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Full text of "Historic background and annals of the Swiss and German pioneer settlers of southeastern Pennsylvania, and of their remote ancestors, from the middle of the dark ages, down to the time of the revolutionary war; an authentic history, from original sources ... with particular reference to the German-Swiss Mennonites or Anabaptists, the Amish and other nonresistant sects"

UNivERsmy 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
LIBRARIES 




1.11 II. Ill oriier lo avoi 
i by the latest date 



HISTORIC BACKGROUND AND ANNALS 

OF THE 

SWISS AND GERMAN PIONEER SETTLERS OF SOUTH- 
EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA, AND OF THEIR RE- 
MOTE ANCESTORS, FROM THE MIDDLE 
OF THE DARK AGES. DOWN TO 
THE TIME OF THE REVO- 
LUTIONARY WAR 



An Authentic History. From Original Sources, Of Their Suffering 
During Several Centuries Before and Especially During The Two Cen- 
turies Following The Protestant Reformation, And of Their Slow 
Migration, Moved By Those Causes, During the Last Mentioned Two 
Hundred Years, Westward in Quest Of Religious Freedom and Their 
Happy Relief in the Susquehanna and Schuylkill Valleys In the New 
World: With Particular Reference to the German-Swiss Mennonites 
or Anabaptists, The Amish and Other Non-Resistant Sects. 



BY 



H. FRANK ESHLEMAN, B. E., M. E.. LL B. 

Member of the Lancaster Bar; Member of the Lancaster County 
Historical Society; Member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
at Philadelphia; and Member of the Pennsylvania History Club of 
Philadelphia. 

1917 
LANCASTER. PENNA 







of ' 



PREFACE 

Southeastern Pennsylvania, during our colonial period was the prolific 
hive from which the swarms of Swiss and German settlers of America almost 
exclusively came, who, during the latter years of that period and during the 
first several decades of our national existence, migrated westward and 
planted the seed of the Teutonic element of our population in the middle 
west, the southwest, the northwest and the far west, and whose descendants 
in our later decades have sprung from them by millions and have largely 
moulded the character of that vast empire, down to this day. 

The valleys of the Susquehanna and Schuylkill Rivers being thus, the 
mother-land of so powerful and populous an influence, in our state and na- 
tional existence, it was deemed by the compiler a matter of sufficient impor- 
tance, to gather up the historical events in chronological order, leading up to 
the German-Swiss settlement here, from the time of remote ages. It was 
also thought equally important to set out in like chronological form, the first 
six decades or more of the growth and development of those same peoples 
here after their initial settlement about the beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury and to show their wonderful growth in power, in numbers, and their 
vigor in pushing the frontier line of our wealth and settlement westward. 

These Annals record the outlines of a history of religious fervor and of 
tenacity of noble purpose stretching across a thousand years, as glorious as 
anything else that ever happened in the history of the world. As early as 
the year 900, strong men began to stand out as champions of religious lib- 
erty and the simple Gospel, against the great Romish Church, the only Chris- 
tian Church of note then on the earth. They held fast to the faith, through 
fire and against sword. About the year 1150, Peter Waldo renounced the 
Romish Church and led the Evangelical Christians; and by hundreds of thou- 
sands they adhered to him. They held the faith nearly four hundred years 
more and went like lambs to slaughter. Then came the Reformation. Luther, 
Zwingli, Calvin, and Menno Simon, led the movement in the heart of Europe. 

Menno held to the Waldenseon beliefs (and especially to the doctrine of 
non-resistance) and his followers became the prey of the militant faiths both 
Romish and Reformed. But neither fire, nor sword, nor drowning, nor prison, 
nor the galleys could turn them from their conviction; and while Zurich and 
Berne and other cities exterminated, imprisoned and deported them, they 
multiplied; and they were found by thousands everywhere. They obtained 
governmental favor in Holland by the year 1575 and thus they beheld that 
golden glow in the west and gravitated there at the close of nearly 200 years 
of suffering, holding on to their faith in all its simple purity. 

Then they learned of America and in the next half century not less than 
fifty thousand embarked to reach the glorious land of Penn. Nearly twenty 
thousand who thus embarked died at sea; the remainder reached their happy 
goal. 



They filled the valleys of Susquehanna and Schuylkill and of all their 
tributaries. Before the Revolution they flocked down the Shenandoah. They 
soon crossed the Alleghenies and filled the Cumberland. They multiplied and 
drifted into the Ohio Valley and by the beginning of the nineteenth century 
they settled in lower Canada. They opened up the Indiana and Illinois 
region, the Kansas section, the Dakotas and the Northwest. Their descend- 
ing generations in all the vast empire of middle-western and far-western 
America as well as in eastern America, are sons and citizens of power and 
wealth and influence in the forces that are moving and making our great 
nation. Results such as these, make worthy of preservation, the origin and 
early struggles and gradual steps — the long, the arduous and ever conquer- 
ing march — to such a goal. 

