulett 

Colville 

Salisbury 
Thomond 

Romney 
Shaftesbury 

Farn  borough 
Farnham 

EARLS. 

Stamford 

Grantley 

Abingdon 
Ailesford 

Talbot 
Verulam 

Hay  (Earl  of  Kinnoull) 
Kenyon 

Beauchamp 

Winchilsea 

Manners 

Bradford 

VISCOUNTS. 

Middleton 

Brownlow 

Lake 

Redesdale 

Clancarty 

Lorton 

Rivers 

Digby 

Sidmouth 

Rodney 

Eldon 

BISHOPS. 

Rolle 

Enniskillen 

Bath  and  Wells 

Sheffield  (Earl) 

Falmouth 

Bristol 

Sinclair 

Guildford 

Carlisle 

Skelmersdale 

Harewood 

Chichester 

Tenterden 

Howe 

Durham 

Walsingham 

PROXIES. 

EARLS. 

BISHOPS. 

Dynevor 

Carrick 

Hereford 

Faversham 

Cardigan 

Peterborough 

Fisherwick  (M.  of  Done- 

Charleville 
Macclesfield 

Worcester 

LORDS. 

Gambier 

Manvers 

Bagot 

Gray 

Mount  Edgecumbe 

Bayning 

Loftus  (M.  of  Ely) 

Nelson 

Churchill 

Le  Despencer 

Rochfort 

Clanbrasil  (Earl  of  Ro-  St.  Helen's 

Scarborough 

den) 

Stowell 

Colchester 

Wallace 

VISCOUNT. 

Exmouth 

Dalhousie  (Earl) 
Delamore 

Willoughby  de  Broke 
Wodehouse 

De  Clifford 

cccxx 


APPENDIX. 


THE  FOLLOWING  PEERS  VOTED  ON  THE  THIRD  READING, 
AND  NOT  ON  THE  SECOND. 

In  the  Majority. — (Present)  Duke  of  Grafton,  Lords  Ducie,  Gage, 
Glenlyon,  Ranfurly  (Northland.) — (Proxies)  Earls  Cornwallis,  Home, 
Lord  Howard  of  Effingham. — (Paired  off)  Duke  of  Manchester,  Norwich 
(Duke  of  Gordon). 

Minority. — (Present)  Viscount  Gort,  Lord  Ribblesdale.—  (Proxy) 
Lord  Dynevor. 

Twelve  peers  who  voted  in  the  majority  on  the  second  reading  did  not 
vote  on  the  passing  of  the  bill,  and  six  peers  who  voted  in  the  minority  on 
the  second  reading  did  not  vote  on  the  third. 


PEERS  WHO  DID  NOT  VOTE,  EXCLUSIVE  OF  THE 
CATHOLIC  PEERS. 


MARQUESSES. 

Abercorn  (minor) 
Townshend  (in  France) 

EARLS. 

Abergavenny 

Beverley 

Berkeley  (will  not  take  his  seat) 

Coventry 

Cornwallis 

Cadogan 

Catbcart 

Craven  (minor) 

Egremont 

Harborough 

Huntingdon  (minor) 

Lindsey  (minor) 

Pomfret 

Portsmouth  (lunatic) 

Pembroke 

Sandwich  (minor) 

Stanhope 

VISCOUNTS. 

Combermere  (in  India) 
Courtenay  (abroad) 
Sidney 

BARONS. 
Audley 
Ardrossan   (Earl   of  Eglington,   in 

Scotland),  a  minor 
Bolton 
Brodrick 
Carysfort,  Earl  of  (lunatic) 


Cowley 

De  la  Zouch 

Dorchester  (minor) 

Forbes 

De  Tabley  (minor) 

Glenlyon 

Gage  (too  late) 

Gardner  (minor) 

Harris 

Heytesbury 

Home  (Earl  of) 

Moore   (Marquis  of  Drogheda),  a 

lunatic 

Monson  (minor) 
Northwick  (too  late) 
Penshurst  (Viscount) 
Ponsonby  (of  Imokilly) 
Prudhoe 
Ribblesdale 
Scarsdale 

Strangford  (in  Brazil) 
Stuart  (Earl  of  Moray) 
Tyrone  (Marquis  of  Waterford),  a 

minor 
Thurlow 
Vernon 
Wigan  (Earl  of  Balcarras) 

BISHOP. 
Bangor  (Magendie) 

IRISH    PEERS. 

Bandon,  Earl  of  (not  taken  his  seat) 
Headfort,  Marquis  of 


APPENDIX.  CCCXX1 

PROTESTS, — The  Duke  of  Newcastle  entered  his  protestagainst  the  second 
reading  of  the  Catholic  Relief  bill — 1st,  as  tending  to  establish  Popery  ; 
2nd,  as  a  violation  of  the  constitution  of  1688  ;  3rd,  because  the  admission 
of  Papists  to  parliament  was  a  violation  of  the  exclusion  act  of  1677  ;  4th, 
because  to  break  in  upon  laws  considered  permanent,  was  dangerous  to  our 
religion,  laws,  and  liberties  ;  5th,  because  a  proneness  to  depart  from  old 
institutions  gave  just  cause  of  apprehension  for  the  present  and  future. 
Lord  Kenyon  subscribed  the  protest  for  the  third  and  fourth  reasons  ;  and 
Lords  Mansfield,  Howe,  Romney,  Malmesbury,  Brownlow,  O'Neill,  and 
Bradford,  protested  generally  against  the  second  reading.  Lords  Walsing- 
ham  and  Kenyon  also  protested  against  the  second  reading  of  the  bill,  as 
being  destitute  of  securities.  Lord  Farnham  entered  his  protest  against 
the  bill  after  it  had  passed  into  a  law. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS.— DIVISION  ON  THE  THIRD 
READING,  March  30,  1829. 

Those  who  in  1827  voted  against  concession,  and  whose  names  now 
appear  in  the  majority  on  the  third  reading,  are  marked  (o).  The  places 
not  otherwise  distinguished  are  boroughs ;  (co.)  signifies  county,  and  (c.) 
city  members. 

MAJORITY. 

Abercromby,  J.  Calne  Bective,  Earl  of,  Meath,  co. 

Acland,  Sir  T.  Devonshire  Benett,  J.  Wiltshire 

Alexander,  J.  Barnstaple  Bentinok,  Lord  G.  King's  Lynn 

Althorp,  Lord,  Northamptonshire  (o)  Beresford,  Sir  J.  Northallerton 

Anson,  Sir  G.  Licb. field,  c.  (o)Beresford,Lieut.-col.  Berwick,  c. 

Anson,  Hon.  G.  Yarmouth  Bernard,  T.  King's  co. 

Apsley,Lord,  Cirericester  Bingham,  L.  Mayo,  co. 

Arbuthnot,  Rt.  Hon.  C.  St.  Ives  Birch,  J.  Nottingham,  c. 
(o)  Arbuthnot,  Hon.    Col.  Kincar-     Blake,  Sir  F.  Berwick-on-Tweed 

dineshire  Boyle,  Hon.  J.  Cork,  co. 

Archdeckne,  A.  Dunwich  Bourne,  Right  Hon.  L.  Ashburton 

(o)  Ashley,  Lord,  Woodstock  Brecknock,  Earl  of,  Bath,  c. 

Baillie,  Col.  Hedon  (o)  Brogden,  J.  Launceston 

Balfour,  J.  Anstruther  Brougham,  J.  Truro 

Barclay,  D.  Penryn  Browne,  J.  Mayo 

Baring,  A.  Callington  Brownlow,  C.  Armagh,  co. 

Baring,  W.  B.  Thetford  Bruen,  H.  Carlow,  co. 

Baring,  F.  Portsmouth  Buller,  C.  West  Looe 

Beaumont,  T.  W.  Stafford  Burdett,  Sir  F.  Westminster,  c. 

VOL.    II.  X 


cccxxu 


APPENDIX. 


Buxton,  T.  F.  Weymouth 
Burrard,  G.  Lymington 
Byng.G.  Middlesex 
Calcraft,  Right  Hon.  J.  Wareharo 
Calthorpe,  Hon.  F.  Bramber 
Calvert,  C.  Southwark 
(o)  Calvert,  N.  Hertfordshire 
Campbell,  A.  Glasgow,  c. 
(o)  Campbell,  W.  Argyleshire 
(o)  Campbell,  J.  Dumbartonsh. 
Carew,  R.  Wexford,  co. 
Carrington,  Sir  C.  St.  Mawes 
(o)  Cartwright,  W.  Nortbamptonsh. 
Castlereagh,  Vise.  Down,  co. 
Caulfield,  Hon.  H.  Armagh,  co. 
Cave,  O.  Leicester 
Cavendish,  Lord  G.  Derbyshire 
Cavendish,  C.  Newtown 
Chichester,  Sir  A.  Carrickfergus,  c. 
Cholraondeley,  Lord  H.  Castle  Ris- 
ing 

Clerk,  Sir  G.  Edinburgh 
Clements,  Viscount,  Leitrim,  co. 
Clifton,  Viscount,  Canterbury,  c. 
(o)  Clive,  Viscount,  Ludlow 
(o)  Clive,  Hon.  R.  Ludlow 
(o)  Clive,  E.  Hereford,  c. 
Clive,  H.  Montgomery 
Cockburn,  Sir  G.  Plymouth 
Cocks,  J.  Reygate 
Colborne,  N.  R.  Thetford 
(o)  Cole,  Sir  C.  Glamorganshire 
(o)  Cook,  Sir  H.  Orford 
Coote,  Sir  C.  Queen's  co. 
(o)  Corbett,  P.  Shrewsbury,  c. 
Courtenay,  Right  Hon.  T.Totness 
Cradock,  S.  Camelford 
Cramp  tori,  S.  Derby,  c. 
Dawson,  A.  Louth,  co. 
Daly,  J.  Gal  way,  co. 
Denison,  W.  J.  Surrey 
Denison,  J.  Hastings 
Doherty,  J.  Kilkenny,  c. 
Douglas,  W.  R.  Dumfries,  &c. 
Drummond,  H.  Stirlingshire 
Du  Cane,  P.  Steyning 
Darlington,  Earl  of,  Totness 
Duncannon,  Vise.  Kilkenny,  co. 
Duncombe,  T.  S.  Hertford 
Dundas,  Hon.  G.  Orkney,  &c. 
Dundas,  Hon.  R.  Richmond 
Dundas,  C.  Berkshire 
East,  Sir  E.  Winchester,  c. 


