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Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri." 






JIV A. .). VALI'V, HlilD LION COlin, 1'1,ET MIIIM. 




Protestant sympathy Society for the Improvement of 
Ireland Coalition of the liberal Protestants Protestant 
Declaration Dinner of the friends of civil and religious li- 
berty to Lord Morpeth Recall of the Marquess of An- 
glesey Meeting at the Rotunda Petition to parliament 
Address to the King The King's speech The dissolu- 
tion of the Association ..... page 1 

The Catholic Clergy's Remonstrance of Loyalty . iii 

Oath of Allegiance, to be administered to the Roman 
Catholics by the ninth article of the Capitulation of Lime- 
rick, and no other ... . . iv 

Oaths imposed by the English Statutes 3rd and 4th of 
William and Mary, c. ii. in violation of the ninth article of 
Limerick . . . . v 

VOL. ii. b 


Protest against the Act to confirm the Articles of Lime- 


Mr. Keogh's Account of the Delegation of 1793, &c. &c. 


Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1799 xvii 

Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1810 xx 

Resolutions of the Irish Catholic Laity against the 


Copy of a Letter from Monsgr. Quarantotti to the Right 
Rev. Dr. Poynter . . xxii 

Resolutions establishing the General Committee of 


Resolutions and Petition for Unqualified Emancipation 
1810 xxx 

Circular Letter of the Right Hon. W. Welleslev 
P ' xxxiv 

Letter of the King on his leaving Ireland in 1821 xxxv 

Rules and Regulations of the Catholic Association of Ire- 
land, commencing 24th May, 1823 . . XX xvii 

Report on the Practicability of forming the New Catho- 
lic Association, agreed to at the Aggregate Meeting held 
13th July, 1825 . xxxjx 

New Catholic Association . . . x \ v ^ 

Extracts from Monsieur Duvergier's Letters on the State 
of Ireland, 1826 ... Ji 

Catholic Census . . . Ixxix 


Census of Religious Sects . page Ixxxiii 

Irish Education .... Ixxxvi 

State of the Roman Catholic Clergy in Ireland cv 

Elective Franchise . . . cxi 

Waterford Election .... cxxxv 

Order of Liberators . . . . cxxxix 

Duties of Inspectors and Churchwardens . cxli 

Liberal Clubs .... cxlv 

Mr. O'Connell's Address to the Electors of the County 
of Clare ..... clxxii 

Reconciliation Meetings . . . clxxvi 

American Associations, &c. . . cxciv 

Documents read in the conrse of the Duke of Welling- 
ton's Reply to the Marquess of Anglesey in the House of 
Lords, May 4, 18*29 . . . ccxi 

Brunswick Clubs . . . ccxx 

Declaration, &c. of Protestants in favour of a final and 
conciliatory adjustment of the Catholic question ccxxvi 

Proceedings at the Rotunda Meeting, 20th January, 
18-29 . . . . . . cclii 

Formation of the Society of the Friends of Civil and Re- 
ligious Liberty ... . . cclxvi 

Catholic Rent ... . . cclxx 

Instructions for framing Petitions to Parliament cclxxvii 
Catholic Eligibility . . . cclxxxii 


Dissolution of the Catholic Association, and of the Society 
of Civil and Religious Freedom . . page ccxc 

Meeting to prevent Illuminations in Dublin . cccii 
Wellington Testimonial Meeting . . ccciv 

Majorities and Minorities on the Catholic Relief 
Bill . . . . . . cccxvii 

A Tabular Digest of all the Proceedings that have taken 
place in Parliament on the subject of the General Laws 
affecting the Roman Catholics of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, from the period of the first Act passed in 1778 to the 
present time ; concluding with a View of the Progress of 
the Relief Bill through both Houses of the Legisla- 
ture . . . . . cccxxvii 

Mr. O'Connell's Address to the Electors of the County 
of Clare . cccxxxiv 





Protestant sympathy Society for the Improvement of Ire- 
land Coalition of the liberal Protestants - Protestant 
Declaration Dinner of the friends of civil and religious 
liberty to Lord Morpeth Recall of the Marquess of 
Anglesey Meeting at the Rotunda Petition to par- 
liament Address to the King The King's speech The 
dissolution of the Association. 

WHILST the two contending parties were now 
closing more nearly upon each other, and the 
awful crisis which would soon have been be- 
yond all human control seemed every day 
more visibly approaching, a third party ap- 
peared in the country, to whose consolidation (in 
concurrence with the preceding circumstances) 
the Catholics were mainly indebted for the 
success which at last terminated their event- 
fu 1 struggle. But it was by a series of very 
delicate measures, and gradual arrangements, 



that this consolidation was brought about. The 
liberal Protestant for a long period was affected 
by the same habitual indifference to existing 
evils, which had formerly characterised the 
Catholic himself. The immediate pressure of 
danger did more than any sense of justice and 
fellow-feeling they might entertain for the cala- 
mities of their countrymen. But the time was 
fast approaching when Catholic or Protestant 
were no longer to be left a choice. 

The liberal Protestant stood in a very pecu- 
liar position. Whilst the an ti- Catholic party 
had remained passive, he testified for the strug- 
gles of his Catholic countrymen but a feeble 
and modified interest. The relics of old pre- 
judices; the little inclination actively to in- 
terfere in concerns which did not immediately 
affect himself; the disfavour which usually ac- 
companies voluntary displays of devotion to the 
popular cause, were very powerful drawbacks 
upon his zeal and exertions. But there were 
other motives, arising out of existing circum- 
stances, which had a far more direct and repul- 
sive effect upon his sympathies. The Catholic 
Association generally, but especially the indi- 
viduals who were supposed to have the greatest 
weight and influence in its proceedings, were 
accused of a very injudicious and inexcusable 


disregard, both in deed and language, to the 
feelings and opinions of others. It is quite true, 
that the provocation to such intemperance was 
great and frequent; that the excess has been 
far surpassed, especially in later times, by the 
excesses of their adversaries ; and that much and 
reasonable apology may be made for such viola- 
tions of public propriety, by the consideration of 
the usual habits of all popular assemblies. But 
these redeeming circumstances did not in the 
slightest degree palliate or neutralise the im- 
pressions which they conveyed to all classes of 
the Protestant community. The Catholic, sepa- 
rated by the anti-social influence of the penal 
laws from the Protestant, did not feel in its 
full force the result of these errors. He habi- 
tually and exclusively associated with men who 
were not only aggrieved in precisely the same 
manner with himself, but who, generally speak- 
ing, with very few exceptions, sought for relief 
from their grievances precisely by the same 
means. What other men would have regarded 
as violence, the Catholic considered as a natural 
and manly resistance to admitted wrong : he 
applauded the overflowings of more deep sources 
of indignation, which he felt equally in his 
own bosom : he looked with admiration on the 
man who took the fiercest tone, who barbed 


his shafts with the keenest poison, who winged 
them most directly and fearlessly to the heart of 
his antagonist. But the liberal Protestant stood 
in a very different position. His ordinary asso- 
ciates for the most part were opposed to him in 
opinion ; he had to contend with their argu- 
ments, and what to most men is far more diffi- 
cult, with their scoffs : instead of receiving in 
the evening any portion of that meed of applause, 
which usually repaid the exertions of the Catho- 
lic, and consoled him for the abuse of his ene- 
mies, he had to enter into an apology of his con- 
duct, and to take up the defence of men, and 
of proceedings, who, however they might merit 
every approbation in mass, were extremely ob- 
jectionable in details. The difficulties of this dis- 
heartening warfare were still farther increased 
by the Catholics themselves. Many of the most 
earnest supporters of their cause were often, with 
very little inquiry, heedlessly included in the 
sweeping denunciations, with which the good and 
the bad, the friend and the enemy, were sure to 
be visited in some way or other, during the course 
of the annual debates of the Association. A 
friend, who perhaps had been contending with 
his whole force the night before in maintaining 
the claims and deserts of the body, not un- 
frequently found himself rewarded for his chi- 


valry the next day in the Association, by some 
sneer at his lukewarmness, or some coarse and, 
unmerited invective against his principles, the 
injustice of which he had no means of repel- 
ling, but by entering into direct and personal 
explanation, and perhaps collision, with parties 
who, except from their connexion with such a 
cause, had little or no title to his respect. Such 
things are with difficulty to be separated from 
assemblies in a state of perpetual excitement 
like the Catholic Association : in Ireland, they 
are particularly so ; and every Irishman, who 
could reason largely on the subject, naturally 
extended to them for these reasons no small 
share of his sufferance and indulgence. But 
the party of which we are speaking, seldom 
were so general and philosophic in their views : 
they considered only the personal wound, and 
the momentary result. Disgusted and indif- 
ferent, and at last fatigued with fighting in a 
cause in which they had so few to sympathise 
with, and no allies, they retired gradually from 
all intermixture with these proceedings,* and 

* There was an obvious falling off of Protestant sympathy 
and interest from 1825 to the middle of 1828. There had 
been no attempt to repeat the meetings of 1819, or the peti- 
tions of grand juries, counties, &c. &c. The attendance 
also on Catholic dinners was much less frequent, numerous, 


finally surrendered the Catholics to them- 

Another circumstance, which very much added 
to this reserve, was the inconsistency with which 
Protestant support was treated by the Catholics 
themselves. At one time they rejected it with 
affected contempt ; at another, they talked of 
it as the only means by which emancipation 
could be accomplished ; as if a nation of six 
millions of men, cordially and constantly united, 
had not in their own hands (reason the matter 
as they might) the sure and simple means of 
their final liberation. If by chance a small 
gentleman of the favoured caste, calculating 
often his own personal interests much more 
closely than the public good, happened to drop 
in amongst their thousands, frequently headed 
by the representatives of the oldest families 
in the land, they blazoned forth, in the most 
fulsome terms, " the honour which had been 
done them ; the kindness in thinking of them ; 
the condescension in honouring them with his 
presence ;" and poured out, with a disgraceful 
profusion, votes of thanks to " the distinguished 

and respectable. Compare the first Provincial meeting of 
Munster with the last. Even the Protestant petition of 1827 
had but a few hundred signatures. In the summer of 1828, 
Protestant feeling had reached its lowest ebb. 


and liberal Protestant guest," who sate down 
on the same bench, or deigned to eat of the same 
meats with a Papist. It was absurd for Catho- 
lics to speak after this, of their spirit of freedom, 
and their indignation at the unjust inequality 
which the laws had established between the two 
religions ; their own resolutions fully seconded 
the efforts of the laws : no more glaring instance 
could be offered of the deep debasement which 
had been entailed upon every thing Catholic by 
the penal Code. Every man, who felt within him- 
self the sentiment of what freedom really was, 
though not actually in possession or enjoyment of 
the gift, must have blushed at this deep, national 
humiliation ; and many no doubt there were 
who did so blush ; but the expediency system 
was constantly urged, and it was thought that 
conciliation could only be purchased at the vile 
price of this unnatural servility. A result the 
very opposite to what the Catholics had expected, 
usually took place. If the Protestant had any 
principle of highmindedness within him, he 
must have considered such unmeasured contri- 
butions to his vanity as insincere and profligate. 
The less wise, or the less charitable, attributed 
it, not to the obvious influences of a long state 
of moral and political oppression, but to the 
religion, which the oppressed happened to 


profess. They often retained in the midst of 
their proffers of assistance, sentiments hostile to 
the creed, and contemptuous to its professors. 
Habituated from an early period to a conscious- 
ness of rule a consciousness encouraged by 
every thing with which he was surrounded, it 
was next to impossible that he should not accept 
this admission of superiority, conferred with 
such anxiety by the Catholics, not as proof of 
their desire of union, but as a natural right, to 
refuse which would have been injustice, and to 
concede which, was mere duty. Such a class 
of liberals (how many usurped the name, with 
little title to the reality !) immediately assumed 
the patronising air of masters ; set up their pro- 
tection as an object of competition to contend- 
ing parties ; volunteered superciliously their 
counsels ; and insulted with their tardy and 
capricious assistance ; until at last the Catho- 
lics, revolting from the dependence which they 
had been unfortunately the first to encourage, 
turned round with fierceness, and altogether re- 
jected, in a moment of irritation, both co-opera- 
tion and advice. 

Such was the situation of the Protestants 
who avowed themselves favourable to the con- 
cession of the Catholic claims ; for several years 
previous to the events which we have just been 


detailing when, with a view probably of con- 
centring whatever was still liberal in the coun- 
try, or preventing the Association from altoge- 
ther absorbing the public interest, in a manner 
which was considered by those who saw but a 
small portion of the general system, as highly 
detrimental to the cause, or perhaps with no 
other object than a vague desire of benefiting 
the country, without much inquiry into the 
means by which it was to be effected, a society 
under the designation of a " Society for the 
Improvement of Ireland," was set on foot, and 
commenced its sittings in the Mansion House, 
under the immediate auspices of the Lord Mayor. 
It was open to all sects and to all classes ; was 
intended to be confined to the simple consi- 
deration of the agricultural and commercial 
interests of the country; of course excluded 
politics; and was to apply to Government and 
Parliament for the purpose of carrying its plans 
into effect for their support. So many of these 
joint-stock experiments (not more wisely con- 
structed in general than the academies of La- 
puta) had of late attracted and deceived the 
public, that no great confidence or interest was 
excited in the Irish mind by the first proceed- 
ings of the new society. They prophesied for 
it over its very cradle, an ephemeral and useless 


existence. They already laughed over its early 
and untimely death. The prophecy was soon ac- 
complished. After an inefficient series of meet- 
ings, in which various plans were brought forward 
and discussed, on the drainage of the bogs of Ire- 
land, on the execution of a ship-canal, &c. &c. the 
Society gradually relaxed in exertions, which 
were neither assisted by the Government nor the 
country, and its meetings were for a while sus- 
pended, rather from the voluntary secession of the 
members than by any formal act of the body 
itself. It was found, that as long as the Catholic 
question continued unsettled, the public mind 
would also continue so totally absorbed by its 
consideration, that it would be absurd to expect 
such a degree of attention as could insure even 
the slightest encouragement to any plan of na- 
tional improvement. This fact, which had pre- 
sented itself to the Catholics in a great variety 
of forms, and has been amongst the worst of the 
many evils consequent upon delay, was now 
placed in the clearest point of view before the 
nation at large. This was a great benefit, but it 
was destined to be the forerunner of many others 
of much higher importance. The first conclusion 
which every rational man drew, from the evi- 
dence which such a failure so strongly exhibited, 
was, that nothing could be done, until the ques- 


tion was finally settled, for any portion of the 
country ; and the next, that every man at all 
interested in its improvement or prosperity, was, 
by his duty and interests, sacredly obliged to 
give every aid in his power to promote as 
speedily as possible a settlement, which had 
now become not merely desirable, but abso- 
lutely necessary. 

These impressions might have continued for a 
considerable time longer to hover loosely and 
idly over the public mind, had not the late mea- 
sures of the Association and the Catholic body 
at large, pressed more and more immediately the 
decision of the liberal Protestants. They soon 
found themselves in a situation, which they could 
scarcely have anticipated. They thought the 
question would have been temperately and gra- 
dually adjusted by the gentle ebbing of ancient 
prejudice, and the constantly augmenting ma- 
jorities in the Commons, by a necessary induc- 
tion, would finally produce the just influence 
which public opinion, expressed by its most 
popular organ, must always produce upon the 
temper and decision of the Lords. Whilst this 
slow battle was going on, their course of proceed- 
ing appeared obvious and easy. A few speeches 
at public dinners a few votes in either House 
two or three complimentary letters, in return for 


votes of thanks ; all this did not require any 
great expenditure of time, talent, or patriotism ; 
and in the mean time the Catholics might be 
safely entrusted with the management of their 
own cause, and their friends maintain their pri- 
vilege of censuring or commending at a distance. 
Nothing could be apprehended from the Asso- 
ciation. There was then no other body in direct 
collision with it. A few violent speeches, or 
even a few violent resolutions, on the part of their 
adversaries, could carry with them no intrinsic 
weight ; they defeated their objects generally 
by their very violence. The passion for ora- 
torical display is an original sin of the Irish, but 
it has never produced consequences more fatal 
to the peace of a country than any other thea- 
trical exhibition. The liberal Protestant sate 
quietly looking on read his article in the Edin- 
burgh Review, or the Morning Chronicle pro- 
phesied that some time or other the question 
would be carried regretted the obstacles which 
the Catholics had thrown in their own way- 
trusted to the gradual illumination of the lower 
classes in England, and then sipped his tea, and 
proved to his own satisfaction that he had fully 
done his duty. 

But in a few a very few months indeed all 
this was destined to undergo the most thorough 


alteration. The Provincial and other meetings, 
the Churchwarden system, the Liberal Club sys- 
tem, were not sufficient to disturb them from 
their repose. These were things which, though 
containing within them the principles of mighty 
change, did not strike the senses of men ; but 
when the Clare election fell like the blast of 
the trumpet amongst them, they then, for the 
first time, suddenly awoke, and found the Catho- 
lic Association on one hand, and Brunswick 
Clubs on the other, like long lines of hostile in- 
trenchments, from north to south, from east to 
west, threatening and frowning on each other 
through the entire country, then indeed did 
they begin to think, that the time had come, 
and fully come, for something more than fair 
words, and that they must make their election, 
and make it instantly, between the ranks of 
either army. The neutrals bring about revolu- 
tions ; and the Athenian legislator showed not 
only a just sense of the nature and working 
of political institutions, but a deep insight into 
the first principles of human nature itself, when, 
by a formal law in his republic, he rendered 
them infamous. The liberal Protestants could 
not practise this coward moderation. They ran 
risk of being crushed by the closing, and conflict 
of either power. They were alternately driven 


from one to the other, until they had at last the 
prudence the inevitable prudence clearly and 
irrevocably to decide between them. A crisis 
had arrived for Ireland. It was doubtful on 
what side, whether for evil or for good, the 
trembling balance would determine. Add to 
this the stings of mortified pride. The Catholics 
were a nation contending for freedom ; the anti- 
Catholics were haughty masters, who fought for 
mastership ; but the men, neither Catholic nor 
Orange, who stood between the masters and the 
nation, were distrusted by one party, despised by 
the other, and finally sunk into the servants of 
both. The English nation knew them not; 
Protestantism knew them not ; the anti-Catho- 
lics assumed that they were the only Protestants 
and the only Loyalists in Ireland. It was full 
time for them to take the attitude which became 
them ; it was full time to disabuse the Empire. 
A few fell off to the opposite party; but the 
majority, when the hour of action could no 
longer be deferred, declared at last for the Ca- 
tholic, and for Ireland. 

But their first steps were uncertain, gradual, 
perhaps timid. Circumstances demanded 
caution, and they were not principals in the 
quarrel. They had coolness and impartiality 
enough to be judicious. Their first measure 



was not a petition, which had now become ra- 
ther a hacknied mode of expressing public opi- 
nion, and required an arrangement of machinery 
not yet within their grasp. They wisely ab- 
stained from any concert or connexion with the 
Catholic Association. The object was to give 
an exclusively Protestant colour to their acts, 
and to rescue their measures, before the country 
and the legislature, from even the imputation 
of Catholic bias. The weight which such re- 
presentations would carry with the legislature, 
would of course depend upon the exclusiveness 
and sincerity which characterised them. An 
echo of the Association would have produced an 
effect considerably inferior to the voice of the 
Association itself. This was good policy the 
obvious wisdom of cool statesmen. Many Catho- 
lics quarrelled with it at the time ; but it was 
not the first occasion that the Catholics required 
to be saved from themselves. Their first measure 
was temperate, simple, and above all compre- 
hensive.* A declaration, expressive of the deep 

* It was something more than a petition it was a 
guarantee for future co-operation. The first declaration 
did not meet the views of many gentlemen : a second was 
drawn up, with some trifling variations in the phraseology. 
This was sound sense and real patriotism. It embraced 
every one. 


sense which the Protestant noblemen and gen- 
tlemen of Ireland entertained of the situation of 
the country, and the firm conviction they felt 
that no remedy was now adequate to repress 
the evils which impended, which did not include 
Catholic Emancipation, was drawn up, and cir- 
culated through every part of the country. A 
similar document had been handed round the 
preceding year, principally through the untiring 
exertions of Sir Charles Morgan ; but the Pro- 
testant mind, generally speaking, was not yet 
ripe for such an appeal, and it met with a very 
partial reception. The committee, to whom its 
management had been entrusted, was indefati- 
gable. In a very short period, it received the 
most respectable signatures in Dublin, and the 
earnestness with which it was seconded in most 
parts of the interior, particularly in the South 
of Ireland, furnished convincing proof that the 
Protestant mind was at last fully kindled to 
a sense of the imminent dangers with which 
every class of citizens was surrounded, and con- 
vinced that it required the most united and 
instant efforts of all that was intelligent and 
liberal to ward them off ere it was too late 
from the country. The Declaration, in the 
space of a few months, was signed by two dukes, 
seven marquesses, twenty-seven earls, eleven 


viscounts, twenty-two barons, two counts, twenty- 
two baronets, fifty-two members of the House 
of Commons, and upwards of two thousand gen- 
tlemen of other ranks, all of whom were person- 
ally interested in the condition of Ireland. 

The convincing refutation which this docu- 
ment furnished to the assertions of the Brunswick 
Clubs, had a very important effect, not only on 
the mind of reflecting men in England, but 
scarcely in a less degree upon the spirit of the 
Protestants themselves. It proved to a demon- 
stration, that a large proportion of Protestant 
rank, wealth, and intelligence, was ranged on 
the side of justice and conciliation, and little 
more was requisite to give it its full influence on 
the public opinion of the country, than a better 
mode of bringing it into action, and prolonging 
its power, by a constant and uniform combi- 

A circumstance unlocked for, and which had 
no immediate connexion with the measures 
actually in progress, contributed materially to 
elicit from both parties, that expression of cor- 
dial and determined union, which circumstances 
hitherto had unfortunately kept concealed. Lord 
Morpeth, the eldest son of Lord Carlisle, for 
whose co-operation in seconding Sir Francis 
Burdett's motion the Catholics felt themselves 
VOL. n. B 


extremely grateful, was on his return to Eng- 
land, after an extensive tour through Ireland, un- 
dertaken for the purpose of collecting juste r views 
of the country, than is common to most Eng- 
lishmen. The talents of this young nobleman, 
the influence which his name, and family, and 
ministerial connexions commanded, were second 
only to the high estimate which the Catholics 
had formed of his devotion to their cause. The 
Catholics resolved by a public dinner, to testify 
this sense of his services, and to give him and 
other Protestants an opportunity of expressing 
their opinions on the existing state of Catholic 
affairs. This testimony of public feeling was 
originally suggested by the Catholics, but the 
occasion was seized and improved on with great 
judgment and felicity, by their Protestant friends. 
The dinner was one of the most numerously 
attended which had yet been given in Dublin. 
The Duke of Leinster presided, supported by 
the Marquesses of Clanricarde and Westmeath. 
The tone of feeling which evinced itself at that 
important meeting, was fully commensurate to 
their most ardent hopes. All sectarian jealousy 
all ancient rivalries - were laid aside. A junc- 
tion between both parties an immediate, close, 
and earnest junction, was the hope and the 
desire expressed by every speaker. All sepa- 


rate views, all party principles, were extin- 
guished in the greatness of a common cause. 
The enemies of the Catholic and of the friends 
of the Catholic had united the union of both 
had henceforth become a duty. The enthu- 
siasm with which these declarations were re- 
ceived and returned, was the surest augury 
of final success. The advantages of such 
a combination had been long conspicuous 
every man was now convinced of the facility 
with which it could be carried into execution. 
Before the evening festivities were over a requi- 
sition was circulated, convening a meeting of 
Catholics and Protestants, under the common 
and better denomination of the Friends of Civil 
and Religious Freedom, for the purpose of re- 
cording, in the most ample and decided manner, 
their joint opinions of the urgent necessity of 
immediate concession, and placing in a still 
more forcible view than had been yet attempted, 
before his Majesty's government, the large mass 
of national wealth and respectability which were 
anxious for such a final and early adjustment of 
the Question. The Requisition was signed by 
three hundred noblemen and gentlemen present, 
and transmitted for signatures to the country, 
accompanied by a series of firm and moderate 
resolutions, based on the celebrated resolutions 


of Buckingham House, and the late Protestant 
Declaration, and expressive of the objects im- 
mediately intended by the proposed meeting. 
It was originally suggested that it should be 
held on the llth of December, in concurrence 
with the Catholic aggregate meeting fixed for the 
same period, but finding that it would be more 
judicious to wait the convenience of the Irish 
members of either house, and to bring the 
opinions of so important an assembly as closely 
and directly as possible on the attention of par- 
liament, it was ultimately postponed to the 20th 
of January, 1829, and appointed to take place 
on that day in the Great Hall of the Rotunda. 
In the interval the Duke of Leinster was re- 
quested to transmit, with as much expedition 
as possible, the Protestant Declaration to his 
Majesty's ministers, but in an especial manner 
to the Duke of Wellington, begging his most 
deliberate and mature consideration to the same. 
But in the mean time events took place of the 
most remarkable importance ; events which 
hurried to its close, with a rapidity beyond the 
calculations even of the most sanguine, the de- 
nouement of this strange and eventful history. 

Towards the close of December, a very re 
markable production, from the hand of the Duke 
of Wellington, arrested the attention of the pub- 


lie. A letter appeared in the public papers, 
addressed to the Catholic primate Dr. Curtis, on 
the subject which at that period engrossed the 
attention of the entire empire. It was extremely 
short and extremely obscure, invol\ 7 ed in terms 
apparently contradictory, and written for purposes 
which did not appear at first sight very obvious. 
Recent circumstances have partially explained 
these difficulties; but there are points in the 
correspondence which still elude the curiosity 
of the inquirer. The impressions it produced 
were scarcely less diverse and conjectural, than 
the text of the letter itself. There was much 
special pleading on terms, and some exceptions 
taken to a variation in the copies ; but, all these 
difficulties obviated, the surmises still continued 
very nearly as doubtful as before. Some read 
in the Duke's letter an unchangeable hostility to 
the Catholic claims, and congratulated them- 
selves on having, in the permanence of the 
Duke's government, the best pledge for the 
continuance of that exclusive system, which it 
had hitherto been the object and effort of their 
entire policy to uphold. Others again, extract- 
ing from it with a studious complacency those 
passages only, which were favourable to their 
hopes, already saw, in the perspective indica- 
tions of a change in the councils of government, 


which seem strongly confirmed by the late 
speech of Mr. Dawson;* and the continuance 
in the administration of a nobleman so well 
known for his liberal opinions as the Marquess 
of Anglesey. This view, supported as it has 
since been by the late important events, had 
scarcely sufficient vouchers for it in the letter 
itself. The more rational opinion, arguing on 
preceding evidence, regarded it as little more 

* Mr. Dawson was one of the first of his own party who 
reasoned on this alarming state of public affairs with the 
temper and philosophy of a statesman. No speech, previous 
to his justly celebrated speech at Derry, went so far into the 
real sources of the disease. His review of the external 
symptoms and the internal causes of the evils of Ireland, so 
studiously confounded, and so necessary to be distinguished, 
is just, clear, conscientious, and often eloquent. He fully 
comprehended the machinery and working of the great en- 
gine : the Association had been laid bare to his eyes ; he had 
the courage and skill to exhibit it in all its truth to the eyes 
of others. The time also chosen for this service to the coun- 
try, was happy. Mr. Dawson had shared, it is true, in great 
part, the impressions made on Mr. Brownlow by the exami- 
nations before the Committee on the state of Ireland in 
1825 ; but it may be doubted whether he had then come to 
a determinate conclusion, like Mr. Brownlow. At all events^ 
he gave the impulse, when the impulse was most necessary. 
He was totally ignorant of the change of opinion going on 
in the Cabinet. He had therefore the glory and the merit 
(and it is no slight one) of anticipating, and not following, 
the conversion of the ministers. 


than a concise abridgment of the Duke's 
speech during the last Catholic debate in the 
Lords, and attributed to it no more importance 
than to any other effort which had formerly 
been made to keep things in that sort of ba- 
lanced or neutral state, which might without 
further exertion, prorogue the necessity of deci- 
sive measures for a few years longer. But there 
were peculiarities connected with the present 
publication of a perfectly original nature : it must 
have excited the astonishment of an impartial 
person to find, that with all the avowed hostility 
to the priesthood and religion of the Catholics, 
and the continued resistance to a relaxation of 
the disabilities under which they laboured, a 
Popish bishop should have been selected at 
such a moment, and for such a communication, 
by the Premier of the empire, and such a pre- 
mier as the Duke of Wellington. Why write 
on such a topic? why write to Dr. Curtis? 
why write at all ? This surprise was farther 
heightened by a still more remarkable letter, 
which followed the Duke's a few days after. 
The Marquess of Anglesey addressed the same 
dignitary, but in a style very characteristically 
distinguished from that of the Duke of Wel- 
lington's. There was nothing dubious ; nothing 
concealed; nothing contradictory. It expressed, 


in temperate language manly feelings just 
opinions ardent wishes, for the happiness and 
safety of the country. No document had lately 
appeared in Ireland so completely in accord 
with the character of the people. It was the 
open appeal of a high-spirited and anxious friend. 
The people accepted it, in the same spirit in 
which it was given. Acclamations of affec- 
tionate gratitude arose from all sides. The Mar- 
quess had no need of any other proclamation to 
subdue into perfect obedience the passions and 
spirit of the Catholic population. The anti- 
Catholic railed, or sunk into a sullen silence. 
The chief passages were made the watchwords 
of the country. If a disposition to riot was 
evinced, if the people forgot for a moment the 
interest of the cause, in the interests or passions 
of the individual, the name of Anglesey was 
sufficient charm to persuade them back into 
immediate tranquillity. " Constitutional agita- 
tion " was made the precept and the practice of 
every class. In the midst of these general 
felicitations, these good auguries for future suc- 
cess, this certainty that in their chief governor 
they had a protector, on whom, in the worst 
of times, all classes might impartially rely, a 
calamity, which had never been less calculated 
on than at such a moment, fell suddenly upon 


the country. The Marquess of Anglesey was 
formally and peremptorily recalled. 

It was some time before the public could re- 
cover from the astonishment, which this event 
produced. No individual of his Majesty's go- 
vernment seemed to be so entirely in the con- 
fidence, both of his Majesty and of his Minister, 
as the Marquess of Anglesey himself. Nothing 
could be more explicit than the expression of his 
political opinions previous to his acceptance of 
the important situation, with which he had been 
just entrusted.* Nothing could be more plain 
and direct, than every portion of his administra- 
tion, from the first day in which he held the 
reins of the Irish government. Impartiality and 
fair play ; lenitives and not coercives ; a just 
appreciation (derivable from patient investiga- 

* The Marquess had a conference with several members 
of the Opposition, with Lord Wellington, and finally an au- 
dience on the same day with his Majesty himself, which left 
no doubt on his mind, that his intended plan of government 
was perfectly well known, and approved of, by all parties. 
Lord Anglesey had not only been an emancipator at an early 
period, but from his repugnance to vote against the Ques- 
tion, resigned his seat in the House of Commons in 1801, 
when Mr. Pitt quitted the administration. Since that period, 
the Marquess has uniformly supported the Catholic Question, 
with the single exception of the vote which he gave in 1825 ; 
the result of a misconception, caused by the irritating lan- 
guage and conduct of the Association. 


tion) of the real evils of Ireland, and of the 
real remedies most applicable to their cure, had 
been from the very outset the straightforward 
principles of his government. These principles, 
so far from having been concealed, were the 
boast and peculiar glory of the Marquess, to 
have extended to every part of his administration. 
The Duke of Wellington could not recently have 
come to a knowledge of what was in the eyes, 
or on the tongue of every one. No palpable 
violation of acknowledged subordination was 
obvious. Nothing that could justify a measure 
of extreme rigour, nothing above all which could 
explain the inconsistency of such an order having 
issued from a quarter to whom the Marquess 
was well known to be attached, not merely by 
the bonds of public duty, but by the still stronger 
ties of personal affection and regard. 

The first impulse, was to attribute this extra- 
ordinary event to the letter of which we have 
been just speaking. But the passions or fears 
of individuals had more influence in such a 
judgment, than an accurate knowledge of the 
facts. The assertion was totally unfounded. The 
letter did not appear till several days after the 
order of recall had actually arrived.* Others 

* On the 22nd, the Committee appointed to make the ne- 
cessary arrangements for the proposed Rotunda meeting as- 


again ascribed it to private pique to circum- 
stances arising out of the removal of Messrs. 
Steele and O 'Gorman Mahon from the com- 
mission of the peace ; * finally to the encou- 

sembled, and on the day after a copy of the letter of the 
Duke of Wellington was sent from Dundalk to one of the 
members of the committee, and was by him transmitted to the 
Marquess of Anglesey. The following day, the 24th, the 
original was inclosed by Dr. Curtis to his Excellency, and 
it was very probable, as erroneous copies would soon get into 
circulation, it was thought right at once to publish it. On 
the 25th the letter of the Marquess was written and inclosed 
to Dr. Curtis, under the strictest injunctions of secrecy, in- 
junctions which Dr. Curtis punctually obeyed. The 30th 
of December the Marquess received his letter of recall, dated 
on the 28th. Consultations were held on the 31st. It was 
debated, whether in the actual state of the country, and the 
apprehension which might legitimately be entertained, of im- 
mediate disturbances on the announcement of this measure, 
it would not be prudent to give publicity and circulation to 
the letter of the Marquess without farther delay. Then for 
the first time, and for purposes only of good, it was made 
known to the country. It is quite clear, from a comparison 
of these dates, that it had nothing to do with the conduct of 
the Duke of Wellington ; nor is it at all proved, that had it 
been known to his Grace, it would have been deemed of 
itself, a sufficient ground for a letter of recall. 

* The two gentlemen in question had attended a Bruns- 
wick meeting in the county of Clare. The High Sheriff, 
apprehensive of a riot, had called in the military for the 
purposes of protecting it. Mr. O 'Gorman Mahon had 
used in speaking to the military some expressions, not very 


ragement which was said to be extended by the 
Marquess of Anglesey in a manner not exactly 

complimentary to the High Sheriff. The High Sheriff 
lodged his complaint. It was inquired into. The necessary 
depositions were taken. No evidence sufficiently strong 
could be obtained against the accused. The words could not 
be sworn to ; the facts could not be proved. The law au- 
thorities (scrupulously consulted on the occasion) declared 
that there being no conviction, there could be no punishment, 
and counselled the Marquess to dismiss the complaint. This 
was clear, common, English justice. But Ireland had not 
yet a title to the luxury. The gentlemen were members of 
the Association. They were the chief instigators and con- 
ductors of the Clare contest, and unfortunately they were 
also magistrates. The old arbitrary right or wrong system 
was still in operation. He was peremptorily deprived of the 
commission. If it were wrong for Mr. Mahon, being a ma- 
gistrate (but not appearing as a magistrate), to use such ex- 
pressions to the military, how much more incorrect for a 
High Sheriff in his official capacity to call a meeting, so 
obnoxious to public feeling as to require for its protection 
the presence of the military ? If Mr. O 'Gorman Mahon 
was to be punished, how comes it that the High Sheriff 
was not to be even censured ? If British citizens are 
to be punished without conviction, what is the meaning 
of British justice ? If magistrates are to be dismissible 
at the mere pleasure of the crown, that is, of the Castle 
clerks, how can magistrates be expected to act with im- 
partiality ? Does not the government create the partisan ? 
what right afterwards has it to exclaim against the existence 
of the corruption or the faction to which such a conduct must 
necessarily give rise ? The same spirit of action subsequently 


in accord with the views of government, to the 
proceedings and leaders of the Catholic Associa- 
tion.* Portions of these reports were correct, 
and when taken in mass, they may have origi- 
nated impressions which went far in deciding 
the conduct of the cabinet. t Whatever may 

led to the dismissal of Mr. Steele from the magistracy, upon 
the alleged ground of his having addressed a meeting of the 
peasantry, in the county of Limerick, calling upon them, 
" through their allegiance to the Association," to remain 
peaceful and quiet. 

* Lord W. Paget, Lord Forbes, &c. had appeared at the 
Association from motives of curiosity, once so had Lord 
Ellenborough, &c. &c. Their visit was noticed they did 
not repeat it. His Excellency never saw Mr. Sheil saw 
Mr. O'Connell once Mr. Lawless twice on a silk-trade 
deputation, and actually dined I believe twice with Lord 
Cloncurry : it is true Lord C. was a member of the Associa- 
tion ; but Lord Cloncurry is also an excellent magistrate, an 
excellent country gentleman, and feels as much for the in- 
terests of Ireland as Mr. Gregory. Even this was not 
without a precedent. How came the present government to 
satisfy themselves, that the Duke of Richmond was not a 
united Irishman, after his dinner with Hamilton Rowan ? 

f The Marquess's recall was not to be ascribed to any one 
particular act, but the spirit and temper of his whole admi- 
nistration. The government on this side of the water had 
not emerged from the ignorance in which their predeces- 
sors had left them. Mr. Peel retained many of his Castle 
impressions, and it must be recollected that he had rilled 
the office of Irish secretary at a period of all others the most 


have been the principle of this very important 
change, the effect on the country was extraor- 

calculated to impress anti-Catholic and anti-Irish opinions 
on the mind of a young Englishman. The Duke of Welling- 
ton, to a certain degree, might be comprised under the pre- 
ceding observation, but his larger knowledge of mankind, 
and his contact with other churches and states than those of 
England, must have left him much more open than his col- 
league to the operation of facts. To such Ministers, the clear 
and energetic statements of the Marquess, again and again 
put forward, must have appeared startling. They were in 
no sort of harmony with the former partisan communi- 
cations from the Castle, and appeared at first sight to have 
originated from some strange but concealed influence behind 
the vice-regal throne, in actual hostility to the government. 
This secret oracle was sought for. Mr. Gregory travelled into 
England for his health during the summer ; and Lord Clon- 
curry, Hamilton Rowan, or the Catholic Association, were 
believed to have guided the pen and presided over the coun- 
sels of his Excellency. A correspondence ensued, on very 
unequal terms, and terminated, as all such correspondences 
usually do, in disgrace of the weaker party. But the Mar- 
quess may now summon in his vindication his very impugners 
themselves. The policy for which the Duke of Wellington 
and Mr. Peel are lauded (and justly lauded), it will not be 
forgotten was the identical policy for which Lord Anglesey 
was condemned. At the same time it will be conceded, that 
the Duke stood in a very slippery position, and had great 
difficulties to contend with. His own correspondence is the 
best evidence how much he had to overcome, of prejudice, or 
indecision, or hostility, in the royal mind. Every rumour from 
Ireland proved a new obstacle. The Duke w r as anxious that 


dinary. Apprehensions were entertained that 
it would lead to the most disastrous consequen- 
ces. Nor were these apprehensions altogether 
unfounded or exaggerated. On a calm retrospect 
from the position in which we at present stand, 
it may be safely avowed, that to the judicious 
publication of the Marquess's letter some days" 
previous, and to his calm conduct subsequent to 
his recall, the exemption from all violence in this 
most critical period is principally to be ascribed.* 

the Marquess's conduct should be such as not to lend colour 
to these rumours : but they did not understand each other. 
The question now is, whether a little more frankness would 
not have been the better policy. 

* " But how was it to be allayed ? What measures 
could I adopt to subdue the ferment ? I could not commu- 
nicate with the Catholic Association : I could not address 
the leaders of whom I have spoken : I could not formally 
proclaim my wishes ; yet I was urged to do something to 
avert a public calamity. My Lords, it then flashed across 
my mind that this eventful letter might possibly be turned to 
some account. Dr. Curtis had confided to me the Noble 
Duke's letter to him on the subject of the Catholic Question: 
I had replied to it. My letter was (as I before said) written 
in strict confidence it was not meant to see the light it 
was marked ' private and confidential ;' and taking a 
lesson from the circumstance of the Noble Duke's letter to 
the same reverend person having become public, in conse- 
quence of his Grace having omitted to mark it private, and 
of his having franked the letter himself, I caused my letter 


Addresses poured in on all sides, in spite of cor- 
poration and other opposition, wherever it could 
be offered, expressive of the profound regret 
with which the Catholics and liberals viewed 
this most sinister event. They regarded it in 
general, as the most emphatic expression which 
the Minister could have afforded of an immediate 
and entire change of system. The Catholics 
already prepared themselves for a recurrence 
of that reign of terror, which at a former period 
had searched with such dreadful energy to the 
very inmost parts of the social system. They 
saw oppressive measures one after one brought 

to be franked by my Secretary, who, at the same time, 
wrote to desire that it might be considered as being written 
in my private character, and not as Lord Lieutenant. It is 
evident, then, that this letter was not meant for publication. 
I then said to these gentlemen * Go to Dr. Murray (the 
person to whom alone the letter had been entrusted by Dr. 
Curtis); look at that letter; see if any good use can be 
made of it : if so, I give up all private considerations for 
the public good. You may produce it, if necessary.' A 
consultation was held as to the expediency of publishing this 
letter ; the parties who interested themselves in the subject, 
conceived that it contained the advice of a real friend to 
Ireland, and that it would be advantageous that its senti- 
ments should be promulgated. The letter was accordingly 
made public." Marquess of Anglesey's Speech in the House 
of Lords, 4th May, on moving for papers relative to his 
recall from Ireland (pullished by authority}. 


into fierce and uncontrollable action ; the 
country surrendered up to its old enemies for 
their disport ; the violent disruption of all the 
bonds of civil life ; the midnight massacre com- 
mencing; new outrages justifying new oppres- 
sion ; new oppression justifying new outrages ; 
till at last the entire country, no longer capable 
of enduring this intolerable state of things, should 
rush at once into flagrant war, and cast every 
interest to the bloody decision of the scaffold 
and the sword. The Orange faction viewed 
the exertion of the prerogative in a similar light. 
They already triumphed in the completion of 
their projects : that secret alliance between the 
crown and the faction, of which they had so 
often boasted in private, they now daringly and 
ferociously proclaimed : they called out from 
the north to the south, through all their clubs, 
to support the hands of his Majesty's govern- 
ment; they looked forward to the renewal of 
their charter of misrule ; and whilst on one 
hand they heaped every description of factious 
abuse on the Marquess of Anglesey, the Duke 
of Wellington and Mr. Peel were placed on 
the altar of their idolatry, and worshipped with 
the most servile adulation, as the uncompro- 
mising champions of Protestant ascendancy. 
The meetings of the Catholics, so far how- 



ever from evincing any unworthy despondency 
on this momentous occasion, assumed a tone 
which was worthy of freemen, and called on all 
classes of their countrymen, ere it was too late, 
to interpose their influence and exertions, with 
their whole strength and their whole soul, be- 
tween the country and destruction. The liberal 
Protestants, with less ardour, were not less ear- 
nest or less firm. During the government of the 
Marquess they had, for the first time, obtained 
a power and importance in the country as a 
party, to which till then, they had been utter 
strangers. Prior to his administration, a Catholic 
could scarcely have less chance of obtaining an 
audience from the all-powerful Castle Secretary 
than an avowedly liberal Protestant. They were 
not only without any consideration as a party, 
but even of that consideration to which indi- 
vidual rank, talent, or property, might have 
given them a legitimate claim ; they were studi- 
ously defrauded, partly through the old spirit of 
official retaliation, and partly with a view to 
mark more strongly the reprobation of the Mar- 
quess's system. A person unacquainted with 
the absolutely partisan government of every thing 
Irish, during several years back, will find it im- 
possible to form any just notions of the strict 
line of demarcation which had been established 


between the Castle and the liberal party. 
Men the most distinguished amongst it, were 
not only treated with the most calculating in- 
difference, but had not even the opportunity 
allowed them of a personal acquaintance with 
the ordinary ministers of the Executive. The 
results were obvious : every thing which came 
to the hands of government, came in a garbled 
and ex parte form. Nothing was done to con- 
sult the people : the only object of the entire 
government seemed to be, to feed the slave- 
master at the expense of the slave. This co- 
lonial system was broken up by the Marquess 
with a total disregard to all precedents of for- 
mer misrule : the bureau influence was obliged 
to allow free passage for the representations of 
the country ; the government came in contact 
with public opinion as it really existed ; two 
sides and two pleaders were heard for the first 
time in the precincts of the Castle, upon every 
question of public policy. The liberal Protest- 
ants at length obtained their natural weight: 
their opponents, by coming into the lists with men 
perfectly well qualified to compete with them, 
were reduced to their natural dimensions. The 
liberal Protestants were satisfied, for they had 
public and generous objects in view : their anta- 
gonists were dissatisfied, they looked chiefly 


to the continuance of their habitual system of 
misrepresentation, and its natural consequence, 
monopoly. No body of men could then feel 
more deeply than the liberal Protestants, the 
departure of such a Viceroy. Their addresses 
faintly expressed the profound sentiments of 
regret and despondency which were heard dur- 
ing that critical pause between the two systems. 
Not only did they contemplate an instant relapse 
into all the ancient evils of Irish politics, but 
they apprehended, from the aid which they had 
recently given the Catholics, that their conduct 
would be visited with the most severe retalia- 
tion by the new government. Again, they would 
be compelled to retire to their former insig- 
nificance, or be delivered over, with additional 
circumstances of pain and contumely, to the 
insult and injuries of a triumphant enemy. 

During all this period, the conduct of the 
Marquess of Anglesey was unexceptionable ; the 
most envious eye could not find a spot for the 
gratification of its malignity : to the Irish peo- 
ple it will be a subject, in all their fortunes, of 
the most affectionate recollection. No one ap- 
proached him during those days of sorrow and 
apprehension, without being fully penetrated by 
the sincerity, the justice, the high and statesman- 
like spirit, with which it was his intention to 


have governed Ireland. It was then chiefly, 
that men began to know how much they had 
lost. His kindliness tempering his dignity, but 
detracting in nothing from it; the sympathy 
with which his whole family united in the ex- 
pression of the same feelings for Ireland, the im- 
pressive cordiality, the perfect forgetfulness of 
self in his parting counsels, won all hearts, and 
made him indeed the truly regretted of all the 
people. Few of the many deputations who ap- 
proached him on that interesting occasion and 
there were men of all classes but left him with 
sentiments of almost personal regret. He was 
implored to continue till the Rotunda meeting, 
which was now approaching, should take place ; 
but with that honourable anxiety to avoid what- 
ever might bear even the imputation of personal 
pique, or opposition to his Majesty's wishes, 
which has ever characterised his conduct, he 
anticipated the meeting by a day or two, and 
left Ireland on the 18th of January. 

The procession which accompanied him that 
day to Kingstown harbour, will not easily be 
obliterated from the memory of the Irish nation. 
The enthusiasm of the people was grave, pro- 
found, and taciturn. There was no unseemly 
riot ; no turbulence ; no invective : the bless- 
ings were not loud, but deep. Banners bearing 


the passages of his letter, his last advice to the 
people, enwreathed in crape, were borne by the 
different trades before him; a long suite of car- 
riages followed : every class in the metropolis 
mingled. In the midst of all this crowd the 
eye anxiously sought out for the late Viceroy. 
The Marquess rode uncovered in the midst of 
his friends and fellow-soldiers, and saluted the 
people with an expression of mingled pain and 
pleasure : there were few guards ; an insignifi- 
cant escort ; no troops : he went escorted by the 
affections of the people. Since the day of Lord 
Fitzwilliam to which they often on that day 
likened it, with a prayer that it might not lead 
to a repetition of the scenes which so soon fol- 
lowed nothing of the kind had been witnessed 
in Dublin. Thousands greeted him from the 
shore, as if with him had fled all hopes, and all 
chances for Ireland. He embarked amidst their 
blessings, and on his now passing from their 
sight, returned home in silence, to meditate on 
the misfortunes which seemed impending over 
their unhappy country.* 

* I select one amongst the many addresses, presented on 
this memorable occasion. It contains a concise summary of 
the Marquess's administration : 

" You arrived in this country at a period peculiarly un- 
favourable to the acquisition of popularity. A new mi- 


The meeting, however, appointed for the 20th 
in the Rotunda, was fast approaching. Men 

nistry had been displaced, upon which the hopes of a large 
portion of the community had fondly rested. The change 
was felt as a defeat, and you were associated with their con- 
querors. Another portion hailed you as a deliverer from the 
ambitious aspirings of their Catholic antagonists. You had 
to guard yourself (a no less difficult task) against their indis- 
creet triumph. You achieved both. In a few weeks, by a 
great but simple spell, you captivated the general heart. The 
old Irish policy of division, for the first time, was abandoned. 
You wielded, not one fragment of the state against the 
other, for the benefit of the enemies of both ; but you bound 
you consolidated you wisely directed the energies of all, 
to the desire and attainment of common good. You gave a 
triumph to neither, but justice to each you saw Ireland in 
all her sons you were not the representative of a faction, 
nor the governor of a faction you ruled Ireland as a pa- 
triot should rule her. You were the best representative of 
the King he has no higher title than the Father of all his 

" His gracious Majesty, on leaving our island, recom- 
mended peace, harmony, and good-will. What he has 
recommended, you have done and if not quite done, it was 
not because your intentions were below your means, but be- 
cause your means were not equal to your intentions. 

" During a period when all sects, all classes, were stirred 
from the depths in which they had slept, into a commotion 
fierce and perilous, beyond any known in our recent stormy 
history when the entire nation split oft' into two ad- 
verse hosts your justice, tempered with mercy using 
the balance rather than the sword walked between both 


of the first distinction arrived to assist at this 
most important assembly. For two days 

armies saved the people from their passions, and sus- 
pended, as far as in you lay, the rush and ruin of the coming 

" During your administration, new principles, or old prin- 
ciples which seemed new, were called into sudden action, 
and the irritation of former times was kindled with fresh 
irritations beyond any former example still were the jails 
emptied, crime retrenched, the people restrained, commerce 
restored, industry encouraged. The nation saw that there 
was a beginning the good began to hope, and the wise no 
longer despaired of the country. 

" Your Excellency has rendered a great and magnificent 
service to this distracted land. You have taught yourself 
the lesson, and shown how easily it might be practised not 
by words only, but by example. In rendering a service to 
Ireland, you have rendered a service to the empire. In ren- 
dering a service to the subject, you have, if possible, ren- 
dered a still greater service to the King. If you have not 
given all, you have prepared for all. Your administration 
would gradually have emancipated, for it would gradually 
have liberalised Ireland. 

" With the benedictions of a grateful people your Ex- 
cellency leaves our shores may it not also be with their 
despondent regret ! We live in days of doubt, and of dark- 
ness. We cannot but remember that periods like the present 
preluded to the revolutions of America and France to our 
own calamitous warfare of 1798. May no sinister and 
partial policy defraud the nation of the few hopes of re- 
demption which are still left her ! and may our children's 
children have no reason to assimilate, in after times, the 


vious, the committee entrusted with the preli- 
minary arrangements, held meetings of the 
greatest interest. The indignation at the Mar- 
quess's recall was extreme : but a sense of what 
was due to the cause, and indeed to his own 
feelings and advice, restrained every expression 
of these opinions within the bounds of the strict- 
est moderation. Even the resolution compli- 
mentary to the Duke of Wellington's admi- 
nistration, and which embodied with so much 
justice that portion of his letter which bore an 
immediate reference to the religious peace of 
Ireland, was very slightly modified, and all tes- 
timonies of regret at the Marquess's departure 
limited to an address, in harmony with the gene- 
ral feeling at that time pervading the country.* 

At an early hour the great room of the Ro- 
tunda was crowded, by one of the most numerous 
assemblies of the nobility and gentry of Ire- 
causes and consequences of your Excellency's recall with 
those of the good Earl Fitzwilliam's ! " 

* This was so much the case, that an address to the King, 
praying him to reverse the letter of recall, and restore the 
Marquess of Anglesey to the affections of the people of 
Ireland (drawn up by Lord Cloncurry), was negatived in 
the committee by a great majority. Every thing was 
avoided, which could in the least compromise that attitude 
of dignity and good sense which the Marquess had chosen for 
his government. 


land, which had ever been convened in public 
meeting. The Duke of Leinster took the chair. 
The Rev. Edward Groves, a Protestant clergy- 
man, and Henry Arabin, Esq., to whose united 
exertions the Protestant declaration had been 
judiciously entrusted, acted as secretaries. The 
resolutions, already circulated and approved of 
through the country, were brought forward, and 
supported with an earnestness and zeal very dif- 
ferent indeed from what had usually charac- 
terised Protestant meetings. The heart was 
thrown, for the first time, boldly and unre- 
servedly, into the language. The Protestant 
and Catholic mingled together in the same im- 
ploring cry for the peace, the prosperity, the 
salvation of Ireland. Both speeches and re- 
solutions spoke in clear and emphatic phraseo- 
logy of the imperious necessity of immediate 
and generous concession ; entreated the govern- 
ment to interpose with wisdom and liberality, 
before it was too late, between the country and 
the now undoubted certainty of civil war; point- 
ed in plain and stern language to the real sources 
of these dissentions; and adjured the Sovereign 
and the legislature, by the most solemn appeals, 
to look into their existence with the energy 
which became a great nation, and apply boldly 
wise and searching remedies to their redress. 


An address to the King, and petitions to both 
Houses of Parliament, were unanimously adopt- 
ed. The opposite party at an early hour had 
threatened an attempt upon the tranquillity of 
the meeting ; and two or three of their notorious 
partisans were to be seen hovering in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood of the Rotunda. But, 
whether from a conviction of their feebleness, or 
an apprehension that any disturbance would be 
visited by immediate castigation, they abstained 
altogether from all offensive interruption of the 
proceedings. Immediately after the first resolu- 
tion had been put, a Mr. M'Crie, indeed, from 
the county of Kerry, a person known originally 
as a dissenting field preacher, and afterwards as 
a Brunswick orator, attempted to create confu- 
sion, by a proposition to divide the meeting, on 
the question of an adjournment ; but the stratagem 
was too palpably such to merit any serious at- 
tention, and after a momentary appearance of 
disorder in that part of the hall where he hap- 
pened to be stationed, every thing resumed its 
former propriety and decorum. One of the most 
touching incidents of this very remarkable scene, 
was the appearance, in the midst of the young 
and ardent men, with whom the platform was 
crowded, of the venerable patriot Sir John New- 
port. In the outset of his political life, he had 


assisted in that same room at the great Con- 
vention, which under the auspices of Lord Char- 
lemont had petitioned both of the Irish Houses 
for reform in parliament. To the exclusion of 
the Catholics and their cause from any participa- 
tion in those great projects of amelioration, he 
attributed the failure of one of the most impor- 
tant revolutions, which had ever occurred, in the 
history of any country. " The occurrences of 
those days," said he, " should teach the present 
age that no species of freedom can be lasting, 
unless it be also general ; that it cannot endure 
for any time, if it be but the freedom of a party, 
or the liberty of a sect, and that it must be over- 
thrown if it be based on the ascendancy of one 
class of men over another." A noble and wise 
lesson, which, had it been learnt in time, would 
have saved Ireland many a tear, and England 
the whole of that miserable struggle for unjust 
power, which is doubly odious, when exercised 
in the bosom of a free government. 

This memorable meeting, which may well 
stand beside the great Convention of 1783, both 
for the names which it collected, the principles 
which it recorded, and the great results to 
which it so speedily led, did not separate with- 
out taking the necessary measures for the prac- 
tical enforcement of its opinions. The noble- 


men and gentlemen who constituted the com- 
mittee for the Protestant declaration, the din- 
ner to Lord Morpeth, for conducting the ar- 
rangements of the late meeting, together with 
the movers and seconders of the resolutions 
just passed, were formed into a body to carry 
into effect these resolutions, and were earnestly 
requested, individually and collectively, to con- 
tinue their exertions for the success of the great 
cause in which they were engaged " the re- 
ligious peace of Ireland." 

* This was not the first meeting held in the same place, for 
the purpose of co-operating with the Catholics in their strug- 
gle for the restoration of their civil rights. A meeting of the 
Protestants of the city of Dublin took place in the Rotunda, 
on the llth February, 1811. The Right Hon. the Lord 
Mayor (Alderman M'Kenna) presided ; on the platform was 
observed, the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Charlemont, the 
Earl of Meath, Lord Cloncurry, the illustrious Grattan, Mr. 
Latouche, Mr. S. Tighe, M.P., Mr. Parnell, M.P., Ant. 
Blake, M.P., Mr. Power, M.P., Mr. Burrowes, Mr. Wal- 
lace, &c. &c. There were supposed to be nearly three thou- 
sand persons in the room. The meeting was purely Protestant. 
On the suggestion of Alderman Archer, the few Catholics 
who were in the hall, were requested to withdraw. Lord 
Frankfort, seconded by Mr. Ellis, and supported by half-a- 
dozen aldermen, attempted to carry an adjournment, but 
failed : after a great deal of confusion, the non-contents 
were induced to retire. A series of moderate resolutions, 


The so appointed committee, pursuant to ar- 
rangement, met together at the Royal Hotel, 
College Green, 1 * the day after, for the purpose of 
conducting the preliminaries of the public din- 
ner, which was to close the proceedings of the 
Rotunda meeting. The dinner again brought to- 
gether the majority of the noblemen and gentle- 
men who had assisted at the meeting of the day 
previous, and was the means of eliciting new 
pledges to the same great principles of civil and 
religious freedom, which had distinguished the 
deliberations of the yesterday. John David La- 
touche presided, and was supported by the 
Marquess of Clanricarde and the Marquess of 
Westmeath, vice-presidents. 

Whilst the impulse which had been given 
was still strong, and the feelings of zeal and 
sympathy in the sufferings of their fellow-sub- 

the first of which was moved by the Duke of Leinster, were 
unanimously adopted, and a petition to both Houses agreed 
upon, with a recommendation to have similar petitions signed 
and presented from the liberal Protestants, in every county in 
Ireland. All this was of use; but there is a very marked 
difference, indeed, between the spirit and measures of the 
two meetings. The meeting of 1811 produced nothing; the 
meeting of 1829 was followed by a junction between both 
parties, which was sincere, and would no doubt have endured. 
* It was in this same room the articles of the legislative 
union were originally arranged. 


jects fresh and ardent, it was thought possible 
that these impressions might be rendered far 
more efficiently and extensively useful by an 
immediate junction with the Catholic Associa- 
tion. The proposition originated from several 
influential gentlemen amongst the Protestants, 
and was received with gratitude and enthusiasm, 
and almost unanimity, by the Catholics. The 
rumour spread ; and long before any decisive 
measures could have been taken for the further- 
ance of the project, it was already announced 
in the Catholic Association, by individuals un- 
authorised certainly, and unconnected with the 
Committee, but still known for the zeal and 
activity which they manifested in the conduct 
of Catholic affairs, that a new body was about 
to be formed under the denomination of the 
Irish Association, which should merge all party 
distinctions in the common feeling of country, 
and annihilate for ever, in practice, all those 
miserable political divisions, which had so long 
kept them separate and ignorant, of each other. 
The effect of this declaration upon the people of 
Ireland was great. It produced a general feel- 
ing of enthusiastic cordiality and attachment, 
and had already half prepared the way for the 
projected union. Nothing could be a better 
evidence of the kind predispositions of the Ca- 


tholics, or the total absence of any of those mo- 
tives, the love of power or ascendancy, or the 
cherished retaining of old religious rancours, 
which had been so injuriously attributed to 
them, during every period of the struggle. But 
the effect on England was still more powerful. 
The opponents of the measure already saw a 
general and extraordinary revolution gradually 
maturing. The quarrel, instead of being Catho- 
lic and Protestant, was likely to become Irish 
and English. Sectarianism had changed into 
nationality. They imagined that henceforth the 
contest would assume something of the character 
of the great struggle of 1782, a battle not for 
an equality of rights between all classes of the 
same state, but ultimately perhaps for national 
independence and separation from the sister 
country. But the period had not yet arrived for 
such a junction. The project was full of zeal 
and sincerity ; but the public mind was not yet 

The committee emanating from the Rotunda 
meeting was not, however, indifferent to the 
proposition. They entertained it with all the 
judgment and good feeling to which it had a 
claim. Ten Catholics and ten Protestants, after- 
wards increased by an addition of ten more on 
either side, were appointed as a sub-committee 


to inquire into the principle of such a coalition, 
and the means best calculated, in case it should 
meet the approbation of the meeting, of bring- 
ing it into immediate effect. The committee 
met and discussed at considerable length, for 
several days, the several bearings of this very 
important subject. The utility of the junction 
was unanimously admitted. The difficulties of 
practically effecting it, were embarrassing. Most 
of the Catholic members were anxious for this 
amalgamation, at any cost. Mr. O'Connell and 
Mr. Sheil thought it could be produced by the 
Protestants simply going down in a mass of thirty 
or forty, and giving in their names and subscrip- 
tions to the Catholic Association. Lord Killeen, 
Mr. Wyse, and others, regarded it as a matter 
which demanded the utmost care and considera- 
tion. They met the Protestant gentlemen half 
way, and gave them an opportunity of fully ex- 
pressing their objections. After three successive 
meetings, it appeared on mature examination 
of existing circumstances, and particularly of 
the "actual organization" of the Catholic As- 
sociation, that the plan was impracticable. The 
Catholic Association was constituted in a very 
peculiar manner, in no sort of analogy with 
any other body on record. It was not a club ; 
for members were admitted on the simple pro- 



position of a member, and the previous payment 
of I/, subscription, and not by ballot : it was 
not a representative body ; for " no member 
stood there as the representative or delegate of 
any town, borough, county, or individual what- 
soever." It was an open society, calculated 
and intended to extend to almost every part, 
not only of Ireland and England, but of 
France and America, and the rest of the civi- 
lised world. It thus became, in the strongest 
sense of the word, a truly irresponsible body. 
The apartment in which it assembled could 
contain but a small portion even of the resident 
members. Thus no guarantee could possibly be 
given, that the opinions of one day would con- 
tinue to be the opinipns of another ; or the votes 
of the assembly at which a gentleman assisted, 
might not be rescinded by a new body on the 
morrow. A man entering a society necessarily 
desires to understand thoroughly the nature of 
the principles and the conduct of those to whom 
he is about to pledge himself; but in a body 
so fluctuating, so composed of multitudinous 
and fleeting particles, he had no assurance that 
he might not pledge himself to men and mea- 
sures concurring in appearance, but in reality 
and result, the most opposite to his own opinions 
and rule, of political action. This evil, great as 


it unquestionably was, was still further enhanced 
by another very little inferior. The admission 
of non-members into the rooms at one shilling 
each, often gave a very erroneous tone to the 
public meetings. It was true, indeed, that in 
cases of dubious discussion, or where great in- 
terests were at stake, a strict separation of the 
members from the non- members would have 
been insisted on ; but those cases were of rare 
occurrence, and in the interval, the influence 
of the externs on the public deliberations was 
frequently pernicious. All the violent mea- 
sures of the Jacobin clubs at Paris originated, 
and were forced on the meeting, by the galleries. 
It was quite clear, then, that the Protestant who 
demanded some security against these objection- 
able portions of the system, demanded nothing 
but what he might reasonably suppose to be es- 
sential to his own independence, and requisite to 
secure him against the risk of being identified 
with proceedings, of which possibly he could 
not in every particular approve. Another con- 
cession upon which he insisted, I will not 
say with the same justice, was the restriction 
in future of the subjects of debate, within 
the precise and narrow limits of the Catho- 
lic question, excluding of course every thing 
which could touch upon matters of collateral 


policy or legislation, upon which difference of 
opinion might be supposed to exist, such as the 
Church, the Subletting act, the Repeal of the 
Union, &c. These conditions were expressed 
forcibly by some of the Protestant gentlemen, by 
others incidentally and reluctantly ; but it was 
quite obvious, that with one or two exceptions, 
whether tacit or expressed, such was the unani- 
mous opinion of their entire party. The Catho- 
lics on their side did not feel themselves au- 
thorised, whatever might be their opinions indi- 
vidually, to enter into such guarantees or alter- 
ations for the body at large ; and measuring- 
things by their practical utility, rather than by 
their theoretical advantages, they could not but 
feel that the Catholic Association so altered, 
would lose a great portion of its influence on 
the mind of the people. The secret of that in- 
fluence was its wide extension over the country 
at large, and the extreme facility with which 
it aggregated to itself every species of public 
exertion, in every class through every part of 
the Catholic community. No organization could 
more successfully flatter the self-love of indi- 
viduals, or more closely bind them to a common 
principle of action : any restriction of such ex- 
tension would have been fatal:, the very .sus- 
picion, would have produced a portion at least 


of the bad results which might be apprehended 
from the reality ; it would have chilled the en- 
thusiasm of the people ; relaxed their exertions ; 
diminished the returns of the Catholic Rent ; 
sown new divisions ; generated anew counter- 
associations, such as Ribbon meetings, &c. 
amongst the peasantry; and thus neutralised 
perhaps in a few weeks, the good of the many 
laborious years which had preceded them. But 
there were other evils also, to which the most 
ample concessions to the wishes of the Protest- 
ants would ultimately have exposed both Pro- 
testant and Catholic. The Catholic Association 
was composed of very heterogeneous materials : 
there was the old aristocracy party ; the mer- 
cantile party ; the party of the clergy, very di- 
versified also by its own aristocracy and demo- 
cracy ; and finally, the bar party, which was 
split into two classes totally distinct. The bar 
had now for many years been the active guide 
of Catholic politics, and in some instances, ad- 
vantages were derivable from this interference 
of the greatest importance : in the latter strug- 
gles of the Catholic question, it required un- 
doubtedly a minute acquaintance with all the 
technicalities of the law, to protect the body 
from any of those numerous errors to which their 
ignorance might otherwise have exposed them. 


But the bar itself was extremely divided ; Mr. 
O'Connell and Mr. Sheil, with all their intem- 
perance, had, from their more extensive know- 
ledge of the different parties in the state, views 
infinitely more sober and discreet, than many 
of those gentlemen, who in the same profession 
were gradually rising behind them. Young, in- 
experienced, and zealous as they were, little 
doubt can exist, that had the alterations de- 
manded taken place, a month would scarcely 
have elapsed without an internal convulsion, or 
a gradual secession, not less productive of the 
most injurious consequences. Many of these 
young men valued the Association, as well for 
the theatre which it afforded to the early dis- 
play of talent, and the opportunities which it 
opened to public notoriety, as for any beneficial 
consequences, which it produced to the country 
at large. Their views on these heads were 
singularly vague, and evinced a very limited 
knowledge of the operation of public opinion, 
or the judicious management of a popular engine 
upon the public mind. To deprive them of an 
arena and an audience, of the tumultuary, good- 
natured, and easily inflammable character which 
accompanied the actual popular organization of 
the Catholic Association, would have been in 
their mind to strike at the root of every thing 


really valuable in the body, and to convert it 
from a popular public meeting, into a close cham- 
ber, an oligarchical convention. There would 
have been constant appeals, as was formerly the 
case in the Catholic body, from the Association 
to aggregate meetings ; and in these meetings, 
purely democratic, as they always have been, 
and otherwise liable to objection, the aristocrats 
would have been denounced, and the Protestant 
associators held up, as the cause of the coldness 
and apathy, which had begun to prevail amongst 
the body. The Protestants, however liberal, 
could not patiently have endured this summary 
exercise of popular censure, and would unques- 
tionably, as more than one Catholic had done 
before them, have retired disgusted from the 
public scene. Such a revulsion would have 
been most fatal. The triumph of the adverse 
party would have been complete, and all hopes 
of future combination for a common purpose 
definitively and for ever at an end. 

These objections were not removed by the 
Catholic members of the committee most anxi- 
ous for the junction, and even the Lords Ross- 
more and Cloncurry, Mr. D. Latouche, and 
other Protestant members of the Association, 
finally concurred in their propriety. A middle 


course was, however, practicable. There was 
no reason why the two bodies, constituted dif- 
ferently, applying different means to the one 
object, might not continue their sittings in the 
same metropolis, and at the same period, with 
great benefit to the common cause.* After 

* In this point of view the British Catholic Association, 
sitting in London, was of unquestionable utility. Difference 
of situation had produced difference of character, and ren- 
dered a difference of policy necessary. It was as unreason- 
able to ask from them our agitation and activity, as from us 
their gentleness and exceedingly placid temper. We had 
different manreuvres to execute in the same field for the same 
object, to each of which we were respectively adapted. It 
would be preposterous to require of the cavalry the service 
of the infantry, or of the infantry the service of the cavalry. 
This was not always kept in sight. Hence a great deal of 
unnecessary and injurious suspicion and rebuke. As to the 
late quarrel on " Securities," the Irish did right to keep 
clear of every offer of the kind. They already had been 
duped and swindled enough. Governments are like indi- 
viduals (though by no means so honest), and shamelessly 
take advantage of these good-natured propositions. They 
have always done so, and will always do so to the end of 
time. The fault is not in the minister, but in the nature of 
the offence. The generosity of a nation is laughed at : such 
magnanimity is considered, and often justly considered, by 
these Machiavels, to be little better than weakness, and im- 
becility of spirit. It behoves the people, therefore, to be 


much discussion, Mr. Wyse suggested that a 
distinct body, to be called the Society of the 
Friends of Civil and Religious Freedom, should im- 
mediately be formed (the present committee 
constituting the nucleus), and should still con- 
tinue their co-operation with the Catholics on 
all subjects connected with the interests of their 
question. Lord Cloncurry proposed in addition, 
that there should be a standing sub-committee 
of conference, to be appointed by ballot from 

also on their guard : when the bargain is about their rights, 
they cannot be sufficiently avaricious, sufficiently hard. 
But though these principles be just, it must also be remem- 
bered there are two ways of inculcating them. To call 
upon a body for a solemn disclaimer of the opinions of any 
member, however influential, is a most false principle, and 
would lead, if admitted, to endless injustice and inconveni- 
ence. Why did not the Catholic Association publish a dis- 
avowal of " the Duke of York speeches" of Mr. Sheil ? 
Because the Catholic Association thought, and Mr. Sheil 
thought, that a body should be bound by its own declara- 
tions only, that is, by its own resolutions, and not by the 
opinions or principles of any man or any set of men whatso- 
ever. In this the Association judged rightly; but when the 
occasion arrived for applying it to others, they altogether 
forgot their own precedent. They did to others, what they 
never would have suffered to have been done with impunity 
to themselves. As to the manner in which the censure was 
communicated, public opinion has already pronounced on 
it ; and public opinion has pronounced as it ought. 


each body ; but this it was apprehended would 
too closely connect them with the proceedings 
of the Association, and not very essentially differ 
from an absolute coalition. Mr. Wyse's sug- 
gestion, in its original simple form, was finally 
and unanimously adopted. 

There can be little doubt, that had the great 
and final measure of relief been any longer de- 
ferred, this society would have proved, if pro- 
perly conducted, a most powerful auxiliary to 
the Catholic Association. It was an unlimited 
society, similar to the Association, open to all 
sects and denominations. As many individuals 
were members of both Associations, a sufficient 
means of communication, and a connexion quite 
close enough for every useful and practical 
purpose, could have been easily maintained. 
Whenever a still closer union might have been 
rendered necessary or desirable, either by the 
very critical circumstances of the country, or 
the occurrence of some new emergency, the two 
bodies could without difficulty be amalgamated 
in the course of half an hour. There would be 
thus established on the one hand, a medium of 
communication with the liberal Protestants, with 
the government (if necessary), and with the 
English people, far less obnoxious to their pre- 
judices than the Catholic Association ; and on 


the other, in the hour of danger, an imposing 
power would be always ready to be brought up 
in rear, either as a moderator or supporter, to 
the assistance of the Catholics. 

The " Society of the Friends of Civil and Re- 
ligious Freedom" immediately commenced their 
proceedings, and one of their first measures was 
to appoint a sub-committee to watch the pro- 
gress of the question during the ensuing session, 
and to co-operate if necessary with the Catho- 
lics, in furthering the common cause whilst in 
course of discussion through either house of par- 
liament. Mr. O'Connell left Dublin about the 
same time, and several of his friends crowded 
to London to be present at the great question 
which he was so soon to plead at the bar of the 
House of Commons, when an event occurred of 
all others the least expected, and which fortu- 
nately in a moment rendered all these measures 
for the future unnecessary. 

On the 6th of February, a day ever memo- 
rable in the history of the empire, a day which 
has opened a new era of internal peace for Ire- 
land, the first day of hope, of happiness, of se- 
curity, which has been permitted to her for cen- 
turies, the King's speech from the throne con- 
veyed the gratifying assurance, that the ques- 


tion was at last to be brought before parliament 
by his Majesty's ministers, with a view to such 
final and equitable adjustment, as might be most 
satisfactory to all classes of his Majesty's subjects. 
This measure of grace and conciliation was, 
however, to be preceded by one specifically in- 
tended for the suppression of the Catholic Asso- 
ciation, but extending to every species of politi- 
cal assembly in Ireland. 

The announcement of this important intelli- 
gence was received on all sides with the most 
unbounded exultation and confidence ; and 
though qualified by the coercive law suppress- 
ing the Association, a spirit of gratitude and 
tranquillity, in an instant superseded that angry 
and menacing state of things, which during the 
two last years had distracted the country. The 
first impulse of all the liberal Protestants, friends 
to emancipation, and many of the Catholics 
themselves, was to render unnecessary the ap- 
plication of the law, by their own voluntary 
act. It was quite true that an act of grace 
had been rendered ungracious by this unneces- 
sary expenditure of government power on a 
body, which would of itself have disappeared 
before the restoration of peace and union, and 
the concession of their just rights to the reso- 


lute and intelligent citizens, who composed 
it. Either a most erroneous opinion of the prin- 
ciple upon which the power of the Association 
and even its existence depended, must have 
prevailed in the cabinet ; or with a feeling from 
which individuals are seldom exempt, but which 
it ought to have been the glory of the legisla- 
ture and the government of a great country to 
have disdained, they wished to brand their an- 
tagonist with unnecessary defeat, and to give 
a false evidence to the country, that they had 
the power as well as the will, at last to suppress 
it. Every one of common sense must have at 
once perceived, that all this was but a puerile 
and petty idling with public opinion : no one 
was so blind or ignorant as to ascribe the disso- 
lution of that body to the act of parliament ; 
they gave the glory to whom the glory was due, 
to the justice and wisdom of the accompanying 
measure. And if by any untoward circumstances, 
it should have so happened, that the ignoble 
game of 1825 had been again played over, and 
the Relief bill had been thrown out in the Lords, 
or rejected finally, as it was preposterously ex- 
pected by the Sovereign, it is as certain as there 
is a sun in heaven, that the suppression Associ- 
ation bill of 1820 would have been even more 


ineffectual than that of 1825, and that in some 
shape or other the Catholic Association would 
have reappeared, but with a spirit of detesta- 
tion tenfold augmented, and an inclination to 
reject in future every proffer at conciliation, 
until conciliation at last should have become 
impossible, and the contest been transferred 
from the senate to the field. 

The Catholics, however, did not allow them- 
selves to be swayed by these impressions. 
They could not but feel hurt by this want 
of reciprocity, and looked, not without some 
degree of contempt, at the mortified vanity, 
which thus attempted to find consolation for its 
former impotence, in a very miserable play upon 
the public. But the great cause was uppermost. 
It was the all in all. It subdued, it annihilated 
every other feeling. Beside it, every other sub- 
ject was secondary and little. This was no mo- 
ment for recrimination. The true lover of his 
country was imperatively called on to assist, by 
every means consistent with dignity and jus- 
tice, in the noble work. Letters poured in on 
every side. The Marquess of Anglesey, still 
watching with an anxious solicitude over the 
destinies of a country, to which he was now 
more than ever attached, gave admirable advice, 


in a strain the most kind and affectionate : the 
Knight of Kerry, and many other members of 
the lower house, evinced scarcely less desire to 
prevent any ebullition of popular feeling from 
interfering with the opening prospects of the 
country : several other gentlemen, Catholic as 
well as Protestant, joined their voices, and im- 
pressed upon the Association the propriety and 
expediency of an immediate dissolution. But 
Mr. O'Connell was opposed to the measure, and 
in two successive letters, one from Shrewsbury 
and the other from London, gave an emphatic 
opinion against the dissolution. Two very warm 
discussions took place on the subject in the 
Association. Mr. Sheil brought forward the 
proposition, and urged it with his usual elo- 
quence, supported by Mr. Lawless : the oppo- 
sition, conducted by Mr. Brady, supported by 
Mr. Forde, &c. made it for a time doubtful, 
whether Mr. O'Connell's opinion would not 
ultimately have prevailed. Several resolutions, 
by letter and viva voce, were suggested some 
basing the dissolution on the true principle on 
which it should have rested, the inutility of 
retaining the exercise of means, when the end 
for which they were originally intended had 
been fully attained ; others simply declaratory 


of their confidence in government; others again, 
moving the dissolution without any reference 
to the causes, by which it had been pro- 
duced. An amendment was attempted by 
Mr. Luke Plimkett, proposing that the Asso- 
ciation should adjourn sine die ; but besides that 
this did not materially differ from a positive 
dissolution, it implied a lurking apprehension 
on the part of the Catholics, that government 
was not yet sincere. But the time had fully 
come in which they might legitimately believe 
in Emancipation, and all feeling of doubt or want 
of confidence at such a moment, tended only 
to neutralise the advantages resulting from con- 
cession. This great national treaty of amnesty 
and reconciliation, to be useful and permanent, 
required to be met on both sides with a total 
abandonment of all selfish motive. The great 
mass of the body were of this opinion ; the 
aristocracy were of this opinion ; the prelacy 
and clergy were of this opinion (for Mr. 
Sheil was formally commissioned to communi- 
cate the assent of the bishops) ; and no real 
opposition existed to the dissolution, even on 
the part of the more turbulent portion of the 
Association. Mr. Sheil's motion was carried 
almost unanimously, and the Catholic Asso- 


elation of Ireland, after enduring, under various 
forms and with the intervention of occasional 
interruptions, from 1760, stood finally and per- 
petually dissolved.* 

The announcement of this intelligence was 
received with the utmost satisfaction by the old 

* Mr. Shell, in closing his speech, comprises in a few 
words the entire course, which the Catholics subsequently 
pursued. " The object of this body was, and is Catholic 
emancipation ; that object is, in my judgment, already ob- 
tained. Nothing except our own imprudence can now de- 
feat it. The end being achieved, wherefore should we con- 
tinue to exist? What are we to do ? In a few days an act 
of parliament will put us down. How is the interval to be 
expended ? In the making of harangues, forsooth in the 
delivery of fine fragments of rhetoric, and in proclamations 
of our own dignity and importance ? If the minister acts a 
false part in our regard, we can readily rally again ; but if 
a fair and equitable adjustment of the question be made, he 
is an enemy of his country who would perpetuate its divi- 
sions. The course which I recommend is this : Let us deter- 
mine to dissolve let us pass a series of resolutions declara- 
tory of our motives for so doing ; let us protest against any 
unnecessary abandonment of the rights of citizens; let us 
discontinue the collection of the Rent, but preserve the 
finance committee, in order to pay our debts, and wind up 
our pecuniary concerns ; let its meetings be private, in order 
that there may be no pretence for alleging that we maintain 
a shadow of the Association ; and let its measures be subject 
to the revision of an aggregate meeting." Speech of Mr. 
Shell on the dissolution of the Catholic Association. 


and ardent friends of the Catholics in London, 
and was the very best refutation which the body 
could have offered, of the malignant conjectures 
of their enemies. It furnished a no less just cen- 
sure on that spirit of narrow-minded diffidence 
which had suggested the Suppression bill, and 
told the country in emphatic language, that the 
Catholics of Ireland did not require to be forced 
into harmony and unity with their fellow-sub- 
jects. The conciliation was not a work of com- 
pulsion, but a spontaneous and voluntary act of 
love. If any thing could exhibit in a favour- 
able contrast the pretensions of the Catholics to 
those of the government, it was undoubtedly 
this. It gloriously justified, before all men, the 
good cause. Every one admitted, they had too 
much calmness and too much forbearance, not 
to have been in the right. 