H. FRANK ESHLEMAN. 



ANNALS OF THE PIONEER SWISS AND PALATINE 

MENNONITES OF LANCASTER COUNTY. 

AND OTHER EARLY GERMANS OF 

EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 



Introduction and Baokgrouud. 

It is the purpose of the narration 
which shall follow to set out in an 
easy and attractive style, some of the 
leading events in the life of the early 
Swiss and Palatine Mennonites and 
other Germans of eastern Pennsylva- 
nia, and particularly of Lancaster 
County. This is a subject upon which 
much is known traditionally but not 
very much, accurately and authorita- 
tively. 

It is believed that the noble life and 
struggles of these pioneers who were 
the very backbone of early industrial 
Lancaster County and of other eastern 
Pennsylvania sections, should be pub- 
liclj' and familiarly known. And we 
feel that if they are truly known, a 
character will be shown to the public 
in every way the equal of that of the 
Puritans down east, upon whose early 
noble acts and life all generations of 
America have been taught to look 
with awe and reverence, as if all the 
good that was ever done for America 
in primitive days was done by those 
godly New Englanders. This, of 
course, is not the fact. It may be very 
truthfully said that the pioneer Swiss, 
and Germans and kindred nationali- 
ties who originally settled certain 
large portions of eastern Pennsylva- 
nia, have done as much for America 
and have lived as nobly, and have up- 
held the pure religion and gospel, of 
our nation as faithfully as the "witch- 
burning" Puritans ever did. 



These Swiss and Germans of whom 
I shall write labored under many 
problems and difficulties, which our 
people of today will find it hard to 
believe. They were foreigners and held 
in disfavor for a time by the English 
government of this province, though 
Penn gave them a special invitation 
to come and settle here. They were 
looked upon with jealousy by other 
people settled among them because, 
these Swiss and Germans, early in 
the country districts at least, began 
making money and progress by their 
thrift, etc. 

It is not our purpose to give a com- 
plete history of these peoples; but 
rather only a series of "Annals" de- 
picting the most striking events of 
their life and progress here. 

In order to understand fully the 
life, feeling and ideals of these 
peoples it will be necessary to go 
back many hundred years and supply 
the European historical background, 
and trace up the long train of relig- 
ious causes which brought them to 
Pennsylvania. This foundation or 
early history of their troubles, etc., 
will be necessarily quite lengthy and 
go back to the time of Caesar. But in- 
asmuch as familiar Lancaster County 
and other eastern Pennsylvania 
names will continually appear in it, 
we hope that it will not become tire- 
some. 



THE EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 



The European Background — The 

Causes Wliicli Forced the Swiss 

Into Pennsjivauia. 

Switzerland has passed through 
centuries of bloodshed, civil convul- 
sion, war and religious persecution. 
Before Christ, Caesar fought the Hel- 
vetian War, partly on its soil. The 
objects were conquest and empire. 
The Romans held it four centuries; 
then the Allemani, in the German in- 
vasion, took possession; and in turn 
the Franks overthrew the Allemani, 
and the Burgundians. The Franks 
started a new civilization under 
Christianity, (Lippincott Gaz.). Perse- 
cutions against the Christians first 
reached Northern Italy and the bor- 
ders of Sv/itzerland and Germany about 
the year 600 A. D. Up to this time 
the fiercest persecution in other parts 
of Europe was that by the heathen 
Longabards upon the Christians for 
their refusal to honor idols, (Martyrs' 
Mirror, Elkart Edition of 1886, p. 
210). But the Roman Church now 
began the same, and punished Bishop 
Adrian in 606 as a criminal for refus- 
ing to baptize infants, (Do.). About 
850 there was a butchery of non-con- 
formant Christians by the Franks, 
(Do., p. 233). At the opening of the 
10th century persecutions were still 
raging in different parts of Europe 
on the question of baptism, of which 
the learned Giselbert writes, (Do., p. 
245). But most of the religious per- 
secutions during this century were 
those inflicted by Pagans upon Chris- 
tians generally, all along the Medi- 
terranean coast, (Do.). In 926 King 
Worm of Denmark persecuted the 
non-resisting Christians in and sur- 
r^ounding Denmark, (Do., p. 246). By 
950 the current which the Danish King 
started reached Slavonia, whose un- 
godly tyrant King persecuted de- 
fenseless Christians there; and by the 
end of the century religious war was 
in progress by the Vandals, against 



the non-combatant Christians of 
Hamburg, Brandenburg and other 
parts of Germany. And, indeed, in 
Altenburg, Switzerland, he directed 
his fury against all Christians, but 
chiefl}^ against Romanists. Then in 
991 the Pagan Danish hordes again 
poured into Germany and vexed the 
Christians during 40 years there, (Do., 
p. 249). 