Easthope,  J.  St.  Alban's 
Eastnor,  Viscount,  Hereford 
Ebrington,  Viscount,  Tavistock 
(o)  Eden,  Hon.  R.  Fowey 
Elliot,  Lord,  Liskeard 
Ellis,  Hon.  G.  A.  Ludgershall 
Ellis,  Hon.  A.  Seaford 
Ellison,  C.  Newcastle-on-Tyrie 
Ennismore,  Viscount,  Cork,  co. 
Ewart,  W.  Blschingley 
(o)  Fane,  Hon.  H.  Lyme  Regis 
Fane,  T.  Lyme  Regis 
Farquhar,  Sir  R.  Hythe 
Fazakerley,  J.  N.  Lincoln,  c. 
Ferguson,  Sir  R.  Dysart 
Fitzgerald,  Rt.Hon.  M.  Kerry,  co. 
Fitzgerald,  Lord  W.  Kildare,  co. 
Fitzgerald,  Rt.  Hon.  V.  Newport 
Fitzgerald,  J.  Seaford 
Fitzgibbon,  Col.  Limerick,  c. 
(o)  Foley,  J.  H.  Droitwich 
Forbes,  Vise.  Longford,  co. 
Forbes,  Sir  C.  Malmesbury 
Forbes,  J.  Malmesbury 
Fortescue,  Hon.  G.  Hindou 
(o)  Foster,  L.  Louth,  co. 
Frankland,  R.  Thirsk 
Fremantle,  Sir  T.  Buckingham 
French,  A.  Roscommon,  co. 
Garlios,  Vise.  Cockermouth 
(o)  Gilbert,  D.  Bodmin 
Gordon,  R.  Cricklade 
(o)  Goulburn,  Rt.  Hon.  H.  Armagh 
Gower,  Lord  F.  L.  Sutherlandsh. 
Graham,  Sir  J.  Cumberland 
(o)  Graham,  Marquis,  Cambridge 
Grant,  Rt.  Hon.  C.  Inverness-shire 
Grant,  Col.  Elginshire 
Grant,  R.  Fortrose 
Grattan,  J.  Wicklow,  co. 
Grattan,  H.  Dublin,  c. 
Grosvenor,  Gen.  Stockbridge 
Grosvenor,  Hon.  R.  Chester,  c. 
Gordon,  Sir  W.  Aberdeenshire 
Guest,  J.  Honiton 
Guise,  Sir  B.  Gloucestershire 
Gurney,  H.  Newport  (I.  W.) 
Hardinge,  Sir  H.  Durham,  c. 
Hay,  Lord  J.  Haddiugtonshire 
Hay,  A.Peebles,  &c. 
Heathcote,  Sir  G.  Boston 
(o)  Herries,  Right  Hon.  J.  C.  Har- 
wich 


APPENDIX. 


CCCXX1H 


Hill,  Lord  A,  Down,  co. 

(o)  Hill,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  G.  Derry,c. 

Hobhouse,  J.  C.  Westminster,  c. 

(o)  Hodgson,  F.  Barnstaple 

Horton,  R.  W.  Newcastle-under- 
Line 

Howard,  H.  Shoreham 

Hughes,  W.  L.  Wallingford 

(o)  Halse,  J.  St.  Ives 

Hume,  J.  Aberdeen,  &c. 

Hurst,  R.  Horsham 

Huskisson,  Right  Hon.  W.  Liver- 
pool, c. 

Hutchinson,  J.  H.  Tipperary,  co. 

Hutchinson,  J.  Cork,  c. 

Howard,  Hon.  G.  Castle  Rising 

Ingilby,  Sir  R.  Lincolnshire 

Innes,  Sir  H.  Dingwall,  &c. 

Jephson,  C.  D.  Mallow 

Jermyn,  Earl,  Orford 

Jollifte,  Col.  Petersfield 

(o)  Keckewich,  S.  Exeter,  c. 

Kennedy,  F.Ayr,  &c. 

King,  Hon.  R.  Roscommon 

Knight,  R.  Wallingford 

Knox,  Hon.  T.  Dungannon 

Labouchere,  H.  St.  Michael's 

Lamb,  Hon.  G.  Dungarvon 

Lambert,  J.S.  Galway,  co. 

(o)  Langston,  J.  Oxford,  c. 

Lascelles,  Hon.  W.  East  Looe 

Latouche,  R.  Kildare,  co. 

Lawley,  F.  Warwickshire 

Lennard,  T.  B.  Maldon 

Leycester,  R.  Shaftesbury 

Lewis,  Rt.  Hon.  T.  F.  Ennis 

Lester,  B.  Poole 

Liddell,  Hon.  H.  Northumberland- 
shire 

Lindsay,  Hon.  H.  Perth,  &c. 

Littleton,  E.  Staffordshire 

Lloyd,  Sir  E.  Flint 

Lloyd,  T.  Limerick,  co. 

Lockhart,  J.  Oxford,  c. 

Loch,  J.  St.  Germain's 

Luinley,  J.  Nottinghamshire 

Lushington,  Dr.  Tregony 

Maberly,  J.  Abingdon 

Maberly,  Lt.-Col.  Northampton 

Mackintosh,  Sir  J.  Knaresboro' 

Mackenzie,  Sir  J.  Ross-shire 

Maitland,  Vise.  Appleby 

Maitland,  Hon.  Capt.  Berwicksh. 

Marjoribanks,  S.  Hythe 


Marshall,  J.Yorkshire 
Marshall,  W.  Petersfield 
(o)  Martin,  SirT.  B.  Plymouth 
Martin,  J.  Tewkesbury 
Maule,  Hon.  W.  Forfarshire 
Maxwell,  J.  Downpatrick 
Milbank,  M.  Camelford 
Mildmay,  P.  Winchester 
Milton,  Vise.  Yorkshire 
Monck,  J.  Reading 
Morrison,  J.  Banff',  co. 
Morland,  Sir  S.  St.  Mawes 
Morpeth,  Vise.  Morpeth 
Mostyn,  Sir  T.  Flint 
Mountcharles,  Lord  Donegal,  co. 
Murray,  Sir  G.  Perthshire 
(o)  Northcote,  H.  Heytesbury 
Nugent,  Lord,  Aylesbury 
Nugent,  Sir  G.  Buckingham,  c. 
North,  J.  Dublin  University 
O'Brien,  W.  S.  Ennis 
O'Brien,  L.  Clare,  co. 
Ord,  W.  Morpeth 
Owen,  Sir  J.  Pembrokeshire 
Oxmantown,  Lord  King's  County 
(o)  Palmer,  C.  F.  Reading 
(o)  Palmer,  R.  Berkshire 
Palmerston,  Vise.  Cambridge  Univ. 
Parnell,  Sir  H.  Queen's  County 
(o)  Peel.  Rt.  Hon.  R.  Westbury 
(o)  Peel,  W.  Y.  Tamworth 
Peel,  L.  Cockermouth 
Pendarvis,  E.  Cornwall,  co. 
Phillips,  G.  Steyning 
Phillips,  G.  Wotton  Basset 
Phillimore,  Dr.  Yarmouth  (I.  W.) 
Phipps,  Hon.  G.  Scarborough 
Perceval,  S.  Newport,  Hants 
Ponsonby,  Hon.  F.  Higham  Ferrers 
Ponsonby,  Hon.  G.  Youghall 
Ponsonby,  Hon.  W.  Poole 
Power,  R.  Waterford,  co. 
Powlett,  Lord  W.  Durham,  c. 
Poyntz,  W.  Chichester 
(o)  Prendergast,  M.  Gatton 
Price,  R.  New  Radnor 
Pringle,  Sir  W.  Liskeard 
Prittie,  Hon.  F.  lipperary,  co. 
Proby,  Hon.  G.  Wicklow,  co. 
Protheroe,  E.  Evesham 
Pryse,  P.  Cardigan 
Rae,Rt.  Hon.Sir  W.  Harwich 
(o)  Raine,  J.  Newport  (Cornwall) 
Ramsbottom,  J.  Windsor 


CCCXX1V 


APPENDIX. 


Ramsden,  Hon.  J.  C.  Malton 
Rancliffe,  Lord,  Nottingham,  c. 
Ilice,  T.  S.  Limerick,  c. 
Robarts,  A.  Maidstone 
Robinson,  Sir  G.  Northampton 
Robinson,  G.  Worcester,  c. 
Rowley,  Sir  W.  Suffolk 
Rumbold,  C.  Yarmouth 
Russell,  Lord  J.Bedford 
Russell,  R.  G.  Thirsk 
Sandon,  Viscount,  Tiverton 
(o)  Saunderson,  A.  Cavan,  co. 
Scarlett,  Sir  J.  Peterborough 
Scott,  Sir  W.  Carlisle 
Scott,  H.  F.  Roxburghshire 
Sebright,  Sir  J.  Hertfordshire 
Sinclair,  Hon.  Major,  Caithness 
Slaney,  R.  A.  Shrewsbury 
Smith,  G.  Wendover 
Smith,  W.  Norwich 
(o)  Somerset,  Lord  G.  Monmouth- 
shire 

Somerville,  Sir  M.  Meatb,  co. 
Stanley,  Lord,  Lancashire 
Stanley,  E.  Preston 
Stewart,  A.  R.  Londonderry,  co. 
Stewart,  Sir  M.  Lanark,  co. 
Stuart,  Lord  J.  Cardiff 
Stuart,  H.  V.  Waterford,  co. 
Sykes,  D.  Hull 
Sugden,  E  B.  Weymouth 
Talmash,  Hon.  F.  Grantham 
Talmash,  Hon.  L.  Ilchester 
Taylor,  M.  A.  Durham,  c. 
Taylor,  Sir  C.  Wells 
Tennyson,  C.  Blechingley 
(o)  Thompson,  W.  London,  c. 
Thompson,  P.  B.  Wenlock 
Thomson,  C.  P.  Dover 
Thynne,  Lord  J.  Bath,  c. 
Thynne,  Lord  W.  Weobly 
Thyne,  Lord  H. 