Almost contemporaneously with the dissolu- 
tion of the Association, its co-operating body, 
the Association or Society of the Friends of 
Civil and Religious Freedom, by a similar vote 
dissolved themselves, and in a manner the most 
flattering deputed two of their body to go down 
in person and communicate the same to the 

The royal assent was given a few days after 
to the Association Suppression bill, and on the 


same evening Mr. Peel brought in the bill for 
the Relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic sub- 
jects. The grounds upon which he placed it, 
were totally different from those, which had been 
urged on any former occasion. The equaliza- 
tion of all classes of the empire, the extension 
to all the rights and eligibilities, to which all had 
an equal title, was the noble and philosophic 
basis upon which the new Magna Charta was to 
repose. The exceptions specified by the bill, 
were such as arose out of the nature of our civil 
and ecclesiastical institutions, and were very 
distinct indeed from that penal and exclusive 
principle, which had hitherto regulated the legis- 
lation of the country. Securities were attached 
to these concessions, in perhaps too narrow and 
unconfi ding a spirit ; neither does it appear what 
species of security such conditions could well 
afford. The Elective Franchise Regulation bill, 
the suppression of religious orders, and the re- 
gulations of the appellations and titles of the 
Catholic clergy, either have no connexion with 
the security of the Protestant establishments of 
the empire, or are such as must prove, if relied 
on, a very feeble guarantee indeed. The Oath, 
which still retains too much of the character of 
a test, is a more powerful instrument, but its 
efficacy must again depend much more on the 


interpretation, which may in practice be given 
to it, by the persons who impose and the per- 
sons who take it, than upon the oath itself. But 
it is not thence to be inferred that the Protestant 
church was more exposed. There were far bet- 
ter securities for its protection, than what minis- 
ters could devise, or acts of parliament assure. 
There was that power resident in the intrinsic 
majority, in the superior wealth, numbers, and 
civilization of the Protestant portion of the com- 
munity, which of itself must necessarily render 
futile every attack, and the conviction of which 
in the mind of all classes, must always go far to 
produce an habitual spirit of temperance and 
moderation. Yet even this conviction was less 
efficacious, than the general satisfaction which it 
was natural to expect from the measure itself. 
In the national tranquillity, in the peace and 
smoothness of all the political and social rela- 
tions, attaining at last that just level to which 
they had been so long ascending, there was a 
pledge of future repose, far more permanent and 
certain, than any that could be attained by the 
operations of mere force. These considerations 
no doubt presented themselves to ministers, and 
if they adopted measures which evinced a want 
of confidence in their truth, it is to be attributed 
not so much to any real mistrust, as to the ne- 


cessity, in which they found themselves placed 
of conciliating fools with follies, and of tem- 
pering with the appearance of sacrifice the 
prejudices of well-meaning ignorance, and the 
interests and passions of a large and divided 

That they had great and numerous difficulties 
to contend with, there can now be little doubt 
not difficulties originating from the dissatis- 
faction, or opposition of the English people, not 
difficulties arising from the wealth, influence, 
mind, or character, arrayed against them, but 
such difficulties as are not always in the reach 
of the first intellect and the purest principles to 
control. The ear of royalty was exposed at all 
hours to the insidious whisperings of evil coun- 
sel; rumours the most injurious to the steadi- 
ness and honour of the Sovereign, to the rela- 
tion in which he then stood to his people, to the 
rank which he held amongst the princes of Eu- 
rope, were industriously bruited abroad : it was 
reported, even long after the royal speech had 
been pronounced, that there were hours of wa- 
vering and intervals of dissatisfaction, sudden 
misgivings, unwise suspicions in the royal breast ; 
as if the Monarch of these realms could thus 
withdraw, without a sacrifice of every principle, 
his plighted word to the country, and turn back 


alarmed by the malignities or menaces of any- 
body or individual, from the broad course of 
justice and policy, which he had prescribed to 
himself. In the Commons the question was 
carried by a very considerable majority : this 
was anticipated : no strong impression seems to 
have been made on public opinion by the event. 
It was still hoped by the exclusionists that the 
majority in the Lords would be so trifling, as to 
justify the assertion so frequently put forward, 
that the great mass of the nation, both aristo- 
cracy and people, were decidedly against the 
measure, and that no other house than a Can- 
ning's House of Commons would have dared to 
pass it. It was still hoped a dissolution of par- 
liament might be forced by circumstances upon 
ministers, and the King's mind might be roused 
by the dissent of his people. The majority of one 
hundred and five in the Lords, on the second 
reading of the bill, put the matter beyond doubt. 
It passed through the Committee without arc 
amendment, and on the 13th of April, amidst 
the benedictions of a grateful people, and with- 
out the slightest demonstration of popular tu- 
mult, on the part of its opponents, it received 

Thus terminated, after a struggle of more than 
half a century, a noble cause, founded, like the 


abolition of the slave trade, on the principles of 
the simplest justice, and supported in its pro- 
gress, by all that was splendid in intellect, or 
elevated in character, in this great empire. To 
the last moment that it was at all practicable, 
opposition to these just claims had been con- 
tinued. No appeal to justice or humanity, no 
assertion of solemn treaty, no vindication from 
infamous calumny, no continuance of unim- 
peachable conduct, had availed. Ireland was not 
yet known, and was despised. All information 
of her wants came through partial channels. It 
was not then by sleep, and by apathy, and by 
acquiescence, and by dutiful behaviour, that she 
obtained her legitimate station and her ancient 
birthright ; but it was- and let nations listen to 
it and learn, for it is a great and instructive les- 
son to those who still sit in bondage, it was 
by the unceasing importunity at the debtor's 
gate, by the outstretched and firm arm in de- 
mand of natural rights by the untiring clamour 
for redress by the determined resolve never, 
never to lie down in patient slavery, whatever 
might ensue ; it was by this that she acquired 
her freedom, and it was by this that she de- 
served to acquire it. This singleness and stea- 
diness of purpose in a legitimate struggle, has 
been spell sufficient to work greater miracles. 


To the gradual developement of such sacred con- 
victions in the national heart, America owes her 
independence ; and with all obstacles to con- 
tend against, in herself, and in her allies, Greece 
shall yet owe hers. Once kindled, neither years 
nor men can extinguish it. Her enemies may 
be powerful, and united, and persevering her 
friends feeble, faithless, and indolent a just 
cause and a firm will are match sufficient against 
them all. In the late long battle, many there 
were, who fixed their eyes more on the combat- 
ants, than on the noble end for which they com- 
bated, and measuring both by such an estimate, 
the chance of success appeared weak and distant. 
These were narrow views : as if in this man, or in 
that man were bound up, the destinies of a great 
country. Washington did not make America 
but America made Washington. " If Philip be 
dead," says the Athenian orator, " your errors 
will soon raise you up another Philip." So was 
it with Ireland : events, and the public wrongs, 
would never have left her without tongues of 
fire, and arms of iron, to speak, and to act, for 
her. But this, and higher resources would 
have been useless, had not a sage and judicious 
policy presided over its management. In poli- 
tical struggles, what is not useful must be inju- 
rious ; and no stray application of the moral 


means vested in the country, could have been 
merely indifferent. It is in this point of view, 
an inquiry into the machinery of the Association 
will afford to all classes of a free country, the 
most important instruction. It is true, indeed, 
that the application, to Catholic purposes, is for 
the future rendered unnecessary. But, in a 
state like ours founded at an early period of 
European civilization, and retaining still, in its 
present improvement, much of the ancient clum- 
siness and imperfection of all early institutions 
it is only natural, that there should be a constant 
struggle going on towards amelioration. There 
will be in some part or other of the body efforts to 
throw off the old vices of the system, continually 
appearing on the surface of society ; and it is a 
matter of some moment to the wellbeing of the 
entire political body, that they should be sub- 
jected to a wise control. The reader, who has 
followed the preceding narrative with attention, 
will have caught some clue to this mystery. He 
will have seen, that the Catholic Association 
began from very humble means, and grew up 
at last into a body, capable, even on the aver- 
ment of a cabinet minister himself, in despite of 
lord lieutenant, and parliament, and sovereign, 
of shaking from its basis the steadiest institu- 
tions of the empire. This progress, when com- 


pared at long intervals, will appear marvellous. 
The two extremes of the chain will seem out of 
all proportion ; but when each link is carefully 
examined, when the eye follows calmly on from 
one to the other, the miracle will re-enter into 
the ordinary course of nature, and the connex- 
ion between intermediate cause and effect 
each effect in its turn becoming cause will 
become instantly conspicuous. Individual spi- 
rit, excited by personal injuries and insults 
these insults and injuries but exemplifications 
of the general system were the first causes of 
the awakening of the country. All the obsta- 
cles which usually hang about commencements, 
puny jealousies, concealed hatreds, base en- 
vies, narrow views, the little passions and 
wretched interests of little men, disgraced, or 
impeded, or opposed its progress. The leaders 
of that day were in advance of the country, and 
were obliged to submit to the tedious and un- 
grateful task, of gradually illuminating the peo- 
ple. But they had their consolations too ; they 
had cheerful and intelligent co-labourers, as they 
proceeded, and the noble work advanced. The 
disasters of their country occasionally assisted, 
and did more for them, and the success of their 
cause, than all the persuasions of truth or justice. 
Their shackles were loosened : they took ad- 


vantage of the relaxation ; they soon found out 
that what they had obtained, could effectually 
be employed to obtain more. By degrees, the 
habit of subduing, taught them to subdue. The 
spirit spread, from a knot to a class, from a 
class to the country. Excitation shot round in 
every direction, through the system. Many rea- 
soned, and every one felt. New roads, shorter 
and more effective means, were discovered to 
the common end. Ingenuity was sharpened by 
distress : the national mind was bent upon only 
one object the invention and practice of every 
mode of political attack. Anarchy was in some 
degree organised in the country : war was forced 
into unnatural combination with peace. There 
is no instance in history of a country standing 
for a series of years in a state so closely border- 
ing on revolution. The fever was made chro- 
nic. All parts of the system were affected by its 
influence. Nothing was wholesome, or natural, 
or steady, or profitable, in the state ; institutions 
which, in the neighbouring country, were dis- 
pensers of fruitful blessing to all within their 
reach, transplanted here, threw out the rankness 
of the soil, and were shunned, and hated as curses. 
The English constitution was known only by its 
vices, and England by her oppressions. All these 
were great evils ; but these evils became a good. 


They were the stern steel, and the deadly wea- 
pon, which an indignant people used, and had 
a right to use, against their taskmasters. The 
duties of government became as much a pain 
and penalty to the governors as to the governed. 
This was well ; for despotism has no right to en- 
joy tranquillity, nor injustice to taste the sweets 
of doing good. For a considerable time, these 
obstacles were not noticed. They came sepa- 
rately, and at intervals. The Catholics had not 
yet thought of a general attack: a few skir- 
mishes amongst the outposts were the only 
encounters ; the superior discipline, the more 
compact character of their adversaries' tactics, 
proved for them more than a match ; they were 
easily repulsed : their losses were magnified in- 
to a general defeat : defeated, they were scorned, 
despised, and treated as turbulent but irre- 
deemable slaves. This was the spirit in reference 
to the Catholics of most of the administrations 
before the concessions of 1793, and continued to 
be the spirit of many administrations after. What 
was then granted, was a mere God-send a 
patched-up expedient to stop a rushing torrent ; 
it was not the Irish legislature, but the giant of 
the French revolution, who came, saw, and con- 
quered for the Catholics. The wisdom or gene- 
rosity of the Protestants had nothing to say to 


the matter. It was the surrender of reluctant 
fear. The bill itself is a flagrant anomaly ; it 
bears every where, the visible imprint of force 
and hurry. They knew not where to begin, nor 
where to end. At the time, they would have 
given any thing, and every thing. " The Moor 
was at the gate," they were indebted for what 
they retained to the stupid moderation and ha- 
bitual servility of their antagonists not to them- 
selves. The Catholics had not even the courage 
to receive, much less to extort. The panic 
passed, and the rebellion of 1798 once more 
gave back to the Orange Protestants that ascen- 
dancy which they were on the point of losing. 
It was in paroxysms of this kind that Ireland 
had always lost, what in her better moments, 
through toil, and time, and danger, she had been 
enabled to gain. Here was a great lesson, and 
it was at last understood. Brute force was at 
length discarded ; it was estimated in precisely 
the manner in which it should. In governments, 
where opinion has any sway, and knowledge can 
at all be circulated, it must be a very extraordi- 
nary contingency which will render it necessary. 
In despotisms, the governor cannot come at the 
opinion of the governed ; in this, as in so many 
other particulars, free governments have singu- 
larly the advantage ; the strictest espionage in 


the world is not for an instant to be put in 
comparison with their free press; there is no- 
thing to detect, where every one is willing to 
confess ; nothing to unravel, where every thing 
is thrown clearly and even ostentatiously on the 
surface. Not so in despotisms ; there every 
thing is obscurity, mystery, suspicion, fear : the 
jealousies of both ruler and subject lead to mu- 
tual mistakes : the people can never be known 
to the prince, nor the prince to the people. Re- 
volutions are nearly matured in the public mind 
before the public is aware of them, and it is often 
the most insignificant incident which leads to 
the great and general convulsion, which decides 
all. A despotic sovereign walks constantly on 
a species of solfatara ; it is often a mere shell 
which divides him from the fires below. Hence 
despotic governments are subject to the rudest 
and most unexpected changes ; brute force is 
almost their only instrument of reform ; the bat- 
tle of their rights is decided, not in the senate 
or the cabinet, but in the open field. But the 
institutions of England usually protect her from 
such evils : the minister yields uniformly to a 
truly national sentiment, for the moment it be- 
comes truly national, it becomes impossible for 
a minister to resist it : the man who should 
make the attempt would soon cease to be a mi- 


nister. The object then of all political reformers 
in such a state should be to attain this end to 
make their opinions the opinions of the country ; 
this done, rebellion is unnecessary, the revo- 
lution naturally and peacefully succeeds. It was 
a very considerable time before the Catholic 
leaders seemed fully to be impressed with these 
truths, or to speak more correctly, it was not 
until events suggested the system, and expe- 
rience confirmed its utility, that it began to be 
enforced. The progress was at first slow ; all 
the old prejudices of hereditary and national su- 
periority still survived : the project of gradually 
converting the hostility of so large a portion of 
the community into support, of communicating 
to the ignorant knowledge, to the blind sight, 
seemed as doubtful as the chances of open war- 
fare. The war of reason upon " chaos and old 
night. " was marked in its outset, by as many 
diversities and disappointments, as the contests 
ot the field. The petitions of the oppressed 
were rejected their complaints scofted at 
their wrongs denied their misfortunes made 
subject of triumph and jeer. But discussion still 
went on, and produced its slow but inevitable 
results. Every defeat brought them nearer to 
the certain though distant victory. The Ca- 
tholics at last threw otV all their ancient apathy ; 


through alternations of fear and hope, they at 
last attained that state of fixed and correct 
resolve which was the immediate forerunner of 
final success. Education came forward as their 
ally. Their voice found by degrees echoes in 
every circle. One interest and then another 
was enlisted in their ranks. Speculative and 
visionary objections vanished before the reali- 
ties, stern and absolute, of common life. Fi- 
nance, agriculture, commerce, literature, were 
all made, more or less, part and parcel of the 
Catholic Question. It was a long time before 
its opponents would consent to see the change ; 
but its importance or progress did not depend 
upon their seeing it. The light advances in 
despite of the blind. Even the very quarrels 
of the Catholics themselves, censured as they 
were, were often productive of advantage. They 
eliminated the doubtful ; they rejected the cow- 
ardly ; they tried the faithful ; they confirmed 
the strong. New truths were struck forth by 
the collision ; a greater clearness and decision 
were given to their movements ; a more perfect 
accord was produced amongst all classes of their 
body. Their adversaries had not made the same 
progress, and remained scattered and undi- 
vided. The government still attempted to con- 
duct affairs on old principles, as if every thing 


around them was not new. But the peace of 
1815 had produced on the intellect of the 
country the same effect as on its commerce : 
a larger communication with the neighbouring- 
states had introduced greater circulation of 
mind, greater freedom of thought and speech. 
A new alliance was formed between the Ca- 
tholics and public opinion in every part of 
Europe. The contest was no longer between 
two factions. It became a grand and magni- 
ficent struggle between two principles, carried 
on at the same time with varied success in every 
other part of the world. It was not to decide 
whether merely the Catholic should be free, but 
whether in a free state there should not be re- 
cognised a regenerating power, capable of cor- 
recting ancient abuse, and of throwing off when 
necessary, in the progress of civilization, the 
slough and vice of its early corruptions. It was 
to establish the right of a people to interfere in 
the management of their own happiness ; it was 
to mark more distinctly the privileges and power 
of popular opinion ; it was to give a new Magna 
Charta, consonant to the lights of the age, to 
every class of citizen, applicable to every pur- 
pose of national reform, and capable of working 
every species of national good. That this will 
be the operation of the great measure, no rational 



man can now doubt ; if it were less than this, it 
was scarcely worth the expense and time of the 
struggle. Every Catholic, it is true, was not 
equally imbued with this conviction, but it was 
not necessary he should. Immediate and per- 
sonal injury is a better stimulant than any thing 
else ; and while every Catholic had within him- 
self so many stimulants of the kind, it would 
be an absurd act of supererogation to seek for 
additional motive for excitement from without. 
The activity of the penal code, the habits of 
oppression which it had introduced into all por- 
tions of the country, kept him constantly in 
a state of corresponding violence. Agitation ex- 
isted every where penetrated every where 
became the mode and manner of existence of 
the whole community. It was now only neces- 
sary to give it a more precise and effective 
direction. This was done by Organization. 

The first attempts were but a series of experi- 
ments. Many omissions and many blunders 
taught the Catholics at last the road to success. 
The Catholic Association, the Catholic Rent 
Committees, the Parochial Meetings, the Liberal 
Club system, were only progressive steps in the 
attainment of the great final object the most 
expeditious, the safest, and surest machinery, 
to call into regular action the powers, physical 


and moral, by which they were to work their 
cause. The press and emigration extended to 
other countries a parallel organization. The Ca- 
tholic Association was a confederacy, which had 
a thousand arms. At the period of its dissolution, 
upwards of fourteen thousand members, qualified 
to vote at its sittings, had enrolled themselves 
in this great national convention. Amongst its 
members were included one thousand four hun- 
dred non-Catholics, four Catholic archbishops, 
twenty Catholic bishops, and two thousand six 
hundred Catholic clergymen. That such a state 
of things could continue exactly at the point to 
which it was brought, without exciting a corre- 
sponding confederacy amongst their adversaries, 
was totally impossible. The Brunswick club 
system arose ; it was an obvious and natural 
consequence of the Catholic Association, and 
ought to have excited little astonishment in any 
party : the government itself must have long 
expected the reaction. The partisan politicians 
of both sides imagined indeed that the govern- 
ment had originated it. But the time had gone 
by for the Machiavellian policy, practised with 
such miserable success by their predecessors. 
The government, in order to avoid being crushed 
between both parties, in good time decided on 
legislating between both. What the government 


meditated, had long been the anxious desire and 
aspiration of all that was moderate and rational 
in the country. It was quite a mistake to sup- 
pose, that any portion of the Protestant commu- 
nity, really influential, was opposed to Catholic 
concession upon any reasonable terms. Even 
the Brunswick leaders avowed, in their more 
confidential communications with persons who 
had an extensive knowledge of each party, that 
the object they had in view was mistaken ; that 
they merely united to prevent dictation from the 
Catholics ; but that they were not opposed to 
such concessions as they considered the Duke of 
Wellington was likely to submit to parliament 
with the approbation or consent of his Majesty. 
Many of the Catholics, on the other side, viewed 
with alarm and regret the present state of excite- 
ment in the country. They were fully alive to 
the imminent danger which inevitably attended 
an appeal to popular passions ; but it would have 
been imbecility on their part, and not that wise 
moderation which consists in a just estimate of 
the ends and the means, to surrender the hold 
which they had obtained upon the public mind, 
and the power which resulted from that hold 
the combination and concentration of their body, 
until their legitimate expectations had been sa- 
tisfied by the legislature. But between these 


two parties, a third was gradually formed by the 
force of circumstances and the violence of the 
two extremes, which immediately led to a me- 
diation, and a compromise. The Ultras on either 
side would never have been able to have come 
into contact. Unconditional Emancipation on 
the one side, and No Surrender on the other, if 
as strictly adhered to as they were boldly an- 
nounced, would have led to nothing. There 
would have been no umpire to decide the quar- 
rel there would have been no appeal but to open 
force. Yet neither Catholics nor anti-Catholics 
acted injudiciously. It is only by taking op- 
posite extremes that we can hope for terms* 
Had the Catholics shown less vehemence in 
spurning conditions, they would probably have 
had a bill full of shackles, and exceptions, and 
qualifications a Veto bill, a half-emancipation 
billanother bill of 1793, Had the anti-Ca- 
tholics rejected with less vigour all sugges- 
tions of concession, they would probably have 
had no securities at all. There never was 
better chance of emancipation, than when these 
extremes were most opposed, and the oppo- 
sition loudest. Even the Marquess of An- 
glesey considered his recall as the immediate 
harbinger of emancipation. A measure so ex- 
citing, could not have been ventured on, un- 


less an anodyne, a calmant, was in reserve- 
Government had already made up its mind ; it 
remained only to carry its intentions into exe- 
cution. To effect this, the very circumstances 
which appeared to offer the greatest obstacles, 
were the most favourable. A constitutional 
force, an intermediate force, had been generated 
in Ireland. It gave evidence of its existence 
by a distinct and decided act. The Protestant 
declaration was a treaty of alliance with the 
cabinet, for the great purpose of national paci- 
fication. The government found that in Ireland 
the quarrel was no longer a Catholic and Pro- 
testant quarrel, but a battle of enlightened and 
just principle against obstinate adhesion to old 
and interested prejudice. They reposed with 
confidence on this party, and for the first time 
judged with true impartiality between them 
and their opponents. Then came in rear the 
whole numerical strength, the great physical 
mass of the nation. With such odds it was no 
longer a matter of doubt which should prevail 
The nation, truly such, contended against a de- 
clining faction. Truth and power fought on one 
side, weakness and error on the other. 

In England, the public mind seemed more 
divided, and it was this division which gave a 
false semblance of activity, and illusive hopes of 


success, to the anti-Catholic faction at the other 
side of the water. But the result has proved 
that they were as little acquainted with the 
workings of English parties, as English parties 
are with theirs. The prime, movers in the bu- 
siness made use of the cause, as a weapon only 
to avenge old animosities, or recent pique. They 
could easily bear to be converted with decorum ; 
but there was no forgiveness for a minister who 
had not called them into his councils, or allowed 
them little more than a week or two for. their 
political illumination. Yet it is unquestionable 
that this very communication of the project 
would have defeated it. Every one would have 
come forward with his condition and security. 
Self-love, and false pretension, would have 
every-where attempted to usurp and intrude. 
Every one would have claimed a share in the 
merit of pushing forward the inevitable mea- 
sure. The Duke wisely avoided all this, by 
descending upon them in the fulness of his 
matured plans. A little awkwardness was, no 
doubt, produced by so coup-de-main a manner 
of arranging the business, amongst the old hack- 
nied spaniels of government ; and men who be- 
lieved in the steadiness of statesmen, were some- 
what astounded at the impromptu liberality of a 
few of the veterans in bigotry ; but the nation 


at large cared little for them or their opinions. 
The intellect and wealth of England Ireland in 
mass had declared for the question. Govern- 
ment observed saw judged wisely and fol- 
lowed the country. The dependents of govern- 
ment, in their turn, followed the government: 
this was their trade, and they merited neither 
greater censure nor greater praise than any other 
of the same trade who had preceded them. As 
to the great body of the people, most of them 
had no opinions at all : where there was any 
such thing as opinion, it was favourable. Towns 
decide political revolutions : they are the ther- 
mometers by which statesmen ought to judge of 
public feeling. It is natural and right it should 
be so. Superior civilization ought to be the re- 
gulator of social and civil institutions. There is 
no comparison between the civilization of the 
country and the town. The towns then were 
decidedly and naturally in favour of Catholic 
emancipation : the levies of the country were, 
after all, but levies of the Church ; they were 
good evidences of the opinions of the Church ; 
but to take them as true expressions of the 
opinions of the nation, would be preposterous. 
With the opinions of what should really be con- 
sidered the people of England, they had little or 
nothing to do. 


Agitation, producing a constant and habitual 
discontent organization, reducing this to sys- 
tem both terminating in such a state of things 
in Ireland, as to leave scarcely any interval be- 
tween them and an open rupture ; every indivi- 
dual taking up his party ; every social institution 
in the state embarrassed or perverted ; the two 
religions, the two nations, into which the coun- 
try had split, with uplifted arms ready to strike 
the blow, every expedient exhausted, and ex- 
hausted in vain, to defer the advancing encounter; 
these were the great impelling causes which act- 
ed at home ; but the action of external causes 
was scarcely less powerful and conspicuous. The 
whole civilised world seemed gradually closing 
round, to witness the coming conflict. Such 
witnesses could not long abstain, under so many 
exciting circumstances, from becoming allies, 
and from allies, participators in the contest. 
To repel the enormous evil, the means of the 
English government were altogether inadequate. 
The finances were sinking under a series of revul- 
sions violent and unexpected arising from the 
anomalies in the currency, the free-trade, and 
the corn questions : public opinion was evincing 
more and more every day the sense of its own 
strength : recurrence to brute force was be- 
coming more inevitable every hour. In such a 


struggle, so rude, and so sudden, it may well be 
doubted, whether any modern minister could 
possibly be successful. What had they to check 
it? The army: but the army, since 1815, had 
become an army of citizens ; it could not be re- 
lied on as a mere passive instrument. Recruited 
principally from Ireland, it was more than half 
Irish, more than half Papist. In an Irish Ca- 
tholic war, such a weapon would at once have 
snapt asunder.* The Duke of Wellington knew 

Dublin, June 13, 1829. 

* A most serious affray between the rifle brigade of the 
60th regiment and the 36th regiment has taken place in 
Limerick. The quarrel originated in a dispute about O'Con- 
nell and the Clare election. The 36th declared for O'Con- 
nell ; and after a furious contest in the streets of Limerick, 
in which much blood was spilt, and it is apprehended some 
lives lost, the 36th were declared the victors. The war cry 
of the 60th was, " Bloody Papists !" of the 36th, " O'Con- 
nell for ever !" You will see contradictory accounts of this 
affray in the Limerick papers, but they concur in stating that 
a man belonging to the 60th was the original assailant ; and 
it has been mentioned, I know not with what truth, that 
notwithstanding the esprit de corps prevalent in the army, 
a number of the 60th, who are Catholics, refused to join 
their companions. This is one of the consequences of the 
policy which decided on another Clare election. A moiety 
of the soldiers, indeed, I have heard three -fourths, now in 
Ireland, are Catholics, and Irishmen. Even the greater part 
of the Highland regiments, it is well known, belong to this 


this, and knew it well ; and knowing it, saw that 
he had no choice. He was stronger than all 
opposition which could be offered him ; he spoke 
with the voice of a master : he did rather than 
spoke ; but there was a still stronger, a more 
powerful master, a mightier mover, than any 
minister. It was not the Duke of Wellington 
who originated the measure, it was the stem 
voice and the iron hand of uncontrollable 

Yet to see this necessity in due time was 
wisdom : to know how to obey it with dignity 
and advantage, was public virtue. The people 
themselves, their energy, their unanimity, their 
perseverance, created it ; but the minister wield- 
ed it ; the minister saw and seized saw in time 
and seized with judgment, the important les- 
sons which it pointed out. Another would have 

country. They have manifestly been inoculated with the 
feelings of those among whom they live, and from whom 
they were taken ; they experience the disorder of that en- 
thusiasm with which the political atmosphere of this country, 
and particularly of the South, is at this moment charged. I 
repeat it if such occurrences as those of Limerick and 
Carrick-on-Suir (where the very esteemed vicar, Mr. Grady, 
lost his life) had taken place before the Relief bill passed, 
consequences might have followed which a man of the 
stoutest nerve might shudder to contemplate. Times, June 
23d, 1829. 


sealed his eyes to the signs of the times, and 
called the blindness reason, and the obstinacy 
firmness. Lord Wellington acted otherwise : 
he did not affect to be wiser than the wisest, 
nor stronger than the strongest before him. 
Nor was Ireland, in such a crisis, scarcely less 
indebted to him than to herself; it was neces- 
sary to have such a man at the head of the go- 
vernment to answer her appeal. Exceptions 
perhaps may be taken to the mode in which the 
measure was brought forward ; none are justly 
applicable to the measure itself. It may be 
true that the minister, in his anxiety for suc- 
cess, had somewhat outstepped at times the 
strict limits of constitutional freedom; a high 
tone, and a determined arm, may have been 
too ostentatiously displayed in the course of 
these angry proceedings : but it is not for men, 
who undertook the defence of such acts as 
those, upon which the exclusive code was 
founded, to complain. The Duke had to act 
with promptitude, or submit to be defeated by 
a wily and vigilant faction. Not the country, 
but they, it was, who were taken by surprise. 
Time, in such cases, is half the battle ; next to 
secrecy, it is the great instrument of victory. 
He employed against the conspiracy (for it 
scarcely deserves a nobler or gentler name) 


the same weapons which the conspiracy had 
employed so often against himself and against 
others. Another policy, less decisive, less in- 
stant, less vigorous, might unquestionably have 
deferred the wished-for consummation, but it 
could not have prevented it : it would have 
only changed its character; it would have bap- 
tised it in blood. This was the difference be- 
tween the policy of Lord Eldon and of Lord 
Wellington. Both would ultimately perhaps 
have terminated in the same point ; but the 
road by which they would have arrived at such 
conclusion, would have been different indeed. 
No one can disguise from himself, that the 
constitution of 1688 has been seriously altered ; 
but few are so mad, except for the purposes 
of temporary argument, as to assert, that consti- 
tutions, more than any thing else human, are to 
continue unaltered and unalterable. The only 
point seems to be, how such alterations are to 
be brought about in the most gradual and kind- 
liest manner, with the most general satisfac- 
tion, at the least possible risk, and for the 
greatest share of public benefit. Lord Welling- 
ton is for " legislation," but Lord Eldon for the 
" wager by battle." Posterity will judge be- 
tween them. 

Such then has been the history of the past 


the experiment has been at last fairly and fully 
tried ; we are now called on to witness the re- 
sults ; to judge of the hopes and prospects of 
the future. New relations have been created 
by this great revolution ; new duties have risen 
up with them. It is right we should be ena- 
bled to understand and appreciate both. Most 
of the prophecies put forward with confidence 
at various periods of this eventful discussion, 
are already in a rapid process of realization. 
They were founded in a common-sense view of 
human nature ; in a just conception of the mo- 
tives of human action ; in a correct application 
to present things, of the experience of by-gone 
history. The cessation of the principle of com- 
motion has been, in itself, peace. The opposite 
armies have been disembodied, the camp is 
broken up, the ranks have been allowed to mix 
with each other. With the exception of a few 
factious traffickers on public passions, both par- 
ties, mutually fatigued, are only anxious for 
repose. Allowed to approach each other for the 
first time, both are at length beginning to per- 
ceive qualities which had escaped them in the 
distance. Mutual acquaintance is beginning 
to produce mutual confidence and esteem. All 
classes have benefited. The Irish Protestant is 
allowed to leave his citadel, to wander beyond 


his fortifications ; the besieged join in the same 
rejoicings with the besiegers. The sovereign 
rests in the security of contented hearts ; the 
subject has other motives than the fictions of law 
for his loyalty ; he is about to enjoy a happiness 
to which hitherto he had been a stranger, and 
will be attached to the state which shall confer 
it. His attachment to the state, in a well-ordered 
government, involves necessarily his attachment 
to the sovereign. The public attention will no 
longer be frittered away in side experiments ; 
the art of governing will no longer be the art of 
a charlatan, the discovery and application of pal- 
liatives. National occupations begin at length 
to claim the national spirit and the national in- 
dustry. Time and means are given for public 
exertion. Every where there are symptoms of 
the departure of ancient evil ; ere long there will 
be indications of the arrival of expected good. 
This is much, but it is not to be pretended that 
it is all. It would be strange indeed, if an act 
of parliament had that magic in it, which in an 
instant could exorcise the evil spirit which had 
so long sat in undisputed mastery over the body 
of the state. The charm, no doubt, is strong ; 
but its working must necessarily be slow : cen- 
turies were requisite to form these habits 
months cannot take them away. The old and 


let it also be remembered, the defeated, oppo- 
nents of the measure, will naturally seek for 
some consolation to their wounded pride in 
every slight ebullition of popular feeling, which 
may chance to survive the contest.* But they 
mistake coincidences for causes. These are ra- 

* The late riots in some parts of the South of Ireland, so 
far from being arguments against the policy of concession, 
are the strongest confirmations of its wisdom and necessity. 
In Limerick and Carrick-on-Suir, they originated from those 
very elements of religious division, as we have already no- 
ticed, which it had been the first object of the late measure 
to extinguish and repress. In Tipperary there are symptoms 
of the reappearance of those old family factions, the Dwyers, 
the N ashes, &c., relics of the turbulence of former times, 
which were momentarily checked by the great absorbing in- 
terest of the Catholic question, but more especially by the 
active interference, the judicious counsel, the commanding 
influence of the late Catholic Association. The withdrawal, 
sudden and entire, as it has been, of this great moral force, 
has of course allowed the old forces, to which it was op- 
posed, to revert for a time to their ancient position. Such 
occasional agitation in the system must for some time longer 
continue to endure, until a new power of repression shall be 
generated in the country instead of the old ; that is, until the 
equal and impartial and vigorous distribution of justice 
shall have inspired a proper reverence for the laws, and made 
appeals to the tribunals of the country more frequent than 
the recurrence to those physical means of defence or retalia- 
tion, by which all quarrels between man and man have 
hitherto been adjusted. 


ther the last relics of ancient feuds, than the 
commencements of new ones. It would be just 
as reasonable to take the tumblings of the sea, 
after the storm had subsided, for the storm itself* 
The swell and roll must continue to be felt for 
some time longer in the public mind : the tem- 
pest which produced them, it must be remem- 
bered, endured for centuries. New attractions, 
and new repellants, will by degrees scatter into 
new forms all those elements of disturbance. 
Time itself, and all the usual workings of the 
political system, will do more for this desirable 
result than any acts of parliament. The legis- 
lature ought to follow in the track of public 
necessities, rather than seek over-rashly to di- 
vine them. One of our most inveterate national 
maladies is, an extravagant passion for over- 
legislation. We are fond of codification, as mere 
experiment, and provided our blunders stand 
tolerably well during the interval of two sessions, 
we sit down satisfied that our work of " good 
counsel" is fully done. But in treating such a 
convalescent as Ireland, rescued with so much 
difficulty, recovering so slowly, all political em- 
piricism should for ever be at an end. Ireland, 
for a short time, ought to be left to rest, and to 
herself. She is in transitu to a new state of 
society. It is idle to make laws for a position of 



things, which, when the law is made, may have 
already passed away. It is not action, but 
thinking, which we require. Dispassionate and 
painful inquiry, and not dogmatism, and not self- 
sufficiency, and not precipitancy, is now the duty 
of the public man. Let facts cleared from the 
ancient colouring of sectarianism let facts and 
not theories, be collected : let them be con- 
trasted, and proved, and weighed, one against 
the other let them be tried by the touchstone 
of general utility. Then act, if so you will but 
not till then. On such foundations the super- 
structure will endure. All others are mere frost- 
work attempts at improvement, the old Pene- 
lope web of Irish civilization doing laboriously 
to-day, what must be undone with still more 
labour to-morrow ; and wasting years and money, 
and men and mind, in nothings giving to poste- 
rity the same record of indolence or imbecility, 
which we received from our ancestors ; and 
keeping Ireland the by-word amongst nations, 
which she so long has been, for arrogant pre- 
tensions and impotent conclusions for doing 
little, and talking overmuch. 

It cannot be concealed, however, and to the 
philosophic and calm observer it is surely a 
matter of deep regret that the very hands which 
conferred the blessing, should have gone so far 


to mar and delay its effects. There was an air 
indeed of " unwilling willingness " from the out- 
set about the giving, which not a little detracted 
from the value of the gift. But this was to be 
attributed more to the circumstances, than to the 
men. Latterly I speak of the exclusion of Mr. 
O'Connell from the Commons House of Parlia- 
ment they have claim perhaps to much less in- 
dulgence. The men and their passions have 
unfortunately appeared to have had more to do 
with the matter, than the irresistible force of cir- 
cumstances. This is a calamity. It has left, 
what Mr. Peel so much wished to avoid, a Ca- 
tholic question behind. The " uno avulso non 
deficit alter," the growing up of new complaint 
on the removal of the old, the constant allega- 
tion of the enemy, has been half justified. That 
all this troubling of the waters afresh will soon 
pass away, like the far more terrible convulsions 
of the elements which had preceded it, I have 
little doubt ; but it appears a supererogatory pre- 
dilection for popular excitation, to have afforded 
even the slightest opportunity for troubling them 
at all. The virtue of the panacea has begun al- 
ready to be doubted, and this doubt is akin to a 
denial of its benefits ; suspicion soon becomes 
certainty in the mind of the multitude, and 
such a certainty once prevalent in the coun- 


try, the Relief bill might as well not have been 
passed. It ought to have been an object with 
ministers to have done what they undertook to 
do, perfectly and finally. Clare has again evoked 
the exorcised spirit of the Catholic Association ; 
and Mr. O'Connell, who would have soon melt- 
ed into a simple British citizen, has been forced 
back to his old profession of Catholic agitator.* 

* It was originally, it seems, Mr. O'Connell's anxious desire 
to avoid a recurrence to those scenes and recollections of civil 
discord, which it was the chief object of the Relief bill for 
ever to suppress. His whole conduct in London, during the 
discussions in either house, was temperate and conciliating. 
His most judicious course at that time would have been, to 
have resigned the representation of the county of Clare (if 
in accord with the wish of his constituents), and to have re- 
entered the house at a later period, when all differences on 
the subject were set at rest. It is true indeed that such a 
course would not have redeemed the pledge he had given to 
the country; but it would have been a matter worth the 
consideration of a judicious politician, and a true lover of his 
country, whether all personal feeling should not have ceded 
at such a moment, to the paramount interests of every class 
in the community. The object which the electors of Clare 
had principally in view was, the final adjustment of the Ca- 
tholic claims : this object was triumphantly attained; it was 
no longer necessary to cling with unwise pertinacity to the 
means. But Mr. O'Connell seems to have been led into 
considerable error, by the conduct of the ministers them- 
selves. All along he appears to have believed that his case 
would have been supported by their advocacy, or at least 


Of the actually accompanying measures I have 
already spoken. The Suppression Association 

connivance, in both houses. For this impression he had some 
grounds. The ministers stood in a most doubtful position. 
They had been obliged to make a sacrifice (many said un- 
willingly) to prejudices still existing in a high quarter. 
When the discussion was over, it was hoped that all decided 
hostility, in the mind of an illustrious personage would have 
quietly passed away. The case was otherwise. Ministers were 
compelled to persevere : it was notorious that the Premier 
had expressed himself favourably to Mr. O'Connell's right ; 
but under the circumstances, it is not easy to say how far he 
was at liberty to act up to this conviction. The error (to give 
it much too soft a name) does not rest with him. Mr. O'Con- 
nell, disappointed and mortified at what he construed into an 
act of premeditated treachery, and humiliated at having 
been in appearance the dupe of promises and professions, 
threw himself once more upon the country. This was now 
unavoidable : the fault did not lie with Mr. O'Connell ; the 
government had rendered it necessary. But Mr. O'Connell 
might have acted the part, with infinitely more dignity and 
judgment. There was no need of reverting to the old topics of 
popular excitation : Brunswicker and Papist should for ever 
have been expunged from his vocabulary. The man who took 
the hand of Cobbett, ought to have known how to forgive, 
when forgiveness would not have been a disgrace, but a 
virtue. Mr. O'Connell ought to aim at nobler game, than 
to be the applauded of a party. The country, through all 
its sects and classes, claims his talents. He ought not to 
have rendered them, as far as possible, suspected, or useless. 
This after all is the chief point. Has Mr. O'Connell at- 
tended to it ? 


bill has operated probably in the precise manner 
in which it was intended. It was a harmless 
pains and penalty enactment, swept to oblivion 
almost in the moment of its birth an " imbelle 
telum sine ictu" a Congreve rocket shot idly 
into the air. The same may be said, as I have 
already remarked, of the " securities " embodied 
in the bill itself. Some clamour and anxiety were 
shown at the time about these absurdities ; but 
both minister and people have agreed to laugh at 
them now.* Not so with the Disfranchisement 
Forty-shilling Freehold bill. This " Regulation 

* There are not more than three professed Jesuits in Ire- 
land, and one in England. Was it worth the while to legis- 
late against them ? A Jesuit becomes professed, by taking 
certain vows, which vows are received by one person only, 
and with closed doors. How is the fact to be proved ? Is a 
Jesuit to accuse a Jesuit ? or is there to be an ecclesiastical 
inquisition established to inquire into the fact ? Colonel Sib- 
thorpe made loud complaints against the continued assump- 
tion of titles, &c. by the Catholic dignitaries. Mr. Peel 
answered with a smile. He knew well that the Catholic 
bishops themselves cautiously abstained from such assump- 
tion. If others give them these appellations, they resign 
themselves to the honour with what patience they can. 
Blucher, in concurrence with the restored Bourbons, or- 
dered that the Pont Jena should change name. The court 
obeyed, but the hackney-coachmen, the porters, &c., and 
others whom it more concerned than the court, still call it 
by its old name of the Pont Jena. 


bill," as it is called, will yet form a fertile 
source of irregularity and innovation in the con- 
stitutional law of the country. It is the first 
principle of a new reform code. Parliamentary 
regeneration will spring out of the spoliation ; 
out of evil, will yet come good. It was originally 
meant, I believe, to be a peace-offering to the ir- 
ritated and deserted genius of Protestant Ascen- 
dancya sacrifice of Catholicism to Protestant- 
ismof the priests and their influence, to the 
parsons and their influence, and so on. It has 
turned out to be much more : counties have be- 
come boroughs, and the constituency a corpora- 
tion. These consequences were not altogether 
unforeseen. The supporters of popular rights 
were warned in due time, but the bill was suf- 
fered to pass on. It has since become a matter 
of question, whether its supporters acted right or 
wrong whether they were traitors to the coun- 
try, or patriots. The doubt may be easily de- 
cided. Surrendered it certainly was, but as a 
great price for a greater good, by the Whigs 
but by the Tories, it was demanded as a quid 
pro quo, a make -weight in the great account, 
in return for relinquished privileges : by the 
same Tories too, be it remembered, who, when 
this very measure had formerly been coupled 
with emancipation, had rejected it, with an 


affected devotion to popular rights, out of mere 
love and affection, as they averred, to the demo- 
cratic portion of our constitution. But the ques- 
tion of 1825, and the question of 1829, were 
two different questions. The contest was no 
longer between relief and non-relief but be- 
tween peace and war. The delay of a session 
might have proved fatal : it might have amount- 
ed to the rejection of all conciliatory adjust* 
ment for ever. The lover of his country had 
to decide, whether he would give up a portion 
of its franchises, or whether he would put to 
risk all. 

The bill in Ireland has so far worked very 
nearly in the manner that was expected. Few 
notices have been sent in ; of those few, not 
more than one-third, and in some places not 
more than one-fifth have been accepted. Due 
information should have been procured of the 
probable number of forty- shilling freeholders 
who could register a ten -pound freehold, before 
the qualification should have been raised so high, 
and so sweeping a privation of actually-vested 
franchises have been attempted. It was not to 
be imagined that Ireland, under the endurance 
of so many political evils for so long a period of 
time, should suddenly emerge, on the passing of 
the bill, into an agricultural and commercial pros- 


perity, sufficiently great to qualify any really effi- 
cient portion of her population for admission to 
those important privileges. The question then 
was, whether such a people should be permitted 
to vote at all that is, whether a people, who had 
become impoverished by a series of calamities 
not within their control, should for the future be 
precluded all share in the government of their 
country. As to assimilation to England, and 
to English franchises, it was mere plea and 
pretext ; and after all, as untrue as it was un- 
just. The assimilation should begin elsewhere, 
and not with the elective franchise. The En- 
glish system is scarcely less vicious than the 
Irish far more diversified and anomalous and 
ought to be held up rather as an object for 
correction, than imitation. Neither was there 
any approximation in the bill itself, either in its 
principle, or in its details, to the practice OF 
privilege, as it actually exists in England. There 
is no resemblance between the life-tenure free- 
hold of the Irish, and the fee-simple tenure 
of the English elector. The abuses, where such 
existed, have been left untouched ; the appear- 
ance of abuse has been alone corrected. The 
law, as it now stands, or rather as it now 
operates, is a law simply against the poor. 
Much has been said in favour of its necessity ; 


but it certainly behoved the supporters of the 
principle, on which such laws rest, to be less 
partial in its application. The same poverty, 
which morally incapacitates an individual from 
taking a part in the apportioning of the public 
burdens, ought in no less degree, in common 
justice, to exempt him from bearing the burdens 
themselves. The great principle, that taxation 
and legislation are correlative terms, has too 
frequently been lost sight of in Ireland. This 
however is no reason, why it should not be 
recalled, and practised for the time to come. 
At the same time, it is by no means meant, 
that it would be right to revert altogether to the 
old fictitious constituency : far from it. It had 
enormous vices numerous defects. Ireland was 
constantly oscillating between two extremes. 
The former system was alternately the expres- 
sion of the aristocratic influence, and the phy- 
sical force of the country. Certain alterations 
were necessary, to steady the balance. Whether 
they have yet been found, is another question. 
In towns there will no doubt be gradually gene- 
rated, by the operation of the late law, a sort of 
counterbalance to the oligarchical influence in 
the country. The towns have lately felt the 
sweets of independence ; the facility of change ; 
the few local predilections ; the slight and tran- 


sient connexion which binds them to their land- 
lords ; the comparative ease with which in such 
places a ten-pound freehold can be obtained, 
must not only contribute to multiply freeholds in 
towns, to a far greater extent than in the coun- 
ties, but must always render them far less liable 
to be affected by the power or influence of the 
aristocracy. Yet it will be a very considerable 
time, indeed, before these effects shall have be- 
come conspicuous. In the interval, the constitu- 
ency is likely for some time to remain in the 
hands of the gentry and the clergy, with a slight 
sprinkling of the more comfortable farmers.* If 
this were any thing but a transitory state, it 
would be an evil so serious, as almost to amount 
to a radical change or perversion of the con- 
stitution. But there is scarcely a clause ia 
the bill, which does not bear upon it a provision- 
ary character. Sooner or later, it must lead 

* The aristocracy however have in many counties been 
the chief sufferers. In the North particularly, where the 
forty-shilling freeholders more especially abounded, the 
landed proprietors have been suddenly shorn of all their in- 
fluence. The Marquess of Conyngham, of two thousand 
freeholders and upwards, registers now not many more than 
fifty. In the South, Lord Glengall does not proportionally 
register quite so many. So it is with many more of the great 
aristocrats a balance of good, for the evils in other in- 
stances inflicted by the bill. 


to a total and decisive revision of the elective 
code in both countries. Scarcely one intrinsic 
defect has yet been efficiently corrected ; new 
anomalies and inconsistencies have been intro- 
duced ; the machinery has become far more 
complicated ; the simplest results have been 
sought by the most confused means ; the vicious 
method pursued in our other legislation, instead 
of being corrected, has been adopted with addi- 
tional defects. No marvel then if we soon 
shall have to return to patching and repatch- 
ing, until at last it will be found better to 
throw the work into the fire, than to go on cor- 
recting old blots with new. The age has pro- 
claimed loudly its thirst for improvement. We 
must follow the age, and its necessities, for we 
cannot make it follow us. A total change 
less feudal, less incongruous, more in analogy 
with the real principles of a representative go- 
vernment must sooner or later take place. 
France has given us lessons, in criminal and 
civil justice, already. We must not disdain bor- 
rowing a suggestion or two more from her con- 
stitutional laws. She has discovered the true 
principle, and practised it with success. To 
her, with all our pride, in this instance at least, 
we must go for instruction.* 

* The French system reposes on the principle, so generally 


Ireland has now thrown open to her a noble 
perspective. She presents a wide field for every 
species of legislative improvement. Her agri- 
cultural and commercial polity the education 
the comfort of her population provision for her 
poor encouragement of her manufactures re- 
generation and amelioration of her system of 
justice, must sedulously and immediately engage 
her attention. In all these departments, there 

recognised in the English constitution, that taxation should 
be always accompanied with a proportionate share in the 
application of the taxation ; in other words, that all payers 
to the exigencies of the state should have a proportionate 
share in its legislation and government : thus the elective fran- 
chise is regulated by the rate of public contributions ; in pro- 
portion as the contributions increase, the elective franchise in- 
creases, that is, becomes more extended in other words, more 
popular: it thus furnishes a corrective to over-expenditure, and 
an instrument and means of retrenchment. One force balances 
or counteracts the other, like the opposed metal bars in the 
pendulum of a chronometer. The American system, de- 
pending principally on population, is less suited, even to the 
purposes of a republic ; but in a monarchy, and still more in 
an aristocracy, no question can exist of the superior advan- 
tages of the French. In fact, whatever may be the theories 
of popular writers on the subject, all legislation, more or 
less, in practice resolves itself into supplies. If this be the 
business of representation, it stands as a necessary conse- 
quence, that the criterion of the elective franchise ought to 
be the amount and nature of taxation. 


must be great and radical changes ; in many, 
every thing is yet to be done. Education must 
be rendered far more general,* more practical, 
more applicable to common purposes, in stricter 
relation with the actual wants and opinions of 
the labouring classes of the community. The 
propriety of introducing into Ireland the system 
of a compulsory provision for the poor has been 
discussed, but by fits only, and conjecturally. 
It is fortunate, that want of time prevented our 
legislators from proceeding farther. It is to be 
desired, that their crude theories should not 
assume any positive shape, before there be a 
state of things somewhat more permanent, both 
in a political and financial point of view. We 
must prepare for great changes arising out of 
the Sub-letting act, Disfranchisement bill, &c. 

* For example, there is no reason why the country, in con- 
currence with the government, should not establish in a 
central position, Athlone for instance, a second university. 
The exigencies of Ireland are great; and the Dublin Uni- 
versity, though increased within a few years by more than 
one-third above its former number of students, is altogether 
inadequate to supply them. Catholics and Protestants, for 
such objects, should and would unite. To such purposes 
the old Catholic rent might be advantageously and properly 
applied much better, at least, than frittering it away in 
elections. From the people it came, and to the people only 
it ought to return. 


&e. superadded to the embarrassments, which 
we share in common with the rest of the British 
empire, from the unsettled state of the cur- 
rency, the free trade, and corn law questions. 
But a wholesale application of any system, 
much less the vicious system, still oppressing, 
with its multitudinous and increasing abuses, 
every portion of the English community, instead 
of being the removal of an old grievance, would 
undoubtedly be the infliction of a new one. If 
the country, from a certain mal-aise, and diffi- 
culty generated by defects in her other institu- 
tions, cannot do without such stays and sup- 
ports, let them be, at all events, in accord with 
the peculiarities, in the habits, character, and 
actual condition of the people. Let us begin 
from the beginning ; and, not like the academi- 
cians of Laputa, think of building our houses 
from the roof. Let the necessities and disposi- 
tions of the people first suggest ; let these sug- 
gestions be tried in limited and occasional ex- 
periments, as in Scotland and the North of Ire- 
land ; and if found to work well in detail, let 
the legislature then generalise the more salutary 
portions of the system, and give them, as far as 
may be necessary, the sanction of statute law.* 

* The system of Mendicant asylums ought to be taken as 


As it is, a very considerable poor tax is at this 
moment levied in Ireland, in the shape of county 
cesses for hospitals, dispensaries, c. ; and that 
too in the mode and manner every way the 
most objectionable, of the many objectionable 
modes, still tolerated in this free country. An 
irresponsible and fugitive body, at their own 
discretion, assess a large class, but distantly be- 
nefited by the taxation, and mix up the raising 
and alteration of these funds with others, as 
totally distinct from them, as any of the excise 
or other duties levied by act of parliament. 
A poor cess, originating from the people them- 
selves, and continuing under the control of 
the people, will be regulated by a very diffe- 
rent standard by public necessity and public 
opinion, and will always meet in both, some 

the principle, and the Tithe Composition act as the model, of 
the machinery. The adoption of the bill should be left at 
the option of each parish or townland, and should not be ex- 
tended beyond the period of one or two years. The rate payers 
should have each a vote, and the management of their con- 
cerns should be entrusted to a standing committee, chosen by a 
general meeting of the voters at the beginning of the year. 
The nature and extent of the assessment would thus be a mat- 
ter of local arrangement at the discretion of the meeting of 
the parish. This plan, with such modifications as circum- 
stances required, might be embodied in a short bill, and not 
enforced, but left to the choice of the public. 


sort of check to the acknowledged tendency 
which all managements of the kind inherit, to 
gradual corruption and decay. How far the agri- 
cultural and commercial interests of the country 
require the interposition of parliament to raise 
them from their actual depression, is a far wider 
and more difficult theme. They labour, in Ire- 
land, under a different species of disease from 
what they do in England. In Ireland, properly 
speaking, there are no manufactures at all, except 
the manufacture of the soil ! Agriculture has 
no home market, in comparison, to what she 
ought to have. Ireland is consequently depen- 
dent almost exclusively upon her relations with 
England ; and liable to be seriously affected, in 
addition to her own miseries, by the miseries of 
her neighbour. Capital has hitherto not been 
allowed a free circulation ; there has been ac- 
cumulation in some parts of the empire, and 
want in others : the usual evils of these unna- 
tural restrictions have been experienced : they 
have produced upon the wholesome action of 
the body politic effects quite analagous to what 
are sometimes observed in the human frame. 
There has been plethory and marasma ; a gross 
but deceitful appearance of health, a dwindling 
and pining away, side by side ; poverty in the 
bosom of plenty, luxury linked with starvation, 



and in all these various shapes, decay, and often 
death. The Relief bill, in doing away these inju- 
rious restraints, has gone far to restore its natural 
health to the commercial body of the country. 
Capital is already beginning to find in Ireland 
its natural level; and though it has not pro- 
ceeded in a torrent, as some had fondly anti- 
cipated, it is not less certain that it is even now 
in gradual but constant flow. Nor is this delay 
after all so injurious. Manufactures which come 
slowly, generally come to stay. No better pledge 
can be given of the permanence of an establish- 
ment, than the patient and judicious preliminary 
inquiries of its projectors. Yet with all this, the 
first projectors of such establishments will be 
always, more or less, like adventurous navigators, 
of speculative and daring dispositions ; some will 
succeed, and succeed greatly, but for jone suc- 
cess there will of course be many failures ; and for 
a time at least, the country must make up its 
mind to be subjected to all the excitations and 
depressions, the various pernicious vicissitudes, 
of a gamester. But this must pass, and its 
momentary existence should not discourage, 
much less repel. These are not symptoms 
peculiar to Ireland, but the usual demonstration 
of the same morbid or rather incipient state of 
iniprovement, in every country in the world. 


Out of such mistakes true knowledge will at 
last spring : upon this bitter tree of disappoint- 
ment will at last grow the sweet fruit of victory. 
To success, we should be well persuaded, with 
all our national vanity (which is often excessive), 
there neither now is, nor ever will be a royal 
road : we must labour up the hill, as every nation 
worthy of the name has constantly laboured be- 
fore us ; and do things by degrees, if we wish what 
we intend to do, should be really and effectively 
done at all. Sudden bounties, high-sounding 
subscriptions, levies en masse of labourers for 
public works, and all such grandiloquous and 
magnificent commencements, may be full of 
dramatic show and parade, but they end gene- 
rally where they begin ; they are little better 
than the army of Caligula setting out with thou- 
sands, to gather up a few cockleshells from the 
ocean. What the country wants from the go- 
vernment, is a simple removal of difficulties- 
peace, leisure, repose ; if she has any thing in 
her, she ought of herself to be able to do the 
rest ; if not, though government were to work 
miracles in her behalf, she would still remain 
where she is. But Ireland has given, even in 
her worst days, proof that she has the elements 
of regeneration within her bosom ; they re- 
quire only to be evoked ; but it is not every one 


who possesses the enchanter's wand, or who 
knows how to read aright the magic book. The 
love of industry and comfort is to be taught by 
practice, and by enjoyment ; the more, pros- 
perity and comfort be felt, the greater thirst 
and desire there will be, for more. Habits after 
all are nothing but the repetitions of the same 
act, and there is no reason why good ones 
should not be as easily practised and enforced 
as bad. When once these habits begin to be 
formed, an anxious desire for their preserva- 
tion will naturally appear. The impartial ad- 
ministration of justice, the equal protection of 
property, the exact observance of the laws, 
perfect regard to the rights and franchises of 
the lowest citizen, are all natural results of 
this anxiety. When once this desire is fully 
expressed, rapid and radical ameliorations must 
take place in every part of the country. With 
such a desire, neither the Grand Jury system, 
nor the Vestry system, nor much of the actual 
Church system, can possibly coexist. Alter- 
ations of some kind or other must occur in all 
these things, and great alterations in some. 
The Grand Jury taxation must be abolished alto- 
gether, or Grand Juries must become representa- 
tive bodies, chosen by baronies and parishes, if 
they are to continue invested with the extensive 


powers which they actually enjoy. They would 
thus form a series of small state legislatures, 
good substitutes for local parliaments. It is 
intolerable, that a body chosen by a high she- 
riff, chosen again by the crown, or the dispenser 
of the influence of the crown, should dispose as 
lavishly, and far more vexatiously, of public pro- 
perty, than the legislature itself.* The Vestry 
act is another direct infringement of the right 
of self- taxation, and in a state which affects to 
consider this right, as the basis of all its institu- 
tions, it is a system which ought not to be suf- 
fered for another session to endure. It ought to 
be the desire of honourable men, putting all its 
flagrant injustice out of the question, to seek for 
a support of their religious establishment else- 
where than in the pockets of the starving pea- 

* The same may be said of Corporations. They are not 
only obsolete, but absurd. They were formerly intended as 
barriers against the feudal encroachments of the neighbour- 
ing barons, defences for artisans, encouragements to trade, 
&c. But when the barons and their feudalism are gone, 
why preserve the barriers ? It is like taking an antidote 
against a poison, when the poison no longer infects the 
system. The antidote in such a case very often becomes a 
poison, worse than that against which it was to guard. But 
the government ere long will direct its attention to these 
abuses ; or if the government neglect it, the people will do 
their duty, and take its place. 


sant. A proud church, as the church of Eng- 
land boasts itself to be, ought to disdain acting 
the shameless and sturdy mendicant ; a rich 
church, as the church of England unquestion- 
ably is, ought not to be suffered to act the plun- 
derer of the poor man's earnings the compul- 
sory exactor of a tribute, for which she returns 
no equivalent or gain. But these are evils which 
must be corrected, not by the Catholics, but by 
the country. They are evils in which all are 
interested evils which in the end produce quite 
as much injury to those who receive, as to those 
who give. The Church by this time ought to be 
pretty well impressed with the absolute neces- 
sity of reform ; whether it shall be self-reform, 
that is, internal reform, or reform from without, 
depends principally, if not solely, upon herself. 
If she will not go down to the innovations which 
are advancing upon her, quietly and judicious- 
ly, the innovations will come up violently and 
abruptly, to her. Such was the case in the in- 
stance of the church of Rome ; such will be the 
case in hers. In such a crisis, let her be well 
persuaded that all former feuds will be altoge- 
ther forgotten ; Catholics and Protestants will 
melt into laymen. The battle will be between 
old vested interests, and new interests, ten times 
stronger, which have grown up in their stead. 


Neither antiquity, nor possession, nor any other 
venerable prejudice, can now be pleaded in bar 
of an amelioration. The forty-shilling freeholder 
pleaded, and the forty-shilling freeholder was 
not listened to. The late Disfranchisement bill, 
amongst its numerous bad consequences, has at 
least produced this one good, that it has cleared 
away much cant, on this as on other subjects, and 
left matters of national improvement to be argued 
on their own intrinsic merits, and not on the fic- 
tions and prejudices of the past. No side or 
partial interests, such as the late Catholic ques- 
tion, will for the future interfere with a just value 
for the common interests of the state. The peo- 
ple will speak out, and be believed when they 
speak. It will no longer be considered, when a 
public and notorious abuse is under observation, 
whether the abuse or the attack be Catholic or 
Protestant, but whether the abuse be fact, and 
whether the attack be just. This is a great 
and important result, for it at length opens the 
sure and straight path to national and gradual 
regeneration. Eligibility to office, individual ad- 
vantage, are as nothing by the side of such a 
benefit. Were the Catholic only to become, what 
his Protestant countryman actually is or has 
been, much certainly would have been effected ; 
but how little in comparison to what still remains 


behind ! Yet let it not be invidiously said, that 
the Catholic is not satisfied. Far from it the 
Catholic is fully satisfied ; but there is no reason 
why the Irishman and the British citizen should 
not wish for more. That there will always be 
such desires that there will always be parties, 
and always agitation, in such a state as ours, is 
quite natural. It is the very condition of our 
liberties it is the principle from which we have 
our political birth and being. God forbid it 
should not be so ! God forbid we should ever be 
condemned to live, in a country so lost to all no- 
ble aspirings, so stagnant and so sluggish to all 
that is great and good, as not to show a constant 
yearning and effort towards improvement ! As 
well might we wish to navigate a sea without 
waves, or to dwell under a sky without winds or 
clouds. Motion is the health of all bodies, mo- 
ral as well as physical. Compel them interest, 
and they die. But there is a great difference 
between a legitimate object for such exertion, 
and an illegitimate one. Catholic emancipation 
has done this it has given a just and national 
direction to the national efforts. It has done 
more than any other measure, since the period 
of the great laws of the Commonwealth, to make 
the country truly citizen. It has turned our 
faces to the right point. Its discussions have 


already given us activity, spirit, habits of think- 
ing, of reasoning, of acting : all we now want 
is union. That also, let it be hoped, we shall in 
due season acquire. Present men may then 
take up with confidence the noble task : they 
may labour for the prosperity of their country, 
and hope to leave something behind them for 
the benefit and gratitude of posterity. Who is 
there, in looking back on the perils and diffi- 
culties through which we have passed, who 
does not glory in having lived in such times ? 
Who, with such a lesson before him be the 
obstacles great or small be the adversary weak 
or mighty be the battle long or short, shall 
hereafter dare to despair of the perfect salvation 
of his country? 





No. T. 

The Catholic Clergy s Remonstrance of Loyalty. 

WE, your Majesty's subjects, the Roman Catholic 
Clergy of the kingdom of Ireland together assembled, 
do hereby declare and solemnly protest, before God and 
his holy angels, that we own and acknowledge your 
Majesty to be our true and lawful King, supreme Lord, 
and undoubted Sovereign, as well of this realm of 
Ireland as of all other your Majesty's dominions ; con- 
sequently we confess ourselves bound in conscience to 
be obedient to your Majesty in all civil and temporal 
affairs, as any subject ought to be to his prince, and 
as the laws of God and nature require at our hands. 
Therefore we promise that we will inviolably bear 
true allegiance to your Majesty, your lawful heirs and 
successors; and that no power on earth shall be able 
to withdraw us from our duty herein : and that we will, 
even to the loss of our blood, if occasion requires, assert 


your Majesty's rights against any that shall invade the 
same, or attempt to deprive yourself, or your lawful 
heirs and successors, of any part thereof. And to the 
end this our sincere protestation may more clearly 
appear, we further declare, that it is not our doctrine, 
that subjects may be discharged, absolved, or freed from 
the obligation of performing their duty of true obedience 
and allegiance to their prince : much less may we allow 
of, or pass as tolerable, any doctrine that perniciously, 
or against the word of God, maintains, that any private 
subject may lawfully kill or murder the anointed of God, 
his prince. Wherefore, pursuant to the deep appre- 
hension we have of the abomination and sad conse- 
quences of its practice, we do engage ourselves to 
discover to your Majesty, or some of your ministers, any 
attempt of that kind, rebellion or conspiracy, against 
your Majesty's person, crown, or royal authority, that 
comes to our knowledge, whereby such horrid evil may 
be prevented. Finally, as we hold the premises to be 
agreeable to good conscience, so we religiously swear 
the due observance thereof to our utmost; and we will 
preach and teach the same to our respective flocks. In 
witness whereof we do hereunto subscribe the 
day of June, 1666. 

No. II. 

Oath of Allegiance, to be administered to the Roman 
Catholics by the Ninth Article of the Capitulation 
of Limerick, and no other. 

I, A B, do solemnly promise and swear, that I will 


be faithful and bear true allegiance to their Majesties 
King- William and Queen Mary. 

So help me God. 

No. III. 

Oaths imposed by the English Statutes '3rd and 4th 
of William and Mary, c. ii., in violation of the Ninth 
Article of Limerick. 


I, A B, do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence 
of God profess, testify, and declare, that I do believe 
that in the sacrament of the Lord's supper there is 
not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and 
wine into the body and blood of Christ, at and after 
the consecration thereof, by any person whatsoever; 
and that the invocation or adoration of the Virgin 
Mary, or any other saint, and the sacrifice of the 
mass, as they are now used in the Church of Rome, 
are superstitious and idolatrous. And I do solemnly in 
the presence of God profess, testify, and declare, that 
I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in 
the plain and ordinary sense of the words read unto me, 
as they are commonly understood by English Pro- 
testants, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental 
reservation whatsoever ; and without any dispensation 
already granted me for the purpose by the Pope, or 
any other authority or person whatsoever; or without 
any hope of any such dispensation from any person or 
authority whatsoever; or without thinking that I am, 


or can be, acquitted before God or man, or absolved of 
this declaration, or any part thereof, although the Pope, 
or any other person or persons, or power whatsoever, 
should dispense with, or annul the same, or declare that 
it was null and void from the beginning. 

Oath of Abjuration. 

I, A B, do swear, that I do from my heart abhor, 
detest, and abjure, as impious and heretical, that 
damnable doctrine and position, that princes excom- 
municated or deposed by the Pope, or any authority of 
the See of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their 
subjects, or any person whatsoever. And I do declare 
that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or po- 
tentate hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction, power, 
superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical 
or spiritual, within this realm. 

So help me God. 

No. IV. 

Protest against the Act to confirm the Articles of 

RESOLVED on the question, that the engrossed Bill 
sent up by the Commons, entitled "An Act for the 
Confirmation of Articles made at the Surrender of the 
City of Limerick," do pass into a law. 

Ordered on motion, that such lords as please may 
enter their protest to the last foregoing vote, with their 

We, the Lords spiritual and temporal, whose names 


are hereafter subscribed, do dissent from the aforesaid 
vote, and enter our protest against the same for the 
reasons following : 

1. Because we think the title of the Bill doth not 
agree with the body thereof, the title being, "An Act for 
the Confirmation of Articles made at the Surrender of the 
City of Limerick ;" whereas no one of the said Articles 
is therein, as we conceive, fully confirmed. 

2. Because the said Articles were to be confirmed in 
favour of them to whom they were granted. But the 
confirmation of them by the Bill is such, that it puts 
them in a worse condition than they were before, as 
we conceive. 

3. Because the Bill omits these material words 
" and all such as are under their protection in said 
counties," which are by his Majesty's letters patent 
declared to be part of the 2nd article, and several 
persons have been adjudged within the said 2nd article 
by virtue of the aforementioned words : so that the 
words omitted, being so very material, and confirmed 
by his Majesty after a solemn debate, as we are in- 
formed, some express reasons, as we conceive, ought to 
have been assigned in the Bill, in order to satisfy the 
world as to that omission. 

4. Because several words are inserted in the Bill 
which are not in the Articles; and others omitted, 
which alter both the sense and meaning of some parts 
of the Articles, as we conceive. 

5. Because we apprehend that many Protestants 
may and will suffer by this Bill, in their just rights and 
pretensions, by reason of their having purchased, and 


lent money upon the credit of the said Articles; and, as 
we conceive, in several other respects. 

Londonderry. John Ossory. 

Tyrone. Thomas Limerick. 

Duncannon. Thomas Killaloe. 

S. Elphin. Kerry. 

Will. Derry. Howth. 

Will. Clonfert. Kingston, 

W. Killala. Strabane. 

No. V. 

Mr. Keoylis Account of the Delegation of 1793, 
fcc. fcc. ftc. 

In the year 1791, twelve Catholic citizens obtained 
an audience of the then secretary to the viceregal 
government, and presented to him a list of a part, and 
but a part of the penal laws, entreating the interest and 
protection of government, while they sought a removal 
of any one, although it should be the very smallest of 
our grievances. The secretary, the agent of this trem- 
bling court, did not deign to give this respectful depu- 
tation even a refusal ; he dismissed them without an 
answer. Repelled in this quarter, we prepared a brief 
and most humble petition to the legislature. But four 
millions of subjects could not get one member of parlia- 
ment even to present their petition to the house ! Mr. 
(afterwards Lord) O'Neil, had indeed undertaken the 
task ; but superior influence induced or compelled him 
to retract, and he peremptorily refused to discharge 
his engagement. 


As to the aristocracy of the Catholics, they, it must 
be confessed, were not inactive: they exerted them- 
selves, it is true, but their exertions were directly in 
opposition to our seeking redress. The peerage was 
unanimous, and supported by some of our bishops, by 
many of our wealthy merchants, and by nearly the whole 
of the landed interest, it is easy to conceive what must 
have been the aggregate weight of such a body. They 
triumphed in our discomfiture, and the insulting manner 
in which the deputation had been dismissed from the 
castle furnished them with a copious subject of ridicule. 
Thus, then, rejected by government, refused admittance 
to parliament, scoffed at and opposed by our own no- 
bility and gentry, and all over whom either possessed 
any influence, our petition was abandoned by the Catho- 
lics of Dublin themselves, from a conviction that any 
farther application for redress must be hopeless, while 
the accumulated influence of government, parliament, 
and even of their own body, was placed in the opposite 
scale against it. On this, Mr. Chairman, Catholicus 
ipse, has the unparalleled ignorance or the unblushing 
effrontery to say, " that a trembling court intended to 
grant our emancipation." And as the assertion is made 
in the form of a charge against me, I am compelled, for 
the purpose of repelling it, to state the share I had in 
raising the Catholics from the despondency, or rather 
the despair, into which they had fallen ; and I shall do 
this, with two of the committee of that inauspicious 
period in my view, who can correct if there be any 
thing erroneous, or contradict if there be any thing 
false, in my statement. 


The select committee was, at my request, summoned, 
and met at Allen's Court, It was their determination to 
give up the cause as desperate, lest a perseverance in 
what they considered as an idle pursuit, might not only 
prove ineffectual, but draw down a train of persecution 
on the body. I was of a different opinion, and pressed, 
that one of the committee should be deputed to London 
to advocate their cause with the immediate ministers of 
the crown, and that the expenses of his mission should 
be defrayed out of the general fund, which was then 
sufficient for the purpose. The proposal was of a novel, 
and thought to be of an idle nature, an emanation of an 
ardent, an enthusiastic, perhaps a disordered mind. 
They were persuaded that the minister would not re- 
ceive their deputy, and at all events would grant no re- 
laxation of our grievances, upon the not-unnatural pre- 
sumption, that the Irish government must have been 
apprised of his sentiments when they closed the doors 
both of the cabinet and the parliament against us. 
Finally, every man refused to go upon so hopeless an 
errand, and the meeting was actually breaking up, and 
about to disperse for ever, when I, and I alone, offered 
to go to London, and at my own expense, to solicit an 
audience from ministers. All I required was the au- 
thority of their permission, which I obtained, and I ac- 
cordingly set out for the British capital, where I re- 
mained for three months, and whence I returned to this 
kingdom, in January, 1792 accompanied, at my own 
desire, by the son of that illustrious Irishman, Edm. 

I arrived in London without any introduction from 


this country, without any support, any assistance, any 
instructions. I call upon those who hear me, and who, 
as I before said, are competent to contradict me, if I 
falsify or exaggerate, to say whether I have been guilty 
of either. I had gone, in the opinion of my brethren 
of the committee, upon a forlorn hope, and they proba- 
bly scarce expected to hear any thing more of me or my 
mission. I was introduced to the truly great Edmund 
Burke, the sincere friend of Ireland, and, for that very 
reason, of the Catholic body ; through him to the pre- 
sent Lord Melville, then Mr. Dundas, and minister of 
the Irish department. I will not, because it is not now 
necessary, enter into a detail of the reasons I urged in 
my interview with that statesman ; suffice it to say, that 
I had the very good fortune and happiness to convince 
that minister that the interest of his Majesty required 
that the condition of his Catholic subjects in Ireland 
should be ameliorated. 

In consequence of this, at the opening of the ensuing 
session, in January, 1792, a ministerial member, Sir H. 
Langrishe, introduced a bill into the House of Commons 
of Ireland, which afterwards received the royal assent, 
and which opened to us the profession of the law privi- 
lege of education unrestrained by the necessity of license 
and of legal intermarriage between Protestants and 
Catholics ; and now for these exertions, made at my 
own expense, and attended with a degree of success 
beyond the most ardent hopes, or even wishes of the 
Catholics at that period, are accusations brought against 
me by this infamous calumniator, of having betrayed the 
cause, which my then individual efforts supported. But 
let me proceed. 


So far was complete emancipation from being de- 
manded, or even thought of, at that time, much more 
of course from being in the contemplation of the govern- 
ment, that the Irish parliament, on the 20th day of the 
following month, February, 1792, rejected a petition 
from the Catholic body, for " only some share in the 
elective franchise," with a majority of 203 against 23. 

The hostile spirit of the Irish government met in the 
aristocracy of the Catholics, very active, very zealous, 
but certainly not very able partisans. The peers and 
gentry, and all whom they could influence, signed a 
declaration at the instigation of government, in which 
meanness and folly were combined, opposing the in- 
tended relief of their country, their children, and t hem- 
selves; and the Irish government forwarded this decla- 
ration to Lord Melville, then, as I before said, Mr. 
Secretary Dundas, for the declared purpose of inducing 1 
him to withdraw the support of government from the 
proposed bill of Sir Hercules Langrishe ; but that mi- 
nister refused to gratify them in this instance. 

Animated by the relaxation they had obtained, the 
Catholics of Dublin summoned a convention from every 
part of the kingdom to assemble in the capital. This 
measure created a universal outcry from the Irish go- 
vernment and all its agents, whether at county meet- 
ings, grand juries, or corporations. We were charged 
with an attempt to overawe the parliament, or to erect 
the standard of rebellion. The Catholic nobility were 
again pressed into the service, for which they were ap- 
parently more calculated by their disposition than their 
abilities. They pledged themselves, not only not to 
join in, but likewise to prevent the assembling of the 


convention. Terrified by the threats of government 
upon the one side, weighed down by the millstone of 
aristocratic influence upon the other, the counties re- 
mained unmoved, apparently unaffected ; at least they 
did not make any effort towards appointing representa- 
tives to the intended convention. This obstacle was to 
be overcome, or the hopes of the Catholics were blasted 
for ever. I again came forward : I went through the 
four provinces, accompanied by my lamented friend, T. 
W. Tone ; I attended the meeting of the Catholic 
bishops in Ulster, held in that province. With those 
prelates I found it necessary to have an interview, like- 
wise with the bishops of Connaught, who had been 
tampered with and deceived by the misrepresentations 
of a Catholic lawyer. In my journey thither, I was 
accompanied by my dear and much-lamented friend, 
Thomas Broughall, with whom I traversed the whole 
south of Ireland. When a good example was once set, 
it was followed with enthusiasm, and the convention be- 
came the genuine, full, and complete representation of 
the Catholics of Ireland. Yet even this convention did 
not entertain an idea, for some time, of applying for more 
than the elective franchise and admission to grand juries, 
until, towards its close, it determined to petition the 
sovereign himself for a full admission to all the rights 
and privileges of the constitution. The convention ap- 
pointed five of its members to carry the petition to the 
foot of the throne. In January, 1793, the deputation 
was introduced to the King, and presented the petition. 
I was of the number ; so were, Lord French, Christopher 
Bellew, and James Edward Devereux, Esqrs., who are 


still living ; arid to these three surviving delegates I re- 
fer for the honourable testimony which they bore with 
respect to my services at our interview with Lord Mel- 
ville. But I hasten to what gives me infinitely greater 
pleasure, the result. The result was, that the Catholics 
were restored to the elective franchise to magistracies 
to grand juries and one sweeping clause removed 
numberless penal statutes. These privileges, so bene- 
ficial to the tenantry of Ireland, from the greatest land- 
holder to the peasant, my accuser calls petty privileges ^ ; 
and the share I have had in procuring them, he pro- 
nounces to be another of the injuries I have done to the 
Catholics of Ireland. 

This anonymous writer calls on me to account for the 
address to the Duke of Bedford : he says, that it is 
grovelling and slavish, without one expression conveying 
a hope of Catholic emancipation. I have in my hand 
that address, from which I will read two paragraphs, to 
prove his want of truth in this, as in his other charges, 
and that the address did convey a hope of emancipation. 
The following are the paragraphs I allude to : 

" That it will be the achievement of your Grace's ad- 
ministration to have guided a salutary and comprehen- 
sive scheme of policy to that glorious development, of 
which the advantages have been in part displayed ; and 
the important consequences must be to invigorate the 
admirable British constitution, by introducing a loyal 
people to defend it, as their own chief good. 

" May your Grace permit us to conclude with the 
expression of those sentiments, in which all Irish Catho- 
lics can have but one voice. Bound as we are to the 


fortunes of the empire, by a remembrance of past and 
the hope of future benefits by our preference and 
by our oaths should the wise generosity of our law- 
givers vouchsafe to crown that hope, which their justice 
inspires, it would be no longer our duty alone, but our 
pride, to appear the foremost against approaching dan- 
ger; and, if necessary, to remunerate our benefactors 
by the sacrifice of our lives." 

But a strong and specific charge remains to be an- 
swered that either five or six thousand a year was 
offered by government, as a bribe for keeping back for 
one year the Catholic petition. The charge is against 
me : it is evident, that he must insinuate, that not only 
the offer was made to me, but accepted by me ; for if I 
rejected the offer, where would be the crime on my 
side? I once more call on this defamer to come for- 
ward, and give even a shadow of proof in support of 
this charge. The present and the late government must 
know of every sum paid for secret services; and I defy 
Catholicus ipse I defy the late administration I defy 
the present administration, or any man living, to sub- 
stantiate this charge ; and now, in the presence of my 
country and my God, do solemnly declare, that I never 
received from any minister or government to the amount 
of sixpence for myself, my sons, or for any part of my 
family ; arid the proceedings here this day shall, through 
the medium of the public prints, come before every one 
of the parties. As to the allusion of my being visited 
by Messrs. Ponsonby and Grattan, and the hint, that 
no acquaintance, friendship, or family connexion, exists 
between them and me I scorn to make u boast of ac- 


quaintance with elevated characters. Whatever ad- 
vances to any thing of that kind may have taken place, 
have uniformly proceeded from themselves ; but if the 
writer, whoever or whatever he is, means it as an as- 
persion, that I am the founder of my own fortune that 
I have no hereditary estate in a country, where robbery, 
under the form of confiscation or the penal code, Jbas 
deprived all the ancient Irish of their property the un- 
meaning allusion and insipid hint I shall treat with 
silent contempt, and hasten to the refutation of one lie 
more, that " I kept back the recital of our sufferings 
during the late administration." 

The Duke of Bedford arrived here about April, 1806. 
On the very commencement of the next session, a 
deputation, of which I was one, had two interviews with 
Mr. Secretary Elliot and Lord Chancellor Ponsonby, to 
press the question of emancipation. As soon, however, 
as I had reason to think that our application was over- 
ruled in England by Lord Grenville, I then sounded 
the alarm at a meeting held on the 24th of January, 
1807 ; and, as what I then said was printed by Fitz- 
patrick, by order of the committee, I refer to it, with- 
out troubling the present meeting with a recapitulation. 
A degree of consequence was, indeed, attributed by 
others to that speech, which I never thought it merited ; 
which is, that it was brought to the King, and contri- 
buted to the dismissal of Lord Grenville and his col- 
leagues in 1807. But this much I know, that, from 
that day to this, Mr. Ponsonby never honoured 
me with a visit which I regret infinitely, more 
from my personal respect for the man, than on ac- 


count of his being a leader in opposition or adminis- 

Permit me now, Mr. Chairman, to return my most 
grateful thanks to you and this assembly, for the pati- 
ence with which I have been heard, the honour which 
has been conferred upon me, and the indignation which 
has been evinced against an infamous assassin, who has 
attempted to surprise and calumniate a man, who had 
devoted near thirty years of his life for the purpose of 
breaking the chains of his countrymen. 

No. VI. 

Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1799. 

At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, held in 
Dublin the 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, 1799, to 
deliberate on a proposal from government, of an inde- 
pendent provision for the Roman Catholic clergy of Ire- 
land under certain regulations, not incompatible with 
their doctrine, discipline, or just principles: 

It was admitted, that a provision through government 
for the Roman Catholic clergy of this kingdom, com- 
petent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted. 

That, in the appointment of the prelates of the Ro- 
man Catholic religion to vacant sees within the king- 
dom, such interference of government as may enable it 
to be satisfied of the loyalty of the person appointed, is 
just, and ought to be agreed to. 

That, to give this principle its full operation, without 
infringing the discipline of the Roman Catholic church, 
or diminishing the religious influence, which prelates 
VOL. II. b 


of that church ought justly to possess over their respec- 
tive flocks, the following regulations seem necessary : 

1st. In the vacancy of a see, the clergy of the dio- 
eese to recommend, as usual, a candidate to the prelates 
of the ecclesiastical province, who elect him, or any 
other they may think more worthy, by a majority of suf- 
frages : in the case of equality of suffrages, the metro- 
politan or senior prelate to have the casting vote. 

2d. In the election of a metropolitan, if the provin- 
cial prelates do not agree within two months after the 
vacancy, the senior prelate shall forthwith invite the 
surviving metropolitans to the election, in which each 
will then have a vote : in the equality of suffrages, the 
presiding metropolitan to have a casting vote. 

3d. In these elections, the majority of suffrages 
must be, ultra medietatem, as the canons require, or 
must consist of the suffrages of more than half the 

4th. The candidates so elected, to be presented by 
the president of the election to government, which, 
within one month after such presentation, will transmit 
the name of the said candidate, if no objection be made 
against him, for appointment to the holy see, or return 
the said name to the president of the election, for such 
transmission as may be agreed on. 

5th. If government have any proper objection against 
such candidates, the president of the election will be in- 
formed thereof within one month after presentation ; who 
in that case will convene the electors to the election of 
another candidate. 

Agreeably to the discipline of the Roman Catholic 


church, these regulations can have no effect without the 
sanction of the holy see ; which sanction the Roman Ca- 
tholic prelates of this kingdom shall, as soon as may be, 
use their endeavours to procure. 

The prelates are satisfied, that the nomination of 
parish priests, with a certificate of their having taken 
the oath of allegiance, be certified to government. 

Richard O'Reilly. J. T. Troy. 

Edward Dillon. Thomas Bray. 

P. J. Plunkett. F. Moylan. 

Daniel . Delany. Edmund French. 

James Caulfield. John Cruise. 

Subsequent Resolution of the Roman Catholic Electors. 

The prelates assembled to deliberate on a proposal 
from government of a provision for the clergy, have 
agreed, that M. R. Doctor O'Reilly, M. R. Doctor 
Troy, and R. R. Doctor Plunkett, and such other of 
the prelates who may be in town, be commissioned to 
transact all business with government relative to said 
proposal, under the substance of the regulations agreed 
on and subscribed by them. 

Thomas Bray. James Caulfield. 

Edward Dillon. Edmund French. 

F. Moylan. John Cruise, 
Daniel Delany. 

Dublin, 28th January, 1799. 


No. VIL 

At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, assembled 
in Dublin, on the 26th Feb. 1810, the following reso- 
lutions had been unanimously adopted: 

1. Resolved, that it is the undoubted and exclusive 
right of Roman Catholic bishops to discuss all matters 
appertaining to the doctrines and discipline of the Ro- 
man Catholic church. 