In the 11th century the question of 
infant baptism and transubstantiation 
gave rise to furious persecution by 
the main Christian Church upon the 
separatists who refused to adhere to 
either of those doctrines. Many of 
these separatists were convicted of 
heresy and executed, (Do., p. 255). 
The Berengarians of Netherlands and 
Germany suffered in this persecution, 
(Do., p. 260). By the middle of this 
century the Holy Roman (German) 
Empire controlled Switzerland, (Lip- 
pincott) . 

1009 — Earliest Authentic Appearance 
of the Herrs. 

In the year 1009 we find the first 
trace in Switzerland, of any name 
common among us today in Lancas- 
ter county and Eastern Pennsylvania. 
It is one of the two most prominent 
and numerous names of the county — 
Herr. Miller is the other. The county 
directory shows us indeed that there 
are nearly twice as many Millers as 
Herrs in the county today. 

In the year just stated the Herrs 
appear in Northern Switzerland, in 
the person of the Swabish Knight 
Hugo, the Herr or Lord of Bilried, 
(Vien in Herr Genealogy, p. 1). The 
race anciently lived in Swabia says 
the same author. Swabia was one 
of the districts into which Maximilian 
II divided ancient Germany, then in- 
cluding Switzerland. Prof. Rhoddy 
tells us that Swabia included near- 
ly the whole of Northern Switzerland, 
and a large tract of Germany east of 
the Rhine, at one time called Aleman- 



ORIGIN OF THE WALDEXSES 



ia. Therefore the foundation of 
Lancaster county, was not only Swiss 
in 1710; but the pioneers in 1710 were 
descendants of a Swiss stock during 
a i)rior period of over seven hundred 
years. 

JOoO— The Great Eby or Eaby Family 

^loTed to Switzerland. 

We will not vouch for the truth of 
the statement announced in the title 
to this paragraph. Ezra E. Eby late 
of Berlin, Ontario, author of the "Eby 
Family" states that the Ebys lived in 
Italy known as the Ebees and were 
heathen until the Waldenses in the 
12th century or later brought them 
into Christianity. The Ebys were sup- 
posed to have come into Switzerland 
during the 11th century. 

1050— The Reformed Spirit in the 
Romau Clnirch. 

Miiller, page 57, recites a letter 
from the Papal legate Peter Damian 
to Adelaide Susa showing that the 
Reformed Spirit existed in the Church 
of Rome from 1050 at least. And it 
is added that the old Evangelical con- 
gregations to whom the Waldenses 
belonged existed from time immemor- 
ial. The diocese where the Wal- 
denses lived maintained its independ- 
ence of the Church of Rome until the 
12th century says Miiller. And as 
early as this time began the majrriage 
and expulsion of priests. In this re- 
sistence against Rome Bishop Clau- 
dius of Turrene distinguished himself 
earlier than all others from 815 to 
835 — a true reformer says Miiller, 
(Ernst Miiller's Geschichte der Bern- 
ischen Taiifer, p. 57). 

1160— Origin of the ^Valdeuses. 

In the middle of the 12th century 
at Utrecht and other places they were 
burning the Berengarians alive, (Do. 
M. Mirror, p. 281). About 1159 those 
who opposed the doctrines of the Holy 
Charch which we have mentioned, be- 
gan to have strong and able suporters 



in deposed Roman bishops and others. 
One of these was Peter Waldo of 
Lyons, who separated in 1160, (Do., 
p. 265). His adherents were first nu- 
merous in the province of Albi, (Do., 
p. 2G6). They were called Lyonites, 
Albigenes and finally nearly all Wal- 
denses. They spread into every prov- 
ince and were objects of persecution 
during four centuries and more. The 
Roman Church began to call them 
Anabaptists, (Do., p. 267); and by 
that name their descendants in faith 
were called down to 1710 at least, as 
we shall show later. Their doctrine 
w'as essentially the same as that of 
the pioneers who in 1710 first settled 
Lancaster county. Their creed con- 
tained the following principles among 
others — opposition to infant baptism 
— to transubstantiation — to war — to 
participation in government — to oaths, 
etc., (Do., pp. 265-277). They early 
reached Northern Italy and the bor- 
der of Switzerland, (Do., p. 279). 

