HISTORICAL SKETCH
OF
THE LATE
CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION
OF IRELAND.
BY THOMAS WYSE, ESQ. JUN.
Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri."
HORAT. EPIST. LIB. i.
IN TWO VOLS.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN, NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
1829.
3
JIV A. .). VALI'V, HlilD LION COlin, 1'1,E£T MIIIM.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME,
Protestant sympathy — Society for the Improvement of
Ireland — Coalition of the liberal Protestants — Protestant
Declaration — Dinner of the friends of civil and religious li-
berty to Lord Morpeth — Recall of the Marquess of An-
glesey— Meeting at the Rotunda — Petition to parliament
— Address to the King — The King's speech — The dissolu-
tion of the Association ..... page 1
The Catholic Clergy's Remonstrance of Loyalty . iii
Oath of Allegiance, to be administered to the Roman
Catholics by the ninth article of the Capitulation of Lime-
rick, and no other ... . . iv
Oaths imposed by the English Statutes 3rd and 4th of
William and Mary, c. ii. in violation of the ninth article of
Limerick . . . . v
VOL. ii. b
IV CONTENTS.
Protest against the Act to confirm the Articles of Lime-
v
Mr. Keogh's Account of the Delegation of 1793, &c. &c.
&c.
vm
Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1799 xvii
Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1810 xx
Resolutions of the Irish Catholic Laity against the
Veto
xxi
Copy of a Letter from Monsgr. Quarantotti to the Right
Rev. Dr. Poynter . . xxii
Resolutions establishing the General Committee of
1809
XXVll
Resolutions and Petition for Unqualified Emancipation
1810 xxx
Circular Letter of the Right Hon. W. Welleslev
P«'« xxxiv
Letter of the King on his leaving Ireland in 1821 xxxv
Rules and Regulations of the Catholic Association of Ire-
land, commencing 24th May, 1823 . . XXxvii
Report on the Practicability of forming the New Catho-
lic Association, agreed to at the Aggregate Meeting held
13th July, 1825 . xxxjx
New Catholic Association . . . x\v^
Extracts from Monsieur Duvergier's Letters on the State
of Ireland, 1826 ... Ji
Catholic Census . . . Ixxix
CONTENTS. V
Census of Religious Sects . page Ixxxiii
Irish Education .... Ixxxvi
State of the Roman Catholic Clergy in Ireland cv
Elective Franchise . . . cxi
Waterford Election .... cxxxv
Order of Liberators . . . . cxxxix
Duties of Inspectors and Churchwardens . cxli
Liberal Clubs .... cxlv
Mr. O'Connell's Address to the Electors of the County
of Clare ..... clxxii
Reconciliation Meetings . . . clxxvi
American Associations, &c. . . cxciv
Documents read in the conrse of the Duke of Welling-
ton's Reply to the Marquess of Anglesey in the House of
Lords, May 4, 18*29 . . . ccxi
Brunswick Clubs . . . ccxx
Declaration, &c. of Protestants in favour of a final and
conciliatory adjustment of the Catholic question ccxxvi
Proceedings at the Rotunda Meeting, 20th January,
18-29 . . . . . . cclii
Formation of the Society of the Friends of Civil and Re-
ligious Liberty ... . . cclxvi
Catholic Rent ... . . cclxx
Instructions for framing Petitions to Parliament cclxxvii
Catholic Eligibility . . . cclxxxii
VI CONTENTS.
Dissolution of the Catholic Association, and of the Society
of Civil and Religious Freedom . . page ccxc
Meeting to prevent Illuminations in Dublin . cccii
Wellington Testimonial Meeting . . ccciv
Majorities and Minorities on the Catholic Relief
Bill . . . . . . cccxvii
A Tabular Digest of all the Proceedings that have taken
place in Parliament on the subject of the General Laws
affecting the Roman Catholics of Great Britain and Ire-
land, from the period of the first Act passed in 1778 to the
present time ; concluding with a View of the Progress of
the Relief Bill through both Houses of the Legisla-
ture . . . . . cccxxvii
Mr. O'Connell's Address to the Electors of the County
of Clare . cccxxxiv
HISTORICAL SKETCH
OP THE LATE
CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION, &c,
CHAP. I.
Protestant sympathy — Society for the Improvement of Ire-
land— Coalition of the liberal Protestants — - Protestant
Declaration — Dinner of the friends of civil and religious
liberty to Lord Morpeth — Recall of the Marquess of
Anglesey — Meeting at the Rotunda — Petition to par-
liament— Address to the King — The King's speech — The
dissolution of the Association.
WHILST the two contending parties were now
closing more nearly upon each other, and the
awful crisis which would soon have been be-
yond all human control seemed every day
more visibly approaching, a third party ap-
peared in the country, to whose consolidation (in
concurrence with the preceding circumstances)
the Catholics were mainly indebted for the
success which at last terminated their event-
fu1 struggle. But it was by a series of very
delicate measures, and gradual arrangements,
VOL. II. A
2 PROTESTANT SYMPATHY.
that this consolidation was brought about. The
liberal Protestant for a long period was affected
by the same habitual indifference to existing
evils, which had formerly characterised the
Catholic himself. The immediate pressure of
danger did more than any sense of justice and
fellow-feeling they might entertain for the cala-
mities of their countrymen. But the time was
fast approaching when Catholic or Protestant
were no longer to be left a choice.
The liberal Protestant stood in a very pecu-
liar position. Whilst the an ti- Catholic party
had remained passive, he testified for the strug-
gles of his Catholic countrymen but a feeble
and modified interest. The relics of old pre-
judices; the little inclination actively to in-
terfere in concerns which did not immediately
affect himself; the disfavour which usually ac-
companies voluntary displays of devotion to the
popular cause, were very powerful drawbacks
upon his zeal and exertions. But there were
other motives, arising out of existing circum-
stances, which had a far more direct and repul-
sive effect upon his sympathies. The Catholic
Association generally, but especially the indi-
viduals who were supposed to have the greatest
weight and influence in its proceedings, were
accused of a very injudicious and inexcusable
PROTKSTANT SYMPATHY. .3
disregard, both in deed and language, to the
feelings and opinions of others. It is quite true,
that the provocation to such intemperance was
great and frequent; that the excess has been
far surpassed, especially in later times, by the
excesses of their adversaries ; and that much and
reasonable apology may be made for such viola-
tions of public propriety, by the consideration of
the usual habits of all popular assemblies. But
these redeeming circumstances did not in the
slightest degree palliate or neutralise the im-
pressions which they conveyed to all classes of
the Protestant community. The Catholic, sepa-
rated by the anti-social influence of the penal
laws from the Protestant, did not feel in its
full force the result of these errors. He habi-
tually and exclusively associated with men who
were not only aggrieved in precisely the same
manner with himself, but who, generally speak-
ing, with very few exceptions, sought for relief
from their grievances precisely by the same
means. What other men would have regarded
as violence, the Catholic considered as a natural
and manly resistance to admitted wrong : he
applauded the overflowings of more deep sources
of indignation, which he felt equally in his
own bosom : he looked with admiration on the
man who took the fiercest tone, who barbed
4 PROTESTANT SYMPATHY.
his shafts with the keenest poison, who winged
them most directly and fearlessly to the heart of
his antagonist. But the liberal Protestant stood
in a very different position. His ordinary asso-
ciates for the most part were opposed to him in
opinion ; he had to contend with their argu-
ments, and what to most men is far more diffi-
cult, with their scoffs : instead of receiving in
the evening any portion of that meed of applause,
which usually repaid the exertions of the Catho-
lic, and consoled him for the abuse of his ene-
mies, he had to enter into an apology of his con-
duct, and to take up the defence of men, and
of proceedings, who, however they might merit
every approbation in mass, were extremely ob-
jectionable in details. The difficulties of this dis-
heartening warfare were still farther increased
by the Catholics themselves. Many of the most
earnest supporters of their cause were often, with
very little inquiry, heedlessly included in the
sweeping denunciations, with which the good and
the bad, the friend and the enemy, were sure to
be visited in some way or other, during the course
of the annual debates of the Association. A
friend, who perhaps had been contending with
his whole force the night before in maintaining
the claims and deserts of the body, not un-
frequently found himself rewarded for his chi-
PROTESTANT SYMPATHY. 5
valry the next day in the Association, by some
sneer at his lukewarmness, or some coarse and,
unmerited invective against his principles, the
injustice of which he had no means of repel-
ling, but by entering into direct and personal
explanation, and perhaps collision, with parties
who, except from their connexion with such a
cause, had little or no title to his respect. Such
things are with difficulty to be separated from
assemblies in a state of perpetual excitement
like the Catholic Association : in Ireland, they
are particularly so ; and every Irishman, who
could reason largely on the subject, naturally
extended to them for these reasons no small
share of his sufferance and indulgence. But
the party of which we are speaking, seldom
were so general and philosophic in their views :
they considered only the personal wound, and
the momentary result. Disgusted and indif-
ferent, and at last fatigued with fighting in a
cause in which they had so few to sympathise
with, and no allies, they retired gradually from
all intermixture with these proceedings,* and
* There was an obvious falling off of Protestant sympathy
and interest from 1825 to the middle of 1828. There had
been no attempt to repeat the meetings of 1819, or the peti-
tions of grand juries, counties, &c. &c. The attendance
also on Catholic dinners was much less frequent, numerous,
G PROTESTANT SYMPATHY.
finally surrendered the Catholics to them-
selves.
Another circumstance, which very much added
to this reserve, was the inconsistency with which
Protestant support was treated by the Catholics
themselves. At one time they rejected it with
affected contempt ; at another, they talked of
it as the only means by which emancipation
could be accomplished ; as if a nation of six
millions of men, cordially and constantly united,
had not in their own hands (reason the matter
as they might) the sure and simple means of
their final liberation. If by chance a small
gentleman of the favoured caste, calculating
often his own personal interests much more
closely than the public good, happened to drop
in amongst their thousands, frequently headed
by the representatives of the oldest families
in the land, they blazoned forth, in the most
fulsome terms, " the honour which had been
done them ; the kindness in thinking of them ;
the condescension in honouring them with his
presence ;" and poured out, with a disgraceful
profusion, votes of thanks to " the distinguished
and respectable. Compare the first Provincial meeting of
Munster with the last. Even the Protestant petition of 1827
had but a few hundred signatures. In the summer of 1828,
Protestant feeling had reached its lowest ebb.
PROTESTANT SYMPATHY. 7
and liberal Protestant guest," who sate down
on the same bench, or deigned to eat of the same
meats with a Papist. It was absurd for Catho-
lics to speak after this, of their spirit of freedom,
and their indignation at the unjust inequality
which the laws had established between the two
religions ; their own resolutions fully seconded
the efforts of the laws : — no more glaring instance
could be offered of the deep debasement which
had been entailed upon every thing Catholic by
the penal Code. Every man, who felt within him-
self the sentiment of what freedom really was,
though not actually in possession or enjoyment of
the gift, must have blushed at this deep, national
humiliation ; and many no doubt there were
who did so blush ; but the expediency system
was constantly urged, and it was thought that
conciliation could only be purchased at the vile
price of this unnatural servility. A result the
very opposite to what the Catholics had expected,
usually took place. If the Protestant had any
principle of highmindedness within him, he
must have considered such unmeasured contri-
butions to his vanity as insincere and profligate.
The less wise, or the less charitable, attributed
it, not to the obvious influences of a long state
of moral and political oppression, but to the
religion, which the oppressed happened to
8 PROTESTANT SYMPATHY.
profess. They often retained in the midst of
their proffers of assistance, sentiments hostile to
the creed, and contemptuous to its professors.
Habituated from an early period to a conscious-
ness of rule — a consciousness encouraged by
every thing with which he was surrounded, — it
was next to impossible that he should not accept
this admission of superiority, conferred with
such anxiety by the Catholics, not as proof of
their desire of union, but as a natural right, to
refuse which would have been injustice, and to
concede which, was mere duty. Such a class
of liberals (how many usurped the name, with
little title to the reality !) immediately assumed
the patronising air of masters ; set up their pro-
tection as an object of competition to contend-
ing parties ; volunteered superciliously their
counsels ; and insulted with their tardy and
capricious assistance ; until at last the Catho-
lics, revolting from the dependence which they
had been unfortunately the first to encourage,
turned round with fierceness, and altogether re-
jected, in a moment of irritation, both co-opera-
tion and advice.
Such was the situation of the Protestants
who avowed themselves favourable to the con-
cession of the Catholic claims ; for several years
previous to the events which we have just been
SOCIETY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT, &C. 9
detailing— when, with a view probably of con-
centring whatever was still liberal in the coun-
try, or preventing the Association from altoge-
ther absorbing the public interest, in a manner
which was considered by those who saw but a
small portion of the general system, as highly
detrimental to the cause, or perhaps with no
other object than a vague desire of benefiting
the country, without much inquiry into the
means by which it was to be effected, a society
under the designation of a " Society for the
Improvement of Ireland," was set on foot, and
commenced its sittings in the Mansion House,
under the immediate auspices of the Lord Mayor.
It was open to all sects and to all classes ;— was
intended to be confined to the simple consi-
deration of the agricultural and commercial
interests of the country; — of course excluded
politics; — and was to apply to Government and
Parliament for the purpose of carrying its plans
into effect for their support. So many of these
joint-stock experiments (not more wisely con-
structed in general than the academies of La-
puta) had of late attracted and deceived the
public, that no great confidence or interest was
excited in the Irish mind by the first proceed-
ings of the new society. They prophesied for
it over its very cradle, an ephemeral and useless
10 SOCIETY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT, &C.
existence. They already laughed over its early
and untimely death. The prophecy was soon ac-
complished. After an inefficient series of meet-
ings, in which various plans were brought forward
and discussed, on the drainage of the bogs of Ire-
land, on the execution of a ship-canal, &c. &c. the
Society gradually relaxed in exertions, which
were neither assisted by the Government nor the
country, and its meetings were for a while sus-
pended, rather from the voluntary secession of the
members than by any formal act of the body
itself. It was found, that as long as the Catholic
question continued unsettled, the public mind
would also continue so totally absorbed by its
consideration, that it would be absurd to expect
such a degree of attention as could insure even
the slightest encouragement to any plan of na-
tional improvement. This fact, which had pre-
sented itself to the Catholics in a great variety
of forms, and has been amongst the worst of the
many evils consequent upon delay, was now
placed in the clearest point of view before the
nation at large. This was a great benefit, but it
was destined to be the forerunner of many others
of much higher importance. The first conclusion
which every rational man drew, from the evi-
dence which such a failure so strongly exhibited,
was, that nothing could be done, until the ques-
COALITION, &C. 11
tion was finally settled, for any portion of the
country ; and the next, that every man at all
interested in its improvement or prosperity, was,
by his duty and interests, sacredly obliged to
give every aid in his power to promote as
speedily as possible a settlement, which had
now become not merely desirable, but abso-
lutely necessary.
These impressions might have continued for a
considerable time longer to hover loosely and
idly over the public mind, had not the late mea-
sures of the Association and the Catholic body
at large, pressed more and more immediately the
decision of the liberal Protestants. They soon
found themselves in a situation, which they could
scarcely have anticipated. They thought the
question would have been temperately and gra-
dually adjusted by the gentle ebbing of ancient
prejudice, and the constantly augmenting ma-
jorities in the Commons, by a necessary induc-
tion, would finally produce the just influence
which public opinion, expressed by its most
popular organ, must always produce upon the
temper and decision of the Lords. Whilst this
slow battle was going on, their course of proceed-
ing appeared obvious and easy. A few speeches
at public dinners — a few votes in either House —
two or three complimentary letters, in return for
12 COALITION
votes of thanks ; all this did not require any
great expenditure of time, talent, or patriotism ;
and in the mean time the Catholics might be
safely entrusted with the management of their
own cause, and their friends maintain their pri-
vilege of censuring or commending at a distance.
Nothing could be apprehended from the Asso-
ciation. There was then no other body in direct
collision with it. A few violent speeches, or
even a few violent resolutions, on the part of their
adversaries, could carry with them no intrinsic
weight ; they defeated their objects generally
by their very violence. The passion for ora-
torical display is an original sin of the Irish, but
it has never produced consequences more fatal
to the peace of a country than any other thea-
trical exhibition. The liberal Protestant sate
quietly looking on — read his article in the Edin-
burgh Review, or the Morning Chronicle — pro-
phesied that some time or other the question
would be carried— regretted the obstacles which
the Catholics had thrown in their own way-
trusted to the gradual illumination of the lower
classes in England, and then sipped his tea, and
proved to his own satisfaction that he had fully
done his duty.
But in a few— a very few months indeed— all
this was destined to undergo the most thorough
OF LIBERAL PROTESTANTS. 13
alteration. The Provincial and other meetings,
the Churchwarden system, the Liberal Club sys-
tem, were not sufficient to disturb them from
their repose. These were things which, though
containing within them the principles of mighty
change, did not strike the senses of men ; but
when the Clare election fell like the blast of
the trumpet amongst them, they then, for the
first time, suddenly awoke, and found the Catho-
lic Association on one hand, and Brunswick
Clubs on the other, like long lines of hostile in-
trenchments, from north to south, from east to
west, threatening and frowning on each other
through the entire country,— then indeed did
they begin to think, that the time had come,
and fully come, for something more than fair
words, and that they must make their election,
and make it instantly, between the ranks of
either army. The neutrals bring about revolu-
tions ; and the Athenian legislator showed not
only a just sense of the nature and working
of political institutions, but a deep insight into
the first principles of human nature itself, when,
by a formal law in his republic, he rendered
them infamous. The liberal Protestants could
not practise this coward moderation. They ran
risk of being crushed by the closing, and conflict
of either power. They were alternately driven
J4 COALITION, SCC.
from one to the other, until they had at last the
prudence — the inevitable prudence — clearly and
irrevocably to decide between them. A crisis
had arrived for Ireland. It was doubtful on
what side, whether for evil or for good, the
trembling balance would determine. Add to
this the stings of mortified pride. The Catholics
were a nation contending for freedom ; the anti-
Catholics were haughty masters, who fought for
mastership ; but the men, neither Catholic nor
Orange, who stood between the masters and the
nation, were distrusted by one party, despised by
the other, and finally sunk into the servants of
both. The English nation knew them not;
Protestantism knew them not ; the anti-Catho-
lics assumed that they were the only Protestants
and the only Loyalists in Ireland. It was full
time for them to take the attitude which became
them ; it was full time to disabuse the Empire.
A few fell off to the opposite party; but the
majority, when the hour of action could no
longer be deferred, declared at last for the Ca-
tholic, and for Ireland.
But their first steps were uncertain, gradual,
— perhaps timid. Circumstances demanded
caution, and they were not principals in the
quarrel. They had coolness and impartiality
enough to be judicious. Their first measure
/
PROTESTANT DECLARATION'. 15
was not a petition, which had now become ra-
ther a hacknied mode of expressing public opi-
nion, and required an arrangement of machinery
not yet within their grasp. They wisely ab-
stained from any concert or connexion with the
Catholic Association. The object was to give
an exclusively Protestant colour to their acts,
and to rescue their measures, before the country
•and the legislature, from even the imputation
of Catholic bias. The weight which such re-
presentations would carry with the legislature,
would of course depend upon the exclusiveness
and sincerity which characterised them. An
echo of the Association would have produced an
effect considerably inferior to the voice of the
Association itself. This was good policy — the
obvious wisdom of cool statesmen. Many Catho-
lics quarrelled with it at the time ; but it was
not the first occasion that the Catholics required
to be saved from themselves. Their first measure
was temperate, simple, and above all compre-
hensive.* A declaration, expressive of the deep
* It was something more than a petition — it was a
guarantee for future co-operation. The first declaration
did not meet the views of many gentlemen : a second was
drawn up, with some trifling variations in the phraseology.
This was sound sense and real patriotism. It embraced
every one.
16 PROTESTANT DECLARATION.
sense which the Protestant noblemen and gen-
tlemen of Ireland entertained of the situation of
the country, and the firm conviction they felt
that no remedy was now adequate to repress
the evils which impended, which did not include
Catholic Emancipation, was drawn up, and cir-
culated through every part of the country. A
similar document had been handed round the
preceding year, principally through the untiring
exertions of Sir Charles Morgan ; but the Pro-
testant mind, generally speaking, was not yet
ripe for such an appeal, and it met with a very
partial reception. The committee, to whom its
management had been entrusted, was indefati-
gable. In a very short period, it received the
most respectable signatures in Dublin, and the
earnestness with which it was seconded in most
parts of the interior, particularly in the South
of Ireland, furnished convincing proof that the
Protestant mind was at last fully kindled to
a sense of the imminent dangers with which
every class of citizens was surrounded, and con-
vinced that it required the most united and
instant efforts of all that was intelligent and
liberal to ward them off ere it was too late
from the country. The Declaration, in the
space of a few months, was signed by two dukes,
seven marquesses, twenty-seven earls, eleven
PROTESTANT DECLARATION. 17
viscounts, twenty-two barons, two counts, twenty-
two baronets, fifty-two members of the House
of Commons, and upwards of two thousand gen-
tlemen of other ranks, all of whom were person-
ally interested in the condition of Ireland.
The convincing refutation which this docu-
ment furnished to the assertions of the Brunswick
Clubs, had a very important effect, not only on
the mind of reflecting men in England, but
scarcely in a less degree upon the spirit of the
Protestants themselves. It proved to a demon-
stration, that a large proportion of Protestant
rank, wealth, and intelligence, was ranged on
the side of justice and conciliation, and little
more was requisite to give it its full influence on
the public opinion of the country, than a better
mode of bringing it into action, and prolonging
its power, by a constant and uniform combi-
nation.
A circumstance unlocked for, and which had
no immediate connexion with the measures
actually in progress, contributed materially to
elicit from both parties, that expression of cor-
dial and determined union, which circumstances
hitherto had unfortunately kept concealed. Lord
Morpeth, the eldest son of Lord Carlisle, for
whose co-operation in seconding Sir Francis
Burdett's motion the Catholics felt themselves
VOL. n. B
18 DINNER TO LOUD MORPETH.
extremely grateful, was on his return to Eng-
land, after an extensive tour through Ireland, un-
dertaken for the purpose of collecting juste r views
of the country, than is common to most Eng-
lishmen. The talents of this young nobleman,
the influence which his name, and family, and
ministerial connexions commanded, were second
only to the high estimate which the Catholics
had formed of his devotion to their cause. The
Catholics resolved by a public dinner, to testify
this sense of his services, and to give him and
other Protestants an opportunity of expressing
their opinions on the existing state of Catholic
affairs. This testimony of public feeling was
originally suggested by the Catholics, but the
occasion was seized and improved on with great
judgment and felicity, by their Protestant friends.
The dinner was one of the most numerously
attended which had yet been given in Dublin.
The Duke of Leinster presided, supported by
the Marquesses of Clanricarde and Westmeath.
The tone of feeling which evinced itself at that
important meeting, was fully commensurate to
their most ardent hopes. All sectarian jealousy —
all ancient rivalries - were laid aside. A junc-
tion between both parties — an immediate, close,
and earnest junction, was the hope and the
desire expressed by every speaker. All sepa-
DINNER TO LORD MORPETH. 19
rate views, all party principles, were extin-
guished in the greatness of a common cause.
The enemies of the Catholic and of the friends
of the Catholic had united — the union of both
had henceforth become a duty. The enthu-
siasm with which these declarations were re-
ceived and returned, was the surest augury
of final success. The advantages of such
a combination had been long conspicuous —
every man was now convinced of the facility
with which it could be carried into execution.
Before the evening festivities were over a requi-
sition was circulated, convening a meeting of
Catholics and Protestants, under the common
and better denomination of the Friends of Civil
and Religious Freedom, for the purpose of re-
cording, in the most ample and decided manner,
their joint opinions of the urgent necessity of
immediate concession, and placing in a still
more forcible view than had been yet attempted,
before his Majesty's government, the large mass
of national wealth and respectability which were
anxious for such a final and early adjustment of
the Question. The Requisition was signed by
three hundred noblemen and gentlemen present,
and transmitted for signatures to the country,
accompanied by a series of firm and moderate
resolutions, based on the celebrated resolutions
20 ROTUNDA MEETING.
of Buckingham House, and the late Protestant
Declaration, and expressive of the objects im-
mediately intended by the proposed meeting.
It was originally suggested that it should be
held on the llth of December, in concurrence
with the Catholic aggregate meeting fixed for the
same period, but finding that it would be more
judicious to wait the convenience of the Irish
members of either house, and to bring the
opinions of so important an assembly as closely
and directly as possible on the attention of par-
liament, it was ultimately postponed to the 20th
of January, 1829, and appointed to take place
on that day in the Great Hall of the Rotunda.
In the interval the Duke of Leinster was re-
quested to transmit, with as much expedition
as possible, the Protestant Declaration to his
Majesty's ministers, but in an especial manner
to the Duke of Wellington, begging his most
deliberate and mature consideration to the same.
But in the mean time events took place of the
most remarkable importance ; events which
hurried to its close, with a rapidity beyond the
calculations even of the most sanguine, the de-
nouement of this strange and eventful history.
Towards the close of December, a very re
markable production, from the hand of the Duke
of Wellington, arrested the attention of the pub-
DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S LETTER. 21
lie. A letter appeared in the public papers,
addressed to the Catholic primate Dr. Curtis, on
the subject which at that period engrossed the
attention of the entire empire. It was extremely
short and extremely obscure, invol\7ed in terms
apparently contradictory, and written for purposes
which did not appear at first sight very obvious.
Recent circumstances have partially explained
these difficulties; but there are points in the
correspondence which still elude the curiosity
of the inquirer. The impressions it produced
were scarcely less diverse and conjectural, than
the text of the letter itself. There was much
special pleading on terms, and some exceptions
taken to a variation in the copies ; but, all these
difficulties obviated, the surmises still continued
very nearly as doubtful as before. Some read
in the Duke's letter an unchangeable hostility to
the Catholic claims, and congratulated them-
selves on having, in the permanence of the
Duke's government, the best pledge for the
continuance of that exclusive system, which it
had hitherto been the object and effort of their
entire policy to uphold. Others again, extract-
ing from it with a studious complacency those
passages only, which were favourable to their
hopes, already saw, in the perspective indica-
tions of a change in the councils of government,
22 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S LETTER.
which seem strongly confirmed by the late
speech of Mr. Dawson;* and the continuance
in the administration of a nobleman so well
known for his liberal opinions as the Marquess
of Anglesey. This view, supported as it has
since been by the late important events, had
scarcely sufficient vouchers for it in the letter
itself. The more rational opinion, arguing on
preceding evidence, regarded it as little more
* Mr. Dawson was one of the first of his own party who
reasoned on this alarming state of public affairs with the
temper and philosophy of a statesman. No speech, previous
to his justly celebrated speech at Derry, went so far into the
real sources of the disease. His review of the external
symptoms and the internal causes of the evils of Ireland, so
studiously confounded, and so necessary to be distinguished,
is just, clear, conscientious, and often eloquent. He fully
comprehended the machinery and working of the great en-
gine : the Association had been laid bare to his eyes ; he had
the courage and skill to exhibit it in all its truth to the eyes
of others. The time also chosen for this service to the coun-
try, was happy. Mr. Dawson had shared, it is true, in great
part, the impressions made on Mr. Brownlow by the exami-
nations before the Committee on the state of Ireland in
1825 ; but it may be doubted whether he had then come to
a determinate conclusion, like Mr. Brownlow. At all events^
he gave the impulse, when the impulse was most necessary.
He was totally ignorant of the change of opinion going on
in the Cabinet. He had therefore the glory and the merit
(and it is no slight one) of anticipating, and not following,
the conversion of the ministers.
MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S LETTER. 23
than a concise abridgment of the Duke's
speech during the last Catholic debate in the
Lords, and attributed to it no more importance
than to any other effort which had formerly
been made to keep things in that sort of ba-
lanced or neutral state, which might without
further exertion, prorogue the necessity of deci-
sive measures for a few years longer. But there
were peculiarities connected with the present
publication of a perfectly original nature : it must
have excited the astonishment of an impartial
person to find, that with all the avowed hostility
to the priesthood and religion of the Catholics,
and the continued resistance to a relaxation of
the disabilities under which they laboured, a
Popish bishop should have been selected at
such a moment, and for such a communication,
by the Premier of the empire, and such a pre-
mier as the Duke of Wellington. Why write
on such a topic? why write to Dr. Curtis?
why write at all ? This surprise was farther
heightened by a still more remarkable letter,
which followed the Duke's a few days after.
The Marquess of Anglesey addressed the same
dignitary, but in a style very characteristically
distinguished from that of the Duke of Wel-
lington's. There was nothing dubious ; nothing
concealed; nothing contradictory. It expressed,
24 MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY^ LETTER.
in temperate language — manly feelings — just
opinions — ardent wishes, for the happiness and
safety of the country. No document had lately
appeared in Ireland so completely in accord
with the character of the people. It was the
open appeal of a high-spirited and anxious friend.
The people accepted it, in the same spirit in
which it was given. Acclamations of affec-
tionate gratitude arose from all sides. The Mar-
quess had no need of any other proclamation to
subdue into perfect obedience the passions and
spirit of the Catholic population. The anti-
Catholic railed, or sunk into a sullen silence.
The chief passages were made the watchwords
of the country. If a disposition to riot was
evinced, if the people forgot for a moment the
interest of the cause, in the interests or passions
of the individual, the name of Anglesey was
sufficient charm to persuade them back into
immediate tranquillity. " Constitutional agita-
tion " was made the precept and the practice of
every class. In the midst of these general
felicitations, these good auguries for future suc-
cess, this certainty that in their chief governor
they had a protector, on whom, in the worst
of times, all classes might impartially rely, a
calamity, which had never been less calculated
on than at such a moment, fell suddenly upon
MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL. 25
the country. The Marquess of Anglesey was
formally and peremptorily recalled.
It was some time before the public could re-
cover from the astonishment, which this event
produced. No individual of his Majesty's go-
vernment seemed to be so entirely in the con-
fidence, both of his Majesty and of his Minister,
as the Marquess of Anglesey himself. Nothing
could be more explicit than the expression of his
political opinions previous to his acceptance of
the important situation, with which he had been
just entrusted.* Nothing could be more plain
and direct, than every portion of his administra-
tion, from the first day in which he held the
reins of the Irish government. Impartiality and
fair play ; lenitives and not coercives ; a just
appreciation (derivable from patient investiga-
* The Marquess had a conference with several members
of the Opposition, with Lord Wellington, and finally an au-
dience on the same day with his Majesty himself, which left
no doubt on his mind, that his intended plan of government
was perfectly well known, and approved of, by all parties.
Lord Anglesey had not only been an emancipator at an early
period, but from his repugnance to vote against the Ques-
tion, resigned his seat in the House of Commons in 1801,
when Mr. Pitt quitted the administration. Since that period,
the Marquess has uniformly supported the Catholic Question,
with the single exception of the vote which he gave in 1825 ;
the result of a misconception, caused by the irritating lan-
guage and conduct of the Association.
26 MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL.
tion) of the real evils of Ireland, and of the
real remedies most applicable to their cure, had
been from the very outset the straightforward
principles of his government. These principles,
so far from having been concealed, were the
boast and peculiar glory of the Marquess, to
have extended to every part of his administration.
The Duke of Wellington could not recently have
come to a knowledge of what was in the eyes,
or on the tongue of every one. No palpable
violation of acknowledged subordination was
obvious. Nothing that could justify a measure
of extreme rigour, nothing above all which could
explain the inconsistency of such an order having
issued from a quarter to whom the Marquess
was well known to be attached, not merely by
the bonds of public duty, but by the still stronger
ties of personal affection and regard.
The first impulse, was to attribute this extra-
ordinary event to the letter of which we have
been just speaking. But the passions or fears
of individuals had more influence in such a
judgment, than an accurate knowledge of the
facts. The assertion was totally unfounded. The
letter did not appear till several days after the
order of recall had actually arrived.* Others
* On the 22nd, the Committee appointed to make the ne-
cessary arrangements for the proposed Rotunda meeting as-
MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL. 27
again ascribed it to private pique — to circum-
stances arising out of the removal of Messrs.
Steele and O 'Gorman Mahon from the com-
mission of the peace ; *• — finally to the encou-
sembled, and on the day after a copy of the letter of the
Duke of Wellington was sent from Dundalk to one of the
members of the committee, and was by him transmitted to the
Marquess of Anglesey. The following day, the 24th, the
original was inclosed by Dr. Curtis to his Excellency, and
it was very probable, as erroneous copies would soon get into
circulation, it was thought right at once to publish it. On
the 25th the letter of the Marquess was written and inclosed
to Dr. Curtis, under the strictest injunctions of secrecy, in-
junctions which Dr. Curtis punctually obeyed. The 30th
of December the Marquess received his letter of recall, dated
on the 28th. Consultations were held on the 31st. It was
debated, whether in the actual state of the country, and the
apprehension which might legitimately be entertained, of im-
mediate disturbances on the announcement of this measure,
it would not be prudent to give publicity and circulation to
the letter of the Marquess without farther delay. Then for
the first time, and for purposes only of good, it was made
known to the country. It is quite clear, from a comparison
of these dates, that it had nothing to do with the conduct of
the Duke of Wellington ; nor is it at all proved, that had it
been known to his Grace, it would have been deemed of
itself, a sufficient ground for a letter of recall.
* The two gentlemen in question had attended a Bruns-
wick meeting in the county of Clare. The High Sheriff,
apprehensive of a riot, had called in the military for the
purposes of protecting it. Mr. O 'Gorman Mahon had
used in speaking to the military some expressions, not very
28 MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL.
ragement which was said to be extended by the
Marquess of Anglesey in a manner not exactly
complimentary to the High Sheriff. The High Sheriff
lodged his complaint. It was inquired into. The necessary
depositions were taken. No evidence sufficiently strong
could be obtained against the accused. The words could not
be sworn to ; the facts could not be proved. The law au-
thorities (scrupulously consulted on the occasion) declared
that there being no conviction, there could be no punishment,
and counselled the Marquess to dismiss the complaint. This
was clear, common, English justice. But Ireland had not
yet a title to the luxury. The gentlemen were members of
the Association. They were the chief instigators and con-
ductors of the Clare contest, and unfortunately they were
also magistrates. The old arbitrary right or wrong system
was still in operation. He was peremptorily deprived of the
commission. If it were wrong for Mr. Mahon, being a ma-
gistrate (but not appearing as a magistrate), to use such ex-
pressions to the military, how much more incorrect for a
High Sheriff in his official capacity to call a meeting, so
obnoxious to public feeling as to require for its protection
the presence of the military ? If Mr. O 'Gorman Mahon
was to be punished, how comes it that the High Sheriff
was not to be even censured ? If British citizens are
to be punished without conviction, what is the meaning
of British justice ? If magistrates are to be dismissible
at the mere pleasure of the crown, that is, of the Castle
clerks, how can magistrates be expected to act with im-
partiality ? Does not the government create the partisan ?
what right afterwards has it to exclaim against the existence
of the corruption or the faction to which such a conduct must
necessarily give rise ? The same spirit of action subsequently
MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL. 29
in accord with the views of government, to the
proceedings and leaders of the Catholic Associa-
tion.* Portions of these reports were correct,
and when taken in mass, they may have origi-
nated impressions which went far in deciding
the conduct of the cabinet. t Whatever may
led to the dismissal of Mr. Steele from the magistracy, upon
the alleged ground of his having addressed a meeting of the
peasantry, in the county of Limerick, calling upon them,
" through their allegiance to the Association," to remain
peaceful and quiet.
* Lord W. Paget, Lord Forbes, &c. had appeared at the
Association from motives of curiosity, once — so had Lord
Ellenborough, &c. &c. Their visit was noticed — they did
not repeat it. His Excellency never saw Mr. Sheil — saw
Mr. O'Connell once — Mr. Lawless twice on a silk-trade
deputation, and actually dined I believe twice with Lord
Cloncurry : it is true Lord C. was a member of the Associa-
tion ; but Lord Cloncurry is also an excellent magistrate, an
excellent country gentleman, and feels as much for the in-
terests of Ireland as Mr. Gregory. Even this was not
without a precedent. How came the present government to
satisfy themselves, that the Duke of Richmond was not a
united Irishman, after his dinner with Hamilton Rowan ?
f The Marquess's recall was not to be ascribed to any one
particular act, but the spirit and temper of his whole admi-
nistration. The government on this side of the water had
not emerged from the ignorance in which their predeces-
sors had left them. Mr. Peel retained many of his Castle
impressions, and it must be recollected that he had rilled
the office of Irish secretary at a period of all others the most
30 MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL.
have been the principle of this very important
change, the effect on the country was extraor-
calculated to impress anti-Catholic and anti-Irish opinions
on the mind of a young Englishman. The Duke of Welling-
ton, to a certain degree, might be comprised under the pre-
ceding observation, but his larger knowledge of mankind,
and his contact with other churches and states than those of
England, must have left him much more open than his col-
league to the operation of facts. To such Ministers, the clear
and energetic statements of the Marquess, again and again
put forward, must have appeared startling. They were in
no sort of harmony with the former partisan communi-
cations from the Castle, and appeared at first sight to have
originated from some strange but concealed influence behind
the vice-regal throne, in actual hostility to the government.
This secret oracle was sought for. Mr. Gregory travelled into
England for his health during the summer ; and Lord Clon-
curry, Hamilton Rowan, or the Catholic Association, were
believed to have guided the pen and presided over the coun-
sels of his Excellency. A correspondence ensued, on very
unequal terms, and terminated, as all such correspondences
usually do, in disgrace of the weaker party. But the Mar-
quess may now summon in his vindication his very impugners
themselves. The policy for which the Duke of Wellington
and Mr. Peel are lauded (and justly lauded), it will not be
forgotten was the identical policy for which Lord Anglesey
was condemned. At the same time it will be conceded, that
the Duke stood in a very slippery position, and had great
difficulties to contend with. His own correspondence is the
best evidence how much he had to overcome, of prejudice, or
indecision, or hostility, in the royal mind. Every rumour from
Ireland proved a new obstacle. The Duke wras anxious that
MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY'S RECALL. 31
dinary. Apprehensions were entertained that
it would lead to the most disastrous consequen-
ces. Nor were these apprehensions altogether
unfounded or exaggerated. On a calm retrospect
from the position in which we at present stand,
it may be safely avowed, that to the judicious
publication of the Marquess's letter some days"
previous, and to his calm conduct subsequent to
his recall, the exemption from all violence in this
most critical period is principally to be ascribed.*
the Marquess's conduct should be such as not to lend colour
to these rumours : but they did not understand each other.
The question now is, whether a little more frankness would
not have been the better policy.
* " But how was it to be allayed ? What measures
could I adopt to subdue the ferment ? I could not commu-
nicate with the Catholic Association : I could not address
the leaders of whom I have spoken : I could not formally
proclaim my wishes ; yet I was urged to do something to
avert a public calamity. My Lords, it then flashed across
my mind that this eventful letter might possibly be turned to
some account. Dr. Curtis had confided to me the Noble
Duke's letter to him on the subject of the Catholic Question:
I had replied to it. My letter was (as I before said) written
in strict confidence — it was not meant to see the light — it
was marked ' private and confidential ;' — and taking a
lesson from the circumstance of the Noble Duke's letter to
the same reverend person having become public, in conse-
quence of his Grace having omitted to mark it private, and
of his having franked the letter himself, I caused my letter
32 MARQUESS OF ANGLESEY S RECALL.
Addresses poured in on all sides, in spite of cor-
poration and other opposition, wherever it could
be offered, expressive of the profound regret
with which the Catholics and liberals viewed
this most sinister event. They regarded it in
general, as the most emphatic expression which
the Minister could have afforded of an immediate
and entire change of system. The Catholics
already prepared themselves for a recurrence
of that reign of terror, which at a former period
had searched with such dreadful energy to the
very inmost parts of the social system. They
saw oppressive measures one after one brought
to be franked by my Secretary, who, at the same time,
wrote to desire that it might be considered as being written
in my private character, and not as Lord Lieutenant. It is
evident, then, that this letter was not meant for publication.
I then said to these gentlemen — * Go to Dr. Murray (the
person to whom alone the letter had been entrusted by Dr.
Curtis); look at that letter; see if any good use can be
made of it : — if so, I give up all private considerations for
the public good. You may produce it, if necessary.' A
consultation was held as to the expediency of publishing this
letter ; the parties who interested themselves in the subject,
conceived that it contained the advice of a real friend to
Ireland, and that it would be advantageous that its senti-
ments should be promulgated. The letter was accordingly
made public." — Marquess of Anglesey's Speech in the House
of Lords, 4th May, on moving for papers relative to his
recall from Ireland (pullished by authority}.
ORANGEMEN. 33
into fierce and uncontrollable action ; the
country surrendered up to its old enemies for
their disport ; the violent disruption of all the
bonds of civil life ; the midnight massacre com-
mencing; new outrages justifying new oppres-
sion ; new oppression justifying new outrages ;
till at last the entire country, no longer capable
of enduring this intolerable state of things, should
rush at once into flagrant war, and cast every
interest to the bloody decision of the scaffold
and the sword. The Orange faction viewed
the exertion of the prerogative in a similar light.
They already triumphed in the completion of
their projects : that secret alliance between the
crown and the faction, of which they had so
often boasted in private, they now daringly and
ferociously proclaimed : they called out from
the north to the south, through all their clubs,
to support the hands of his Majesty's govern-
ment; they looked forward to the renewal of
their charter of misrule ; and whilst on one
hand they heaped every description of factious
abuse on the Marquess of Anglesey, the Duke
of Wellington and Mr. Peel were placed on
the altar of their idolatry, and worshipped with
the most servile adulation, as the uncompro-
mising champions of Protestant ascendancy.
The meetings of the Catholics, so far how-
VOL. II. C
34 LIBERAL PROTESTANTS.
ever from evincing any unworthy despondency
on this momentous occasion, assumed a tone
which was worthy of freemen, and called on all
classes of their countrymen, ere it was too late,
to interpose their influence and exertions, with
their whole strength and their whole soul, be-
tween the country and destruction. The liberal
Protestants, with less ardour, were not less ear-
nest or less firm. During the government of the
Marquess they had, for the first time, obtained
a power and importance in the country as a
party, to which till then, they had been utter
strangers. Prior to his administration, a Catholic
could scarcely have less chance of obtaining an
audience from the all-powerful Castle Secretary
than an avowedly liberal Protestant. They were
not only without any consideration as a party,
but even of that consideration to which indi-
vidual rank, talent, or property, might have
given them a legitimate claim ; they were studi-
ously defrauded, partly through the old spirit of
official retaliation, and partly with a view to
mark more strongly the reprobation of the Mar-
quess's system. A person unacquainted with
the absolutely partisan government of every thing
Irish, during several years back, will find it im-
possible to form any just notions of the strict
line of demarcation which had been established
LIBERAL PROTESTANTS. 35
between the Castle and the liberal party.
Men the most distinguished amongst it, were
not only treated with the most calculating in-
difference, but had not even the opportunity
allowed them of a personal acquaintance with
the ordinary ministers of the Executive. The
results were obvious : every thing which came
to the hands of government, came in a garbled
and ex parte form. Nothing was done to con-
sult the people : the only object of the entire
government seemed to be, to feed the slave-
master at the expense of the slave. This co-
lonial system was broken up by the Marquess
with a total disregard to all precedents of for-
mer misrule : the bureau influence was obliged
to allow free passage for the representations of
the country ; the government came in contact
with public opinion as it really existed ; two
sides and two pleaders were heard for the first
time in the precincts of the Castle, upon every
question of public policy. The liberal Protest-
ants at length obtained their natural weight:
their opponents, by coming into the lists with men
perfectly well qualified to compete with them,
were reduced to their natural dimensions. The
liberal Protestants were satisfied, for they had
public and generous objects in view : their anta-
gonists were dissatisfied, — they looked chiefly
36 RECALL OF THE MARQUESS.
to the continuance of their habitual system of
misrepresentation, and its natural consequence,
monopoly. No body of men could then feel
more deeply than the liberal Protestants, the
departure of such a Viceroy. Their addresses
faintly expressed the profound sentiments of
regret and despondency which were heard dur-
ing that critical pause between the two systems.
Not only did they contemplate an instant relapse
into all the ancient evils of Irish politics, but
they apprehended, from the aid which they had
recently given the Catholics, that their conduct
would be visited with the most severe retalia-
tion by the new government. Again, they would
be compelled to retire to their former insig-
nificance, or be delivered over, with additional
circumstances of pain and contumely, to the
insult and injuries of a triumphant enemy.
During all this period, the conduct of the
Marquess of Anglesey was unexceptionable ; the
most envious eye could not find a spot for the
gratification of its malignity : to the Irish peo-
ple it will be a subject, in all their fortunes, of
the most affectionate recollection. No one ap-
proached him during those days of sorrow and
apprehension, without being fully penetrated by
the sincerity, the justice, the high and statesman-
like spirit, with which it was his intention to
DEPARTURE OF THE MARQUESS. 37
have governed Ireland. It was then chiefly,
that men began to know how much they had
lost. His kindliness tempering his dignity, but
detracting in nothing from it; the sympathy
with which his whole family united in the ex-
pression of the same feelings for Ireland, the im-
pressive cordiality, the perfect forgetfulness of
self in his parting counsels, won all hearts, and
made him indeed the truly regretted of all the
people. Few of the many deputations who ap-
proached him on that interesting occasion — and
there were men of all classes— but left him with
sentiments of almost personal regret. He was
implored to continue till the Rotunda meeting,
which was now approaching, should take place ;
but with that honourable anxiety to avoid what-
ever might bear even the imputation of personal
pique, or opposition to his Majesty's wishes,
which has ever characterised his conduct, he
anticipated the meeting by a day or two, and
left Ireland on the 18th of January.
The procession which accompanied him that
day to Kingstown harbour, will not easily be
obliterated from the memory of the Irish nation.
The enthusiasm of the people was grave, pro-
found, and taciturn. There was no unseemly
riot ; no turbulence ; no invective : the bless-
ings were not loud, but deep. Banners bearing
38 DEPARTURE OF THE MARQUESS.
the passages of his letter, his last advice to the
people, enwreathed in crape, were borne by the
different trades before him; a long suite of car-
riages followed : every class in the metropolis
mingled. In the midst of all this crowd the
eye anxiously sought out for the late Viceroy.
The Marquess rode uncovered in the midst of
his friends and fellow-soldiers, and saluted the
people with an expression of mingled pain and
pleasure : there were few guards ; an insignifi-
cant escort ; no troops : he went escorted by the
affections of the people. Since the day of Lord
Fitzwilliam — to which they often on that day
likened it, with a prayer that it might not lead
to a repetition of the scenes which so soon fol-
lowed— nothing of the kind had been witnessed
in Dublin. Thousands greeted him from the
shore, as if with him had fled all hopes, and all
chances for Ireland. He embarked amidst their
blessings, and on his now passing from their
sight, returned home in silence, to meditate on
the misfortunes which seemed impending over
their unhappy country.*
* I select one amongst the many addresses, presented on
this memorable occasion. It contains a concise summary of
the Marquess's administration : —
" You arrived in this country at a period peculiarly un-
favourable to the acquisition of popularity. A new mi-
ROTUNDA MEETING. 39
The meeting, however, appointed for the 20th
in the Rotunda, was fast approaching. Men
nistry had been displaced, upon which the hopes of a large
portion of the community had fondly rested. The change
was felt as a defeat, and you were associated with their con-
querors. Another portion hailed you as a deliverer from the
ambitious aspirings of their Catholic antagonists. You had
to guard yourself (a no less difficult task) against their indis-
creet triumph. You achieved both. In a few weeks, by a
great but simple spell, you captivated the general heart. The
old Irish policy of division, for the first time, was abandoned.
You wielded, not one fragment of the state against the
other, for the benefit of the enemies of both ; but you bound
— you consolidated — you wisely directed the energies of all,
to the desire and attainment of common good. You gave a
triumph to neither, but justice to each — you saw Ireland in
all her sons — you were not the representative of a faction,
nor the governor of a faction — you ruled Ireland as a pa-
triot should rule her. You were the best representative of
the King — he has no higher title than the Father of all his
people.
" His gracious Majesty, on leaving our island, recom-
mended peace, harmony, and good-will. What he has
recommended, you have done — and if not quite done, it was
not because your intentions were below your means, but be-
cause your means were not equal to your intentions.
" During a period when all sects, all classes, were stirred
from the depths in which they had slept, into a commotion
fierce and perilous, beyond any known in our recent stormy
history — when the entire nation split oft' into two ad-
verse hosts — your justice, tempered with mercy — using
the balance rather than the sword — walked between both
40 ROTUNDA MEETING.
of the first distinction arrived to assist at this
most important assembly. For two days
armies — saved the people from their passions, and sus-
pended, as far as in you lay, the rush and ruin of the coming
conflict.
" During your administration, new principles, or old prin-
ciples which seemed new, were called into sudden action,
and the irritation of former times was kindled with fresh
irritations beyond any former example — still were the jails
emptied, crime retrenched, the people restrained, commerce
restored, industry encouraged. The nation saw that there
was a beginning — the good began to hope, and the wise no
longer despaired of the country.
" Your Excellency has rendered a great and magnificent
service to this distracted land. You have taught yourself
the lesson, and shown how easily it might be practised — not
by words only, but by example. In rendering a service to
Ireland, you have rendered a service to the empire. In ren-
dering a service to the subject, you have, if possible, ren-
dered a still greater service to the King. If you have not
given all, you have prepared for all. Your administration
would gradually have emancipated, for it would gradually
have liberalised Ireland.
" With the benedictions of a grateful people your Ex-
cellency leaves our shores — may it not also be with their
despondent regret ! We live in days of doubt, and of dark-
ness. We cannot but remember that periods like the present
preluded to the revolutions of America and France — to our
own calamitous warfare of 1798. May no sinister and
partial policy defraud the nation of the few hopes of re-
demption which are still left her ! — and may our children's
children have no reason to assimilate, in after times, the
ROTUNDA MEETING. 41
vious, the committee entrusted with the preli-
minary arrangements, held meetings of the
greatest interest. The indignation at the Mar-
quess's recall was extreme : but a sense of what
was due to the cause, and indeed to his own
feelings and advice, restrained every expression
of these opinions within the bounds of the strict-
est moderation. Even the resolution compli-
mentary to the Duke of Wellington's admi-
nistration, and which embodied with so much
justice that portion of his letter which bore an
immediate reference to the religious peace of
Ireland, was very slightly modified, and all tes-
timonies of regret at the Marquess's departure
limited to an address, in harmony with the gene-
ral feeling at that time pervading the country.*
At an early hour the great room of the Ro-
tunda was crowded, by one of the most numerous
assemblies of the nobility and gentry of Ire-
causes and consequences of your Excellency's recall with
those of the good Earl Fitzwilliam's ! "
* This was so much the case, that an address to the King,
praying him to reverse the letter of recall, and restore the
Marquess of Anglesey to the affections of the people of
Ireland (drawn up by Lord Cloncurry), was negatived in
the committee by a great majority. Every thing was
avoided, which could in the least compromise that attitude
of dignity and good sense which the Marquess had chosen for
his government.
42 ROTUNDA MEETING.
land, which had ever been convened in public
meeting. The Duke of Leinster took the chair.
The Rev. Edward Groves, a Protestant clergy-
man, and Henry Arabin, Esq., to whose united
exertions the Protestant declaration had been
judiciously entrusted, acted as secretaries. The
resolutions, already circulated and approved of
through the country, were brought forward, and
supported with an earnestness and zeal very dif-
ferent indeed from what had usually charac-
terised Protestant meetings. The heart was
thrown, for the first time, boldly and unre-
servedly, into the language. The Protestant
and Catholic mingled together in the same im-
ploring cry for the peace, the prosperity, the
salvation of Ireland. Both speeches and re-
solutions spoke in clear and emphatic phraseo-
logy of the imperious necessity of immediate
and generous concession ; entreated the govern-
ment to interpose with wisdom and liberality,
before it was too late, between the country and
the now undoubted certainty of civil war; point-
ed in plain and stern language to the real sources
of these dissentions; and adjured the Sovereign
and the legislature, by the most solemn appeals,
to look into their existence with the energy
which became a great nation, and apply boldly
wise and searching remedies to their redress.
KOTUNDA MEETING. 43
An address to the King, and petitions to both
Houses of Parliament, were unanimously adopt-
ed. The opposite party at an early hour had
threatened an attempt upon the tranquillity of
the meeting ; and two or three of their notorious
partisans were to be seen hovering in the imme-
diate neighbourhood of the Rotunda. But,
whether from a conviction of their feebleness, or
an apprehension that any disturbance would be
visited by immediate castigation, they abstained
altogether from all offensive interruption of the
proceedings. Immediately after the first resolu-
tion had been put, a Mr. M'Crie, indeed, from
the county of Kerry, a person known originally
as a dissenting field preacher, and afterwards as
a Brunswick orator, attempted to create confu-
sion, by a proposition to divide the meeting, on
the question of an adjournment ; but the stratagem
was too palpably such to merit any serious at-
tention, and after a momentary appearance of
disorder in that part of the hall where he hap-
pened to be stationed, every thing resumed its
former propriety and decorum. One of the most
touching incidents of this very remarkable scene,
was the appearance, in the midst of the young
and ardent men, with whom the platform was
crowded, of the venerable patriot Sir John New-
port. In the outset of his political life, he had
44 ROTUNDA MEETING.
assisted in that same room at the great Con-
vention, which under the auspices of Lord Char-
lemont had petitioned both of the Irish Houses
for reform in parliament. To the exclusion of
the Catholics and their cause from any participa-
tion in those great projects of amelioration, he
attributed the failure of one of the most impor-
tant revolutions, which had ever occurred, in the
history of any country. " The occurrences of
those days," said he, " should teach the present
age that no species of freedom can be lasting,
unless it be also general ; that it cannot endure
for any time, if it be but the freedom of a party,
or the liberty of a sect, and that it must be over-
thrown if it be based on the ascendancy of one
class of men over another." A noble and wise
lesson, which, had it been learnt in time, would
have saved Ireland many a tear, and England
the whole of that miserable struggle for unjust
power, which is doubly odious, when exercised
in the bosom of a free government.
This memorable meeting, which may well
stand beside the great Convention of 1783, both
for the names which it collected, the principles
which it recorded, and the great results to
which it so speedily led, did not separate with-
out taking the necessary measures for the prac-
tical enforcement of its opinions. The noble-
ROTUNDA MEETING. 45
men and gentlemen who constituted the com-
mittee for the Protestant declaration, the din-
ner to Lord Morpeth, for conducting the ar-
rangements of the late meeting, together with
the movers and seconders of the resolutions
just passed, were formed into a body to carry
into effect these resolutions, and were earnestly
requested, individually and collectively, to con-
tinue their exertions for the success of the great
cause in which they were engaged— " the re-
ligious peace of Ireland."
* This was not the first meeting held in the same place, for
the purpose of co-operating with the Catholics in their strug-
gle for the restoration of their civil rights. A meeting of the
Protestants of the city of Dublin took place in the Rotunda,
on the llth February, 1811. The Right Hon. the Lord
Mayor (Alderman M'Kenna) presided ; on the platform was
observed, the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Charlemont, the
Earl of Meath, Lord Cloncurry, the illustrious Grattan, Mr.
Latouche, Mr. S. Tighe, M.P., Mr. Parnell, M.P., Ant.
Blake, M.P., Mr. Power, M.P., Mr. Burrowes, Mr. Wal-
lace, &c. &c. There were supposed to be nearly three thou-
sand persons in the room. The meeting was purely Protestant.
On the suggestion of Alderman Archer, the few Catholics
who were in the hall, were requested to withdraw. Lord
Frankfort, seconded by Mr. Ellis, and supported by half-a-
dozen aldermen, attempted to carry an adjournment, but
failed : after a great deal of confusion, the non-contents
were induced to retire. A series of moderate resolutions,
46 COMMITTEE, &C.
The so appointed committee, pursuant to ar-
rangement, met together at the Royal Hotel,
College Green,1* the day after, for the purpose of
conducting the preliminaries of the public din-
ner, which was to close the proceedings of the
Rotunda meeting. The dinner again brought to-
gether the majority of the noblemen and gentle-
men who had assisted at the meeting of the day
previous, and was the means of eliciting new
pledges to the same great principles of civil and
religious freedom, which had distinguished the
deliberations of the yesterday. John David La-
touche presided, and was supported by the
Marquess of Clanricarde and the Marquess of
Westmeath, vice-presidents.
Whilst the impulse which had been given
was still strong, and the feelings of zeal and
sympathy in the sufferings of their fellow-sub-
the first of which was moved by the Duke of Leinster, were
unanimously adopted, and a petition to both Houses agreed
upon, with a recommendation to have similar petitions signed
and presented from the liberal Protestants, in every county in
Ireland. All this was of use; but there is a very marked
difference, indeed, between the spirit and measures of the
two meetings. The meeting of 1811 produced nothing; the
meeting of 1829 was followed by a junction between both
parties, which was sincere, and would no doubt have endured.
* It was in this same room the articles of the legislative
union were originally arranged.
PROCEEDINGS THEREOF. 47
jects fresh and ardent, it was thought possible
that these impressions might be rendered far
more efficiently and extensively useful by an
immediate junction with the Catholic Associa-
tion. The proposition originated from several
influential gentlemen amongst the Protestants,
and was received with gratitude and enthusiasm,
and almost unanimity, by the Catholics. The
rumour spread ; and long before any decisive
measures could have been taken for the further-
ance of the project, it was already announced
in the Catholic Association, by individuals un-
authorised certainly, and unconnected with the
Committee, but still known for the zeal and
activity which they manifested in the conduct
of Catholic affairs, that a new body was about
to be formed under the denomination of the
Irish Association, which should merge all party
distinctions in the common feeling of country,
and annihilate for ever, in practice, all those
miserable political divisions, which had so long
kept them separate and ignorant, of each other.
The effect of this declaration upon the people of
Ireland was great. It produced a general feel-
ing of enthusiastic cordiality and attachment,
and had already half prepared the way for the
projected union. Nothing could be a better
evidence of the kind predispositions of the Ca-
48 PROCEEDINGS THEREOF.
tholics, or the total absence of any of those mo-
tives, the love of power or ascendancy, or the
cherished retaining of old religious rancours,
which had been so injuriously attributed to
them, during every period of the struggle. But
the effect on England was still more powerful.
The opponents of the measure already saw a
general and extraordinary revolution gradually
maturing. The quarrel, instead of being Catho-
lic and Protestant, was likely to become Irish
and English. Sectarianism had changed into
nationality. They imagined that henceforth the
contest would assume something of the character
of the great struggle of 1782, a battle not for
an equality of rights between all classes of the
same state, but ultimately perhaps for national
independence and separation from the sister
country. But the period had not yet arrived for
such a junction. The project was full of zeal
and sincerity ; but the public mind was not yet
ripe.
The committee emanating from the Rotunda
meeting was not, however, indifferent to the
proposition. They entertained it with all the
judgment and good feeling to which it had a
claim. Ten Catholics and ten Protestants, after-
wards increased by an addition of ten more on
either side, were appointed as a sub-committee
OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION. 49
to inquire into the principle of such a coalition,
and the means best calculated, in case it should
meet the approbation of the meeting, of bring-
ing it into immediate effect. The committee
met and discussed at considerable length, for
several days, the several bearings of this very
important subject. The utility of the junction
was unanimously admitted. The difficulties of
practically effecting it, were embarrassing. Most
of the Catholic members were anxious for this
amalgamation, at any cost. Mr. O'Connell and
Mr. Sheil thought it could be produced by the
Protestants simply going down in a mass of thirty
or forty, and giving in their names and subscrip-
tions to the Catholic Association. Lord Killeen,
Mr. Wyse, and others, regarded it as a matter
which demanded the utmost care and considera-
tion. They met the Protestant gentlemen half
way, and gave them an opportunity of fully ex-
pressing their objections. After three successive
meetings, it appeared on mature examination
of existing circumstances, and particularly of
the "actual organization" of the Catholic As-
sociation, that the plan was impracticable. The
Catholic Association was constituted in a very
peculiar manner, in no sort of analogy with
any other body on record. It was not a club ;
for members were admitted on the simple pro-
VOL. II. D
50 OBJECTIONS TO A COALITIOX.
position of a member, and the previous payment
of I/, subscription, and not by ballot : it was
not a representative body ; for " no member
stood there as the representative or delegate of
any town, borough, county, or individual what-
soever." It was an open society, calculated
and intended to extend to almost every part,
not only of Ireland and England, but of
France and America, and the rest of the civi-
lised world. It thus became, in the strongest
sense of the word, a truly irresponsible body.
The apartment in which it assembled could
contain but a small portion even of the resident
members. Thus no guarantee could possibly be
given, that the opinions of one day would con-
tinue to be the opinipns of another ; or the votes
of the assembly at which a gentleman assisted,
might not be rescinded by a new body on the
morrow. A man entering a society necessarily
desires to understand thoroughly the nature of
the principles and the conduct of those to whom
he is about to pledge himself; but in a body
so fluctuating, so composed of multitudinous
and fleeting particles, he had no assurance that
he might not pledge himself to men and mea-
sures concurring in appearance, but in reality
and result, the most opposite to his own opinions
and rule, of political action. This evil, great as
OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION. 51
it unquestionably was, was still further enhanced
by another very little inferior. The admission
of non-members into the rooms at one shilling
each, often gave a very erroneous tone to the
public meetings. It was true, indeed, that in
cases of dubious discussion, or where great in-
terests were at stake, a strict separation of the
members from the non- members would have
been insisted on ; but those cases were of rare
occurrence, and in the interval, the influence
of the externs on the public deliberations was
frequently pernicious. All the violent mea-
sures of the Jacobin clubs at Paris originated,
and were forced on the meeting, by the galleries.
It was quite clear, then, that the Protestant who
demanded some security against these objection-
able portions of the system, demanded nothing
but what he might reasonably suppose to be es-
sential to his own independence, and requisite to
secure him against the risk of being identified
with proceedings, of which possibly he could
not in every particular approve. Another con-
cession upon which he insisted, I will not
say with the same justice, was the restriction
in future of the subjects of debate, within
the precise and narrow limits of the Catho-
lic question, excluding of course every thing
which could touch upon matters of collateral
52 OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION.
policy or legislation, upon which difference of
opinion might be supposed to exist, such as the
Church, the Subletting act, the Repeal of the
Union, &c. These conditions were expressed
forcibly by some of the Protestant gentlemen, by
others incidentally and reluctantly ; but it was
quite obvious, that with one or two exceptions,
whether tacit or expressed, such was the unani-
mous opinion of their entire party. The Catho-
lics on their side did not feel themselves au-
thorised, whatever might be their opinions indi-
vidually, to enter into such guarantees or alter-
ations for the body at large ; and measuring-
things by their practical utility, rather than by
their theoretical advantages, they could not but
feel that the Catholic Association so altered,
would lose a great portion of its influence on
the mind of the people. The secret of that in-
fluence was its wide extension over the country
at large, and the extreme facility with which
it aggregated to itself every species of public
exertion, in every class through every part of
the Catholic community. No organization could
more successfully flatter the self-love of indi-
viduals, or more closely bind them to a common
principle of action : any restriction of such ex-
tension would have been fatal:, the very .sus-
picion, would have produced a portion at least
OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION. 53
of the bad results which might be apprehended
from the reality ; — it would have chilled the en-
thusiasm of the people ; relaxed their exertions ;
diminished the returns of the Catholic Rent ;
sown new divisions ; generated anew counter-
associations, such as Ribbon meetings, &c.
amongst the peasantry; and thus neutralised
perhaps in a few weeks, the good of the many
laborious years which had preceded them. But
there were other evils also, to which the most
ample concessions to the wishes of the Protest-
ants would ultimately have exposed both Pro-
testant and Catholic. The Catholic Association
was composed of very heterogeneous materials :
— there was the old aristocracy party ; the mer-
cantile party ; the party of the clergy, very di-
versified also by its own aristocracy and demo-
cracy ; and finally, the bar party, which was
split into two classes totally distinct. The bar
had now for many years been the active guide
of Catholic politics, and in some instances, ad-
vantages were derivable from this interference
of the greatest importance : in the latter strug-
gles of the Catholic question, it required un-
doubtedly a minute acquaintance with all the
technicalities of the law, to protect the body
from any of those numerous errors to which their
ignorance might otherwise have exposed them.
54 OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION.
But the bar itself was extremely divided ; Mr.
O'Connell and Mr. Sheil, with all their intem-
perance, had, from their more extensive know-
ledge of the different parties in the state, views
infinitely more sober and discreet, than many
of those gentlemen, who in the same profession
were gradually rising behind them. Young, in-
experienced, and zealous as they were, little
doubt can exist, that had the alterations de-
manded taken place, a month would scarcely
have elapsed without an internal convulsion, or
a gradual secession, not less productive of the
most injurious consequences. Many of these
young men valued the Association, as well for
the theatre which it afforded to the early dis-
play of talent, and the opportunities which it
opened to public notoriety, as for any beneficial
consequences, which it produced to the country
at large. Their views on these heads were
singularly vague, and evinced a very limited
knowledge of the operation of public opinion,
or the judicious management of a popular engine
upon the public mind. To deprive them of an
arena and an audience, of the tumultuary, good-
natured, and easily inflammable character which
accompanied the actual popular organization of
the Catholic Association, would have been in
their mind to strike at the root of every thing
OBJECTIONS TO A COALITION. 55
really valuable in the body, and to convert it
from a popular public meeting, into a close cham-
ber,—an oligarchical convention. There would
have been constant appeals, as was formerly the
case in the Catholic body, from the Association
to aggregate meetings ; and in these meetings,
purely democratic, as they always have been,
and otherwise liable to objection, the aristocrats
would have been denounced, and the Protestant
associators held up, as the cause of the coldness
and apathy, which had begun to prevail amongst
the body. The Protestants, however liberal,
could not patiently have endured this summary
exercise of popular censure, and would unques-
tionably, as more than one Catholic had done
before them, have retired disgusted from the
public scene. Such a revulsion would have
been most fatal. The triumph of the adverse
party would have been complete, and all hopes
of future combination for a common purpose
definitively and for ever at an end.
These objections were not removed by the
Catholic members of the committee most anxi-
ous for the junction, and even the Lords Ross-
more and Cloncurry, Mr. D. Latouche, and
other Protestant members of the Association,
finally concurred in their propriety. A middle
56 SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS
course was, however, practicable. There was
no reason why the two bodies, constituted dif-
ferently, applying different means to the one
object, might not continue their sittings in the
same metropolis, and at the same period, with
great benefit to the common cause.* After
* In this point of view the British Catholic Association,
sitting in London, was of unquestionable utility. Difference
of situation had produced difference of character, and ren-
dered a difference of policy necessary. It was as unreason-
able to ask from them our agitation and activity, as from us
their gentleness and exceedingly placid temper. We had
different manreuvres to execute in the same field for the same
object, to each of which we were respectively adapted. It
would be preposterous to require of the cavalry the service
of the infantry, or of the infantry the service of the cavalry.
This was not always kept in sight. Hence a great deal of
unnecessary and injurious suspicion and rebuke. As to the
late quarrel on " Securities," the Irish did right to keep
clear of every offer of the kind. They already had been
duped and swindled enough. Governments are like indi-
viduals (though by no means so honest), and shamelessly
take advantage of these good-natured propositions. They
have always done so, and will always do so to the end of
time. The fault is not in the minister, but in the nature of
the offence. The generosity of a nation is laughed at : such
magnanimity is considered, and often justly considered, by
these Machiavels, to be little better than weakness, and im-
becility of spirit. It behoves the people, therefore, to be
OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. 57
much discussion, Mr. Wyse suggested that a
distinct body, to be called the Society of the
Friends of Civil and Religious Freedom, should im-
mediately be formed (the present committee
constituting the nucleus), and should still con-
tinue their co-operation with the Catholics on
all subjects connected with the interests of their
question. Lord Cloncurry proposed in addition,
that there should be a standing sub-committee
of conference, to be appointed by ballot from
also on their guard : when the bargain is about their rights,
they cannot be sufficiently avaricious, — sufficiently hard. —
But though these principles be just, it must also be remem-
bered there are two ways of inculcating them. To call
upon a body for a solemn disclaimer of the opinions of any
member, however influential, is a most false principle, and
would lead, if admitted, to endless injustice and inconveni-
ence. Why did not the Catholic Association publish a dis-
avowal of " the Duke of York speeches" of Mr. Sheil ?
Because the Catholic Association thought, and Mr. Sheil
thought, that a body should be bound by its own declara-
tions only, that is, by its own resolutions, and not by the
opinions or principles of any man or any set of men whatso-
ever. In this the Association judged rightly; but when the
occasion arrived for applying it to others, they altogether
forgot their own precedent. They did to others, what they
never would have suffered to have been done with impunity
to themselves. As to the manner in which the censure was
communicated, public opinion has already pronounced on
it ; and public opinion has pronounced as it ought.
58 UTILITY THEREOF.
each body ; but this it was apprehended would
too closely connect them with the proceedings
of the Association, and not very essentially differ
from an absolute coalition. Mr. Wyse's sug-
gestion, in its original simple form, was finally
and unanimously adopted.
There can be little doubt, that had the great
and final measure of relief been any longer de-
ferred, this society would have proved, if pro-
perly conducted, a most powerful auxiliary to
the Catholic Association. It was an unlimited
society, similar to the Association, open to all
sects and denominations. As many individuals
were members of both Associations, a sufficient
means of communication, and a connexion quite
close enough for every useful and practical
purpose, could have been easily maintained.
Whenever a still closer union might have been
rendered necessary or desirable, either by the
very critical circumstances of the country, or
the occurrence of some new emergency, the two
bodies could without difficulty be amalgamated
in the course of half an hour. There would be
thus established on the one hand, a medium of
communication with the liberal Protestants, with
the government (if necessary), and with the
English people, far less obnoxious to their pre-
judices than the Catholic Association ; and on
PROCEEDINGS. 59
the other, in the hour of danger, an imposing
power would be always ready to be brought up
in rear, either as a moderator or supporter, to
the assistance of the Catholics.
The " Society of the Friends of Civil and Re-
ligious Freedom" immediately commenced their
proceedings, and one of their first measures was
to appoint a sub-committee to watch the pro-
gress of the question during the ensuing session,
and to co-operate if necessary with the Catho-
lics, in furthering the common cause whilst in
course of discussion through either house of par-
liament. Mr. O'Connell left Dublin about the
same time, and several of his friends crowded
to London to be present at the great question
which he was so soon to plead at the bar of the
House of Commons, when an event occurred of
all others the least expected, and which fortu-
nately in a moment rendered all these measures
for the future unnecessary.
On the 6th of February, a day ever memo-
rable in the history of the empire, a day which
has opened a new era of internal peace for Ire-
land, the first day of hope, of happiness, of se-
curity, which has been permitted to her for cen-
turies, the King's speech from the throne con-
veyed the gratifying assurance, that the ques-
60 KING'S SPEECH.
tion was at last to be brought before parliament
by his Majesty's ministers, with a view to such
final and equitable adjustment, as might be most
satisfactory to all classes of his Majesty's subjects.
This measure of grace and conciliation was,
however, to be preceded by one specifically in-
tended for the suppression of the Catholic Asso-
ciation, but extending to every species of politi-
cal assembly in Ireland.
The announcement of this important intelli-
gence was received on all sides with the most
unbounded exultation and confidence ; and
though qualified by the coercive law suppress-
ing the Association, a spirit of gratitude and
tranquillity, in an instant superseded that angry
and menacing state of things, which during the
two last years had distracted the country. The
first impulse of all the liberal Protestants, friends
to emancipation, and many of the Catholics
themselves, was to render unnecessary the ap-
plication of the law, by their own voluntary
act. It was quite true that an act of grace
had been rendered ungracious by this unneces-
sary expenditure of government power on a
body, which would of itself have disappeared
before the restoration of peace and union, and
the concession of their just rights to the reso-
SUPPRESSION ASSOCIATION BILL. 61
lute and intelligent citizens, who composed
it. Either a most erroneous opinion of the prin-
ciple upon which the power of the Association
and even its existence depended, must have
prevailed in the cabinet ; or with a feeling from
which individuals are seldom exempt, but which
it ought to have been the glory of the legisla-
ture and the government of a great country to
have disdained, they wished to brand their an-
tagonist with unnecessary defeat, and to give
a false evidence to the country, that they had
the power as well as the will, at last to suppress
it. Every one of common sense must have at
once perceived, that all this was but a puerile
and petty idling with public opinion : no one
was so blind or ignorant as to ascribe the disso-
lution of that body to the act of parliament ;
they gave the glory to whom the glory was due,
to the justice and wisdom of the accompanying
measure. And if by any untoward circumstances,
it should have so happened, that the ignoble
game of 1825 had been again played over, and
the Relief bill had been thrown out in the Lords,
or rejected finally, as it was preposterously ex-
pected by the Sovereign, it is as certain as there
is a sun in heaven, that the suppression Associ-
ation bill of 1820 would have been even more
62 SUPPRESSION ASSOCIATION BILL.
ineffectual than that of 1825, and that in some
shape or other the Catholic Association would
have reappeared, but with a spirit of detesta-
tion tenfold augmented, and an inclination to
reject in future every proffer at conciliation,
until conciliation at last should have become
impossible, and the contest been transferred
from the senate to the field.
The Catholics, however, did not allow them-
selves to be swayed by these impressions.
They could not but feel hurt by this want
of reciprocity, and looked, not without some
degree of contempt, at the mortified vanity,
which thus attempted to find consolation for its
former impotence, in a very miserable play upon
the public. But the great cause was uppermost.
It was the all in all. It subdued, it annihilated
every other feeling. Beside it, every other sub-
ject was secondary and little. This was no mo-
ment for recrimination. The true lover of his
country was imperatively called on to assist, by
every means consistent with dignity and jus-
tice, in the noble work. Letters poured in on
every side. The Marquess of Anglesey, still
watching with an anxious solicitude over the
destinies of a country, to which he was now
more than ever attached, gave admirable advice,
DISCUSSIONS THEREON. 63
in a strain the most kind and affectionate : the
Knight of Kerry, and many other members of
the lower house, evinced scarcely less desire to
prevent any ebullition of popular feeling from
interfering with the opening prospects of the
country : several other gentlemen, Catholic as
well as Protestant, joined their voices, and im-
pressed upon the Association the propriety and
expediency of an immediate dissolution. But
Mr. O'Connell was opposed to the measure, and
in two successive letters, one from Shrewsbury
and the other from London, gave an emphatic
opinion against the dissolution. Two very warm
discussions took place on the subject in the
Association. Mr. Sheil brought forward the
proposition, and urged it with his usual elo-
quence, supported by Mr. Lawless : the oppo-
sition, conducted by Mr. Brady, supported by
Mr. Forde, &c. made it for a time doubtful,
whether Mr. O'Connell's opinion would not
ultimately have prevailed. Several resolutions,
by letter and viva voce, were suggested— some
basing the dissolution on the true principle on
which it should have rested, the inutility of
retaining the exercise of means, when the end
for which they were originally intended had
been fully attained ; others simply declaratory
64 DISCUSSIONS THEREON.
of their confidence in government; others again,
moving the dissolution without any reference
to the causes, by which it had been pro-
duced. An amendment was attempted by
Mr. Luke Plimkett, proposing that the Asso-
ciation should adjourn sine die ; but besides that
this did not materially differ from a positive
dissolution, it implied a lurking apprehension
on the part of the Catholics, that government
was not yet sincere. But the time had fully
come in which they might legitimately believe
in Emancipation, and all feeling of doubt or want
of confidence at such a moment, tended only
to neutralise the advantages resulting from con-
cession. This great national treaty of amnesty
and reconciliation, to be useful and permanent,
required to be met on both sides with a total
abandonment of all selfish motive. The great
mass of the body were of this opinion ; the
aristocracy were of this opinion ; the prelacy
and clergy were of this opinion (for Mr.
Sheil was formally commissioned to communi-
cate the assent of the bishops) ; and no real
opposition existed to the dissolution, even on
the part of the more turbulent portion of the
Association. Mr. Sheil's motion was carried
almost unanimously, and the Catholic Asso-
DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSOCIATION. 65
elation of Ireland, after enduring, under various
forms and with the intervention of occasional
interruptions, from 1760, stood finally and per-
petually dissolved.*
The announcement of this intelligence was
received with the utmost satisfaction by the old
* Mr. Shell, in closing his speech, comprises in a few
words the entire course, which the Catholics subsequently
pursued. " The object of this body was, and is Catholic
emancipation ; that object is, in my judgment, already ob-
tained. Nothing except our own imprudence can now de-
feat it. The end being achieved, wherefore should we con-
tinue to exist? What are we to do ? In a few days an act
of parliament will put us down. How is the interval to be
expended ? In the making of harangues, forsooth — in the
delivery of fine fragments of rhetoric, and in proclamations
of our own dignity and importance ? If the minister acts a
false part in our regard, we can readily rally again ; but if
a fair and equitable adjustment of the question be made, he
is an enemy of his country who would perpetuate its divi-
sions.— The course which I recommend is this : Let us deter-
mine to dissolve — let us pass a series of resolutions declara-
tory of our motives for so doing ; let us protest against any
unnecessary abandonment of the rights of citizens; let us
discontinue the collection of the Rent, but preserve the
finance committee, in order to pay our debts, and wind up
our pecuniary concerns ; let its meetings be private, in order
that there may be no pretence for alleging that we maintain
a shadow of the Association ; and let its measures be subject
to the revision of an aggregate meeting." — Speech of Mr.
Shell on the dissolution of the Catholic Association.
VOL. II. E
66 DISSOLUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF
and ardent friends of the Catholics in London,
and was the very best refutation which the body
could have offered, of the malignant conjectures
of their enemies. It furnished a no less just cen-
sure on that spirit of narrow-minded diffidence
which had suggested the Suppression bill, and
told the country in emphatic language, that the
Catholics of Ireland did not require to be forced
into harmony and unity with their fellow-sub-
jects. The conciliation was not a work of com-
pulsion, but a spontaneous and voluntary act of
love. If any thing could exhibit in a favour-
able contrast the pretensions of the Catholics to
those of the government, it was undoubtedly
this. It gloriously justified, before all men, the
good cause. Every one admitted, they had too
much calmness and too much forbearance, not
to have been in the right.
Almost contemporaneously with the dissolu-
tion of the Association, its co-operating body,
the Association or Society of the Friends of
Civil and Religious Freedom, by a similar vote
dissolved themselves, and in a manner the most
flattering deputed two of their body to go down
in person and communicate the same to the
Association.
The royal assent was given a few days after
to the Association Suppression bill, and on the
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. 67
same evening Mr. Peel brought in the bill for
the Relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic sub-
jects. The grounds upon which he placed it,
were totally different from those, which had been
urged on any former occasion. The equaliza-
tion of all classes of the empire, the extension
to all the rights and eligibilities, to which all had
an equal title, was the noble and philosophic
basis upon which the new Magna Charta was to
repose. The exceptions specified by the bill,
were such as arose out of the nature of our civil
and ecclesiastical institutions, and were very
distinct indeed from that penal and exclusive
principle, which had hitherto regulated the legis-
lation of the country. Securities were attached
to these concessions, in perhaps too narrow and
unconfi ding a spirit ; neither does it appear what
species of security such conditions could well
afford. The Elective Franchise Regulation bill,
the suppression of religious orders, and the re-
gulations of the appellations and titles of the
Catholic clergy, either have no connexion with
the security of the Protestant establishments of
the empire, or are such as must prove, if relied
on, a very feeble guarantee indeed. The Oath,
which still retains too much of the character of
a test, is a more powerful instrument, but its
efficacy must again depend much more on the
68 RELIEF BILL.
interpretation, which may in practice be given
to it, by the persons who impose and the per-
sons who take it, than upon the oath itself. But
it is not thence to be inferred that the Protestant
church was more exposed. There were far bet-
ter securities for its protection, than what minis-
ters could devise, or acts of parliament assure.
There was that power resident in the intrinsic
majority, in the superior wealth, numbers, and
civilization of the Protestant portion of the com-
munity, which of itself must necessarily render
futile every attack, and the conviction of which
in the mind of all classes, must always go far to
produce an habitual spirit of temperance and
moderation. Yet even this conviction was less
efficacious, than the general satisfaction which it
was natural to expect from the measure itself.
In the national tranquillity, in the peace and
smoothness of all the political and social rela-
tions, attaining at last that just level to which
they had been so long ascending, there was a
pledge of future repose, far more permanent and
certain, than any that could be attained by the
operations of mere force. These considerations
no doubt presented themselves to ministers, and
if they adopted measures which evinced a want
of confidence in their truth, it is to be attributed
not so much to any real mistrust, as to the ne-
DIFFICULTIES, &C. &C. 69
cessity, in which they found themselves placed
of conciliating fools with follies, and of tem-
pering with the appearance of sacrifice the
prejudices of well-meaning ignorance, and the
interests and passions of a large and divided
empire.
That they had great and numerous difficulties
to contend with, there can now be little doubt
— not difficulties originating from the dissatis-
faction, or opposition of the English people, not
difficulties arising from the wealth, influence,
mind, or character, arrayed against them, but
such difficulties as are not always in the reach
of the first intellect and the purest principles to
control. The ear of royalty was exposed at all
hours to the insidious whisperings of evil coun-
sel; rumours the most injurious to the steadi-
ness and honour of the Sovereign, to the rela-
tion in which he then stood to his people, to the
rank which he held amongst the princes of Eu-
rope, were industriously bruited abroad : it was
reported, even long after the royal speech had
been pronounced, that there were hours of wa-
vering and intervals of dissatisfaction, sudden
misgivings, unwise suspicions in the royal breast ;
as if the Monarch of these realms could thus
withdraw, without a sacrifice of every principle,
his plighted word to the country, and turn back
70 ROYAL ASSENT GIVEN.
alarmed by the malignities or menaces of any-
body or individual, from the broad course of
justice and policy, which he had prescribed to
himself. In the Commons the question was
carried by a very considerable majority : this
was anticipated : no strong impression seems to
have been made on public opinion by the event.