2. Resolved, that we do hereby confirm and declare 
our unaltered adherence to the resolutions unanimously 
entered into at our last general meeting, on the 14th 
September, 1808. 

3. Resolved, that we are convinced, that the oath of 
allegiance framed and proposed by the legislature itself, 
and taken by us, is not only adequate security for our 
loyalty, but that we know of no stronger pledge that 
we can possibly give. 

4. Resolved, that having disclaimed upon oath all 
right in the Pope or any other foreign potentate to in- 
terfere in the temporal concerns of the kingdom, an ad- 
herence to the practice observed in the appointment of 
Irish Roman Catholic prelates cannot tend to produce 
an undue or mischievous exercise of any foreign in- 
fluence whatsoever. 

5. Resolved, that we neither seek nor desire any other 
earthly consideration for our spiritual ministry to our 
respective flocks, save what they may, from a sense of 
religion and duty, voluntarily afford us. 

6. Resolved, that an address, explanatory of these 


our sentiments, be prepared and directed to the Roman 
Catholic clergy and laity of Ireland, and conveying such 
further instruction as existing circumstances may seem 
to require. 

No. VIII. 

Resolutions of the Irish Catholic Laity against 
the Veto. 

At a meeting of the General Committee of the Catho- 
lics of Ireland, held at D'Arcy's, in Earl Street, on the 
2d of March, 1810, 

LORD FFRENCH in the Chair, 

The Most Rev. Doctor Murray read to the Committee 
a written communication from the Catholic prelates of 
Ireland. It was unanimously resolved, That the thanks 
of the Committee are due, and are hereby given, to the 
Most Rev. and Right Rev. the Catholic prelates of 
Ireland, for the communication now made to us through 
the Most Rev. Doctor Murray and the Rev. Doctor 

That the thanks of the meeting are due, and are 
hereby given, to the Most Rev. Doctor Murray and the 
Rev. Doctor Hamill, for making the communication, 
That, as Irishmen, and as Catholics, we never can con- 
sent to any dominion or control whatsoever over the 
appointment of our prelates on the part of the crown, 
or the servants of the crown. That the thanks of the 
Committee are hereby given to Daniel O'Connell, Esq. 
for the faithful discharge of the duty of secretary. 

FFRKNCH, Chairman. 


No. IX. 

Copy of a Letter from Monsgr. Quarantotti to the 
Right Rev. Dr. Poynter, V.A. 


Noil sine maxima voluptate accepimus, facile esse 
futurum, ut lex, quae superiore anno rogata fuit pro 
Catholicorum istius florentissimi regni emancipatione a 
posnalibus legibus, quaeque ex modico suffragiorum de- 
fectu rejecta fuit, in novis hujus anni comitiis iterum 
proponatur. Utinam hsec tarn optata lex aliquando 
feratur, et Catholici, qui prceclara semper praebuerunt 
obedienticB, ac fidelitatis suce argumenta, a gravissimo, 
quo jamdiu premuntur, jugo tandem emergant ; ut 
absque ullo honorum ac facultatum detrimento ad ea 
possint alacrius incumbere, quae et religio et patriae 
bonum ab iis expostulant: quod quidem sperare juvat a 
beneficentissimo Rege, atque ab inclyta natione, quae 
aequitate, prudentia, casterisque virtutibus, turn anteri- 
us, turn maxime postremis hisce temporibus tantam sibi 
apud omues populos gloriam comparavit. Et quoniam 
delatum est aliquas inter Episcopos obortas esse quaasti- 
ones, atque discrimina circa conditiones, quae Catho- 
licis appositae sunt, ut caeteris aequiparentur ; nos, qui 
summo absente Pastore sacris Missionibus praaferti 
sumus, et Pontificiis omnibus facultatibus ad id com- 
muniti, muneris nostri partes esse putavimus omnem 
ambiguitatem, atque objectionem removere, quae optatse 
conciliationi possit obsistere, et quo non pervenit Episco- 


porum facultas, S. Sedis auctoritate, et consensione sup- 
AC THEOLOGORUM CONSILIO, perspectis litteris, turn 
ab ampl 6 . tua, turn ab archiepiscopo Dubliniensi hue 
missis, ac re in peculiari congregatione MATURE PER- 
PENSA, decretum est, ut Catholici legem, qua supe- 
riore anno rogata fuit pro illorum emancipalione 
juxta formam, qua ab ampl*. tua relata est, vEQUO, 


Unum est, quod aliqua declaratione eget, scilicet se- 
cunda jurisjurandi pars, qua Clerus obstringitur nullam 
habere se posse cum Summo Pontifice, ej usque Mini- 
stris, communicationem, quae directe, vel indirecte va- 
leat Protestantium regimen, sive Ecclesiam subvertere, 
aut quomodolibet perturbare. Satis exploraturn est, id 
jure divino praecipuum esse Ministrqrurn Ecclesias mu- 
nus, ut Catholicam fidem, quaB una potest ad eeternam 
felicitatem perducere, undique propagare curent, errores- 
que depellere. Hoc Evangelii praecepta decent, hoc 
Apostolorum, eorumque Successorum exempla. Jam 
si Catholicus Protestantem aliquem ad Orthodoxam 
Religionem revocaverit, perjurii reus poterit judicari, 
quia nempe illo avocando Protestantem Ecclesiam ali- 
quo modo turbasse videretur. Si res ita intelligatur, 
juramentum hoc praestare non licet, utpote quod Catho- 
lico dogmati reluctatur. Sin ea sit Legislatorum mens, 
ut Catholicae Ecclesiae ministris non interdicta sint^nz- 
dicatio, suasio, consilium, sed tantum ne liceat ipsis 
Protestantem Ecclesiam, seu regimen, vi, et armis, aut 
malis quibusque artibus perturbare, hoc rectum est, 
nostrisque principiis apprime coha?ret. Tuiim itaque 


erit excelsum istud regimen omni animi demissione, ac 
studio deprecari, ut ad sedandas, tutandasque Catholici 
Cleri conscientias, modificationem, aut declarationem ali- 
quam ejusmodi juramenti formulae dare velit, qua3, omni 
ambiguitate sublata, pacific^ praedicationi, ac persua- 
sioni locum relinquat. Quod si vel lata jam fuerit 
rogata lex iisdem verbis, vel nihii in iis immutari volu- 
erit, Clerus acquiescat ; ac satis erit, ut palam ipse 
denunciet, earn esse suam jurandi mentem, ut Ortho- 
doxa in ejusmodi juramento doctrina salva remaneat, ac 
non aliter ; atque ut protestatio ista omnibus innotescat ; 
et sit etiam posteris exemplum in acta relata servabitur. 
Optandum quoque foret, ut ab aliquibus etiam publici 
concilii membris, si fieri posset, declaratio fieret, hoc 
plane sensu, ac non alio, Britannicum regimen a Catho- 
lico Clero juramentum exigere. Caetera vero, quae in 
proposita lege centineri scripsisti, ea quidem poterunt 
ex Apostolicae sedis indulgentia tolerari. 

Quod rex certior fieri velit de illorum fidelitate, qui 
ad Episcopatum, vel Decanatum promoventur, ac tutus 
esse, num iis dotibus instruct! sint, quae bonum civem 
decent : quod ipse praeterea ad haec investiganda Comi- 
tatum instituat, qui in eorum mores iuquirat, ac referat 
regi, prout Ampl. Tua nobis significavit : quod demum 
ea ipsa de causa rex ab his dignitatibus exclusos in pos- 
terum velit, turn alienigenas, turn eos, qui a quinquennio 
domicilium in regno non habuerunt ; haec omnia cum id 
tantum respiciant, quod civile est, omnem mereri to- 
lerantiam possunt. Praestat quidem, ut nostri An- 
tistites grati acceptique sint regi ; ut plena, illius con- 
sensione suum ministerium exerceant; ut denique de 


illorum probitate constet etiam apud eos, qui de Eccle- 
siae gremio non sunt; Episcopum enim (ut docet Apo- 
stolus, i. ad Timoth. 3. 7.) oportet, et testimonium 
habere bonum ab iis, qui foris sunt. Haec cum ita sint, 
ex tradita nobis auctoritate indulgemus, ut qui ad Epis- 
copatum, vel Decanatum designati ac propositi sunt a 
Clero, admitti, vel rejici a rege possint juxta rogatam 
legem. Postquam igitur Clerus illos de more delegerit, 
quos ad occupandas hujusmodi dignitates digniores in 
D no judicaverit, Metropolitanus provinciae in Hibernia, 
Vicarius vero Apostolicus Senior in Anglia et Scotia 
illos comitatus denunciabunt, ut regia inde approbatio, 
sive dissensio liabeatur. Si candidati rejecti fuerint, 
alii proponent ur, qui regi placeant : si vero probati, 
Metropolitanus, aut Vicarius Apostolicus, ut supra, 
acta mittet ad sacram hanc Congregationem, quae sin- 
gulorum meritis rite perpensis, canonicam a Summo 
Pontifice institutionem obtinendam curabit. Illud quo- 
que video commissum esse eidem comitatui munus, ut 
nempe litteras examinare debeat quae alicui ex Clero 
Britannico ab ecclesiastlca potentate scribuntur, ac dili- 
genter inquirere, an aliquid illae contineant, quod guber- 
nio offensum sit, aut publicam tranquillitatem perturbare 
aliquo modo possit. Cum in ecclesiasticis, ac spirituali- 
bus rebus, non interdicta sit cum Capite Ecclesiae com- 
municatio, sed comitatus inspectio ad politicum tantum 
referatur, erit etiam in hoc acquiescendum. Bonum 
est, ut regimen istud nullam plane concipere possit de 
nostra commuriicatione suspicionem. Cunctis patere 
possunt ea, quae seribimus ; non enim nos ullo pacto 
miscemus in iis, quae civilia sunt, sed ea tantum inqui- 


rimus, quae divina, et ecclesiastica lex, ac bonus, ec~ 
clesia3 ordo postulare videntur. Ea tantum secreto ser- 
vanda erunt, quae internum conscientiae forum afficiunt ; 
at in iis satis cautum fuisse video per regulas ab eadem 
lege traditas ; satis nobis persuasum est, sapiens istud 
regimen, dum publicae secnritati consulere vult, nunquam 
proinde exigere velle, ut Catholici religioni desint suae ; 
imo potius gratum habere, ut illam sedulo observent ; 
haec enim sancta, et plane divina religio publicae potes- 
tati favet, solia firmat, subditosque facit obtemperan- 
tes, fideles, studiososque patriae. Nihil propterea potest 
Apostolicas sedi gratius ac jucundius accidere, quam ut 
inter gubemium istud, et Catholicos illi subjectos, plena 
concordia, mutuaque fiducia servetur ; ut reipublicae 
moderatores de Catholicorum fidelitate, obedientia, at- 
que adhaesione dubitare numquam possint ; ut denique 
Catholici ipsi omni plane studio, candore, alacritate, 
patriae deserviant. Quapropter omnes in Domino hor- 
tamur, praesertim vero Episcopos, ut omni contentione 
seposita, ad caeterorum edificationem, omnes unanimiter 
idipsum sapiant ac sentiant, ut nullus detur schismati 
locus, nee ullum rei Catholics damnum inferatur ; ve- 
rum si lata fuerit lex, qua Catholici a poenis, quibus 
obstricti sunt, liberentur, earn non modo aequo animo am- 
plectantur juxta ea, quae dicta sunt, sed etiam Majestati 
suae, et magnificentissimo ejus Concilio maximas agant 
pro tanto beneficio gratias, eoque se dignos exhibeant. 
Denique Ampl em . Tuam rogamus, ut cunctis istius 
Regni Episcopis Vicariisque Apostolicis epistolam hanc 
commuiiicari curet ; ac fore sperantes, ut his, quae ex 
tributa nobis potestate decreta sunt, prompte, pleneque 


sese conferment, Deum O. M. precor, ut Arnplit em . 
Tuam diutissime hospitet, atque interim omni cum 
observantifr me tibi obstrictum profiteer. 

Obsequentissimus Famulus, 

J. B. QUARANTOTTJ, Vice Praf us . 


Datum Roma}, ex ^Edibus de Propaganda 
Fide, 16 Februarii,1814. 

Ill mo ac R mo D no Guillelmo Poynter, 
Epis. Haliensi, Vicario Londini 
Apostolico, Londinum. 

No. X. 

Resolutions establishing the General Committee 
of 1809. 

At a meeting held at the Exhibition Room, William 
Street, May 24, 1809, the following resolutions were 
agreed to : 

Resolved, We, the Catholics of Ireland, have made 
repeated petitions for the relief of our grievances. The 
greatest and wisest of men, both in and out of parlia- 
ment, both in and out of office, were decidedly in favour 
of the expediency and justice of our claims ; and they 
further insisted, that it was necessary to the very exist- 
ence of the empire to interest in its defence a popula- 
tion of from four to five millions of Catholics, consti- 
tuting more than a fourth of the United Kingdom. We 
are now unhappily and experimentally convinced, that 
no principle of justice, no force of reasoning, is suffi- 


cient to counteract a malignant influence, which threat- 
ens the empire with general contamination and conse- 
quent destruction. Public delinquents and defrauders 
would put to hazard the existence of the reigning family, 
and the integrity of the empire, rather than restore the 
people to the privileges of the constitution, which would 
produce such wholesome reform of abuses as must de- 
prive themselves of the opportunity of undue influence 
and peculation. Under these discouraging circum- 
stances, without hope of success at present, we are un- 
willing to agitate our claims by petition to parliament, 
feeling that rejection might increase the discontent al- 
ready existing in our body ; and we cannot be indiffe- 
rent to the pernicious effect of acquainting authentically, 
through the debates of the British parliament, our po- 
tent and too successful enemy, of the internal divisions 
and the corruptions of the state in the only powerful 
nation not yet subject to his control. Proposed by 
Mr. Keogh. 

Resolved unanimously, That the noble Lords who 
compose the Catholic peerage, and the survivors of the 
persons who were in the year 1793 delegates of the 
Catholics of Ireland, and acquitted themselves of that 
charge with zeal, talent, and permanent utility, together 
with the persons who were appointed by the Catholic 
citizens of Dublin to prepare a late address, do possess 
the confidence of the Catholic body. Proposed by Mr. 
Mac Donnell. 

Resolved unanimously, That in case of the death, or 
want of confidence in any of the above-mentioned per- 
sons, the remainder shall receive among them such per- 


son or persons as shall distinctly appear to them to pos- 
sess the confidence of the Catholic body. Proposed by 
Mr. Mac Donnell. 

Resolved unanimously, That the persons who com- 
posed the committees to manage the petitions in the 
years 1805 and 1807 do form part of the above body, 
so that the number of those added does not exceed 
forty-two. Proposed by Mr. Burke, of Glynske. 

Resolved unanimously, That it be confided to the 
foregoing noblemen and gentlemen to take into con- 
sideration the form of a petition to parliament, and the 
mode of presenting it, so that the same may be prepared 
by the first day of the next session. Proposed by Mr. 

Resolved unanimously, That the noblemen and gentle- 
men aforesaid are not representatives of the Catholic 
body, or any portion thereof; nor shall they assume or 
pretend to be representatives of the Catholic body, or 
any portion thereof. Therefore, that it be imperative 
upon them to have the said petition presented to parlia- 
ment within the first fortnight of the next session. 
Proposed by Mr. O'Connell. 

Resolved unanimously, That the above-mentioned 
persons be authorised to receive subscriptions for the 
purpose of defraying the expenses attendant on the 
Catholic petition. Proposed by Mr. Burke. 

Resolved unanimously, That from the activity, zeal, 
integrity, and ability, evinced by Edward Hay, Esq. in 
the discharge of his duty as secretary to the Catholics 
of Ireland, he is hereby appointed to act as secretary to 


the aforesaid body. Proposed by Mr. Lalor, County 

FINGAL, Chairman. 

The Earl of Fingal having left the chair, and Sir 
Francis Goold, Bart., being called thereto, 

Resolved unanimously, That the most marked thanks 
of this meeting are hereby offered to the Earl of Fingal, 
for his dignified and proper conduct on this and every 
other occasion. Proposed by Mr. O'Connell. 

No. XI. 

Resolutions and Petition for Unqualified Emancipa- 
tion, 31st Jan. 1810. 

At a meeting of the General Committee of the Catho- 
lics of Ireland, held at the committee room, No. 4, 
Crow Street, on the 31st Jan. 1810, 

SIR THOMAS ESMONDE, Bart., in the Chair, 

Resolved, That, solemnly protesting against the unre- 
lenting system of intolerance, which the Catholics of 
Ireland appear to be doomed in this enlightened age to 
endure, we are yet steadfastly determined to persevere 
in claiming our emancipation : 

And by our constancy in this just pursuit, and by 
availing ourselves of all warrantable means for this pur- 
pose, to prove ourselves worthy of those equal rights 
and liberties, which we demand, and can never consent 
to forego. 


Resolved, That, not dismayed by past disappointments, 
or deterred by existing difficulties, we shall take every 
occasion to utter our complaints, to solicit ample dis- 
cussion, and to render our degraded and oppressed con- 
dition universally known, relying, that the unerring 
influence of justice and sound reason (to which we ap- 
peal) must speedily subdue those blind and fatal preju- 
dices, which obstruct the freedom and happiness of Ire- 

Resolved, That it is the indispensable duty of this 
committee to have their petition to parliament presented 
to both houses, so that the entire merits of our cause 
may be fairly and amply discussed. 

Resolved, That the Earl of Fingal be requested forth- 
with to cause our petitions to both houses of parliament 
to be so proceeded upon, as to ensure that inquiry and 
discussion, which the honour and interest of the Catho- 
lic body imperiously require. 

The following is the copy of that petition : 

To the Honourable the Commons of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland in parliament assem- 
bled ; 

We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, on behalf 
of ourselves and others, his Majesty's subjects, profess- 
ing the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland, humbly 
beg leave to represent to this honourable house 

That we, your petitioners, did, in the years 1805 and 
1808, humbly petition this honourable house, praying 
the total abolition of the penal laws which aggrieve 
the Catholics of Ireland. 

We now feel ourselves obliged, in justice to ourselves, 


our families, and our country, once more to solicit the 
attention of this honourable house to the subject of 
our said petition. 

We state, that the Catholics constitute the most 
numerous and increasing portion of the inhabitants of 
Ireland, comprising an immense majority of the manu- 
facturing, trading, and agricultural interests, and 
amounting at least to four-fifths of the Irish popula- 
tion ; that they contribute largely to the exigencies of 
their country, civil and military; that they pay the far 
greater part of the public and local taxes; that they 
supply the armies and navies of this empire with up- 
wards of one-third part in number of the soldiers and 
sailors employed in the public service; and that not- 
withstanding heavy discouragements, they form the 
principal constituent part of the strength, wealth, and 
industry of Ireland. 

Yet such is the grievous operation of the penal laws, 
of which we complain, that the Roman Catholics are 
thereby not only set apart from their fellow subjects as 
aliens in their native land, but are ignominiously and 
rigorously proscribed from almost all situations of pub- 
lic trust, honour, or emolument, including every public 
function and department, from the houses of legislature 
down to the most petty corporation, 

We state, whenever the labour of public duty is to 
be exacted and enforced, the Catholic is sought out and 
selected ; where honours or rewards are to be dispensed, 
he is neglected or contemned. 

Where the military and naval strength of the empire 
is to be recruited, the Catholics are eagerly solicited, 


nay compelled, to bear their full share in the perils of 
warfare, and in the lowest rank ; but when preferment 
or promotion (the dear and legitimate prize of success- 
ful valour) are to be distributed as rewards of merit, no 
laurels are destined to a Catholic's brow, or fit the 
wearer for command. 

We state thus generally the grievous condition of 
the Roman Catholics of Ireland, occasioned solely by 
the fatal influence and operation of the penal laws ; and 
though we forbear to enter into greater detail, yet we 
do not the less trust to the influence of reason and 
justice (which eventually must prevail) for effecting a 
full and deliberate inquiry into our grievances, and ac- 
complishing our effectual relief. 

We do beg leave, however, most solemnly, to press 
upon the attention of this honourable house the immi- 
nent public dangers, which necessarily result from so 
inverted an order of things, and so jicious and unnatu- 
ral a system of legislation; a system, which has long 
been the reproach of this nation, and is unparalleled 
throughout modern Christendom. 

And we state it as our fixed opinion, that to restore 
to the Catholics of Ireland a full, equal, and unqualified 
participation of the benefits of the laws and constitution 
of England, and to withdraw all the privations, restric- 
tions, and vexatious distinctions, which oppress, injure, 
and afflict them in their country, is now become a mea- 
sure not merely expedient, but absolutely necessary; 
not only a debt of right due to a complaining people, 
but perhaps the last remaining resource of this empire, 
in the preservation of which we take so deep an interest, 



We therefore pray this honourable house to take into 
their most serious consideration the nature, extent, and 
operation of the aforesaid penal laws, and by repealing 
the same altogether, to restore to the Roman Catholics 
of Ireland those liberties so long withheld, and their 
due share in that constitution, which they, in common 
with their fellow subjects of every other description, 
contribute by taxes, arms, and industry, to sustain and 

And your petitioners will ever pray, &c. &c. 

No. XII. 

Circular Letter of the Right Hon. W. Wellesley Pole. 

Dublin Castle, February 12th, 1811. 

It being reported that the Roman Catholics in the 

county of are to be called together, or have 

been called together, to nominate or appoint persons or 
representatives, delegates or managers, to act in their 
behalf as members of an unlawful assembly, sitting in 
Dublin, and calling itself the Catholic Committee, you 
are required, in pursuance of the provisions of an Act 
of the 33rd of the King, chap. 29, to cause to be 
arrested, and to commit to prison (unless bail shall be 
given), all persons within your jurisdiction who shall be 
guilty of giving or having given, or of publishing or 
having published, or of causing or having caused to be 
given or published, any written or other notice of the 
election and appointment, in any manner, of such repre- 
sentative, delegate, or manager, as aforesaid ; or of 


attending, voting, or acting, or of having attended, 
voted, or acted, in any manner, in the choice or appoint- 
ment of such representative, delegate, or manager. 
And you are to communicate these directions, as far as 
lies in your power, forthwith, to the several magistrates 
of the said county of . 

N. B. Sheriffs are to act under the warrant of 
magistrates in cases where the crime has been com- 

By command of His Grace the Lord Lieutenant. 

W. W. POLE. 
To , &c. &c. &c. 

No. XIII. 

Letter of the King on his leaving Ireland in 1821. 

Dublin Castle, September 3rd, 1821. 

The time of the King's departure from Ireland being 
arrived, I am commanded by His Majesty to express 
his entire approbation of the manner in which all per- 
sons acting in civil and military situations in the city of 
Dublin and its neighbourhood have performed their 
several duties during the period of His Majesty's resi- 
dence in this part of the kingdom. His Majesty is 
pleased to consider, that to your Excellency his acknow- 
ledgments are particularly due : he is conscious how 
much he owes to your Excellency's attentions and ar- 
rangements ; and His Majesty gladly avails himself of 
this occasion of declaring the high sense which he enter- 
tains of the ability, temper, and firmness, with which your 


Excellency has uniformly administered the great trust 
which he has placed in your hands. 

I am further commanded to state, that the testimonies 
of dutiful and affectionate attachment which His Ma- 
jesty has received from all classes and descriptions of 
his Irish subjects, have made the deepest impression on 
his mind ; and that he looks forward to the period when 
he shall revisit them with the strongest feelings of satis- 
faction. His Majesty trusts that, in the mean time, not 
only the spirit of loyal union which now so generally 
exists will remain unabated and unimpaired, but that 
every cause of irritation will be avoided and discounte- 
nanced, mutual forbearance and good-will observed and 
encouraged, and security be thus afforded for the con- 
tinuance of that concord amongst themselves, which is 
not less essential to His Majesty's happiness than to 
their own ; and which it has been the chief object of 
His Majesty, during his residence in this country, to 
cherish and promote. 

His Majesty well knows the generosity and warmth 
of heart which distinguish the character of his faithful 
people of Ireland ; and he leaves them with a heart full 
of affection towards them, and with the confident and 
gratifying persuasion, that this parting admonition and 
injunction of their Sovereign will not be given in vain. 

I have the honour to be, 
With great truth and regard, my Lord, 
Your Excellency's most obedient 
And faithful Servant, 

His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant. 


No. XIV. 

Rules and Regulations of the Catholic Association of 
Ireland, commencing Saturday, 2th May, 1823. 

JOSEPH M'DoNNELL, Esq. in the Chair. 

The Committee appointed to prepare the draft of 
laws and regulations for the Association reported, where- 
upon the following resolutions were adopted : 

That the Catholic Association be formed to adopt all 
such legal and constitutional measures as may be most 
useful to obtain Catholic emancipation. 

That the Association is not a representative or dele- 
gated body ; and that it will not assume any representa- 
tive or delegated authority or quality. 

That such individuals as shall give in their names to 
the secretary, and pay an annual subscription of one 
pound two shillings and ninepence, be members of this 
Association ; and that same be payable each first day of 

That no motion shall be debated at any meeting of 
this Association without one week's previous notice. 

That all reporters for newspapers, &c. be at liberty to 
attend all the meetings of the Association. 

That the Secretary do call an extraordinary meeting 
of the Association w.henever required, by a requisition 
signed by at least twenty members. 

That the proceedings of the Association as well as 
notices of motions be entered in a book, always open 


for inspection and reference ; and that a book be also 
kept, containing as well the names as the address of each 
member, to be always open for inspection. 

That no member be allowed to speak twice in any 
discussion, except the mover of the original question, 
who shall have the right to reply ; such reply to close 
the debate. 

That during any discussion every member be seated, 
except the member addressing the chairman. 

That the object of the foregoing resolutions is to pre- 
vent as much as possible any debate or discussion, but 
what must be absolutely necessary to ascertain the sense 
of each meeting. 

That Saturday be the fixed day of meeting, subject 
to such adjournment as the Association may agree to. 

That at least ten members must be in attendance in 
order to constitute a meeting of this Association. 

That three o'clock in the afternoon be the fixed hour 
of all meetings ; and that so soon as ten members are in 
attendance after three o'clock, the chair shall be imme- 
diately taken. 

Treasurers and secretaries were appointed. 

JOSEPH M'DoNNELL, Chairman. 
N. PURCELL O'GoRMAN, Secretary. 


No. XV. 

Report on the Practicability of forming the New 
Catholic Association. Agreed to at the Aggregate 
Meeting held 13th July, 1825. 

Mr. O'Gormari here read the following Report of the 
Committee of twenty-one. Several of the passages 
were received with the most enthusiastic applause, but 
more particularly that part which unfolds " the plan of 

The committee appointed by a general ballot to con- 
sider, in pursuance of the resolution of the last aggre- 
gate meeting, " whether there can be framed, without 
any violation of the existing laws, a, permanent body to 
assist in the conducting or management of such portion 
of Catholic affairs as it may be by law permitted to have 
managed, without resorting to the too frequent holding 
of aggregate meetings, and in particular, without in 
any way infringing on a recent statute," have agreed to 
the following 


The Committee have endeavoured anxiously to fulfil 
the duty imposed upon them. They have been deeply 
impressed, on the one hand, with the conviction, that 
the cause of the Catholics must retrograde, and the 
calumnious imputations of their enemies increase in 
number, power, and effect, unless there be some perma- 
nent body watching over Catholic interests, and taking 
care to maintain and preserve the station the Catholics 
have already attained, while it is not permitted to pro- 


ceed further. And on the other hand, we were and are 
unalterably determined, not to suggest or advise any 
course which could with any degree of fair dealing or 
justice be deemed any, even the slightest, infringement 
on the law. We are determined to obey a statute which 
we cannot respect, and to set to our countrymen the 
example of a dutiful and ready submission to that which 
is law notwithstanding our conviction of the impolicy 
of its enactment. We have, in fact, lately received 
from our Protestant fellow-countrymen such support as 
requires our utmost gratitude, and such advice as com- 
mands our ready and respectful obedience. We allude 
'in particular to the advice of the illustrious noblemen 
lately assembled in London. They have recommended 
to the Catholics firmness, temperance, and union. We 
place full and cordial confidence in them and in their 
counsels, and we are resolved to merit their patronage 
and protection, by the alacrity with which we ourselves 
, submit at all times to the law of the land, and the zeal 
and activity which we shall ever display, to procure a 
similar submission from all classes of our country- 

With these impressions, we have come to the deter- 
mination to recommend to the Catholics of Ireland to 
conduct their affairs in future in strict obedience to the 
law, by managing, by means of a permanent association, 
such portion thereof as has no reference to obtaining 
relief or redress, or any alteration of the existing code 
but to reserve every thing that relates to petitioning for 
relief, or obtaining legal redress, or altering the existing 
code, to such separate or aggregate meetings of short 


duration as shall be in strict conformity with the recent 

We therefore beg leave to lay before the public the 
following plan of a New Catholic Association, and to 
express our unanimous and fixed conviction that it will 
not in any wise violate or infringe upon any law or 
statute whatsoever. 


1st. As it is desirable that the proposed New Ca- 
tholic Association should combine Irishmen of all reli- . 
gious persuasions, it is expressly declared, that no person 
professing any of the forms of religious faith, allowed 
or tolerated by law, shall be excluded therefrom ; but, 
on the contrary, Christians of all denominations are 
invited to become members thereof. 

2d. No member of the New Catholic Association 
shall be required to take any oath or make any declara- 
tion whatsoever. 

3d. To avoid the possibility of its being alleged, 
even by means of any perverse interpretation of the 
act of 6th Geo. I Vth, chap. 4th, that the New Catholic 
Association can come within the provisions thereof, it is 
expressly declared, that the New Catholic Association 
shall not assume, or in any manner or by any means or 
contrivance exercise, the power of acting, for the pur- 
pose or under the pretence of procuring the redress of 
grievances in church or state, or the alteration of any 
matters by law established in church or state ; or for 
the purpose, or under the pretence of carrying on, or 


assisting in, the prosecution or defence of causes civil 
or criminal. 

4th. That the New Catholic Association shall not 
be composed of different divisions or branches, or of 
different parts acting in any manner separate or distinct 
from each other ; and that there shall be no separate or 
distinct secretary, or delegate, or other officer elected 
or appointed by or for any particular part, or authorised 
to act for any particular part ; neither shall the New 
Catholic Association communicate or correspond ; neither 
shall its constitution contain any provision for commu- 
nication or correspondence with any other society, com- 
mittee, or body of persons ; neither shall it, in any 
respect, act in any manner inconsistently with the said 
statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th. 

5th. The New Catholic Association can and may be 
formed merely for the purposes of public and private 
charity, and such other purposes as are not prohibited 
by the said statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th. 

6th. The first purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, that of promoting public peace 
and tranquillity, as well as private harmony and con- 
cord, amongst all classes of his Majesty's subjects 
throughout Ireland. 

7th. The second purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, the encouragement and exten- 
sion of a liberal, enlightened, and religious system of 
education, founded on the basis of Christian charity and 
perfect fair dealing. 

8th. The third purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, that of ascertaining the number 

APPENDIX. xliii 

of the population of Ireland, and the relative propor- 
tions which the professors of the various Christian per- 
suasions bear the one to the other; and, in particular, 
to ascertain the number of children of each persuasion 
in a course of education. 

9th. The fourth purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, to devise the means of erecting 
suitable Catholic churches for the celebration of divine 
worship, and to procure and establish Catholic burial- 
grounds, wherein the Catholic dead may be interred, 
without being liable to any species of contumely or 

10th. The fifth purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, to promote all improvements in 
science and in Irish agriculture, to encourage the con- 
sumption of Irish manufactures and the extension of 
Irish commerce. 

llth. The sixth purpose of the New Catholic Asso- 
ciation is, and shall be, to encourage as much as possible 
a liberal and enlightened press, to circulate works cal- 
culated to promote just principles and mutual toleration 
and kindness, and to vindicate the principles of the 
Catholics against the unjust and slanderous attacks 
daily made upon them. 

12th. The seventh purpose of the New Catholic 
Association will be, to procure a detailed statement of 
the various charges made against the Catholics in the 
petitions presented to parliament during the recent 
sessions, arid to publish authentic refutations of such 
charges, in the places where they respectively ori- 


13th. That every person who shall think fit, on or 
before a day to be named, to pay the sum of one pound 
on his admission, shall be a member of the New Catho- 
lic Association ; and, after that day, each person paying 
one pound, and procuring one member to propose and 
another to second him, shall also be a member. 

The committee having thus stated affirmatively and 
negatively the limits within which the New Catholic 
Association can and ought to act, deem it their duty to 
call the attention of the Catholics in general to those 
provisions of the statute of the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th, 
which must restrain the sphere of the New Catholic 
Association, and render it necessary for the Catholics 
in general to seek for redress and relief, through the 
medium of other meetings, and by the intervention of 
other instruments. 

That most unconstitutional statute prohibits these two 

First, The sacred right of petitioning for the redress 
of real and substantial grievances in the only mode 
likely to be successful ; namely, by the intervention of 
a committee or association, of sufficient duration to 
be able to make useful, and in fact necessary arrange- 

Second, The right of such committee or association 
giving any pecuniary assistance to the poor and op- 
pressed, in order to enable them to punish by due 
course of law their oppressors : it being obvious that 
without money there can be little prospect of being 
able to take the measures necessary to obtain redress 
from any legal tribunal. 


Now, as the New Catholic Association cannot inter- 
fere in any way to procure redress from parliament or 
the courts of law ; and as the Catholics certainly suffer 
the cruellest oppressions, and the most unjust exclusions 
from the undoubted rights of British subjects, it is in- 
cumbent on them to adopt other means altogether un- 
connected with the New Association, of preparing and 
presenting petitions to parliament, and also for prevent- 
ing and punishing acts of individual oppression and of 
party insolence. 

The petitions to parliament must of course be alto- 
gether unconnected with the New Catholic Association, 
and must originate with and be conducted by general 
or aggregate meetings ; which, as the law now stands, 
may be continued by adjournment for fourteen days and 
no longer. 

It is obvious that it would be impossible to arrange 
all the petitions necessary to be presented to parliament 
in the ensuing sessions, in one space of fourteen days. 

It is advisable to have a petition presented from every 
parish in Ireland. 

The country should be therefore taken separately by 
counties. There can, in point of law, be fourteen days 
given to each county, separately and distinctly ; but the 
business of petitioning for each county must be con- 
ducted by general or aggregate meetings, unconnected 
with the New Catholic Association ; and such general 
or aggregate meetings can continue to sit for the peti- 
tions of each county during fourteen days, according to 
the provisions of the statute. 

Thus the New Catholic Association will have to 


attend to details in Catholic affairs, consistent with the 
duration of our present grievances, and with an ac- 
quiescence in our present sufferings. 

The separate or aggregate meetings must and will 
seek for the redress of grievances, and the alteration 
of those matters in church and state by which we are 

The committee further very earnestly recommend to 
the Irish people, to make the repeal of the said statute of 
the 6th Geo. IVth, chap. 4th, the first object of a petition 
to the legislature; and that such petition do state to 
the legislature the unconstitutional and oppressive na- 
ture of that statute, and expose to parliament the false- 
hood of the pretexts on which it was enacted. 

The committee further beg leave to suggest, that in 
the management of the further petitions of the Catholics 
of Ireland, care be taken to have our claims for relief 
brought before parliament, and kept free from any ex- 
traneous matter or any details on subjects of any other 
description, we being convinced that the simple and 
single object of obtaining unconditional and unqualified 
relief from our disabilities, should be solely attended to, 
as well by the Catholics themselves as by their friends 
in parliament. 

July llth, 1825. 

Gonville Ffrench, Chairman. 

Gormanston O'Conor Don 

Killeen Nicholas Mahon 

Edward Preston C. Macloghlin 

John Burke James John Bagott 


Daniel O'Connell Philip Fogarty 

Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman Michael Bellew 

William Murphy Stephen Coppinger 

Michael O'Brien George Bryan 

Richard Sheii Hugh O'Connor. 

The committee have further agreed to the following 
resolution : 

Resolved, that the committee of twenty-one gladly 
avail themselves of the present opportunity to return 
to Daniel O'Connell their marked thanks for the undi- 
minished zeal and talent with which he has prepared 
the plan of a report for the formation of a new associa- 

No. XVI. 

Dublin, Saturday, July 23. 

DOWELL O'REILLY, Esq. in the Chair. 

Mr. Conway was appointed Secretary to the meet- 

Mr. John Dillon presented the Report of the Com- 
mittee of twenty- one, and proceeded to read the docu- 
ment, of which the following is a copy : 


The committee appointed to report upon rules and 
regulations to govern the New Catholic Association do 
report as follows: 

xlviii APPENDIX. 

1st. That the Report of the Committee of twenty- 
one, agreed to at the late aggregate meeting, be in- 
serted on the minutes of this Association. 

2d. That in pursuance of the suggestions in the 
said report, we are a society formed and acting merely 
for the several purposes not prohibited by the 6th Geo. 
IVth, cap. 4th ; and that our proceedings be governed 
by the following rules and regulations : 

3rd. That such individuals as shall give in their 
names to the secretary on or before the first of Nov. 
next, and pay an annual subscription of one pound, be 
members of this Association ; and that after that day, 
each person paying one pound, and proposed by one 
member and seconded by another, shall also be a mem- 

4th. That a new subscription be payable on every 
first day of January in every year ; and that any gentle- 
man who shall be one month in arrear of his subscrip- 
tion, shall cease to be a member. 

5th. That no person (a gentleman of the press ex- 
cepted) shall be allowed to be present at any meeting 
of this Association, without having paid the sum of one 
pound, as above required. 

6th. That all gentlemen of the press be at liberty 
to attend the meetings of this Association, on leaving 
their names with the secretary and obtaining tickets. 

7th. That no motion shall be debated at any meet- 
ing of this Association without one week's previous 

8th. That be appointed joint Treasurers 

to the Association. 



9th. That a committee of twenty-one be appointed 
a committee of finance and accounts. 

10th. That the Secretary do call an extraordi- 
nary meeting of the Association whenever required 
by a requisition, signed by at least twenty mem- 

llth. That a Secretary and two honorary assistant 
Secretaries be appointed. 

12th. That every requisition for an extraordinary 
meeting, with the original signatures, be posted in 
the meeting room of the Association, and be entered 
in the book of proceedings, prior to the meeting con- 

13th. That the purpose of each extraordinary meet- 
ing be signified in the requisition, and in the notice 
calling such meeting. 

14th. That the rules and regulations be posted in 
the meeting room of the Association. 

15th. That no expense on account of the Association 
be incurred, without an order of the Association ex- 
pressive of the purpose ; and that no money be paid by 
the Treasurer, save on an order signed by the acting 
Secretary, and at least three members of the committee 
of accounts. 

16th. That the proceedings of the Association, as 
well as the notices of motions, be entered in a book 
always open for inspection and reference, and that a 
book be also kept, containing the name and the ad- 
dress of each member, to be always open for in- 

17th. That the chairman do not receive any motion 
VOL. ii. d 


or resolution, unless such motion or resolution be de- 
livered to him in writing. 

18th. That no member have a right to speak twice 
in any discussion, except the mover of the original 
question, who shall have the privilege to reply; such 
reply to close the debate. 

19th. That no second amendment (except a motion 
to adjourn) be received until the first amendment shall 
have been disposed of. 

20th. That Wednesday be the fixed day of meeting, 
subject to such adjournment as the Association may 
agree to. 

21st. That at least ten members must be in attend- 
ance, in order to constitute a meeting of the Associa- 

22d. That three o'clock in the afternoon be the fixed 
hour of all meetings, and that as soon as ten members 
are in attendance, after three o'clock, the chair shall be 
immediately taken. 

That the Catholic clergy of Ireland be members of 
this Association. 


No. XVII. 



Meeting at Ballinasloe Traces of the conquest Gene- 
ral agitation Connaught Meeting in a chapel 
Portrait of Shell Irish Catholicity Votes of 
thanks Summary influence of the Catholic priest- 
hood Census of Waterford. 

I assisted the 8th of October at the meeting at Bal- 
linasloe, and the following observations were written 
the day after : 

To Hell or Connaught. It is now more than one 
hundred years since Cromwell pronounced this dreadful 
denunciation, and it might be said, that it has ever 
since served as the rule of conduct which has animated 
and directed the measures of every constituted authority 
which has succeeded him. In Ireland as in France, 
after the invasion, as in England after the conquest, 
there were two nations, the conquerors, and the con- 
quered ; whom the progress of time would gradually 
have blended together, had not English policy ex- 
hausted every effort in keeping them perpetually asun- 

* This talented gentleman, accompanied by the Duke of Montebello 
and the Messrs. Thayer (French. Protestants), made a tour through the 
principal part of Ireland, shortly after the general election, 1826. The 
pamphlet from which this extract is translated was published on bis re- 
turn to Paris, and has since been most extensively circulated on the conti- 



der. It is thus that the soil of that unfortunate country 
still continues to bear two races essentially distinct the 
one which commands, the other which obeys ; the one 
which reposes, the other which labours ; the one which 
suffers, the other which enjoys. Except in some of the 
principal cities, in vain do you look for those inter- 
mediary classes, who are at once the strength and 
ornament of society. There is nothing between the 
master and the slave, between the cabin and the palace; 
there is nothing between all the luxuries of existence, 
and the last degree of human wretchedness ; nothing, 
in fine, between the Englishman and the Irishman, 
the Protestant and the Catholic (for to this every thing 
resolves itself at last) ; and what is the last perfection 
of the evil, these distinctions are not as elsewhere the 
natural result of an inequality in the human faculties, 
or in the rights of property, but the growth of a bad 
and feeble policy : the conquest created them ; oppres- 
sion has maintained them : and though, since the period 
of 1782, the Catholics have been permitted the right 
of acquiring land, yet forty years of imperfect toleration 
have not been sufficient altogether to efface the deeply- 
written traces of so long a period of political degrada- 
tion. Nine-tenths of the landed property belongs to 
the English, to the Protestants ; and the Catholics, who 
have acquired or accumulated property by patient and 
personal exertions, are mere upstarts, whom they have 
a right to despise. As to the peasantry, they may think 
themselves well treated, if they are allowed to rank 
with the beasts of the field. But listen to the reasoning 
of the most liberal of these landlords, on what he is 


pleased to terra, the insurrection and revolt of the forty- 
shilling freeholders.* He cannot conceive it possible 
that they should possess a will, an opinion, a conscience 
of their own. Of what consequence was it that Lord 
George Beresford was the declared enemy of the Ca- 
tholics ? He was their lord and their master, and it 
was their bounderi duty to return him to parliament. 
Besides, was it not for that express purpose he made 
them freeholders ? f To drive them on to acts of dis- 
obedience, every way so criminal, was to burst asunder 
all the bonds of society, to break through every natural 
relation, and bring back upon earth the confusion and 
anarchy of chaos once again. It would be quite as 
reasonable to counsel the horse to rebel against the 

Such is the reasoning to which I am compelled to 
listen almost every day ; and all the arguments employed 
by the colonists of Martinique and Guadaloupe, when 
their negroes are in question, I find them here in mouths 
which, at the other side of the channel, are loudest in 
their exclamations of No slave trade ! No slavery! There 
is, however, a right more sacred and important than any 
one of these, and of which no one has yet thought pro- 
per to deprive the Catholics of Ireland, and that is, the 
right of assembling and of discussing in public their own 

* It is well known, that in the last election many of the freeholders 
voted against their landlords. It was thus that Lord George Beresford 
lost the representation of the county of Waterford. 

t To constitute a freeholder in Ireland, it is sufficient to possess a life- 
interest of 40s. per annum ; and this interest an acre, or half nn acre is 
sufficient to confer. Hence the custom of planting freeholders, like trees, 
upon a property. 


affairs. Thus what the 80,000 electors of France, the 
aristocracy of the country, would not think of attempt- 
ing, here an oppressed caste actually effect, without 
the slightest fear or impediment whatsoever. Convened 
every day by the call of a free press, they are in motion 
at this moment over the surface of the entire country. 
There is not a county, nor a city, nor a borough, nor a 
parish, where there are not meetings, to address peti- 
tions to the new parliament, to pass votes of thanks 
to the forty-shilling freeholders, and what is still 
more to the purpose, to offer assistance and support to 
those very men whom their masters have, in consequence 
of their late conduct, unmercifully ejected from their 
holdings. O'Connell and Sheil fly from province to pro- 
vince, from meeting to meeting. Every where they 
are received with enthusiasm : every where their elo- 
quent declamations rouse in the souls of the old Mile- 
sians the stern sense of their strength and their degra- 
dation. To enforce obedience, they require neither 
gens d'armes nor soldiers. A word of theirs is of more 
power than twenty decrees of the Lord Lieutenant ; and 
the delegates of old England are compelled to tremble 
before two lawyers! Admirable fruit of this wise system 
of policy ! Brilliant result of an administration which 
pretends to govern with the edge of the sword, and 
convert by the scourge of the law ! 

On the boundaries of Connaught, in the small town of 
Ballinasloe, there is held annually a fair, where 120,000 
sheep and 40,000 horned cattle are brought to market. 
There the farmer of Connaught comes to sell, and the 
farmer of Leinster to buy ; there, from the most distant 


parts a crowd is assembled, as if for the holding of a ge- 
neral congress. The Catholics could not possibly choose a 
better season ; nor a better theatre. If the ancient Eryn 
exists still in any part of the country, it is to be found in 
Connaught. Situated in the jnost remote part of Ire- 
land, the last subdued, and at different periods assigned 
as a prison to the conquered population, this province, 
more than any other, has preserved its ancient religion, 
and even its ancient language. There, at an earlier 
period than in any other part of Ireland, was gradually 
formed a class of independent gentry* whose belief and 
interests were strictly identified with those of the ma- 
jority of the people. It is this gentry in particular 
who feel themselves aggrieved by the operation of the 
penal laws ; and it was this class which yesterday were 
assembled in crowds at the meeting of Ballinasloe. 
Emancipation full, total, and unconditional emancipa- 
tion, such is at present the unanimous cry of six mil- 
lions of men. One would be inclined to say, that this 
single word contained within itself the panacea for all 
the sufferings of Ireland. For the Catholic proprietor, 
it signifies a place in parliament ; for the lawyer, a silk 
gown ; f for the poor, bread. In the midst of this 
fever of hope, the wise statesman well knows, that the 
effects of so many ages of oppression are not to be got 
rid of in a day ; but he also knows, that without eman- 

* The appellation of the country proprietors. 

t The silk gown gives the barrister on whom the king thinks proper to 
confer such a distinction very many important privileges ; for instance, 
that of being entitled to bring forward the cause in which he is engaged 
before any other counsel employed. 



cipation nothing can be done ; and he gives all his sup- 
port to every exertion which is calculated to obtain it. 
We are no longer in the times of helotism ; and to exist 
in peace, on the same soil, it is necessary that all should 
be in the full enjoyment of the same rights. In France, 
a child is capable of understanding this ; but in this 
country of England, in other particulars so enlightened, 
there are men who still continue to deny it. For the 
honour of their intellect, let us hope they are not sin- 
cere ; for the honour of their sincerity, let us hope . . . : 
but on them must depend the choice. 

An old chapel, without any ornament, white-washed, 
and half in ruins ; before the altar a platform, rudely 
constructed ; on the left, a gallery for the men ; another 
for the women on the right; on the platform, about 
two hundred country gentlemen, in a sort of morning 
dress, which is not without its pretension ; and in every 
other part of the chapel, a peasant population, of a 
savage aspect, and a picturesque costume : such was 
the singular spectacle which was first presented to me 
at the great meeting of Ballinasloe. After having 
called, as is customary, the most distinguished indi- 
vidual present to the chair, and chosen the most intelli- 
gent for secretary, the proceedings were opened; the 
most profound silence prevailed on all sides ; and a 
series of resolutions, prepared the day before, were 
successively submitted to the opinion of the assembly. 
The recollections which I had of the country gentlemen 
of Lancashire gave me some reason to apprehend the 
eloquence of the country gentlemen of Connaught ; yet 
almost all of them expressed themselves with the utmost 


warmth and facility. Whilst one of these speakers was 
engaged in deploring the long- continued perfidy of 
England, and recalling to the recollection of his auditors 
the menacing example of America, thunders of applause 
burst forth on a sudden from every quarter : every hat 
was waved over the head ; and a piercing cry, the ex- 
pression of joy amongst the Irish, shook the chapel to 
its very roof. It was Mr. Shell, who had just appeared 
on the platform, and whose unexpected presence at 
the meeting produced this electric effect. Were I com- 
missioned to take down the signalement of Mr. Sheil, 
this would be very nearly the result. Five feet ; eyes, 
quick and piercing; complexion, pale; chin, pointed; 
hair, dark : and in adding, mouth, middle-sized, I 
flatter myself I should have given a description not to 
be excelled in exactness at the bureau des passe-portes. 
But this is the portrait of the gentleman; that of the 
orator is widely diverse. When you behold that little 
gascon figure in repose, it is impossible to suspect to 
what changes passion is capable of converting it. There 
is in Sheil something of Juvenal, of Pindar, and of 
Mirabeau. His satire is shrewd and biting; his poetry 
dazzles ; his enthusiasm carries you away. When he 
flings forth his sarcasm, a bitter smile contracts his lips; 
when he threatens, his eyes dart forth lightnings ; when 
he is under the dominion of poetical inspiration, they 
take an expression altogether sublime. His voice is 
meagre, harsh, and shrill ; but a profound emotion seems 
to regulate its vibrations. His gesture is quick, abrupt, 
and rather disorderly ; but it is always in perfect accord 
with such sentiments as he has to express. Sheil pos- 


sesses, in an eminent degree, the surprising faculty of 
exerting himself to the very verge of delirium, without 
once losing his complete self-possession. I was at his 
side whilst speaking ; and more than once I saw all his 
limbs tremble beneath him : a moment after he resumed 
the discussion, with not less composure than ingenuity. 
Like the English, whom in other particulars he so little 
resembles, Sheil is too fond of quotations. Certain pas- 
sages in bad taste, it may also be observed, occasionally 
disfigure the best of his speeches ; and in general it has 
been remarked, that in both elocution and diction, there 
is something too much of the theatre about him. These 
reproaches have some appearance of being well founded ; 
and more than once, indeed, I imagined I had the figure 
of Kean actually before me ; but then I must also add 
that Kean is a very admirable actor. In a word, I was 
seduced ; I was dazzled ; and together with me the 
whole assembly. During an entire hour, one single 
soul, that of the orator, seemed to animate this living 
mass ; and from time to time you would have said, that 
an electric shock completely convulsed them. I never 
before assisted at so absolute a triumph. 

Before Mr. Sheil, several orators had been heard with 
applause ; after him, it would appear there was nothing 
more to be done than to remain silent. A young gen- 
tleman, however, of the neighbourhood, Mr. M'Dermott, 
still found means to keep up the attention of the meet- 
ing. What will the Bishop of Hermopolis say to the 
following propositions ? 

1. The state should have no established religion. 
It should preserve its neutrality between them all. 


2. Salvation is possible in all religions, provided you 
believe honestly and sincerely the religion you profess 
to be the best. 

3. To attempt seizing on public education, with a 
view of converting it into a monopoly for any particular 
class or sect, is to disturb in a direct manner the order 
of society. 

4- The spirit of proselytism is deserving of censure. 
Each creed or sect ought to remain quiet within its 
respective limits. 

5. To keep the clergy virtuous, it is requisite to 
keep them poor. Make them rich, and you corrupt 

These certainly are very abominable maxims, prin- 
ciples the most injurious and atheistical : philosophism 
has produced nothing more pernicious. Yet such are 
the very principles which the Catholics preach from 
Dublin to Gal way, and from Derry to Bantry Bav ; 
and as Catholicity is essentially one, I have good rea- 
son to presume, that until this moment we have been 
altogether ignorant of its doctrines. But this is not 
all ; you may here laugh as much as you think proper 
at the Bible, provided you do so in attacking the Bible 
societies. Mr. Sheil has done so, more than once, and 
he is not less a favourite of the clergy in consequence. 
Voltaire himself, with this trifling precaution, would have 
soon become their protege. They read in the meeting 
of yesterday a letter quite full of that mystical jargon, 
so much applauded in our modern seminaries. There 
was nothing but pious sighs, fervent acts of contrition, 
devout aspirations to Heaven, the whole seasoned with 


comparisons, and figures, and tropes, borrowed from 
Holy Writ. At Paris, it would have been quoted as 
the sublime effusion of a tender and religious spirit ; 
but as it was written by a minister of the established 
church, it was laughed at, at Ballinasloe, as an absolute 
model of hypocrisy and folly. In fine, Catholicity and 
Protestantism in this country seem altogether to have 
changed sides ; the latter is dogmatical and intolerant, 
the former has suddenly become almost philosophical. 
Now this is an incarnation more extraordinary than all 
the incarnations of Vishnou ; and hence it is, that it is 
not every one who is willing to give credit to the fact. 
Whatever may be the case, T should like to know how 
the Etoile will translate the following phrase of Mr. 
M'Dermott: "They talk to us without ceasing of 
Protestant ascendancy. This word ascendancy in a 
free state is what I cannot comprehend and applied 
to Catholicity, I should feel as much horror of it, as I 
do at this moment when applied to Protestantism." 

As no one was empowered to close the proceedings 
of the assembly, towards the end of the day we were 
obliged to endure the eloquence of four or five orators 
of the most interminable modesty. Each commenced 
his discourse by announcing that he would not abuse 
our patience, and each spoke for a full hour, lengthening 
their speeches by the frequent repetition of their inten- 
tion to confine themselves within the limits of a few 
words. Three amongst them were called princes, for 
there are very few Irishmen who are not descended 
from two or three kings at the very least. Unfor- 
tunately, however, it was very easily perceived that 



their Highnesses had not yet provided themselves with 
ministers qualified to prepare their speeches for the 
public. After this came the votes of thanks, which, as 
a matter of course, called for a return from those who 
had already been thus honoured. Language was inade- 
quate to express their feelings, a circumstance which 
did not prevent them however from expressing them 
at great length. The forty-shilling freeholders were 
then thanked, and the orators, and the secretary, and 
the newspaper editors, and Lord Wellesley, and Mr. 
O'Connell, and the spectators, and for aught I know, 
the carpenter who was employed to erect the platform. 
At last came the turn of the chairman, and he was 
thanked with all the rest, for the very impartial and 
dignified manner with which he repeated about fifty 
times, " As many as are of opinion that the resolution 
should pass, will say * Aye ;' as many as are of the 
contrary opinion, will say 'No.'" It was now about 
seven o'clock, and thirty resolutions and a petition had 
been unanimously adopted. The Catholics of Con- 
naught in quitting the chapel, sate down to a table, 
where, from health to health, and from speech to speech, 
the boldest amongst them continued till about four 
o'clock in the morning. During all this time the port 
wine did not for an instant cease to circulate, or the 
punch to flow. What pains one must take to obtain 
common justice ! 

A meeting cannot be supposed to be as dramatic as 
the day of an election. It is what a review may be 
imagined to be compared to a battle : but a review may 
at times give expressive evidence of many an important 


particular. In the temple of a persecuted religion I 
saw assembled an immense multitude. I saw them 
shudder at the recital of their sufferings, burst forth 
at the mention of their oppressors, exult at the name 
of America and freedom. Under the control of their 
priests and orators, united, compact, firm, I saw them 
ready to rush on to the very first appeal which should 
call them forward. Has England then forgotten Boston? 
There is a lofty principle in human nature, which revolts 
against every species of constraint ; and far from en- 
feebling by time, two centuries of unremitting persecu- 
tion have only more and more contributed to render 
Catholicism national in Ireland. It may be a mis- 
fortune, but it is riot less a fact, and it is a lesson which 
the history of all nations ought to have taught England 
already. The Irish peasantry have been reproached 
with being the slaves of their priesthood who made 
them such ? Enter their miserable cabin of mud, with- 
out a chimney, without a bed, without furniture of any 
kind, and behold the numerous family, who, laid pell- 
mell on the earth, have not even a mattress to lie on, or 
a blanket to cover their nakedness. With how many 
enemies, how many oppressors, is the inmate surrounded? 
There are, first, the middlemen, intermediary farmers, 
tyrants of the second order, made use of by the absentee 
proprietors to extort from the poor cultivator an ex- 
orbitant rent. Then comes the Protestant parson, with 
menaces and maledictions in his mouth, to extract his 
share also, from a subsistence scarcely sufficient for the 
bare wants of human nature. Of ten potatoes, one 
belongs to him to him, who, minister of a hostile reli- 


gion, knows only how to curse and insult, whom it is his 
duty and profession to aid and bless. Nor is this 
all. It is found necessary to build a new church or to 
repair the old. A meeting of Protestants is imme- 
diately convened a tax, the church-rate, is passed, and 
this tax is instantly assessed on the miserable Catholic. 
Should he refuse to pay, or be unprovided with the 
means, his pig- is immediately seized, and his ruin con- 
summated without delay. In the midst of this organised 
system of plunder, this legal vampirism, the gentry in 
their turn come forward to claim their portion of the 
spoil. Assembled in grand juries, they pass present- 
ments for roads, calculated only to improve the ap- 
proaches to their own residences ; and new tax-gatherers 
go through the cabins, where they are met by others 
appointed by the state. In this wretched situation 
appears a man who, clothed with a sacred character, 
brings with him wherever he goes the balms of a kindly 
consolation. He speaks in the name of God he pro- 
mises another and a better world he points beyond 
the tomb to a state of happiness without change or alloy, 
as the price and recompence of so much human endu- 
rance and resignation. How is it possible that such a 
man should not be listened to? This man moreover 
is not a stranger : he is a brother he is a friend. Born 
in the cabin himself, he is deeply, he is painfully alive 
to all its privations : he is, farther, poor he is Irish 
he is oppressed ; and human sympathy adds a new 
force and sanction to the divine word. Once more I 
ask, how is it possible that such a man should not be 
listened to? 



Let no one then be surprised at the progress of 
Catholicity in Ireland. To renounce it, is not only to 
change religion : it is to change country ; the same word, 
Sassenach, designates at once the Englishman and the 
Protestant. At the meeting of Ballinasloe Mr. Sheil 
read an extract from a census which has lately been 
completed in the county of Waterford. There are 
10,000 Protestants, and 230,000 Catholics. Such fi- 
gures are more eloquent than all the reasoning in the 
world. Yet such is the feeble minority who pretend 
to retain for themselves exclusively all power. Such 
is the faction who, by unjust enactments, irritating 
speeches, by public processions, oppress, and brave at 
the same time, an entire nation. 

This is a state of things which cannot possibly endure : 
it must terminate some way or other, either by a legis- 
lative enactment or by open violence ; and, to adopt 
the words of an enlightened statesman, " The degrada- 
tion of the Catholics in England is a crime : in Ireland 
it is more, it is a crime and an error." 


Alarm of the Orangemen Speech of the Due de Mon- 
tebello English magnanimity Egotism of the Ca- 
tholicsThe Association Portrait of O'Connell, 
Lawless, Wyse, jEneas M'Donnell Speech of O 1 Con- 
nell Power of the Association Orange blunder. 

A little smoke on the side of Mount Vesuvius is 
sufficient to alarm the inhabitant of Portici; and the 


Irish Orangeman thinks himself exposed to certaiu 
destruction the moment he hears murmurs of tolera- 
tion, liberty, and above all, of revolution. At these 
dreadful words, though pronounced by chance, his frame 
becomes agitated, his countenance disturbed, and the 
disorder of his whole person betrays the secret of his 
weakness. The following is a recent example. One 
of our countrymen, the Due de Montebello, assisted at 
the meeting of Ballinasloe. Flattered at having a peer 
of France the witness of their energetic reclamations 
to the legislature, the Catholics of Connaught honoured 
him with a vote of thanks, to which he replied by the 
expression of every wish for the success of their cause. 
This is a circumstance of almost daily occurrence in 
England. In Ireland, however, the case is different; 
simple as it was, it was instantly converted into a mat- 
ter of state. The Catholics rejoiced at it as at an object 
of the first importance, and the government was suffi- 
ciently absurd to evince indications of alarm. More 
than one meeting of the privy council was held in Dub- 
lin to deliberate on the dangers which might be appre- 
hended by their party. Protestant meetings took place, 
where the speakers held forth in great detail on treason, 
imprisonment, and even on the scaffold. In the interval 
the papers were not backward. One denounced to the 
public execration, " the son of one of the chiefs of that 
sanguinary horde, whom France, in the days of her 
Atheism, had vomited forth upon the rest of Europe ;" 
another converted him into " the emissary of the Jesuits 
at Rome ;" and a third called for the peremptory execu- 
tion of the Alien Bill, forgetting that its provisions had 
VOL. II. e 


long since expired. The grave "Connor" discovered 
in the speech of the Due de Montebello " the cloven 
foot of foreign invasion;" and the " John Bull," with 
a delicacy peculiarly aristocratic, reproached him with 
not having a rental of 8,000/. a year, thus calling in 
the aid of one prejudice against another. All, in fine, 
dreamt that Ireland was in flames; and the " Times" 
itself, the wise and sagacious Times, sent his Grace to 
conspire with Mr. Sheil against the Protestant religion 
and the House of Hanover. In the midst of this power- 
ful empire of Great Britain were already exhibited all 
those paltry little fears, all those miserable suspicions, 
all those disgraceful agonies of apprehension, which are 
worthy only of the Lombard- Austrian government 
just punishment of intolerance and persecution ! It is 
already for the oppressed a beginning of vengeance. 

Yet, after all, what was this extraordinary speech, at 
once Jesuitical and seditious, diplomatic and incendiary, 
which shook to its centre the British empire, and forced 
to tremble on its base, the glorious, pious, and immortal 
statue of the great and good King William ? I will give 
you the original. 

" Were I an Irishman, I should endeavour to render 
myself deserving of the honour which you have just 
conferred upon me, by making every exertion in my 
power for the support and advancement of your cause. 
But, stranger as I am, what can I offer beyond the sim- 
ple expression of my most ardent wishes for your wel- 
fare and deliverance ? It is a consoling thing to meet 
with men amongst whom the words of justice and tolera- 
tion are not yet become mere empty sounds. Of suck 


men there are many in France. And how is it possible 
we should be insensible to your sufferings we who, de- 
livered within a few years from our bondage, have not 
yet forgotten the period when we yet struggled for our 
delivery ? We have at last conquered our civil and re- 
ligious liberties ; we have conquered them, by that glo- 
rious revolution, so little understood by those whose eyes 
are only open to its excesses ; arid though Catholics, for 
the greater part, if to-morrow Protestantism were at- 
tacked in any of its rights or privileges, to-morrow also 
would we rise up against the encroachments of Catholi- 
cism, with the same spirit and energy with which you 
rise up to-day against those of the church established. 
Permit me then to wish you, in the name of liberal 
France, a speedy and total emancipation. By perse- 
verance in your present efforts you cannot fail to obtain 
it, and I cannot suppose that the admirable constitution 
of England will for ever allow itself to be dishonoured 
by the political helotism of six millions of subjects." 

Such sentiments contain nothing but what is noble 
and generous. Expressed in the North of England, 
they would have been passed over as perfectly harmless, 
the Courier would have said nothing, and they would 
have been eulogised by the Times ; but they were pro- 
nounced and eulogised in Ireland, and the moment that 
Ireland is in question, the English altogether lose their 
heads. Even when it becomes the subject of conversa- 
tion amongst the more enlightened, they always speak 
of it in the pride of a conqueror in the naivete and 
frankness of a master who goes back to the times of the 
Henrys and the Cromwells. In their eyes the claims 



in question are not rights, but boons and favours. They 
are high and puissant lords, feudal Suzerains, who gra- 
ciously condescend to emancipate their serfs. It is 
really amusing to witness the tone of lofty indignation, 
with which they exclaim against whatever has the ap- 
pearance of demand. " Pray," cry they, "beg but do 
not threaten. Pray ! we are Englishmen, and full of 
magnanimity ! See with what courtesy we treat the ad- 
dresses of your brethren in England. It is true, indeed, 
that no portion of their petitions has yet been granted, 
whilst your insurrections appear to have procured for 
you some important rights ; but if our gracious conde- 
scension has singled you out as the especial object of 
our favour, during the war in America, and the French 
revolution, and your own rebellion, be assured that 
chance, mere chance was the cause of this remarkable 
coincidence. With regard to the Catholics of England, 
we delay our favours, with a view only of rendering 
them more conspicuous. Pray, therefore, entreat, suppli- 
cate, and in due time why, in due time, we shall see." 
In the opinion of others, the Catholics are too numerous 
to be emancipated without the most imminent danger to 
the state. Instead of being seven to one as they now 
are, if they were only one to seven, the case would be 
entirely altered. In England, on the contrary, the op- 
posite argument is put forward. The Papists there 
form a feeble minority, and it is universally admitted 
that in every instance the minority should bow to the 
majority. Read over in addition to all this, the evi- 
dence taken in 1825 by the House of Commons. You 
will there find in several places that it is perfectly false, 



that the question of emancipation agitates the country ; 
" for, if the Catholic priests and gentry were only willing, 
they might without the least difficulty blot out all recol- 
lection or anxiety for the measure from the minds of the 
people." Unfortunately, however, neither priests nor 
gentlemen are quite so complaisant. Instead of nobly 
eulogising the staff which strikes them, they have such 
little generosity in their composition as to declare that 
they are deeply sensible of its inflictions, and go so far 
as to exhibit to the public the very marks of the blows 
they have received. What incredible egotism ! and how 
well such men deserve the innumerable contumelies which 
the English press continually heaps upon them ! Their 
conduct recalls that animal of which a traveller has thus 
concluded the description : " He is so furious, that he 
will defend himself if you attempt to kill him." 

At the head of these disloyal subjects, these criminal 
agitators, stands the Catholic Association, a numerous 
and powerful body, where all the friends of religious 
liberty are invited to take their seats. Its history is 
singular enough. Founded about five years ago, it had 
already acquired a formidable portion of political power, 
when last session parliament decided upon its suppres- 
sion. It was alleged to be an imperium in imperio. 
Accordingly, Mr. Canning and Mr. Peel, Lord Eldon 
and Mr. Plunkett, entered into a coalition against it ; 
and a bill, in fifteen long paragraphs, decreed its disso- 
lution. Six months afterwards it reappeared. If the 
act of parliament annihilates it as a political association, 
what prevents it from reviving as an association for the 
promotion of education! A clause in the bill formally 


prohibits them from levying money for the purpose of 
carrying on judicial proceedings; but a subscription to 
assist the poor cannot be considered as a violation of the 
law. In a word, if they cannot assemble for more than 
fourteen days in continuation, for the purpose of discuss- 
ing and voting petitions to parliament, they can dis- 
solve the meeting at the precise termination of these 
fourteen days, and the next week convene another. 
Of all these means to defeat the provisions of the bill, 
not one has been neglected ; and the profound wisdom 
of parliament has produced no other result than the 
revival of the old Association ; so difficult is it in England 
to attack the right of meeting and petition : a sacred 
right ; an imprescriptible right ; the best pledge and 
substitute for so many others. France has yet some 
lessons to take from her neighbours. 

The Association holds its meetings in an oblong hall, 
surrounded with benches, and arranged nearly in the 
same manner as the House of Commons. The first time 
I entered it, I saw on his legs a man of about fifty 
years of age ; who, with his hand in his bosom, seemed 
throwing Out his opinion in a negligent manner to about 
three hundred persons, who were listening with the 
greatest attention around him. This man was O'Connell, 
the glory of Kerry and the pride of Munster. In his 
person he is tall ; his appearance is imposing ; his 
countenance full of frankness and keenness, though 
somewhat bordering on the vulgar ; and when he speaks, 
his physiognomy, as changeable as his imagination, 
expresses, in two minutes, twenty different passions. 
There is no sort of study either in his gesture or Ian- 


guage. With him, one feels one's thoughts gradually 
spring upward, and develop of themselves ; they seem 
to take, as he proceeds, if I may use the expression, the 
clothing of a tangible and visible form ; and words, 
gesture, accent, all are produced at once, and by a 
single and simple effort of the will. If he threatens, 
his entire figure seems ready to follow the defiance, 
which he hurls against the power of England ; if he 
indulges in a trait of humour, before it is yet upon his 
lips an expansive gaiety already radiates from all his 
features. I know of no living orator who communicates 
so thoroughly to his audience the idea of the most pro- 
found and absolute conviction. Between his eloquence 
and that of Shell's there is not less difference than be- 
tween their persons. The first, more classic, is all cal- 
culation ; the second, more popular, is inspired. 

Sheil is a dramatic author. To him, a speech is a 
piece got up for mere display, meditated and prepared 
for many days before, and at length sent forth to the 
admiration of the public, much in the same way as if it 
were a tragedy. To O'Connell it is a conversation, 
sublime or familiar, according to the exigencies or feel- 
ings of the day. In preparing himself beforehand, the 
former can rouse the souls of his auditors without in 
any degree travelling beyond mere generalities. The 
latter requires some peculiar circumstance to impel him 
forward ; some local or momentary interest to excite 
him. Sheil, in fine, is the brilliant man, the show man; 
O'Connell, the man of business of the Association. 
Though a lawyer in the first business in Dublin, he is 
always the first and the last at these meetings; he runs 



thither on quitting the Four Courts ; and if by chance 
he be delayed upon the way, no one thinks of taking 
his place. It is he who brings forward all motions, 
who directs the discussion, and who carries every ques- 
tion which he thinks proper to propose. When he 
rises, there is an immediate silence upon all sides ; when 
he sits down, and has ceased speaking, the room re- 
sounds with peals of applause ; and when he retires, 
the Association seems to retire also. What modesty, in 
the nature of things, could continue proof against the 
influence of such a situation ? 

O'Connell's has completely yielded to the temptation; 
and where his enemies can discover little more than a 
factious ambition, there is nothing after all but a little 
vanity. Popularity, an inordinate love of popularity, 
is his ruling passion: he is its absolute slave: if he 
were to lose it, he would instantly die. With the ex- 
ception of an ardent attachment to his country, I do 
not think him in other particulars a man of very steady 
principles. He praises in the same breath Bolivar and 
the Holy Alliance, Napoleon and the Bishop of Her- 
mopolis. James II. to-day appears to him a god, to- 
morrow a tyrant. He thunders against the Biblical 
societies, and raises to the skies the missionaries of 
France : he declares himself the champion of the sove- 
reignty of the people ; and, at the same time, of divine 
right. In a word, as has been justly observed, there 
are in him eight or nine different men, who are not 
always of the same opinion, but who combine together 
to curse the oppression of the penal laws, and to detest 
the oppressors of Ireland. The secret and real leaning, 


however, of O'Connell's mind, I believe to be towards 
the ancient monarchy, with all its titles, and orders, 
and gewgaws of every description. When, in 18*21, 
George IV. came to Dublin, the Irish patriot was a 
faithful dancer of attendance in the ante-chamber of the 
monarch ; and that green riband, which, as chief of 
the order of the liberators, he continues to wear about 
his neck, notwithstanding the raillery of the entire 
country, is a sufficient evidence of the same weakness. 
Under certain points of view, O'Connell may be consi- 
dered the Chateaubriand of Ireland. Like that great 
writer, he appears intoxicated with his own phrases. 
From constantly descanting on religion, he has at last 
become religious himself. In all his speeches you find 
traces of the man of the good old times. What always 
proves the subject of the greatest excitation, is the 
Emerald Isle, with its gothic towers, and still more 
gothic recollections. He weeps at the names of the 
great Dublachtah, Flabhertah, Bryan Boromhe, mag- 
nanimous Princes, who, before the invasion of the 
English, constituted the happiness and glory of Ireland ; 
and in our modern times, the only person who enjoys 
the privilege of affecting him, is the Catholic priest. 
Between such ideas and ours there is little or no coin- 
cidence ; and yet, notwithstanding all this, I defy any 
man to hear O'Connell without experiencing the most 
profound emotion. Such is the astonishing power of 
an eloquence proceeding from the sources of true feel- 
ing. For some minutes it bears you away from yourself. 
There is not in the ideas of O'Connell so much order 
as abundance ; one would imagine that in their exer- 


tion to escape, and the disorder produced by this interior 
combat, he had not the power of mastering them. They 
are young recruits, as yet ill disciplined ; but in return, 
what courage, what vigour, what impetuosity ! Known 
personally to the Irish peasantry, and living with them 
a great portion of the year, he has something about him 
of their manners, their language, and even of their 
accent. You should see him with his cravat loose, and 
waistcoat unbuttoned, in a chapel in Munster. He 
boasts of the beauty of Ireland, the delights of her 
vallies, the loveliness of her hills, and above all, of the 
incontestable superiority of her inhabitants above those 
of every other quarter of the globe : and if, by chance, 
he should in the slightest degree touch on " the children 
of your bosom" or " the ivives of your affection" you 
instantly see tears of joy sparkle in every eye. He 
does not, however, pretend to know any thing beyond 
Ireland. He lends an eloquent voice to the sentiments, 
the passions, and even to the prejudices, of six millions 
of men. That is all. Hence his extreme popularity; 
bence, also, his numerous contradictions and inconsis- 
tencies. But his contradictions, if I may so speak, are 
national; his inconsistencies patriotic. Of what conse- 
quence is it to the people that he does not say the same 
things to them to-day that he did yesterday, provided 
that they always hear what pleases them most? What 
the people want is emancipation : to obtain it he would 
go from heaven to hell : he would become a tory or a 
radical, a loyalist or a rebel, without a suspicion for 
a moment that he had been changing sides. O'Connell 
is of the people. He is a glass in which Ireland may 


see herself completely reflected ; or, rather, he is Ire- 
land himself. He has been compared to an inspired 
peasant. It may be so, but that peasant, if he wished 
it, might have a million of others at his back. 

I intended to have spoken of the Association, and I 
have spoken only of O'Connell. There is some reason 
for this ; it is because it lives in this extraordinary man 
altogether, and entire. Let us, however, cast a coup 
&wil on a few others of its members. There is Jack 
Lawless at the end of the table. Friend of Cobbett, 
and head of the opposition, he always rises immediately 
after O'Connell, and seldom without attacking him. 
He is about fifty ; and his countenance recalls that of 
the actor Lepeintre, though characterised by a greater 
degree of energy, and by features much more marked 
and decided. In his snarling and cavilling humour, he 
strikes without discernment, but sometimes he strikes 
home ; and his bluntness and frankness have acquired 
him partisans. He is the greatest opponent of the 
glory of Kerry. At the side of Sheil I see Mr. 
Wyse, a man of esprit, good sense, and talent. For 
the loftiness of his views, the extent of his infor- 
mation, and the justice of his conceptions, he is far 
above all those who surround him; and one day, 
perhaps, his popularity will suffer in consequence. 
Near him is a person of a very different description, 
Mr. JEneas M'Donnell, agent of the Catholics in Lon- 
don. With what transport is he applauded when he 
asserts that the Catholic religion has never persecuted ! 
Gifted with a Herculean constitution, and lungs of iron, 
he has moreover declared himself the avowed enemy of 


the Biblicals. He pursues them from county to county ; 
harasses them from meeting to meeting ; and compels 
them, in their own despite, to listen. At Ballinasloe, 
he spoke for eighteen hours in three days ; and had he 
not been interrupted by the police, it is not unlikely he 
would have continued speaking to this very hour. He 
it was whom I heard exclaim on one occasion : "They 
accuse Catholicity of being contrary to liberty. Con- 
trary to liberty ! the religion of Montesquieu, of Bos- 
suet, of Richelieu, contrary to liberty ! What an atro- 
cious calumny !" You will not find such passages in the 
speeches of Mr. Wyse. 

Having thus made myself acquainted with the orators, 
I was now prepared to follow the course of the discus- 
sion. But of what interest to us are the quarrels of 
Mr. Brie, or of Mr. Lawless ; the invective or eulogy 
lavished on Lord Wellesley ; the augmentation or dimi- 
nution of the salary of Mr. M'Donnell ? The Catholics 
lose too often a great deal too much of their time in 
these idle discussions, and the frequency of their meet- 
ings is the real cause. By repeating day after day the 
same things, men at last cease to feel them ; and I am 
quite sure that O'Connell, from so constantly declaim- 
ing on the miseries of Ireland, is no longer susceptible 
of the same high excitement which he felt some two or 
three years ago. He rises to speak for the fourth time 
to-day. His speech is an absolute manifesto against 
England ; an open declaration of war against the parlia- 
ment of the united kingdoms. " In vain," cries he, 
" they enact their laws against us: these laws we will 
brave ; and the Catholics of Ireland will never cease 


their meetings until emancipation shall be fully granted 
them. We petitioned last year with the greatest humi- 
lity for the restoration of our rights, the British senate ; 
the British senate refused our prayer : this year we call 
for emancipation ; full, total, entire, without condition 
or qualification whatsoever. We no longer supplicate : 
we demand. We are told that such are not the means 
by which we are to succeed ; and I answer, such are the 
means ; and there are no others. In the hour of pros- 
perity England has constantly rejected with scorn our 
most dutiful supplications ; in the hour of adversity only 
has she deigned to listen to our prayer. Let us hope, 
then ; for she suffers : let us hope ; for bankruptcy is 
at her door : let us hope ; for she is humbled." When 
slaves can express themselves thus, there are yet grounds 
for hope. 

The Association is violently attacked, and at times 
with justice. Open to the whole world, existing only 
on the passions of the country, recruited from the bosom 
of a population for centuries in bondage, it cannot but 
contain within itself a large portion of ignorance, fickle- 
ness, and dishonesty. The leaders themselves are con- 
fined within too narrow a circle ; you would almost say 
their ideas cannot extend beyond the limits of Ireland. 
Beyond it, they see nothing, they understand nothing ; 
and instead of boldly associating themselves and their 
cause with all that is liberal in Europe, it too frequently 
happens that they speak exclusively as Catholics ; and 
as Catholics, exclusively consider themselves aggrieved. 
To all these defects I am fully sensible, and yet I am of 
opinion that the Association is decidedly of advantage 


to the country. It rallies the friends of religious free- 
dom : it keeps up in the people a due feeling of their 
rights ; forces Catholicity to proclaim the principles of 
toleration ; fatigues and alarms England ; and rouses 
the lower classes from that degrading apathy, from 
which they have risen but once or twice in a century, 
to rush into acts of the most atrocious vengeance. In 
the month of November, the Catholic Association 
realised per day 50 sterling ; and already more than 
one Orange landlord, who was prepared to eject in mass 
his unfortunate tenantry, has been obliged to draw back 
in alarm before it. In a word, it is a species of new 
parliament, which really represents, and is the organ of, 
seven millions of men ; levies taxes, dictates ordinances, 
and sends whomever it thinks proper to the House of 
Commons. The spirit of the priesthood, I repeat it, 
has too much influence within its circle ; but in face of 
a church, haughty, intolerant, and burning with the 
spirit of proselytism, it scarcely can be otherwise. The 
Biblicals are the missionaries of Ireland ; and whilst the 
one are escorted by fifty soldiers to Brest, the others 
support, by the eloquent arguments of their bayonets, 
their pious predications at Ballinasloe. Unfortunately, 
in this rebellious age, the sword has not, in religious 
matters, all the influence which it ought ; nor does it 
turn away a greater number from Catholicity at Bal- 
linasloe than it brings back to its fold at Brest. From 
time to time, however, the Protestant papers are very 
vociferous on the subject of a few conversions, bought 
by weight of gold, or obtained through the agonies of 
hunger ; but the moment the fever appears, the Catholic 



priest is immediately recalled. One of these conver- 
sions was lately announced in the following terms: 
" We feel a lively satisfaction in announcing that two 
Catholics have just abjured the errors of the church of 
Rome, to embrace those of the church established." 
The clergy, it is said, were by no means disposed to 
smile at the blunder. 

No. XVII. 


I. Census Returns from 


Ardfert and Aghadse 










Down (Aughagallow) 




the Diocese of 


ed. R. Catholics. 

Not R. C, 











































* The city not included, nor any principal town except Bandon. 
t Only one parish of the city included, Michael and John's. 



Parishes returned. R. Catholics. 

Not R. C. 


. . 




Gal way 





Kildare and 





Kilmacduagh and Kil- 












. , 















. . 




















of Limerick 1 



300 1,670,582 


II. Details of the Census of the united Dioceses of 
Waterford and Lismore. 

County of Waterford . 131,353 2,996 

City of Waterford, and Liberties 
south of the Suir 

County of Tipperary 

County of Cork 

Total Population of the Dio- 






* This includes but one parish of the city. 
t Including but one parish of the city of Kilkenny. 



R. Catholics. Not R. C. 

159,603 7,117 


Adding to the county and city 

as above . . 
One townland of the county 

Waterford, not included in 

the united dioceses 
The total population of the 

county and city is . 159,906 7,122 

Being in the proportion of more than twenty -two Ca- 
tholics to every one of other persuasions. 

III. Comparison of the number of Catholics and Pro- 
testants in England in the time of William III. 
See Memoirs of Sir James Dalrymple, vol. ii. Ap- 
pendix, part ii. p. 12. 


Conformists. Non-Conf. Papists. 

2,123,362 93,151 11,878 
353,892 15,525 1,978 

Province of Canterbury 

Non- Conformists 

2,477,254 108,676 13,858 


Proportion of Conformists to Non- 

Conformists to Papists . 

Conformists and Non- Conformists 
to Papists 

22| to 1 



In the Province of Canterbury there were 23,740 

VOL. II. f 


Papists. Thus divided : 

Under 16 . . 11,870 
Aged above 60 . 3,391 
Women . . 4,239 

Men fit to bear arms 4,239 

In the Province of York there were 3,956 Papists. 
Thus divided : 

Under the age of 16 1,978 
Aged above 60 . 565 

Women . . 701 

Men fit to bear arms 701 

Total of Papists in England . . 27,696 
Men fit to bear arms . . . 4,940 

From the schedule of the same document it appears 
that in the diocese of Worcester, where the dispropor- 
tion is the least, the Papists are to the Protestants 
as 1 to 52|. 