Tierney,  Rt.  Hon.  G.  Knaresboro 
(o)  Tindal,  Sir  N.  Camb.  Univ. 
Tomes,  J.  Warwick,  c. 
Townshend,  Hon.  J.  Whitchurch 
Trench,  Col.  Cambridge 
Tufton,  Hon.  H.  Appleby 
Tunno,  E.  Bossiney 
Twiss,  H.  Wotton  Basset 
Valletort,  Lord,  Lostwithiel 
Van  Homrigh,  P.  Drogheda 
Vernon,  G.  Lichfield,  c. 
Villiers,  T.  H.  Hedon 
Waithman,  R.  London,  c. 
Wall,  C.  Wareham 
Walpole,  Hon.  C.  King's  Lynn 
Warburton,  H.  Bridport 
Warrender,  Sir  G.  Westbury 
(o)  Webb,  E.  Gloucester,  c. 
Westenra,  Hon.  H.  Monaghan,oo. 
Western,  C.  C.  Essex 
Whitbread,  S.  C.  Middlesex 
Whitbread,  W.  Bedford 
White,  S.  Leitrim,  co. 
White,  Col.  Dublin,  co. 
Whitmore,  W.  Bridgnorth 
Wilbraham,  G.  Stockbridge 
Williams,  O.  Great  Marlow 
Williams,  T.  P.  Great  Marlow 
Wilson,  Sir  R.  Southwark 
Winnington,  Sir  F.  Worcestershire 
Wodehouse,  E.  Norfolk 
Wood,  M.  London,  c. 
Wood,  C.  Preston 
Wortley,  Hon.  J.  Bossiney 
Wrottesley,  Sir  J.  Staffordshire 
Wynn,  Sir  W.  W.  Denbighshire 
Wyvill,  M.York 
(o)  Yorke,  Sir  J.  Reigate 

TELLERS. 

(o)  Dawson,  G.  Londonderry,  co. 
Planta,  J.  Hastings 


PAIRED  OFF    IN    FAVOUR    OF    THE    BILL. 


Bouverie,  Hon.  B.  Downton 
Colthurst,  Sir  N.  Cork,  c. 
Clarke,  Hon.  C.  Kilkenny,  co. 
Dundas,    Right     Hon.   W.    Edin- 
burgh, co. 

Davies,  Col.  Worcester,  c. 
Davenport,  E.  Shaftesbury 
Heron,  Sir  R.  Peterborough 
Howick,  Lord,  Winchil sea 
(o)  Lethbridge,  Sir  T.  Somerset 


Marshall,  J.  Yorkshire 
Newport,  Sir  J.  Waterford,  c. 
Owen,  H.  Pembroke 
O'Hara,  J.  Galway,  c. 
Sefton,  Earl  of,  Droitwich 
Smith,  Hon.  R.  Buckinghamshire 
Somerset,  Lord  R.  Gloucestershire 
Stewart,  J.  Beverley 
Tavistock,  Marquess,  Bedfordshire 
Talbot,  R.  W.  Dublin,  co. 


APPENDIX. 


CCCXXV 


MINORITY. 


Antrobus,  G.  Plympton 
Archdall,  Gen.  Fermanagh,  co. 
Arkwright,  R.  Eye 
Ashurst,  W.  Oxfordshire 
Astley,  Sir  J.  D.  Wiltshire 
Baker,  E.  Wilton 
Bankes,  H.  Dorchester 
Bankes,  W.  Marlborough 
Bankes,  G.  Corfe  Castle 
Bastard,  E.  Devonshire 
Batley,  C.  Beverley 
Beckett,  Sir  J.  Haslemere 
Belfast,  Earl  of,  Belfast,  c. 
Bell,  M.  Northumberland 
Blandford,  Marquess,  Woodstock 
Borrodaile,     R.     Newcastle-under- 

Line 

Bradshaw,  Capt.  Brackley 
Bright,  H.  Bristol,  c. 
Brydges,  Sir  J.  Kent,  co. 
Buck,  L.  W.  Exeter 

Burrell,  Sir  C.  Shoreham 
Buxton,  J.  Bedwin 

Capel,  J.  Queenborough 

Cawthorne,  J.  Lancaster 

Cecil,  Lord  T.  Stamford 

Chichester,  Sir  A.  Millborne  Port 

Cole,  Hon.  A.  Enniskillen 

Cooper,  R.  B.  Gloucester,  c. 

Cooper,  E.  S.  Dartmouth 

Corry,  Viscount,  Fermanagh,  co. 

Corry,  Hon.  H.  Tyrone,  co. 

Cotterell,  Sir  J.  Herefordshire 

Curteis,  E.  J.  Sussex 

Cust,  Hon.  Capt.  Clitheroe 

Cust,  Hon.  E.  Lostwithiel 

Davenport,  E.  Shaftesbury 

Davis,  R.  H.  Bristol,  c. 

Dawkins,  Col.  Boroughbridge 

Dick,  Q.  Orford 

Dick,  H.  G.  Maldon 

Dickinson,  W.  Somersetshire 

Dottin,  A.  Southampton 

Downie,  R.  Stirling,  &c. 

Drake,  T.  Amersham 

Drake,  W.  Amersham 

Domville,  Sir  C.  Oakhampton 

Dugdale,  D.  Warwickshire 

Dowdeswell,  J.  Tewkesbury 

Dundas,  R.  A.  Ipswich 

Egerton,  W.  Chester,  c. 


Encombe,  Viscount,  Truro 

Estcourt,  T.  Oxford  University 
Estcouit,  T.  H.  Marlborough 
Farquhar,  J.  Portarlington 

Fellowes,  H.  Huntingdonshire 

Fetherston,  Sir  G.  Longford,  co. 

Foley,  E.  Ludgershall 

Forrester,  Hon.  C.  Wenlock 

Fyler,  T.  B.  Coventry,  c. 

Gascoyne,  General,  Liverpool 

Gordon,  J.  Weymouth 

Grant,  Sir  A.  Lostwithiel 

Greene,  T.  Lancaster 

Gye,  F.  Chippenham. 

Hastings,  Sir  C.  Leicester 

Heathcote,  Sir  W.  Hampshire 

Holdswortb,  A.  H.  Clifton,  &c. 

Hodson,  J.  A.  Wigan 

Hotharn,  Lord,  Leominster 

Inglis,  Sir  R.Oxford  University 

Keck,  G.  A.  Leicestershire 

Kemp,  T.  Lewes 

Kerrison,  Sir  E.  Eye 

King,  Sir  J.  D.  Wycombe 

King,  Hon.  H.  Sligo,  co. 

Knatchbull,  Sir  E.  Kent 

Legge,  Hon.  A.  Banbury 

Lott,  H.  B.  Honiton 

Lushington,  Colonel,  Carlisle 

Lowther,  Viscount,  Westmoreland 

Lowther,  Hon.  Colonel,  Westmore- 
land 

Lowther,  J.  H.  Wigton,  &c. 

Lucy,  G.  Fowey 

Luttrell,  J.  Minehead 

Lygon,   Hon.    Colonel,    Worcester- 
shire 

Mackinnon,  C.  Ipswich 

Malcolm,  N.  Boston 

Mandeville,  Lord,  Huntingdonshire 

Manners,  Lord  R.  Leicestershire 

Macleod,  J.  N.  Sudbury 

Maxwell,  H.  Cavan,  co. 

Meynell,  Captain,  Lisburn 

Morgan,  Sir  C.  Monmouthshire 

Munday,  G.  Boroughbridge 

Munday,  F.  Derbyshire 

Miles,  P.  J.  Corfe  Castle 

O'Neil,  Hon.  General,  Antrim 

O'Neill,  A.  J.  Hull 

Palk,  Sir  L.  Ashburton 


CCCXXV1  APPENDIX. 

Pallmer,  C.  N.  Surrey  Sotheron,  Adra.  Nottinghamshire 
Peachey,  General,  Taunton  Strutt,  Col.  Oakhampton 
Pearse,  J.  Devizes  Taylor,  G.  Devizes 
Peel,  Colonel,  Norwich,  c.  Thompson,  G.  Halesmere 
Pelhara,  J.  C.  Shropshire  Tapps,  G.  W.  New  Romney 
Pennant,  G.  New  Romney  Trant,  W.  Dover 
Pigot,  Colonel,  Kinross-shire  Trevor,  Hon.  G.  Carmarthenshire 
Petit,  L.  H.  Ripon  Tullamore,  Lord,  Carlow 
Peach,  N.  W.  Corfe  Castle  Uxbridge,  Earl  of,  Anglesey 
Powell,  Colonel,  Cardigan,  co.  Vyvyan,  Sir  R.  R.  Cornwall,  co. 
Powel,  A.  Downton  Wells,  J.  Maidstone 
Price,  R.  New  Radnor  Wemys,  Capt.  Fifeshire 
Rickford,  W.  Ayleshury  West,  Hon.  F.  Denbigh 
Rochfort,  G.  Westmeatli,  co.  Wetherell,  Sir  C.  Hastings 
Rose,  Right  Hon.  G.  Christchurch       Wigram,  W.  New  Ross 
Rose,  G.  P.  Christchurch  Willoughby,  H.  Newark 
Ryder,  Right  Hon.  B.  Tiverton  Wilson,  R.  F.  Yorkshire 
Sadler,  M.  S.  Newark  Wilson,  Col.  York,  co. 
St.  Paul,  Sir  H.  Bridport  Wyndham,  W.  New  Sarutn 
Scott,  Hon.  W.  Gatton  Wynn,  O.  Sligo 
Scott.  Hon.  W.Newport  (I.  W.)  TELLERS. 
Spence,  G.  Ripon  Chandos,    Marq.  of,    Buckingham- 
Shirley,  J.  O.  Monaghan,  co.  shire 
Sibthorp,  Col.  Lincoln  Moore,  G.  Dublin,  c. 
Smyth,  Sir  G.  Colchester 

PAIRED    OFF    AGAINST    THE    BILL. 

Bastard,  J.  Dartmouth  Harvey,  Sir  E.  Essex 

Blackburne,  J.  Lancashire  Handcock,  R.  Athlone 

Chaplin,  C.  Lincolnshire  Lennox,  W.  G.  Chichester 

Chaplin,  T.  Stamford  Lowther,  Sir  J.  Cumberland 

Carmarthen,  Marq.  Helston  Morgan,  G.  Brecon 

Duncombe,  Hon.  W.  Yorkshire  Noel,  Sir  G.  Rutland,  co. 