It was still hoped by the exclusionists that the
majority in the Lords would be so trifling, as to
justify the assertion so frequently put forward,
that the great mass of the nation, both aristo-
cracy and people, were decidedly against the
measure, and that no other house than a Can-
ning's House of Commons would have dared to
pass it. It was still hoped a dissolution of par-
liament might be forced by circumstances upon
ministers, and the King's mind might be roused
by the dissent of his people. The majority of one
hundred and five in the Lords, on the second
reading of the bill, put the matter beyond doubt.
It passed through the Committee without arc
amendment, and on the 13th of April, amidst
the benedictions of a grateful people, and with-
out the slightest demonstration of popular tu-
mult, on the part of its opponents, it received
the ROYAL ASSENT.
Thus terminated, after a struggle of more than
half a century, a noble cause, founded, like the
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 71
abolition of the slave trade, on the principles of
the simplest justice, and supported in its pro-
gress, by all that was splendid in intellect, or
elevated in character, in this great empire. To
the last moment that it was at all practicable,
opposition to these just claims had been con-
tinued. No appeal to justice or humanity, no
assertion of solemn treaty, no vindication from
infamous calumny, no continuance of unim-
peachable conduct, had availed. Ireland was not
yet known, and was despised. All information
of her wants came through partial channels. It
was not then by sleep, and by apathy, and by
acquiescence, and by dutiful behaviour, that she
obtained her legitimate station and her ancient
birthright ; but it was-— and let nations listen to
it and learn, for it is a great and instructive les-
son to those who still sit in bondage, — it was
by the unceasing importunity at the debtor's
gate, by the outstretched and firm arm in de-
mand of natural rights — by the untiring clamour
for redress — by the determined resolve — never,
never to lie down in patient slavery, whatever
might ensue ; it was by this that she acquired
her freedom, and it was by this that she de-
served to acquire it. This singleness and stea-
diness of purpose in a legitimate struggle, has
been spell sufficient to work greater miracles.
1 \L CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
To the gradual developement of such sacred con-
victions in the national heart, America owes her
independence ; and with all obstacles to con-
tend against, in herself, and in her allies, Greece
shall yet owe hers. Once kindled, neither years
nor men can extinguish it. Her enemies may
be powerful, and united, and persevering — her
friends feeble, faithless, and indolent — a just
cause and a firm will are match sufficient against
them all. In the late long battle, many there
were, who fixed their eyes more on the combat-
ants, than on the noble end for which they com-
bated, and measuring both by such an estimate,
the chance of success appeared weak and distant.
These were narrow views : as if in this man, or in
that man were bound up, the destinies of a great
country. Washington did not make America —
but America made Washington. " If Philip be
dead," says the Athenian orator, " your errors
will soon raise you up another Philip." So was
it with Ireland : events, and the public wrongs,
would never have left her without tongues of
fire, and arms of iron, to speak, and to act, for
her. But this, and higher resources would
have been useless, had not a sage and judicious
policy presided over its management. In poli-
tical struggles, what is not useful must be inju-
rious ; and no stray application of the moral
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
means vested in the country, could have been
merely indifferent. It is in this point of view,
an inquiry into the machinery of the Association
will afford to all classes of a free country, the
most important instruction. It is true, indeed,
that the application, to Catholic purposes, is for
the future rendered unnecessary. But, in a
state like ours — founded at an early period of
European civilization, and retaining still, in its
present improvement, much of the ancient clum-
siness and imperfection of all early institutions —
it is only natural, that there should be a constant
struggle going on towards amelioration. There
will be in some part or other of the body efforts to
throw off the old vices of the system, continually
appearing on the surface of society ; and it is a
matter of some moment to the wellbeing of the
entire political body, that they should be sub-
jected to a wise control. The reader, who has
followed the preceding narrative with attention,
will have caught some clue to this mystery. He
will have seen, that the Catholic Association
began from very humble means, and grew up
at last into a body, capable, even on the aver-
ment of a cabinet minister himself, in despite of
lord lieutenant, and parliament, and sovereign,
of shaking from its basis the steadiest institu-
tions of the empire. This progress, when com-
74 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
pared at long intervals, will appear marvellous.
The two extremes of the chain will seem out of
all proportion ; but when each link is carefully
examined, when the eye follows calmly on from
one to the other, the miracle will re-enter into
the ordinary course of nature, and the connex-
ion between intermediate cause and effect —
each effect in its turn becoming cause — will
become instantly conspicuous. Individual spi-
rit, excited by personal injuries and insults —
these insults and injuries but exemplifications
of the general system — were the first causes of
the awakening of the country. All the obsta-
cles which usually hang about commencements,
— puny jealousies, — concealed hatreds, — base en-
vies,— narrow views, — the little passions and
wretched interests of little men, disgraced, or
impeded, or opposed its progress. The leaders
of that day were in advance of the country, and
were obliged to submit to the tedious and un-
grateful task, of gradually illuminating the peo-
ple. But they had their consolations too ; they
had cheerful and intelligent co-labourers, as they
proceeded, and the noble work advanced. The
disasters of their country occasionally assisted,
and did more for them, and the success of their
cause, than all the persuasions of truth or justice.
Their shackles were loosened : they took ad-
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 75
vantage of the relaxation ; they soon found out
that what they had obtained, could effectually
be employed to obtain more. By degrees, the
habit of subduing, taught them to subdue. The
spirit spread, from a knot to a class, from a
class to the country. Excitation shot round in
every direction, through the system. Many rea-
soned, and every one felt. New roads, shorter
and more effective means, were discovered to
the common end. Ingenuity was sharpened by
distress : the national mind was bent upon only
one object — the invention and practice of every
mode of political attack. Anarchy was in some
degree organised in the country : war was forced
into unnatural combination with peace. There
is no instance in history of a country standing
for a series of years in a state so closely border-
ing on revolution. The fever was made chro-
nic. All parts of the system were affected by its
influence. Nothing was wholesome, or natural,
or steady, or profitable, in the state ; institutions
which, in the neighbouring country, were dis-
pensers of fruitful blessing to all within their
reach, transplanted here, threw out the rankness
of the soil, and were shunned, and hated as curses.
The English constitution was known only by its
vices, and England by her oppressions. All these
were great evils ; but these evils became a good.
76 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
They were the stern steel, and the deadly wea-
pon, which an indignant people used, and had
a right to use, against their taskmasters. The
duties of government became as much a pain
and penalty to the governors as to the governed.
This was well ; for despotism has no right to en-
joy tranquillity, nor injustice to taste the sweets
of doing good. For a considerable time, these
obstacles were not noticed. They came sepa-
rately, and at intervals. The Catholics had not
yet thought of a general attack: a few skir-
mishes amongst the outposts were the only
encounters ; the superior discipline, the more
compact character of their adversaries' tactics,
proved for them more than a match ; they were
easily repulsed : their losses were magnified in-
to a general defeat : defeated, they were scorned,
despised, and treated as turbulent but irre-
deemable slaves. This was the spirit in reference
to the Catholics of most of the administrations
before the concessions of 1793, and continued to
be the spirit of many administrations after. What
was then granted, was a mere God-send — a
patched-up expedient to stop a rushing torrent ;
it was not the Irish legislature, but the giant of
the French revolution, who came, saw, and con-
quered for the Catholics. The wisdom or gene-
rosity of the Protestants had nothing to say to
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 77
the matter. It was the surrender of reluctant
fear. The bill itself is a flagrant anomaly ; it
bears every where, the visible imprint of force
and hurry. They knew not where to begin, nor
where to end. At the time, they would have
given any thing, and every thing. " The Moor
was at the gate," — they were indebted for what
they retained to the stupid moderation and ha-
bitual servility of their antagonists — not to them-
selves. The Catholics had not even the courage
to receive, much less to extort. The panic
passed, and the rebellion of 1798 once more
gave back to the Orange Protestants that ascen-
dancy which they were on the point of losing.
It was in paroxysms of this kind that Ireland
had always lost, what in her better moments,
through toil, and time, and danger, she had been
enabled to gain. Here was a great lesson, and
it was at last understood. Brute force was at
length discarded ; it was estimated in precisely
the manner in which it should. In governments,
where opinion has any sway, and knowledge can
at all be circulated, it must be a very extraordi-
nary contingency which will render it necessary.
In despotisms, the governor cannot come at the
opinion of the governed ; in this, as in so many
other particulars, free governments have singu-
larly the advantage ; the strictest espionage in
78 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
the world is not for an instant to be put in
comparison with their free press; there is no-
thing to detect, where every one is willing to
confess ; nothing to unravel, where every thing
is thrown clearly and even ostentatiously on the
surface. Not so in despotisms ; there every
thing is obscurity, mystery, suspicion, fear : the
jealousies of both ruler and subject lead to mu-
tual mistakes : the people can never be known
to the prince, nor the prince to the people. Re-
volutions are nearly matured in the public mind
before the public is aware of them, and it is often
the most insignificant incident which leads to
the great and general convulsion, which decides
all. A despotic sovereign walks constantly on
a species of solfatara ; it is often a mere shell
which divides him from the fires below. Hence
despotic governments are subject to the rudest
and most unexpected changes ; brute force is
almost their only instrument of reform ; the bat-
tle of their rights is decided, not in the senate
or the cabinet, but in the open field. But the
institutions of England usually protect her from
such evils : the minister yields uniformly to a
truly national sentiment, for the moment it be-
comes truly national, it becomes impossible for
a minister to resist it : the man who should
make the attempt would soon cease to be a mi-
\ REFLECTION I, 79
nister. The object then of all political reformers
in such a state should be to attain this end — to
make their opinions the opinions of the country ;
this done, rebellion is unnecessary, the revo-
lution naturally and peacefully succeeds. It was
a very considerable time before the Catholic
leaders seemed fully to be impressed with these
truths, or to speak more correctly, it was not
until events suggested the system, and expe-
rience confirmed its utility, that it began to be
enforced. The progress was at first slow ; all
the old prejudices of hereditary and national su-
periority still survived : the project of gradually
converting the hostility of so large a portion of
the community into support, of communicating
to the ignorant knowledge, to the blind sight,
seemed as doubtful as the chances of open war-
fare. The war of reason upon " chaos and old
night. " was marked in its outset, by as many
diversities and disappointments, as the contests
ot the field. The petitions of the oppressed
were rejected — their complaints scofted at —
their wrongs denied — their misfortunes made
subject of triumph and jeer. But discussion still
went on, and produced its slow but inevitable
results. Every defeat brought them nearer to
the certain though distant victory. The Ca-
tholics at last threw otV all their ancient apathy ;
80 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
through alternations of fear and hope, they at
last attained that state of fixed and correct
resolve which was the immediate forerunner of
final success. Education came forward as their
ally. Their voice found by degrees echoes in
every circle. One interest and then another
was enlisted in their ranks. Speculative and
visionary objections vanished before the reali-
ties, stern and absolute, of common life. Fi-
nance, agriculture, commerce, literature, were
all made, more or less, part and parcel of the
Catholic Question. It was a long time before
its opponents would consent to see the change ;
but its importance or progress did not depend
upon their seeing it. The light advances in
despite of the blind. Even the very quarrels
of the Catholics themselves, censured as they
were, were often productive of advantage. They
eliminated the doubtful ; they rejected the cow-
ardly ; they tried the faithful ; they confirmed
the strong. New truths were struck forth by
the collision ; a greater clearness and decision
were given to their movements ; a more perfect
accord was produced amongst all classes of their
body. Their adversaries had not made the same
progress, and remained scattered and undi-
vided. The government still attempted to con-
duct affairs on old principles, as if every thing
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 81
around them was not new. But the peace of
1815 had produced on the intellect of the
country the same effect as on its commerce :
a larger communication with the neighbouring-
states had introduced greater circulation of
mind, greater freedom of thought and speech.
A new alliance was formed between the Ca-
tholics and public opinion in every part of
Europe. The contest was no longer between
two factions. It became a grand and magni-
ficent struggle between two principles, carried
on at the same time with varied success in every
other part of the world. It was not to decide
whether merely the Catholic should be free, but
whether in a free state there should not be re-
cognised a regenerating power, capable of cor-
recting ancient abuse, and of throwing off when
necessary, in the progress of civilization, the
slough and vice of its early corruptions. It was
to establish the right of a people to interfere in
the management of their own happiness ; it was
to mark more distinctly the privileges and power
of popular opinion ; it was to give a new Magna
Charta, consonant to the lights of the age, to
every class of citizen, applicable to every pur-
pose of national reform, and capable of working
every species of national good. That this will
be the operation of the great measure, no rational
VOL. II. F
82 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
man can now doubt ; if it were less than this, it
was scarcely worth the expense and time of the
struggle. Every Catholic, it is true, was not
equally imbued with this conviction, but it was
not necessary he should. Immediate and per-
sonal injury is a better stimulant than any thing
else ; and while every Catholic had within him-
self so many stimulants of the kind, it would
be an absurd act of supererogation to seek for
additional motive for excitement from without.
The activity of the penal code, the habits of
oppression which it had introduced into all por-
tions of the country, kept him constantly in
a state of corresponding violence. Agitation ex-
isted every where — penetrated every where —
became the mode and manner of existence of
the whole community. It was now only neces-
sary to give it a more precise and effective
direction. This was done by Organization.
The first attempts were but a series of experi-
ments. Many omissions and many blunders
taught the Catholics at last the road to success.
The Catholic Association, the Catholic Rent
Committees, the Parochial Meetings, the Liberal
Club system, were only progressive steps in the
attainment of the great final object — the most
expeditious, the safest, and surest machinery,
to call into regular action the powers, physical
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 83
and moral, by which they were to work their
cause. The press and emigration extended to
other countries a parallel organization. The Ca-
tholic Association was a confederacy, which had
a thousand arms. At the period of its dissolution,
upwards of fourteen thousand members, qualified
to vote at its sittings, had enrolled themselves
in this great national convention. Amongst its
members were included one thousand four hun-
dred non-Catholics, four Catholic archbishops,
twenty Catholic bishops, and two thousand six
hundred Catholic clergymen. That such a state
of things could continue exactly at the point to
which it was brought, without exciting a corre-
sponding confederacy amongst their adversaries,
was totally impossible. The Brunswick club
system arose ; it was an obvious and natural
consequence of the Catholic Association, and
ought to have excited little astonishment in any
party : the government itself must have long
expected the reaction. The partisan politicians
of both sides imagined indeed that the govern-
ment had originated it. But the time had gone
by for the Machiavellian policy, practised with
such miserable success by their predecessors.
The government, in order to avoid being crushed
between both parties, in good time decided on
legislating between both. What the government
84 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
meditated, had long been the anxious desire and
aspiration of all that was moderate and rational
in the country. It was quite a mistake to sup-
pose, that any portion of the Protestant commu-
nity, really influential, was opposed to Catholic
concession upon any reasonable terms. Even
the Brunswick leaders avowed, in their more
confidential communications with persons who
had an extensive knowledge of each party, that
the object they had in view was mistaken ; that
they merely united to prevent dictation from the
Catholics ; but that they were not opposed to
such concessions as they considered the Duke of
Wellington was likely to submit to parliament
with the approbation or consent of his Majesty.
Many of the Catholics, on the other side, viewed
with alarm and regret the present state of excite-
ment in the country. They were fully alive to
the imminent danger which inevitably attended
an appeal to popular passions ; but it would have
been imbecility on their part, and not that wise
moderation which consists in a just estimate of
the ends and the means, to surrender the hold
which they had obtained upon the public mind,
and the power which resulted from that hold—
the combination and concentration of their body,
until their legitimate expectations had been sa-
tisfied by the legislature. But between these
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 85
two parties, a third was gradually formed by the
force of circumstances and the violence of the
two extremes, which immediately led to a me-
diation, and a compromise. The Ultras on either
side would never have been able to have come
into contact. Unconditional Emancipation on
the one side, and No Surrender on the other, if
as strictly adhered to as they were boldly an-
nounced, would have led to nothing. There
would have been no umpire to decide the quar-
rel— there would have been no appeal but to open
force. Yet neither Catholics nor anti-Catholics
acted injudiciously. It is only by taking op-
posite extremes that we can hope for terms*
Had the Catholics shown less vehemence in
spurning conditions, they would probably have
had a bill full of shackles, and exceptions, and
qualifications — a Veto bill, a half-emancipation
bill—another bill of 1793, Had the anti-Ca-
tholics rejected with less vigour all sugges-
tions of concession, they would probably have
had no securities at all. There never was
better chance of emancipation, than when these
extremes were most opposed, and the oppo-
sition loudest. Even the Marquess of An-
glesey considered his recall as the immediate
harbinger of emancipation. A measure so ex-
citing, could not have been ventured on, un-
86 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
less an anodyne, a calmant, was in reserve-
Government had already made up its mind ; it
remained only to carry its intentions into exe-
cution. To effect this, the very circumstances
which appeared to offer the greatest obstacles,
were the most favourable. A constitutional
force, an intermediate force, had been generated
in Ireland. It gave evidence of its existence
by a distinct and decided act. The Protestant
declaration was a treaty of alliance with the
cabinet, for the great purpose of national paci-
fication. The government found that in Ireland
the quarrel was no longer a Catholic and Pro-
testant quarrel, but a battle of enlightened and
just principle against obstinate adhesion to old
and interested prejudice. They reposed with
confidence on this party, and for the first time
judged with true impartiality between them
and their opponents. Then came in rear the
whole numerical strength, the great physical
mass of the nation. With such odds it was no
longer a matter of doubt which should prevail
The nation, truly such, contended against a de-
clining faction. Truth and power fought on one
side, weakness and error on the other.
In England, the public mind seemed more
divided, and it was this division which gave a
false semblance of activity, and illusive hopes of
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 87
success, to the anti-Catholic faction at the other
side of the water. But the result has proved
that they were as little acquainted with the
workings of English parties, as English parties
are with theirs. The prime, movers in the bu-
siness made use of the cause, as a weapon only
to avenge old animosities, or recent pique. They
could easily bear to be converted with decorum ;
but there was no forgiveness for a minister who
had not called them into his councils, or allowed
them little more than a week or two for. their
political illumination. Yet it is unquestionable
that this very communication of the project
would have defeated it. Every one would have
come forward with his condition and security.
Self-love, and false pretension, would have
every-where attempted to usurp and intrude.
Every one would have claimed a share in the
merit of pushing forward the inevitable mea-
sure. The Duke wisely avoided all this, by
descending upon them in the fulness of his
matured plans. A little awkwardness was, no
doubt, produced by so coup-de-main a manner
of arranging the business, amongst the old hack-
nied spaniels of government ; and men who be-
lieved in the steadiness of statesmen, were some-
what astounded at the impromptu liberality of a
few of the veterans in bigotry ; but the nation
88 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
at large cared little for them or their opinions.
The intellect and wealth of England — Ireland in
mass — had declared for the question. Govern-
ment observed — saw — judged wisely — and fol-
lowed the country. The dependents of govern-
ment, in their turn, followed the government: —
this was their trade, and they merited neither
greater censure nor greater praise than any other
of the same trade who had preceded them. As
to the great body of the people, most of them
had no opinions at all : where there was any
such thing as opinion, it was favourable. Towns
decide political revolutions : they are the ther-
mometers by which statesmen ought to judge of
public feeling. It is natural and right it should
be so. Superior civilization ought to be the re-
gulator of social and civil institutions. There is
no comparison between the civilization of the
country and the town. The towns then were
decidedly and naturally in favour of Catholic
emancipation : the levies of the country were,
after all, but levies of the Church ; they were
good evidences of the opinions of the Church ;
but to take them as true expressions of the
opinions of the nation, would be preposterous.
With the opinions of what should really be con-
sidered the people of England, they had little or
nothing to do.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 89
Agitation, producing a constant and habitual
discontent — organization, reducing this to sys-
tem— both terminating in such a state of things
in Ireland, as to leave scarcely any interval be-
tween them and an open rupture ; every indivi-
dual taking up his party ; every social institution
in the state embarrassed or perverted ; the two
religions, the two nations, into which the coun-
try had split, with uplifted arms ready to strike
the blow,— every expedient exhausted, and ex-
hausted in vain, to defer the advancing encounter;
these were the great impelling causes which act-
ed at home ; but the action of external causes
was scarcely less powerful and conspicuous. The
whole civilised world seemed gradually closing
round, to witness the coming conflict. Such
witnesses could not long abstain, under so many
exciting circumstances, from becoming allies,
and from allies, participators in the contest.
To repel the enormous evil, the means of the
English government were altogether inadequate.
The finances were sinking under a series of revul-
sions— violent and unexpected — arising from the
anomalies in the currency, the free-trade, and
the corn questions : public opinion was evincing
more and more every day the sense of its own
strength : recurrence to brute force was be-
coming more inevitable every hour. In such a
90 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS*
struggle, so rude, and so sudden, it may well be
doubted, whether any modern minister could
possibly be successful. What had they to check
it? The army: but the army, since 1815, had
become an army of citizens ; it could not be re-
lied on as a mere passive instrument. Recruited
principally from Ireland, it was more than half
Irish, more than half Papist. In an Irish Ca-
tholic war, such a weapon would at once have
snapt asunder.* The Duke of Wellington knew
Dublin, June 13, 1829.
* A most serious affray between the rifle brigade of the
60th regiment and the 36th regiment has taken place in
Limerick. The quarrel originated in a dispute about O'Con-
nell and the Clare election. The 36th declared for O'Con-
nell ; and after a furious contest in the streets of Limerick,
in which much blood was spilt, and it is apprehended some
lives lost, the 36th were declared the victors. The war cry
of the 60th was, " Bloody Papists !" of the 36th, " O'Con-
nell for ever !" You will see contradictory accounts of this
affray in the Limerick papers, but they concur in stating that
a man belonging to the 60th was the original assailant ; and
it has been mentioned, I know not with what truth, that
notwithstanding the esprit de corps prevalent in the army,
a number of the 60th, who are Catholics, refused to join
their companions. This is one of the consequences of the
policy which decided on another Clare election. A moiety
of the soldiers, indeed, I have heard three -fourths, now in
Ireland, are Catholics, and Irishmen. Even the greater part
of the Highland regiments, it is well known, belong to this
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 91
this, and knew it well ; and knowing it, saw that
he had no choice. He was stronger than all
opposition which could be offered him ; he spoke
with the voice of a master : he did rather than
spoke ; but there was a still stronger, a more
powerful master, a mightier mover, than any
minister. It was not the Duke of Wellington
who originated the measure, it was the stem
voice and the iron hand of uncontrollable
Necessity.
Yet to see this necessity in due time was
wisdom : to know how to obey it with dignity
and advantage, was public virtue. The people
themselves, their energy, their unanimity, their
perseverance, created it ; but the minister wield-
ed it ; the minister saw and seized— saw in time
and seized with judgment, the important les-
sons which it pointed out. Another would have
country. They have manifestly been inoculated with the
feelings of those among whom they live, and from whom
they were taken ; they experience the disorder of that en-
thusiasm with which the political atmosphere of this country,
and particularly of the South, is at this moment charged. I
repeat it — if such occurrences as those of Limerick and
Carrick-on-Suir (where the very esteemed vicar, Mr. Grady,
lost his life) had taken place before the Relief bill passed,
consequences might have followed which a man of the
stoutest nerve might shudder to contemplate. — Times, June
23d, 1829.
92 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
sealed his eyes to the signs of the times, and
called the blindness reason, and the obstinacy
firmness. Lord Wellington acted otherwise :
he did not affect to be wiser than the wisest,
nor stronger than the strongest before him.
Nor was Ireland, in such a crisis, scarcely less
indebted to him than to herself; it was neces-
sary to have such a man at the head of the go-
vernment to answer her appeal. Exceptions
perhaps may be taken to the mode in which the
measure was brought forward ; none are justly
applicable to the measure itself. It may be
true that the minister, in his anxiety for suc-
cess, had somewhat outstepped at times the
strict limits of constitutional freedom; — a high
tone, and a determined arm, may have been
too ostentatiously displayed in the course of
these angry proceedings : but it is not for men,
who undertook the defence of such acts as
those, upon which the exclusive code was
founded, to complain. The Duke had to act
with promptitude, or submit to be defeated by
a wily and vigilant faction. Not the country,
but they, it was, who were taken by surprise.
Time, in such cases, is half the battle ; next to
secrecy, it is the great instrument of victory.
He employed against the conspiracy (for it
scarcely deserves a nobler or gentler name)
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 93
the same weapons which the conspiracy had
employed so often against himself and against
others. Another policy, less decisive, less in-
stant, less vigorous, might unquestionably have
deferred the wished-for consummation, but it
could not have prevented it : it would have
only changed its character; it would have bap-
tised it in blood. This was the difference be-
tween the policy of Lord Eldon and of Lord
Wellington. Both would ultimately perhaps
have terminated in the same point ; but the
road by which they would have arrived at such
conclusion, would have been different indeed.
No one can disguise from himself, that the
constitution of 1688 has been seriously altered ;
but few are so mad, except for the purposes
of temporary argument, as to assert, that consti-
tutions, more than any thing else human, are to
continue unaltered and unalterable. The only
point seems to be, how such alterations are to
be brought about in the most gradual and kind-
liest manner, with the most general satisfac-
tion, at the least possible risk, and for the
greatest share of public benefit. Lord Welling-
ton is for " legislation," but Lord Eldon for the
" wager by battle." Posterity will judge be-
tween them.
Such then has been the history of the past—
94 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
the experiment has been at last fairly and fully
tried ; we are now called on to witness the re-
sults ; to judge of the hopes and prospects of
the future. New relations have been created
by this great revolution ; new duties have risen
up with them. It is right we should be ena-
bled to understand and appreciate both. Most
of the prophecies put forward with confidence
at various periods of this eventful discussion,
are already in a rapid process of realization.
They were founded in a common-sense view of
human nature ; in a just conception of the mo-
tives of human action ; in a correct application
to present things, of the experience of by-gone
history. The cessation of the principle of com-
motion has been, in itself, peace. The opposite
armies have been disembodied, the camp is
broken up, the ranks have been allowed to mix
with each other. With the exception of a few
factious traffickers on public passions, both par-
ties, mutually fatigued, are only anxious for
repose. Allowed to approach each other for the
first time, both are at length beginning to per-
ceive qualities which had escaped them in the
distance. Mutual acquaintance is beginning
to produce mutual confidence and esteem. All
classes have benefited. The Irish Protestant is
allowed to leave his citadel, to wander beyond
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 95
his fortifications ; the besieged join in the same
rejoicings with the besiegers. The sovereign
rests in the security of contented hearts ; — the
subject has other motives than the fictions of law
for his loyalty ; he is about to enjoy a happiness
to which hitherto he had been a stranger, and
will be attached to the state which shall confer
it. His attachment to the state, in a well-ordered
government, involves necessarily his attachment
to the sovereign. The public attention will no
longer be frittered away in side experiments ;
the art of governing will no longer be the art of
a charlatan, the discovery and application of pal-
liatives. National occupations begin at length
to claim the national spirit and the national in-
dustry. Time and means are given for public
exertion. Every where there are symptoms of
the departure of ancient evil ; ere long there will
be indications of the arrival of expected good.
This is much, but it is not to be pretended that
it is all. It would be strange indeed, if an act
of parliament had that magic in it, which in an
instant could exorcise the evil spirit which had
so long sat in undisputed mastery over the body
of the state. The charm, no doubt, is strong ;
but its working must necessarily be slow : cen-
turies were requisite to form these habits —
months cannot take them away. The old— and
06 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
let it also be remembered, the defeated, oppo-
nents of the measure, will naturally seek for
some consolation to their wounded pride in
every slight ebullition of popular feeling, which
may chance to survive the contest.* But they
mistake coincidences for causes. These are ra-
* The late riots in some parts of the South of Ireland, so
far from being arguments against the policy of concession,
are the strongest confirmations of its wisdom and necessity.
In Limerick and Carrick-on-Suir, they originated from those
very elements of religious division, as we have already no-
ticed, which it had been the first object of the late measure
to extinguish and repress. In Tipperary there are symptoms
of the reappearance of those old family factions, the Dwyers,
the N ashes, &c., relics of the turbulence of former times,
which were momentarily checked by the great absorbing in-
terest of the Catholic question, but more especially by the
active interference, the judicious counsel, the commanding
influence of the late Catholic Association. The withdrawal,
sudden and entire, as it has been, of this great moral force,
has of course allowed the old forces, to which it was op-
posed, to revert for a time to their ancient position. Such
occasional agitation in the system must for some time longer
continue to endure, until a new power of repression shall be
generated in the country instead of the old ; that is, until the
equal and impartial and vigorous distribution of justice
shall have inspired a proper reverence for the laws, and made
appeals to the tribunals of the country more frequent than
the recurrence to those physical means of defence or retalia-
tion, by which all quarrels between man and man have
hitherto been adjusted.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 97
ther the last relics of ancient feuds, than the
commencements of new ones. It would be just
as reasonable to take the tumblings of the sea,
after the storm had subsided, for the storm itself*
The swell and roll must continue to be felt for
some time longer in the public mind :— the tem-
pest which produced them, it must be remem-
bered, endured for centuries. New attractions,
and new repellants, will by degrees scatter into
new forms all those elements of disturbance.
Time itself, and all the usual workings of the
political system, will do more for this desirable
result than any acts of parliament. The legis-
lature ought to follow in the track of public
necessities, rather than seek over-rashly to di-
vine them. One of our most inveterate national
maladies is, an extravagant passion for over-
legislation. We are fond of codification, as mere
experiment, and provided our blunders stand
tolerably well during the interval of two sessions,
we sit down satisfied that our work of " good
counsel" is fully done. But in treating such a
convalescent as Ireland, rescued with so much
difficulty, recovering so slowly, all political em-
piricism should for ever be at an end. Ireland,
for a short time, ought to be left to rest, and to
herself. She is in transitu to a new state of
society. It is idle to make laws for a position of
VOL. II. G
98 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
things, which, when the law is made, may have
already passed away. It is not action, but
thinking, which we require. Dispassionate and
painful inquiry, and not dogmatism, and not self-
sufficiency, and not precipitancy, is now the duty
of the public man. Let facts — cleared from the
ancient colouring of sectarianism— let facts and
not theories, be collected : — let them be con-
trasted, and proved, and weighed, one against
the other — let them be tried by the touchstone
of general utility. Then act, if so you will — but
not till then. On such foundations the super-
structure will endure. All others are mere frost-
work— attempts at improvement, — the old Pene-
lope web of Irish civilization — doing laboriously
to-day, what must be undone with still more
labour to-morrow ; and wasting years and money,
and men and mind, in nothings — giving to poste-
rity the same record of indolence or imbecility,
which we received from our ancestors ;— and
keeping Ireland the by-word amongst nations,
which she so long has been, for arrogant pre-
tensions and impotent conclusions — for doing
little, and talking overmuch.
It cannot be concealed, however, — and to the
philosophic and calm observer it is surely a
matter of deep regret — that the very hands which
conferred the blessing, should have gone so far
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 99
to mar and delay its effects. There was an air
indeed of " unwilling willingness " from the out-
set about the giving, which not a little detracted
from the value of the gift. But this was to be
attributed more to the circumstances, than to the
men. Latterly — I speak of the exclusion of Mr.
O'Connell from the Commons House of Parlia-
ment— they have claim perhaps to much less in-
dulgence. The men and their passions have
unfortunately appeared to have had more to do
with the matter, than the irresistible force of cir-
cumstances. This is a calamity. It has left,
what Mr. Peel so much wished to avoid, a Ca-
tholic question behind. The " uno avulso non
deficit alter," the growing up of new complaint
on the removal of the old, the constant allega-
tion of the enemy, has been half justified. That
all this troubling of the waters afresh will soon
pass away, like the far more terrible convulsions
of the elements which had preceded it, I have
little doubt ; but it appears a supererogatory pre-
dilection for popular excitation, to have afforded
even the slightest opportunity for troubling them
at all. The virtue of the panacea has begun al-
ready to be doubted, and this doubt is akin to a
denial of its benefits ;— suspicion soon becomes
certainty in the mind of the multitude, and
such a certainty once prevalent in the coun-
100 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
try, the Relief bill might as well not have been
passed. It ought to have been an object with
ministers to have done what they undertook to
do, perfectly and finally. Clare has again evoked
the exorcised spirit of the Catholic Association ;
and Mr. O'Connell, who would have soon melt-
ed into a simple British citizen, has been forced
back to his old profession of Catholic agitator.*
* It was originally, it seems, Mr. O'Connell's anxious desire
to avoid a recurrence to those scenes and recollections of civil
discord, which it was the chief object of the Relief bill for
ever to suppress. His whole conduct in London, during the
discussions in either house, was temperate and conciliating.
His most judicious course at that time would have been, to
have resigned the representation of the county of Clare (if
in accord with the wish of his constituents), and to have re-
entered the house at a later period, when all differences on
the subject were set at rest. It is true indeed that such a
course would not have redeemed the pledge he had given to
the country; but it would have been a matter worth the
consideration of a judicious politician, and a true lover of his
country, whether all personal feeling should not have ceded
at such a moment, to the paramount interests of every class
in the community. The object which the electors of Clare
had principally in view was, the final adjustment of the Ca-
tholic claims : this object was triumphantly attained; it was
no longer necessary to cling with unwise pertinacity to the
means. But Mr. O'Connell seems to have been led into
considerable error, by the conduct of the ministers them-
selves. All along he appears to have believed that his case
would have been supported by their advocacy, or at least
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 101
Of the actually accompanying measures I have
already spoken. The Suppression Association
connivance, in both houses. For this impression he had some
grounds. The ministers stood in a most doubtful position.
They had been obliged to make a sacrifice (many said un-
willingly) to prejudices still existing in a high quarter.
When the discussion was over, it was hoped that all decided
hostility, in the mind of an illustrious personage would have
quietly passed away. The case was otherwise. Ministers were
compelled to persevere : it was notorious that the Premier
had expressed himself favourably to Mr. O'Connell's right ;
but under the circumstances, it is not easy to say how far he
was at liberty to act up to this conviction. The error (to give
it much too soft a name) does not rest with him. Mr. O'Con-
nell, disappointed and mortified at what he construed into an
act of premeditated treachery, and humiliated at having
been in appearance the dupe of promises and professions,
threw himself once more upon the country. This was now
unavoidable : the fault did not lie with Mr. O'Connell ; the
government had rendered it necessary. But Mr. O'Connell
might have acted the part, with infinitely more dignity and
judgment. There was no need of reverting to the old topics of
popular excitation : Brunswicker and Papist should for ever
have been expunged from his vocabulary. The man who took
the hand of Cobbett, ought to have known how to forgive,
when forgiveness would not have been a disgrace, but a
virtue. Mr. O'Connell ought to aim at nobler game, than
to be the applauded of a party. The country, through all
its sects and classes, claims his talents. He ought not to
have rendered them, as far as possible, suspected, or useless.
—This after all is the chief point.— Has Mr. O'Connell at-
tended to it ?
102 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
bill has operated probably in the precise manner
in which it was intended. It was a harmless
pains and penalty enactment, swept to oblivion
almost in the moment of its birth — an " imbelle
telum sine ictu" — a Congreve rocket shot idly
into the air. The same may be said, as I have
already remarked, of the " securities " embodied
in the bill itself. Some clamour and anxiety were
shown at the time about these absurdities ; but
both minister and people have agreed to laugh at
them now.* Not so with the Disfranchisement
Forty-shilling Freehold bill. This " Regulation
* There are not more than three professed Jesuits in Ire-
land, and one in England. Was it worth the while to legis-
late against them ? A Jesuit becomes professed, by taking
certain vows, which vows are received by one person only,
and with closed doors. How is the fact to be proved ? Is a
Jesuit to accuse a Jesuit ? or is there to be an ecclesiastical
inquisition established to inquire into the fact ? Colonel Sib-
thorpe made loud complaints against the continued assump-
tion of titles, &c. by the Catholic dignitaries. Mr. Peel
answered with a smile. He knew well that the Catholic
bishops themselves cautiously abstained from such assump-
tion. If others give them these appellations, they resign
themselves to the honour with what patience they can.
Blucher, in concurrence with the restored Bourbons, or-
dered that the Pont Jena should change name. The court
obeyed, but the hackney-coachmen, the porters, &c., and
others whom it more concerned than the court, still call it
by its old name of the Pont Jena.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 103
bill," as it is called, will yet form a fertile
source of irregularity and innovation in the con-
stitutional law of the country. It is the first
principle of a new reform code. Parliamentary
regeneration will spring out of the spoliation ;
out of evil, will yet come good. It was originally
meant, I believe, to be a peace-offering to the ir-
ritated and deserted genius of Protestant Ascen-
dancy—a sacrifice of Catholicism to Protestant-
ism—of the priests and their influence, to the
parsons and their influence, and so on. It has
turned out to be much more : counties have be-
come boroughs, and the constituency a corpora-
tion. These consequences were not altogether
unforeseen. The supporters of popular rights
were warned in due time, but the bill was suf-
fered to pass on. It has since become a matter
of question, whether its supporters acted right or
wrong — whether they were traitors to the coun-
try, or patriots. The doubt may be easily de-
cided. Surrendered it certainly was, but as a
great price for a greater good, by the Whigs —
but by the Tories, it was demanded as a quid
pro quo, a make -weight in the great account,
in return for relinquished privileges : — by the
same Tories too, be it remembered, who, when
this very measure had formerly been coupled
with emancipation, had rejected it, with an
104 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
affected devotion to popular rights,— out of mere
love and affection, as they averred, to the demo-
cratic portion of our constitution. But the ques-
tion of 1825, and the question of 1829, were
two different questions. The contest was no
longer between relief and non-relief — but be-
tween peace and war. The delay of a session
might have proved fatal : it might have amount-
ed to the rejection of all conciliatory adjust*
ment for ever. The lover of his country had
to decide, whether he would give up a portion
of its franchises,— or whether he would put to
risk — all.
The bill in Ireland has so far worked very
nearly in the manner that was expected. Few
notices have been sent in ; of those few, not
more than one-third, and in some places not
more than one-fifth have been accepted. Due
information should have been procured of the
probable number of forty- shilling freeholders
who could register a ten -pound freehold, before
the qualification should have been raised so high,
and so sweeping a privation of actually-vested
franchises have been attempted. It was not to
be imagined that Ireland, under the endurance
of so many political evils for so long a period of
time, should suddenly emerge, on the passing of
the bill, into an agricultural and commercial pros-
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 105
perity, sufficiently great to qualify any really effi-
cient portion of her population for admission to
those important privileges. The question then
was, whether such a people should be permitted
to vote at all— that is, whether a people, who had
become impoverished by a series of calamities
not within their control, should for the future be
precluded all share in the government of their
country. As to assimilation to England, and
to English franchises, it was mere plea and
pretext ; and after all, as untrue as it was un-
just. The assimilation should begin elsewhere,
and not with the elective franchise. The En-
glish system is scarcely less vicious than the
Irish — far more diversified and anomalous — and
ought to be held up rather as an object for
correction, than imitation. Neither was there
any approximation in the bill itself, either in its
principle, or in its details, to the practice OF
privilege, as it actually exists in England. There
is no resemblance between the life-tenure free-
hold of the Irish, and the fee-simple tenure
of the English elector. The abuses, where such
existed, have been left untouched ; the appear-
ance of abuse has been alone corrected. The
law, as it now stands, or rather as it now
operates, is a law simply against the poor.
Much has been said in favour of its necessity ;
106 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
but it certainly behoved the supporters of the
principle, on which such laws rest, to be less
partial in its application. The same poverty,
which morally incapacitates an individual from
taking a part in the apportioning of the public
burdens, ought in no less degree, in common
justice, to exempt him from bearing the burdens
themselves. The great principle, that taxation
and legislation are correlative terms, has too
frequently been lost sight of in Ireland. This
however is no reason, why it should not be
recalled, and practised for the time to come.
At the same time, it is by no means meant,
that it would be right to revert altogether to the
old fictitious constituency : far from it. It had
enormous vices — numerous defects. Ireland was
constantly oscillating between two extremes.
The former system was alternately the expres-
sion of the aristocratic influence, and the phy-
sical force of the country. Certain alterations
were necessary, to steady the balance. Whether
they have yet been found, is another question.
In towns there will no doubt be gradually gene-
rated, by the operation of the late law, a sort of
counterbalance to the oligarchical influence in
the country. The towns have lately felt the
sweets of independence ; the facility of change ;
the few local predilections ; the slight and tran-
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 107
sient connexion which binds them to their land-
lords ; the comparative ease with which in such
places a ten-pound freehold can be obtained,
must not only contribute to multiply freeholds in
towns, to a far greater extent than in the coun-
ties, but must always render them far less liable
to be affected by the power or influence of the
aristocracy. Yet it will be a very considerable
time, indeed, before these effects shall have be-
come conspicuous. In the interval, the constitu-
ency is likely for some time to remain in the
hands of the gentry and the clergy, with a slight
sprinkling of the more comfortable farmers.* If
this were any thing but a transitory state, it
would be an evil so serious, as almost to amount
to a radical change or perversion of the con-
stitution. But there is scarcely a clause ia
the bill, which does not bear upon it a provision-
ary character. Sooner or later, it must lead
* The aristocracy however have in many counties been
the chief sufferers. In the North particularly, where the
forty-shilling freeholders more especially abounded, the
landed proprietors have been suddenly shorn of all their in-
fluence. The Marquess of Conyngham, of two thousand
freeholders and upwards, registers now not many more than
fifty. In the South, Lord Glengall does not proportionally
register quite so many. So it is with many more of the great
aristocrats — a balance of good, for the evils in other in-
stances inflicted by the bill.
108 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
to a total and decisive revision of the elective
code in both countries. Scarcely one intrinsic
defect has yet been efficiently corrected ; new
anomalies and inconsistencies have been intro-
duced ; the machinery has become far more
complicated ; the simplest results have been
sought by the most confused means ; the vicious
method pursued in our other legislation, instead
of being corrected, has been adopted with addi-
tional defects. No marvel then if we soon
shall have to return to patching and repatch-
ing, until at last it will be found better to
throw the work into the fire, than to go on cor-
recting old blots with new. The age has pro-
claimed loudly its thirst for improvement. We
must follow the age, and its necessities, for we
cannot make it follow us. A total change —
less feudal, less incongruous, more in analogy
with the real principles of a representative go-
vernment— must sooner or later take place.
France has given us lessons, in criminal and
civil justice, already. We must not disdain bor-
rowing a suggestion or two more from her con-
stitutional laws. She has discovered the true
principle, and practised it with success. To
her, with all our pride, in this instance at least,
we must go for instruction.*
* The French system reposes on the principle, so generally
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 109
Ireland has now thrown open to her a noble
perspective. She presents a wide field for every
species of legislative improvement. Her agri-
cultural and commercial polity — the education —
the comfort of her population — provision for her
poor— encouragement of her manufactures — re-
generation and amelioration of her system of
justice, must sedulously and immediately engage
her attention. In all these departments, there
recognised in the English constitution, that taxation should
be always accompanied with a proportionate share in the
application of the taxation ; — in other words, that all payers
to the exigencies of the state should have a proportionate
share in its legislation and government : thus the elective fran-
chise is regulated by the rate of public contributions ; in pro-
portion as the contributions increase, the elective franchise in-
creases, that is, becomes more extended — in other words, more
popular: it thus furnishes a corrective to over-expenditure, and
an instrument and means of retrenchment. One force balances
or counteracts the other, like the opposed metal bars in the
pendulum of a chronometer. The American system, de-
pending principally on population, is less suited, even to the
purposes of a republic ; but in a monarchy, and still more in
an aristocracy, no question can exist of the superior advan-
tages of the French. In fact, whatever may be the theories
of popular writers on the subject, all legislation, more or
less, in practice resolves itself into supplies. If this be the
business of representation, it stands as a necessary conse-
quence, that the criterion of the elective franchise ought to
be the amount and nature of taxation.
110 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
must be great and radical changes ; in many,
every thing is yet to be done. Education must
be rendered far more general,* more practical,
more applicable to common purposes, in stricter
relation with the actual wants and opinions of
the labouring classes of the community. The
propriety of introducing into Ireland the system
of a compulsory provision for the poor has been
discussed, but by fits only, and conjecturally.
It is fortunate, that want of time prevented our
legislators from proceeding farther. It is to be
desired, that their crude theories should not
assume any positive shape, before there be a
state of things somewhat more permanent, both
in a political and financial point of view. We
must prepare for great changes arising out of
the Sub-letting act, Disfranchisement bill, &c.
* For example, there is no reason why the country, in con-
currence with the government, should not establish in a
central position, Athlone for instance, a second university.
The exigencies of Ireland are great; and the Dublin Uni-
versity, though increased within a few years by more than
one-third above its former number of students, is altogether
inadequate to supply them. Catholics and Protestants, for
such objects, should and would unite. To such purposes
the old Catholic rent might be advantageously and properly
applied — much better, at least, than frittering it away in
elections. From the people it came, and to the people only
it ought to return.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. Ill
&e. superadded to the embarrassments, which
we share in common with the rest of the British
empire, from the unsettled state of the cur-
rency, the free trade, and corn law questions.
But a wholesale application of any system,
much less the vicious system, still oppressing,
with its multitudinous and increasing abuses,
every portion of the English community, instead
of being the removal of an old grievance, would
undoubtedly be the infliction of a new one. If
the country, from a certain mal-aise, and diffi-
culty generated by defects in her other institu-
tions, cannot do without such stays and sup-
ports, let them be, at all events, in accord with
the peculiarities, in the habits, character, and
actual condition of the people. Let us begin
from the beginning ; and, not like the academi-
cians of Laputa, think of building our houses
from the roof. Let the necessities and disposi-
tions of the people first suggest ; let these sug-
gestions be tried in limited and occasional ex-
periments, as in Scotland and the North of Ire-
land ; and if found to work well in detail, let
the legislature then generalise the more salutary
portions of the system, and give them, as far as
may be necessary, the sanction of statute law.*
* The system of Mendicant asylums ought to be taken as
112 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
As it is, a very considerable poor tax is at this
moment levied in Ireland, in the shape of county
cesses for hospitals, dispensaries, £c. ; and that
too in the mode and manner every way the
most objectionable, of the many objectionable
modes, still tolerated in this free country. An
irresponsible and fugitive body, at their own
discretion, assess a large class, but distantly be-
nefited by the taxation, and mix up the raising
and alteration of these funds with others, as
totally distinct from them, as any of the excise
or other duties levied by act of parliament.
A poor cess, originating from the people them-
selves, and continuing under the control of
the people, will be regulated by a very diffe-
rent standard— by public necessity and public
opinion, and will always meet in both, some
the principle, and the Tithe Composition act as the model, of
the machinery. The adoption of the bill should be left at
the option of each parish or townland, and should not be ex-
tended beyond the period of one or two years. The rate payers
should have each a vote, and the management of their con-
cerns should be entrusted to a standing committee, chosen by a
general meeting of the voters at the beginning of the year.
The nature and extent of the assessment would thus be a mat-
ter of local arrangement at the discretion of the meeting of
the parish. This plan, with such modifications as circum-
stances required, might be embodied in a short bill, and not
enforced, but left to the choice of the public.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 113
sort of check to the acknowledged tendency
which all managements of the kind inherit, to
gradual corruption and decay. How far the agri-
cultural and commercial interests of the country
require the interposition of parliament to raise
them from their actual depression, is a far wider
and more difficult theme. They labour, in Ire-
land, under a different species of disease from
what they do in England. In Ireland, properly
speaking, there are no manufactures at all, except
the manufacture of the soil ! Agriculture has
no home market, in comparison, to what she
ought to have. Ireland is consequently depen-
dent almost exclusively upon her relations with
England ; and liable to be seriously affected, in
addition to her own miseries, by the miseries of
her neighbour. Capital has hitherto not been
allowed a free circulation ; there has been ac-
cumulation in some parts of the empire, and
want in others : the usual evils of these unna-
tural restrictions have been experienced : they
have produced upon the wholesome action of
the body politic effects quite analagous to what
are sometimes observed in the human frame.
There has been plethory and marasma ; a gross
but deceitful appearance of health, a dwindling
and pining away, side by side ; poverty in the
bosom of plenty, luxury linked with starvation,
VOL. II. H
114 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
and in all these various shapes, decay, and often
death. The Relief bill, in doing away these inju-
rious restraints, has gone far to restore its natural
health to the commercial body of the country.
Capital is already beginning to find in Ireland
its natural level; and though it has not pro-
ceeded in a torrent, as some had fondly anti-
cipated, it is not less certain that it is even now
in gradual but constant flow. Nor is this delay
after all so injurious. Manufactures which come
slowly, generally come to stay. No better pledge
can be given of the permanence of an establish-
ment, than the patient and judicious preliminary
inquiries of its projectors. Yet with all this, the
first projectors of such establishments will be
always, more or less, like adventurous navigators,
of speculative and daring dispositions ; some will
succeed, and succeed greatly, but for jone suc-
cess there will of course be many failures ; and for
a time at least, the country must make up its
mind to be subjected to all the excitations and
depressions, the various pernicious vicissitudes,
of a gamester. But this must pass, and its
momentary existence should not discourage,
much less repel. These are not symptoms
peculiar to Ireland, but the usual demonstration
of the same morbid or rather incipient state of
iniprovement, in every country in the world.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 115
Out of such mistakes true knowledge will at
last spring : upon this bitter tree of disappoint-
ment will at last grow the sweet fruit of victory.
To success, we should be well persuaded, with
all our national vanity (which is often excessive),
there neither now is, nor ever will be a royal
road : we must labour up the hill, as every nation
worthy of the name has constantly laboured be-
fore us ; and do things by degrees, if we wish what
we intend to do, should be really and effectively
done at all. Sudden bounties, high-sounding
subscriptions, levies en masse of labourers for
public works, and all such grandiloquous and
magnificent commencements, may be full of
dramatic show and parade, but they end gene-
rally where they begin ; they are little better
than the army of Caligula setting out with thou-
sands, to gather up a few cockleshells from the
ocean. What the country wants from the go-
vernment, is a simple removal of difficulties-
peace, leisure, repose ; if she has any thing in
her, she ought of herself to be able to do the
rest ; if not, though government were to work
miracles in her behalf, she would still remain
where she is. But Ireland has given, even in
her worst days, proof that she has the elements
of regeneration within her bosom ; they re-
quire only to be evoked ; but it is not every one
116 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
who possesses the enchanter's wand, or who
knows how to read aright the magic book. The
love of industry and comfort is to be taught by
practice, and by enjoyment ; the more, pros-
perity and comfort be felt, the greater thirst
and desire there will be, for more. Habits after
all are nothing but the repetitions of the same
act, and there is no reason why good ones
should not be as easily practised and enforced
as bad. When once these habits begin to be
formed, an anxious desire for their preserva-
tion will naturally appear. The impartial ad-
ministration of justice, the equal protection of
property, the exact observance of the laws,
perfect regard to the rights and franchises of
the lowest citizen, are all natural results of
this anxiety. When once this desire is fully
expressed, rapid and radical ameliorations must
take place in every part of the country. With
such a desire, neither the Grand Jury system,
nor the Vestry system, nor much of the actual
Church system, can possibly coexist. Alter-
ations of some kind or other must occur in all
these things,— and great alterations in some.
The Grand Jury taxation must be abolished alto-
gether, or Grand Juries must become representa-
tive bodies, chosen by baronies and parishes, if
they are to continue invested with the extensive
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 117
powers which they actually enjoy. They would
thus form a series of small state legislatures,
good substitutes for local parliaments. It is
intolerable, that a body chosen by a high she-
riff, chosen again by the crown, or the dispenser
of the influence of the crown, should dispose as
lavishly, and far more vexatiously, of public pro-
perty, than the legislature itself.* The Vestry
act is another direct infringement of the right
of self- taxation, and in a state which affects to
consider this right, as the basis of all its institu-
tions, it is a system which ought not to be suf-
fered for another session to endure. It ought to
be the desire of honourable men, putting all its
flagrant injustice out of the question, to seek for
a support of their religious establishment else-
where than in the pockets of the starving pea-
* The same may be said of Corporations. They are not
only obsolete, but absurd. They were formerly intended as
barriers against the feudal encroachments of the neighbour-
ing barons, defences for artisans, encouragements to trade,
&c. But when the barons and their feudalism are gone,
why preserve the barriers ? It is like taking an antidote
against a poison, when the poison no longer infects the
system. The antidote in such a case very often becomes a
poison, worse than that against which it was to guard. But
the government ere long will direct its attention to these
abuses ; or if the government neglect it, the people will do
their duty, and take its place.
118 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
sant. A proud church, as the church of Eng-
land boasts itself to be, ought to disdain acting
the shameless and sturdy mendicant ; a rich
church, as the church of England unquestion-
ably is, ought not to be suffered to act the plun-
derer of the poor man's earnings— the compul-
sory exactor of a tribute, for which she returns
no equivalent or gain. But these are evils which
must be corrected, not by the Catholics, but by
the country. They are evils in which all are
interested— evils which in the end produce quite
as much injury to those who receive, as to those
who give. The Church by this time ought to be
pretty well impressed with the absolute neces-
sity of reform ; whether it shall be self-reform,
that is, internal reform, or reform from without,
depends principally, if not solely, upon herself.
If she will not go down to the innovations which
are advancing upon her, quietly and judicious-
ly, the innovations will come up violently and
abruptly, to her. Such was the case in the in-
stance of the church of Rome ; such will be the
case in hers. In such a crisis, let her be well
persuaded that all former feuds will be altoge-
ther forgotten ; Catholics and Protestants will
melt into laymen. The battle will be between
old vested interests, and new interests, ten times
stronger, which have grown up in their stead.
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 119
Neither antiquity, nor possession, nor any other
venerable prejudice, can now be pleaded in bar
of an amelioration. The forty-shilling freeholder
pleaded, and the forty-shilling freeholder was
not listened to. The late Disfranchisement bill,
amongst its numerous bad consequences, has at
least produced this one good, that it has cleared
away much cant, on this as on other subjects, and
left matters of national improvement to be argued
on their own intrinsic merits, and not on the fic-
tions and prejudices of the past. No side or
partial interests, such as the late Catholic ques-
tion, will for the future interfere with a just value
for the common interests of the state. The peo-
ple will speak out, and be believed when they
speak. It will no longer be considered, when a
public and notorious abuse is under observation,
whether the abuse or the attack be Catholic or
Protestant, but whether the abuse be fact, and
whether the attack be just. This is a great
and important result, for it at length opens the
sure and straight path to national and gradual
regeneration. Eligibility to office, individual ad-
vantage, are as nothing by the side of such a
benefit. Were the Catholic only to become, what
his Protestant countryman actually is or has
been, much certainly would have been effected ;
but how little in comparison to what still remains
120 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS.
behind ! Yet let it not be invidiously said, that
the Catholic is not satisfied. Far from it— the
Catholic is fully satisfied ; but there is no reason
why the Irishman and the British citizen should
not wish for more. That there will always be
such desires — that there will always be parties,
and always agitation, in such a state as ours, is
quite natural. It is the very condition of our
liberties — it is the principle from which we have
our political birth and being. God forbid it
should not be so ! — God forbid we should ever be
condemned to live, in a country so lost to all no-
ble aspirings, so stagnant and so sluggish to all
that is great and good, as not to show a constant
yearning and effort towards improvement ! As
well might we wish to navigate a sea without
waves, or to dwell under a sky without winds or
clouds. Motion is the health of all bodies, mo-
ral as well as physical. Compel them interest,
and they die. But there is a great difference
between a legitimate object for such exertion,
and an illegitimate one. Catholic emancipation
has done this — it has given a just and national
direction to the national efforts. It has done
more than any other measure, since the period
of the great laws of the Commonwealth, to make
the country truly citizen. It has turned our
faces to the right point. Its discussions have
CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 121
already given us activity, spirit, habits of think-
ing, of reasoning, of acting : all we now want
is union. That also, let it be hoped, we shall in
due season acquire. Present men may then
take up with confidence the noble task : they
may labour for the prosperity of their country,
and hope to leave something behind them for
the benefit and gratitude of posterity. Who is
there, in looking back on the perils and diffi-
culties through which we have passed, who
does not glory in having lived in such times ?
Who, with such a lesson before him — be the
obstacles great or small — be the adversary weak
or mighty — be the battle long or short, shall
hereafter dare to despair of the perfect salvation
of his country?
VOL. II.
APPENDIX.
VOL. II.
APPENDIX
No. T.
The Catholic Clergy s Remonstrance of Loyalty.
WE, your Majesty's subjects, the Roman Catholic
Clergy of the kingdom of Ireland together assembled,
do hereby declare and solemnly protest, before God and
his holy angels, that we own and acknowledge your
Majesty to be our true and lawful King, supreme Lord,
and undoubted Sovereign, as well of this realm of
Ireland as of all other your Majesty's dominions ; con-
sequently we confess ourselves bound in conscience to
be obedient to your Majesty in all civil and temporal
affairs, as any subject ought to be to his prince, and
as the laws of God and nature require at our hands.
Therefore we promise that we will inviolably bear
true allegiance to your Majesty, your lawful heirs and
successors; and that no power on earth shall be able
to withdraw us from our duty herein : and that we will,
even to the loss of our blood, if occasion requires, assert
IV APPENDIX.
your Majesty's rights against any that shall invade the
same, or attempt to deprive yourself, or your lawful
heirs and successors, of any part thereof. And to the
end this our sincere protestation may more clearly
appear, we further declare, that it is not our doctrine,
that subjects may be discharged, absolved, or freed from
the obligation of performing their duty of true obedience
and allegiance to their prince : much less may we allow
of, or pass as tolerable, any doctrine that perniciously,
or against the word of God, maintains, that any private
subject may lawfully kill or murder the anointed of God,
his prince. Wherefore, pursuant to the deep appre-
hension we have of the abomination and sad conse-
quences of its practice, we do engage ourselves to
discover to your Majesty, or some of your ministers, any
attempt of that kind, rebellion or conspiracy, against
your Majesty's person, crown, or royal authority, that
comes to our knowledge, whereby such horrid evil may
be prevented. Finally, as we hold the premises to be
agreeable to good conscience, so we religiously swear
the due observance thereof to our utmost; and we will
preach and teach the same to our respective flocks. In
witness whereof we do hereunto subscribe the
day of June, 1666.
No. II.
Oath of Allegiance, to be administered to the Roman
Catholics by the Ninth Article of the Capitulation
of Limerick, and no other.
I, A B, do solemnly promise and swear, that I will
APPENDIX. V
be faithful and bear true allegiance to their Majesties
King- William and Queen Mary.
So help me God.
No. III.
Oaths imposed by the English Statutes '3rd and 4th
of William and Mary, c. ii., in violation of the Ninth
Article of Limerick.
DECLARATION AGAINST TRANSUBSTANTIATION.
I, A B, do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence
of God profess, testify, and declare, that I do believe
that in the sacrament of the Lord's supper there is
not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and
wine into the body and blood of Christ, at and after
the consecration thereof, by any person whatsoever;
and that the invocation or adoration of the Virgin
Mary, or any other saint, and the sacrifice of the
mass, as they are now used in the Church of Rome,
are superstitious and idolatrous. And I do solemnly in
the presence of God profess, testify, and declare, that
I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in
the plain and ordinary sense of the words read unto me,
as they are commonly understood by English Pro-
testants, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental
reservation whatsoever ; and without any dispensation
already granted me for the purpose by the Pope, or
any other authority or person whatsoever; or without
any hope of any such dispensation from any person or
authority whatsoever; or without thinking that I am,
VI APPENDIX.
or can be, acquitted before God or man, or absolved of
this declaration, or any part thereof, although the Pope,
or any other person or persons, or power whatsoever,
should dispense with, or annul the same, or declare that
it was null and void from the beginning.
Oath of Abjuration.
I, A B, do swear, that I do from my heart abhor,
detest, and abjure, as impious and heretical, that
damnable doctrine and position, that princes excom-
municated or deposed by the Pope, or any authority of
the See of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their
subjects, or any person whatsoever. And I do declare
that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or po-
tentate hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction, power,
superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical
or spiritual, within this realm.
So help me God.
No. IV.
Protest against the Act to confirm the Articles of
Limerick.
RESOLVED on the question, that the engrossed Bill
sent up by the Commons, entitled "An Act for the
Confirmation of Articles made at the Surrender of the
City of Limerick," do pass into a law.
Ordered on motion, that such lords as please may
enter their protest to the last foregoing vote, with their
reasons.
We, the Lords spiritual and temporal, whose names
APPENDIX. VII
are hereafter subscribed, do dissent from the aforesaid
vote, and enter our protest against the same for the
reasons following : —
1. Because we think the title of the Bill doth not
agree with the body thereof, the title being, "An Act for
the Confirmation of Articles made at the Surrender of the
City of Limerick ;" whereas no one of the said Articles
is therein, as we conceive, fully confirmed.
2. Because the said Articles were to be confirmed in
favour of them to whom they were granted. But the
confirmation of them by the Bill is such, that it puts
them in a worse condition than they were before, as
we conceive.
3. Because the Bill omits these material words —
" and all such as are under their protection in said
counties," which are by his Majesty's letters patent
declared to be part of the 2nd article, and several
persons have been adjudged within the said 2nd article
by virtue of the aforementioned words : so that the
words omitted, being so very material, and confirmed
by his Majesty after a solemn debate, as we are in-
formed, some express reasons, as we conceive, ought to
have been assigned in the Bill, in order to satisfy the
world as to that omission.
4. Because several words are inserted in the Bill
which are not in the Articles; and others omitted,
which alter both the sense and meaning of some parts
of the Articles, as we conceive.
5. Because we apprehend that many Protestants
may and will suffer by this Bill, in their just rights and
pretensions, by reason of their having purchased, and
Vlll APPENDIX.
lent money upon the credit of the said Articles; and, as
we conceive, in several other respects.
Londonderry. John Ossory.
Tyrone. Thomas Limerick.
Duncannon. Thomas Killaloe.
S. Elphin. Kerry.
Will. Derry. Howth.
Will. Clonfert. Kingston,
W. Killala. Strabane.
No. V.
Mr. Keoylis Account of the Delegation of 1793,
fcc. fcc. ftc.
In the year 1791, twelve Catholic citizens obtained
an audience of the then secretary to the viceregal
government, and presented to him a list of a part, and
but a part of the penal laws, entreating the interest and
protection of government, while they sought a removal
of any one, although it should be the very smallest of
our grievances. The secretary, the agent of this trem-
bling court, did not deign to give this respectful depu-
tation even a refusal ; he dismissed them without an
answer. Repelled in this quarter, we prepared a brief
and most humble petition to the legislature. But four
millions of subjects could not get one member of parlia-
ment even to present their petition to the house ! Mr.
(afterwards Lord) O'Neil, had indeed undertaken the
task ; but superior influence induced or compelled him
to retract, and he peremptorily refused to discharge
his engagement.
APPENDIX. IX
As to the aristocracy of the Catholics, they, it must
be confessed, were not inactive: they exerted them-
selves, it is true, but their exertions were directly in
opposition to our seeking redress. The peerage was
unanimous, and supported by some of our bishops, by
many of our wealthy merchants, and by nearly the whole
of the landed interest, it is easy to conceive what must
have been the aggregate weight of such a body. They
triumphed in our discomfiture, and the insulting manner
in which the deputation had been dismissed from the
castle furnished them with a copious subject of ridicule.
Thus, then, rejected by government, refused admittance
to parliament, scoffed at and opposed by our own no-
bility and gentry, and all over whom either possessed
any influence, our petition was abandoned by the Catho-
lics of Dublin themselves, from a conviction that any
farther application for redress must be hopeless, while
the accumulated influence of government, parliament,
and even of their own body, was placed in the opposite
scale against it. On this, Mr. Chairman, Catholicus
ipse, has the unparalleled ignorance or the unblushing
effrontery to say, " that a trembling court intended to
grant our emancipation." And as the assertion is made
in the form of a charge against me, I am compelled, for
the purpose of repelling it, to state the share I had in
raising the Catholics from the despondency, or rather
the despair, into which they had fallen ; — and I shall do
this, with two of the committee of that inauspicious
period in my view, who can correct if there be any
thing erroneous, or contradict if there be any thing
false, in my statement.
X APPENDIX.
The select committee was, at my request, summoned,
and met at Allen's Court, It was their determination to
give up the cause as desperate, lest a perseverance in
what they considered as an idle pursuit, might not only
prove ineffectual, but draw down a train of persecution
on the body. I was of a different opinion, and pressed,
that one of the committee should be deputed to London
to advocate their cause with the immediate ministers of
the crown, and that the expenses of his mission should
be defrayed out of the general fund, which was then
sufficient for the purpose. The proposal was of a novel,
and thought to be of an idle nature, an emanation of an
ardent, an enthusiastic, perhaps a disordered mind.
They were persuaded that the minister would not re-
ceive their deputy, and at all events would grant no re-
laxation of our grievances, upon the not-unnatural pre-
sumption, that the Irish government must have been
apprised of his sentiments when they closed the doors
both of the cabinet and the parliament against us.
Finally, every man refused to go upon so hopeless an
errand, and the meeting was actually breaking up, and
about to disperse for ever, when I, and I alone, offered
to go to London, and at my own expense, to solicit an
audience from ministers. All I required was the au-
thority of their permission, which I obtained, and I ac-
cordingly set out for the British capital, where I re-
mained for three months, and whence I returned to this
kingdom, in January, 1792 — accompanied, at my own
desire, by the son of that illustrious Irishman, Edm.
Burke.
I arrived in London without any introduction from
APPENDIX. XI
this country, without any support, any assistance, any
instructions. I call upon those who hear me, and who,
as I before said, are competent to contradict me, if I
falsify or exaggerate, to say whether I have been guilty
of either. I had gone, in the opinion of my brethren
of the committee, upon a forlorn hope, and they proba-
bly scarce expected to hear any thing more of me or my
mission. I was introduced to the truly great Edmund
Burke, the sincere friend of Ireland, and, for that very
reason, of the Catholic body ; through him to the pre-
sent Lord Melville, then Mr. Dundas, and minister of
the Irish department. I will not, because it is not now
necessary, enter into a detail of the reasons I urged in
my interview with that statesman ; suffice it to say, that
I had the very good fortune and happiness to convince
that minister that the interest of his Majesty required
that the condition of his Catholic subjects in Ireland
should be ameliorated.
In consequence of this, at the opening of the ensuing
session, in January, 1792, a ministerial member, Sir H.
Langrishe, introduced a bill into the House of Commons
of Ireland, which afterwards received the royal assent,
and which opened to us the profession of the law — privi-
lege of education unrestrained by the necessity of license
— and of legal intermarriage between Protestants and
Catholics ; and now for these exertions, made at my
own expense, and attended with a degree of success
beyond the most ardent hopes, or even wishes of the
Catholics at that period, are accusations brought against
me by this infamous calumniator, of having betrayed the
cause, which my then individual efforts supported. But
let me proceed.
Xll APPENDIX.
So far was complete emancipation from being de-
manded, or even thought of, at that time, much more
of course from being in the contemplation of the govern-
ment, that the Irish parliament, on the 20th day of the
following month, February, 1792, rejected a petition
from the Catholic body, for " only some share in the
elective franchise," with a majority of 203 against 23.
The hostile spirit of the Irish government met in the
aristocracy of the Catholics, very active, very zealous,
but certainly not very able partisans. The peers and
gentry, and all whom they could influence, signed a
declaration at the instigation of government, in which
meanness and folly were combined, opposing the in-
tended relief of their country, their children, and t hem-
selves; and the Irish government forwarded this decla-
ration to Lord Melville, then, as I before said, Mr.
Secretary Dundas, for the declared purpose of inducing1
him to withdraw the support of government from the
proposed bill of Sir Hercules Langrishe ; but that mi-
nister refused to gratify them in this instance.
Animated by the relaxation they had obtained, the
Catholics of Dublin summoned a convention from every
part of the kingdom to assemble in the capital. This
measure created a universal outcry from the Irish go-
vernment and all its agents, whether at county meet-
ings, grand juries, or corporations. We were charged
with an attempt to overawe the parliament, or to erect
the standard of rebellion. The Catholic nobility were
again pressed into the service, for which they were ap-
parently more calculated by their disposition than their
abilities. They pledged themselves, not only not to
join in, but likewise to prevent the assembling of the
APPENDIX. Xlll
convention. Terrified by the threats of government
upon the one side, weighed down by the millstone of
aristocratic influence upon the other, the counties re-
mained unmoved, apparently unaffected ; at least they
did not make any effort towards appointing representa-
tives to the intended convention. This obstacle was to
be overcome, or the hopes of the Catholics were blasted
for ever. I again came forward : I went through the
four provinces, accompanied by my lamented friend, T.
W. Tone ; I attended the meeting of the Catholic
bishops in Ulster, held in that province. With those
prelates I found it necessary to have an interview, like-
wise with the bishops of Connaught, who had been
tampered with and deceived by the misrepresentations
of a Catholic lawyer. In my journey thither, I was
accompanied by my dear and much-lamented friend,
Thomas Broughall, with whom I traversed the whole
south of Ireland. When a good example was once set,
it was followed with enthusiasm, and the convention be-
came the genuine, full, and complete representation of
the Catholics of Ireland. Yet even this convention did
not entertain an idea, for some time, of applying for more
than the elective franchise and admission to grand juries,
until, towards its close, it determined to petition the
sovereign himself for a full admission to all the rights
and privileges of the constitution. The convention ap-
pointed five of its members to carry the petition to the
foot of the throne. In January, 1793, the deputation
was introduced to the King, and presented the petition.
I was of the number ; so were, Lord French, Christopher
Bellew, and James Edward Devereux, Esqrs., who are
XIV APPENDIX.
still living ; arid to these three surviving delegates I re-
fer for the honourable testimony which they bore with
respect to my services at our interview with Lord Mel-
ville. But I hasten to what gives me infinitely greater
pleasure, the result. The result was, that the Catholics
were restored to the elective franchise — to magistracies
— to grand juries— and one sweeping clause removed
numberless penal statutes. These privileges, so bene-
ficial to the tenantry of Ireland, from the greatest land-
holder to the peasant, my accuser calls petty privileges ^ ;
and the share I have had in procuring them, he pro-
nounces to be another of the injuries I have done to the
Catholics of Ireland.
This anonymous writer calls on me to account for the
address to the Duke of Bedford : he says, that it is
grovelling and slavish, without one expression conveying
a hope of Catholic emancipation. I have in my hand
that address, from which I will read two paragraphs, to
prove his want of truth in this, as in his other charges,
and that the address did convey a hope of emancipation.
The following are the paragraphs I allude to : —
" That it will be the achievement of your Grace's ad-
ministration to have guided a salutary and comprehen-
sive scheme of policy to that glorious development, of
which the advantages have been in part displayed ; and
the important consequences must be to invigorate the
admirable British constitution, by introducing a loyal
people to defend it, as their own chief good.
" May your Grace permit us to conclude with the
expression of those sentiments, in which all Irish Catho-
lics can have but one voice. Bound as we are to the
APPENDIX. XV
fortunes of the empire, by a remembrance of past and
the hope of future benefits— by our preference and
by our oaths — should the wise generosity of our law-
givers vouchsafe to crown that hope, which their justice
inspires, it would be no longer our duty alone, but our
pride, to appear the foremost against approaching dan-
ger; and, if necessary, to remunerate our benefactors
by the sacrifice of our lives."
But a strong and specific charge remains to be an-
swered— that either five or six thousand a year was
offered by government, as a bribe for keeping back for
one year the Catholic petition. The charge is against
me : — it is evident, that he must insinuate, that not only
the offer was made to me, but accepted by me ; for if I
rejected the offer, where would be the crime on my
side? I once more call on this defamer to come for-
ward, and give even a shadow of proof in support of
this charge. The present and the late government must
know of every sum paid for secret services; and I defy
Catholicus ipse — I defy the late administration — I defy
the present administration, or any man living, to sub-
stantiate this charge ; and now, in the presence of my
country and my God, do solemnly declare, that I never
received from any minister or government to the amount
of sixpence for myself, my sons, or for any part of my
family ; arid the proceedings here this day shall, through
the medium of the public prints, come before every one
of the parties. As to the allusion of my being visited
by Messrs. Ponsonby and Grattan, and the hint, that
no acquaintance, friendship, or family connexion, exists
between them and me— I scorn to make u boast of ac-
XVI APPENDIX.
quaintance with elevated characters. — Whatever ad-
vances to any thing of that kind may have taken place,
have uniformly proceeded from themselves ; but if the
writer, whoever or whatever he is, means it as an as-
persion, that I am the founder of my own fortune — that
I have no hereditary estate in a country, where robbery,
under the form of confiscation or the penal code, Jbas
deprived all the ancient Irish of their property — the un-
meaning allusion and insipid hint I shall treat with
silent contempt, and hasten to the refutation of one lie
more, that " I kept back the recital of our sufferings
during the late administration."
The Duke of Bedford arrived here about April, 1806.
— On the very commencement of the next session, a
deputation, of which I was one, had two interviews with
Mr. Secretary Elliot and Lord Chancellor Ponsonby, to
press the question of emancipation. As soon, however,
as I had reason to think that our application was over-
ruled in England by Lord Grenville, I then sounded
the alarm at a meeting held on the 24th of January,
1807 ; and, as what I then said was printed by Fitz-
patrick, by order of the committee, I refer to it, with-
out troubling the present meeting with a recapitulation.
A degree of consequence was, indeed, attributed by
others to that speech, which I never thought it merited ;
which is, that it was brought to the King, and contri-
buted to the dismissal of Lord Grenville and his col-
leagues in 1807. But this much I know, that, from
that day to this, Mr. Ponsonby never honoured
me with a visit — which I regret infinitely, more
from my personal respect for the man, than on ac-
APPENDIX. XV11
count of his being a leader in opposition or adminis-
tration.
Permit me now, Mr. Chairman, to return my most
grateful thanks to you and this assembly, for the pati-
ence with which I have been heard, the honour which
has been conferred upon me, and the indignation which
has been evinced against an infamous assassin, who has
attempted to surprise and calumniate a man, who had
devoted near thirty years of his life for the purpose of
breaking the chains of his countrymen.
No. VI.
Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1799.
At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, held in
Dublin the 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, 1799, to
deliberate on a proposal from government, of an inde-
pendent provision for the Roman Catholic clergy of Ire-
land under certain regulations, not incompatible with
their doctrine, discipline, or just principles: —
It was admitted, that a provision through government
for the Roman Catholic clergy of this kingdom, com-
petent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted.
That, in the appointment of the prelates of the Ro-
man Catholic religion to vacant sees within the king-
dom, such interference of government as may enable it
to be satisfied of the loyalty of the person appointed, is
just, and ought to be agreed to.
That, to give this principle its full operation, without
infringing the discipline of the Roman Catholic church,
or diminishing the religious influence, which prelates
VOL. II. b
XV111 APPENDIX.
of that church ought justly to possess over their respec-
tive flocks, the following regulations seem necessary : —
1st. — In the vacancy of a see, the clergy of the dio-
eese to recommend, as usual, a candidate to the prelates
of the ecclesiastical province, who elect him, or any
other they may think more worthy, by a majority of suf-
frages : — in the case of equality of suffrages, the metro-
politan or senior prelate to have the casting vote.
2d. — In the election of a metropolitan, if the provin-
cial prelates do not agree within two months after the
vacancy, the senior prelate shall forthwith invite the
surviving metropolitans to the election, in which each
will then have a vote : — in the equality of suffrages, the
presiding metropolitan to have a casting vote.
3d. — In these elections, the majority of suffrages
must be, ultra medietatem, as the canons require, or
must consist of the suffrages of more than half the
electors.
4th. — The candidates so elected, to be presented by
the president of the election to government, which,
within one month after such presentation, will transmit
the name of the said candidate, if no objection be made
against him, for appointment to the holy see, or return
the said name to the president of the election, for such
transmission as may be agreed on.
5th. — If government have any proper objection against
such candidates, the president of the election will be in-
formed thereof within one month after presentation ; who
in that case will convene the electors to the election of
another candidate.
Agreeably to the discipline of the Roman Catholic
APPENDIX. XIX
church, these regulations can have no effect without the
sanction of the holy see ; which sanction the Roman Ca-
tholic prelates of this kingdom shall, as soon as may be,
use their endeavours to procure.
The prelates are satisfied, that the nomination of
parish priests, with a certificate of their having taken
the oath of allegiance, be certified to government.
Richard O'Reilly. J. T. Troy.
Edward Dillon. Thomas Bray.
P. J. Plunkett. F. Moylan.
Daniel . Delany. Edmund French.
James Caulfield. John Cruise.
Subsequent Resolution of the Roman Catholic Electors.
The prelates assembled to deliberate on a proposal
from government of a provision for the clergy, have
agreed, that M. R. Doctor O'Reilly, M. R. Doctor
Troy, and R. R. Doctor Plunkett, and such other of
the prelates who may be in town, be commissioned to
transact all business with government relative to said
proposal, under the substance of the regulations agreed
on and subscribed by them.
Thomas Bray. James Caulfield.
Edward Dillon. Edmund French.
F. Moylan. John Cruise,
Daniel Delany.
Dublin, 28th January, 1799.
XX APPENDIX.
No. VIL
At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, assembled
in Dublin, on the 26th Feb. 1810, the following reso-
lutions had been unanimously adopted: —
1. Resolved, that it is the undoubted and exclusive
right of Roman Catholic bishops to discuss all matters
appertaining to the doctrines and discipline of the Ro-
man Catholic church.
2. Resolved, that we do hereby confirm and declare
our unaltered adherence to the resolutions unanimously
entered into at our last general meeting, on the 14th
September, 1808.
3. Resolved, that we are convinced, that the oath of
allegiance framed and proposed by the legislature itself,
and taken by us, is not only adequate security for our
loyalty, but that we know of no stronger pledge that
we can possibly give.
4. Resolved, that having disclaimed upon oath all
right in the Pope or any other foreign potentate to in-
terfere in the temporal concerns of the kingdom, an ad-
herence to the practice observed in the appointment of
Irish Roman Catholic prelates cannot tend to produce
an undue or mischievous exercise of any foreign in-
fluence whatsoever.
5. Resolved, that we neither seek nor desire any other
earthly consideration for our spiritual ministry to our
respective flocks, save what they may, from a sense of
religion and duty, voluntarily afford us.
6. Resolved, that an address, explanatory of these
APPENDIX. XXI
our sentiments, be prepared and directed to the Roman
Catholic clergy and laity of Ireland, and conveying such
further instruction as existing circumstances may seem
to require.
No. VIII.
Resolutions of the Irish Catholic Laity against
the Veto.
At a meeting of the General Committee of the Catho-
lics of Ireland, held at D'Arcy's, in Earl Street, on the
2d of March, 1810,
LORD FFRENCH in the Chair,
The Most Rev. Doctor Murray read to the Committee
a written communication from the Catholic prelates of
Ireland. It was unanimously resolved, That the thanks
of the Committee are due, and are hereby given, to the
Most Rev. and Right Rev. the Catholic prelates of
Ireland, for the communication now made to us through
the Most Rev. Doctor Murray and the Rev. Doctor
Hamill.
That the thanks of the meeting are due, and are
hereby given, to the Most Rev. Doctor Murray and the
Rev. Doctor Hamill, for making the communication,
That, as Irishmen, and as Catholics, we never can con-
sent to any dominion or control whatsoever over the
appointment of our prelates on the part of the crown,
or the servants of the crown. That the thanks of the
Committee are hereby given to Daniel O'Connell, Esq.
for the faithful discharge of the duty of secretary.
FFRKNCH, Chairman.
XXII APPENDIX.
No. IX.
ORIGINAL.
Copy of a Letter from Monsgr. Quarantotti to the
Right Rev. Dr. Poynter, V.A.
ILLME AC RME DNE,
Noil sine maxima voluptate accepimus, facile esse
futurum, ut lex, quae superiore anno rogata fuit pro
Catholicorum istius florentissimi regni emancipatione a
posnalibus legibus, quaeque ex modico suffragiorum de-
fectu rejecta fuit, in novis hujus anni comitiis iterum
proponatur. Utinam hsec tarn optata lex aliquando
feratur, et Catholici, qui prceclara semper praebuerunt
obedienticB, ac fidelitatis suce argumenta, a gravissimo,
quo jamdiu premuntur, jugo tandem emergant ; ut
absque ullo honorum ac facultatum detrimento ad ea
possint alacrius incumbere, quae et religio et patriae
bonum ab iis expostulant: quod quidem sperare juvat a
beneficentissimo Rege, atque ab inclyta natione, quae
aequitate, prudentia, casterisque virtutibus, turn anteri-
us, turn maxime postremis hisce temporibus tantam sibi
apud omues populos gloriam comparavit. Et quoniam
delatum est aliquas inter Episcopos obortas esse quaasti-
ones, atque discrimina circa conditiones, quae Catho-
licis appositae sunt, ut caeteris aequiparentur ; nos, qui
summo absente Pastore sacris Missionibus praaferti
sumus, et Pontificiis omnibus facultatibus ad id com-
muniti, muneris nostri partes esse putavimus omnem
ambiguitatem, atque objectionem removere, quae optatse
conciliationi possit obsistere, et quo non pervenit Episco-
APPENDIX. XX111
porum facultas, S. Sedis auctoritate, et consensione sup-
plere. HABITO IGITUR DOCTISSIMORUM PR^SULUM,
AC THEOLOGORUM CONSILIO, perspectis litteris, turn
ab ampl6. tua, turn ab archiepiscopo Dubliniensi hue
missis, ac re in peculiari congregatione MATURE PER-
PENSA, decretum est, ut Catholici legem, qua supe-
riore anno rogata fuit pro illorum emancipalione
juxta formam, qua ab ampl*. tua relata est, vEQUO,
GRATOQUE AN1MO EXCIPIANT, ET AMPLECTANTUR.