In that of Litchfield and Coventry as 1 to 79^. 
In that of London as . 1 to 127^. 

In that of Ely as . 1 to 2208J. 

These returns are taken from an official return found 
in the iron chest of King William. They do not furnish 
a very strong justification of the coercive measures 
adopted during his reign. 

The British Catholics scattered in England, Scotland, 
and Wales, now amount to about 1,000,000, though 
some returns make them much lower. The counties in 
England containing the greatest number of Catholics 
are, Lancashire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Worces- 
tershire, Cheshire, Northumberland, Durham, Nor- 
folk, Suffolk, and Kent. The Catholic population of the 

APPENDIX. Ixxxiii 

metropolis and its immediate neighbourhood has been 
estimated at about 200,000. 



Roman Catholics . . . 100,000,000 

Greek and Eastern churches . . 36,000,000 
Protestant, Lutheran, and Calvinistic 

churches .... 50,000,000 

2. JEWS. 

Basnage states the Jews at about . 3,000,000 


Of the various tribes of persons follow- 
ing the doctrine of Islamism, about . 143,000,000 


Total . 800,000,000 

In England, Ireland, and Wales, the number of re- 
ligionists of various sects and denominations may be es- 
timated nearly as follow : 

1. Church of England * . . 5,000,000 

2. Roman Catholics f . . 5,400,000 

3. Presbyterians, who are (in England) 
chiefly Unitarians, Arians, and Gene- 
ral Baptists . . . 60,000 

* The number of livings in England and Wales is above 10,500. 

t In England and Wales there are about 300,000, of whom 5000 are in 
London. There are upwards of 900 Catholic churches and chapels m Eng- 


4. Quakers and Moravians . . 60,000 

5. Wesleyan Methodists * . . 500,000 

6. Baptists, of various kinds, exclusive 

of General Baptists . . 60,000 

7. Independents, including the Whit- 
fieldians and other Calvinistic Me- 
thodists . . . 110,000 

8. Swedenborgians . . 20,000 

9. Miscellaneous minor sects . 15,000 

10. Resident Jews . . 15,000 

11. Deists, Theophilanthropists, and 

other Freethinkers . . 25,000 


In the country below the Ems . 4,300 

Above the Ems . . 24,700 

In Styria . . . 2,500 

In Illyria . . . 17,000 

In Bohemia . . . 50,000 

In Moravia . . . 68,000 

Total in Austria . 166,500 

In Bavaria . . . 1,100,000 

In Saxony . . . 1,420,000 

In Anhalt Coethen . 34,000 

In all . . 2,720,500 

In the two principalities of Hohenzollern, and in that 
of Lichtenstein, there are very few Protestants. 

* The Wesleyan Methodists, " all over the world," exclusive of the 
new connexion, and some others, amounted in 1820 to nearly 486,000. 




In Prussia 
Wurtemburg . 

Hesse Cassel 
Hesse Darmstadt 

Saxe- Weimar Eisenach 
Saxe-Coburg Gotha 

Mecklenburg Schwerin 
Mecklenburg Strelitz 

Anhalt Dessian and Bunburg 
Hesse Homburg 






















Total . . 5,580,200 

In the dominions of the two houses of Schwartsburg, 

of the Princes of Reuss Lippe, Delmold, and Schaum- 

burg Weldeck, and in Bremen and Lubeck, there are 

very few Catholics. 


No. XIX. 

Ireland is said at an early period, to have been the 
centre of the education of Europe. Bede, William of 
Malmsbury, Camden, &c. bear ample testimony to her 
intellectual superiority. Her scholars were known and 
celebrated over the continent. The Universities of 
Paris, Pavia, Oxford, Cambridge, &c. are said to have 
been founded by Irishmen. The University of Dublin, 
which is generally ascribed to Elizabeth, was com- 
menced by Joannes Leclurs, under the auspices of 
Clement, and afterwards completed by Alexander Big- 
nor, Archbishop of Dublin, in 1329, with the approba- 
tion of Pope John XXII. But the convent and College 
of Mayo enjoyed a much higher degree of reputation. 
It was founded about 665, and was exclusively dedi- 
cated to the education of strangers. Though in a re- 
mote part of Ireland, it contained at one time no less 
than two thousand English, foreign monks, and students. 
The son of Alfred is reckoned amongst the number. 
His ashes are said to repose amongst its ruins. 

At the Reformation, no less than one thousand lite- 
rary institutions, connected in general with monastic 
establishments, were destroyed. But instruction was 
not quite extinguished. This achievement was reserved 
for the penal laws. 

What had not been effected by the confiscations of 


James, the faithlessness of Charles I., the ingratitude of 
Charles II., with the uninterrupted civil wars which 
their tyranny and misrule had brought in their train, 
was finally accomplished by the anti-education code 
which immediately followed the conquest of William 
of Nassau. 

The 7th of William and Mary, c. 4., enacted that, 
" no person of the Popish religion should publicly teach 
a school under a penalty of 201. , and three months im- 
prisonment. The child who went abroad for education, 
forfeited all the goods, chattels, and lands, to which he 
might become entitled by inheritance. The father who 
sent him, incurred the same forfeiture." 

In 1730, Primate Boulter suggested the system of 
Charter schools : the objects had in view are best ex- 
plained in his own words. " I can assure you," says he, 
" the Papists are here so numerous, that it highly con- 
cerns us, in point of interest, as well as out of concern 
for the salvation of these poor creatures, who are our 
fellow-subjects, to try all possible means to bring them 
and theirs over to the knowledge of the true religion ; 
and one of the most likely methods we can think of is, 
if possible, instructing and converting the young gene- 
ration ; for instead of converting those that are adult, 
we are daily losing many of our meaner people, who 
go off to Popery." Yet the Penal code had now endured 
for fifty years. 

The system sketched by Boulter was filled up in 
1734. The anti-Catholic schools started into existence. 
A Baron Vryhouven bestowed upon them 56,0007. ; an 
anonymous benefactor gave them 40,000/.; certain estates 

Ixxxviii APPENDIX. 

were bequeathed to them by the Earl of Ranelagh ; and 
they got bequests from many other persons. They 
received also in addition to these funds, in Parliamentary 
grants, upwards of one million ; and their total expen- 
diture in ninety years, is stated by the Commissioners of 
education themselves, in their late report, to have ex- 
ceeded 1,600,000/. ! 

The benefits resulting from these institutions were 
by no means commensurate with the enormous ex- 
penses which they entailed. From the very outset they 
were scenes of the most shocking enormities ; yet, 
though chancellors, bishops, and judges successively 
acted as their governors, no inquiries seem to have 
taken place into the existence of these abuses, until the 
year 1787. In that year, in consequence of the urgent 
representations of the benevolent Howard, a Committee 
of investigation was appointed by the Irish House of 
Commons. The result of this inquiry was important. 
It was ascertained, that in the whole of these establish- 
ments, instead of 2,100 children, the number stated by 
the society to be maintained, not more than 1,400 could 
actually be produced. Mr. Howard was examined by the 
committee, and he stated among other things, that many 
of the schools were much out of repair, and going to ruin : 
that the children were neither well clothed, well fed, 
nor well taught ; that some of them that were at Santry 
school, and who had previously been six years at that of 
Bally Castle, could not read ; and that what he called 
" the dreadful situation of the schools," prevented their 
being filled. " The children in general," he stated, 
were sickly, pale, and such miserable objects, that they 


were a disgrace to all society, arid their reading had 
been neglected for the purpose of making them work 
for their master." In addition to several other wit- 
nesses, the committee examined Sir Jeremiah Fitzpa- 
trick, Inspector- General of Prisons, who, in the years 
1786 and 1787, had visited twenty-eight Charter 
schools. He stated, that the barbarous treatment which 
he had witnessed of some children in the school at 
Kilkenny, was one of his first and principal inducements 
to persevere in the inspection of the other Charter 
schools ; that he found the children in them puny, and 
not in that state of health, in which children generally 
are ; they were in general filthy, and ill clothed. He 
has seen them without shifts or shirts, and in such a 
situation as it was indecent to look on ; the diet was 
insufficient for the support of their delicate frames ; 
their instruction was very much neglected ; in general 
the children had the itch, and other eruptive disorders. 
At Castle Carbery, there was no appearance of a school- 
room : part of a window was stuffed with a turf-kish 
and dung, and there were but twenty-four ragged shirts 
and shifts, though there were eighteen girls and fourteen 
boys, most of them sickly, wretched-looking creatures, 
covered with the itch ; two only could read, and all 
order appeared to have been neglected ; but the master's 
and mistress's apartments were comfortable and well 
furnished, as likewise the parlour which served for a 
committee-room. All these disclosures were made, yet 
no attempt to correct the abuses or to punish the cruel- 
ties, down to the very period of the late visitation, ap- 
pears to have occurred. 


Some time subsequent to this investigation of the 
committee of the House of Commons, a Rev. Dr. 
Beaufort, and a Mr. Corneille, a saintly barrister, were 
sent on a tour of inspection. They made their report a 
few years back, and though it was quite notorious, that 
grievous atrocities had not in the slightest degree abated, 
their report proves that they were either incapable or 
unwilling, to find out as much as was easily discovered 
nearly forty years ago by the benevolent exertions of 
Howard. They met only with the traces and footsteps 
of perfection itself. Some schools were good ; others 
were better than good ; none were bad ; none were in- 
different ; none demanded reformation or rebuke. The 
Commissioners of education have instanced the report, 
and placed it in juxtaposition with their own in- 

The office of visitor, &c. &c. was now found so in- 
effectual, that they were at length finally discontinued. 
In their place was substituted another mode of commu- 
nication. Catechists were appointed, clergymen of the 
church of England, with a salary of 207. and a gratuity of 
21. 10s. per quarter, which the committee of fifteen were 
authorised to grant to every catechist who should com- 
ply with the society's regulations. They were obliged 
to furnish monthly reports for the use of the committee 
on the state of schools, &c. immediately under their 
care. The following extract from the examination of 
the secretary of the society, taken the 30th of October 
1824, will show how much of this duty was performed 
or neglected, while at the same time we learn from the 
same officer, that he is not aware of an instance in 


which a part of the salary of a catechist has been with- 
held during the last fifteen or twenty years. 

" Q. If the rules of the society were observed, is it 
not the fact that each catechist would monthly have 
reported upon his own school ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. There are about thirty schools belonging to the 
society ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. It would follow, that about two hundred and 
seventy monthly reports at least ought ere now to have 
been made ; of these two hundred and seventy, how 
many have been made, as nearly as you can answer 'I 

A. There is a small proportion, I cannot tell how 

Q. Have ten been received ? 

A. From the 1st of January to the 1st of October, 
there ought to have been nine letters from each cate- 
chist, that would be two hundred and seventy letters. 

Q. How many of these two hundred and seventy 
have you received ? 

A. / declare I do not think there are fifty. 

Q. Do you believe that as many as ten, out of those 
two hundred and seventy regular monthly reports, have 
been received by you ? 

A. Upon my word I doubt it. 

Q. Can you recollect any one instance, in which a 
catechist has made one of his monthly returns since the 
1st of last January ? 

A. I do not think there is" 

From such inquirers and reporters little information 


and little anxiety for reform were to be expected. Ac- 
cordingly years elapsed, before the public seemed to 
have been sufficiently convinced of the iniquities of these 
establishments. The general habits of discussion ge- 
nerated by the great political question, which more or 
less embraced every other, at length turned the atten- 
tion of the government to the nuisance, and a commis- 
sion was appointed for the purpose of making the most 
minute inquiry into the evils and infamies with which 
these schools were charged, by the almost unanimous 
voice of the country, with a view to their immediate and 
radical correction. 

The innumerable delinquencies and abuses, which the 
Commissioners detected, soon justified every particular 
of these accusations. During the course of the exami- 
nation, every atrocity and cruelty, every violation of the 
public trust, every corrupt perversion of the public be- 
nevolence, were successively displayed in their true 
colours. The report leaves us at a loss, whether most 
to express our horror at the systematic plan of bigotry 
and cruelty upon which these schools were conducted, 
or at the profligate expenditure of the public money to 
which they owe their support, and of which no less a 
sum than 1,600,0007. was spent in the course of ninety- 
three years upon the education of twelve thousand chil- 
dren, being less than a fourth part of the number edu- 
cated every year by the Catholic clergy,* with infinitely 

* It is stated in the evidence before the House, that a priest in the parish 
of Lewisburg in the county of Sligo, established no less than thirteen 
schools, with little other assistance than what he derived from his own ex- 
ertions. This fact is by no means solitary. There are many similar in- 
stances to be found in various parts of Ireland. 


less than one twentieth part of the means. Fraud and 
inhumanity mix up in every detail. Instead of teach- 
ing the orphans committed by the nation to their charge, 
these barbarous educators of youth had literally made 
them their beasts of burden. They thus got an interest 
in prolonging their period of bondage. Every part of the 
report abounds with evidences of these facts. We find 
that " David Porter" had in twelve months added only 
half a year to his age. The same happened to " James 
M'Kenzie." M'Gann remained fifteen all the year round, 
or rather was younger in 1823 than in the year pre- 
ceding. This is farce, but we now come to tragedy. 
The Sligo school was visited by two of the Commission- 
ers. It appeared on an attentive examination, that the 
master was a man of violent and ungoverned passions, 
and that the boys were most severely and cruelly pu- 
nished, not only by him personally, but also by his son 
and by a foreman in the weaving department, and that 
these punishments were inflicted for very slight faults. 
At the Castle Dermot school, two boys had been very 
severely punished by the master. They stated that they 
had been set to work in the garden, and having had 
but little breakfast they were hungry, and had eaten a 
raw cabbage ; that the master, who appeared to be a man 
of violent passions, caught them, and flogged them for 
this offence severely ; that one of them received sixteen 
stripes in the usual manner, and six blows with a stick 
on the head, which continued cut and bruised when the 
school was visited by the Commissioners. The other boy 
had eloped in consequence of the beating. The boys 
stated, " that the Usher beats the boys oftenest, but the 


master the most severely : the usher for offences in the 
school-room, the master for other offences." At Strad- 
bally school, eight boys had been beaten so severely, 
that when the Commissioners saw them, they were in a 
shocking state of laceration and contusion. The offence 
with which these boys were charged by the usher was, 
" looking at two policemen playing at ball, in the boys 
alley ;" but the catechist states, " that he believes the 
usher may have been actuated in the punishment by his 
feelings, as to what the boys may have said of him on 
the former visit of the Commissioners" Such was the 
nature of the discipline their acquirements were strictly 
in harmony. " On examining the boys," say the Com- 
missioners, " they were found able to repeat the cate- 
chism and the expositions of it correctly, but attached 
little or no meaning to the words they repeated. The 
two head classes consisted of twenty boys, of thirteen, 
fourteen, and fifteen years of age : seventeen of them 
declared they had never heard of St. Paul, and half of 
them had no idea, whether the word " Europe " meant 
a man, a place, or a thing ; and only three boys in the 
school could name the four quarters of the world. Two 
boys only appeared ever to have heard of Job ; and 
only one could give any account of his history ! But it 
was not gross ignorance only which was encouraged. 
The consequences were not merely indifferent, they 
were flagrantly and extensively pernicious. From the 
correspondence and examination of an individual who 
was candidate for a situation in the Santry school, the 
most curious facts were elicited. Firstly, it was de- 
clared, that the chief efforts of every teacher are di- 


rected, to impress upon the mind of the children from 
the earliest dawn of reason, the most absolute hatred of 
Popery. Secondly, that though this be the case, they 
still discover a marvellous partiality to the obnoxious 
creed, and many are found to abandon the creed of their 
infancy before they reach the age of ten : and thirdly, 
that, instead of producing a veneration for the word of 
God, the plan pursued in these notable seminaries, pro- 
duces consequences precisely the reverse. The causes 
are obvious : one of these teachers stated on oath, that 
the learners are obliged to get portions of the Bible by 
heart ; that they are most severely beaten for failing to 
commit these portions to memory ; that the sacred word 
is in this manner perverted into an additional instru- 
ment of torture, and consequently the children are found 
generally to leave the school, with as cordial abhorrence 
of the Holy Scriptures, as of " the errors of the church 
of Rome itself." Thus this beneficent scheme of edu- 
cation, which was pompously stated by its most reverend 
author to be a plan the best of all others calculated to 
ensure " the salvation of those poor creatures, who are 
our fellow-subjects," has been proved on the most in- 
contestable evidence, to have produced mere hotbeds of 
bigotry, engendered by proselytism, and kept alive by 
the bad passions of the community ; establishments 
known only to the country, by the enormous sums they 
receive from it in the shape of Parliamentary grants ; 
infamous nurseries of ignorance and political rancour ; 
where the child was separated from the parent by fraud 
or by force, and submitted to a course of cruelty and 
demoralization, which makes the blood freeze, and raises 


a blush upon the cheek of every honourable man. In- 
stead of being fit objects of the support of the legisla- 
ture, they were only worthy of the animadversion and 
severity of the Attorney General. Under ''another go- 
vernment, they would have long since been visited with 
the outstretched arm of the law, as they have already 
been fully branded with the execration of every thinking 
and honest man in the community. 

Such was the course of education provided for the 
wants of the Catholic peasantry of Ireland, in substitu- 
tion for that of which they had been violently robbed 
by the legislation of the preceding century. No won- 
der, that from such a tree fruits of bitterness and evil, 
fruits of religious rancour, fruits of civil dissension, should 
alone have been plucked by the ill-fated generations 
who succeeded. Accordingly few sources of domestic 
hostility have been so prolific, few means have been so 
dangerously successful, in keeping alive the hates and 
inequalities, which have so long been the curse of Ire- 
land. With such teachers, they made in after life, civil 
contention the first of civil duties, substituted sectari- 
anism for religion, a faction for the country, and abused 
those faculties which might have been of service, even 
in the lowest sphere, in rescuing her from her calami- 
ties, in adding new poignancy to the malady, and ren- 
dering every day more and more difficult her cure. 

The schools of the Society for discountenancing Vice, 
of the trustees for Erasmus Smith Fund, of the London 
Hibernian Society, &c. were intended to be substituted 
for the deficiencies, or auxiliary to the labours, of the 
Charter schools of Ireland ; but previous to the year 


1811. They seem comparatively to have done nothing. 
The fourteenth report of the commissioners of educa- 
tion gives some details which will go to show a very 
considerable increase both of schools and scholars since 
that period. In 1811 the commissioners state, that the 
gross number of schools throughout Ireland, amounted 
to about 4600, attended by about 200,000 children, and 
that an increase had taken place, from that year to 
the year 1824, the date of the report, of 7223 schools, 
and 360,000 scholars. The details of this comparison 
will place the fact in a still stronger point of view : 

In 1811 In 1824 

Association for discounte- 
nancing Vice had . 38 schools . 226 

Trustees of Erasmus 

Smith had 8 do. . 113 

London Hibernian 
Society . . 38 do. . 618 

Kildare Place Society did not exist . 919 

Sunday School Society 44 . . 1,640 

This may appear a very flattering portrait of the rapid 
improvement in the diffusion of education, principally 
among the poorer classes, during so short a period as 
thirteen years ; but in 1826, the Commissioners of 
education, after a very attentive examination, recom- 
mended the withdrawing of the grants from these 
very societies, that is, from the Society for discounte- 
nancing Vice, and from the Lord Lieutenant's fund, 
&c. The London Hibernian Society, by the confes- 
sion of many of its. own members, Messrs. Pringle, 

VOL. II. g 


Gordon, &c. was convicted of employing education 
merely as an instrument of proselytism ; and the Kil- 
dare Place Society, which had set out with such large 
professions of liberalism, was demonstrated to have 
acted in a manner very inconsistent with the avowed ob- 
jects of its institution, and to have been totally inade- 
quate to the purposes for which it originally had been 
set up. The zeal with which the Catholics (and the 
priesthood not less than the laity) had offered their co- 
operation at the outset, was totally misconstrued, and 
finally abused. The Bible was introduced, without note 
or comment, contrary to the preliminary understanding 
between both parties, and the consequences were such 
as might have been apprehended, a total disruption of 
the amicable relations which previously subsisted, and a 
want of confidence and cordiality, without which, in a 
country so divided as Ireland, it is quite evident every 
plan of national education must utterly fail.* These 
views very strongly impressed themselves upon the Com- 

* The late Primate of all Ireland (Dr. Stuart), the Archbishop of Dublin 
(Dr. Magee), Dr. Jebb, Dr. Mant, and many others of the most learned 
prelates in either persuasion, have stated it as their opinion, that note and 
comment are absolutely essential to the right understanding of the sacred 
volume. The following table, though by no means offered as a proof that 
an indiscriminate reading of the Bible encourages crime, is sufficient evi- 
dence that it has not done very much to prevent it. 

In the seven years preceding the exertions made for 
the diffusion of the Bible, the committals of Eng- 
land and Wales amounted to .... 47,522 
Out of which there were capital convictions . . 4,126 

In the seven succeeding years in the same, 

committals . 93,282 

convictions . . . . . 8,244 


missioners, and as the result of much patient and im- 
partial research into the deficiencies and vices of preced- 
ing and existing systems, they ventured to suggest with 
a view to their correction, and with due reference to the 
existing state of the country, such a system of national 
education for the lower classes, in lieu of all those ac- 
tually in use, as might embrace both moral and religious 
instruction, and at the same time sufficiently respect 
the several prejudices of all classes in the community. 
They proposed a united system of education, where 
the children of all religious persuasions might be edu- 
cated together, from which if possible all suspicion 
should be banished, and every ground of political or re- 
ligious distrust should be as much as possible removed. 
Under such a system, it was to be hoped that the chil- 
dren would gradually imbibe similar ideas and form 
congenial habits, and would gradually lose that distinct- 
ness of feeling and separation of interests, which had 
been found by experience to have been one of the fertile 
principles of the miseries of Ireland, and the chief cause 
of the divisions and animosities of her children. The Ca- 
tholic prelacy evinced on the occasion a becoming anxiety 
to meet the proposition half way ; and in their synod 
held at Dublin January 21, 1826, they came unani- 
mously to the following important resolutions. 

These resolutions were subsequently transmitted, 
January 23d, by Dr. Murray to Lord Killeen, for the 
purpose of being laid before the Catholic Association, 
and met on their being presented their unanimous ap- 



At a meeting of the Archbishops and Bishops of the 
Roman Catholic church in Ireland, held in Dublin on 
the 21st January 1826, the following resolutions on 
the subject of National Education were unanimously 
adopted : 

1. That the admission of Protestants and Roman 
Catholics into the same schools, for the purpose of lite- 
rary instruction, may, under existing circumstances, be 
allowed, provided sufficient care be taken to protect 
the religion of the Roman Catholic children, and to 
furnish them with adequate means of religious in- 

2. That in order to secure sufficient protection to 
the religion of the Roman Catholic children, under such 
a system of education, we deem it necessary, that the 
master of each school in which the majority of the pupils 
profess the Roman Catholic faith, be a Roman Catho- 
lic ; and that, in schools in which the Roman Catholic 
children form only a minority, a permanent Roman 
Catholic assistant be employed ; and that such master 
and assistant be appointed upon the recommendation 
or with the express approval of the Roman Catholic 
bishops of the diocese in which they are to be employed ; 
and further, that they or either of them be removed, 
upon the representation of such bishops : the same rule 
to be observed for the appointment or dismissal of mis-, 
tresses and assistants in female schools. 


3. That we consider it improper that masters and 
mistresses intended for the religious instruction of Ro- 
man Catholic youth, should be trained or educated by 
or under the control of persons professing a different 
faith ; and that we conceive it most desirable, that a 
male and female model school shall be established in 
each province in Ireland, to be supported at the public 
expense, for the purpose of qualifying such masters and 
mistresses for the important duties which they shall be 
appointed to discharge. 

4. That in conformity with the principle of pro- 
tecting the religion of Roman Catholic children, the 
books intended for their particular instruction in reli- 
gion shall be selected or approved by the Roman Ca- 
tholic prelates ; and that no book or tract of common 
instruction in literature shall be introduced into any 
school in which Roman Catholic children are educated, 
which book or tract may be objected to, on religious 
grounds, by the Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese 
in which such school is established. 

5. That a transfer of the property in several schools 
which now exist or may hereafter exist in Ireland, may 
be utterly impracticable from the nature of the tenure 
by which they are or may hereafter be held, and from 
the number of persons having a legal interest in them, 
as well as from a variety of other causes ; and that, in 
our opinion, any regulation which should require such 
transfer to be made, as a necessary condition for receiv- 
ing parliamentary support, would operate to the exclu- 
sion of many useful schools from all participation in the 
public bounty. 



6. That appointed as we have been by Divine Provi- 
dence to watch over and preserve the deposit of Catho- 
lic faith in Ireland, and responsible as we are to God 
for the souls of our flocks, we will, in our respective 
dioceses, withhold our concurrence and support from 
any system of education which will not fully accord 
with the principles expressed in the foregoing resolu- 

Patrick Curtis, D. D. 
Oliver Kelly, D. D. 

F. O'Reilly, D. D. 
P. M'Loughlin, D. D. 
J. Magauran, D. D. 

G. T. Plunkett, D. D. 
James Keating, D. D. 
Chas. Tuohy, D. D. 
Edw. Kiernan, D. D. 
Patrick Kelly, D. D. 
Corn. Egan, D. D. 
Wm. Crolly, D. D. 
Pat. Maguire, D. D. 
P. M'Mahon, D. D. 
John M'Hale, D. D. 

Dan Murray, D. D. 
Rob. Laffen, D. D. 
J. O'Shaughnessy, D. D. 
Thos. Costello, D. D. 
K. Marum, D. D. 
P. Waldron, D. D. 
John Murphy, D. D. 
James Doyle, D. D. 
P. M'Nicholas, D. D. 
P. M'Gettigan, D. D. 
Edm. French, D. D. 
Thomas Coen, D. D. 
Robert Logan, D. D. 
Pat. Burke, D. D. 
John Ryan, D. D. 

These dispositions were, however, but very partially 
realised. The code still neutralised every effort at 
national improvement. The public mind, absorbed by 
the one thought, gave little or no attention to these 
projects. Reasonable men admitted, that if emancipa- 
tion were passed, every improvement would rapidly and 
naturally follow ; if not, every improvement would be 


useless. Education was in a great measure left to itself, 
and progressed but slowly. The smallest town in Italy 
evinced a much higher state of intellectual cultivation 
than the largest in Ireland.* Every thing was politics, 
and politics was every thing. Yet the impulse which 
the peasantry had received unquestionably augmented. 
Their known passion for instruction increased; numerous 
small schools, aided in part by the Association, began 
to appear, and at last a model school, under the patron- 
age of the Catholic prelacy, and to which 500/. was 
contributed by public vote from the Rent, was founded 
in Dublin, for the purpose of providing well-disciplined 
instructors, and giving a regular and systematic form to 
Catholic education throughout the kingdom. It is to 

* In a small town in the Papal states, containing not more than ten 
thousand inhabitants, I found three well provided libraries open every day 
to the public ; lectures in surgery and physic at the hospitals, &c. twice a 
week ; lectures in logic, mathematics, astronomy, &c. thrice both gratis. 
An academy for the encouragement of the sciences, literature, and an- 
tiquities of the country, of which almost every gentleman was member, 
and which held its sittings once a month. A museum of the natural his- 
tory and mineralogy of the district ; another of the antiquities ; a small 
botanical garden ; two theatres ; besides a small private theatrical company 
of amateurs composed of the gentry of the town, and many of whom were 
artists of real merit, performing in rotation Goldoni's comedies, Alfieri's 
tragedies, and some of the best operas of Cimarosa, Rossini, Faerni, &c. 
The "Commune" supported several public schools, and maintained an 
artist at Rome, at their own expense, in perpeluum. This, it must be re- 
membered, was in the Patrimonio, that is, in one of the least intellectual 
parts of Italy, and is rather below than above the general scale of educa- 
tion, even in that district. Compare it, such as it is, with the state of edu- 
cation at Cork, Limerick, &c. and then panegyrise the wisdom of our an- 
cestors, and the blessings of an ascendancy code, which has placed us 
where we are. 


be hoped in the present ameliorated state of things, this 
laudable effort will attract the attention of the legisla- 
ture and the country, and the great work of national 
education be taken up in the spirit in which it ought, 
not with a view of widening but of closing the breaches 
which hitherto have existed between man and man, of 
providing good members for society, free citizens for 
our constitution, and steady and enlightened supporters 
of those several institutions, in which mainly consist the 
glory and the power of every civilised community. The 
portion of Rent still in hands, collected as it was from the 
peasant, in a great degree for the purpose of providing 
him with useful, religious, and literary instruction, ought, 
without fail or further delay, to be employed for the pea- 
sant' s use and benefit. Agricultural schools in the seve- 
ral districts, where such institutions are most practicable 
and most required, should be founded. The people 
should be encouraged to better their condition, by con- 
ferring on them the knowledge of the means by which 
their condition may be bettered. New links should be 
formed between the different orders of the state ; the 
relations which a long series of unwise measures and 
cruel laws have burst and kept asunder, should be re- 
stored ; the national intellect, waste but fertile, should 
be brought into cultivation, and another people, truly 
such, and not as they hitherto have been, too frequently 
a populace, should be raised up, out of the wrecks and 
lees of the past. England owes us this atonement for 
her former misrule and spoliation : she it was who made 
us and kept us ignorant. At her door is to be laid our 
barbarism, and all that our barbarism has entailed upon 


us. A better order of things has begun ; let her nobly 
aim at its consummation. Power is crime, unless it be 
productive of blessing, and the most brilliant tyranny 
which ever dazzled and crushed man, is not to be com- 
pared to the patient enduring of happiness out of 
misery, health out of malady, knowledge out of igno- 
rance, and morning out of night. Such trophies en- 
dure ; they are well won. She will find in the Irish 
mind, when fairly dealt with, an enthusiastic and gene- 
rous co-operator.'* But this fairness Ireland must have ; 
with it she may do every thing ; without it nothing. 

No. XX. 


The Roman Catholic church of Ireland is composed 
of four Archbishops and twenty- two Bishops. The 

* Even with all drawbacks, education of the lower classes is farther ad- 
vanced than in France. At a recent meeting in Paris for the encourage- 
ment of elementary education, the secretary read a paper with the follow- 
ing particulars : 

Children to whom desirable to communicate instruction, 

Boys . . . 2,750,000 ) 

{ 5,500,000. 
Girls . . .do. 5 

Communes 39,381, in which there are 27,000 schools, educating 
Boys . . . 1,070,000 

Girls . . . 430,000 

To be educated . . 4,000,000 

Ireland educates indiscriminately above half a million. 


archbishops take their titles,* as in the established 
church, from Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam. Of 
the bishops eight are suffragans of Armagh, and are 
those of Ardagh, Clogher, Derry, Down and Connor, 
Dromore, Kilmore, Meath, and Raphoe. Dublin has 
but three suffragans, Leighlin and Ferns, Kildare, and 
Ossory. Six are suffragans to Cashel, viz. Ardfert and 
Aghadoe, Cloyne and Ross, Cork, Killaloe, Limerick 
and Waterford, and Lismore. Four are subject to 
Tuam, viz. Athenry, Clonfert, Elphin, and Killaloe. 
There are besides these the bishops of the united dio- 
ceses of Kilmacduagh and Kilfenora ; the one in Con- 
naught, the other in Munster, who is alternately suf- 
fragan of Tuam and Cashel. 

As in the established church, we also have a dignitary 
in Galway called a Warden, who has nearly an episcopal 
jurisdiction, and is no further subject to higher powers 
than that he is liable to a triennial visitation of the Arch- 
bishop of Tuam. 

Every bishop has a vicar-general of his own appoint- 
ment, who holds his office only durante bene placito, 
and whose jurisdiction ceases on the death of the 

Every diocese has also a Dean appointed by the Car- 
dinal Protector, i. e. that Cardinal in Rome who has 
the peculiar direction of all ecclesiastical matters ap- 
pertaining to Ireland, and also an Archdeacon, named 
by the Bishop. These two are men of nominal dignities, 
having neither power nor emolument annexed to them. 

* I speak of the period antecedent to the passing of the Catholic Relief 


On the death of a Bishop, the clergy of a diocese are 
empowered by the canon to elect a Vicar Capitular, 
who is invested during the vacancy of the see with epis- 
copal jurisdiction ; but if such election does not take 
place within a specified number of days after the de- 
mise of the bishop has been notified to them, the Arch- 
bishop of the province may appoint of his own authority 
the vicar. 

The clergy in the mean time assemble and fix their 
choice on one of their own body, or sometimes on a 
stranger, and petition the Pope, or in technical language, 
postulate that he may be appointed to the vacant see. 
The bishops also of the province consult each other, and 
unite in presenting to the Pope two or three men of 
merit, one of whom is usually appointed ; for the recom- 
mendation of the prelates has always more weight in 
Rome, than the postulations of the inferior clergy. 

The appointment of the Irish bishops lies in the car- 
dinals, who compose the congregations de propaganda 
fide. It takes place on Monday, and on the following 
Sunday is submitted by their secretary to the Pope, 
who may confirm or annul the nomination at will ; it 
very rarely however happens that he does not confirm it. 

There is a custom common in all Roman Catholic 
countries, and frequently practised in Ireland, which I 
believe is not known in the established church, that of 
appointing assistant or coadjutor bishops. In the event 
of old age, infirmity, or any accidental visitations of 
Heaven, whereby a bishop is rendered incapable of at- 
tending to the laborious duties of his station, he may 
choose any meritorious clergyman to be his coadjutor, 


and to succeed him at his death. His recommendation 
is almost invariably attended to in Rome, the object of 
his choice is appointed and consecrated, taking his title 
from some oriental diocese, which title he relinquishes 
on his succeeding at the death of the old and infirm 
bishop whom he was appointed to assist. While retain- 
ing the oriental title, though in character and by con- 
secration a bishop, he is called a bishop in partibus, be- 
cause the see, from which he takes his designation, be- 
ing under the dominion of some eastern power, is styled, 
in the language of the office from which the bull of the 
appointment is issued, to be in partibus inftdelium. 

The emoluments of the bishop arise from three sour- 
ces, which are usually, the best parish in the diocese, 
the licenses, and the cathedralicum. 

The license is, a dispensation granted by the bishop 
in the publication of banns, for which a sum not less 
than a crown, and according to the means of the parties, 
sometimes half a guinea or a guinea is paid. And as it 
very seldom happens that the parties are inclined to 
have the banns published, the generality are married by 

The cathedraticum is, a yearly sum, generally from 
two to ten guineas, given by each parish priest to the 
bishop, in proportion to the value of his parish, for the 
purpose of supporting the episcopal dignity. There is no 
law to enforce this tribute, nor any obligation to pay it, 
yet it is a very ancient practice, and is never omitted. 

Parish priests are appointed solely by the bishop, 
and if collated, or having three years peaceable posses- 
sion, they cannot be dispossessed, otherwise they may 


be removed at pleasure. A collation, is a written ap- 
pointment signed by the bishop, by which he confers a 
parish on a clergyman, and confides it indefinitely to 
his care. 

Coadjutors or curates are also appointed by the 
bishop, and are movable at will. 

The parish priest is supported by voluntary contribu- 
tions, if that can be called voluntary which is esta- 
blished by ancient custom and general prevalence. His 
income springs from various sources ; from Easter and 
Christmas dues. These consist in a certain sum paid 
by the head of every family to the parish priest for his 
support, and in consideration of his trouble in cate- 
chising, instructing, and hearing the confessions of his 
family. The sum is greater or smaller in proportion to 
the circumstances of the parishioners. In the country 
parishes, it is generally a shilling at Easter, and a shil- 
ling at Christmas. Some give half-a-crown, some a 
crown, and some few a guinea a year. There is no 
general ecclesiastical law to enforce the payment of 
these trifles ; but as the mode was struck out, in what 
has been denominated the council of Kilkenny, under 
Rennucini, it has continued ever since (o be practised, 
and from custom has acquired the force of law. 

Weddings. The sum to be paid at these is different 
in different dioceses. The usual sum given by the 
bridegroom is a guinea ; in addition to which, a collec- 
tion is frequently made among the friends of the par- 
ties who have been invited, for the benefit of the parish 

The consideration made to the clergyman for saying- 


mass at the house of a parishioner, varies in different 

The general stipend of the curate is the third part 
of the general receipts of the parish. But in some in- 
stances, such as when the parish priest is old, infirm, or 
unacquainted with Irish, and consequently incapable of 
lessening in any great degree the labour of the curate, 
the latter frequently receives half of the parochial emolu- 

Stations, are meetings at some commodious house 
appointed by the priest for the convenience of such 
people as live at a distance from the chapel, where 
he hears their confessions, gives the communion, cate- 
chises the children, &c. ; and it is at their half-yearly 
meetings that he receives his Easter or Christmas 

The parochial fae for each christening is two shil- 
lings or half-a-crown, besides which the sponsors usu- 
ally give something more. Some trifle is generally 
given for visiting the sick ; a shilling usually in the 

In some parts of the country, custom has established 
that a certain quantity of hay 'and oats is sent by the 
more opulent parishioners to the clergyman ; that his 
turf should be cut, his corn reaped, his meadow mowed, 
&c. gratis ; and I have heard it more than once stated, 
that in some parts of Ireland, bordering on the sea- 
coast, a certain quantity of fish is given to the priest, 
in lieu of parochial dues. 


No. XXI. 

I. Constituency of Ireland. 

The following is an account of the 50/., 20/., and 405. 
freeholders in Ireland, at the period of the last general 
election :* 

County of 50 20 40s. 

Antrim ... 389 127 6,056 

Armagh ... 145 129 9,802 

Carlow ... 313 160 3,073 

Cavan . . .486 218 7,110 

Clare . . . G05 327 13,035 

Cork . . 2,106 793 14,966 

Down ... 644 147 13,324 

Dublin ... 800 591 2,947 

Fermanagh . . 347 247 8,333 

Kerry ... 741 438 5,537 

Kildare ... 370 103 761 

Kilkenny ... 520 63 589 

King's County . . 819 48 377 

Leitrim ... 45 113 5,950 

Limerick . . . 1,119 774 10,793 

Londonderry . . 353 81 4,213 

Longford ... 292 125 3,106 

. * The very great disproportion of the different species of freeholders as 
returned in this statement, may convey some idea of the great extent to 
which the Disfranchisement bill must operate, in depriving the people of 
Ireland of their just rights as freemen. 


Louth, there are 3,000 freeholders, but the amounts 
of qualification are indiscriminately mixed in the book. 

Mayo 318 157 19,987 

Meath ... 663 62 1,089 

Monaghan . . 261 109 6,754 

Queen's County . . 762 225 4,483 

Roscommon . .441 199 8,685 

Tipperary . . 602 562 6,180 

Tyrone ... 108 155 8,779 

Waterford . . 333 114 2,119 

Westraeath . . 441 131 2,275 

Wexford . 580 452 8,194 

Wicklow ... 257 59 1,086 

Returns have not been received from the counties of 
Donegal, Galway, and Sligo. 

The totals of the above are forty shillings, 179,103 
twenty pounds, 6,909 fifty pounds, 20,560. It does 
not appear, however, that they afford an accurate view 
of the real state of the constituency, as some of the 
clerks of the peace have made such notifications as the 
following : 

I certify that the foregoing is a true return, as the 
different classes of freeholders appear entered on the 
registry ; but numbers of all the classes, more particu- 
larly the fifty-pound freeholders, the return of which 
goes as far back as 1795, must be dead, or have lost 
their freeholds by the expiration of their titles, by the 
diminution in the value of lands, and from various other 



Clerk of the Peace, Co, Cork. 


I do not think that more than one-half of the above 
number could now vote, as many of them are dead ; and 
almost all, if not the entire, of the forty-shilling and 
twenty-pound freeholders are twice registered, and many 
three times. 


Clerk of the Peace for Fermanagh. 

The forty-shilling and twenty-pound freeholders are, 
taken up from April 1817 : the fifty-pound freeholders 
from December 1785: many of the fifty-pound free- 
holders are supposed to be dead. There are a number 
of forty-shilling freeholders lately registered, which, 
agreeably to the order of the House of Commons, could 
not be included in the foregoing return. 


Clerk of the Peace, Co. Kilkenny. 

NOTE. I think it may reasonably be presumed that 
some of the above number, whose names appear on the 
books, are not now living ; and I believe also, that the 
apparent gross number is multiplied, from the circum- 
stance that there are some re-registries among the forty- 
shilling freeholders. 


Deputy Clerk of the Peace, Co. Limerick. 

We cannot help remarking, that a slovenliness and 
indifference are manifest in most of the documents trans- 
mitted to parliament from public officers in this country, 
which deserve the strongest censure. Of thirty-two 
returning officers, it seldom happens that three will take 

VOL, II. h 


the same view of the duty that is imposed upon them, 
or discharge it in a similar manner. Some will alto- 
gether withhold the information sought to be obtained 
from them, arid others give it vaguely and imperfectly, 
in instances in which accuracy and precision seem not 
only practicable but easy. When any of our representa- 
tives next moves for a series of returns, we would re- 
commend him to notice the matter with the seriousness 
which it deserves. 

One of the objects in seeking for freehold lists was, 
to ascertain the number of forty-shilling voters who 
hold in fee. " John Bourne, clerk of the peace for 
Louth," could not give the least information on the 
subject. In his books there is no classification of the 
voters ; but there is preciseness enough to enable him 
to bundle all together, and tell the aggregate amount. 
We beg his pardon. On looking again to the return, 
we see there is a " value column;" but he tells us that 
" the forty-shilling, the twenty-pound, the fifty-pound, 
and the hundred-pound freeholders are indiscriminately 
mixed" Perhaps the explanation which he gives of this 
" indiscriminate mixture" will be deemed sufficient, 
namely, that " there never was a contested election in 
the county of Louth since the year 1768." May we 
be permitted to mention, that the families who have so 
capitally succeeded in making a borough of this county 
for fifty-seven years are the Jocelyns and the Fosters? 
Of the other clerks of the peace, it seems three (those 
of Donegal, Galway, and Sligo) had sent no returns, bad 
or good ; and five (those of Armagh, Dublin, Fermanagh, 
Kerry, and the Queen's County) sent returns, but were 


not able to state any thing positively with regard to the 
fee interests of the forty-shilling freeholders. 

The Counties of which the reporters are able to 
speak with certainty are twenty-two. Of these, nine 






Longford, and 




have 1661 forty-shilling freeholders, possessed of pro- 
perty in fee, supposing the numbers set down for Long- 
ford (1341) to be correct. This, however, a London 
paper, with apparent reason, conceives to be very doubt- 
ful. The Counties in which it is ascertained that there 
are no freeholders possessing property in fee, are 

Kildare, Louth, 


Kilkenny, Mayo, 


King's County, Meath, 


Leitrim, Roscommon, 


Limerick, Tipperary, 


Tipperary is stated as containing 6002 fifty-shilling 
freeholders. This, too, seems manifestly erroneous. 
Indeed the whole return is all through clumsy, unpre- 
cise, and unsatisfactory. 


II. Freeholders registered and Freemen admitted for 
the last seven years in different parts of Ireland as 
far as returned to Parliament. 

Athlone ... 10 

Bandon ... 92 

Belfast ... 4 

Carrickfergus ... 47 

Cashel ... 2 

Cork freeholders . 12,267 

freemen . . . 837 

Drogheda . . . 574 

Dublin freeholders . . 1,260 

freemen . . 960 

Dungannon . . . 770 

Kilkenny freeholders . . 326 

freemen . . 212 

Kinsale . .42 

Mallow . .538 

Tralee . 11 

Waterford freeholders , . 17 

freemen . . 66 

Yougbal . . none 

No returns arrived from Clonmel, Ennis, Limerick, 
Londonderry, Galway, and Portarlington. 

III. Augmentation and Decrease of the several classes 
of Freeholders throughout Ireland from 1801 to 

The increase and decrease of freeholders in Ireland 
may be classed under the following heads : 



1st, In Ulster, since 1803 to 1821, the forty-shilling 
freeholders remained very nearly stationary, with the ex- 
ception of the county of Londonderry, where they quin- 
trupled, and Donegal, where they doubled. 2nd, In 
Leinster there was a very great change within the same 
period. This appears particularly striking on compar- 
ing both the aggregate and the details. The aggregate 
decreased from 3*2,127 to 28,492. There was a dimi- 
nution of about half in the King's County ; in Kilkenny 
and Louth they increased, doubled in West Meath 
and Wexford, and tripled in Meath. In "Wicklow they 
fell off about one-third ; in the other counties they re- 
mained nearly stationary. 3rd, In Connaught the aggre- 
gate number of forty-shilling freeholders increased up- 
wards of 10,000. This augmentation was most sensible 
in Galway and Leitrim, where they doubled ; they in- 
creased about one-third in Mayo and Roscommon, and in 
Sligo they diminished about one-fifth, 4th, In the pro- 
vince of Munster, the augmentation far exceeded that 
of the other provinces. The aggregate increased from 
24,653 to 41,256. This augmentation was most per- 
ceptible in Limerick, where the number of freeholders in- 
creased one-fifth ; in Clare, Cork, and Waterford, where 
they doubled ; but especially in Tipperary, where, owing 
probably to a series of contested elections, they very 
nearly tripled. Kerry appears the only county which suf- 
fered any diminution. Its forty-shilling constituency fell 
off very nearly one-fifth. In the cities, generally speak- 


ing, they slightly increased. Dublin formed an exception ; 
from 216 they at one period fell off to 21. 


They are by far most numerous, in proportion to its 
extent, in Leinster. From 1801 to 1821, the fifties 
increased one-third, the twenties diminished nearly 
one-half. In Ulster the fifties increased from 807 to 
1,888, and the twenties from 1,407 to 1,724. This is 
a very small proportion compared with the forty-shil- 
ling constituency of the same province. In 1821, the 
forty-shilling freeholders amounted to 27,737, far ex- 
ceeding the proportion of this description of electors to 
the fifty and twenty pound freeholders in any other 
province. Even in Connanght, considered the poorest, 
the number of fifty-pound freeholders exceed those in 
Ulster ; their forty-shilling freeholders were considerably 
less. As in Leinster, the fifty-pound freeholders slightly 
increased, but the twenty-pound freeholders, though in 
a much smaller proportion, diminished. Munster pre- 
sents the most remarkable augmentation. In 1803, 
there were 6,795 fifties ; they had increased in 1821 to 
8,197. The twenties had not suffered by this altera- 
tion as in Leinster and Connaught, but had risen in 
the same period from 3,254 to 5,572. This gives a very 
great excess above the fifty and twenty-pound consti- 
tuency in Ulster, which, nearly equal in extent, is sup- 
posed to be far richer (and with its riches more equally 
diffused) than Munster. The numerous " locations," as 
they are termed, and the combination of manufactures 
with agriculture, sufficiently account for the very large 



amount of the forty-shilling constituency in the North, 
but I am not aware of any satisfactory reason for the pro- 
portionably small number of the fifty and twenty pound 
freeholders in the same district. From its acknow- 
ledged superiority in civilization, precisely the contrary 
phenomena should be expected. 

IV. List of the numbers of Freeholders polled in 
ous shires in England in which severe contests 
taken place within a recent period. 



Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 3,982 


Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 2,270 

Three candidates. 



Total number of votes 

Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 6.2U8 

Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 3,741 


Two candidates. 

Total number of votes . 1,284 

Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 10,G02 


Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 5,515 
Three candidates. 
Total number of votes , 4,341 


Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 

Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 
Four candidates. 
Total number of votes 

Three candidates. 
Total number of votes 
Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 


Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 


Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 
Three candidates. 
Total number of votes . 










V. Elective Franchise in France. 

The Charter declares that no man can be an elector 
who does not pay 300 francs of direct taxes, and that no 
man is eligible who does not pay 1,000 francs. 

The law of the 5th of Feb. 1817, a law proposed by 
the King, who was the author of the charter, and after- 
wards sanctioned by him, appeared to have regulated 
for ever the application of this principle, and the ex- 
ercise of the electoral right. This organic law was 
identified with the fundamental. It notwithstanding 
received important modifications by the law of June 

The law of 1817 declared, that every Frenchman pay- 
ing a contribution in direct taxes of 300 francs was an 
elector, and that every Frenchman paying 1,000 francs 
was himself eligible. This was the liberal interpreta- 
tion of the charter. 

The first electors were highly favourable to the po- 
pular party. The inconsiderate choice of the Abbe 
Gregorie gave rise to the most violent recriminations. 
The King was alarmed ; foreign powers interfered ; and 
at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle they exacted from 
the Duke of Richelieu an engagement to modify the law 
of 1817. The active intrigues of the Minister, the mur- 
der of the Duke of Berry, the creation of seventy new 
peers by M. de Cazes, finally triumphed over the cause 
of the nation. The law of the 29th June, 1820, was 
substituted for that of the 5th September, 1817. 

A third election law was passed on the 2nd of July 


The result of these laws on the elective franchise is 
as follows : 

The taxes which must be paid to give the rights of 
election and eligibility remain unaltered. 

The law of the 5th of February, 1817, made the elec- 
tors meet in one single college, in the chief town of each 
department. Thus eighty-six electoral assemblies were 

The law of June 29, 1820, broke the Electoral body 
into factions, and created two hundred and seventy-eight 
arrondissement colleges, but still leaving eighty-six de- 
partmental colleges, in which a certain number of elec- 
tors (forming one-fourth of the whole electoral body), after 
having voted in the arrondissement colleges, again vote. 
Thus men of large property have a double vote, a pri- 
vilege evidently contrary to the character and spirit of 
our laws. 

Not satisfied with these usurpations of the rights of 
the public, in the name of law, no description of vio- 
lence or fraud was omitted, in order to procure the re 
turn of the partisans and supporters of government. 
The law of 28th of July last has attempted to establish 
some security against the return of such abuses. It 
presents new rules for the formation of the electoral 
lists, and authorises the intervention of hired parties 
against violations of the franchise. 

The provisions by which contested elections are de- 
cided are numerous. If a citizen claiming the right of 
voting finds himself erroneously described in the list 
drawn up by the prefect, he may proceed in support of 
his claim before that magistrate by a petition, which is 


tried in the council of the prefecture ; arid if there arise 
any dispute as to domicile, or the rating of the taxes, 
the claimant may appeal to the royal courts, which give 
judgment in the last resort. Third persons, that is to 
say, other electors than he who is directly interested in 
the question, may prosecute the person who has pro- 
cured an illegal inscription. The proces is then carried 
on by the third party before the administration of the 
prefecture ; and on the appeal before the royal courts, 
all the keepers of civil registers and of lists of taxes, 
are held bound to allow the electors to examine these 
documents, and to deliver extracts from them when re- 
quired. These wise and patriotic precautions are due 
to the law of 2nd July, 1828, and to the present Ministry. 

When an eligible candidate is chosen deputy, the va- 
lidity of his return is decided on by the chamber, which 
is divided into nine bureaus or sections formed by lot. 
The bureau to which the returned candidate belongs 
examines his election, and a report of that examination 
is made to the chamber in a public sitting. 

There are no hustings, no processions, no expense 
ruinous to the candidates. The elections are perfectly 
peaceable. They take place in the towns marked out 
by the president. The electoral assembly appoints four 
scrutators and a secretary : an election may be con- 
cluded in a day. The Urn for receiving the votes is 
open from eight in the morning till three in the after- 
noon. Every elector votes secretly, by delivering to 
the president a sealed billet which contains his vote. 
To render the election valid, the Electoral assembly 
must consist of at least two-thirds of the electors in- 


scribed on the list, and the candidate must have an ab- 
sulute majority of the suffrages. The secrecy of the 
vote is rigorously required; and nothing revolted the 
public against the last administration more than the in- 
decent manner in which the violation of this rule was 
encouraged. The candidates doubtless endeavour to 
gain the favour of the electors ; but a failure would be 
certain were money to be distributed amongst them. 
The only expenses consist in a few dinners given and re- 
ceived, and in the line of carriages to bring up distant 
or tardy electors. 

The deputies are elected for seven years. An elec- 
tor cannot vote until he is thirty, and a candidate must 
be forty to entitle him to be elected. These precau- 
tions against the vivacity of the French character might 
be modified with advantage. The former might be re- 
duced to twenty-five and the latter to the thirty. 

The number of electors in 1820 was 102,000. It is 
now not more than 88,000, in consequence of an altera- 
tion in the land-tax. The number eligible for deputies 
was then 22,000; they do not at present amount to more 
than 16,000, a very inconsiderable number indeed, in a 
nation containing 32,000,000 of inhabitants. 

VI. Comparison between the English and French mode 
of Election, by a recent French Traveller in Ireland, 
Monsieur Duvergier. 

" What do you think of our elections ?" Such is the 
question I am asked almost every day ; and, simple as it 
may at first appear, I find it extremely difficult to 


answer it. The English elections are in fact a very 
singular mixture of ever}/ thing the most noble and the 
most vile, the most serious and the most ridiculous, of 
the very best and the very worst in our nature. On one 
side, orgies, gross and debasing, a market where con- 
science is set up to the highest bidder, a hideous picture 
of disorder, riot, tumult, and brutality ; on the other, 
the platform raised in the midst of the public square, 
the initiation of the people in all the most important 
affairs of the country, and the grand spectacle of an in- 
telligent and free nation, called forth to decide on its 
own destinies and interests. How in the midst of so 
many considerations, each so completely distinct from 
the other, is it at all practicable to give a sure or de- 
cided opinion ? This difficulty augments as you de- 
scend to details. The great number of the electors, 
the publicity of their votes, the open contest between 
the candidates, all these are most admirable institutions ; 
but then in return how many absurdities how many 
anomalies do they embrace? How many populous 
cities are there without any representatives ? how many 
counties which cannot be approached without the pass- 
port of many thousand pounds? how many boroughs 
where some rich proprietor, or his agent, or coachman, 
are the only electors ? in fine, every thing which can be 
imagined most capricious, absurd, and oppressive. There 
are some clever people in France, who set the question 
at rest without quitting their firesides, and decide at 
once, according to their respective prejudices, that the 
English elections are the most admirable or abominable 
of political institutions. I, who have just witnessed 


these elections, am considerably less advanced. I do not 
know what opinion I am to form. 

In this confusion however of good and evil, is it not 
possible to make some sort of choice ? Here are mon- 
strous abuses, recognised as such by the entire country : 
how comes it that the entire country is not yet agreed 
to erase them at once from the code of her laws ? Thus 
purified from the corruptions which deface it, the effects 
of such a system would be soon felt by the blessings and 
advantages which it would be so well calculated to pro- 
duce. Such was my conviction but a month or two ago. 
A closer and more attentive examination has since 
taught me very materially to modify this opinion ; and 
the proposition of Lord John Russell now appears to me 
but very little better than mere trifling. Like the sys- 
tem of the Jesuits, it is essential that the election sys- 
tem of England should exist as it is, or not exist at all. 
It is an edifice, the component parts of which, though 
ill linked in appearance, are indissoluble in reality. 
Throw it down if you think proper, and build up ano- 
ther in its place ; but to think of repairing it under its 
present form is the very worst of absurdities : instead 
of making it better, you will only make it worse. 
Look for example at the rotten boroughs : it is against 
them in particular that is usually levelled the whole 
artillery of the demi-reformers. Now, in the actual 
state of things, the rotten boroughs are the only seats 
open to talent, the only counterpoise to the immense 
ascendancy of birth and fortune. Without the rotten 
boroughs, you must have a property of 20,000/. a year 
to qualify you for a place in the House of Commons. 


Without them Mr. Canning would never have been 
Minister, nor Mr. Brougham head of the opposition. 
The borough of Grampourid carried on a public traflic 
on the rights of election. In order to visit this abuse 
with the punishment it merited, the legislature has 
transferred to the county of York the privilege of 
choosing the two members who formerly were returned 
by the borough of Grampound. Nothing could be 
fairer in appearance than such an adjudication; and 
yet, in the reality, what is the result? That from a 
smaller place two seats in parliament have passed to 
a greater. For four or five thousand pounds, a person 
might have represented Grampound. Now, to repre- 
sent Yorkshire, you must at least run the chance of 
losing 80,000/. : and this is what is usually termed an 
amelioration ! 

Such, generally speaking, are most of the half mea- 
sures which are annually proposed in parliament. One 
or two Lords, to acquire a certain share of popularity at 
a small expense, may indulge, if such be their fantasy, in 
preaching up these partial kinds of reform : they may 
thunder against the rotten boroughs, if so they will, or 
generously extend from fifteen days to a month the time 
allotted to pursue and punish corruption : but the peo- 
ple of England are not to be deceived ; they are opening 
their eyes ; they are no longer to be amused by these 
paltry expedients. They fully feel, that the object they 
have in view is of a totally different nature, and that an 
entire and thorough remodelling of the system can 
alone radically and efficiently improve it. This also is the 
opinion of Bentham and his school ; but, in his passion 


for abstractions, Bentham sweeps away both the good 
and the evil. In his plan there are no more hustings, 
no more public meetings, no more public speaking, no 
more votes given boldly and freely in public ; but in 
each village there is proposed in their stead a box, 
where secretly and without the least noise each citizen 
may come and drop his billet; in a word, silence and 
mystery are every where substituted for agitation and 
publicity ; a great deal of order, but no spirit ; a sem- 
blance, a shadow, but no life. Is not this treating the 
man like a machine, and the whole moral system like 
a system of algebra ? Better, a thousand times better, 
the elections as they are, with all their turbulence and 

Augment the number of electors, they exclaim in 
another direction, and when every citizen is called on to 
vote, seduction will be rendered impracticable. Take 
every means to diminish them, they repeat in a third, 
and the choice of our representatives will then be en- 
trusted to men of honour, bond fide proprietors of the 
soil, who will not descend to a base traffic upon their 
rights. The first of these opinions leads directly to 
universal suffrage, and Preston is there to furnish a 
reply. As to the second, I much doubt whether it be 
in any degree preferable. In the present system, the 
contest is carried on, at least with equal arms. An 
elector, whatever may be his vote, is sure to have his 
conveyance, eating and drinking, at free cost. As long 
as bribery goes no farther than this, he is in the full 
and perfect enjoyment of his freedom. Raise the quali- 
fication of the franchise, and to the bribery of a few 


bottles of wine will soon succeed the bribery of place 
and pension. France can furnish some useful illus- 
trations on this head. It must not be imagined that 
those whose rental exceeds one thousand francs a year 
are at all less disposed to sell themselves, than those 
whose rental is considerably below that standard. The 
whole difference appears to be, that they sell themselves 
for something else, and this something else, like a bottle 
of wine, is at the disposition of all the world. One man 
is anxious to obtain for his son a commission in the 
army, another, a situation in the church. In England, 
as elsewhere, these advantages are not to be obtained 
without influence and protection. The irresistible 
argument also of many of the more enlightened classes, 
" Of what consequence is one vote more? if I am not 
the person, it will be some one else" comes very oppor- 
tunely in aid of such arrangements, and without much 
more delay the son obtains his appointment. With 
what justice or propriety can such men as these look 
down on that inferior class of electors, whose corruption 
is confined to occasional intoxication ? 

Every year a variety of new schemes are submitted 
to the consideration of the legislature ; for of those who 
are the most vociferous for reform, there are not two 
perhaps who understand the word in precisely the same 
sense. Yet with all this, clubs of reformers, annual meet- 
ings of reformers, are to be met every where, amongst 
whom the most touching and affecting unanimity seems 
to prevail. You would suppose they were all animated 
by a single soul, so much emotion is there in their lan- 
guage, such a spirit of brotherhood and good-fellowship 


distinguishes their public speeches. There is but one 
omission in all this, that, they forget to express distinctly 
what are the real objects they have in view, or rather 
they do not forget, but take good care, how they com- 
mit so material an imprudence. Suppose, for instance, 
assembled at the same table, the opposition and the 
counter-opposition of France. As long as they confine 
themselves to general attacks upon the Ministry, or to 
vague declamations in praise of liberty, every thing 
would probably go as well as could be desired. But 
do you imagine, that the moment they should take it 
into their heads to give their opinions a precise and 
determinate form, the whole of this flattering appear- 
ance of harmony would not immediately, in some man- 
ner or other, be taken up ? Now this is precisely the 
case with the reformers of England. 

What conclusions then are we to draw from all this ? 
That the country is not yet ripe for a Parliamentary 
Reform ; that this reform ought perhaps not to precede 
but to follow many other changes of still higher import ; 
and that in awaiting this desirable amelioration, the 
people of England cannot do better than to sit down 
satisfied with the existing system. From so much in- 
quiry and discussion as lately have taken place, a clear 
and simple idea must sooner or later undoubtedly spring 
up, which in due time will strike all eyes, and shake to 
their foundation every remaining prejudice. It will 
then be full time to embody such idea into a law ; but 
till then, every attempt at change will be little other 
than an innovation without an improvement. Taking 
every thing together, there is besides, it must be re- 
VOL. ii. i 


member-ed, in the present system, something exceedingly 
vigorous and grand. It is surely no ordinary spectacle, 
that of a nation convened upon an appointed day, to 
hear the humble supplication of its rulers, and accord- 
ing to their works to confirm or cashier them : such an 
institution may well defy many sneers, and resist the in- 
fluence of many inherent vices. And what in effect are 
its actual results ? Of six hundred and fifty members, 
riot more than one hundred and fifty have been changed, 
and already the eyes of the public are turned on all 
sides towards the new parliament. The numerical ma- 
jority it is well known cannot suffer any material altera- 
tion, and yet every one is in expectation and suspense. 
What is the cause of this singular phenomenon? and 
how comes it that an assembly born in the very lap of 
riches and corruption, is capable of inspiring an interest 
so lively ? how is it possible, that any thing can be ex- 
pected from a meeting so defectively constituted in its 
very origin ? It is, because the very right of election 
implies a power which is superior to it ; and as long as 
it shall be permitted to develope itself freely, this power, 
in England, must always end by carrying before it 
every other. I speak of public opinion, of the sove- 
reign ruler of the entire nation, the power before which 
must bow all other powers in the country. The aristo- 
cracy itself exists but through and by it, and is com- 
pelled to flatter its supremacy, in order to maintain its 
own due rank and station in the community. Where the 
public manners continue pure and vigorous, where the 
press is free, where the right of associating and meeting 
iii public is without control or restriction, what could a 


parliament be capable of effecting which was once aban- 
doned by public opinion ? On all sides would soon spring 
up new rivals, in new Houses, in new assemblies of the 
nation, who, chosen freely by the will of the people, 
would soon rise above it in popular estimation. Towards 
them exclusively would the public direct its attention, 
in them exclusively would the public repose its confi- 
dence. In vain would the legitimate House of Com- 
mons send forth its decrees; in vain would it fulminate 
its prohibitions : its competitors would revive under a 
thousand pretexts, and favoured by the very agitation 
and tumult even of the electors, they would ultimately 
succeed by governing the country. Let no one then be 
deceived ; public opinion has always in the end obtained 
what it willed with energy; and if, in the nineteenth 
century, the English code continues still to be stained 
with the relics of former fanaticism and inequality, it is 
because inequality and fanaticism still exist in the man- 
ners and mind of the English people. 

For a considerable time, the reformers seem alto- 
gether to have passed over this important truth. It was 
against the parliament that their efforts were exclusively 
directed. They seem scarcely to have thought of re- 
mounting to the original principle. At last, however, 
their eyes are opened. They no longer aim at the sum- 
mit, but at the base, well assured of a complete victory 
the moment that public opinion shall declare in their 
favour. Hence it is that books have replaced conspira- 
cies, and the corn question that of annual parliaments. 
This new march of things and men cannot but be at- 
tended with some great result. Thanks to such a change ; 


the great political farce, so long played off between op- 
posite parties, has now almost entirely disappeared, or 
rather those parties themselves have very nearly become 
extinguished. When in the present day we talk either 
of a Whig or a Tory, we talk of things which no longer 
have a meaning. Mr. Canning is a Tory, and yet he it 
was who proposed the changes which have lately taken 
place in the corn laws. Lord Grey is a Whig, and he, 
it is said, has declared in parliament, that he will trans- 
mit untouched to his son the inheritance of his fathers. 
Sir Francis Burdett is a Radical, and he professes the 
most marked aversion to any system which does not 
sanction the principle of entail, and the inequality which 
at present exists in the division and apportioning of pro- 
perty. After such anomalies, I should like to hear 
what constitutes the essential difference between Tory, 
Whig, and Radical. Between Whig and Tory, Hunt 
professes to see but one distinction, that the Tory is 
actually in power, and the Whig is anxious to be so. 
This opinion indeed may be considered applicable to a 
great number of Whigs. For many years, opinions 
were never consulted in the selection of a party. A 
man assumed the principles of Whig or Tory, from 
mere family compact or inheritance: the member of 
such and such a house could not without dishonour sit 
down on the benches of the opposition, or of such ano- 
ther, on those of the treasury : they were ministerialists 
or oppositionists born. In other particulars, they had 
in every respect the same ideas, the same opinions, and 
the same prejudices. I am acquainted with a circle in 
London, the admission into which requires the proof of 


at least four quarters of nobility ; and more than one 
Whig of high birth inveighs with bitterness against 
those villanous shopkeepers, who have had the insolence 
to blazon upon their equipages their coats of arms. 
Speak of the game laws to Mr. Peel or Sir Francis 
Burdett, and then tell me which of the two is the 
most liberal ? 

This decomposition or dissolution of ancient parties, 
is indeed quite evident to the most casual observer. 
The elements which originally composed them must in 
time have acquired new affinities. Until these affinities 
shall be clearly ascertained, there of course will continue 
to be much confusion and disorder, but out of this dis- 
order, sooner or later must arise, a new system, a bet- 
ter order of things. To a classification altogether fac- 
titious, will gradually succeed another, infinitely more 
natural : every one will then know his objects and his 
intentions, what he aims at, whither he is going, and 
the public will no longer be duped by a few high-sound- 
ing words. The discussion of the corn question is well 
calculated to accelerate these changes. There will ere 
long be a struggle, direct and uncompromising ; a 
struggle of substantial and solid interests, between the 
contending powers of the community ; and such in 
general are all those which lead to any thing efficient or 
permanent in a country. The question for decision will 
then be, whether a few Lords, for the purpose of keeping 
up their incomes to their present rental, will insist on 
their privilege of starving the great body of the people. 
Neither the people nor Mr. Canning seem to be of thig 
opinion : but the aristocracy is alarmed, and it is not 


unlikely the whole will end by a mutual compromise 
between all parties. In such a case, however, to com- 
promise is to yield. Taken individually, four hundred 
out of the six hundred members of the Commons, are 
very possibly supporters of the most absolute prohibi- 
tion ; but in their public capacity, they dare not for an 
instant maintain these sentiments, so completely are 
they under the wholesome control of that public opi- 
nion, which in other places and circumstances they 
affect to despise. Under such a guardianship as this, 
there cannot exist a bad parliament. 

After he has witnessed the elections, conduct a stranger 
into the House of Commons, and he will not believe it 
possible that such means could produce so remarkable 
a result, or that a machine so rickety in itself, when 
applied to use, could work so well. To solve the pro- 
blem, a word or two will be sufficient. With such, 
every thing becomes intelligible; without them, nothing. 
Chain to-morrow the English press ; prohibit the citi- 
zens from meeting or speaking in public ; prevent them 
from associating together, as they may think proper ; 
see that the elections be conducted in secrecy and si- 
lence, and in a very short period you will have Venice 
instead of London. Yet all the forms of the constitu- 
tion shall religiously be preserved ; and more than one 
politician may still continue to indulge in ecstasies on 
the exact balance of the several constituent powers of 
the republic. Between the 43rd and 51st degree of 
latitude, there does exist a country which has nearly 
come to this. But as long as a certain word remains 
written on a certain piece of paper, for a great portion 


of mankind, it is quite sufficient. It reminds one of 
the horse which Orlando dragged after him : the beast 
was an admirable one, it is true, but it had one defect, 
that of being dead. 

No. XXII. 


I. First Address of Lord George Beresford to the 
Noblemen, Gentlemen, Clergy, and Freeholders, of 
the County of Waterford, 


I would not have intruded myself upon your atten- 
tion, at a time when the exercise of your elective fran- 
chise must be distant, did I not fear that my silence 
might be misinterpreted ; and I should indeed regret, 
that any of those friends whose independent support 
has rendered my success certain (let a dissolution of 
parliament take place when it may), should believe that 
the security with which they have invested me can 
ever make me unmindful that it is to their kindness I 
owe it. 

I fully agree with my juvenile antagonist, that the 
result of the approaching contest will do much to de- 
termine the real nature of the elective franchise to 
determine whether property is to have its due weight, 
and whether the long-cherished relations of landlord 
and tenant are to exert their fair and legitimate influ- 
ence, or whether the political obedience of the Roman 
Catholic freeholder is due to his spiritual guide and 
whether the county of Waterford is to put forth its 


strength in the dignity of independence, or to crouch 
to a coalition hatched and held together by a few dema- 
gogues, unconnected with your county, who claim that 
toleration they have never practised. 

I seek a seat in parliament at your hands, as an 
object of ambition of honest, of honourable ambi- 
tion. I seek your independent support upon prin- 
ciples as independent, and ofter myself to your con- 
sideration, not as an intolerant or party man (as has 
been invidiously alleged against me), but as an inde- 
pendent candidate, unshackled by coalition, unfettered 
by associations, unsubdued by demagogues, unawed by 
power, and unpledged to the support of men or mea- 
sures ; free as that glorious constitution which we justly 
prize as our dearest inheritance, and determined con- 
scientiously and fearlessly to support the best interests 
of my native country and of the empire at large. 

Upon these principles I rest my pretensions, and 
solicit your powerful and constitutional support, to re- 
buke and annihilate the unnatural and intolerant com- 
bination formed against your rights and independence. 
Nor can I for a moment doubt that your spirited and 
patriotic exertions will maintain me in the proud situa- 
tion which I now hold, and in which my family and 
myself have long had the honour to serve you. 

I have the honour to be, 


Your much obliged and devoted Servant, 

Cnrraghmore, 21st October, 1825. 


II. Address of H. Villiers Stuart, Esq. to the Gentle- 
men, Clergymen, and Freeholders, of the County 


Called upon as I have been by a great majority of 
the independent electors, I feel it my duty to announce 
without further delay my intention of offering myself as 
a candidate for the representation of your county at the 
next election. 

Little known as yet in public life, I could not think 
of soliciting your suffrages without giving you previ- 
ously an open and explicit declaration of my political 

To the British constitution, which is the basis of 
our liberties and our glory, I feel an ardent attachment ; 
and as Catholic emancipation is that measure which in 
my mind is best calculated to uphold and strengthen it, 
my constant and most strenuous exertions shall be di- 
rected towards its accomplishment. In making this 
declaration, my motive is not one of selfish policy, which 
would accommodate principle to temporary advantage. 
I am influenced by a strong sense of the justice of the 
claims of my Catholic fellow- subjects, and by an entire 
confidence in the honesty of their views and principles. 
The desire which they manifest, with so unequivocal a 
unanimity, to be relieved from disabilities and to share 
in the privileges of the state, while it affords a proof 
that they duly appreciate the value of a free constitu- 
tion, gives the strongest and best assurance of their dis- 


position to maintain it. Every true friend to the real 
welfare of the empire must be deeply interested in the 
success of this great measure. Ireland can never prosper 
nor enjoy tranquillity, nor will the security of England 
rest on a solid basis, whilst seven millions of inhabitants 
are kept, on account of tenets purely religious, in a state 
of political servitude. 

As I mean now to have the honour of making per- 
sonal application to each of you, I deem it right to 
make this explicit avowal as to the terms upon which I 
aspire to the high honour of becoming one of your 
representatives in parliament. I would not purchase a 
single vote by any artful disguise of my sentiments 
upon a subject of such paramount interest to the empire 
at large, and of such peculiar importance to the county 
of Waterford ; and if I have the misfortune of differing 
with any of my friends upon this great and vital ques- 
tion, I have only to claim that indulgence to which 
honest conviction is justly entitled. 

With every feeling of respect, 

I have the honour to remain, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 


Waterford, August 8, 1825. 

III. Sum Total of the Poll. 

Mr. Power .... 1424 
Mr. Stuart .... 1357 
Lord George Beresford . . 528 


Besides upwards of seven hundred freeholders more, 
who were ready to come to the poll, for Power and 
Stuart, when his Lordship gave in. 



Rules and Regulations of the Order. 

The Order of the Liberators is a voluntary association 
of Irishmen for purposes legal and useful to Ireland. 

The objects of " The Order" are these : 

I. As a mode of expressing the gratitude and con- 
fidence of the people for past services : 

II. To form a society of persons, who will consider it 
a duty due to their country to effectuate the following 
purposes : 

No. 1. To prevent the formation or continuance in 
their respective vicinages of any secret society or con- 
federacy whatsoever, the greatest evil in Ireland, and 
that which has tended most to prevent the success of 
her efforts to meliorate the condition of the people, 
being secret societies. No person who is not deeply 
convinced of this truth, can belong to the Order of 

No. 2. To conciliate all classes of Irishmen in one 
bond of brotherhood and affection, so that all religious 
animosities may for ever cease among Irishmen. 

No. 3. To bury in total and eternal oblivion all 
ancient animosities and reproaches, no matter by whom 
inflicted or who may be the sufferer. 

No. 4. To prevent the future occurrence of feuds 


and riots at markets, fairs, and patrons, and to reconcile 
the parties and factions which have hitherto disgraced 
many parts of Ireland. 

No. 5. To promote the collection of a national fund 
for national purposes, as far as that can be done con- 
sistently with law. 

No. 6. To protect all persons possessed of the 
elective franchise, and especially the forty- shilling free- 
holders, from all vindictive proceedings on account of 
the free exercise of such franchise. 

No. 7. To promote the acquisition of such franchise, 
and its due registry, to ascertain the number of votes in 
each county and city in Ireland, and the political bias of 
the voters generally. 

No. 8. To promote the system of dealing exclusively 
with the friends of civil and religious liberty, Protestant 
and Catholic, with a selection, when a choice can be 
made, of Protestant friends, being the most disinter- 
ested of the two ; and also to prevent, as much as pos- 
sible, all dealing with the enemies of Ireland, whether 
Protestant Orangemen, or Orange Catholics, the worst 
of all Orangeists. 

No. 9. To promote the exclusive use of articles the 
growth and manufacture of Ireland. 

No. 10. To form two distinct tribunals in every 
county, with branches in every town and village 
therein the one for the purpose of reconciling differ- 
ences, and procuring parties to adjust their litigations 
and disputes, and the other tribunal for the purpose 
of deciding, by arbitration, litigations and disputes 
between parties who may resist a settlement without 


No. XXIV. 


The committee having taken into consideration the 
subject of the appointment of five inspectors of Catholic 
Rent in each county, have agreed to the following re- 
port : 

That such appointment would manifestly be of the 
greatest utility, in order the better to organise and ex- 
tend the collection of the Catholic Rent to every Parish 
in Ireland ; but to render the appointment of perma- 
nent value, it is necessary it should be made by the in- 
habitants of each county for themselves. 

In order to obtain the co-operation of the counties in 
this most useful measure, the committee do strongly 
recommend the Association to appoint from amongst 
their members one chief or head inspector of Catholic 
Rent for each county. 

That it be the duty of such inspector to repair without 
delay to the county for which he shall be appointed, and 
take all necessary measures to effectuate the following 
purposes : 

I. To procure the appointment of five local inspectors 
of Catholic Rent in and for each county. 

ii. To procure such inspectors to divide, and to as- 
sist them in dividing, the county into five districts of 
parishes, so as to make each district as nearly equal as 
may be most convenient, having regard to the local cir- 
cumstances of each county. 


in. To arrange with the local inspectors, and per- 
sonally to assist them in procuring the nomination of 
Catholic churchwardens in every parish in the county. 

IV. To arrange with the local inspectors and church- 
wardens to have the Catholic Reut collected in each 
parish on the first Sunday in every month such Sunday 
to be called Catholic Rent Sunday. 

v. That each inspector be authorised and required to 
organise the collection of the Catholic Rent in every 
parish, with the assistance of the local inspectors and 
churchwardens, as far as he can procure the same ; but 
that it be an indispensable duty upon him to have the 
Rent put into a state of collection as speedily as pos- 
sible, even previously to the appointment of local in- 
spectors or churchwardens. 

vi. That the chief inspector do give full instructions 
to the local inspectors and churchwardens for the dis- 
charge of their respective duties. 

vii. That the duties of the local inspectors are as 
follows : 

To make a return once a month to the Catholic Asso- 
ciation, giving in detail 

1st. The names of the parishes in the district in one 

2nd. The name and address of each Catholic clergy- 
man in such district in a separate column. 

3rd. The name and address of each Catholic church- 
warden in his district in a separate column. 

4th. The names of the parishes in which there are 
no churchwardens appointed in a separate column ; and 
to add to such last-mentioned column such measures as 



the inspector has taken to procure the appointment of 
churchwardens in the parishes contained in such last- 
mentioned column. 

5th. The names of the parishes in which the Catholic 
Rent has been collected during the preceding month, 
and the amount of such collection, and how it has been 
disposed of. 

6th. The names of the parishes in which no Catholic 
Rent has been collected in the preceding month, and to 
state any suggestions that he may deem useful for ex- 
tending the collection of the Catholic Rent to the de- 
faulting parishes. 

vin. That the duties of the Catholic churchwardens 

1st. To assist the parochial clergy in all affairs relat- 
ing to temporal concerns of the parish and its schools, 
and other charities which the parochial clergy may con- 
fide to them. 

2nd. To procure parish collectors of Catholic Rent, 
to any extent that may be required to complete the col- 
lection of the Catholic Rent within that parish. 

3rd. To give notice on the last Sunday of every 
month that the ensuing Sunday, being the first Sunday 
of the month, would be the Catholic Rent Sunday. 

4th. To attend, either in person or by a deputy, at 
each mass on the Catholic Rent Sunday, and to receive 
all such sums as may be voluntarily contributed. 

5th. To give all useful information to the local inspec- 
tors of the district for the better collection and arrange- 
ment of the Catholic Rent. 

6th. To make a monthly report to the Catholic As- 
sociation of Ireland on the following heads: 


1st. As to the amount of Catholic Rent collected in 
the parish within the month. 

2nd. The number of registered freeholders. 

3rd. Whether there be any and what number of per- 
sons capable of being registered as freeholders, but who 
are not so. 

4th. The known or at least probable political bias of 
the freeholders, stating as well as can be done the com- 
parative numbers of each party. 

5th. The number of schools in the parish, and how 
supported and whether on liberal principles, or the 
Kildare Place, or other improper plan. 

6th. To state all matters of local grievance in the 
parish, especially with respect to any magisterial delin- 

7th. To state the situation of the parish in relation 
to tithes, parish cess, and county rates. 

The Committee earnestly recommend the adoption 
of the plan of naming for, and sending to, each county a 
chief or head inspector, so as to arrange and organise 
the collection of the Catholic Rent in such a manner as 
to procure those abundant resources which the present 
state of the cause of civil and religious liberty so press- 
ingly requires. 

The following duties the Committee deem to be- 
long equally and vitally to each class of persons en- 
gaged in any way in the collection of the Catholic 
Rent : 

1st. To prevent the existence of Whiteboy disturb- 
ances of every species and description. 

2nd. To prevent the existence of any secret societies 


3rd. To prevent the taking of illegal oaths of any 
nature or kind whatsoever. 

4th. To put an end to party feuds and quarrels of all 

5th. To take care that an accurate census of each 
parish be procured. 

6th. To collect signatures to the several petitions, and 
transmit them for presentation. 

7th. To promote peaceable and moral conduct, and 
universal charity and benevolence, amongst all classes. 

The committee are aware that success cannot, and 
indeed ought not to be attained, unless we procure the 
countenance and assistance of the Catholic clergy. 
That venerated and most exemplary class of men, will 
give us their assistance on the terms only of our deserv- 
ing that assistance. 


No. XXV, 

Letter of Mr. Wyse, Jun. on the Organization of 
Liberal Clubs. 

Waterford, July 30, 1828. 

It has always occurred to me that the great defect in 
our entire system was the want of a good organization. 
By good, I mean, a uniform, universal, permanent, sys- 
tem of enlightened and energetic co-operation. Co- 
operation we, no doubt, have, and much intelligence, 
VOL. ii. k 


and more energy ; but the other requisites still appear 
to be eminently wanting. To say that Ireland feels as 
one man, is merely saying that there is common suffer- 
ing, common pursuit, and common sympathy ; but float- 
ing loosely over society, without order or combination, 
this feeling is not yet of sufficient practical avail. Like 
similar powers in the physical world, unless pressed, by 
skill and management, into proper directions and com- 
binations, for any really useful result, they might as 
well not exist. "We want a well-digested system of 
political tactics, emanating from a single point, and 
extending in circle upon circle, until it shall embrace 
the entire nation. We want not merely an electrical 
spark here and there from the body, surprising and 
astonishing for a moment, but a continued stream of 
the fluid, a regularly augmenting system of light and 
power. The materials lie in abundance around us ; 
the time is come to give them shape and utility ; we 
have no longer to create we have only to make use of 
what we have created we have only to sit down and 
apply and arrange the materials are in our hands. 

Our public business has hitherto been carried on by 
aggregate meetings of all Ireland (as they are called), 
by county meetings, city meetings, parish meetings, and 
the Association. Now all these are excellent things 
when properly brought to act together: the defect I 
complain of is, that they are not. They are isolated, 
desultory, seldom held in concert, and almost never 
in reference or relation to each other. I do not say 
that they are of little use, but I say they might be of a 
great deal more. I would not keep them separated and 


unconnected, but I would hang one upon the other ; I 
would try to make them, not, as they are, a series of 
links, but a chain. The aggregate meetings of all Ire- 
land, for instance, are absolute illusions. The very 
name is a misnomer. All Ireland is indeed summoned, 
but, debarred as we are from delegation, all Ireland 
cannot come. Few of our provincial gentry are ever 
present : the middle and lower classes, in this extended 
sense, not at all. Fictions, political as well as legal, 
may go very far, but I know of none which can convert 
the men of Dublin into the men of Waterford and 
Cork. It is true they generally express the same or 
similar opinions, but this is a coincidence, not a result. 
There is no representation, the usual remedy for this 
defect : the nation is not present either in person or by 
attorney. But how is this to be obviated, and what can 
we do ? Simply this hold the meetings if we like, but 
give them a right name ; call them the aggregate meet- 
ings of the county and city of Dublin, which they are t 
and not the meetings of all Ireland, which they cer- 
tainly are not. 