Evans,  H.  Wexford,  c.  Nicholl,  Sir  J.  Bedwin 

Gooch,  Sir  T.  Suffolk  Whitmore,  T.  Bridgnorth 
Houldsworth,  T.  Pontefract 

Irish  members  absent.— Croker,  Right  Hon.  J.  W.  Dublin  University 
(indisposed) ;  Macnaghten,  E.  Antrim,  co. ;  Kavenagh,  F.  Carlow,  co. ; 
Collett,  E.  Cashel ;  Dawson,  J.  M.  Clonmell ;  Maxwell,  J.  W.  Down- 
patrick  ;  Russell,  J.  Kinsale ;  Knox,  Hon.  J.  Newry ;  King,  Hon.  W. 
Cork,  co. ;  Denny,  Sir  E.  Tralee  ;  Stewart,  W.  Tyrone,  co. ;  Tuile,  II.  M. 
Westmeath,  co.  j  Stopford,  Lord,  Wexford,  co. 

The  following  members,  who  had  heretofore  opposed  the  claims,  voted  in 
favouyofthe  bill  on  previous  divisions. — Ashley,  Lord,  Woodstock;  Arbuth- 
not,  lion.  Col.  Kincardineshire ;  Bradshaw,  Capt.  J.  Brackley  ;  Jones,  J. 
Carmarthen;  Irving,  J.Bramber;  King,  Hon.  W.  Cork,  c.;  Lindsey,  Col. 
Wigan  ;  Norton,  G.  Guildford  ;  Owen,  Sir  E.  Sandwich  ;  Paget,  Lord  W. 
Carnarvon  ;  Somerset,  Lord  E.  Gloucestershire;  Vivian,  Sir  H.  Windsor. 


APPENDIX.  CCCXXVI1 


XL. 

A  Tabular  Digest  of  all  the  Proceedings  that  have 
taken  place  in  Parliament  on  the  subject  of  the 
General  Laws  affecting  the  Roman  Catholics  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  from  the  period  of  the 
first  Act  passed  in  1778  to  the  present  time ;  con- 
eluding  with  a  View  of  the  Progress  of  the  Relief 
Bill  through  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature, 

DATE.  OBSERVATIONS.  RESULT. 

1778  Irish  Act.— 18th  Geo.  III.  c.  60,  repealed 
so  much  of  the  llth  and  12th  Wm.  III.  c. 
4,  as  affected  the  inheritance  or  purchase  of 
property  by  Roman  Catholics  ;  as  also  the 
clauses  authorising  the  prosecution  of  priests 
and  Jesuits,  and  the  imprisonment  for  life 
of  Papists  keeping  schools. 

[In  1779,  exactly  half  a  century  from  the 

final  success  of  the  Catholic  Question, 

Mr.  Fox  brought  the  subject  forward  in 

the  English  House  of  Commons,  and  it 

was  negatived  by  a  large  majority.] 
1791  31st  Geo.  III.  c.  32,  prescribed  a  new  decla- 
ration and  oath  in  lieu  of  the  oath  of  supre- 
macy contained  in  the  1st  Wm.  and  Mary, 
s.  1,  c.  8,  and  1st  Geo.  I.  s.  2,  c.  13,  and 
for  refusing  to  take  which  oath  of  supremacy 
persons  had  been  subject  to  certain  penal- 
ties. The  same  act  (31st  Geo.  III.)  also 
tolerated,  under  certain  regulations,  the 
religious  worship  of  Roman  Catholics,  and 
their  schools  for  education.  Upon  taking 
the  oath  prescribed  in  the  new  act,  Papists 
were  exempted  from  the  penalties  of  the  1st 


cccxxvm 


APPENDIX. 


DATE. 


OBSERVATIONS. 


of  Wm.  and  Mary,  s.  1,  c.  9,  for  approach- 
iug  within  ten  miles  of  London  j  peers 
were  no  longer  liable  to  be  prosecuted  under 
the  30th  Charles  II.  s.  2,  c.  I,  for  entering 
his  Majesty's  house  or  presence  ;  Catholics 
were  permitted  to  practise  the  law,  upon 
taking  the  oath ;  and  the  double  land-tax 
(in  Ireland)  imposed  on  Catholics  was  re- 
moved ;  and  they  were  relieved  from  other 
penalties  and  disabilities. 

[The  benefit  of  this  act  was  extended  to 
the  Scotch  Catholics  in  the  year  1793.] 
1793  Irish  Act.— 33rd  Geo.  III.  conferred  the 
elective  franchise  in  Ireland,  by  repealing 
the  7th  and  8th  Wm.  III.  c.  27,  which  dis- 
abled from  voting  at  elections  all  persons 
refusing  the  oath  of  supremacy  ;  threw  open 
all  employments  in  the  army  in  Ireland  to 
Catholics,  and  all  offices  in  the  navy,  even 
that  of  admiral,  on  the  Irish  station.  Three 
offices  in  the  army  alone  were  excepted — 
the  commander-in-chief,  master-general  of 
the  ordnance,  and  generals  on  the  staff. 
The  Earl  of  Westmoreland  was  lord-lieu- 
tenant at  the  time  this  important  act  was 
passed,  which  was  done  on  a  recommenda- 
tion from  the  throne. 

MOTIONS     SINCE     THE    UNION. 

1805  May  10. — Lord  Grenville  :  motion  for  com- 
mittee on  Irish  petition 
May  13. — Mr.    Fox  :    a   similar  motion     . . 

1807  March  5. — Bill  brought  in  by  Lord  GrenvilJe, 
to  extend  so  much  of  the  act  of  1793  to 
England,  as  threw  open  the  army  and  navy 
to  Roman  Catholics.  The  king  opposed 
to  it:  requires  a  pledge  from  Lords  Gren- 
ville and  Grey :  Parliament  dissolved : 


LORDS. 
Ay.  No. 
49—178 


COMMONS. 

Ay.    No. 
124—336 


APPENDIX.  CCCXX1X 

DATE.  OBSERVATIONS.  RESULT. 

LORDS.       COMMONS. 

Ay.  No.    Ay.  No. 

Lord  Grenville's  administration  broken  up, 
and  that  of  Mr.  Perceval  formed. 

1808  May  25. — Mr.  Grattan :  motion  for  committee       ..      ..       128 — 281 
May  27. — Lord  Donoughmore  :  ditto         . .       74 — 161 

[Maynooth  College  endowed  this  year.] 
1810  May  13. — Mr.  Grattan:  motion  for  committee        ..      ..        101 — 213 

June  6. — Lord  Donoughmore:  ditto  ..        68 — 154 

1812  April  21.— Ditto  :  to  consider  the  claims  . .     102 — 174 

April 23. — Mr.  Grattan:  similar  motion 215 — 300 

[New  Parliament.] 
June  22. — Mr.  Canning  :  to  consider  next 

session ..        106 — 235 

July  i. —Marquess  Wellesley  :  ditto         ..     125—126 
Ibl3  Feb.  25. — Mr.  Grattan  :  resolution  for  com- 
mittee.    After  four  days'  debate,  the  house 

divided         264—224 

May  11. — Sir  J.  C.  Hippisley  moved  fora 
committee  :  opposed,  as  hostile  to  the  bill 
then  in  progress.    Division  on  the  motion       . .      . .       187 — 
Division  on  Dr.  Duigenan's  motion,  that  the 
bill  be  read  a  third  time  that  day  3  months       . .      . .       203 — 
May  24. — In   committee    on  the  bill,  the 
Speaker  (having  left  the  chair)  moved  that 
the  clause  allowing  Catholics  to  sit  in  par- 
liament be  omitted  ..  251 — : 

[Bill  then  given  up  by  Mr.  Ponsonby.] 

1815  May  31.— Sir  H.  Paraell :  motion  for  com- 

mittee        ..          ,.          ..  ..          147 — 

1816  May  21. — Mr.  Grattan :  ditto         141 — 

1817  May  9.— Ditto         221— 

[In  this  session  a  bill  was  introduced  by 
the  Liverpool  administration  and  passed, 
opening  the  army  and  navy  to  the 
English  Catholics.  It  did  not  dispense 
with  the  oaths  of  allegiance  or  supre- 


cccxxx 


APPENDIX. 


DATE.  OBSERVATIONS.  KtSULT. 

I  OKDS.       COMMONS. 

Ay.  No.     Ay.  No. 

macy,  butrelieved  Catholic  officers  from 
the  penal  consequences  of  omitting  to 
take  them  by  an  annual  act  of  indem- 
nity.] 

[New  Parliament.] 

1819  May  4. — Mr.  Grattan  :  motion  for  committee       . .      . .       241 — 243 
[New  Parliament.] 

1821  Feb.  28.— Mr.  Plunkett :  ditto       227 — 221 

Bill   brought  in:   division  on  third  reading       ..      ..       216 — 197 
April  16. — Bill  moved  in  Upper  House  by 

Lord  Donoughmore          ..          ..          ..       120 — 159 

1822  April  30. — Mr.  Canning  :  for  leave  to  bring 

in  a  bill  enabling  Roman  Catholic  Peers  to 

sit  in  Parliament  . .  . .  249—244 

Bill  brought  in  :  division  on  third  reading  . .  . .  248 — 227 
June  22. — Moved  in  Upper  House  by  Duke 

of  Portland          129—271 

1823  April  28.— Mr.Plunkett's  motion  for  a  com- 

mittee :  Sir  F.  Burdett  aud  the  Whigs  left 
the  House,  motion  met  by  a  counter-motion 
for  adjournment :  division  on  this  amend- 
ment    313—111 

1824  Divisions  on  bills  to  enable  Catholics  to  voter     . .        . .     101 — 139 

at  elections,  and  to  act  as  magistrates  I     . .        . .     109 — 143 

[An  act  passed  this  session,  to  permit  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  to  execute  his  office 
of  Earl  Marshal.] 

825  April  19. — Second  reading  of  Sir  F.  Bur- 
dett's  Relief  bill,   with  the  disfranchising 
and  clergy-pensioning  wings       . .  . .        . .        . .     268 — 241 

[No  division  on  the  third  reading.] 
May  18. — Second  reading  in  Upper  House        1 30 — 1 78 

[New  Parliament.] 