Unum est, quod aliqua declaratione eget, scilicet se-
cunda jurisjurandi pars, qua Clerus obstringitur nullam
habere se posse cum Summo Pontifice, ej usque Mini-
stris, communicationem, quae directe, vel indirecte va-
leat Protestantium regimen, sive Ecclesiam subvertere,
aut quomodolibet perturbare. Satis exploraturn est, id
jure divino praecipuum esse Ministrqrurn Ecclesias mu-
nus, ut Catholicam fidem, quaB una potest ad eeternam
felicitatem perducere, undique propagare curent, errores-
que depellere. Hoc Evangelii praecepta decent, hoc
Apostolorum, eorumque Successorum exempla. Jam
si Catholicus Protestantem aliquem ad Orthodoxam
Religionem revocaverit, perjurii reus poterit judicari,
quia nempe illo avocando Protestantem Ecclesiam ali-
quo modo turbasse videretur. Si res ita intelligatur,
juramentum hoc praestare non licet, utpote quod Catho-
lico dogmati reluctatur. Sin ea sit Legislatorum mens,
ut Catholicae Ecclesiae ministris non interdicta sint^nz-
dicatio, suasio, consilium, sed tantum ne liceat ipsis
Protestantem Ecclesiam, seu regimen, vi, et armis, aut
malis quibusque artibus perturbare, hoc rectum est,
nostrisque principiis apprime coha?ret. Tuiim itaque
XXIV APPENDIX.
erit excelsum istud regimen omni animi demissione, ac
studio deprecari, ut ad sedandas, tutandasque Catholici
Cleri conscientias, modificationem, aut declarationem ali-
quam ejusmodi juramenti formulae dare velit, qua3, omni
ambiguitate sublata, pacific^ praedicationi, ac persua-
sioni locum relinquat. Quod si vel lata jam fuerit
rogata lex iisdem verbis, vel nihii in iis immutari volu-
erit, Clerus acquiescat ; ac satis erit, ut palam ipse
denunciet, earn esse suam jurandi mentem, ut Ortho-
doxa in ejusmodi juramento doctrina salva remaneat, ac
non aliter ; atque ut protestatio ista omnibus innotescat ;
et sit etiam posteris exemplum in acta relata servabitur.
Optandum quoque foret, ut ab aliquibus etiam publici
concilii membris, si fieri posset, declaratio fieret, hoc
plane sensu, ac non alio, Britannicum regimen a Catho-
lico Clero juramentum exigere. Caetera vero, quae in
proposita lege centineri scripsisti, ea quidem poterunt
ex Apostolicae sedis indulgentia tolerari.
Quod rex certior fieri velit de illorum fidelitate, qui
ad Episcopatum, vel Decanatum promoventur, ac tutus
esse, num iis dotibus instruct! sint, quae bonum civem
decent : quod ipse praeterea ad haec investiganda Comi-
tatum instituat, qui in eorum mores iuquirat, ac referat
regi, prout Ampl. Tua nobis significavit : quod demum
ea ipsa de causa rex ab his dignitatibus exclusos in pos-
terum velit, turn alienigenas, turn eos, qui a quinquennio
domicilium in regno non habuerunt ; haec omnia cum id
tantum respiciant, quod civile est, omnem mereri to-
lerantiam possunt. Praestat quidem, ut nostri An-
tistites grati acceptique sint regi ; ut plena, illius con-
sensione suum ministerium exerceant; ut denique de
APPENDIX. XXV
illorum probitate constet etiam apud eos, qui de Eccle-
siae gremio non sunt; Episcopum enim (ut docet Apo-
stolus, i. ad Timoth. 3. 7.) oportet, et testimonium
habere bonum ab iis, qui foris sunt. Haec cum ita sint,
ex tradita nobis auctoritate indulgemus, ut qui ad Epis-
copatum, vel Decanatum designati ac propositi sunt a
Clero, admitti, vel rejici a rege possint juxta rogatam
legem. Postquam igitur Clerus illos de more delegerit,
quos ad occupandas hujusmodi dignitates digniores in
Dno judicaverit, Metropolitanus provinciae in Hibernia,
Vicarius vero Apostolicus Senior in Anglia et Scotia
illos comitatus denunciabunt, ut regia inde approbatio,
sive dissensio liabeatur. Si candidati rejecti fuerint,
alii proponent ur, qui regi placeant : si vero probati,
Metropolitanus, aut Vicarius Apostolicus, ut supra,
acta mittet ad sacram hanc Congregationem, quae sin-
gulorum meritis rite perpensis, canonicam a Summo
Pontifice institutionem obtinendam curabit. Illud quo-
que video commissum esse eidem comitatui munus, ut
nempe litteras examinare debeat quae alicui ex Clero
Britannico ab ecclesiastlca potentate scribuntur, ac dili-
genter inquirere, an aliquid illae contineant, quod guber-
nio offensum sit, aut publicam tranquillitatem perturbare
aliquo modo possit. Cum in ecclesiasticis, ac spirituali-
bus rebus, non interdicta sit cum Capite Ecclesiae com-
municatio, sed comitatus inspectio ad politicum tantum
referatur, erit etiam in hoc acquiescendum. Bonum
est, ut regimen istud nullam plane concipere possit de
nostra commuriicatione suspicionem. Cunctis patere
possunt ea, quae seribimus ; non enim nos ullo pacto
miscemus in iis, quae civilia sunt, sed ea tantum inqui-
XXVI APPENDIX.
rimus, quae divina, et ecclesiastica lex, ac bonus, ec~
clesia3 ordo postulare videntur. Ea tantum secreto ser-
vanda erunt, quae internum conscientiae forum afficiunt ;
at in iis satis cautum fuisse video per regulas ab eadem
lege traditas ; satis nobis persuasum est, sapiens istud
regimen, dum publicae secnritati consulere vult, nunquam
proinde exigere velle, ut Catholici religioni desint suae ;
imo potius gratum habere, ut illam sedulo observent ;
haec enim sancta, et plane divina religio publicae potes-
tati favet, solia firmat, subditosque facit obtemperan-
tes, fideles, studiososque patriae. Nihil propterea potest
Apostolicas sedi gratius ac jucundius accidere, quam ut
inter gubemium istud, et Catholicos illi subjectos, plena
concordia, mutuaque fiducia servetur ; ut reipublicae
moderatores de Catholicorum fidelitate, obedientia, at-
que adhaesione dubitare numquam possint ; ut denique
Catholici ipsi omni plane studio, candore, alacritate,
patriae deserviant. Quapropter omnes in Domino hor-
tamur, praesertim vero Episcopos, ut omni contentione
seposita, ad caeterorum edificationem, omnes unanimiter
idipsum sapiant ac sentiant, ut nullus detur schismati
locus, nee ullum rei Catholics damnum inferatur ; ve-
rum si lata fuerit lex, qua Catholici a poenis, quibus
obstricti sunt, liberentur, earn non modo aequo animo am-
plectantur juxta ea, quae dicta sunt, sed etiam Majestati
suae, et magnificentissimo ejus Concilio maximas agant
pro tanto beneficio gratias, eoque se dignos exhibeant.
Denique Amplem. Tuam rogamus, ut cunctis istius
Regni Episcopis Vicariisque Apostolicis epistolam hanc
commuiiicari curet ; ac fore sperantes, ut his, quae ex
tributa nobis potestate decreta sunt, prompte, pleneque
APPENDIX. XXV11
sese conferment, Deum O. M. precor, ut Arnplitem.
Tuam diutissime hospitet, atque interim omni cum
observantifr me tibi obstrictum profiteer.
Obsequentissimus Famulus,
J. B. QUARANTOTTJ, Vice Prafus.
MICHAEL ADEODATUS GALLEASSI, Substut.
Datum Roma}, ex ^Edibus de Propaganda
Fide, 16 Februarii,1814.
Illmo ac Rmo Dno Guillelmo Poynter,
Epis°. Haliensi, Vicario Londini
Apostolico, Londinum.
No. X.
Resolutions establishing the General Committee
of 1809.
At a meeting held at the Exhibition Room, William
Street, May 24, 1809, the following resolutions were
agreed to :
Resolved, We, the Catholics of Ireland, have made
repeated petitions for the relief of our grievances. The
greatest and wisest of men, both in and out of parlia-
ment, both in and out of office, were decidedly in favour
of the expediency and justice of our claims ; and they
further insisted, that it was necessary to the very exist-
ence of the empire to interest in its defence a popula-
tion of from four to five millions of Catholics, consti-
tuting more than a fourth of the United Kingdom. We
are now unhappily and experimentally convinced, that
no principle of justice, no force of reasoning, is suffi-
XXV111 APPENDIX.
cient to counteract a malignant influence, which threat-
ens the empire with general contamination and conse-
quent destruction. Public delinquents and defrauders
would put to hazard the existence of the reigning family,
and the integrity of the empire, rather than restore the
people to the privileges of the constitution, which would
produce such wholesome reform of abuses as must de-
prive themselves of the opportunity of undue influence
and peculation. Under these discouraging circum-
stances, without hope of success at present, we are un-
willing to agitate our claims by petition to parliament,
feeling that rejection might increase the discontent al-
ready existing in our body ; and we cannot be indiffe-
rent to the pernicious effect of acquainting authentically,
through the debates of the British parliament, our po-
tent and too successful enemy, of the internal divisions
and the corruptions of the state in the only powerful
nation not yet subject to his control. — Proposed by
Mr. Keogh.
Resolved unanimously, That the noble Lords who
compose the Catholic peerage, and the survivors of the
persons who were in the year 1793 delegates of the
Catholics of Ireland, and acquitted themselves of that
charge with zeal, talent, and permanent utility, together
with the persons who were appointed by the Catholic
citizens of Dublin to prepare a late address, do possess
the confidence of the Catholic body. — Proposed by Mr.
Mac Donnell.
Resolved unanimously, That in case of the death, or
want of confidence in any of the above-mentioned per-
sons, the remainder shall receive among them such per-
APPENDIX. XXIX
son or persons as shall distinctly appear to them to pos-
sess the confidence of the Catholic body. — Proposed by
Mr. Mac Donnell.
Resolved unanimously, That the persons who com-
posed the committees to manage the petitions in the
years 1805 and 1807 do form part of the above body,
so that the number of those added does not exceed
forty-two. — Proposed by Mr. Burke, of Glynske.
Resolved unanimously, That it be confided to the
foregoing noblemen and gentlemen to take into con-
sideration the form of a petition to parliament, and the
mode of presenting it, so that the same may be prepared
by the first day of the next session. — Proposed by Mr.
O'Connell.
Resolved unanimously, That the noblemen and gentle-
men aforesaid are not representatives of the Catholic
body, or any portion thereof; nor shall they assume or
pretend to be representatives of the Catholic body, or
any portion thereof. Therefore, that it be imperative
upon them to have the said petition presented to parlia-
ment within the first fortnight of the next session. —
Proposed by Mr. O'Connell.
Resolved unanimously, That the above-mentioned
persons be authorised to receive subscriptions for the
purpose of defraying the expenses attendant on the
Catholic petition. — Proposed by Mr. Burke.
Resolved unanimously, That from the activity, zeal,
integrity, and ability, evinced by Edward Hay, Esq. in
the discharge of his duty as secretary to the Catholics
of Ireland, he is hereby appointed to act as secretary to
XXX APPENDIX.
the aforesaid body. — Proposed by Mr. Lalor, County
Tipperary.
FINGAL, Chairman.
The Earl of Fingal having left the chair, and Sir
Francis Goold, Bart., being called thereto,
Resolved unanimously, That the most marked thanks
of this meeting are hereby offered to the Earl of Fingal,
for his dignified and proper conduct on this and every
other occasion. — Proposed by Mr. O'Connell.
No. XI.
Resolutions and Petition for Unqualified Emancipa-
tion, 31st Jan. 1810.
At a meeting of the General Committee of the Catho-
lics of Ireland, held at the committee room, No. 4,
Crow Street, on the 31st Jan. 1810,
SIR THOMAS ESMONDE, Bart., in the Chair,
Resolved, That, solemnly protesting against the unre-
lenting system of intolerance, which the Catholics of
Ireland appear to be doomed in this enlightened age to
endure, we are yet steadfastly determined to persevere
in claiming our emancipation :
And by our constancy in this just pursuit, and by
availing ourselves of all warrantable means for this pur-
pose, to prove ourselves worthy of those equal rights
and liberties, which we demand, and can never consent
to forego.
APPENDIX. XXXI
Resolved, That, not dismayed by past disappointments,
or deterred by existing difficulties, we shall take every
occasion to utter our complaints, to solicit ample dis-
cussion, and to render our degraded and oppressed con-
dition universally known, relying, that the unerring
influence of justice and sound reason (to which we ap-
peal) must speedily subdue those blind and fatal preju-
dices, which obstruct the freedom and happiness of Ire-
land.
Resolved, That it is the indispensable duty of this
committee to have their petition to parliament presented
to both houses, so that the entire merits of our cause
may be fairly and amply discussed.
Resolved, That the Earl of Fingal be requested forth-
with to cause our petitions to both houses of parliament
to be so proceeded upon, as to ensure that inquiry and
discussion, which the honour and interest of the Catho-
lic body imperiously require.
The following is the copy of that petition :
To the Honourable the Commons of the United King-
dom of Great Britain and Ireland in parliament assem-
bled;
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, on behalf
of ourselves and others, his Majesty's subjects, profess-
ing the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland, humbly
beg leave to represent to this honourable house —
That we, your petitioners, did, in the years 1805 and
1808, humbly petition this honourable house, praying
the total abolition of the penal laws which aggrieve
the Catholics of Ireland.
We now feel ourselves obliged, in justice to ourselves,
XXX11 APPENDIX.
our families, and our country, once more to solicit the
attention of this honourable house to the subject of
our said petition.
We state, that the Catholics constitute the most
numerous and increasing portion of the inhabitants of
Ireland, comprising an immense majority of the manu-
facturing, trading, and agricultural interests, and
amounting at least to four-fifths of the Irish popula-
tion ; that they contribute largely to the exigencies of
their country, civil and military; that they pay the far
greater part of the public and local taxes; that they
supply the armies and navies of this empire with up-
wards of one-third part in number of the soldiers and
sailors employed in the public service; and that not-
withstanding heavy discouragements, they form the
principal constituent part of the strength, wealth, and
industry of Ireland.
Yet such is the grievous operation of the penal laws,
of which we complain, that the Roman Catholics are
thereby not only set apart from their fellow subjects as
aliens in their native land, but are ignominiously and
rigorously proscribed from almost all situations of pub-
lic trust, honour, or emolument, including every public
function and department, from the houses of legislature
down to the most petty corporation,
We state, whenever the labour of public duty is to
be exacted and enforced, the Catholic is sought out and
selected ; where honours or rewards are to be dispensed,
he is neglected or contemned.
Where the military and naval strength of the empire
is to be recruited, the Catholics are eagerly solicited,
APPENDIX, XXXHl
nay compelled, to bear their full share in the perils of
warfare, and in the lowest rank ; but when preferment
or promotion (the dear and legitimate prize of success-
ful valour) are to be distributed as rewards of merit, no
laurels are destined to a Catholic's brow, or fit the
wearer for command.
We state thus generally the grievous condition of
the Roman Catholics of Ireland, occasioned solely by
the fatal influence and operation of the penal laws ; and
though we forbear to enter into greater detail, yet we
do not the less trust to the influence of reason and
justice (which eventually must prevail) for effecting a
full and deliberate inquiry into our grievances, and ac-
complishing our effectual relief.
We do beg leave, however, most solemnly, to press
upon the attention of this honourable house the immi-
nent public dangers, which necessarily result from so
inverted an order of things, and so jicious and unnatu-
ral a system of legislation; a system, which has long
been the reproach of this nation, and is unparalleled
throughout modern Christendom.
And we state it as our fixed opinion, that to restore
to the Catholics of Ireland a full, equal, and unqualified
participation of the benefits of the laws and constitution
of England, and to withdraw all the privations, restric-
tions, and vexatious distinctions, which oppress, injure,
and afflict them in their country, is now become a mea-
sure not merely expedient, but absolutely necessary;
not only a debt of right due to a complaining people,
but perhaps the last remaining resource of this empire,
in the preservation of which we take so deep an interest,
VOL. II. C
XXXIV APPENDIX.
We therefore pray this honourable house to take into
their most serious consideration the nature, extent, and
operation of the aforesaid penal laws, and by repealing
the same altogether, to restore to the Roman Catholics
of Ireland those liberties so long withheld, and their
due share in that constitution, which they, in common
with their fellow subjects of every other description,
contribute by taxes, arms, and industry, to sustain and
defend.
And your petitioners will ever pray, &c. &c.
No. XII.
Circular Letter of the Right Hon. W. Wellesley Pole.
Dublin Castle, February 12th, 1811.
SIR,
It being reported that the Roman Catholics in the
county of are to be called together, or have
been called together, to nominate or appoint persons or
representatives, delegates or managers, to act in their
behalf as members of an unlawful assembly, sitting in
Dublin, and calling itself the Catholic Committee, you
are required, in pursuance of the provisions of an Act
of the 33rd of the King, chap. 29, to cause to be
arrested, and to commit to prison (unless bail shall be
given), all persons within your jurisdiction who shall be
guilty of giving or having given, or of publishing or
having published, or of causing or having caused to be
given or published, any written or other notice of the
election and appointment, in any manner, of such repre-
sentative, delegate, or manager, as aforesaid ; or of
APPENDIX. XXXV
attending, voting, or acting, or of having attended,
voted, or acted, in any manner, in the choice or appoint-
ment of such representative, delegate, or manager.
And you are to communicate these directions, as far as
lies in your power, forthwith, to the several magistrates
of the said county of .
N. B. Sheriffs are to act under the warrant of
magistrates in cases where the crime has been com-
mitted.
By command of His Grace the Lord Lieutenant.
W. W. POLE.
To , &c. &c. &c.
No. XIII.
Letter of the King on his leaving Ireland in 1821.
Dublin Castle, September 3rd, 1821.
MY LORD,
The time of the King's departure from Ireland being
arrived, I am commanded by His Majesty to express
his entire approbation of the manner in which all per-
sons acting in civil and military situations in the city of
Dublin and its neighbourhood have performed their
several duties during the period of His Majesty's resi-
dence in this part of the kingdom. His Majesty is
pleased to consider, that to your Excellency his acknow-
ledgments are particularly due : he is conscious how
much he owes to your Excellency's attentions and ar-
rangements ; and His Majesty gladly avails himself of
this occasion of declaring the high sense which he enter-
tains of the ability, temper, and firmness, with which your
XXXVI APPENDIX.
Excellency has uniformly administered the great trust
which he has placed in your hands.
I am further commanded to state, that the testimonies
of dutiful and affectionate attachment which His Ma-
jesty has received from all classes and descriptions of
his Irish subjects, have made the deepest impression on
his mind ; and that he looks forward to the period when
he shall revisit them with the strongest feelings of satis-
faction. His Majesty trusts that, in the mean time, not
only the spirit of loyal union which now so generally
exists will remain unabated and unimpaired, but that
every cause of irritation will be avoided and discounte-
nanced, mutual forbearance and good-will observed and
encouraged, and security be thus afforded for the con-
tinuance of that concord amongst themselves, which is
not less essential to His Majesty's happiness than to
their own ; and which it has been the chief object of
His Majesty, during his residence in this country, to
cherish and promote.
His Majesty well knows the generosity and warmth
of heart which distinguish the character of his faithful
people of Ireland ; and he leaves them with a heart full
of affection towards them, and with the confident and
gratifying persuasion, that this parting admonition and
injunction of their Sovereign will not be given in vain.
I have the honour to be,
With great truth and regard, my Lord,
Your Excellency's most obedient
And faithful Servant,
SlDMOUTJfc
His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant.
APPENDIX. XXXV11
No. XIV.
Rules and Regulations of the Catholic Association of
Ireland, commencing Saturday, 2±th May, 1823.
JOSEPH M'DoNNELL, Esq. in the Chair.
The Committee appointed to prepare the draft of
laws and regulations for the Association reported, where-
upon the following resolutions were adopted :
That the Catholic Association be formed to adopt all
such legal and constitutional measures as may be most
useful to obtain Catholic emancipation.
That the Association is not a representative or dele-
gated body ; and that it will not assume any representa-
tive or delegated authority or quality.
That such individuals as shall give in their names to
the secretary, and pay an annual subscription of one
pound two shillings and ninepence, be members of this
Association ; and that same be payable each first day of
January.
That no motion shall be debated at any meeting of
this Association without one week's previous notice.
That all reporters for newspapers, &c. be at liberty to
attend all the meetings of the Association.
That the Secretary do call an extraordinary meeting
of the Association w.henever required, by a requisition
signed by at least twenty members.
That the proceedings of the Association as well as
notices of motions be entered in a book, always open
XXXVUI APPENDIX.
for inspection and reference ; and that a book be also
kept, containing as well the names as the address of each
member, to be always open for inspection.
That no member be allowed to speak twice in any
discussion, except the mover of the original question,
who shall have the right to reply ; such reply to close
the debate.
That during any discussion every member be seated,
except the member addressing the chairman.
That the object of the foregoing resolutions is to pre-
vent as much as possible any debate or discussion, but
what must be absolutely necessary to ascertain the sense
of each meeting.
That Saturday be the fixed day of meeting, subject
to such adjournment as the Association may agree to.
That at least ten members must be in attendance in
order to constitute a meeting of this Association.
That three o'clock in the afternoon be the fixed hour
of all meetings ; and that so soon as ten members are in
attendance after three o'clock, the chair shall be imme-
diately taken.
Treasurers and secretaries were appointed.
JOSEPH M'DoNNELL, Chairman.
N. PURCELL O'GoRMAN, Secretary.
APPENDIX. XXXIX
No. XV.
Report on the Practicability of forming the New
Catholic Association. — Agreed to at the Aggregate
Meeting held 13th July, 1825.
Mr. O'Gormari here read the following Report of the
Committee of twenty-one. Several of the passages
were received with the most enthusiastic applause, but
more particularly that part which unfolds " the plan of
the NEW CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION."
The committee appointed by a general ballot to con-
sider, in pursuance of the resolution of the last aggre-
gate meeting, " whether there can be framed, without
any violation of the existing laws, a, permanent body to
assist in the conducting or management of such portion
of Catholic affairs as it may be by law permitted to have
managed, without resorting to the too frequent holding
of aggregate meetings, and in particular, without in
any way infringing on a recent statute," have agreed to
the following
REPORT.
The Committee have endeavoured anxiously to fulfil
the duty imposed upon them. They have been deeply
impressed, on the one hand, with the conviction, that
the cause of the Catholics must retrograde, and the
calumnious imputations of their enemies increase in
number, power, and effect, unless there be some perma-
nent body watching over Catholic interests, and taking
care to maintain and preserve the station the Catholics
have already attained, while it is not permitted to pro-
X APPENDIX.
ceed further. And on the other hand, we were and are
unalterably determined, not to suggest or advise any
course which could with any degree of fair dealing or
justice be deemed any, even the slightest, infringement
on the law. — We are determined to obey a statute which
we cannot respect, and to set to our countrymen the
example of a dutiful and ready submission to that which
is law — notwithstanding our conviction of the impolicy
of its enactment. We have, in fact, lately received
from our Protestant fellow-countrymen such support as
requires our utmost gratitude, and such advice as com-
mands our ready and respectful obedience. We allude
'in particular to the advice of the illustrious noblemen
lately assembled in London. They have recommended
to the Catholics firmness, temperance, and union. We
place full and cordial confidence in them and in their
counsels, and we are resolved to merit their patronage
and protection, by the alacrity with which we ourselves
, submit at all times to the law of the land, and the zeal
and activity which we shall ever display, to procure a
similar submission from all classes of our country-
men.
With these impressions, we have come to the deter-
mination to recommend to the Catholics of Ireland to
conduct their affairs in future in strict obedience to the
law, by managing, by means of a permanent association,
such portion thereof as has no reference to obtaining
relief or redress, or any alteration of the existing code —
but to reserve every thing that relates to petitioning for
relief, or obtaining legal redress, or altering the existing
code, to such separate or aggregate meetings of short
APPENDIX. Xl
duration as shall be in strict conformity with the recent
statute.
We therefore beg leave to lay before the public the
following plan of a New Catholic Association, and to
express our unanimous and fixed conviction that it will
not in any wise violate or infringe upon any law or
statute whatsoever.
PLAN OF A NEW CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.
1st. — As it is desirable that the proposed New Ca-
tholic Association should combine Irishmen of all reli- .
gious persuasions, it is expressly declared, that no person
professing any of the forms of religious faith, allowed
or tolerated by law, shall be excluded therefrom ; but,
on the contrary, Christians of all denominations are
invited to become members thereof.
2d. — No member of the New Catholic Association
shall be required to take any oath or make any declara-
tion whatsoever.
3d. — To avoid the possibility of its being alleged,
even by means of any perverse interpretation of the
act of 6th Geo. I Vth, chap. 4th, that the New Catholic
Association can come within the provisions thereof, it is
expressly declared, that the New Catholic Association
shall not assume, or in any manner or by any means or
contrivance exercise, the power of acting, for the pur-
pose or under the pretence of procuring the redress of
grievances in church or state, or the alteration of any
matters by law established in church or state ; or for
the purpose, or under the pretence of carrying on, or
Xlii APPENDIX.
assisting in, the prosecution or defence of causes civil
or criminal.
4th. — That the New Catholic Association shall not
be composed of different divisions or branches, or of
different parts acting in any manner separate or distinct
from each other ; and that there shall be no separate or
distinct secretary, or delegate, or other officer elected
or appointed by or for any particular part, or authorised
to act for any particular part ; neither shall the New
Catholic Association communicate or correspond ; neither
shall its constitution contain any provision for commu-
nication or correspondence with any other society, com-
mittee, or body of persons ; neither shall it, in any
respect, act in any manner inconsistently with the said
statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th.
5th. — The New Catholic Association can and may be
formed merely for the purposes of public and private
charity, and such other purposes as are not prohibited
by the said statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th.
6th. — The first purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, that of promoting public peace
and tranquillity, as well as private harmony and con-
cord, amongst all classes of his Majesty's subjects
throughout Ireland.
7th. — The second purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, the encouragement and exten-
sion of a liberal, enlightened, and religious system of
education, founded on the basis of Christian charity and
perfect fair dealing.
8th. — The third purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, that of ascertaining the number
APPENDIX. xliii
of the population of Ireland, and the relative propor-
tions which the professors of the various Christian per-
suasions bear the one to the other; and, in particular,
to ascertain the number of children of each persuasion
in a course of education.
9th. — The fourth purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, to devise the means of erecting
suitable Catholic churches for the celebration of divine
worship, and to procure and establish Catholic burial-
grounds, wherein the Catholic dead may be interred,
without being liable to any species of contumely or
insult.
10th.— The fifth purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, to promote all improvements in
science and in Irish agriculture, to encourage the con-
sumption of Irish manufactures and the extension of
Irish commerce.
llth. — The sixth purpose of the New Catholic Asso-
ciation is, and shall be, to encourage as much as possible
a liberal and enlightened press, to circulate works cal-
culated to promote just principles and mutual toleration
and kindness, and to vindicate the principles of the
Catholics against the unjust and slanderous attacks
daily made upon them.
12th. — The seventh purpose of the New Catholic
Association will be, to procure a detailed statement of
the various charges made against the Catholics in the
petitions presented to parliament during the recent
sessions, arid to publish authentic refutations of such
charges, in the places where they respectively ori-
ginated.
APPENDIX.
13th. — That every person who shall think fit, on or
before a day to be named, to pay the sum of one pound
on his admission, shall be a member of the New Catho-
lic Association ; and, after that day, each person paying
one pound, and procuring one member to propose and
another to second him, shall also be a member.
The committee having thus stated affirmatively and
negatively the limits within which the New Catholic
Association can and ought to act, deem it their duty to
call the attention of the Catholics in general to those
provisions of the statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th,
which must restrain the sphere of the New Catholic
Association, and render it necessary for the Catholics
in general to seek for redress and relief, through the
medium of other meetings, and by the intervention of
other instruments.
That most unconstitutional statute prohibits these two
things —
First, The sacred right of petitioning for the redress
of real and substantial grievances in the only mode
likely to be successful ; namely, by the intervention of
a committee or association, of sufficient duration to
be able to make useful, and in fact necessary arrange-
ments.
Second, The right of such committee or association
giving any pecuniary assistance to the poor and op-
pressed, in order to enable them to punish by due
course of law their oppressors : it being obvious that
without money there can be little prospect of being
able to take the measures necessary to obtain redress
from any legal tribunal.
APPENDIX.
Now, as the New Catholic Association cannot inter-
fere in any way to procure redress from parliament or
the courts of law ; and as the Catholics certainly suffer
the cruellest oppressions, and the most unjust exclusions
from the undoubted rights of British subjects, it is in-
cumbent on them to adopt other means altogether un-
connected with the New Association, of preparing and
presenting petitions to parliament, and also for prevent-
ing and punishing acts of individual oppression and of
party insolence.
The petitions to parliament must of course be alto-
gether unconnected with the New Catholic Association,
and must originate with and be conducted by general
or aggregate meetings ; which, as the law now stands,
may be continued by adjournment for fourteen days and
no longer.
It is obvious that it would be impossible to arrange
all the petitions necessary to be presented to parliament
in the ensuing sessions, in one space of fourteen days.
It is advisable to have a petition presented from every
parish in Ireland.
The country should be therefore taken separately by
counties. There can, in point of law, be fourteen days
given to each county, separately and distinctly ; but the
business of petitioning for each county must be con-
ducted by general or aggregate meetings, unconnected
with the New Catholic Association ; and such general
or aggregate meetings can continue to sit for the peti-
tions of each county during fourteen days, according to
the provisions of the statute.
Thus the New Catholic Association will have to
Xlvi APPENDIX.
attend to details in Catholic affairs, consistent with the
duration of our present grievances, and with an ac-
quiescence in our present sufferings.
The separate or aggregate meetings must and will
seek for the redress of grievances, and the alteration
of those matters in church and state by which we are
oppressed.
The committee further very earnestly recommend to
the Irish people, to make the repeal of the said statute of
the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th, the first object of a petition
to the legislature; and that such petition do state to
the legislature the unconstitutional and oppressive na-
ture of that statute, and expose to parliament the false-
hood of the pretexts on which it was enacted.
The committee further beg leave to suggest, that in
the management of the further petitions of the Catholics
of Ireland, care be taken to have our claims for relief
brought before parliament, and kept free from any ex-
traneous matter or any details on subjects of any other
description, we being convinced that the simple and
single object of obtaining unconditional and unqualified
relief from our disabilities, should be solely attended to,
as well by the Catholics themselves as by their friends
in parliament.
July llth, 1825.
Gonville Ffrench, Chairman.
Gormanston O'Conor Don
Killeen Nicholas Mahon
Edward Preston C. Macloghlin
John Burke James John Bagott
APPENDIX.
Daniel O'Connell Philip Fogarty
Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman Michael Bellew
William Murphy Stephen Coppinger
Michael O'Brien George Bryan
Richard Sheii Hugh O'Connor.
The committee have further agreed to the following
resolution : —
Resolved, that the committee of twenty-one gladly
avail themselves of the present opportunity to return
to Daniel O'Connell their marked thanks for the undi-
minished zeal and talent with which he has prepared
the plan of a report for the formation of a new associa-
tion.
No. XVI.
NEW CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.
Dublin, Saturday, July 23.
DOWELL O'REILLY, Esq. in the Chair.
Mr. Conway was appointed Secretary to the meet-
ing.
Mr. John Dillon presented the Report of the Com-
mittee of twenty- one, and proceeded to read the docu-
ment, of which the following is a copy : —
REPORT.
The committee appointed to report upon rules and
regulations to govern the New Catholic Association do
report as follows: —
xlviii APPENDIX.
1st. — That the Report of the Committee of twenty-
one, agreed to at the late aggregate meeting, be in-
serted on the minutes of this Association.
2d. — That in pursuance of the suggestions in the
said report, we are a society formed and acting merely
for the several purposes not prohibited by the 6th Geo.
IVth, cap. 4th ; and that our proceedings be governed
by the following rules and regulations : —
3rd. — That such individuals as shall give in their
names to the secretary on or before the first of Nov.
next, and pay an annual subscription of one pound, be
members of this Association ; and that after that day,
each person paying one pound, and proposed by one
member and seconded by another, shall also be a mem-
ber.
4th. — That a new subscription be payable on every
first day of January in every year ; and that any gentle-
man who shall be one month in arrear of his subscrip-
tion, shall cease to be a member.
5th. — That no person (a gentleman of the press ex-
cepted) shall be allowed to be present at any meeting
of this Association, without having paid the sum of one
pound, as above required.
6th. — That all gentlemen of the press be at liberty
to attend the meetings of this Association, on leaving
their names with the secretary and obtaining tickets.
7th. — That no motion shall be debated at any meet-
ing of this Association without one week's previous
notice.
8th. — That be appointed joint Treasurers
to the Association.
APPENDIX.
xlix
9th.— That a committee of twenty-one be appointed
a committee of finance and accounts.
10th.— That the Secretary do call an extraordi-
nary meeting of the Association whenever required
by a requisition, signed by at least twenty mem-
bers.
llth. — That a Secretary and two honorary assistant
Secretaries be appointed.
12th. — That every requisition for an extraordinary
meeting, with the original signatures, be posted in
the meeting room of the Association, and be entered
in the book of proceedings, prior to the meeting con-
vened.
13th. — That the purpose of each extraordinary meet-
ing be signified in the requisition, and in the notice
calling such meeting.
14th. — That the rules and regulations be posted in
the meeting room of the Association.
15th. — That no expense on account of the Association
be incurred, without an order of the Association ex-
pressive of the purpose ; and that no money be paid by
the Treasurer, save on an order signed by the acting
Secretary, and at least three members of the committee
of accounts.
16th. — That the proceedings of the Association, as
well as the notices of motions, be entered in a book
always open for inspection and reference, and that a
book be also kept, containing the name and the ad-
dress of each member, to be always open for in-
spection.
17th. — That the chairman do not receive any motion
VOL. ii. d
1 APPENDIX.
or resolution, unless such motion or resolution be de-
livered to him in writing.
18th. — That no member have a right to speak twice
in any discussion, except the mover of the original
question, who shall have the privilege to reply; such
reply to close the debate.
19th. — That no second amendment (except a motion
to adjourn) be received until the first amendment shall
have been disposed of.
20th. — That Wednesday be the fixed day of meeting,
subject to such adjournment as the Association may
agree to.
21st. — That at least ten members must be in attend-
ance, in order to constitute a meeting of the Associa-
tion.
22d. — That three o'clock in the afternoon be the fixed
hour of all meetings, and that as soon as ten members
are in attendance, after three o'clock, the chair shall be
immediately taken.
That the Catholic clergy of Ireland be members of
this Association.
APPENDIX. 11
No. XVII.
EXTRACTS FROM MONSIEUR DUVERGJER'S LETTERS
ON THE STATE OF IRELAND, 18*26.*
LETTER II.
Meeting at Ballinasloe — Traces of the conquest — Gene-
ral agitation — Connaught — Meeting in a chapel —
Portrait of Shell — Irish Catholicity — Votes of
thanks — Summary influence of the Catholic priest-
hood— Census of Waterford.
I assisted the 8th of October at the meeting at Bal-
linasloe, and the following observations were written
the day after : —
To Hell or Connaught. — It is now more than one
hundred years since Cromwell pronounced this dreadful
denunciation, and it might be said, that it has ever
since served as the rule of conduct which has animated
and directed the measures of every constituted authority
which has succeeded him. In Ireland as in France,
after the invasion, as in England after the conquest,
there were two nations, the conquerors, and the con-
quered ; whom the progress of time would gradually
have blended together, had not English policy ex-
hausted every effort in keeping them perpetually asun-
* This talented gentleman, accompanied by the Duke of Montebello
and the Messrs. Thayer (French. Protestants), made a tour through the
principal part of Ireland, shortly after the general election, 1826. The
pamphlet from which this extract is translated was published on bis re-
turn to Paris, and has since been most extensively circulated on the conti-
nent.
lii
APPENDIX.
der. It is thus that the soil of that unfortunate country
still continues to bear two races essentially distinct — the
one which commands, the other which obeys ; — the one
which reposes, the other which labours ; — the one which
suffers, the other which enjoys. Except in some of the
principal cities, in vain do you look for those inter-
mediary classes, who are at once the strength and
ornament of society. There is nothing between the
master and the slave, between the cabin and the palace;
there is nothing between all the luxuries of existence,
and the last degree of human wretchedness ; nothing,
in fine, between the Englishman and the Irishman,
the Protestant and the Catholic (for to this every thing
resolves itself at last) ; and what is the last perfection
of the evil, these distinctions are not as elsewhere the
natural result of an inequality in the human faculties,
or in the rights of property, but the growth of a bad
and feeble policy : the conquest created them ; oppres-
sion has maintained them : and though, since the period
of 1782, the Catholics have been permitted the right
of acquiring land, yet forty years of imperfect toleration
have not been sufficient altogether to efface the deeply-
written traces of so long a period of political degrada-
tion. Nine-tenths of the landed property belongs to
the English, to the Protestants ; and the Catholics, who
have acquired or accumulated property by patient and
personal exertions, are mere upstarts, whom they have
a right to despise. As to the peasantry, they may think
themselves well treated, if they are allowed to rank
with the beasts of the field. But listen to the reasoning
of the most liberal of these landlords, on what he is
APPENDIX. liii
pleased to terra, the insurrection and revolt of the forty-
shilling freeholders.* He cannot conceive it possible
that they should possess a will, an opinion, a conscience
of their own. Of what consequence was it that Lord
George Beresford was the declared enemy of the Ca-
tholics ? He was their lord and their master, and it
was their bounderi duty to return him to parliament.
Besides, was it not for that express purpose he made
them freeholders ? f To drive them on to acts of dis-
obedience, every way so criminal, was to burst asunder
all the bonds of society, to break through every natural
relation, and bring back upon earth the confusion and
anarchy of chaos once again. It would be quite as
reasonable to counsel the horse to rebel against the
man.
Such is the reasoning to which I am compelled to
listen almost every day ; and all the arguments employed
by the colonists of Martinique and Guadaloupe, when
their negroes are in question, I find them here in mouths
which, at the other side of the channel, are loudest in
their exclamations of No slave trade ! No slavery! There
is, however, a right more sacred and important than any
one of these, and of which no one has yet thought pro-
per to deprive the Catholics of Ireland, and that is, the
right of assembling and of discussing in public their own
* It is well known, that in the last election many of the freeholders
voted against their landlords. It was thus that Lord George Beresford
lost the representation of the county of Waterford.
t To constitute a freeholder in Ireland, it is sufficient to possess a life-
interest of 40s. per annum ; and this interest an acre, or half nn acre is
sufficient to confer. Hence the custom of planting freeholders, like trees,
upon a property.
v APPENDIX.
affairs. Thus what the 80,000 electors of France, the
aristocracy of the country, would not think of attempt-
ing, here an oppressed caste actually effect, without
the slightest fear or impediment whatsoever. Convened
every day by the call of a free press, they are in motion
at this moment over the surface of the entire country.
There is not a county, nor a city, nor a borough, nor a
parish, where there are not meetings, to address peti-
tions to the new parliament, to pass votes of thanks
to the forty-shilling freeholders, and what is still
more to the purpose, to offer assistance and support to
those very men whom their masters have, in consequence
of their late conduct, unmercifully ejected from their
holdings. O'Connell and Sheil fly from province to pro-
vince, from meeting to meeting. Every where they
are received with enthusiasm : every where their elo-
quent declamations rouse in the souls of the old Mile-
sians the stern sense of their strength and their degra-
dation. To enforce obedience, they require neither
gens d'armes nor soldiers. A word of theirs is of more
power than twenty decrees of the Lord Lieutenant ; and
the delegates of old England are compelled to tremble
before two lawyers! Admirable fruit of this wise system
of policy ! Brilliant result of an administration which
pretends to govern with the edge of the sword, and
convert by the scourge of the law !
On the boundaries of Connaught, in the small town of
Ballinasloe, there is held annually a fair, where 120,000
sheep and 40,000 horned cattle are brought to market.
There the farmer of Connaught comes to sell, and the
farmer of Leinster to buy ; there, from the most distant
APPENDIX. v
parts a crowd is assembled, as if for the holding of a ge-
neral congress. The Catholics could not possibly choose a
better season ; nor a better theatre. If the ancient Eryn
exists still in any part of the country, it is to be found in
Connaught. Situated in the jnost remote part of Ire-
land, the last subdued, and at different periods assigned
as a prison to the conquered population, this province,
more than any other, has preserved its ancient religion,
and even its ancient language. There, at an earlier
period than in any other part of Ireland, was gradually
formed a class of independent gentry* whose belief and
interests were strictly identified with those of the ma-
jority of the people. It is this gentry in particular
who feel themselves aggrieved by the operation of the
penal laws ; and it was this class which yesterday were
assembled in crowds at the meeting of Ballinasloe. —
Emancipation— full, total, and unconditional emancipa-
tion, such is at present the unanimous cry of six mil-
lions of men. One would be inclined to say, that this
single word contained within itself the panacea for all
the sufferings of Ireland. For the Catholic proprietor,
it signifies a place in parliament ; for the lawyer, a silk
gown ; f for the poor, bread. In the midst of this
fever of hope, the wise statesman well knows, that the
effects of so many ages of oppression are not to be got
rid of in a day ; but he also knows, that without eman-
* The appellation of the country proprietors.
t The silk gown gives the barrister on whom the king thinks proper to
confer such a distinction very many important privileges ; for instance,
that of being entitled to bring forward the cause in which he is engaged
before any other counsel employed.
Ivi
APPENDIX.
cipation nothing can be done ; and he gives all his sup-
port to every exertion which is calculated to obtain it.
We are no longer in the times of helotism ; and to exist
in peace, on the same soil, it is necessary that all should
be in the full enjoyment of the same rights. In France,
a child is capable of understanding this ; but in this
country of England, in other particulars so enlightened,
there are men who still continue to deny it. For the
honour of their intellect, let us hope they are not sin-
cere ; for the honour of their sincerity, let us hope . . . :
but on them must depend the choice.
An old chapel, without any ornament, white-washed,
and half in ruins ; before the altar a platform, rudely
constructed ; on the left, a gallery for the men ; another
for the women on the right; on the platform, about
two hundred country gentlemen, in a sort of morning
dress, which is not without its pretension ; and in every
other part of the chapel, a peasant population, of a
savage aspect, and a picturesque costume : such was
the singular spectacle which was first presented to me
at the great meeting of Ballinasloe. After having
called, as is customary, the most distinguished indi-
vidual present to the chair, and chosen the most intelli-
gent for secretary, the proceedings were opened; the
most profound silence prevailed on all sides ; and a
series of resolutions, prepared the day before, were
successively submitted to the opinion of the assembly.
The recollections which I had of the country gentlemen
of Lancashire gave me some reason to apprehend the
eloquence of the country gentlemen of Connaught ; yet
almost all of them expressed themselves with the utmost
APPENDIX. Ivii
warmth and facility. Whilst one of these speakers was
engaged in deploring the long- continued perfidy of
England, and recalling to the recollection of his auditors
the menacing example of America, thunders of applause
burst forth on a sudden from every quarter : every hat
was waved over the head ; and a piercing cry, the ex-
pression of joy amongst the Irish, shook the chapel to
its very roof. It was Mr. Shell, who had just appeared
on the platform, and whose unexpected presence at
the meeting produced this electric effect. Were I com-
missioned to take down the signalement of Mr. Sheil,
this would be very nearly the result. Five feet ; eyes,
quick and piercing; complexion, pale; chin, pointed;
hair, dark : and in adding, mouth, middle-sized, I
flatter myself I should have given a description not to
be excelled in exactness at the bureau des passe-portes.
But this is the portrait of the gentleman; that of the
orator is widely diverse. When you behold that little
gascon figure in repose, it is impossible to suspect to
what changes passion is capable of converting it. There
is in Sheil something of Juvenal, of Pindar, and of
Mirabeau. His satire is shrewd and biting; his poetry
dazzles ; his enthusiasm carries you away. When he
flings forth his sarcasm, a bitter smile contracts his lips;
when he threatens, his eyes dart forth lightnings ; when
he is under the dominion of poetical inspiration, they
take an expression altogether sublime. His voice is
meagre, harsh, and shrill ; but a profound emotion seems
to regulate its vibrations. His gesture is quick, abrupt,
and rather disorderly ; but it is always in perfect accord
with such sentiments as he has to express. Sheil pos-
Iviii APPENDIX.
sesses, in an eminent degree, the surprising faculty of
exerting himself to the very verge of delirium, without
once losing his complete self-possession. I was at his
side whilst speaking ; and more than once I saw all his
limbs tremble beneath him : a moment after he resumed
the discussion, with not less composure than ingenuity.
Like the English, whom in other particulars he so little
resembles, Sheil is too fond of quotations. Certain pas-
sages in bad taste, it may also be observed, occasionally
disfigure the best of his speeches ; and in general it has
been remarked, that in both elocution and diction, there
is something too much of the theatre about him. These
reproaches have some appearance of being well founded ;
and more than once, indeed, I imagined I had the figure
of Kean actually before me ; but then I must also add
that Kean is a very admirable actor. In a word, I was
seduced ; I was dazzled ; and together with me the
whole assembly. During an entire hour, one single
soul, that of the orator, seemed to animate this living
mass ; and from time to time you would have said, that
an electric shock completely convulsed them. I never
before assisted at so absolute a triumph.
Before Mr. Sheil, several orators had been heard with
applause ; after him, it would appear there was nothing
more to be done than to remain silent. A young gen-
tleman, however, of the neighbourhood, Mr. M'Dermott,
still found means to keep up the attention of the meet-
ing. What will the Bishop of Hermopolis say to the
following propositions ? —
1. The state should have no established religion.
It should preserve its neutrality between them all.
APPENDIX. lix
2. Salvation is possible in all religions, provided you
believe honestly and sincerely the religion you profess
to be the best.
3. To attempt seizing on public education, with a
view of converting it into a monopoly for any particular
class or sect, is to disturb in a direct manner the order
of society.
4- The spirit of proselytism is deserving of censure.
Each creed or sect ought to remain quiet within its
respective limits.
5. To keep the clergy virtuous, it is requisite to
keep them poor. Make them rich, and you corrupt
them.
These certainly are very abominable maxims, prin-
ciples the most injurious and atheistical : philosophism
has produced nothing more pernicious. Yet such are
the very principles which the Catholics preach from
Dublin to Gal way, and from Derry to Bantry Bav ;
and as Catholicity is essentially one, I have good rea-
son to presume, that until this moment we have been
altogether ignorant of its doctrines. But this is not
all ; you may here laugh as much as you think proper
at the Bible, provided you do so in attacking the Bible
societies. Mr. Sheil has done so, more than once, and
he is not less a favourite of the clergy in consequence.
Voltaire himself, with this trifling precaution, would have
soon become their protege. They read in the meeting
of yesterday a letter quite full of that mystical jargon,
so much applauded in our modern seminaries. There
was nothing but pious sighs, fervent acts of contrition,
devout aspirations to Heaven, the whole seasoned with
x APPENDIX.
comparisons, and figures, and tropes, borrowed from
Holy Writ. At Paris, it would have been quoted as
the sublime effusion of a tender and religious spirit ;
but as it was written by a minister of the established
church, it was laughed at, at Ballinasloe, as an absolute
model of hypocrisy and folly. In fine, Catholicity and
Protestantism in this country seem altogether to have
changed sides ; the latter is dogmatical and intolerant,
the former has suddenly become almost philosophical.
Now this is an incarnation more extraordinary than all
the incarnations of Vishnou ; and hence it is, that it is
not every one who is willing to give credit to the fact.
Whatever may be the case, T should like to know how
the Etoile will translate the following phrase of Mr.
M'Dermott: "They talk to us without ceasing of
Protestant ascendancy. This word ascendancy in a
free state is what I cannot comprehend — and applied
to Catholicity, I should feel as much horror of it, as I
do at this moment when applied to Protestantism."
As no one was empowered to close the proceedings
of the assembly, towards the end of the day we were
obliged to endure the eloquence of four or five orators
of the most interminable modesty. Each commenced
his discourse by announcing that he would not abuse
our patience, and each spoke for a full hour, lengthening
their speeches by the frequent repetition of their inten-
tion to confine themselves within the limits of a few
words. Three amongst them were called princes, for
there are very few Irishmen who are not descended
from two or three kings at the very least. Unfor-
tunately, however, it was very easily perceived that
APPENDIX.
Ixi
their Highnesses had not yet provided themselves with
ministers qualified to prepare their speeches for the
public. After this came the votes of thanks, which, as
a matter of course, called for a return from those who
had already been thus honoured. Language was inade-
quate to express their feelings, a circumstance which
did not prevent them however from expressing them
at great length. The forty-shilling freeholders were
then thanked, and the orators, and the secretary, and
the newspaper editors, and Lord Wellesley, and Mr.
O'Connell, and the spectators, and for aught I know,
the carpenter who was employed to erect the platform.
At last came the turn of the chairman, and he was
thanked with all the rest, for the very impartial and
dignified manner with which he repeated about fifty
times, " As many as are of opinion that the resolution
should pass, will say * Aye ;' as many as are of the
contrary opinion, will say 'No.'" It was now about
seven o'clock, and thirty resolutions and a petition had
been unanimously adopted. The Catholics of Con-
naught in quitting the chapel, sate down to a table,
where, from health to health, and from speech to speech,
the boldest amongst them continued till about four
o'clock in the morning. During all this time the port
wine did not for an instant cease to circulate, or the
punch to flow. What pains one must take to obtain
common justice !
A meeting cannot be supposed to be as dramatic as
the day of an election. It is what a review may be
imagined to be compared to a battle : but a review may
at times give expressive evidence of many an important
APPENDIX.
particular. In the temple of a persecuted religion I
saw assembled an immense multitude. I saw them
shudder at the recital of their sufferings, burst forth
at the mention of their oppressors, exult at the name
of America and freedom. Under the control of their
priests and orators, united, compact, firm, I saw them
ready to rush on to the very first appeal which should
call them forward. Has England then forgotten Boston?
There is a lofty principle in human nature, which revolts
against every species of constraint ; and far from en-
feebling by time, two centuries of unremitting persecu-
tion have only more and more contributed to render
Catholicism national in Ireland. It may be a mis-
fortune, but it is riot less a fact, and it is a lesson which
the history of all nations ought to have taught England
already. The Irish peasantry have been reproached
with being the slaves of their priesthood — who made
them such ? Enter their miserable cabin of mud, with-
out a chimney, without a bed, without furniture of any
kind, and behold the numerous family, who, laid pell-
mell on the earth, have not even a mattress to lie on, or
a blanket to cover their nakedness. With how many
enemies, how many oppressors, is the inmate surrounded?
There are, first, the middlemen, intermediary farmers,
tyrants of the second order, made use of by the absentee
proprietors to extort from the poor cultivator an ex-
orbitant rent. Then comes the Protestant parson, with
menaces and maledictions in his mouth, to extract his
share also, from a subsistence scarcely sufficient for the
bare wants of human nature. Of ten potatoes, one
belongs to him— to him, who, minister of a hostile reli-
APPENDIX. Ixiii
gion, knows only how to curse and insult, whom it is his
duty and profession to aid and bless. Nor is this
all. It is found necessary to build a new church or to
repair the old. A meeting of Protestants is imme-
diately convened — a tax, the church-rate, is passed, and
this tax is instantly assessed on the miserable Catholic.
Should he refuse to pay, or be unprovided with the
means, his pig- is immediately seized, and his ruin con-
summated without delay. In the midst of this organised
system of plunder, this legal vampirism, the gentry in
their turn come forward to claim their portion of the
spoil. Assembled in grand juries, they pass present-
ments for roads, calculated only to improve the ap-
proaches to their own residences ; and new tax-gatherers
go through the cabins, where they are met by others
appointed by the state. In this wretched situation
appears a man who, clothed with a sacred character,
brings with him wherever he goes the balms of a kindly
consolation. He speaks in the name of God — he pro-
mises another and a better world — he points beyond
the tomb to a state of happiness without change or alloy,
as the price and recompence of so much human endu-
rance and resignation. How is it possible that such a
man should not be listened to? This man moreover
is not a stranger : he is a brother —he is a friend. Born
in the cabin himself, he is deeply, he is painfully alive
to all its privations : he is, farther, poor — he is Irish —
he is oppressed ; and human sympathy adds a new
force and sanction to the divine word. Once more I
ask, how is it possible that such a man should not be
listened to?
Ixiv
APPENDIX.
Let no one then be surprised at the progress of
Catholicity in Ireland. To renounce it, is not only to
change religion : it is to change country ; the same word,
Sassenach, designates at once the Englishman and the
Protestant. At the meeting of Ballinasloe Mr. Sheil
read an extract from a census which has lately been
completed in the county of Waterford. There are
10,000 Protestants, and 230,000 Catholics. Such fi-
gures are more eloquent than all the reasoning in the
world. Yet such is the feeble minority who pretend
to retain for themselves exclusively all power. Such
is the faction who, by unjust enactments, irritating
speeches, by public processions, oppress, and brave at
the same time, an entire nation.
This is a state of things which cannot possibly endure :
it must terminate some way or other, either by a legis-
lative enactment or by open violence ; and, to adopt
the words of an enlightened statesman, " The degrada-
tion of the Catholics in England is a crime : in Ireland
it is more, it is a crime and an error."
LETTER III.
Alarm of the Orangemen — Speech of the Due de Mon-
tebello— English magnanimity — Egotism of the Ca-
tholics—The Association — Portrait of O'Connell,
Lawless, Wyse, jEneas M'Donnell — Speech of O1 Con-
nell — Power of the Association — Orange blunder.
A little smoke on the side of Mount Vesuvius is
sufficient to alarm the inhabitant of Portici; and the
APPENDIX. 1XV
Irish Orangeman thinks himself exposed to certaiu
destruction the moment he hears murmurs of tolera-
tion, liberty, and above all, of revolution. At these
dreadful words, though pronounced by chance, his frame
becomes agitated, his countenance disturbed, and the
disorder of his whole person betrays the secret of his
weakness. The following is a recent example. One
of our countrymen, the Due de Montebello, assisted at
the meeting of Ballinasloe. Flattered at having a peer
of France the witness of their energetic reclamations
to the legislature, the Catholics of Connaught honoured
him with a vote of thanks, to which he replied by the
expression of every wish for the success of their cause.
This is a circumstance of almost daily occurrence in
England. In Ireland, however, the case is different;
simple as it was, it was instantly converted into a mat-
ter of state. The Catholics rejoiced at it as at an object
of the first importance, and the government was suffi-
ciently absurd to evince indications of alarm. More
than one meeting of the privy council was held in Dub-
lin to deliberate on the dangers which might be appre-
hended by their party. Protestant meetings took place,
where the speakers held forth in great detail on treason,
imprisonment, and even on the scaffold. In the interval
the papers were not backward. One denounced to the
public execration, " the son of one of the chiefs of that
sanguinary horde, whom France, in the days of her
Atheism, had vomited forth upon the rest of Europe ;"
another converted him into " the emissary of the Jesuits
at Rome ;" and a third called for the peremptory execu-
tion of the Alien Bill, forgetting that its provisions had
VOL. II. e
xv APPENDIX.
long since expired. The grave "Connor" discovered
in the speech of the Due de Montebello " the cloven
foot of foreign invasion;" and the " John Bull," with
a delicacy peculiarly aristocratic, reproached him with
not having a rental of 8,000/. a year, thus calling in
the aid of one prejudice against another. All, in fine,
dreamt that Ireland was in flames; and the " Times"
itself, the wise and sagacious Times, sent his Grace to
conspire with Mr. Sheil against the Protestant religion
and the House of Hanover. In the midst of this power-
ful empire of Great Britain were already exhibited all
those paltry little fears, all those miserable suspicions,
all those disgraceful agonies of apprehension, which are
worthy only of the Lombard- Austrian government —
just punishment of intolerance and persecution ! It is
already for the oppressed a beginning of vengeance.
Yet, after all, what was this extraordinary speech, at
once Jesuitical and seditious, diplomatic and incendiary,
which shook to its centre the British empire, and forced
to tremble on its base, the glorious, pious, and immortal
statue of the great and good King William ? I will give
you the original.
" Were I an Irishman, I should endeavour to render
myself deserving of the honour which you have just
conferred upon me, by making every exertion in my
power for the support and advancement of your cause.
But, stranger as I am, what can I offer beyond the sim-
ple expression of my most ardent wishes for your wel-
fare and deliverance ? It is a consoling thing to meet
with men amongst whom the words of justice and tolera-
tion are not yet become mere empty sounds. Of suck
APPENDIX. Ixvii
men there are many in France. And how is it possible
we should be insensible to your sufferings — we who, de-
livered within a few years from our bondage, have not
yet forgotten the period when we yet struggled for our
delivery ? We have at last conquered our civil and re-
ligious liberties ; we have conquered them, by that glo-
rious revolution, so little understood by those whose eyes
are only open to its excesses ; arid though Catholics, for
the greater part, if to-morrow Protestantism were at-
tacked in any of its rights or privileges, to-morrow also
would we rise up against the encroachments of Catholi-
cism, with the same spirit and energy with which you
rise up to-day against those of the church established.
Permit me then to wish you, in the name of liberal
France, a speedy and total emancipation. By perse-
verance in your present efforts you cannot fail to obtain
it, and I cannot suppose that the admirable constitution
of England will for ever allow itself to be dishonoured
by the political helotism of six millions of subjects."
Such sentiments contain nothing but what is noble
and generous. Expressed in the North of England,
they would have been passed over as perfectly harmless,
the Courier would have said nothing, and they would
have been eulogised by the Times ; but they were pro-
nounced and eulogised in Ireland, and the moment that
Ireland is in question, the English altogether lose their
heads. Even when it becomes the subject of conversa-
tion amongst the more enlightened, they always speak
of it in the pride of a conqueror in the naivete and
frankness of a master who goes back to the times of the
Henrys and the Cromwells. In their eyes the claims
Ixviii
APPENDIX.
in question are not rights, but boons and favours. They
are high and puissant lords, feudal Suzerains, who gra-
ciously condescend to emancipate their serfs. It is
really amusing to witness the tone of lofty indignation,
with which they exclaim against whatever has the ap-
pearance of demand. " Pray," cry they, "beg — but do
not threaten. Pray ! — we are Englishmen, and full of
magnanimity ! See with what courtesy we treat the ad-
dresses of your brethren in England. It is true, indeed,
that no portion of their petitions has yet been granted,
whilst your insurrections appear to have procured for
you some important rights ; but if our gracious conde-
scension has singled you out as the especial object of
our favour, during the war in America, and the French
revolution, and your own rebellion, be assured that
chance, mere chance was the cause of this remarkable
coincidence. With regard to the Catholics of England,
we delay our favours, with a view only of rendering
them more conspicuous. Pray, therefore, entreat, suppli-
cate, and in due time — why, in due time, — we shall see."
In the opinion of others, the Catholics are too numerous
to be emancipated without the most imminent danger to
the state. Instead of being seven to one as they now
are, if they were only one to seven, the case would be
entirely altered. In England, on the contrary, the op-
posite argument is put forward. The Papists there
form a feeble minority, and it is universally admitted
that in every instance the minority should bow to the
majority. Read over in addition to all this, the evi-
dence taken in 1825 by the House of Commons. You
will there find in several places that it is perfectly false,
APPENDIX.
Ixix
that the question of emancipation agitates the country ;
" for, if the Catholic priests and gentry were only willing,
they might without the least difficulty blot out all recol-
lection or anxiety for the measure from the minds of the
people." Unfortunately, however, neither priests nor
gentlemen are quite so complaisant. Instead of nobly
eulogising the staff which strikes them, they have such
little generosity in their composition as to declare that
they are deeply sensible of its inflictions, and go so far
as to exhibit to the public the very marks of the blows
they have received. What incredible egotism ! and how
well such men deserve the innumerable contumelies which
the English press continually heaps upon them ! Their
conduct recalls that animal of which a traveller has thus
concluded the description : " He is so furious, that he
will defend himself if you attempt to kill him."
At the head of these disloyal subjects, these criminal
agitators, stands the Catholic Association, a numerous
and powerful body, where all the friends of religious
liberty are invited to take their seats. Its history is
singular enough. Founded about five years ago, it had
already acquired a formidable portion of political power,
when last session parliament decided upon its suppres-
sion. It was alleged to be an imperium in imperio.
Accordingly, Mr. Canning and Mr. Peel, Lord Eldon
and Mr. Plunkett, entered into a coalition against it ;
and a bill, in fifteen long paragraphs, decreed its disso-
lution. Six months afterwards it reappeared. If the
act of parliament annihilates it as a political association,
what prevents it from reviving as an association for the
promotion of education! A clause in the bill formally
1XX APPENDIX.
prohibits them from levying money for the purpose of
carrying on judicial proceedings; but a subscription to
assist the poor cannot be considered as a violation of the
law. In a word, if they cannot assemble for more than
fourteen days in continuation, for the purpose of discuss-
ing and voting petitions to parliament, they can dis-
solve the meeting at the precise termination of these
fourteen days, and the next week convene another.
Of all these means to defeat the provisions of the bill,
not one has been neglected ; and the profound wisdom
of parliament has produced no other result than the
revival of the old Association ; so difficult is it in England
to attack the right of meeting and petition : a sacred
right ; an imprescriptible right ; the best pledge and
substitute for so many others. France has yet some
lessons to take from her neighbours.
The Association holds its meetings in an oblong hall,
surrounded with benches, and arranged nearly in the
same manner as the House of Commons. The first time
I entered it, I saw on his legs a man of about fifty
years of age ; who, with his hand in his bosom, seemed
throwing Out his opinion in a negligent manner to about
three hundred persons, who were listening with the
greatest attention around him. This man was O'Connell,
the glory of Kerry and the pride of Munster. In his
person he is tall ; his appearance is imposing ; his
countenance full of frankness and keenness, though
somewhat bordering on the vulgar ; and when he speaks,
his physiognomy, as changeable as his imagination,
expresses, in two minutes, twenty different passions.
There is no sort of study either in his gesture or Ian-
APPENDIX.
guage. With him, one feels one's thoughts gradually
spring upward, and develop of themselves ; they seem
to take, as he proceeds, if I may use the expression, the
clothing of a tangible and visible form ; and words,
gesture, accent, all are produced at once, and by a
single and simple effort of the will. If he threatens,
his entire figure seems ready to follow the defiance,
which he hurls against the power of England ; if he
indulges in a trait of humour, before it is yet upon his
lips an expansive gaiety already radiates from all his
features. I know of no living orator who communicates
so thoroughly to his audience the idea of the most pro-
found and absolute conviction. Between his eloquence
and that of Shell's there is not less difference than be-
tween their persons. The first, more classic, is all cal-
culation ; the second, more popular, is — inspired.
Sheil is a dramatic author. To him, a speech is a
piece got up for mere display, meditated and prepared
for many days before, and at length sent forth to the
admiration of the public, much in the same way as if it
were a tragedy. To O'Connell it is a conversation,
sublime or familiar, according to the exigencies or feel-
ings of the day. In preparing himself beforehand, the
former can rouse the souls of his auditors without in
any degree travelling beyond mere generalities. The
latter requires some peculiar circumstance to impel him
forward ; some local or momentary interest to excite
him. Sheil, in fine, is the brilliant man, the show man;
O'Connell, the man of business of the Association.
Though a lawyer in the first business in Dublin, he is
always the first and the last at these meetings; he runs
Ixxii
APPENDIX.
thither on quitting the Four Courts ; and if by chance
he be delayed upon the way, no one thinks of taking
his place. It is he who brings forward all motions,
who directs the discussion, and who carries every ques-
tion which he thinks proper to propose. When he
rises, there is an immediate silence upon all sides ; when
he sits down, and has ceased speaking, the room re-
sounds with peals of applause ; and when he retires,
the Association seems to retire also. What modesty, in
the nature of things, could continue proof against the
influence of such a situation ?
O'Connell's has completely yielded to the temptation;
and where his enemies can discover little more than a
factious ambition, there is nothing after all but a little
vanity. Popularity, an inordinate love of popularity,
is his ruling passion: he is its absolute slave: if he
were to lose it, he would instantly die. With the ex-
ception of an ardent attachment to his country, I do
not think him in other particulars a man of very steady
principles. He praises in the same breath Bolivar and
the Holy Alliance, Napoleon and the Bishop of Her-
mopolis. James II. to-day appears to him a god, to-
morrow a tyrant. He thunders against the Biblical
societies, and raises to the skies the missionaries of
France : he declares himself the champion of the sove-
reignty of the people ; and, at the same time, of divine
right. In a word, as has been justly observed, there
are in him eight or nine different men, who are not
always of the same opinion, but who combine together
to curse the oppression of the penal laws, and to detest
the oppressors of Ireland. The secret and real leaning,
APPENDIX. Ixxiii
however, of O'Connell's mind, I believe to be towards
the ancient monarchy, with all its titles, and orders,
and gewgaws of every description. When, in 18*21,
George IV. came to Dublin, the Irish patriot was a
faithful dancer of attendance in the ante-chamber of the
monarch ; and that green riband, which, as chief of
the order of the liberators, he continues to wear about
his neck, notwithstanding the raillery of the entire
country, is a sufficient evidence of the same weakness.
Under certain points of view, O'Connell may be consi-
dered the Chateaubriand of Ireland. Like that great
writer, he appears intoxicated with his own phrases.
From constantly descanting on religion, he has at last
become religious himself. In all his speeches you find
traces of the man of the good old times. What always
proves the subject of the greatest excitation, is the
Emerald Isle, with its gothic towers, and still more
gothic recollections. He weeps at the names of the
great Dublachtah, Flabhertah, Bryan Boromhe, mag-
nanimous Princes, who, before the invasion of the
English, constituted the happiness and glory of Ireland ;
and in our modern times, the only person who enjoys
the privilege of affecting him, is the Catholic priest.
Between such ideas and ours there is little or no coin-
cidence ; and yet, notwithstanding all this, I defy any
man to hear O'Connell without experiencing the most
profound emotion. Such is the astonishing power of
an eloquence proceeding from the sources of true feel-
ing. For some minutes it bears you away from yourself.
There is not in the ideas of O'Connell so much order
as abundance ; one would imagine that in their exer-
IXXLV APPENDIX.
tion to escape, and the disorder produced by this interior
combat, he had not the power of mastering them. They
are young recruits, as yet ill disciplined ; but in return,
what courage, what vigour, what impetuosity ! Known
personally to the Irish peasantry, and living with them
a great portion of the year, he has something about him
of their manners, their language, and even of their
accent. You should see him with his cravat loose, and
waistcoat unbuttoned, in a chapel in Munster. He
boasts of the beauty of Ireland, the delights of her
vallies, the loveliness of her hills, and above all, of the
incontestable superiority of her inhabitants above those
of every other quarter of the globe : and if, by chance,
he should in the slightest degree touch on " the children
of your bosom" or " the ivives of your affection" you
instantly see tears of joy sparkle in every eye. He
does not, however, pretend to know any thing beyond
Ireland. He lends an eloquent voice to the sentiments,
the passions, and even to the prejudices, of six millions
of men. That is all. Hence his extreme popularity;
bence, also, his numerous contradictions and inconsis-
tencies. But his contradictions, if I may so speak, are
national; his inconsistencies patriotic. Of what conse-
quence is it to the people that he does not say the same
things to them to-day that he did yesterday, provided
that they always hear what pleases them most? What
the people want is emancipation : to obtain it he would
go from heaven to hell : he would become a tory or a
radical, a loyalist or a rebel, without a suspicion for
a moment that he had been changing sides. O'Connell
is of the people. He is a glass in which Ireland may
APPENDIX. 1XXV
see herself completely reflected ; or, rather, he is Ire-
land himself. He has been compared to an inspired
peasant. It may be so, but that peasant, if he wished
it, might have a million of others at his back.
I intended to have spoken of the Association, and I
have spoken only of O'Connell. There is some reason
for this ; it is because it lives in this extraordinary man
altogether, and entire. Let us, however, cast a coup
&wil on a few others of its members. There is Jack
Lawless at the end of the table. Friend of Cobbett,
and head of the opposition, he always rises immediately
after O'Connell, and seldom without attacking him.
He is about fifty ; and his countenance recalls that of
the actor Lepeintre, though characterised by a greater
degree of energy, and by features much more marked
and decided. In his snarling and cavilling humour, he
strikes without discernment, but sometimes he strikes
home ; and his bluntness and frankness have acquired
him partisans. He is the greatest opponent of the
glory of Kerry. At the side of Sheil I see Mr.
Wyse, a man of esprit, good sense, and talent. For
the loftiness of his views, the extent of his infor-
mation, and the justice of his conceptions, he is far
above all those who surround him; and one day,
perhaps, his popularity will suffer in consequence.
Near him is a person of a very different description,
Mr. JEneas M'Donnell, agent of the Catholics in Lon-
don. With what transport is he applauded when he
asserts that the Catholic religion has never persecuted !
Gifted with a Herculean constitution, and lungs of iron,
he has moreover declared himself the avowed enemy of
APPENDIX.
the Biblicals. He pursues them from county to county ;
harasses them from meeting to meeting ; and compels
them, in their own despite, to listen. At Ballinasloe,
he spoke for eighteen hours in three days ; and had he
not been interrupted by the police, it is not unlikely he
would have continued speaking to this very hour. He
it was whom I heard exclaim on one occasion : — "They
accuse Catholicity of being contrary to liberty. Con-
trary to liberty ! the religion of Montesquieu, of Bos-
suet, of Richelieu, contrary to liberty ! What an atro-
cious calumny !" You will not find such passages in the
speeches of Mr. Wyse.
Having thus made myself acquainted with the orators,
I was now prepared to follow the course of the discus-
sion. But of what interest to us are the quarrels of
Mr. Brie, or of Mr. Lawless ; the invective or eulogy
lavished on Lord Wellesley ; the augmentation or dimi-
nution of the salary of Mr. M'Donnell ? The Catholics
lose too often a great deal too much of their time in
these idle discussions, and the frequency of their meet-
ings is the real cause. By repeating day after day the
same things, men at last cease to feel them ; and I am
quite sure that O'Connell, from so constantly declaim-
ing on the miseries of Ireland, is no longer susceptible
of the same high excitement which he felt some two or
three years ago. He rises to speak for the fourth time
to-day. His speech is an absolute manifesto against
England ; an open declaration of war against the parlia-
ment of the united kingdoms. " In vain," cries he,
" they enact their laws against us: these laws we will
brave ; and the Catholics of Ireland will never cease
APPENDIX. 1XXVH
their meetings until emancipation shall be fully granted
them. We petitioned last year with the greatest humi-
lity for the restoration of our rights, the British senate ;
the British senate refused our prayer : this year we call
for emancipation ; full, total, entire, without condition
or qualification whatsoever. We no longer supplicate :
we demand. We are told that such are not the means
by which we are to succeed ; and I answer, such are the
means ; and there are no others. In the hour of pros-
perity England has constantly rejected with scorn our
most dutiful supplications ; in the hour of adversity only
has she deigned to listen to our prayer. Let us hope,
then ; for she suffers : — let us hope ; for bankruptcy is
at her door : — let us hope ; for she is humbled." When
slaves can express themselves thus, there are yet grounds
for hope.
The Association is violently attacked, and at times
with justice. Open to the whole world, existing only
on the passions of the country, recruited from the bosom
of a population for centuries in bondage, it cannot but
contain within itself a large portion of ignorance, fickle-
ness, and dishonesty. The leaders themselves are con-
fined within too narrow a circle ; you would almost say
their ideas cannot extend beyond the limits of Ireland.
Beyond it, they see nothing, they understand nothing ;
and instead of boldly associating themselves and their
cause with all that is liberal in Europe, it too frequently
happens that they speak exclusively as Catholics ; and
as Catholics, exclusively consider themselves aggrieved.
To all these defects I am fully sensible, and yet I am of
opinion that the Association is decidedly of advantage
XXV111 APPENDIX.
to the country. It rallies the friends of religious free-
dom : it keeps up in the people a due feeling of their
rights ; forces Catholicity to proclaim the principles of
toleration ; fatigues and alarms England ; and rouses
the lower classes from that degrading apathy, from
which they have risen but once or twice in a century,
to rush into acts of the most atrocious vengeance. In
the month of November, the Catholic Association
realised per day £50 sterling ; and already more than
one Orange landlord, who was prepared to eject in mass
his unfortunate tenantry, has been obliged to draw back
in alarm before it. In a word, it is a species of new
parliament, which really represents, and is the organ of,
seven millions of men ; levies taxes, dictates ordinances,
and sends whomever it thinks proper to the House of
Commons. The spirit of the priesthood, I repeat it,
has too much influence within its circle ; but in face of
a church, haughty, intolerant, and burning with the
spirit of proselytism, it scarcely can be otherwise. The
Biblicals are the missionaries of Ireland ; and whilst the
one are escorted by fifty soldiers to Brest, the others
support, by the eloquent arguments of their bayonets,
their pious predications at Ballinasloe. Unfortunately,
in this rebellious age, the sword has not, in religious
matters, all the influence which it ought ; nor does it
turn away a greater number from Catholicity at Bal-
linasloe than it brings back to its fold at Brest. From
time to time, however, the Protestant papers are very
vociferous on the subject of a few conversions, bought
by weight of gold, or obtained through the agonies of
hunger ; but the moment the fever appears, the Catholic
APPENDIX.
Ixxix
priest is immediately recalled. One of these conver-
sions was lately announced in the following terms: —
" We feel a lively satisfaction in announcing that two
Catholics have just abjured the errors of the church of
Rome, to embrace those of the church established."
The clergy, it is said, were by no means disposed to
smile at the blunder.
No. XVII.
CATHOLIC CENSUS.
I. — Census Returns from
Pari
Ardfert and Aghadse
Achonry
Armagh
Ardagh
Clonfert
Clogher
Cork
Cashel
Cloyne
Dromore
Down (Aughagallow)
Dublin
Derry
EJphin
the Diocese of
return
ed. R. Catholics.
Not R. C,
15
103,745
2,249
2
10,780
101
10
47,695
26,395
11
55,447
5,255
4
22,582
1,129
7
42,424
16,184
8
54,726
6,873*
23
119,519
4,388.
36
147,996
6,556
3
11,051
5498
1
2,319
2,473
6
31,914
7,174f
8
40,901
18,894
25
169,514
10,483;
* The city not included, nor any principal town except Bandon.
t Only one parish of the city included, Michael and John's.
Ixxx
APPENDIX.
Parishes returned. R. Catholics.
Not R. C.
Ferns
. .
5
28,723
3,487
Gal way
.
2
5,991
140
Kildare and
Loughlin
14
98,206
12,078
Kilmacduagh and Kil-
fenora
.
4
14,854
69
Killaloe
.
11
69,606
3,732
Kilmore
. ,
5
32,384
10,520
Killala
.
1
2,638
12
Limerick
.
3
20,246
1,040*
Meath
. .
27
117,090
8,325
Ossory
.
20
123,770
5,842f
Tuam
.
11
57,995
1,153
Waterford
•
37
233,553
10,102
1,665,669
170,152
of Limerick 1
4,913
420
300 1,670,582
170,572
II. — Details of the Census of the united Dioceses of
Waterford and Lismore.
County of Waterford . 131,353 2,996
City of Waterford, and Liberties
south of the Suir
County of Tipperary
County of Cork
Total Population of the Dio-
cese
28,250
71,829
386
4,121
3,025
7
231,818
10,149
* This includes but one parish of the city.
t Including but one parish of the city of Kilkenny.
APPENDIX.
Ixxxi
R. Catholics. Not R. C.
159,603 7,117
303
Adding to the county and city
as above . .
One townland of the county
Waterford, not included in
the united dioceses
The total population of the
county and city is . 159,906 7,122
Being in the proportion of more than twenty -two Ca-
tholics to every one of other persuasions.
III. — Comparison of the number of Catholics and Pro-
testants in England in the time of William III.
See Memoirs of Sir James Dalrymple, vol. ii. Ap-
pendix, part ii. p. 12.
NUMBER OF FREEHOLDERS IN ENGLAND.
Conformists. Non-Conf. Papists.
2,123,362 93,151 11,878
353,892 15,525 1,978
Province of Canterbury
York
Conformists
Non- Conformists
Papists
2,477,254 108,676 13,858
2,477,255
108,676
13,856
2,599,786
Proportion of Conformists to Non-
Conformists
Conformists to Papists .
Conformists and Non- Conformists
to Papists
22| to 1
178^
1861
In the Province of Canterbury there were 23,740
VOL. II. f
IXXXU APPENDIX.
Papists. Thus divided :—
Under 16 . . 11,870
Aged above 60 . 3,391
Women . . 4,239
Men fit to bear arms 4,239
In the Province of York there were 3,956 Papists.
Thus divided :—
Under the age of 16 1,978
Aged above 60 . 565
Women . . 701
Men fit to bear arms 701
Total of Papists in England . . 27,696
Men fit to bear arms . . . 4,940
From the schedule of the same document it appears
that in the diocese of Worcester, where the dispropor-
tion is the least, the Papists are to the Protestants
as 1 to 52|.
In that of Litchfield and Coventry as 1 to 79^.
In that of London as . 1 to 127^.
In that of Ely as . 1 to 2208J.
These returns are taken from an official return found
in the iron chest of King William. They do not furnish
a very strong justification of the coercive measures
adopted during his reign.
The British Catholics scattered in England, Scotland,
and Wales, now amount to about 1,000,000, though
some returns make them much lower. The counties in
England containing the greatest number of Catholics
are, Lancashire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Worces-
tershire, Cheshire, Northumberland, Durham, Nor-
folk, Suffolk, and Kent. The Catholic population of the
APPENDIX. Ixxxiii
metropolis and its immediate neighbourhood has been
estimated at about 200,000.
IV.— CENSUS OF RELIGIOUS SECTS.
1. CHRISTIANS.
Roman Catholics . . . 100,000,000
Greek and Eastern churches . . 36,000,000
Protestant, Lutheran, and Calvinistic
churches .... 50,000,000
2. JEWS.
Basnage states the Jews at about . 3,000,000
3. MAHOMEDANS.
Of the various tribes of persons follow-
ing the doctrine of Islamism, about . 143,000,000
4. HINDOOS AND OTHER PAGANS 468,000,000
Total . 800,000,000
In England, Ireland, and Wales, the number of re-
ligionists of various sects and denominations may be es-
timated nearly as follow : —
1. Church of England * . . 5,000,000
2. Roman Catholics f . . 5,400,000
3. Presbyterians, who are (in England)
chiefly Unitarians, Arians, and Gene-
ral Baptists . . . 60,000
* The number of livings in England and Wales is above 10,500.
t In England and Wales there are about 300,000, of whom 5000 are in
London. There are upwards of 900 Catholic churches and chapels m Eng-
land.
APPENDIX.
4. Quakers and Moravians . . 60,000
5. Wesleyan Methodists * . . 500,000
6. Baptists, of various kinds, exclusive
of General Baptists . . 60,000
7. Independents, including the Whit-
fieldians and other Calvinistic Me-
thodists . . . 110,000
8. Swedenborgians . . 20,000
9. Miscellaneous minor sects . 15,000
10. Resident Jews . . 15,000
11. Deists, Theophilanthropists, and
other Freethinkers . . 25,000
V. 1. — PROTESTANTS UNDER CATHOLIC
PRINCES IN AUSTRIA.
In the country below the Ems . 4,300
Above the Ems . . 24,700
In Styria . . . 2,500
In Illyria . . . 17,000
In Bohemia . . . 50,000
In Moravia . . . 68,000
Total in Austria . 166,500
In Bavaria . . . 1,100,000
In Saxony . . . 1,420,000
In Anhalt Coethen . 34,000
In all . . 2,720,500
In the two principalities of Hohenzollern, and in that
of Lichtenstein, there are very few Protestants.
* The Wesleyan Methodists, " all over the world," exclusive of the
new connexion, and some others, amounted in 1820 to nearly 486,000.
APPENDIX.
Ixxxv
2. — CATHOLICS UNDER PROTESTANT PRINCES.
In Prussia
Hanover
Wurtemburg .
Baden
Hesse Cassel
Hesse Darmstadt
Holstein-Lauenburg
Luxemburg
Saxe- Weimar Eisenach
Saxe-Meiniugen
Saxe-Altenburg
Saxe-Coburg Gotha
Brunswick
Mecklenburg Schwerin
Mecklenburg Strelitz
Oldenburg
Nassau
Anhalt Dessian and Bunburg
Hesse Homburg
Frankfort
Hamburg
3,250,000
250,000
470,000
800,000
106,000
165,000
1,000
285,000
10,000
300
100
200
2,500
1,000
60
75,000
150,000
100
5,000
6,000
5,000
Total . . 5,580,200
In the dominions of the two houses of Schwartsburg,
of the Princes of Reuss Lippe, Delmold, and Schaum-
burg Weldeck, and in Bremen and Lubeck, there are
very few Catholics.
IxXXVi APPENDIX.
No. XIX.
IRISH EDUCATION.