1150 to 1200— Troubles of >ou-Ke- 

sislants In Latter Half of the 

12th Century. 

In 1161, in the eighth year of 
Henry II, about 30 German men and 
w^omen sailed over to England to es- 
cape Papal tortures. They were Ber- 
engarians or Lyonites and separated 
because of their views on infant bap- 
tism, etc. They were illiterate and 
led by a German of some learning 
called Gerard. They were appre- 
hended in England. (M. Mirror, p. 
283). Abram Millinus shows that 
their doctrine w^as similar to the 
Mennonite tenets of faith. They were 
scourged and banished and allowed 
to freeze to death. In 1163 six Wald- 
enses were discovered in a barn near 
Cologne, in Prussia and were burned 
to death, (Do., p. 284). 

Ernst Miiller tells us (p. 64) that 
the Abbe of Steinfelden named Ever- 
vin wrote in 1164 to the Holy Bernard 



GROWTH AND SLAUGHTER OP WALDENSEANS 



that an untold number are every- 
where prepared to oppose priests and 
monks in their midst, and that this 
heresy has grown secretly ever since 
the time of the martyrs. 

In 1191 the City Basle, Switzerland, 
was founded. It has today a popula- 
tion of 70,000 and was the scene of a 
like persecution and refuge. 

During all this time the Waldesean 
doctrine was spreading rapidly. And 
by 1199 one of their enemies said a 
thousand cities were filled with 
them. They filled Southwestern Eu- 
rope, England, Germany, Hungary 
and Northern Italy, (Do., p. 279), Ja- 
cob Mehring says these people who 
.did not believe in infant baptism, 
transubstantiation, force, war o r 
political affairs were contemptuously 
called Anabaptists, Waldenses, Ber- 
engarians, Mennonites, etc., by the 
papists, Lutherans and Calvanists 
(Do., p. 267). As far as the German, 
Swiss and Dutch are concerned the 
12th century closed with the expul- 
sion of many of these Waldesean 
Christians from Metz and the burn- i 
ing of their books, which books they ! 
had translated from the Latin into 
their native language. 

1201 to ISOO— The Tliirteenth Century 
Religious Struggles 

As far as religious persecution in 
this century affects the Dutch, Ger- 
mans and Swiss we may notice that 
persecution about 1212 began to rage 
in Holland, (Do. p. 298) ; and at that 
time 108 Waldenses were burned to 
death in Strasburg, Germany; 39 at 
Bingen and IS at Metz, (Do.). In 
1214 Conrad of Marpurg was ap- 
pointed by Pope Innocent III, the 
grand inquisitor of Germany to exter- 
minate all who had strayed from the j 
Roman faith. In 19 years he killed 
hundreds. He gave them red hot ! 
irons to hold and destroyed all who 
were burnt by it as heretics. They 



were burned to death. Another test 
was that of cold water, the accused 
being thrown into a canal and if they 
sank in it they were heretics, but if 
they floated they were not. 

By 1203 these Waldenses or Anabap- 
tists had the Holy Scriptures trans- 
lated into their own language, (Miil- 
ler, p. 59) ; and they did not practice 
any other doctrine. The parts of the 
Bible most carefully followed by 
them were the commandments and 
the sermon on the Mount. 

Miiller tells us that in 1212 in and 
about Strasburg, Germany there were 
more than 500 of these Waldenses 
(the parent faith of the Mennonites) 
and that they were made up of Swiss, 
Italians, Germans and Bohemians; 
and that in the early part of this cen- 
tury they had spread far and wide, (p. 
64.) And about 1215, there were 
80 more of them burned at Strasburg 
and more in other parts of Germany, 
(M. Mirror, pp. 300 and 304). And in 
1231 throughout Germany many more 
of these Anabaptists — Waldenseans 
suffered martyrdom, (Do., p. 300). By 
1250 there was scarcely a land where' 
the Waldensean sect had not found its 
way ; and everywhere, where they ex- 
isted they were known by their plain 
dress, moral life, their temperate liv- 
ing and their refusal to take part in 
government and oaths, (says Miiller, 
p. 58). 

In the year 1277 in Berne, (Miiller, 
p. 64) the opponents of the Catholics 
from Schwarzenburg through the 
Bishop of Lousanne in Switzerland 
were brought before the Dominican 
Humbert and the 'inquisition plied 
against them; whereupon many of 
them were burned. 