The County meetings are scarcely better constituted. 
They are, too often, the mere accompaniments of an 
assizes. If there be an eloquent or loquacious Catholic 
on the circuit, they take place ; if sick or absent, they do 
not. Like the man of Roderick Dhu, they spring up 
where the bar treads ; when the bar passes on, they sink 
into the ground. This is no evil for public men, and 
perhaps a slight one for the country : in all cases I be- 
lieve it to be inevitable. Country gentlemen are not 
easily to be got together at any other time of the year. 

cxlviii APPENDIX. 

They love their home first, and then their country, and 
are always ready to attend to her interests whenever 
they find them (which sometimes happens) in company 
with their own. Besides, though tolerable listeners, 
they are bad speakers, and it is natural and proper they 
should avail themselves of the transit of a star. But 
what, after all, is the real use of this? Has a half- 
yearly speech or two ever yet regenerated a coun- 

The parishes, till within these few years back, were 
mere brute matter absolutely inert or dead. The 
clergy were doubting or afraid ; they had the memory 
of the past the shadows, and dreams, and hobgoblins 
of the night, about them still. The people were what 
the clergy and gentry made them ; newspapers were not 
only not read, but not written the schoolmaster, if 
abroad, was in the shape of an oppressor, and not as he 
now is, of a deliverer the scholar saw the charter 
house in instruction, and could not bear to be whipped 
and persecuted into education. The peasant knew no 
other country than his farm no law but tithe law on 
one side, and his own guerilla law on the other no 
rights but the half rights, the miserable crumbs which 
fell by inadvertence from the table of his bloated and 
rack-rent landlord. By degrees, and by slow degrees, 
the thing altered. The government, dreaming about 
its own wretched interests, whilst the interests of a 
nation were at stake, letting loose the reins, and then 
pulling them back committing the people to them- 
selves, and then exciting them when so committed, was 
the chief cause of this great revolution. Then came 


the imbecilities of the local ascendancy masters. The 
people and their strength were set at defiance their 
pride was goaded they were gradually, fully, and effec- 
tually, roused. The slave conquered : the tax-master 
was trampled to the earth. Waterford, Louth, &c. 
vindicated the honour of our national spirit and intelli- 
gence. The people got tired of kneeling, and rose up 
almost in one mass, and walked, in a few days, as if 
they had never been in the dust. Two or three elections 
did more in educating them to a proper sense of their 
wrongs and power, than all the petitioning, and grovel- 
ling, and chiding, of the last half century. Then came 
the simultaneous meetings, an excellent measure ; and 
had they taken place on any other day than on a Sun- 
day a mighty miracle. As it was, there was illusion 
in the business. The petition came to them they did 
not go to the petition. But the thing was begun the 
week-day will come yet we cannot retrograde and who 
is he who now dare say to the nation, " Thou shall not 
advance further ?" 

Throughout all this, then, there is the grand defici- 
ency which I have already pointed out the want of 
uniform, universal, and permanent co-operation. Meet- 
ings of a day meetings of bodies, totally unconnected 
with each other, will not do. To do any thing, men 
must belong to each other ; that what they do should 
last, their exertions must be constant and systematic. 
Holiday impulses, anniversary explosions, are, like all 
other kinds of fire- works, grand things ; but it is not by 
poetry, but by prose, that we are to succeed by the 
common-place, plodding, persevering habit of every day. 



The morning and evening thought of peer and peasant 
must be his wrongs his wrongs his wrongs. This in 
the first place ; and, next, how he may best, and most 
constitutionally, and most effectively, get rid of them. 
His chains, like those of Columbus, should be for ever 
in his sight : it is right he should feel them, weigh on 
and gnaw them, in order that they may determine him, 
by his own exertions, to throw them off. Then he 
should learn to estimate his strength. No man is feeble 
with the nation behind him. The smallest meeting 
must be taught that they hang upon a still greater ; 
every peasant must feel (profoundly and strongly feel) 
that he is an integral part of his country. There must 
be many hands like Briareus, but, like Briareus also, 
these hands must have but one heart and one head to 
guide them. 

The Association, old and new, attempted to achieve 
this ; but I may be pardoned, I hope, in saying, that they 
went wrongly about it. They continued pouring in, 
day after day, new streams of electricity charging with 
the animating fluid numberless portions of the political 
machine generating steam as occasion suggested ; but 
a great deal of this was done at random, and no pro- 
vision was made or attempted, when such powers were 
fully produced, for their temperate and judicious appli- 
cation. Besides the danger which they exposed us to 
in this wandering and uncontrolled shape, they did not 
allow us to bring one-half of our energies, and that half 
but feebly, into play. At the same time, both Associa- 
tions had their utility; they did much they struck the 
spark out of the flint they created life within the dead 


they gave us the materials they prepared they ani- 
mated they created, Their errors were inseparable 
from their constitution: if, sometimes, too much the 
medium for local and individual varieties, the fault was 
in the very nature of the body, much more than in the 
members. What could be expected from an assembly 
which was not representative, and which, of course, 
must have been, in many instances, too much Dublin, 
and too little Ireland? This, if not counteracted by 
many circumstances, would have been a serious evil. 
No country is healthy where the heart drinks away life 
from the members. As long as France was absorbed 
in Paris, there was no freedom. America, to this day, 
has, properly speaking, no capital. 

But are these evils to be remedied ? I think they 
are, and am astonished they have not been remedied 
earlier. The form which, of all others, I confess I 
should prefer, for the administration of our affairs, is 
that system of delegation upon which was constructed 
the general committee of 1793. But from this we are 
precluded by the Convention act, or rather its interpre- 
tation. We have only then to choose what comes nearest 
to that system ; I care not for the form, provided the 
essentials be the same. We must, at all events, have 
the uniformity, the universality, the permanence which 
I have recommended. In the materials already before 
us, with a little modification, these requisites may be 
found. This is an advantage. A wise man will as little 
as possible disturb existing habits ; he will only use 
them in another way, and for other purposes. The 
point is, I repeat it, not to create (that we have done 


already) ; but having created, not to squander, but 

1. The Association, the central point, the head well 
of all the public feeling in our body, might stand as it 
is, too many public, and, perhaps, too many private in- 
terests existing to allow any material alteration : if such 
were practicable, that is, palatable, perhaps it might be 
converted with advantage into a head or presiding club, 
augmenting its forces, by monthly ballot, from the coun- 
try and city clubs all over Ireland. 

2. County and city clubs might be instituted in 
every county. They are thus separated, because their 
objects, though not their interests, may occasionally 

3. Every city club might be composed of 1st, Origi- 
nal subscribers within one month, the nucleus of the club. 
Sndly, The members balloted for after the expiration 
of that period. 3rdly, The rent collectors, as honorary 
members, with or without the power of voting, as might 
be judged expedient. The two first classes might fur- 
nish the materials for committees, for the purpose of 
conducting proceedings, for the restoration of defrauded 
rights, as far as the laws might permit, under the name 
of committees of management. The third class, besides 
combining with the other two, would be eminently ser- 
viceable as a committee of inquiry, investigating regis- 
tries of freeholders, admissions of freemen, and directly 
communicating (within the limits of the statute) with 
the rent or parish clubs established by the people. 

4. Every county club might be composed of the two 
first classes. They should establish parish clubs in 

APPENDIX. cliii 

every parish in their respective counties. This might 
be done by a committee of gentlemen, who should 
make a circuit of the county. Each parish club might 
consist of the clergy, gentry, churchwardens, and a 
certain number of the respectable farmers of the 
parish . 

5. The committees of each county and city club 
should meet, at least, once a week ; there should be 
ordinary meetings once a month, and extraordinary 
meetings twice a year. 

By this system, the affairs of the Catholics of Ireland 
might be conducted with precision, constancy, unanimity, 
and uniformity. 

1. The Association might have the initiative of 
our proceedings. It should recommend the period 
most proper for the holding of provincial, county, and 
parish meetings. 

2. The county and city clubs should provide for the 
execution of this recommendation. 1st, By convening 
aggregate meetings in their respective counties and 
city. 2ndly, By these meetings recommending provincial 
meetings, and convening them. 3rdly, By simultaneous 
parish meetings, confirming the whole. 

3. A general meeting of fourteen days might con- 
clude the series. It should be held, of course, in Dub- 
lin, after the termination of county, provincial, and 
parish meetings, and immediately previous to the sitting 
of parliament. 

The principal members of the parish clubs should 
pledge themselves to attend the county meetings, the 
principal members of the county meetings and clubs in 



like manner the provincial meetings, and the principal 
attendants of the provincial meetings the general four- 
teen days' meeting of the Association. Thus might be 
obtained a regular, authentic, and continued statement 
of the feelings and progress of every portion, however 
small, of the entire country. 

As the facilities which such a system affords for com- 
munication and dissemination of newspapers, tracts, ad- 
dresses, political catechisms, &c., they do not require to 
be insisted on. Any person who has seen it in operation 
during an election, will well know how to appreciate its 

By such a system, the Catholic, or rather independent 
constituency of Ireland, will be completely disciplined, 
and will not need any application of extraordinary stimu- 
lants to rouse them to a sense of their constitutional 
duty. Every county, in a few months, will naturally, 
and almost of itself, become a Clare or a Waterford. 
The electors will be home-taught they will learn well 
they will remember long. The county club, and the 
city club, and the parish club, the club, I may say, of 
every place and of every hour, will keep up the feeling 
to a determined, enlightened, vigorous temper. The 
passion will become conviction, and the conviction habit. 
Every man will become familiar with his rights ; he will 
know where to look for and how to obtain them. The 
knowledge will then practically work ; the dissolution 
of parliament will, some time or other, come, and entire 
Ireland will be fully prepared. If, then, we leave a 
Jocelyn, or a Foster, or a Beresford to represent us, 
whilst we have Stuarts, and Grattans, and Dawsons, 


and it may be O'Connells, to represent us, the fault 
will be with ourselves, not with our destiny, and from 
that hour forth we ought to bear our destiny like willing 
slaves, and not dare to raise our heads and rail inso- 
lently against it. 

A third advantage, and it is inestimable, is the con- 
trolling influence which such a system gives us over the 
tumultuary feelings of the country. It suppresses all 
private feud ; it extinguishes all party dissension ; it 
breaks up those pernicious secret societies, which, at 
times, have wasted so much of the energies of our peo- 
ple ; it prevents the recurrence of all those angry and 
insane ebullitions, which a government hostile to the 
people can so easily magnify or fan into insurrection. 
Political ameliorations in the present state of human 
knowledge are not to be obtained by physical force. 
This is a great truth, and cannot be too constantly or 
strongly inculcated. Despotism is to be combated 
with other arms than those of the flesh. The people 
must be taught this every where and at every hour: 
they must be taught to look up to a higher principle of 
strength, to that great moral power arising from the 
concert and universality of constitutional exertion, which 
no government, had it the head of Pitt, and the arm of 
Wellington, can resist long, or resist at all, consistently 
with its own happiness and power. We must teach 
them every where, how very inconvenient and annoying 
it is for a haughty master to have too many discontented 
slaves. We must convert oppression from a luxury to 
a pain ; the aggrieved many must make themselves felt 
in the midst of all the enjoyments and superiorities of 


the oppressing few. This lesson is learning rapidly 
the feeling is every where the intelligence which is to 
guide it is coming after the combination only, which 
is necessary to make this efficient, yet remains behind. 
But that depends not on our enemies, but on ourselves. 
Thank God, our regeneration can come, and is coming 
from within. Practice is making us perfect ; what was 
thought impossible yesterday, is done to-day what we 
do to-day, will be laughed at to-morrow I will not say, 
God grant it may. It is not the wish we want, but the 
will. With that will, universal and uniform, what can 
we not obtain ? What is there in the men of Louth, 
Waterford, or Clare, that is not in the men of Ireland ? 
This only that they had order, system, organization 
and why should not all Ireland have, at this moment, 
the same ? 

I am, Sir, &c. &c. 

To Edw. Dwyer, Esq. 
Secretary of the Catholic Association. 

* Another letter on the improvement of clubs was addressed by Mr. 
Wyse to the Association a few days previous to the last aggregate 
meeting in Dublin, in which he suggests the propriety of calling upon the 
Catholics of Ireland to assemble in a species of Annual Session, imme- 
diately previous to the meeting of parliament, on the principle and for 
the purposes for which were adopted the fourteen days' meeting of the New 
Association. The collection of as large a portion of the scattered opinion 
of the country into one focus as possible being the great object in view, he 
proposed that the Secretary to the Catholics of Ireland should, a fortnight 
before the day fixed for the sittings, address a circular to the Secretaries of 
every county and city club in Ireland, "requesting them to impress upon 
their most active and intelligent members the absolute necessity of their 
giving their attendance at the proposed meeting, and delivering a return ^ 


At the Munster Provincial Meeting,* held 2Qth August, 
1828, at Clonmel, it was moved by James Roe, of 
Rocsborough, and seconded by Thomas Wyse of the 
Mar-or of St. John, Esq., Jun. 

That we most earnestly recommend the formation of 
Liberal Clubs in each county and city in Munster, with 
branches in each parish, for the purpose of securing the 
due registration of freeholders ; the obtaining of the 
freedom of cities, towns, and boroughs ; the correcting 
abuses by legal means ; the contesting illegal cesses, 
grand jury taxation and vexatious tithes; the preventing 
secret societies, illegal oaths, and every manner of white- 
boy outrage ; the discouraging of party riots, drunken- 
ness, and village faction ; and promoting the peaceable 
co-operation of all the people in constitutional and legal 
exertions for the freedom and happiness of Ireland. 

before the expiration of the week, of such members as would pledge 
themselves to attend." Mr. Wyse conceived that such a measure would 
be the completion of the Liberal Club system ; as it would combine all the 
advantages desirable from a mean between the Association and the County 
and City clubs. If, the day after, the Association had been suppressed, it 
would have been a day too late. The Association would fall back into the 
clubs the clubs might be scattered, but the members would endure. 

* This was the first Provincial meeting, which sanctioned the principle 
advanced by the Catholics, of demanding the following pledges from all 
future candidates at elections j viz. 1st, Opposition to the Wellington 
administration. 2ndly, Support of the Catholic Question. Srdly, Of 
reform in parliament. The latter pledge formed the subject of a warm 
discussion at Clonmel and Kilkenny, but was acceded to, more from a 
wish to preserve the unanimity of the body, than the policy of the proposi- 
tion. At this meeting an appeal was made to the Irish members friendly 
to the cause, to assemble in Dublin previous to the parliamentary session ; 
and the appointment of provincial inspectors of the Catholic Rent was also 
agreed to. 



A similar resolution had been passed by the aggregate 
meeting of the Catholics of Ireland, and this was fol- 
lowed by the other provincial meetings of Ireland. 

Extract of a Letter to the Editor of the Cork Chronicle 

on the Objects and Utility of Liberal Clubs. 
Firstly, A Liberal Club would, in whatever parish or 
district it is formed, serve as a centre, as a band of 
union, as a rallying point, for the "men of good-will" 
of all religions and of all classes, belonging to such 
parish or such district. The Protestant and the 
Catholic, the Methodist and the Presbyterian, the rich 
and the poor, the learned and the unlearned, all but 
immoral men, would be eligible to be members of it. 
Observe the good that would flow from this Irish 
convention. Men who now think alike on politics, but 
who seldom come together, various circumstances in 
life keeping them apart, would be congregated in a 
liberal club ; and associating and working as they would 
be for common purposes, they would find in the com- 
munity of their interests, and the ardour and honesty 
of their co-operation, motives for an increase of mutual 
confidence and mutual affection. The Protestant would 
withdraw from the business or the conviviality of a 
liberal club, with a determination to add to the number 
of our Brownlows ; and the Catholic would withdraw 
from the same, with a firm resolve to obliterate the 
past from his own mind, and to efface the memory of it 
from the minds of all those over whom he may possess 
influence. Classes, too, not distinguished by religious 
difference, would have their advantage. The rich 
member of the club would descry qualities in the poor 


member, for which he might not have given him full 
credit before, and he would communicate the discovery 
to his wealthy neighbours ; and the poor member again 
would see that arrogance and heartlessness were not 
the necessary concomitants of riches, and the lesson 
he would have learned, he too would impart to his 
fellows. Thus the uniting principle of the club would 
operate far beyond the club itself; and ten men of good 
will would create ten hundred like themselves. This 
would be the prime feature of a liberal club. 

Secondly, A liberal club would leave no stone un- 
turned to insure for the county, city, or borough, to 
which it belonged, a full, free, cheap, honest, and effi- 
cient representation in parliament. It would increase 
the freehold registry to the utmost limits of extension, 
and maintain it so. It would do every thing in its 
power that the franchise in corporate towns should be 
employed for the good of the public, and not for the 
private ends of corporators. It would labour that 
honest men should be returned to parliament without 
expense, and that knaves should be beggared in their 
attempt to foist themselves upon the representation. 
It would reform the House of Commons, by reforming 
the electors, who are supposed to constitute it. No 
member of a liberal club would have the hardihood to 
expect, that any man who had expended ten or twelve 
thousand pounds in getting a seat in the legislature, 
would employ his purchase for the public. The club 
would labour that the public should have the giving of 
the seat, and that honesty, intelligence, and efficiency, 
should be the exclusive claims to it. 

Thirdly, A liberal club would be useful in pointing 


out all those matters which might be fit subjects for 
parliamentary influence, and in seeing that the petitions 
arising out of them were seasonably got up, properly 
signed, and duly forwarded to the local representatives; 
and a liberal club would note whether those represen- 
tatives neglected the petitions intrusted to them, sup- 
ported their prayer, or opposed it. It is at once 
ludicrous and melancholy to observe how this work of 
petitioning has been hitherto done, or rather not done, 
in Ireland. You, Sir, I believe, have a tolerably 
correct notion how those affairs a're managed ; but it 
may not be amiss to expose the system, or the want of 
system, in this particular, to those who may deem 
liberal clubs unnecessary. In the April of the last 
year, I think it was, an aggregate meeting of the 
Catholics of the city and county of Cork assembled in 
the south parish chapel of your city, and adopted two 
among other resolutions. One of these resolutions 
pledged those who adopted it " to petition the legis- 
lature for a full, free, and entire representation of the 
people of this island in the Commons House of Par- 
liament." It was proposed by the member for Clare, 
and seconded by Mr. Richard Ronayne. The second 
resolution denounced the compulsory payment of the 
Irish Protestant clergy by the Irish Catholic people ; 
and it also contained a pledge to seek parliamentary 
redress. This latter resolution was, I remember, pro- 
posed by Mr. James Daly, who certainly made some 
very pertinent observations in introducing it, and gave 
no promise that the complaint which he uttered would 
not be echoed in St. Stephen's. What, however, has 
been the fact respecting both those resolutions? Not a 


single petition has gone forth from your city or county 
touching the one or the other of them. We can find 
persons enough to speak, but few to do the work. Far 
be it from me here to glance disparagingly at Mr. 
O'Connell : that gentleman has done the work of his 
country, and is doing it. The blame lies with gentle- 
men of this city and county ; but there would be blame 
with none, if liberal clubs had been established. Such 
clubs, as a matter of course, would take up the great 
principles of civil and religious liberty. They would 
study that no resolution but a good one should be 
adopted by the people ; and, when adopted, they would 
see that it was carried into execution. 

Fourthly, A. liberal club would be useful in di- 
recting attention to all meetings where any thing of 
property or right, belonging to the public, would be to 
be disposed of, whether those meetings be called by 
act of parliament, or by corporate authority, or by 
vestry, or by party, or by individual. So much mis- 
chief has been done from time to time to the public 
under the sanction of meetings at which the public may 
be supposed to be present, but of which the public 
actually knew nothing, that the most unreflecting must 
see how very beneficially employed a liberal club would 
be in this particular. Some of the worst acts, general 
and municipal, which disgrace the statute book, some 
of the veriest blots of Irish legislation would never 
have been heard of, had there been Liberal clubs to nip 
the evil in the bud, to strangle it in its infancy. The 
foulest invasions of private right and of public liberty 
would be prevented, if those who first suggested the 

VOL. II. / 


aggression had been met at the outset of their pro- 
ceedings, and if public opinion had been brought to bear 
properly against them. Take for instance any of our 
Corporations. Why, as matters stood hitherto, the 
public were altogether at their mercy; those bodies 
could do any thing, because they could proceed with 
a virtual secrecy. There was no check, no opposition 
to them ; and hence they could have their Wide-street 
Commissioners bills, their Harbour Commissioners 
bills, and their Trustees of Corn-market bills, and 
their Court of Conscience and Police-office bills, and 
their Weigh-house and Pipe-water Establishments bill. 
Were these good, or were they bad for your city ? 
Were they designed to promote the public welfare, or 
to strengthen the hands of a party ? Were they mea- 
sures such as ought to be praised, or such as ought to 
be reprobated ? The citizens of Cork had no control 
in originating, modifying, or perfecting them ; but a 
Liberal club would ; it would teach the Corporation to 
respect public opinion ; or if it failed in that, it would 
then have two representatives who would be sure to 
represent it. It is, however, in preparing for the 
Easter vestry meetings that your liberal club would 
be eminently useful. It would have every man in the 
parish ready at his post, to raise his voice against 
taxation without representation : it would send its 
honest Protestant there to protect against injustice, to 
shame him who would praise Heaven and plunder his 
neighbour ; and it would send the Catholic there to 
vote when he may, and to learn when he may not. We 
must all see that it was most unreasonable to throw, as 

APPENDIX. clxiii 

heretofore, the burden of the vestry war on some few 
individuals. The latter might, to be sure, have been 
prodigal of their services in the cause of their country. 
The business of all, however, should be executed by all, 
and it is only when all take it up, that it is discharged 

Fifthly, A liberal club would employ the press, 
prudently, universally, and permanently, for the en- 
lightening of the people. It would adopt or select those 
political journals, tracts, or catechisms, which would 
be best calculated for the instruction of the public, and 
it would take good care that they should receive the 
widest possible circulation. It would teach the people 
their rights and duties. It would teach them the obliga- 
tions of the magistrate, and the duties of the citizen ; it 
would tell them what it is to be an elector, and what a repre- 
sentative ; it would point out the road to parliament, as 
the road to the redress of public grievances, telling them 
at the same time, that with themselves lay the appoint- 
ment of the redresser ; it would recommend reform, and 
depict revolution, and it would show how criminal would 
be the latter, if attempted by persons who could quietly 
compass the former. All this a liberal club would do, 
and doing this, it would be each day diminishing its 
own labour, and causing itself to be less needed. 

Sixthly, A liberal club would prove its utility 
by reconciling factions by discountenancing the for- 
mation of illegal associations by keeping the people 
on their guard against emissaries by labouring that pri- 
vate and public peace should be the characteristic of the 
country. With a view to these ends, so desirable, so 


necessary, the attention of the club would be directed 
to that curse of Ireland, " the excessive use of spiritu- 
ous liquors." The drunken man is prone to riot; he is 
easily induced by fools or knaves to act seditiously, or 
to speak so. The drunkard, therefore, could not be a 
member of any liberal club. Such a character would 
be outlawed. Two thousand parishes would, by their 
clubs, reprobate the brute as unfit for moral enjoyment 
or social intercourse ; and would not this be a great 
good for Ireland ? "W hat legislation could effect for this 
country any result half so beneficial ? Now liberal clubs 
would realise it in twelve months ; they would render 
drunkenness unpopular. The Irish drunkard would 
soon be like the French, and the Spanish, and the Ame- 
rican drunkard, not laughed at, but detested detested, 
as abominable and infamous. 

Seventhly, Liberal clubs would, and it would be a 
great desideratum, free the Catholic clergy from the 
heavy yoke of politics. Those gentlemen have not en- 
tered into that arena, in which they now cut so con- 
spicuous a figure, from choice, but from necessity. 
They were forced into it. They saw that the system 
which prevails, led to disorder, to outrage, to gross im- 
morality, to the peril of the rich, to the ruin of the poor ; 
they saw, likewise, that it was pregnant with evils, 
greater than any it had ever before engendered : with 
this they perceived that the remedy lay with the legis- 
lature, and they girt themselves accordingly, that the 
legislature might be favourable. However, though the 
priests greatly contributed to send in Dawson for Louth, 
and Stuart for Waterford, and O'Connell for Clare 


still they were not " vessels" of this " election," and 
they felt that they had a higher and a loftier vocation ; 
they could not but regret that the laity did not know 
and could not do their own duty. It would then be an 
inexpressible delight to any Roman Catholic clergyman, 
that a liberal club should be established in his parish. 
He would be sure that by such an institution a know- 
ledge of their rights would be secured to his flock, and 
with it a knowledge how constitutionally to assert them. 
As a matter of course, even liberal Protestants would 
be glad that there would be no further occasion for cle- 
rical interference. Whilst they would be ready to ad- 
mit, that it had been necessary and useful, they would 
like to have the bugbear removed from the ken of their 
less liberal brethren. 

Eighthly, Liberal clubs would be very valuable in 
their exhibition of working men. The member of a 
liberal club, who would merely speak, might be listen- 
ed to, but he would be certainly laughed at ; the indivi- 
dual, too, who would honour the club once a year with 
his notice, and do no more, would be in like odour. 
None but the active men would be regarded those 
who would give most practical effect to the principle of 
the club ; that is, those who would do the greatest por- 
tion of the public business. This result of the institution 
of clubs would be most gratifying ; for it is really most 
mortifying to see men, who are not known at all to the 
public, coming forward at election times, and other sea- 
sons, and assuming airs of consequence, as though they 
were the greatest benefactors of that public, and demi- 
gods in the eyes of all others, as they are great gods in 


their own. All this tribe will be opposed to liberal 
clubs, because the clubs will be greater than all of them 
together, and the most hard-working man in the club 
the most honoured, and the most influential in it. 

I could, Sir, proceed with several other matters of 
great import, in which a liberal club would be useful ; 
but I feel that I have encroached too much on your 
space, and that I have trespassed on the patience also 
of your readers. I shall therefore close this letter, by 
wishing sincerely that all Ireland had clubs, the opera- 
tions of which were steadily directed to the purposes 
which I have recited above. How unlike they would 
be to those Orange pandemonia, where nothing but 
blood is spoken of! Do, Sir, proceed in advocating the 
institution of liberal clubs. The faction is already or- 
ganised ; it cannot progress ; but the Irish people may, 
by, as Wyse says, a universal, uniform, permanent sys- 
tem of enlightened and energetic organization for con- 
stitutional ends and purposes. 

Rules and Regulations for the Formation of 
County Clubs.* 

The rules and regulations of the " County of 

Liberal Club" are divided into five sections. 1st, Of 
the members, their admission and qualification. 2nd, Of 
the officers and committees of the club. 3rd, Of the 

* The rules both for the county clubs and the parish clubs were modi- 
fied according to the circumstances of the times, and the exigencies of the 
several parishes and counties. 


meetings of the club. 4th, Of the order of business at 
the meetings. 5th, Of the adding to, or amending, or 
abrogation of the rules and regulations of the club. 


1st Pursuant to the resolutions of the aggregate 

meeting, held , instituting the county of 

liberal club, it shall consist of the following members : 

I. Original members, or those who, within the period 
of one month from the date of said aggregate meeting, 
subscribe, or shall subscribe. 

II. Members by ballot, or those who, after the ex- 
piration of such period, shall be balloted for and ad- 

2nd A ballot shall be held once every three months at 
the ordinary meetings. One black bean in five shall ex- 
clude. The candidates must give in their names to the 
secretary a week before. 

3rd Every member shall pay a subscription on ad- 
mission of 30s., and thenceforth the same sum on the 1st 
January annually. Till paid, no member shall be al- 
lowed to vote, speak, or in any way interfere in the con- 
cerns of the club ; and if unpaid for a month after be- 
coming due, he forthwith ceases to be a member of the 

4th Every member on being received, shall subscribe 
to these rules and regulations, and the following 


I promise, on the honour of a gentleman, to observe 
the rules and regulations of the county of liberal 

clxviii APPENDIX. 

club, and, in case I shall infringe them, to submit to 
exclusion, should the club assembled in extraordinary 
meeting- deem fit. 


1st The club shall be governed by a president, se- 
cretary, and treasurer, to be chosen half-yearly, at the 
extraordinary meetings of the club. 

2nd The business of the club in the interval of the 
meetings, shall be conducted by a committee of ma- 
nagement, varying in numbers according as circum- 
stances may require. 

3rd This committee shall be chosen and its duties 
prescribed at the extraordinary meetings of the club. 

4th The governing officers of the club shall, ex- 
officio, be members of the committee. 


1st The committee shall meet for the transaction of 
business every week, on such day as they may find most 
convenient. These meetings shall be called Committee 

2nd The club shall meet by public advertisement, to 
transact business, and receive the reports of the com- 
mittee, every three months. These meetings shall be 
called Ordinary meetings. 

3rd The club shall meet by individual summons from 
the secretary, and dine together twice a year, at the 
period of the assizes, to transact business, and receive 
the reports of the ordinary meetings. These meetings 
shall be called Extraordinary meetings. 


4th Five members must be present to constitute a 
committee ; to constitute an ordinary meeting 1 ; to 
constitute an extraordinary. 

5th All other meetings, which may be deemed ne- 
cessary, shall be convened by requisition, signed by five 
members of the club. 

6th The place of each ensuing meeting shall be de- 
termined at the previous ordinary meeting of the club. 


1st The order of business in the committees shall be 
at the discretion of their respective chairmen. 

2nd The order of business in the ordinary meetings 
shall be 1st, the proceedings of last meeting; 2nd, the 
reports of the committee and correspondence; 3rd, bal- 
lot for the admission of members ; 4tb, motions, of which 
notice must be handed in to the secretary three days 
previous ; 5th, finance report, with which the meeting 
shall conclude. 

3rd The order of business in the extraordinary meet- 
ings shall be 1st, the proceedings of the last extraor- 
dinary meeting ; 2nd, the reports of the ordinary meet- 
ings and correspondence ; 3rd, ballot for the election of 
officers ; 4th, motions, of which notice must be given at 
the last ordinary meeting ; 5th, finance report for the 
last half-year. 

4th No resolution or other documents shall be pub- 
lished, unless such publication be authorised by a gene- 
ral meeting of the club. 



1st These rules and regulations may be added to, 
amended, or suppressed, at the discretion of the mem- 
bers of the club. 

2nd This power can only be exercised at extraor- 
dinary meetings, on a motion of a member, of which 
notice shall be given at the previous ordinary meeting 
of the club. 

Rules for the Formation of the Parish Clubs. 


I am directed by the County Liberal Club, pursuant 
to the resolution passed at their first public meeting, 
held August 2, to communicate with you on the prac- 
ticability of establishing in your parish a Parochial Club, 
on the following principles : 

1. The club to be composed, as much as possible, of 
the principal gentry, clergy, churchwardens, and such 
of the respectable farmers as can read, and are able and 
willing to take a part in such proceedings in their parish 
These to form the first members others to be added 
afterwards by nomination or ballot. 

2. The club, when so formed, to hold meetings (if 
possible) once a fortnight ; but at all events once a 
month, in such place and time as they may judge ex- 

3. These clubs and meetings to have for object, keep- 
ing every man in constant readiness for future elections, 
maintaining the registries, inquiring into and giving in- 


formation of any persecution of freeholders, &c,, and 
promoting good order, perfect subordination to the laws, 
political knowledge, and liberal feeling, as much as pos- 
sible in their parish. 

4. A report of these particulars, addressed to the se- 
cretary, will be expected once in every three months by 
the county club, and perhaps oftener. 

5. Every club to contribute three pence a week, and 
to be (hereby entitled to a weekly paper, to be sent down 
every Saturday for their information. No other con- 
tribution to be required. 

You will be so kind on the perusal of the above to 

1. Your approbation or disapprobation of each article, 
and on what grounds, seriatim. 

2. The difficulties existing (if any) to their execution. 

3. Whether you be willing or unwilling to co-operate 
in their establishment. 

I beg you to give me such answer as I may be able 
to lay before the club at their next quarterly meeting, 
and to 

Believe me, dear Sir, 

Very sincerely, your faithful Servant. 


No. XXVI. 


Dublin, June, 1828. 
Fellow-Countrymen ! 

Your county wants a representative. I respectfully 
solicit your suffrages, to raise me to that station. 

Of my qualification to fill that station 1 leave you to 
judge. The habits of public speaking, and many, many 
years of public business, render me, perhaps, equally 
suited with most men to attend to the interest of 
Ireland in Parliament. 

You will be told I am not qualified to be elected : 
the assertion, my friends, is untrue. I am qualified to 
be elected, and to be your representative. It is true 
that, as a Catholic, I cannot, and of course never will, 
take the oaths at present prescribed to members of 
parliament; but the authority which created these 
oaths the parliament can abrogate them : and I 
entertain a confident hope that, if you elect me, the 
most bigotted of our enemies will see the necessity of 
removing from the chosen representative of the people 
an obstacle which would prevent him from doing his duty 
to his king and to his country. 

The oath at present required by law is, "That the 
sacrifice of the mass, and the invocation of the blessed 
Virgin Mary, and other saints, as now practised in the 

APPENDIX. clxxiii 

church of Rome, are impious and idolatrous." Of 
course I will never stain my soul with such an oath : I 
leave that to my honourable opponent, Mr. Vesey Fitz- 
gerald. He has often taken that horrible oath; he is 
ready to take it again, and asks your votes, to enable 
him so to swear. I would rather be torn limb from 
limb than take it. Electors of the County Clare ! 
choose between me, who abominates that oath, and Mr. 
Vesey Fitzgerald, who has sworn it full twenty times! 
Return me to parliament, and it is probable that such 
blasphemous oath will be abolished for ever. As your 
representative, I will try the question with the friends 
in parliament of Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald. They may 
send me to prison. I am ready to go there to promote 
the cause of the Catholics, and of universal liberty. 
The discussion which the attempt to exclude your 
representative from the House of Commons must excite, 
will create a sensation all over Europe, and produce 
such a burst of contemptuous indignation against British 
bigotry in every enlightened country in the world, 
that the voice of all the great and good in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland, being joined to the universal 
shout of the nations of the earth, will overpower every 
opposition, and render it impossible for Peel and 
Wellington any longer to close the doors of the con- 
stitution against the Catholics of Ireland. 

Electors of the County Clare ! Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald 
claims as his only merit, that he is a friend to the Catho- 
lics. Why, I am a Catholic myself; and if he be sin- 
cerely our friend, let him vote for me, and raise before 


the British empire the Catholic question in my humble 
person, in the way most propitious to my final success. 
But no, fellow-countrymen no ; he will make no sacri- 
fice to that cause. He will call himself your friend, and 
act the part of your worst and most unrelenting 1 enemy. 

I do not like to give the epitome of his political life ; 
yet, when the present occasion so loudly calls for it, I 
cannot refrain. He first took office under Perceval 
under that Perceval who obtained power by raising 
the base, bloody, and unchristian cry of " No Popery" 
in England. 

He had the nomination of a member to serve for the 
borough of Ennis. He nominated Mr. Spencer Per- 
ceval, then a decided opponent of the Catholics. 

He voted on the East Retford bill, for a measure 
that would put two violent enemies of the Catholics 
into Parliament. 

In the case of the Protestant Dissenters in England, 
he voted for their exclusion ; that is, against the 
principle of the freedom of conscience that sacred 
principle, which the Catholics of Ireland have ever 
cultivated and cherished, and on which we found our 
rights to emancipation. 

Finally, he voted for the suppression of the Catholic 
Association of Ireland ! ! ! 

And after this sacred Heaven ! he calls himself a 
friend to the Catholics ! 

He is the ally and colleague of the Duke of Welling- 
ton and Mr. Peel ; he is their partner in power ; they 
are, you know, the most bitter, persevering, and unmi- 


tigated enemies of the Catholics : and after all this, he, 
the partner of our bitterest and unrelenting enemies, 
calls himself the friend of the Catholics of Ireland ! 

Having thus traced a few of the demerits of my Right 
Honourable Opponent, what shall I say for myself? 

I appeal to my past life for my unremitting and 
disinterested attachment to the religion and liberties of 
Catholic Ireland. 

If you return me to parliament, I pledge myself to 
vote for every measure favourable to radical reform 
in the representative system, so that the House of 
Commons may truly, as our Catholic ancestors intended 
it should do, represent all the people. 

To vote for the repeal of the Vestry bill, the Sub- 
letting act, and the present grinding system of Grand 
Jury Laws. 

To vote for the diminution and more equal distri- 
bution of the overgrown wealth of the Established 
church in Ireland, so that the surplus may be restored 
to the sustentation of the poor, the aged, and the infirm. 

To vote for every measure of retrenchment and re- 
duction of the national expenditure, so as to relieve the 
people from the burden of taxation, and to bring the 
question of the repeal of the Union, at the earliest pos- 
sible period, before the consideration of the legislature. 

Electors of the County Clare ! choose between me 
and Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald ; choose between him who 
has so long cultivated his own interests, and one who 
seeks only to advance yours ; choose between the sworn 
libeller of the Catholic faith, and one who has devoted 
his early life to your cause; who has consumed his 


manhood in a struggle for your liberties, and who has 
ever lived, and is ready to die for, the integrity, the 
honour, the purity, of the Catholic faith, and the pro- 
motion of Irish freedom and happiness. 

Your faithful Servant, 



At a meeting of the Association, held at Dublin, August 
1828, Mr. Shell proposed the following resolutions: 

First, That while we warmly congratulate the peo- 
ple of Tipperary upon the happy cessation of their 
feuds, we implore them to discontinue the holding of 
assemblies of the peculiar character which have recently 
taken place. 

Secondly, That we humbly entreat the Catholic 
clergy to co-operate with the Association in carrying 
the above resolution into effect. 

Thirdly, That Daniel O'Connell, to whose influence 
the pacification of Tipperary should be referred, is 
hereby called upon to employ his powerful and deserved 
authority, in deterring the people of Tipperary from 
the holding of such meetings, in an address to be 
printed and circulated at the expense of the Associa- 

Fourthly, That it be referred to the standing com- 
mittee to report whether it be, or may become expe- 


client, that a deputation shall be sent to Tipperary, and 
suggest such other measures as shall be deemed advis- 
able, in order to dissuade the people from holding such 

Fifthly, Moved by Mr. Sheil, seconded by Mr. Cos- 
telloe That Mr. O'Gorman (the Secretary of the As- 
sociation) be requested to forward the resolutions to 
Mr. O'Connell. 

Address of the Catholic Association to the 
Catholics of Tipperary. 

Fellow- Countrymen ! 

The Catholic Association, which has been the means, 
under Providence, of calling the Catholic people into 
existence, as a nation which has taught the humblest 
individual in the community to appreciate his rights, 
and the community itself to approach the legislature 
with a legal firmness, and a union of sentiment and 
purpose, without a parallel, for a restitution of those 
rights the Catholic Association of Ireland, virtually 
representing the feelings, the opinions, and the interests 
of the Catholic people, think it due to themselves, and 
above all, a duty they owe to you, to address the brave, 
the intelligent, and the docile people of Tipperary, on 
an occasion which they deem of great public importance, 
not only to the inhabitants of Munster, but to the Ca- 
tholic cause itself. 

The Association thank the men of Tipperary for the 
wise and honourable alacrity with which they listened 
to the voice of their great leader of that eminent and 
VOL. n. m 

clxxviii APPENDIX. 

extraordinary man, who, under God, is leading them 
out of the house of bondage into the blessings of equal 
freedom. They thank the Tipperary men for listening 
to the voice of Daniel O'Connell and burying, as they 
have done, in utter oblivion, the feuds and follies of the 
generations which preceded them, and of their own. 
No incident in the modern history of Ireland can be 
regarded by a true Irishman with greater delight than 
that general and cordial peace which you have esta- 
blished in every quarter of your great county. 

But, fellow-countrymen, since that peace has been 
fully ratified since that admirable harmony has been 
made to extend through the South of Ireland -since 
you have done all that you have been required by Daniel 
O'Connell and the Catholic Association to do that 
Association, which watches your interests with the 
deepest anxiety which is bound in honour and in duty 
to watch for your safety, cannot regard, without appre- 
hensions for the result, the continuance of those pro- 
cessions the immense assemblies and the disciplined 
array ; the almost military precision ; and the marchings 
and counter-marchings through various parts of your 
county. And what is your object? We know that you 
are loyal ; we know that you are ready to meet the ene- 
mies of your king and country, when called upon by 
the voice of your Sovereign, as Irishmen always do, 
with bravery and devotion we know that you harbour 
no wrong in your minds we know you to be what you 
are, generous, ardent, and confiding ; but we know too, 
that the wolf is on the walk ; that you have enemies 
anxious for an opportunity of doing you evil, and in- 


flicting injury upon your cause ; that there are persons 
desirous to take advantage of these immense assemblies 
of men ; that there are persons who, if they cannot pro- 
voke you to violate the peace themselves, are eager to 
alarm the government. 

Fellow-countrymen! we believe that the Lord Lieute- 
nant of Ireland is deeply solicitous for your welfare, and 
most anxious to promote the liberties of our country. 
But we have reason, at the same time, to be assured, 
that many applications for the exercise of those powers 
with which he is invested have been made at the seat of 
government. The alarm caused by your assemblages, 
so often, in such numbers and with such array, has been 
represented, we believe, to his Excellency, with designs 
inimical to your safety. We, ourselves, fellow-country- 
men, feel it difficult to answer for the continuance of 
tranquillity. We know, indeed, that the peace will not 
be violated by you ; but at the same time do not doubt 
that a system of annoyance and of exasperation may be 
practised against you, with such wicked artifice that 
you will not be able to restrain your own feelings, or to 
avoid the natural, but under the circumstances of the 
country, what would prove to be a fatal reaction. 

How, then, are you to avoid such a calamity as this 
would prove to yourselves, to us, and to the nation? 
There is one way, and a simple one, fellow-countrymen, 
discontinue your meetings. 

You have already obtained your great object you 
have made peace amongst yourselves preserve that 
peace. You may return the men of your own selection 
for the county. Cherish that right which you have 


earned by your unanimity. These are the great ends 
for which Mr. O'Connell addressed you ; these are the 
great ends which you promised him you would accom- 
plish. You have achieved this victory. 

Nothing now remains for you to do, but to listen to 
the voice of your Association and to obey the recom- 

The Association advises you, then, to give up your 
meeting ; they implore of you to attend to this their 
most solemn recommendation. Your safety and the 
cause of the country depend in a great measure on your 

And finally, fellow-countrymen, attend to those pious 
and exemplary men, whose whole lives are devoted to 
your temporal and spiritual welfare the pastors of your 
holy and persecuted, but eternal church. 

Mr. O'Connell himself will address you. In the 
mean time, until his powerful voice is heard in Tippe- 
rary, we have felt it our bounden duty to warn you of 
the danger which surrounds you. 

JOHN MULLINS, P.P., Kilkenny, Chairman. 
NICHOLAS P. O'GORMAN, Secretary to the 
Catholics of Ireland.* 

* Fearing that the same spirit might extend itself to the North, a very 
able and powerful address (drawn up by a Mr. Brady, a most distinguished 
young Catholic barrister) embodying similar feelings, and inculcating the 
necessity of peace and tranquillity, was submitted to the Association, ap- 
proved of, and widely circulated in the North, antecedent to Mr. Lawless'* 


Address of Daniel O'Connell to the People of the 
County of Tipper ary. 

Derrinane Abbey, 30th Sept. 1828. 

Beloved Brothers ! 

It was late last night when I received the command 
of the Catholic Association of Ireland to address you, 
My first business this morning is thus to obey that com- 

I address you, in the first place, with the most heart- 
felt affection and gratitude. 1 have laboured already 
twenty-eight years in the great " Catholic cause," and 
I have at length been rewarded for it. By whom have 
I been so rewarded ? 

Yes you have rewarded me. I will tell you how : 
You obeyed my advice as if it were a command. I ad- 
vised you to give up factious fights and quarrels you 
have given them up. I advised you to abstain from 
party feuds and riots you have abstained from them. 
I advised you to forgive one another, and to be recon- 
ciled to each other you have, at my advice, forgiven 
each other, and have become friends and brothers. My 
friends, my brothers, I thank you. I advised you to 
cease from injuring your fellow-creatures, and, above 
all, to shudder lest you should continue to offend the 
great and good God. Oh! may that merciful God, 
who certainly will one day judge us all for eternal bliss 
or everlasting misery may that merciful and good God 


pour down his choicest blessings on the honest and 
worthy people of the county of Tipperary ! 

You have obeyed my advice you have made peace 
amongst yourselves you have prevented the recurrence 
of whiteboy crimes or nocturnal outrages. How sin- 
cerely do I thank you ! Persevere in that course, my 
dear friends my beloved brothers. We will then be 
able, as we promised at the Clonmel meeting, to open 
the gaol door, and fling the key into the Suir. 

But, my beloved brothers and friends, I have now 
again to advise you. In making peace, you have held 
large meetings. My opinion is, that you were right at 
first in holding such meetings, because you held them, 
as I advised, in perfect obedience to the law, and with- 
out the least violence or outrage to any body. You 
were so kind as to call yourselves my police. Surely 
no police ever behaved themselves half so well, or 
kept the peace with half so much kindliness and good- 

But the time is come to discontinue those public 
meetings. For the present year, let us have no more of 

Halt, therefore, my beloved friends halt, my dear 
brothers. I give you the word of command. Halt, 
and, for the present, let those public and general meet- 
ings be discontinued. 

In the mean time, depend upon it that the Catholic 
Association will not slumber over your wrongs. I my- 
self shall not be idle. We will make our arrangements 
peaceably and constitutionally, but perseveringly and 
vigorously, to assert your rights, and to obtain for the 

APPENDIX. clxxxiii 

Catholics of Ireland that justice which is due to us, 
and which is all we want, 

Will you not listen to my voice? Will you not follow 
the advice I give you ? I venture to promise that you 
will listen to the advice that comes from a friend from 
a brother, who has no other object under heaven but to 
obtain justice for the professors of the Catholic faith, 
and liberty and happiness for the people of Ireland. 

You know that I am your friend you know that my 
life has been devoted to your service you know that I 
have been the active enemy of Orange injustice and 
Orange oppression. I have opposed the Orangemen, 
laughed at them, and, with the aid of the Catholic As- 
sociation, protected many of the Catholics of the North 
against them, and brought the guilty to shame, and 
some of them to punishment. 

I am your friend. I am the enemy of oppression, 
bigotry, and tyranny. As your friend, I advise you I 
entreat you allow me to add, I order you, to discon- 
tinue large and general meetings for the present year, 
and not to expose yourselves to the machinations of 
your enemies, or the treachery of pretended friends. 

In the mean time, and before the next summer comes, 
I trust that the accursed flag of Orange oppression will 
be laid in the dust for ever. I trust that Irishmen of 
every class and of every sect and persuasion, will be- 
come friends and brothers, and that our lovely native 
land, green Erin, of the rivers and streams, will be the 
abode of peace and happiness and liberty 

Yes, my friends, I can venture to promise, that if 
you obey the advice of the Catholic Association if you 


follow the counsels that I give you liberty will be near 
at hand, and that within the space of one or two years 
at the utmost, we shall see all we want, all we desire 
we shall see throughout Ireland 

" Happy homes and altars free." 

Commit no crime. Be not guilty of any outrage. 
Discontinue large meetings. Hold no secret meetings 
whatsoever. Have no secret societies of any kind. 
Secrecy in political matters is in itself bad, and is the 
fruitful source of every crime. I have no secret what- 
soever. The Catholic Association has no secrets. The 
Orangemen and the Whiteboys have secrets, and ac- 
cordingly blood and murder and every species of ini- 
quity are produced by them. 

Our instructions to you are public we publicly call 
on you to discontinue for the present those large and 
public meetings. Let parties be reconciled in their own 
respective parishes, but let not one single man go into 
any other parish for that purpose. If any man after 
this warning go into any other parish, or make any part 
of a public procession or meeting out of his own parish, 
believe me he is not a friend. He is an enemy. Do not 
trust him as a brother, but deal with him as with a hired 
spy. Treat him with contempt and scorn. 

Discontinue, therefore, immediately, those large 
meetings. Discontinue them cheerfully, readily, and 
at once. 

Listen as men of sense to the reasons why these 
meetings should be discontinued. 

First, Your most valuable and excellent clergy the 


poor man's best friends, all join in advising you to dis- 
continue them. Did they ever give you bad advice ? 
Never. Did you ever regret that you followed the ad- 
vice they gave you ? Never. When have you disre- 
garded their advice without being sorry for it after- 
wards ? Never. Follow then the advice of your pious 
and exemplary clergy, and discontinue those meetings. 

Secondly, The Catholic Association of Ireland ad- 
vises and orders you to discontinue those meetings. 
That body constitutes the most honest and patriotic as- 
sembly that ever yet met to advance the cause of civil 
and religious liberty. That honest, patriotic, and pure 
body, the Catholic Association of Ireland, advise and 
command you to discontinue those meetings. Obey 
their advice as if it were a command. 

Thirdly, I, your faithful friend, advise you imme- 
diately to discontinue those meetings. I have laboured 
for you for twenty-eight long years, and am going to 
parliament that I may be able to do you some effectual 
good. I ought to know what is useful to you, and I do 
most solemnly assure you that nothing could be more 
injurious to you than having any more of those large 
meetings for the present. You took my advice before 
the Catholic people in many parts of Ireland take my 
advice discontinue those large meetings. 

Fourthly, It is the wish of the honest and patriotic 
part of the present government that you should discon- 
tinue those meetings. The Lord Lieutenant, the Mar- 
quess of Anglesey, is a sincere friend of the peace and 
prosperity of Ireland ; he is, what you all like and love 
as brave a soldier as ever wielded a sword ; he is most 


desirous to produce peace, tranquillity, and happiness 
in Ireland. He is anxious to put down oppression of 
every kind and crime of every description. The 
Orangemen hate and fear him the people love and 
respect him it is necessary, in order to gratify what 
must be his wishes, that those large meetings should 
be discontinued. Discontinue them, therefore, that the 
noble and brave Marquess of Anglesey may be able to 
serve our country, to put down faction and party of 
every description, and to do his duty to the King and 
the people, by seeing Ireland tranquil, free, and happy. 

Fifthly, Let me, as a fifth reason, tell you that we 
have also in the government a most impartial and up- 
right chancellor. Under his control are the magistracy 
of the country. The Catholics, during the chancellor- 
ship of Lord Manners, suffered much from delinquent 
magistrates. Let us be grateful to Sir Anthony Hart, 
and show that gratitude, by our ready obedience to the 
law. Let us, therefore, discontinue those public pro- 
cessions and large meetings, which must be displeasing 
to him, and injurious to the great cause in which the 
people are engaged. 

Sixthly, Let me also tell you that we have in the 
government another manly, independent, high-minded, 
and honest friend to the people of Ireland. I mean 
Lord Francis Leveson Gower. Depend upon it you 
could not displease him more, nor more disturb the 
course of his honest exertions, than by continuing those 
large meetings. Instead of being your friend, you will 
necessarily make him your enemy, if you reject so much 
good advice as is thus given you, and if you continue 


those meetings after you are thus emphatically and 
earnestly called on to desist. 

Seventhly, In proportion as the Catholics and, the 
friends of the Catholics are anxious to put an end to 
those meetings, in the same proportion are the Orange- 
men desirous that they should be continued. The 
Orangemen wish that you should disobey the Catholic 
Association. The Orangemen wish to commit you with 
the government, and against the law. We desire that 
you should cultivate the esteem of a friendly govern- 
ment, and strictly obey the law. I need not ask which 
you will obey, the Catholic Association, or gratify the 
Orangemen. I am ready to pledge my life for it, that 
you will obey us, that you will confide in our affection 
for you, and, as we ask it, you will at once discontinue 
those meetings. 

Eighthly, The Orangemen have assumed a new de- 
nomination. Some of them call themselves Brunswick 
clubs, but they are better and more appropriately known 
by the appellation of " Blood-hound clubs," because they 
seek to continue an unjust and odious monopoly, by 
shedding the blood of the people. These wicked and 
sanguinary men have subscribed large sums of money 
for purposes which they, depraved though they be, are 
ashamed to avow but which must be, amongst other 
bad intents, to hire spies and informers, and other 
wretches, who would mingle amongst the people, insti- 
gate them to acts of violence, fabricate false plots and 
conspiracies, and betray the people in every way to their 
enemies. These " blood-hounds" wish that you should 
continue those large meetings, in order that by means 

clxxxviii APPENDIX. 

of their own spies and informers they may find some op- 
portunity to shed your blood. If any man tells you to 
disobey the advice of the Catholic Association, believe 
me that such men must be in the pay of " the blood- 
hounds." I implore of you to treat him as such. 

Ninthly and lastly, If you disobey the advice of the 
Catholic Association, and if you refuse to listen to my 
entreaty, we must at once desert you we must aban- 
don you. It would be with the greatest reluctance that 
we should desert or abandon the people of Tipperary. 
But we ask yourselves, what else can we do? If you 
refuse to listen to the honest advice which we give you 
for your own good and for the benefit of the Catholic 
cause, why it will in that case be our duty not only to 
abandon you, but actually to resist the course which you 
are taking. 

But, my friends, my brothers, honest arid worthy 
people of the county of Tipperary, I am quite certain 
that you will obey us. I firmly belieye that one word 
would have been sufficient to procure that obedience. 
You know there is no use in being resolute and brave, 
unless you have the virtue of perfect subordination. 
Without subordination it would be impossible to pre- 
serve the peace amongst yourselves, or to prevent the 
recurrence of crimes and outrages which would stain 
you with guilt, bring down deserved punishment on 
you, and give a triumph to your bitter and unrelenting 
enemies, " the blood-hounds " of Ireland. 

Allow us of the Catholic Association to conduct the 
great Catholic cause to final success : we approach to 
that success daily ; and I tell you we are certain of sue- 


cess, unless the people themselves, by some misconduct, 
prevent us. Is there a single honest man amongst you 
that would not bitterly regret his disobedience, if it 
were as it certainly would be the means of preventing 
the success of the Catholic cause, which involves in 
itself the very principle of freedom of conscience all 
over the world ? 

Rely on the Catholic Association ; we will not sleep 
on our posts : we desire to obtain liberty for the Irish 
people ; but we desire to do it by raising the moral and 
religious character of that people. Liberty, glorious 
liberty, is within our reach, if we will only deserve it. 
Let me strongly advise you to be regular and constant 
in your various duties ; consider no man as worthy of 
being called " a friend and brother," but a man who is 
observant of the rules and practices of his religion who 
is honest, conscientious, and moral in his conduct who 
is, according to his relations of life, a good son to his 
parents, a good brother to his sisters, a loving and kind 
husband to his wife, and a tender and careful father to 
his children. We disclaim the assistance of the idle, 
the profligate, the vicious. Religious and moral men 
are those alone who can regenerate Ireland, and I am 
sure there are amongst you many, many, very many 
such friends to liberty and Old Ireland. 

The greatest enemy we can have is the man who 
commits any crime against his fellow-man, or any 
offence in the sight of his God. The greatest enemy 
of the liberty of Ireland is the man who violates the law 
in any respect, or breaks the peace, or commits any 
outrage whatsoever. 


My friends, my beloved brothers, cultivate your moral 
and religious duties. Avoid every kind of crime ; avoid, 
as you would a pestilence, all secret societies, all illegal 
oaths ; seize upon any man who proposes to you to be- 
come a member of any secret society, or proposes to you 
any oath or engagement of a party or political nature. 
I denounce every such man to you as a " blood-hound" 
in disguise. Treat him as such, and drag him before a 
magistrate for prosecution and punishment. 

Rely on it also that I will not lose sight of the great 
work of the pacification of the county of Tipperary. I 
am proud of having begun that great and glorious work. 
We, my friends and brothers, will not leave that work 
unfinished. You will, I am sure, desist from those 
large and unnecessary meetings ; and I promise you to 
mature a more useful plan. That plan, when matured, 
I will submit to the Catholic Association of Ireland ; 
and if it meets the approbation of that learned, intelli- 
gent, and most patriotic body, I am sure you will adopt 
it, and that it will spread all over the land. 

The outline of that plan will be to divide the people 
for all political, moral, and religious purposes, into 
numbers not exceeding one hundred and twenty. That 
these one hundred and twenty should elect amongst 
themselves a person to take charge of the whole under 
the name of a " pacificator." No man to be a " pacifi- 
cator" but a man regular in his religious duties, and at 
least a monthly communicant. The "pacificator" to 
have power to nominate two persons, to be called 
"regulators," under him, and the three to be responsible 
that no crime or outrage or violation of the law should 


be committed by any of the one hundred and twenty. 
On the contrary, that they should assist in the preser- 
vation of the peace, in the prevention of all crimes in 
the suppression of all illegal societies in the collection 
of the Catholic Rent, and in all other useful, legal, and 
honest purposes. 

It would be part of my plan, that the name and re- 
sidence of each " pacificator " should be transmitted to 
every neighbouring magistrate and police station, and 
advertised in the newspapers, and enrolled in the books 
of the Catholic Association. 

I mention this faint outline of my plan, merely to 
show you that if the Orangemen and Brunswick blood- 
hounds proceed in their sanguinary career, we shall 
easily find legal and constitutional means to counteract 
them, and to protect the people against them, and to set 
them at defiance. 

Observe, however, that this plan is not yet adopted 
by the Catholic Association until it is, it will not be 
carried into effect any where. As soon as I reach 
Dublin, I will return thither speedily I will bring 
forward my plan of " General Pacification." 

Obey the laws; follow the advice of the Catholic 
Association ; listen to the counsels I give you ; discon- 
tinue, I know you will discontinue, those large meetings ; 
avoid secret societies and illegal oaths; contribute, 
according to your means, to that sacred and national 
fund, the Catholic Rent ; cultivate your moral duties ; 
attend seriously and solemnly to your holy and divine 

You will thus exalt yourselves as men arid as Chris- 


tians. Bigotry and oppression will wither from amongst 
us. A parental government, now held out to us, will 
compensate for centuries of misrule. We will plant in 
our native land the constitutional tree of liberty. That 
noble tree will prosper and flourish in our green and 
fertile country. It will extend its protecting branches 
all over this lovely island. Beneath its sweet and 
sacred shade, the universal people of Ireland, Catholics, 
and Protestants, and Presbyterians, and Dissenters of 
every class, will sit in peace, and union, and tranquillity. 
Commerce and trade will flourish ; industry will be 
rewarded ; and the people, contented and happy, will 
see Old Ireland what she ought to be, 

Great, glorious, and free, 
First flower of the earth, first gem of the sea. 

Believe me, beloved friends, to be your devoted Servant, 

Of the Order of Liberators. 

A Proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant- General 

and Governor of Ireland. 

Whereas, in certain counties in this part of the 
United Kingdom, meetings of large numbers of his 
Majesty's subjects have been lately held, consisting of 
persons both on foot and on horseback, coming together 
from various and distant parts and places, acting in 
concert and under the command of leaders, and assum- 
ing the appearance of military array and discipline, or 


exhibiting other marks and symbols of illegal concert 
and union, to the great danger of the public peace, and 
to the well-founded terror and dread of his Majesty's 
peaceable and well-disposed subjects ; 

And whereas we have received information that, in 
other parts, certain persons have been passing through 
the country, provoking and exciting the assemblage of 
large bodies of people, for no purpose known to the 
law, to the great terror of his Majesty's subjects, and 
the endangering of the public peace and safety ; 

And whereas the meeting and assembling together in 
such numbers, and in such manner as aforesaid, and 
thereby occasioning such dread and terror, and endan- 
gering the public peace, is a manifest offence and an 
open breach of the law, and such unlawful assemblies 
ought therefore to be suppressed and put down ; 

And whereas many well-affected but unwary persons 
may be seduced by divers specious pretences given out 
for the holding of such assemblies, and in ignorance of 
the law, to frequent the same; 

We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-general and 
General-governor of Ireland, being resolved to suppress 
and put down such illegal meetings, and to prevent the 
recurrence thereof, have thought fit to issue this procla- 
mation, solemnly and strictly warning all his Majesty's 
liege subjects from henceforth to discontinue the 
holding or attending any such meetings or assemblies 
as aforesaid ; and do charge and earnestly exhort them, to 
the utmost of their power, to discountenance all meetings 
and assemblies of a similar nature, and thereby to pre- 
vent the dangers and mischief consequent on the same ; 
VOL. ii. n 


and being determined and resolved strictly to enforce 
the law, and the penalties thereof, against persons 
offending in the premises, do charge and command all 
sheriffs, mayors, justices of the peace, and all other 
magistrates, officers, and others whom it may concern, 
to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the law, 
in preventing such meetings and assemblies from being 
held, and in the effectual dispersion and suppression of 
the same, and in the detection and protection of those 
who, after this notice, shall offend in respects afore- 

Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, this 30th 
day of September, 1828. 

By his Majesty's command, 




At a Meeting held at Harmony Hall, New York, 
July 6, 1826, the following resolutions were unani- 
mously agreed to : 

That the persons assembled at this meeting form 
themselves into a society, for the three following pur- 
poses : 1st, The establishment of a rent, in order to 
co-operate the more effectually with those illustrious in- 
dividuals in Ireland, who are desirous to accomplish the 
emancipation of their country. 2nd, To give efficient ex- 
pression to our sympathy for the oppressed, and our in- 


dignation at the conduct of the oppressors. 3rd, To ad- 
dress the free and enlightened nations of the earth on 
the subject of Ireland's wrongs and England's intole- 
rance to proclaim to them that the enemy of religious 
toleration must be inimical to the universal law of na- 


At a meeting of the friends of Ireland, convened 
agreeably to public notice, held on Friday evening the 
1st of August, 1828, at the Masonic Hall, Broadway, 

Dr. Macnevin was called to the chair, and 

James Shea was appointed secretary ; 

The chairman explained the object of calling the 
meeting, with a eulogium on the patriotism and public 
spirit displayed by the Irish forty- shilling freeholders 
at the late general election in Ireland whereupon it 
was unanimously 

Resolved, That in the boldness of the forty-shilling 
freeholders of Ireland, so independently exemplified at 
the late election of representatives to parliament, we 
discover with high satisfaction a new evidence that Ire- 
land is not deficient in the materials for forming a great 
people: the men who have conquered their dictating 
landlords^have subdued the most powerful of their ene- 
mies ; they who have dared under the apprehension of 
a persecution scarcely endurable to oppose their would- 
be-masters, have undoubtedly the courage to resist ty- 
ranny whencesoever it may come. The stern honesty 
of the forty-shilling freeholder gives assurance, on which 
we may rely, that at no very distant day his virtue will 
be rewarded by the regeneration of his country. 


Resolved, That an Association be immediately formed, 
to be styled "The Association of the Friends of Ireland, 
in the city of New York." 

Resolved, That a committee of shall be appointed 
to draft such rules as may be necessary for the regulation 
of the Association now formed, and report the same to 
a general meeting, to be called by said committee, as 
soon as convenient. 

The blank was then filled with the following names ; 
viz. Dr. Macnevin, Judge Swan ton, Counsellor O'Con- 
nor, John Doyle, and James Shea. 

Resolved, That the chairman be requested to write an 
opening address for the Association. 

Resolved, That a list be taken of the names of indi- 
viduals now present, wishing to become members of the 
Association whereupon about one hundred names were 

JAMES SHEA, Secretary. 

Boston, 1828. 

At the semi-annual public meeting of -the Hibernian 
Relief Society, held at Boylston Hall, on Monday even- 
ing, 6th inst., the following resolutions, offered by the 
Rev. Mr. Byrne, were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That a special meeting of the society be 
on Monday evening, the 20th inst. 

Resolved, That a remittance be made to the Catholic 
Association in Dublin, by the packet of the 1st of No- 
vember, or sooner, if convenient, after the special meet- 

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed 


to examine the treasurer's accounts, and report at the 
special meeting the amount of the society's funds, after 
deducting what may be due for expenses. 

llesolved, That the names of all the members who 
shall have paid all their assessments, be transmitted with 
the remittance. 

Resolved, That donations be received, as well from 
members as from others who wish to aid the people of 
Ireland in their struggles for civil and religious li- 

Resolved, That the said donation be acknowledged, 
by having the name of each donor, and the amount given 
by him, published in one or more of the Boston news- 

Resolved, That a separate list of the names of donors 
be transmitted to Ireland, and the amount given by each 
annexed to his name. 

Resolved, That the trustees be requested to exert 
themselves in procuring donations, and also in calling 
upon members who may be in arrears to pay in their 

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to 
draw up an address or letter to accompany our remit- 
tance, and congratulating Daniel O'Connell upon his 
election to Parliament, and that such letter or address 
be read at the special meeting. 

Resolved, That the said special meeting shall be a 
public one, and that all donations there received shall 
be recorded and announced from the chair. 

Committees were then appointed agreeably to the 
above resolutions. 



An Association of persons of all nations, and without 
distinction of creed or party, has been formed for the 
sole purpose of aiding the people of Ireland in the re- 
covery of their civil and religious liberties. They have 
taken upon themselves the title of " The Association of 
the Friends of Ireland in New York." They deem it of 
importance to address you as freemen, as Christians, 
and as the promoters of liberal principles, in behalf of 
that people who may justly claim your notice, your sym- 
pathy, and your assistance. Their subject is the en- 
slavement of a people possessing, in common with your- 
selves, consciousness of right, sensibility to injustice, 
and a deep conviction of the cruelty of that oppression 
which would devise and enforce laws to bind the con- 
science in matters of religious belief, which would de- 
prive man of his political privileges, for asserting his 
mental independence. 

Americans ! people of the United States ! we call 
upon you by all those endearing ties which bind man 
to his brother : by those obligations which are esteemed 
the most sacred among the most enlightened nations : in 
the name of that divine charity which directs the sen- 
sibilities of the heart beyond the limits of home : we 
call upon you in the spirit of true Christianity, which 
extends its benevolence to all men : by that enlarged 
sense of gratitude which delights to acknowledge sa- 
crifices and benefits : we call upon you to extend your 
pecuniary aid to the cause of civil and religious liberty 
in Ireland. Her people ask your aid not as a favour, 


but as a right. They are your brothers, and cannot 
justly be denied : they have claims upon your gratitude : 
they are entitled to your assistance : they are oppressed 
by harsh and illiberal laws, and they appeal to you as to 
a people who, by the peculiar felicity of your fortunes, 
are constituted the arbiters between the oppressor and 
the oppressed are placed conspicuous among nations, 
as the preservers and dispensers of free principles. 
Their fathers have fought and bled side by side with 
your fathers have died \vith them to obtain for you 
that liberty which you now enjoy. May the debt 
which you owed to the fathers, be now paid to the 
children ! 

The services of Irishmen have been pre-eminent where- 
soever the standard of freedom hath been unfurled to 
the breeze. Alas ! their exertions have only been un- 
successful in emancipating their own land ! On the 
plains of revolutionary France ; on the wild pampas of 
Peru ; amid the dark defiles of the snow-clad Andes ; 
upon the island shores of classic Greece, they have 
proved their devotion to the rights of man they have 
sealed with their blood their covenant with freedom. 
Thus, far from their own green isle, they have died for 
strangers ; and their bones now whiten in the sun on 
fields where the glory of dying in the cause of universal 
emancipation, was their incentive to exertion ; where 
the hope that their sacrifices would be remembered by 
the world in favour of their native land, when her call 
for assistance should go forth, was at once their reward 
and their consolation. 

But especially have Irishmen aided in obtaining and 
preserving the liberties of that country whose cordial 


reception and generous protection have almost repaid 
them for the loss of their own. In that memorable 
revolution which conferred upon these United States 
independence and glory, power and prosperity for 
their bravery, their fortitude, and their incorruptible 
constancy, Irishmen were not surpassed even by native 
Americans. The venerable Ramsay has published to 
the world in his elegant history of that revolution, that 
then " Irishmen were famous, but the sons of Irishmen 
were conspicuous." 

We deem it unnecessary to enumerate those brave 
and gifted men whom Ireland sent to the aid of your 
fathers during that momentous struggle against tyranny, 
or to dwell upon their exploits. We address you as an 
intelligent people. We appeal with confidence to your 
knowledge of the brightest pages which history pre- 
sents ; of those which describe the battles, the suffer- 
ings and the sacrifices of your brave fathers and their 
equally brave compatriots, during that glorious war. 
Come forward, then, and declare your knowledge of 
that history, and the estimation in which you hold those 
services, by assisting the children of those Irishmen to 
break the degrading chains which oppress their consci- 
ences and confine their minds. Contribute to the sacred 
fund of this Association ; enable the forty- shilling free- 
holders of Ireland to avail themselves of that import- 
ant franchise secured by the act of Union. The time is 
auspicious ; the only danger will arise from delays. 
Greece had claims upon your sympathy Ireland hath 
demands upon your justice. Assist her peasantry to 
maintain their rightful advantage against the local 
aristocrats, and the slave-drivers of the absentees ; and 


an event, unparalleled in the annals of the world, shall 
occur a revolution conferring the blessings of tolera- 
tion, and all the immunities that gave value to exist- 
ence, upon seven millions of people, without the shed- 
ding of blood, and without the dismemberment of an 
empire ! 

Ireland is, at length, united for this great purpose. 
Her unity is what her oppressors have ever dreaded it 
is irresistible. It frustrates the secret operations of 
their dividing system. Come forward, people of free 
America ! and by aiding with your accustomed liberality 
a cause in which all good men, without distinction of 
sect, country, or party, must agree, share in the eternal 
glory of giving civil and religious freedom not to any 
set or party, but to your fellow-men to immortal beings 
like yourselves to the people of Ireland. 

Published by order of the Association of " The 
Friends of Ireland in New York." 

WM. J. MACNEVIN, President. 


(Translated from the Courier des Etats Unis.) 

The friends of Ireland, desirous of aiding by their 
countenance and contributions the efforts now making 
in Ireland for the attainment of civil and religious 
liberty, still denied to its Catholic inhabitants, re- 
spectfully acquaint their French fellow-citizens that an 
association of persons of liberal principles, of all nations, 
has been formed with that sole object. 

The people of France, for ages past, have been the 
generous friends and benefactors of the Irish, whom re- 


ligious persecution tore from their native homes. In 
France they found a country : its hospitality was ever 
open to them ; and though no nation possesses more 
talent, valour, and great qualities of its own, the Irish 
were always admitted without jealousy or reluctance to 
civil and military employments, and to all sorts of pre- 
ferment under the government of France. With these 
facts in our memory, and engraven on our hearts, we 
cannot, without inconsistency and an appearance of in- 
gratitude, to which we are strangers, pass over in silence 
our French brethren on this interesting occasion. The 
French enjoy liberty, and love it ; they hate oppression, 
and can appreciate the political exertions of Ireland, 
and sympathise with her wrongs. We flatter ourselves 
too that Frenchmen entertain gratifying recollections of 
the return made by Irishmen, at all times, for the asy- 
lum they received ; proving themselves gallant in war, 
faithful in peace, deserving the entire confidence with 
which they were always honoured by their generous and 
kind friends. It is for this we address them. To be- 
come a member of the Association it is only requisite 
to sign the constitution, pay one dollar initiation, and 
twelve and a half cents per month. Its meetings are 
held at Tammany Hall, one every Wednesday evening. 
WM. J. MACNEVIN, President. 

New York. 


At a momentous period, when all the civilised world 
turns with interest and astonishment to view the strug- 

* This address was drawn up by a patriotic lady of Maryland. 


gle of seven millions of people for their legal rights 
at a moment when so many hands are raised in suppli- 
cation, and so many hearts breathe their prayers, to 
obtain from the Lord of Hosts an emancipation from a 
bondage the most galling, shall we remain unconcerned 
spectators, while a generous feeling pervades the minds 
of all patriots? No, beloved sisters, it shall never be 
said, that humanity and Christian benevolence have per- 
vaded our bosoms! it shall never be said, that women, 
in whose hearts " tender compassion ever loves to 
dwell," shall remain deaf to the voice of misfortune, in 
its most distressing forms ! Shall we, dwelling in this 
region of happiness and peace, forget our fellow-crea- 
tures in a foreign land, bound to some of us all by the 
common laws of nature ; the children of the same Al- 
mighty Father, whom we are all enjoined to assist, by 
the holy precept of the same Divine Redeemer, " to 
love our neighbour as ourselves ?" To you, daughters 
of Columbia, I need not expatiate on political motives ; 
to you, it is sufficient to recall to your memory, that 
some of our most eminent patriots, that some of our 
bravest defenders during the glorious struggle for our 
independence, were natives of Ireland that Ireland, 
the land of the brave, the land of oppressed humanity, 
the land of hospitality, and of all the virtues religion 
inspires ! that land whose suffering inhabitants I solicit 
you to assist, by all the just claims they have on your 
most grateful feelings, for their blood freely shed in the 
hour of peril, and the enthusiastic devotedness they 
have ever evinced for the country of their adoption. 
Dear to them are the gifts received from the hands of 


freemen of all nations and of all creeds ; but dearer 
and sweeter shall be the offerings of female tenderness 
on the altar of freedom. 

Daughters of all the nations of the earth, residing in 
these happy states, on you we call ! on you who, blessed 
with the advantages of health and education, can so 
well contribute by the sacrifice of some useless purchase. 
To you, whose daily labour supplies your daily wants, 
we call to spare one mite, which, like " the widow's 
mite," will be more appreciated " than all that was 
before cast into the treasury." Blessed with the appro- 
bation of your conscience, delightful will be the recol- 
lection, that for a trifling sacrifice of your pleasures, or 
your conveniences, you will have contributed to the 
happiness of thousands. You will have been the in- 
struments in the hands of Divine Providence to aid in 
effecting the emancipation of a nation, of whom may 
we soon exclaim, in the energetic language of Curran, 
" that she stands redeemed, regenerated, and disen- 
thralled, by the genius of universal emancipation." 

Daughters of Erin, on you more particularly do we 
call, to perform the sacred duty of tendering your heart- 
felt gifts to the beloved land of your nativity; that dear 
native soil, to which memory turns with delight, the 
scene of all your early joys and purest pleasures ! Cold 
indeed and insensible must be the heart that can forget 
it, and unworthy of her country must she be who 
heeds not her call in the crisis of her destiny ! Yet, 
what do we say ? Shall your hearts alone vibrate to the 
hallowed appeal I No ; those ties bind other hearts, as 
tenderly, as truly as your own ! Never shall the widow 


cease to remember that the loved and lamented partner 
of her youth was a native of the Emerald Isle. Shall 
then the descendant of an Irish family forget the 
affinity which connects her with the sages, the orators, 
the poets, the noble peasantry, whose patriotism and 
long-suffering reflect honour on their kindred and 
their names ? with the modest daughters of that 
" sweetest gem of the ocean," whose charms and ex- 
emplary virtues adorn the lowly cottage as well as the 
splendid hall? No, sisters; united in one common cause, 
we shall make no distinction of country or religion ; no 
prejudices or political opinions shall sway us ; one 
heart-felt impulse shall alone animate us the duties of 
humanity and the delights of benevolence. Behold 
where New York exhibits to our view the names of 
many females inscribed on the proud records of those 
freemen, who unite their efforts in the cause of civil 
and religious liberty ! Shall we (some of whom have 
subscribed for the glorious cause of Greece) refuse or 
neglect our brethren, whose integrity of conscience has 
alone reduced them to a state of misery and degrada- 
tion for so many centuries ? Shall we be excelled by a 
sex whom nature has not endowed with. that tender 
sensibility which characterises our own ? No ; let the 
tribute of compassion and sympathy be paid in each 
city, in each village, of this happy country ; the most 
trifling offering will be accepted. Should our circum- 
stances fortunately enable us to give bountifully, for 
" the Lord loveth the cheerful giver," let us hasten to 
present it. Are our means straitened, let us bestow 
the mite our poverty allows us, and be the amount ap- 
plied as the donor shall direct for the benefit of Ireland. 


Daughters of every clime, Christians of every sect, 
we conjure you, arise! in the name of Heaven, religion, 
and humanity, arise ! with all the tender sympathies 
of your nature, and pour into the treasury of benevo- 
lence those offerings most acceptable to the Lord of 
Hosts, the free gifts of hearts warm with generous feel- 
ings, who evince their veneration for their Creator by 
" loving their neighbours as themselves." We ask not 
to be enrolled on the records that shall proclaim to a 
grateful people the names of their friends and bene- 
factors : be our offerings only accepted the approbation 
of our own hearts, the benedictions of our fellow-beings, 
in the "sweetest isle of the ocean," and the glad tidings 
of her glorious emancipation shall be our most valued 

O ! may Heaven prosperously grant, that the same 
feelings which animate our hearts, may inspire you to 
unite in the performance of this sacred duty ! May the 
pious and grateful prayers of the orphans and widows 
you will assist, of the millions whose cause you will 
advocate, ascend to the throne of the Most High, and 
may his blessings descend on you as you fulfil his divine 
injunctions ! ! ! 

These addresses were followed by the formation of 
associations, at Charleston, Sept. 16th ; Savannah, 
Sept. 17th, 1828; at Washington, Sept. 27th; at 
Brooklyn, Oct. 7th ; at Quebec, Augusta, Kingston 
in Upper Canada, Norfolk in Virginia, Louisville in 
Kentucky, Maryland, and at Bardstown in Kentucky, 
in the month of November. These Associations were 
rapidly extending, and all actuated by the same views 


the collection of pecuniary aid, and rousing the sym- 
pathy of every friend of freedom in the cause of Ireland. 
The lively interest which they appear to have taken in 
the affairs of this country, has been more than once 
evinced by the admirable advice and co-operation 
tendered in their spirited addresses (such for example 
as those from New York, Charleston, and the city of 
Augusta) to the Catholic people of Ireland. The dis- 
cussions upon the first presentation of these documents 
at the Catholic Association were, it may be recollected, 
violent and protracted ; and from the cautious policy 
which the Catholics were compelled to pursue, neces- 
sarily opposed to a public testimony of their gratitude 
as a formal act of their body. Subsequently there was 
less difficulty ; and in the case of the address of the city 
of Augusta, a vote of thanks was, through the inde- 
fatigable and patriotic exertions of Mr. Stephen Cop- 
pinger, passed, and transmitted through their chairman, 
Mr. Wyse, to Major-general Montgomerie, who pre- 
sided at the meeting at Augusta, and to the Right 
Reverend Dr. England.* 

* The following is a copy of the resolution : 

" That as the sympathy of the generous and the free must ever be a 
source of consolation and of hope to the victims of persecution in every 
country and in every clime, we should consider ourselves unworthy of that 
sympathy from any portion of the civilised world, did we not hail, with the 
liveliest sentiments of affection and gratitude, the kind and noble indica- 
tions of this feeling, evinced in our behalf in the able, powerful, and lumi- 
nous address to the Catholic Association of Ireland, adopted by the dis- 
tinguished friends of civil and religious liberty, who assembled in the city 
of Augusta, in the State of Georgia, on the 2nd of April, 1827 ; and that 
we hereby present to them the warmest tribute of our heartfelt thanks, as 
well for this address, as for the enlightened sentiments which pervaded the 
meeting at which it was adopted. And while we are convinced that ia 



The Association of the Friends of Civil and Religious 
Liberty, and of the Friends of Ireland in New York, 


By us patriotism is marked amongst the most exalted 
of human virtues ; and every practical example it affords 
of usefulness or well-merited zeal, attracts our undi- 
vided attention and admiration. With approving sym- 
pathy we have long witnessed your strenuous efforts in 
the service of a wronged country. The lofty ardour, 
the untiring perseverance, the discretion and magna- 
nimity, which have characterised your labours, encourage 
the hope that your exertions will yet be rewarded with 

Impartial observers of the tyranny which has so long 
enchained unhappy Ireland, we can scarcely give ade- 
quate expression to the indignation with which it has 
inspired us : we have beheld that tyranny supporting 
itself by cruel discord and extortion ; by extinguishing 
rights and paralysing industry; by annihilating com- 
merce, and reducing its victims to imbecility; then 
despoiling her legislative assemblies, and tauntingly 
forcing on her the livery of a province. A crisis, 
however, approaches ; the hour of Ireland's redemption 

thus giving expression to the emotions by which the members of this Asso- 
ciation are actuated, we but touch a chord that vibrates in unison with the 
grateful feelings of eight millions of Irish Catholics. We cannot but con- 
template the increased and increasing interest which our situation and suf- 
ferings are already exciting on the other side of the Atlantic, as a sure, 
and perhaps not distant, forerunner of brighter and happier days for Ire- 


is at hand ; the eyes of enlightened nations are fixed 
upon you and your companions ; recede not a single 
step ; cement your strength and your purposes ; and 
though still religiously preserving the most inviolable 
tranquillity, let not your vigilance relax until the minions 
of corruption abandon their machinations in despair. 
Yes, Sir, we approve of your exertions, and admire 
your talents ; but the principles you have promulgated 
in your speeches and writings, are eminently more 
worthy of our praise. You have, Sir, proclaimed, 
that your efforts, and those of the Catholic Association, 
are not designed exclusively for a sect, but extend to 
all denominations of men. Yours is not a theological 
controversy, as your enemies would represent it ; you 
have indignantly denied the calumny ; you labour for 
Dissenters as well as Catholics ; and we were rejoiced 
to perceive, that the proudest and most successful of 
your labours was a convincing illustration of this prin- 
ciple ; for the course pursued by the Catholic electors 
of Clare was intended to manifest their disapprobation 
of Mr. Fitzgerald's illiberality towards their dissenting 
countrymen. Again, we say, proceed ; while your 
conduct is marked by such principles, every enlightened 
friend of his species must ardently wish you success. 
Circumstances auspicious to your cause are multiplying 
in every portion of the globe happy combinations of 
events are daily arising to aid your hopes. Look far to 
the east, and to the west, and immediately around you, 
and feel confident of success. Let the hopes of your 
nation revive. 