Ireland is said at an early period, to have been the
centre of the education of Europe. Bede, William of
Malmsbury, Camden, &c. bear ample testimony to her
intellectual superiority. Her scholars were known and
celebrated over the continent. The Universities of
Paris, Pavia, Oxford, Cambridge, &c. are said to have
been founded by Irishmen. The University of Dublin,
which is generally ascribed to Elizabeth, was com-
menced by Joannes Leclurs, under the auspices of
Clement, and afterwards completed by Alexander Big-
nor, Archbishop of Dublin, in 1329, with the approba-
tion of Pope John XXII. But the convent and College
of Mayo enjoyed a much higher degree of reputation.
It was founded about 665, and was exclusively dedi-
cated to the education of strangers. Though in a re-
mote part of Ireland, it contained at one time no less
than two thousand English, foreign monks, and students.
The son of Alfred is reckoned amongst the number.
His ashes are said to repose amongst its ruins.
At the Reformation, no less than one thousand lite-
rary institutions, connected in general with monastic
establishments, were destroyed. But instruction was
not quite extinguished. This achievement was reserved
for the penal laws.
What had not been effected by the confiscations of
APPENDIX.
James, the faithlessness of Charles I., the ingratitude of
Charles II., with the uninterrupted civil wars which
their tyranny and misrule had brought in their train,
was finally accomplished by the anti-education code
which immediately followed the conquest of William
of Nassau.
The 7th of William and Mary, c. 4., enacted that,
" no person of the Popish religion should publicly teach
a school under a penalty of 201. , and three months im-
prisonment. The child who went abroad for education,
forfeited all the goods, chattels, and lands, to which he
might become entitled by inheritance. The father who
sent him, incurred the same forfeiture."
In 1730, Primate Boulter suggested the system of
Charter schools : the objects had in view are best ex-
plained in his own words. " I can assure you," says he,
" the Papists are here so numerous, that it highly con-
cerns us, in point of interest, as well as out of concern
for the salvation of these poor creatures, who are our
fellow-subjects, to try all possible means to bring them
and theirs over to the knowledge of the true religion ;
and one of the most likely methods we can think of is,
if possible, instructing and converting the young gene-
ration ; for instead of converting those that are adult,
we are daily losing many of our meaner people, who
go off to Popery." — Yet the Penal code had now endured
for fifty years.
The system sketched by Boulter was filled up in
1734. The anti-Catholic schools started into existence.
A Baron Vryhouven bestowed upon them 56,0007. ; an
anonymous benefactor gave them 40,000/.; certain estates
Ixxxviii APPENDIX.
were bequeathed to them by the Earl of Ranelagh ; and
they got bequests from many other persons. They
received also in addition to these funds, in Parliamentary
grants, upwards of one million ; and their total expen-
diture in ninety years, is stated by the Commissioners of
education themselves, in their late report, to have ex-
ceeded 1,600,000/. !
The benefits resulting from these institutions were
by no means commensurate with the enormous ex-
penses which they entailed. From the very outset they
were scenes of the most shocking enormities ; yet,
though chancellors, bishops, and judges successively
acted as their governors, no inquiries seem to have
taken place into the existence of these abuses, until the
year 1787. In that year, in consequence of the urgent
representations of the benevolent Howard, a Committee
of investigation was appointed by the Irish House of
Commons. The result of this inquiry was important.
It was ascertained, that in the whole of these establish-
ments, instead of 2,100 children, the number stated by
the society to be maintained, not more than 1,400 could
actually be produced. Mr. Howard was examined by the
committee, and he stated among other things, that many
of the schools were much out of repair, and going to ruin :
that the children were neither well clothed, well fed,
nor well taught ; that some of them that were at Santry
school, and who had previously been six years at that of
Bally Castle, could not read ; and that what he called
" the dreadful situation of the schools," prevented their
being filled. " The children in general," he stated,
were sickly, pale, and such miserable objects, that they
APPENDIX.
were a disgrace to all society, arid their reading had
been neglected for the purpose of making them work
for their master." In addition to several other wit-
nesses, the committee examined Sir Jeremiah Fitzpa-
trick, Inspector- General of Prisons, who, in the years
1786 and 1787, had visited twenty-eight Charter
schools. He stated, that the barbarous treatment which
he had witnessed of some children in the school at
Kilkenny, was one of his first and principal inducements
to persevere in the inspection of the other Charter
schools ; that he found the children in them puny, and
not in that state of health, in which children generally
are ; they were in general filthy, and ill clothed. He
has seen them without shifts or shirts, and in such a
situation as it was indecent to look on ; the diet was
insufficient for the support of their delicate frames ;
their instruction was very much neglected ; in general
the children had the itch, and other eruptive disorders.
At Castle Carbery, there was no appearance of a school-
room : part of a window was stuffed with a turf-kish
and dung, and there were but twenty-four ragged shirts
and shifts, though there were eighteen girls and fourteen
boys, most of them sickly, wretched-looking creatures,
covered with the itch ; two only could read, and all
order appeared to have been neglected ; but the master's
and mistress's apartments were comfortable and well
furnished, as likewise the parlour which served for a
committee-room. All these disclosures were made, yet
no attempt to correct the abuses or to punish the cruel-
ties, down to the very period of the late visitation, ap-
pears to have occurred.
XC APPENDIX.
Some time subsequent to this investigation of the
committee of the House of Commons, a Rev. Dr.
Beaufort, and a Mr. Corneille, a saintly barrister, were
sent on a tour of inspection. They made their report a
few years back, and though it was quite notorious, that
grievous atrocities had not in the slightest degree abated,
their report proves that they were either incapable or
unwilling, to find out as much as was easily discovered
nearly forty years ago by the benevolent exertions of
Howard. They met only with the traces and footsteps
of perfection itself. Some schools were good ; others
were better than good ; none were bad ; none were in-
different ; none demanded reformation or rebuke. The
Commissioners of education have instanced the report,
and placed it in juxtaposition with their own in-
quiries.
The office of visitor, &c. &c. was now found so in-
effectual, that they were at length finally discontinued.
In their place was substituted another mode of commu-
nication. Catechists were appointed, clergymen of the
church of England, with a salary of 207. and a gratuity of
21. 10s. per quarter, which the committee of fifteen were
authorised to grant to every catechist who should com-
ply with the society's regulations. They were obliged
to furnish monthly reports for the use of the committee
on the state of schools, &c. immediately under their
care. The following extract from the examination of
the secretary of the society, taken the 30th of October
1824, will show how much of this duty was performed
or neglected, while at the same time we learn from the
same officer, that he is not aware of an instance in
APPENDIX. XCl
which a part of the salary of a catechist has been with-
held during the last fifteen or twenty years.
" Q. If the rules of the society were observed, is it
not the fact that each catechist would monthly have
reported upon his own school ?
A. Yes.
Q. There are about thirty schools belonging to the
society ?
A. Yes.
Q. It would follow, that about two hundred and
seventy monthly reports at least ought ere now to have
been made ; of these two hundred and seventy, how
many have been made, as nearly as you can answer 'I
A. There is a small proportion, I cannot tell how
many.
Q. Have ten been received ?
A. From the 1st of January to the 1st of October,
there ought to have been nine letters from each cate-
chist, that would be two hundred and seventy letters.
Q. How many of these two hundred and seventy
have you received ?
A. / declare I do not think there are fifty.
Q. Do you believe that as many as ten, out of those
two hundred and seventy regular monthly reports, have
been received by you ?
A. Upon my word I doubt it.
Q. Can you recollect any one instance, in which a
catechist has made one of his monthly returns since the
1st of last January ?
A. I do not think there is"
From such inquirers and reporters little information
XC11 APPENDIX.
and little anxiety for reform were to be expected. Ac-
cordingly years elapsed, before the public seemed to
have been sufficiently convinced of the iniquities of these
establishments. The general habits of discussion ge-
nerated by the great political question, which more or
less embraced every other, at length turned the atten-
tion of the government to the nuisance, and a commis-
sion was appointed for the purpose of making the most
minute inquiry into the evils and infamies with which
these schools were charged, by the almost unanimous
voice of the country, with a view to their immediate and
radical correction.
The innumerable delinquencies and abuses, which the
Commissioners detected, soon justified every particular
of these accusations. During the course of the exami-
nation, every atrocity and cruelty, every violation of the
public trust, every corrupt perversion of the public be-
nevolence, were successively displayed in their true
colours. The report leaves us at a loss, whether most
to express our horror at the systematic plan of bigotry
and cruelty upon which these schools were conducted,
or at the profligate expenditure of the public money to
which they owe their support, and of which no less a
sum than 1,600,0007. was spent in the course of ninety-
three years upon the education of twelve thousand chil-
dren, being less than a fourth part of the number edu-
cated every year by the Catholic clergy,* with infinitely
* It is stated in the evidence before the House, that a priest in the parish
of Lewisburg in the county of Sligo, established no less than thirteen
schools, with little other assistance than what he derived from his own ex-
ertions. This fact is by no means solitary. There are many similar in-
stances to be found in various parts of Ireland.
APPENDIX. XC111
less than one twentieth part of the means. Fraud and
inhumanity mix up in every detail. Instead of teach-
ing the orphans committed by the nation to their charge,
these barbarous educators of youth had literally made
them their beasts of burden. They thus got an interest
in prolonging their period of bondage. Every part of the
report abounds with evidences of these facts. We find
that " David Porter" had in twelve months added only
half a year to his age. The same happened to " James
M'Kenzie." M'Gann remained fifteen all the year round,
or rather was younger in 1823 than in the year pre-
ceding. This is farce, but we now come to tragedy.
The Sligo school was visited by two of the Commission-
ers. It appeared on an attentive examination, that the
master was a man of violent and ungoverned passions,
and that the boys were most severely and cruelly pu-
nished, not only by him personally, but also by his son
and by a foreman in the weaving department, and that
these punishments were inflicted for very slight faults.
At the Castle Dermot school, two boys had been very
severely punished by the master. They stated that they
had been set to work in the garden, and having had
but little breakfast they were hungry, and had eaten a
raw cabbage ; that the master, who appeared to be a man
of violent passions, caught them, and flogged them for
this offence severely ; that one of them received sixteen
stripes in the usual manner, and six blows with a stick
on the head, which continued cut and bruised when the
school was visited by the Commissioners. The other boy
had eloped in consequence of the beating. The boys
stated, " that the Usher beats the boys oftenest, but the
XC1V APPENDIX.
master the most severely : the usher for offences in the
school-room, the master for other offences." At Strad-
bally school, eight boys had been beaten so severely,
that when the Commissioners saw them, they were in a
shocking state of laceration and contusion. The offence
with which these boys were charged by the usher was,
" looking at two policemen playing at ball, in the boys
alley ;" but the catechist states, " that he believes the
usher may have been actuated in the punishment by his
feelings, as to what the boys may have said of him on
the former visit of the Commissioners" Such was the
nature of the discipline — their acquirements were strictly
in harmony. " On examining the boys," say the Com-
missioners, " they were found able to repeat the cate-
chism and the expositions of it correctly, but attached
little or no meaning to the words they repeated. The
two head classes consisted of twenty boys, of thirteen,
fourteen, and fifteen years of age : seventeen of them
declared they had never heard of St. Paul, and half of
them had no idea, whether the word " Europe " meant
a man, a place, or a thing ; and only three boys in the
school could name the four quarters of the world. Two
boys only appeared ever to have heard of Job ; and
only one could give any account of his history ! But it
was not gross ignorance only which was encouraged.
The consequences were not merely indifferent, they
were flagrantly and extensively pernicious. From the
correspondence and examination of an individual who
was candidate for a situation in the Santry school, the
most curious facts were elicited. Firstly, it was de-
clared, that the chief efforts of every teacher are di-
APPENDIX. XCV
rected, to impress upon the mind of the children from
the earliest dawn of reason, the most absolute hatred of
Popery. Secondly, that though this be the case, they
still discover a marvellous partiality to the obnoxious
creed, and many are found to abandon the creed of their
infancy before they reach the age of ten : and thirdly,
that, instead of producing a veneration for the word of
God, the plan pursued in these notable seminaries, pro-
duces consequences precisely the reverse. The causes
are obvious : one of these teachers stated on oath, that
the learners are obliged to get portions of the Bible by
heart ; that they are most severely beaten for failing to
commit these portions to memory ; that the sacred word
is in this manner perverted into an additional instru-
ment of torture, and consequently the children are found
generally to leave the school, with as cordial abhorrence
of the Holy Scriptures, as of " the errors of the church
of Rome itself." Thus this beneficent scheme of edu-
cation, which was pompously stated by its most reverend
author to be a plan the best of all others calculated to
ensure " the salvation of those poor creatures, who are
our fellow-subjects," has been proved on the most in-
contestable evidence, to have produced mere hotbeds of
bigotry, engendered by proselytism, and kept alive by
the bad passions of the community ; establishments
known only to the country, by the enormous sums they
receive from it in the shape of Parliamentary grants ;
infamous nurseries of ignorance and political rancour ;
where the child was separated from the parent by fraud
or by force, and submitted to a course of cruelty and
demoralization, which makes the blood freeze, and raises
XCV1 APPENDIX.
a blush upon the cheek of every honourable man. In-
stead of being fit objects of the support of the legisla-
ture, they were only worthy of the animadversion and
severity of the Attorney General. Under ''another go-
vernment, they would have long since been visited with
the outstretched arm of the law, as they have already
been fully branded with the execration of every thinking
and honest man in the community.
Such was the course of education provided for the
wants of the Catholic peasantry of Ireland, in substitu-
tion for that of which they had been violently robbed
by the legislation of the preceding century. No won-
der, that from such a tree fruits of bitterness and evil,
fruits of religious rancour, fruits of civil dissension, should
alone have been plucked by the ill-fated generations
who succeeded. Accordingly few sources of domestic
hostility have been so prolific, few means have been so
dangerously successful, in keeping alive the hates and
inequalities, which have so long been the curse of Ire-
land. With such teachers, they made in after life, civil
contention the first of civil duties, substituted sectari-
anism for religion, a faction for the country, and abused
those faculties which might have been of service, even
in the lowest sphere, in rescuing her from her calami-
ties, in adding new poignancy to the malady, and ren-
dering every day more and more difficult her cure.
The schools of the Society for discountenancing Vice,
of the trustees for Erasmus Smith Fund, of the London
Hibernian Society, &c. were intended to be substituted
for the deficiencies, or auxiliary to the labours, of the
Charter schools of Ireland ; but previous to the year
APPENDIX. XCVU
1811. They seem comparatively to have done nothing.
The fourteenth report of the commissioners of educa-
tion gives some details which will go to show a very
considerable increase both of schools and scholars since
that period. In 1811 the commissioners state, that the
gross number of schools throughout Ireland, amounted
to about 4600, attended by about 200,000 children, and
that an increase had taken place, from that year to
the year 1824, the date of the report, of 7223 schools,
and 360,000 scholars. The details of this comparison
will place the fact in a still stronger point of view :
In 1811 In 1824
Association for discounte-
nancing Vice had . 38 schools . 226
Trustees of Erasmus
Smith had 8 do. . 113
London Hibernian
Society . . 38 do. . 618
Kildare Place Society did not exist . 919
Sunday School Society 44 . . 1,640
This may appear a very flattering portrait of the rapid
improvement in the diffusion of education, principally
among the poorer classes, during so short a period as
thirteen years ; but in 1826, the Commissioners of
education, after a very attentive examination, recom-
mended the withdrawing of the grants from these
very societies, that is, from the Society for discounte-
nancing Vice, and from the Lord Lieutenant's fund,
&c. The London Hibernian Society, by the confes-
sion of many of its. own members, Messrs. Pringle,
VOL. II. g
XCV111 APPENDIX
Gordon, &c. was convicted of employing education
merely as an instrument of proselytism ; and the Kil-
dare Place Society, which had set out with such large
professions of liberalism, was demonstrated to have
acted in a manner very inconsistent with the avowed ob-
jects of its institution, and to have been totally inade-
quate to the purposes for which it originally had been
set up. The zeal with which the Catholics (and the
priesthood not less than the laity) had offered their co-
operation at the outset, was totally misconstrued, and
finally abused. The Bible was introduced, without note
or comment, contrary to the preliminary understanding
between both parties, and the consequences were such
as might have been apprehended, a total disruption of
the amicable relations which previously subsisted, and a
want of confidence and cordiality, without which, in a
country so divided as Ireland, it is quite evident every
plan of national education must utterly fail.* These
views very strongly impressed themselves upon the Com-
* The late Primate of all Ireland (Dr. Stuart), the Archbishop of Dublin
(Dr. Magee), Dr. Jebb, Dr. Mant, and many others of the most learned
prelates in either persuasion, have stated it as their opinion, that note and
comment are absolutely essential to the right understanding of the sacred
volume. The following table, though by no means offered as a proof that
an indiscriminate reading of the Bible encourages crime, is sufficient evi-
dence that it has not done very much to prevent it.
In the seven years preceding the exertions made for
the diffusion of the Bible, the committals of Eng-
land and Wales amounted to .... 47,522
Out of which there were capital convictions . . 4,126
In the seven succeeding years in the same,
committals . 93,282
convictions . . • . » . . 8,244
APPENDIX. XC1X
missioners, and as the result of much patient and im-
partial research into the deficiencies and vices of preced-
ing and existing systems, they ventured to suggest with
a view to their correction, and with due reference to the
existing state of the country, such a system of national
education for the lower classes, in lieu of all those ac-
tually in use, as might embrace both moral and religious
instruction, and at the same time sufficiently respect
the several prejudices of all classes in the community.
They proposed a united system of education, where
the children of all religious persuasions might be edu-
cated together, from which if possible all suspicion
should be banished, and every ground of political or re-
ligious distrust should be as much as possible removed.
Under such a system, it was to be hoped that the chil-
dren would gradually imbibe similar ideas and form
congenial habits, and would gradually lose that distinct-
ness of feeling and separation of interests, which had
been found by experience to have been one of the fertile
principles of the miseries of Ireland, and the chief cause
of the divisions and animosities of her children. The Ca-
tholic prelacy evinced on the occasion a becoming anxiety
to meet the proposition half way ; and in their synod
held at Dublin January 21, 1826, they came unani-
mously to the following important resolutions.
These resolutions were subsequently transmitted,
January 23d, by Dr. Murray to Lord Killeen, for the
purpose of being laid before the Catholic Association,
and met on their being presented their unanimous ap-
probation.
APPENDIX.
RESOLUTIONS OF THE ARCHBISHOPS AND
BISHOPS OF IRELAND.
At a meeting of the Archbishops and Bishops of the
Roman Catholic church in Ireland, held in Dublin on
the 21st January 1826, the following resolutions on
the subject of National Education were unanimously
adopted : —
1. That the admission of Protestants and Roman
Catholics into the same schools, for the purpose of lite-
rary instruction, may, under existing circumstances, be
allowed, provided sufficient care be taken to protect
the religion of the Roman Catholic children, and to
furnish them with adequate means of religious in-
struction.
2. That in order to secure sufficient protection to
the religion of the Roman Catholic children, under such
a system of education, we deem it necessary, that the
master of each school in which the majority of the pupils
profess the Roman Catholic faith, be a Roman Catho-
lic ; and that, in schools in which the Roman Catholic
children form only a minority, a permanent Roman
Catholic assistant be employed ; and that such master
and assistant be appointed upon the recommendation
or with the express approval of the Roman Catholic
bishops of the diocese in which they are to be employed ;
and further, that they or either of them be removed,
upon the representation of such bishops : the same rule
to be observed for the appointment or dismissal of mis-,
tresses and assistants in female schools.
APPENDIX. Cl
3. That we consider it improper that masters and
mistresses intended for the religious instruction of Ro-
man Catholic youth, should be trained or educated by
or under the control of persons professing a different
faith ; and that we conceive it most desirable, that a
male and female model school shall be established in
each province in Ireland, to be supported at the public
expense, for the purpose of qualifying such masters and
mistresses for the important duties which they shall be
appointed to discharge.
4. That in conformity with the principle of pro-
tecting the religion of Roman Catholic children, the
books intended for their particular instruction in reli-
gion shall be selected or approved by the Roman Ca-
tholic prelates ; and that no book or tract of common
instruction in literature shall be introduced into any
school in which Roman Catholic children are educated,
which book or tract may be objected to, on religious
grounds, by the Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese
in which such school is established.
5. That a transfer of the property in several schools
which now exist or may hereafter exist in Ireland, may
be utterly impracticable from the nature of the tenure
by which they are or may hereafter be held, and from
the number of persons having a legal interest in them,
as well as from a variety of other causes ; and that, in
our opinion, any regulation which should require such
transfer to be made, as a necessary condition for receiv-
ing parliamentary support, would operate to the exclu-
sion of many useful schools from all participation in the
public bounty.
Cll
APPENDIX.
6. That appointed as we have been by Divine Provi-
dence to watch over and preserve the deposit of Catho-
lic faith in Ireland, and responsible as we are to God
for the souls of our flocks, we will, in our respective
dioceses, withhold our concurrence and support from
any system of education which will not fully accord
with the principles expressed in the foregoing resolu-
tions.
Patrick Curtis, D. D.
Oliver Kelly, D. D.
F. O'Reilly, D. D.
P. M'Loughlin, D. D.
J. Magauran, D. D.
G. T. Plunkett, D. D.
James Keating, D. D.
Chas. Tuohy, D. D.
Edw. Kiernan, D. D.
Patrick Kelly, D. D.
Corn. Egan, D. D.
Wm. Crolly, D. D.
Pat. Maguire, D. D.
P. M'Mahon, D. D.
John M'Hale, D. D.
Dan Murray, D. D.
Rob. Laffen, D. D.
J. O'Shaughnessy, D. D.
Thos. Costello, D. D.
K. Marum, D. D.
P. Waldron, D. D.
John Murphy, D. D.
James Doyle, D. D.
P. M'Nicholas, D. D.
P. M'Gettigan, D. D.
Edm. French, D. D.
Thomas Coen, D. D.
Robert Logan, D. D.
Pat. Burke, D. D.
John Ryan, D. D.
These dispositions were, however, but very partially
realised. The code still neutralised every effort at
national improvement. The public mind, absorbed by
the one thought, gave little or no attention to these
projects. Reasonable men admitted, that if emancipa-
tion were passed, every improvement would rapidly and
naturally follow ; if not, every improvement would be
APPENDIX. Clll
useless. Education was in a great measure left to itself,
and progressed but slowly. The smallest town in Italy
evinced a much higher state of intellectual cultivation
than the largest in Ireland.* Every thing was politics,
and politics was every thing. Yet the impulse which
the peasantry had received unquestionably augmented.
Their known passion for instruction increased; numerous
small schools, aided in part by the Association, began
to appear, and at last a model school, under the patron-
age of the Catholic prelacy, and to which 500/. was
contributed by public vote from the Rent, was founded
in Dublin, for the purpose of providing well-disciplined
instructors, and giving a regular and systematic form to
Catholic education throughout the kingdom. It is to
* In a small town in the Papal states, containing not more than ten
thousand inhabitants, I found three well provided libraries open every day
to the public ; lectures in surgery and physic at the hospitals, &c. twice a
week ; lectures in logic, mathematics, astronomy, &c. thrice — both gratis.
An academy for the encouragement of the sciences, literature, and an-
tiquities of the country, of which almost every gentleman was member,
and which held its sittings once a month. A museum of the natural his-
tory and mineralogy of the district ; another of the antiquities ; a small
botanical garden ; two theatres ; besides a small private theatrical company
of amateurs composed of the gentry of the town, and many of whom were
artists of real merit, performing in rotation Goldoni's comedies, Alfieri's
tragedies, and some of the best operas of Cimarosa, Rossini, Faerni, &c.
The "Commune" supported several public schools, and maintained an
artist at Rome, at their own expense, in perpeluum. This, it must be re-
membered, was in the Patrimonio, that is, in one of the least intellectual
parts of Italy, and is rather below than above the general scale of educa-
tion, even in that district. Compare it, such as it is, with the state of edu-
cation at Cork, Limerick, &c. and then panegyrise the wisdom of our an-
cestors, and the blessings of an ascendancy code, which has placed us
where we are.
CIV APPENDIX.
be hoped in the present ameliorated state of things, this
laudable effort will attract the attention of the legisla-
ture and the country, and the great work of national
education be taken up in the spirit in which it ought,
not with a view of widening but of closing the breaches
which hitherto have existed between man and man, of
providing good members for society, free citizens for
our constitution, and steady and enlightened supporters
of those several institutions, in which mainly consist the
glory and the power of every civilised community. The
portion of Rent still in hands, collected as it was from the
peasant, in a great degree for the purpose of providing
him with useful, religious, and literary instruction, ought,
without fail or further delay, to be employed for the pea-
sant' s use and benefit. Agricultural schools in the seve-
ral districts, where such institutions are most practicable
and most required, should be founded. The people
should be encouraged to better their condition, by con-
ferring on them the knowledge of the means by which
their condition may be bettered. New links should be
formed between the different orders of the state ; the
relations which a long series of unwise measures and
cruel laws have burst and kept asunder, should be re-
stored ; the national intellect, waste but fertile, should
be brought into cultivation, and another people, truly
such, and not as they hitherto have been, too frequently
a populace, should be raised up, out of the wrecks and
lees of the past. England owes us this atonement for
her former misrule and spoliation : she it was who made
us and kept us ignorant. At her door is to be laid our
barbarism, and all that our barbarism has entailed upon
APPENDIX. CV
us. A better order of things has begun ; let her nobly
aim at its consummation. Power is crime, unless it be
productive of blessing, and the most brilliant tyranny
which ever dazzled and crushed man, is not to be com-
pared to the patient enduring of happiness out of
misery, health out of malady, knowledge out of igno-
rance, and morning out of night. Such trophies en-
dure ; they are well won. She will find in the Irish
mind, when fairly dealt with, an enthusiastic and gene-
rous co-operator.'* But this fairness Ireland must have ;
with it she may do every thing ; without it — nothing.
No. XX.
STATE OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC
CLERGY IN IRELAND.
The Roman Catholic church of Ireland is composed
of four Archbishops and twenty- two Bishops. The
* Even with all drawbacks, education of the lower classes is farther ad-
vanced than in France. At a recent meeting in Paris for the encourage-
ment of elementary education, the secretary read a paper with the follow-
ing particulars : —
Children to whom desirable to communicate instruction,
Boys . . . 2,750,000 )
{ 5,500,000.
Girls . . .do. 5
Communes 39,381, in which there are 27,000 schools, educating
Boys . . . 1,070,000
Girls . . . 430,000
To be educated . . 4,000,000
Ireland educates indiscriminately above half a million.
CV1 APPENDIX.
archbishops take their titles,* as in the established
church, from Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam. Of
the bishops eight are suffragans of Armagh, and are
those of Ardagh, Clogher, Derry, Down and Connor,
Dromore, Kilmore, Meath, and Raphoe. Dublin has
but three suffragans, Leighlin and Ferns, Kildare, and
Ossory. Six are suffragans to Cashel, viz. Ardfert and
Aghadoe, Cloyne and Ross, Cork, Killaloe, Limerick
and Waterford, and Lismore. Four are subject to
Tuam, viz. Athenry, Clonfert, Elphin, and Killaloe.
There are besides these the bishops of the united dio-
ceses of Kilmacduagh and Kilfenora ; the one in Con-
naught, the other in Munster, who is alternately suf-
fragan of Tuam and Cashel.
As in the established church, we also have a dignitary
in Galway called a Warden, who has nearly an episcopal
jurisdiction, and is no further subject to higher powers
than that he is liable to a triennial visitation of the Arch-
bishop of Tuam.
Every bishop has a vicar-general of his own appoint-
ment, who holds his office only durante bene placito,
and whose jurisdiction ceases on the death of the
prelate.
Every diocese has also a Dean appointed by the Car-
dinal Protector, i. e. that Cardinal in Rome who has
the peculiar direction of all ecclesiastical matters ap-
pertaining to Ireland, and also an Archdeacon, named
by the Bishop. These two are men of nominal dignities,
having neither power nor emolument annexed to them.
* I speak of the period antecedent to the passing of the Catholic Relief
bit).
APPENDIX. CV11
On the death of a Bishop, the clergy of a diocese are
empowered by the canon to elect a Vicar Capitular,
who is invested during the vacancy of the see with epis-
copal jurisdiction ; but if such election does not take
place within a specified number of days after the de-
mise of the bishop has been notified to them, the Arch-
bishop of the province may appoint of his own authority
the vicar.
The clergy in the mean time assemble and fix their
choice on one of their own body, or sometimes on a
stranger, and petition the Pope, or in technical language,
postulate that he may be appointed to the vacant see.
The bishops also of the province consult each other, and
unite in presenting to the Pope two or three men of
merit, one of whom is usually appointed ; for the recom-
mendation of the prelates has always more weight in
Rome, than the postulations of the inferior clergy.
The appointment of the Irish bishops lies in the car-
dinals, who compose the congregations de propaganda
fide. It takes place on Monday, and on the following
Sunday is submitted by their secretary to the Pope,
who may confirm or annul the nomination at will ; it
very rarely however happens that he does not confirm it.
There is a custom common in all Roman Catholic
countries, and frequently practised in Ireland, which I
believe is not known in the established church, that of
appointing assistant or coadjutor bishops. In the event
of old age, infirmity, or any accidental visitations of
Heaven, whereby a bishop is rendered incapable of at-
tending to the laborious duties of his station, he may
choose any meritorious clergyman to be his coadjutor,
CV111 APPENDIX.
and to succeed him at his death. His recommendation
is almost invariably attended to in Rome, the object of
his choice is appointed and consecrated, taking his title
from some oriental diocese, which title he relinquishes
on his succeeding at the death of the old and infirm
bishop whom he was appointed to assist. While retain-
ing the oriental title, though in character and by con-
secration a bishop, he is called a bishop in partibus, be-
cause the see, from which he takes his designation, be-
ing under the dominion of some eastern power, is styled,
in the language of the office from which the bull of the
appointment is issued, to be in partibus inftdelium.
The emoluments of the bishop arise from three sour-
ces, which are usually, the best parish in the diocese,
the licenses, and the cathedralicum.
The license is, a dispensation granted by the bishop
in the publication of banns, for which a sum not less
than a crown, and according to the means of the parties,
sometimes half a guinea or a guinea is paid. And as it
very seldom happens that the parties are inclined to
have the banns published, the generality are married by
license.
The cathedraticum is, a yearly sum, generally from
two to ten guineas, given by each parish priest to the
bishop, in proportion to the value of his parish, for the
purpose of supporting the episcopal dignity. There is no
law to enforce this tribute, nor any obligation to pay it,
yet it is a very ancient practice, and is never omitted.
Parish priests are appointed solely by the bishop,
and if collated, or having three years peaceable posses-
sion, they cannot be dispossessed, otherwise they may
APPENDIX. C1X
be removed at pleasure. A collation, is a written ap-
pointment signed by the bishop, by which he confers a
parish on a clergyman, and confides it indefinitely to
his care.
Coadjutors or curates are also appointed by the
bishop, and are movable at will.
The parish priest is supported by voluntary contribu-
tions, if that can be called voluntary which is esta-
blished by ancient custom and general prevalence. His
income springs from various sources ; from Easter and
Christmas dues. These consist in a certain sum paid
by the head of every family to the parish priest for his
support, and in consideration of his trouble in cate-
chising, instructing, and hearing the confessions of his
family. The sum is greater or smaller in proportion to
the circumstances of the parishioners. In the country
parishes, it is generally a shilling at Easter, and a shil-
ling at Christmas. Some give half-a-crown, some a
crown, and some few a guinea a year. There is no
general ecclesiastical law to enforce the payment of
these trifles ; but as the mode was struck out, in what
has been denominated the council of Kilkenny, under
Rennucini, it has continued ever since (o be practised,
and from custom has acquired the force of law.
Weddings. The sum to be paid at these is different
in different dioceses. The usual sum given by the
bridegroom is a guinea ; in addition to which, a collec-
tion is frequently made among the friends of the par-
ties who have been invited, for the benefit of the parish
priest.
The consideration made to the clergyman for saying-
CX APPENDIX.
mass at the house of a parishioner, varies in different
dioceses.
The general stipend of the curate is the third part
of the general receipts of the parish. But in some in-
stances, such as when the parish priest is old, infirm, or
unacquainted with Irish, and consequently incapable of
lessening in any great degree the labour of the curate,
the latter frequently receives half of the parochial emolu-
ments.
Stations, are meetings at some commodious house
appointed by the priest for the convenience of such
people as live at a distance from the chapel, where
he hears their confessions, gives the communion, cate-
chises the children, &c. ; and it is at their half-yearly
meetings that he receives his Easter or Christmas
dues.
The parochial fae for each christening is two shil-
lings or half-a-crown, besides which the sponsors usu-
ally give something more. Some trifle is generally
given for visiting the sick ; a shilling usually in the
country.
In some parts of the country, custom has established
that a certain quantity of hay 'and oats is sent by the
more opulent parishioners to the clergyman ; that his
turf should be cut, his corn reaped, his meadow mowed,
&c. gratis ; and I have heard it more than once stated,
that in some parts of Ireland, bordering on the sea-
coast, a certain quantity of fish is given to the priest,
in lieu of parochial dues.
APPENDIX, CXI
No. XXI.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
I. — Constituency of Ireland.
The following is an account of the 50/., 20/., and 405.
freeholders in Ireland, at the period of the last general
election :* —
County of £50 £20 40s.
Antrim ... 389 127 6,056
Armagh ... 145 129 9,802
Carlow ... 313 160 3,073
Cavan . . .486 218 7,110
Clare . . . G05 327 13,035
Cork . . • 2,106 793 14,966
Down ... 644 147 13,324
Dublin ... 800 591 2,947
Fermanagh . . 347 247 8,333
Kerry ... 741 438 5,537
Kildare ... 370 103 761
Kilkenny ... 520 63 589
King's County . . 819 48 377
Leitrim ... 45 113 5,950
Limerick . . . 1,119 774 10,793
Londonderry . . 353 81 4,213
Longford ... 292 125 3,106
. * The very great disproportion of the different species of freeholders as
returned in this statement, may convey some idea of the great extent to
which the Disfranchisement bill must operate, in depriving the people of
Ireland of their just rights as freemen.
CX11 APPENDIX.
Louth, there are 3,000 freeholders, but the amounts
of qualification are indiscriminately mixed in the book.
Mayo 318 157 19,987
Meath ... 663 62 1,089
Monaghan . . 261 109 6,754
Queen's County . . 762 225 4,483
Roscommon . .441 199 8,685
Tipperary . . 602 562 6,180
Tyrone ... 108 155 8,779
Waterford . . 333 114 2,119
Westraeath . . 441 131 2,275
Wexford . 580 452 8,194
Wicklow ... 257 59 1,086
Returns have not been received from the counties of
Donegal, Galway, and Sligo.
The totals of the above are — forty shillings, 179,103 —
twenty pounds, 6,909— fifty pounds, 20,560. It does
not appear, however, that they afford an accurate view
of the real state of the constituency, as some of the
clerks of the peace have made such notifications as the
following : —
I certify that the foregoing is a true return, as the
different classes of freeholders appear entered on the
registry ; but numbers of all the classes, more particu-
larly the fifty-pound freeholders, the return of which
goes as far back as 1795, must be dead, or have lost
their freeholds by the expiration of their titles, by the
diminution in the value of lands, and from various other
causes.
JAMES CHETTETON,
Clerk of the Peace, Co, Cork.
APPENDIX. CX111
I do not think that more than one-half of the above
number could now vote, as many of them are dead ; and
almost all, if not the entire, of the forty-shilling and
twenty-pound freeholders are twice registered, and many
three times.
ADAM NIXON,
Clerk of the Peace for Fermanagh.
The forty-shilling and twenty-pound freeholders are,
taken up from April 1817 : the fifty-pound freeholders
from December 1785: many of the fifty-pound free-
holders are supposed to be dead. There are a number
of forty-shilling freeholders lately registered, which,
agreeably to the order of the House of Commons, could
not be included in the foregoing return.
JOHN FLOOD,
Clerk of the Peace, Co. Kilkenny.
NOTE. — I think it may reasonably be presumed that
some of the above number, whose names appear on the
books, are not now living ; and I believe also, that the
apparent gross number is multiplied, from the circum-
stance that there are some re-registries among the forty-
shilling freeholders.
ARTHUR D'ESTERRE,
Deputy Clerk of the Peace, Co. Limerick.
We cannot help remarking, that a slovenliness and
indifference are manifest in most of the documents trans-
mitted to parliament from public officers in this country,
which deserve the strongest censure. Of thirty-two
returning officers, it seldom happens that three will take
VOL, II. h
CX1V APPENDIX.
the same view of the duty that is imposed upon them,
or discharge it in a similar manner. Some will alto-
gether withhold the information sought to be obtained
from them, arid others give it vaguely and imperfectly,
in instances in which accuracy and precision seem not
only practicable but easy. When any of our representa-
tives next moves for a series of returns, we would re-
commend him to notice the matter with the seriousness
which it deserves.
One of the objects in seeking for freehold lists was,
to ascertain the number of forty-shilling voters who
hold in fee. " John Bourne, clerk of the peace for
Louth," could not give the least information on the
subject. In his books there is no classification of the
voters ; but there is preciseness enough to enable him
to bundle all together, and tell the aggregate amount.
We beg his pardon. On looking again to the return,
we see there is a " value column;" but he tells us that
" the forty-shilling, the twenty-pound, the fifty-pound,
and the hundred-pound freeholders are indiscriminately
mixed" Perhaps the explanation which he gives of this
" indiscriminate mixture" will be deemed sufficient,
namely, that " there never was a contested election in
the county of Louth since the year 1768." May we
be permitted to mention, that the families who have so
capitally succeeded in making a borough of this county
for fifty-seven years are the Jocelyns and the Fosters?
Of the other clerks of the peace, it seems three (those
of Donegal, Galway, and Sligo) had sent no returns, bad
or good ; and five (those of Armagh, Dublin, Fermanagh,
Kerry, and the Queen's County) sent returns, but were
APPENDIX. CXV
not able to state any thing positively with regard to the
fee interests of the forty-shilling freeholders.
The Counties of which the reporters are able to
speak with certainty are twenty-two. Of these, nine —
viz.
Antrim,
Clare,
Londonderry,
Carlow,
Cork,
Longford, and
Cavan,
Down,
Louth—
have 1661 forty-shilling freeholders, possessed of pro-
perty in fee, supposing the numbers set down for Long-
ford (1341) to be correct. This, however, a London
paper, with apparent reason, conceives to be very doubt-
ful. The Counties in which it is ascertained that there
are no freeholders possessing property in fee, are —
Kildare, Louth,
Tyrone,
Kilkenny, Mayo,
Waterford,
King's County, Meath,
Westmeath,
Leitrim, Roscommon,
and
Limerick, Tipperary,
Wicklow,
Tipperary is stated as containing 6002 fifty-shilling
freeholders. This, too, seems manifestly erroneous.
Indeed the whole return is all through clumsy, unpre-
cise, and unsatisfactory.
CXV1 APPENDIX.
II. — Freeholders registered and Freemen admitted for
the last seven years in different parts of Ireland as
far as returned to Parliament.
Athlone ... 10
Bandon ... 92
Belfast ... 4
Carrickfergus ... 47
Cashel ... 2
Cork freeholders . 12,267
freemen . . . 837
Drogheda . . . 574
Dublin freeholders . . 1,260
freemen . . 960
Dungannon . . . 770
Kilkenny freeholders . . 326
freemen . . 212
Kinsale . .42
Mallow . .538
Tralee . 11
Waterford freeholders , . 17
freemen . . 66
Yougbal . . none
No returns arrived from Clonmel, Ennis, Limerick,
Londonderry, Galway, and Portarlington.
III. — Augmentation and Decrease of the several classes
of Freeholders throughout Ireland from 1801 to
1821.
The increase and decrease of freeholders in Ireland
may be classed under the following heads : —
APPENDIX. CXV11
FORTY-SHILLING FREEHOLDERS.
1st, In Ulster, since 1803 to 1821, the forty-shilling
freeholders remained very nearly stationary, with the ex-
ception of the county of Londonderry, where they quin-
trupled, and Donegal, where they doubled. 2nd, In
Leinster there was a very great change within the same
period. This appears particularly striking on compar-
ing both the aggregate and the details. The aggregate
decreased from 3*2,127 to 28,492. There was a dimi-
nution of about half in the King's County ; in Kilkenny
and Louth they increased, doubled in West Meath
and Wexford, and tripled in Meath. In "Wicklow they
fell off about one-third ; in the other counties they re-
mained nearly stationary. 3rd, In Connaught the aggre-
gate number of forty-shilling freeholders increased up-
wards of 10,000. This augmentation was most sensible
in Galway and Leitrim, where they doubled ; they in-
creased about one-third in Mayo and Roscommon, and in
Sligo they diminished about one-fifth, 4th, In the pro-
vince of Munster, the augmentation far exceeded that
of the other provinces. The aggregate increased from
24,653 to 41,256. This augmentation was most per-
ceptible in Limerick, where the number of freeholders in-
creased one-fifth ; in Clare, Cork, and Waterford, where
they doubled ; but especially in Tipperary, where, owing
probably to a series of contested elections, they very
nearly tripled. Kerry appears the only county which suf-
fered any diminution. Its forty-shilling constituency fell
off very nearly one-fifth. In the cities, generally speak-
CXVlll APPENDIX.
ing, they slightly increased. Dublin formed an exception ;
from 216 they at one period fell off to 21.
FIFTY AND TWENTY POUND FREEHOLDERS.
They are by far most numerous, in proportion to its
extent, in Leinster. From 1801 to 1821, the fifties
increased one-third, the twenties diminished nearly
one-half. In Ulster the fifties increased from 807 to
1,888, and the twenties from 1,407 to 1,724. This is
a very small proportion compared with the forty-shil-
ling constituency of the same province. In 1821, the
forty-shilling freeholders amounted to 27,737, far ex-
ceeding the proportion of this description of electors to
the fifty and twenty pound freeholders in any other
province. Even in Connanght, considered the poorest,
the number of fifty-pound freeholders exceed those in
Ulster ; their forty-shilling freeholders were considerably
less. As in Leinster, the fifty-pound freeholders slightly
increased, but the twenty-pound freeholders, though in
a much smaller proportion, diminished. Munster pre-
sents the most remarkable augmentation. In 1803,
there were 6,795 fifties ; they had increased in 1821 to
8,197. The twenties had not suffered by this altera-
tion as in Leinster and Connaught, but had risen in
the same period from 3,254 to 5,572. This gives a very
great excess above the fifty and twenty-pound consti-
tuency in Ulster, which, nearly equal in extent, is sup-
posed to be far richer (and with its riches more equally
diffused) than Munster. The numerous " locations," as
they are termed, and the combination of manufactures
with agriculture, sufficiently account for the very large
APPENDIX.
CX1X
amount of the forty-shilling constituency in the North,
but I am not aware of any satisfactory reason for the pro-
portionably small number of the fifty and twenty pound
freeholders in the same district. From its acknow-
ledged superiority in civilization, precisely the contrary
phenomena should be expected.
IV. — List of the numbers of Freeholders polled in
ous shires in England in which severe contests
taken place within a recent period.
1820.
Bedford.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 3,982
Berk*.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 2,270
Cumberland.
Three candidates.
400
var-
have
Total number of votes
Devon.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 6.2U8
Glamorgan.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 3,741
Durham.
Two candidates.
Total number of votes . 1,284
Middlesex.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 10,G02
Sussex.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes . 5,515
Westmoreland.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes , 4,341
Bedford.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
Huntingdon.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
Northumberland.
Four candidates.
Total number of votes
Oxford.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes
Somerset.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
Surrey.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
Sussex.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
Westmoreland.
Three candidates.
Total number of votes .
3,786
2,737
5,253
3,598
3*840
5,735
5,353
5,499
CXX APPENDIX.
V. — Elective Franchise in France.
The Charter declares that no man can be an elector
who does not pay 300 francs of direct taxes, and that no
man is eligible who does not pay 1,000 francs.
The law of the 5th of Feb. 1817, a law proposed by
the King, who was the author of the charter, and after-
wards sanctioned by him, appeared to have regulated
for ever the application of this principle, and the ex-
ercise of the electoral right. This organic law was
identified with the fundamental. It notwithstanding
received important modifications by the law of June
1820.
The law of 1817 declared, that every Frenchman pay-
ing a contribution in direct taxes of 300 francs was an
elector, and that every Frenchman paying 1,000 francs
was himself eligible. This was the liberal interpreta-
tion of the charter.
The first electors were highly favourable to the po-
pular party. The inconsiderate choice of the Abbe
Gregorie gave rise to the most violent recriminations.
The King was alarmed ; foreign powers interfered ; and
at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle they exacted from
the Duke of Richelieu an engagement to modify the law
of 1817. The active intrigues of the Minister, the mur-
der of the Duke of Berry, the creation of seventy new
peers by M. de Cazes, finally triumphed over the cause
of the nation. The law of the 29th June, 1820, was
substituted for that of the 5th September, 1817.
A third election law was passed on the 2nd of July
last.
APPENDIX. CXX1
The result of these laws on the elective franchise is
as follows :
The taxes which must be paid to give the rights of
election and eligibility remain unaltered.
The law of the 5th of February, 1817, made the elec-
tors meet in one single college, in the chief town of each
department. Thus eighty-six electoral assemblies were
formed.
The law of June 29, 1820, broke the Electoral body
into factions, and created two hundred and seventy-eight
arrondissement colleges, but still leaving eighty-six de-
partmental colleges, in which a certain number of elec-
tors (forming one-fourth of the whole electoral body), after
having voted in the arrondissement colleges, again vote.
Thus men of large property have a double vote, a pri-
vilege evidently contrary to the character and spirit of
our laws.
Not satisfied with these usurpations of the rights of
the public, in the name of law, no description of vio-
lence or fraud was omitted, in order to procure the re
turn of the partisans and supporters of government.
The law of 28th of July last has attempted to establish
some security against the return of such abuses. It
presents new rules for the formation of the electoral
lists, and authorises the intervention of hired parties
against violations of the franchise.
The provisions by which contested elections are de-
cided are numerous. If a citizen claiming the right of
voting finds himself erroneously described in the list
drawn up by the prefect, he may proceed in support of
his claim before that magistrate by a petition, which is
CXX11 APPENDIX.
tried in the council of the prefecture ; arid if there arise
any dispute as to domicile, or the rating of the taxes,
the claimant may appeal to the royal courts, which give
judgment in the last resort. Third persons, that is to
say, other electors than he who is directly interested in
the question, may prosecute the person who has pro-
cured an illegal inscription. The proces is then carried
on by the third party before the administration of the
prefecture ; and on the appeal before the royal courts,
all the keepers of civil registers and of lists of taxes,
are held bound to allow the electors to examine these
documents, and to deliver extracts from them when re-
quired. These wise and patriotic precautions are due
to the law of 2nd July, 1828, and to the present Ministry.
When an eligible candidate is chosen deputy, the va-
lidity of his return is decided on by the chamber, which
is divided into nine bureaus or sections formed by lot.
The bureau to which the returned candidate belongs
examines his election, and a report of that examination
is made to the chamber in a public sitting.
There are no hustings, no processions, no expense
ruinous to the candidates. The elections are perfectly
peaceable. They take place in the towns marked out
by the president. The electoral assembly appoints four
scrutators and a secretary : — an election may be con-
cluded in a day. The Urn for receiving the votes is
open from eight in the morning till three in the after-
noon. Every elector votes secretly, by delivering to
the president a sealed billet which contains his vote.
To render the election valid, the Electoral assembly
must consist of at least two-thirds of the electors in-
APPENDIX. CXX111
scribed on the list, and the candidate must have an ab-
sulute majority of the suffrages. The secrecy of the
vote is rigorously required; and nothing revolted the
public against the last administration more than the in-
decent manner in which the violation of this rule was
encouraged. The candidates doubtless endeavour to
gain the favour of the electors ; but a failure would be
certain were money to be distributed amongst them.
The only expenses consist in a few dinners given and re-
ceived, and in the line of carriages to bring up distant
or tardy electors.
The deputies are elected for seven years. An elec-
tor cannot vote until he is thirty, and a candidate must
be forty to entitle him to be elected. These precau-
tions against the vivacity of the French character might
be modified with advantage. The former might be re-
duced to twenty-five and the latter to the thirty.
The number of electors in 1820 was 102,000. It is
now not more than 88,000, in consequence of an altera-
tion in the land-tax. The number eligible for deputies
was then 22,000; they do not at present amount to more
than 16,000, a very inconsiderable number indeed, in a
nation containing 32,000,000 of inhabitants.
VI. — Comparison between the English and French mode
of Election, by a recent French Traveller in Ireland,
Monsieur Duvergier.
" What do you think of our elections ?" Such is the
question I am asked almost every day ; and, simple as it
may at first appear, I find it extremely difficult to
CXX1V APPENDIX.
answer it. The English elections are in fact a very
singular mixture of ever}/ thing the most noble and the
most vile, the most serious and the most ridiculous, of
the very best and the very worst in our nature. On one
side, orgies, gross and debasing, a market where con-
science is set up to the highest bidder, a hideous picture
of disorder, riot, tumult, and brutality ; on the other,
the platform raised in the midst of the public square,
the initiation of the people in all the most important
affairs of the country, and the grand spectacle of an in-
telligent and free nation, called forth to decide on its
own destinies and interests. How in the midst of so
many considerations, each so completely distinct from
the other, is it at all practicable to give a sure or de-
cided opinion ? This difficulty augments as you de-
scend to details. The great number of the electors,
the publicity of their votes, the open contest between
the candidates, all these are most admirable institutions ;
but then in return how many absurdities — how many
anomalies do they embrace? How many populous
cities are there without any representatives ? how many
counties which cannot be approached without the pass-
port of many thousand pounds? how many boroughs
where some rich proprietor, or his agent, or coachman,
are the only electors ? in fine, every thing which can be
imagined most capricious, absurd, and oppressive. There
are some clever people in France, who set the question
at rest without quitting their firesides, and decide at
once, according to their respective prejudices, that the
English elections are the most admirable or abominable
of political institutions. I, who have just witnessed
APPENDIX. CXXV
these elections, am considerably less advanced. I do not
know what opinion I am to form.
In this confusion however of good and evil, is it not
possible to make some sort of choice ? Here are mon-
strous abuses, recognised as such by the entire country :
how comes it that the entire country is not yet agreed
to erase them at once from the code of her laws ? Thus
purified from the corruptions which deface it, the effects
of such a system would be soon felt by the blessings and
advantages which it would be so well calculated to pro-
duce. Such was my conviction but a month or two ago.
A closer and more attentive examination has since
taught me very materially to modify this opinion ; and
the proposition of Lord John Russell now appears to me
but very little better than mere trifling. Like the sys-
tem of the Jesuits, it is essential that the election sys-
tem of England should exist as it is, or not exist at all.
It is an edifice, the component parts of which, though
ill linked in appearance, are indissoluble in reality.
Throw it down if you think proper, and build up ano-
ther in its place ; but to think of repairing it under its
present form is the very worst of absurdities : instead
of making it better, you will only make it worse.
Look for example at the rotten boroughs : it is against
them in particular that is usually levelled the whole
artillery of the demi-reformers. Now, in the actual
state of things, the rotten boroughs are the only seats
open to talent, the only counterpoise to the immense
ascendancy of birth and fortune. Without the rotten
boroughs, you must have a property of 20,000/. a year
to qualify you for a place in the House of Commons.
CXXV1 APPENDIX.
Without them Mr. Canning would never have been
Minister, nor Mr. Brougham head of the opposition.
The borough of Grampourid carried on a public traflic
on the rights of election. In order to visit this abuse
with the punishment it merited, the legislature has
transferred to the county of York the privilege of
choosing the two members who formerly were returned
by the borough of Grampound. Nothing could be
fairer in appearance than such an adjudication; and
yet, in the reality, what is the result? That from a
smaller place two seats in parliament have passed to
a greater. For four or five thousand pounds, a person
might have represented Grampound. Now, to repre-
sent Yorkshire, you must at least run the chance of
losing 80,000/. : and this is what is usually termed an
amelioration !
Such, generally speaking, are most of the half mea-
sures which are annually proposed in parliament. One
or two Lords, to acquire a certain share of popularity at
a small expense, may indulge, if such be their fantasy, in
preaching up these partial kinds of reform : they may
thunder against the rotten boroughs, if so they will, or
generously extend from fifteen days to a month the time
allotted to pursue and punish corruption : but the peo-
ple of England are not to be deceived ; they are opening
their eyes ; they are no longer to be amused by these
paltry expedients. They fully feel, that the object they
have in view is of a totally different nature, and that an
entire and thorough remodelling of the system can
alone radically and efficiently improve it. This also is the
opinion of Bentham and his school ; but, in his passion
APPENDIX. CXXV11
for abstractions, Bentham sweeps away both the good
and the evil. In his plan there are no more hustings,
no more public meetings, no more public speaking, no
more votes given boldly and freely in public ; but in
each village there is proposed in their stead a box,
where secretly and without the least noise each citizen
may come and drop his billet; in a word, silence and
mystery are every where substituted for agitation and
publicity ; a great deal of order, but no spirit ; a sem-
blance, a shadow, but no life. Is not this treating the
man like a machine, and the whole moral system like
a system of algebra ? Better, a thousand times better,
the elections as they are, with all their turbulence and
corruption.
Augment the number of electors, they exclaim in
another direction, and when every citizen is called on to
vote, seduction will be rendered impracticable. Take
every means to diminish them, they repeat in a third,
and the choice of our representatives will then be en-
trusted to men of honour, bond fide proprietors of the
soil, who will not descend to a base traffic upon their
rights. The first of these opinions leads directly to
universal suffrage, and Preston is there to furnish a
reply. As to the second, I much doubt whether it be
in any degree preferable. In the present system, the
contest is carried on, at least with equal arms. An
elector, whatever may be his vote, is sure to have his
conveyance, eating and drinking, at free cost. As long
as bribery goes no farther than this, he is in the full
and perfect enjoyment of his freedom. Raise the quali-
fication of the franchise, and to the bribery of a few
CXXV111 APPENDIX.
bottles of wine will soon succeed the bribery of place
and pension. France can furnish some useful illus-
trations on this head. It must not be imagined that
those whose rental exceeds one thousand francs a year
are at all less disposed to sell themselves, than those
whose rental is considerably below that standard. The
whole difference appears to be, that they sell themselves
for something else, and this something else, like a bottle
of wine, is at the disposition of all the world. One man
is anxious to obtain for his son a commission in the
army, another, a situation in the church. In England,
as elsewhere, these advantages are not to be obtained
without influence and protection. The irresistible
argument also of many of the more enlightened classes,
" Of what consequence is one vote more? — if I am not
the person, it will be some one else" comes very oppor-
tunely in aid of such arrangements, and without much
more delay the son obtains his appointment. With
what justice or propriety can such men as these look
down on that inferior class of electors, whose corruption
is confined to occasional intoxication ?
Every year a variety of new schemes are submitted
to the consideration of the legislature ; for of those who
are the most vociferous for reform, there are not two
perhaps who understand the word in precisely the same
sense. Yet with all this, clubs of reformers, annual meet-
ings of reformers, are to be met every where, amongst
whom the most touching and affecting unanimity seems
to prevail. You would suppose they were all animated
by a single soul, so much emotion is there in their lan-
guage, such a spirit of brotherhood and good-fellowship
APPENDIX. CXX1X
distinguishes their public speeches. There is but one
omission in all this, that, they forget to express distinctly
what are the real objects they have in view, or rather
they do not forget, but take good care, how they com-
mit so material an imprudence. Suppose, for instance,
assembled at the same table, the opposition and the
counter-opposition of France. As long as they confine
themselves to general attacks upon the Ministry, or to
vague declamations in praise of liberty, every thing
would probably go as well as could be desired. But
do you imagine, that the moment they should take it
into their heads to give their opinions a precise and
determinate form, the whole of this flattering appear-
ance of harmony would not immediately, in some man-
ner or other, be taken up ? Now this is precisely the
case with the reformers of England.
What conclusions then are we to draw from all this ?
That the country is not yet ripe for a Parliamentary
Reform ; that this reform ought perhaps not to precede
but to follow many other changes of still higher import ;
and that in awaiting this desirable amelioration, the
people of England cannot do better than to sit down
satisfied with the existing system. From so much in-
quiry and discussion as lately have taken place, a clear
and simple idea must sooner or later undoubtedly spring
up, which in due time will strike all eyes, and shake to
their foundation every remaining prejudice. It will
then be full time to embody such idea into a law ; but
till then, every attempt at change will be little other
than an innovation without an improvement. Taking
every thing together, there is besides, it must be re-
VOL. ii. i
CXXX APPENDIX.
member-ed, in the present system, something exceedingly
vigorous and grand. It is surely no ordinary spectacle,
that of a nation convened upon an appointed day, to
hear the humble supplication of its rulers, and accord-
ing to their works to confirm or cashier them : such an
institution may well defy many sneers, and resist the in-
fluence of many inherent vices. And what in effect are
its actual results ? Of six hundred and fifty members,
riot more than one hundred and fifty have been changed,
and already the eyes of the public are turned on all
sides towards the new parliament. The numerical ma-
jority it is well known cannot suffer any material altera-
tion, and yet every one is in expectation and suspense.
What is the cause of this singular phenomenon? and
how comes it that an assembly born in the very lap of
riches and corruption, is capable of inspiring an interest
so lively ? how is it possible, that any thing can be ex-
pected from a meeting so defectively constituted in its
very origin ? It is, because the very right of election
implies a power which is superior to it ; and as long as
it shall be permitted to develope itself freely, this power,
in England, must always end by carrying before it
every other. I speak of public opinion, of the sove-
reign ruler of the entire nation, the power before which
must bow all other powers in the country. The aristo-
cracy itself exists but through and by it, and is com-
pelled to flatter its supremacy, in order to maintain its
own due rank and station in the community. Where the
public manners continue pure and vigorous, where the
press is free, where the right of associating and meeting
iii public is without control or restriction, what could a
APPENDIX. CXXX1
parliament be capable of effecting which was once aban-
doned by public opinion ? On all sides would soon spring
up new rivals, in new Houses, in new assemblies of the
nation, who, chosen freely by the will of the people,
would soon rise above it in popular estimation. Towards
them exclusively would the public direct its attention,
in them exclusively would the public repose its confi-
dence. In vain would the legitimate House of Com-
mons send forth its decrees; in vain would it fulminate
its prohibitions : its competitors would revive under a
thousand pretexts, and favoured by the very agitation
and tumult even of the electors, they would ultimately
succeed by governing the country. Let no one then be
deceived ; public opinion has always in the end obtained
what it willed with energy; and if, in the nineteenth
century, the English code continues still to be stained
with the relics of former fanaticism and inequality, it is
because inequality and fanaticism still exist in the man-
ners and mind of the English people.
For a considerable time, the reformers seem alto-
gether to have passed over this important truth. It was
against the parliament that their efforts were exclusively
directed. They seem scarcely to have thought of re-
mounting to the original principle. At last, however,
their eyes are opened. They no longer aim at the sum-
mit, but at the base, well assured of a complete victory
the moment that public opinion shall declare in their
favour. Hence it is that books have replaced conspira-
cies, and the corn question that of annual parliaments.
This new march of things and men cannot but be at-
tended with some great result. Thanks to such a change ;
CXXX11 APPENDIX.
the great political farce, so long played off between op-
posite parties, has now almost entirely disappeared, or
rather those parties themselves have very nearly become
extinguished. When in the present day we talk either
of a Whig or a Tory, we talk of things which no longer
have a meaning. Mr. Canning is a Tory, and yet he it
was who proposed the changes which have lately taken
place in the corn laws. Lord Grey is a Whig, and he,
it is said, has declared in parliament, that he will trans-
mit untouched to his son the inheritance of his fathers.
Sir Francis Burdett is a Radical, and he professes the
most marked aversion to any system which does not
sanction the principle of entail, and the inequality which
at present exists in the division and apportioning of pro-
perty. After such anomalies, I should like to hear
what constitutes the essential difference between Tory,
Whig, and Radical. Between Whig and Tory, Hunt
professes to see but one distinction, that the Tory is
actually in power, and the Whig is anxious to be so.
This opinion indeed may be considered applicable to a
great number of Whigs. For many years, opinions
were never consulted in the selection of a party. A
man assumed the principles of Whig or Tory, from
mere family compact or inheritance: the member of
such and such a house could not without dishonour sit
down on the benches of the opposition, or of such ano-
ther, on those of the treasury : — they were ministerialists
or oppositionists born. In other particulars, they had
in every respect the same ideas, the same opinions, and
the same prejudices. I am acquainted with a circle in
London, the admission into which requires the proof of
APPENDIX. CXXX111
at least four quarters of nobility ; and more than one
Whig of high birth inveighs with bitterness against
those villanous shopkeepers, who have had the insolence
to blazon upon their equipages their coats of arms.
Speak of the game laws to Mr. Peel or Sir Francis
Burdett, and then tell me which of the two is the
most liberal ?
This decomposition or dissolution of ancient parties,
is indeed quite evident to the most casual observer.
The elements which originally composed them must in
time have acquired new affinities. Until these affinities
shall be clearly ascertained, there of course will continue
to be much confusion and disorder, but out of this dis-
order, sooner or later must arise, a new system, a bet-
ter order of things. To a classification altogether fac-
titious, will gradually succeed another, infinitely more
natural : every one will then know his objects and his
intentions, what he aims at, whither he is going, and
the public will no longer be duped by a few high-sound-
ing words. The discussion of the corn question is well
calculated to accelerate these changes. There will ere
long be a struggle, direct and uncompromising ; a
struggle of substantial and solid interests, between the
contending powers of the community ; and such in
general are all those which lead to any thing efficient or
permanent in a country. The question for decision will
then be, whether a few Lords, for the purpose of keeping
up their incomes to their present rental, will insist on
their privilege of starving the great body of the people.
Neither the people nor Mr. Canning seem to be of thig
opinion : but the aristocracy is alarmed, and it is not
CXXX1V APPENDIX.
unlikely the whole will end by a mutual compromise
between all parties. In such a case, however, to com-
promise is to yield. Taken individually, four hundred
out of the six hundred members of the Commons, are
very possibly supporters of the most absolute prohibi-
tion ; but in their public capacity, they dare not for an
instant maintain these sentiments, so completely are
they under the wholesome control of that public opi-
nion, which in other places and circumstances they
affect to despise. Under such a guardianship as this,
there cannot exist a bad parliament.
After he has witnessed the elections, conduct a stranger
into the House of Commons, and he will not believe it
possible that such means could produce so remarkable
a result, or that a machine so rickety in itself, when
applied to use, could work so well. To solve the pro-
blem, a word or two will be sufficient. With such,
every thing becomes intelligible; without them, nothing.
Chain to-morrow the English press ; prohibit the citi-
zens from meeting or speaking in public ; prevent them
from associating together, as they may think proper ;
see that the elections be conducted in secrecy and si-
lence, and in a very short period you will have Venice
instead of London. Yet all the forms of the constitu-
tion shall religiously be preserved ; and more than one
politician may still continue to indulge in ecstasies on
the exact balance of the several constituent powers of
the republic. Between the 43rd and 51st degree of
latitude, there does exist a country which has nearly
come to this. But as long as a certain word remains
written on a certain piece of paper, for a great portion
APPENDIX. CXXXV
of mankind, it is quite sufficient. It reminds one of
the horse which Orlando dragged after him : the beast
was an admirable one, it is true, but it had one defect,
that of being dead.
No. XXII.
WATERFORD ELECTION.
I.— First Address of Lord George Beresford to the
Noblemen, Gentlemen, Clergy, and Freeholders, of
the County of Waterford,
Gentlemen,
I would not have intruded myself upon your atten-
tion, at a time when the exercise of your elective fran-
chise must be distant, did I not fear that my silence
might be misinterpreted ; and I should indeed regret,
that any of those friends whose independent support
has rendered my success certain (let a dissolution of
parliament take place when it may), should believe that
the security with which they have invested me can
ever make me unmindful that it is to their kindness I
owe it.
I fully agree with my juvenile antagonist, that the
result of the approaching contest will do much to de-
termine the real nature of the elective franchise — to
determine whether property is to have its due weight,
and whether the long-cherished relations of landlord
and tenant are to exert their fair and legitimate influ-
ence, or whether the political obedience of the Roman
Catholic freeholder is due to his spiritual guide — and
whether the county of Waterford is to put forth its
CXXXV1 APPENDIX.
strength in the dignity of independence, or to crouch
to a coalition hatched and held together by a few dema-
gogues, unconnected with your county, who claim that
toleration they have never practised.
Gentlemen,
I seek a seat in parliament at your hands, as an
object of ambition — of honest, of honourable ambi-
tion. I seek your independent support upon prin-
ciples as independent, and ofter myself to your con-
sideration, not as an intolerant or party man (as has
been invidiously alleged against me), but as an inde-
pendent candidate, unshackled by coalition, unfettered
by associations, unsubdued by demagogues, unawed by
power, and unpledged to the support of men or mea-
sures ; free as that glorious constitution which we justly
prize as our dearest inheritance, and determined con-
scientiously and fearlessly to support the best interests
of my native country and of the empire at large.
Upon these principles I rest my pretensions, and
solicit your powerful and constitutional support, to re-
buke and annihilate the unnatural and intolerant com-
bination formed against your rights and independence.
Nor can I for a moment doubt that your spirited and
patriotic exertions will maintain me in the proud situa-
tion which I now hold, and in which my family and
myself have long had the honour to serve you.
I have the honour to be,
Gentlemen,
Your much obliged and devoted Servant,
GEORGE T. BERESFORD.
Cnrraghmore, 21st October, 1825.
APPENDIX. CXXXV11
II.— Address of H. Villiers Stuart, Esq. to the Gentle-
men, Clergymen, and Freeholders, of the County
Waterford,
Gentlemen,
Called upon as I have been by a great majority of
the independent electors, I feel it my duty to announce
without further delay my intention of offering myself as
a candidate for the representation of your county at the
next election.
Little known as yet in public life, I could not think
of soliciting your suffrages without giving you previ-
ously an open and explicit declaration of my political
sentiments.
To the British constitution, which is the basis of
our liberties and our glory, I feel an ardent attachment ;
and as Catholic emancipation is that measure which in
my mind is best calculated to uphold and strengthen it,
my constant and most strenuous exertions shall be di-
rected towards its accomplishment. In making this
declaration, my motive is not one of selfish policy, which
would accommodate principle to temporary advantage.
I am influenced by a strong sense of the justice of the
claims of my Catholic fellow- subjects, and by an entire
confidence in the honesty of their views and principles.
The desire which they manifest, with so unequivocal a
unanimity, to be relieved from disabilities and to share
in the privileges of the state, while it affords a proof
that they duly appreciate the value of a free constitu-
tion, gives the strongest and best assurance of their dis-
CXXXV111 APPENDIX.
position to maintain it. — Every true friend to the real
welfare of the empire must be deeply interested in the
success of this great measure. Ireland can never prosper
nor enjoy tranquillity, nor will the security of England
rest on a solid basis, whilst seven millions of inhabitants
are kept, on account of tenets purely religious, in a state
of political servitude.
As I mean now to have the honour of making per-
sonal application to each of you, I deem it right to
make this explicit avowal as to the terms upon which I
aspire to the high honour of becoming one of your
representatives in parliament. I would not purchase a
single vote by any artful disguise of my sentiments
upon a subject of such paramount interest to the empire
at large, and of such peculiar importance to the county
of Waterford ; and if I have the misfortune of differing
with any of my friends upon this great and vital ques-
tion, I have only to claim that indulgence to which
honest conviction is justly entitled.
With every feeling of respect,
I have the honour to remain,
Gentlemen,
Your obedient humble Servant,
HENRY VILLIERS STUART.
Waterford, August 8, 1825.
III.— Sum Total of the Poll.
Mr. Power .... 1424
Mr. Stuart .... 1357
Lord George Beresford . . 528
APPENDIX. CXXX1X
Besides upwards of seven hundred freeholders more,
who were ready to come to the poll, for Power and
Stuart, when his Lordship gave in.
No. XXIII.
ORDER OF LIBERATORS.
Rules and Regulations of the Order.
The Order of the Liberators is a voluntary association
of Irishmen for purposes legal and useful to Ireland.
The objects of " The Order" are these :—
I. As a mode of expressing the gratitude and con-
fidence of the people for past services : —
II. To form a society of persons, who will consider it
a duty due to their country to effectuate the following
purposes : —
No. 1. To prevent the formation or continuance in
their respective vicinages of any secret society or con-
federacy whatsoever, the greatest evil in Ireland, and
that which has tended most to prevent the success of
her efforts to meliorate the condition of the people,
being secret societies. No person who is not deeply
convinced of this truth, can belong to the Order of
Liberators.
No. 2. To conciliate all classes of Irishmen in one
bond of brotherhood and affection, so that all religious
animosities may for ever cease among Irishmen.
No. 3. To bury in total and eternal oblivion all
ancient animosities and reproaches, no matter by whom
inflicted or who may be the sufferer.
No. 4. To prevent the future occurrence of feuds
CXl APPENDIX.
and riots at markets, fairs, and patrons, and to reconcile
the parties and factions which have hitherto disgraced
many parts of Ireland.
No. 5. To promote the collection of a national fund
for national purposes, as far as that can be done con-
sistently with law.
No. 6. To protect all persons possessed of the
elective franchise, and especially the forty- shilling free-
holders, from all vindictive proceedings on account of
the free exercise of such franchise.
No. 7. To promote the acquisition of such franchise,
and its due registry, to ascertain the number of votes in
each county and city in Ireland, and the political bias of
the voters generally.
No. 8. To promote the system of dealing exclusively
with the friends of civil and religious liberty, Protestant
and Catholic, with a selection, when a choice can be
made, of Protestant friends, being the most disinter-
ested of the two ; and also to prevent, as much as pos-
sible, all dealing with the enemies of Ireland, whether
Protestant Orangemen, or Orange Catholics, the worst
of all Orangeists.
No. 9. To promote the exclusive use of articles the
growth and manufacture of Ireland.
No. 10. To form two distinct tribunals in every
county, with branches in every town and village
therein — the one for the purpose of reconciling differ-
ences, and procuring parties to adjust their litigations
and disputes, and the other tribunal for the purpose
of deciding, by arbitration, litigations and disputes
between parties who may resist a settlement without
arbitration.
APPENDIX. CXH
No. XXIV.
DUTIES OF INSPECTORS AND CHURCH-
WARDENS.
The committee having taken into consideration the
subject of the appointment of five inspectors of Catholic
Rent in each county, have agreed to the following re-
port : —
That such appointment would manifestly be of the
greatest utility, in order the better to organise and ex-
tend the collection of the Catholic Rent to every Parish
in Ireland ; but to render the appointment of perma-
nent value, it is necessary it should be made by the in-
habitants of each county for themselves.
In order to obtain the co-operation of the counties in
this most useful measure, the committee do strongly
recommend the Association to appoint from amongst
their members one chief or head inspector of Catholic
Rent for each county.
That it be the duty of such inspector to repair without
delay to the county for which he shall be appointed, and
take all necessary measures to effectuate the following
purposes : —
I. To procure the appointment of five local inspectors
of Catholic Rent in and for each county.
ii. To procure such inspectors to divide, and to as-
sist them in dividing, the county into five districts of
parishes, so as to make each district as nearly equal as
may be most convenient, having regard to the local cir-
cumstances of each county.
Cxlii APPENDIX.
in. To arrange with the local inspectors, and per-
sonally to assist them in procuring the nomination of
Catholic churchwardens in every parish in the county.
IV. To arrange with the local inspectors and church-
wardens to have the Catholic Reut collected in each
parish on the first Sunday in every month — such Sunday
to be called Catholic Rent Sunday.
v. That each inspector be authorised and required to
organise the collection of the Catholic Rent in every
parish, with the assistance of the local inspectors and
churchwardens, as far as he can procure the same ; but
that it be an indispensable duty upon him to have the
Rent put into a state of collection as speedily as pos-
sible, even previously to the appointment of local in-
spectors or churchwardens.
vi. That the chief inspector do give full instructions
to the local inspectors and churchwardens for the dis-
charge of their respective duties.
vii. That the duties of the local inspectors are as
follows : —
To make a return once a month to the Catholic Asso-
ciation, giving in detail —
1st. The names of the parishes in the district in one
column.
2nd. The name and address of each Catholic clergy-
man in such district in a separate column.
3rd. The name and address of each Catholic church-
warden in his district in a separate column.
4th. The names of the parishes in which there are
no churchwardens appointed in a separate column ; and
to add to such last-mentioned column such measures as
APPENDIX.
cxliii
the inspector has taken to procure the appointment of
churchwardens in the parishes contained in such last-
mentioned column.
5th. The names of the parishes in which the Catholic
Rent has been collected during the preceding month,
and the amount of such collection, and how it has been
disposed of.
6th. The names of the parishes in which no Catholic
Rent has been collected in the preceding month, and to
state any suggestions that he may deem useful for ex-
tending the collection of the Catholic Rent to the de-
faulting parishes.
vin. That the duties of the Catholic churchwardens
be-
1st. To assist the parochial clergy in all affairs relat-
ing to temporal concerns of the parish and its schools,
and other charities which the parochial clergy may con-
fide to them.
2nd. To procure parish collectors of Catholic Rent,
to any extent that may be required to complete the col-
lection of the Catholic Rent within that parish.
3rd. To give notice on the last Sunday of every
month that the ensuing Sunday, being the first Sunday
of the month, would be the Catholic Rent Sunday.
4th. To attend, either in person or by a deputy, at
each mass on the Catholic Rent Sunday, and to receive
all such sums as may be voluntarily contributed.
5th. To give all useful information to the local inspec-
tors of the district for the better collection and arrange-
ment of the Catholic Rent.
6th. To make a monthly report to the Catholic As-
sociation of Ireland on the following heads: —
CXliv APPENDIX.
1st. As to the amount of Catholic Rent collected in
the parish within the month.
2nd. The number of registered freeholders.
3rd. Whether there be any and what number of per-
sons capable of being registered as freeholders, but who
are not so.
4th. The known or at least probable political bias of
the freeholders, stating as well as can be done the com-
parative numbers of each party.
5th. The number of schools in the parish, and how
supported — and whether on liberal principles, or the
Kildare Place, or other improper plan.
6th. To state all matters of local grievance in the
parish, especially with respect to any magisterial delin-
quency.
7th. To state the situation of the parish in relation
to tithes, parish cess, and county rates.
The Committee earnestly recommend the adoption
of the plan of naming for, and sending to, each county a
chief or head inspector, so as to arrange and organise
the collection of the Catholic Rent in such a manner as
to procure those abundant resources which the present
state of the cause of civil and religious liberty so press-
ingly requires.
The following duties the Committee deem to be-
long equally and vitally to each class of persons en-
gaged in any way in the collection of the Catholic
Rent :—
1st. To prevent the existence of Whiteboy disturb-
ances of every species and description.
2nd. To prevent the existence of any secret societies
whatsoever.
APPENDIX.
3rd. To prevent the taking of illegal oaths of any
nature or kind whatsoever.
4th. To put an end to party feuds and quarrels of all
kinds.
5th. To take care that an accurate census of each
parish be procured.
6th. To collect signatures to the several petitions, and
transmit them for presentation.
7th. To promote peaceable and moral conduct, and
universal charity and benevolence, amongst all classes.
The committee are aware that success cannot, and
indeed ought not to be attained, unless we procure the
countenance and assistance of the Catholic clergy. —
That venerated and most exemplary class of men, will
give us their assistance on the terms only of our deserv-
ing that assistance.
JOHN JOSEPFI MURPHY, Chairman.
No. XXV,
LIBERAL CLUBS.
Letter of Mr. Wyse, Jun. on the Organization of
Liberal Clubs.
Waterford, July 30, 1828.
Sir,
It has always occurred to me that the great defect in
our entire system was — the want of a good organization.
By good, I mean, a uniform, universal, permanent, sys-
tem of enlightened and energetic co-operation. Co-
operation we, no doubt, have, and much intelligence,
VOL. ii. k
Cxlvi APPENDIX.
and more energy ; but the other requisites still appear
to be eminently wanting. To say that Ireland feels as
one man, is merely saying that there is common suffer-
ing, common pursuit, and common sympathy ; but float-
ing loosely over society, without order or combination,
this feeling is not yet of sufficient practical avail. Like
similar powers in the physical world, unless pressed, by
skill and management, into proper directions and com-
binations, for any really useful result, they might as
well not exist. "We want a well-digested system of
political tactics, emanating from a single point, and
extending in circle upon circle, until it shall embrace
the entire nation. We want not merely an electrical
spark here and there from the body, surprising and
astonishing for a moment, but a continued stream of
the fluid, a regularly augmenting system of light and
power. The materials lie in abundance around us ;—
the time is come to give them shape and utility ; — we
have no longer to create — we have only to make use of
what we have created — we have only to sit down and
apply and arrange — the materials are in our hands.
Our public business has hitherto been carried on by
aggregate meetings of all Ireland (as they are called),
by county meetings, city meetings, parish meetings, and
the Association. Now all these are excellent things
when properly brought to act together: the defect I
complain of is, that they are not. They are isolated,
desultory, seldom held in concert, and almost never
in reference or relation to each other. I do not say
that they are of little use, but I say they might be of a
great deal more. I would not keep them separated and
APPENDIX. Cxlvii
unconnected, but I would hang one upon the other ; I
would try to make them, not, as they are, a series of
links, but a chain. The aggregate meetings of all Ire-
land, for instance, are absolute illusions. The very
name is a misnomer. All Ireland is indeed summoned,
but, debarred as we are from delegation, all Ireland
cannot come. Few of our provincial gentry are ever
present : the middle and lower classes, in this extended
sense, not at all. Fictions, political as well as legal,
may go very far, but I know of none which can convert
the men of Dublin into the men of Waterford and
Cork. It is true they generally express the same or
similar opinions, but this is a coincidence, not a result.
There is no representation, the usual remedy for this
defect : the nation is not present either in person or by
attorney. But how is this to be obviated, and what can
we do ? Simply this — hold the meetings if we like, but
give them a right name ; call them the aggregate meet-
ings of the county and city of Dublin, which they aret
and not the meetings of all Ireland, which they cer-
tainly are not.
The County meetings are scarcely better constituted.
They are, too often, the mere accompaniments of an
assizes. If there be an eloquent or loquacious Catholic
on the circuit, they take place ; if sick or absent, they do
not. Like the man of Roderick Dhu, they spring up
where the bar treads ; when the bar passes on, they sink
into the ground. This is no evil for public men, and
perhaps a slight one for the country : in all cases I be-
lieve it to be inevitable. Country gentlemen are not
easily to be got together at any other time of the year.
cxlviii APPENDIX.
They love their home first, and then their country, and
are always ready to attend to her interests whenever
they find them (which sometimes happens) in company
with their own. Besides, though tolerable listeners,
they are bad speakers, and it is natural and proper they
should avail themselves of the transit of a star. But
what, after all, is the real use of this? Has a half-
yearly speech or two ever yet regenerated a coun-
try?
The parishes, till within these few years back, were
mere brute matter— absolutely inert or dead. The
clergy were doubting or afraid ; they had the memory
of the past — the shadows, and dreams, and hobgoblins
of the night, about them still. The people were what
the clergy and gentry made them ; newspapers were not
only not read, but not written — the schoolmaster, if
abroad, was in the shape of an oppressor, and not as he
now is, of a deliverer — the scholar saw the charter
house in instruction, and could not bear to be whipped
and persecuted into education. The peasant knew no
other country than his farm— no law but tithe law on
one side, and his own guerilla law on the other — no
rights but the half rights, the miserable crumbs which
fell by inadvertence from the table of his bloated and
rack-rent landlord. By degrees, and by slow degrees,
the thing altered. The government, dreaming about
its own wretched interests, whilst the interests of a
nation were at stake, letting loose the reins, and then
pulling them back — committing the people to them-
selves, and then exciting them when so committed, was
the chief cause of this great revolution. Then came
APPENDIX. CXliX
the imbecilities of the local ascendancy masters. The
people and their strength were set at defiance — their
pride was goaded — they were gradually, fully, and effec-
tually, roused. The slave conquered : the tax-master
was trampled to the earth. Waterford, Louth, &c.
vindicated the honour of our national spirit and intelli-
gence. The people got tired of kneeling, and rose up
almost in one mass, and walked, in a few days, as if
they had never been in the dust. Two or three elections
did more in educating them to a proper sense of their
wrongs and power, than all the petitioning, and grovel-
ling, and chiding, of the last half century. Then came
the simultaneous meetings, an excellent measure ; and
had they taken place on any other day than on a Sun-
day— a mighty miracle. As it was, there was illusion
in the business. The petition came to them — they did
not go to the petition. But the thing was begun — the
week-day will come yet — we cannot retrograde — and who
is he who now dare say to the nation, " Thou shall not
advance further ?"
Throughout all this, then, there is the grand defici-
ency which I have already pointed out — the want of
uniform, universal, and permanent co-operation. Meet-
ings of a day — meetings of bodies, totally unconnected
with each other, will not do. To do any thing, men
must belong to each other ; that what they do should
last, their exertions must be constant and systematic.
Holiday impulses, anniversary explosions, are, like all
other kinds of fire- works, grand things ; but it is not by
poetry, but by prose, that we are to succeed — by the
common-place, plodding, persevering habit of every day.
cl-
APPENDIX.
The morning and evening thought of peer and peasant
must be his wrongs — his wrongs — his wrongs. This in
the first place ; and, next, how he may best, and most
constitutionally, and most effectively, get rid of them.
His chains, like those of Columbus, should be for ever
in his sight : it is right he should feel them, weigh on
and gnaw them, in order that they may determine him,
by his own exertions, to throw them off. Then he
should learn to estimate his strength. No man is feeble
with the nation behind him. The smallest meeting
must be taught that they hang upon a still greater ;
every peasant must feel (profoundly and strongly feel)
that he is an integral part of his country. There must
be many hands like Briareus, but, like Briareus also,
these hands must have but one heart and one head to
guide them.