327  March  5. — Sir  F.  Burdett :  motion  for  com- 
mittee . .     272—276 


APPENDIX.  CCCXXXl 

DATE.  OBSERVATIONS.  RESULT. 

LORDS.          COMMONS. 

Ay.     No.    Ay.     No. 

1828  May  8.— Ditto  (three  days' debate)  272—260 

May  16. — Conference  with  Lords  agreed  to. 

May  19. — Lords  appointed  to  confer,  on  mo- 
tion of  Duke  of  Wellington. 
June  9. — Marquess  of  Lansdowne's  motion  on 

Commons' resolution  ..  ..          ..      137 — 182 

[A  bill  was  introduced  this  session  by 
Mr.  G.  Bankes,  and  passed,  relieving 
English  Catholics  from  the  double  as- 
sessment to  the  land  tax,  to  which 
they  had  before  been  subject,  on  their 
not  taking  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and 
supremacy,  as  first  enjoined  in  the  sta- 
tutes against  recusancy.] 

1829  Feb.  5. — Recommendation  from  the  throne 

at  the  opening  of  the  session,  that  parlia- 
ment should  "  take  into  deliberate  consi- 
deration the  whole  condition  of  Ireland  ; 
review  the  laws  which  impose  civil  disabili- 
ties on  his  Majesty's  Roman  Catholic  sub- 
jects ;  'and  consider  whether  the  removal 
of  those  disabilities  can  be  effected  consist- 
ently with  the  full  and  permanent  security 
of  the  establishments  in  church  and  state  ; 
with  the  maintenance  of  the  reformed  reli- 
gion established  by  law,  and  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  of 
the  realm,  and  of  the  churches  committed 
to  their  charge." 

March  5. — A  bill  suppressing  the  Irish  Ca- 
tholic Association,  recommended  in  the 
speech,  having  passed  both  houses  unani- 
mously, and  received  the  royal  assent  this 
day  by  commission,  Mr.  Peel,  secretary  for 
the  home  department,  brought  forward  a 
motion  for  a  committee  on  the  laws  affect- 


CCCXXX11  APPENDIX. 

DATE.  OBSERVATIONS.  RESULT. 

LORDS.          COMMONS. 

Ay.    No.     Ay.    No. 
ing    Roman   Catholics — division    on  Mr. 

Peel's  motion     .         ..  ..  348 — 160 

Bill  of  Relief  then  introduced.  It  abolished 
all  the  civil  disabilities  on  Roman  Catho- 
lics, by  repealing  the  oaths  of  supremacy, 
abjuration,  &c.,  and  substituting  an  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  Protestant  succession 
of  the  House  of  Brunswick,  binding  the  Ca- 
tholics to  defend  the  settlement  of  property 
as  established  by  law,  and  not  to  injure  or 
subvert  the  present  church  establishment. 
The  bill  rendered  Catholics  eligible  to  all 
offices  in  the  state,  excepting  the  lord  chan- 
cellorships  of  England  and  Ireland  ;  the  lord 
lieutenancy  of  Ireland ;  the  offices  of  regent 
or  guardian  of  the  United  Kingdom ;  and 
that  of  high  commissioner  to  the  church  of 
Scotland.  They  were  still  excluded  from 
the  right  of  presentation  to  livings,  and  all 
places  connected  with  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  and  the  establishment.  Catholics  in 
office  were  not  to  advise  the  crown  relative 
to  any  appointment  in  the  established 
church,  under  certain  penalties,  and  being 
disabled  from  holding  any  office  in  future. 
The  church  patronage  attached  to  any  office 
in  the  hands  of  a  Catholic,  to  be  vested  in 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  for  the  time 
being.  Catholic  bishops  not  to  assume  the 
titles  of  sees  held  by  Protestant  bishops, 
nor  the  insignia  of  civil  office,  such  as  the 
mace,  aldermanic  gown,  &c.  to  be  worn  in 
any  other  places  of  worship  than  those  of 
the  Protestant  establishment.  The  only  ap- 
pendages to  this  bill  in  the  shape  of  secu- 
rities, was  a  clause  for  the  gradual  sup- 


APPENDIX. 


CCCXXX111 


LORDS. 

Ay.  No. 


COMMONS. 

Ay.  No. 


353—173 


142—320 


OBSERVATIONS. 


pression  of  the  Jesuits  and  other  monastic 
orders  (religious  establishments  of  females 
cxcepted),  and  an  act  for  raising  the  free- 
hold franchise  in  Ireland  from  40*.  to  10L 

March  17. — Division  on  second  reading  of 
Catholic  Relief  bill  .. 

March  30. — Third  reading  —  division  on 
amendment  of  Marquess  of  Chandos,  that  it 
be  read  a  third  time  that  day  six  months 

April  2. — Second  reading  of  bill  moved  in 
Lords  by  Duke  of  Wellington.  Debate  on 
Thursday  and  Friday  nights  ;  resumed  on 
Saturday  afternoon  at  one  o'clock,  and  con- 
tinued until  eleven  o'clock  at  night. — Divi- 
sion on  Archbishop  of  Canterbury's  motion 
(seconded  by  Archbp.  of  Armagh),  that  the 
bill  be  read  a  third  time  that  day  six  months 

April  10.— Third  reading  of  Relief  bill  . . 
[The  Disfranchisement  bill  was  also  read 
a  third  time,  and  passed  without  a  di- 
vision. The  minority  in  each  house  of 
parliament  on  the  second  reading  was 
precisely  the  same — 17.] 

April  13. — Royal  assent  given  by  commis- 
sion to  the  Catholic  Relief  bill  and  Free- 
holds (Ireland)  Regulation  bill. 


PETITIONS  PRESENTED  TO  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  1829. 


Do. 
Do. 

Since 


112—217 
213—109 


st  the  Bill. 

For  the  Bill. 

1st  reading  .  .     957 
2nd     do.      ..     736 

Previous  to  the  1st  reading 
Do.      ..     2nd     do. 

..     357 
..     404 

3rd     do.     ..     310 

Do.      ..     3rd     do. 

..     176 

3rd     do.     ..       10 

Since       .  .      3rd     do. 

..       18 

2013 

955 

Against  the  Bill                 ..         2013 

In  favour  of  the  Bill         .  .           955 

-1058 


CCCXXX1V  APPENDIX. 

PETITIONS  PRESENTED  TO  THE  HOUSE  OF  LORDS,  1829. 


Against  the  Bill. 
Previous  to  the  1st  reading  ..   2110 
Do.     ..      2nd     do.      ..      193 
Do.     ..      3rd     do.     ..     218 

For  the  Bill. 
Previous  to  the  1st  reading 
Do.     .  .     2nd     do. 
Do.      ..     3rd     do. 

..      912 

53 
49 

2521 

1014 

Against  the  Bill                 .  .          2521 
In  favour  of  the  Bill         ..         1014 

1507 

No.    XLI. 
MR.  O'CONNELL. 

To  the  Electors  of  the  County  of  Clare. 


<l  Still  shalt  Ihou  be  mv  waking  theme, 
Thy  glories  still  my  midnight  dream  ; 
And  every  thought  and  wish  of  mine, 
Unconquered  Erin,  shall  be  thine." 


The  House  of  Commons  have  deprived  me  of  the 
right  conferred  on  me  by  the  people  of  Clare.  They 
have,  in  my  opinion,  unjustly  and  illegally  deprived  me 
of  that  right;  but  from  their  decision  there  is  no  ap- 
peal, save  to  the  people. — I  appeal  to  you. 

Electors  of  the  county  of  Clare,  to  you  is  due  the 
glory  of  converting  Peel  and  conquering  "Wellington. 
The  last  election  for  Clare  is  admitted  to  have  been  the 
immediate  and  irresistible  cause  of  producing  "  the 
Catholic  Relief  bill."  You  have  achieved  the  religious 
liberty  of  Ireland.  Another  such  victory  in  Clare, 


APPENDIX.  CCCXXXV 

and  we  shall  attain  the  political  freedom  of  our  beloved 
country. 

The  Catholic  religion  is  liberated  from  the  shackles 
of  oppression.  The  Protestant  religion  is  liberated 
from  the  stain  of  persecution.  The  causes  which  pro- 
duced Orangeism  and  Brunswickism  are  at  an  end. 
The  Catholics  are  emancipated,  and  conscience  is  free  ! 

To  the  electors  of  the  county  of  Clare  are  these 
happy  results  mainly  and  immediately  due.  But  there 
remain  many  political  arid  practical  grievances  and 
oppressions.  There  remain  many  obstacles  to  the  pros- 
perity of  our  countrymen — to  the  diffusion  of  capital — 
to  the  safety  of  the  poor  man's  cottage — to  the  security 
of  the  rich  man's  mansion ;  in  fine,  to  the  comfort, 
prosperity,  and  happiness,  of  the  Irish  people. 

Electors  of  the  county  of  Clare,  give  me  the  right 
and  the  power  to  correct  these  grievances ;  to  remove 
these  obstacles;  to  abolish  oppressive  and  grinding 
cesses  and  county  taxes ;  to  repeal  the  new  and  most 
oppressive  law  respecting  sub-letting,  and  to  procure  for 
the  sick  and  poor  a  well-regulated  provision  out  of  the 
property  of  absentees  and  other  proprietors — a  provision 
for  the  poor,  to  be  perfectly  free  'from  the  insulting, 
debasing,  arid  demoralising  details  of  the  English  poor 
laws. 

The  first  grievance  we  have  to  redress  is  the  abolition 
of  the  forty-shilling  freehold  franchise.  I  do  not  think 
that,  in  the  annals  of  legislation,  there  ever  yet  was 
passed  a  law  more  unjust  and  groundless  than  that 
which  destroyed  the  forty-shilling  franchise  in  Ireland  : 
it  destroyed  that  franchise  for  the  Catholics  at  a  period 


CCCXXXV1 


APPENDIX. 


when  they  had  exhibited  heroic  virtue.  It  was  de- 
stroyed for  the  Catholics  on  the  mere  false  accusation 
of  a  nominal  crime.  It  was  destroyed  for  the  Protest- 
ants with  still  stronger  features  of  injustice,  because 
the  Protestants  were  not  even  accused  of  any  crime. 