Amidst the gloom that has so long lowered over 



Ireland, perhaps it may be no inconsiderable consolation 
to you and your countrymen to. know, that millions of 
honest and intrepid freemen in this republic regard 
your condition and your struggles with the highest 
degree of interest. Public opinion in America is deep, 
and strong, and universal, in your behalf. This predi- 
lection prevails over the broad bosom of our extensive 
continent. Associations similar to ours are every where 
starting into existence in our largest and wealthiest 
cities in our hamlets and our villages in our most 
remote sections ; and at this moment, the propriety of 
convening at Washington, delegates of the friends of 
Ireland of all the States, is under serious deliberation. 
A fund will ere long be derived from American 
patriotism in the United States, which will astonish 
your haughtiest opponents. It is our ardent hope that 
you will continue to preserve the steady purpose in 
which you have been so long engaged. A sublime 
trust is reposed in you ; a question of surprising interest 
is consigned to your care. You enjoy the confidence of 
your countrymen ; you consequently possess a com- 
manding influence over their deeds. May you ever 
exercise this influence with fidelity and effect ; with an 
uncompromising regard for human rights ; with a firm 
allegiance to the cause of liberty ; and a never-ceasing 
hostility to bigots, factionists, and exclusionists, whether 
of Protestant or Catholic complexion! 

WM. J. MACNEVIN, President. 

New York, Jan. 20, 1829. 


No. XXIX. 

Documents read in the course of the Duke of Welling- 
ton's Reply to the Marquess of Anglesey in the 
House of Lords, May 4, 1829. 

I. Lord Anglesey to the Duke of Wellington. 

(EXTRACT.) September 24, 1828. 

I have known for a considerable time, and a recent 
communication has strongly corroborated the fact, that 
the Catholic question may be adjusted at this moment 
with more facility (upon as good terms, and with as little 
opposition), on the part both of the bishops and the 
agitators, than at any other period. I have reason to 
feel confident that the bishops would be satisfied with 
very fair terms, in respect to their nomination ; that 
they would only very feebly oppose the payment of the 
Catholic clergy ; and that even upon the much more 
difficult subject of the forty-shilling freeholders there 
would only be little resistance. 

II. The Duke of Wellington to Lord Anglesey. 

My dear Lord Anglesey, 

I have, equally with my colleagues, seen three letters 
which you have written to Mr. Peel on the Roman 
Catholic question. 1 have laid one of them before the 
King ; the other two he has not seen yet, as his Majesty 
has been unwell ; and no immediate necessity existed 
for laying them before him. But I will lay them be- 


fore the King as soon as he shall be sufficiently well for 
me to speak to him upon a subject, of which he never 
hears nor never thinks without being disturbed by it. 
I have not written to you on this subject, because I had 
nothing to tell you. As an individual member of par- 
liament, I never will support what is called Catholic 
emancipation till it shall be brought forward by the 
government, as government, in a shape to satisfy me 
that the arrangement proposed will secure the interests 
of the state. In these I include the church of England. 
As the King's servant, I, equally with all the servants 
whom his Majesty has had in his service since the 
year 1810 that is, the commencement of the unre- 
stricted regency am bound not to act in this question 
as the King's minister. The late Mr. Canning em- 
bodied in a memorandum, which I have seen, and which 
was communicated to the members of his government, 
that which was before that time understood. 

From this statement you will see that the first step 
of all is to reconcile the King's mind to an arrangement. 
Till that should be done, I should deceive myself, or the 
person to whom I should address myself, by talking 
about it at all. 

I think, likewise, that I should give just grounds for 
suspicion to his Majesty, and his servants, and to the 
Protestants of the empire in general, with whom after 
all the difficulty of the question rests, if I were to dis- 
cuss with the Roman Catholic clergy, or the dema- 
gogues of the Roman Catholic Association, a plan to 
be submitted by the government to parliament for the 
adjustment of this question. 


You see the preliminary difficulties attending it ; and 
I must add, that all those attending the question exist 
here. These are of a nature quite distinct from those 
existing in Ireland. Some are of opinion that the diffi- 
culties in Ireland will be got the better of by the adjust- 
ment of the question. I doubt it. But whether this 
will be the result or not, it is quite clear that nothing 
can be done now : that our affair now, and indeed in 
Ireland always will be, to preserve the peace, and to 
insure the loyalty and good-will of all his Majesty's sub- 
jects, by protecting the lives and properties of all. 

Ever yours, &c. 

III. Lord Anglesey to Mr. Peel. 

July 26th, 1828. 

If I should fortunately be enabled, by the advice and 
warnings I give, to keep this country in a quiet state 
for a little time longer if the Association should cease 
to agitate, and there were to be any thing like an 
appearance of moderation I most seriously conjure you 
to signify an intention of taking the state of Ireland into 
consideration in the first days of the next session of par- 

IV. The Duke of Wellington to Dr. Curtis. 

London, Dec. llth, 1828. 
My dear Sir, 

I have received your letter of the 4th instant, and I 


assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am 
sincerely anxious to witness a settlement of the Roman 
Catholic question, which, by benefiting the state, would 
confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it. 
But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settle- 
ment. Party has been mixed up with the consideration 
of the question to such a degree, and such violence 
pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to 
expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassion- 

If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and 
employ that time diligently in the consideration of its 
difficulties on all sides (for they are very great), I should 
not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, 
Ever your most faithful humble Servant, 


V. Letter of the Marquess of Anglesey to 
Dr. Curtis. 

Phoenix Park, Dec. 23rd, 1828. 
Most Reverend Sir, 

I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 
the 22nd, covering that which you received from the 
Duke of Wellington of the llth instant, together with 
a copy of your answer to it. 

I thank you for the confidence you have reposed in 

Your letter gives me information upon a subject of 
the highest interest. I did not know the precise sen- 


timents of the Duke of Wellington upon the present 
state of the Catholic question. 

Knowing it, I shall venture to offer my opinion upon 
the course that it behoves the Catholics to pursue. 

Perfectly convinced that the final and cordial settle^ 
ment of this great question can alone give peace, har- 
mony, and prosperity, to all classes of his Majesty's sub- 
jects in this kingdom, I must acknowledge my dis- 
appointment on learning that there is no prospect of its 
being effected during the ensuing session of parliament. 
I, however, derive some consolation from observing that 
his Grace is not wholly adverse to the measure ; for, if 
he can be induced to promote it, he, of all men, will 
have the greatest facility to carry it into effect. 

If I am correct in this opinion, it is obviously most 
important that the Duke of Wellington should be pro- 
pitiated ; that no obstacle that can by possibility be 
avoided should be thrown in his way; that all personal 
and offensive insinuations should be suppressed ; and 
that ample allowance should be made for the difficulties 
of his situation. 

Difficult it certainly is, for he has to overcome the 
very strong prejudices and the interested motives of 
many persons of the highest influence, as well as to 
allay the real alarms of many of the more ignorant Pro- 

I differ from the opinion of the Duke, that an attempt 
should be made to " bury in oblivion " the question for 
a short time first, because the thing is utterly impos- 
sible ; and next, because, if the thing were possible, I 
fear that advantage might be taken of the pause, by 


representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent 
reaction, and by proclaiming that if the government at 
once and peremptorily decided against concession, the 
Catholics would cease to agitate,* and then all the 
miseries of the last years of Ireland will be to be re- 

,What I do recommend is, that the measure should not 
be for a moment lost sight of; that all anxiety should 
continue to be manifested ; that all constitutional (iu 
contradistinction to merely legal) means should be re- 
sorted to, to forward the cause ; but that, at the same 
time, the most patient forbearance, the most submissive 
obedience to the laws, should be inculcated ; that no 
personal and offensive language should be held towards 
those who oppose the claims. 

Personality offers no advantage ; it effects no good : 
on the contrary, it offends ; and confirms predisposed 
aversion. Let the Catholic trust to the justice of his 
cause to the growing liberality of mankind. Unfortu- 
nately, he has lost some friends, and fortified his ene- 
mies, within the last six months, by unmeasured and 
unnecessary violence. He will soonest recover from the 

* I was literally inaccurate in imagining and asserting that the word 
agitate did not occur in the letter ; hut I was substantially and logically 
correct in saying, that I did not recommend the Catholics to agitate. 
Where that word occurs, it is put into the mouth of their enemies, who 
are supposed, in a certain contingency, to be taunting and reproaching 

I do not say, " I advise you to agitate ;" but I say, " if you are quite 
silent, your enemiei (who describe your fair and constitutional exertions 
by the word agitation, meant iu an offensive sense) will cry v out, that you 
have ceased to agitate, because they have been/firm and peremptory." A. 


present stagnation of his fortunes, by showing more 
temper, and by trusting to the legislature for redress. 

Brute force, he should be assured, can effect nothing. 
It is the legislature that must decide this great question ; 
and my greatest anxiety is, that it shall be met by the 
parliament under the most favourable circumstances, 
and that the opposers of Catholic emancipation shall be 
disarmed by the patient forbearance as well as by the 
unwearied perseverance of its advocates. 

My warm anxiety to promote the general interests of 
this country, is the motive that has induced me to give 
an opinion, and to offer advice. 

I have the honour, &c. 
(Signed) ANGLESEY. 

To the Most Rev. Dr. Curtis, &c. 

VI. Letter of the Most Reverend Dr. Curtis, in answer 
to the preceding of the Marquess of Anglesey.* 

Drogheda, Dec. 25, 1828. 
My Lord, 

I have this moment the honour of receiving your 
Excellency's letter of the 23rd inst. returning to me his 
Grace the Duke of Wellington's communications, and 
conveying your own admirable, kind, and patriotic sen- 
timents on the Catholic question, with most friendly 
advice concerning the proper means to be adopted for 
promoting that cause, and for sedulously avoiding such 
violent measures, as have already injured, and may, if 
not corrected, eventually ruin it. 

* This letter has never before been printed. 


Vouchsafe, my Lord, to accept my unfeigned thanks 
for this excess of condescension, and real goodness of 
heart, of which I find no precedent at all similar in any 
Chief Governor that this ill-fated country has ever before 
had ; but I am peculiarly grateful for so extraordinary 
a mark of your Excellency's confidence reposed in me, 
which shall not be deceived or disappointed, but end by 
a suitable return of fidelity and attentive caution. 

I have, however, taken the liberty (which I confide 
your Excellency will approve) of communicating the 
purport of your letter (as I had of the Duke of Welling- 
ton's) to my chief confidential friend and confrere, the 
Most Rev. Doctor Murray, R. C., Bishop of Dublin, 
whom I have always found to be a most capable, safe, and 
pious prelate, and the best qualified I know for aiding 
me to induce the popular leaders of the Roman Catholic 
body, and others, in and out of the Catholic Association, 
to pursue a more moderate course of proceeding than 
they had sometimes hitherto done, and thereby caused, 
as they well know, no small pain to Dr. Murray and to 

I hope I may not be considered as obtrusive in taking 
the liberty humbly to recommend that worthy and 
amiable prelate to your Excellency's notice, should any 
thing occur, on the present or any future occasion, in 
which his co-operation might be considered useful ; for 
all such purposes, as indeed for every thing else, Dr. 
Murray would be, not only more at hand, but much 
more efficient than I could be, that am sinking under a 
weight of years to the grave. 

I was really astonished, and cannot as yet conceive, 


how your Excellency, overwhelmed with so many im- 
portant affairs, could possibly find time, or submit to the 
trouble of writing with your own hand the long letter 
I have just been honoured with ; so remarkable for its 
solidity and prudent benevolence, that I am confident 
that even the warmest Catholic agitators, if they heard 
it read, would gratefully acquiesce with me in every 
syllable it contains ; even independently of your Excel- 
lency's assurances of personal attachment to the Catholic 
cause, with which they would necessarily be delighted 
beyond description ; for, in effect, your sentiments are 
so highly favourable, that I could not wish them, nor 
could they possibly be more so, unless your Excel- 
lency became an ultra partisan of the cause, and con- 
sequently incapable of rendering it any real service in 
your present elevated station. 

I have the honour to remain, with the utmost respect 
and sincere gratitude, 

My Lord, 

Your Excellency's most obedient 
and most humble servant, 
(Signed) P. CURTIS. 

To hisExcellency the Marquess of Anglesey, 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, &c. &c. &c. 


No. XXX. 

I. Dublin University Brunswick Club.* 

At a meeting held at Morrison's Rooms, on Friday, 
the 7th instant, pursuant to resolution of the 28th ult., 
to form a Brunswick Constitutional Club of the Gradu- 
ates of the University of Dublin, Dr. Hodgkinson, Vice- 
Provost, having been unavoidably detained during the 
early part of the day, the chair was taken in his ab- 
sence by 


Previous to the business of the day, it was moved by 
Colonel Irwin, A. B., and seconded by Joseph Napier, 
Esq. A. M. 

That, as a proper preliminary to the regular proceed- 
ings of the day, the meeting do express their heart-felt 
gratitude to the Rev. Charles Boyton, for his manly 
and constitutional conduct in having aroused, not only 

* The meeting here alluded to, is selected from the many which had 
previously been established in almost every part of Ireland, being in its 
nature and means of support most calculated to influence the future desti- 
nies of Ireland. In the very wide extension of these pernicious sources 
of private feud and animosities of the most uncharitable character, it may 
be remarked, that the city of Waterford formed an almost solitary and truly 
honourable exception, notwithstanding the attempts which were made to 
introduce such a system of irritation and bad feeling, 


the Protestant spirit of the University, but of the whole 

The following resolution then passed unanimously : 

1st Resolution, Proposed by the Venerable Arch- 
deacon of Lismore, seconded by the Rev. Marcus Beres- 

That the graduates of the University of Dublin feel 
themselves called on to unite, at the present important 
crisis, not from any principle of offence, but solely for 
defence ; and that it is the bounden duty of every gradu- 
ate of the University to stand fearlessly forward in de- 
fence of that church which the University was esta- 
blished to support in defence of those laws, the dis- 
pensers of which that University was established to 
provide, and in defence of that religion, which that 
University was established to inculcate and disseminate. 

2nd Resolution, Proposed by Robert M'Loughlin, 
Esq., A.B., seconded by Charles Lendrick,Esq., L.L.D., 
and M.D. 

That a society be now formed, entitled the Bruns- 
wick Constitutional Club of the Graduates of the Uni- 
versity of Dublin ; the principles of the club to be such 
as necessarily flow from a determination to preserve our 
Protestant constitution, and maintain the Protestant 
institutions of the country in their present integrity. 

3rd Resolution, Proposed by George Moore, Esq., 
L L.D., and M.P., seconded by the Rev. T. P. Magee, 

That all graduates of the University not amenable 
to college discipline, as well as all others, become such 
by their ad eundem privilege, who are now present, and 


who are willing to subscribe to the foregoing resolutions, 
be admitted members of the club, on payment of a 
subscription not less than half-a-guinea, nor more than 
one guinea annually, in advance ; and that all graduates 
who may hereafter wish to join the club shall be eligible 
on the recommendation of three members. 

4th Resolution, Proposed by the Rev. J. Stack, 
A. B., and F.T.C. D., seconded by William Kellock 
Tatam, Esq., A.B. 

That his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, 
Chancellor of our University, and L.L.D., be requested 
to become patron of the club. 

5th Resolution, Proposed by Frederick de Butts, 
Esq., A. M., seconded by Richard Handcock, Esq., 
A. B., and M. P. 

That Francis Hodgkinson, Esq., L. L. D., and Vice- 
Provost of our University, be requested to accept the 
office of President of the club, and that the following 
noblemen and gentlemen be requested to accept the 
office of Vice- Presidents of the club : 

Earl of Enniskillen Rev. John Darley, A. B., and F. T. 

Earl of Carrick C. D. 

Viscount Castlemaine Venerable Archdeacon of Lismore 

Lord Edward Chichester Rev. John Crostwaite, B. D. 

Sir Edward Hayes, Bart. Rev. H. Maxwell, A. B. 

Rev. George Millar, D. D. Sergeant Lefroy, L. L. D. 

Rev. William Phelan, D.D. George Ogle Moore, Esq., L.L.D., 

Rev. Romney Robinson, D. D. and M. P. 

Rev. T. P. Magee, L.L.D. Richard Handcock, Esq., A.B., 

Rev. J. C. Martin, A. M., and F.T. and M. P. 

C. D. Edward Synge Cooper, Esq., A. B., 
Rev. Charles Boyton, A. M., and and M. P. 

F.T. C. D. " Colonel Irwin, A. B. 

Rev. J. B. Chapman, A. M., and Colonel Blacker, A. B. 

F. T. C. D. Lieutenant-Colonel M'Alpine, A.B. 

Rev. Joseph Stack, A. B., and F.T. Charles Lendrick, Esq., L. L. D., 

C.D. President of the College of 



That Henry Maxwell, Esq., A.B., and M.P., be ap- 
pointed Secretary to the Club ; and the Rev. H. Cot- 
tingham, A.M., Joseph Napier, Esq., A.M., W. K. 
Tatam,, Esq., A B., and F. De Butts, Esq., A.M., be 
appointed Assistant- Secretaries ; and that Richard C. 
Martin, Esq., A. B., be appointed Treasurer; and that 
the following gentlemen, together with the officers of 
the club, do constitute the Committee of Manage- 
ment : 

Rev. T. F. Knipe, A.M. J. C. Moutray, Esq. A.B. 

E,ev. Marcus Beresford, A M. James Saunderson, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. Prince Crawford, A.M. Oliver Nugent, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. John Whitty, A.M. St. George Gray, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. Irvine Whitty, A.M. R. Fox, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. R. Ryan, A.B. Andrew Bell, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. W. H. Halpin, A.B. Tliomas Dixon, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. H. Vaughan, A.B. Thomas Luby, Esq. A.M. 

Rev. A. J. Preston, A.B. W. Beatty, Esq. A.M. M.B. 

Rev. J. II . Torrens, A.B. Richard Webb, Esq. A.B. 

Rev. D. Thompson, A.M. John Dunlevie, Esq. A.B. 

Lees Gifford, Esq. L.L.D. Robert Kelly, Esq. A.B. 

William Maginn, Esq. L.L.D. E. John Smith, Esq. A.B. 
Dixon Eccles, Esq. A.B. 

II. Orangemen of Ireland. 

At a meeting of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, held 
at 19, Dawson Street, on the 5th November and follow- 
ing days, the Right Hon. the Earl of Enniskillen, 
Deputy Grand-Master, in the chair 

The report of the committee having been read 

Resolved unanimously, That the following address to 
the Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland be adopted, 
immediately circulated : 

It is not less the interest than the duty of Protestants 


to support, by every lawful means, the religious and 
civil establishments of their country. By these the 
honour of God and the happiness of man are most 
effectually secured. In the present era, our religion is 
menaced by the attacks of Popery and Infidelity, while 
our constitution is assailed by faction and sedition. 

Against the double danger the Orange institution 
was formed, being so named in honour of King William 
the Third, Prince of Orange, the illustrious champion 
to whom Great Britain owes her deliverance from 
thraldom, spiritual and political, the establishment of 
the Protestant religion, and the inheritance of the Bruns- 
wick throne. 

We lay no claim to exclusive loyalty, or exclusive 
Protestantism ; but no man, unless his creed be Pro- 
testant, and his principles loyal, can associate with us. 
We recognise no other exclusions. Our institution 
receives, nay, solicits into its circle, every man whose 
religion and character can stand these tests. 

We reject also an intolerant spirit. It is a previous 
qualification, without which the greatest and wealthiest 
man would in vain seek our brotherhood, that he shall 
be incapable of persecuting, injuring, or upbraiding any 
one for his religious opinions ; but, on the contrary, that 
he shall be disposed to aid and assist loyal subjects of 
every religious persuasion, and to protect them from 
violence and oppression. Such, and such only, are 
the principles upon which the Orange institution was 
founded, and upon which it has uniformly acted. Yet 
our enemies have affected to consider our forms and 
arrangements contrary to statutes which were enacted 


against treasonable and seditious societies. The spirit 
of such statutes could by no ingenuity of perversion be 
urged against the Orange institution ; but where the 
most strained interpretation could question its legality, 
the institution promptly complied, and disdained to 
evade, even the letter of these statutes. 

Our rules are open not only to the members of our 
institution, but to the whole community. We have no 
reserve whatsoever, except of the signs and symbols 
whereby Orangemen know each other, and these the 
law has not included in its prohibition. Our Associa- 
tion is general ; it meets wherever Orangemen are to be 
found, and that we trust will soon be in every part of 
the empire. 

There is not either oath, obligation, or test, which 
candidate or brother can take or offer in our society ; 
the proposal of members, their admission, and their con- 
tinuance among us, are wholly unfettered with pledge 
or promise ; nevertheless we can truly tell the world, that 
no unqualified person can come into, and no unworthy 
brother remain in our fellowship. 

The Orange institution cannot be suppressed, but by 
means which would subvert the constitution of Great 
Britain, and erase the name of the Prince of Orange 
from among her sovereigns. After that erasure, the 
Brunswick dynasty would soon follow. The liberty of 
these realms, our religion, and our monarchy, would 
again be placed under Papal darkness and despotic 

By order, 


Grand Secretary/ 

VOL. II. p 


No. XXXI. 

Declaration of the undersigned Protestants, in favour 
of a final and conciliatory adjustment of the Catholic 

We, the undersigned, being personally interested in 
the condition, and sincerely anxious for the happiness 
of Ireland, feel ourselves called upon, at the present 
juncture, to declare the conviction we entertain, that 
the disqualifying laws which affect his Majesty's Roman 
Catholic subjects, are productive of consequences pre- 
judicial in the highest degree to the interests of Ireland, 
and the empire to which she is united. With respect 
to Ireland in particular, they are a primary cause of her 
poverty and wretchedness, and the source of those poli- 
tical discontents and religious animosities that distract 
the country, endanger the safety of its institutions, and 
are destructive alike of social happiness and national 

* Whilst this important document was circulating, the last aggregate 
meeting of the Catholics of Ireland took place. The resolutions consisted 
of their usual declarations of their principles ; and a determination to seek 
for total, unrestricted, unqualified, and unconditional emancipation by legal 
and constitutional means alone j the rejection of any plan of emancipa- 
tion coupled with any species of interference with the tenets, doctrine, or 
discipline, of the Catholic church in Ireland ; any attempt to deprive forty- 
shilling freeholders of their franchise, which they considered a direct viola- 
tion of the constitution ; and strongly recommended the adoption of the 
liberal Club system the appointment of Catholic Rent inspectors, and that 
two gentlemen from every county in Ireland should accompany Mr. O'Con- 
nell to London, on making his attempt to take his seat in parliament. 


We are further of opinion, that unless the wisdom of 
the legislature shall speedily apply a remedy to those 
evils, they must, in their rapid progress, assume, at no 
distant period, such a character as must render their 
ultimate removal still more difficult, if not impossible. 

We therefore deem it of paramount importance to the 
welfare of the empire at large, and of Ireland especially, 
that the whole subject should be taken into immediate 
consideration by parliament, with a view to such a final 
and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the 
peace and strength of the united kingdom, to the stability 
of our national institutions, and to the general satisfac- 
tion and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects. 


Duke of Devonshire Earl of Clare 

Leinster Leitrim 

Marquess of Lansdowne Lucaa 

Downshire Llandaff 

Sligo Caledon 

Westmeath Gosford 

Ormonde Blessington 

Hastings Glengall 

Clanricarde Dumaven 

Earl of Essex Bective, M.P. co. Meath 

Jersey Viscount Dillon 

Fortescue Bangor 

Meath Boyne 

Granard Clifden 

Albemarle Harberton 

Wentworth Fitzwilliam Lismore 

Darnley Ebrington, M.P. Tavistock 

Besborough Ennismore, M.P. co. Cork 

Egmont Forbes, M.P. co. Longford 

Ludlow Duncannon, M.P. county 

...... Miltown Kilkenny 

Charlemont Kingsborough 

Howth Baron Sherborne 

Kingston ....... Riversdale 

Portarlington Cloncurry 

Annesley Waterpark 

Mountnorris Rossmore 

Wicklow Crofton 



Buron De Blaquiere 








Oxmantown, M. P. King's 


Baron Clements, M, P. co. Leiwim 

Clifton, M.P. Canterbury 

Biugham, M.P. co. Mayo 


Arthur Hill, M.P. co. Down 

William C. O. Fitzgerald, 

M.P. co. Kildare 

Robert Stephen Fitzgerald 

Count de Salis 
Baron de Roebeck 


Thomas Charles Style, Kent 
Francis L^nch Blosse, co. Mayo 
Thomas Butler, co. Carlow 
N. C. Colthurst, M.P. Cork 
C. Coote, M.P. Queen's co. 
William R. de Montmorency, coun- 
ty Kilkenny 

John Godfrey, county Kerry 
Aubrey de Vere Hunt, county Li- 

Nicholas Loftus, co. Kilkenny 
Capel Molyneux, co. Armagh 

Emanuel Moore, co. Cavan 
R. Musgrave, co. Water ford 
John Newport, M.P. Waterford 
Edward O'Brien, co. Clare 
H. Parnell, M.P. Queen's co. 
George Shee, co. Galway 
M. Somerville, M.P. co. Meath 
W. J. Homan, co. Westmealh 
J. C. Coghill, Surrey 
James M. Stronge, co. Armagh 
F. W. Macnaghten, co. Antrim 
Richard Killett, co. Cork 


Right Hon. Maurice Fitzgerald, 

M.P. county Kerry 
Hon. Henry Caulfield, M.P. county 

Hon. H. R. Westenra, M.P. county 

Hon. F. Ponsonby, M.P. Higham 


Hon. Geo. Ponsonby, M.P. Youghal 
Hon. F. A. Priltie, M.P. co. Tip- 

Hon. R. Fitzgibbon, M.P. county 

Hon. C. H. Butler Clarke, M.P. co. 

Hon. Thomas R. King, M.P. county 

Hon. G. I. W. Agar Ellis, M. P. 


Charles Brownlow, M.P. co. Ar- 

Thos. Bernard, M.P. King's county 
J. H. North, M.P. Milborne Port 
Samuel White, M.P. county Leitrim 

James Grattan, M.P. co. Wioklow 
C. D. O. Jephson, M.P. Mallow 
Lucius O'Brien, M.P. county Clare 
William S. O'Brien, M.P. Ennis 
James O'Hara, M.P. Galway 
James Daly, M.P. county Galway 
Alexander Dawson, M.P. co. Louth 
Arthur French, M.P. co. Roscom- 


Henry V. Stuart, M.P. co. Waterford 
H. M. Tuite, M.P. co. Westmeath 
Richard Power, M.P. co. Waterford 
Thomas S. Rice, M.P. Limerick 
Thomas Lloyd, M.P. co. Limerick 
Henry Grattan, M.P. city of Dublin 
J. S. Lambert, M.P. county Galway 
Robert S. Carew, M.P. co. Wexford 
Richard W.Talbot, M.P. co. Dublin 
James Browne, M.P. county Mayo 
Henry White, M.P. county Dublin 
Robert Latouche, M.P. co. Kildare 
Peter Van Homrigh, M.P. Dro- 

J. Fitzgerald, M.P. Seaford, Sussex 




Arabin, H. Kilrnacud, co. Dublin 
Arabin, H. W. Clare-street, Dublin 
Alcock, H. (J.P.) Waterford 
Acheson, James, Fleet-st. Dublin 
Ambrose, W. S. St. Andrew-st. do. 
Arabin, Charles, Moyvoughly 
Armstrong, A. Gallen, King's co. 
Armstrong, A. Kilsbarvari, co. 


Armstrong, F. St. George, Garry- 
castle House, King's county 
Armstrong, Owen, Gormanstown 

Green, county Meath 
Atkinson, Joseph, Barberstown 
Allridge, William, Kilbereen 
Arabin, J. L. Corkagh, co. Dublin 
Anderson, Wm. Abbey-st. Dublin 
Armstrong, L. Stephen's- green, do. 
Armstrong, R. (Col.) Newtovm Hill 
Armstrong, J. Mt. Venus, co. Dublin 
Armstrong, D. Merchant's- quay, do. 
Armstrong, R. L. Ormond-quay, do. 
Armstrong, H. L. Bridge-st. ditto 
Armstrong, James, M.A. Presbyte- 
rian Minister, Hardwicke-st. do. 
Allen, Francis, Usher- st. do. 
Alleyn, Richard J. (Lieut. R. N.) 

Kildinan, county Cork 
Archdekin, T. Michael-st. Waterford 
Arnold, Wm. Creve, co. Monaghan 
Armstrong, George, (elk.) Bing- 

field, county Cavan 
Adderley, A. (Surgeon, R. N.) 


Allingham, William, Ballyshannon 
Allingham, Edward, ditto 
Atkinson, John, M. D. Castlebar 
Acheson, James, Oakes, L. Derry 
Ardagh, William M. (J.P.) Water, 


Ambrose, Charles, ditto 
Alcock, Alexander M. ditto 
Alcock, John C. ditto 

Alcock, John, ditto 

Anderson, James, Queen st. Dublin 
Allingham, John, Capel-street, do. 
Adams, J. Drumberboy, co. Armagh 
Arthur, William, Belfast 
Andrews, James, Comber, co, Down 

Andrews, John, co. Down 
Archer, Samuel, Belfast 
Abbott, Richd. Queen-st. Dublin 
Armstrong, E. St. George 
Allingham, James, Capel-st. Dublin 
Altoon, J. Cloghan Castle, King's co. 
Andrews, James, jun. Belfast 
Agnew, Edward Jones, Kilwaughter 

Castle, Lame, county Antrim 
Alcock, Waskeline, (J.P.) Rough 

Grove, Bandon 

Allman, Francis, Overtou, co. Cork 
Allman, George, Milton, do. 
Allman, Robert, Bandori, ditto 
Allman, William George, ditto 
Allman, Charles, ditto 
Audley, Archibald T. county Cork 
Alker, John Drew, South Mall, Cork 
Abbott, John G. Mallow 
Allman, James C. Bandon 
Allman, Richard, ditto 


Bushe, Gervais Parker, Waterford 
Bushe, Henry Amyas, Glencairn, 


Busby, John, jun. New-st. Dublin 
Burton, E. W. General Military 
Hospital, Phoenix Park, Dublin 
Blood, Geo. Montpelier-hill, ditto 
Blood, George, jun. ditto 
Bushe, Henry, Waterford 
Barrett. Samuel, N. Anne-st. Dublin 
Bolton, Wm. E. Brazil, co. ditto 
Barrett, Richd. Suffolk- st. ditto 
Brady, Maziere, Blessington-st. do. 
Birch, Thos. Wormwood-gate, do. 
Blundell, Henry R. Prussia-st. do. 
Brice, Edward, Kilroot, co. Antrim 
Bennett, John, Church-st. Dublin 
Bennet, H. Anderson's- court, ditto 
Bryan, Robert Butler, Mallards- 
town, county Kilkenny 
Brennan, Jas., L. Bridge-st. Dublin 
Bell, Francis, Linenhall-street, do, 
Bernard, Charles, Carlow 
Barnes, Joseph, Upper Pembroke- 
street, Dublin 

Booker, B. Mecklenburg-st. ditto 
Bell, Richard, Linenhall-street, do. 



Beauman, E. J. Furnace, co. Kildare 

Burro wes, Peter, Leeson-st. Dublin 

Blood, Neptune, Trinity street, do. 

Beere, Daniel, Mountjoy-sq. E. do. 

Bond, Walter M'Keogh, Denican, 
county Armagh 

Barrington, Richard, Great Britain- 
street, Dublin 

Bennett, R. N. Harcourt-street, do. 

Bennett, Richard B. ditto 

Bermingham, Richard, (elk.) Rec- 
tor of Mora, county Tipperary 

Boyse, Samuel, Grange, co. Wexford 

Boyse, Thos., Grange, ditto 

Byrne, A. Merchant's-quay, Dublin 

Byrne, R. Lower Bridge street, do. 

Baird, Samuel, Merchant's- quay, do. 

Baird, James H. ditto 

Browne, S. (M.D.) Seapoint Ave- 
nue, county Dublin 

Burnside, Matthew J. (J.P.) Cor- 
creevy House, county Tyrone 

Burnside, Matthew, Five-mile-town, 

Brown, Samuel, Cavan 

Beauclerk, Aubrey, Ardglass Castle, 
county Down 

Bruce, Samuel, Dame-street, Dublin 

Barnes, Thos. Dunover, co. Meath 

Barnes, Thomas, Westland, ditto 

Berwick, Edward, Lower Fitzwil- 
liam street, Dublin 

Berwick, Walter, do* do. 

Baird, T. M. Merchant's-quay, do. 

Butler, William, E. T. M. Ville, 

Browne, Dominick, Castlemacgarret, 
county Mayo 

Brennan, George, Corn-market, 

Balfour, B. T. Townley Hall, 

Brough, Frederick, Henry-street, 

Bryan, J. Castletown, Fermanagh 

Byrne, Thos. Corn-market, Dublin 

Brega, S. B. Middle Mountjoy- 
street, ditto 

Barret, William, Lower Merrion- 
street, ditto 

Burrowes, George, Kells 

Brooke, R. Ballyboden, co. Dublin 

Burchell, George, Lower Ormond- 
qtfsy, Dublin 

Brechon, Thomas, Newtown, near 

Ross, county Wexford 
Bruce, George Evan, (J.P.) Charle- 


Bell, J. H. (M.D.) Newry 
Bick, Samuel, ditto 
Baird, Hans, ditto 
Bingham, John, (M.D.) Rossmore 
Beatty, Josias, Armagh 
Browne, W. H. (J.P.) Rahins, co. 


Browne, W. P. D. ditto 
Budd, James, Waterford 
Bingham, Hon. Denis Arthur, Ra- 

hasane, county Gal way 
Blake, James Cuffe, Belmont, ditto 
Burke, William, ditto ditto 
Blake, Valentine, ditto 

Blake, Thomas ditto 

Blake, J. F. ditto 

Barnes, George, county Armagh 
Boyd, Robert, Marlacor, ditto 
Barnes, John, county Armagh 
Barnes, James, ditto 

Bell, Thomas, Drumennis, ditto 
Boyd, William, Belfast 
Barnett, James, ditto 
Boyd, William, jun. ditto 
Brennan, Alexander, ditto 
Blennerhassett, Henry, (M. D.) 

Dingle, county Kerry- 
Brooke, Henry, North Wall, Dublin 
Bernie, James, Waterford 
Blackmore, John, Callan, county 

Brennan, John Edward, Furnace, 

county Kildare 

Brown, John, Usher's-quay, Dublin 
Blackwell, James, county Dublin 
Brennan, R. Bridge-street, Dublin 
Blake, Michael, Cook-street, Dublin 
Breckon, John, New Ross, county 


Burrowes, Peter, jun. co. Dublin 
Burke, T. Gisborne, Fahy, county 

Gal way 

Blake, Giles Eyre, Grange, ditto 
Barnes, William, Aughnacloy 
Budd, James, Tramore, county of 


Boomer, James, Belfast 
Bevington, James B. London 
Boyd, Robert, jun. Belfast 
Bankhead, John B. ditto 



Bradshaw, Robert Scott, Belfast 
Barnett, John, ditto 
Boyd, John, ditto 
Benson, John, ditto 
Bell, Henry, ditto 
Barkley, Archibald, ditto 
Bowles, Adam, ditto 
Boyd, Cunningham Gregg, ditto 
Boyd, John C. do 

Brierly, Henry, Lower Gloucester- 
street, Dublin 

Biggar, James, N. Anne-street, do. 
Bradley, John, Bishopland 
Bannington, William, Molesworth- 

street, Dublin 
Burderry, John, Belfast 
Bolton, George, Beresford- place, 


Bryan, James B. Temple, London 
Browell, Samuel, Dundrum, county 

Blunden, Simeon, Annfield, county 

Browne, G. Coolin, county Roscom- 


Beatin, Henry I. Moira, co. Down 
Baly, Benj. Myshall, co. Carlow 
Blacker, Robert, Newtown, county 

Browne, Dennis, Brownstown House, 

county Mayo 
Bradly, Benjamin, Old Bawn, co. 


Ball, Robert, Digges-street, Dublin 
Blood, Edward, T. C. D. 
Boursiquot, Samuel, Upper Sack- 

ville- street, Dublin 
Boursiquot, John, ditto 
Burrowes, Richard, jun. co. Dublin 
Butler, P. S. ditto 

Burch, George, Monaentra, Ros- 

crea, Queen's county 
Burch, James F. ditto 
Burch, John, Burch Green, ditto 
Blake, Richard, (J.P.)Garracloone, 

county Mayo 
Boyd, James, Belfast 
Billing, James S. Beresford-place, 

Bradshaw, Benjamin B. Gambons- 

town, county Tipperary 
Bowning, Jeffrey, Carass Park, Li- 

Brady, Matthew, Trinity-st. Dublin 
Butler, Walter, Creg, co. Galway 

Burke, William, Tuam, Galway 
Barron, Charles C. Strand-street, 


Barrett, Daniel D. Michael-st. do. 
Blacker, William, (J.P.) Wood- 
brook, county Wexford 
Beamish, Francis Bernard, Cork 
Beamish, Robert Beaumont, ditto 
Boardman, Arthur A. ditto 
Beamish, Charles, ditto 
Burose, William Edward, ditto 
Beamish, William Beaumont, ditto 
Burchaell, David, Crandondale, 

county Cork 
Burchaell, Richd. Tinnehinch, co 

Burtchaell, Edward, Knockbarron, 

county Kilkenny 
Burtchaell, Robert, Lockincorley, 


Burtchall, Robert, Kilkenny 
Borbridge, William, Cookstown 
Bleazby, William, Ballynacurra, 

county Cork 
Breerton, David, Springfield, county 


Bingham, George Elliott, Longford 
Butler, Pierce, (J.P.) Ballyconna, 

county Kilkenny 

Burgh, W. (J.P.) Norelands, ditto 
Baker, John, Killuran, ditto 
Bayley W. John's Hill, ditto 
Bayley, Clayton, Kilmeen, ditto 
Baker, Henry, Killuran, ditto 
Burchall, David, High-street, ditto 
Bradley, Thomas, ditto 
Bell, James, county Down 
Boswell, William, Athlone 
Boswell, John, (barrister) Athlone 
Bourke, B. (Solicitor) Thurles, co. 


Biggs, Jeremiah, Bandon 
Bates, John, Cork 
Bullen, John, Roughwood, Kinsale 
Bullen, William, ditto 
Bullen, Robert, ditto 
Bullen, Edward Roche, ditto 
Bullen, J. Harbour View, Kinsale 
Bowen, Robert Cole, Bandon 
Bowen, Henry Cole, ditto 
Browne, John, Bangor, co. Down 
Brown, Alexander, Bangor, county 


Brown, James, ditto 
Brown, Henry, ditto 



Brown, Henry, jun. co. Down 

Bryan, William, ditto 

Boyd, Alexander, ditto 

Bowman, James, ditto 

Bourke, B. jun. Thurles, county 


Bourke, James Williams, ditto 
Bradshaw, George, (M.D.) ditto 
Birmingham, S. Carremanna Lodge, 

county Galway 
Bowles, H. (J.P.) Sackville House, 

Ardfert, county Kerry 
Barnes, William, Armagh 
Bellsaigne, Matthew, Bandon 
Bayly, Thomas, Kilbrittaius, county 

Beecher, William Wrixon, Bally- 

giblin, Mallow 
Baker, Henry J. Kilcoran, county 


Bushe, Arthur, Merrion-row, Dublin 
Bryan, John, Mallardstown, county 

Beatty, Robert, Ballyconnell, co. 


Barren, Robert, Bangor, co. Down 
Byron Andrew, Coltown, ditto 

Colclough, Cfflsar, Tintern Abbey, 

county Wexford 

Caulfield, James Eyre, co. Armagh 
Corry, James, Merrion-sq. Dublin 
Considine, H. Dark, county Clare 
Curran, William Henry, Holies- 
street, Dublin 

Curran, Henry Grattan, ditto 
Conway, Frederick William, Rath- 
mines, county Dublin 
Caulfield, John, county Meath 
Cooper, William, Cooper's Hill, 


Cooper, William Cope, ditto 
Cockburn, George, (General) Shan- 
ganagh Castle, Bray, county 
Coall, Henry, 3, Upper Sackville- 

street, Dublin 
Cheyne, J. (M.D.) Merrion-square, 

Colles, A. (M.D.) Stephen's-green, 


Cochran, Henry, Merchant's-quay, 

Cusack, M. Kildare-street, Dublin 

Carpenter, Henry, Merchant's-quay, 

Cullinan, Roper, A.B. Sch. T.C.D. 

Carmichael, Richard, Rutland-squ. 

Clarke, Jonathan D. Menion-sq. 

Callanan, James, (M.D.) Exche- 
quer-street, ditto 

Craig, William, Tucker's-row, ditto 

Crawford, Thomas, Ballievy, county 

Christie, James M. Linen Hall, 

Cox, R. Castletown, co. Kilkenny 

Culhbert, Eccles, Stephen's-green, 

Crampton, Philip, (Surgeon- Gene- 
ral), Merrion-square, ditto 

Classon, John, Blackhall-place, do. 

Costello, Marcus, Sch. T.C.D. 

Cuming, William, Clare-st. Dublin 

Collins, John G. Montague-street, 

Caulfield John, county Carlow 

Chambers, Edward Elliott, Kildare- 
street, Dublin 

Colgan, James, St. Andrew-st. do. 

Coghran, James, (Merchant,) Sligo 

Cordue, William, Ballina 

Cordue, William, ditto 

Colclough, Bagnall, St. Kerin's, 
county Wexford 

Clarke, Thomas, Bailestown, ditto 

Callanan, Patrick James, Sch. 

Clendinning, Alexander, (J.P.) Bal- 

Carey, Robert, (elk). Donoghmore 
Glebe, county Tipperary 

Clerk, Edward, A.B. T.C.D. 

Cholmondeley, Horace, New-town, 
barry, county Wexford 

Coyle, George K. Moorfield, county 

Chute, Arthur, Tralee 

Challoner, Robert, Coolattyn Park, 

Cooke, Samuel, Poiustown, county 


Concannon, John Edward, Water- 
loo, county Galway 
Campbell, John, sen. James' -street, 



Chute, Pierce, (J.P.) Nelson- street, 


Chute, Thomas, ditto ditto 
Crainmore, William, Carnmoney, 

county Antrim 

Campbell, Robert, sen. Bangor 
Carr, John, ditto 

Clealand, James, ditto 

Campbell, Thomas, ditto 
Crooke, William, Derreen, Cork 
Carey, Michael, (Lieut. 83rd.) 

Mount-rivers, Cork 
Carson, William, Little Island 
Chute, Pierce, jun. Nelson- street, 


Clarke, Alexander, Athlone 
Cox, Sir William, (J.P.) Coolcliff, 

county Wexford 
Cooper, S. Gt. Clonard, ditto 
Cooper, Henry, ditto 
Church, George, Listowel, county 


Church, John G. ditto ditto 
Creagh, Francis, Ballyboman, co. 

Cannon, Charles, Moyglare, county 


Coddington, H. B. Farm, ditto 
Coote, Charles, (J.P.) Bellmont 

Cully, Richard, Moorehall, county 

Coulter, Richard Carnmeen, county 


Coulter, James, ditto ditto 
Coulter, John, county Armagh 
Corbett, John, Newry 
Coulter, William, ditto 
Corry, T. (J.P.) ditto 
Cumming, John, Lower Ormond- 

quay, Dublin 

Cavendish, Frederick, Castlebar 
Creagh, John, Dromartin 
Creagh, Francis, Killoughnan 
Creagh, Oliver, ditto 
Cooke, William, Waterford 
Concannon, Edward, county Galway 
Carroll, William, Armagh 
Cuthbert, John, Limerick 
Cochran, George, Armagh 
Cairaes, William, Belfast 
Charters, John, ditto 
Curell, John, ditto 
Corbett, Thomas, ditto 

Coates, William, Snugbrook, Belfast 
Cunningham, John, Macedon, ditto 
Cunningham, John, jun. ditto ditto 
Chaytor, Joshua M. Belview, county 


Crawford, William Sharman, Ban- 
gor. county Down 
Clarke, I. (elk.) Waterford 
Carew, Robert S. Woodstock, co. 


Cooke, Richard, Waterford 
Clarke, Henry, ditto 
Carroll, William, ditto 
Clarke, Pierce, ditto 
Caiwell, N. jun. Dublin 
Crawford, George, Ballydown, co. 

Connor, Charles, Moyglore, county 

Cojle, George K., Moorfield, co. 

Charlton, Andrew D., Derrynauget, 

Cumming, James, Aughnacloy, co. 


Corbit, William, Belfast 
Campbell, James, ditto 
Chirmside, Thomas, ditto 
Cosgrave, John, ditto 
Callwell, Robert, ditto 
Campbell, Robert W. ditto 
Corvan, Samuel, ditto 
Corduke, John, ditto 
Campbell, Samuel, ditto 
Caird, John, ditto 
Charles, John, Finnaghy, ditto 
Coieman, J. H. ditto 

Colville, John, jun. ditto 
Cross, Maurice, ditto 
Cranston, William, ditto 
Cobham, John, Upper Temple-st. 


Campion, Christopher W. French- 
street, ditto 

Creevy, John, Downpatrick 
Carey, T. (J.P.) county Armagh 
Clarke, Joseph, Carrickmacross 
Curney, Robert, Clonrael 
Close, Burrowes, ditto 
Chambers, B. R. Rahinstown, co. 


Croker, Robert, Bally boy 
Cordukes, Isaac, jun. Strand-street, 



Clements, George, Temple-bar,Dub- 


Cooney, John, Rathmines, ditto 
Clouston, Thomas, Poolbeg- street, 


Coffey, Eneas, Dock Distillery, do. 
Chambers, James, Killyleagh, co. 


Crawford, William, Lakelands, Cork 
Crawford, George, ditto 
Crawford, William, Ferney, near do. 
Christian, George, Cork 
Clarke, Richard, ditto 
Carroll, John, Tulla House, Ne- 

nagh, county Tipperary 
Crosbie, James, Bally heige Castle, 


Crosbie, Oliver, ditto 
Cros>bie, Francis, ditto 
Clarke, Usher, Carrick-on-Sir 
Cunningham, Wm. Carrickfergus 
Cunningham, Hugh, ditto 
Carey, Thomas, Belfast 
Cole*man, Alexander A. ditto 
Crevey, John, Carmn 
Coghran, William, Springfield, co. 


Campbell, Robert, jun. co. Down 
Colthurst, John B. Dripsey Castle, 

county Cork 
Colles, Richard, Riverview, county 


Colles, William, Millmount, ditto 
Connellan, Peter, Jerpoint, ditto 
Chebsey, Peter, Jersey 
Cuthbert, John, Newenham-street, 


Cooke, Adam, Thurles 
Cooke, Charles, ditto 
Cooke, Archibald, Athlone 
Cook, Archibald, jun. ditto 
Curning, James, Armagh 
Carey, James Lodge, (Lieut. 101st 

Foot,) county Cork 
Clealand, Baiben, Bangor, county 



Dillon, Charles, Athlone 
Daxon, Giles, county Clare 
Dreunan, Wm. Terople-st. Dublin 
Dawson, James, Kingstown 
Dickson, John, Fleet-street, Dublin 

Dickson, Fleet-street, Dublin 
Domville, John, Lower Mount-st. 

Dickson, Stephen, Stephen's- green, 


Darley, Arthur, South Cumberland- 
street, ditto 

Duggan, James, Usher's-island, do. 
Dickson, Stephen Fox, Townsend- 

street, ditto 

Durham, Francis, Henry- street, do. 
Digby, Thomas George, Drumduff, 

county Roscommon 
Dudgeon, John, Merchant's-quay, 

Dick, James, Ballyboden, county 


Dunbavin, Wra. High-st. Dublin 
Dixon, William, Liverpool 
Devonshire, A. Kilshernick Castle, 

county Cork 

Dyas, William, Castle-st. Dublin 
Day, Thomas, Tralee 
Denning, Maynard, ditto 
Dobbin, John, New Ross, county 

Dawson, Charles, (J.P.) Terragh, 

county Monaghan 
Dodd, John, Emaville 
Davis, Matthew, Ballyshannon, co. 

Dickson, William, Templemore, co. 


Devlin, Thomas, Castlebar 
Dobbin, Leonard, Armagh 
Dickson, Samuel, High Sheriff of the 

county Limerick 
Dobbin, William, Ternacolee, co. 

Dobbin, John, Rathdrumgarne, co. 


Dobbin, Clotworthy, Belfast 
Dunne, Stewart, Carrickfergus 
Dobbin, Thomas, Rathumgan, co. 


Dobbin, Thomas, Armagh city 
Dunlop, James, Belfast 
Dundas, George, ditto 
Dobbyn, Michael, Waterford 
De Blaquiere, P. D. 
Darley, Henry, Stillorgan, county 

Donovan, Daniel, (M.D.) C'hiswell- 

street, London 



Dickson, Samuel, Flcet-st. Dublin 
Durham, Thomas, Henry-st. ditto 
Dunlavy, George, Kinsale, co. Cork 
Donnelly, Thomas, Enniscorthy 
Dowden, Richard, Cork 
Dickson, Stephen, Moonroe, Vicar 

of Dungarvan 
Drought, Thomas, Droughtville 

Forest, King's county 
Dogherty, John, Aughenderry, co. 


Downes, H. 
Dumoulin, John, Stephen's-green, 


Dickey, Adam, Ballymena 
Dickson, Robert, Carmoney, county 


Dix, Thomas, (elk.) Belfast 


Dixon, John, county Wexford 
Dixon, James, ditto 
Dixon, John, jun. ditto 
Dixon, William, ditto 
Davidson, William, Monaghan 
Divine, Richard, Ullard, county Kil- 

Drought, Richard, Graigue, Carlow 
De la Cour, Robert, Bear Forest, 

Mallow, county Cork 
Day, Edward, (Lieut. Col.) Tralee 
Dunne, John, Bangor, co. Down 


Evans, George, Portrane, county 


Ensor, George, Armagh 
English, William, Eccles-st. Dublin 
English, Isaac, Bachelor's-walk, do. 
English, William, Dawson-st. ditto 
Ellis, William S. 
Engar, J. Minard, county Kerry 
Egan, Robert, Dingle, ditto 
Evans, George, Farmhill, Athy 
Edmundson, Allen, Boyle, county 


Ellis, Henry, Prussia- st. Dublin 
Edgeworth, Lovel, Edgeworthstown 


Ellis, Francis, Crescent, Bath 
Elliott, Gilbert, Clinto, county Mo- 


Egan, Daniel, Borrosokeane, county 


Emerson, James, Belfast 
Egerton, James, Thurles, county 

Elliott, E. county Kilkenny 

Farrell, Thomas, Stephen-st. Dublin 
Fortescue, William H. J. Great 

George-street, ditto 
Fisher, John, Upper Bridge-street, 


Forbes, George, Burgh- quay, ditto 
Ferguson, William, (M.D.) Leix- 

Finlay, John, Cumberland- street, 


French, R. jun. Monivea 
Fowler, John, Portland-place, Dub- 
Forster, Robert, Springfield, countj 

French, Fitzstephen, Frenchpark 

House, county Roscommon 
French, John, (elk.) 
French, Richard, Elm Lodge, South- 
ampton, Hants 
Fetherston, James, Rockview, co. 


Fetherston, Richard, ditto 
Farrell, Luke, Belfast 
Ferguson, Hugh, Bachelor's-walk, 

litzmorris, James, Clenstown, co. 

French, Thomas Fitzstephen, county 


Fitzgerald, Gerald, Clonmel 
Fitzgerald, James Henry, Bally mo - 

nan, county Wicklow 
Fosbrey, George, Curra Bridge, co. 


Fleming, George, Athlone 
Fleming, Henry, ditto 
Ffrench, Anthony Frederick, New 

Ross, county Wexford 
Fletcher, Henry, ditto 
French, John, ditto 
French, Anthony, ditto 
French, Thomas, ditto 
Fisher, Robert, ditto 



Fawcett, James, Blackball street, 

Fletcher, William, Merrion- square, 


Fletcher, W.P. Foster- place, ditto 
Fivey, Wm. Union Lodge, Newry 
Fitzgerald, Charles, Foxford, county 


Fitzgerald, John, ditto 
Fitzgerald, Hamilton, R. N. 
Fitzmaurice, W. Lagatina, co. Mayo 
Fletcher, John, Ferns, co. Wexford 
Fanning, Nicholas, Blackhall-street, 


Furnell, Michael, Limerick 
Forsythe, James, (M.D.) Belfast 
Frie, Henry, Waterford 
Foss, Richard, Usher's-quay, Dublin 
Flinn, William, Cork-street, ditto 
Flinn, John, ditto ditto 

Fitzgerald, Gerald, Enniscorthy 
Finlay, F. D. Belfast 
Ferguson, John J. ditto 
Finlay, Alexander, ditto 
Ferguson, J. S. ditto 
Flint, Abraham, Cook-street, Dublin 
Farrar, Joshua, county Wicklow 
Farrar, William, ditto 
Fayle, William Knot, Parsonstown, 

King's county 
Fitzhenry, William Evans, Bally- 

williamroe, county Carlow 
Foot, Wade, Cork 
Foot, Henry B. Carriquina Castle, 


Foot, George, ditto 
Fraser, James, Carrick-on-Suir 
Finch, Edward, Tullaghmore, No- 

Finch, William, (J.A.) county Tip- 


Finch, Daniel, ditto 
Farrell, John, Doagh, co. Antrim 
Flood, Ross, Cranagh, Athlone 
Fitzgibbon, E. Agherenagh, county 

Francis, Robert, George's- st. Cork 

Groves, Edward, (elk.) Leeson-st. 


Grierson, John, ditto 
Guinness, Arthur, Beaumont, co. 


Guinness, Benjamin L. James'-gate, 


Guinness, Arthur L. ditto 
Grierson, James, Swift's-alley, do. 
Geoghegan, William M. Francis-st. 

Gopld, John, Cullenswood House, 

county Dublin 
Grattan, Richard, (M.D.) York-st. 


Gaskin, Edward, College-green, do. 
Goodshaw, James, (M.D.) Leixlip 
Goodshaw, Thomas, ditto 

Goodshaw, William, ditto 
Gunning, John B. Stranorlar 
Galbraith, John, Harold's-cross, co. 

Gillington, George, Abbey-street, 

Guthrie, John, (barrister,) Great 

Britain-street, ditto 
Green, Peter H., A.B.T.C.D. Cork 
Gray, George, Linenhall-st. Dublin 
Grace, Sheffield, Temple, London 
Going, James, Clanbrasil- st. Dublin 
Gibbing, Samuel, Sandymount Ave- 
nue, county Dublin 
Goskin, J. S. Swift's Hill, county 


Going, Henry, Cranna House, ditto 
Guinness, William S. Mountjoy-sq. 

North, Dublin 
Gayer, Arthur Edward, Talbot-st. 


Gahan, B. county Londonderry 
Gahan, Henry G. ditto 
Gouldsbury, J. A. county Longford 
Gamfort, William, Great Clonard, 


Gamfort, Joseph, ditto 
Graves, William, Ross 
Graham, Allen, High Mount, county 


Green, Robert, Newry 
Glenny, Isaac, Glenville, ditto 
Graham, John, Poyntzpass 
Godfrey, George Ogle, Newry 
Graham, Jacob 
Green, F. W. Kilvanslagh 
Gibson, James, A.B. Belfast 
Graham, Benjamin, Waterford 
Gibbons, John, Tramore, ditto 
Gudman, Arthur, ditto ditto 
Gardner, Samuel, county Armagh 


CCXXXV 7 !! 

Gardner, Edward, county Armagh 
Gardner, William, ditto 
Green, George, Lurgan, ditto 
Girvin, James, Greenvale, ditto 
Grimshaw, Robert, Belfast 
Grimshaw, C. B. ditto 
Gamble, Robert, ditto 
.Grimshaw, J. M. Whitehouse, ditto 
Getty, Edmond, ditto 
Getty, Robert, ditto 
Green, Joseph, Kilkenny 
Grimshaw, John, Belfast 
Glasgow, James, ditto 
Getty, William, ditto 
Gregg, Cunningham, (J.P) ditto 
Greenlaw, Robert, ditto 
Gunning, Robert, ditto 
Gray, Robert, ditto 
Gowan, Henry, Lower Ormond- 

quay, Dublin 
Galbraith, Samuel, Nicholas-street, 


Galbraith, William, ditto 
Gion, A. Ballymena, co. Antrim 
Garvey, J. P. Castle House, Ba- 

nagher, King's county 
Goslin, John, Bride-street, Dublin 
Green, Thomas, Clonmel 
Going, James, ditto 
Goodison, Richard, Carneen, county 


Goodison, Thomas, ditto 
Goodison, William, ditto 
Gilbert, Joseph, ditto 
Griffin, John, ditto 
Griffin, John, jun. ditto 
Gilbert, Francis, ditto 
Griffin, William, ditto 
Goslin, Isaac, ditto 
Graham, William, county Wexford 
Grant, James, Claremount,Banagher, 

King's county 
Gilpin, Joseph, Portadown, county 


Grey, Thomas, Keady, ditto 
Gibson, John, Cork 
Gouldsbury, J. A. Springfield, co. 

Green, Joseph, (J.P.) Lower Grange, 

county Kilkenny 

Geale, Benjamin, Mountgeale, ditto 
Grubb, Robert, High-st. Kilkenny 
Grubb, Samuel, Cloghecn, county 


Green, John, Greenville, county 


Green, George, Lurgan, co. Armagh 
Gardner, John, Coltown, co. Down 
Gray, James, Bangor 


Howard, Hon. Hugh, Busby park, 

county Wicklow 
Hope, S. C. Dublin 
Hunt, V. De Vere, Curragh, county 


Hone, Joseph, Harcourt-st. Dublin 
Hart, William S. Fitzwilliam-square, 

Hart, William, Williamstown,Black- 

rock, ditto 

Home, George, National Market, do. 
Holmes, Alexander, Kilcullen, co. 

Howell, George, Molesworth- street, 


Hill, J. M. Armagh 
Huband, Joseph, Charlemont-mall, 


Hatchell, George, Rathfarnham 
Henry, Arthur, Lodge Park, county 


Hutton, John, Summer-hill, Dublin 
Hutton, Robert, ditto ditto 
Hutton, Thomas, ditto ditto 
Harty, Leu is, Kilkenny 
Hogan, Anthony, Kildare st. Dublin 
Harley, John, James'-street, ditto 
Humphreys, Christopher W. Mer- 

chant's-quay, ditto 
Humphreys, Charles, ditto 
Hone, Brindley, Roebuck 
Hill, Edward, (M.D.) York-streel, 


Haughton, William, City-quay, ditto 
Hutton, Edward, Summer-hill, ditto 
Henderson, David, Dodder Bank, 

county Dublin 

Hutton, Henry, Baldoyle, ditto 
Heyland, James A. CulJeuswood, 


Hutton, Henry, Summer-hill, Dublin 
Henderson, James, Tritonville, San- 

Hudson, W. (M.D.) Dawson-streej, 




Hughes, Reuben, Lower Ormond- 

quay, Dublin 
Hawkshaw, Benjamin, Behaman, co. 


Hughes, William, Waterford 
Hartley, William J. Fitzwi!liam-sq. 

East, Dublin. 
Hartstonge, Matthew Weld, Moles- 

worth-street, Dublin 
Hutton, John, James'-street, ditto 
Hutton, Charles, ditto 
Hutton, Daniel, jun. Marlborough- 

street, ditto 
Hawthorn, Chas. S. Belmont House, 

county Dublin 

Hyde, John, Castle Hyde, co, Cork 
Hyde, John, jun. ditto ditto 

Hitchcock, Robert, Harcourt-street, 

Hutton, Joseph, (elk.) Summer-hill, 

Haig, Robert, Roebuck, county 


Haig, John, Flora Ville, ditto 
Hayes, Robert, Lower Bridge-street, 


Hale, John, Fever Hospital, Cork- 
street, ditto 

Harty, Robert, (Alderman) Dublin 
Healy, Robert, (M.D.) Aungier- 

street, Dublin 
Hay es,Thomas,Lower Bridge-street, 


Henry, Robert, College-green, ditto 
Hayes, Robert, jun. Lower Bridge- 
street, Dublin 
Hewit, Christopher, Ballyboden, co. 


Hewit, William, ditto 
Hudson, Edward G. (elk.) Rector of 

Glenville, county Cork 
Head, Michael Prittie, Derry Castle, 

county Tipperary 
Hickson, John, Dingle, co. Kerry 
Hickson, Samuel Murry, ditto 
Hume, Wm. Wentworth Fitzwilliam, 

Humewood, county Wicklow 
Haughton, Thomas, Kelvin Grove, 


Haughton, Edmond, ditto 
Holton, John, Athlone 
Howlan, James, (J. P.) Bally cro- 

nigan, county Wexford 
Harvey, William, (J.P.) Kyle, ditto 

Harvey, Christopher G. (J.P.) co. 


Harvey, Maurice Crosbie, (J.P.) do. 
Hill, Robert, New Ross, ditto 
Hill, George, ditto ditto 
Hayes, Joseph, New Ross, do. do. 
Hillard, Henry, county Kerry 
Harnet, John Creagh, Listowel, do. 
Homan, Frederick, (J.P.) Arden 

Wood, county Dublin 
Harding, George, Gurteen, county 


Hudson, William, Armagh 
Holland, James N. N. ditto 
Hunter, Robert, Castlebar 
Hewson, Thomas, Westport 
Handcock, William H. Carantrilla, 

county Galway 
Hudson, William Elliott, Lower 

Merrion-street, Dublin 
Hackett, James, Newcastle, county 


Handcock, John, (J.P.) co. Armagh 
Henderson, William, Belfast 
Howe, Thomas, ditto 

Hartley, John, ditto 

Houston, Robert, ditto 
Hodgson, John, ditto 

Hamilton, W. R. (Capt. R. N.) Kil- 

lyleagh Castle, county Down 
Hewson, Thomas, Upper Merrion- 
street, Dublin 

Hogan, John, (J.P.) co. Westmeath 
Hayden, William Henry, Waterford 
Hammond, William, ditto 
Hayes, J. James'-street, ditto 
Humphrey, John Caulfield, county 


Hunt, James, Francis -street, Dublin 
Haughton, James, City-quay, ditto 
Hyle, Charles, Cook-street, ditto 
Hunter, Robert, College-green, do. 
Hagarty, James C. Eccles-street, do. 
Harrington, R. Aughnacloy, county 


Hardman, William, Belfast 
Hyndham, George C. ditto 
Houston, John H. Orangefield, ditto 
Harvey, William F. Belfast 
Haughton, Edward, ditto 
Holden, Henry, ditto 
Hyndham, Hugh, ditto 
Hervey, John, ditto 

Horn, John, Liverpool 



Hunter, Alexander, Dunmanry, Bel- 

Hindley, Joseph, Mecklenburg- 
street, Dublin 
Hamilton, Henry, Freeman of the 

Merchants' Guild, Dublin 
Hewston, David, Piltown, county 


Haslett, John, Lurgan, co. Armagh 
Hussey, Edward J. Galtrim, county 


Hussey, Edward H. ditto 
Holbrooke, Benjamin, Manchester 
Hackett, Michael, Parsonstown, 

King's county 
Heenan, William, ditto 
Holbrook, John Richard, Anglesey- 
street, Dublin 

Hunt, John, Aungier-street, ditto 
Hawkes, Charles, Brierfield, county 

Hamilton, Thomas, Stewartstown, 

county Tyrone 
Hill, John, Omagh, ditto 
Hilles, John, Bailieborough, county 

Haughton, Barcroft, Castlecomer, 

county Kilkenny 

Hart, William Gerard, (elk.) Cork 
Halliday, William, Deerpark Lodge, 

county Cork 
Halliday, Daniel, jun. Carrick-on- 


Halliday, Daniel, ditto 

Hinley, John, Ricliardstown, ditto 
Helsham, John, (J.P.) county Kil- 

Hayden, William, ditto 
Hartford, Thomas, ditto 
Henderson, Andrew, ditto 
Hickson, Robert, Vicar of Duagh, 

county Kerry 
Ilanna, Robert, Crawfordburn, co. 


Hickson, James, Kenmare, co. Kerry 
Hayden, Henry, Thurles, county 


Hayden, William Henry, ditto 
Harrington, R. Armagh 
Hunter, William, (elk.) Bandon, 

county Cork 
Hayes, H. B. Cork 
Haynes, John William, Mallow, 
county Cork 

Howard, William, Clonaghmore, co. 

Holmes, John, Carrickfergus 

Irwin, W. Cloncorrick, Killyshan- 

dra, county Cavan 
Ingham, John, Lisnamain, Beltur- 

bet, county Cavan 
Ivie, George, Waterford 
Ingram, Moses, Rosegrove, Harold's 

Cross, county Dublin 
Irwin, William, Armagh 
Innis, Thomas William, Innistiogue, 

county Kilkenny 
Irwin, Edward, Merchant's-quay, 


Johnson, Robert, Edenderry, King's 

Jacob, Ebenezer, Upper Temple- 
street, Dublin 

Journeaux, James A. Arran-quay,do. 

Jays, Edward, Curie-street, ditto 

Jeffcott, William, A.B. T.C.D 

Johnson, Thomas, Seville - place, 

Johnson, Daniel, Leixlip 

Jones, Arnold, Vitriol Works, Wat- 
ling-street, Dublin. 

Jackson, William, Ballybay, county 

Jones, Edw. BachelorVwalk,Dublin 

Jordan, Thomas, Peace Ville, New- 
town Mount Kennedy, county 

Jameson, John, Upper Sackville- 
street, Dublin 

Jackson, Thomas, Great Brunswick- 
street, ditto 

Jones, William Griffith, Dominick- 
street, ditto 

Jameson, James, Dublin 

Jameson, John, ditto 

Jordan, Richd.Richview, co. Dublin 

Joyce, Henry, Clonmel 

Jeffcott, Thomas, Dingle 

Jeffries, Thomas, Great Clonard, 
county Wexford 



James, John, Ross, co. Wexford 
Jeffries, Joseph, ditto 

Jeffries, George, ditto 
Jeffries, Shephard, Great Clonard,t!o. 
Johnson, ArUmr, (M.D.) Carrick- 

breda, county Armagh 
Jackson, James Eyre, Sullydoy, do. 
Jago, Edward 
Johnson, George, Beresford-street, 


Johnson, Thomas, ditto 
Johnson, James, Lurgau, co. Armagh 
Johnson, John, Belfast 
Johnson, William, Fortfield, ditto 
Johnston, Thus. Mountjoy-squ. do. 
Judge, Benjamin, Newtown, King's 


Jordan, P. Townsend-street, Dublin 
Jones, Thomas, Cork 
Jones, Anthony, (M.D.) Ashbourn, 

county Meath 

Jones, R. B. Tullow, co. Waterford 
James, Christopher, Danville, co. 

Jackson, Hugh, Bally wooly, county 

Johnston, Thomas, Thurles, county 

Johnston, William, Bangor, county 


Johnston, Robert, ditto 
Johnston, John, ditto 
Jenkins, William, Mallowgilon, 



Kelly, Thomas, (elk.) KellyvilJe, 
Queen's county 

Kelly, Thomas, jun. ditto 

Kennedy, John, Johnstown, county 

Kelly, James, Upper Pembroke-st. 

Kelly, Francis, Wexford 

Kertland,Wm.Prussia street, Dublin 

Kingsmill, Luke, Templemore 

Knox, John, \ r illa Park, Grand Ca- 
nal, Dublin 

Knox, Charles, Ardglass, county 

Kidley, John H. (M.D.) Belfast 
Kinnon, E. S. Monkstown, county 

Kelly, John, Kilkenny 

Kelly, Daniel, Cargins, county Ros- 

Kertland, Joseph, Lower Sackville- 
street, Dublin 

Kelly, Edmond W. Ballymurry 

Kelly, Edmond, jun. Ballymurry 

Knowles, Lionel, Gomershall, Leeds, 
" a friend to peace" 

Knox, John, North Anne st. Dublin 

Kent, John, Ballymalone 

Kellett, Richard, Blessington-street, 

Kellett, John, Great Clonard, Wex- 

Keogh, Edw. Ross, county Wexford 

Kavanagh, Edward, (J. P.) ditto . 

Kelly, John, Waterford 

Kennedy, James, Newry 

Kearney, Robert, Ballinvilla, county 

Kingston, Isaac, Waterford 

Kidd, Hugh, Armagh 

Kane, John, ditto 

Kidd, James, Mullmount, ditto 

Knight, James, Waterford 

Kearney, Joshua, Henry-st. Dublin 

Kennedy, John, Rosemount, ditto 

Kellett, William Harvey, Great Clo- 
nard, county Wexford 

Keppel, Hon. George, county Ros- 

Kelly, John, Harold's-Cross, Dublin 

Kidd, Samuel Archibald, Linenhall, 

Kidd, James, county Armagh 

Keegan, Robert, county Wexford 

Knaggs, Geo. Parsonstown, King's 

Kennedy, John, Ballykillare, county 

Knaggs, James, Thurles, county 

King, Robert, Ashgrove, co. Armagh 

Kennedies, John Mackey, Armagh 
Kingston, F. B. Bandon, co. Cork 
Kelly, James, Bangor, co. Down 
Kelly, Andrew, ditto 



La Touche, John David, Castle- 
street, Dublin 

La Touche, Peter, jun. ditto 

La Touche, David Charles, ditto 

La Touche, R. D. ditto 

La Touche, George 

La Touche, John, (elk.) Vicar of 

La Touche, Robert, (Lieut.-Col.) 
county Dublin 

Leader, Nicholas P. Dromard Cas- 
tle, Kanturk, county Cork 

Lambert, Thomas D. county Galway 

Leahy, John, North King- street, 

Leeson, William Edward, Ely-place, 

Lawlor, M. S. county Kerry 

Leslie, P. A. Bride-street, Dublin 

Lowe, Josiah, Fitzwilliam Lodge, do. 

Lawson, Edward, William-st. ditto 

Lidwill, George, Dromard, county 

Lowe, Pascaf Pasley, Leixlip 

Leeson, Hon. Robert, Ely-place, 

Livingston, Edmund D. North Earl- 
street, ditto 

Litton, Daniel, Lower Mount- street, 

Livesley, Henry, Ellenea Villa, Ter- 
renure, county Dublin 

Litton, Richard, Lower Ormond- 
quay, Dublin 

Lysaght, Richard, Lower Pembroke- 
street, ditto 

Lewis, George Christian, Meath-st. 

Lewis, Abraham, Merchant's-quay, 

Leahy, John, Sch. T.C. D. 

Lambert, Walter, Lambert Lodge, 
county Galway 

Lambert, Henry, Oggard, ditto 

Lloyd, John, Lloydsborough, Ros- 
crea, Queen's county 

Lindsey, Thomas Spencer, Holly- 
mount House, county Mayo 

Littlewood, H. J. Linenhall- street, 

Langstaff, Joseph, Kingstown. 

Lloyd, Thomas, jun. Ballyvourm , 
county Limerick 

Lloyd, Eyre, Birchmount, ditto 

Lynam, John, jun. Bachelor's-walk, 

Leake, George R. county Clare 

Larnphier, Thomas, New Ross, co. 

Larnphier, Joseph, ditto 

Lamphier, Joseph F. ditto 

Leigh, John, ditto 

Leadman, Thos. county Kerry 

Lloyd, Edw. Heathfield, county Li- 

Little, Archibald, Newry 

Lipselt, Michael, Bally shannon, co. 

Lyle, Joseph, Newry 

Lewis, W. county Mayo 

Lamrick, William, Castlebar 

Lyle, Acheson, Gardiner's -place, 

Lyle, Hugh, Oak Lodge, London- 

Lawson, James, Waterford 

Lindsey, Richard, Armagh 

Lyle, John, Belfast 

Lake, Samuel, ditto 

Lindsey, John, Sackville st. Dublin 

Lamb, Joshua, Lisburn 

Laphan, John D. Waterford 

Lamphrey, J. (M.D.) ditto 

Lane, Edw. Clonmel 

Lindsay, John, Tullyhenan, county 

Lucas, Edward, Castleshane, county 

Law, Hugh, Gilford, county Down 

Lightfoot, William, High-st. Dublin 

Luke, James, Belfast 

Lamb, Joshua, Lisburn 

Leech, William Preston, Kilkenny 

Leeson, Isaac, county Wicklow 

Leggett, Robt. county Wexford 

Lane, Vere, Denzille st. Dublin 

Lidwill, Frederick M. Droma, co. 

Lane, James, Cork 

Logan, Wm. C. county Cork 

Lane, George, Kilworth, ditto 

Lester, Richard, Carrick-on-Suir 

Lester, George, ditto 

Loftus, Francis Hamilton, Mount 
Loftus, county Kilkenny 



Leadbeater, Richard G. Stradbaliy 

Langley, Benjamin, Athlone 

Langley, William, ditto 

Lester, Joshua, Thurles, county Tip- 

Lawless, Robert, ditto 

Laud,Wm. H. Cardiffe, Glamorgan- 
shire, " a visitor to Ireland " 

Leader, Thomas, Cork 

Lindsay, James, Caramoney 


Mahony, Pierce, Merrion-square, 


Morrisson, Richd. Gloucester-st. do. 
M'Donnell, John, New Hall, Ennis, 

county Clare 
M'Kenny, Thomas, (Alderman,) 


Maguire, Constantine, Tempo 
M'Neill, Gordon, county Dublin 
Marley, G. (Lieut.-Col.) Belvedere, 

county Westmeath 
Mahony, David, Mount-st. Dublin 
Magee, James, Trinity-street, ditto 
Milner, George, Rutland, co. Dublin 
Malone, Richd. Baronstown, King's 


Maunsell, Charles 
M'Mullen, John, Blackhall-street, 

Martin, Thos. Ballinahinch Castle, 

county Galway 
Milward, William, Waterford 
M' Bride, George, Abbey-st. Dublin 
Melladew, Thomas B. Wormwood- 
gate, Dublin 
Metcalfe, Timothy, James'-street. 

Macartney, James, (M.D.) Upper 

Merrion- street, ditto 
M'Cready, JohnD. (M.D.) Eustace- 
street, ditto 

Murry, Samuel, Harcourt-st. ditto 
Millner, John,Mountmellick 
Maxwell, Thomas, Burgh - quay, 


M'Dermott, Joseph, Castlekiew 
Morgan, Sir T. Charles (knt.) Kil- 

dare-street, Dublin 
Maeder, John George^ Queen-street, 


Mongan, Thomas, Lower Mount- 
street, Dublin 

Murray, Matthew, Ranelagh 
Mee, William Moore, Dublin 
Millikin, Richard, Grafton-st. ditto 
Morris, Benjamin, Grafton-st. ditto 
Manders, Richard, Brackenstown, 

county Dublin 

Manders, Robt. Airfield, co. Dublin 
M'Conchy, William, Buckingham- 
street, Dublin 

Marshall, J. Markham, co. Kerry 
Mansergh, John Wm. Ballyboden, 

county Dublin 
Morris, William, Waterford 
M' del land, Robert, Summer-hill, 


Mills, Thomas, (M. D.) Rutland- 
square, ditto 

M'Intire, N. B. Summerhill, ditto 
Marsh, Henry, (M. D.) Molesworth- 

street, ditto 

Moore, William, Mabbot-st. ditto 
Mannington, Edward, ditto 
Mathers, John P. Camden-street, 


Mitchell, James, (M.D.) Newtown 
Mount Kennedy, co. Wicklow 
Martineau, James, (elk.) Dublin 
M'Connell, John, St. Andrew-st. 


Maguire, Alexander, Bolton-st. do. 
M'Donnell, John, (M.D.) Belve- 
dere-place, ditto 
M'Carthy, M. F. T. Enniskean, co. 


M'Carthy, Dionysius, A.B. T.C.D. 
Montgomery, Robert, Essex- street, 


Morrisson, John, (M.D.) ditto 
Morrisson, Richard, jun. (M.D.) do. 
Morrisson, William, Gloucester-st. 

Morrisson, Fielding, (elk.) Vicar of 

M'Cullagh, Henry, Ballyboden, co. 

Morgan, Edward, Bridestown, co. 

Molyneux, James, Great Brunswick. 

street, Dublin 

Meares, Charles, Dorset-street, do. 
Meahan, John, New Ross, county 



Mason, Frederick, Ballygrennan, 

county Kerry 

Moore, Howard, (R.N.) Carlow 
M'Minn, Joseph, jun. Newry 
Mollon, John, ditto 

Melling, John, ditto 

May, James, ditto 

Madden, Wm. James'-st. Dublin 
Meaken, Robert, Newry 
Molyneux, Echlin, Great Bruns- 
wick-street, Dublin 
Malley, William S. county Mayo 
Martin, Thomas, ditto 
Maxwell, W. W. (elk. J. P.) Pre- 
bendary of Balla, co. Mayo 
Mason, Oliver, (J.P.) Kilmore 
M'Clean, Benjamin, Waterford 
Massey, Godfrey, Tramore, county 


Massey, Hugh, ditto ditto 
Macklin, Thos. Thornton, George's- 

place, Dublin 

M'Guire, Geo. Holies-street, ditto 
M' Williams, William, Armagh 
Marshall, Joseph, ditto 

Murry, William, Ednavease, ditto 

M'Williams, Thomas, ditto 
Marks, Benjamin, Cloveneden, co. 

Moore, Edward F. Black watertowu, 

Marks, Jacob, Cloveneden, ditto 

M'Kinstry, Robert, ditto 

M'Kinstry, L. Glenkeady, ditto 

M'Kean, Edward, Ballyhandan, do. 

M'Bride, Robert, Allistragh, ditto 

M'Cance, John, Suffolk, Belfast 

Mulholland, Andrew, ditto 

M'Laine, Alexander, ditto 

Maclurkan, Thomas, ditto 

Moore, William John, ditto 

M'Kibben, Hugh, ditto 

M'Cracken, Francis, ditto 

Murphy, John, ditto 

M'Clean, Adam, ditto 

M'Tear, George, ditto 

M'Donnell, Alexander, ditto 

M'Donnell, James, (M.D.) ditto 

M'Cracken, John, ditto 

M'Cance (elk.) William, Waterford 

M'Dougall, Patrick, ditto 

Mortimer, Michael, ditto 

M'Dougall, Thomas, ditto 

Marks, Samuel A. ditto 

Morrissy, Samuel, Waterford 
M'Grath, Thomas, ditto 
M'Bride, Thomas, county Dublin 
Mulligan, John, Ballyboden, ditto 
Maddox, Thomas, Buckingham-st. 

Mulligan, John, Parkmount, county 

Molswood, Christopher, Capel-st. 


Morton, James, Clonmel 
Montgomery, Thomas, Aughnacloy, 

county Tyrone 

Mackey, John, Kennedies, ditto 
M'Kinstry, J. Lurgan, co. Armagh 
M'Kenzie, John, Belfast 
M'Clean, Samuel, ditto 
Montgomery, George, ditto 
M'Donnell, Thomas, ditto 
Montgomery, H. (elk.) ditto 
M'Adam, James, ditto 
M'Adam, John, ditto 

Moore, James, ditto 
Magee, Robert, Lodge, ditto 

Morgan, John, Belfast 

Magill, James, ditto 

M'Dowell, Robert A. (J.P.) ditto 

M'Cormick, Henry, (M.D.) ditto 

M'Cabe, Thomas, (M.D.) ditto 

Montgomery, Hugh, ditto 

Munford, James, ditto 

Murphy, William, ditto 

M'Clancy, Robert, ditto 

Mulholland, Thomas, ditto 

Martin, William, ditto 

Mayne, S. Lower Bridge-st. Dublin 

Mills, Robert, Roper's Rest, county 

Milikin, Israel, Belfast 

Mtmster, P. L. ditto 

M'Calmont, Hugh, ditto 

Montgomery, James, Garvey, co. 

M'Kinstry, Zach. county Armagh 

Maxwell, John, Rathlish, Portar- 

M'Mahon, Charles, Carrickmacross 

Moore, William, ditto 

Murray, John, Moorfield, Clonmel 

Murphy, Thomas, ditto 

Molloy, John, Rockfield, King's co. 

Meares, Thomas, Doughill, ditto 

Meares, Richard, Newtown Lodge, 



Meares, George, Newtown Lodge, 

King's county 
Meares, Richard, ditto 
M'Cabe, Christopher John, Moate, 

county Westmeath 
Morris, Thomas, county Wicklow 
Mayberry, Duckett M. Greenlane, 

Kenmare, county Kerry 
Mayberry, John, jun. ditto 
Mitchell, Geo. Parsonstown, King's 


M'Donnell, Lawrence, T.C.D. 
Moffat, William, Portadown, county 

Moon, George, Ballybay, county 

M'Curdy, Samuel, Newtown Lima- 

vady, county Londonderry 
M'Mahon, Hugh, Ormond Market, 


Meade, John, Sch. T.C.D. 
Milner, Robert, William-st. Dublin 
Morton, Samuel, Little Island, Clon- 


Mayne, James, Bridge-st. Dublin 
Maguire, H. Camden- street, ditto 
Mullins, Hon. Robert, Monivac, 

county Kerry 

Mullins, Hon. Edward, Dingle, do. 
Mullins, William Townsend, ditto 
Mullins, Thomas, ditto 
Mawe, Thomas, (M.D.) Tralee 
Millet, E. (M.D. J.P.) Cove, co. 


Millet, Thomas, T.C.D. 
Montgomery, Francis, Carlow 
M'Namara, Dillon, York-st. Dublin 
Macuamara, William Nugent, co. 


Meyler, John, Carlow 
Mawe, James Henry, Tralee 
Maguire, Peter, Peterfield, Cork 
M'Mullen, Joseph, ditto 

Montgomery, R.H. T.C.D. 

M'Craith, High-st. Kilkenny 

M'Ferrar, James, county Down 
M'Gowan, John, Ballysallagh, co. 