The Association, old and new, attempted to achieve
this ; but I may be pardoned, I hope, in saying, that they
went wrongly about it. They continued pouring in,
day after day, new streams of electricity — charging with
the animating fluid numberless portions of the political
machine — generating steam as occasion suggested ; but
a great deal of this was done at random, and no pro-
vision was made or attempted, when such powers were
fully produced, for their temperate and judicious appli-
cation. Besides the danger which they exposed us to
in this wandering and uncontrolled shape, they did not
allow us to bring one-half of our energies, and that half
but feebly, into play. At the same time, both Associa-
tions had their utility; they did much — they struck the
spark out of the flint— they created life within the dead
APPENDIX. Cli
• — they gave us the materials— they prepared— they ani-
mated— they created, Their errors were inseparable
from their constitution: if, sometimes, too much the
medium for local and individual varieties, the fault was
in the very nature of the body, much more than in the
members. What could be expected from an assembly
which was not representative, and which, of course,
must have been, in many instances, too much Dublin,
and too little Ireland? This, if not counteracted by
many circumstances, would have been a serious evil.
No country is healthy where the heart drinks away life
from the members. As long as France was absorbed
in Paris, there was no freedom. America, to this day,
has, properly speaking, no capital.
But are these evils to be remedied ? I think they
are, and am astonished they have not been remedied
earlier. The form which, of all others, I confess I
should prefer, for the administration of our affairs, is
that system of delegation upon which was constructed
the general committee of 1793. But from this we are
precluded by the Convention act, or rather its interpre-
tation. We have only then to choose what comes nearest
to that system ; I care not for the form, provided the
essentials be the same. We must, at all events, have
the uniformity, the universality, the permanence which
I have recommended. In the materials already before
us, with a little modification, these requisites may be
found. This is an advantage. A wise man will as little
as possible disturb existing habits ; he will only use
them in another way, and for other purposes. The
point is, I repeat it, not to create (that we have done
Clii APPENDIX.
already) ; but having created, not to squander, but
apply.
1. The Association, the central point, the head well
of all the public feeling in our body, might stand as it
is, too many public, and, perhaps, too many private in-
terests existing to allow any material alteration : if such
were practicable, that is, palatable, perhaps it might be
converted with advantage into a head or presiding club,
augmenting its forces, by monthly ballot, from the coun-
try and city clubs all over Ireland.
2. County and city clubs might be instituted in
every county. They are thus separated, because their
objects, though not their interests, may occasionally
differ.
3. Every city club might be composed of— 1st, Origi-
nal subscribers within one month, the nucleus of the club.
Sndly, The members balloted for after the expiration
of that period. 3rdly, The rent collectors, as honorary
members, with or without the power of voting, as might
be judged expedient. The two first classes might fur-
nish the materials for committees, for the purpose of
conducting proceedings, for the restoration of defrauded
rights, as far as the laws might permit, under the name
of committees of management. The third class, besides
combining with the other two, would be eminently ser-
viceable as a committee of inquiry, investigating regis-
tries of freeholders, admissions of freemen, and directly
communicating (within the limits of the statute) with
the rent or parish clubs established by the people.
4. Every county club might be composed of the two
first classes. They should establish parish clubs in
APPENDIX. cliii
every parish in their respective counties. This might
be done by a committee of gentlemen, who should
make a circuit of the county. Each parish club might
consist of the clergy, gentry, churchwardens, and a
certain number of the respectable farmers of the
parish .
5. The committees of each county and city club
should meet, at least, once a week ; there should be
ordinary meetings once a month, and extraordinary
meetings twice a year.
By this system, the affairs of the Catholics of Ireland
might be conducted with precision, constancy, unanimity,
and uniformity.
1. The Association might have the initiative of
our proceedings. It should recommend the period
most proper for the holding of provincial, county, and
parish meetings.
2. The county and city clubs should provide for the
execution of this recommendation. 1st, By convening
aggregate meetings in their respective counties and
city. 2ndly, By these meetings recommending provincial
meetings, and convening them. 3rdly, By simultaneous
parish meetings, confirming the whole.
3. A general meeting of fourteen days might con-
clude the series. It should be held, of course, in Dub-
lin, after the termination of county, provincial, and
parish meetings, and immediately previous to the sitting
of parliament.
The principal members of the parish clubs should
pledge themselves to attend the county meetings, the
principal members of the county meetings and clubs in
cliv
APPENDIX.
like manner the provincial meetings, and the principal
attendants of the provincial meetings the general four-
teen days' meeting of the Association. Thus might be
obtained a regular, authentic, and continued statement
of the feelings and progress of every portion, however
small, of the entire country.
As the facilities which such a system affords for com-
munication and dissemination of newspapers, tracts, ad-
dresses, political catechisms, &c., they do not require to
be insisted on. Any person who has seen it in operation
during an election, will well know how to appreciate its
advantages.
By such a system, the Catholic, or rather independent
constituency of Ireland, will be completely disciplined,
and will not need any application of extraordinary stimu-
lants to rouse them to a sense of their constitutional
duty. Every county, in a few months, will naturally,
and almost of itself, become a Clare or a Waterford.
The electors will be home-taught— they will learn well —
they will remember long. — The county club, and the
city club, and the parish club, the club, I may say, of
every place and of every hour, will keep up the feeling
to a determined, enlightened, vigorous temper. The
passion will become conviction, and the conviction habit.
Every man will become familiar with his rights ; he will
know where to look for and how to obtain them. The
knowledge will then practically work ; the dissolution
of parliament will, some time or other, come, and entire
Ireland will be fully prepared. If, then, we leave a
Jocelyn, or a Foster, or a Beresford to represent us,
whilst we have Stuarts, and Grattans, and Dawsons,
APPENDIX. Civ
and it may be O'Connells, to represent us, the fault
will be with ourselves, not with our destiny, and from
that hour forth we ought to bear our destiny like willing
slaves, and not dare to raise our heads and rail inso-
lently against it.
A third advantage, and it is inestimable, is the con-
trolling influence which such a system gives us over the
tumultuary feelings of the country. It suppresses all
private feud ; it extinguishes all party dissension ; it
breaks up those pernicious secret societies, which, at
times, have wasted so much of the energies of our peo-
ple ; it prevents the recurrence of all those angry and
insane ebullitions, which a government hostile to the
people can so easily magnify or fan into insurrection.
Political ameliorations in the present state of human
knowledge are not to be obtained by physical force.
This is a great truth, and cannot be too constantly or
strongly inculcated. Despotism is to be combated
with other arms than those of the flesh. The people
must be taught this every where and at every hour:
they must be taught to look up to a higher principle of
strength, to that great moral power arising from the
concert and universality of constitutional exertion, which
no government, had it the head of Pitt, and the arm of
Wellington, can resist long, or resist at all, consistently
with its own happiness and power. We must teach
them every where, how very inconvenient and annoying
it is for a haughty master to have too many discontented
slaves. We must convert oppression from a luxury to
a pain ; the aggrieved many must make themselves felt
in the midst of all the enjoyments and superiorities of
elvi APPENDIX.
the oppressing few. This lesson is learning rapidly —
the feeling is every where— the intelligence which is to
guide it is coming after — the combination only, which
is necessary to make this efficient, yet remains behind.
But that depends not on our enemies, but on ourselves.
Thank God, our regeneration can come, and is coming
from within. Practice is making us perfect ; what was
thought impossible yesterday, is done to-day — what we
do to-day, will be laughed at to-morrow — I will not say,
God grant it may. It is not the wish we want, but the
will. With that will, universal and uniform, what can
we not obtain ? What is there in the men of Louth,
Waterford, or Clare, that is not in the men of Ireland ?
— This only — that they had order, system, organization
— and why should not all Ireland have, at this moment,
the same ?
I am, Sir, &c. &c.
THOMAS WYSE, Jun.*
To Edw. Dwyer, Esq.
Secretary of the Catholic Association.
* Another letter on the improvement of clubs was addressed by Mr.
Wyse to the Association a few days previous to the last aggregate
meeting in Dublin, in which he suggests the propriety of calling upon the
Catholics of Ireland to assemble in a species of Annual •Session, imme-
diately previous to the meeting of parliament, on the principle and for
the purposes for which were adopted the fourteen days' meeting of the New
Association. The collection of as large a portion of the scattered opinion
of the country into one focus as possible being the great object in view, he
proposed that the Secretary to the Catholics of Ireland should, a fortnight
before the day fixed for the sittings, address a circular to the Secretaries of
every county and city club in Ireland, "requesting them to impress upon
their most active and intelligent members the absolute necessity of their
giving their attendance at the proposed meeting, and delivering a return ^
APPENDIX. Civil
At the Munster Provincial Meeting,* held 2Qth August,
1828, at Clonmel, it was moved by James Roe, of
Rocsborough, and seconded by Thomas Wyse of the
Mar-or of St. John, Esq., Jun.
That we most earnestly recommend the formation of
Liberal Clubs in each county and city in Munster, with
branches in each parish, for the purpose of securing the
due registration of freeholders ; the obtaining of the
freedom of cities, towns, and boroughs ; the correcting
abuses by legal means ; the contesting illegal cesses,
grand jury taxation and vexatious tithes; the preventing
secret societies, illegal oaths, and every manner of white-
boy outrage ; the discouraging of party riots, drunken-
ness, and village faction ; and promoting the peaceable
co-operation of all the people in constitutional and legal
exertions for the freedom and happiness of Ireland.
before the expiration of the week, of such members as would pledge
themselves to attend." Mr. Wyse conceived that such a measure would
be the completion of the Liberal Club system ; as it would combine all the
advantages desirable from a mean between the Association and the County
and City clubs. If, the day after, the Association had been suppressed, it
would have been a day too late. The Association would fall back into the
clubs — the clubs might be scattered, but the members would endure.
* This was the first Provincial meeting, which sanctioned the principle
advanced by the Catholics, of demanding the following pledges from all
future candidates at elections j viz. 1st, Opposition to the Wellington
administration. 2ndly, Support of the Catholic Question. Srdly, Of
reform in parliament. The latter pledge formed the subject of a warm
discussion at Clonmel and Kilkenny, but was acceded to, more from a
wish to preserve the unanimity of the body, than the policy of the proposi-
tion. At this meeting an appeal was made to the Irish members friendly
to the cause, to assemble in Dublin previous to the parliamentary session ;
and the appointment of provincial inspectors of the Catholic Rent was also
agreed to.
clviii
APPENDIX.
A similar resolution had been passed by the aggregate
meeting of the Catholics of Ireland, and this was fol-
lowed by the other provincial meetings of Ireland.
Extract of a Letter to the Editor of the Cork Chronicle
on the Objects and Utility of Liberal Clubs.
Firstly, — A Liberal Club would, in whatever parish or
district it is formed, serve as a centre, as a band of
union, as a rallying point, for the "men of good-will"
of all religions and of all classes, belonging to such
parish or such district. The Protestant and the
Catholic, the Methodist and the Presbyterian, the rich
and the poor, the learned and the unlearned, all but
immoral men, would be eligible to be members of it.
Observe the good that would flow from this Irish
convention. Men who now think alike on politics, but
who seldom come together, various circumstances in
life keeping them apart, would be congregated in a
liberal club ; and associating and working as they would
be for common purposes, they would find in the com-
munity of their interests, and the ardour and honesty
of their co-operation, motives for an increase of mutual
confidence and mutual affection. The Protestant would
withdraw from the business or the conviviality of a
liberal club, with a determination to add to the number
of our Brownlows ; and the Catholic would withdraw
from the same, with a firm resolve to obliterate the
past from his own mind, and to efface the memory of it
from the minds of all those over whom he may possess
influence. Classes, too, not distinguished by religious
difference, would have their advantage. The rich
member of the club would descry qualities in the poor
APPENDIX.
member, for which he might not have given him full
credit before, and he would communicate the discovery
to his wealthy neighbours ; and the poor member again
would see that arrogance and heartlessness were not
the necessary concomitants of riches, and the lesson
he would have learned, he too would impart to his
fellows. Thus the uniting principle of the club would
operate far beyond the club itself; and ten men of good
will would create ten hundred like themselves. This
would be the prime feature of a liberal club.
Secondly, — A liberal club would leave no stone un-
turned to insure for the county, city, or borough, to
which it belonged, a full, free, cheap, honest, and effi-
cient representation in parliament. It would increase
the freehold registry to the utmost limits of extension,
and maintain it so. It would do every thing in its
power that the franchise in corporate towns should be
employed for the good of the public, and not for the
private ends of corporators. It would labour that
honest men should be returned to parliament without
expense, and that knaves should be beggared in their
attempt to foist themselves upon the representation.
It would reform the House of Commons, by reforming
the electors, who are supposed to constitute it. No
member of a liberal club would have the hardihood to
expect, that any man who had expended ten or twelve
thousand pounds in getting a seat in the legislature,
would employ his purchase for the public. The club
would labour that the public should have the giving of
the seat, and that honesty, intelligence, and efficiency,
should be the exclusive claims to it.
Thirdly, — A liberal club would be useful in pointing
APPENDIX.
out all those matters which might be fit subjects for
parliamentary influence, and in seeing that the petitions
arising out of them were seasonably got up, properly
signed, and duly forwarded to the local representatives;
and a liberal club would note whether those represen-
tatives neglected the petitions intrusted to them, sup-
ported their prayer, or opposed it. It is at once
ludicrous and melancholy to observe how this work of
petitioning has been hitherto done, or rather not done,
in Ireland. You, Sir, I believe, have a tolerably
correct notion how those affairs a're managed ; but it
may not be amiss to expose the system, or the want of
system, in this particular, to those who may deem
liberal clubs unnecessary. In the April of the last
year, I think it was, an aggregate meeting of the
Catholics of the city and county of Cork assembled in
the south parish chapel of your city, and adopted two
among other resolutions. One of these resolutions
pledged those who adopted it " to petition the legis-
lature for a full, free, and entire representation of the
people of this island in the Commons House of Par-
liament." It was proposed by the member for Clare,
and seconded by Mr. Richard Ronayne. The second
resolution denounced the compulsory payment of the
Irish Protestant clergy by the Irish Catholic people ;
and it also contained a pledge to seek parliamentary
redress. This latter resolution was, I remember, pro-
posed by Mr. James Daly, who certainly made some
very pertinent observations in introducing it, and gave
no promise that the complaint which he uttered would
not be echoed in St. Stephen's. What, however, has
been the fact respecting both those resolutions? Not a
APPENDIX.
single petition has gone forth from your city or county
touching the one or the other of them. We can find
persons enough to speak, but few to do the work. Far
be it from me here to glance disparagingly at Mr.
O'Connell : that gentleman has done the work of his
country, and is doing it. The blame lies with gentle-
men of this city and county ; but there would be blame
with none, if liberal clubs had been established. Such
clubs, as a matter of course, would take up the great
principles of civil and religious liberty. They would
study that no resolution but a good one should be
adopted by the people ; and, when adopted, they would
see that it was carried into execution.
Fourthly, — A. liberal club would be useful in di-
recting attention to all meetings where any thing of
property or right, belonging to the public, would be to
be disposed of, whether those meetings be called by
act of parliament, or by corporate authority, or by
vestry, or by party, or by individual. So much mis-
chief has been done from time to time to the public
under the sanction of meetings at which the public may
be supposed to be present, but of which the public
actually knew nothing, that the most unreflecting must
see how very beneficially employed a liberal club would
be in this particular. Some of the worst acts, general
and municipal, which disgrace the statute book, some
of the veriest blots of Irish legislation would never
have been heard of, had there been Liberal clubs to nip
the evil in the bud, to strangle it in its infancy. The
foulest invasions of private right and of public liberty
would be prevented, if those who first suggested the
VOL. II. /
APPENDIX.
aggression had been met at the outset of their pro-
ceedings, and if public opinion had been brought to bear
properly against them. Take for instance any of our
Corporations. Why, as matters stood hitherto, the
public were altogether at their mercy; those bodies
could do any thing, because they could proceed with
a virtual secrecy. There was no check, no opposition
to them ; and hence they could have their Wide-street
Commissioners bills, their Harbour Commissioners
bills, and their Trustees of Corn-market bills, and
their Court of Conscience and Police-office bills, and
their Weigh-house and Pipe-water Establishments bill.
Were these good, or were they bad for your city ?
Were they designed to promote the public welfare, or
to strengthen the hands of a party ? Were they mea-
sures such as ought to be praised, or such as ought to
be reprobated ? The citizens of Cork had no control
in originating, modifying, or perfecting them ; but a
Liberal club would ; it would teach the Corporation to
respect public opinion ; or if it failed in that, it would
then have two representatives who would be sure to
represent it. It is, however, in preparing for the
Easter vestry meetings that your liberal club would
be eminently useful. It would have every man in the
parish ready at his post, to raise his voice against
taxation without representation : it would send its
honest Protestant there to protect against injustice, to
shame him who would praise Heaven and plunder his
neighbour ; and it would send the Catholic there to
vote when he may, and to learn when he may not. We
must all see that it was most unreasonable to throw, as
APPENDIX. clxiii
heretofore, the burden of the vestry war on some few
individuals. The latter might, to be sure, have been
prodigal of their services in the cause of their country.
The business of all, however, should be executed by all,
and it is only when all take it up, that it is discharged
efficiently.
Fifthly, — A liberal club would employ the press,
prudently, universally, and permanently, for the en-
lightening of the people. It would adopt or select those
political journals, tracts, or catechisms, which would
be best calculated for the instruction of the public, and
it would take good care that they should receive the
widest possible circulation. It would teach the people
their rights and duties. It would teach them the obliga-
tions of the magistrate, and the duties of the citizen ; it
would tell them what it is to be an elector, and what a repre-
sentative ; it would point out the road to parliament, as
the road to the redress of public grievances, telling them
at the same time, that with themselves lay the appoint-
ment of the redresser ; it would recommend reform, and
depict revolution, and it would show how criminal would
be the latter, if attempted by persons who could quietly
compass the former. All this a liberal club would do,
and doing this, it would be each day diminishing its
own labour, and causing itself to be less needed.
Sixthly, — A liberal club would prove its utility
by reconciling factions — by discountenancing the for-
mation of illegal associations — by keeping the people
on their guard against emissaries — by labouring that pri-
vate and public peace should be the characteristic of the
country. With a view to these ends, so desirable, so
APPENDIX.
necessary, the attention of the club would be directed
to that curse of Ireland, " the excessive use of spiritu-
ous liquors." The drunken man is prone to riot; he is
easily induced by fools or knaves to act seditiously, or
to speak so. The drunkard, therefore, could not be a
member of any liberal club. Such a character would
be outlawed. Two thousand parishes would, by their
clubs, reprobate the brute as unfit for moral enjoyment
or social intercourse ; and would not this be a great
good for Ireland ? "W hat legislation could effect for this
country any result half so beneficial ? Now liberal clubs
would realise it in twelve months ; they would render
drunkenness unpopular. The Irish drunkard would
soon be like the French, and the Spanish, and the Ame-
rican drunkard, not laughed at, but detested — detested,
as abominable and infamous.
Seventhly, — Liberal clubs would, and it would be a
great desideratum, free the Catholic clergy from the
heavy yoke of politics. Those gentlemen have not en-
tered into that arena, in which they now cut so con-
spicuous a figure, from choice, but from necessity.
They were forced into it. They saw that the system
which prevails, led to disorder, to outrage, to gross im-
morality, to the peril of the rich, to the ruin of the poor ;
they saw, likewise, that it was pregnant with evils,
greater than any it had ever before engendered : with
this they perceived that the remedy lay with the legis-
lature, and they girt themselves accordingly, that the
legislature might be favourable. However, though the
priests greatly contributed to send in Dawson for Louth,
and Stuart for Waterford, and O'Connell for Clare
APPENDIX.
still they were not " vessels" of this " election," and
they felt that they had a higher and a loftier vocation ;
they could not but regret that the laity did not know
and could not do their own duty. It would then be an
inexpressible delight to any Roman Catholic clergyman,
that a liberal club should be established in his parish.
He would be sure that by such an institution a know-
ledge of their rights would be secured to his flock, and
with it a knowledge how constitutionally to assert them.
As a matter of course, even liberal Protestants would
be glad that there would be no further occasion for cle-
rical interference. Whilst they would be ready to ad-
mit, that it had been necessary and useful, they would
like to have the bugbear removed from the ken of their
less liberal brethren.
Eighthly, — Liberal clubs would be very valuable in
their exhibition of working men. The member of a
liberal club, who would merely speak, might be listen-
ed to, but he would be certainly laughed at ; the indivi-
dual, too, who would honour the club once a year with
his notice, and do no more, would be in like odour.
None but the active men would be regarded — those
who would give most practical effect to the principle of
the club ; that is, those who would do the greatest por-
tion of the public business. This result of the institution
of clubs would be most gratifying ; for it is really most
mortifying to see men, who are not known at all to the
public, coming forward at election times, and other sea-
sons, and assuming airs of consequence, as though they
were the greatest benefactors of that public, and demi-
gods in the eyes of all others, as they are great gods in
APPENDIX.
their own. All this tribe will be opposed to liberal
clubs, because the clubs will be greater than all of them
together, and the most hard-working man in the club
the most honoured, and the most influential in it.
I could, Sir, proceed with several other matters of
great import, in which a liberal club would be useful ;
but I feel that I have encroached too much on your
space, and that I have trespassed on the patience also
of your readers. I shall therefore close this letter, by
wishing sincerely that all Ireland had clubs, the opera-
tions of which were steadily directed to the purposes
which I have recited above. How unlike they would
be to those Orange pandemonia, where nothing but
blood is spoken of! Do, Sir, proceed in advocating the
institution of liberal clubs. The faction is already or-
ganised ; it cannot progress ; but the Irish people may,
by, as Wyse says, a universal, uniform, permanent sys-
tem of enlightened and energetic organization for con-
stitutional ends and purposes.
Rules and Regulations for the Formation of
County Clubs.*
The rules and regulations of the " County of — •
Liberal Club" are divided into five sections. 1st, Of
the members, their admission and qualification. 2nd, Of
the officers and committees of the club. 3rd, Of the
* The rules both for the county clubs and the parish clubs were modi-
fied according to the circumstances of the times, and the exigencies of the
several parishes and counties.
APPENDIX.
meetings of the club. 4th, Of the order of business at
the meetings. 5th, Of the adding to, or amending, or
abrogation of the rules and regulations of the club.
I. — OF THE MEMBERS, &C.
1st — Pursuant to the resolutions of the aggregate
meeting, held , instituting the county of
liberal club, it shall consist of the following members : —
I. — Original members, or those who, within the period
of one month from the date of said aggregate meeting,
subscribe, or shall subscribe.
II. — Members by ballot, or those who, after the ex-
piration of such period, shall be balloted for and ad-
mitted.
2nd — A ballot shall be held once every three months at
the ordinary meetings. One black bean in five shall ex-
clude. The candidates must give in their names to the
secretary a week before.
3rd — Every member shall pay a subscription on ad-
mission of 30s., and thenceforth the same sum on the 1st
January annually. Till paid, no member shall be al-
lowed to vote, speak, or in any way interfere in the con-
cerns of the club ; and if unpaid for a month after be-
coming due, he forthwith ceases to be a member of the
club.
4th — Every member on being received, shall subscribe
to these rules and regulations, and the following
PROMISE.
I promise, on the honour of a gentleman, to observe
the rules and regulations of the county of liberal
clxviii APPENDIX.
club, and, in case I shall infringe them, to submit to
exclusion, should the club assembled in extraordinary
meeting- deem fit.
II. — OF THE OFFICERS, &C.
1st — The club shall be governed by a president, se-
cretary, and treasurer, to be chosen half-yearly, at the
extraordinary meetings of the club.
2nd — The business of the club in the interval of the
meetings, shall be conducted by a committee of ma-
nagement, varying in numbers according as circum-
stances may require.
3rd — This committee shall be chosen and its duties
prescribed at the extraordinary meetings of the club.
4th— The governing officers of the club shall, ex-
officio, be members of the committee.
Ill OF THE MEETINGS, &C.
1st — The committee shall meet for the transaction of
business every week, on such day as they may find most
convenient. These meetings shall be called Committee
meetings.
2nd — The club shall meet by public advertisement, to
transact business, and receive the reports of the com-
mittee, every three months. These meetings shall be
called Ordinary meetings.
3rd — The club shall meet by individual summons from
the secretary, and dine together twice a year, at the
period of the assizes, to transact business, and receive
the reports of the ordinary meetings. These meetings
shall be called Extraordinary meetings.
APPENDIX.
4th — Five members must be present to constitute a
committee ; — to constitute an ordinary meeting1 ; — to
constitute an extraordinary.
5th — All other meetings, which may be deemed ne-
cessary, shall be convened by requisition, signed by five
members of the club.
6th — The place of each ensuing meeting shall be de-
termined at the previous ordinary meeting of the club.
IV.— OF THE ORDER OF BUSINESS, &C.
1st — The order of business in the committees shall be
at the discretion of their respective chairmen.
2nd — The order of business in the ordinary meetings
shall be — 1st, the proceedings of last meeting; 2nd, the
reports of the committee and correspondence; 3rd, bal-
lot for the admission of members ; 4tb, motions, of which
notice must be handed in to the secretary three days
previous ; 5th, finance report, with which the meeting
shall conclude.
3rd — The order of business in the extraordinary meet-
ings shall be — 1st, the proceedings of the last extraor-
dinary meeting ; 2nd, the reports of the ordinary meet-
ings and correspondence ; 3rd, ballot for the election of
officers ; 4th, motions, of which notice must be given at
the last ordinary meeting ; 5th, finance report for the
last half-year.
4th — No resolution or other documents shall be pub-
lished, unless such publication be authorised by a gene-
ral meeting of the club.
C'lxX APPENDIX.
V.— OF CHANGING THE RULES AND REGULATIONS.
1st — These rules and regulations may be added to,
amended, or suppressed, at the discretion of the mem-
bers of the club.
2nd — This power can only be exercised at extraor-
dinary meetings, on a motion of a member, of which
notice shall be given at the previous ordinary meeting
of the club.
Rules for the Formation of the Parish Clubs.
Sir,
I am directed by the County Liberal Club, pursuant
to the resolution passed at their first public meeting,
held August 2, to communicate with you on the prac-
ticability of establishing in your parish a Parochial Club,
on the following principles : —
1. The club to be composed, as much as possible, of
the principal gentry, clergy, churchwardens, and such
of the respectable farmers as can read, and are able and
willing to take a part in such proceedings in their parish
— These to form the first members — others to be added
afterwards by nomination or ballot.
2. The club, when so formed, to hold meetings (if
possible) once a fortnight ; but at all events once a
month, in such place and time as they may judge ex-
pedient.
3. These clubs and meetings to have for object, keep-
ing every man in constant readiness for future elections,
maintaining the registries, inquiring into and giving in-
APPENDIX.
formation of any persecution of freeholders, &c,, and
promoting good order, perfect subordination to the laws,
political knowledge, and liberal feeling, as much as pos-
sible in their parish.
4. A report of these particulars, addressed to the se-
cretary, will be expected once in every three months by
the county club, and perhaps oftener.
5. Every club to contribute three pence a week, and
to be (hereby entitled to a weekly paper, to be sent down
every Saturday for their information. No other con-
tribution to be required.
You will be so kind on the perusal of the above to
state —
1. Your approbation or disapprobation of each article,
and on what grounds, seriatim.
2. The difficulties existing (if any) to their execution.
3. Whether you be willing or unwilling to co-operate
in their establishment.
I beg you to give me such answer as I may be able
to lay before the club at their next quarterly meeting,
and to
Believe me, dear Sir,
Very sincerely, your faithful Servant.
APPENDIX.
No. XXVI.
MR. O'CONNELL'S ADDRESS TO THE
ELECTORS OF THE COUNTY CLARE.
Dublin, June, 1828.
Fellow-Countrymen !
Your county wants a representative. — I respectfully
solicit your suffrages, to raise me to that station.
Of my qualification to fill that station 1 leave you to
judge. The habits of public speaking, and many, many
years of public business, render me, perhaps, equally
suited with most men to attend to the interest of
Ireland in Parliament.
You will be told I am not qualified to be elected :
the assertion, my friends, is untrue. — I am qualified to
be elected, and to be your representative. It is true
that, as a Catholic, I cannot, and of course never will,
take the oaths at present prescribed to members of
parliament; but the authority which created these
oaths — the parliament — can abrogate them : and I
entertain a confident hope that, if you elect me, the
most bigotted of our enemies will see the necessity of
removing from the chosen representative of the people
an obstacle which would prevent him from doing his duty
to his king and to his country.
The oath at present required by law is, "That the
sacrifice of the mass, and the invocation of the blessed
Virgin Mary, and other saints, as now practised in the
APPENDIX. clxxiii
church of Rome, are impious and idolatrous." Of
course I will never stain my soul with such an oath : I
leave that to my honourable opponent, Mr. Vesey Fitz-
gerald. He has often taken that horrible oath; he is
ready to take it again, and asks your votes, to enable
him so to swear. I would rather be torn limb from
limb than take it. Electors of the County Clare !
choose between me, who abominates that oath, and Mr.
Vesey Fitzgerald, who has sworn it full twenty times!
Return me to parliament, and it is probable that such
blasphemous oath will be abolished for ever. As your
representative, I will try the question with the friends
in parliament of Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald. They may
send me to prison. — I am ready to go there to promote
the cause of the Catholics, and of universal liberty.
The discussion which the attempt to exclude your
representative from the House of Commons must excite,
will create a sensation all over Europe, and produce
such a burst of contemptuous indignation against British
bigotry in every enlightened country in the world,
that the voice of all the great and good in England,
Scotland, and Ireland, being joined to the universal
shout of the nations of the earth, will overpower every
opposition, and render it impossible for Peel and
Wellington any longer to close the doors of the con-
stitution against the Catholics of Ireland.
Electors of the County Clare ! Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald
claims as his only merit, that he is a friend to the Catho-
lics. Why, I am a Catholic myself; and if he be sin-
cerely our friend, let him vote for me, and raise before
APPENDIX.
the British empire the Catholic question in my humble
person, in the way most propitious to my final success.
But no, fellow-countrymen — no ; he will make no sacri-
fice to that cause. He will call himself your friend, and
act the part of your worst and most unrelenting1 enemy.
I do not like to give the epitome of his political life ;
yet, when the present occasion so loudly calls for it, I
cannot refrain. He first took office under Perceval —
under that Perceval who obtained power by raising
the base, bloody, and unchristian cry of " No Popery"
in England.
He had the nomination of a member to serve for the
borough of Ennis. He nominated Mr. Spencer Per-
ceval, then a decided opponent of the Catholics.
He voted on the East Retford bill, for a measure
that would put two violent enemies of the Catholics
into Parliament.
In the case of the Protestant Dissenters in England,
he voted for their exclusion ; that is, against the
principle of the freedom of conscience — that sacred
principle, which the Catholics of Ireland have ever
cultivated and cherished, and on which we found our
rights to emancipation.
Finally, he voted for the suppression of the Catholic
Association of Ireland ! ! !
And after this — sacred Heaven ! he calls himself a
friend to the Catholics !
He is the ally and colleague of the Duke of Welling-
ton and Mr. Peel ; he is their partner in power ; they
are, you know, the most bitter, persevering, and unmi-
APPENDIX. C1XXV
tigated enemies of the Catholics : and after all this, he,
the partner of our bitterest and unrelenting enemies,
calls himself the friend of the Catholics of Ireland !
Having thus traced a few of the demerits of my Right
Honourable Opponent, what shall I say for myself?
I appeal to my past life for my unremitting and
disinterested attachment to the religion and liberties of
Catholic Ireland.
If you return me to parliament, I pledge myself to
vote for every measure favourable to radical reform
in the representative system, so that the House of
Commons may truly, as our Catholic ancestors intended
it should do, represent all the people.
To vote for the repeal of the Vestry bill, the Sub-
letting act, and the present grinding system of Grand
Jury Laws.
To vote for the diminution and more equal distri-
bution of the overgrown wealth of the Established
church in Ireland, so that the surplus may be restored
to the sustentation of the poor, the aged, and the infirm.
To vote for every measure of retrenchment and re-
duction of the national expenditure, so as to relieve the
people from the burden of taxation, and to bring the
question of the repeal of the Union, at the earliest pos-
sible period, before the consideration of the legislature.
Electors of the County Clare ! choose between me
and Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald ; choose between him who
has so long cultivated his own interests, and one who
seeks only to advance yours ; choose between the sworn
libeller of the Catholic faith, and one who has devoted
his early life to your cause; who has consumed his
APPENDIX.
manhood in a struggle for your liberties, and who has
ever lived, and is ready to die for, the integrity, the
honour, the purity, of the Catholic faith, and the pro-
motion of Irish freedom and happiness.
Your faithful Servant,
DANIEL O'CONNELU
No. XXVII.
RECONCILIATION MEETINGS.
At a meeting of the Association, held at Dublin, August
1828, Mr. Shell proposed the following resolutions:
First, — That while we warmly congratulate the peo-
ple of Tipperary upon the happy cessation of their
feuds, we implore them to discontinue the holding of
assemblies of the peculiar character which have recently
taken place.
Secondly, — That we humbly entreat the Catholic
clergy to co-operate with the Association in carrying
the above resolution into effect.
Thirdly, — That Daniel O'Connell, to whose influence
the pacification of Tipperary should be referred, is
hereby called upon to employ his powerful and deserved
authority, in deterring the people of Tipperary from
the holding of such meetings, in an address to be
printed and circulated at the expense of the Associa-
tion.
Fourthly, — That it be referred to the standing com-
mittee to report whether it be, or may become expe-
APPENDIX. clxXVii
client, that a deputation shall be sent to Tipperary, and
suggest such other measures as shall be deemed advis-
able, in order to dissuade the people from holding such
meetings.
Fifthly,— Moved by Mr. Sheil, seconded by Mr. Cos-
telloe— That Mr. O'Gorman (the Secretary of the As-
sociation) be requested to forward the resolutions to
Mr. O'Connell.
Address of the Catholic Association to the
Catholics of Tipperary.
Fellow- Countrymen !
The Catholic Association, which has been the means,
under Providence, of calling the Catholic people into
existence, as a nation — which has taught the humblest
individual in the community to appreciate his rights,
and the community itself to approach the legislature
with a legal firmness, and a union of sentiment and
purpose, without a parallel, for a restitution of those
rights — the Catholic Association of Ireland, virtually
representing the feelings, the opinions, and the interests
of the Catholic people, think it due to themselves, and
above all, a duty they owe to you, to address the brave,
the intelligent, and the docile people of Tipperary, on
an occasion which they deem of great public importance,
not only to the inhabitants of Munster, but to the Ca-
tholic cause itself.
The Association thank the men of Tipperary for the
wise and honourable alacrity with which they listened
to the voice of their great leader— of that eminent and
VOL. n. m
clxxviii APPENDIX.
extraordinary man, who, under God, is leading them
out of the house of bondage into the blessings of equal
freedom. They thank the Tipperary men for listening
to the voice of Daniel O'Connell — and burying, as they
have done, in utter oblivion, the feuds and follies of the
generations which preceded them, and of their own.
No incident in the modern history of Ireland can be
regarded by a true Irishman with greater delight than
that general and cordial peace which you have esta-
blished in every quarter of your great county.
But, fellow-countrymen, since that peace has been
fully ratified — since that admirable harmony has been
made to extend through the South of Ireland — -since
you have done all that you have been required by Daniel
O'Connell and the Catholic Association to do — that
Association, which watches your interests with the
deepest anxiety — which is bound in honour and in duty
to watch for your safety, cannot regard, without appre-
hensions for the result, the continuance of those pro-
cessions— the immense assemblies and the disciplined
array ; the almost military precision ; and the marchings
and counter-marchings through various parts of your
county. — And what is your object? We know that you
are loyal ; we know that you are ready to meet the ene-
mies of your king and country, when called upon by
the voice of your Sovereign, as Irishmen always do,
with bravery and devotion — we know that you harbour
no wrong in your minds— we know you to be what you
are, generous, ardent, and confiding ; but we know too,
that the wolf is on the walk ; that you have enemies
anxious for an opportunity of doing you evil, and in-
APPENDIX.
flicting injury upon your cause ; that there are persons
desirous to take advantage of these immense assemblies
of men ; that there are persons who, if they cannot pro-
voke you to violate the peace themselves, are eager to
alarm the government.
Fellow-countrymen! we believe that the Lord Lieute-
nant of Ireland is deeply solicitous for your welfare, and
most anxious to promote the liberties of our country. —
But we have reason, at the same time, to be assured,
that many applications for the exercise of those powers
with which he is invested have been made at the seat of
government. The alarm caused by your assemblages,
so often, in such numbers and with such array, has been
represented, we believe, to his Excellency, with designs
inimical to your safety. We, ourselves, fellow-country-
men, feel it difficult to answer for the continuance of
tranquillity. We know, indeed, that the peace will not
be violated by you ; but at the same time do not doubt
that a system of annoyance and of exasperation may be
practised against you, with such wicked artifice that
you will not be able to restrain your own feelings, or to
avoid the natural, but under the circumstances of the
country, what would prove to be a fatal reaction.
How, then, are you to avoid such a calamity as this
would prove to yourselves, to us, and to the nation?
There is one way, and a simple one, fellow-countrymen,
discontinue your meetings.
You have already obtained your great object — you
have made peace amongst yourselves — preserve that
peace. You may return the men of your own selection
for the county. Cherish that right which you have
C1XXX APPENDIX.
earned by your unanimity. These are the great ends
for which Mr. O'Connell addressed you ; these are the
great ends which you promised him you would accom-
plish. You have achieved this victory.
Nothing now remains for you to do, but to listen to
the voice of your Association and to obey the recom-
mendation.
The Association advises you, then, to give up your
meeting ; they implore of you to attend to this their
most solemn recommendation. Your safety and the
cause of the country depend in a great measure on your
compliance.
And finally, fellow-countrymen, attend to those pious
and exemplary men, whose whole lives are devoted to
your temporal and spiritual welfare — the pastors of your
holy and persecuted, but eternal church.
Mr. O'Connell himself will address you. In the
mean time, until his powerful voice is heard in Tippe-
rary, we have felt it our bounden duty to warn you of
the danger which surrounds you.
JOHN MULLINS, P.P., Kilkenny, Chairman.
NICHOLAS P. O'GORMAN, Secretary to the
Catholics of Ireland.*
* Fearing that the same spirit might extend itself to the North, a very
able and powerful address (drawn up by a Mr. Brady, a most distinguished
young Catholic barrister) embodying similar feelings, and inculcating the
necessity of peace and tranquillity, was submitted to the Association, ap-
proved of, and widely circulated in the North, antecedent to Mr. Lawless'*
APPENDIX.
Address of Daniel O'Connell to the People of the
County of Tipper ary.
Derrinane Abbey, 30th Sept. 1828.
Beloved Brothers !
It was late last night when I received the command
of the Catholic Association of Ireland to address you,
My first business this morning is thus to obey that com-
mand.
I address you, in the first place, with the most heart-
felt affection and gratitude. 1 have laboured already
twenty-eight years in the great " Catholic cause," and
I have at length been rewarded for it. By whom have
I been so rewarded ?
PEOPLE OF THE COUNTY OF TIPPERARY, BY YOU.
Yes — you have rewarded me. I will tell you how :
You obeyed my advice as if it were a command. I ad-
vised you to give up factious fights and quarrels — you
have given them up. I advised you to abstain from
party feuds and riots — you have abstained from them.
I advised you to forgive one another, and to be recon-
ciled to each other — you have, at my advice, forgiven
each other, and have become friends and brothers. My
friends, my brothers, I thank you. I advised you to
cease from injuring your fellow-creatures, and, above
all, to shudder lest you should continue to offend the
great and good God. Oh! may that merciful God,
who certainly will one day judge us all for eternal bliss
or everlasting misery — may that merciful and good God
APPENDIX.
pour down his choicest blessings on the honest and
worthy people of the county of Tipperary !
You have obeyed my advice — you have made peace
amongst yourselves — you have prevented the recurrence
of whiteboy crimes or nocturnal outrages. How sin-
cerely do I thank you ! Persevere in that course, my
dear friends— my beloved brothers. We will then be
able, as we promised at the Clonmel meeting, to open
the gaol door, and fling the key into the Suir.
But, my beloved brothers and friends, I have now
again to advise you. In making peace, you have held
large meetings. My opinion is, that you were right at
first in holding such meetings, because you held them,
as I advised, in perfect obedience to the law, and with-
out the least violence or outrage to any body. You
were so kind as to call yourselves my police. Surely
no police ever behaved themselves half so well, or
kept the peace with half so much kindliness and good-
humour.
But the time is come to discontinue those public
meetings. For the present year, let us have no more of
them.
Halt, therefore, my beloved friends — halt, my dear
brothers. I give you the word of command. Halt,
and, for the present, let those public and general meet-
ings be discontinued.
In the mean time, depend upon it that the Catholic
Association will not slumber over your wrongs. I my-
self shall not be idle. We will make our arrangements
peaceably and constitutionally, but perseveringly and
vigorously, to assert your rights, and to obtain for the
APPENDIX. clxxxiii
Catholics of Ireland that justice which is due to us,
and which is all we want,
Will you not listen to my voice? Will you not follow
the advice I give you ? I venture to promise that you
will listen to the advice that comes from a friend — from
a brother, who has no other object under heaven but to
obtain justice for the professors of the Catholic faith,
and liberty and happiness for the people of Ireland.
You know that I am your friend— you know that my
life has been devoted to your service — you know that I
have been the active enemy of Orange injustice and
Orange oppression. I have opposed the Orangemen,
laughed at them, and, with the aid of the Catholic As-
sociation, protected many of the Catholics of the North
against them, and brought the guilty to shame, and
some of them to punishment.
I am your friend. I am the enemy of oppression,
bigotry, and tyranny. As your friend, I advise you — I
entreat you — allow me to add, I order you, to discon-
tinue large and general meetings for the present year,
and not to expose yourselves to the machinations of
your enemies, or the treachery of pretended friends.
In the mean time, and before the next summer comes,
I trust that the accursed flag of Orange oppression will
be laid in the dust for ever. I trust that Irishmen of
every class and of every sect and persuasion, will be-
come friends and brothers, and that our lovely native
land, green Erin, of the rivers and streams, will be the
abode of peace and happiness and liberty
Yes, my friends, I can venture to promise, that if
you obey the advice of the Catholic Association — if you
APPENDIX.
follow the counsels that I give you — liberty will be near
at hand, and that within the space of one or two years
at the utmost, we shall see all we want, all we desire —
we shall see throughout Ireland —
" Happy homes and altars free."
Commit no crime. Be not guilty of any outrage.
Discontinue large meetings. Hold no secret meetings
whatsoever. Have no secret societies of any kind.
Secrecy in political matters is in itself bad, and is the
fruitful source of every crime. I have no secret what-
soever. The Catholic Association has no secrets. The
Orangemen and the Whiteboys have secrets, and ac-
cordingly blood and murder and every species of ini-
quity are produced by them.
Our instructions to you are public — we publicly call
on you to discontinue for the present those large and
public meetings. Let parties be reconciled in their own
respective parishes, but let not one single man go into
any other parish for that purpose. If any man after
this warning go into any other parish, or make any part
of a public procession or meeting out of his own parish,
believe me he is not a friend. He is an enemy. Do not
trust him as a brother, but deal with him as with a hired
spy. Treat him with contempt and scorn.
Discontinue, therefore, immediately, those large
meetings. Discontinue them cheerfully, readily, and
at once.
Listen as men of sense to the reasons why these
meetings should be discontinued.
First,— Your most valuable and excellent clergy— the
APPENDIX. clxXXV
poor man's best friends, all join in advising you to dis-
continue them. Did they ever give you bad advice ?
Never. Did you ever regret that you followed the ad-
vice they gave you ? Never. When have you disre-
garded their advice without being sorry for it after-
wards ? Never. Follow then the advice of your pious
and exemplary clergy, and discontinue those meetings.
Secondly, — The Catholic Association of Ireland ad-
vises and orders you to discontinue those meetings.
That body constitutes the most honest and patriotic as-
sembly that ever yet met to advance the cause of civil
and religious liberty. That honest, patriotic, and pure
body, the Catholic Association of Ireland, advise and
command you to discontinue those meetings. Obey
their advice as if it were a command.
Thirdly, — I, your faithful friend, advise you imme-
diately to discontinue those meetings. I have laboured
for you for twenty-eight long years, and am going to
parliament that I may be able to do you some effectual
good. I ought to know what is useful to you, and I do
most solemnly assure you that nothing could be more
injurious to you than having any more of those large
meetings for the present. You took my advice before —
the Catholic people in many parts of Ireland take my
advice — discontinue those large meetings.
Fourthly, — It is the wish of the honest and patriotic
part of the present government that you should discon-
tinue those meetings. The Lord Lieutenant, the Mar-
quess of Anglesey, is a sincere friend of the peace and
prosperity of Ireland ; he is, what you all like and love
— as brave a soldier as ever wielded a sword ; he is most
APPENDIX.
desirous to produce peace, tranquillity, and happiness
in Ireland. He is anxious to put down oppression of
every kind and crime of every description. The
Orangemen hate and fear him — the people love and
respect him — it is necessary, in order to gratify what
must be his wishes, that those large meetings should
be discontinued. Discontinue them, therefore, that the
noble and brave Marquess of Anglesey may be able to
serve our country, to put down faction and party of
every description, and to do his duty to the King and
the people, by seeing Ireland tranquil, free, and happy.
Fifthly, — Let me, as a fifth reason, tell you that we
have also in the government a most impartial and up-
right chancellor. Under his control are the magistracy
of the country. The Catholics, during the chancellor-
ship of Lord Manners, suffered much from delinquent
magistrates. Let us be grateful to Sir Anthony Hart,
and show that gratitude, by our ready obedience to the
law. Let us, therefore, discontinue those public pro-
cessions and large meetings, which must be displeasing
to him, and injurious to the great cause in which the
people are engaged.
Sixthly, — Let me also tell you that we have in the
government another manly, independent, high-minded,
and honest friend to the people of Ireland. I mean
Lord Francis Leveson Gower. Depend upon it you
could not displease him more, nor more disturb the
course of his honest exertions, than by continuing those
large meetings. Instead of being your friend, you will
necessarily make him your enemy, if you reject so much
good advice as is thus given you, and if you continue
APPENDIX.
those meetings after you are thus emphatically and
earnestly called on to desist.
Seventhly, — In proportion as the Catholics and, the
friends of the Catholics are anxious to put an end to
those meetings, in the same proportion are the Orange-
men desirous that they should be continued. The
Orangemen wish that you should disobey the Catholic
Association. The Orangemen wish to commit you with
the government, and against the law. We desire that
you should cultivate the esteem of a friendly govern-
ment, and strictly obey the law. I need not ask which
you will obey, the Catholic Association, or gratify the
Orangemen. I am ready to pledge my life for it, that
you will obey us, that you will confide in our affection
for you, and, as we ask it, you will at once discontinue
those meetings.
Eighthly, — The Orangemen have assumed a new de-
nomination. Some of them call themselves Brunswick
clubs, but they are better and more appropriately known
by the appellation of " Blood-hound clubs," because they
seek to continue an unjust and odious monopoly, by
shedding the blood of the people. These wicked and
sanguinary men have subscribed large sums of money
for purposes which they, depraved though they be, are
ashamed to avow— but which must be, amongst other
bad intents, to hire spies and informers, and other
wretches, who would mingle amongst the people, insti-
gate them to acts of violence, fabricate false plots and
conspiracies, and betray the people in every way to their
enemies. These " blood-hounds" wish that you should
continue those large meetings, in order that by means
clxxxviii APPENDIX.
of their own spies and informers they may find some op-
portunity to shed your blood. If any man tells you to
disobey the advice of the Catholic Association, believe
me that such men must be in the pay of " the blood-
hounds." I implore of you to treat him as such.
Ninthly and lastly, — If you disobey the advice of the
Catholic Association, and if you refuse to listen to my
entreaty, we must at once desert you — we must aban-
don you. It would be with the greatest reluctance that
we should desert or abandon the people of Tipperary.
But we ask yourselves, what else can we do? If you
refuse to listen to the honest advice which we give you
for your own good and for the benefit of the Catholic
cause, why it will in that case be our duty not only to
abandon you, but actually to resist the course which you
are taking.
But, my friends, my brothers, honest arid worthy
people of the county of Tipperary, I am quite certain
that you will obey us. I firmly belieye that one word
would have been sufficient to procure that obedience.
You know there is no use in being resolute and brave,
unless you have the virtue of perfect subordination.
Without subordination it would be impossible to pre-
serve the peace amongst yourselves, or to prevent the
recurrence of crimes and outrages which would stain
you with guilt, bring down deserved punishment on
you, and give a triumph to your bitter and unrelenting
enemies, " the blood-hounds " of Ireland.
Allow us of the Catholic Association to conduct the
great Catholic cause to final success : we approach to
that success daily ; and I tell you we are certain of sue-
APPENDIX.
cess, unless the people themselves, by some misconduct,
prevent us. Is there a single honest man amongst you
that would not bitterly regret his disobedience, if it
were — as it certainly would be — the means of preventing
the success of the Catholic cause, which involves in
itself the very principle of freedom of conscience all
over the world ?
Rely on the Catholic Association ; we will not sleep
on our posts : — we desire to obtain liberty for the Irish
people ; but we desire to do it by raising the moral and
religious character of that people. Liberty, glorious
liberty, is within our reach, if we will only deserve it.
Let me strongly advise you to be regular and constant
in your various duties ; consider no man as worthy of
being called " a friend and brother," but a man who is
observant of the rules and practices of his religion — who
is honest, conscientious, and moral in his conduct — who
is, according to his relations of life, a good son to his
parents, a good brother to his sisters, a loving and kind
husband to his wife, and a tender and careful father to
his children. We disclaim the assistance of the idle,
the profligate, the vicious. Religious and moral men
are those alone who can regenerate Ireland, and I am
sure there are amongst you many, many, very many
such friends to liberty and Old Ireland.
The greatest enemy we can have is the man who
commits any crime against his fellow-man, or any
offence in the sight of his God. The greatest enemy
of the liberty of Ireland is the man who violates the law
in any respect, or breaks the peace, or commits any
outrage whatsoever.
CXC APPENDIX.
My friends, my beloved brothers, cultivate your moral
and religious duties. Avoid every kind of crime ; avoid,
as you would a pestilence, all secret societies, all illegal
oaths ; seize upon any man who proposes to you to be-
come a member of any secret society, or proposes to you
any oath or engagement of a party or political nature.
I denounce every such man to you as a " blood-hound"
in disguise. Treat him as such, and drag him before a
magistrate for prosecution and punishment.
Rely on it also that I will not lose sight of the great
work of the pacification of the county of Tipperary. I
am proud of having begun that great and glorious work.
We, my friends and brothers, will not leave that work
unfinished. You will, I am sure, desist from those
large and unnecessary meetings ; and I promise you to
mature a more useful plan. That plan, when matured,
I will submit to the Catholic Association of Ireland ;
and if it meets the approbation of that learned, intelli-
gent, and most patriotic body, I am sure you will adopt
it, and that it will spread all over the land.
The outline of that plan will be to divide the people
for all political, moral, and religious purposes, into
numbers not exceeding one hundred and twenty. That
these one hundred and twenty should elect amongst
themselves a person to take charge of the whole under
the name of a " pacificator." No man to be a " pacifi-
cator" but a man regular in his religious duties, and at
least a monthly communicant. The "pacificator" to
have power to nominate two persons, to be called
"regulators," under him, and the three to be responsible
that no crime or outrage or violation of the law should
APPENDIX. CXC1
be committed by any of the one hundred and twenty.
On the contrary, that they should assist in the preser-
vation of the peace, in the prevention of all crimes — in
the suppression of all illegal societies — in the collection
of the Catholic Rent, and in all other useful, legal, and
honest purposes.
It would be part of my plan, that the name and re-
sidence of each " pacificator " should be transmitted to
every neighbouring magistrate and police station, and
advertised in the newspapers, and enrolled in the books
of the Catholic Association.
I mention this faint outline of my plan, merely to
show you that if the Orangemen and Brunswick blood-
hounds proceed in their sanguinary career, we shall
easily find legal and constitutional means to counteract
them, and to protect the people against them, and to set
them at defiance.
Observe, however, that this plan is not yet adopted
by the Catholic Association — until it is, it will not be
carried into effect any where. As soon as I reach
Dublin, I will return thither speedily — I will bring
forward my plan of " General Pacification."
Obey the laws; follow the advice of the Catholic
Association ; listen to the counsels I give you ; discon-
tinue, I know you will discontinue, those large meetings ;
avoid secret societies and illegal oaths; contribute,
according to your means, to that sacred and national
fund, the Catholic Rent ; cultivate your moral duties ;
attend seriously and solemnly to your holy and divine
religion.
You will thus exalt yourselves as men arid as Chris-
CXC11 APPENDIX.
tians. Bigotry and oppression will wither from amongst
us. A parental government, now held out to us, will
compensate for centuries of misrule. We will plant in
our native land the constitutional tree of liberty. That
noble tree will prosper and flourish in our green and
fertile country. It will extend its protecting branches
all over this lovely island. Beneath its sweet and
sacred shade, the universal people of Ireland, Catholics,
and Protestants, and Presbyterians, and Dissenters of
every class, will sit in peace, and union, and tranquillity.
Commerce and trade will flourish ; industry will be
rewarded ; and the people, contented and happy, will
see Old Ireland — what she ought to be,
Great, glorious, and free,
First flower of the earth, first gem of the sea.
Believe me, beloved friends, to be your devoted Servant,
DANIEL O'CONNELL,
Of the Order of Liberators.
A Proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant- General
and Governor of Ireland.
ANGLESEY.
Whereas, in certain counties in this part of the
United Kingdom, meetings of large numbers of his
Majesty's subjects have been lately held, consisting of
persons both on foot and on horseback, coming together
from various and distant parts and places, acting in
concert and under the command of leaders, and assum-
ing the appearance of military array and discipline, or
APPENDIX. CXC111
exhibiting other marks and symbols of illegal concert
and union, to the great danger of the public peace, and
to the well-founded terror and dread of his Majesty's
peaceable and well-disposed subjects ;
And whereas we have received information that, in
other parts, certain persons have been passing through
the country, provoking and exciting the assemblage of
large bodies of people, for no purpose known to the
law, to the great terror of his Majesty's subjects, and
the endangering of the public peace and safety ;
And whereas the meeting and assembling together in
such numbers, and in such manner as aforesaid, and
thereby occasioning such dread and terror, and endan-
gering the public peace, is a manifest offence and an
open breach of the law, and such unlawful assemblies
ought therefore to be suppressed and put down ;
And whereas many well-affected but unwary persons
may be seduced by divers specious pretences given out
for the holding of such assemblies, and in ignorance of
the law, to frequent the same;
We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-general and
General-governor of Ireland, being resolved to suppress
and put down such illegal meetings, and to prevent the
recurrence thereof, have thought fit to issue this procla-
mation, solemnly and strictly warning all his Majesty's
liege subjects from henceforth to discontinue the
holding or attending any such meetings or assemblies
as aforesaid ; and do charge and earnestly exhort them, to
the utmost of their power, to discountenance all meetings
and assemblies of a similar nature, and thereby to pre-
vent the dangers and mischief consequent on the same ;
VOL. ii. n
CXC1V APPENDIX.
and being determined and resolved strictly to enforce
the law, and the penalties thereof, against persons
offending in the premises, do charge and command all
sheriffs, mayors, justices of the peace, and all other
magistrates, officers, and others whom it may concern,
to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the law,
in preventing such meetings and assemblies from being
held, and in the effectual dispersion and suppression of
the same, and in the detection and protection of those
who, after this notice, shall offend in respects afore-
said.
Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, this 30th
day of September, 1828.
By his Majesty's command,
F. L. GOWER.
No. XXVIII.
AMERICAN ASSOCIATIONS, &c.
At a Meeting held at Harmony Hall, New York,
July 6, 1826, the following resolutions were unani-
mously agreed to : — •
That the persons assembled at this meeting form
themselves into a society, for the three following pur-
poses : — 1st, The establishment of a rent, in order to
co-operate the more effectually with those illustrious in-
dividuals in Ireland, who are desirous to accomplish the
emancipation of their country. — 2nd, To give efficient ex-
pression to our sympathy for the oppressed, and our in-
APPENDIX. CXCV
dignation at the conduct of the oppressors.— 3rd, To ad-
dress the free and enlightened nations of the earth on
the subject of Ireland's wrongs and England's intole-
rance— to proclaim to them that the enemy of religious
toleration must be inimical to the universal law of na-
tions.
ROBERT SWANTON, Chairman.
At a meeting of the friends of Ireland, convened
agreeably to public notice, held on Friday evening the
1st of August, 1828, at the Masonic Hall, Broadway,
Dr. Macnevin was called to the chair, and
James Shea was appointed secretary ;
The chairman explained the object of calling the
meeting, with a eulogium on the patriotism and public
spirit displayed by the Irish forty- shilling freeholders
at the late general election in Ireland — whereupon it
was unanimously
Resolved, That in the boldness of the forty-shilling
freeholders of Ireland, so independently exemplified at
the late election of representatives to parliament, we
discover with high satisfaction a new evidence that Ire-
land is not deficient in the materials for forming a great
people: the men who have conquered their dictating
landlords^have subdued the most powerful of their ene-
mies ; — they who have dared under the apprehension of
a persecution scarcely endurable to oppose their would-
be-masters, have undoubtedly the courage to resist ty-
ranny whencesoever it may come. The stern honesty
of the forty-shilling freeholder gives assurance, on which
we may rely, that at no very distant day his virtue will
be rewarded by the regeneration of his country.
CXCV1 APPENDIX.
Resolved, That an Association be immediately formed,
to be styled "The Association of the Friends of Ireland,
in the city of New York."
Resolved, That a committee of shall be appointed
to draft such rules as may be necessary for the regulation
of the Association now formed, and report the same to
a general meeting, to be called by said committee, as
soon as convenient.
The blank was then filled with the following names ;
viz. Dr. Macnevin, Judge Swan ton, Counsellor O'Con-
nor, John Doyle, and James Shea.
Resolved, That the chairman be requested to write an
opening address for the Association.
Resolved, That a list be taken of the names of indi-
viduals now present, wishing to become members of the
Association — whereupon about one hundred names were
recorded.
JAMES SHEA, Secretary.
Boston, 1828.
At the semi-annual public meeting of -the Hibernian
Relief Society, held at Boylston Hall, on Monday even-
ing, 6th inst., the following resolutions, offered by the
Rev. Mr. Byrne, were unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That a special meeting of the society be
on Monday evening, the 20th inst.
Resolved, That a remittance be made to the Catholic
Association in Dublin, by the packet of the 1st of No-
vember, or sooner, if convenient, after the special meet-
ing.
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed
APPENDIX. CXCV11
to examine the treasurer's accounts, and report at the
special meeting the amount of the society's funds, after
deducting what may be due for expenses.
llesolved, That the names of all the members who
shall have paid all their assessments, be transmitted with
the remittance.
Resolved, That donations be received, as well from
members as from others who wish to aid the people of
Ireland in their struggles for civil and religious li-
berty.
Resolved, That the said donation be acknowledged,
by having the name of each donor, and the amount given
by him, published in one or more of the Boston news-
papers.
Resolved, That a separate list of the names of donors
be transmitted to Ireland, and the amount given by each
annexed to his name.
Resolved, That the trustees be requested to exert
themselves in procuring donations, and also in calling
upon members who may be in arrears to pay in their
assessments.
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to
draw up an address or letter to accompany our remit-
tance, and congratulating Daniel O'Connell upon his
election to Parliament, and that such letter or address
be read at the special meeting.
Resolved, That the said special meeting shall be a
public one, and that all donations there received shall
be recorded and announced from the chair.
Committees were then appointed agreeably to the
above resolutions.
CXCV111 APPENDIX.
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
An Association of persons of all nations, and without
distinction of creed or party, has been formed for the
sole purpose of aiding the people of Ireland in the re-
covery of their civil and religious liberties. They have
taken upon themselves the title of " The Association of
the Friends of Ireland in New York." They deem it of
importance to address you as freemen, as Christians,
and as the promoters of liberal principles, in behalf of
that people who may justly claim your notice, your sym-
pathy, and your assistance. Their subject is the en-
slavement of a people possessing, in common with your-
selves, consciousness of right, sensibility to injustice,
and a deep conviction of the cruelty of that oppression
which would devise and enforce laws to bind the con-
science in matters of religious belief, which would de-
prive man of his political privileges, for asserting his
mental independence.
Americans ! people of the United States ! we call
upon you by all those endearing ties which bind man
to his brother : by those obligations which are esteemed
the most sacred among the most enlightened nations : in
the name of that divine charity which directs the sen-
sibilities of the heart beyond the limits of home : we
call upon you in the spirit of true Christianity, which
extends its benevolence to all men : by that enlarged
sense of gratitude which delights to acknowledge sa-
crifices and benefits : we call upon you to extend your
pecuniary aid to the cause of civil and religious liberty
in Ireland. Her people ask your aid — not as a favour,
APPENDIX. CXC1X
but as a right. They are your brothers, and cannot
justly be denied : they have claims upon your gratitude :
they are entitled to your assistance : they are oppressed
by harsh and illiberal laws, and they appeal to you as to
a people who, by the peculiar felicity of your fortunes,
are constituted the arbiters between the oppressor and
the oppressed — are placed conspicuous among nations,
as the preservers and dispensers of free principles.
Their fathers have fought and bled side by side with
your fathers — have died \vith them to obtain for you
that liberty which you now enjoy. May the debt
which you owed to the fathers, be now paid to the
children !
The services of Irishmen have been pre-eminent where-
soever the standard of freedom hath been unfurled to
the breeze. Alas ! their exertions have only been un-
successful in emancipating their own land ! On the
plains of revolutionary France ; on the wild pampas of
Peru ; amid the dark defiles of the snow-clad Andes ;
upon the island shores of classic Greece, they have
proved their devotion to the rights of man — they have
sealed with their blood their covenant with freedom.
Thus, far from their own green isle, they have died for
strangers ; — and their bones now whiten in the sun on
fields where the glory of dying in the cause of universal
emancipation, was their incentive to exertion ; where
the hope that their sacrifices would be remembered by
the world in favour of their native land, when her call
for assistance should go forth, was at once their reward
and their consolation.
But especially have Irishmen aided in obtaining and
preserving the liberties of that country whose cordial
CC APPENDIX.
reception and generous protection have almost repaid
them for the loss of their own. In that memorable
revolution which conferred upon these United States
independence and glory, power and prosperity — for
their bravery, their fortitude, and their incorruptible
constancy, Irishmen were not surpassed even by native
Americans. The venerable Ramsay has published to
the world in his elegant history of that revolution, that
then " Irishmen were famous, but the sons of Irishmen
were conspicuous."
We deem it unnecessary to enumerate those brave
and gifted men whom Ireland sent to the aid of your
fathers during that momentous struggle against tyranny,
or to dwell upon their exploits. We address you as an
intelligent people. We appeal with confidence to your
knowledge of the brightest pages which history pre-
sents ; of those which describe the battles, the suffer-
ings and the sacrifices of your brave fathers and their
equally brave compatriots, during that glorious war.
Come forward, then, and declare your knowledge of
that history, and the estimation in which you hold those
services, by assisting the children of those Irishmen to
break the degrading chains which oppress their consci-
ences and confine their minds. Contribute to the sacred
fund of this Association ; enable the forty- shilling free-
holders of Ireland to avail themselves of that import-
ant franchise secured by the act of Union. The time is
auspicious ; the only danger will arise from delays.
Greece had claims upon your sympathy — Ireland hath
demands upon your justice. Assist her peasantry to
maintain their rightful advantage against the local
aristocrats, and the slave-drivers of the absentees ; and
APPENDIX. CCl
an event, unparalleled in the annals of the world, shall
occur — a revolution conferring the blessings of tolera-
tion, and all the immunities that gave value to exist-
ence, upon seven millions of people, without the shed-
ding of blood, and without the dismemberment of an
empire !
Ireland is, at length, united for this great purpose.
Her unity is what her oppressors have ever dreaded — it
is irresistible. It frustrates the secret operations of
their dividing system. Come forward, people of free
America ! and by aiding with your accustomed liberality
a cause in which all good men, without distinction of
sect, country, or party, must agree, share in the eternal
glory of giving civil and religious freedom — not to any
set or party, but to your fellow-men — to immortal beings
like yourselves — to the people of Ireland.
Published by order of the Association of " The
Friends of Ireland in New York."
WM. J. MACNEVIN, President.
ADDRESS TO THE FRENCH.
(Translated from the Courier des Etats Unis.)
The friends of Ireland, desirous of aiding by their
countenance and contributions the efforts now making
in Ireland for the attainment of civil and religious
liberty, still denied to its Catholic inhabitants, re-
spectfully acquaint their French fellow-citizens that an
association of persons of liberal principles, of all nations,
has been formed with that sole object.
The people of France, for ages past, have been the
generous friends and benefactors of the Irish, whom re-
CC11 APPENDIX.
ligious persecution tore from their native homes. In
France they found a country : its hospitality was ever
open to them ; and though no nation possesses more
talent, valour, and great qualities of its own, the Irish
were always admitted without jealousy or reluctance to
civil and military employments, and to all sorts of pre-
ferment under the government of France. With these
facts in our memory, and engraven on our hearts, we
cannot, without inconsistency and an appearance of in-
gratitude, to which we are strangers, pass over in silence
our French brethren on this interesting occasion. The
French enjoy liberty, and love it ; they hate oppression,
and can appreciate the political exertions of Ireland,
and sympathise with her wrongs. We flatter ourselves
too that Frenchmen entertain gratifying recollections of
the return made by Irishmen, at all times, for the asy-
lum they received ; proving themselves gallant in war,
faithful in peace, deserving the entire confidence with
which they were always honoured by their generous and
kind friends. It is for this we address them. — To be-
come a member of the Association it is only requisite
to sign the constitution, pay one dollar initiation, and
twelve and a half cents per month. Its meetings are
held at Tammany Hall, one every Wednesday evening.
WM. J. MACNEVIN, President.
New York.
THE ADDRESS OF THE LADIES OF MARYLAND TO
THE FEMALES OF THE UNITED STATES.*
At a momentous period, when all the civilised world
turns with interest and astonishment to view the strug-
* This address was drawn up by a patriotic lady of Maryland.
APPENDIX. CC111
gle of seven millions of people for their legal rights —
at a moment when so many hands are raised in suppli-
cation, and so many hearts breathe their prayers, to
obtain from the Lord of Hosts an emancipation from a
bondage the most galling, shall we remain unconcerned
spectators, while a generous feeling pervades the minds
of all patriots? — No, beloved sisters, it shall never be
said, that humanity and Christian benevolence have per-
vaded our bosoms! — it shall never be said, that women,
in whose hearts " tender compassion ever loves to
dwell," shall remain deaf to the voice of misfortune, in
its most distressing forms ! Shall we, dwelling in this
region of happiness and peace, forget our fellow-crea-
tures in a foreign land, bound to some of us all by the
common laws of nature ; the children of the same Al-
mighty Father, whom we are all enjoined to assist, by
the holy precept of the same Divine Redeemer, " to
love our neighbour as ourselves ?" — To you, daughters
of Columbia, I need not expatiate on political motives ;
to you, it is sufficient to recall to your memory, that
some of our most eminent patriots, that some of our
bravest defenders during the glorious struggle for our
independence, were natives of Ireland— that Ireland,
the land of the brave, the land of oppressed humanity,
the land of hospitality, and of all the virtues religion
inspires ! — that land whose suffering inhabitants I solicit
you to assist, by all the just claims they have on your
most grateful feelings, for their blood freely shed in the
hour of peril, and the enthusiastic devotedness they
have ever evinced for the country of their adoption.
Dear to them are the gifts received from the hands of
CC1V APPENDIX.
freemen of all nations and of all creeds ; but dearer
and sweeter shall be the offerings of female tenderness
on the altar of freedom.
Daughters of all the nations of the earth, residing in
these happy states, on you we call ! on you who, blessed
with the advantages of health and education, can so
well contribute by the sacrifice of some useless purchase.
To you, whose daily labour supplies your daily wants,
we call to spare one mite, which, like " the widow's
mite," will be more appreciated " than all that was
before cast into the treasury." Blessed with the appro-
bation of your conscience, delightful will be the recol-
lection, that for a trifling sacrifice of your pleasures, or
your conveniences, you will have contributed to the
happiness of thousands. You will have been the in-
struments in the hands of Divine Providence to aid in
effecting the emancipation of a nation, of whom may
we soon exclaim, in the energetic language of Curran,
" that she stands redeemed, regenerated, and disen-
thralled, by the genius of universal emancipation."
Daughters of Erin, on you more particularly do we
call, to perform the sacred duty of tendering your heart-
felt gifts to the beloved land of your nativity; — that dear
native soil, to which memory turns with delight, the
scene of all your early joys and purest pleasures ! Cold
indeed and insensible must be the heart that can forget
it, and unworthy of her country must she be who
heeds not her call in the crisis of her destiny ! Yet,
what do we say ? Shall your hearts alone vibrate to the
hallowed appeal I No ; those ties bind other hearts, as
tenderly, as truly as your own ! Never shall the widow
APPENDIX. CCV
cease to remember that the loved and lamented partner
of her youth was a native of the Emerald Isle. Shall
then the descendant of an Irish family forget the
affinity which connects her with the sages, the orators,
the poets, the noble peasantry, whose patriotism and
long-suffering reflect honour on their kindred and
their names ? with the modest daughters of that
" sweetest gem of the ocean," whose charms and ex-
emplary virtues adorn the lowly cottage as well as the
splendid hall? No, sisters; united in one common cause,
we shall make no distinction of country or religion ; no
prejudices or political opinions shall sway us ; one
heart-felt impulse shall alone animate us — the duties of
humanity and the delights of benevolence. Behold
where New York exhibits to our view the names of
many females inscribed on the proud records of those
freemen, who unite their efforts in the cause of civil
and religious liberty ! Shall we (some of whom have
subscribed for the glorious cause of Greece) refuse or
neglect our brethren, whose integrity of conscience has
alone reduced them to a state of misery and degrada-
tion for so many centuries ? Shall we be excelled by a
sex whom nature has not endowed with. that tender
sensibility which characterises our own ? No ; let the
tribute of compassion and sympathy be paid in each
city, in each village, of this happy country ; the most
trifling offering will be accepted. — Should our circum-
stances fortunately enable us to give bountifully, for
" the Lord loveth the cheerful giver," let us hasten to
present it. Are our means straitened, let us bestow
the mite our poverty allows us, and be the amount ap-
plied as the donor shall direct for the benefit of Ireland.
CCV1 APPENDIX.
Daughters of every clime, Christians of every sect,
we conjure you, arise! in the name of Heaven, religion,
and humanity, arise ! with all the tender sympathies
of your nature, and pour into the treasury of benevo-
lence those offerings most acceptable to the Lord of
Hosts, the free gifts of hearts warm with generous feel-
ings, who evince their veneration for their Creator by
" loving their neighbours as themselves." We ask not
to be enrolled on the records that shall proclaim to a
grateful people the names of their friends and bene-
factors : be our offerings only accepted — the approbation
of our own hearts, the benedictions of our fellow-beings,
in the "sweetest isle of the ocean," and the glad tidings
of her glorious emancipation shall be our most valued
reward.
O ! may Heaven prosperously grant, that the same
feelings which animate our hearts, may inspire you to
unite in the performance of this sacred duty ! — May the
pious and grateful prayers of the orphans and widows
you will assist, of the millions whose cause you will
advocate, ascend to the throne of the Most High, and
may his blessings descend on you as you fulfil his divine
injunctions ! ! !
These addresses were followed by the formation of
associations, at Charleston, Sept. 16th ; Savannah,
Sept. 17th, 1828; at Washington, Sept. 27th; at
Brooklyn, Oct. 7th ; at Quebec, Augusta, Kingston
in Upper Canada, Norfolk in Virginia, Louisville in
Kentucky, Maryland, and at Bardstown in Kentucky,
in the month of November. These Associations were
rapidly extending, and all actuated by the same views
APPENDIX. CCV11
— the collection of pecuniary aid, and rousing the sym-
pathy of every friend of freedom in the cause of Ireland.
The lively interest which they appear to have taken in
the affairs of this country, has been more than once
evinced by the admirable advice and co-operation
tendered in their spirited addresses (such for example
as those from New York, Charleston, and the city of
Augusta) to the Catholic people of Ireland. The dis-
cussions upon the first presentation of these documents
at the Catholic Association were, it may be recollected,
violent and protracted ; and from the cautious policy
which the Catholics were compelled to pursue, neces-
sarily opposed to a public testimony of their gratitude
as a formal act of their body. Subsequently there was
less difficulty ; and in the case of the address of the city
of Augusta, a vote of thanks was, through the inde-
fatigable and patriotic exertions of Mr. Stephen Cop-
pinger, passed, and transmitted through their chairman,
Mr. Wyse, to Major-general Montgomerie, who pre-
sided at the meeting at Augusta, and to the Right
Reverend Dr. England.*
* The following is a copy of the resolution :
" That as the sympathy of the generous and the free must ever be a
source of consolation and of hope to the victims of persecution in every
country and in every clime, we should consider ourselves unworthy of that
sympathy from any portion of the civilised world, did we not hail, with the
liveliest sentiments of affection and gratitude, the kind and noble indica-
tions of this feeling, evinced in our behalf in the able, powerful, and lumi-
nous address to the Catholic Association of Ireland, adopted by the dis-
tinguished friends of civil and religious liberty, who assembled in the city
of Augusta, in the State of Georgia, on the 2nd of April, 1827 ; and that
we hereby present to them the warmest tribute of our heartfelt thanks, as
well for this address, as for the enlightened sentiments which pervaded the
meeting at which it was adopted. And while we are convinced that ia
CCV111 APPENDIX.
NEW YORK.
The Association of the Friends of Civil and Religious
Liberty, and of the Friends of Ireland in New York,
To DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ. M. P.
Sir,
By us patriotism is marked amongst the most exalted
of human virtues ; and every practical example it affords
of usefulness or well-merited zeal, attracts our undi-
vided attention and admiration. With approving sym-
pathy we have long witnessed your strenuous efforts in
the service of a wronged country. The lofty ardour,
the untiring perseverance, the discretion and magna-
nimity, which have characterised your labours, encourage
the hope that your exertions will yet be rewarded with
success.
Impartial observers of the tyranny which has so long
enchained unhappy Ireland, we can scarcely give ade-
quate expression to the indignation with which it has
inspired us : we have beheld that tyranny supporting
itself by cruel discord and extortion ; by extinguishing
rights and paralysing industry; by annihilating com-
merce, and reducing its victims to imbecility; then
despoiling her legislative assemblies, and tauntingly
forcing on her the livery of a province. A crisis,
however, approaches ; the hour of Ireland's redemption
thus giving expression to the emotions by which the members of this Asso-
ciation are actuated, we but touch a chord that vibrates in unison with the
grateful feelings of eight millions of Irish Catholics. We cannot but con-
template the increased and increasing interest which our situation and suf-
ferings are already exciting on the other side of the Atlantic, as a sure,
and perhaps not distant, forerunner of brighter and happier days for Ire-
land."
APPENDIX. CC1X
is at hand ; the eyes of enlightened nations are fixed
upon you and your companions ; recede not a single
step ; cement your strength and your purposes ; and
though still religiously preserving the most inviolable
tranquillity, let not your vigilance relax until the minions
of corruption abandon their machinations in despair.
Yes, Sir, we approve of your exertions, and admire
your talents ; but the principles you have promulgated
in your speeches and writings, are eminently more
worthy of our praise. You have, Sir, proclaimed,
that your efforts, and those of the Catholic Association,
are not designed exclusively for a sect, but extend to
all denominations of men. Yours is not a theological
controversy, as your enemies would represent it ; you
have indignantly denied the calumny ; you labour for
Dissenters as well as Catholics ; and we were rejoiced
to perceive, that the proudest and most successful of
your labours was a convincing illustration of this prin-
ciple ; for the course pursued by the Catholic electors
of Clare was intended to manifest their disapprobation
of Mr. Fitzgerald's illiberality towards their dissenting
countrymen. Again, we say, proceed ; while your
conduct is marked by such principles, every enlightened
friend of his species must ardently wish you success.
Circumstances auspicious to your cause are multiplying
in every portion of the globe — happy combinations of
events are daily arising to aid your hopes. Look far to
the east, and to the west, and immediately around you,
and feel confident of success. Let the hopes of your
nation revive.
Amidst the gloom that has so long lowered over
VOL, II. O
CCX APPENDIX.
Ireland, perhaps it may be no inconsiderable consolation
to you and your countrymen to. know, that millions of
honest and intrepid freemen in this republic regard
your condition and your struggles with the highest
degree of interest. Public opinion in America is deep,
and strong, and universal, in your behalf. This predi-
lection prevails over the broad bosom of our extensive
continent. Associations similar to ours are every where
starting into existence — in our largest and wealthiest
cities — in our hamlets and our villages — in our most
remote sections ; and at this moment, the propriety of
convening at Washington, delegates of the friends of
Ireland of all the States, is under serious deliberation.
A fund will ere long be derived from American
patriotism in the United States, which will astonish
your haughtiest opponents. It is our ardent hope that
you will continue to preserve the steady purpose in
which you have been so long engaged. A sublime
trust is reposed in you ; a question of surprising interest
is consigned to your care. You enjoy the confidence of
your countrymen ; you consequently possess a com-
manding influence over their deeds. May you ever
exercise this influence with fidelity and effect ; with an
uncompromising regard for human rights ; with a firm
allegiance to the cause of liberty ; and a never-ceasing
hostility to bigots, factionists, and exclusionists, whether
of Protestant or Catholic complexion!
WM. J. MACNEVIN, President.
New York, Jan. 20, 1829.
APPENDIX. CCXl
•
No. XXIX.
Documents read in the course of the Duke of Welling-
ton's Reply to the Marquess of Anglesey in the
House of Lords, May 4, 1829.
I. — Lord Anglesey to the Duke of Wellington.
(EXTRACT.) September 24, 1828.
I have known for a considerable time, and a recent
communication has strongly corroborated the fact, that
the Catholic question may be adjusted at this moment
with more facility (upon as good terms, and with as little
opposition), on the part both of the bishops and the
agitators, than at any other period. I have reason to
feel confident that the bishops would be satisfied with
very fair terms, in respect to their nomination ; that
they would only very feebly oppose the payment of the
Catholic clergy ; and that even upon the much more
difficult subject of the forty-shilling freeholders there
would only be little resistance.
II.— The Duke of Wellington to Lord Anglesey.
My dear Lord Anglesey,
I have, equally with my colleagues, seen three letters
which you have written to Mr. Peel on the Roman
Catholic question. 1 have laid one of them before the
King ; the other two he has not seen yet, as his Majesty
has been unwell ; and no immediate necessity existed
for laying them before him. But I will lay them be-
CCX11 APPENDIX.
fore the King as soon as he shall be sufficiently well for
me to speak to him upon a subject, of which he never
hears nor never thinks without being disturbed by it.
I have not written to you on this subject, because I had
nothing to tell you. As an individual member of par-
liament, I never will support what is called Catholic
emancipation till it shall be brought forward by the
government, as government, in a shape to satisfy me
that the arrangement proposed will secure the interests
of the state. In these I include the church of England.
As the King's servant, I, equally with all the servants
whom his Majesty has had in his service since the
year 1810 — that is, the commencement of the unre-
stricted regency — am bound not to act in this question
as the King's minister. The late Mr. Canning em-
bodied in a memorandum, which I have seen, and which
was communicated to the members of his government,
that which was before that time understood.
From this statement you will see that the first step
of all is to reconcile the King's mind to an arrangement.
Till that should be done, I should deceive myself, or the
person to whom I should address myself, by talking
about it at all.
I think, likewise, that I should give just grounds for
suspicion to his Majesty, and his servants, and to the
Protestants of the empire in general, with whom after
all the difficulty of the question rests, if I were to dis-
cuss with the Roman Catholic clergy, or the dema-
gogues of the Roman Catholic Association, a plan to
be submitted by the government to parliament for the
adjustment of this question.
APPENDIX. CCX111
You see the preliminary difficulties attending it ; and
I must add, that all those attending the question exist
here. These are of a nature quite distinct from those
existing in Ireland. Some are of opinion that the diffi-
culties in Ireland will be got the better of by the adjust-
ment of the question. I doubt it. But whether this
will be the result or not, it is quite clear that nothing
can be done now : — that our affair now, and indeed in
Ireland always will be, to preserve the peace, and to
insure the loyalty and good-will of all his Majesty's sub-
jects, by protecting the lives and properties of all.
Ever yours, &c.
(Signed) WELLINGTON.
III. — Lord Anglesey to Mr. Peel.
July 26th, 1828.
If I should fortunately be enabled, by the advice and
warnings I give, to keep this country in a quiet state
for a little time longer — if the Association should cease
to agitate, and there were to be any thing like an
appearance of moderation — I most seriously conjure you
to signify an intention of taking the state of Ireland into
consideration in the first days of the next session of par-
liament.
IV.— The Duke of Wellington to Dr. Curtis.
London, Dec. llth, 1828.
My dear Sir,
I have received your letter of the 4th instant, and I
CCX1V APPENDIX.
assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am
sincerely anxious to witness a settlement of the Roman
Catholic question, which, by benefiting the state, would
confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it.
But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settle-
ment. Party has been mixed up with the consideration
of the question to such a degree, and such violence
pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to
expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassion-
ately.