This shows how the Anabaptists — 
Waldenseans, as they were called, 
(the parent Church of the Mennonites) 
grew through the 13th century and 
how they were persecuted and tor- 
tured throughout that century in Ger- 
many, Switzerland and elsewhere. 



MENNINITES, DESCENDANTS OF WALDEXSEANS 



Bracht says that about 1305, the 
light of the evangelical doctrine be- 
gan to arise on the Alps, through a 
pious man and his wife who had ac- 
cepted the Waldensean faith. Many 
followed his teaching but in 1308 he 
and his wife were torn limb from 
limb and 110 of his followers burnt 
alive (M. Mirror, p. 317). Throughout 
Austria also the persecution raged. 

In 1315 a Waldensean teacher call- 
ed Lolhard at his trial in Austria 
said he could find 80,000 persons who 
believed in his religion (Do., 318). 

In 1330 we find that a man named 
Eckart or Eckert (who formerly had 
been a Dominican monk and had left 
the papists, because he became a 
non-resistant and opposed the doc- 
trine of infant baptism and transub- 
statiation) was publicly burned in 
Germany for those reasons and be- 
cause he embraced the whole doctrine 
of the Waldenses; and also many 
more were likewise tortured for sim- 
ilar doctrines in Bohemia and Poland, 
(Do., p. 319). This Eckert may have 
been an ancestral connection of the 
widely known Eckert family of Lan- 
caster county. 

In the year 1340 among the Martyrs, 
appears a name, now well known in 
Lancaster county, — Hager. This year 
Conrad Hager was martyred for hav- 
ing taught for 24 years the Walden- 
sean faith. Many had followed his 
teaching, (Do.). 

Ten years later .John de Landuno of 
Ghent, a highly learned man broke 
away from the reigning church and 
embraced Anabaptism and was tor- 
tured, (Do.). "Landuno" may have 
been the Dutch form of "Landis". 

Now about this time (1350) says 
Cassel, p. 378 the Keiser of Bavaria 
interposed and compelled the princi- 
pal papal church in his dominions to 
cease its persecution upon the de- 
fenseless separatists. 



In 1360 the name .lohn de Rupe 
(Scissa) appears among the Martyrs. 
Three years later he was burned at 
Avignon, (Martyr's Mirror I. 

In 1374 a separatist named Loffler 
from Bremgarden was burnt on ac- 
count of his belief in oi)i)osition to 
the established church — for being a 
free spirit says :\Iuller, (page 64). 

During the last decade of this cen- 
tury the torch of persecution was 
flaming against the Anabai)tists — the 
Waldensean lambs — called hereitcs by 
the church of Rome, in Germany and 
Switzerland particularly. 

From the year 1382 to the year 
1393 Muller tells us (p. 64) that by 
order of Pope Clement VII the Min- 
orite Franz Borell burned about a 
hundred of these Waldenses, or ante- 
cedents of the Mennonites round 
about Lake Geneva in Switzerland on 
account of their religion, the papal 
church declaring them heretics 
worthy of death. 

In 1390 not less than 36 persons 
called Waldenses were burnt for 
their faith at Bingen on the Rhine, 
Germany. These martyrs were all 
citizens of Mentz, (M. Mirror, p. 320). 
Almost the same time on the borders 
of the Baltic sea 400 were destroyed. 

Ernst Miiller also tells us that in 
the old books the doctrines of the 
Waldenses are set out, as those doc- 
trines were in the 12th century, and 
there can be no doubt that these Ana- 
baptists that the church of Rome call- 
ed heretics in the 14th century are 
the same in religious principle as the 
early Waldenses. He says those per- 
secuted at Bern and Freyburg 
(Switzerland) had exactly the same 
religious belief of those who were 
tortured in 1398. 

Thus we show that during the 14th 
century the persecutions against the 
separatists were very largely carried 
on in the heart of Europe to which 
places it spread northward from 
Rome. It crossed the Alps into Ger- 



6 



PERSECUTIONS OF THE 15TH CENTURY 



many, Switzerland and Austria. Those 
who most fiercely felt its fire were, as 
in the previous century, the non-re- 
sistants or Anabaptists as they were 
called, the successors in faith of the 
old Waldenses, and the antecedents of 
the Mennonites. 

Persecution of the Non - Resistant 

Cliristians iu the Fifteenth 

Century 

The Beghienen in 1403 through the 
Dominican, Maulberger of Basel were 
the instigators of the expulsion of de- 
fenseless Christians from Berne, but 
they staid in Switzerland until the re- 
formation, (Miiller, 65). 