Return  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  instantly  press 
this  subject  on  the  consideration  of  the  house,  until 
public  sentiment  in  England,  becoming  too  strong  for 
any  oligarchical  faction,  shall  compel  the  repeal  of  the 
Disfranchisement  bill,  and  regulate  the  future  exercise 
of  the  elective  franchise,  so  as  to  give  independence 
and  security  to  the  voters. 

If  you  send  me  to  parliament,  I  undertake  to  demon- 
strate there,  that  the  abolition  of  the  forty-shilling  fran- 
chise is  a  direct  violation  of  the  legislative  union  be- 
tween the  two  countries. 

Again,  if  you  send  me  to  parliament,  I  undertake  to 
demonstrate  there,  that  the  refusal  to  allow  me  to  sit 
and  vote  was  not  only  an  assumption  of  illegal  power, 
under  the  name  of  parliamentary  privilege,  but  was 
another  direct  violation  of  the  legislative  union. 

I  now  sincerely  rejoice  that  the  ministry  mixed  up 
my  interests  with  those  of  the  forty-shilling  freeholders  ; 
and  when  they  destroyed  the  vested  rights  of  more  than 
two  hundred  thousand  registered  freeholders,  they  did 
me  a  kindness  to  fling  me  into  the  aristocratic  whirlpool, 
in  which  they  have  submerged  a  living  portion  of  the 
British  constitution. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  assail  there  the 
the  Sub-letting  act.  I  am  convinced  I  shall  be  able  to 
assail  with  success  that  act — an  act  calculated  to  make 


APPENDIX.  CCCXXXVll 

the  poor  more  wretched,  and  to  render  the  destitute 
more  miserable. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  there  assail,  and 
I  trust  with  success,  the  Vestry  bill ;  that  most  uncon- 
stitutional law,  which  enables  a  few  Protestants  to  tax, 
to  almost  any  extent  they  may  fancy,  the  property  of 
the  Catholic  landholders.  Indeed,  I  ought  to  add,  that 
the  Protestants  have  in  many  instances,  shown  a  for- 
bearance from  using  this  act  oppressively,  which  does 
infinite  honour  to  their  good  sense  and  humanity.  But 
in  many  instances,  it  has  been  already  grievously  en- 
forced ;  and  it  is  in  human  nature  that  it  will,  unless  re- 
pealed or  amended,  produce  all  its  fruits  of  bitterness. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  there  assail,  and  I 
think  successfully,  the  system  of  grand  jury  jobbing, 
and  grand  jury  assessment.  I  will  then  be  able  to  prove 
to  those  who  ought  to  give  redress,  that  the  taxation  of 
the  people  by  the  grand  juries,  is  as  oppressive  in  practice 
as  it  is  unconstitutional  in  principle ;  and  it  enables  the 
rich  man  to  form  gravel  walks  near  his  demesne  at  the 
expense  of  the  poor,  and  gives  to  the  influential  portion 
of  the  aristocracy  a  dominion  over  the  properties  of 
their  fellow-subjects. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  struggle  hard  to 
procure  a  diminution  of  heavy  and  illegal  exactions,  and 
an  equitable  distribution  of  the  revenues  of  the  Esta- 
blished church,  between  the  poor  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  most  meritorious  and  really  laborious  portion  of  the 
Protestant  clergy  on  the  other,  by  operating  to  the  de- 
privation of  at  least  part  of  the  enormous  wealth  of  the 
pampered  and  overpaid  pluralists  and  dignitaries. 
VOL.  II.  v 


Cccxxxviii  APPENDIX* 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  struggle  hard  to 
to  cleanse  the  Augean  stables  of  the  law ;  I  will  devote 
all  my  faculties  to  destroy  the  toils  and  nets  of  form  and 
fiction  in  which  justice  is  at  present  so  often  entrapped. 
I  will  dedicate  my  life  to  the  glorious  work  of  rendering 
law  at  one  and  the  same  time  all  comprehensive,  and 
also  precise  and  intelligible ;  and  in  making  the  admi- 
nistration of  that  law  cheap  and  expeditious,  so  that  the 
poor  may  have  effectual  and  ready  protection  against  every 
species  of  illegal  oppression,  and  that  at  the  same  time 
the  property  of  the  rich  man  may  become  more  valuable 
and  secure.  My  professional  habits  give  me  peculiar 
facilities  to  attempt  at  least  this  Herculean  task ;  and  I 
will  attempt  it  with  an  unchangeable  and  persevering 
determination  to  effectuate  this  most  useful  purpose. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  undertake  to  procure 
laws  to  protect  the  property  of  Protestant  Dissenters  as 
well  as  of  Catholics,  for  all  charitable  purposes,  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  churches  and  places  of  worship,  of 
their  parochial  houses,,  schools,  and  hospitals ;  and  in 
particular,  to  consolidate  such  a  system  as  may,  by  means 
of  public  and  private  bounty,  procure  for  every  Catho- 
lic rector  of  a  parish  in  Ireland  a  parochial  house,  and 
an  adequate  glebe  in  each  parish,  transmissible  by  law 
to  each  successor,  and  protected  against  all  abuse  of 
trust,  and  all  expense  of  litigation. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  convince  every 
rational  man,  and  every  man  possessed  of  sentiments  of 
religion,  of  the  monstrous  injustice  attempted  to  be  done 
to  the  monastic  orders  in  Ireland,  by  some  clauses  in 
the  late  law;  and  will  be  the  constant  advocate  of  the 


APPENDIX.  CCCXXX1X 

pious  men  who  devote  themselves  to  God  in  singleness 
of  heart  and  humility  of  spirit;  of  those  invaluable  insti- 
tutions which  give  not  only  literary  but  religious  and 
moral  education  to  the  poor ;  and  I  will  challenge  in- 
quiry and  promulgate  the  truth  respecting  that  most 
learned  body  the  Jesuits,  a  body  of  men  who  have  done 
more  for  literature  and  religion  than  any  other  society 
that  ever  lived.  They  have  produced  more  scholars, 
they  have  furnished  more  martyrs,  they  have  preached 
Christianity  to  more  infidel  nations. 

I  trust  I  shall  be  the  instrument  of  erasing  from  the 
statute-book  that  paltry  imitation  of  the  worst  and  still- 
existing  portion  of  French  Jacobinism — a  miserable  imi- 
tation— which  pretends  to  do  that  which  nature  and 
religion  forbid  to  be  done — to  extinguish  monastic 
orders  in  Ireland.  While  it  is  law,  its  penalties  will  be 
submitted  to ;  but  let  me  add,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that 
its  mandate  will  most  assuredly  not  be  obeyed.  It  was 
formerly  death  in  Ireland  to  be  a  friar,  and  the  Irish 
earth  is  still  scarcely  dry  from  the  blood  of  martyred 
friars ;  the  friars  multiplied  in  the  face  of  death.  O 
for  the  sagacity  of  Peel,  and  the  awful  wisdom  of 
Wellington,  that  meditate  to  suppress  monastic  orders 
in  Ireland  by  a  pecuniary  penalty,  and  the  dread  of  a 
foreign  mission,  under  the  name  of  banishment ! ! ! 

The  law  permits  men  to  be  profligate,  and  debauched, 
arid  corrupt,  and  selfish ;  it  cannot — and  I  venture  to 
add  that  if  I  am  in  parliament  it  shall  not — long  prohibit 
men  from  devoting  their  lives  to  poverty,  to  chastity,  to 
obedience,  and  to  the  education  of  the  poor. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  incessantly  urge  on 


CCCXl  APPENDIX. 

government  the  necessity  of  assisting  in  the  internal 
improvement  of  your  country ;  in  particular,  in  the  im- 
provement of  the  navigation  of  the  Fergus,  and  con- 
struction of  an  asylum  harbour  on  the  western  coast. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  strongly  urge  the 
abolition  of  the  accursed  monopoly  of  the  East  India 
Company — a  monopoly  which,  while  it  grinds  more  than 
sixty  millions  of  native  inhabitants  by  a  ruinous  and 
death-dealing  revenue  exaction,  worse  than  the  worst 
rack  rents  of  Ireland,  loads  the  inhabitants  of  Britain 
and  Ireland  with  prices  which  render  an  indispensable 
article  of  consumption  about  twice  as  dear  in  this 
country  as  in  any  other  part  of  Europe. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  struggle  for  free- 
dom of  conscience  for  every  human  being ;  and  for 
liberty  for  men  of  every  creed,  caste,  and  colour. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  strain  every  nerve 
to  renovate  the  British  constitution,  by  abolishing 
rotten  boroughs  and  fictitious  titles  to  vote;  by  ex- 
tending the  elective  franchise  to  every  man  who  is 
affected  by  taxation  ;  and  by  carrying  into  full  effect 
that  species  of  constitutional  reform,  which,  whilst  it 
applies  a  radical  remedy  to  every  abuse  in  the  system  of 
popular  representation,  would  necessarily  diminish  the 
public  burdens,  augment  the  value  of  private  property, 
increase  the  safety  of  individual  life,  and  add  to  the 
security  of  individual  and  popular  liberty. 

Send  me  to  parliament,  and  I  will  employ  all  the 
intellect  I  possess,  and  every  faculty  of  my  mind,  unre- 
mittingly, perseveringly,  perpetually,  to  restore  to  Ire- 
land a  resident  gentry,  and  a  real  representation  in 


APPENDIX.  CCCXli 

parliament.  Protestants  and  Catholics  are  equally  in- 
terested in  having  Ireland  and  Irish  interests  faithfully 
and  effectually  represented  in  parliament. 

I  address  Protestants  equally  with  Catholics— I  ad- 
dress the  landlords  equally  with  the  tenants — I  address 
the  rich  as  well  as  the  poor. 

If  the  landlords  of  Clare  wish  to  preserve  their  estates 
from  the  merciless  fangs  of  the  English  system  of  poor 
laws — if  they  wish  to  develope  the  natural  resources  of 
their  country — if  they  wish  to  bury  in  oblivion  all 
former  feuds  and  animosities — if  they  wish  to  render 
their  properties  more  valuable,  by  the  diminution  of 
public  burdens,  the  encouragement  of  domestic  manu- 
factures, the  advancement  of  Irish  commerce,  the  in- 
crease of  Irish  agriculture,  the  amelioration  of  the 
social  circle,  the  extension  of  industry,  comfort,  arid 
prosperity  ;  if  the  landlords  of  Clare  desire  all  these 
things,  they  will  join  in  sending  me  to  parliament  to 
work  for  the  benefit  of  our  common  country. 