If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and
employ that time diligently in the consideration of its
difficulties on all sides (for they are very great), I should
not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy.
Believe me, my dear Sir,
Ever your most faithful humble Servant,
(Signed) WELLINGTON.
V. — Letter of the Marquess of Anglesey to
Dr. Curtis.
Phoenix Park, Dec. 23rd, 1828.
Most Reverend Sir,
I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 22nd, covering that which you received from the
Duke of Wellington of the llth instant, together with
a copy of your answer to it.
I thank you for the confidence you have reposed in
me.
Your letter gives me information upon a subject of
the highest interest. I did not know the precise sen-
APPENDIX. CCXV
timents of the Duke of Wellington upon the present
state of the Catholic question.
Knowing it, I shall venture to offer my opinion upon
the course that it behoves the Catholics to pursue.
Perfectly convinced that the final and cordial settle^
ment of this great question can alone give peace, har-
mony, and prosperity, to all classes of his Majesty's sub-
jects in this kingdom, I must acknowledge my dis-
appointment on learning that there is no prospect of its
being effected during the ensuing session of parliament.
I, however, derive some consolation from observing that
his Grace is not wholly adverse to the measure ; for, if
he can be induced to promote it, he, of all men, will
have the greatest facility to carry it into effect.
If I am correct in this opinion, it is obviously most
important that the Duke of Wellington should be pro-
pitiated ; that no obstacle that can by possibility be
avoided should be thrown in his way; that all personal
and offensive insinuations should be suppressed ; and
that ample allowance should be made for the difficulties
of his situation.
Difficult it certainly is, for he has to overcome the
very strong prejudices and the interested motives of
many persons of the highest influence, as well as to
allay the real alarms of many of the more ignorant Pro-
testants.
I differ from the opinion of the Duke, that an attempt
should be made to " bury in oblivion " the question for
a short time — first, because the thing is utterly impos-
sible ; and next, because, if the thing were possible, I
fear that advantage might be taken of the pause, by
CCXV1 APPENDIX.
representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent
reaction, and by proclaiming that if the government at
once and peremptorily decided against concession, the
Catholics would cease to agitate,* and then all the
miseries of the last years of Ireland will be to be re-
acted.
,What I do recommend is, that the measure should not
be for a moment lost sight of; — that all anxiety should
continue to be manifested ; — that all constitutional (iu
contradistinction to merely legal) means should be re-
sorted to, to forward the cause ; — but that, at the same
time, the most patient forbearance, the most submissive
obedience to the laws, should be inculcated ; — that no
personal and offensive language should be held towards
those who oppose the claims.
Personality offers no advantage ; it effects no good :—
on the contrary, it offends ; and confirms predisposed
aversion. Let the Catholic trust to the justice of his
cause— to the growing liberality of mankind. Unfortu-
nately, he has lost some friends, and fortified his ene-
mies, within the last six months, by unmeasured and
unnecessary violence. He will soonest recover from the
* I was literally inaccurate in imagining and asserting that the word
agitate did not occur in the letter ; hut I was substantially and logically
correct in saying, that I did not recommend the Catholics to agitate.
Where that word occurs, it is put into the mouth of their enemies, who
are supposed, in a certain contingency, to be taunting and reproaching
them.
I do not say, " I advise you to agitate ;" but I say, " if you are quite
silent, your enemiei (who describe your fair and constitutional exertions
by the word agitation, meant iu an offensive sense) will cryv out, that you
have ceased to agitate, because they have been/firm and peremptory." — A.
APPENDIX. CCXV11
present stagnation of his fortunes, by showing more
temper, and by trusting to the legislature for redress.
Brute force, he should be assured, can effect nothing.
It is the legislature that must decide this great question ;
and my greatest anxiety is, that it shall be met by the
parliament under the most favourable circumstances,
and that the opposers of Catholic emancipation shall be
disarmed by the patient forbearance as well as by the
unwearied perseverance of its advocates.
My warm anxiety to promote the general interests of
this country, is the motive that has induced me to give
an opinion, and to offer advice.
I have the honour, &c.
(Signed) ANGLESEY.
To the Most Rev. Dr. Curtis, &c.
VI. — Letter of the Most Reverend Dr. Curtis, in answer
to the preceding of the Marquess of Anglesey.*
Drogheda, Dec. 25, 1828.
My Lord,
I have this moment the honour of receiving your
Excellency's letter of the 23rd inst. returning to me his
Grace the Duke of Wellington's communications, and
conveying your own admirable, kind, and patriotic sen-
timents on the Catholic question, with most friendly
advice concerning the proper means to be adopted for
promoting that cause, and for sedulously avoiding such
violent measures, as have already injured, and may, if
not corrected, eventually ruin it.
* This letter has never before been printed.
CCXVlll APPENDIX.
Vouchsafe, my Lord, to accept my unfeigned thanks
for this excess of condescension, and real goodness of
heart, of which I find no precedent at all similar in any
Chief Governor that this ill-fated country has ever before
had ; but I am peculiarly grateful for so extraordinary
a mark of your Excellency's confidence reposed in me,
which shall not be deceived or disappointed, but end by
a suitable return of fidelity and attentive caution.
I have, however, taken the liberty (which I confide
your Excellency will approve) of communicating the
purport of your letter (as I had of the Duke of Welling-
ton's) to my chief confidential friend and confrere, the
Most Rev. Doctor Murray, R. C., Bishop of Dublin,
whom I have always found to be a most capable, safe, and
pious prelate, and the best qualified I know for aiding
me to induce the popular leaders of the Roman Catholic
body, and others, in and out of the Catholic Association,
to pursue a more moderate course of proceeding than
they had sometimes hitherto done, and thereby caused,
as they well know, no small pain to Dr. Murray and to
me.
I hope I may not be considered as obtrusive in taking
the liberty humbly to recommend that worthy and
amiable prelate to your Excellency's notice, should any
thing occur, on the present or any future occasion, in
which his co-operation might be considered useful ; — for
all such purposes, as indeed for every thing else, Dr.
Murray would be, not only more at hand, but much
more efficient than I could be, that am sinking under a
weight of years to the grave.
I was really astonished, and cannot as yet conceive,
APPENDIX. CCX1X
how your Excellency, overwhelmed with so many im-
portant affairs, could possibly find time, or submit to the
trouble of writing with your own hand the long letter
I have just been honoured with ; so remarkable for its
solidity and prudent benevolence, that I am confident
that even the warmest Catholic agitators, if they heard
it read, would gratefully acquiesce with me in every
syllable it contains ; even independently of your Excel-
lency's assurances of personal attachment to the Catholic
cause, with which they would necessarily be delighted
beyond description ; for, in effect, your sentiments are
so highly favourable, that I could not wish them, nor
could they possibly be more so, unless your Excel-
lency became an ultra partisan of the cause, and con-
sequently incapable of rendering it any real service in
your present elevated station.
I have the honour to remain, with the utmost respect
and sincere gratitude,
My Lord,
Your Excellency's most obedient
and most humble servant,
(Signed) P. CURTIS.
To hisExcellency the Marquess of Anglesey,
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, &c. &c. &c.
CCXX APPENDIX.
No. XXX.
BRUNSWICK CLUBS.
I. — Dublin University Brunswick Club.*
At a meeting held at Morrison's Rooms, on Friday,
the 7th instant, pursuant to resolution of the 28th ult.,
to form a Brunswick Constitutional Club of the Gradu-
ates of the University of Dublin, Dr. Hodgkinson, Vice-
Provost, having been unavoidably detained during the
early part of the day, the chair was taken in his ab-
sence by
LORD VISCOUNT CASTLEMAINE.
Previous to the business of the day, it was moved by
Colonel Irwin, A. B., and seconded by Joseph Napier,
Esq. A. M.—
That, as a proper preliminary to the regular proceed-
ings of the day, the meeting do express their heart-felt
gratitude to the Rev. Charles Boyton, for his manly
and constitutional conduct in having aroused, not only
* The meeting here alluded to, is selected from the many which had
previously been established in almost every part of Ireland, being in its
nature and means of support most calculated to influence the future desti-
nies of Ireland. In the very wide extension of these pernicious sources
of private feud and animosities of the most uncharitable character, it may
be remarked, that the city of Waterford formed an almost solitary and truly
honourable exception, notwithstanding the attempts which were made to
introduce such a system of irritation and bad feeling,
APPENDIX. CCXX1
the Protestant spirit of the University, but of the whole
country.
The following resolution then passed unanimously :
1st Resolution, — Proposed by the Venerable Arch-
deacon of Lismore, seconded by the Rev. Marcus Beres-
ford—
That the graduates of the University of Dublin feel
themselves called on to unite, at the present important
crisis, not from any principle of offence, but solely for
defence ; and that it is the bounden duty of every gradu-
ate of the University to stand fearlessly forward in de-
fence of that church which the University was esta-
blished to support — in defence of those laws, the dis-
pensers of which that University was established to
provide, and in defence of that religion, which that
University was established to inculcate and disseminate.
2nd Resolution,— Proposed by Robert M'Loughlin,
Esq., A.B., seconded by Charles Lendrick,Esq., L.L.D.,
and M.D.—
That a society be now formed, entitled the Bruns-
wick Constitutional Club of the Graduates of the Uni-
versity of Dublin ; the principles of the club to be such
as necessarily flow from a determination to preserve our
Protestant constitution, and maintain the Protestant
institutions of the country in their present integrity.
3rd Resolution, — Proposed by George Moore, Esq.,
L L.D., and M.P., seconded by the Rev. T. P. Magee,
L.L.D.—
That all graduates of the University not amenable
to college discipline, as well as all others, become such
by their ad eundem privilege, who are now present, and
CCXXll APPENDIX.
who are willing to subscribe to the foregoing resolutions,
be admitted members of the club, on payment of a
subscription not less than half-a-guinea, nor more than
one guinea annually, in advance ; and that all graduates
who may hereafter wish to join the club shall be eligible
on the recommendation of three members.
4th Resolution, — Proposed by the Rev. J. Stack,
A. B., and F.T.C. D., seconded by William Kellock
Tatam, Esq., A.B.—
That his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland,
Chancellor of our University, and L.L.D., be requested
to become patron of the club.
5th Resolution, — Proposed by Frederick de Butts,
Esq., A. M., seconded by Richard Handcock, Esq.,
A. B., and M. P.—
That Francis Hodgkinson, Esq., L. L. D., and Vice-
Provost of our University, be requested to accept the
office of President of the club, and that the following
noblemen and gentlemen be requested to accept the
office of Vice- Presidents of the club : —
Earl of Enniskillen Rev. John Darley, A. B., and F. T.
Earl of Carrick C. D.
Viscount Castlemaine Venerable Archdeacon of Lismore
Lord Edward Chichester Rev. John Crostwaite, B. D.
Sir Edward Hayes, Bart. Rev. H. Maxwell, A. B.
Rev. George Millar, D. D. Sergeant Lefroy, L. L. D.
Rev. William Phelan, D.D. George Ogle Moore, Esq., L.L.D.,
Rev. Romney Robinson, D. D. and M. P.
Rev. T. P. Magee, L.L.D. Richard Handcock, Esq., A.B.,
Rev. J. C. Martin, A. M., and F.T. and M. P.
C. D. Edward Synge Cooper, Esq., A. B.,
Rev. Charles Boyton, A. M., and and M. P.
F.T. C. D. " Colonel Irwin, A. B.
Rev. J. B. Chapman, A. M., and Colonel Blacker, A. B.
F. T. C. D. Lieutenant-Colonel M'Alpine, A.B.
Rev. Joseph Stack, A. B., and F.T. Charles Lendrick, Esq., L. L. D.,
C.D. President of the College of
Physicians
APPENDIX. CCXXlll
That Henry Maxwell, Esq., A.B., and M.P., be ap-
pointed Secretary to the Club ; and the Rev. H. Cot-
tingham, A.M., Joseph Napier, Esq., A.M., W. K.
Tatam,, Esq., A B., and F. De Butts, Esq., A.M., be
appointed Assistant- Secretaries ; and that Richard C.
Martin, Esq., A. B., be appointed Treasurer; and that
the following gentlemen, together with the officers of
the club, do constitute the Committee of Manage-
ment : —
Rev. T. F. Knipe, A.M. J. C. Moutray, Esq. A.B.
E,ev. Marcus Beresford, A M. James Saunderson, Esq. A.B.
Rev. Prince Crawford, A.M. Oliver Nugent, Esq. A.B.
Rev. John Whitty, A.M. St. George Gray, Esq. A.B.
Rev. Irvine Whitty, A.M. R. Fox, Esq. A.B.
Rev. R. Ryan, A.B. Andrew Bell, Esq. A.B.
Rev. W. H. Halpin, A.B. Tliomas Dixon, Esq. A.B.
Rev. H. Vaughan, A.B. Thomas Luby, Esq. A.M.
Rev. A. J. Preston, A.B. W. Beatty, Esq. A.M. M.B.
Rev. J. II . Torrens, A.B. Richard Webb, Esq. A.B.
Rev. D. Thompson, A.M. John Dunlevie, Esq. A.B.
Lees Gifford, Esq. L.L.D. Robert Kelly, Esq. A.B.
William Maginn, Esq. L.L.D. E. John Smith, Esq. A.B.
Dixon Eccles, Esq. A.B.
II. — Orangemen of Ireland.
At a meeting of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, held
at 19, Dawson Street, on the 5th November and follow-
ing days, the Right Hon. the Earl of Enniskillen,
Deputy Grand-Master, in the chair —
The report of the committee having been read —
Resolved unanimously, That the following address to
the Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland be adopted,
immediately circulated : —
It is not less the interest than the duty of Protestants
CCXX1V APPENDIX.
to support, by every lawful means, the religious and
civil establishments of their country. By these the
honour of God and the happiness of man are most
effectually secured. In the present era, our religion is
menaced by the attacks of Popery and Infidelity, while
our constitution is assailed by faction and sedition.
Against the double danger the Orange institution
was formed, being so named in honour of King William
the Third, Prince of Orange, the illustrious champion
to whom Great Britain owes her deliverance from
thraldom, spiritual and political, the establishment of
the Protestant religion, and the inheritance of the Bruns-
wick throne.
We lay no claim to exclusive loyalty, or exclusive
Protestantism ; but no man, unless his creed be Pro-
testant, and his principles loyal, can associate with us.
We recognise no other exclusions. Our institution
receives, nay, solicits into its circle, every man whose
religion and character can stand these tests.
We reject also an intolerant spirit. It is a previous
qualification, without which the greatest and wealthiest
man would in vain seek our brotherhood, that he shall
be incapable of persecuting, injuring, or upbraiding any
one for his religious opinions ; but, on the contrary, that
he shall be disposed to aid and assist loyal subjects of
every religious persuasion, and to protect them from
violence and oppression. Such, and such only, are
the principles upon which the Orange institution was
founded, and upon which it has uniformly acted. Yet
our enemies have affected to consider our forms and
arrangements contrary to statutes which were enacted
APPENDIX. CCXXV
against treasonable and seditious societies. The spirit
of such statutes could by no ingenuity of perversion be
urged against the Orange institution ; but where the
most strained interpretation could question its legality,
the institution promptly complied, and disdained to
evade, even the letter of these statutes.
Our rules are open not only to the members of our
institution, but to the whole community. We have no
reserve whatsoever, except of the signs and symbols
whereby Orangemen know each other, and these the
law has not included in its prohibition. Our Associa-
tion is general ; it meets wherever Orangemen are to be
found, and that we trust will soon be in every part of
the empire.
There is not either oath, obligation, or test, which
candidate or brother can take or offer in our society ;
the proposal of members, their admission, and their con-
tinuance among us, are wholly unfettered with pledge
or promise ; nevertheless we can truly tell the world, that
no unqualified person can come into, and no unworthy
brother remain in our fellowship.
The Orange institution cannot be suppressed, but by
means which would subvert the constitution of Great
Britain, and erase the name of the Prince of Orange
from among her sovereigns. After that erasure, the
Brunswick dynasty would soon follow. The liberty of
these realms, our religion, and our monarchy, would
again be placed under Papal darkness and despotic
oppression.
By order,
HENRY MAXWELL, M.P.,
Grand Secretary/
VOL. II. p
CCXXVl APPENDIX,
No. XXXI.
Declaration of the undersigned Protestants, in favour
of a final and conciliatory adjustment of the Catholic
question.*
We, the undersigned, being personally interested in
the condition, and sincerely anxious for the happiness
of Ireland, feel ourselves called upon, at the present
juncture, to declare the conviction we entertain, that
the disqualifying laws which affect his Majesty's Roman
Catholic subjects, are productive of consequences pre-
judicial in the highest degree to the interests of Ireland,
and the empire to which she is united. With respect
to Ireland in particular, they are a primary cause of her
poverty and wretchedness, and the source of those poli-
tical discontents and religious animosities that distract
the country, endanger the safety of its institutions, and
are destructive alike of social happiness and national
prosperity.
* Whilst this important document was circulating, the last aggregate
meeting of the Catholics of Ireland took place. The resolutions consisted
of their usual declarations of their principles ; and a determination to seek
for total, unrestricted, unqualified, and unconditional emancipation by legal
and constitutional means alone j the rejection of any plan of emancipa-
tion coupled with any species of interference with the tenets, doctrine, or
discipline, of the Catholic church in Ireland ; any attempt to deprive forty-
shilling freeholders of their franchise, which they considered a direct viola-
tion of the constitution ; and strongly recommended the adoption of the
liberal Club system — the appointment of Catholic Rent inspectors, and that
two gentlemen from every county in Ireland should accompany Mr. O'Con-
nell to London, on making his attempt to take his seat in parliament.
APPENDIX. CCXXV11
We are further of opinion, that unless the wisdom of
the legislature shall speedily apply a remedy to those
evils, they must, in their rapid progress, assume, at no
distant period, such a character as must render their
ultimate removal still more difficult, if not impossible.
We therefore deem it of paramount importance to the
welfare of the empire at large, and of Ireland especially,
that the whole subject should be taken into immediate
consideration by parliament, with a view to such a final
and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the
peace and strength of the united kingdom, to the stability
of our national institutions, and to the general satisfac-
tion and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects.
NOBLEMEN.
Duke of Devonshire Earl of Clare
Leinster Leitrim
Marquess of Lansdowne Lucaa
Downshire Llandaff
Sligo Caledon
Westmeath Gosford
Ormonde Blessington
Hastings Glengall
Clanricarde Dumaven
Earl of Essex Bective, M.P. co. Meath
Jersey Viscount Dillon
Fortescue Bangor
Meath Boyne
Granard Clifden
Albemarle Harberton
Wentworth Fitzwilliam Lismore
Darnley Ebrington, M.P. Tavistock
Besborough Ennismore, M.P. co. Cork
Egmont Forbes, M.P. co. Longford
Ludlow Duncannon, M.P. county
...... Miltown Kilkenny
Charlemont Kingsborough
Howth Baron Sherborne
Kingston ....... Riversdale
Portarlington Cloncurry
Annesley Waterpark
Mountnorris Rossmore
Wicklow Crofton
ccxxvm
APPENDIX.
Buron De Blaquiere
Ventry
Waliscourt
Dunalley
Clanmorris
Ashtovvn
Glenlworlh
Perceval
Oxmantown, M. P. King's
county
Baron Clements, M, P. co. Leiwim
Clifton, M.P. Canterbury
Biugham, M.P. co. Mayo
Brabazon
Arthur Hill, M.P. co. Down
William C. O. Fitzgerald,
M.P. co. Kildare
Robert Stephen Fitzgerald
Count de Salis
Baron de Roebeck
BARONETS.
Thomas Charles Style, Kent
Francis L^nch Blosse, co. Mayo
Thomas Butler, co. Carlow
N. C. Colthurst, M.P. Cork
C. Coote, M.P. Queen's co.
William R. de Montmorency, coun-
ty Kilkenny
John Godfrey, county Kerry
Aubrey de Vere Hunt, county Li-
merick
Nicholas Loftus, co. Kilkenny
Capel Molyneux, co. Armagh
Emanuel Moore, co. Cavan
R. Musgrave, co. Water ford
John Newport, M.P. Waterford
Edward O'Brien, co. Clare
H. Parnell, M.P. Queen's co.
George Shee, co. Galway
M. Somerville, M.P. co. Meath
W. J. Homan, co. Westmealh
J. C. Coghill, Surrey
James M. Stronge, co. Armagh
F. W. Macnaghten, co. Antrim
Richard Killett, co. Cork
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
Right Hon. Maurice Fitzgerald,
M.P. county Kerry
Hon. Henry Caulfield, M.P. county
Armagh
Hon. H. R. Westenra, M.P. county
Moaaghan
Hon. F. Ponsonby, M.P. Higham
Ferrers
Hon. Geo. Ponsonby, M.P. Youghal
Hon. F. A. Priltie, M.P. co. Tip-
perary
Hon. R. Fitzgibbon, M.P. county
Limerick
Hon. C. H. Butler Clarke, M.P. co.
Kilkenny
Hon. Thomas R. King, M.P. county
Cork
Hon. G. I. W. Agar Ellis, M. P.
Ludgershall
Charles Brownlow, M.P. co. Ar-
magh
Thos. Bernard, M.P. King's county
J. H. North, M.P. Milborne Port
Samuel White, M.P. county Leitrim
James Grattan, M.P. co. Wioklow
C. D. O. Jephson, M.P. Mallow
Lucius O'Brien, M.P. county Clare
William S. O'Brien, M.P. Ennis
James O'Hara, M.P. Galway
James Daly, M.P. county Galway
Alexander Dawson, M.P. co. Louth
Arthur French, M.P. co. Roscom-
mon
Henry V. Stuart, M.P. co. Waterford
H. M. Tuite, M.P. co. Westmeath
Richard Power, M.P. co. Waterford
Thomas S. Rice, M.P. Limerick
Thomas Lloyd, M.P. co. Limerick
Henry Grattan, M.P. city of Dublin
J. S. Lambert, M.P. county Galway
Robert S. Carew, M.P. co. Wexford
Richard W.Talbot, M.P. co. Dublin
James Browne, M.P. county Mayo
Henry White, M.P. county Dublin
Robert Latouche, M.P. co. Kildare
Peter Van Homrigh, M.P. Dro-
gheda
J. Fitzgerald, M.P. Seaford, Sussex
APPENDIX.
CCXXIX
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF GENTLEMEN AND OTHER RANKS.
Arabin, H. Kilrnacud, co. Dublin
Arabin, H. W. Clare-street, Dublin
Alcock, H. (J.P.) Waterford
Acheson, James, Fleet-st. Dublin
Ambrose, W. S. St. Andrew-st. do.
Arabin, Charles, Moyvoughly
Armstrong, A. Gallen, King's co.
Armstrong, A. Kilsbarvari, co.
Meath
Armstrong, F. St. George, Garry-
castle House, King's county
Armstrong, Owen, Gormanstown
Green, county Meath
Atkinson, Joseph, Barberstown
Allridge, William, Kilbereen
Arabin, J. L. Corkagh, co. Dublin
Anderson, Wm. Abbey-st. Dublin
Armstrong, L. Stephen's- green, do.
Armstrong, R. (Col.) Newtovm Hill
Armstrong, J. Mt. Venus, co. Dublin
Armstrong, D. Merchant's- quay, do.
Armstrong, R. L. Ormond-quay, do.
Armstrong, H. L. Bridge-st. ditto
Armstrong, James, M.A. Presbyte-
rian Minister, Hardwicke-st. do.
Allen, Francis, Usher- st. do.
Alleyn, Richard J. (Lieut. R. N.)
Kildinan, county Cork
Archdekin, T. Michael-st. Waterford
Arnold, Wm. Creve, co. Monaghan
Armstrong, George, (elk.) Bing-
field, county Cavan
Adderley, A. (Surgeon, R. N.)
Newry
Allingham, William, Ballyshannon
Allingham, Edward, ditto
Atkinson, John, M. D. Castlebar
Acheson, James, Oakes, L. Derry
Ardagh, William M. (J.P.) Water,
ford
Ambrose, Charles, ditto
Alcock, Alexander M. ditto
Alcock, John C. ditto
Alcock, John, ditto
Anderson, James, Queen st. Dublin
Allingham, John, Capel-street, do.
Adams, J. Drumberboy, co. Armagh
Arthur, William, Belfast
Andrews, James, Comber, co, Down
Andrews, John, co. Down
Archer, Samuel, Belfast
Abbott, Richd. Queen-st. Dublin
Armstrong, E. St. George
Allingham, James, Capel-st. Dublin
Altoon, J. Cloghan Castle, King's co.
Andrews, James, jun. Belfast
Agnew, Edward Jones, Kilwaughter
Castle, Lame, county Antrim
Alcock, Waskeline, (J.P.) Rough
Grove, Bandon
Allman, Francis, Overtou, co. Cork
Allman, George, Milton, do.
Allman, Robert, Bandori, ditto
Allman, William George, ditto
Allman, Charles, ditto
Audley, Archibald T. county Cork
Alker, John Drew, South Mall, Cork
Abbott, John G. Mallow
Allman, James C. Bandon
Allman, Richard, ditto
B
Bushe, Gervais Parker, Waterford
Bushe, Henry Amyas, Glencairn,
Lismore
Busby, John, jun. New-st. Dublin
Burton, E. W. General Military
Hospital, Phoenix Park, Dublin
Blood, Geo. Montpelier-hill, ditto
Blood, George, jun. ditto
Bushe, Henry, Waterford
Barrett. Samuel, N. Anne-st. Dublin
Bolton, Wm. E. Brazil, co. ditto
Barrett, Richd. Suffolk- st. ditto
Brady, Maziere, Blessington-st. do.
Birch, Thos. Wormwood-gate, do.
Blundell, Henry R. Prussia-st. do.
Brice, Edward, Kilroot, co. Antrim
Bennett, John, Church-st. Dublin
Bennet, H. Anderson's- court, ditto
Bryan, Robert Butler, Mallards-
town, county Kilkenny
Brennan, Jas., L. Bridge-st. Dublin
Bell, Francis, Linenhall-street, do,
Bernard, Charles, Carlow
Barnes, Joseph, Upper Pembroke-
street, Dublin
Booker, B. Mecklenburg-st. ditto
Bell, Richard, Linenhall-street, do.
ccxxx
APPENDIX.
Beauman, E. J. Furnace, co. Kildare
Burro wes, Peter, Leeson-st. Dublin
Blood, Neptune, Trinity street, do.
Beere, Daniel, Mountjoy-sq. E. do.
Bond, Walter M'Keogh, Denican,
county Armagh
Barrington, Richard, Great Britain-
street, Dublin
Bennett, R. N. Harcourt-street, do.
Bennett, Richard B. ditto
Bermingham, Richard, (elk.) Rec-
tor of Mora, county Tipperary
Boyse, Samuel, Grange, co. Wexford
Boyse, Thos., Grange, ditto
Byrne, A. Merchant's-quay, Dublin
Byrne, R. Lower Bridge street, do.
Baird, Samuel, Merchant's- quay, do.
Baird, James H. ditto
Browne, S. (M.D.) Seapoint Ave-
nue, county Dublin
Burnside, Matthew J. (J.P.) Cor-
creevy House, county Tyrone
Burnside, Matthew, Five-mile-town,
ditto
Brown, Samuel, Cavan
Beauclerk, Aubrey, Ardglass Castle,
county Down
Bruce, Samuel, Dame-street, Dublin
Barnes, Thos. Dunover, co. Meath
Barnes, Thomas, Westland, ditto
Berwick, Edward, Lower Fitzwil-
liam street, Dublin
Berwick, Walter, do* do.
Baird, T. M. Merchant's-quay, do.
Butler, William, E. T. M. Ville,
Clonmel
Browne, Dominick, Castlemacgarret,
county Mayo
Brennan, George, Corn-market,
Dublin
Balfour, B. T. Townley Hall,
Drogheda
Brough, Frederick, Henry-street,
Dublin
Bryan, J. Castletown, Fermanagh
Byrne, Thos. Corn-market, Dublin
Brega, S. B. Middle Mountjoy-
street, ditto
Barret, William, Lower Merrion-
street, ditto
Burrowes, George, Kells
Brooke, R. Ballyboden, co. Dublin
Burchell, George, Lower Ormond-
qtfsy, Dublin
Brechon, Thomas, Newtown, near
Ross, county Wexford
Bruce, George Evan, (J.P.) Charle-
ville
Bell, J. H. (M.D.) Newry
Bick, Samuel, ditto
Baird, Hans, ditto
Bingham, John, (M.D.) Rossmore
Beatty, Josias, Armagh
Browne, W. H. (J.P.) Rahins, co.
Mayo
Browne, W. P. D. ditto
Budd, James, Waterford
Bingham, Hon. Denis Arthur, Ra-
hasane, county Gal way
Blake, James Cuffe, Belmont, ditto
Burke, William, ditto ditto
Blake, Valentine, ditto
Blake, Thomas ditto
Blake, J. F. ditto
Barnes, George, county Armagh
Boyd, Robert, Marlacor, ditto
Barnes, John, county Armagh
Barnes, James, ditto
Bell, Thomas, Drumennis, ditto
Boyd, William, Belfast
Barnett, James, ditto
Boyd, William, jun. ditto
Brennan, Alexander, ditto
Blennerhassett, Henry, (M. D.)
Dingle, county Kerry-
Brooke, Henry, North Wall, Dublin
Bernie, James, Waterford
Blackmore, John, Callan, county
Kilkenny
Brennan, John Edward, Furnace,
county Kildare
Brown, John, Usher's-quay, Dublin
Blackwell, James, county Dublin
Brennan, R. Bridge-street, Dublin
Blake, Michael, Cook-street, Dublin
Breckon, John, New Ross, county
Wexford
Burrowes, Peter, jun. co. Dublin
Burke, T. Gisborne, Fahy, county
Gal way
Blake, Giles Eyre, Grange, ditto
Barnes, William, Aughnacloy
Budd, James, Tramore, county of
Waterford
Boomer, James, Belfast
Bevington, James B. London
Boyd, Robert, jun. Belfast
Bankhead, John B. ditto
APPENDIX.
CCXXXl
Bradshaw, Robert Scott, Belfast
Barnett, John, ditto
Boyd, John, ditto
Benson, John, ditto
Bell, Henry, ditto
Barkley, Archibald, ditto
Bowles, Adam, ditto
Boyd, Cunningham Gregg, ditto
Boyd, John C. do
Brierly, Henry, Lower Gloucester-
street, Dublin
Biggar, James, N. Anne-street, do.
Bradley, John, Bishopland
Bannington, William, Molesworth-
street, Dublin
Burderry, John, Belfast
Bolton, George, Beresford- place,
Dublin
Bryan, James B. Temple, London
Browell, Samuel, Dundrum, county
Dublin
Blunden, Simeon, Annfield, county
Kilkenny
Browne, G. Coolin, county Roscom-
mon
Beatin, Henry I. Moira, co. Down
Baly, Benj. Myshall, co. Carlow
Blacker, Robert, Newtown, county
Wicklow
Browne, Dennis, Brownstown House,
county Mayo
Bradly, Benjamin, Old Bawn, co.
Dublin
Ball, Robert, Digges-street, Dublin
Blood, Edward, T. C. D.
Boursiquot, Samuel, Upper Sack-
ville- street, Dublin
Boursiquot, John, ditto
Burrowes, Richard, jun. co. Dublin
Butler, P. S. ditto
Burch, George, Monaentra, Ros-
crea, Queen's county
Burch, James F. ditto
Burch, John, Burch Green, ditto
Blake, Richard, (J.P.)Garracloone,
county Mayo
Boyd, James, Belfast
Billing, James S. Beresford-place,
Dublin
Bradshaw, Benjamin B. Gambons-
town, county Tipperary
Bowning, Jeffrey, Carass Park, Li-
merick
Brady, Matthew, Trinity-st. Dublin
Butler, Walter, Creg, co. Galway
Burke, William, Tuam, Galway
Barron, Charles C. Strand-street,
Waterford
Barrett, Daniel D. Michael-st. do.
Blacker, William, (J.P.) Wood-
brook, county Wexford
Beamish, Francis Bernard, Cork
Beamish, Robert Beaumont, ditto
Boardman, Arthur A. ditto
Beamish, Charles, ditto
Burose, William Edward, ditto
Beamish, William Beaumont, ditto
Burchaell, David, Crandondale,
county Cork
Burchaell, Richd. Tinnehinch, co»
Carlow
Burtchaell, Edward, Knockbarron,
county Kilkenny
Burtchaell, Robert, Lockincorley,
ditto
Burtchall, Robert, Kilkenny
Borbridge, William, Cookstown
Bleazby, William, Ballynacurra,
county Cork
Breerton, David, Springfield, county
Longford
Bingham, George Elliott, Longford
Butler, Pierce, (J.P.) Ballyconna,
county Kilkenny
Burgh, W. (J.P.) Norelands, ditto
Baker, John, Killuran, ditto
Bayley W. John's Hill, ditto
Bayley, Clayton, Kilmeen, ditto
Baker, Henry, Killuran, ditto
Burchall, David, High-street, ditto
Bradley, Thomas, ditto
Bell, James, county Down
Boswell, William, Athlone
Boswell, John, (barrister) Athlone
Bourke, B. (Solicitor) Thurles, co.
Tipperary
Biggs, Jeremiah, Bandon
Bates, John, Cork
Bullen, John, Roughwood, Kinsale
Bullen, William, ditto
Bullen, Robert, ditto
Bullen, Edward Roche, ditto
Bullen, J. Harbour View, Kinsale
Bowen, Robert Cole, Bandon
Bowen, Henry Cole, ditto
Browne, John, Bangor, co. Down
Brown, Alexander, Bangor, county
Down
Brown, James, ditto
Brown, Henry, ditto
CCXXX11
APPENDIX.
Brown, Henry, jun. co. Down
Bryan, William, ditto
Boyd, Alexander, ditto
Bowman, James, ditto
Bourke, B. jun. Thurles, county
Tipperary
Bourke, James Williams, ditto
Bradshaw, George, (M.D.) ditto
Birmingham, S. Carremanna Lodge,
county Galway
Bowles, H. (J.P.) Sackville House,
Ardfert, county Kerry
Barnes, William, Armagh
Bellsaigne, Matthew, Bandon
Bayly, Thomas, Kilbrittaius, county
Cork
Beecher, William Wrixon, Bally-
giblin, Mallow
Baker, Henry J. Kilcoran, county
Kilkenny
Bushe, Arthur, Merrion-row, Dublin
Bryan, John, Mallardstown, county
Kilkenny
Beatty, Robert, Ballyconnell, co.
Down
Barren, Robert, Bangor, co. Down
Byron Andrew, Coltown, ditto
Colclough, Cfflsar, Tintern Abbey,
county Wexford
Caulfield, James Eyre, co. Armagh
Corry, James, Merrion-sq. Dublin
Considine, H. Dark, county Clare
Curran, William Henry, Holies-
street, Dublin
Curran, Henry Grattan, ditto
Conway, Frederick William, Rath-
mines, county Dublin
Caulfield, John, county Meath
Cooper, William, Cooper's Hill,
Carlow
Cooper, William Cope, ditto
Cockburn, George, (General) Shan-
ganagh Castle, Bray, county
Dublin
Coall, Henry, 3, Upper Sackville-
street, Dublin
Cheyne, J. (M.D.) Merrion-square,
ditto
Colles, A. (M.D.) Stephen's-green,
ditto
Cochran, Henry, Merchant's-quay,
ditto
Cusack, M. Kildare-street, Dublin
Carpenter, Henry, Merchant's-quay,
ditto
Cullinan, Roper, A.B. Sch. T.C.D.
Carmichael, Richard, Rutland-squ.
ditto
Clarke, Jonathan D. Menion-sq.
ditto
Callanan, James, (M.D.) Exche-
quer-street, ditto
Craig, William, Tucker's-row, ditto
Crawford, Thomas, Ballievy, county
Down
Christie, James M. Linen Hall,
Dublin
Cox, R. Castletown, co. Kilkenny
Culhbert, Eccles, Stephen's-green,
Dublin
Crampton, Philip, (Surgeon- Gene-
ral), Merrion-square, ditto
Classon, John, Blackhall-place, do.
Costello, Marcus, Sch. T.C.D.
Cuming, William, Clare-st. Dublin
Collins, John G. Montague-street,
ditto
Caulfield John, county Carlow
Chambers, Edward Elliott, Kildare-
street, Dublin
Colgan, James, St. Andrew-st. do.
Coghran, James, (Merchant,) Sligo
Cordue, William, Ballina
Cordue, William, ditto
Colclough, Bagnall, St. Kerin's,
county Wexford
Clarke, Thomas, Bailestown, ditto
Callanan, Patrick James, Sch.
T.C.D.
Clendinning, Alexander, (J.P.) Bal-
linrobe
Carey, Robert, (elk). Donoghmore
Glebe, county Tipperary
Clerk, Edward, A.B. T.C.D.
Cholmondeley, Horace, New-town,
barry, county Wexford
Coyle, George K. Moorfield, county
Galway
Chute, Arthur, Tralee
Challoner, Robert, Coolattyn Park,
Tinahely
Cooke, Samuel, Poiustown, county
Tipperary
Concannon, John Edward, Water-
loo, county Galway
Campbell, John, sen. James' -street,
Dublin
APPENDIX.
CCXXX111
Chute, Pierce, (J.P.) Nelson- street,
Tralee
Chute, Thomas, ditto ditto
Crainmore, William, Carnmoney,
county Antrim
Campbell, Robert, sen. Bangor
Carr, John, ditto
Clealand, James, ditto
Campbell, Thomas, ditto
Crooke, William, Derreen, Cork
Carey, Michael, (Lieut. 83rd.)
Mount-rivers, Cork
Carson, William, Little Island
Chute, Pierce, jun. Nelson- street,
Tralee
Clarke, Alexander, Athlone
Cox, Sir William, (J.P.) Coolcliff,
county Wexford
Cooper, S. Gt. Clonard, ditto
Cooper, Henry, ditto
Church, George, Listowel, county
Kerry
Church, John G. ditto ditto
Creagh, Francis, Ballyboman, co.
Kerry
Cannon, Charles, Moyglare, county
Meath
Coddington, H. B. Farm, ditto
Coote, Charles, (J.P.) Bellmont
Forest
Cully, Richard, Moorehall, county
Armagh
Coulter, Richard Carnmeen, county
Down
Coulter, James, ditto ditto
Coulter, John, county Armagh
Corbett, John, Newry
Coulter, William, ditto
Corry, T. (J.P.) ditto
Cumming, John, Lower Ormond-
quay, Dublin
Cavendish, Frederick, Castlebar
Creagh, John, Dromartin
Creagh, Francis, Killoughnan
Creagh, Oliver, ditto
Cooke, William, Waterford
Concannon, Edward, county Galway
Carroll, William, Armagh
Cuthbert, John, Limerick
Cochran, George, Armagh
Cairaes, William, Belfast
Charters, John, ditto
Curell, John, ditto
Corbett, Thomas, ditto
Coates, William, Snugbrook, Belfast
Cunningham, John, Macedon, ditto
Cunningham, John, jun. ditto ditto
Chaytor, Joshua M. Belview, county
Dublin
Crawford, William Sharman, Ban-
gor. county Down
Clarke, I. (elk.) Waterford
Carew, Robert S. Woodstock, co.
Wexford
Cooke, Richard, Waterford
Clarke, Henry, ditto
Carroll, William, ditto
Clarke, Pierce, ditto
Caiwell, N. jun. Dublin
Crawford, George, Ballydown, co.
Down
Connor, Charles, Moyglore, county
Meath
Cojle, George K., Moorfield, co.
Galway
Charlton, Andrew D., Derrynauget,
Armagh
Cumming, James, Aughnacloy, co.
Tyrone
Corbit, William, Belfast
Campbell, James, ditto
Chirmside, Thomas, ditto
Cosgrave, John, ditto
Callwell, Robert, ditto
Campbell, Robert W. ditto
Corvan, Samuel, ditto
Corduke, John, ditto
Campbell, Samuel, ditto
Caird, John, ditto
Charles, John, Finnaghy, ditto
Coieman, J. H. ditto
Colville, John, jun. ditto
Cross, Maurice, ditto
Cranston, William, ditto
Cobham, John, Upper Temple-st.
Dublin
Campion, Christopher W. French-
street, ditto
Creevy, John, Downpatrick
Carey, T. (J.P.) county Armagh
Clarke, Joseph, Carrickmacross
Curney, Robert, Clonrael
Close, Burrowes, ditto
Chambers, B. R. Rahinstown, co.
Armagh
Croker, Robert, Bally boy
Cordukes, Isaac, jun. Strand-street,
Dublin
CCXXX1V
APPENDIX.
Clements, George, Temple-bar,Dub-
lin
Cooney, John, Rathmines, ditto
Clouston, Thomas, Poolbeg- street,
ditto
Coffey, Eneas, Dock Distillery, do.
Chambers, James, Killyleagh, co.
Down
Crawford, William, Lakelands, Cork
Crawford, George, ditto
Crawford, William, Ferney, near do.
Christian, George, Cork
Clarke, Richard, ditto
Carroll, John, Tulla House, Ne-
nagh, county Tipperary
Crosbie, James, Bally heige Castle,
Tralee
Crosbie, Oliver, ditto
Cros>bie, Francis, ditto
Clarke, Usher, Carrick-on-S»ir
Cunningham, Wm. Carrickfergus
Cunningham, Hugh, ditto
Carey, Thomas, Belfast
Cole*man, Alexander A. ditto
Crevey, John, Carmn
Coghran, William, Springfield, co.
Longford
Campbell, Robert, jun. co. Down
Colthurst, John B. Dripsey Castle,
county Cork
Colles, Richard, Riverview, county
Kilkenny
Colles, William, Millmount, ditto
Connellan, Peter, Jerpoint, ditto
Chebsey, Peter, Jersey
Cuthbert, John, Newenham-street,
Limerick
Cooke, Adam, Thurles
Cooke, Charles, ditto
Cooke, Archibald, Athlone
Cook, Archibald, jun. ditto
Curning, James, Armagh
Carey, James Lodge, (Lieut. 101st
Foot,) county Cork
Clealand, Baiben, Bangor, county
Down
D
Dillon, Charles, Athlone
Daxon, Giles, county Clare
Dreunan, Wm. Terople-st. Dublin
Dawson, James, Kingstown
Dickson, John, Fleet-street, Dublin
Dickson, Fleet-street, Dublin
Domville, John, Lower Mount-st.
ditto
Dickson, Stephen, Stephen's- green,
ditto
Darley, Arthur, South Cumberland-
street, ditto
Duggan, James, Usher's-island, do.
Dickson, Stephen Fox, Townsend-
street, ditto
Durham, Francis, Henry- street, do.
Digby, Thomas George, Drumduff,
county Roscommon
Dudgeon, John, Merchant's-quay,
Dublin
Dick, James, Ballyboden, county
Dublin
Dunbavin, Wra. High-st. Dublin
Dixon, William, Liverpool
Devonshire, A. Kilshernick Castle,
county Cork
Dyas, William, Castle-st. Dublin
Day, Thomas, Tralee
Denning, Maynard, ditto
Dobbin, John, New Ross, county
Wexford
Dawson, Charles, (J.P.) Terragh,
county Monaghan
Dodd, John, Emaville
Davis, Matthew, Ballyshannon, co.
Donegal
Dickson, William, Templemore, co.
Tipperary
Devlin, Thomas, Castlebar
Dobbin, Leonard, Armagh
Dickson, Samuel, High Sheriff of the
county Limerick
Dobbin, William, Ternacolee, co.
Armagh
Dobbin, John, Rathdrumgarne, co.
Armagh
Dobbin, Clotworthy, Belfast
Dunne, Stewart, Carrickfergus
Dobbin, Thomas, Rathumgan, co.
Armagh
Dobbin, Thomas, Armagh city
Dunlop, James, Belfast
Dundas, George, ditto
Dobbyn, Michael, Waterford
De Blaquiere, P. D.
Darley, Henry, Stillorgan, county
Dublin
Donovan, Daniel, (M.D.) C'hiswell-
street, London
APPENDIX.
CCXXXV
Dickson, Samuel, Flcet-st. Dublin
Durham, Thomas, Henry-st. ditto
Dunlavy, George, Kinsale, co. Cork
Donnelly, Thomas, Enniscorthy
Dowden, Richard, Cork
Dickson, Stephen, Moonroe, Vicar
of Dungarvan
Drought, Thomas, Droughtville
Forest, King's county
Dogherty, John, Aughenderry, co.
Deny
Downes, H.
Dumoulin, John, Stephen's-green,
Dublin
Dickey, Adam, Ballymena
Dickson, Robert, Carmoney, county
Antrim
Dix, Thomas, (elk.) Belfast
Drought,Robt.,Ballygeehan,Queen's
county
Dixon, John, county Wexford
Dixon, James, ditto
Dixon, John, jun. ditto
Dixon, William, ditto
Davidson, William, Monaghan
Divine, Richard, Ullard, county Kil-
kenny
Drought, Richard, Graigue, Carlow
De la Cour, Robert, Bear Forest,
Mallow, county Cork
Day, Edward, (Lieut. Col.) Tralee
Dunne, John, Bangor, co. Down
E
Evans, George, Portrane, county
Dublin
Ensor, George, Armagh
English, William, Eccles-st. Dublin
English, Isaac, Bachelor's-walk, do.
English, William, Dawson-st. ditto
Ellis, William S.
Engar, J. Minard, county Kerry
Egan, Robert, Dingle, ditto
Evans, George, Farmhill, Athy
Edmundson, Allen, Boyle, county
Roscommon
Ellis, Henry, Prussia- st. Dublin
Edgeworth, Lovel, Edgeworthstown
House
Ellis, Francis, Crescent, Bath
Elliott, Gilbert, Clinto, county Mo-
naghan
Egan, Daniel, Borrosokeane, county
Tipperary
Emerson, James, Belfast
Egerton, James, Thurles, county
Tipperary
Elliott, E. county Kilkenny
Farrell, Thomas, Stephen-st. Dublin
Fortescue, William H. J. Great
George-street, ditto
Fisher, John, Upper Bridge-street,
ditto
Forbes, George, Burgh- quay, ditto
Ferguson, William, (M.D.) Leix-
lip
Finlay, John, Cumberland- street,
Dublin
French, R. jun. Monivea
Fowler, John, Portland-place, Dub-
lin
Forster, Robert, Springfield, countj
Tyrone
French, Fitzstephen, Frenchpark
House, county Roscommon
French, John, (elk.)
French, Richard, Elm Lodge, South-
ampton, Hants
Fetherston, James, Rockview, co.
Westmeath
Fetherston, Richard, ditto
Farrell, Luke, Belfast
Ferguson, Hugh, Bachelor's-walk,
Dublin
litzmorris, James, Clenstown, co.
Kilkenny
French, Thomas Fitzstephen, county
Roscommon
Fitzgerald, Gerald, Clonmel
Fitzgerald, James Henry, Bally mo -
nan, county Wicklow
Fosbrey, George, Curra Bridge, co.
Limerick
Fleming, George, Athlone
Fleming, Henry, ditto
Ffrench, Anthony Frederick, New
Ross, county Wexford
Fletcher, Henry, ditto
French, John, ditto
French, Anthony, ditto
French, Thomas, ditto
Fisher, Robert, ditto
CCXXXV1
APPENDIX.
Fawcett, James, Blackball street,
Dublin
Fletcher, William, Merrion- square,
ditto
Fletcher, W.P. Foster- place, ditto
Fivey, Wm. Union Lodge, Newry
Fitzgerald, Charles, Foxford, county
Mayo
Fitzgerald, John, ditto
Fitzgerald, Hamilton, R. N.
Fitzmaurice, W. Lagatina, co. Mayo
Fletcher, John, Ferns, co. Wexford
Fanning, Nicholas, Blackhall-street,
Dublin
Furnell, Michael, Limerick
Forsythe, James, (M.D.) Belfast
Frie, Henry, Waterford
Foss, Richard, Usher's-quay, Dublin
Flinn, William, Cork-street, ditto
Flinn, John, ditto ditto
Fitzgerald, Gerald, Enniscorthy
Finlay, F. D. Belfast
Ferguson, John J. ditto
Finlay, Alexander, ditto
Ferguson, J. S. ditto
Flint, Abraham, Cook-street, Dublin
Farrar, Joshua, county Wicklow
Farrar, William, ditto
Fayle, William Knot, Parsonstown,
King's county
Fitzhenry, William Evans, Bally-
williamroe, county Carlow
Foot, Wade, Cork
Foot, Henry B. Carriquina Castle,
Cork
Foot, George, ditto
Fraser, James, Carrick-on-Suir
Finch, Edward, Tullaghmore, No-
nagh
Finch, William, (J.A.) county Tip-
perary
Finch, Daniel, ditto
Farrell, John, Doagh, co. Antrim
Flood, Ross, Cranagh, Athlone
Fitzgibbon, E. Agherenagh, county
Cork
Francis, Robert, George's- st. Cork
Groves, Edward, (elk.) Leeson-st.
Dublin
Grierson, John, ditto
Guinness, Arthur, Beaumont, co.
Dublin
Guinness, Benjamin L. James'-gate,
Dublin
Guinness, Arthur L. ditto
Grierson, James, Swift's-alley, do.
Geoghegan, William M. Francis-st.
ditto
Gopld, John, Cullenswood House,
county Dublin
Grattan, Richard, (M.D.) York-st.
Dublin
Gaskin, Edward, College-green, do.
Goodshaw, James, (M.D.) Leixlip
Goodshaw, Thomas, ditto
Goodshaw, William, ditto
Gunning, John B. Stranorlar
Galbraith, John, Harold's-cross, co.
Dublin
Gillington, George, Abbey-street,
Dublin
Guthrie, John, (barrister,) Great
Britain-street, ditto
Green, Peter H., A.B.T.C.D. Cork
Gray, George, Linenhall-st. Dublin
Grace, Sheffield, Temple, London
Going, James, Clanbrasil- st. Dublin
Gibbing, Samuel, Sandymount Ave-
nue, county Dublin
Goskin, J. S. Swift's Hill, county
Kilkenny
Going, Henry, Cranna House, ditto
Guinness, William S. Mountjoy-sq.
North, Dublin
Gayer, Arthur Edward, Talbot-st.
ditto
Gahan, B. county Londonderry
Gahan, Henry G. ditto
Gouldsbury, J. A. county Longford
Gamfort, William, Great Clonard,
Wexford
Gamfort, Joseph, ditto
Graves, William, Ross
Graham, Allen, High Mount, county
Limerick
Green, Robert, Newry
Glenny, Isaac, Glenville, ditto
Graham, John, Poyntzpass
Godfrey, George Ogle, Newry
Graham, Jacob
Green, F. W. Kilvanslagh
Gibson, James, A.B. Belfast
Graham, Benjamin, Waterford
Gibbons, John, Tramore, ditto
Gudman, Arthur, ditto ditto
Gardner, Samuel, county Armagh
APPENDIX.
CCXXXV7!!
Gardner, Edward, county Armagh
Gardner, William, ditto
Green, George, Lurgan, ditto
Girvin, James, Greenvale, ditto
Grimshaw, Robert, Belfast
Grimshaw, C. B. ditto
Gamble, Robert, ditto
.Grimshaw, J. M. Whitehouse, ditto
Getty, Edmond, ditto
Getty, Robert, ditto
Green, Joseph, Kilkenny
Grimshaw, John, Belfast
Glasgow, James, ditto
Getty, William, ditto
Gregg, Cunningham, (J.P) ditto
Greenlaw, Robert, ditto
Gunning, Robert, ditto
Gray, Robert, ditto
Gowan, Henry, Lower Ormond-
quay, Dublin
Galbraith, Samuel, Nicholas-street,
ditto
Galbraith, William, ditto
Gion, A. Ballymena, co. Antrim
Garvey, J. P. Castle House, Ba-
nagher, King's county
Goslin, John, Bride-street, Dublin
Green, Thomas, Clonmel
Going, James, ditto
Goodison, Richard, Carneen, county
Wicklow
Goodison, Thomas, ditto
Goodison, William, ditto
Gilbert, Joseph, ditto
Griffin, John, ditto
Griffin, John, jun. ditto
Gilbert, Francis, ditto
Griffin, William, ditto
Goslin, Isaac, ditto
Graham, William, county Wexford
Grant, James, Claremount,Banagher,
King's county
Gilpin, Joseph, Portadown, county
Armagh
Grey, Thomas, Keady, ditto
Gibson, John, Cork
Gouldsbury, J. A. Springfield, co.
Longford
Green, Joseph, (J.P.) Lower Grange,
county Kilkenny
Geale, Benjamin, Mountgeale, ditto
Grubb, Robert, High-st. Kilkenny
Grubb, Samuel, Cloghecn, county
Tipperary
Green, John, Greenville, county
Kilkenny
Green, George, Lurgan, co. Armagh
Gardner, John, Coltown, co. Down
Gray, James, Bangor
H
Howard, Hon. Hugh, Busby park,
county Wicklow
Hope, S. C. Dublin
Hunt, V. De Vere, Curragh, county
Limerick
Hone, Joseph, Harcourt-st. Dublin
Hart, William S. Fitzwilliam-square,
Dublin
Hart, William, Williamstown,Black-
rock, ditto
Home, George, National Market, do.
Holmes, Alexander, Kilcullen, co.
Kildare
Howell, George, Molesworth- street,
Dublin
Hill, J. M. Armagh
Huband, Joseph, Charlemont-mall,
Dublin
Hatchell, George, Rathfarnham
Henry, Arthur, Lodge Park, county
Kildaro
Hutton, John, Summer-hill, Dublin
Hutton, Robert, ditto ditto
Hutton, Thomas, ditto ditto
Harty, Leu is, Kilkenny
Hogan, Anthony, Kildare st. Dublin
Harley, John, James'-street, ditto
Humphreys, Christopher W. Mer-
chant's-quay, ditto
Humphreys, Charles, ditto
Hone, Brindley, Roebuck
Hill, Edward, (M.D.) York-streel,
Dublin
Haughton, William, City-quay, ditto
Hutton, Edward, Summer-hill, ditto
Henderson, David, Dodder Bank,
county Dublin
Hutton, Henry, Baldoyle, ditto
Heyland, James A. CulJeuswood,
ditto
Hutton, Henry, Summer-hill, Dublin
Henderson, James, Tritonville, San-
dymount
Hudson, W. (M.D.) Dawson-streej,
Dublin
CCXXXV111
APPENDIX.
Hughes, Reuben, Lower Ormond-
quay, Dublin
Hawkshaw, Benjamin, Behaman, co.
Tipperary
Hughes, William, Waterford
Hartley, William J. Fitzwi!liam-sq.
East, Dublin.
Hartstonge, Matthew Weld, Moles-
worth-street, Dublin
Hutton, John, James'-street, ditto
Hutton, Charles, ditto
Hutton, Daniel, jun. Marlborough-
street, ditto
Hawthorn, Chas. S. Belmont House,
county Dublin
Hyde, John, Castle Hyde, co, Cork
Hyde, John, jun. ditto ditto
Hitchcock, Robert, Harcourt-street,
Dublin
Hutton, Joseph, (elk.) Summer-hill,
ditto
Haig, Robert, Roebuck, county
Dublin
Haig, John, Flora Ville, ditto
Hayes, Robert, Lower Bridge-street,
Dublin
Hale, John, Fever Hospital, Cork-
street, ditto
Harty, Robert, (Alderman) Dublin
Healy, Robert, (M.D.) Aungier-
street, Dublin
Hay es,Thomas,Lower Bridge-street,
ditto
Henry, Robert, College-green, ditto
Hayes, Robert, jun. Lower Bridge-
street, Dublin
Hewit, Christopher, Ballyboden, co.
Dublin
Hewit, William, ditto
Hudson, Edward G. (elk.) Rector of
Glenville, county Cork
Head, Michael Prittie, Derry Castle,
county Tipperary
Hickson, John, Dingle, co. Kerry
Hickson, Samuel Murry, ditto
Hume, Wm. Wentworth Fitzwilliam,
Humewood, county Wicklow
Haughton, Thomas, Kelvin Grove,
Carlow
Haughton, Edmond, ditto
Holton, John, Athlone
Howlan, James, (J. P.) Bally cro-
nigan, county Wexford
Harvey, William, (J.P.) Kyle, ditto
Harvey, Christopher G. (J.P.) co.
Wexford
Harvey, Maurice Crosbie, (J.P.) do.
Hill, Robert, New Ross, ditto
Hill, George, ditto ditto
Hayes, Joseph, New Ross, do. do.
Hillard, Henry, county Kerry
Harnet, John Creagh, Listowel, do.
Homan, Frederick, (J.P.) Arden
Wood, county Dublin
Harding, George, Gurteen, county
Limerick
Hudson, William, Armagh
Holland, James N. N. ditto
Hunter, Robert, Castlebar
Hewson, Thomas, Westport
Handcock, William H. Carantrilla,
county Galway
Hudson, William Elliott, Lower
Merrion-street, Dublin
Hackett, James, Newcastle, county
Tipperary
Handcock, John, (J.P.) co. Armagh
Henderson, William, Belfast
Howe, Thomas, ditto
Hartley, John, ditto
Houston, Robert, ditto
Hodgson, John, ditto
Hamilton, W. R. (Capt. R. N.) Kil-
lyleagh Castle, county Down
Hewson, Thomas, Upper Merrion-
street, Dublin
Hogan, John, (J.P.) co. Westmeath
Hayden, William Henry, Waterford
Hammond, William, ditto
Hayes, J. James'-street, ditto
Humphrey, John Caulfield, county
Carlow
Hunt, James, Francis -street, Dublin
Haughton, James, City-quay, ditto
Hyle, Charles, Cook-street, ditto
Hunter, Robert, College-green, do.
Hagarty, James C. Eccles-street, do.
Harrington, R. Aughnacloy, county
Tyrone
Hardman, William, Belfast
Hyndham, George C. ditto
Houston, John H. Orangefield, ditto
Harvey, William F. Belfast
Haughton, Edward, ditto
Holden, Henry, ditto
Hyndham, Hugh, ditto
Hervey, John, ditto
Horn, John, Liverpool
APPENDIX.
CCXXX1X
Hunter, Alexander, Dunmanry, Bel-
fast
Hindley, Joseph, Mecklenburg-
street, Dublin
Hamilton, Henry, Freeman of the
Merchants' Guild, Dublin
Hewston, David, Piltown, county
Kilkenny
Haslett, John, Lurgan, co. Armagh
Hussey, Edward J. Galtrim, county
Meath
Hussey, Edward H. ditto
Holbrooke, Benjamin, Manchester
Hackett, Michael, Parsonstown,
King's county
Heenan, William, ditto
Holbrook, John Richard, Anglesey-
street, Dublin
Hunt, John, Aungier-street, ditto
Hawkes, Charles, Brierfield, county
Roscotnmon
Hamilton, Thomas, Stewartstown,
county Tyrone
Hill, John, Omagh, ditto
Hilles, John, Bailieborough, county
Cavan
Haughton, Barcroft, Castlecomer,
county Kilkenny
Hart, William Gerard, (elk.) Cork
Halliday, William, Deerpark Lodge,
county Cork
Halliday, Daniel, jun. Carrick-on-
Suir
Halliday, Daniel, ditto
Hinley, John, Ricliardstown, ditto
Helsham, John, (J.P.) county Kil-
kenny
Hayden, William, ditto
Hartford, Thomas, ditto
Henderson, Andrew, ditto
Hickson, Robert, Vicar of Duagh,
county Kerry
Ilanna, Robert, Crawfordburn, co.
Down
Hickson, James, Kenmare, co. Kerry
Hayden, Henry, Thurles, county
Tipperary
Hayden, William Henry, ditto
Harrington, R. Armagh
Hunter, William, (elk.) Bandon,
county Cork
Hayes, H. B. Cork
Haynes, John William, Mallow,
county Cork
Howard, William, Clonaghmore, co.
Meath
Holmes, John, Carrickfergus
Irwin, W. Cloncorrick, Killyshan-
dra, county Cavan
Ingham, John, Lisnamain, Beltur-
bet, county Cavan
Ivie, George, Waterford
Ingram, Moses, Rosegrove, Harold's
Cross, county Dublin
Irwin, William, Armagh
Innis, Thomas William, Innistiogue,
county Kilkenny
Irwin, Edward, Merchant's-quay,
Dublin
Johnson, Robert, Edenderry, King's
county
Jacob, Ebenezer, Upper Temple-
street, Dublin
Journeaux, James A. Arran-quay,do.
Jays, Edward, Curie-street, ditto
Jeffcott, William, A.B. T.C.D
Johnson, Thomas, Seville - place,
Dublin
Johnson, Daniel, Leixlip
Jones, Arnold, Vitriol Works, Wat-
ling-street, Dublin.
Jackson, William, Ballybay, county
Monaghan
Jones, Edw. BachelorVwalk,Dublin
Jordan, Thomas, Peace Ville, New-
town Mount Kennedy, county
Wicklow
Jameson, John, Upper Sackville-
street, Dublin
Jackson, Thomas, Great Brunswick-
street, ditto
Jones, William Griffith, Dominick-
street, ditto
Jameson, James, Dublin
Jameson, John, ditto
Jordan, Richd.Richview, co. Dublin
Joyce, Henry, Clonmel
Jeffcott, Thomas, Dingle
Jeffries, Thomas, Great Clonard,
county Wexford
ccxl
APPENDIX.
James, John, Ross, co. Wexford
Jeffries, Joseph, ditto
Jeffries, George, ditto
Jeffries, Shephard, Great Clonard,t!o.
Johnson, ArUmr, (M.D.) Carrick-
breda, county Armagh
Jackson, James Eyre, Sullydoy, do.
Jago, Edward
Johnson, George, Beresford-street,
Dublin
Johnson, Thomas, ditto
Johnson, James, Lurgau, co. Armagh
Johnson, John, Belfast
Johnson, William, Fortfield, ditto
Johnston, Thus. Mountjoy-squ. do.
Judge, Benjamin, Newtown, King's
county
Jordan, P. Townsend-street, Dublin
Jones, Thomas, Cork
Jones, Anthony, (M.D.) Ashbourn,
county Meath
Jones, R. B. Tullow, co. Waterford
James, Christopher, Danville, co.
Kilkenny
Jackson, Hugh, Bally wooly, county
Down
Johnston, Thomas, Thurles, county
Tipperary
Johnston, William, Bangor, county
Down
Johnston, Robert, ditto
Johnston, John, ditto
Jenkins, William, Mallowgilon,
Bandon
K
Kelly, Thomas, (elk.) KellyvilJe,
Queen's county
Kelly, Thomas, jun. ditto
Kennedy, John, Johnstown, county
Dublin
Kelly, James, Upper Pembroke-st.
'Dublin
Kelly, Francis, Wexford
Kertland,Wm.Prussia street, Dublin
Kingsmill, Luke, Templemore
Knox, John, \rilla Park, Grand Ca-
nal, Dublin
Knox, Charles, Ardglass, county
Down
Kidley, John H. (M.D.) Belfast
Kinnon, E. S. Monkstown, county
Dublin
Kelly, John, Kilkenny
Kelly, Daniel, Cargins, county Ros-
common
Kertland, Joseph, Lower Sackville-
street, Dublin
Kelly, Edmond W. Ballymurry
Kelly, Edmond, jun. Ballymurry
Knowles, Lionel, Gomershall, Leeds,
" a friend to peace"
Knox, John, North Anne st. Dublin
Kent, John, Ballymalone
Kellett, Richard, Blessington-street,
Dublin
Kellett, John, Great Clonard, Wex-
ford
Keogh, Edw. Ross, county Wexford
Kavanagh, Edward, (J. P.) ditto .
Kelly, John, Waterford
Kennedy, James, Newry
Kearney, Robert, Ballinvilla, county
Mayo
Kingston, Isaac, Waterford
Kidd, Hugh, Armagh
Kane, John, ditto
Kidd, James, Mullmount, ditto
Knight, James, Waterford
Kearney, Joshua, Henry-st. Dublin
Kennedy, John, Rosemount, ditto
Kellett, William Harvey, Great Clo-
nard, county Wexford
Keppel, Hon. George, county Ros-
common
Kelly, John, Harold's-Cross, Dublin
Kidd, Samuel Archibald, Linenhall,
Armagh
Kidd, James, county Armagh
Keegan, Robert, county Wexford
Knaggs, Geo. Parsonstown, King's
county
Kennedy, John, Ballykillare, county
Down
Knaggs, James, Thurles, county
Tipperary
King, Robert, Ashgrove, co. Armagh
Kennedies, John Mackey, Armagh
Kingston, F. B. Bandon, co. Cork
Kelly, James, Bangor, co. Down
Kelly, Andrew, ditto
APPENDIX.
ccxli
La Touche, John David, Castle-
street, Dublin
La Touche, Peter, jun. ditto
La Touche, David Charles, ditto
La Touche, R. D. ditto
La Touche, George
La Touche, John, (elk.) Vicar of
Mountrath
La Touche, Robert, (Lieut.-Col.)
county Dublin
Leader, Nicholas P. Dromard Cas-
tle, Kanturk, county Cork
Lambert, Thomas D. county Galway
Leahy, John, North King- street,
Dublin
Leeson, William Edward, Ely-place,
ditto
Lawlor, M. S. county Kerry
Leslie, P. A. Bride-street, Dublin
Lowe, Josiah, Fitzwilliam Lodge, do.
Lawson, Edward, William-st. ditto
Lidwill, George, Dromard, county
Tipperary
Lowe, Pascaf Pasley, Leixlip
Leeson, Hon. Robert, Ely-place,
Dublin
Livingston, Edmund D. North Earl-
street, ditto
Litton, Daniel, Lower Mount- street,
ditto
Livesley, Henry, Ellenea Villa, Ter-
renure, county Dublin
Litton, Richard, Lower Ormond-
quay, Dublin
Lysaght, Richard, Lower Pembroke-
street, ditto
Lewis, George Christian, Meath-st.
ditto
Lewis, Abraham, Merchant's-quay,
ditto
Leahy, John, Sch. T.C. D.
Lambert, Walter, Lambert Lodge,
county Galway
Lambert, Henry, Oggard, ditto
Lloyd, John, Lloydsborough, Ros-
crea, Queen's county
Lindsey, Thomas Spencer, Holly-
mount House, county Mayo
Littlewood, H. J. Linenhall- street,
Dublin
Langstaff, Joseph, Kingstown.
VOL. II.
Lloyd, Thomas, jun. Ballyvourm ,
county Limerick
Lloyd, Eyre, Birchmount, ditto
Lynam, John, jun. Bachelor's-walk,
Dublin
Leake, George R. county Clare
Larnphier, Thomas, New Ross, co.
Wexford
Larnphier, Joseph, ditto
Lamphier, Joseph F. ditto
Leigh, John, ditto
Leadman, Thos. county Kerry
Lloyd, Edw. Heathfield, county Li-
merick
Little, Archibald, Newry
Lipselt, Michael, Bally shannon, co.
Donegal
Lyle, Joseph, Newry
Lewis, W. county Mayo
Lamrick, William, Castlebar
Lyle, Acheson, Gardiner's -place,
Dublin
Lyle, Hugh, Oak Lodge, London-
derry
Lawson, James, Waterford
Lindsey, Richard, Armagh
Lyle, John, Belfast
Lake, Samuel, ditto
Lindsey, John, Sackville st. Dublin
Lamb, Joshua, Lisburn
Laphan, John D. Waterford
Lamphrey, J. (M.D.) ditto
Lane, Edw. Clonmel
Lindsay, John, Tullyhenan, county
Down
Lucas, Edward, Castleshane, county
Monaghan
Law, Hugh, Gilford, county Down
Lightfoot, William, High-st. Dublin
Luke, James, Belfast
Lamb, Joshua, Lisburn
Leech, William Preston, Kilkenny
Leeson, Isaac, county Wicklow
Leggett, Robt. county Wexford
Lane, Vere, Denzille st. Dublin
Lidwill, Frederick M. Droma, co.
Tipperary
Lane, James, Cork
Logan, Wm. C. county Cork
Lane, George, Kilworth, ditto
Lester, Richard, Carrick-on-Suir
Lester, George, ditto
Loftus, Francis Hamilton, Mount
Loftus, county Kilkenny
ccxlii
APPENDIX.
Leadbeater, Richard G. Stradbaliy
Langley, Benjamin, Athlone
Langley, William, ditto
Lester, Joshua, Thurles, county Tip-
perary
Lawless, Robert, ditto
Laud,Wm. H. Cardiffe, Glamorgan-
shire, " a visitor to Ireland "
Leader, Thomas, Cork
Lindsay, James, Caramoney
M
Mahony, Pierce, Merrion-square,
Dublin
Morrisson, Richd. Gloucester-st. do.
M'Donnell, John, New Hall, Ennis,
county Clare
M'Kenny, Thomas, (Alderman,)
Dublin
Maguire, Constantine, Tempo
M'Neill, Gordon, county Dublin
Marley, G. (Lieut.-Col.) Belvedere,
county Westmeath
Mahony, David, Mount-st. Dublin
Magee, James, Trinity-street, ditto
Milner, George, Rutland, co. Dublin
Malone, Richd. Baronstown, King's
county
Maunsell, Charles
M'Mullen, John, Blackhall-street,
Dublin
Martin, Thos. Ballinahinch Castle,
county Galway
Milward, William, Waterford
M' Bride, George, Abbey-st. Dublin
Melladew, Thomas B. Wormwood-
gate, Dublin
Metcalfe, Timothy, James'-street.
ditto
Macartney, James, (M.D.) Upper
Merrion- street, ditto
M'Cready, JohnD. (M.D.) Eustace-
street, ditto
Murry, Samuel, Harcourt-st. ditto
Millner, John,Mountmellick
Maxwell, Thomas, Burgh - quay,
Dublin
M'Dermott, Joseph, Castlekiew
Morgan, Sir T. Charles (knt.) Kil-
dare-street, Dublin
Maeder, John George^ Queen-street,
ditto
Mongan, Thomas, Lower Mount-
street, Dublin
Murray, Matthew, Ranelagh
Mee, William Moore, Dublin
Millikin, Richard, Grafton-st. ditto
Morris, Benjamin, Grafton-st. ditto
Manders, Richard, Brackenstown,
county Dublin
Manders, Robt. Airfield, co. Dublin
M'Conchy, William, Buckingham-
street, Dublin
Marshall, J. Markham, co. Kerry
Mansergh, John Wm. Ballyboden,
county Dublin
Morris, William, Waterford
M' del land, Robert, Summer-hill,
Dublin
Mills, Thomas, (M. D.) Rutland-
square, ditto
M'Intire, N. B. Summerhill, ditto
Marsh, Henry, (M. D.) Molesworth-
street, ditto
Moore, William, Mabbot-st. ditto
Mannington, Edward, ditto
Mathers, John P. Camden-street,
ditto
Mitchell, James, (M.D.) Newtown
Mount Kennedy, co. Wicklow
Martineau, James, (elk.) Dublin
M'Connell, John, St. Andrew-st.
ditto
Maguire, Alexander, Bolton-st. do.
M'Donnell, John, (M.D.) Belve-
dere-place, ditto
M'Carthy, M. F. T. Enniskean, co.
Cork
M'Carthy, Dionysius, A.B. T.C.D.
Montgomery, Robert, Essex- street,
Dublin
Morrisson, John, (M.D.) ditto
Morrisson, Richard, jun. (M.D.) do.
Morrisson, William, Gloucester-st.
ditto
Morrisson, Fielding, (elk.) Vicar of
Corkmahide
M'Cullagh, Henry, Ballyboden, co.
Dublin
Morgan, Edward, Bridestown, co.
Cork
Molyneux, James, Great Brunswick.
street, Dublin
Meares, Charles, Dorset-street, do.
Meahan, John, New Ross, county
Wexford
APPENDIX.
ccxliii
Mason, Frederick, Ballygrennan,
county Kerry
Moore, Howard, (R.N.) Carlow
M'Minn, Joseph, jun. Newry
Mollon, John, ditto
Melling, John, ditto
May, James, ditto
Madden, Wm. James'-st. Dublin
Meaken, Robert, Newry
Molyneux, Echlin, Great Bruns-
wick-street, Dublin
Malley, William S. county Mayo
Martin, Thomas, ditto
Maxwell, W. W. (elk. J. P.) Pre-
bendary of Balla, co. Mayo
Mason, Oliver, (J.P.) Kilmore
M'Clean, Benjamin, Waterford
Massey, Godfrey, Tramore, county
Waterford
Massey, Hugh, ditto ditto
Macklin, Thos. Thornton, George's-
place, Dublin
M'Guire, Geo. Holies-street, ditto
M' Williams, William, Armagh
Marshall, Joseph, ditto
Murry, William, Ednavease, ditto
M'Williams, Thomas, ditto
Marks, Benjamin, Cloveneden, co.
Armagh
Moore, Edward F. Black watertowu,
ditto
Marks, Jacob, Cloveneden, ditto
M'Kinstry, Robert, ditto
M'Kinstry, L. Glenkeady, ditto
M'Kean, Edward, Ballyhandan, do.
M'Bride, Robert, Allistragh, ditto
M'Cance, John, Suffolk, Belfast
Mulholland, Andrew, ditto
M'Laine, Alexander, ditto
Maclurkan, Thomas, ditto
Moore, William John, ditto
M'Kibben, Hugh, ditto
M'Cracken, Francis, ditto
Murphy, John, ditto
M'Clean, Adam, ditto
M'Tear, George, ditto
M'Donnell, Alexander, ditto
M'Donnell, James, (M.D.) ditto
M'Cracken, John, ditto
M'Cance (elk.) William, Waterford
M'Dougall, Patrick, ditto
Mortimer, Michael, ditto
M'Dougall, Thomas, ditto
Marks, Samuel A. ditto
Morrissy, Samuel, Waterford
M'Grath, Thomas, ditto
M'Bride, Thomas, county Dublin
Mulligan, John, Ballyboden, ditto
Maddox, Thomas, Buckingham-st.
Dublin
Mulligan, John, Parkmount, county
Down
Molswood, Christopher, Capel-st.
Dublin
Morton, James, Clonmel
Montgomery, Thomas, Aughnacloy,
county Tyrone
Mackey, John, Kennedies, ditto
M'Kinstry, J. Lurgan, co. Armagh
M'Kenzie, John, Belfast
M'Clean, Samuel, ditto
Montgomery, George, ditto
M'Donnell, Thomas, ditto
Montgomery, H. (elk.) ditto
M'Adam, James, ditto
M'Adam, John, ditto
Moore, James, ditto
Magee, Robert, Lodge, ditto
Morgan, John, Belfast
Magill, James, ditto
M'Dowell, Robert A. (J.P.) ditto
M'Cormick, Henry, (M.D.) ditto
M'Cabe, Thomas, (M.D.) ditto
Montgomery, Hugh, ditto
Munford, James, ditto
Murphy, William, ditto
M'Clancy, Robert, ditto
Mulholland, Thomas, ditto
Martin, William, ditto
Mayne, S. Lower Bridge-st. Dublin
Mills, Robert, Roper's Rest, county
Dublin
Milikin, Israel, Belfast
Mtmster, P. L. ditto
M'Calmont, Hugh, ditto
Montgomery, James, Garvey, co.
Tyrone
M'Kinstry, Zach. county Armagh
Maxwell, John, Rathlish, Portar-
lington
M'Mahon, Charles, Carrickmacross
Moore, William, ditto
Murray, John, Moorfield, Clonmel
Murphy, Thomas, ditto
Molloy, John, Rockfield, King's co.
Meares, Thomas, Doughill, ditto
Meares, Richard, Newtown Lodge,
ditto
ccxliv
APPENDIX.
Meares, George, Newtown Lodge,
King's county
Meares, Richard, ditto
M'Cabe, Christopher John, Moate,
county Westmeath
Morris, Thomas, county Wicklow
Mayberry, Duckett M. Greenlane,
Kenmare, county Kerry
Mayberry, John, jun. ditto
Mitchell, Geo. Parsonstown, King's
county
M'Donnell, Lawrence, T.C.D.
Moffat, William, Portadown, county
Armagh
Moon, George, Ballybay, county
Monaghan
M'Curdy, Samuel, Newtown Lima-
vady, county Londonderry
M'Mahon, Hugh, Ormond Market,
Dublin
Meade, John, Sch. T.C.D.
Milner, Robert, William-st. Dublin
Morton, Samuel, Little Island, Clon-
mel
Mayne, James, Bridge-st. Dublin
Maguire, H. Camden- street, ditto
Mullins, Hon. Robert, Monivac,
county Kerry
Mullins, Hon. Edward, Dingle, do.
Mullins, William Townsend, ditto
Mullins, Thomas, ditto
Mawe, Thomas, (M.D.) Tralee
Millet, E. (M.D. J.P.) Cove, co.
Cork
Millet, Thomas, T.C.D.
Montgomery, Francis, Carlow
M'Namara, Dillon, York-st. Dublin
Macuamara, William Nugent, co.
Clare
Meyler, John, Carlow
Mawe, James Henry, Tralee
Maguire, Peter, Peterfield, Cork
M'Mullen, Joseph, ditto
Montgomery, R.H. T.C.D.
M'Craith, High-st. Kilkenny
M'Ferrar, James, county Down
M'Gowan, John, Ballysallagh, co.
Down
Moffatt, Robert, Ballymullen, ditto
M'Wha, Dupre, county Down
M'Naghten, Thomas, Thomastown
Park, county Roscomnion
M'Naghten, E. H. Thomastown Park,
county Roscommon
Mills, Joseph, Thurles, county Tip-
perary
Montgomery, H. Blessingborough
Cottage, (J.P.) Fermanagh and
Tyrone
M'Dowell, Charles, Howth, county
Dublin
Montgomery, Thomas, Aughnacloy,
county Tyrone
Moore, Richard, Bandon
Maziere, R. Petersfield, Cork
Morris, Thomas, county Wicklow
M'Culloch, Alexander, Rathgill, co.
Down
M'Culloch, George, ditto
M'Mahon, William, Bangor
Maguire, James, ditto
M'Blaine, William, ditto
M'Cartney, James, ditto
Martin, Robert, ditto
M'Murray, Ross, ditto
M'Connell, William, ditto
M'Connell, John, ditto
Martin, James, ditto
Miskell, William, Ballyverron, co.
Down
Melvin, John, Bangor, ditto
M'Feran, James, Crawfourdsbourn,
Bangor
Marshall, Alexander, ditto
M'Stockhart, John, ditto
M'Dowell, Hugh, ditto
Mitchell, Carney, ditto
M'Millin, William, ditto
M'Murray, John, ditto
Martin, James, jun. ditto
M'Mahon, David, ditto
Martin, William, ditto
M'Blain, George, ditto
N
Napier, Richard, Kingstown
Newport, Simon, (knt.) High Sheriff
of Waterford
Ness, George, Great Britain- street,
Dublin
Norton, Thomas, Exchequer-street,
ditto
Norton, John Radley, Parnel-place,
ditto
Nowlan, Edward, Wicklow
Newport, S, Jolm's-hill, Waterford
APPENDIX.
ccxlv
Newport, Samuel, Waterford
Neville, Thomas, Annamult, county
Kilkenny
Nolan, John, (M.D.) Dublin
Nixon, Henry, ditto
Nesbilt, John, London
Nesbitt, Cosby, Lismore, Cavan
Nixon, Henry, Clone House, county
Kilkenny
Nicholson, Joseph, Bessbrook, Ar-
magh
Nelson, William, Newry
Naper, J. L. Loughcrew, Old Castle,
county Westmeath
Newport, William, New Park, Wa-
terford
Nicholson, R. James'-street, Dublin
North, James, Lower Bridge-st. do.
North, Thomas, ditto
Napier, William, Belfast
Napier, William, jun. ditto
Nicholson, J. New Holland, Armagh
Newell, George, Lismore
Neville, J. (J.P.) Annamult, county
Kilkenny
Newbold, J. Thoroas'-street, Dublin
Nangle, Walter, Clonbercon, county
Meath
Neill, William, Bangor, co. Down
O
O'Brien, William, (Lieut.-Col.) co.
Clare
O'Brien, R. (Capt. R.N.) ditto
O'Callaghan, George, Maryfort
O'Connor, Henry, Mount Pleasant,
Dublin
Orr, William, Strabane, co. Tyrone
Overard, John, Suffolk-st. Dublin
Orr, Robert, Merchant's- quay, do.
Ogle, William H. Nelson- street, do.
Outterson, Andrew, county Dublin
Outterson, Andrew, jun. ditto
Outley, Edward, Ballyboden, ditto
Outterson, James, ditto
O'Keeffe, Thomas, A.B.T.C.D.
O'Keeffe, Arthur J.
O'Donoghue, John, A.B. T.C.D.
O'Brien, Donogh, Upper Merrion-
street, Dublin
O'Callaghan, A. (elk.) Seville-place,
Dublin
O'Callaghan, William Edw. Wheat-
field, county Dublin
O'Callaghan, Andrew, Seville-place,
Dublin
Ottiwell, John R, Beresford-place,
ditto
Ogilvie, William, Ardglass, co. Down
Osbrey, Thomas, Rath gar, county
Dublin
Outterson, John, Ballyboden, ditto
Osborne, John, Cork
O'Mally, Charles, (J. P.) Hawthorn-
Lodge, Castlebar
O'Mally, St. Clair, (J.P.) ditto
O'Hara, James Arthur, Sligo
Osbrey, John, Rathgar,co. Dublin
Ogle, John, (Solicitor) Newry
O'Neill, John, Fitzwilliam-square,
Dublin
O'Connor, H. Tralee
Ogle, George, (Solicitor) Newry
Ogle, Samuel, ditto
Ogle, John, (J.P.) ditto
O'Mally, Andrew C. (J.P.) New.
castle, county Mayo
O'Malley, Owen, Spencer Park,
Castlebar
Ogle, John, (Col.) Forkhill, county
Armagh
Ogle, Henry, ditto
Osborn, Walter Richards, Cork
Oliver, James, Enagh, county Ar-
magh
Oliver, Joseph, Tullymore, ditto
Oliver, Benjamin, Killylean, ditto
Orr, William, Belfast
O'Reilly, John A. ditto
Oldham, H. Newtownards
Orr, Alexander, Belfast
Orr, Alexander B. Commercial
Buildings, Dublin
O'Brien, J. Waterford
O'Brien, James, Kilkenny
Osborne, James, Belfast
Ogle, John, (J.P.) county Armagh
O'Brien, John, (M.D.) Dublin
O'Meagher, Joseph, Bleakfield,
Queen's county
O'Meagher, Samuel, ditto
Osborne, William, co. Wicklow
O'Malley, George May, Prospect,
Eyrecourt, county Gal way
Oliver, Thomas, Ashbuurn, county
Meath
ccxlvi
APPENDIX.