It was contended that .John Wick- 
liffe embraced a part of the Wald- 
ensean doctrine and that John Huss 
became a disciple and believer in the 
Wickliffe teachings (M. Mirror, po- 
323-24). In 1415 John Huss having 
examined and studied Wickliffe's 
book against the papal tenets and es- 
pecially against war, oaths and infant 
baptism accepted nearly all of these 
Wickliffe teachings or principles 
(Do.). 

John Huss gained many of the 
Waldenses in Bohemia, when he be- 
gan to preach. For want of a leader 
they had greatly diminished in the 
last 30 years; but he revived trem. 
Both Huss and Jerome were burned 
on the shores of Lake Constance, 
part of the Northeastern boundary of 
Switzerland, by the Roman Church. 
Then the Hussites began a war on 
the German electors and after the war 
having largely given up the mild 
Waldesean faith went back to the 
Church of Rome again. But they 
turned again from them and became 
the Grubenheimers or cave-dwellers. 

In the Freyburg district (Switzer- 
land) in 1429 Haris Michel of Wallace 
and Anna Grause from Erlaugh were 
burned, and the following year Peter 
Seager too, (Miiller, p. 64). 



Through imprisonment and torture 
during the early part of this century 
the congregations of Waldenses of 
Freyburg were entirely destroyed. 
Through this destruction it was found 
out that Swartzenberg was full of 
Waldenses too; and that the Frey- 
burg brethren had commiinication 
with Zolathurn in Switzerland and in 
Germany and Bohemia, (Miiller, p. 
64). 

In the year 1430 several Walden- 
sean teachers from Germany came to 
Freyburg and settled there to counsel 
and strengthen the congregations, 
(Do., p. 65). 

The benevolent converts of Beghar- 
den and Beghinen, says a papal au- 
thority were nurseries of Waldensean 
heretics and were polluted with Wald- 
ensean proceedings. The Zurich of- 
ficer or chief police Felix Hammerlin 
wrote in 1440 a pamphlet opposing 
these "heretics" as he called them, 
and in it he tells of the great growth 
and spread of them up to that . time. 
He says every year they came from 
Bohemia and preached in Switzerland 
and Germany, which induced a great 
number of people to accept their be- 
lief, in the cities of Bern, Zolathurn 
and many Swiss villages, (Miiller, p. 
65). About this time there were per- 
secutions in Basle, Switzerland, and 
the so-called "heretics" burned, (M. 
Mirror, p. 335). 

In the course of this narration of 
the sufferings of our early Swiss and 
German non-resistant ancestors, we 
now meet a name \ery familiar and 
very famous in our country,— the 
name Herr. Mr. Jacob Schnebeli of 
Obfelden, Switzerland, a historian of 
note there informs me that in 1440 
Hansley Herr was one of the brave 
garrison of Greifensee, Canton of 
Zurich, of 60 men, in the "Old Zu- 
rich War," who under Wildhans von 
Breitenlandenburg, defended the cas- 
tle; and after the fall of the Castle 
wag beheaded. May 27, 1444. Hansley 



HORRIBLE SLAUGHTER OF WALDENSEANS 



Herr was from Hagnau, Switzerland, ' 
near Uster. Thus while the Herrs 
are now non-resistant, some of them, 
at least, did not become Anabaptists 
or Waldenseans before 1450. But 
later they did largely become Walden- 



early Moravians believed in the same 
faith.) They did not pay their 
preachers a salary but depended on 
hospitality. Their apostles or travel- 
ing preachers went throughout all the 
countries to Moscow, Asia Minor and 



seans and eventually Mennonites; and i Egypt. Their Bohemian teachers came 



a tradition in their own family is to ; 
the effect that, the broken spears 
which are a part of their coat of 
arms indicate that they denounced 
Knighthood and w^ar and became non- 
resistant Christians. 

Mr. Schnebeli wrote me also that 
the names of Christian and Hans 
Herr (now so familiar in our Coun- 
ty) were found in 1450 in the Canton 
of Glarus, Switzerland; and that an 
early branch of the Herr family was 
settled in the upper part of the Can- 
ton of Zurich (Southeast) called Zu- 
richer Oberland in very early times. 
The Tchudi and other familiar Lan- 
caster county families came from 
Glarus. 

In 1453 says the author of the "Eby 
Family" the whole valley of the Lu- 
zerne in Switzerland was put under 



an edict against the 
the Church of Rome. 



Waldenses by 



Persecutions of the Xon-Resistant 
Cliristiaus in the Fifteenth Century. 

The next prominent persecution re- 
corded by history against the non- 
resisting Waldenses is that which oc- 
curred in 1457 at Eichstadt, in Ger- 
many, (M. Mirror, p. 335). 