Moffatt, Robert, Ballymullen, ditto 
M'Wha, Dupre, county Down 
M'Naghten, Thomas, Thomastown 

Park, county Roscomnion 
M'Naghten, E. H. Thomastown Park, 

county Roscommon 

Mills, Joseph, Thurles, county Tip- 

Montgomery, H. Blessingborough 

Cottage, (J.P.) Fermanagh and 

M'Dowell, Charles, Howth, county 

Montgomery, Thomas, Aughnacloy, 

county Tyrone 
Moore, Richard, Bandon 
Maziere, R. Petersfield, Cork 
Morris, Thomas, county Wicklow 
M'Culloch, Alexander, Rathgill, co. 


M'Culloch, George, ditto 
M'Mahon, William, Bangor 
Maguire, James, ditto 
M'Blaine, William, ditto 
M'Cartney, James, ditto 
Martin, Robert, ditto 
M'Murray, Ross, ditto 
M'Connell, William, ditto 
M'Connell, John, ditto 
Martin, James, ditto 
Miskell, William, Ballyverron, co. 


Melvin, John, Bangor, ditto 
M'Feran, James, Crawfourdsbourn, 


Marshall, Alexander, ditto 
M'Stockhart, John, ditto 
M'Dowell, Hugh, ditto 
Mitchell, Carney, ditto 
M'Millin, William, ditto 
M'Murray, John, ditto 
Martin, James, jun. ditto 
M'Mahon, David, ditto 
Martin, William, ditto 
M'Blain, George, ditto 


Napier, Richard, Kingstown 
Newport, Simon, (knt.) High Sheriff 

of Waterford 
Ness, George, Great Britain- street, 

Norton, Thomas, Exchequer-street, 

Norton, John Radley, Parnel-place, 


Nowlan, Edward, Wicklow 
Newport, S, Jolm's-hill, Waterford 



Newport, Samuel, Waterford 

Neville, Thomas, Annamult, county 

Nolan, John, (M.D.) Dublin 

Nixon, Henry, ditto 

Nesbilt, John, London 

Nesbitt, Cosby, Lismore, Cavan 

Nixon, Henry, Clone House, county 

Nicholson, Joseph, Bessbrook, Ar- 

Nelson, William, Newry 

Naper, J. L. Loughcrew, Old Castle, 
county Westmeath 

Newport, William, New Park, Wa- 

Nicholson, R. James'-street, Dublin 

North, James, Lower Bridge-st. do. 

North, Thomas, ditto 

Napier, William, Belfast 

Napier, William, jun. ditto 

Nicholson, J. New Holland, Armagh 

Newell, George, Lismore 

Neville, J. (J.P.) Annamult, county 

Newbold, J. Thoroas'-street, Dublin 

Nangle, Walter, Clonbercon, county 

Neill, William, Bangor, co. Down 


O'Brien, William, (Lieut.-Col.) co. 


O'Brien, R. (Capt. R.N.) ditto 
O'Callaghan, George, Maryfort 
O'Connor, Henry, Mount Pleasant, 


Orr, William, Strabane, co. Tyrone 
Overard, John, Suffolk-st. Dublin 
Orr, Robert, Merchant's- quay, do. 
Ogle, William H. Nelson- street, do. 
Outterson, Andrew, county Dublin 
Outterson, Andrew, jun. ditto 
Outley, Edward, Ballyboden, ditto 
Outterson, James, ditto 
O'Keeffe, Thomas, A.B.T.C.D. 
O'Keeffe, Arthur J. 
O'Donoghue, John, A.B. T.C.D. 
O'Brien, Donogh, Upper Merrion- 

street, Dublin 

O'Callaghan, A. (elk.) Seville-place, 

O'Callaghan, William Edw. Wheat- 
field, county Dublin 
O'Callaghan, Andrew, Seville-place, 

Ottiwell, John R, Beresford-place, 


Ogilvie, William, Ardglass, co. Down 
Osbrey, Thomas, Rath gar, county 


Outterson, John, Ballyboden, ditto 
Osborne, John, Cork 
O'Mally, Charles, (J. P.) Hawthorn- 
Lodge, Castlebar 
O'Mally, St. Clair, (J.P.) ditto 
O'Hara, James Arthur, Sligo 
Osbrey, John, Rathgar,co. Dublin 
Ogle, John, (Solicitor) Newry 
O'Neill, John, Fitzwilliam-square, 


O'Connor, H. Tralee 
Ogle, George, (Solicitor) Newry 
Ogle, Samuel, ditto 

Ogle, John, (J.P.) ditto 

O'Mally, Andrew C. (J.P.) New. 

castle, county Mayo 
O'Malley, Owen, Spencer Park, 

Ogle, John, (Col.) Forkhill, county 


Ogle, Henry, ditto 
Osborn, Walter Richards, Cork 
Oliver, James, Enagh, county Ar- 

Oliver, Joseph, Tullymore, ditto 
Oliver, Benjamin, Killylean, ditto 
Orr, William, Belfast 
O'Reilly, John A. ditto 
Oldham, H. Newtownards 
Orr, Alexander, Belfast 
Orr, Alexander B. Commercial 

Buildings, Dublin 
O'Brien, J. Waterford 
O'Brien, James, Kilkenny 
Osborne, James, Belfast 
Ogle, John, (J.P.) county Armagh 
O'Brien, John, (M.D.) Dublin 
O'Meagher, Joseph, Bleakfield, 

Queen's county 
O'Meagher, Samuel, ditto 
Osborne, William, co. Wicklow 
O'Malley, George May, Prospect, 

Eyrecourt, county Gal way 
Oliver, Thomas, Ashbuurn, county 



Osborne, Richard Boyse, (J.P.) co. 

Power, John, Kilfane, co. Kilkenny 
Power, John, jun. ditto ditto 
Powel, Caleb 

Pirn, James, Townsend-st. Dublin 
Purdy, Richard, Dame -street, ditto 
Pirn, James, jun. Dame-street, ditto 
Pirn, Henry, City-quay, ditto 
Pirn, J. G. ditto ditto 
Perry, Samuel, Woodroof, Clonmel 
Patten, John, Sandymount, county 


Power, Robert, Mountjoy Fort 
Power, Robert, Whitechurch, county 

Price, John R. Mountrath, Queen's 


Pim, George, Usher's Island, Dub- 

Pay, Jobn, North Anne-street, ditto 
Plunket, Hon. John, Upper Fitz- 

wiiliam-street, ditto 
Peck, Wm. Neptune Villa, Kings- 
Pemberton, Benjamin, Moore-street, 


Perrin, Henry, Abbey-street, ditto 
Perrin, John, Wicklow 
Pomeroy, Henry, Dublin 
Perry, Samuel, jun. Woodrooffe, co. 

Pickering, Thomas, Abbey-street, 

Purdon, Peter, Ballyboden, county 


Pool, William Mullinahack, ditto 
Purser, John, James'-street, Dublin 
Purser, John, jun. James'-gate, do. 
Perry, James, Pill-lane, ditto 
Page, Robert Luke, (M.D.) Dun- 


Plunket, Hon. W. (elk.) Bray 
Price, George, N. Anne-st. Dublin 
Plunket, Hon. David, Stephen's- 

green, ditto 
Plunkett, Thomas, (elk.) Dromore, 

county Tyrone 

Pullen, John,Thoma'-8treet, Dublin 
Perrin, Lewis, Granby-row, ditto 

Purdon, R. (M.D.) Tralee 

Parke, Marlborough, Woodberry, 

Athlon e 

Pindon, Robert, Newry 
Persse, Bunton, jun. Persse Lodge, 

county Galway 

Persse, Dudley, Roxborough, ditto 
Pickett, Henry, A.B. T.C.D. 
Prentice, Alexander, jun. county 


Prentice, Alexander, ditto 
Perrie, William, Belfast 
Patterson, Joseph, ditto 
Pope, Richd. (Alderman) Waterford 
Pope, A. R. Waterford 
Parsons, Thomas, ditto 
Prossor, Thomas, ditto 
Pope, Henry, ditto 
Palmer, P. ditto 
Pope, William, ditto 
Patten, George, ditto 
Pope, Richard, ditto 
Pope, Alexander, jun. Waterford 
Pope, Josiah, ditto 
Plunket, J. (Capt. late (S.A.S.) 

Grand Canal Harbour, Dublin 
Pheepes, John, Capet-street, ditto 
Palmer and Greville, Messrs. Mary- 
street, Dublin 

Peebles, William, Usher's-quay, do. 
Purser, John Edward, ditto do. 

Pedder, Henry, Clonmel 
Poole, Thomas, Ballyanchor, county 


Pearce, Thomas, county Wicklow 
Palmer, Joseph, Coombe, Dublin 
Palmer, John, ditto ditto 
Palmer, F. ditto ditto 

Pomeroy, John James, (J.P.)Ratb.- 

angan, county Kildare 
Parks, John, Cork 
Perrott, Thomas, Uplands, Cork 
Perrott, Samuel, Fermoy, co. Cork 
Perrott, John, jun. ditto ditto 
Perrott, Samuel, Cloon Hill, ditto 
Parker, Nicholas D. Cork 
Poe, James, Parade, Kilkenny 
Purdon, Rowan, (M.D.) Tralee 
Patton, Thomas, Ballygroth, county 

Patterson, Thomas, Moyrath, county 

Park, John, Coltown, Bangor, co, 




Patterson, Robert, Bangor, co. Down 
Pollock, John, ditto 
Pollock, William, ditto 
Pollock, James, ditto 
Philips, Alexander, ditto 
Penrose, James, Woodhill, Cork 
Parker, Nicholas D. Bandon 


Quinn, Thomas, Ballyboden, county 


Quinn, Peter, Belfast 
Quinn, James, ditto 

Roe, Robert, Dublin 

Roe, Henry, ditto 

Robinson, Richard, Parkgate-st. do. 

Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, Killy- 
leagli Castle, county Down 

Robinson, Samuel, National Market, 

Rogers, Adam, (Alderman) Water- 

Reade, Robert, Mary's Abbey, Dub- 

Roberts, Paul A. Gt. George's-street, 

Rawlins, Thomas, Harcourt-st. ditto 

Robinson, George, Manor-street, do. 

Raper, Richard, county Meath 

Roe, Shephard, Serpentine Avenue, 
county Dublin 

Rumley, Thomas, Stephen's -green, 

Richards, John, Glenn, county Fer- 

Reynell, Richard, Killyron, county 

Reynell, Edward, ditto ditto 

Richards, Thomas, L.L.B. T.C.D. 

Reed, John Hamilton, Linenhall- 
street, Dublin 

Reade, James, Liverpool 

Roche, Edw. Trabolgan, co. Cork 

Riall, William, Anneville, county 

Roche, David, Carass, co. Limerick 

Roche, David, jun. ditto 

Roe, George, Fitzwilliam-st. Dublin 

Ruthven, E. S. Oakley Park, Down- 

Ruthven, C. Newbury Hall, county 

Richards, L. Van, (J. P.) Rathna- 

speck, Wexford 
Reilly, Thomas, St. Andrew-street, 


Russell, Matthew, Newry 
Richardson, Thomas, ditto 
Russell, John, ditto 
Russell, Matthew, jun. ditto 
Reid, John, ditto 

Risk, Eccles, Usher's-quay, Dublin 
Robinson, Moses, Waterford 
Rawlinson, Richard, Sir John Ro- 

gerson's-quay, Dublin 
Richards, Gorfdard Hewstson, 

Grange, Wexford 

Robinson, John, Tassngh, Armagh 
Riddle, John, Belfast 
Roberts, John, Collon, Belfast 
Ross, Thomas, ditto 

Riall, Arthur, Clonmel 
Roche, Matthew, county Wexford 
Roche, Stephen, ditto 

Rochford, John, Walkerstown, co. 

Regan, William, Rosscarberry, co. 


Roche, Jeremiah, Passage, ditto 
Richards, William, Portadown, co. 


Ready, William, Westport, co.Mayo 
Rogers, George Pigott, RosehiH, 

Rose, James, Hollywood, county 


Ryan, Henry, Kilfera, Kilkenny 
Robertson, John, High-street, ditto 
Robinson, William, ditto 
Robb, Daniel, county Down 
Rockell, Elisha, Ashbourne, county 


Robinson, Alexander, ditto 
Richards, John, Merrion-sq. Dublin 
Russell, Benjamin, Tlmrles, county 


Russell, William, ditto 
Russell, Charles, ditto 
Russell, E. ditto 

Rickey, Hugh, Bangor, co. Down 
Richey, Allen, ditto 



Russell, James, Thurles, co. Tip- 


Roger, Robert N. Bandon, co. Cork 
Richey, James, Bangor, co. Down 
Rea, David, ditto 

Richey, Alexander, ditto 

Sinclair, James, Strabane, county 

Stevelly, James, Croydon, county 


Smyth, David, Linen Hall, Dublin 
Scott, Thomas, (banker,) Waterford 
Scott, R. S. ditto 

Scottowe, Edmund, ditto 

Stamper, Thomas J. Belvedere- 
place, Dublin 
Sterne, Samuel, Belmont, county 

Stewart, Isaac, Bachelor's-walk, 


Stitt, John, Rathmines, co. Dublin 
Singleton, John, Quinville, co. Clare 
Singleton, John Blood, (07th regt.) 
Stephens, Edward, Roebuck, county 


Smyth, James Hugh, Sch. T.C.D. 
Sloane, Charles, Sackville-st. Dublin 
Sloane, Charles Alexander, ditto 
Smyth, William Meade, Drogheda 
Simpson, John, Francis- st. Dublin 
Smithson, Sandwith, Wellington- 
quay, ditto 
Sheill, Edward Cooke, General Post 

Office, Dublin 

Stokes, Gabriel, Dorset-street, do. 
Spencer, Joshua, Dominick-st. do. 
Stopford, Adam, Mullinahack, ditto 
Stopford, Elisha, ditto 
Sharpe, Charles, Aungier-street, do. 
Stephens, H. C. Bishop-street, do. 
Stephens, B. F. Rathmines 
Stephens, William, Trinity-street, 


Sadlier, Francis, D.D. S.F. T.C. D. 
Stewart, W. Creg, Fermoy, co. Cork 
Savage, Marmion W. Mecklenburg- 
street, Dublin 

Sloane, John, Summer-hill, ditto 
Stroker, William, Paternoster-row, 

Smithson, Thomas, Lower Bridge- 
street, Dublin 
Smith, John, Kells 
Shaw, Zachariah, North Anne-st. 

Sinclair, Adam, Ballyboden, county 


Saunderson, Bassett, co. Cavan 
Stamper, John, Newtown Mount 

Kennedy, county Wicklow 
Smith, Thomas, (M.D.) Belmont, 

Kilgobbin, county Dublin 
Smith, Joseph, (J.P.) Mount But- 
ler, Roscrea, Queen's county 
Seymour, J. county Roscommon 
Smith, Henry, Fermoy, co. Cork 
Scott, Henry, Clonmel 
Smith, James, Cross, Londonderry^ 
Smith, Brent, Clarendon-st. Dublin 
Stokes, John, Harcourt Lodge, Gd. 

Canal, county Dublin 
Smith, William Lynd, Lisdillen, co. 


Square, John Foster, Waterford 
Skipton, Valentine, (J.P.) county 

Sherlock, John, jun. New Ross, co. 


Stewart, John^ ditto 
Surry, James, (civil engineer,) Tul- 


Spence, James, Newry 
Sanderson, A. Ballyshannon, county 


Swansy, Thomas B. Newry 
Smyth, George, county Waterford 
Sheridan, Henry, county Mayo 
Sheridan, G. M. ditto 
Spiigg, Samuel, jun. Tramore, co. 


Sinclair, John, Belfast 
Stewart, Alexander, ditto 
Simms, William, ditto 
Steene, William, ditto 
Sinclair, Thomas, jun. ditto 
Simpson, Samuel D. Annmount, co. 


Simpson, Thomas, Birdhill, ditto 
Scott, Robert, Bradshaw, Belfast 
Simms, Robert, ditto 
Sloane, John E. ditto 
Stevelly, John, ditto 
Stephenson, Joseph, ditto 
Spence, Thomas, ditto 



Stewart, John W. Waterford 
Sprigg, John, ditto 
Swaine, Joshua, Usher's-qu. Dublin 
Slater, George, Baggot- street, ditto 
Stephens, T. Trimbush, co. Dublin 
Staines, Henry, Abbey-st. Dublin 
Simpson, James, Aughnacloy 
Smithson, B., L. Bridge-st. Dublin 
Smithson, John, ditto ditto 

Scott, James, Omagb, co. Tyrone 
Sheridan, George, county Mayo 
Sterling, Walter Jay, (M.D.) Bur- 

ros-in-Ossory, Queen's co. 
Smyth, George, county Wexford 
Smyth, William, ditto 
Stoakes, Thomas, county Wicklow 
Smith, Richard, ditto 
Sleator, John, ditto 
Spear, Arthur, Clanbrasil-st. Dublin 
Smyth, Henry, Mounthenry, Port- 

St. Laurence, E. (elk.) Archdeacon 

of Ross, county Cork 
Stowell, James L. Kilbrilland, ditto 
Skottowe, H. Carrick-on- Suir 
Smyth, William, Tullow, county 


Simpson, Samuel, Ardee, co. Louth 
Smyth, John, Turbuck, co. Mayo 
Smyth, James, ditto 
Smyth, William, ditto 
Smyth, Thomas, ditto 
Stawell, Charles, Kilbrittan, co. Cork 
Stroud, Thomas, Tallow, county 

Sinclair, J. Belfast 
Skipton, Val. (J.P.) Springfield, co. 

Skilling, Thomas, Crawfordsbourne 

Village, county Down 
Shackleton, Ebenezer, Moone, co. 

Strangman, S. Thurles, county Tip- 


Shaw, John, ditto ditto 

Strangman, Joshua, ditto 
Shaw, Thomas ditto 

Smyth, Francis, Blessington-street, 

Sampson, Samuel D. Annmount, co. 


Simpson, Thomas, Birch- hill, ditto 
Syner, James, (Lieut. Cth Infantry,) 

Bandon, county Cork 

Scott, W'alter, Gortaglanna, co. Cork 
Scott, Hibernicus, Coolmain, ditto 
Smyth, James, Castlehill, co. Down 
Stewart, Hamilton, Bangor, ditto 


Trench, William, Cangort Park, 

King's county 
Turbet, Robert, Bachelor's-walk, 


Twigg, Paul, Great George's-st. do. 
Tighe, Daniel, Rosanna, co. Wicklow 
Tandy, Charles, (Solicitor) Water- 
Tandy, Francis, Mount Pleasant, Ra- 

Tuite, Hugh, Sonna, Mullingar, co. 

Tighe, Robert J. Mitchelstown, co. 


Tighe, Richard Sterne, ditto 
Thompson, James, High-st. Dublin 
Thompson, John, Leixlip 
Trench, Frederick Fitzwilliam, (elk.) 

Perpetual Curate of Cloughjor- 

Toone, F. Elastings, Ballincor, King's 

Trench, Charles J. Sopwell Hall, 

county Tipperary 
Trench, James, Woodlawn, county 


Trench, John, ditto 
Tuite, Samuel, Lower Gardiner st. 


Thompson, Henry William, Stone- 
brook, county Kildare 
Taylor, John, Newbrook, co. Dublin 
Trench, Richard, Elm Lodge, Hants 
Tighe, William S. Woodstock, co. 

Turbet, James, Bachelor's-walk, 

Tonson, Hon. Charles L. Rathcor- 


Turnly, John, Rockport, co. Down 
Taylor, James, Newry 
Thangway, Thomas, Ballyshannon, 

county Donegal 
Trowton, Charles, Newry 
Tudtl, David, ditto 
Tredennick,T. Camolin, co. Donegal 



Tandy, Thomas, Johnsbrook, county 

Thompson, Robert, Forkhill, county 

Tennison, Thomas, Castle Tennison, 

county Roscommon 
Thornton, R. J. Armagh 
Tennent, William, Belfast 
Tandy, James, Mount Pleasant, co. 

Thompson, Robert, Ravensdale, co. 


Thompson, James, Belfast 
Thompson, B. (M.D.) dilto 
Turner, William, ditto 
Tennent, Robert J. ditto 
Tennent, Robert, (M.D.) ditto 
Traile, Robert, Lurgan, co. Armagh 
Thompson, George, North Anne- 
street, Dublin 

Tennent, Robert James Wm. Belfast 
Thompson, John, Clonmel 
Taylor, Edwin, Clogheen 
Tapley, John, county Wicklow 
Thompson, William, Cork 
Twigg, Paul, Stafford-st. Dublin 
Thorogood, William, (coroner,) Bal- 

nadumna, county Meath 

U V 

Ulton, James, Limerick 

Uniacke, R. (Lieut.-Col.) Woodhill, 


Vance, James, Cuffe- street, Dublin 
Vogan, James, Armagh 
Vance, Andrew, Bridge-st. Dublin 
Vance, George W. Bishop-st. do. 
Vance, John, Belfast 


Winter, John Pratt, Agher, county 

Ward, Samuel, L.L.D. Dorset-st. 


Williams, Henry F. (elk.) Dublin 
Wallace, James, Waterford 
Walker, M. C. Leeson-st. Dublin 
White, James, Upper Sackville-st. 

Willans, William, Bridge- street, do. 

Watson, Solomon, Sackville-street, 


Whitfield,Thos. Merchant's-quay,do. 
Whitcroft, John, county Dublin 
Warham, Thomas, jun. Grand Canal 

Harbour, Dublin 
Whitcroft, John H. jun. Merchant's 

quay, ditto 
Walsh, Edward, (M.D.) Summer- 

hill, ditto 

Whiteside, James, T.C.D. 
Warham, Thomas, Grand Canal 

Harbour, Dublin 
Wade, Richard, Paddenstown, co. 


Williams, J. D. Eustace- st. Dublin 
Weekes, William, (Alderman,) Wa- 

Watts, John, Fleet-street, Dublin 
Watts, William, Mecklenburgh-st. 


Warham, John, Grand Canal Har- 
bour, ditto 
Williamson, Jonathan, Lakelands, 

county Dublin 
Ward, Right Hon. Robert, Bangor, 

county Down 
Winter, Samuel, Tullaghard, co. 


Winter, Francis, (elk.) Agher, do. 
Walsh, James, (late Lieut.- Col.) 

Mohill, county Leitrim 
Woodcock, William, Enniscorthy, 

county Wexford 

Williams, Henry, Lincoln's Inn 
Fields, London" a visitor in 
Ireland, whose signature is the 
result of unprejudiced personal 
observation " 

Watt, James, Ramelton, county Do- 
Went worth, William, Lower Bridge - 

street, Dublin 
West, John, Ballyboden, county 


West, Sterling, ditto ditto 

West, Matthew, ditto ditto 

Williams, William, Dominick-st. 


Walker, Thomas, Fermoy, co. Cork 
Wilson, James 
Watson, Launcelot, Dublin 
Wilson, John, Shamrock Lodge, 



Wall, Henry, Elliot- place, Dublin 
Wall, Henry, jun. ditto ditto 
Wall, Edward, ditto ditto 
Williams, Vance, (M.D.) co, Long- 
Walker, Charles A.(J.P.) Belmont, 

county Wexford 
Walker, Thomas, jun. ditto 
West, Wra. J. G. Great Clonard, do. 
Whitney, Henry, New Ross, ditto 
Weld, Isaac, Ravenwell, co. Dublin 
Walker, Francis Spring, Belville, co. 


White, John, (J.P.) Armagh 
White, John, Newry 
Wilson, James, ditto 
Wilson, James, jun. ditto 
Wilson, John Richard, ditto 
Waters, George A. (M.D.) Tra- 

more, co. Waterford 
Waters, George A. jun. ditto 
Wheland, Joseph, Glenvale, Ar- 

Waugh, James, Cavanacan, ditto 
Wynne, Thomas, Lislea, co. Armagh 
Wilson, Thomas, Mountjoy- square, 


Williams, Josiah, Riverview, Water- 

Webber, James, ditto 
Walsh, Peter, Bellview, ditto 
Wilson, Thomas, ditto 
Woods, Simon, ditto 
Watkins, Richard, Ardee-st. Dublin 
Watkins, Joseph, ditto 

Wilson, John, Pill-lane, ditto 
Watson, Joshua E. Sallymount, co. 

Waddy, Cadwallader, Kilmacoe, 


Workman, Robert, Belfast 
Whittle, F. (J.P.) Castleupton, co. 


Webb, William, Belfast 
Waller, Thomas, ditto 
Williamson, Robert, (J.P.) Lambeg 

House, county Antrim 
Williamson, Alexander, ditto 

Wilkinson, Joseph, Barberstown 

White, David, (elk.) Belfast 

Woods, John, Carrie kmacross 

Willis, Anthony, Gardiner-street, 

Walsh, Samuel, Piltown, co. Kil- 

White, Edward, county Wicklow 

White, William, ditto 

Woods, Thos. Parsonstown, King's 

Webb, Robert, Bloomfield, county 

Wilson, John, Castle Blayney, co. 

Wilson, James, Burns, co. Carlow 

Wilson, Thomas B. Cork 

Watt, Charles Wm. Coolnamuck,do. 

Wilson, Thomas, Carrick-on-Suir 

Walsh, Peter, Bellisle, ditto 

Wright, John, ditto 

Walpole, James, Graig, county Kil- 

Wilson, Richard, Upper James'- 
street, Dublin 

Wilson, Richard, jun. ditto 

Wilson, James Gibbon, ditto 

Wetherall, Joseph L. jun. Bellview, 

White, Patrick, Thurles, co. Tip- 

Wanston, William S. Bandon, co. 

Wrixon, H. 

Ward, Hon. Wm. Robert, Bangor 
Castle, county Down 

Wilson, Kill, Bangor, ditto 

Ward, Edward Michael, ditto 

Wilson, Thomas, Kilcaskan, Ban- 
don, county Cork 

Younge, Drelincourt, Bridge-street, 


Younge, J. H. James'-gate, Dublin 
Young, Joseph, Bangor, co. Down 

cclii APPE.\DIX. 

Resolutions passed at the Rotunda Meeting, on Tues- 
day, 20th January, 1829, his Grace the Duke of 
Leinster in the Chair. 

Moved by Alderman M' Kenny, seconded by Colonel 
Drought : 

That Henry Arabin, Esq., and the Rev. Edward 
Groves, be appointed Secretaries to the meeting. 

Moved by the Hon. Robert King, M.P., seconded 
by John David Latouche, Esq. : 

That no portion of our fellow-subjects are more deter- 
mined than we are, to maintain the principles which 
placed the House of Brunswick on the throne of these 

Moved by Lord Dunalley, seconded by Thomas Boyse 
of Bannow, Esq. : 

That those principles are founded upon the basis of 
civil and religious freedom. 

Moved by the Earl of Bective, M.P., seconded by 
Sir John Newport, Bart., M.P. : 

That being personally interested in the condition, and 
sincerely anxious for the happiness of Ireland, we feel 
ourselves called on at the present alarming juncture, to 
declare our conviction, that the disqualifying laws affect- 
ing his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, which in 
earlier periods were considered essential to the mainte- 
nance of the Protestant constitution and religion, have, 
through the enlightened character of the times, ceased 
to be so, and may with safety to that constitution be 

APPENDIX. ccliii 

Moved by the Earl of Milltown, seconded by Lord 
Clements, M.P. : 

That from the progress of wealth, intelligence, and 
liberality, which so pre-eminently characterises the pre- 
sent age, the continuance of those disqualifying laws 
operates most injuriously as a bar to the cessation and 
oblivion of political discord, and to that union of senti- 
ment and interest on which the internal peace and pros- 
perity of a nation can alone permanently rest. 

Moved by Hugh M. Tuite, Esq., M.P., seconded by 
J. L. Naper, of Loghcrew, Esq. : 

That with respect to Ireland in particular, we are of 
opinion that those disqualifying laws become a primary 
cause of disunion, by perpetuating those political dis- 
contents and religious animosities which distract the 
country, endanger the safety of all its institutions, and 
are alike destructive of social happiness and national 

Moved by Count Magauley, seconded by Edward 
Berwick, Esq. : 

That we are further of opinion, that unless the wis- 
dom of the legislature shall apply an immediate remedy 
to those evils, they will in their progression assume, at 
an early period, a character which must necessarily 
augment the difficulties of their removal. 

Moved by Charles Brownlow, Esq., M.P., seconded 
by Sir Thomas Charles Style, Bart. : 

That it is of paramount importance to the welfare of 
the empire at large, and more especially of Ireland, that 
the condition of this country should be taken into im- 
mediate consideration by parliament, with a view to 


such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be con- 
ducive to the peace and strength of the United King- 
dom, to the stability of our national institutions, and to 
the general satisfaction and concord of his Majesty's 

Moved by the Earl of Howth, seconded by Thomas 
Lloyd, Esq., M.P. : 

That a petition to his Most Gracious Majesty, in the 
spirit of the foregoing resolutions, be forthwith prepared, 
assuring his Majesty of our most unalterable attachment 
to his throne and person, and praying that he may be 
pleased, with the least possible delay, to recommend to 
parliament to take into their most serious consideration 
the alarming and wretched state of this country. 

The draft of a petition to the King having been read, 
it was moved by the Earl of Glengall, seconded by 
Dominick Browne, of Gastlemacgarrett, Esq. : 

That the petition which has been prepared by the 
noblemen and gentlemen of the committee, and now 
read, be adopted by this meeting. 

Moved by the Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P., se- 
conded by "William Crawford, of Ferney, county Cork, 
Esq. : 

That this petition be presented to his Majesty by our 
noble chairman, accompanied by the following peers 
and members of parliament, viz. : 

Duke of Somerset Marquess of Clanricarde 

Devonshire Earl of Meath 
Marquess of Lansdowne Darnley 

Downsbire Wentworth Fitzwilliam 

Anglesey Ferrers 

Westmeath Kingston 

Ormonde Portarlington. 


Earl of Wicklt)w Sir Henry Parnell, Bart. M.P. 

Leitrim Hon. H. Caulfield, M.P. 

Clare Hon. George Ponsonby, M.P. 

Gosford Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P. 

Caledon Charles Brownlow, M.P. 

Glengall Thomas Spring Rice, M.P. 

Dunraven Thomas Lloyd, M.P. 

Viscount Goderich Lucius O'Brien, M.P. 

Ebrington James Grattan, M.P. 

Milton Henry Grattan, M.P. 

Ennismore Hugh M.Tuite, M.P. 

Clements Henry V. Stuart, M.P. 

Duncannon Charles D. O. Jephson, M.P. 

Lord Grenville Alexander Dawson, M.P. 

Dundas Henry White, M.P. 

Rossmore Peter Van Homrigh, M.P. 

Killeen Arthur French, M.P. 
Pluuket And such other noblemen and 

Rt. Hon. Sir J. Newport, Bart. M.P. members of the House of Corn- 

Right Hon. M. Fitzgerald, M.P. mons as wish to attend. 

Moved by Thomas Wyse, of Water ford, Esq., se- 
conded by the Hon. David Plunket : 

That we most earnestly recommend the immediate 
attendance in parliament of all the peers and members 
representing Ireland, and that for the sake of our com- 
mon country, as well as the empire at large, we trust 
that all party distinctions and jealousies will be buried 
in oblivion, so that Ireland may enjoy the benefit of 
their collective and calm consideration of her wants. 

Moved by Lord Killeen, seconded by Charles D. O. 
Jephson, of Mallow, Esq., M.P. : 

That we adopt the sentiments contained in the Pro- 
testant declaration, signed by their Graces the Dukes 
of Leinster and Devonshire, and by seven marquesses, 
twenty-six earls, eleven viscounts, twenty- two barons, 
two counts, twenty-two baronets, fifty-two members of 
the House of Commons, and upwards of two thousand 
gentlemen of other ranks, all of whom are personally 


interested in the condition of Ireland ; and that our 
noble chairman be instructed to present to his Majesty, 
together with our petition, a copy of that declaration, 
with the signatures attached to it. 

Petitions to both houses of parliament having been 
laid before the meeting, it was 

Moved by Nicholas Phil pot Leader, of Dromagh 
Castle, Esq., seconded by William Tighe, of Wood- 
stock, Esq. : 

That the petitions now read, and which are founded 
on the resolutions of this meeting, be adopted, and pre- 
sented to both houses of parliament : that to the Lords 
by the Marquess of Anglesey, and that to the Commons 
by Charles Brownlow, Esq. 

Moved by Lord Clanmorris, seconded by the Hon. 
Colonel Westenra : 

That his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of 
Anglesey is entitled to and possesses our entire confi- 
dence ; and we regret that circumstances have induced 
his Excellency to relinquish the government of this 
country ; for that, relying upon his wisdom and justice, 
we do assure his Excellency, to adopt the language of a 
distinguished Englishman, " There is no nation of peo- 
ple under the sun that doth love equal and indifferent 
justice better than the Irish, or will rest better satisfied 
with the execution thereof, although it be against them- 
selves, so as they may have the protection and benefit 
of the law, when upon just cause they do desire it." 

Moved by John Power, of Kilfane, Esq., seconded 
by Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart. : 

That the address to his Excellency the Marquess of 


Anglesey, now read, be adopted by this meeting, and 
that our noble chairman be requested to transmit the 
same to his Excellency at his Grace's earliest conveni- 

Moved by the Hon. Mr. Preston, seconded by Robert 
Roe, Esq. : 

That copies of these resolutions and petitions be for- 
warded to his Grace the Duke of Wellington, and the 
rest of his Majesty's ministers, calling their attention to 
the deplorable situation of this country, and requiring 
them to give peace, and above all, religious peace, to 
Ireland ; which, by benefiting the state, will confer a 
benefit upon every individual in it. 

Moved by Robert Challoner, of Coolatyn Park, Esq., 
seconded by Walter Berwick, Esq. : 

That the thanks of the country and of this meeting 
are eminently due, and are hereby given, to the noble- 
men and gentlemen who constituted the committee for 
the Protestant declaration, the dinner to Lord Morpeth, 
and the arrangements of this meeting, and we do ear- 
nestly request, that they will individually and collec- 
tively continue their exertions for the success of the 
great cause in which we are engaged " the religious 
peace of Ireland ;" and that the noblemen and gentle- 
men who have moved and seconded these resolutions be 
added to the committee. 

LEINSTER, Chairman. 

The Duke of Leinster having left the chair, and the 
Right Honourable the Earl of Milltown having been 
called thereto, it was 

VOL. 11. r 

cclviii APPENDIX. 

Moved by Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., seconded 
by Richard Sheil, Esq. : 

That the thanks of the country, and more especially 
of this meeting, are pre-eminently due, and are hereby 
given, to his Grace the Duke of Leinster, the premier 
noble of Ireland, not only for his dignified and impartial 
conduct in the chair this day, but for his undeviating 
attachment and devotion to the true interests of Ireland. 
MILLTOWN, Chairman. 
HBNRY ARABIN, 5 Secretaries. 

Address to his Majesty, adopted at the Rotunda 
Meeting, on Tuesday, 20th January, 1829. 


The humble Petition of the Noblemen and Gentlemen 

May it please your Majesty, 

We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects 
of the kingdom of Ireland, beg leave to approach your 
throne with assurances of our unalterable fidelity and 
attachment to your Majesty's royal person and govern- 

Reigning by the free voice of a proud and brave 
people, your Majesty holds the crown of these realms 
by the highest of all titles the clearest of all legiti- 
macies ; we venerate you as the guardian of just laws, 
and the last perfection of a noble constitution. You 
rule in the interests of your people your throne has 


the best security for any throne, the enlightened con- 
fidence of your subjects. 

No portion of your Majesty's loyal people are more 
truly devoted than we are to the principles which placed 
the illustrious House of Brunswick on the throne. 

We conceive these principles to be founded on the 
basis of civil and religious freedom. 

It is to the diffusion of these great gifts we attribute 
the gradual union, the industry, the wealth, the intel- 
ligence, the consequent prosperity, and the only perma- 
nent security, of any state. In proportion as the citizen 
derives advantages from the constitution under which 
he lives, he will naturally give back to the preservation 
of that constitution his zealous and persevering sup- 

Your Majesty was graciously pleased, on the memo- 
rable occasion on which you honoured these shores with 
your royal presence, to impress upon the mind of your 
faithful Irish subjects these important truths ; and it is 
not without a deep recognition of their value, we still 
hold in our recollection the conciliatory terms of your 
Majesty's parting advice. 

But with profound regret, we venture to represent to 
your Majesty, that little benefit has yet accrued to this 
distracted nation from your Majesty's paternal counsels. 
Instead of the cordiality and union which your Majesty 
had so emphatically recommended, the whole land is 
divided into two adverse parties, measuring each other's 
strength in silence, or menacing open and undisguised 
hostilities abroad corrupting to evil all the sources of 
national good disturbing in their course the beneficial 

cclx A p PEN nix. 

influences of the constitution lending to justice the 
character of faction irritating, by a succession of dan- 
gerous stimulants, the entire national temperament 
embittering every variety of social intercourse, and 
shaking to the foundation that mutual confidence, with- 
out which all government is difficult, and the entire 
frame of civil society must ultimately be dissolved. 

Industry, deprived of all its natural nourishment, 
languishes commerce, uninvited by proportionate secu- 
rity, flies our shores manufactures, unsupported by 
capital, have almost disappeared employment, exclu- 
sively agricultural, is not adequate to the wants of our 
population ; the surplus emigrates, in every shape of 
wretchedness, to the more prosperous parts of your 
Majesty's dominions, or passing on through a rapid suc- 
cession of disasters at home, from idleness to want 
from want to malady perish, at last, in almost annual 
visitations of pestilence or famine. 

The consequences of these evils are obvious and uni- 
versal ; they are commensurate with our entire system. 
The Protestant is not more exempt than the Catholic ; 
but, on the contrary, in proportion to his superior wealth 
and station in the community, is, if possible, more ex- 
posed to their injurious effects. They embrace every 
individual in their influence, and they affect all the 
relations of every individual whom they embrace. 

And your faithful and loyal subjects presume further 
to represent to your gracious Majesty, that the influence 
of these calamities is not restricted to Ireland alone ; 
that such a state of things must require a large military 
establishment for its support; that this establishment 


necessitates a corresponding taxation of the country ; 
that the country, by the repression of its natural ener- 
gies and resources, is unequal to this supply ; and that 
thus this kingdom, instead of being a source of strength, 
is, by a singular anomaly in government, a source of 
weakness to the united empire. 

Your petitioners would willingly believe that these 
evils were of a temporary nature, removable by tem- 
porary expedients ; but they have reason to apprehend 
that, instead of diminishing, they will gradually increase, 
unless prevented, ere it be too late, by a patient and 
impartial inquiry into their causes, and the generous 
application of a full and final remedy to their cure. 
Their continuance will prepare for the first aggression 
of foreign foes a long-accumulating spirit of dissatis- 
faction in the country it will invite the insult and 
injury of surrounding nations it will paralyse the 
national forces of the state it will detract from the 
moral strength and character which enabled England so 
long to hold the first rank in European civilization, and 
materially endanger, and perhaps ultimately compromise, 
the safety of the entire British empire. 

Your petitioners cannot ascribe these evils to any 
defect in the moral or physical condition of the country 
itself; they are compelled to seek elsewhere for the 
fertile source of these calamities. They see, in the 
partial distribution of the burdens and rewards of the 
state, the exclusion of one part of the people from the 
franchises and rights enjoyed by the other, a just and 
enduring principle of discontent, further exasperated by 
religious animosity, the parent of that national disunion 


from which every other national evil must necessarily 

It does not, however, escape the attention of you i 
humble petitioners, that this exclusion may originally 
have been intended for the better maintenance of the 
constitution and religion of the state ; but they respect- 
fully submit to the consideration of your Majesty 
whether, on the extinction of the causes which required 
such guarantee, these restrictions on the liberty of the 
subject should not also be repealed. 

And it is the further conviction of your Majesty's 
humble petitioners that these causes have long since 
so disappeared and this opinion is grounded on the 
policy of other states, in reference to this country the 
cessation of all external menace or attack ; the sup- 
pression of all pretensions to the throne of these realms, 
and the increasing liberality and enlightened feeling of 
every class and persuasion in the present times. 

Your petitioners are therefore satisfied, that the 
removal of the disabilities under which their Catholic 
fellow- subjects still labour, so far from being attended 
with any peril to the institutions of these realms, would, 
on the contrary, by a removal of all just ground of com- 
plaint, most eminently tend to coalesce all sects and 
orders in the country, in united exertions for their com- 
mon support; and thus, by " benefiting the state, would 
confer a benefit upon every individual belonging to it." 
And in this belief your petitioners are more fully con- 
firmed, by the gracious message of your Majesty's royal 
Father to his Irish parliament in 1793, in which ho 
was pleased to recommend such measures as might be 

APPENDIX. cclxiii 

most likely to strengthen the general union and senti- 
ment amongst all descriptions of his Majesty's subjects, 
in support of the established constitution ; and in which 
his Majesty was further pleased to point out the relief 
of his Catholic subjects of Ireland, from the disqualifi- 
cations by which they were affected, as the means best 
calculated to ensure this desirable result. 

And your petitioners gratefully remember, that your 
Majesty has professed, on more than one occasion, 
towards your faithful people of Ireland, a favour and 
affection not inferior to that evinced by your royal 
Father. May we then implore your Majesty, graciously 
to interpose the noblest exercise of your royal prero- 
gative in their behalf? may we implore you to allow the 
inhabitants of this distracted but generous country to 
dedicate their undivided energies now exerted chiefly 
against each other to the augmenting the resources, 
the ennobling the character, and elevating the glory 
and prosperity, of their native land? And may your 
Majesty be pleased, with the least possible delay, to 
recommend to your parliament to take into their most 
serious consideration, the alarming and wretched state 
of this portion of your Majesty's dominions, with a view 
to such final and conciliatory adjustment as may be 
conducive to the peace and strength of the united 
kingdom, to the stability of our national institutions, 
and to the general concord of your Majesty's loyal sub- 
jects; so may your Majesty more fully reign in the 
hearts of a grateful people, and transmit your crown 
with additional lustre to posterity. 


A petition to the Houses of Lords and Commons, 
conveying similar sentiments, &c. was also adopted by 
the meeting 1 . 

An address from the same petitioners to the Marquess 
of Anglesey was likewise proposed and adopted, decla- 
ratory of " those principles of civil and religious freedom 
which are the bond of their union, and were the guide 
of his Lordship's counsels," and which now induced 
them to join " the voice of a multitudinous people, 
uplifted to mourn an event, whose painful interest 
has been able (words of no light import) for a season to 
suspend the universal discordance, to unite all orders in 
one common sentiment of sorrow, and to show that the 
passions which have disturbed our judgments have not 
yet softened our hearts." 

Marquess of Anglesey's Answer. 

Uxbridge House, April 14th, 1829. 
My Lord Duke My Lords and Gentlemen, 

I have received, with the highest gratification, the 
address with which you have been pleased to honour 
me, on my retirement from the government of Ireland. 

When it reached me, the happy measure, which it 
was your object to promote, was already under the con- 
sideration of the legislature ; and I, therefore, deferred 
offering my acknowledgments for your personal kind- 
ness to me, in the hope that I should soon be enabled to 
add to them, as I now most joyfully do, my sincere 
congratulations upon the accomplishment of the great 
good which you desired for your country. 


To the parental solicitude of his Majesty for the 
general happiness of his people, to the sound counsel 
of his ministers, and, finally, to the liberality and wisdom 
of parliament, the empire is indebted for this glorious 
act of true policy, grace, and justice. 

The whole British constitution is now, for the first 
time, extended to the whole people of Ireland. As 
they enjoy the same liberties, so may they derive the 
same benefits from it the same peace, prosperity, and 
happiness, which it has so long conferred upon Great 

To secure those blessings to Ireland, it is only neces- 
sary that her people act in the spirit which brought you 
so auspiciously together ; and that they should continue 
to practise that forbearance and good-will towards each 
other, which distinguished their conduct through the 
whole of the late proceedings in Ireland, and which so 
mainly contributed to bring them the desired result. 

Allow me, in conclusion, to assure you, that I shall 
ever feel the sincerest devotion to the interests of 
Ireland, and the deepest gratitude for all the kindness 
I have experienced from her. 

I have the honour to be, 

To his Grace the Duke of Leinster, &c. 



Formation of the Society of the Friends of Civil and 
Religious Liberty. 

Royal Hotel, College Green, Dublin, Wednesday, 
21st January, 1829 William Sharman Crawford, 
Esquire, in the chair ; 

It was unanimously 

Resolved, That in pursuance of the twentieth resolu- 
tion, agreed to at the meeting of the Friends of Civil 
and Religious Liberty, held yesterday, we recommend 
that a committee of forty persons, twenty Protestants 
and twenty Catholics, be now appointed, and be selected 
from the list of nobility and gentry of both persuasions, 
who concurred in those proceedings, for the purpose of 
considering the most effectual means for establishing a 
permanent junction of Catholics and Protestants, in 
order to insure a continuance of their exertions for the 
success of the cause in which we are all engaged, 
" the religious peace of Ireland." 

Resolved, That the following noblemen and gen- 
tlemen, together with the chairman, be the members of 
the committee. 

The Duke of Leinster Charles D.O. Jephson, Esq.M.P. 

The Earl of Glengall William D. Napper, Esq. 

The Earl of Bective Richard Napier, Esq. 

Lord Cloncurry James Sinclair, Esq. 

Lord Riversdaie John D. La Touche, Esq. 

Lord Rossmore William Sharman Crawford, Esq. 

Rt. Hon. Sir John Newport Robert Roe, Esq. 

Sir Charles Stjle, Bart. George Grier, Esq. 

Sir Charles Morgan W. W. Berwick, Esq. 

Hugh M. Tuite, Esq. M.P. John M. Marshall, Esq. 

Charles Brownlow, Esq. M.P. Lord Killeen 


Lord Gormanstown James O'Gorman Mahon, Esq. 

Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart. Gerald Dease, Esq. 

Sir Richard Nagle, Bart. James John Bagott, Esq. 

Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P. George Taffee, Esq. 

Richard Shell, Esq. Richard Moore O'Ferrall, Esq. 

Thomas YVyse, Esq. Michl. Francis Coppinger, Esq. 

William Sweetman, Esq. William Grainger, Esq. 

Nicholas Mahon, Esq. John Maher, Esq. 

William Murphy, Esq. Barthw. Corballis, Esq. 

Nicholas P. O'Gorman, Esq. 

Moved by Lord Killeen, seconded by Earl Bective, 

Resolved, That the Rev. Edward Groves be re- 
quested to give his most valuable services as secre- 
tary ; also, 

That the committee do make a report on Saturday. 

Adjourned at five o'clock. 

Royal Hotel, College Green, Dublin, Thursday, 22nd 
January, 1829 The Right Hon. Lord Rossmore in 
the chair ; 

Resolved, That no proceedings are to have publicity 
until they shall have received the sanction of the com- 

Resolved, That the following gentlemen be added to 
the committee, 

Joseph Stone, Esq. Pierce Mahony, Esq. 

Richard P. Leader, Esq. Count Magawley 

Edward Berwick, Esq. Dominick O'Reilly, Esq. 

Resolved, That the committee do stand as at present 
constituted, without further addition. 

Resolved, That the committee is of opinion, that for 
the sake of our common country, as well as of the empire 
at large, all party and sectarian distinctions and jea- 
lousies should be buried in oblivion, and that all persons 

cclxviii APPENDIX. 

should be invited to advance and uphold the great cause 
of civil and religious freedom. 

Resolved, That it is the universal sentiment of this 
meeting, that no member of the committee is or shall be 
deemed to be bound by any resolution or proceeding to 
which he does not personally assent. 

Resolved, That no question be decided on its first 
mention, but that notice be inserted in the summons for 
a subsequent meeting that such a measure would be 

Resolved, That it is expressly understood, that the 
proceedings of this committee are to have no publicity, 
farther than what may be sanctioned by a resolution of 
the committee. 

Resolved, That our secretary be requested to write to 
the absent noblemen and gentlemen named on the com- 
mittee, enclosing a copy of the resolution passed yes- 
terday, and intimating the names of those noblemen 
and gentlemen who have signified their consent to act, 
and to beg that they will intimate with as little delay as 
possible their concurrence. 

Resolved, That the secretary be requested to call a 
meeting of the committee appointed on the 20th instant 
by the 19th resolution, and to report to them that we 
have consented to take their commission into considera- 
tion, and that we recommend them to proceed in the 
mean time to provide for the financial arid other details 
necessary to the furtherance of the great end of their 

Resolved, That this committee adjourn from day to 
day at one o'clock till further notice. 

Ross MO RE. 


Friday, 23rd January, 1829 The Right Hon. Lord 
Rossmore in the chair ; 

The minutes of the last meeting having been read, it 

Resolved, That it is our opinion that a society should 
be formed, to be called " The Society of the Friends of 
Civil and Religious Liberty of all religious Denomi- 
nations," for the sole purpose of promoting the principles 
contained in the resolutions of the late meeting at the 
Rotunda ; and that our secretary be requested to com- 
municate the present resolution to the noblemen and 
gentlemen who have signed the Protestant Declaration 
and the requisition for the said meeting, and to others, 
in order to ascertain as speedily as possible their con- 
currence to the same. 

Moved by Thos. Wyse, Esq. 

Seconded by T. L. Naper, Esq. 

Resolved, That this committee do take immediate 
steps to convene the friends of civil and religious 
freedom in London, before the discussion of the great 
question of Catholic emancipation in Parliament. 

Moved by P. Mahony, Esq. 

Seconded by John Latouche, Esq. 

Resolved, That this committee do adjourn till 
Wednesday the fourth day of February next, on its 

Moved by Sir Charles Morgan. 
Seconded by Barth. Corballis, Esq. 

Resolved, That the following noblemen and gentle- 
men do form a sub- committee, for the purpose of con- 


veiling the meeting in London, with power to add to the 

The Duke of Leinster Charles Brownlow, Esq. 

Earl of Darnley C. D. Jephson, Esq. 

Lord Dunally T. S. Rice, Esq. 

Sir John Newport, Bart. Arthur French, Esq. 

James Grattan, Esq. Sir Henry Parnell, Bart. 

Henry Grattan, Esq. Pierce Mahony, Esq. 

Moved by P. Mahony, Esq. 
Seconded by J. D. Latouche, Esq. 

Resolved, That the first resolution passed this day 
be published in all the Dublin papers. 

Moved by D. O'Connell, Esq. 
Seconded by T. L. Naper, Esq. 


Details of Receipts and Expenditure for the 
year 1826. 

County of 

1 Antrim . . .138 5 9 

2 Armagh . . 113 6 3 

3 Cork . . . 2824 13 10 

4 Clare . . . 428 30 2 

5 Carlow . . . 239 9 5 

6 Cavan . . . 792 

7 Donegal . . 76 2 9 

8 Down . . . 240 8 1J 

9 Dublin . . . 1952 19 5 

10 Meath . . .604 14 5J 

11 Fermanagh . . 72 17 8 

12 Galway . . . 635 15 7 


13 Kerry . . . 381 15 ?i 

14 Kildare . . . 567 4 10J 

15 Kilkenny . . 749 19 10 

16 King's . . . 549 3 3 

17 Leitrim . . . 148 2 9 

18 Louth . . . 689 2 8 

19 Limerick . . 548 8 11 

20 Longford . . 168 7 1 

21 Londonderry . . 144 2 

22 Monaghan . . 194 15 10 

23 Mayo . . . 293 6 Oj 

24 Queen's . . . 257 5 

25 Roscommon . . 166 7 

26 Sligo . . .164 14 3| 

27 Tipperary . 1648 7 6} 

28 Tyrone . . 65 10 7 

29 Westmeath . . 526 19 9 

30 Wicklow . . 174 14 7 

31 Wexford . . . 504 1 

32 Waterford . . 738 11 4J 

16,895 18 1H 

Subscriptions . . . 2,224 4 5 
Interest on government se- 
curities . . 144 

19,228 3 4J 
Paid sundry expenses from 
Dec, 31, 1824, to March 
18, 1825 . . . 4,331 11 61 

Total, 14,896 11 10 




March 18. To sundry payments made 

to during this period, up to 

Dec. 16. change of currency . 1,049 17 9 


1826. 1049: 17: 9 Irish, at 8^ is 969 2 

Jan. 22. To sundry payments made 215 2 3 

Balance in treasurer's hands 21 6 11 
16,150 government stock, 

security for repayment of 13,000 

14,205 11 8 


1825. By securities and cash on 
March 18. hand this day . . 14,896 11 10 
By interest on several se- 
curities from July 7 to 
Dec. 3 ... 236 5 

By balance do. per Mr. 

Hayes ... 38 17 7 

15,171 14 5 


1826. Exchange at Par is . 14,004 13 3 
Jan. 13. By interest on government 

stock to this day . 200 18 5 

14,205 11 8 

APPENDIX. cclxxiii 

Summary of Catholic Rent for the years 1825, 
1826, 1827, 1828, 1829. 

Rent received 

to March 1825 . 16,212 11 4 

Dec. 1826 . . . 6,261 9 9 

Dec. 1827 . . . 3,066 15 7 

Dec. 1828 . . 21,424 19 1 

Feb. 1829 5,300 

52,265 15 9 

Interests and receipts at 

door of Corn Exchange 2,617 5 

54,883 9 


Since the dissolution of the Association, the following 
letter has been received from America : 

To the Catholic Association of Ireland. 

Patriots, Friends, and Brothers, 
The undersigned have been appointed a special com- 
mittee by " The Association of the Friends of Ireland 
in Charleston," to transmit to " the Catholic Associa- 
tion of Ireland " an address accompanying their first 
remittance of one thousand dollars, for which they have 
purchased a bill of exchange, drawn by Magwood, Pat- 
terson, and Co., of this city, upon I. O. Johnson, of 
Liverpool, and made payable in London, to the order of 
Daniel O'Connell, or Nicholas Purcell Q'Gorman, and 
which is herewith remitted. 

VOL. II. 5 


The Irish Catholic Association, and the Roman Ca- 
tholic people of Ireland, have long since been in pos- 
session of the proceedings of a public meeting held in 
this city on the 22nd of last September, and have doubt- 
less received the address which the Hon. John Gads- 
den, the intendant of our city, and president of that 
meeting, has transmitted in duplicate. The Association 
of the Friends of Ireland in this city was formed sub- 
sequently to that meeting, and adopted for its regulation 
a constitution, a copy of which we beg leave to send 
you, for the purpose of better exhibiting its object and 
our organization ; you will also find attached a form of 
our certificates, together with a list of our members, 
and of our benefactors. 

It might be proper to inform you, that on those lists 
are to be found the names of several of our most distin- 
guished fellow-citizens, natives of this State, as well as 
of many emigrants from your own lovely island, and 
from several of the other civilised nations of the world. 
The modes of religion professed by our associates are 
equally various as the regions which gave birth to them- 
selves. We have in our body the descendants of the 
ancient patriarchs of Judea, who still follow the Levi- 
tical rites, as well as brethren who differ in their pre- 
ference of the ancient mode of Christianity. They all 
sympathise with you, and desire to relieve you, not for 
any partiality to the peculiar tenets of your faith, but 
because of their great love for the principle of liberty 
of conscience, and freedom of worship to every child 
of Adam, which principle they behold glaringly vio- 
lated in your case ; and to the spirit of which principle / 


great and glorious as it is, they find you warmly and de- 
votedly attached. Receive their mites, therefore, rather 
as evidences of their affection for men of sound prin- 
ciple, than as the measure by which they estimate your 

They perceive that you have judiciously used the 
means already entrusted to your care, in enlightening 
the ignorant, in protecting the oppressed, in restraining 
petty despotism, in vindicating and asserting the right 
of extended suffrage, in guarding against the establish- 
ment of an influence which would stretch the power of 
the executive over the liberties of the people, beyond 
those limits which the ancient and pure constitution of 
Great Britain had provided ; and hence they rejoice at 
the prospect of your receiving additional funds from 
your friends at this side of the Atlantic the friends of 
Ireland, the friends of rational liberty, the friends of the 
meritorious, though oppressed ; they are cheered by the 
emission of new rays, which promise increasing splen- 
dour to your hopes from this hemisphere. 

They have been seriously gratified at witnessing your 
exertions to preserve peace and to promote conciliation 
amongst Irishmen ; they have prayed for your success, 
and been grateful to God for having blessed your efforts ; 
and thankful to the Irish people for having obediently 
followed the advice of you their best friends. May this 
spirit continue amongst you and them ! Your strength 
is to be found in union ; your victory will be achieved 
by moderation ; your opponents will be vanquished only 
by your firmness, your patience, and your forbearance. 
The constitution of your country furnishes the only means 


which you can at present wield with a prospect of suc- 

We do trust that the misguided men, who from various 
motives oppose the justice of your claims, and disturb 
the peace of your country, will be brought to better sen- 
timents ; and that, if no other principle can operate 
upon them, the sense of shame, which must arise from 
the well-merited reproach of the civilised world, will 
cause them to desist, and will drive them from endea- 
vouring to impede the progress of justice and of peace, 
of affection, and of national prosperity. 

Such acknowledgments as you may think proper to 
make to our body, or to any of its members, after a con- 
sideration of the contents of our packet, will be received 
in the spirit of cordial esteem and of fraternal affection. 
With the most sincere regard for your patriotic body, 
and the most anxious desire for your success in achiev- 
ing the emancipation of the Roman Catholics of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and affectionate and zealous co- 
operation amongst men of all religious denominations 
for the welfare of your " Emerald Isle," 

We have the honour to be, your sincere friends, 

JOHN, Bishop of Charleston, Chairman. 




Charleston (S. C.), January 1, 1829. 
Association Room. Friends of Ireland in Charleston, 
South Carolina. 





Corn Exchange, Dublin, January 1, 1829. 

Reverend Sir, 

It is deemed of vital importance to the Catholic 
cause, that petitions should be presented in the ensuing- 
session of parliament from every parish in Ireland. To 
facilitate the attainment of this great end, it has been 
considered expedient to furnish you with the annexed 
models of petitions, from which you may select one that 
appears to you most suitable. These models are not 
transmitted with the view of dictating to any individual, 
or set of men, but merely saving them trouble. It is 
not deemed necessary, that any of these models should 
be selected by you, or at the meeting at which you may 
preside. All may be rejected and when this can be 
done with convenience, it is decidedly the better course; 
sentences may be taken from each corrections or altera- 
tions may be made in them passages may be intro- 
duced, and passages omitted in short, any thing may 
be done with these models, which may be thought de- 
sirable; and the Association only entreat, that at all 
events some form of petition may be adopted in each 
parish throughout Ireland. 

cclxxviii APPENDIX. 

Heretofore the usage has been to send forward only 
one petition from every union of parishes : it is deemed 
of great importance that there should be a departure from 
this course in the present instance, arid that when there 
are three parishes united, there should be three petitions 
(each form being different) instead of one petition. 

The Association deem it of the greatest importance 
that the business of preparing petitions should proceed 
forthwith. They respectfully recommend, that as soon 
as may be convenient after the receipt of this docu- 
ment, notice should be given in each chapel, that a 
meeting for the adoption of a petition will be held after 
last mass on a given day. In the mean time yourself 
and the churchwardens (if churchwardens have been 
appointed in your parish, and if they have not, you are 
entreated to take measures to nominate them), or other 
parishioners, may confer as to the form, amongst the 
models, which may appear to you or to them fittest to 
be copied. 

To some clerk, or scrivener, or schoolmaster, this 
form should be given, without delay, to be by him 
copied on a large sheet of paper, or any sized sheet of 
paper that will contain the words the heading should 
invariably be, " To the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, 
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 
in this present Parliament assembled The Humble Pe- 
tition of the undersigned Inhabitants of the Parish of 

, in the County of , Humbly Sheweth, That, 

&c." or when the petition is intended for the House of 
Lords, it should be, " To the Lords Spiritual and Tem- 
poral, in the present Parliament assembled Petition, 


&c. Humbly Sheweth." Care should always be taken 
to have some signatures on the sheet containing the 
form of words of the petition, otherwise it will not be 
received by the House. The greatest exertions should 
be made to obtain a number of signatures. Every per- 
son in the chapel, or in the parish, who can write, should 
be called upon to subscribe his name. 

The most effective mode of procuring signatures is 
to place a table, with pen and ink, at each chapel 
door, and to apprise each congregation of the circum- 
stance from the altar. Another mode is to appoint 
some person to take the ruled sheets about from house 
to house. 

Petitions may be sent forward to the respective 
county or other members from each parish, and through 
the post-office, the ends being left open like a news- 
paper, and " Parliamentary Petition" written on the 
cover. Petitions may also be forwarded to the Secre- 
tary to the Catholic Association, Corn Exchange, Dub- 
lin. It would be desirable, in order to avoid the ex- 
pense of carriage, to send them by private hand ; they 
should never be sent through the post-office when 
that can be avoided, or otherwise than as a coach 
parcel. When they are sent directly to the individual 
requested to present them, a letter should be written to 
the Secretary to the Catholic Association, mentioning 
the fact of their having been forwarded, and mention- 
ing also, the name of the member selected to present 
them, the day on which they were forwarded, and es- 
pecially the number of signatures each petition con- 


It should be observed, that when the signatures are 
numerous, and the petition consists of many sheets, all 
the sheets should be pasted together. It is deemed ex- 
pedient again to point attention to the necessity of some 
signatures being written upon the sheet containing the 
prayer of the petition. 

The models will furnish aid as well in the drawing 
up of resolutions as the framing petitions. Resolutions 
themselves may be turned into petitions, by the changing 
of the word " Resolved," into " That." In instances 
in which there are no persons to write or compose reso- 
lutions, and in which it may be thought desirable to 
save time or trouble, no other resolution need be entered 
into than one declaring that the form of petition selected 
from the models be adopted as that of the parishioners 
in each case. 

It is deemed essential, that each petition should have 
reference to any local grievance, which the inhabitants 
in any parish suffering such grievance may think it 
useful to point out to the attention of the legislature. 
It is also deemed of the utmost importance, that each 
petition should end with a prayer, that relief may be 
granted to his Majesty's Catholic subjects in Ireland, 
without qualifications, conditions, or what are termed 
" securities," of any kind or denomination, or with any 
infringement or invasion of popular rights. 

The Association respectfully direct your attention to 
the fact, that the models include three distinct classes 
of petitions one for emancipation generally one for 
the repeal of the Subletting act, and one for the repeal 
of the Vestry act. A form from each of these classes, 


or any original petition on each of these subjects, should 
be passed at every meeting. The trouble attending one 
will be nearly the same as that attending three; but 
the great importance of three being passed at the same 
meeting will be manifest, when it is recollected, that if 
there be only seven hundred meetings convened (the 
number supposed to have been assembled last year), 
there will be above two thousand petitions produced, 
or as many as will furnish between twenty and thirty 
petitions for presentation, during each night of the 
sitting of parliament, throughout the entire session. 
Every person who signs one petition should sign the 
three, and should sign a copy, as well for the Lords as 
the Commons. 

It is respectfully submitted, that in the general peti- 
tion some clause or sentence should be introduced, decla- 
ratory of the public feeling on the all-important subject 
of national education. 

In conclusion, the Association deem it right to repeat, 
that these models are sent merely to save time and 
trouble, and that in all instances in which original peti- 
tions can be conveniently drawn up, they should be pre- 
ferred to any of the models. 

Your most obedient servant, 

Secretary to the Catholic Association. 

cclxxxii APPENDIX. 


Offices, fyc.from which Roman Catholics were formally 
or virtually excluded. 

It is necessary to bear in mind the proportions of the 
Irish population, which may be fairly estimated as fol- 
lows : 

Catholics .... 7,000,000 

Protestants and Dissenters of all descriptions 1,100,000 


Offices from which Catholics are excluded by Law in 


Peers of Parliament . . 28 

Lord Chancellor .... 1 

Judges of superior Law Courts . . 12 

Master of the Rolls .... 1 

Masters in Chancery ... 4 

Judge of the Admiralty ... 1 

Governors of Counties ... 73 

Custodes Rotulorum ... 32 

Members of Privy Council ... 63 
Sergeants at Law . .3 

Attorney and Solicitor-General . . 2 

King's Counsel .... 42 

Sheriffs ..... 48 

Sub-Sheriffs .... 38 

Officers of Corporations, about . . 400 

Total 748 



Offices to which Catholics are eligible by Law in 

In Chancery 

Insolvent Court 

King's Bench 

Common Pleas 


Exchequer Chamber 

Revenue Appeals 

Admiralty . 

Taxing Officers of Law Courts 

Civil Bill Court 

City of Dublin Record Court 

County of Dublin Sessions 

Dublin, inferior Courts 

Registry Office for Deeds 

Benchers . . . 

Assistant Barristers of Counties 

Clerks of the Peace 

Clerks of the Crown 

Crown Solicitors 

Crown Circuit Court, say 

Court of Delegates . 

Court of Prerogative 

Metropolitan and Consistorial Courts 

Office of Charitable Donations 

Ouzel Galley Society 

Valuation Commissioners 

Police Magistrates of Dublin 

Association for Improvement of Prisons 



of Offices. 








































Number Catho- 
of offices, lies. 

Richmond Bride well (exclusive of Chaplains) 8 
Richmond General Penitentiary (exclusive of 

Chaplains) .... 8 
Smithfield Penitentiary (exclusive of Chap- 
lains) 6 

Officers of Towns and Corporations, say 100 

Inspectors-General of Prisons . 2 
Jailers, Local Inspectors, and other Officers 

of County Prisons . . . 151 6 

Chief Magistrates of Police for Ireland 4 

Chief Constables of Police, say . 350 20 

Officer under Tithe Corporation Act . 1 

Total . 1314 39 

Add number excluded by Law . 748 

Total, Officers connected with the adminis- 
tration of Justice in Ireland . 2062 
Total, Protestants filling such offices . 2023 
Total, Catholics filling such offices . 39 
Total, Catholics filling such offices, excepting 

Police Chief Constables . . 19 

To these should be added the long and most impor- 
tant list of Justices of the Peace, and Grand and Petit 
Jurors, and the army of Constables, in which, could 
they be procured, the same proportions would be found 
to exist ; as the persons whose right it is to appoint to 
those offices, almost uniformly act upon the same spirit 
of exclusion and intolerance as that from which their 
own nomination emanated. 


Offices of Civil Rank, or of Honour, from which 
Catholics are excluded by Law in Ireland. 

Lord Lieutenant .... 1 

Chief Secretary 1 
Peers of Parliament . .28 

Members of the House of Commons . . 100 

Lord Chancellor .... 1 

Keeper of the Privy Seal . . 1 

Vice -Treasurer .... I 

Teller of the Exchequer . . 1 

Auditor- General 1 

Governors of Counties ... 73 

Custodes Rotulorum ... 32 

Secretary to Lord Lieutenant . . 1 

Members of Privy Council ... 63 

Attorney- General 1 

Postmasters-General .... 2 

Sheriffs ..... 48 

Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin 25 

Officers of Corporations . . . 400 


It is right to observe, that some of the above are in- 
cluded in the list of persons connected with the admi- 
nistration of justice. 


Offices of Civil or Military Rank, or of Honour ; or con- 
nected with Trade, Manufactures, Education, Chari- 
table Institutions, &c. to which Catholics are eligible 
in Ireland, as well those under the direct appoint- 
ment or control of the Crown, as others connected with 
Societies or Institutions supported, in the whole or 
in part, out of the Public Funds. 

Number Catho- 
of Offices, lies. 

Household of Marquess Wellesley . 28 3 

State Officers, &c. &c. . 90 1 

Knights of St. Patrick . 19 1 
Officers of the Order ..90 

Officers for Auditing Public Accounts 21 1 
Law-Inquiry Commission ..60 
Commissioners for Issue of Money, and their 

Officers . . . .21 1 
Do. for Assistance of Trade and Manufac- 
tures .... 10 1 
Do. for Fisheries . . .52 
Do. for Inland Navigation, and Roads and 

Bridges .... 14 

Royal Canal Control ... 5 

First-Fruits .... 11 

Charitable Donations ... 3 
Education Commissioners and Officers of the 

Board .... 10 

Paving Corporation . . .18 1 
Commissioners of Fountains ..50 

Do. of Wide Streets and Offices . 26 

Trustees of the Royal Exchange and Officers 16 


Numher Catho- 

of offices, lies. 

Dublin Police . ., . 18 
Corporation for preserving the Port of Dub- 
lin and Officers ... .31 1 
Commissioners of Kingstown Harbour 13 
Bank of Ireland, Directors and Chief Officers 33 
College of Physicians 37 1 
Local Army and Navy Surgeons . 4 
Oculist .... 1 
Officers of Treasury ... 29 
Do. Customs ... 151 7 
Do. Excise . . .161 10 
Do. Stamps ... 42 1 
Do. General Post-Office . 53 
Trustees of the Linen Manufacture . 72 
Officers of Linen Board 57 2 
Treasurers of Counties 39 
Secretaries of Grand Juries 38 1 
Comir ^rcial Buildings Company . 20 1 
Apothecaries' Hall . .19 
Commissioners of Education Inquiry and 

Officers .... 7 1 
General Board of Health 14 
Commissioners and Officers of Lunatic Asy- 
lum . . .10 
St. Patrick's Hospital 14 
Richmond Lunatic Asylum . . 24 1 
House of Industry . .31 1 
Stevens's Hospital . .23 
Mercers' Hospital . .25 

cclxxxviii APPENDIX. 

Number Catho- 
of offices, lies. 

Hospital for Incurables 33 

Lying-in Hospital . .50 

Meath Hospital . .37 3 

Simpson's Hospital . .22 

Westmoreland Lock Hospital 14 1 

Fever Hospital ... .36 5 
Dun's Hospital (for Instruction of Medical 

Students) ... .17 

Dublin General Dispensary 15 3 

Sick Poor Institution . . . 10 2 

Maison de Sante . 8 2 

Cow- Pock Institution ... 7 
National Eye Infirmary ..80 

Whitworth Hospital . 24 

Dispensary of St. Thomas' Parish . 7 1 
Do. St. Mary's Do. .71 

Institution for Cure of Diseases of Children 12 

Magdalene Asylum . .55 

Lock Penitentiary . . .11 

Dublin Female Do. ... 4 

Richmond National Institution 18 

Molineux Asylum . .18 
Female House of Refuge ..30 

Sick and Indigent Room-keeper's Society 2 1 

Old Men's Asylum . .13 

Mendicity Society . 82 11 

Society of Education of Deaf and Dumb 74 1 

Meath Charitable Loan 18 

The Charitable Loan 8 


Number Catho- 
of Offices. lies. 

Society for Sheltering Females Discharged 8 

St Peter's Parish Savings Bank . 14 

Dublin Library Society . . 26 15 

Officers thereof ... 3 

Dublin Institution ... 2 
Royal Irish Institution for promoting Fine 

Arts .... 34 I 
Royal Hibernian Academy of Painting, &c. 14 
Farming Society of Ireland . . 26 
Royal Dublin Society for improving Hus- 
bandry and other useful Arts . 29 2 
Royal Irish Academy for promoting Science 33 
Officers of Military Department * 100 2 
Army Agents ... 5 
Militia Staff Officers ... 228 6 
Brigade Majors of Yeomanry . 10 
Commissariat ... 10 
Army Medical Department ..91 
State Surgeons ... 9 2 
Military Account Office 23 2 
Ordnance, Civil Branch 81 4 
Barrack-Masters ... 91 4 
Hibernian Society for the Care of Soldiers' 

Children .... 47 
Hibernian Marine Society for the Care of 

Soldiers' Children . . 50 

Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, for old Soldiers 29 1 

General Military Hospital 3 I 
Kildare Place Society, for Education of the 

Poor of Ireland . 43 8 

VOL, II. / 


Number Catho- 
of Offices, lies. 

Foundling Hospital . . 42 
Dublin Weekly and Daily Schools, without 

religious distinction 23 
Sunday and Daily Schools, without religious 

distinction ....50 

Freemason Female Orphan House . 9 

Female Orphan House . . 8 

Charitable Infirmary . 27 16 

Schools and Charities of Erasmus Smith 37 

Association for Discountenancing Vice 12 



At a meeting of the Association, held at the ^Corn 
Exchange, Dublin, on Thursday, the 12th February, 

SIR THOMAS ESMONDE, Bart, in the Chair; 

It was resolved, 1st, That the Catholic Association 
do, at its rising this day, stand totally dissolved. 

2nd, That in dissolving the Association, we think it 
our duty to protest against any law which may have the 
effect of abridging the rights of the subject, and for 
which our voluntary dispersion has left no plausible 

3rd, That in coming to this determination, we do not 
either directly or impliedly acknowledge that there is 


any foundation whatever for the charges against a body, 
which has uniformly inculcated an obedience to the 
laws, and endeavoured to effect the pacification of the 
country ; but that we are influenced by a disposition to 
yield to the advice of our parliamentary friends, by a 
solicitude to mitigate prejudice, and above all by an 
anxiety to take away every ground for insisting that we 
are throwing obstacles in the way of that final and con- 
ciliatory measure of justice, which we trust is in pro- 
gress for our complete, unqualified, and unconditional 

These resolutions were followed by a strong protest 
against any interference with the forty-shilling free- 
holders, or the discipline of the Catholic church of 
Ireland ; and votes of thanks were passed to the Mar- 
quess of Anglesey ; their Protestant fellow-countrymen 
who assisted them in their struggle; to the Catholic 
clergy of Ireland ; to Richard Sheil, Nicholas Purcell 
O'Gorman, John Lawless, Lord Killeen, Edward 
Dwyer, and Eneas M'Donnell, for their successful 
and strenuous exertions in the Catholic cause ; and 
finally it was resolved, 

That as the last act of this body on the point of disso- 
lution, we do declare, that we are indebted to Daniel 
O'Connell, beyond all other men, for its original creation 
and sustainment ; and that he is entitled, for the achieve- 
ment of its freedom, to the everlasting gratitude of 

N. B. The successful issue of the object of this 
meeting was mainly to be attributed to the powerful 
efforts of Mr. Sheil. Letters were also read at the 
meeting from Mr. O'Connell (then in London) disap- 


proving of the dissolution ; from Mr. Eneas M'Don- 
nell, Mr. M. Fitzgerald, and Mr. Wyse, jun. (then at 
Torquay, Devon) advising in the strongest manner the 
dissolution of the body. 

Letter from Mr. O'Connell. 

Mr. Maurice O'Connell read the following Letter, 
which was ordered to be inserted on the minutes : 

Shrewsbury, 8th February, 1829. 
My dear Friend, 

I can add nothing to your stock of facts. I have 
not, and indeed could not possibly have had, any com- 
munication from London, and I write principally to ex- 
press my anxiety during the present crisis of our affairs. 

One thing is certain, and most consolatory, namely, 
that some measure of emancipation appears inevitable. 
The admission attributed to Mr. Peel, that it had be- 
come necessary to extend civil privileges, is decisive 
that something must be done for us. Who created that 
necessity ? The honest, constitutional, and truly loyal 
exertions of the Catholic Association of Ireland. How 
fortunate it was that our resolution to dissolve the Ca- 
tholic Association (in the event of a bill for unconditional 
emancipation) passed before the issuing of the ministers' 
denunciation of that body ! I suppose there is not one 
single individual in the Association disposed to do any 
act which could be construed as pleading guilty in any, 
even the remotest degree, to the false charges brought 
against us by the ministry. How noble and how con- 
sistent is the conduct of that wise and excellent man, 
Lord Anglesey, in all his conduct since he first landed 


in Ireland ! You have seen the testimony he bore to the 
rectitude of our motives. He does, indeed, deserve the 
eternal gratitude of Ireland. 

I trust that the most strenuous efforts will be made 
to continue the universal collection of the Catholic Rent, 
until we see the hour of our political dissolution ap- 
proach. There is no use in any other scheme to attain 
emancipation than that by which we have arrived thus 
far, by constitutional agitation. The ministry have not 
the slightest necessity to pass any law to stab the con- 
stitution in order to reach the Association not the 
slightest that is, if they mean fairly by Ireland. If, 
indeed, they intend not to ameliorate the condition of 
our country, nor to produce religious peace, but merely 
to exchange one species of servitude for another, then, 
indeed, there is a distant object for which the minister 
will be disposed to annihilate our present constitutional 
privileges. At this moment, I do not understand the 
meaning of that most preposterous proceeding of sup- 
pressing an association, which "they tell us" they are 
otherwise about to kill with kindness. 

My earnest advice (which I offer with the most re- 
spectful deference) is to pause before any one act is done 
on our part to recognise the guilt with which we are so 
unjustly charged. The Association should not, in my 
humble judgment, be dissolved by any act of ours before 
emancipation, complete and unconditional. If the con- 
stitution is to be trampled under foot, let it be the act 
of our enemies. 

I have not the least idea of what are to be the minis- 
terial terms of emancipation. The expression itself is 
an unhappy one. I will not anticipate ; but this I will 


say, that every attempt to interfere with the elective 
franchise should be met by a petition from every parish in 
Ireland to reject any bill of emancipation, no matter how 
extensive, if accompanied by any such interference. 

We never were placed in so critical a situation. 
There never was a moment in which it was so necessary 
to be vigilant, but temperate. Temperate, because there 
is much to cheer vigilant, because there is reason to 
apprehend delusion or contrivance. I speak as deli- 
cately as I can ; but this one truth should never be for- 
gotten that Ireland never yet confided but she was 
betrayed. Vigilant let us be cautious let us be ; and 
whilst we prepare the public mind for the total cessa- 
tion of religious feuds, and cultivate the good opinion 
of every liberal and honest Protestant, let us recollect 
that we are debtors to constitutional liberty, and must 
not do any act which could injure the rights or liberties 
of any human being. Of course we must never consent 
or submit to any kind of interference with our religious 

I conclude this hasty letter with reminding the Asso- 
ciation, " that Ireland never yet confided but she was 

I will write again as soon as I can give any accurate 
information. You certainly shall have a letter from me 
for the meeting of Thursday. In the mean time vigi- 
lance should be alive, and the people should distinctly 
understand that any species of violence would inevitably 
destroy our now brightened prospects. 

Believe me to be, yours very faithfully, 


Edward Dwyer, Esq. 


The Secretary read the following Letter : 

London, February 6, 1829. 
My dear Sir, 

Having given the best consideration to the proceed- 
ings of yesterday, and the suggestions of many of our 
most esteemed friends, and taken into account the de- 
claration of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel, as 
to the intended measure of relief, I cannot any longer 
hesitate in recommending that the Association should 
mark its sense of the obligations due to his Majesty ; 
and, in respect towards the Sovereign, display its readi- 
ness to meet the royal will by an immediate adjourn- 
ment for two or three months ; so as to remove all 
plausible obstacles that our enemies may ground on 
an alleged disregard on our part of the wishes of his 

I should have taken this course yesterday, were I not 
anxious to avoid any recommendation that could be 
construed into a compromise of character ; but I think 
that the speech of Lord Anglesey has removed every 
difficulty on this head, and that it would be a waste of 
your labours and anxieties were you to raise any by 
battles on the topic. 

I should, however, suggest the propriety of your 
closing your labours for the present with a resolution of 
a vindicatory character, firm but temperate ; and a cor- 
dial and affectionate address to your Protestant fellow- 
subjects, urging oblivion of the past, and a general 
national offering of an undivided people to their Sove- 

If my views should be acted upon, promptitude is 
most essential to the attainment of their object. 


I cannot close without again urging promptitude in 
your action, should you approve my views. 

I entreat of you to write in course, and daily. By 
adopting the course I suggest, you will enable the 
minister to come, at once, to the consideration of the 
measure of emancipation, which I consider most desi- 
rable for many reasons. 

Very truly yours, 


Edward Dwyer, Esq. 

Mr. Maurice O'Connell read the following letter : 

London, 6th February, 1829. 
My dear Sir, 

The policy is now decidedly for the Catholic Asso- 
ciation to dissolve, before they can be caught. This 
would disappoint their enemies, materially aid their 
friends, and contribute to a temperate and more favour- 
able discussion on the main question. 

I seldom write to give advice, but I think that if you 
can at all induce them to this course, the impression 
here will be most favourable. They are to get the sub- 
stance of their claims, and their best line would now be 
that which will best conciliate their many opponents, 
and effect the most good-humoured settlement of the 
matter. They are bound to give this sort of assistance 
to the Duke, who has fought the noble fight for them 
the difficulties and dangers of which they have been 
and are very little aware of. 

Yours affectionately, 

J. D. Latouche, Esq. 


The Secretary read the following Letter, which was 
ordered to be inserted on the minutes : 

February 6th, 1829, Torquay, Devon. 
Dear Sir, 

I have just read his Majesty's speech. The great 
event the desired of our forefathers for which they 
and their descendants have now toiled for more than 
half a century is about to take place. The regenera- 
tion of Ireland is approaching. In a few weeks we 
shall no longer form two distinct people. The Catholic 
and Protestant will rise into Irishmen. We shall have 
at last a country to glory in. 

In such a moment of general exultation, it is of more 
than ordinary importance that we should conduct our- 
selves with that good sense and dignity which are befitting 
the post and bearing of a delivered nation. We have 
suffered much in a righteous cause, and owe our re- 
demption not less to our own untameable spirit than to 
the favourable circumstances which have lately awarded 
it. Let us look about, and meet the Sovereign and the 
legislature, pari passu, with the steady manliness and 
cordial gratitude which become us. Let us march with 
them side by side. There is no need of prostration and 
servility on our side ; neither is there for indecent and 
debasing triumph on the other. 

The Association is to be suppressed ; but his Majesty's 
most gracious recommendation, the simple promise of 
justice, has already virtually suppressed it. The Asso- 
ciation arose out of popular grievance out of popular 
complaint. It was the expression, not the substance 
the effect, not the cause. The people had it in their 


hearts long before it took shape and voice upon their 
tongues, and in their deeds. The besieged and the be- 
siegers was the precise relation in which the two great 
divisions of the country stood in reference to each other. 
The Catholic suffered the Protestant enjoyed. The 
Association was one of the instruments which the suf- 
ferers put forward to obtain an equality with the enjoyers. 
That equality is promised that promise will soon be 
carried into effect. The half emancipation of 1793 will 
be perfected by the entire and coming emancipation of 
1829. The end is now on the point of being achieved 
of what use, any longer, are the means ? 