Osborne, Richard Boyse, (J.P.) co.
Kilkenny
Power, John, Kilfane, co. Kilkenny
Power, John, jun. ditto ditto
Powel, Caleb
Pirn, James, Townsend-st. Dublin
Purdy, Richard, Dame -street, ditto
Pirn, James, jun. Dame-street, ditto
Pirn, Henry, City-quay, ditto
Pirn, J. G. ditto ditto
Perry, Samuel, Woodroof, Clonmel
Patten, John, Sandymount, county
Dublin
Power, Robert, Mountjoy Fort
Power, Robert, Whitechurch, county
Waterford
Price, John R. Mountrath, Queen's
county
Pim, George, Usher's Island, Dub-
lin
Pay, Jobn, North Anne-street, ditto
Plunket, Hon. John, Upper Fitz-
wiiliam-street, ditto
Peck, Wm. Neptune Villa, Kings-
town
Pemberton, Benjamin, Moore-street,
Dublin
Perrin, Henry, Abbey-street, ditto
Perrin, John, Wicklow
Pomeroy, Henry, Dublin
Perry, Samuel, jun. Woodrooffe, co.
Tipperary
Pickering, Thomas, Abbey-street,
Dublin
Purdon, Peter, Ballyboden, county
Dublin
Pool, William Mullinahack, ditto
Purser, John, James'-street, Dublin
Purser, John, jun. James'-gate, do.
Perry, James, Pill-lane, ditto
Page, Robert Luke, (M.D.) Dun-
dalk
Plunket, Hon. W. (elk.) Bray
Price, George, N. Anne-st. Dublin
Plunket, Hon. David, Stephen's-
green, ditto
Plunkett, Thomas, (elk.) Dromore,
county Tyrone
Pullen, John,Thoma§'-8treet, Dublin
Perrin, Lewis, Granby-row, ditto
Purdon, R. (M.D.) Tralee
Parke, Marlborough, Woodberry,
Athlon e
Pindon, Robert, Newry
Persse, Bunton, jun. Persse Lodge,
county Galway
Persse, Dudley, Roxborough, ditto
Pickett, Henry, A.B. T.C.D.
Prentice, Alexander, jun. county
Armagh
Prentice, Alexander, ditto
Perrie, William, Belfast
Patterson, Joseph, ditto
Pope, Richd. (Alderman) Waterford
Pope, A. R. Waterford
Parsons, Thomas, ditto
Prossor, Thomas, ditto
Pope, Henry, ditto
Palmer, P. ditto
Pope, William, ditto
Patten, George, ditto
Pope, Richard, ditto
Pope, Alexander, jun. Waterford
Pope, Josiah, ditto
Plunket, J. (Capt. late (S.A.S.)
Grand Canal Harbour, Dublin
Pheepes, John, Capet-street, ditto
Palmer and Greville, Messrs. Mary-
street, Dublin
Peebles, William, Usher's-quay, do.
Purser, John Edward, ditto do.
Pedder, Henry, Clonmel
Poole, Thomas, Ballyanchor, county
Waterford
Pearce, Thomas, county Wicklow
Palmer, Joseph, Coombe, Dublin
Palmer, John, ditto ditto
Palmer, F. ditto ditto
Pomeroy, John James, (J.P.)Ratb.-
angan, county Kildare
Parks, John, Cork
Perrott, Thomas, Uplands, Cork
Perrott, Samuel, Fermoy, co. Cork
Perrott, John, jun. ditto ditto
Perrott, Samuel, Cloon Hill, ditto
Parker, Nicholas D. Cork
Poe, James, Parade, Kilkenny
Purdon, Rowan, (M.D.) Tralee
Patton, Thomas, Ballygroth, county
Down
Patterson, Thomas, Moyrath, county
Meath
Park, John, Coltown, Bangor, co,
Down
APPENDIX.
ccxlvi'i
Patterson, Robert, Bangor, co. Down
Pollock, John, ditto
Pollock, William, ditto
Pollock, James, ditto
Philips, Alexander, ditto
Penrose, James, Woodhill, Cork
Parker, Nicholas D. Bandon
Q
Quinn, Thomas, Ballyboden, county
Dublin
Quinn, Peter, Belfast
Quinn, James, ditto
Roe, Robert, Dublin
Roe, Henry, ditto
Robinson, Richard, Parkgate-st. do.
Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, Killy-
leagli Castle, county Down
Robinson, Samuel, National Market,
Dublin
Rogers, Adam, (Alderman) Water-
ford
Reade, Robert, Mary's Abbey, Dub-
lin
Roberts, Paul A. Gt. George's-street,
ditto
Rawlins, Thomas, Harcourt-st. ditto
Robinson, George, Manor-street, do.
Raper, Richard, county Meath
Roe, Shephard, Serpentine Avenue,
county Dublin
Rumley, Thomas, Stephen's -green,
Dublin
Richards, John, Glenn, county Fer-
managh
Reynell, Richard, Killyron, county
Westmeath
Reynell, Edward, ditto ditto
Richards, Thomas, L.L.B. T.C.D.
Reed, John Hamilton, Linenhall-
street, Dublin
Reade, James, Liverpool
Roche, Edw. Trabolgan, co. Cork
Riall, William, Anneville, county
Roche, David, Carass, co. Limerick
Roche, David, jun. ditto
Roe, George, Fitzwilliam-st. Dublin
Ruthven, E. S. Oakley Park, Down-
patrick
Ruthven, C. Newbury Hall, county
Kildare
Richards, L. Van, (J. P.) Rathna-
speck, Wexford
Reilly, Thomas, St. Andrew-street,
Dublin
Russell, Matthew, Newry
Richardson, Thomas, ditto
Russell, John, ditto
Russell, Matthew, jun. ditto
Reid, John, ditto
Risk, Eccles, Usher's-quay, Dublin
Robinson, Moses, Waterford
Rawlinson, Richard, Sir John Ro-
gerson's-quay, Dublin
Richards, Gorfdard Hewstson,
Grange, Wexford
Robinson, John, Tassngh, Armagh
Riddle, John, Belfast
Roberts, John, Collon, Belfast
Ross, Thomas, ditto
Riall, Arthur, Clonmel
Roche, Matthew, county Wexford
Roche, Stephen, ditto
Rochford, John, Walkerstown, co.
Dublin
Regan, William, Rosscarberry, co.
Cork
Roche, Jeremiah, Passage, ditto
Richards, William, Portadown, co.
Armagh
Ready, William, Westport, co.Mayo
Rogers, George Pigott, RosehiH,
Cork
Rose, James, Hollywood, county
Monaghan
Rankin,George^Sackville-stJDublin
Ryan, Henry, Kilfera, Kilkenny
Robertson, John, High-street, ditto
Robinson, William, ditto
Robb, Daniel, county Down
Rockell, Elisha, Ashbourne, county
Meath
Robinson, Alexander, ditto
Richards, John, Merrion-sq. Dublin
Russell, Benjamin, Tlmrles, county
Tipperary
Russell, William, ditto
Russell, Charles, ditto
Russell, E. ditto
Rickey, Hugh, Bangor, co. Down
Richey, Allen, ditto
ccxlviii
APPENDIX.
Russell, James, Thurles, co. Tip-
perary
Roger, Robert N. Bandon, co. Cork
Richey, James, Bangor, co. Down
Rea, David, ditto
Richey, Alexander, ditto
Sinclair, James, Strabane, county
Tyrone
Stevelly, James, Croydon, county
Dublin
Smyth, David, Linen Hall, Dublin
Scott, Thomas, (banker,) Waterford
Scott, R. S. ditto
Scottowe, Edmund, ditto
Stamper, Thomas J. Belvedere-
place, Dublin
Sterne, Samuel, Belmont, county
Dublin
Stewart, Isaac, Bachelor's-walk,
Dublin
Stitt, John, Rathmines, co. Dublin
Singleton, John, Quinville, co. Clare
Singleton, John Blood, (07th regt.)
Stephens, Edward, Roebuck, county
Dublin
Smyth, James Hugh, Sch. T.C.D.
Sloane, Charles, Sackville-st. Dublin
Sloane, Charles Alexander, ditto
Smyth, William Meade, Drogheda
Simpson, John, Francis- st. Dublin
Smithson, Sandwith, Wellington-
quay, ditto
Sheill, Edward Cooke, General Post
Office, Dublin
Stokes, Gabriel, Dorset-street, do.
Spencer, Joshua, Dominick-st. do.
Stopford, Adam, Mullinahack, ditto
Stopford, Elisha, ditto
Sharpe, Charles, Aungier-street, do.
Stephens, H. C. Bishop-street, do.
Stephens, B. F. Rathmines
Stephens, William, Trinity-street,
Dublin
Sadlier, Francis, D.D. S.F. T.C. D.
Stewart, W. Creg, Fermoy, co. Cork
Savage, Marmion W. Mecklenburg-
street, Dublin
Sloane, John, Summer-hill, ditto
Stroker, William, Paternoster-row,
London
Smithson, Thomas, Lower Bridge-
street, Dublin
Smith, John, Kells
Shaw, Zachariah, North Anne-st.
Dublin
Sinclair, Adam, Ballyboden, county
Dublin
Saunderson, Bassett, co. Cavan
Stamper, John, Newtown Mount
Kennedy, county Wicklow
Smith, Thomas, (M.D.) Belmont,
Kilgobbin, county Dublin
Smith, Joseph, (J.P.) Mount But-
ler, Roscrea, Queen's county
Seymour, J. county Roscommon
Smith, Henry, Fermoy, co. Cork
Scott, Henry, Clonmel
Smith, James, Cross, Londonderry^
Smith, Brent, Clarendon-st. Dublin
Stokes, John, Harcourt Lodge, Gd.
Canal, county Dublin
Smith, William Lynd, Lisdillen, co.
Londonderry
Square, John Foster, Waterford
Skipton, Valentine, (J.P.) county
Longford
Sherlock, John, jun. New Ross, co.
Wexford
Stewart, John^ ditto
Surry, James, (civil engineer,) Tul-
larnore
Spence, James, Newry
Sanderson, A. Ballyshannon, county
Donegal
Swansy, Thomas B. Newry
Smyth, George, county Waterford
Sheridan, Henry, county Mayo
Sheridan, G. M. ditto
Spiigg, Samuel, jun. Tramore, co.
Waterford
Sinclair, John, Belfast
Stewart, Alexander, ditto
Simms, William, ditto
Steene, William, ditto
Sinclair, Thomas, jun. ditto
Simpson, Samuel D. Annmount, co.
Armagh
Simpson, Thomas, Birdhill, ditto
Scott, Robert, Bradshaw, Belfast
Simms, Robert, ditto
Sloane, John E. ditto
Stevelly, John, ditto
Stephenson, Joseph, ditto
Spence, Thomas, ditto
APPENDIX.
ccxlix
Stewart, John W. Waterford
Sprigg, John, ditto
Swaine, Joshua, Usher's-qu. Dublin
Slater, George, Baggot- street, ditto
Stephens, T. Trimbush, co. Dublin
Staines, Henry, Abbey-st. Dublin
Simpson, James, Aughnacloy
Smithson, B., L. Bridge-st. Dublin
Smithson, John, ditto ditto
Scott, James, Omagb, co. Tyrone
Sheridan, George, county Mayo
Sterling, Walter Jay, (M.D.) Bur-
ros-in-Ossory, Queen's co.
Smyth, George, county Wexford
Smyth, William, ditto
Stoakes, Thomas, county Wicklow
Smith, Richard, ditto
Sleator, John, ditto
Spear, Arthur, Clanbrasil-st. Dublin
Smyth, Henry, Mounthenry, Port-
arlington
St. Laurence, E. (elk.) Archdeacon
of Ross, county Cork
Stowell, James L. Kilbrilland, ditto
Skottowe, H. Carrick-on- Suir
Smyth, William, Tullow, county
Waterford
Simpson, Samuel, Ardee, co. Louth
Smyth, John, Turbuck, co. Mayo
Smyth, James, ditto
Smyth, William, ditto
Smyth, Thomas, ditto
Stawell, Charles, Kilbrittan, co. Cork
Stroud, Thomas, Tallow, county
Waterford
Sinclair, J. Belfast
Skipton, Val. (J.P.) Springfield, co.
Longford
Skilling, Thomas, Crawfordsbourne
Village, county Down
Shackleton, Ebenezer, Moone, co.
Kildare
Strangman, S. Thurles, county Tip-
perary
Shaw, John, ditto ditto
Strangman, Joshua, ditto
Shaw, Thomas ditto
Smyth, Francis, Blessington-street,
Dublin
Sampson, Samuel D. Annmount, co.
Armagh
Simpson, Thomas, Birch- hill, ditto
Syner, James, (Lieut. Cth Infantry,)
Bandon, county Cork
Scott, W'alter, Gortaglanna, co. Cork
Scott, Hibernicus, Coolmain, ditto
Smyth, James, Castlehill, co. Down
Stewart, Hamilton, Bangor, ditto
T
Trench, William, Cangort Park,
King's county
Turbet, Robert, Bachelor's-walk,
Dublin
Twigg, Paul, Great George's-st. do.
Tighe, Daniel, Rosanna, co. Wicklow
Tandy, Charles, (Solicitor) Water-
ford
Tandy, Francis, Mount Pleasant, Ra-
nelagh
Tuite, Hugh, Sonna, Mullingar, co.
Westmeath
Tighe, Robert J. Mitchelstown, co.
Westmeath
Tighe, Richard Sterne, ditto
Thompson, James, High-st. Dublin
Thompson, John, Leixlip
Trench, Frederick Fitzwilliam, (elk.)
Perpetual Curate of Cloughjor-
dan
Toone, F. Elastings, Ballincor, King's
county
Trench, Charles J. Sopwell Hall,
county Tipperary
Trench, James, Woodlawn, county
Galway
Trench, John, ditto
Tuite, Samuel, Lower Gardiner st.
Dublin
Thompson, Henry William, Stone-
brook, county Kildare
Taylor, John, Newbrook, co. Dublin
Trench, Richard, Elm Lodge, Hants
Tighe, William S. Woodstock, co.
Kilkenny
Turbet, James, Bachelor's-walk,
Dublin
Tonson, Hon. Charles L. Rathcor-
muck
Turnly, John, Rockport, co. Down
Taylor, James, Newry
Thangway, Thomas, Ballyshannon,
county Donegal
Trowton, Charles, Newry
Tudtl, David, ditto
Tredennick,T. Camolin, co. Donegal
ccl
APPENDIX.
Tandy, Thomas, Johnsbrook, county
Meath
Thompson, Robert, Forkhill, county
Armagh
Tennison, Thomas, Castle Tennison,
county Roscommon
Thornton, R. J. Armagh
Tennent, William, Belfast
Tandy, James, Mount Pleasant, co.
Dublin
Thompson, Robert, Ravensdale, co.
Armagh
Thompson, James, Belfast
Thompson, B. (M.D.) dilto
Turner, William, ditto
Tennent, Robert J. ditto
Tennent, Robert, (M.D.) ditto
Traile, Robert, Lurgan, co. Armagh
Thompson, George, North Anne-
street, Dublin
Tennent, Robert James Wm. Belfast
Thompson, John, Clonmel
Taylor, Edwin, Clogheen
Tapley, John, county Wicklow
Thompson, William, Cork
Twigg, Paul, Stafford-st. Dublin
Thorogood, William, (coroner,) Bal-
nadumna, county Meath
U— V
Ulton, James, Limerick
Uniacke, R. (Lieut.-Col.) Woodhill,
Cork
Vance, James, Cuffe- street, Dublin
Vogan, James, Armagh
Vance, Andrew, Bridge-st. Dublin
Vance, George W. Bishop-st. do.
Vance, John, Belfast
W
Winter, John Pratt, Agher, county
Meath
Ward, Samuel, L.L.D. Dorset-st.
Dublin
Williams, Henry F. (elk.) Dublin
Wallace, James, Waterford
Walker, M. C. Leeson-st. Dublin
White, James, Upper Sackville-st.
ditto
Willans, William, Bridge- street, do.
Watson, Solomon, Sackville-street,
Dublin
Whitfield,Thos. Merchant's-quay,do.
Whitcroft, John, county Dublin
Warham, Thomas, jun. Grand Canal
Harbour, Dublin
Whitcroft, John H. jun. Merchant's
quay, ditto
Walsh, Edward, (M.D.) Summer-
hill, ditto
Whiteside, James, T.C.D.
Warham, Thomas, Grand Canal
Harbour, Dublin
Wade, Richard, Paddenstown, co.
Meath
Williams, J. D. Eustace- st. Dublin
Weekes, William, (Alderman,) Wa-
terford
Watts, John, Fleet-street, Dublin
Watts, William, Mecklenburgh-st.
ditto
Warham, John, Grand Canal Har-
bour, ditto
Williamson, Jonathan, Lakelands,
county Dublin
Ward, Right Hon. Robert, Bangor,
county Down
Winter, Samuel, Tullaghard, co.
Meath
Winter, Francis, (elk.) Agher, do.
Walsh, James, (late Lieut.- Col.)
Mohill, county Leitrim
Woodcock, William, Enniscorthy,
county Wexford
Williams, Henry, Lincoln's Inn
Fields, London—" a visitor in
Ireland, whose signature is the
result of unprejudiced personal
observation "
Watt, James, Ramelton, county Do-
negal
Went worth, William, Lower Bridge -
street, Dublin
West, John, Ballyboden, county
Dublin
West, Sterling, ditto ditto
West, Matthew, ditto ditto
Williams, William, Dominick-st.
Dublin
Walker, Thomas, Fermoy, co. Cork
Wilson, James
Watson, Launcelot, Dublin
Wilson, John, Shamrock Lodge,
Drogheda
APPENDIX.
cell
Wall, Henry, Elliot- place, Dublin
Wall, Henry, jun. ditto ditto
Wall, Edward, ditto ditto
Williams, Vance, (M.D.) co, Long-
ford
Walker, Charles A.(J.P.) Belmont,
county Wexford
Walker, Thomas, jun. ditto
West, Wra. J. G. Great Clonard, do.
Whitney, Henry, New Ross, ditto
Weld, Isaac, Ravenwell, co. Dublin
Walker, Francis Spring, Belville, co.
Limerick
White, John, (J.P.) Armagh
White, John, Newry
Wilson, James, ditto
Wilson, James, jun. ditto
Wilson, John Richard, ditto
Waters, George A. (M.D.) Tra-
more, co. Waterford
Waters, George A. jun. ditto
Wheland, Joseph, Glenvale, Ar-
magh
Waugh, James, Cavanacan, ditto
Wynne, Thomas, Lislea, co. Armagh
Wilson, Thomas, Mountjoy- square,
Dublin
Williams, Josiah, Riverview, Water-
ford
Webber, James, ditto
Walsh, Peter, Bellview, ditto
Wilson, Thomas, ditto
Woods, Simon, ditto
Watkins, Richard, Ardee-st. Dublin
Watkins, Joseph, ditto
Wilson, John, Pill-lane, ditto
Watson, Joshua E. Sallymount, co.
Dublin
Waddy, Cadwallader, Kilmacoe,
Wexford
Workman, Robert, Belfast
Whittle, F. (J.P.) Castleupton, co.
Antrim
Webb, William, Belfast
Waller, Thomas, ditto
Williamson, Robert, (J.P.) Lambeg
House, county Antrim
Williamson, Alexander, ditto
Wilkinson, Joseph, Barberstown
White, David, (elk.) Belfast
Woods, John, Carrie kmacross
Willis, Anthony, Gardiner-street,
Dublin
Walsh, Samuel, Piltown, co. Kil-
kenny
White, Edward, county Wicklow
White, William, ditto
Woods, Thos. Parsonstown, King's
county
Webb, Robert, Bloomfield, county
Dublin
Wilson, John, Castle Blayney, co.
Monaghan
Wilson, James, Burns, co. Carlow
Wilson, Thomas B. Cork
Watt, Charles Wm. Coolnamuck,do.
Wilson, Thomas, Carrick-on-Suir
Walsh, Peter, Bellisle, ditto
Wright, John, ditto
Walpole, James, Graig, county Kil-
kenny
Wilson, Richard, Upper James'-
street, Dublin
Wilson, Richard, jun. ditto
Wilson, James Gibbon, ditto
Wetherall, Joseph L. jun. Bellview,
Killarney
White, Patrick, Thurles, co. Tip-
perary
Wanston, William S. Bandon, co.
Cork
Wrixon, H.
Ward, Hon. Wm. Robert, Bangor
Castle, county Down
Wilson, Kill, Bangor, ditto
Ward, Edward Michael, ditto
Wilson, Thomas, Kilcaskan, Ban-
don, county Cork
Younge, Drelincourt, Bridge-street,
Dublin
Younge, J. H. James'-gate, Dublin
Young, Joseph, Bangor, co. Down
cclii APPE.\DIX.
Resolutions passed at the Rotunda Meeting, on Tues-
day, 20th January, 1829, his Grace the Duke of
Leinster in the Chair.
Moved by Alderman M' Kenny, seconded by Colonel
Drought : —
That Henry Arabin, Esq., and the Rev. Edward
Groves, be appointed Secretaries to the meeting.
Moved by the Hon. Robert King, M.P., seconded
by John David Latouche, Esq. : —
That no portion of our fellow-subjects are more deter-
mined than we are, to maintain the principles which
placed the House of Brunswick on the throne of these
realms.
Moved by Lord Dunalley, seconded by Thomas Boyse
of Bannow, Esq. : —
That those principles are founded upon the basis of
civil and religious freedom.
Moved by the Earl of Bective, M.P., seconded by
Sir John Newport, Bart., M.P. :—
That being personally interested in the condition, and
sincerely anxious for the happiness of Ireland, we feel
ourselves called on at the present alarming juncture, to
declare our conviction, that the disqualifying laws affect-
ing his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, which in
earlier periods were considered essential to the mainte-
nance of the Protestant constitution and religion, have,
through the enlightened character of the times, ceased
to be so, and may with safety to that constitution be
repealed.
APPENDIX. ccliii
Moved by the Earl of Milltown, seconded by Lord
Clements, M.P. :—
That from the progress of wealth, intelligence, and
liberality, which so pre-eminently characterises the pre-
sent age, the continuance of those disqualifying laws
operates most injuriously as a bar to the cessation and
oblivion of political discord, and to that union of senti-
ment and interest on which the internal peace and pros-
perity of a nation can alone permanently rest.
Moved by Hugh M. Tuite, Esq., M.P., seconded by
J. L. Naper, of Loghcrew, Esq. : —
That with respect to Ireland in particular, we are of
opinion that those disqualifying laws become a primary
cause of disunion, by perpetuating those political dis-
contents and religious animosities which distract the
country, endanger the safety of all its institutions, and
are alike destructive of social happiness and national
prosperity.
Moved by Count Magauley, seconded by Edward
Berwick, Esq. : —
That we are further of opinion, that unless the wis-
dom of the legislature shall apply an immediate remedy
to those evils, they will in their progression assume, at
an early period, a character which must necessarily
augment the difficulties of their removal.
Moved by Charles Brownlow, Esq., M.P., seconded
by Sir Thomas Charles Style, Bart. : —
That it is of paramount importance to the welfare of
the empire at large, and more especially of Ireland, that
the condition of this country should be taken into im-
mediate consideration by parliament, with a view to
CCliv APPENDIX.
such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be con-
ducive to the peace and strength of the United King-
dom, to the stability of our national institutions, and to
the general satisfaction and concord of his Majesty's
subjects.
Moved by the Earl of Howth, seconded by Thomas
Lloyd, Esq., M.P. :—
That a petition to his Most Gracious Majesty, in the
spirit of the foregoing resolutions, be forthwith prepared,
assuring his Majesty of our most unalterable attachment
to his throne and person, and praying that he may be
pleased, with the least possible delay, to recommend to
parliament to take into their most serious consideration
the alarming and wretched state of this country.
The draft of a petition to the King having been read,
it was moved by the Earl of Glengall, seconded by
Dominick Browne, of Gastlemacgarrett, Esq. : —
That the petition which has been prepared by the
noblemen and gentlemen of the committee, and now
read, be adopted by this meeting.
Moved by the Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P., se-
conded by "William Crawford, of Ferney, county Cork,
Esq. :—
That this petition be presented to his Majesty by our
noble chairman, accompanied by the following peers
and members of parliament, viz. : —
Duke of Somerset Marquess of Clanricarde
Devonshire Earl of Meath
Marquess of Lansdowne Darnley
Downsbire Wentworth Fitzwilliam
Anglesey Ferrers
Westmeath Kingston
Ormonde Portarlington.
APPENDIX. CClv
Earl of Wicklt)w Sir Henry Parnell, Bart. M.P.
Leitrim Hon. H. Caulfield, M.P.
Clare Hon. George Ponsonby, M.P.
Gosford Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P.
Caledon Charles Brownlow, M.P.
Glengall Thomas Spring Rice, M.P.
Dunraven Thomas Lloyd, M.P.
Viscount Goderich Lucius O'Brien, M.P.
Ebrington James Grattan, M.P.
Milton Henry Grattan, M.P.
Ennismore Hugh M.Tuite, M.P.
Clements Henry V. Stuart, M.P.
Duncannon Charles D. O. Jephson, M.P.
Lord Grenville Alexander Dawson, M.P.
Dundas Henry White, M.P.
Rossmore Peter Van Homrigh, M.P.
Killeen Arthur French, M.P.
Pluuket And such other noblemen and
Rt. Hon. Sir J. Newport, Bart. M.P. members of the House of Corn-
Right Hon. M. Fitzgerald, M.P. mons as wish to attend.
Moved by Thomas Wyse, of Water ford, Esq., se-
conded by the Hon. David Plunket :
That we most earnestly recommend the immediate
attendance in parliament of all the peers and members
representing Ireland, and that for the sake of our com-
mon country, as well as the empire at large, we trust
that all party distinctions and jealousies will be buried
in oblivion, so that Ireland may enjoy the benefit of
their collective and calm consideration of her wants.
Moved by Lord Killeen, seconded by Charles D. O.
Jephson, of Mallow, Esq., M.P. : —
That we adopt the sentiments contained in the Pro-
testant declaration, signed by their Graces the Dukes
of Leinster and Devonshire, and by seven marquesses,
twenty-six earls, eleven viscounts, twenty- two barons,
two counts, twenty-two baronets, fifty-two members of
the House of Commons, and upwards of two thousand
gentlemen of other ranks, all of whom are personally
APPENDIX.
interested in the condition of Ireland ; and that our
noble chairman be instructed to present to his Majesty,
together with our petition, a copy of that declaration,
with the signatures attached to it.
Petitions to both houses of parliament having been
laid before the meeting, it was
Moved by Nicholas Phil pot Leader, of Dromagh
Castle, Esq., seconded by William Tighe, of Wood-
stock, Esq. : —
That the petitions now read, and which are founded
on the resolutions of this meeting, be adopted, and pre-
sented to both houses of parliament : — that to the Lords
by the Marquess of Anglesey, and that to the Commons
by Charles Brownlow, Esq.
Moved by Lord Clanmorris, seconded by the Hon.
Colonel Westenra : —
That his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of
Anglesey is entitled to and possesses our entire confi-
dence ; and we regret that circumstances have induced
his Excellency to relinquish the government of this
country ; for that, relying upon his wisdom and justice,
we do assure his Excellency, to adopt the language of a
distinguished Englishman, " There is no nation of peo-
ple under the sun that doth love equal and indifferent
justice better than the Irish, or will rest better satisfied
with the execution thereof, although it be against them-
selves, so as they may have the protection and benefit
of the law, when upon just cause they do desire it."
Moved by John Power, of Kilfane, Esq., seconded
by Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart. : —
That the address to his Excellency the Marquess of
APPENDIX. CClvii
Anglesey, now read, be adopted by this meeting, and
that our noble chairman be requested to transmit the
same to his Excellency at his Grace's earliest conveni-
ence.
Moved by the Hon. Mr. Preston, seconded by Robert
Roe, Esq. :—
That copies of these resolutions and petitions be for-
warded to his Grace the Duke of Wellington, and the
rest of his Majesty's ministers, calling their attention to
the deplorable situation of this country, and requiring
them to give peace, and above all, religious peace, to
Ireland ; which, by benefiting the state, will confer a
benefit upon every individual in it.
Moved by Robert Challoner, of Coolatyn Park, Esq.,
seconded by Walter Berwick, Esq. : —
That the thanks of the country and of this meeting
are eminently due, and are hereby given, to the noble-
men and gentlemen who constituted the committee for
the Protestant declaration, the dinner to Lord Morpeth,
and the arrangements of this meeting, and we do ear-
nestly request, that they will individually and collec-
tively continue their exertions for the success of the
great cause in which we are engaged — " the religious
peace of Ireland ;" and that the noblemen and gentle-
men who have moved and seconded these resolutions be
added to the committee.
LEINSTER, Chairman.
The Duke of Leinster having left the chair, and the
Right Honourable the Earl of Milltown having been
called thereto, it was
VOL. 11. r
cclviii APPENDIX.
Moved by Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., seconded
by Richard Sheil, Esq. : —
That the thanks of the country, and more especially
of this meeting, are pre-eminently due, and are hereby
given, to his Grace the Duke of Leinster, the premier
noble of Ireland, not only for his dignified and impartial
conduct in the chair this day, but for his undeviating
attachment and devotion to the true interests of Ireland.
MILLTOWN, Chairman.
EDWARD GROVES, ^
HBNRY ARABIN, 5 Secretaries.
Address to his Majesty, adopted at the Rotunda
Meeting, on Tuesday, 20th January, 1829.
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,
The humble Petition of the Noblemen and Gentlemen
undersigned.
May it please your Majesty,
We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects
of the kingdom of Ireland, beg leave to approach your
throne with assurances of our unalterable fidelity and
attachment to your Majesty's royal person and govern-
ment,
Reigning by the free voice of a proud and brave
people, your Majesty holds the crown of these realms
by the highest of all titles — the clearest of all legiti-
macies ; we venerate you as the guardian of just laws,
and the last perfection of a noble constitution. You
rule in the interests of your people— your throne has
APPENDIX. Cclix
the best security for any throne, the enlightened con-
fidence of your subjects.
No portion of your Majesty's loyal people are more
truly devoted than we are to the principles which placed
the illustrious House of Brunswick on the throne.
We conceive these principles to be founded on the
basis of civil and religious freedom.
It is to the diffusion of these great gifts we attribute
the gradual union, the industry, the wealth, the intel-
ligence, the consequent prosperity, and the only perma-
nent security, of any state. In proportion as the citizen
derives advantages from the constitution under which
he lives, he will naturally give back to the preservation
of that constitution his zealous and persevering sup-
port.
Your Majesty was graciously pleased, on the memo-
rable occasion on which you honoured these shores with
your royal presence, to impress upon the mind of your
faithful Irish subjects these important truths ; and it is
not without a deep recognition of their value, we still
hold in our recollection the conciliatory terms of your
Majesty's parting advice.
But with profound regret, we venture to represent to
your Majesty, that little benefit has yet accrued to this
distracted nation from your Majesty's paternal counsels.
Instead of the cordiality and union which your Majesty
had so emphatically recommended, the whole land is
divided into two adverse parties, measuring each other's
strength in silence, or menacing open and undisguised
hostilities abroad — corrupting to evil all the sources of
national good — disturbing in their course the beneficial
cclx A p PEN nix.
influences of the constitution — lending to justice the
character of faction — irritating, by a succession of dan-
gerous stimulants, the entire national temperament —
embittering every variety of social intercourse, and
shaking to the foundation that mutual confidence, with-
out which all government is difficult, and the entire
frame of civil society must ultimately be dissolved.
Industry, deprived of all its natural nourishment,
languishes — commerce, uninvited by proportionate secu-
rity, flies our shores — manufactures, unsupported by
capital, have almost disappeared— employment, exclu-
sively agricultural, is not adequate to the wants of our
population ; the surplus emigrates, in every shape of
wretchedness, to the more prosperous parts of your
Majesty's dominions, or passing on through a rapid suc-
cession of disasters at home, from idleness to want —
from want to malady — perish, at last, in almost annual
visitations of pestilence or famine.
The consequences of these evils are obvious and uni-
versal ; they are commensurate with our entire system.
The Protestant is not more exempt than the Catholic ;
but, on the contrary, in proportion to his superior wealth
and station in the community, is, if possible, more ex-
posed to their injurious effects. They embrace every
individual in their influence, and they affect all the
relations of every individual whom they embrace.
And your faithful and loyal subjects presume further
to represent to your gracious Majesty, that the influence
of these calamities is not restricted to Ireland alone ;
that such a state of things must require a large military
establishment for its support; that this establishment
APPENDIX. CClxi
necessitates a corresponding taxation of the country ;
that the country, by the repression of its natural ener-
gies and resources, is unequal to this supply ; and that
thus this kingdom, instead of being a source of strength,
is, by a singular anomaly in government, a source of
weakness to the united empire.
Your petitioners would willingly believe that these
evils were of a temporary nature, removable by tem-
porary expedients ; but they have reason to apprehend
that, instead of diminishing, they will gradually increase,
unless prevented, ere it be too late, by a patient and
impartial inquiry into their causes, and the generous
application of a full and final remedy to their cure.
Their continuance will prepare for the first aggression
of foreign foes a long-accumulating spirit of dissatis-
faction in the country — it will invite the insult and
injury of surrounding nations — it will paralyse the
national forces of the state — it will detract from the
moral strength and character which enabled England so
long to hold the first rank in European civilization, and
materially endanger, and perhaps ultimately compromise,
the safety of the entire British empire.
Your petitioners cannot ascribe these evils to any
defect in the moral or physical condition of the country
itself; they are compelled to seek elsewhere for the
fertile source of these calamities. They see, in the
partial distribution of the burdens and rewards of the
state, the exclusion of one part of the people from the
franchises and rights enjoyed by the other, a just and
enduring principle of discontent, further exasperated by
religious animosity, the parent of that national disunion
Cclxii APPENDIX.
from which every other national evil must necessarily
proceed.
It does not, however, escape the attention of you i
humble petitioners, that this exclusion may originally
have been intended for the better maintenance of the
constitution and religion of the state ; but they respect-
fully submit to the consideration of your Majesty
whether, on the extinction of the causes which required
such guarantee, these restrictions on the liberty of the
subject should not also be repealed.
And it is the further conviction of your Majesty's
humble petitioners that these causes have long since
so disappeared — and this opinion is grounded on the
policy of other states, in reference to this country— the
cessation of all external menace or attack ; the sup-
pression of all pretensions to the throne of these realms,
and the increasing liberality and enlightened feeling of
every class and persuasion in the present times.
Your petitioners are therefore satisfied, that the
removal of the disabilities under which their Catholic
fellow- subjects still labour, so far from being attended
with any peril to the institutions of these realms, would,
on the contrary, by a removal of all just ground of com-
plaint, most eminently tend to coalesce all sects and
orders in the country, in united exertions for their com-
mon support; and thus, by " benefiting the state, would
confer a benefit upon every individual belonging to it."
And in this belief your petitioners are more fully con-
firmed, by the gracious message of your Majesty's royal
Father to his Irish parliament in 1793, in which ho
was pleased to recommend such measures as might be
APPENDIX. cclxiii
most likely to strengthen the general union and senti-
ment amongst all descriptions of his Majesty's subjects,
in support of the established constitution ; and in which
his Majesty was further pleased to point out the relief
of his Catholic subjects of Ireland, from the disqualifi-
cations by which they were affected, as the means best
calculated to ensure this desirable result.
And your petitioners gratefully remember, that your
Majesty has professed, on more than one occasion,
towards your faithful people of Ireland, a favour and
affection not inferior to that evinced by your royal
Father. May we then implore your Majesty, graciously
to interpose the noblest exercise of your royal prero-
gative in their behalf? may we implore you to allow the
inhabitants of this distracted but generous country to
dedicate their undivided energies — now exerted chiefly
against each other — to the augmenting the resources,
the ennobling the character, and elevating the glory
and prosperity, of their native land? And may your
Majesty be pleased, with the least possible delay, to
recommend to your parliament to take into their most
serious consideration, the alarming and wretched state
of this portion of your Majesty's dominions, with a view
to such final and conciliatory adjustment as may be
conducive to the peace and strength of the united
kingdom, to the stability of our national institutions,
and to the general concord of your Majesty's loyal sub-
jects; so may your Majesty more fully reign in the
hearts of a grateful people, and transmit your crown
with additional lustre to posterity.
APPENDIX.
A petition to the Houses of Lords and Commons,
conveying similar sentiments, &c. was also adopted by
the meeting1.
An address from the same petitioners to the Marquess
of Anglesey was likewise proposed and adopted, decla-
ratory of " those principles of civil and religious freedom
which are the bond of their union, and were the guide
of his Lordship's counsels," and which now induced
them to join " the voice of a multitudinous people,
uplifted to mourn an event, whose painful interest
has been able (words of no light import) for a season to
suspend the universal discordance, to unite all orders in
one common sentiment of sorrow, and to show that the
passions which have disturbed our judgments have not
yet softened our hearts."
Marquess of Anglesey's Answer.
Uxbridge House, April 14th, 1829.
My Lord Duke — My Lords and Gentlemen,
I have received, with the highest gratification, the
address with which you have been pleased to honour
me, on my retirement from the government of Ireland.
When it reached me, the happy measure, which it
was your object to promote, was already under the con-
sideration of the legislature ; and I, therefore, deferred
offering my acknowledgments for your personal kind-
ness to me, in the hope that I should soon be enabled to
add to them, as I now most joyfully do, my sincere
congratulations upon the accomplishment of the great
good which you desired for your country.
APPENDIX. CC1XV
To the parental solicitude of his Majesty for the
general happiness of his people, to the sound counsel
of his ministers, and, finally, to the liberality and wisdom
of parliament, the empire is indebted for this glorious
act of true policy, grace, and justice.
The whole British constitution is now, for the first
time, extended to the whole people of Ireland. As
they enjoy the same liberties, so may they derive the
same benefits from it — the same peace, prosperity, and
happiness, which it has so long conferred upon Great
Britain.
To secure those blessings to Ireland, it is only neces-
sary that her people act in the spirit which brought you
so auspiciously together ; and that they should continue
to practise that forbearance and good-will towards each
other, which distinguished their conduct through the
whole of the late proceedings in Ireland, and which so
mainly contributed to bring them the desired result.
Allow me, in conclusion, to assure you, that I shall
ever feel the sincerest devotion to the interests of
Ireland, and the deepest gratitude for all the kindness
I have experienced from her.
I have the honour to be,
ANGLESEY.
To his Grace the Duke of Leinster, &c.
CClxVl APPENDIX.
No. XXXII.
Formation of the Society of the Friends of Civil and
Religious Liberty.
Royal Hotel, College Green, Dublin, Wednesday,
21st January, 1829 — William Sharman Crawford,
Esquire, in the chair ;
It was unanimously
Resolved, That in pursuance of the twentieth resolu-
tion, agreed to at the meeting of the Friends of Civil
and Religious Liberty, held yesterday, we recommend
that a committee of forty persons, twenty Protestants
and twenty Catholics, be now appointed, and be selected
from the list of nobility and gentry of both persuasions,
who concurred in those proceedings, for the purpose of
considering the most effectual means for establishing a
permanent junction of Catholics and Protestants, in
order to insure a continuance of their exertions for the
success of the cause in which we are all engaged,
" the religious peace of Ireland."
Resolved, That the following noblemen and gen-
tlemen, together with the chairman, be the members of
the committee.
The Duke of Leinster Charles D.O. Jephson, Esq.M.P.
The Earl of Glengall William D. Napper, Esq.
The Earl of Bective Richard Napier, Esq.
Lord Cloncurry James Sinclair, Esq.
Lord Riversdaie John D. La Touche, Esq.
Lord Rossmore William Sharman Crawford, Esq.
Rt. Hon. Sir John Newport Robert Roe, Esq.
Sir Charles Stjle, Bart. George Grier, Esq.
Sir Charles Morgan W. W. Berwick, Esq.
Hugh M. Tuite, Esq. M.P. John M. Marshall, Esq.
Charles Brownlow, Esq. M.P. Lord Killeen
.APPENDIX. CClxvii
Lord Gormanstown James O'Gorman Mahon, Esq.
Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart. Gerald Dease, Esq.
Sir Richard Nagle, Bart. James John Bagott, Esq.
Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P. George Taffee, Esq.
Richard Shell, Esq. Richard Moore O'Ferrall, Esq.
Thomas YVyse, Esq. Michl. Francis Coppinger, Esq.
William Sweetman, Esq. William Grainger, Esq.
Nicholas Mahon, Esq. John Maher, Esq.
William Murphy, Esq. Barthw. Corballis, Esq.
Nicholas P. O'Gorman, Esq.
Moved by Lord Killeen, seconded by Earl Bective,
and
Resolved, That the Rev. Edward Groves be re-
quested to give his most valuable services as secre-
tary ; also,
That the committee do make a report on Saturday.
Adjourned at five o'clock.
Royal Hotel, College Green, Dublin, Thursday, 22nd
January, 1829 — The Right Hon. Lord Rossmore in
the chair ;
Resolved, That no proceedings are to have publicity
until they shall have received the sanction of the com-
mittee.
Resolved, That the following gentlemen be added to
the committee,
Joseph Stone, Esq. Pierce Mahony, Esq.
Richard P. Leader, Esq. Count Magawley
Edward Berwick, Esq. Dominick O'Reilly, Esq.
Resolved, That the committee do stand as at present
constituted, without further addition.
Resolved, That the committee is of opinion, that for
the sake of our common country, as well as of the empire
at large, all party and sectarian distinctions and jea-
lousies should be buried in oblivion, and that all persons
cclxviii APPENDIX.
should be invited to advance and uphold the great cause
of civil and religious freedom.
Resolved, That it is the universal sentiment of this
meeting, that no member of the committee is or shall be
deemed to be bound by any resolution or proceeding to
which he does not personally assent.
Resolved, That no question be decided on its first
mention, but that notice be inserted in the summons for
a subsequent meeting that such a measure would be
considered.
Resolved, That it is expressly understood, that the
proceedings of this committee are to have no publicity,
farther than what may be sanctioned by a resolution of
the committee.
Resolved, That our secretary be requested to write to
the absent noblemen and gentlemen named on the com-
mittee, enclosing a copy of the resolution passed yes-
terday, and intimating the names of those noblemen
and gentlemen who have signified their consent to act,
and to beg that they will intimate with as little delay as
possible their concurrence.
Resolved, That the secretary be requested to call a
meeting of the committee appointed on the 20th instant
by the 19th resolution, and to report to them that we
have consented to take their commission into considera-
tion, and that we recommend them to proceed in the
mean time to provide for the financial arid other details
necessary to the furtherance of the great end of their
assembling.
Resolved, That this committee adjourn from day to
day at one o'clock till further notice.
Ross MO RE.
APPENDIX. Cclxix
Friday, 23rd January, 1829— The Right Hon. Lord
Rossmore in the chair ;
The minutes of the last meeting having been read, it
was
Resolved, That it is our opinion that a society should
be formed, to be called " The Society of the Friends of
Civil and Religious Liberty of all religious Denomi-
nations," for the sole purpose of promoting the principles
contained in the resolutions of the late meeting at the
Rotunda ; and that our secretary be requested to com-
municate the present resolution to the noblemen and
gentlemen who have signed the Protestant Declaration
and the requisition for the said meeting, and to others,
in order to ascertain as speedily as possible their con-
currence to the same.
Moved by Thos. Wyse, Esq.
Seconded by T. L. Naper, Esq.
Resolved, That this committee do take immediate
steps to convene the friends of civil and religious
freedom in London, before the discussion of the great
question of Catholic emancipation in Parliament.
Moved by P. Mahony, Esq.
Seconded by John Latouche, Esq.
Resolved, That this committee do adjourn till
Wednesday the fourth day of February next, on its
rising.
Moved by Sir Charles Morgan.
Seconded by Barth. Corballis, Esq.
Resolved, That the following noblemen and gentle-
men do form a sub- committee, for the purpose of con-
CCIXX APPENDIX.
veiling the meeting in London, with power to add to the
number.
The Duke of Leinster Charles Brownlow, Esq.
Earl of Darnley C. D. Jephson, Esq.
Lord Dunally T. S. Rice, Esq.
Sir John Newport, Bart. Arthur French, Esq.
James Grattan, Esq. Sir Henry Parnell, Bart.
Henry Grattan, Esq. Pierce Mahony, Esq.
Moved by P. Mahony, Esq.
Seconded by J. D. Latouche, Esq.
Resolved, That the first resolution passed this day
be published in all the Dublin papers.
Moved by D. O'Connell, Esq.
Seconded by T. L. Naper, Esq.
ROSSMORE.
No. XXXIII.
CATHOLIC RENT.
Details of Receipts and Expenditure for the
year 1826.
County of
1 Antrim . . .£138 5 9
2 Armagh . . 113 6 3
3 Cork . . . 2824 13 10
4 Clare . . . 428 30 2
5 Carlow . . . 239 9 5
6 Cavan . . . 792 0 0
7 Donegal . . 76 2 9
8 Down . . . 240 8 1J
9 Dublin . . . 1952 19 5
10 Meath . . .604 14 5J
11 Fermanagh . . 72 17 8
12 Galway . . . 635 15 7
APPENDIX.
13 Kerry . . . £381 15 ?i
14 Kildare . . . 567 4 10J
15 Kilkenny . . 749 19 10
16 King's . . . 549 3 3£
17 Leitrim . . . 148 2 9
18 Louth . . . 689 2 8£
19 Limerick . . 548 8 11
20 Longford . . 168 7 1
21 Londonderry . . 144 2 0
22 Monaghan . . 194 15 10
23 Mayo . . . 293 6 Oj
24 Queen's . . . 257 0 5±
25 Roscommon . . 166 7 0
26 Sligo . . .164 14 3|
27 Tipperary . 1648 7 6}
28 Tyrone . . 65 10 7
29 Westmeath . . 526 19 9
30 Wicklow . . 174 14 7
31 Wexford . . . 504 1 0
32 Waterford . . 738 11 4J
£16,895 18 1H
Subscriptions . . . 2,224 4 5
Interest on government se-
curities . . 144 0 0
£19,228 3 4J
Paid sundry expenses from
Dec, 31, 1824, to March
18, 1825 . . . 4,331 11 61
Total, £14,896 11 10
APPENDIX.
DR. CATHOLIC FUND.
1825.
March 18. To sundry payments made
to during this period, up to
Dec. 16. change of currency . £1,049 17 9
BRITISH.
1826. £1049: 17: 9 Irish, at 8^ is £969 2 0
Jan. 22. To sundry payments made 215 2 3
Balance in treasurer's hands 21 6 11
£16,150 government stock,
security for repayment of 13,000 0 0
£14,205 11 8
CR. CATHOLIC FUND.
1825. By securities and cash on
March 18. hand this day . . £14,896 11 10
By interest on several se-
curities from July 7 to
Dec. 3 ... 236 5 0
By balance do. per Mr.
Hayes ... 38 17 7
£15,171 14 5
BRITISH.
1826. Exchange at Par is . £14,004 13 3
Jan. 13. By interest on government
stock to this day . 200 18 5
£14,205 11 8
APPENDIX. cclxxiii
Summary of Catholic Rent for the years 1825,
1826, 1827, 1828, 1829.
Rent received
to March 1825 . £16,212 11 4
Dec. 1826 . . . 6,261 9 9
Dec. 1827 . . . 3,066 15 7
Dec. 1828 . . 21,424 19 1
Feb. 1829 5,300 0 0
52,265 15 9
Interests and receipts at
door of Corn Exchange 2,617 5 0
54,883 0 9
CATHOLIC RENT FROM AMERICA.
Since the dissolution of the Association, the following
letter has been received from America : —
To the Catholic Association of Ireland.
Patriots, Friends, and Brothers,
The undersigned have been appointed a special com-
mittee by " The Association of the Friends of Ireland
in Charleston," to transmit to " the Catholic Associa-
tion of Ireland " an address accompanying their first
remittance of one thousand dollars, for which they have
purchased a bill of exchange, drawn by Magwood, Pat-
terson, and Co., of this city, upon I. O. Johnson, of
Liverpool, and made payable in London, to the order of
Daniel O'Connell, or Nicholas Purcell Q'Gorman, and
which is herewith remitted.
VOL. II. 5
APPENDIX.
The Irish Catholic Association, and the Roman Ca-
tholic people of Ireland, have long since been in pos-
session of the proceedings of a public meeting held in
this city on the 22nd of last September, and have doubt-
less received the address which the Hon. John Gads-
den, the intendant of our city, and president of that
meeting, has transmitted in duplicate. The Association
of the Friends of Ireland in this city was formed sub-
sequently to that meeting, and adopted for its regulation
a constitution, a copy of which we beg leave to send
you, for the purpose of better exhibiting its object and
our organization ; you will also find attached a form of
our certificates, together with a list of our members,
and of our benefactors.
It might be proper to inform you, that on those lists
are to be found the names of several of our most distin-
guished fellow-citizens, natives of this State, as well as
of many emigrants from your own lovely island, and
from several of the other civilised nations of the world.
The modes of religion professed by our associates are
equally various as the regions which gave birth to them-
selves. We have in our body the descendants of the
ancient patriarchs of Judea, who still follow the Levi-
tical rites, as well as brethren who differ in their pre-
ference of the ancient mode of Christianity. They all
sympathise with you, and desire to relieve you, not for
any partiality to the peculiar tenets of your faith, but
because of their great love for the principle of liberty
of conscience, and freedom of worship to every child
of Adam, which principle they behold glaringly vio-
lated in your case ; and to the spirit of which principle/
APPENDIX. CC1XXV
great and glorious as it is, they find you warmly and de-
votedly attached. Receive their mites, therefore, rather
as evidences of their affection for men of sound prin-
ciple, than as the measure by which they estimate your
deserts.
They perceive that you have judiciously used the
means already entrusted to your care, in enlightening
the ignorant, in protecting the oppressed, in restraining
petty despotism, in vindicating and asserting the right
of extended suffrage, in guarding against the establish-
ment of an influence which would stretch the power of
the executive over the liberties of the people, beyond
those limits which the ancient and pure constitution of
Great Britain had provided ; and hence they rejoice at
the prospect of your receiving additional funds from
your friends at this side of the Atlantic — the friends of
Ireland, the friends of rational liberty, the friends of the
meritorious, though oppressed ; they are cheered by the
emission of new rays, which promise increasing splen-
dour to your hopes from this hemisphere.
They have been seriously gratified at witnessing your
exertions to preserve peace and to promote conciliation
amongst Irishmen ; they have prayed for your success,
and been grateful to God for having blessed your efforts ;
and thankful to the Irish people for having obediently
followed the advice of you their best friends. May this
spirit continue amongst you and them ! Your strength
is to be found in union ; your victory will be achieved
by moderation ; your opponents will be vanquished only
by your firmness, your patience, and your forbearance.
The constitution of your country furnishes the only means
APPENDIX
which you can at present wield with a prospect of suc-
cess.
We do trust that the misguided men, who from various
motives oppose the justice of your claims, and disturb
the peace of your country, will be brought to better sen-
timents ; and that, if no other principle can operate
upon them, the sense of shame, which must arise from
the well-merited reproach of the civilised world, will
cause them to desist, and will drive them from endea-
vouring to impede the progress of justice and of peace,
of affection, and of national prosperity.
Such acknowledgments as you may think proper to
make to our body, or to any of its members, after a con-
sideration of the contents of our packet, will be received
in the spirit of cordial esteem and of fraternal affection.
With the most sincere regard for your patriotic body,
and the most anxious desire for your success in achiev-
ing the emancipation of the Roman Catholics of Great
Britain and Ireland, and affectionate and zealous co-
operation amongst men of all religious denominations
for the welfare of your " Emerald Isle,"
We have the honour to be, your sincere friends,
JOHN, Bishop of Charleston, Chairman.
ALEXANDER BLACK.
CHARLES RIVERS CARROLL.
K. BOYCE.
JOHN MAGRATH.
Charleston (S. C.), January 1, 1829.
Association Room. Friends of Ireland in Charleston,
South Carolina.
APPENDIX. CClxXvii
No. XXXIV.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR FRAMING PETITIONS
TO PARLIAMENT.
(Circular.)
Corn Exchange, Dublin, January 1, 1829.
Reverend Sir,
It is deemed of vital importance to the Catholic
cause, that petitions should be presented in the ensuing-
session of parliament from every parish in Ireland. To
facilitate the attainment of this great end, it has been
considered expedient to furnish you with the annexed
models of petitions, from which you may select one that
appears to you most suitable. These models are not
transmitted with the view of dictating to any individual,
or set of men, but merely saving them trouble. It is
not deemed necessary, that any of these models should
be selected by you, or at the meeting at which you may
preside. All may be rejected — and when this can be
done with convenience, it is decidedly the better course;
sentences may be taken from each — corrections or altera-
tions may be made in them — passages may be intro-
duced, and passages omitted— in short, any thing may
be done with these models, which may be thought de-
sirable; and the Association only entreat, that at all
events some form of petition may be adopted in each
parish throughout Ireland.
cclxxviii APPENDIX.
Heretofore the usage has been to send forward only
one petition from every union of parishes : it is deemed
of great importance that there should be a departure from
this course in the present instance, arid that when there
are three parishes united, there should be three petitions
(each form being different) instead of one petition.
The Association deem it of the greatest importance
that the business of preparing petitions should proceed
forthwith. They respectfully recommend, that as soon
as may be convenient after the receipt of this docu-
ment, notice should be given in each chapel, that a
meeting for the adoption of a petition will be held after
last mass on a given day. In the mean time yourself
and the churchwardens (if churchwardens have been
appointed in your parish, and if they have not, you are
entreated to take measures to nominate them), or other
parishioners, may confer as to the form, amongst the
models, which may appear to you or to them fittest to
be copied.
To some clerk, or scrivener, or schoolmaster, this
form should be given, without delay, to be by him
copied on a large sheet of paper, or any sized sheet of
paper that will contain the words — the heading should
invariably be, " To the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses,
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
in this present Parliament assembled — The Humble Pe-
tition of the undersigned Inhabitants of the Parish of
, in the County of , Humbly Sheweth, That,
&c." or when the petition is intended for the House of
Lords, it should be, " To the Lords Spiritual and Tem-
poral, in the present Parliament assembled — Petition,
APPENDIX. CClxxix
&c. Humbly Sheweth." Care should always be taken
to have some signatures on the sheet containing the
form of words of the petition, otherwise it will not be
received by the House. The greatest exertions should
be made to obtain a number of signatures. Every per-
son in the chapel, or in the parish, who can write, should
be called upon to subscribe his name.
The most effective mode of procuring signatures is
to place a table, with pen and ink, at each chapel
door, and to apprise each congregation of the circum-
stance from the altar. Another mode is to appoint
some person to take the ruled sheets about from house
to house.
Petitions may be sent forward to the respective
county or other members from each parish, and through
the post-office, the ends being left open like a news-
paper, and " Parliamentary Petition" written on the
cover. Petitions may also be forwarded to the Secre-
tary to the Catholic Association, Corn Exchange, Dub-
lin. It would be desirable, in order to avoid the ex-
pense of carriage, to send them by private hand ; they
should never be sent through the post-office when
that can be avoided, or otherwise than as a coach
parcel. When they are sent directly to the individual
requested to present them, a letter should be written to
the Secretary to the Catholic Association, mentioning
the fact of their having been forwarded, and mention-
ing also, the name of the member selected to present
them, the day on which they were forwarded, and es-
pecially the number of signatures each petition con-
tained.
CC1XXX APPENDIX.
It should be observed, that when the signatures are
numerous, and the petition consists of many sheets, all
the sheets should be pasted together. It is deemed ex-
pedient again to point attention to the necessity of some
signatures being written upon the sheet containing the
prayer of the petition.
The models will furnish aid as well in the drawing
up of resolutions as the framing petitions. Resolutions
themselves may be turned into petitions, by the changing
of the word " Resolved," into " That." In instances
in which there are no persons to write or compose reso-
lutions, and in which it may be thought desirable to
save time or trouble, no other resolution need be entered
into than one declaring that the form of petition selected
from the models be adopted as that of the parishioners
in each case.
It is deemed essential, that each petition should have
reference to any local grievance, which the inhabitants
in any parish suffering such grievance may think it
useful to point out to the attention of the legislature.
It is also deemed of the utmost importance, that each
petition should end with a prayer, that relief may be
granted to his Majesty's Catholic subjects in Ireland,
without qualifications, conditions, or what are termed
" securities," of any kind or denomination, or with any
infringement or invasion of popular rights.
The Association respectfully direct your attention to
the fact, that the models include three distinct classes
of petitions — one for emancipation generally — one for
the repeal of the Subletting act, and one for the repeal
of the Vestry act. A form from each of these classes,
APPENDIX.
or any original petition on each of these subjects, should
be passed at every meeting. The trouble attending one
will be nearly the same as that attending three; but
the great importance of three being passed at the same
meeting will be manifest, when it is recollected, that if
there be only seven hundred meetings convened (the
number supposed to have been assembled last year),
there will be above two thousand petitions produced,
or as many as will furnish between twenty and thirty
petitions for presentation, during each night of the
sitting of parliament, throughout the entire session.
Every person who signs one petition should sign the
three, and should sign a copy, as well for the Lords as
the Commons.
It is respectfully submitted, that in the general peti-
tion some clause or sentence should be introduced, decla-
ratory of the public feeling on the all-important subject
of national education.
In conclusion, the Association deem it right to repeat,
that these models are sent merely to save time and
trouble, and that in all instances in which original peti-
tions can be conveniently drawn up, they should be pre-
ferred to any of the models.
Your most obedient servant,
EDWARD DWYER,
Secretary to the Catholic Association.
cclxxxii APPENDIX.
XXXV,
CATHOLIC ELIGIBILITY.
Offices, fyc.from which Roman Catholics were formally
or virtually excluded.
It is necessary to bear in mind the proportions of the
Irish population, which may be fairly estimated as fol-
lows : —
Catholics .... 7,000,000
Protestants and Dissenters of all descriptions 1,100,000
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
Offices from which Catholics are excluded by Law in
Ireland.
Peers of Parliament . . 28
Lord Chancellor .... 1
Judges of superior Law Courts . . 12
Master of the Rolls .... 1
Masters in Chancery ... 4
Judge of the Admiralty ... 1
Governors of Counties ... 73
Custodes Rotulorum ... 32
Members of Privy Council ... 63
Sergeants at Law . .3
Attorney and Solicitor-General . . 2
King's Counsel .... 42
Sheriffs ..... 48
Sub-Sheriffs .... 38
Officers of Corporations, about . . 400
Total 748
APPENDIX.
cclxxxiii
Offices to which Catholics are eligible by Law in
Ireland.
In Chancery
Insolvent Court
King's Bench
Common Pleas
Exchequer
Exchequer Chamber
Revenue Appeals
Admiralty .
Taxing Officers of Law Courts
Civil Bill Court
City of Dublin Record Court
County of Dublin Sessions
Dublin, inferior Courts
Registry Office for Deeds
Benchers . . .
Assistant Barristers of Counties
Clerks of the Peace
Clerks of the Crown
Crown Solicitors
Crown Circuit Court, say
Court of Delegates .
Court of Prerogative
Metropolitan and Consistorial Courts
Office of Charitable Donations
Ouzel Galley Society
Valuation Commissioners
Police Magistrates of Dublin
Association for Improvement of Prisons
Number
Catho-
of Offices.
lics.
73
0
10
1
28
3
32
1
56
2
13
0
4
0
10
0
2
0
2
0
4
0
2
0
19
0
4
0
48
1
32
2
39
0
12
0
8
0
20
1
1
0
19
0
100
1
3
0
36
1
4
0
18
0
47
0
APPENDIX.
Number Catho-
of offices, lies.
Richmond Bride well (exclusive of Chaplains) 8 0
Richmond General Penitentiary (exclusive of
Chaplains) .... 8 0
Smithfield Penitentiary (exclusive of Chap-
lains) 6 0
Officers of Towns and Corporations, say 100 0
Inspectors-General of Prisons . 2 0
Jailers, Local Inspectors, and other Officers
of County Prisons . . . 151 6
Chief Magistrates of Police for Ireland 4 0
Chief Constables of Police, say . 350 20
Officer under Tithe Corporation Act . 1 0
Total . 1314 39
Add number excluded by Law . 748
Total, Officers connected with the adminis-
tration of Justice in Ireland . 2062
Total, Protestants filling such offices . 2023
Total, Catholics filling such offices . 39
Total, Catholics filling such offices, excepting
Police Chief Constables . . 19
To these should be added the long and most impor-
tant list of Justices of the Peace, and Grand and Petit
Jurors, and the army of Constables, in which, could
they be procured, the same proportions would be found
to exist ; as the persons whose right it is to appoint to
those offices, almost uniformly act upon the same spirit
of exclusion and intolerance as that from which their
own nomination emanated.
APPENDIX. CC1XXXV
Offices of Civil Rank, or of Honour, from which
Catholics are excluded by Law in Ireland.
Lord Lieutenant .... 1
Chief Secretary 1
Peers of Parliament . .28
Members of the House of Commons . . 100
Lord Chancellor .... 1
Keeper of the Privy Seal . . 1
Vice -Treasurer .... I
Teller of the Exchequer . . 1
Auditor- General 1
Governors of Counties ... 73
Custodes Rotulorum ... 32
Secretary to Lord Lieutenant . . 1
Members of Privy Council ... 63
Attorney- General 1
Postmasters-General .... 2
Sheriffs ..... 48
Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin 25
Officers of Corporations . . . 400
780
It is right to observe, that some of the above are in-
cluded in the list of persons connected with the admi-
nistration of justice.
APPENDIX.
Offices of Civil or Military Rank, or of Honour ; or con-
nected with Trade, Manufactures, Education, Chari-
table Institutions, &c. to which Catholics are eligible
in Ireland, as well those under the direct appoint-
ment or control of the Crown, as others connected with
Societies or Institutions supported, in the whole or
in part, out of the Public Funds.
Number Catho-
of Offices, lies.
Household of Marquess Wellesley . 28 3
State Officers, &c. &c. . 90 1
Knights of St. Patrick . 19 1
Officers of the Order ..90
Officers for Auditing Public Accounts 21 1
Law-Inquiry Commission ..60
Commissioners for Issue of Money, and their
Officers . . . .21 1
Do. for Assistance of Trade and Manufac-
tures .... 10 1
Do. for Fisheries . . .52
Do. for Inland Navigation, and Roads and
Bridges .... 14 0
Royal Canal Control ... 5 0
First-Fruits .... 11 0
Charitable Donations ... 3 0
Education Commissioners and Officers of the
Board .... 10 0
Paving Corporation . . .18 1
Commissioners of Fountains ..50
Do. of Wide Streets and Offices . 26 0
Trustees of the Royal Exchange and Officers 16 0
APPENDIX. CClxXXvii
Numher Catho-
of offices, lies.
Dublin Police . ., . 18 0
Corporation for preserving the Port of Dub-
lin and Officers ... .31 1
Commissioners of Kingstown Harbour 13 0
Bank of Ireland, Directors and Chief Officers 33 0
College of Physicians 37 1
Local Army and Navy Surgeons . 4 0
Oculist .... 1 0
Officers of Treasury ... 29 0
Do. Customs ... 151 7
Do. Excise . . .161 10
Do. Stamps ... 42 1
Do. General Post-Office . 53 0
Trustees of the Linen Manufacture . 72 0
Officers of Linen Board 57 2
Treasurers of Counties 39 0
Secretaries of Grand Juries 38 1
Comir ^rcial Buildings Company . 20 1
Apothecaries' Hall . .19 0
Commissioners of Education Inquiry and
Officers .... 7 1
General Board of Health 14 0
Commissioners and Officers of Lunatic Asy-
lum . . .10 0
St. Patrick's Hospital 14 0
Richmond Lunatic Asylum . . 24 1
House of Industry . .31 1
Stevens's Hospital . .23 0
Mercers' Hospital . .25 0
cclxxxviii APPENDIX.
Number Catho-
of offices, lies.
Hospital for Incurables 33 0
Lying-in Hospital . .50 0
Meath Hospital . .37 3
Simpson's Hospital . .22 0
Westmoreland Lock Hospital 14 1
Fever Hospital ... .36 5
Dun's Hospital (for Instruction of Medical
Students) ... .17 0
Dublin General Dispensary 15 3
Sick Poor Institution . . . 10 2
Maison de Sante . 8 2
Cow- Pock Institution ... 7 0
National Eye Infirmary ..80
Whitworth Hospital . 24 0
Dispensary of St. Thomas' Parish . 7 1
Do. St. Mary's Do. .71
Institution for Cure of Diseases of Children 12 0
Magdalene Asylum . .55 0
Lock Penitentiary . . .11 0
Dublin Female Do. ... 4 0
Richmond National Institution 18 0
Molineux Asylum . .18 0
Female House of Refuge ..30
Sick and Indigent Room-keeper's Society 2 1
Old Men's Asylum . .13 0
Mendicity Society . 82 11
Society of Education of Deaf and Dumb 74 1
Meath Charitable Loan 18 0
The Charitable Loan 8 0
APPENDIX.
Number Catho-
of Offices. lies.
Society for Sheltering Females Discharged 8 0
St Peter's Parish Savings Bank . 14 0
Dublin Library Society . . 26 15
Officers thereof ... 3 0
Dublin Institution ... 2 0
Royal Irish Institution for promoting Fine
Arts .... 34 I
Royal Hibernian Academy of Painting, &c. 14 0
Farming Society of Ireland . . 26 0
Royal Dublin Society for improving Hus-
bandry and other useful Arts . 29 2
Royal Irish Academy for promoting Science 33 0
Officers of Military Department * 100 2
Army Agents ... 5 0
Militia Staff Officers ... 228 6
Brigade Majors of Yeomanry . 10 0
Commissariat ... 10 0
Army Medical Department ..91
State Surgeons ... 9 2
Military Account Office 23 2
Ordnance, Civil Branch 81 4
Barrack-Masters ... 91 4
Hibernian Society for the Care of Soldiers'
Children .... 47 0
Hibernian Marine Society for the Care of
Soldiers' Children . . 50 0
Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, for old Soldiers 29 1
General Military Hospital 3 I
Kildare Place Society, for Education of the
Poor of Ireland . 43 8
VOL, II. /
CCXC APPENDIX.
Number Catho-
of Offices, lies.
Foundling Hospital . . 42 0
Dublin Weekly and Daily Schools, without
religious distinction 23 0
Sunday and Daily Schools, without religious
distinction ....50
Freemason Female Orphan House . 9 0
Female Orphan House . . 8 0
Charitable Infirmary . 27 16
Schools and Charities of Erasmus Smith 37 0
Association for Discountenancing Vice 12 0
No. XXXVI.
DISSOLUTION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSO-
CIATION, AND OF THE SOCIETY OF
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.
At a meeting of the Association, held at the ^Corn
Exchange, Dublin, on Thursday, the 12th February,
1829,
SIR THOMAS ESMONDE, Bart, in the Chair;
It was resolved, 1st, That the Catholic Association
do, at its rising this day, stand totally dissolved.
2nd, That in dissolving the Association, we think it
our duty to protest against any law which may have the
effect of abridging the rights of the subject, and for
which our voluntary dispersion has left no plausible
pretext.
3rd, That in coming to this determination, we do not
either directly or impliedly acknowledge that there is
APPENDIX. CCXC1
any foundation whatever for the charges against a body,
which has uniformly inculcated an obedience to the
laws, and endeavoured to effect the pacification of the
country ; but that we are influenced by a disposition to
yield to the advice of our parliamentary friends, by a
solicitude to mitigate prejudice, and above all by an
anxiety to take away every ground for insisting that we
are throwing obstacles in the way of that final and con-
ciliatory measure of justice, which we trust is in pro-
gress for our complete, unqualified, and unconditional
relief.
These resolutions were followed by a strong protest
against any interference with the forty-shilling free-
holders, or the discipline of the Catholic church of
Ireland ; and votes of thanks were passed to the Mar-
quess of Anglesey ; their Protestant fellow-countrymen
who assisted them in their struggle; to the Catholic
clergy of Ireland ; to Richard Sheil, Nicholas Purcell
O'Gorman, John Lawless, Lord Killeen, Edward
Dwyer, and Eneas M'Donnell, for their successful
and strenuous exertions in the Catholic cause ; and
finally it was resolved,
That as the last act of this body on the point of disso-
lution, we do declare, that we are indebted to Daniel
O'Connell, beyond all other men, for its original creation
and sustainment ; and that he is entitled, for the achieve-
ment of its freedom, to the everlasting gratitude of
Ireland.
N. B. The successful issue of the object of this
meeting was mainly to be attributed to the powerful
efforts of Mr. Sheil. Letters were also read at the
meeting from Mr. O'Connell (then in London) disap-
CCXC11 APPENDIX.
proving of the dissolution ; from Mr. Eneas M'Don-
nell, Mr. M. Fitzgerald, and Mr. Wyse, jun. (then at
Torquay, Devon) advising in the strongest manner the
dissolution of the body.
Letter from Mr. O'Connell.
Mr. Maurice O'Connell read the following Letter,
which was ordered to be inserted on the minutes : —
Shrewsbury, 8th February, 1829.
My dear Friend,
I can add nothing to your stock of facts. I have
not, and indeed could not possibly have had, any com-
munication from London, and I write principally to ex-
press my anxiety during the present crisis of our affairs.
One thing is certain, and most consolatory, namely,
that some measure of emancipation appears inevitable.
The admission attributed to Mr. Peel, that it had be-
come necessary to extend civil privileges, is decisive
that something must be done for us. Who created that
necessity ? The honest, constitutional, and truly loyal
exertions of the Catholic Association of Ireland. How
fortunate it was that our resolution to dissolve the Ca-
tholic Association (in the event of a bill for unconditional
emancipation) passed before the issuing of the ministers'
denunciation of that body ! I suppose there is not one
single individual in the Association disposed to do any
act which could be construed as pleading guilty in any,
even the remotest degree, to the false charges brought
against us by the ministry. How noble and how con-
sistent is the conduct of that wise and excellent man,
Lord Anglesey, in all his conduct since he first landed
APPENDIX. CCXC111
in Ireland ! You have seen the testimony he bore to the
rectitude of our motives. He does, indeed, deserve the
eternal gratitude of Ireland.
I trust that the most strenuous efforts will be made
to continue the universal collection of the Catholic Rent,
until we see the hour of our political dissolution ap-
proach. There is no use in any other scheme to attain
emancipation than that by which we have arrived thus
far, by constitutional agitation. The ministry have not
the slightest necessity to pass any law to stab the con-
stitution in order to reach the Association — not the
slightest — that is, if they mean fairly by Ireland. If,
indeed, they intend not to ameliorate the condition of
our country, nor to produce religious peace, but merely
to exchange one species of servitude for another, then,
indeed, there is a distant object for which the minister
will be disposed to annihilate our present constitutional
privileges. At this moment, I do not understand the
meaning of that most preposterous proceeding of sup-
pressing an association, which "they tell us" they are
otherwise about to kill with kindness.
My earnest advice (which I offer with the most re-
spectful deference) is to pause before any one act is done
on our part to recognise the guilt with which we are so
unjustly charged. The Association should not, in my
humble judgment, be dissolved by any act of ours before
emancipation, complete and unconditional. If the con-
stitution is to be trampled under foot, let it be the act
of our enemies.
I have not the least idea of what are to be the minis-
terial terms of emancipation. The expression itself is
an unhappy one. I will not anticipate ; but this I will
CCXC1V APPENDIX.
say, that every attempt to interfere with the elective
franchise should be met by a petition from every parish in
Ireland to reject any bill of emancipation, no matter how
extensive, if accompanied by any such interference.
We never were placed in so critical a situation.
There never was a moment in which it was so necessary
to be vigilant, but temperate. Temperate, because there
is much to cheer — vigilant, because there is reason to
apprehend delusion or contrivance. I speak as deli-
cately as I can ; but this one truth should never be for-
gotten— that Ireland never yet confided but she was
betrayed. Vigilant let us be — cautious let us be ; and
whilst we prepare the public mind for the total cessa-
tion of religious feuds, and cultivate the good opinion
of every liberal and honest Protestant, let us recollect
that we are debtors to constitutional liberty, and must
not do any act which could injure the rights or liberties
of any human being. Of course we must never consent
or submit to any kind of interference with our religious
concerns.
I conclude this hasty letter with reminding the Asso-
ciation, " that Ireland never yet confided but she was
betrayed."
I will write again as soon as I can give any accurate
information. You certainly shall have a letter from me
for the meeting of Thursday. In the mean time vigi-
lance should be alive, and the people should distinctly
understand that any species of violence would inevitably
destroy our now brightened prospects.
Believe me to be, yours very faithfully,
DANIEL O'CONNELL.
Edward Dwyer, Esq.
APPENDIX. CCXCV
The Secretary read the following Letter :—
London, February 6, 1829.
My dear Sir,
Having given the best consideration to the proceed-
ings of yesterday, and the suggestions of many of our
most esteemed friends, and taken into account the de-
claration of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel, as
to the intended measure of relief, I cannot any longer
hesitate in recommending that the Association should
mark its sense of the obligations due to his Majesty ;
and, in respect towards the Sovereign, display its readi-
ness to meet the royal will by an immediate adjourn-
ment for two or three months ; so as to remove all
plausible obstacles that our enemies may ground on
an alleged disregard on our part of the wishes of his
Majesty.
I should have taken this course yesterday, were I not
anxious to avoid any recommendation that could be
construed into a compromise of character ; but I think
that the speech of Lord Anglesey has removed every
difficulty on this head, and that it would be a waste of
your labours and anxieties were you to raise any by
battles on the topic.
I should, however, suggest the propriety of your
closing your labours for the present with a resolution of
a vindicatory character, firm but temperate ; and a cor-
dial and affectionate address to your Protestant fellow-
subjects, urging oblivion of the past, and a general
national offering of an undivided people to their Sove-
reign.
If my views should be acted upon, promptitude is
most essential to the attainment of their object.
CCXCV1 APPENDIX.
I cannot close without again urging promptitude in
your action, should you approve my views.
I entreat of you to write in course, and daily. By
adopting the course I suggest, you will enable the
minister to come, at once, to the consideration of the
measure of emancipation, which I consider most desi-
rable for many reasons.
Very truly yours,
ENEAS MCDONNELL.
Edward Dwyer, Esq.
Mr. Maurice O'Connell read the following letter : —
London, 6th February, 1829.
My dear Sir,
The policy is now decidedly for the Catholic Asso-
ciation to dissolve, before they can be caught. This
would disappoint their enemies, materially aid their
friends, and contribute to a temperate and more favour-
able discussion on the main question.
I seldom write to give advice, but I think that if you
can at all induce them to this course, the impression
here will be most favourable. They are to get the sub-
stance of their claims, and their best line would now be
that which will best conciliate their many opponents,
and effect the most good-humoured settlement of the
matter. They are bound to give this sort of assistance
to the Duke, who has fought the noble fight for them —
the difficulties and dangers of which they have been
and are very little aware of.
Yours affectionately,
M. FITZGERALD.
J. D. Latouche, Esq.
APPENDIX. CCXCV11
The Secretary read the following Letter, which was
ordered to be inserted on the minutes : —
February 6th, 1829, Torquay, Devon.
Dear Sir,
I have just read his Majesty's speech. The great
event— the desired of our forefathers— for which they
and their descendants have now toiled for more than
half a century— is about to take place. The regenera-
tion of Ireland is approaching. In a few weeks we
shall no longer form two distinct people. The Catholic
and Protestant will rise into Irishmen. We shall have
at last a country to glory in.
In such a moment of general exultation, it is of more
than ordinary importance that we should conduct our-
selves with that good sense and dignity which are befitting
the post and bearing of a delivered nation. We have
suffered much in a righteous cause, and owe our re-
demption not less to our own untameable spirit than to
the favourable circumstances which have lately awarded
it. Let us look about, and meet the Sovereign and the
legislature, pari passu, with the steady manliness and
cordial gratitude which become us. Let us march with
them side by side. There is no need of prostration and
servility on our side ; neither is there for indecent and
debasing triumph on the other.
The Association is to be suppressed ; but his Majesty's
most gracious recommendation, the simple promise of
justice, has already virtually suppressed it. The Asso-
ciation arose out of popular grievance — out of popular
complaint. It was the expression, not the substance —
the effect, not the cause. The people had it in their
CCXCV111 APPENDIX.
hearts long before it took shape and voice — upon their
tongues, and in their deeds. The besieged and the be-
siegers was the precise relation in which the two great
divisions of the country stood in reference to each other.
The Catholic suffered — the Protestant enjoyed. The
Association was one of the instruments which the suf-
ferers put forward to obtain an equality with the enjoyers.
That equality is promised — that promise will soon be
carried into effect. The half emancipation of 1793 will
be perfected by the entire and coming emancipation of
1829. The end is now on the point of being achieved—
of what use, any longer, are the means ?
What then is to be done? That which a wise, a
generous, and I may even add, a proud people ought to
do. Throw aside what is now useless — throw it aside
immediately — throw it aside yourselves — outstrip gene-
rosity by generosity — prove by deeds your boasted sin-
cerity— show how you can trample on all paltry jealou-
sies, and let your first act be evidence that you are
already prepared to sit down with your compeers in the
constitution as coequal freemen, as true compeers.
This will be done, in my mind, most effectively, by
convening a full meeting of the Association the moment
his Majesty's speech shall be received. Could 1 have
the fortune of being present at such a meeting, I should
venture to propose the following resolution, or some
other to the same or similar effect : —
" Resolved — That, inasmuch as the Catholic Asso-
ciation of Ireland was originally instituted for the sole
purpose of obtaining the full restitution of our just
rights, and for that purpose only has continued to de-
APPENDIX. CCXC1X
liberate and act up to the present moment ; and, inas-
much as such restitution has been now recommended by
his most gracious Majesty to his present parliament, we
do now consider the existence of such a body no longer
necessary, and that, deeply impressed with its services,
which we commit with confidence to the adjudgment of
posterity, we solemnly declare its dissolution advisable,
and that hereby such dissolution has actually taken
place."
There may be a few, perhaps, to whom such a pro-
position may appear objectionable ; but I beg them to
consider whether the present is not a period when mu-
tual sacrifice is both noble and necessary. Should the
people stand back when the government has come half
way ?
The true secret will thus have been discovered to
effect that which defied the utmost ingenuity of legisla-
tive enaction. It will be a glorious precedent in our
free history ; a lesson of wisdom to be read to our chil-
dren, that one word of justice is worth a thousand penal
statutes, and that no government is stronger than that
which finds its support in the affections and gratitude of
a happy people.
At the same time I am not one of those, I beg it to
be understood, who, though their fetters are loosened,
can altogether forget the slave. I call for no un-
seemly rejoicing, no idle homage for tardy justice. Let
our thanks be like those of the Dissenters, brief, just,
and emphatic. We now receive what for seventy years
we have been contending for. It is the well- won reward
of patient and persevering effort. We owe much to his
CCC APPENDIX.
Majesty's ministers — more to the events and the intelli-
gence of the day — but most of all, to ourselves. Let us
receive, then, the restitution of our own — erect. No
Catholic who receives it otherwise deserves to receive
it at all. We are freemen who have been captives, and
not manumitted slaves. Neither should we evince the
miserable rejoicings of a triumphant faction. Our op-
ponents will, soon enough, without any lesson from us,
be glad to grow wiser, and have their enmity and them-
selves forgotten. In all this, temper and moderation are
quite as essential and glorious as in the midst of our ad-
versity— so shall Europe, which is at this moment in-
tently gazing upon the lightest of our movements, admit
that we have fully deserved our redemption. I trust
we have been restored to the rights of freemen, and not
conciliated with the base boons which are sometimes
flung to unruly but uniting slaves.
I beg you will communicate the above with as little
delay as possible to the Association, and give it an early
insertion with their other proceedings.
I am, dear Sir, with much respect,
Your humble Servant,
THOMAS WYSE, Jun.
Edward Dwyer, Esq.
Dissolution of the Society of Civil and
Religious Freedom.
At a meeting of the committee of the Friends of Civil
and Religious Freedom, appointed to devise the best
means of promoting a permanent union &f the Pro-
APPENDIX. CCC1
testants and Catholics of Ireland, for the attainment
of their common object, the " religious peace of
Ireland," and held at the Royal Hotel, College-green,
Dublin, on Friday, 13th February, 1829,
JOHN DAVID LA TOUGHE, Esq. in the chair —
Moved by Sir Richard Nagle, Bart., seconded by Sir
T. Charles Morgan, and
Unanimously resolved, That his Majesty having
graciously recommended to parliament to take such
measures as will restore tranquillity to his people, and
his Majesty's ministers having, in accordance thereto,
pledged themselves to introduce a measure for the re-
moval of the civil disabilities of the Roman Catholics of
the empire, we feel that we shall best express our gra-
titude, and show our confidence in the legislature, by
discontinuing the meetings of this committee, whose
great object now appears so near the happiest consum-
mation.