In a convention in Sholka in 1467 
the leader of the Bohemian brethren 
in the presence of the German 
Waldenses was consecrated through a 
Ro.nan Waldensean priest, from the 
first church, (Miiller, p. 65). 

Showing that the doctrine of the 
Waldenses in every country where 
they existed was the same at all times 
as that which early in the 16th cen- 
tury they handed down to the Menno- 
nites, I relate that infant baptism 
was rejected by the brethren of Bohe- 
mia and Moravia. (Thus also the 



on to Switzerland in 1474, (See Mul- 
ler, p. 56). Bohemia as we all know 
is part of the Austria Hungarian Mon- 
archy and lies northeast of Switzer- 
land, being sejiarated from it by the 
province of Bavaria, part of the Ger- 
man Empii-e. Thus in our Mennonite 
researches it is interesting to notice 
that not only from Italy on the south 
but from Bohemia on the east, the 
Waldensean faith came into Switzer- 
land — one of the ancient homes of the 
Mennonites. In Bohemia too during 
this century the persecutions raged. 
The Spanish inquisition plied its fear- 
ful and horrible butcheries at this 
time, (M. Mirror, p. 336). In Ger- 
many also there were tortures and 
.John of Wesel who was teaching the 
Waldensean faith at Worms was 
burned, (Do.). 

The Waldenses who lived in the 
Catholic Bishopic of Basil where they 
began to be numerous about 14S7 were 
one of the most zealous congregations 
in all Switzerland, and the authorities 
'] of the papal church were at their 
wits' end to know how to suppress 
them. As we shall show later the 
authorities of Basil and Berne in the 
16th century held a convention to de- 
vise some plan to get rid of as they 
called them "these unchristian and 
damned heretics". (Muller, p. 235). 
! In 1487 came Pope Innocent's 
measures to exterminate the Walden- 
seans says the author of the "Eby 
Family", (Eby). This bill of the Pope 
w^as dated April 25 and in it he asked 
the whole confederation or league of 
Papal churches to help wipe the 
Waldenseans from the earth; and he 
also sent his legates and other mili- 
tary officers under Albrecht of Capi- 



8 



SIXTEENTH CENTURY PERSECUTIONS 



taneis to Wallace for this purpose, 
(Miiller, p. 65). 

In 1498 says Miiller. p. 65, a Bo- 
hemian deputation of the Waldenseans 
were present in Upper Italy as spec- 
tators, when Savanarola was burned 
for his faith in the mild doctrine. In 
this year under Pope Alexander VI 
this faithful and powerful Christian 
was strangled to death and then 
burned to ashes. He helped to pre- 
serve in large part the faith which the 
Waldenses kept inviolate and handed 
down to the Mennonites, who in the 
next century gladly received it. 

And thus ended the 15th century 
amid blood and martyrdom. Those 
who first about the year 850 in a 
weak way announced their dissent 
from the Church of Rome, and their 
approval of what they understood to 
be the plain simple teachings of the 
Savior, found themselves greatly 
strengthened about 1175 by the sect of 
the Waldenseans. These spread 

throughout Southern and Central 
Europe in swarms and through fire 
and the sword and all manner of per- 
secution and death turned upon them, 
defended the doctrine until the end of 
the 15th century and into the 16th, 
when about 1527 the new sect of the 
Mennonites accepted the same from 
the old Waldenseans, and also de- 
fended it and died for it as we shall 
see through two full centuries and 
more, in face of both Catholic and Re- 
formed tortures against them; and 
finally taking it to Holland and the 
Palatinate for safety, handed it down 
in all its purity to the new world in 
the beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. 

Before we can describe the events 
of that happy latter century, the blood 
and the turmoil, and torture and 
martyr-death of the 16th and the 17th 
centuries lie before us, which we must 
next proceed to narrate. 



PEKSECUTIOjNS in the 16TH CEJf- 
TURY OF PENNSYLVANIA'S 
EUROPEAN ANTE- 
CEDENTS 

1500 — Meniio Simon 

This century begins with the in- 
fanthood of a notable character in 
religious history, — Menno Simon, 
founder of the Mennonites. He tells 
us he was born in 1496 in Witmarsum, 
Friedland, in Holland. See his story 
of his conversion in Punk's "Com- 
plete Works" of Menno Simon (Elk- 
hart, 1871) page 3. He says, "In the 
year 1524, then in my 28th year, I un- 
dertook the duties of a priest, etc." 
Rupp, (p. 84) therefore mistakably 
fixes his birth in 1505. Thus the 
Mennonite faith dates back nearly to 
the discovery of America. Indeed, as 
we have shown before, it is several 
hundred years older than that, as 
without much modification it was and 
is a continuation of the Waldensean 
doctrine, beginning at least as early 
as 1170. The coming of Menno Si- 
mon simply changed the name of one 
branch of the Waldensean sect; and 
gave new strength and vigor to its 
i believers. 