If  the  tenantry  desire  the  repeal  of  the  Sub-letting 
act  and  of  the  Vestry  bill — if  they  desire  to  have  the 
parish  cess  lightened,  and  the  grand  jury  cess  abolished 
— if  they  desire  to  see  a  domestic  provision  made  for 
the  sick  and  the  destitute,  and  opportunities  afforded  to 
the  strong  and  the  healthy  to  earn  the  wages  of  industry 
— if  they  desire  to  see  Catholic  charities  established 
and  secured — if  they  desire  to  see  the  Catholic  parochial 
clergy  rendered  independent  and  comfortable — if  they 
desire  to  see  the  Catholic  monastic  orders  vindicated 
and  protected — if  they  desire  to  see  the  Catholic  rights 
and  liberties  prevented  from  being  sapped  and  under- 


CCCXlii  APPENDIX. 

mined  by  the  insidious  policy  of  those  men  vf\\o,  false  to 
their  own  party,  can  never  be  true  to  us;  and  who  have 
yielded,  not  to  reason,  but  to  necessity,  in  granting 
us  freedom  of  conscience— if  they  desire  all  this,  let  them 
do  me  the  honour  to  elect  me. 

If,  in  fine,  the  gentry  of  Clare  are  desirous  to  have 
as  their  representative  a  man  who  is  able  and  most  de- 
sirous to  protect  in  parliament  their  properties  and  per- 
manent interests,  let  them  do  me  the  honour  to  select 
me. 

But  let  them  not  lay  the  flattering  unction  to  their 
souls,  that  they  can,  without  an  independent  man  of 
business  as  their  representative,  postpone  the  intro- 
duction of  the  English  system  of  poor  laws. 

I  implore  them  to  recollect,  that  the  English  mem- 
bers of  parliament  have  a  direct  and  personal  interest  in 
introducing  poor  laws  into  Ireland,  in  order  to  relieve 
themselves  from  a  portion  of  the  burdens  created  in 
England  by  the  Irish  labourers  throwing,  by  their  num- 
bers, and  the  cheapness  with  which  they  work,  a  large 
portion  of  English  labourers  on  the  English  poor  rates. 
If  I  am  returned  to  parliament,  it  will  be  my  sacred 
duty  to  arrange  the  necessary  provision  for  the  infirm 
and  sick  poor  in  Ireland,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  avoid 
the  mischiefs  of  the  English  system,  and  to  render  it  not 
only  healing  in  its  application  to  the  poor,  but  advan- 
tageous even  to  the  pecuniary  interests  of  the  resident 
proprietors  of  Ireland. 

Shall  I  be  told  that  it  is  impossible  now  to  do  all  this  ? 
My  answer  is — that  I  was  often  told  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  obtain  Catholic  emancipation.  Every  difficulty 


APPENDIX.  cccxliii 

creates  an  impossibility  to  those  who  will  not  struggle 
against  it. — There  is  no  impossibility  to  him  who,  having 
no  other  object  under  heaven  but  the  good  of  his  country 
and  his  kind,  is  determined,  by  honest,  open,  and  con- 
stitutional means  to  achieve  the  restoration  of  his  native 
land. 

Impossible  to  restore  Ireland  to  that  happiness  and 
freedom  of  which  she  was  so  foully  deprived!!!  Im- 
possible ! ! !  I  utterly  deny  it. — The  spirit  of  improve- 
ment is  abroad.  The  causes  of  political  regeneration 
are  multiplied.  The  landed  aristocracy  of  England,  by 
means  of  the  corn  laws,  have  an  undue  share  of  the 
price  of  the  morsel  of  bread  with  which  the  exhausted 
artisan  feeds  his  hungry  family — whilst  that  very  same 
aristocracy  purchase  the  articles  of  their  own  consump- 
tion more  cheaply  by  means  of  "  the  free  trade"  in 
manufactures.  The  principle  of  free  trade,  let  me  add, 
is  one  which  I  cherish  ;  but  that  principle,  to  be  just, 
should  be  universal.  It  should  not  operate  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  the  poor  man,  by  making  his  bread  dear,  and 
at  the  same  time  operate  to  the  advantage  of  the  rich, 
by  giving  him  cheap  foreign  manufacture.  It  ought 
not  to  make  food  dear,  whilst  it  made  silks  cheap. 

The  spirit  of  improvement  is  abroad — and  the  present 
oligarchical  system  which  produced  these  mischiefs  is 
rocking  to  its  centre.  England  is  interested  equally 
with  Ireland,  more  interested  than  Ireland,  in  the  pros- 
perity of  Ireland.  Ireland  consumes  at  present  but  a 
limited  portion  of  British  manufactures — suppose  ten 
millions  of  pounds'  worth  per  annum  (for  I  have  not  the 
documents  before  me  showing  the  precise  amount) ;  but 


CCCXllv  APPENDIX. 

taking  it  at  ten  millions  at  present,  it  is  quite  certain 
that  it  would  rise  to  thirty  millions  at  least — that  is,  to 
three  times  the  present  amount  by  the  natural  and 
necessary  result  of  Irish  prosperity  and  Irish  greatness. 

The  coal  mines,  the  iron  mines,  the  salt  mines  of 
England,  give  her  facilities  for  manufactures  not  pos- 
sessed by  any  other  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 
The  rich  teeming  soil  of  Ireland — her  ever-verdant 
plains — her  sunny  hills  and  rich  meadows — the  luxuriant 
limestone  districts,  and  the  hardy  and  steady  fertility  of 
her  gravelly  mixture  of  soil,  render  her  the  fit  nursing 
mother  of  her  neighbouring  artisans  and  operatives  by 
her  superabundant  supply  of  food. 

Thus  the  efficient  representation  of  Ireland,  giving 
a  natural  stimulus  to  the  one  country,  would  be  doubly 
beneficial  to  both,  and,  in  mutual  prosperity,  would  in- 
crease in  mutual  strength  and  security. 

I  appeal  for  support  to  Protestants  as  well  as  Catho- 
lics. Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics  are  equally  in- 
terested in  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  Ireland. 

In  my  person  the  county  of  Clare  has  been  insulted. 
The  brand  of  degradation  has  been  raised  to  mark  me, 
because  the  people  of  Clare  fairly  selected  me.  Will 
the  people  of  Clare  endure  this  insult,  now  that  they  can 
firmly  but  constitutionally  efface  it  for  ever  ? 

My  friends,  my  beloved  friends,  Protestant  and  Ca- 
tholic— they  who  put  me  in  nomination  at  the  late  elec- 
tion, O'Gorman  Mahon,  and  Thomas  Steele,  have  alsa 
been  visited  by  a  similar  attempt.  People  of  Clare, 
what  are  your  sentiments  towards  the  persecutors  of 
O'Gorman  Mahon  and  Thomas  Steele?  You  are  not 


APPENDIX.  CCCXlv 

ignorant  that  they  made  themselves  enemies  by  the  ac- 
tivity, courage,  and  success,  with  which,  at  a  critical 
moment,  in  spite  of  every  obstacle,  and  of  every  incite- 
ment, they  preserved  the  peace  of  your  county.  You 
know  how  much  bloodshed  they  prevented.  The  com- 
mission of  the  peace  was  never  in  the  hands  of  men  who 
so  sedulously  and  successfully  preserved  the  peace. 
But  it  was  a  crime  in  the  eyes  of  some  of  our  enemies, 
too  great  to  be  forgiven,  that  the  king's  peace  was  pre- 
served. Now,  again  I  repeat  the  question — What  are 
your  feelings  towards  the  persecutors  of  O'Gorman 
Mahon  and  Thomas  Steele?  Any  man  who  votes  against 
me  at  the  ensuing  election  must  be  a  man  who  joins 
the  enemies  of  O'Gorman  Mahon  and  Thomas  Steele, 
and  thinks  that  these  estimable  gentlemen  ought  to  be 
visited  with  a  paltry  attempt  to  insult  them,  merely 
because  they  preserved  the  lives  of  the  people,  and  nobly 
vindicated  at  the  last  election  the  religion  and  liberties 
of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland. 

It  has  been  said  that  I  am  a  stranger  in  Clare.  Me 
a  stranger  in  any  part  of  Ireland  !  Foolish  and  absurd. 
1  am  identified  with  the  people  of  Clare  in  every  thing 
that  can  identify  man  to  man.  All,  however,  I  can 
claim,  is  the  ratification  of  the  former  election.  I  ask 
only  the  sympathy  of  Clare  upon  this  vacancy.  I  have 
a  title  to  that  sympathy  by  the  community  of  interest 
and  of  generous  feeling  and  exalted  resolves. 

Catholic  brothers,  respected  and  esteemed  Protest- 
ant friends,  I  claim  your  suffrages  on  this  occasion. 

To  my  Catholic  brothers  I  say,  that  the  protection  of 
the  rights  of  the  Catholics  in  parliament,  that  the  esta- 

VOL.    II. 


CCCXlvl  APPENDIX. 

blishment  of  Catholic  charities  and  schools,  that  the 
independent  and  permanent  support  of  the  Catholic 
clergy,  that  the  integrity  of  the  Catholic  religious  and 
charitable  societies,  and,  in  fine,  that  the  vindication  of 
the  principles  and  of  the  genuine  purity  of  calumniated 
Catholic  doctrines,  require  that  I  should  be  in  parlia- 
ment. 

To  my  esteemed  and  beloved  Protestant  friends  I 
say,  that  the  local  interests  of  your  country,  the  indivi- 
dual interests  of  your  resident  gentry  and  landed  pro- 
prietors, the  universal  interests  of  Ireland,  require  that 
I  should  be  in  parliament. 