Moved by James Sinclair, Esq., seconded by Sir
Thomas Charles Style, Bart., and
Unanimously resolved, That this committee, at its
rising, do dissolve.
Moved by Walter Berwick, Esq., seconded by
Nicholas P. Leader, Esq., and
Unanimously resolved, That the conduct of our
Catholic fellow-countrymen, on the present occasion,
merits our warmest approbation ; and we particularly
feel, that the generous confidence in the promises of
government, which they have shown by the dissolution
of their Association, demonstrates that they are men
CCC11 APPENDIX.
deserving of freedom, and secures to them the good
wishes and cordial affection of their Protestant coun-
trymen ; and should circumstances, which we are far
from anticipating, require our mutual co-operation, we
feel that they have bound us to their cause, and that we
are pledged to their support.
Moved by Bartholomew Corballis, Esq., seconded by
Nicholas P. Leader, Esq., and
Unanimously resolved, That the strongest expressions
of thanks of this committee are due, and are hereby
given, for the eminent services of our Secretaries, the
Rev. Edward Groves and Henry Arabin, Esq.
JOHN D. LATOUCHE, Chairman.
EDWARD GROVES, i
HENRY ARABIN, } Secretaries.
No. XXXVII.
MEETING TO PREVENT ILLUMINATIONS
IN DUBLIN.
At a numerous meeting of the Friends of Civil and
Religious Liberty, held this day, at No. 12, Burgh-
quay,
SIR THOMAS ESMOND E, Bart, in the Chair,
It was moved by Wm. Francis Finn, Esq., seconded
by Michael Dillon Bellew, Esq. :
That we regard not as a triumph over any class of
our fellow-subjects, but as a measure of strict justice
APPENDIX. CCC111
and of sound policy, removing the badge of inferiority
from the Catholic, without encroaching upon the rights
or privileges of the Protestant — destroying invidious
distinctions and unjust preferences, which poisoned the
intercourse of social life, and sapped the foundation of
public prosperity — that we prize this measure chiefly
because it puts an end to every pretext for discord and
dissention between the inhabitants of our common
country, arid the subjects of our common Sovereign,
and leaves us leisure to combine the virtuous energies
of the entire community in a general effort to maintain
its honour, and to promote its prosperity.
Moved by David Lynch, Esq., seconded by James
Dwyer, Esq. :
That while those opinions have been long familiar to
the minds of the Roman Catholics of this country, and
their numerous, highly gifted, and distinguished sup-
porters of every other religious persuasion, we cannot
forget that there is a portion of our fellow-countrymen
whose sentiments are of an opposite character. We
would, therefore, strongly recommend to our fellow-
citizens to abstain from any demonstrations of triumph,
such as bonfires, illuminations, &c. which, not ema-
nating from the constituted authorities, might compro-
mise the public peace, or by possibility give offence to
men whose opinions, however erroneous, are in some in-
stances the result of honest conviction.
Moved by Richard Sheil, Esq., seconded by Arthur
Guinness, Esq. :
That the above resolutions be published in the Dublin
Morning and Evening papers, and that handbills and
CCC1V APPENDIX.
placards be distributed and posted up in the most con-
spicuous parts of the city.
Moved by Wm. F. Finn, Esq , seconded by P. M.
Murphy, Esq. :
That Sir Thomas Esmonde do leave the chair, and
that Arthur Guinness, Esq. do take the same.
Moved by James Dwyer, Esq., seconded by David
Lynch, Esq. :
That the thanks of this meeting be given to Sir
Thomas Esmonde, Bart., for his dignified conduct in
the chair.
ARTHUR GUINNESS, Chairman.
JOHN MURPHY, Secretary.
14th April, 1829.
No. XXXVIII.
WELLINGTON TESTIMONIAL MEETING.
Resolutions unanimously agreed upon at a Public Meet-
ing, convened by Advertisement, and held at the
London Tavern, Bishopsgate Street, on Wednesday,
the 6th May, 1829.
On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded
by Lord Stourton,
It was resolved, That the Earl Fitzwilliam do take
the chair.
The EARL FITZWILLIAM in the chair.
On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded
by Lord Stourton,
It was resolved, That Peirce Mahony, Esq. be ap-
pointed secretary to this meeting.
APPENDIX. CCCV
On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded
by Lord Stourton,
It was resolved, That we feel it to be our duty to
express our gratitude to his Majesty for his gracious
assent given to the bill for the Relief of the Protestant
Dissenters in the last session of parliament, and for his
generous recommendation, at the opening of this ses-
sion, that a full participation of civil rights should be
granted to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, in
conformity with his Majesty's royal constitutional de-
claration— " That his power was held for the benefit
of his people."
On the motion of the Marquess of Downshire,
seconded by Lord Dundas,
It was resolved, That an address congratulating his
Majesty on the success of his gracious recommendation
to parliament for the relief of his Majesty's Roman
Catholic subjects, which was adopted by both houses
with unexampled majorities, be now prepared.
On the motion of Lord Clifford, seconded by Lord
Dunally,
It was resolved, That the address to our gracious
Sovereign now read be adopted ; and that our noble
chairman do sign the same in our behalf ; and that he
be requested either to present or transmit the same,
according to his Majesty's pleasure.
On the motion of Lord Stafford, seconded by the
Rev. Mr. Courtnay,
It was resolved, That we also feel it our duty sin-
cerely to congratulate all classes and parties in this great
empire on the happy adjustment of questions, so long-
VOL. II. u
CCCV1 APPENDIX.
sources of discord and weakness to the state ; and we
do hope that, as their several prejudices can no longer
distract the attention of our fellow-citizens, the empire
will henceforward enjoy the benefit of their united ex-
ertions, without distinction of sect or party, in its sup-
port.
On the motion of the Earl of Darnley, seconded
by the Hon. G. A. Ellis, M.P.
It was resolved, That to his Grace the Duke of
Wellington national gratitude is eminently due for
accomplishing, as prime minister (under our gracious
Sovereign), the invaluable work of " religious peace."
On the motion of the Earl of Bective, M.P., se-
conded by the Hon. Valentine Jerningham,
It was resolved, That our sincere acknowledgments
and thanks are likewise especially due, and are hereby
given, to the Right Hon. Robert Peel (secretary of
state for the home department), and to the rest of his
Majesty's ministers, for their support of these great
measures.
On the motion of John Lawless, Esq. seconded by
Henry Hunt, Esq.
It was resolved, That the gratitude of this meeting
(representing as it does the feelings of the Irish people)
is hereby given to the Most Noble the Marquess of
Anglesey, for his impartial administration in Ireland,
and that we feel it a duty we owe to that distinguished
soldier to acknowledge, that to his ardent sensibility to
the grievances of Ireland, and to his zealous remon-
strances on behalf of the Irish nation, the splendid results
now enjoyed are greatly to be attributed.
APPENDIX. CCCV11
On the motion of Thomas Moore, Esq., seconded by
James Corry, Esq.
It was resolved, That we must ever bear in mind how
much the great cause of religious freedom owes to
the many illustrious persons, both living and dead, who
have lent their powerful aid to its advancement.
On the motion of James Grattan, Esq., M.P., se-
conded by F. S. Flood, Esq.
It was resolved, That, in order to perpetuate to the
remotest generations these feelings of just acknowledg-
ment, and at the same time to record — that religious
freedom was won by the same great captain who restored
national independence to Europe, and gave security to
this empire — a voluntary subscription be now entered
into for the purpose of erecting, in or near Dublin, a
statue of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, commemo-
rative of this the most glorious of his public services.
On the motion of O'Gorman Mahon, Esq., seconded
by Thomas Wyse, Jun. Esq.
It was resolved, That our committee be hereby em-
powered to record on the pedestal of the statue just
voted, the names of those illustrious men, as well the
dead as the living, who, in either house of parliament,
have at different periods supported the measure of
Catholic emancipation which has now passed into a law,
under the benignant auspices of his Majesty.
On the motion of Lieut. Gen. Thornton, seconded
by the Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P.
It was resolved, That our committee be empowered to
receive subscriptions, and that they be requested to open
accounts for that purpose with such of the principal
CCCV111 APPENDIX.
banks of the united kingdom as are willing to co-
operate with them.
On the motion of James Corry, Esq., seconded by
Lord Dunally,
It was resolved, That copies of the foregoing resolu-
tions be forwarded to —
The Duke of Wellington, the First Lord of the
Treasury,
Right Hon. Henry Goulburn, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer,
Lord Lyndhurst, the Lord Chancellor of England,
Earl Bathurst, President of the Council, >
Right Hon. Robert Peel, ^
Earl of Aberdeen, \Secretaries of State,
Right. Hon. Sir G. Murray, J
Viscount Melville, the First Lord of the Admiralty,
Right Hon. J. C. Herries, the Master of the Mint,
Lord Ellenborough, the President of the Board of
Control,
Right Hon. W. V. Fitzgerald, the President of the
Board of Trade, — and also to
The Marquess of Anglesey.
On the motion of Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P.,
seconded by the Rev. Dr. Wade,
It was resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are
eminently due, and are hereby given, to the noblemen
and gentlemen who signed the Irish Protestant Decla-
ration, and who, as friends of Ireland as well as of civil
and religious freedom, took part in the meeting at the
Rotunda in Dublin, on the 20th of January last ; and
we do congratulate them, collectively and individually,
APPENDIX.
CCC1X
on the successful termination of their exertions, which
so eminently contributed to carry the great measure by
which religious peace has been given to this empire,
and more especially to Ireland.
On the motion of the Rev. Michael Keating, se-
conded by John Wright, Esq.
It was resolved, That the following noblemen and
gentlemen do constitute a committee (with liberty to
add to their numbers), in order to carry the foregoing
resolutions into effect :
His Grace the Duke of Norfolk,
His Grace the Duke of Devonshire,
His Grace the Duke of Leinster,
The Marquess of Downshire,
Earl Fitzwilliam,
Earl of Cork and Orrery,
Earl of Darnley,
Earl of Besborough,
Earl of Shannon,
Earl of Miltown,
Earl of Kingston,
Earl of Portarlington,
Earl of Clare,
Earl of Leitrim,
Earl of Gosford,
Earl of Blessington,
Earl of Glengall,
Earl of Llandaff,
Earl of Darlington, M. P.
Earl of Bective, M. P.
Lord John Russell, M. P.
Lord William Fitzgerald, M. P.
Viscount Lismore,
Viscount Templetown,
Viscount Morpeth, M. P.
Viscount Killeen,
Viscount Forbes, M. P.
Viscount Duncannon, M. P.
Viscount Acheson,
Viscount Bingham, M. P.
Viscount Ennismore, M.P.
Lord Stourton,
Lord Clifford,
Lord Foley,
Lord Alvanley,
Lord Dundas,
Lord Nugent, M. P.
Lord Riversdale,
Lord Cloncurry,
Lord Rossmore,
Lord Dunally,
Lord A. Hill, M. P.
Right Hon. Lord Francis L. Gower,
M.P.
Honourable John Boyle, M.P.
Honourable A. Cavendish Bradshaw,
Honourable George Dawson Darner,
Honourable G. Agar Ellis, M. P.
Honourable R. Fitzgibbon, M. P.
Honourable W. Booth Grey,
Honourable Robert King, M. P.
Honourable Edward Petre,
Honourable and Reverend John
Pomeroy,
Honourable WilliamPonsonby.M.P.
Right Hon. Sir George F. Hill,
Bart. M.P.
Right Hon. Sir John Newport, Bart.
M.P.
Right Hon. M. Fitzgerald, Knt. of
Kerry, M. P.
Reverend Sir Francis Lynch Blosse,
Bart.
Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. M. P.
Sir Charles Coote, Bart. M. P.
Sir Thomas B. Lethbridge, Bart.
M.P.
General Sir George Nugent, Bart.
M.P.
Sir James C. Anderson, Bart.
Otway Cave, Esq. M. P.
George Robert Dawson, Esq. M. P.
cccx
APPENDIX.
Thomas Duneombe, Esq. M. P.
John Easthope, Esq. M. P.
James Grattan, Esq. M. P.
John Cam Hobhouse, Esq. M. P.
Joseph Hurae, Esq. M. P.
John Hely Hutchinson, Esq. M. P.
C. D. O. Jephson, Esq. M. P.
Ralph Leycester, Esq. M. P.
Thomas Lloyd, Esq. M. P.
Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M. P.
Michael George Prendergast, Esq.
M.P.
Thomas Spring Rice, Esq. M. P.
Henry Villiers Stuart, Esq. M. P.
R. Wagon Talbot, Esq. M.P.
Robert La Touche, Esq. M. P.
H. M. Tuite, Esq. M. P.
Judge Day,
Admiral Donnelly,
Reverend Francis Sadler, D.D. and
S.F.T. C.D.
Reverend A. S. Wade, D.D. Vicar
of St. Nicholas, Warwick,
Reverend Michael Keating,
Henry Arabin, Esq.
W. H. Arabin, Esq.
A. R. Blake, Esq.
Edward Blount, Esq.
William H. Bourne, Esq.
James Corry, Esq.
William Henry Curran, Esq.
Stephen Dickson, Esq.
James Dwyer, Esq.
Lieut.-Colonel De Lacy Evans,
Frederick Solly Flood, Esq.
John Howley, Esq.
John David Latouche, Esq.
John Lawless, Esq.
A. H. Lynch, Esq.
Cornelius Lyne, Esq.
Thomas M'Kenny, Esq. Alderman,
O 'Gorman Mahon, Esq.
Peirce Mahony, Esq.
David Mahony, Esq.
Richard Morrisson, Esq.
William Morrisson, Esq.
Thomas Moore, Esq.
Pierce Nagle, Esq.
Maurice O'Connell, Esq.
A. C. O'Dwyer, Esq.
Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman, Esq.
John Power, Esq. of Kilfane,
Richard Shell, Esq.
Charles Stanley, Esq.
Edward Sterling, Esq.
Stephen Woulfe, Esq.
John Wright, Esq.
Thomas Wyse, Esq.
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM,
Chairman.
Earl Fitzwilliam having left the chair, and the Duke
of Leinster having been called thereto, it was, on the
motion of Lord Stourton, seconded by Daniel O'Con-
nell, Esq., M.P.
Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meet-
ing are especially due, and are hereby given, to the
Earl Fitzwilliam, for his dignified and impartial con-
duct in the chair this day, and for his uniform zeal in
support of the principle of civil and religious freedom.
LEINSTER, Chairman.
PEIRCE MAHONY, Sec.
APPENDIX.
CCCX1
After which the following Subscriptions were
announced.
£. s.
Earl Fitzwilliam 200 0
Duke of Devonshire 100 0
Duke of Leinster 100 0
Marquess of Downshire . . . 100 0
Marquess of Anglesey .... 100 0
Earl Darnley 50 0
Earl Bective 25 0
Earl ofGlengall 25 0
Lord Viscount Templetown 50 0
Lord Viscount Northland . . 25 0
Lord Viscount Killeen 20 0
Lord Viscount Forbes, M.P. 1010
Lord Clifford 50 0
Lord Stourton 50 0
Lord Stafford 25 0
Lord Dundas 25 0
Lord Dunally 25 0
Lord William Fitzgerald,
M.P 20 0
Lord Arthur Hill, M.P 20 0
Lord Francis Leveson
Gower, M.P 25 0
The Right Hon. Sir George
F. Hill, Bart. M.P 25 0
The Hon. G. A. Ellis, M.P. 20 0
The Hon. H. C. Clifford . . 25 0
The Hon. William Pon-
sonby, M.P. .'.' 20 0
The Hon. Geo. Dawson
Darner 20 0
The Hon. Valentine Jer-
ningham 10 10
The Hon. Robert King,
M.P 10 0
The Hon. George Fortescue,
M.P 6 0
The Right Reverend Dr.
Weld 10 0
Sir Charles Coote, Bart.
M.P 25 0
Sir Thos. B. Lethbridge,
Bart. M.P 21 0
Judge Day 25 0
Geo. R. Dawson, Esq. M.P. 25 0
Thomas Lloyd, Esq. M.P. 25 0
Henry Villiers Stuart, Esq.
M.P 25 0
£. s.
James Grattan, Esq. M.P. 25 0
Ralph Leycester,Esq.M.P. 20 0
Daniel O'Connell, Esq.
M.P 10 10
Joseph Hume, Esq. M.P. . 5 0
Rev. Dr. Wade 2 2
Rev. M. Keating 10 0
Rev. J. Courtnay 5 0
Lieut.- Gen. Thornton 3 3
Lieut. -Colonel De Lacy
Evans 5 0
Capt. Herbert, Esq. R.N. . 10 0
R. Bourne, Esq. R. N. . . . 5 0
Robert Ogilby, Esq. (co. of
Derry) 50 0
A.G.Wright, Esq 25 0
John Wright, Esq 25 0
Daniel Neal Lister, Esq. ..210
W. H. Bourne, Esq 15 15
Peirce Mahony, Esq 10 10
David Mahony, Esq 1010
W. Henry Curran, Esq 10 0
James Dwyer, Esq 10 0
John Howley, Esq 10 0
Maurice O'Connell, Esq. . . 10 0
Henry Robinson, Esq 10 0
Richard Shell, Esq 10 0
Edward Sterling, Esq 10 0-
Stephen Woulfe, Esq 10 0
Thomas Wyse, Esq. 10 0
James Corry, Esq 5 0
Patrick Curtis, Esq 5 0
Fred. Solly Flood, Esq. ... 50
John William Fulton, Esq. 5 0
Cornelius Lyrie, Esq 5 0
O'Gorman Mahon, Esq. ... 50
Thomas Moore, Esq 5 0
Henry Robinson, Jun. Esq. 5 0
Bleaden, Alexander and "}
Co. of the London > 5 5
Tavern j
Scipio Clint, Esq 1 1
W. Finnelley, Esq 1 1
William Tafbot, of Ennis . . 10
CCCX11 APPENDIX.
Address unanimously adopted at a Public Meeting,
held at the City of London Tavern, Bishopsgate
Street, on the 6th May, 1829.
WE, your Majesty's dutiful and most loyal subjects,
beg leave respectfully to approach your throne, with
assurances of our unalterable fidelity and attachment
to your Majesty's royal person and government. We
are most anxious to be permitted to offer to your Ma-
jesty our warmest expressions of gratitude for the great
work of " civil and religious freedom" which (under
your Majesty's most gracious sanction and authority)
has just been completed. By this act, your Majesty
has crowned the glories of your august reign ; a reign,
the commencement of which was distinguished by un-
paralleled successes in war, while its continuation has
been still further illustrated by the peace which it
has afforded, first to Europe, and now to your own
dominions.
That these wise and paternal measures will bring
with them, both to your Majesty and to the empire, their
" own exceeding great reward," in the increased and
increasing love and veneration for your Majesty's
throne, and in the renewed and indissoluble union of
all classes and all denominations against our common
enemies, we are fully convinced. But, while we thus
anticipate these advantages, we feel that we should
have been wanting in our duty to your Majesty if we
had not thus early presented ourselves at the foot of
your Majesty's throne, for the purpose of expressing our
APPENDIX. CCCX111
gratitude and devotion to your royal person, and of
hailing your Majesty as the common father of your
people.
That your Majesty may long, very long, continue to
witness the benefits of which you are yourself the author,
and to enjoy in your own royal person that happiness
which you have conferred on your people, is the earnest
wish and prayer of us, your dutiful and loyal subjects.
Signed on behalf of the meeting,
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM,
Chairman.
a.)
Union Hotel, Cockspur Street,
29th May, 1829.
My Lord Duke,
By order of the committee appointed at a public
meeting held on the 6th inst. at the London Tavern, to
carry into effect the resolutions there agreed to, and in
pursuance of the 16th resolution passed at that meeting,
I have the honour to transmit for your Grace's infor-
mation the enclosed copy of the proceedings of the noble-
men and gentlemen there assembled.
I have the honour to be,
My Lord Duke,
Your very humble Servant,
PEIRCE MAHONY.
To His Grace the Duke of Wellington,
First Lord of the Treasury, &c. &c.
CCCX1V APPENDIX.
(II.)
Union Hotel, Cockspur Street,
May 29th, 1829.
Sir,
By order of the committee appointed at a public
meeting held on the 6th inst. at the London Tavern, to
carry into effect the resolutions there agreed to, and in
pursuance of the 16th resolution passed at that meeting,
I have the honour to transmit for your information, the
enclosed copy of the proceedings of the noblemen and
gentlemen there assembled.
The committee have further desired me to request
(for the instruction of the Earl of Fitzwilliam) that you
will inform us in what manner it is his Majesty's plea-
sure to receive the Address there unanimously agreed
to, a copy of which I have the honour to transmit.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your very humble Servant,
PEIRCE MAHONY.
Right Hon. R. Peel, Secretary of State
for the Home Department, &c. &c.
(HI.)
London, June 2nd, 1829.
Sir,
I had the honour of receiving last night your letter
of the 29th May, in which you enclosed a copy of reso-
lutions unanimously agreed upon at a meeting held at
the London Tavern, on Wednesday the 6th May ; the
Earl Fitzwilliam in the chair.
APPENDIX. CCCXV
I am highly flattered by the honour conferred upon
me especially, and my colleagues, his Majesty's ser-
vants, by the noblemen and gentlemen there assembled,
and I beg you to accept my thanks for conveying to me
a copy of their proceedings upon that occasion.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
WELLINGTON.
Peirce Mahony, Esq.
(IV.)
Whitehall, June 2nd, 1829.
Sir,
I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of the 29th ultimo, enclosing the printed copy of an
Address to his Majesty, which was unanimously adopted
by a public meeting held at the City of London Tavern
on the 5th of May, of which meeting the Earl Fitz-
william was chairman, and requesting to be informed,
" for the instruction of his Lordship," in what manner it
may be his Majesty's pleasure to receive such Address.
If, as it is probable that a levee will not be held by
his Majesty at a very early period, you will transmit
the Address mentioned in your letter to this office, I
will not fail to lay it before his Majesty without delay.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
ROBERT PEEL.
Peirce Mahony, Esq.
Union Hotel, Cockspur Street.
CCCXV1 APPENDIX.
(V.)
Cowes, June 16th, 1829.
Sir,
I had the honour to receive your letter, together with
a copy of a resolution agreed upon at a public meeting
held at the London Tavern on the 6th May last, and I
beg that you will express for me the grateful feelings
with which I am impressed by every testimonial which
connects my name with the prosperity of Ireland.
I also beg to acknowledge your obliging attention in
conveying the resolution to my hands.
I have the honour to be,
Your most obedient Servant,
ANGLESEY.
Peirce Mahony, Esq.
(VI.)
Whitehall, June llth, 1829.
My Lord,
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
Lordship's letter of the 6th of June last, enclosing an
Address to his Majesty, resolved upon at a meeting at
the London Tavern of which your Lordship was chairman.
I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship, that I have laid
this Address before his Majesty, who was pleased to
receive the same very graciously.
I have the honour to be, with great esteem,
Your Lordship's
Most obedient, humble Servant,
ROBERT PEEL.
The Earl Fitzwilliam, &c.
APPENDIX.
CCCXV1I
No. XXXI.
MAJORITIES AND MINORITIES ON THE
CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
House of Lords. — Division on the Second Reading,
April 4, 1829.
Those marked thus * had heretofore opposed the claims either in the
House of Lords or House of Commons.
CONTENT.— PRESENT.
* Duke of Clarence
Clarendon
*Strange(Duke of Athol)
Duke of Sussex
Carnarvon
Somers
Duke of Gloucester
Caledon
* Stradbroke
* Lord Chancellor
* Chichester
Thanet
* Lord President
Cawdor
Tankerville
Lord Privy Seal
Denbigh
Vane (Marquis of Lon-
DUKES.
* Doncaster (Duke of
donderry)
Brandon (Hamilton)
* Beaufort
Buccleugh)
* Dartmouth
* Westmoreland
Wicklow
Devonshire
De la Warr
VISCOUNTS.
* Leeds
Dudley
* Beresford
* Manchester
Essex
Duncan
* Rutland
Elgin
Gordon (Earl of Aber-
Somerset
Ferrers
deen)
* St. Alban's
Fitzwilliam
Granville
* Wellington
Grosvenor
Goderich
MARQUESSES.
Gosford
Hood
Anglesey
Grey
Leinster (Duke of)
* Bath
Hardwicke
Maynard
Bristol
Hillsborough (Marquis
Melville
Bute
of Downshire)
St. Vincent
Camden
Harrowby
Torrington
Conyngham
Ilchester
BISHOPS.
Hastings
Jersey
Chester
Lansdown
* Liverpool
* Derry
Winchester
Limerick
Kildare
EARLS.
Minto
* Llandaff
Albemarle
Amherst
Morley
Oxford
* Lichfield and Coventry
* Oxford
Blessington
* Powis
Rochester
Chesterfield
Radnor
* St. David's
Carlisle
Roseberry
* Winchester
Cowper
Roslyn
CCCXV111
APPENDIX.
LORDS.
Auckland
Abercroraby
Ailsa (Earl Cassilis)
Belhaven
Boyle (Earl of Cork)
Braybrooke
* Byron
Clifton (Earl of Darnley)
Carleton (Earl of Shan-
i»on)
Carteret
Calthorpe
* Carberry
* Clanwilliam (E.)
Dacre
Dundas
De Dunstanville
Dunally
Durham
Foley
Fitzgibbon(Earl of Clare)
*Fife (Earl of)
Gower
Grantham
Granard
Howard de Walden
Holland
Hill
King
*Ker(M. of Lothian)
Lyttelton
* Lilford
Lynedoch
Montford
* Montague
Mendip
* Meldrum (Earl of
Aboyne)
Melbourne
Maryborough
Melros (Earl of Had-
dington)
Montcagle (M. of Slig(»)
Napier
Ormond (M. of)
Oriel
Plunkett
* Ravensworth
Ranfurly (Northland)
* Saltoun
Say and Sele
Sundridge (Duke of Ar-
Suffield
Selsey
Somerhill (M. of Clanri-
carde)
Seaford
* Teynham
Wellesley (M.)
Wharncliffe
Willoughby d'Eieeby
Yarborough
PROXIES.
DUKES.
* Harcourt
Clinton
Cambridge
Kingston
Crewe
Bedford
Lucan
* Douglas
Buckingham
Mulgrave
Downey (V. Downe)
Grafton
* Orford
* Dufferin
Marl borough
Ross
Erskine
* Northumberland
Spencer
* Forrester
Portland
St. Germans
Grenville
MARQUESSES.
Suffolk
Howard of Effingham
Cleveland
Waldegrave
* Hawke
* Hertford
* Warwick
Hopetoun (E. of )
Northampton
Wilton
Lauderdale (Earl)
Queensberry
VISCOUNTS.
Lovell and Holland (E.
Stafford
* Arbuthnot
of Egmont)
Tweeddale
Anson
Ponsonby (Earl of Bes-
EARLS.
Hereford
borough)
* Ashbumham
Hutchinson (Donough-
*Ross (Earl of Glas-
Belmore
more)
gow)
Buckinghamshire
* Strathallan
Sondes
* Chatham
BISHOP.
Southampton
Charlemont
Norwich
Sherborne
Derby
LORDS.
Stewart Garlics (E. Gal-
Errol
Alvanley
loway)
Fortescue
Bar ham
*Saltersford (E. of Cour-
*Graham (Duke of Mon-
Berwick
town)
trose)
Breadalbane (Earl)
* Stuart and Rothsay
Howe
Carrington
*Wemyss(Earlof)
Harrington
APPENDIX.
CCCX1X
NOT CONTENT PRESENT.
Duke of Cumberland
Longford
Ely
ARCHBISHOPS.
Lonsdale
Exeter
Canterbury
Malniesbury
Gloucester
York
Mansfield
Lincoln
Armagh
Mayo
London
DUKES.
Morton
Meath
Dorset
Mountcashel
Salisbury
Newcastle
Norwich (Duke of Gor-
St. Asaph
Richmond
don)
LORDS.
MARQUESSES.
O'Neill
Arden
Aylesbury
Onslow
Bexley
Cholmondeley
Plymouth
Boston
Exeter
Poulett
Colville
Salisbury
Thomond
Romney
Shaftesbury
Farn borough
Farnham
EARLS.
Stamford
Grantley
Abingdon
Ailesford
Talbot
Verulam
Hay (Earl of Kinnoull)
Kenyon
Beauchamp
Winchilsea
Manners
Bradford
VISCOUNTS.
Middleton
Brownlow
Lake
Redesdale
Clancarty
Lorton
Rivers
Digby
Sidmouth
Rodney
Eldon
BISHOPS.
Rolle
Enniskillen
Bath and Wells
Sheffield (Earl)
Falmouth
Bristol
Sinclair
Guildford
Carlisle
Skelmersdale
Harewood
Chichester
Tenterden
Howe
Durham
Walsingham
PROXIES.
EARLS.
BISHOPS.
Dynevor
Carrick
Hereford
Faversham
Cardigan
Peterborough
Fisherwick (M. of Done-
Charleville
Macclesfield
Worcester
LORDS.
Gambier
Manvers
Bagot
Gray
Mount Edgecumbe
Bayning
Loftus (M. of Ely)
Nelson
Churchill
Le Despencer
Rochfort
Clanbrasil (Earl of Ro- St. Helen's
Scarborough
den)
Stowell
Colchester
Wallace
VISCOUNT.
Exmouth
Dalhousie (Earl)
Delamore
Willoughby de Broke
Wodehouse
De Clifford
cccxx
APPENDIX.
THE FOLLOWING PEERS VOTED ON THE THIRD READING,
AND NOT ON THE SECOND.
In the Majority. — (Present) Duke of Grafton, Lords Ducie, Gage,
Glenlyon, Ranfurly (Northland.) — (Proxies) Earls Cornwallis, Home,
Lord Howard of Effingham. — (Paired off) Duke of Manchester, Norwich
(Duke of Gordon).
Minority. — (Present) Viscount Gort, Lord Ribblesdale.— (Proxy)
Lord Dynevor.
Twelve peers who voted in the majority on the second reading did not
vote on the passing of the bill, and six peers who voted in the minority on
the second reading did not vote on the third.
PEERS WHO DID NOT VOTE, EXCLUSIVE OF THE
CATHOLIC PEERS.
MARQUESSES.
Abercorn (minor)
Townshend (in France)
EARLS.
Abergavenny
Beverley
Berkeley (will not take his seat)
Coventry
Cornwallis
Cadogan
Catbcart
Craven (minor)
Egremont
Harborough
Huntingdon (minor)
Lindsey (minor)
Pomfret
Portsmouth (lunatic)
Pembroke
Sandwich (minor)
Stanhope
VISCOUNTS.
Combermere (in India)
Courtenay (abroad)
Sidney
BARONS.
Audley
Ardrossan (Earl of Eglington, in
Scotland), a minor
Bolton
Brodrick
Carysfort, Earl of (lunatic)
Cowley
De la Zouch
Dorchester (minor)
Forbes
De Tabley (minor)
Glenlyon
Gage (too late)
Gardner (minor)
Harris
Heytesbury
Home (Earl of)
Moore (Marquis of Drogheda), a
lunatic
Monson (minor)
Northwick (too late)
Penshurst (Viscount)
Ponsonby (of Imokilly)
Prudhoe
Ribblesdale
Scarsdale
Strangford (in Brazil)
Stuart (Earl of Moray)
Tyrone (Marquis of Waterford), a
minor
Thurlow
Vernon
Wigan (Earl of Balcarras)
BISHOP.
Bangor (Magendie)
IRISH PEERS.
Bandon, Earl of (not taken his seat)
Headfort, Marquis of
APPENDIX. CCCXX1
PROTESTS, — The Duke of Newcastle entered his protestagainst the second
reading of the Catholic Relief bill — 1st, as tending to establish Popery ;
2nd, as a violation of the constitution of 1688 ; 3rd, because the admission
of Papists to parliament was a violation of the exclusion act of 1677 ; 4th,
because to break in upon laws considered permanent, was dangerous to our
religion, laws, and liberties ; 5th, because a proneness to depart from old
institutions gave just cause of apprehension for the present and future.
Lord Kenyon subscribed the protest for the third and fourth reasons ; and
Lords Mansfield, Howe, Romney, Malmesbury, Brownlow, O'Neill, and
Bradford, protested generally against the second reading. Lords Walsing-
ham and Kenyon also protested against the second reading of the bill, as
being destitute of securities. Lord Farnham entered his protest against
the bill after it had passed into a law.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.— DIVISION ON THE THIRD
READING, March 30, 1829.
Those who in 1827 voted against concession, and whose names now
appear in the majority on the third reading, are marked (o). The places
not otherwise distinguished are boroughs ; (co.) signifies county, and (c.)
city members.
MAJORITY.
Abercromby, J. Calne Bective, Earl of, Meath, co.
Acland, Sir T. Devonshire Benett, J. Wiltshire
Alexander, J. Barnstaple Bentinok, Lord G. King's Lynn
Althorp, Lord, Northamptonshire (o) Beresford, Sir J. Northallerton
Anson, Sir G. Licb. field, c. (o)Beresford,Lieut.-col. Berwick, c.
Anson, Hon. G. Yarmouth Bernard, T. King's co.
Apsley,Lord, Cirericester Bingham, L. Mayo, co.
Arbuthnot, Rt. Hon. C. St. Ives Birch, J. Nottingham, c.
(o) Arbuthnot, Hon. Col. Kincar- Blake, Sir F. Berwick-on-Tweed
dineshire Boyle, Hon. J. Cork, co.
Archdeckne, A. Dunwich Bourne, Right Hon. L. Ashburton
(o) Ashley, Lord, Woodstock Brecknock, Earl of, Bath, c.
Baillie, Col. Hedon (o) Brogden, J. Launceston
Balfour, J. Anstruther Brougham, J. Truro
Barclay, D. Penryn Browne, J. Mayo
Baring, A. Callington Brownlow, C. Armagh, co.
Baring, W. B. Thetford Bruen, H. Carlow, co.
Baring, F. Portsmouth Buller, C. West Looe
Beaumont, T. W. Stafford Burdett, Sir F. Westminster, c.
VOL. II. X
cccxxu
APPENDIX.
Buxton, T. F. Weymouth
Burrard, G. Lymington
Byng.G. Middlesex
Calcraft, Right Hon. J. Wareharo
Calthorpe, Hon. F. Bramber
Calvert, C. Southwark
(o) Calvert, N. Hertfordshire
Campbell, A. Glasgow, c.
(o) Campbell, W. Argyleshire
(o) Campbell, J. Dumbartonsh.
Carew, R. Wexford, co.
Carrington, Sir C. St. Mawes
(o) Cartwright, W. Nortbamptonsh.
Castlereagh, Vise. Down, co.
Caulfield, Hon. H. Armagh, co.
Cave, O. Leicester
Cavendish, Lord G. Derbyshire
Cavendish, C. Newtown
Chichester, Sir A. Carrickfergus, c.
Cholraondeley, Lord H. Castle Ris-
ing
Clerk, Sir G. Edinburgh
Clements, Viscount, Leitrim, co.
Clifton, Viscount, Canterbury, c.
(o) Clive, Viscount, Ludlow
(o) Clive, Hon. R. Ludlow
(o) Clive, E. Hereford, c.
Clive, H. Montgomery
Cockburn, Sir G. Plymouth
Cocks, J. Reygate
Colborne, N. R. Thetford
(o) Cole, Sir C. Glamorganshire
(o) Cook, Sir H. Orford
Coote, Sir C. Queen's co.
(o) Corbett, P. Shrewsbury, c.
Courtenay, Right Hon. T.Totness
Cradock, S. Camelford
Cramp tori, S. Derby, c.
Dawson, A. Louth, co.
Daly, J. Gal way, co.
Denison, W. J. Surrey
Denison, J. Hastings
Doherty, J. Kilkenny, c.
Douglas, W. R. Dumfries, &c.
Drummond, H. Stirlingshire
Du Cane, P. Steyning
Darlington, Earl of, Totness
Duncannon, Vise. Kilkenny, co.
Duncombe, T. S. Hertford
Dundas, Hon. G. Orkney, &c.
Dundas, Hon. R. Richmond
Dundas, C. Berkshire
East, Sir E. Winchester, c.
Easthope, J. St. Alban's
Eastnor, Viscount, Hereford
Ebrington, Viscount, Tavistock
(o) Eden, Hon. R. Fowey
Elliot, Lord, Liskeard
Ellis, Hon. G. A. Ludgershall
Ellis, Hon. A. Seaford
Ellison, C. Newcastle-on-Tyrie
Ennismore, Viscount, Cork, co.
Ewart, W. Blschingley
(o) Fane, Hon. H. Lyme Regis
Fane, T. Lyme Regis
Farquhar, Sir R. Hythe
Fazakerley, J. N. Lincoln, c.
Ferguson, Sir R. Dysart
Fitzgerald, Rt.Hon. M. Kerry, co.
Fitzgerald, Lord W. Kildare, co.
Fitzgerald, Rt. Hon. V. Newport
Fitzgerald, J. Seaford
Fitzgibbon, Col. Limerick, c.
(o) Foley, J. H. Droitwich
Forbes, Vise. Longford, co.
Forbes, Sir C. Malmesbury
Forbes, J. Malmesbury
Fortescue, Hon. G. Hindou
(o) Foster, L. Louth, co.
Frankland, R. Thirsk
Fremantle, Sir T. Buckingham
French, A. Roscommon, co.
Garlios, Vise. Cockermouth
(o) Gilbert, D. Bodmin
Gordon, R. Cricklade
(o) Goulburn, Rt. Hon. H. Armagh
Gower, Lord F. L. Sutherlandsh.
Graham, Sir J. Cumberland
(o) Graham, Marquis, Cambridge
Grant, Rt. Hon. C. Inverness-shire
Grant, Col. Elginshire
Grant, R. Fortrose
Grattan, J. Wicklow, co.
Grattan, H. Dublin, c.
Grosvenor, Gen. Stockbridge
Grosvenor, Hon. R. Chester, c.
Gordon, Sir W. Aberdeenshire
Guest, J. Honiton
Guise, Sir B. Gloucestershire
Gurney, H. Newport (I. W.)
Hardinge, Sir H. Durham, c.
Hay, Lord J. Haddiugtonshire
Hay, A.Peebles, &c.
Heathcote, Sir G. Boston
(o) Herries, Right Hon. J. C. Har-
wich
APPENDIX.
CCCXX1H
Hill, Lord A, Down, co.
(o) Hill, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Derry,c.
Hobhouse, J. C. Westminster, c.
(o) Hodgson, F. Barnstaple
Horton, R. W. Newcastle-under-
Line
Howard, H. Shoreham
Hughes, W. L. Wallingford
(o) Halse, J. St. Ives
Hume, J. Aberdeen, &c.
Hurst, R. Horsham
Huskisson, Right Hon. W. Liver-
pool, c.
Hutchinson, J. H. Tipperary, co.
Hutchinson, J. Cork, c.
Howard, Hon. G. Castle Rising
Ingilby, Sir R. Lincolnshire
Innes, Sir H. Dingwall, &c.
Jephson, C. D. Mallow
Jermyn, Earl, Orford
Jollifte, Col. Petersfield
(o) Keckewich, S. Exeter, c.
Kennedy, F.Ayr, &c.
King, Hon. R. Roscommon
Knight, R. Wallingford
Knox, Hon. T. Dungannon
Labouchere, H. St. Michael's
Lamb, Hon. G. Dungarvon
Lambert, J.S. Galway, co.
(o) Langston, J. Oxford, c.
Lascelles, Hon. W. East Looe
Latouche, R. Kildare, co.
Lawley, F. Warwickshire
Lennard, T. B. Maldon
Leycester, R. Shaftesbury
Lewis, Rt. Hon. T. F. Ennis
Lester, B. Poole
Liddell, Hon. H. Northumberland-
shire
Lindsay, Hon. H. Perth, &c.
Littleton, E. Staffordshire
Lloyd, Sir E. Flint
Lloyd, T. Limerick, co.
Lockhart, J. Oxford, c.
Loch, J. St. Germain's
Luinley, J. Nottinghamshire
Lushington, Dr. Tregony
Maberly, J. Abingdon
Maberly, Lt.-Col. Northampton
Mackintosh, Sir J. Knaresboro'
Mackenzie, Sir J. Ross-shire
Maitland, Vise. Appleby
Maitland, Hon. Capt. Berwicksh.
Marjoribanks, S. Hythe
Marshall, J.Yorkshire
Marshall, W. Petersfield
(o) Martin, SirT. B. Plymouth
Martin, J. Tewkesbury
Maule, Hon. W. Forfarshire
Maxwell, J. Downpatrick
Milbank, M. Camelford
Mildmay, P. Winchester
Milton, Vise. Yorkshire
Monck, J. Reading
Morrison, J. Banff', co.
Morland, Sir S. St. Mawes
Morpeth, Vise. Morpeth
Mostyn, Sir T. Flint
Mountcharles, Lord Donegal, co.
Murray, Sir G. Perthshire
(o) Northcote, H. Heytesbury
Nugent, Lord, Aylesbury
Nugent, Sir G. Buckingham, c.
North, J. Dublin University
O'Brien, W. S. Ennis
O'Brien, L. Clare, co.
Ord, W. Morpeth
Owen, Sir J. Pembrokeshire
Oxmantown, Lord King's County
(o) Palmer, C. F. Reading
(o) Palmer, R. Berkshire
Palmerston, Vise. Cambridge Univ.
Parnell, Sir H. Queen's County
(o) Peel. Rt. Hon. R. Westbury
(o) Peel, W. Y. Tamworth
Peel, L. Cockermouth
Pendarvis, E. Cornwall, co.
Phillips, G. Steyning
Phillips, G. Wotton Basset
Phillimore, Dr. Yarmouth (I. W.)
Phipps, Hon. G. Scarborough
Perceval, S. Newport, Hants
Ponsonby, Hon. F. Higham Ferrers
Ponsonby, Hon. G. Youghall
Ponsonby, Hon. W. Poole
Power, R. Waterford, co.
Powlett, Lord W. Durham, c.
Poyntz, W. Chichester
(o) Prendergast, M. Gatton
Price, R. New Radnor
Pringle, Sir W. Liskeard
Prittie, Hon. F. lipperary, co.
Proby, Hon. G. Wicklow, co.
Protheroe, E. Evesham
Pryse, P. Cardigan
Rae,Rt. Hon.Sir W. Harwich
(o) Raine, J. Newport (Cornwall)
Ramsbottom, J. Windsor
CCCXX1V
APPENDIX.
Ramsden, Hon. J. C. Malton
Rancliffe, Lord, Nottingham, c.
Ilice, T. S. Limerick, c.
Robarts, A. Maidstone
Robinson, Sir G. Northampton
Robinson, G. Worcester, c.
Rowley, Sir W. Suffolk
Rumbold, C. Yarmouth
Russell, Lord J.Bedford
Russell, R. G. Thirsk
Sandon, Viscount, Tiverton
(o) Saunderson, A. Cavan, co.
Scarlett, Sir J. Peterborough
Scott, Sir W. Carlisle
Scott, H. F. Roxburghshire
Sebright, Sir J. Hertfordshire
Sinclair, Hon. Major, Caithness
Slaney, R. A. Shrewsbury
Smith, G. Wendover
Smith, W. Norwich
(o) Somerset, Lord G. Monmouth-
shire
Somerville, Sir M. Meatb, co.
Stanley, Lord, Lancashire
Stanley, E. Preston
Stewart, A. R. Londonderry, co.
Stewart, Sir M. Lanark, co.
Stuart, Lord J. Cardiff
Stuart, H. V. Waterford, co.
Sykes, D. Hull
Sugden, E B. Weymouth
Talmash, Hon. F. Grantham
Talmash, Hon. L. Ilchester
Taylor, M. A. Durham, c.
Taylor, Sir C. Wells
Tennyson, C. Blechingley
(o) Thompson, W. London, c.
Thompson, P. B. Wenlock
Thomson, C. P. Dover
Thynne, Lord J. Bath, c.
Thynne, Lord W. Weobly
Thyne, Lord H.
Tierney, Rt. Hon. G. Knaresboro
(o) Tindal, Sir N. Camb. Univ.
Tomes, J. Warwick, c.
Townshend, Hon. J. Whitchurch
Trench, Col. Cambridge
Tufton, Hon. H. Appleby
Tunno, E. Bossiney
Twiss, H. Wotton Basset
Valletort, Lord, Lostwithiel
Van Homrigh, P. Drogheda
Vernon, G. Lichfield, c.
Villiers, T. H. Hedon
Waithman, R. London, c.
Wall, C. Wareham
Walpole, Hon. C. King's Lynn
Warburton, H. Bridport
Warrender, Sir G. Westbury
(o) Webb, E. Gloucester, c.
Westenra, Hon. H. Monaghan,oo.
Western, C. C. Essex
Whitbread, S. C. Middlesex
Whitbread, W. Bedford
White, S. Leitrim, co.
White, Col. Dublin, co.
Whitmore, W. Bridgnorth
Wilbraham, G. Stockbridge
Williams, O. Great Marlow
Williams, T. P. Great Marlow
Wilson, Sir R. Southwark
Winnington, Sir F. Worcestershire
Wodehouse, E. Norfolk
Wood, M. London, c.
Wood, C. Preston
Wortley, Hon. J. Bossiney
Wrottesley, Sir J. Staffordshire
Wynn, Sir W. W. Denbighshire
Wyvill, M.York
(o) Yorke, Sir J. Reigate
TELLERS.
(o) Dawson, G. Londonderry, co.
Planta, J. Hastings
PAIRED OFF IN FAVOUR OF THE BILL.
Bouverie, Hon. B. Downton
Colthurst, Sir N. Cork, c.
Clarke, Hon. C. Kilkenny, co.
Dundas, Right Hon. W. Edin-
burgh, co.
Davies, Col. Worcester, c.
Davenport, E. Shaftesbury
Heron, Sir R. Peterborough
Howick, Lord, Winchil sea
(o) Lethbridge, Sir T. Somerset
Marshall, J. Yorkshire
Newport, Sir J. Waterford, c.
Owen, H. Pembroke
O'Hara, J. Galway, c.
Sefton, Earl of, Droitwich
Smith, Hon. R. Buckinghamshire
Somerset, Lord R. Gloucestershire
Stewart, J. Beverley
Tavistock, Marquess, Bedfordshire
Talbot, R. W. Dublin, co.
APPENDIX.
CCCXXV
MINORITY.
Antrobus, G. Plympton
Archdall, Gen. Fermanagh, co.
Arkwright, R. Eye
Ashurst, W. Oxfordshire
Astley, Sir J. D. Wiltshire
Baker, E. Wilton
Bankes, H. Dorchester
Bankes, W. Marlborough
Bankes, G. Corfe Castle
Bastard, E. Devonshire
Batley, C. Beverley
Beckett, Sir J. Haslemere
Belfast, Earl of, Belfast, c.
Bell, M. Northumberland
Blandford, Marquess, Woodstock
Borrodaile, R. Newcastle-under-
Line
Bradshaw, Capt. Brackley
Bright, H. Bristol, c.
Brydges, Sir J. Kent, co.
Buck, L. W. Exeter
Burrell, Sir C. Shoreham
Buxton, J. Bedwin
Capel, J. Queenborough
Cawthorne, J. Lancaster
Cecil, Lord T. Stamford
Chichester, Sir A. Millborne Port
Cole, Hon. A. Enniskillen
Cooper, R. B. Gloucester, c.
Cooper, E. S. Dartmouth
Corry, Viscount, Fermanagh, co.
Corry, Hon. H. Tyrone, co.
Cotterell, Sir J. Herefordshire
Curteis, E. J. Sussex
Cust, Hon. Capt. Clitheroe
Cust, Hon. E. Lostwithiel
Davenport, E. Shaftesbury
Davis, R. H. Bristol, c.
Dawkins, Col. Boroughbridge
Dick, Q. Orford
Dick, H. G. Maldon
Dickinson, W. Somersetshire
Dottin, A. Southampton
Downie, R. Stirling, &c.
Drake, T. Amersham
Drake, W. Amersham
Domville, Sir C. Oakhampton
Dugdale, D. Warwickshire
Dowdeswell, J. Tewkesbury
Dundas, R. A. Ipswich
Egerton, W. Chester, c.
Encombe, Viscount, Truro
Estcourt, T. Oxford University
Estcouit, T. H. Marlborough
Farquhar, J. Portarlington
Fellowes, H. Huntingdonshire
Fetherston, Sir G. Longford, co.
Foley, E. Ludgershall
Forrester, Hon. C. Wenlock
Fyler, T. B. Coventry, c.
Gascoyne, General, Liverpool
Gordon, J. Weymouth
Grant, Sir A. Lostwithiel
Greene, T. Lancaster
Gye, F. Chippenham.
Hastings, Sir C. Leicester
Heathcote, Sir W. Hampshire
Holdswortb, A. H. Clifton, &c.
Hodson, J. A. Wigan
Hotharn, Lord, Leominster
Inglis, Sir R.Oxford University
Keck, G. A. Leicestershire
Kemp, T. Lewes
Kerrison, Sir E. Eye
King, Sir J. D. Wycombe
King, Hon. H. Sligo, co.
Knatchbull, Sir E. Kent
Legge, Hon. A. Banbury
Lott, H. B. Honiton
Lushington, Colonel, Carlisle
Lowther, Viscount, Westmoreland
Lowther, Hon. Colonel, Westmore-
land
Lowther, J. H. Wigton, &c.
Lucy, G. Fowey
Luttrell, J. Minehead
Lygon, Hon. Colonel, Worcester-
shire
Mackinnon, C. Ipswich
Malcolm, N. Boston
Mandeville, Lord, Huntingdonshire
Manners, Lord R. Leicestershire
Macleod, J. N. Sudbury
Maxwell, H. Cavan, co.
Meynell, Captain, Lisburn
Morgan, Sir C. Monmouthshire
Munday, G. Boroughbridge
Munday, F. Derbyshire
Miles, P. J. Corfe Castle
O'Neil, Hon. General, Antrim
O'Neill, A. J. Hull
Palk, Sir L. Ashburton
CCCXXV1 APPENDIX.
Pallmer, C. N. Surrey Sotheron, Adra. Nottinghamshire
Peachey, General, Taunton Strutt, Col. Oakhampton
Pearse, J. Devizes Taylor, G. Devizes
Peel, Colonel, Norwich, c. Thompson, G. Halesmere
Pelhara, J. C. Shropshire Tapps, G. W. New Romney
Pennant, G. New Romney Trant, W. Dover
Pigot, Colonel, Kinross-shire Trevor, Hon. G. Carmarthenshire
Petit, L. H. Ripon Tullamore, Lord, Carlow
Peach, N. W. Corfe Castle Uxbridge, Earl of, Anglesey
Powell, Colonel, Cardigan, co. Vyvyan, Sir R. R. Cornwall, co.
Powel, A. Downton Wells, J. Maidstone
Price, R. New Radnor Wemys, Capt. Fifeshire
Rickford, W. Ayleshury West, Hon. F. Denbigh
Rochfort, G. Westmeatli, co. Wetherell, Sir C. Hastings
Rose, Right Hon. G. Christchurch Wigram, W. New Ross
Rose, G. P. Christchurch Willoughby, H. Newark
Ryder, Right Hon. B. Tiverton Wilson, R. F. Yorkshire
Sadler, M. S. Newark Wilson, Col. York, co.
St. Paul, Sir H. Bridport Wyndham, W. New Sarutn
Scott, Hon. W. Gatton Wynn, O. Sligo
Scott. Hon. W.Newport (I. W.) TELLERS.
Spence, G. Ripon Chandos, Marq. of, Buckingham-
Shirley, J. O. Monaghan, co. shire
Sibthorp, Col. Lincoln Moore, G. Dublin, c.
Smyth, Sir G. Colchester
PAIRED OFF AGAINST THE BILL.
Bastard, J. Dartmouth Harvey, Sir E. Essex
Blackburne, J. Lancashire Handcock, R. Athlone
Chaplin, C. Lincolnshire Lennox, W. G. Chichester
Chaplin, T. Stamford Lowther, Sir J. Cumberland
Carmarthen, Marq. Helston Morgan, G. Brecon
Duncombe, Hon. W. Yorkshire Noel, Sir G. Rutland, co.
Evans, H. Wexford, c. Nicholl, Sir J. Bedwin
Gooch, Sir T. Suffolk Whitmore, T. Bridgnorth
Houldsworth, T. Pontefract
Irish members absent.— Croker, Right Hon. J. W. Dublin University
(indisposed) ; Macnaghten, E. Antrim, co. ; Kavenagh, F. Carlow, co. ;
Collett, E. Cashel ; Dawson, J. M. Clonmell ; Maxwell, J. W. Down-
patrick ; Russell, J. Kinsale ; Knox, Hon. J. Newry ; King, Hon. W.
Cork, co. ; Denny, Sir E. Tralee ; Stewart, W. Tyrone, co. ; Tuile, II. M.
Westmeath, co. j Stopford, Lord, Wexford, co.
The following members, who had heretofore opposed the claims, voted in
favouyofthe bill on previous divisions. — Ashley, Lord, Woodstock; Arbuth-
not, lion. Col. Kincardineshire ; Bradshaw, Capt. J. Brackley ; Jones, J.
Carmarthen; Irving, J.Bramber; King, Hon. W. Cork, c.; Lindsey, Col.
Wigan ; Norton, G. Guildford ; Owen, Sir E. Sandwich ; Paget, Lord W.
Carnarvon ; Somerset, Lord E. Gloucestershire; Vivian, Sir H. Windsor.
APPENDIX. CCCXXVI1
XL.
A Tabular Digest of all the Proceedings that have
taken place in Parliament on the subject of the
General Laws affecting the Roman Catholics of
Great Britain and Ireland, from the period of the
first Act passed in 1778 to the present time ; con-
eluding with a View of the Progress of the Relief
Bill through both Houses of the Legislature,
DATE. OBSERVATIONS. RESULT.
1778 Irish Act.— 18th Geo. III. c. 60, repealed
so much of the llth and 12th Wm. III. c.
4, as affected the inheritance or purchase of
property by Roman Catholics ; as also the
clauses authorising the prosecution of priests
and Jesuits, and the imprisonment for life
of Papists keeping schools.
[In 1779, exactly half a century from the
final success of the Catholic Question,
Mr. Fox brought the subject forward in
the English House of Commons, and it
was negatived by a large majority.]
1791 31st Geo. III. c. 32, prescribed a new decla-
ration and oath in lieu of the oath of supre-
macy contained in the 1st Wm. and Mary,
s. 1, c. 8, and 1st Geo. I. s. 2, c. 13, and
for refusing to take which oath of supremacy
persons had been subject to certain penal-
ties. The same act (31st Geo. III.) also
tolerated, under certain regulations, the
religious worship of Roman Catholics, and
their schools for education. Upon taking
the oath prescribed in the new act, Papists
were exempted from the penalties of the 1st
cccxxvm
APPENDIX.
DATE.
OBSERVATIONS.
of Wm. and Mary, s. 1, c. 9, for approach-
iug within ten miles of London j peers
were no longer liable to be prosecuted under
the 30th Charles II. s. 2, c. I, for entering
his Majesty's house or presence ; Catholics
were permitted to practise the law, upon
taking the oath ; and the double land-tax
(in Ireland) imposed on Catholics was re-
moved ; and they were relieved from other
penalties and disabilities.
[The benefit of this act was extended to
the Scotch Catholics in the year 1793.]
1793 Irish Act.— 33rd Geo. III. conferred the
elective franchise in Ireland, by repealing
the 7th and 8th Wm. III. c. 27, which dis-
abled from voting at elections all persons
refusing the oath of supremacy ; threw open
all employments in the army in Ireland to
Catholics, and all offices in the navy, even
that of admiral, on the Irish station. Three
offices in the army alone were excepted —
the commander-in-chief, master-general of
the ordnance, and generals on the staff.
The Earl of Westmoreland was lord-lieu-
tenant at the time this important act was
passed, which was done on a recommenda-
tion from the throne.
MOTIONS SINCE THE UNION.
1805 May 10. — Lord Grenville : motion for com-
mittee on Irish petition
May 13. — Mr. Fox : a similar motion . .
1807 March 5. — Bill brought in by Lord GrenvilJe,
to extend so much of the act of 1793 to
England, as threw open the army and navy
to Roman Catholics. The king opposed
to it: requires a pledge from Lords Gren-
ville and Grey : Parliament dissolved :
LORDS.
Ay. No.
49—178
COMMONS.
Ay. No.
124—336
APPENDIX. CCCXX1X
DATE. OBSERVATIONS. RESULT.
LORDS. COMMONS.
Ay. No. Ay. No.
Lord Grenville's administration broken up,
and that of Mr. Perceval formed.
1808 May 25. — Mr. Grattan : motion for committee .. .. 128 — 281
May 27. — Lord Donoughmore : ditto . . 74 — 161
[Maynooth College endowed this year.]
1810 May 13. — Mr. Grattan: motion for committee .. .. 101 — 213
June 6. — Lord Donoughmore: ditto .. 68 — 154
1812 April 21.— Ditto : to consider the claims . . 102 — 174
April 23. — Mr. Grattan: similar motion 215 — 300
[New Parliament.]
June 22. — Mr. Canning : to consider next
session .. 106 — 235
July i. —Marquess Wellesley : ditto .. 125—126
Ibl3 Feb. 25. — Mr. Grattan : resolution for com-
mittee. After four days' debate, the house
divided 264—224
May 11. — Sir J. C. Hippisley moved fora
committee : opposed, as hostile to the bill
then in progress. Division on the motion . . . . 187 —
Division on Dr. Duigenan's motion, that the
bill be read a third time that day 3 months . . . . 203 —
May 24. — In committee on the bill, the
Speaker (having left the chair) moved that
the clause allowing Catholics to sit in par-
liament be omitted .. 251 — :
[Bill then given up by Mr. Ponsonby.]
1815 May 31.— Sir H. Paraell : motion for com-
mittee .. ,. .. .. 147 —
1816 May 21. — Mr. Grattan : ditto 141 —
1817 May 9.— Ditto 221—
[In this session a bill was introduced by
the Liverpool administration and passed,
opening the army and navy to the
English Catholics. It did not dispense
with the oaths of allegiance or supre-
cccxxx
APPENDIX.
DATE. OBSERVATIONS. KtSULT.
I OKDS. COMMONS.
Ay. No. Ay. No.
macy, butrelieved Catholic officers from
the penal consequences of omitting to
take them by an annual act of indem-
nity.]
[New Parliament.]
1819 May 4. — Mr. Grattan : motion for committee . . . . 241 — 243
[New Parliament.]
1821 Feb. 28.— Mr. Plunkett : ditto 227 — 221
Bill brought in: division on third reading .. .. 216 — 197
April 16. — Bill moved in Upper House by
Lord Donoughmore .. .. .. 120 — 159
1822 April 30. — Mr. Canning : for leave to bring
in a bill enabling Roman Catholic Peers to
sit in Parliament . . . . 249—244
Bill brought in : division on third reading . . . . 248 — 227
June 22. — Moved in Upper House by Duke
of Portland 129—271
1823 April 28.— Mr.Plunkett's motion for a com-
mittee : Sir F. Burdett aud the Whigs left
the House, motion met by a counter-motion
for adjournment : division on this amend-
ment 313—111
1824 Divisions on bills to enable Catholics to voter . . . . 101 — 139
at elections, and to act as magistrates I . . . . 109 — 143
[An act passed this session, to permit the
Duke of Norfolk to execute his office
of Earl Marshal.]
825 April 19. — Second reading of Sir F. Bur-
dett's Relief bill, with the disfranchising
and clergy-pensioning wings . . . . . . . . 268 — 241
[No division on the third reading.]
May 18. — Second reading in Upper House 1 30 — 1 78
[New Parliament.]
327 March 5. — Sir F. Burdett : motion for com-
mittee . . 272—276
APPENDIX. CCCXXXl
DATE. OBSERVATIONS. RESULT.
LORDS. COMMONS.
Ay. No. Ay. No.
1828 May 8.— Ditto (three days' debate) 272—260
May 16. — Conference with Lords agreed to.
May 19. — Lords appointed to confer, on mo-
tion of Duke of Wellington.
June 9. — Marquess of Lansdowne's motion on
Commons' resolution .. .. .. 137 — 182
[A bill was introduced this session by
Mr. G. Bankes, and passed, relieving
English Catholics from the double as-
sessment to the land tax, to which
they had before been subject, on their
not taking the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, as first enjoined in the sta-
tutes against recusancy.]
1829 Feb. 5. — Recommendation from the throne
at the opening of the session, that parlia-
ment should " take into deliberate consi-
deration the whole condition of Ireland ;
review the laws which impose civil disabili-
ties on his Majesty's Roman Catholic sub-
jects ; 'and consider whether the removal
of those disabilities can be effected consist-
ently with the full and permanent security
of the establishments in church and state ;
with the maintenance of the reformed reli-
gion established by law, and of the rights
and privileges of the bishops and clergy of
the realm, and of the churches committed
to their charge."
March 5. — A bill suppressing the Irish Ca-
tholic Association, recommended in the
speech, having passed both houses unani-
mously, and received the royal assent this
day by commission, Mr. Peel, secretary for
the home department, brought forward a
motion for a committee on the laws affect-
CCCXXX11 APPENDIX.
DATE. OBSERVATIONS. RESULT.
LORDS. COMMONS.
Ay. No. Ay. No.
ing Roman Catholics — division on Mr.
Peel's motion . .. .. 348 — 160
Bill of Relief then introduced. It abolished
all the civil disabilities on Roman Catho-
lics, by repealing the oaths of supremacy,
abjuration, &c., and substituting an oath
of allegiance to the Protestant succession
of the House of Brunswick, binding the Ca-
tholics to defend the settlement of property
as established by law, and not to injure or
subvert the present church establishment.
The bill rendered Catholics eligible to all
offices in the state, excepting the lord chan-
cellorships of England and Ireland ; the lord
lieutenancy of Ireland ; the offices of regent
or guardian of the United Kingdom ; and
that of high commissioner to the church of
Scotland. They were still excluded from
the right of presentation to livings, and all
places connected with the ecclesiastical
courts and the establishment. Catholics in
office were not to advise the crown relative
to any appointment in the established
church, under certain penalties, and being
disabled from holding any office in future.
The church patronage attached to any office
in the hands of a Catholic, to be vested in
the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time
being. Catholic bishops not to assume the
titles of sees held by Protestant bishops,
nor the insignia of civil office, such as the
mace, aldermanic gown, &c. to be worn in
any other places of worship than those of
the Protestant establishment. The only ap-
pendages to this bill in the shape of secu-
rities, was a clause for the gradual sup-
APPENDIX.
CCCXXX111
LORDS.
Ay. No.
COMMONS.
Ay. No.
353—173
142—320
OBSERVATIONS.
pression of the Jesuits and other monastic
orders (religious establishments of females
cxcepted), and an act for raising the free-
hold franchise in Ireland from 40*. to 10L
March 17. — Division on second reading of
Catholic Relief bill ..
March 30. — Third reading — division on
amendment of Marquess of Chandos, that it
be read a third time that day six months
April 2. — Second reading of bill moved in
Lords by Duke of Wellington. Debate on
Thursday and Friday nights ; resumed on
Saturday afternoon at one o'clock, and con-
tinued until eleven o'clock at night. — Divi-
sion on Archbishop of Canterbury's motion
(seconded by Archbp. of Armagh), that the
bill be read a third time that day six months
April 10.— Third reading of Relief bill . .
[The Disfranchisement bill was also read
a third time, and passed without a di-
vision. The minority in each house of
parliament on the second reading was
precisely the same — 17.]
April 13. — Royal assent given by commis-
sion to the Catholic Relief bill and Free-
holds (Ireland) Regulation bill.
PETITIONS PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 1829.
Do.
Do.
Since
112—217
213—109
st the Bill.
For the Bill.
1st reading . . 957
2nd do. .. 736
Previous to the 1st reading
Do. .. 2nd do.
.. 357
.. 404
3rd do. .. 310
Do. .. 3rd do.
.. 176
3rd do. .. 10
Since . . 3rd do.
.. 18
2013
955
Against the Bill .. 2013
In favour of the Bill . . 955
-1058
CCCXXX1V APPENDIX.
PETITIONS PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS, 1829.
Against the Bill.
Previous to the 1st reading .. 2110
Do. .. 2nd do. .. 193
Do. .. 3rd do. .. 218
For the Bill.
Previous to the 1st reading
Do. . . 2nd do.
Do. .. 3rd do.
.. 912
53
49
2521
1014
Against the Bill . . 2521
In favour of the Bill .. 1014
1507
No. XLI.
MR. O'CONNELL.
To the Electors of the County of Clare.
<l Still shalt Ihou be mv waking theme,
Thy glories still my midnight dream ;
And every thought and wish of mine,
Unconquered Erin, shall be thine."
The House of Commons have deprived me of the
right conferred on me by the people of Clare. They
have, in my opinion, unjustly and illegally deprived me
of that right; but from their decision there is no ap-
peal, save to the people. — I appeal to you.
Electors of the county of Clare, to you is due the
glory of converting Peel and conquering "Wellington.
The last election for Clare is admitted to have been the
immediate and irresistible cause of producing " the
Catholic Relief bill." You have achieved the religious
liberty of Ireland. Another such victory in Clare,
APPENDIX. CCCXXXV
and we shall attain the political freedom of our beloved
country.
The Catholic religion is liberated from the shackles
of oppression. The Protestant religion is liberated
from the stain of persecution. The causes which pro-
duced Orangeism and Brunswickism are at an end.
The Catholics are emancipated, and conscience is free !
To the electors of the county of Clare are these
happy results mainly and immediately due. But there
remain many political arid practical grievances and
oppressions. There remain many obstacles to the pros-
perity of our countrymen — to the diffusion of capital —
to the safety of the poor man's cottage — to the security
of the rich man's mansion ; in fine, to the comfort,
prosperity, and happiness, of the Irish people.
Electors of the county of Clare, give me the right
and the power to correct these grievances ; to remove
these obstacles; to abolish oppressive and grinding
cesses and county taxes ; to repeal the new and most
oppressive law respecting sub-letting, and to procure for
the sick and poor a well-regulated provision out of the
property of absentees and other proprietors — a provision
for the poor, to be perfectly free 'from the insulting,
debasing, arid demoralising details of the English poor
laws.
The first grievance we have to redress is the abolition
of the forty-shilling freehold franchise. I do not think
that, in the annals of legislation, there ever yet was
passed a law more unjust and groundless than that
which destroyed the forty-shilling franchise in Ireland :
it destroyed that franchise for the Catholics at a period
CCCXXXV1
APPENDIX.
when they had exhibited heroic virtue. It was de-
stroyed for the Catholics on the mere false accusation
of a nominal crime. It was destroyed for the Protest-
ants with still stronger features of injustice, because
the Protestants were not even accused of any crime.
Return me to parliament, and I will instantly press
this subject on the consideration of the house, until
public sentiment in England, becoming too strong for
any oligarchical faction, shall compel the repeal of the
Disfranchisement bill, and regulate the future exercise
of the elective franchise, so as to give independence
and security to the voters.
If you send me to parliament, I undertake to demon-
strate there, that the abolition of the forty-shilling fran-
chise is a direct violation of the legislative union be-
tween the two countries.
Again, if you send me to parliament, I undertake to
demonstrate there, that the refusal to allow me to sit
and vote was not only an assumption of illegal power,
under the name of parliamentary privilege, but was
another direct violation of the legislative union.
I now sincerely rejoice that the ministry mixed up
my interests with those of the forty-shilling freeholders ;
and when they destroyed the vested rights of more than
two hundred thousand registered freeholders, they did
me a kindness to fling me into the aristocratic whirlpool,
in which they have submerged a living portion of the
British constitution.
Send me to parliament, and I will assail there the
the Sub-letting act. I am convinced I shall be able to
assail with success that act — an act calculated to make
APPENDIX. CCCXXXVll
the poor more wretched, and to render the destitute
more miserable.
Send me to parliament, and I will there assail, and
I trust with success, the Vestry bill ; that most uncon-
stitutional law, which enables a few Protestants to tax,
to almost any extent they may fancy, the property of
the Catholic landholders. Indeed, I ought to add, that
the Protestants have in many instances, shown a for-
bearance from using this act oppressively, which does
infinite honour to their good sense and humanity. But
in many instances, it has been already grievously en-
forced ; and it is in human nature that it will, unless re-
pealed or amended, produce all its fruits of bitterness.
Send me to parliament, and I will there assail, and I
think successfully, the system of grand jury jobbing,
and grand jury assessment. I will then be able to prove
to those who ought to give redress, that the taxation of
the people by the grand juries, is as oppressive in practice
as it is unconstitutional in principle ; and it enables the
rich man to form gravel walks near his demesne at the
expense of the poor, and gives to the influential portion
of the aristocracy a dominion over the properties of
their fellow-subjects.
Send me to parliament, and I will struggle hard to
procure a diminution of heavy and illegal exactions, and
an equitable distribution of the revenues of the Esta-
blished church, between the poor on the one hand, and
the most meritorious and really laborious portion of the
Protestant clergy on the other, by operating to the de-
privation of at least part of the enormous wealth of the
pampered and overpaid pluralists and dignitaries.
VOL. II. v
Cccxxxviii APPENDIX*
Send me to parliament, and I will struggle hard to
to cleanse the Augean stables of the law ; I will devote
all my faculties to destroy the toils and nets of form and
fiction in which justice is at present so often entrapped.
I will dedicate my life to the glorious work of rendering
law at one and the same time all comprehensive, and
also precise and intelligible ; and in making the admi-
nistration of that law cheap and expeditious, so that the
poor may have effectual and ready protection against every
species of illegal oppression, and that at the same time
the property of the rich man may become more valuable
and secure. My professional habits give me peculiar
facilities to attempt at least this Herculean task ; and I
will attempt it with an unchangeable and persevering
determination to effectuate this most useful purpose.
Send me to parliament, and I undertake to procure
laws to protect the property of Protestant Dissenters as
well as of Catholics, for all charitable purposes, for the
maintenance of their churches and places of worship, of
their parochial houses,, schools, and hospitals ; and in
particular, to consolidate such a system as may, by means
of public and private bounty, procure for every Catho-
lic rector of a parish in Ireland a parochial house, and
an adequate glebe in each parish, transmissible by law
to each successor, and protected against all abuse of
trust, and all expense of litigation.
Send me to parliament, and I will convince every
rational man, and every man possessed of sentiments of
religion, of the monstrous injustice attempted to be done
to the monastic orders in Ireland, by some clauses in
the late law; and will be the constant advocate of the
APPENDIX. CCCXXX1X
pious men who devote themselves to God in singleness
of heart and humility of spirit; of those invaluable insti-
tutions which give not only literary but religious and
moral education to the poor ; and I will challenge in-
quiry and promulgate the truth respecting that most
learned body the Jesuits, a body of men who have done
more for literature and religion than any other society
that ever lived. They have produced more scholars,
they have furnished more martyrs, they have preached
Christianity to more infidel nations.
I trust I shall be the instrument of erasing from the
statute-book that paltry imitation of the worst and still-
existing portion of French Jacobinism — a miserable imi-
tation— which pretends to do that which nature and
religion forbid to be done — to extinguish monastic
orders in Ireland. While it is law, its penalties will be
submitted to ; but let me add, as a matter of fact, that
its mandate will most assuredly not be obeyed. It was
formerly death in Ireland to be a friar, and the Irish
earth is still scarcely dry from the blood of martyred
friars ; the friars multiplied in the face of death. O
for the sagacity of Peel, and the awful wisdom of
Wellington, that meditate to suppress monastic orders
in Ireland by a pecuniary penalty, and the dread of a
foreign mission, under the name of banishment ! ! !
The law permits men to be profligate, and debauched,
arid corrupt, and selfish ; it cannot — and I venture to
add that if I am in parliament it shall not — long prohibit
men from devoting their lives to poverty, to chastity, to
obedience, and to the education of the poor.
Send me to parliament, and I will incessantly urge on
CCCXl APPENDIX.
government the necessity of assisting in the internal
improvement of your country ; in particular, in the im-
provement of the navigation of the Fergus, and con-
struction of an asylum harbour on the western coast.
Send me to parliament, and I will strongly urge the
abolition of the accursed monopoly of the East India
Company — a monopoly which, while it grinds more than
sixty millions of native inhabitants by a ruinous and
death-dealing revenue exaction, worse than the worst
rack rents of Ireland, loads the inhabitants of Britain
and Ireland with prices which render an indispensable
article of consumption about twice as dear in this
country as in any other part of Europe.
Send me to parliament, and I will struggle for free-
dom of conscience for every human being ; and for
liberty for men of every creed, caste, and colour.
Send me to parliament, and I will strain every nerve
to renovate the British constitution, by abolishing
rotten boroughs and fictitious titles to vote; by ex-
tending the elective franchise to every man who is
affected by taxation ; and by carrying into full effect
that species of constitutional reform, which, whilst it
applies a radical remedy to every abuse in the system of
popular representation, would necessarily diminish the
public burdens, augment the value of private property,
increase the safety of individual life, and add to the
security of individual and popular liberty.
Send me to parliament, and I will employ all the
intellect I possess, and every faculty of my mind, unre-
mittingly, perseveringly, perpetually, to restore to Ire-
land a resident gentry, and a real representation in
APPENDIX. CCCXli
parliament. Protestants and Catholics are equally in-
terested in having Ireland and Irish interests faithfully
and effectually represented in parliament.
I address Protestants equally with Catholics— I ad-
dress the landlords equally with the tenants — I address
the rich as well as the poor.
If the landlords of Clare wish to preserve their estates
from the merciless fangs of the English system of poor
laws — if they wish to develope the natural resources of
their country — if they wish to bury in oblivion all
former feuds and animosities — if they wish to render
their properties more valuable, by the diminution of
public burdens, the encouragement of domestic manu-
factures, the advancement of Irish commerce, the in-
crease of Irish agriculture, the amelioration of the
social circle, the extension of industry, comfort, arid
prosperity ; if the landlords of Clare desire all these
things, they will join in sending me to parliament to
work for the benefit of our common country.
If the tenantry desire the repeal of the Sub-letting
act and of the Vestry bill — if they desire to have the
parish cess lightened, and the grand jury cess abolished
— if they desire to see a domestic provision made for
the sick and the destitute, and opportunities afforded to
the strong and the healthy to earn the wages of industry
— if they desire to see Catholic charities established
and secured — if they desire to see the Catholic parochial
clergy rendered independent and comfortable — if they
desire to see the Catholic monastic orders vindicated
and protected — if they desire to see the Catholic rights
and liberties prevented from being sapped and under-
CCCXlii APPENDIX.
mined by the insidious policy of those men vf\\o, false to
their own party, can never be true to us; and who have
yielded, not to reason, but to necessity, in granting
us freedom of conscience— if they desire all this, let them
do me the honour to elect me.
If, in fine, the gentry of Clare are desirous to have
as their representative a man who is able and most de-
sirous to protect in parliament their properties and per-
manent interests, let them do me the honour to select
me.
But let them not lay the flattering unction to their
souls, that they can, without an independent man of
business as their representative, postpone the intro-
duction of the English system of poor laws.
I implore them to recollect, that the English mem-
bers of parliament have a direct and personal interest in
introducing poor laws into Ireland, in order to relieve
themselves from a portion of the burdens created in
England by the Irish labourers throwing, by their num-
bers, and the cheapness with which they work, a large
portion of English labourers on the English poor rates.
If I am returned to parliament, it will be my sacred
duty to arrange the necessary provision for the infirm
and sick poor in Ireland, in such a manner as to avoid
the mischiefs of the English system, and to render it not
only healing in its application to the poor, but advan-
tageous even to the pecuniary interests of the resident
proprietors of Ireland.
Shall I be told that it is impossible now to do all this ?
My answer is — that I was often told that it was impos-
sible to obtain Catholic emancipation. Every difficulty
APPENDIX. cccxliii
creates an impossibility to those who will not struggle
against it. — There is no impossibility to him who, having
no other object under heaven but the good of his country
and his kind, is determined, by honest, open, and con-
stitutional means to achieve the restoration of his native
land.
Impossible to restore Ireland to that happiness and
freedom of which she was so foully deprived!!! Im-
possible ! ! ! I utterly deny it. — The spirit of improve-
ment is abroad. The causes of political regeneration
are multiplied. The landed aristocracy of England, by
means of the corn laws, have an undue share of the
price of the morsel of bread with which the exhausted
artisan feeds his hungry family — whilst that very same
aristocracy purchase the articles of their own consump-
tion more cheaply by means of " the free trade" in
manufactures. The principle of free trade, let me add,
is one which I cherish ; but that principle, to be just,
should be universal. It should not operate to the disad-
vantage of the poor man, by making his bread dear, and
at the same time operate to the advantage of the rich,
by giving him cheap foreign manufacture. It ought
not to make food dear, whilst it made silks cheap.
The spirit of improvement is abroad — and the present
oligarchical system which produced these mischiefs is
rocking to its centre. England is interested equally
with Ireland, more interested than Ireland, in the pros-
perity of Ireland. Ireland consumes at present but a
limited portion of British manufactures — suppose ten
millions of pounds' worth per annum (for I have not the
documents before me showing the precise amount) ; but
CCCXllv APPENDIX.
taking it at ten millions at present, it is quite certain
that it would rise to thirty millions at least — that is, to
three times the present amount by the natural and
necessary result of Irish prosperity and Irish greatness.
The coal mines, the iron mines, the salt mines of
England, give her facilities for manufactures not pos-
sessed by any other nation on the face of the globe.
The rich teeming soil of Ireland — her ever-verdant
plains — her sunny hills and rich meadows — the luxuriant
limestone districts, and the hardy and steady fertility of
her gravelly mixture of soil, render her the fit nursing
mother of her neighbouring artisans and operatives by
her superabundant supply of food.
Thus the efficient representation of Ireland, giving
a natural stimulus to the one country, would be doubly
beneficial to both, and, in mutual prosperity, would in-
crease in mutual strength and security.
I appeal for support to Protestants as well as Catho-
lics. Protestants as well as Catholics are equally in-
terested in the prosperity and glory of Ireland.
In my person the county of Clare has been insulted.
The brand of degradation has been raised to mark me,
because the people of Clare fairly selected me. Will
the people of Clare endure this insult, now that they can
firmly but constitutionally efface it for ever ?
My friends, my beloved friends, Protestant and Ca-
tholic— they who put me in nomination at the late elec-
tion, O'Gorman Mahon, and Thomas Steele, have alsa
been visited by a similar attempt. People of Clare,
what are your sentiments towards the persecutors of
O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele? You are not
APPENDIX. CCCXlv
ignorant that they made themselves enemies by the ac-
tivity, courage, and success, with which, at a critical
moment, in spite of every obstacle, and of every incite-
ment, they preserved the peace of your county. You
know how much bloodshed they prevented. The com-
mission of the peace was never in the hands of men who
so sedulously and successfully preserved the peace.
But it was a crime in the eyes of some of our enemies,
too great to be forgiven, that the king's peace was pre-
served. Now, again I repeat the question — What are
your feelings towards the persecutors of O'Gorman
Mahon and Thomas Steele? Any man who votes against
me at the ensuing election must be a man who joins
the enemies of O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele,
and thinks that these estimable gentlemen ought to be
visited with a paltry attempt to insult them, merely
because they preserved the lives of the people, and nobly
vindicated at the last election the religion and liberties
of the Catholics of Ireland.
It has been said that I am a stranger in Clare. Me
a stranger in any part of Ireland ! Foolish and absurd.
1 am identified with the people of Clare in every thing
that can identify man to man. All, however, I can
claim, is the ratification of the former election. I ask
only the sympathy of Clare upon this vacancy. I have
a title to that sympathy by the community of interest
and of generous feeling and exalted resolves.
Catholic brothers, respected and esteemed Protest-
ant friends, I claim your suffrages on this occasion.
To my Catholic brothers I say, that the protection of
the rights of the Catholics in parliament, that the esta-
VOL. II.
CCCXlvl APPENDIX.
blishment of Catholic charities and schools, that the
independent and permanent support of the Catholic
clergy, that the integrity of the Catholic religious and
charitable societies, and, in fine, that the vindication of
the principles and of the genuine purity of calumniated
Catholic doctrines, require that I should be in parlia-
ment.
To my esteemed and beloved Protestant friends I
say, that the local interests of your country, the indivi-
dual interests of your resident gentry and landed pro-
prietors, the universal interests of Ireland, require that
I should be in parliament.
To both Catholic and Protestant friends I would
recall to mind, that we achieved emancipation in the
most peaceful, loyal, and constitutional manner. We
committed no offence, we were guilty of no crime, we
destroyed no property, we injured no man's person* we
affected no man's life. The glorious revolution which
gave us Catholic emancipation was effected without the
destruction of one particle of any man's property, with-
out the shedding of one drop of human blood. A sober,
a moral, and a religious people, cannot continue slaves ;
they become too powerful for their oppressors ; their
moral strength exceeds their physical powers ; and their
progress towards prosperity and liberty is in vain op-
posed by the Peels and the Wellingtons of society.
These poor strugglers for ancient abuses yield to a
necessity which violates no law, and commits no crime ;
and having once already succeeded by these means, our
next success is equally certain, if we adopt the same
virtuous and irresistible means.
APPENDIX. CCCxlvii
I conclude as I began. Electors of Clare, I have
been illegally injured, and you have been unworthily
insulted by that unworthy ministerial dexterity which
deprived me of my right to represent you in parliament.
I call upon you to wipe away that injury, to blot out
that insult, by sending me back to express my senti-
ments and yours to the men who, in so undignified a
manner, injured me and insulted you.
Protestants and Catholics, Friends and Brothers,
I am your devoted Servant,
D. O'CONNELL.
LONDON, May 25, 1829.
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