What then is to be done? That which a wise, a 
generous, and I may even add, a proud people ought to 
do. Throw aside what is now useless throw it aside 
immediately throw it aside yourselves outstrip gene- 
rosity by generosity prove by deeds your boasted sin- 
cerity show how you can trample on all paltry jealou- 
sies, and let your first act be evidence that you are 
already prepared to sit down with your compeers in the 
constitution as coequal freemen, as true compeers. 

This will be done, in my mind, most effectively, by 
convening a full meeting of the Association the moment 
his Majesty's speech shall be received. Could 1 have 
the fortune of being present at such a meeting, I should 
venture to propose the following resolution, or some 
other to the same or similar effect : 

" Resolved That, inasmuch as the Catholic Asso- 
ciation of Ireland was originally instituted for the sole 
purpose of obtaining the full restitution of our just 
rights, and for that purpose only has continued to de- 


liberate and act up to the present moment ; and, inas- 
much as such restitution has been now recommended by 
his most gracious Majesty to his present parliament, we 
do now consider the existence of such a body no longer 
necessary, and that, deeply impressed with its services, 
which we commit with confidence to the adjudgment of 
posterity, we solemnly declare its dissolution advisable, 
and that hereby such dissolution has actually taken 

There may be a few, perhaps, to whom such a pro- 
position may appear objectionable ; but I beg them to 
consider whether the present is not a period when mu- 
tual sacrifice is both noble and necessary. Should the 
people stand back when the government has come half 
way ? 

The true secret will thus have been discovered to 
effect that which defied the utmost ingenuity of legisla- 
tive enaction. It will be a glorious precedent in our 
free history ; a lesson of wisdom to be read to our chil- 
dren, that one word of justice is worth a thousand penal 
statutes, and that no government is stronger than that 
which finds its support in the affections and gratitude of 
a happy people. 

At the same time I am not one of those, I beg it to 
be understood, who, though their fetters are loosened, 
can altogether forget the slave. I call for no un- 
seemly rejoicing, no idle homage for tardy justice. Let 
our thanks be like those of the Dissenters, brief, just, 
and emphatic. We now receive what for seventy years 
we have been contending for. It is the well- won reward 
of patient and persevering effort. We owe much to his 


Majesty's ministers more to the events and the intelli- 
gence of the day but most of all, to ourselves. Let us 
receive, then, the restitution of our own erect. No 
Catholic who receives it otherwise deserves to receive 
it at all. We are freemen who have been captives, and 
not manumitted slaves. Neither should we evince the 
miserable rejoicings of a triumphant faction. Our op- 
ponents will, soon enough, without any lesson from us, 
be glad to grow wiser, and have their enmity and them- 
selves forgotten. In all this, temper and moderation are 
quite as essential and glorious as in the midst of our ad- 
versity so shall Europe, which is at this moment in- 
tently gazing upon the lightest of our movements, admit 
that we have fully deserved our redemption. I trust 
we have been restored to the rights of freemen, and not 
conciliated with the base boons which are sometimes 
flung to unruly but uniting slaves. 

I beg you will communicate the above with as little 
delay as possible to the Association, and give it an early 
insertion with their other proceedings. 

I am, dear Sir, with much respect, 

Your humble Servant, 

Edward Dwyer, Esq. 

Dissolution of the Society of Civil and 
Religious Freedom. 

At a meeting of the committee of the Friends of Civil 
and Religious Freedom, appointed to devise the best 
means of promoting a permanent union &f the Pro- 


testants and Catholics of Ireland, for the attainment 
of their common object, the " religious peace of 
Ireland," and held at the Royal Hotel, College-green, 
Dublin, on Friday, 13th February, 1829, 

JOHN DAVID LA TOUGHE, Esq. in the chair 

Moved by Sir Richard Nagle, Bart., seconded by Sir 
T. Charles Morgan, and 

Unanimously resolved, That his Majesty having 
graciously recommended to parliament to take such 
measures as will restore tranquillity to his people, and 
his Majesty's ministers having, in accordance thereto, 
pledged themselves to introduce a measure for the re- 
moval of the civil disabilities of the Roman Catholics of 
the empire, we feel that we shall best express our gra- 
titude, and show our confidence in the legislature, by 
discontinuing the meetings of this committee, whose 
great object now appears so near the happiest consum- 

Moved by James Sinclair, Esq., seconded by Sir 
Thomas Charles Style, Bart., and 

Unanimously resolved, That this committee, at its 
rising, do dissolve. 

Moved by Walter Berwick, Esq., seconded by 
Nicholas P. Leader, Esq., and 

Unanimously resolved, That the conduct of our 
Catholic fellow-countrymen, on the present occasion, 
merits our warmest approbation ; and we particularly 
feel, that the generous confidence in the promises of 
government, which they have shown by the dissolution 
of their Association, demonstrates that they are men 


deserving of freedom, and secures to them the good 
wishes and cordial affection of their Protestant coun- 
trymen ; and should circumstances, which we are far 
from anticipating, require our mutual co-operation, we 
feel that they have bound us to their cause, and that we 
are pledged to their support. 

Moved by Bartholomew Corballis, Esq., seconded by 
Nicholas P. Leader, Esq., and 

Unanimously resolved, That the strongest expressions 
of thanks of this committee are due, and are hereby 
given, for the eminent services of our Secretaries, the 
Rev. Edward Groves and Henry Arabin, Esq. 

JOHN D. LATOUCHE, Chairman. 


HENRY ARABIN, } Secretaries. 



At a numerous meeting of the Friends of Civil and 
Religious Liberty, held this day, at No. 12, Burgh- 

SIR THOMAS ESMOND E, Bart, in the Chair, 

It was moved by Wm. Francis Finn, Esq., seconded 
by Michael Dillon Bellew, Esq. : 

That we regard not as a triumph over any class of 
our fellow-subjects, but as a measure of strict justice 


and of sound policy, removing the badge of inferiority 
from the Catholic, without encroaching upon the rights 
or privileges of the Protestant destroying invidious 
distinctions and unjust preferences, which poisoned the 
intercourse of social life, and sapped the foundation of 
public prosperity that we prize this measure chiefly 
because it puts an end to every pretext for discord and 
dissention between the inhabitants of our common 
country, arid the subjects of our common Sovereign, 
and leaves us leisure to combine the virtuous energies 
of the entire community in a general effort to maintain 
its honour, and to promote its prosperity. 

Moved by David Lynch, Esq., seconded by James 
Dwyer, Esq. : 

That while those opinions have been long familiar to 
the minds of the Roman Catholics of this country, and 
their numerous, highly gifted, and distinguished sup- 
porters of every other religious persuasion, we cannot 
forget that there is a portion of our fellow-countrymen 
whose sentiments are of an opposite character. We 
would, therefore, strongly recommend to our fellow- 
citizens to abstain from any demonstrations of triumph, 
such as bonfires, illuminations, &c. which, not ema- 
nating from the constituted authorities, might compro- 
mise the public peace, or by possibility give offence to 
men whose opinions, however erroneous, are in some in- 
stances the result of honest conviction. 

Moved by Richard Sheil, Esq., seconded by Arthur 
Guinness, Esq. : 

That the above resolutions be published in the Dublin 
Morning and Evening papers, and that handbills and 


placards be distributed and posted up in the most con- 
spicuous parts of the city. 

Moved by Wm. F. Finn, Esq , seconded by P. M. 
Murphy, Esq. : 

That Sir Thomas Esmonde do leave the chair, and 
that Arthur Guinness, Esq. do take the same. 

Moved by James Dwyer, Esq., seconded by David 
Lynch, Esq. : 

That the thanks of this meeting be given to Sir 
Thomas Esmonde, Bart., for his dignified conduct in 

the chair. 


JOHN MURPHY, Secretary. 
14th April, 1829. 



Resolutions unanimously agreed upon at a Public Meet- 
ing, convened by Advertisement, and held at the 
London Tavern, Bishopsgate Street, on Wednesday, 
the 6th May, 1829. 

On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded 
by Lord Stourton, 

It was resolved, That the Earl Fitzwilliam do take 
the chair. 

The EARL FITZWILLIAM in the chair. 

On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded 
by Lord Stourton, 

It was resolved, That Peirce Mahony, Esq. be ap- 
pointed secretary to this meeting. 


On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded 
by Lord Stourton, 

It was resolved, That we feel it to be our duty to 
express our gratitude to his Majesty for his gracious 
assent given to the bill for the Relief of the Protestant 
Dissenters in the last session of parliament, and for his 
generous recommendation, at the opening of this ses- 
sion, that a full participation of civil rights should be 
granted to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, in 
conformity with his Majesty's royal constitutional de- 
claration " That his power was held for the benefit 
of his people." 

On the motion of the Marquess of Downshire, 
seconded by Lord Dundas, 

It was resolved, That an address congratulating his 
Majesty on the success of his gracious recommendation 
to parliament for the relief of his Majesty's Roman 
Catholic subjects, which was adopted by both houses 
with unexampled majorities, be now prepared. 

On the motion of Lord Clifford, seconded by Lord 

It was resolved, That the address to our gracious 
Sovereign now read be adopted ; and that our noble 
chairman do sign the same in our behalf ; and that he 
be requested either to present or transmit the same, 
according to his Majesty's pleasure. 

On the motion of Lord Stafford, seconded by the 
Rev. Mr. Courtnay, 

It was resolved, That we also feel it our duty sin- 
cerely to congratulate all classes and parties in this great 
empire on the happy adjustment of questions, so long- 

VOL. II. u 


sources of discord and weakness to the state ; and we 
do hope that, as their several prejudices can no longer 
distract the attention of our fellow-citizens, the empire 
will henceforward enjoy the benefit of their united ex- 
ertions, without distinction of sect or party, in its sup- 

On the motion of the Earl of Darnley, seconded 
by the Hon. G. A. Ellis, M.P. 

It was resolved, That to his Grace the Duke of 
Wellington national gratitude is eminently due for 
accomplishing, as prime minister (under our gracious 
Sovereign), the invaluable work of " religious peace." 

On the motion of the Earl of Bective, M.P., se- 
conded by the Hon. Valentine Jerningham, 

It was resolved, That our sincere acknowledgments 
and thanks are likewise especially due, and are hereby 
given, to the Right Hon. Robert Peel (secretary of 
state for the home department), and to the rest of his 
Majesty's ministers, for their support of these great 

On the motion of John Lawless, Esq. seconded by 
Henry Hunt, Esq. 

It was resolved, That the gratitude of this meeting 
(representing as it does the feelings of the Irish people) 
is hereby given to the Most Noble the Marquess of 
Anglesey, for his impartial administration in Ireland, 
and that we feel it a duty we owe to that distinguished 
soldier to acknowledge, that to his ardent sensibility to 
the grievances of Ireland, and to his zealous remon- 
strances on behalf of the Irish nation, the splendid results 
now enjoyed are greatly to be attributed. 


On the motion of Thomas Moore, Esq., seconded by 
James Corry, Esq. 

It was resolved, That we must ever bear in mind how 
much the great cause of religious freedom owes to 
the many illustrious persons, both living and dead, who 
have lent their powerful aid to its advancement. 

On the motion of James Grattan, Esq., M.P., se- 
conded by F. S. Flood, Esq. 

It was resolved, That, in order to perpetuate to the 
remotest generations these feelings of just acknowledg- 
ment, and at the same time to record that religious 
freedom was won by the same great captain who restored 
national independence to Europe, and gave security to 
this empire a voluntary subscription be now entered 
into for the purpose of erecting, in or near Dublin, a 
statue of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, commemo- 
rative of this the most glorious of his public services. 

On the motion of O'Gorman Mahon, Esq., seconded 
by Thomas Wyse, Jun. Esq. 

It was resolved, That our committee be hereby em- 
powered to record on the pedestal of the statue just 
voted, the names of those illustrious men, as well the 
dead as the living, who, in either house of parliament, 
have at different periods supported the measure of 
Catholic emancipation which has now passed into a law, 
under the benignant auspices of his Majesty. 

On the motion of Lieut. Gen. Thornton, seconded 
by the Hon. Frederick Ponsonby, M.P. 

It was resolved, That our committee be empowered to 
receive subscriptions, and that they be requested to open 
accounts for that purpose with such of the principal 


banks of the united kingdom as are willing to co- 
operate with them. 

On the motion of James Corry, Esq., seconded by 
Lord Dunally, 

It was resolved, That copies of the foregoing resolu- 
tions be forwarded to 

The Duke of Wellington, the First Lord of the 

Right Hon. Henry Goulburn, the Chancellor of the 

Lord Lyndhurst, the Lord Chancellor of England, 

Earl Bathurst, President of the Council, > 

Right Hon. Robert Peel, ^ 

Earl of Aberdeen, \Secretaries of State, 

Right. Hon. Sir G. Murray, J 

Viscount Melville, the First Lord of the Admiralty, 

Right Hon. J. C. Herries, the Master of the Mint, 

Lord Ellenborough, the President of the Board of 

Right Hon. W. V. Fitzgerald, the President of the 
Board of Trade, and also to 

The Marquess of Anglesey. 

On the motion of Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., 
seconded by the Rev. Dr. Wade, 

It was resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are 
eminently due, and are hereby given, to the noblemen 
and gentlemen who signed the Irish Protestant Decla- 
ration, and who, as friends of Ireland as well as of civil 
and religious freedom, took part in the meeting at the 
Rotunda in Dublin, on the 20th of January last ; and 
we do congratulate them, collectively and individually, 



on the successful termination of their exertions, which 
so eminently contributed to carry the great measure by 
which religious peace has been given to this empire, 
and more especially to Ireland. 

On the motion of the Rev. Michael Keating, se- 
conded by John Wright, Esq. 

It was resolved, That the following noblemen and 
gentlemen do constitute a committee (with liberty to 
add to their numbers), in order to carry the foregoing 
resolutions into effect : 

His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, 

His Grace the Duke of Devonshire, 

His Grace the Duke of Leinster, 

The Marquess of Downshire, 

Earl Fitzwilliam, 

Earl of Cork and Orrery, 

Earl of Darnley, 

Earl of Besborough, 

Earl of Shannon, 

Earl of Miltown, 

Earl of Kingston, 

Earl of Portarlington, 

Earl of Clare, 

Earl of Leitrim, 

Earl of Gosford, 

Earl of Blessington, 

Earl of Glengall, 

Earl of Llandaff, 

Earl of Darlington, M. P. 

Earl of Bective, M. P. 

Lord John Russell, M. P. 

Lord William Fitzgerald, M. P. 

Viscount Lismore, 

Viscount Templetown, 

Viscount Morpeth, M. P. 

Viscount Killeen, 

Viscount Forbes, M. P. 

Viscount Duncannon, M. P. 

Viscount Acheson, 

Viscount Bingham, M. P. 

Viscount Ennismore, M.P. 

Lord Stourton, 

Lord Clifford, 

Lord Foley, 

Lord Alvanley, 

Lord Dundas, 

Lord Nugent, M. P. 

Lord Riversdale, 

Lord Cloncurry, 

Lord Rossmore, 

Lord Dunally, 

Lord A. Hill, M. P. 

Right Hon. Lord Francis L. Gower, 


Honourable John Boyle, M.P. 
Honourable A. Cavendish Bradshaw, 
Honourable George Dawson Darner, 
Honourable G. Agar Ellis, M. P. 
Honourable R. Fitzgibbon, M. P. 
Honourable W. Booth Grey, 
Honourable Robert King, M. P. 
Honourable Edward Petre, 
Honourable and Reverend John 


Honourable WilliamPonsonby.M.P. 
Right Hon. Sir George F. Hill, 

Bart. M.P. 
Right Hon. Sir John Newport, Bart. 

Right Hon. M. Fitzgerald, Knt. of 

Kerry, M. P. 
Reverend Sir Francis Lynch Blosse, 


Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. M. P. 
Sir Charles Coote, Bart. M. P. 
Sir Thomas B. Lethbridge, Bart. 

General Sir George Nugent, Bart. 


Sir James C. Anderson, Bart. 
Otway Cave, Esq. M. P. 
George Robert Dawson, Esq. M. P. 



Thomas Duneombe, Esq. M. P. 
John Easthope, Esq. M. P. 
James Grattan, Esq. M. P. 
John Cam Hobhouse, Esq. M. P. 
Joseph Hurae, Esq. M. P. 
John Hely Hutchinson, Esq. M. P. 
C. D. O. Jephson, Esq. M. P. 
Ralph Leycester, Esq. M. P. 
Thomas Lloyd, Esq. M. P. 
Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M. P. 
Michael George Prendergast, Esq. 


Thomas Spring Rice, Esq. M. P. 
Henry Villiers Stuart, Esq. M. P. 
R. Wagon Talbot, Esq. M.P. 
Robert La Touche, Esq. M. P. 
H. M. Tuite, Esq. M. P. 
Judge Day, 
Admiral Donnelly, 
Reverend Francis Sadler, D.D. and 

S.F.T. C.D. 
Reverend A. S. Wade, D.D. Vicar 

of St. Nicholas, Warwick, 
Reverend Michael Keating, 
Henry Arabin, Esq. 
W. H. Arabin, Esq. 
A. R. Blake, Esq. 
Edward Blount, Esq. 
William H. Bourne, Esq. 

James Corry, Esq. 

William Henry Curran, Esq. 

Stephen Dickson, Esq. 

James Dwyer, Esq. 

Lieut.-Colonel De Lacy Evans, 

Frederick Solly Flood, Esq. 

John Howley, Esq. 

John David Latouche, Esq. 

John Lawless, Esq. 

A. H. Lynch, Esq. 

Cornelius Lyne, Esq. 

Thomas M'Kenny, Esq. Alderman, 

O 'Gorman Mahon, Esq. 

Peirce Mahony, Esq. 

David Mahony, Esq. 

Richard Morrisson, Esq. 

William Morrisson, Esq. 

Thomas Moore, Esq. 

Pierce Nagle, Esq. 

Maurice O'Connell, Esq. 

A. C. O'Dwyer, Esq. 

Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman, Esq. 

John Power, Esq. of Kilfane, 

Richard Shell, Esq. 

Charles Stanley, Esq. 

Edward Sterling, Esq. 

Stephen Woulfe, Esq. 

John Wright, Esq. 

Thomas Wyse, Esq. 


Earl Fitzwilliam having left the chair, and the Duke 
of Leinster having been called thereto, it was, on the 
motion of Lord Stourton, seconded by Daniel O'Con- 
nell, Esq., M.P. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meet- 
ing are especially due, and are hereby given, to the 
Earl Fitzwilliam, for his dignified and impartial con- 
duct in the chair this day, and for his uniform zeal in 
support of the principle of civil and religious freedom. 

LEINSTER, Chairman. 



After which the following Subscriptions were 

. s. 

Earl Fitzwilliam 200 

Duke of Devonshire 100 

Duke of Leinster 100 

Marquess of Downshire . . . 100 

Marquess of Anglesey .... 100 

Earl Darnley 50 

Earl Bective 25 

Earl ofGlengall 25 

Lord Viscount Templetown 50 

Lord Viscount Northland . . 25 

Lord Viscount Killeen 20 

Lord Viscount Forbes, M.P. 1010 

Lord Clifford 50 

Lord Stourton 50 

Lord Stafford 25 

Lord Dundas 25 

Lord Dunally 25 

Lord William Fitzgerald, 

M.P 20 

Lord Arthur Hill, M.P 20 

Lord Francis Leveson 

Gower, M.P 25 

The Right Hon. Sir George 

F. Hill, Bart. M.P 25 

The Hon. G. A. Ellis, M.P. 20 

The Hon. H. C. Clifford . . 25 
The Hon. William Pon- 

sonby, M.P. .'.' 20 

The Hon. Geo. Dawson 

Darner 20 

The Hon. Valentine Jer- 

ningham 10 10 

The Hon. Robert King, 

M.P 10 

The Hon. George Fortescue, 

M.P 6 

The Right Reverend Dr. 

Weld 10 

Sir Charles Coote, Bart. 

M.P 25 

Sir Thos. B. Lethbridge, 

Bart. M.P 21 

Judge Day 25 

Geo. R. Dawson, Esq. M.P. 25 

Thomas Lloyd, Esq. M.P. 25 
Henry Villiers Stuart, Esq. 

M.P 25 

. s. 

James Grattan, Esq. M.P. 25 

Ralph Leycester,Esq.M.P. 20 
Daniel O'Connell, Esq. 

M.P 10 10 

Joseph Hume, Esq. M.P. . 5 

Rev. Dr. Wade 2 2 

Rev. M. Keating 10 

Rev. J. Courtnay 5 

Lieut.- Gen. Thornton 3 3 

Lieut. -Colonel De Lacy 

Evans 5 

Capt. Herbert, Esq. R.N. . 10 

R. Bourne, Esq. R. N. . . . 5 
Robert Ogilby, Esq. (co. of 

Derry) 50 

A.G.Wright, Esq 25 

John Wright, Esq 25 

Daniel Neal Lister, Esq. ..210 

W. H. Bourne, Esq 15 15 

Peirce Mahony, Esq 10 10 

David Mahony, Esq 1010 

W. Henry Curran, Esq 10 

James Dwyer, Esq 10 

John Howley, Esq 10 

Maurice O'Connell, Esq. . . 10 

Henry Robinson, Esq 10 

Richard Shell, Esq 10 

Edward Sterling, Esq 10 0- 

Stephen Woulfe, Esq 10 

Thomas Wyse, Esq. 10 

James Corry, Esq 5 

Patrick Curtis, Esq 5 

Fred. Solly Flood, Esq. ... 50 

John William Fulton, Esq. 5 

Cornelius Lyrie, Esq 5 

O'Gorman Mahon, Esq. ... 50 

Thomas Moore, Esq 5 

Henry Robinson, Jun. Esq. 5 
Bleaden, Alexander and "} 

Co. of the London > 5 5 

Tavern j 

Scipio Clint, Esq 1 1 

W. Finnelley, Esq 1 1 

William Tafbot, of Ennis . . 10 


Address unanimously adopted at a Public Meeting, 
held at the City of London Tavern, Bishopsgate 
Street, on the 6th May, 1829. 

WE, your Majesty's dutiful and most loyal subjects, 
beg leave respectfully to approach your throne, with 
assurances of our unalterable fidelity and attachment 
to your Majesty's royal person and government. We 
are most anxious to be permitted to offer to your Ma- 
jesty our warmest expressions of gratitude for the great 
work of " civil and religious freedom" which (under 
your Majesty's most gracious sanction and authority) 
has just been completed. By this act, your Majesty 
has crowned the glories of your august reign ; a reign, 
the commencement of which was distinguished by un- 
paralleled successes in war, while its continuation has 
been still further illustrated by the peace which it 
has afforded, first to Europe, and now to your own 

That these wise and paternal measures will bring 
with them, both to your Majesty and to the empire, their 
" own exceeding great reward," in the increased and 
increasing love and veneration for your Majesty's 
throne, and in the renewed and indissoluble union of 
all classes and all denominations against our common 
enemies, we are fully convinced. But, while we thus 
anticipate these advantages, we feel that we should 
have been wanting in our duty to your Majesty if we 
had not thus early presented ourselves at the foot of 
your Majesty's throne, for the purpose of expressing our 


gratitude and devotion to your royal person, and of 
hailing your Majesty as the common father of your 

That your Majesty may long, very long, continue to 
witness the benefits of which you are yourself the author, 
and to enjoy in your own royal person that happiness 
which you have conferred on your people, is the earnest 
wish and prayer of us, your dutiful and loyal subjects. 

Signed on behalf of the meeting, 



Union Hotel, Cockspur Street, 

29th May, 1829. 
My Lord Duke, 

By order of the committee appointed at a public 
meeting held on the 6th inst. at the London Tavern, to 
carry into effect the resolutions there agreed to, and in 
pursuance of the 16th resolution passed at that meeting, 
I have the honour to transmit for your Grace's infor- 
mation the enclosed copy of the proceedings of the noble- 
men and gentlemen there assembled. 
I have the honour to be, 

My Lord Duke, 

Your very humble Servant, 

To His Grace the Duke of Wellington, 
First Lord of the Treasury, &c. &c. 



Union Hotel, Cockspur Street, 

May 29th, 1829. 

By order of the committee appointed at a public 
meeting held on the 6th inst. at the London Tavern, to 
carry into effect the resolutions there agreed to, and in 
pursuance of the 16th resolution passed at that meeting, 
I have the honour to transmit for your information, the 
enclosed copy of the proceedings of the noblemen and 
gentlemen there assembled. 

The committee have further desired me to request 
(for the instruction of the Earl of Fitzwilliam) that you 
will inform us in what manner it is his Majesty's plea- 
sure to receive the Address there unanimously agreed 
to, a copy of which I have the honour to transmit. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your very humble Servant, 


Right Hon. R. Peel, Secretary of State 
for the Home Department, &c. &c. 


London, June 2nd, 1829. 

I had the honour of receiving last night your letter 
of the 29th May, in which you enclosed a copy of reso- 
lutions unanimously agreed upon at a meeting held at 
the London Tavern, on Wednesday the 6th May ; the 
Earl Fitzwilliam in the chair. 


I am highly flattered by the honour conferred upon 
me especially, and my colleagues, his Majesty's ser- 
vants, by the noblemen and gentlemen there assembled, 
and I beg you to accept my thanks for conveying to me 
a copy of their proceedings upon that occasion. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 

Peirce Mahony, Esq. 


Whitehall, June 2nd, 1829. 

I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of the 29th ultimo, enclosing the printed copy of an 
Address to his Majesty, which was unanimously adopted 
by a public meeting held at the City of London Tavern 
on the 5th of May, of which meeting the Earl Fitz- 
william was chairman, and requesting to be informed, 
" for the instruction of his Lordship," in what manner it 
may be his Majesty's pleasure to receive such Address. 

If, as it is probable that a levee will not be held by 
his Majesty at a very early period, you will transmit 
the Address mentioned in your letter to this office, I 
will not fail to lay it before his Majesty without delay. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 

Peirce Mahony, Esq. 

Union Hotel, Cockspur Street. 



Cowes, June 16th, 1829. 

I had the honour to receive your letter, together with 
a copy of a resolution agreed upon at a public meeting 
held at the London Tavern on the 6th May last, and I 
beg that you will express for me the grateful feelings 
with which I am impressed by every testimonial which 
connects my name with the prosperity of Ireland. 

I also beg to acknowledge your obliging attention in 
conveying the resolution to my hands. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your most obedient Servant, 

Peirce Mahony, Esq. 


Whitehall, June llth, 1829. 
My Lord, 

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your 
Lordship's letter of the 6th of June last, enclosing an 
Address to his Majesty, resolved upon at a meeting at 
the London Tavern of which your Lordship was chairman. 
I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship, that I have laid 
this Address before his Majesty, who was pleased to 
receive the same very graciously. 

I have the honour to be, with great esteem, 

Your Lordship's 
Most obedient, humble Servant, 

The Earl Fitzwilliam, &c. 



No. XXXI. 


House of Lords. Division on the Second Reading, 
April 4, 1829. 

Those marked thus * had heretofore opposed the claims either in the 
House of Lords or House of Commons. 


* Duke of Clarence 


*Strange(Duke of Athol) 

Duke of Sussex 



Duke of Gloucester 


* Stradbroke 

* Lord Chancellor 

* Chichester 


* Lord President 



Lord Privy Seal 


Vane (Marquis of Lon- 


* Doncaster (Duke of 


Brandon (Hamilton) 
* Beaufort 

* Dartmouth 

* Westmoreland 


De la Warr 


* Leeds 


* Beresford 

* Manchester 



* Rutland 


Gordon (Earl of Aber- 




* St. Alban's 



* Wellington 








Leinster (Duke of) 

* Bath 




Hillsborough (Marquis 



of Downshire) 

St. Vincent 











* Liverpool 

* Derry 






* Llandaff 



* Lichfield and Coventry 
* Oxford 


* Powis 




* St. David's 



* Winchester 








Ailsa (Earl Cassilis) 


Boyle (Earl of Cork) 


* Byron 

Clifton (Earl of Darnley) 
Carleton (Earl of Shan- 


* Carberry 

* Clanwilliam (E.) 


De Dunstanville 




Fitzgibbon(Earl of Clare) 

*Fife (Earl of) 




Howard de Walden 




*Ker(M. of Lothian) 


* Lilford 

* Montague 

* Meldrum (Earl of 

Melros (Earl of Had- 


Montcagle (M. of Slig() 


Ormond (M. of) 



* Ravensworth 
Ranfurly (Northland) 

* Saltoun 
Say and Sele 
Sundridge (Duke of Ar- 



Somerhill (M. of Clanri- 

* Teynham 
Wellesley (M.) 
Willoughby d'Eieeby 



* Harcourt 







* Douglas 



Downey (V. Downe) 


* Orford 

* Dufferin 

Marl borough 



* Northumberland 


* Forrester 


St. Germans 




Howard of Effingham 



* Hawke 

* Hertford 

* Warwick 

Hopetoun (E. of ) 



Lauderdale (Earl) 



Lovell and Holland (E. 


* Arbuthnot 

of Egmont) 



Ponsonby (Earl of Bes- 




* Ashbumham 

Hutchinson (Donough- 

*Ross (Earl of Glas- 





* Strathallan 


* Chatham 








Stewart Garlics (E. Gal- 





Bar ham 

*Saltersford (E. of Cour- 

*Graham (Duke of Mon- 




Breadalbane (Earl) 

* Stuart and Rothsay 








Duke of Cumberland 






















Norwich (Duke of Gor- 

St. Asaph 


















Farn borough 






Hay (Earl of Kinnoull) 




















Bath and Wells 

Sheffield (Earl) 






















Fisherwick (M. of Done- 








Mount Edgecumbe 


Loftus (M. of Ely) 



Le Despencer 


Clanbrasil (Earl of Ro- St. Helen's 








Dalhousie (Earl) 

Willoughby de Broke 

De Clifford 




In the Majority. (Present) Duke of Grafton, Lords Ducie, Gage, 
Glenlyon, Ranfurly (Northland.) (Proxies) Earls Cornwallis, Home, 
Lord Howard of Effingham. (Paired off) Duke of Manchester, Norwich 
(Duke of Gordon). 

Minority. (Present) Viscount Gort, Lord Ribblesdale. (Proxy) 
Lord Dynevor. 

Twelve peers who voted in the majority on the second reading did not 
vote on the passing of the bill, and six peers who voted in the minority on 
the second reading did not vote on the third. 



Abercorn (minor) 
Townshend (in France) 




Berkeley (will not take his seat) 





Craven (minor) 



Huntingdon (minor) 

Lindsey (minor) 


Portsmouth (lunatic) 


Sandwich (minor) 



Combermere (in India) 
Courtenay (abroad) 

Ardrossan (Earl of Eglington, in 

Scotland), a minor 
Carysfort, Earl of (lunatic) 


De la Zouch 

Dorchester (minor) 


De Tabley (minor) 


Gage (too late) 

Gardner (minor) 



Home (Earl of) 

Moore (Marquis of Drogheda), a 


Monson (minor) 
Northwick (too late) 
Penshurst (Viscount) 
Ponsonby (of Imokilly) 

Strangford (in Brazil) 
Stuart (Earl of Moray) 
Tyrone (Marquis of Waterford), a 

Wigan (Earl of Balcarras) 

Bangor (Magendie) 


Bandon, Earl of (not taken his seat) 
Headfort, Marquis of 


PROTESTS, The Duke of Newcastle entered his protestagainst the second 
reading of the Catholic Relief bill 1st, as tending to establish Popery ; 
2nd, as a violation of the constitution of 1688 ; 3rd, because the admission 
of Papists to parliament was a violation of the exclusion act of 1677 ; 4th, 
because to break in upon laws considered permanent, was dangerous to our 
religion, laws, and liberties ; 5th, because a proneness to depart from old 
institutions gave just cause of apprehension for the present and future. 
Lord Kenyon subscribed the protest for the third and fourth reasons ; and 
Lords Mansfield, Howe, Romney, Malmesbury, Brownlow, O'Neill, and 
Bradford, protested generally against the second reading. Lords Walsing- 
ham and Kenyon also protested against the second reading of the bill, as 
being destitute of securities. Lord Farnham entered his protest against 
the bill after it had passed into a law. 

READING, March 30, 1829. 

Those who in 1827 voted against concession, and whose names now 
appear in the majority on the third reading, are marked (o). The places 
not otherwise distinguished are boroughs ; (co.) signifies county, and (c.) 
city members. 


Abercromby, J. Calne Bective, Earl of, Meath, co. 

Acland, Sir T. Devonshire Benett, J. Wiltshire 

Alexander, J. Barnstaple Bentinok, Lord G. King's Lynn 

Althorp, Lord, Northamptonshire (o) Beresford, Sir J. Northallerton 

Anson, Sir G. Licb. field, c. (o)Beresford,Lieut.-col. Berwick, c. 

Anson, Hon. G. Yarmouth Bernard, T. King's co. 

Apsley,Lord, Cirericester Bingham, L. Mayo, co. 

Arbuthnot, Rt. Hon. C. St. Ives Birch, J. Nottingham, c. 
(o) Arbuthnot, Hon. Col. Kincar- Blake, Sir F. Berwick-on-Tweed 

dineshire Boyle, Hon. J. Cork, co. 

Archdeckne, A. Dunwich Bourne, Right Hon. L. Ashburton 

(o) Ashley, Lord, Woodstock Brecknock, Earl of, Bath, c. 

Baillie, Col. Hedon (o) Brogden, J. Launceston 

Balfour, J. Anstruther Brougham, J. Truro 

Barclay, D. Penryn Browne, J. Mayo 

Baring, A. Callington Brownlow, C. Armagh, co. 

Baring, W. B. Thetford Bruen, H. Carlow, co. 

Baring, F. Portsmouth Buller, C. West Looe 

Beaumont, T. W. Stafford Burdett, Sir F. Westminster, c. 




Buxton, T. F. Weymouth 
Burrard, G. Lymington 
Byng.G. Middlesex 
Calcraft, Right Hon. J. Wareharo 
Calthorpe, Hon. F. Bramber 
Calvert, C. Southwark 
(o) Calvert, N. Hertfordshire 
Campbell, A. Glasgow, c. 
(o) Campbell, W. Argyleshire 
(o) Campbell, J. Dumbartonsh. 
Carew, R. Wexford, co. 
Carrington, Sir C. St. Mawes 
(o) Cartwright, W. Nortbamptonsh. 
Castlereagh, Vise. Down, co. 
Caulfield, Hon. H. Armagh, co. 
Cave, O. Leicester 
Cavendish, Lord G. Derbyshire 
Cavendish, C. Newtown 
Chichester, Sir A. Carrickfergus, c. 
Cholraondeley, Lord H. Castle Ris- 

Clerk, Sir G. Edinburgh 
Clements, Viscount, Leitrim, co. 
Clifton, Viscount, Canterbury, c. 
(o) Clive, Viscount, Ludlow 
(o) Clive, Hon. R. Ludlow 
(o) Clive, E. Hereford, c. 
Clive, H. Montgomery 
Cockburn, Sir G. Plymouth 
Cocks, J. Reygate 
Colborne, N. R. Thetford 
(o) Cole, Sir C. Glamorganshire 
(o) Cook, Sir H. Orford 
Coote, Sir C. Queen's co. 
(o) Corbett, P. Shrewsbury, c. 
Courtenay, Right Hon. T.Totness 
Cradock, S. Camelford 
Cramp tori, S. Derby, c. 
Dawson, A. Louth, co. 
Daly, J. Gal way, co. 
Denison, W. J. Surrey 
Denison, J. Hastings 
Doherty, J. Kilkenny, c. 
Douglas, W. R. Dumfries, &c. 
Drummond, H. Stirlingshire 
Du Cane, P. Steyning 
Darlington, Earl of, Totness 
Duncannon, Vise. Kilkenny, co. 
Duncombe, T. S. Hertford 
Dundas, Hon. G. Orkney, &c. 
Dundas, Hon. R. Richmond 
Dundas, C. Berkshire 
East, Sir E. Winchester, c. 

Easthope, J. St. Alban's 
Eastnor, Viscount, Hereford 
Ebrington, Viscount, Tavistock 
(o) Eden, Hon. R. Fowey 
Elliot, Lord, Liskeard 
Ellis, Hon. G. A. Ludgershall 
Ellis, Hon. A. Seaford 
Ellison, C. Newcastle-on-Tyrie 
Ennismore, Viscount, Cork, co. 
Ewart, W. Blschingley 
(o) Fane, Hon. H. Lyme Regis 
Fane, T. Lyme Regis 
Farquhar, Sir R. Hythe 
Fazakerley, J. N. Lincoln, c. 
Ferguson, Sir R. Dysart 
Fitzgerald, Rt.Hon. M. Kerry, co. 
Fitzgerald, Lord W. Kildare, co. 
Fitzgerald, Rt. Hon. V. Newport 
Fitzgerald, J. Seaford 
Fitzgibbon, Col. Limerick, c. 
(o) Foley, J. H. Droitwich 
Forbes, Vise. Longford, co. 
Forbes, Sir C. Malmesbury 
Forbes, J. Malmesbury 
Fortescue, Hon. G. Hindou 
(o) Foster, L. Louth, co. 
Frankland, R. Thirsk 
Fremantle, Sir T. Buckingham 
French, A. Roscommon, co. 
Garlios, Vise. Cockermouth 
(o) Gilbert, D. Bodmin 
Gordon, R. Cricklade 
(o) Goulburn, Rt. Hon. H. Armagh 
Gower, Lord F. L. Sutherlandsh. 
Graham, Sir J. Cumberland 
(o) Graham, Marquis, Cambridge 
Grant, Rt. Hon. C. Inverness-shire 
Grant, Col. Elginshire 
Grant, R. Fortrose 
Grattan, J. Wicklow, co. 
Grattan, H. Dublin, c. 
Grosvenor, Gen. Stockbridge 
Grosvenor, Hon. R. Chester, c. 
Gordon, Sir W. Aberdeenshire 
Guest, J. Honiton 
Guise, Sir B. Gloucestershire 
Gurney, H. Newport (I. W.) 
Hardinge, Sir H. Durham, c. 
Hay, Lord J. Haddiugtonshire 
Hay, A.Peebles, &c. 
Heathcote, Sir G. Boston 
(o) Herries, Right Hon. J. C. Har- 



Hill, Lord A, Down, co. 

(o) Hill, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Derry,c. 

Hobhouse, J. C. Westminster, c. 

(o) Hodgson, F. Barnstaple 

Horton, R. W. Newcastle-under- 

Howard, H. Shoreham 

Hughes, W. L. Wallingford 

(o) Halse, J. St. Ives 

Hume, J. Aberdeen, &c. 

Hurst, R. Horsham 

Huskisson, Right Hon. W. Liver- 
pool, c. 

Hutchinson, J. H. Tipperary, co. 

Hutchinson, J. Cork, c. 

Howard, Hon. G. Castle Rising 

Ingilby, Sir R. Lincolnshire 

Innes, Sir H. Dingwall, &c. 

Jephson, C. D. Mallow 

Jermyn, Earl, Orford 

Jollifte, Col. Petersfield 

(o) Keckewich, S. Exeter, c. 

Kennedy, F.Ayr, &c. 

King, Hon. R. Roscommon 

Knight, R. Wallingford 

Knox, Hon. T. Dungannon 

Labouchere, H. St. Michael's 

Lamb, Hon. G. Dungarvon 

Lambert, J.S. Galway, co. 

(o) Langston, J. Oxford, c. 

Lascelles, Hon. W. East Looe 

Latouche, R. Kildare, co. 

Lawley, F. Warwickshire 

Lennard, T. B. Maldon 

Leycester, R. Shaftesbury 

Lewis, Rt. Hon. T. F. Ennis 

Lester, B. Poole 

Liddell, Hon. H. Northumberland- 

Lindsay, Hon. H. Perth, &c. 

Littleton, E. Staffordshire 

Lloyd, Sir E. Flint 

Lloyd, T. Limerick, co. 

Lockhart, J. Oxford, c. 

Loch, J. St. Germain's 

Luinley, J. Nottinghamshire 

Lushington, Dr. Tregony 

Maberly, J. Abingdon 

Maberly, Lt.-Col. Northampton 

Mackintosh, Sir J. Knaresboro' 

Mackenzie, Sir J. Ross-shire 

Maitland, Vise. Appleby 

Maitland, Hon. Capt. Berwicksh. 

Marjoribanks, S. Hythe 

Marshall, J.Yorkshire 
Marshall, W. Petersfield 
(o) Martin, SirT. B. Plymouth 
Martin, J. Tewkesbury 
Maule, Hon. W. Forfarshire 
Maxwell, J. Downpatrick 
Milbank, M. Camelford 
Mildmay, P. Winchester 
Milton, Vise. Yorkshire 
Monck, J. Reading 
Morrison, J. Banff', co. 
Morland, Sir S. St. Mawes 
Morpeth, Vise. Morpeth 
Mostyn, Sir T. Flint 
Mountcharles, Lord Donegal, co. 
Murray, Sir G. Perthshire 
(o) Northcote, H. Heytesbury 
Nugent, Lord, Aylesbury 
Nugent, Sir G. Buckingham, c. 
North, J. Dublin University 
O'Brien, W. S. Ennis 
O'Brien, L. Clare, co. 
Ord, W. Morpeth 
Owen, Sir J. Pembrokeshire 
Oxmantown, Lord King's County 
(o) Palmer, C. F. Reading 
(o) Palmer, R. Berkshire 
Palmerston, Vise. Cambridge Univ. 
Parnell, Sir H. Queen's County 
(o) Peel. Rt. Hon. R. Westbury 
(o) Peel, W. Y. Tamworth 
Peel, L. Cockermouth 
Pendarvis, E. Cornwall, co. 
Phillips, G. Steyning 
Phillips, G. Wotton Basset 
Phillimore, Dr. Yarmouth (I. W.) 
Phipps, Hon. G. Scarborough 
Perceval, S. Newport, Hants 
Ponsonby, Hon. F. Higham Ferrers 
Ponsonby, Hon. G. Youghall 
Ponsonby, Hon. W. Poole 
Power, R. Waterford, co. 
Powlett, Lord W. Durham, c. 
Poyntz, W. Chichester 
(o) Prendergast, M. Gatton 
Price, R. New Radnor 
Pringle, Sir W. Liskeard 
Prittie, Hon. F. lipperary, co. 
Proby, Hon. G. Wicklow, co. 
Protheroe, E. Evesham 
Pryse, P. Cardigan 
Rae,Rt. Hon.Sir W. Harwich 
(o) Raine, J. Newport (Cornwall) 
Ramsbottom, J. Windsor 



Ramsden, Hon. J. C. Malton 
Rancliffe, Lord, Nottingham, c. 
Ilice, T. S. Limerick, c. 
Robarts, A. Maidstone 
Robinson, Sir G. Northampton 
Robinson, G. Worcester, c. 
Rowley, Sir W. Suffolk 
Rumbold, C. Yarmouth 
Russell, Lord J.Bedford 
Russell, R. G. Thirsk 
Sandon, Viscount, Tiverton 
(o) Saunderson, A. Cavan, co. 
Scarlett, Sir J. Peterborough 
Scott, Sir W. Carlisle 
Scott, H. F. Roxburghshire 
Sebright, Sir J. Hertfordshire 
Sinclair, Hon. Major, Caithness 
Slaney, R. A. Shrewsbury 
Smith, G. Wendover 
Smith, W. Norwich 
(o) Somerset, Lord G. Monmouth- 

Somerville, Sir M. Meatb, co. 
Stanley, Lord, Lancashire 
Stanley, E. Preston 
Stewart, A. R. Londonderry, co. 
Stewart, Sir M. Lanark, co. 
Stuart, Lord J. Cardiff 
Stuart, H. V. Waterford, co. 
Sykes, D. Hull 
Sugden, E B. Weymouth 
Talmash, Hon. F. Grantham 
Talmash, Hon. L. Ilchester 
Taylor, M. A. Durham, c. 
Taylor, Sir C. Wells 
Tennyson, C. Blechingley 
(o) Thompson, W. London, c. 
Thompson, P. B. Wenlock 
Thomson, C. P. Dover 
Thynne, Lord J. Bath, c. 
Thynne, Lord W. Weobly 
Thyne, Lord H. 

Tierney, Rt. Hon. G. Knaresboro 
(o) Tindal, Sir N. Camb. Univ. 
Tomes, J. Warwick, c. 
Townshend, Hon. J. Whitchurch 
Trench, Col. Cambridge 
Tufton, Hon. H. Appleby 
Tunno, E. Bossiney 
Twiss, H. Wotton Basset 
Valletort, Lord, Lostwithiel 
Van Homrigh, P. Drogheda 
Vernon, G. Lichfield, c. 
Villiers, T. H. Hedon 
Waithman, R. London, c. 
Wall, C. Wareham 
Walpole, Hon. C. King's Lynn 
Warburton, H. Bridport 
Warrender, Sir G. Westbury 
(o) Webb, E. Gloucester, c. 
Westenra, Hon. H. Monaghan,oo. 
Western, C. C. Essex 
Whitbread, S. C. Middlesex 
Whitbread, W. Bedford 
White, S. Leitrim, co. 
White, Col. Dublin, co. 
Whitmore, W. Bridgnorth 
Wilbraham, G. Stockbridge 
Williams, O. Great Marlow 
Williams, T. P. Great Marlow 
Wilson, Sir R. Southwark 
Winnington, Sir F. Worcestershire 
Wodehouse, E. Norfolk 
Wood, M. London, c. 
Wood, C. Preston 
Wortley, Hon. J. Bossiney 
Wrottesley, Sir J. Staffordshire 
Wynn, Sir W. W. Denbighshire 
Wyvill, M.York 
(o) Yorke, Sir J. Reigate 


(o) Dawson, G. Londonderry, co. 
Planta, J. Hastings 


Bouverie, Hon. B. Downton 
Colthurst, Sir N. Cork, c. 
Clarke, Hon. C. Kilkenny, co. 
Dundas, Right Hon. W. Edin- 
burgh, co. 

Davies, Col. Worcester, c. 
Davenport, E. Shaftesbury 
Heron, Sir R. Peterborough 
Howick, Lord, Winchil sea 
(o) Lethbridge, Sir T. Somerset 

Marshall, J. Yorkshire 
Newport, Sir J. Waterford, c. 
Owen, H. Pembroke 
O'Hara, J. Galway, c. 
Sefton, Earl of, Droitwich 
Smith, Hon. R. Buckinghamshire 
Somerset, Lord R. Gloucestershire 
Stewart, J. Beverley 
Tavistock, Marquess, Bedfordshire 
Talbot, R. W. Dublin, co. 




Antrobus, G. Plympton 
Archdall, Gen. Fermanagh, co. 
Arkwright, R. Eye 
Ashurst, W. Oxfordshire 
Astley, Sir J. D. Wiltshire 
Baker, E. Wilton 
Bankes, H. Dorchester 
Bankes, W. Marlborough 
Bankes, G. Corfe Castle 
Bastard, E. Devonshire 
Batley, C. Beverley 
Beckett, Sir J. Haslemere 
Belfast, Earl of, Belfast, c. 
Bell, M. Northumberland 
Blandford, Marquess, Woodstock 
Borrodaile, R. Newcastle-under- 


Bradshaw, Capt. Brackley 
Bright, H. Bristol, c. 
Brydges, Sir J. Kent, co. 
Buck, L. W. Exeter 

Burrell, Sir C. Shoreham 
Buxton, J. Bedwin 

Capel, J. Queenborough 

Cawthorne, J. Lancaster 

Cecil, Lord T. Stamford 

Chichester, Sir A. Millborne Port 

Cole, Hon. A. Enniskillen 

Cooper, R. B. Gloucester, c. 

Cooper, E. S. Dartmouth 

Corry, Viscount, Fermanagh, co. 

Corry, Hon. H. Tyrone, co. 

Cotterell, Sir J. Herefordshire 

Curteis, E. J. Sussex 

Cust, Hon. Capt. Clitheroe 

Cust, Hon. E. Lostwithiel 

Davenport, E. Shaftesbury 

Davis, R. H. Bristol, c. 

Dawkins, Col. Boroughbridge 

Dick, Q. Orford 

Dick, H. G. Maldon 

Dickinson, W. Somersetshire 

Dottin, A. Southampton 

Downie, R. Stirling, &c. 

Drake, T. Amersham 

Drake, W. Amersham 

Domville, Sir C. Oakhampton 

Dugdale, D. Warwickshire 

Dowdeswell, J. Tewkesbury 

Dundas, R. A. Ipswich 

Egerton, W. Chester, c. 

Encombe, Viscount, Truro 

Estcourt, T. Oxford University 
Estcouit, T. H. Marlborough 
Farquhar, J. Portarlington 

Fellowes, H. Huntingdonshire 

Fetherston, Sir G. Longford, co. 

Foley, E. Ludgershall 

Forrester, Hon. C. Wenlock 

Fyler, T. B. Coventry, c. 

Gascoyne, General, Liverpool 

Gordon, J. Weymouth 

Grant, Sir A. Lostwithiel 

Greene, T. Lancaster 

Gye, F. Chippenham. 

Hastings, Sir C. Leicester 

Heathcote, Sir W. Hampshire 

Holdswortb, A. H. Clifton, &c. 

Hodson, J. A. Wigan 

Hotharn, Lord, Leominster 

Inglis, Sir R.Oxford University 

Keck, G. A. Leicestershire 

Kemp, T. Lewes 

Kerrison, Sir E. Eye 

King, Sir J. D. Wycombe 

King, Hon. H. Sligo, co. 

Knatchbull, Sir E. Kent 

Legge, Hon. A. Banbury 

Lott, H. B. Honiton 

Lushington, Colonel, Carlisle 

Lowther, Viscount, Westmoreland 

Lowther, Hon. Colonel, Westmore- 

Lowther, J. H. Wigton, &c. 

Lucy, G. Fowey 

Luttrell, J. Minehead 

Lygon, Hon. Colonel, Worcester- 

Mackinnon, C. Ipswich 

Malcolm, N. Boston 

Mandeville, Lord, Huntingdonshire 

Manners, Lord R. Leicestershire 

Macleod, J. N. Sudbury 

Maxwell, H. Cavan, co. 

Meynell, Captain, Lisburn 

Morgan, Sir C. Monmouthshire 

Munday, G. Boroughbridge 

Munday, F. Derbyshire 

Miles, P. J. Corfe Castle 

O'Neil, Hon. General, Antrim 

O'Neill, A. J. Hull 

Palk, Sir L. Ashburton 


Pallmer, C. N. Surrey Sotheron, Adra. Nottinghamshire 
Peachey, General, Taunton Strutt, Col. Oakhampton 
Pearse, J. Devizes Taylor, G. Devizes 
Peel, Colonel, Norwich, c. Thompson, G. Halesmere 
Pelhara, J. C. Shropshire Tapps, G. W. New Romney 
Pennant, G. New Romney Trant, W. Dover 
Pigot, Colonel, Kinross-shire Trevor, Hon. G. Carmarthenshire 
Petit, L. H. Ripon Tullamore, Lord, Carlow 
Peach, N. W. Corfe Castle Uxbridge, Earl of, Anglesey 
Powell, Colonel, Cardigan, co. Vyvyan, Sir R. R. Cornwall, co. 
Powel, A. Downton Wells, J. Maidstone 
Price, R. New Radnor Wemys, Capt. Fifeshire 
Rickford, W. Ayleshury West, Hon. F. Denbigh 
Rochfort, G. Westmeatli, co. Wetherell, Sir C. Hastings 
Rose, Right Hon. G. Christchurch Wigram, W. New Ross 
Rose, G. P. Christchurch Willoughby, H. Newark 
Ryder, Right Hon. B. Tiverton Wilson, R. F. Yorkshire 
Sadler, M. S. Newark Wilson, Col. York, co. 
St. Paul, Sir H. Bridport Wyndham, W. New Sarutn 
Scott, Hon. W. Gatton Wynn, O. Sligo 
Scott. Hon. W.Newport (I. W.) TELLERS. 
Spence, G. Ripon Chandos, Marq. of, Buckingham- 
Shirley, J. O. Monaghan, co. shire 
Sibthorp, Col. Lincoln Moore, G. Dublin, c. 
Smyth, Sir G. Colchester 


Bastard, J. Dartmouth Harvey, Sir E. Essex 

Blackburne, J. Lancashire Handcock, R. Athlone 

Chaplin, C. Lincolnshire Lennox, W. G. Chichester 

Chaplin, T. Stamford Lowther, Sir J. Cumberland 

Carmarthen, Marq. Helston Morgan, G. Brecon 

Duncombe, Hon. W. Yorkshire Noel, Sir G. Rutland, co. 

Evans, H. Wexford, c. Nicholl, Sir J. Bedwin 

Gooch, Sir T. Suffolk Whitmore, T. Bridgnorth 
Houldsworth, T. Pontefract 

Irish members absent. Croker, Right Hon. J. W. Dublin University 
(indisposed) ; Macnaghten, E. Antrim, co. ; Kavenagh, F. Carlow, co. ; 
Collett, E. Cashel ; Dawson, J. M. Clonmell ; Maxwell, J. W. Down- 
patrick ; Russell, J. Kinsale ; Knox, Hon. J. Newry ; King, Hon. W. 
Cork, co. ; Denny, Sir E. Tralee ; Stewart, W. Tyrone, co. ; Tuile, II. M. 
Westmeath, co. j Stopford, Lord, Wexford, co. 

The following members, who had heretofore opposed the claims, voted in 
favouyofthe bill on previous divisions. Ashley, Lord, Woodstock; Arbuth- 
not, lion. Col. Kincardineshire ; Bradshaw, Capt. J. Brackley ; Jones, J. 
Carmarthen; Irving, J.Bramber; King, Hon. W. Cork, c.; Lindsey, Col. 
Wigan ; Norton, G. Guildford ; Owen, Sir E. Sandwich ; Paget, Lord W. 
Carnarvon ; Somerset, Lord E. Gloucestershire; Vivian, Sir H. Windsor. 



A Tabular Digest of all the Proceedings that have 
taken place in Parliament on the subject of the 
General Laws affecting the Roman Catholics of 
Great Britain and Ireland, from the period of the 
first Act passed in 1778 to the present time ; con- 
eluding with a View of the Progress of the Relief 
Bill through both Houses of the Legislature, 


1778 Irish Act. 18th Geo. III. c. 60, repealed 
so much of the llth and 12th Wm. III. c. 
4, as affected the inheritance or purchase of 
property by Roman Catholics ; as also the 
clauses authorising the prosecution of priests 
and Jesuits, and the imprisonment for life 
of Papists keeping schools. 

[In 1779, exactly half a century from the 

final success of the Catholic Question, 

Mr. Fox brought the subject forward in 

the English House of Commons, and it 

was negatived by a large majority.] 
1791 31st Geo. III. c. 32, prescribed a new decla- 
ration and oath in lieu of the oath of supre- 
macy contained in the 1st Wm. and Mary, 
s. 1, c. 8, and 1st Geo. I. s. 2, c. 13, and 
for refusing to take which oath of supremacy 
persons had been subject to certain penal- 
ties. The same act (31st Geo. III.) also 
tolerated, under certain regulations, the 
religious worship of Roman Catholics, and 
their schools for education. Upon taking 
the oath prescribed in the new act, Papists 
were exempted from the penalties of the 1st 





of Wm. and Mary, s. 1, c. 9, for approach- 
iug within ten miles of London j peers 
were no longer liable to be prosecuted under 
the 30th Charles II. s. 2, c. I, for entering 
his Majesty's house or presence ; Catholics 
were permitted to practise the law, upon 
taking the oath ; and the double land-tax 
(in Ireland) imposed on Catholics was re- 
moved ; and they were relieved from other 
penalties and disabilities. 

[The benefit of this act was extended to 
the Scotch Catholics in the year 1793.] 
1793 Irish Act. 33rd Geo. III. conferred the 
elective franchise in Ireland, by repealing 
the 7th and 8th Wm. III. c. 27, which dis- 
abled from voting at elections all persons 
refusing the oath of supremacy ; threw open 
all employments in the army in Ireland to 
Catholics, and all offices in the navy, even 
that of admiral, on the Irish station. Three 
offices in the army alone were excepted 
the commander-in-chief, master-general of 
the ordnance, and generals on the staff. 
The Earl of Westmoreland was lord-lieu- 
tenant at the time this important act was 
passed, which was done on a recommenda- 
tion from the throne. 


1805 May 10. Lord Grenville : motion for com- 
mittee on Irish petition 
May 13. Mr. Fox : a similar motion . . 

1807 March 5. Bill brought in by Lord GrenvilJe, 
to extend so much of the act of 1793 to 
England, as threw open the army and navy 
to Roman Catholics. The king opposed 
to it: requires a pledge from Lords Gren- 
ville and Grey : Parliament dissolved : 

Ay. No. 


Ay. No. 




Ay. No. Ay. No. 

Lord Grenville's administration broken up, 
and that of Mr. Perceval formed. 

1808 May 25. Mr. Grattan : motion for committee .. .. 128 281 
May 27. Lord Donoughmore : ditto . . 74 161 

[Maynooth College endowed this year.] 
1810 May 13. Mr. Grattan: motion for committee .. .. 101 213 

June 6. Lord Donoughmore: ditto .. 68 154 

1812 April 21. Ditto : to consider the claims . . 102 174 

April 23. Mr. Grattan: similar motion 215 300 

[New Parliament.] 
June 22. Mr. Canning : to consider next 

session .. 106 235 

July i. Marquess Wellesley : ditto .. 125126 
Ibl3 Feb. 25. Mr. Grattan : resolution for com- 
mittee. After four days' debate, the house 

divided 264224 

May 11. Sir J. C. Hippisley moved fora 
committee : opposed, as hostile to the bill 
then in progress. Division on the motion . . . . 187 
Division on Dr. Duigenan's motion, that the 
bill be read a third time that day 3 months . . . . 203 
May 24. In committee on the bill, the 
Speaker (having left the chair) moved that 
the clause allowing Catholics to sit in par- 
liament be omitted .. 251 : 

[Bill then given up by Mr. Ponsonby.] 

1815 May 31. Sir H. Paraell : motion for com- 

mittee .. ,. .. .. 147 

1816 May 21. Mr. Grattan : ditto 141 

1817 May 9. Ditto 221 

[In this session a bill was introduced by 
the Liverpool administration and passed, 
opening the army and navy to the 
English Catholics. It did not dispense 
with the oaths of allegiance or supre- 





Ay. No. Ay. No. 

macy, butrelieved Catholic officers from 
the penal consequences of omitting to 
take them by an annual act of indem- 

[New Parliament.] 

1819 May 4. Mr. Grattan : motion for committee . . . . 241 243 
[New Parliament.] 

1821 Feb. 28. Mr. Plunkett : ditto 227 221 

Bill brought in: division on third reading .. .. 216 197 
April 16. Bill moved in Upper House by 

Lord Donoughmore .. .. .. 120 159 

1822 April 30. Mr. Canning : for leave to bring 

in a bill enabling Roman Catholic Peers to 

sit in Parliament . . . . 249244 

Bill brought in : division on third reading . . . . 248 227 
June 22. Moved in Upper House by Duke 

of Portland 129271 

1823 April 28. Mr.Plunkett's motion for a com- 

mittee : Sir F. Burdett aud the Whigs left 
the House, motion met by a counter-motion 
for adjournment : division on this amend- 
ment 313111 

1824 Divisions on bills to enable Catholics to voter . . . . 101 139 

at elections, and to act as magistrates I . . . . 109 143 

[An act passed this session, to permit the 
Duke of Norfolk to execute his office 
of Earl Marshal.] 

825 April 19. Second reading of Sir F. Bur- 
dett's Relief bill, with the disfranchising 
and clergy-pensioning wings . . . . . . . . 268 241 

[No division on the third reading.] 
May 18. Second reading in Upper House 1 30 1 78 

[New Parliament.] 

327 March 5. Sir F. Burdett : motion for com- 
mittee . . 272276 




Ay. No. Ay. No. 

1828 May 8. Ditto (three days' debate) 272260 

May 16. Conference with Lords agreed to. 

May 19. Lords appointed to confer, on mo- 
tion of Duke of Wellington. 
June 9. Marquess of Lansdowne's motion on 

Commons' resolution .. .. .. 137 182 

[A bill was introduced this session by 
Mr. G. Bankes, and passed, relieving 
English Catholics from the double as- 
sessment to the land tax, to which 
they had before been subject, on their 
not taking the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy, as first enjoined in the sta- 
tutes against recusancy.] 

1829 Feb. 5. Recommendation from the throne 

at the opening of the session, that parlia- 
ment should " take into deliberate consi- 
deration the whole condition of Ireland ; 
review the laws which impose civil disabili- 
ties on his Majesty's Roman Catholic sub- 
jects ; 'and consider whether the removal 
of those disabilities can be effected consist- 
ently with the full and permanent security 
of the establishments in church and state ; 
with the maintenance of the reformed reli- 
gion established by law, and of the rights 
and privileges of the bishops and clergy of 
the realm, and of the churches committed 
to their charge." 

March 5. A bill suppressing the Irish Ca- 
tholic Association, recommended in the 
speech, having passed both houses unani- 
mously, and received the royal assent this 
day by commission, Mr. Peel, secretary for 
the home department, brought forward a 
motion for a committee on the laws affect- 




Ay. No. Ay. No. 
ing Roman Catholics division on Mr. 

Peel's motion . .. .. 348 160 

Bill of Relief then introduced. It abolished 
all the civil disabilities on Roman Catho- 
lics, by repealing the oaths of supremacy, 
abjuration, &c., and substituting an oath 
of allegiance to the Protestant succession 
of the House of Brunswick, binding the Ca- 
tholics to defend the settlement of property 
as established by law, and not to injure or 
subvert the present church establishment. 
The bill rendered Catholics eligible to all 
offices in the state, excepting the lord chan- 
cellorships of England and Ireland ; the lord 
lieutenancy of Ireland ; the offices of regent 
or guardian of the United Kingdom ; and 
that of high commissioner to the church of 
Scotland. They were still excluded from 
the right of presentation to livings, and all 
places connected with the ecclesiastical 
courts and the establishment. Catholics in 
office were not to advise the crown relative 
to any appointment in the established 
church, under certain penalties, and being 
disabled from holding any office in future. 
The church patronage attached to any office 
in the hands of a Catholic, to be vested in 
the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time 
being. Catholic bishops not to assume the 
titles of sees held by Protestant bishops, 
nor the insignia of civil office, such as the 
mace, aldermanic gown, &c. to be worn in 
any other places of worship than those of 
the Protestant establishment. The only ap- 
pendages to this bill in the shape of secu- 
rities, was a clause for the gradual sup- 




Ay. No. 


Ay. No. 




pression of the Jesuits and other monastic 
orders (religious establishments of females 
cxcepted), and an act for raising the free- 
hold franchise in Ireland from 40*. to 10L 

March 17. Division on second reading of 
Catholic Relief bill .. 

March 30. Third reading division on 
amendment of Marquess of Chandos, that it 
be read a third time that day six months 

April 2. Second reading of bill moved in 
Lords by Duke of Wellington. Debate on 
Thursday and Friday nights ; resumed on 
Saturday afternoon at one o'clock, and con- 
tinued until eleven o'clock at night. Divi- 
sion on Archbishop of Canterbury's motion 
(seconded by Archbp. of Armagh), that the 
bill be read a third time that day six months 

April 10. Third reading of Relief bill . . 
[The Disfranchisement bill was also read 
a third time, and passed without a di- 
vision. The minority in each house of 
parliament on the second reading was 
precisely the same 17.] 

April 13. Royal assent given by commis- 
sion to the Catholic Relief bill and Free- 
holds (Ireland) Regulation bill. 





st the Bill. 

For the Bill. 

1st reading . . 957 
2nd do. .. 736 

Previous to the 1st reading 
Do. .. 2nd do. 

.. 357 
.. 404 

3rd do. .. 310 

Do. .. 3rd do. 

.. 176 

3rd do. .. 10 

Since . . 3rd do. 

.. 18 



Against the Bill .. 2013 

In favour of the Bill . . 955 




Against the Bill. 
Previous to the 1st reading .. 2110 
Do. .. 2nd do. .. 193 
Do. .. 3rd do. .. 218 

For the Bill. 
Previous to the 1st reading 
Do. . . 2nd do. 
Do. .. 3rd do. 

.. 912 




Against the Bill . . 2521 
In favour of the Bill .. 1014 


No. XLI. 

To the Electors of the County of Clare. 

<l Still shalt Ihou be mv waking theme, 
Thy glories still my midnight dream ; 
And every thought and wish of mine, 
Unconquered Erin, shall be thine." 

The House of Commons have deprived me of the 
right conferred on me by the people of Clare. They 
have, in my opinion, unjustly and illegally deprived me 
of that right; but from their decision there is no ap- 
peal, save to the people. I appeal to you. 

Electors of the county of Clare, to you is due the 
glory of converting Peel and conquering "Wellington. 
The last election for Clare is admitted to have been the 
immediate and irresistible cause of producing " the 
Catholic Relief bill." You have achieved the religious 
liberty of Ireland. Another such victory in Clare, 


and we shall attain the political freedom of our beloved 

The Catholic religion is liberated from the shackles 
of oppression. The Protestant religion is liberated 
from the stain of persecution. The causes which pro- 
duced Orangeism and Brunswickism are at an end. 
The Catholics are emancipated, and conscience is free ! 

To the electors of the county of Clare are these 
happy results mainly and immediately due. But there 
remain many political arid practical grievances and 
oppressions. There remain many obstacles to the pros- 
perity of our countrymen to the diffusion of capital 
to the safety of the poor man's cottage to the security 
of the rich man's mansion ; in fine, to the comfort, 
prosperity, and happiness, of the Irish people. 

Electors of the county of Clare, give me the right 
and the power to correct these grievances ; to remove 
these obstacles; to abolish oppressive and grinding 
cesses and county taxes ; to repeal the new and most 
oppressive law respecting sub-letting, and to procure for 
the sick and poor a well-regulated provision out of the 
property of absentees and other proprietors a provision 
for the poor, to be perfectly free 'from the insulting, 
debasing, arid demoralising details of the English poor 

The first grievance we have to redress is the abolition 
of the forty-shilling freehold franchise. I do not think 
that, in the annals of legislation, there ever yet was 
passed a law more unjust and groundless than that 
which destroyed the forty-shilling franchise in Ireland : 
it destroyed that franchise for the Catholics at a period 



when they had exhibited heroic virtue. It was de- 
stroyed for the Catholics on the mere false accusation 
of a nominal crime. It was destroyed for the Protest- 
ants with still stronger features of injustice, because 
the Protestants were not even accused of any crime. 

Return me to parliament, and I will instantly press 
this subject on the consideration of the house, until 
public sentiment in England, becoming too strong for 
any oligarchical faction, shall compel the repeal of the 
Disfranchisement bill, and regulate the future exercise 
of the elective franchise, so as to give independence 
and security to the voters. 

If you send me to parliament, I undertake to demon- 
strate there, that the abolition of the forty-shilling fran- 
chise is a direct violation of the legislative union be- 
tween the two countries. 

Again, if you send me to parliament, I undertake to 
demonstrate there, that the refusal to allow me to sit 
and vote was not only an assumption of illegal power, 
under the name of parliamentary privilege, but was 
another direct violation of the legislative union. 

I now sincerely rejoice that the ministry mixed up 
my interests with those of the forty-shilling freeholders ; 
and when they destroyed the vested rights of more than 
two hundred thousand registered freeholders, they did 
me a kindness to fling me into the aristocratic whirlpool, 
in which they have submerged a living portion of the 
British constitution. 

Send me to parliament, and I will assail there the 
the Sub-letting act. I am convinced I shall be able to 
assail with success that act an act calculated to make 


the poor more wretched, and to render the destitute 
more miserable. 

Send me to parliament, and I will there assail, and 
I trust with success, the Vestry bill ; that most uncon- 
stitutional law, which enables a few Protestants to tax, 
to almost any extent they may fancy, the property of 
the Catholic landholders. Indeed, I ought to add, that 
the Protestants have in many instances, shown a for- 
bearance from using this act oppressively, which does 
infinite honour to their good sense and humanity. But 
in many instances, it has been already grievously en- 
forced ; and it is in human nature that it will, unless re- 
pealed or amended, produce all its fruits of bitterness. 

Send me to parliament, and I will there assail, and I 
think successfully, the system of grand jury jobbing, 
and grand jury assessment. I will then be able to prove 
to those who ought to give redress, that the taxation of 
the people by the grand juries, is as oppressive in practice 
as it is unconstitutional in principle ; and it enables the 
rich man to form gravel walks near his demesne at the 
expense of the poor, and gives to the influential portion 
of the aristocracy a dominion over the properties of 
their fellow-subjects. 

Send me to parliament, and I will struggle hard to 
procure a diminution of heavy and illegal exactions, and 
an equitable distribution of the revenues of the Esta- 
blished church, between the poor on the one hand, and 
the most meritorious and really laborious portion of the 
Protestant clergy on the other, by operating to the de- 
privation of at least part of the enormous wealth of the 
pampered and overpaid pluralists and dignitaries. 
VOL. II. v 

Cccxxxviii APPENDIX* 

Send me to parliament, and I will struggle hard to 
to cleanse the Augean stables of the law ; I will devote 
all my faculties to destroy the toils and nets of form and 
fiction in which justice is at present so often entrapped. 
I will dedicate my life to the glorious work of rendering 
law at one and the same time all comprehensive, and 
also precise and intelligible ; and in making the admi- 
nistration of that law cheap and expeditious, so that the 
poor may have effectual and ready protection against every 
species of illegal oppression, and that at the same time 
the property of the rich man may become more valuable 
and secure. My professional habits give me peculiar 
facilities to attempt at least this Herculean task ; and I 
will attempt it with an unchangeable and persevering 
determination to effectuate this most useful purpose. 

Send me to parliament, and I undertake to procure 
laws to protect the property of Protestant Dissenters as 
well as of Catholics, for all charitable purposes, for the 
maintenance of their churches and places of worship, of 
their parochial houses,, schools, and hospitals ; and in 
particular, to consolidate such a system as may, by means 
of public and private bounty, procure for every Catho- 
lic rector of a parish in Ireland a parochial house, and 
an adequate glebe in each parish, transmissible by law 
to each successor, and protected against all abuse of 
trust, and all expense of litigation. 

Send me to parliament, and I will convince every 
rational man, and every man possessed of sentiments of 
religion, of the monstrous injustice attempted to be done 
to the monastic orders in Ireland, by some clauses in 
the late law; and will be the constant advocate of the 


pious men who devote themselves to God in singleness 
of heart and humility of spirit; of those invaluable insti- 
tutions which give not only literary but religious and 
moral education to the poor ; and I will challenge in- 
quiry and promulgate the truth respecting that most 
learned body the Jesuits, a body of men who have done 
more for literature and religion than any other society 
that ever lived. They have produced more scholars, 
they have furnished more martyrs, they have preached 
Christianity to more infidel nations. 

I trust I shall be the instrument of erasing from the 
statute-book that paltry imitation of the worst and still- 
existing portion of French Jacobinism a miserable imi- 
tation which pretends to do that which nature and 
religion forbid to be done to extinguish monastic 
orders in Ireland. While it is law, its penalties will be 
submitted to ; but let me add, as a matter of fact, that 
its mandate will most assuredly not be obeyed. It was 
formerly death in Ireland to be a friar, and the Irish 
earth is still scarcely dry from the blood of martyred 
friars ; the friars multiplied in the face of death. O 
for the sagacity of Peel, and the awful wisdom of 
Wellington, that meditate to suppress monastic orders 
in Ireland by a pecuniary penalty, and the dread of a 
foreign mission, under the name of banishment ! ! ! 

The law permits men to be profligate, and debauched, 
arid corrupt, and selfish ; it cannot and I venture to 
add that if I am in parliament it shall not long prohibit 
men from devoting their lives to poverty, to chastity, to 
obedience, and to the education of the poor. 

Send me to parliament, and I will incessantly urge on 


government the necessity of assisting in the internal 
improvement of your country ; in particular, in the im- 
provement of the navigation of the Fergus, and con- 
struction of an asylum harbour on the western coast. 

Send me to parliament, and I will strongly urge the 
abolition of the accursed monopoly of the East India 
Company a monopoly which, while it grinds more than 
sixty millions of native inhabitants by a ruinous and 
death-dealing revenue exaction, worse than the worst 
rack rents of Ireland, loads the inhabitants of Britain 
and Ireland with prices which render an indispensable 
article of consumption about twice as dear in this 
country as in any other part of Europe. 

Send me to parliament, and I will struggle for free- 
dom of conscience for every human being ; and for 
liberty for men of every creed, caste, and colour. 

Send me to parliament, and I will strain every nerve 
to renovate the British constitution, by abolishing 
rotten boroughs and fictitious titles to vote; by ex- 
tending the elective franchise to every man who is 
affected by taxation ; and by carrying into full effect 
that species of constitutional reform, which, whilst it 
applies a radical remedy to every abuse in the system of 
popular representation, would necessarily diminish the 
public burdens, augment the value of private property, 
increase the safety of individual life, and add to the 
security of individual and popular liberty. 

Send me to parliament, and I will employ all the 
intellect I possess, and every faculty of my mind, unre- 
mittingly, perseveringly, perpetually, to restore to Ire- 
land a resident gentry, and a real representation in 


parliament. Protestants and Catholics are equally in- 
terested in having Ireland and Irish interests faithfully 
and effectually represented in parliament. 

I address Protestants equally with Catholics I ad- 
dress the landlords equally with the tenants I address 
the rich as well as the poor. 

If the landlords of Clare wish to preserve their estates 
from the merciless fangs of the English system of poor 
laws if they wish to develope the natural resources of 
their country if they wish to bury in oblivion all 
former feuds and animosities if they wish to render 
their properties more valuable, by the diminution of 
public burdens, the encouragement of domestic manu- 
factures, the advancement of Irish commerce, the in- 
crease of Irish agriculture, the amelioration of the 
social circle, the extension of industry, comfort, arid 
prosperity ; if the landlords of Clare desire all these 
things, they will join in sending me to parliament to 
work for the benefit of our common country. 

If the tenantry desire the repeal of the Sub-letting 
act and of the Vestry bill if they desire to have the 
parish cess lightened, and the grand jury cess abolished 
if they desire to see a domestic provision made for 
the sick and the destitute, and opportunities afforded to 
the strong and the healthy to earn the wages of industry 
if they desire to see Catholic charities established 
and secured if they desire to see the Catholic parochial 
clergy rendered independent and comfortable if they 
desire to see the Catholic monastic orders vindicated 
and protected if they desire to see the Catholic rights 
and liberties prevented from being sapped and under- 


mined by the insidious policy of those men vf\\o, false to 
their own party, can never be true to us; and who have 
yielded, not to reason, but to necessity, in granting 
us freedom of conscience if they desire all this, let them 
do me the honour to elect me. 

If, in fine, the gentry of Clare are desirous to have 
as their representative a man who is able and most de- 
sirous to protect in parliament their properties and per- 
manent interests, let them do me the honour to select 

But let them not lay the flattering unction to their 
souls, that they can, without an independent man of 
business as their representative, postpone the intro- 
duction of the English system of poor laws. 

I implore them to recollect, that the English mem- 
bers of parliament have a direct and personal interest in 
introducing poor laws into Ireland, in order to relieve 
themselves from a portion of the burdens created in 
England by the Irish labourers throwing, by their num- 
bers, and the cheapness with which they work, a large 
portion of English labourers on the English poor rates. 
If I am returned to parliament, it will be my sacred 
duty to arrange the necessary provision for the infirm 
and sick poor in Ireland, in such a manner as to avoid 
the mischiefs of the English system, and to render it not 
only healing in its application to the poor, but advan- 
tageous even to the pecuniary interests of the resident 
proprietors of Ireland. 

Shall I be told that it is impossible now to do all this ? 
My answer is that I was often told that it was impos- 
sible to obtain Catholic emancipation. Every difficulty 

APPENDIX. cccxliii 

creates an impossibility to those who will not struggle 
against it. There is no impossibility to him who, having 
no other object under heaven but the good of his country 
and his kind, is determined, by honest, open, and con- 
stitutional means to achieve the restoration of his native 

Impossible to restore Ireland to that happiness and 
freedom of which she was so foully deprived!!! Im- 
possible ! ! ! I utterly deny it. The spirit of improve- 
ment is abroad. The causes of political regeneration 
are multiplied. The landed aristocracy of England, by 
means of the corn laws, have an undue share of the 
price of the morsel of bread with which the exhausted 
artisan feeds his hungry family whilst that very same 
aristocracy purchase the articles of their own consump- 
tion more cheaply by means of " the free trade" in 
manufactures. The principle of free trade, let me add, 
is one which I cherish ; but that principle, to be just, 
should be universal. It should not operate to the disad- 
vantage of the poor man, by making his bread dear, and 
at the same time operate to the advantage of the rich, 
by giving him cheap foreign manufacture. It ought 
not to make food dear, whilst it made silks cheap. 

The spirit of improvement is abroad and the present 
oligarchical system which produced these mischiefs is 
rocking to its centre. England is interested equally 
with Ireland, more interested than Ireland, in the pros- 
perity of Ireland. Ireland consumes at present but a 
limited portion of British manufactures suppose ten 
millions of pounds' worth per annum (for I have not the 
documents before me showing the precise amount) ; but 


taking it at ten millions at present, it is quite certain 
that it would rise to thirty millions at least that is, to 
three times the present amount by the natural and 
necessary result of Irish prosperity and Irish greatness. 

The coal mines, the iron mines, the salt mines of 
England, give her facilities for manufactures not pos- 
sessed by any other nation on the face of the globe. 
The rich teeming soil of Ireland her ever-verdant 
plains her sunny hills and rich meadows the luxuriant 
limestone districts, and the hardy and steady fertility of 
her gravelly mixture of soil, render her the fit nursing 
mother of her neighbouring artisans and operatives by 
her superabundant supply of food. 

Thus the efficient representation of Ireland, giving 
a natural stimulus to the one country, would be doubly 
beneficial to both, and, in mutual prosperity, would in- 
crease in mutual strength and security. 

I appeal for support to Protestants as well as Catho- 
lics. Protestants as well as Catholics are equally in- 
terested in the prosperity and glory of Ireland. 

In my person the county of Clare has been insulted. 
The brand of degradation has been raised to mark me, 
because the people of Clare fairly selected me. Will 
the people of Clare endure this insult, now that they can 
firmly but constitutionally efface it for ever ? 

My friends, my beloved friends, Protestant and Ca- 
tholic they who put me in nomination at the late elec- 
tion, O'Gorman Mahon, and Thomas Steele, have alsa 
been visited by a similar attempt. People of Clare, 
what are your sentiments towards the persecutors of 
O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele? You are not 


ignorant that they made themselves enemies by the ac- 
tivity, courage, and success, with which, at a critical 
moment, in spite of every obstacle, and of every incite- 
ment, they preserved the peace of your county. You 
know how much bloodshed they prevented. The com- 
mission of the peace was never in the hands of men who 
so sedulously and successfully preserved the peace. 
But it was a crime in the eyes of some of our enemies, 
too great to be forgiven, that the king's peace was pre- 
served. Now, again I repeat the question What are 
your feelings towards the persecutors of O'Gorman 
Mahon and Thomas Steele? Any man who votes against 
me at the ensuing election must be a man who joins 
the enemies of O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele, 
and thinks that these estimable gentlemen ought to be 
visited with a paltry attempt to insult them, merely 
because they preserved the lives of the people, and nobly 
vindicated at the last election the religion and liberties 
of the Catholics of Ireland. 

It has been said that I am a stranger in Clare. Me 
a stranger in any part of Ireland ! Foolish and absurd. 
1 am identified with the people of Clare in every thing 
that can identify man to man. All, however, I can 
claim, is the ratification of the former election. I ask 
only the sympathy of Clare upon this vacancy. I have 
a title to that sympathy by the community of interest 
and of generous feeling and exalted resolves. 

Catholic brothers, respected and esteemed Protest- 
ant friends, I claim your suffrages on this occasion. 

To my Catholic brothers I say, that the protection of 
the rights of the Catholics in parliament, that the esta- 



blishment of Catholic charities and schools, that the 
independent and permanent support of the Catholic 
clergy, that the integrity of the Catholic religious and 
charitable societies, and, in fine, that the vindication of 
the principles and of the genuine purity of calumniated 
Catholic doctrines, require that I should be in parlia- 

To my esteemed and beloved Protestant friends I 
say, that the local interests of your country, the indivi- 
dual interests of your resident gentry and landed pro- 
prietors, the universal interests of Ireland, require that 
I should be in parliament. 

To both Catholic and Protestant friends I would 
recall to mind, that we achieved emancipation in the 
most peaceful, loyal, and constitutional manner. We 
committed no offence, we were guilty of no crime, we 
destroyed no property, we injured no man's person* we 
affected no man's life. The glorious revolution which 
gave us Catholic emancipation was effected without the 
destruction of one particle of any man's property, with- 
out the shedding of one drop of human blood. A sober, 
a moral, and a religious people, cannot continue slaves ; 
they become too powerful for their oppressors ; their 
moral strength exceeds their physical powers ; and their 
progress towards prosperity and liberty is in vain op- 
posed by the Peels and the Wellingtons of society. 
These poor strugglers for ancient abuses yield to a 
necessity which violates no law, and commits no crime ; 
and having once already succeeded by these means, our 
next success is equally certain, if we adopt the same 
virtuous and irresistible means. 


I conclude as I began. Electors of Clare, I have 
been illegally injured, and you have been unworthily 
insulted by that unworthy ministerial dexterity which 
deprived me of my right to represent you in parliament. 
I call upon you to wipe away that injury, to blot out 
that insult, by sending me back to express my senti- 
ments and yours to the men who, in so undignified a 
manner, injured me and insulted you. 

Protestants and Catholics, Friends and Brothers, 
I am your devoted Servant, 


LONDON, May 25, 1829. 





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Wyse, (Sir) Thomas 

Historical sketch of the 
late Catholic Association 
of Ireland