To  both  Catholic  and  Protestant  friends  I  would 
recall  to  mind,  that  we  achieved  emancipation  in  the 
most  peaceful,  loyal,  and  constitutional  manner.  We 
committed  no  offence,  we  were  guilty  of  no  crime,  we 
destroyed  no  property,  we  injured  no  man's  person*  we 
affected  no  man's  life.  The  glorious  revolution  which 
gave  us  Catholic  emancipation  was  effected  without  the 
destruction  of  one  particle  of  any  man's  property,  with- 
out the  shedding  of  one  drop  of  human  blood.  A  sober, 
a  moral,  and  a  religious  people,  cannot  continue  slaves  ; 
they  become  too  powerful  for  their  oppressors  ;  their 
moral  strength  exceeds  their  physical  powers  ;  and  their 
progress  towards  prosperity  and  liberty  is  in  vain  op- 
posed by  the  Peels  and  the  Wellingtons  of  society. 
These  poor  strugglers  for  ancient  abuses  yield  to  a 
necessity  which  violates  no  law,  and  commits  no  crime  ; 
and  having  once  already  succeeded  by  these  means,  our 
next  success  is  equally  certain,  if  we  adopt  the  same 
virtuous  and  irresistible  means. 


APPENDIX.  CCCxlvii 

I  conclude  as  I  began.  Electors  of  Clare,  I  have 
been  illegally  injured,  and  you  have  been  unworthily 
insulted  by  that  unworthy  ministerial  dexterity  which 
deprived  me  of  my  right  to  represent  you  in  parliament. 
I  call  upon  you  to  wipe  away  that  injury,  to  blot  out 
that  insult,  by  sending  me  back  to  express  my  senti- 
ments and  yours  to  the  men  who,  in  so  undignified  a 
manner,  injured  me  and  insulted  you. 

Protestants  and  Catholics,  Friends  and  Brothers, 
I  am  your  devoted  Servant, 

D.    O'CONNELL. 

LONDON,  May  25,  1829. 


THE     END. 


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•^-Monthly  Review. 

"  This  valuable  collection  of  papers  is  an  important  accession  to  the 
historical  and  biographical  library." — Gentleman's  Magazine. 

MEMOIRS  and  CORRESPONDENCE  of  the  late 

DR.  SAMUEL  PARR. 

With  Biographical  Notices  and  Anecdotes  of  many  of  his  Friends,  Pu- 
pils, and  Contemporaries.  By  the  Rev.  WILLIAM  FIELD.  2  vols. 
8vo.  with  Portraits,  28s. 

"  Mr.  Field's  Memoir  of  Dr.  Parr  is  the  most  unexceptionable  and  candid 
that  has  yet  appeared." — London  Magazine. 


Published  by  Mr.  Colburn.  351 

BURKE'S   DICTIONARY  of  the   PEERAGE  and 

BARONETAGE  of  the  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

A  New  and  Revised  Edition  (completed  to  the  present  period)  price 
35*.  bound. 

The  extraordinary  success  of  this  work  has  imposed  a  duty  upon  the  Edi- 
tor, of  which  he  trusts  the  present  Edition  will  prove  that  he  has  satisfacto- 
rily acquitted  himself.  Each  respective  article  will  he  found  corrected  with 
the  minutest  attention,  from  the  most  authentic  communications,  and  where 
the  slightest  obscurity  appeared  in  the  lineage  of  any  particular  house,  the 
whole  has  been  remodelled.  The  Editor's  attention  having  been  directed 
to  collaterals,  he  has  introduced  all  those  who  come  within  the  most  remote 
remaindership  of  family  honours  ;  and  he  has  used  more  than  ordinary  care 
in  tracing  presumptive  heirs. 

To  render  the  Heraldic  Department  more  complete,  the  Armorial 
Bearings  are  described  in  the  body  of  the  work,  independently  of  the 
Engravings. 

To  the  Baronetcies  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  appertaining  to  more  than 
200  ancient  families,  whose  lineage  is  given  exclusively  in  this  work,  the 
utmost  attention  has  been  paid,  and  the  Editor  begs  to  thank  the  heads  of 
those  houses  for  the  polite  assistance  they  have  afforded  him. 

COMMENTARIES  on  the  LIFE  and  REIGN  of 

CHARLES  I.  KING  OF  ENGLAND. 

By  I.  D'ISRAELI,  Author  of  the  "  CURIOSITFES  OF  LITERATURE," 
&c.  2  vols.  8vo.  21s. 

"The  present  is,  in  our  opinion,  another  delightful  book  added  to  the 
former  productions  of  this  esteemed  writer,  full  not  merely  of  his  usual 
pleasant  gossip  of  the  olden  time,  but  of  curious  personal  and  political 
history." — Literary  Gazette. 

NOLLEKENS  AND  HIS  TIMES. 

Second  Edition.  In  2  vols  8vo.  with  a  fine  Portrait,  from  a  drawing  by 
JACKSON,  price  2is. 

Among  the  numerous  friends  and  patrons  of  the  Sculptor,  of  whom 
curious  anecdotes  are  recorded  in  this  work,  will  be  found — George  III. — 
The  Princess  of  Wales — Lord  Londonderry — the  Earl  of  Besborough — 
Lord  Coleraine — Lord  Mansfield — Sir  N.  Dance  Holland — Sir  ^obert  and 
Lady  Strange — Sir  W.  Staines — Sir  P.  Lely — Sir  Joshua  Reynolds — Colo- 
nel Hamilton — Colonel  King — Mr.  Pitt — Mr.  Fox — Mr.  Whitbread— 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Garrick — Mrs.  Siddons — Mr.  Coutts  —  Barry — Charle* 
Bannister — Seward — Sterne  —  Hogarth —  Wilkes — Fielding  —  Dr.  John- 
son— Dr.  Goldsmith— Dr.  Burney — Dr.  Walcot — G.  Stevens  —  Cibber— 
Gainsborough  —  Mr.  Payne  Knight — Mrs.  Radcliffe — Miss  Hawkins — 
Mrs.  Carter— Mrs.  Thrale— Mr.  Boswell,  &c.  &c. 

"  The  publication  which  has  given  us  so  much  amusement  is  '  Nolle- 
kens  and  his  Times.'  It  is  not  merely  the  piquancy  of  its  style  which- 
diverts  us,  it  is  the  novelty  and  character  which  keep  us  in  a  roar  of  mirth- 
Every  body  should  read  it." — John  Bull. 

"  A  delightful  book.  It  is  a  treasure  of  good  things,  of  strokes  of  hu- 
mour, traits  of  character,  anecdotes  of  genius,  manners  of  life :  in  short  it 
is  a  feast  for  the  intellectual  man,  a  lounge  for  the  idler." — Spectator. 


352     Important    Works  published  by  Mr.  Colburn. 
GODWIN'S  HISTORY  of  the  COMMONWEALTH 

of  ENGLAND. 

The  Fourth  and  Concluding  Volume,  8vo.  16s. 

*'  This  work  is  a  solid  proof  of  great  endowments  and  abilities." — Lite- 
rary Gazette. 

"  The  History  of  the  Commonwealth  will  remain   a  literary  record  of 
the  age,  and  will  transmit  to  posterity  the  name  of  the  author  as  one  of 
the  most  impartial  and  useful  historians  of  this  or  any  other  country." — 
Morning  Chronicle. 

THE  CROMWELLIAN  DIARY. 

THE  DIARY  OF  THOMAS  BURTON,  ESQ.  MEMBER  in  the  PARLIAMENTS 
of  the  PROTECTORS  OLIVER  and  RICHARD  CROMWELL,  from  1656  to  1659, 
now  first  published  from  the  Original  Autograph  Manuscript ;  with  an  In- 
troduction, containing  AN  ACCOUNT  of  the  PARLIAMENT  of  1654,  from  the 
Journal  of  GUIBON  GODDARD,  ESQ.  M.  P.  Also  now  first  printed  ;  and 
several  other  curious  documents  and  Notices,  Historical  and  Biographical. 
In  4  vols.  8vo.  with  Plates,  21.  1 6s. 

"  This  work  serves  to  h'll  up  that  chasm  so  long  existing  in  our  Parlia- 
mentary History." 

"  The  great  interest  of  the  book  is  Cromwell  himself." — Gentleman's 
Magazine. 

"  The  importance  of  this  Diary  to  History  will  be  felt  upon  the  single 
statement  of  its  authenticity." — Literary  Gazette. 

"  These  volumes  overflow  with  information  respecting  the  principles  and 
proceedings  of  the  Legislature  during  a  most  important  period  of  English 
history.  Every  library  which  pretends  to  contain  an  historical  collection, 
must  possess  itself  of  Burton's  Diary  ;  it  is  as  indispensable  as  Burnet,  or 
Clarendon." — Atlas. 

THE  DUKE  of  ROVIGO'S  MEMOIRS. 

The  FOURTH  and  CONCLUDING  VOLUME,  comprising  the  period  of  the 
BATTLE  OF  WATERLOO,  and  the  ENTRY  of  the  ALLIES  into  PARIS.  In 
Svo.  16s.  French  14s. 

"  These  Memoirs  are  invaluable." — Literary  Gazette. 

"  The  Duke's  Memoirs  possess  much  of  the  dignity  and  importance  of 
history,  and  will  take  their  enduring  place  in  all  historical  libraries,  when 
other  perishable  memoirs  of  the  day  shall  have  sunk  iuto  oblivion." — New 
Monthly  Magazine. 

MEMOIRS  of  SCIPIO   DE  RICCI, 

Minister  of  the  late   GRAND  DUKE   LEOPOLD  OF  TUSCANY, 

Reformer  of  Catholicism,  &c.  &c.  EDITED  by  THOMAS  ROSCOE,  ESQ. 
In  2  vols.  Svo.  with  Portrait,  21s. 

ft  The  Memoirs  of  this  Reformer  of  Catholicism  will  be  read  with  great 
interest — by  Catholics,  from  thc-ir  admiration  of  the  efforts  he  made  to  im- 
prove the  discipline  of  their  church — and  by  Protestants,  for  the  curious 
expositions  which  it  offers  of  those  abuses  which  it  was  the  object  of  De 
Ricci  to  correct." — Sunday  Times. 

"  This  is  a  Memoir  of  the  public  life  of  one  of  the  most  virtuous,  en- 
lightened, and  useful  men  whom  modern  Italy  has  produced." — Liverpool 
Times. 


PRINTED  BY   A.  J.  VALFY.  RED   LION   COURT,  FLEET  STREET. 


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Wyse,    (Sir)  Thomas 

Historical  sketch  of  the 
late  Catholic  Association 
of  Ireland 


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