1507 — Noil- Resisting Waldenseans 

Persecuted in Hungary. 

As we shall show in a later item, 
both Holland and Hungary were ripe 
at this time for the leadership of 
Menno Simon as the faith which he 
espoused when he came to mature 
manhood (the Mennonite Faith) was 
already strong in these places. Other 
places had their leaders, viz: — Ger- 
many had Luther in 1517 and Switzer- 
and had Zwingli about the same date. 
But Hungary and Holland including 
Moravia, etc., had to wait for Menno 
Simon about 1525. We shall give more 
of this later. In 1507 the Waldenses 
of Hungary and Moravia delivered a 
defense of their faith against certain 
unfounded accusations, because of 
which they were persecuted. This de- 



MENXOXITES AND REFORMERS CO-EX I STENT 



fense they made to the king of Bo- 
hemia, (M. Mirror, p. 397). 

1509 — Ilolluud 3Ieiiiiouites Flee to 

Geriuany. 

The Congregation of Mennonites at 
Leer, a Prussian town on the Leeda 
river, at the beginning of this century 
was Flemish, that is, they were not 
native Germans, but came from Flan- 
ders, which in these early days in- 
cluded parts of Holland, Belgium and 
France. Thus the earliest centers of 
distinctively Mennonite failh were 
Holland and adjacent places, and 
Hungary. In 1009 they had ap- 
proached East Friedland, in Holland 
and were settled there. One of them 
suffered the death of a Martyr this 
same year at Holstein. Persecutions 
at once were begun against them by 
the Roman Church and the Govern- 
ment in Flanders, and they fled to 
Germany and particularly to Cologne, 
(See A. Brons, Annabaptists or Men- 
nonites of Europe, page 245 — a Ger- 
man work published in Norden). 

1510 — JleuuouUes and "Ileformatiou" 
Growing Up Together 

From the convent of Trub in Bo- 
hemia the reformation was promoted 
early. The Abbott, Thuring Rust of 
Wahlhusen, famous until 1510 as Vi- 
car in Lauperswyl (Austria) felt him- 
self possessed of the new faith. He 
resigned the dignity of Abbott and 
went out to the little valley of the 
"^rub Mountains, and married and 
s, pported himself and his wife by 
m; king shingles, and carried on the 
Retormation in the Valley, (Miiller, 
p. 22}. He left the Church of Rome, 
which forbade him as an Abbot from 
marrying and became a "Reforma- 
tionist." 

We cite this passage from Miiller to 
show that the various branches of the 
Protestant Church, especially the 
Mennonites, Reformed, Lutheran and 
Moravian branches grew out of the 
same causes — the abuses and degen- 



eracy of the Church of Rome. Differ- 
ent leaders took hold of it in differ- 
ent places in Central Europe about 
the same time. They all suffered 
persecution from the Established 
I Church and State; but some defended 
' by war while others did not resist. 
I This difference in the manner of 
I meeting persecution in the course of 
I one hundred years or more caused a 
wide difference between these 
branches of the great body of Re- 
formers and with differences of view 
on the subject of baptism and other 
questions gave rise to a new perse- 
cution by one branch of the new faith 
against another and thus we later 
find the Reformed and Lutherans, 
persecuting and destroying the Men- 
nonites, more severely than Rome 
ever did. 



1510 — Conditions Whicli MoAcd 
thor and Zwinirli. 



Lii. 



Brons tells us (p. I'i) that as Lu- 
ther when he went in 1510 to Rome 
became acquainted with the corrui)- 
tion of the heads of the establish- 
ed church, so also Zwingli had his 
eyes opened as Chaplain among the 
soldiers of the Romish army in 
Switzerland ; and from being a 
staunch defender of that faith he 
turned aside to find purity; and this 
helped to prepare him to join with 
zeal and go into the cause, which the 
j old Waldenses started and which Lu- 
i therans. Reformed and Mennonites 
were now carrying on. He and Lu- 
j ther differed widely on the question 
\ of the sacrament and their follow-ers 
differ today on the same point. 

1515— The First Fierce Effort to De- 
stroy the Holland Mennonites. 

time the Bishop of Ut- 
thirty-five towns in Hol- 

burned, to purge the 
Country of the Waldensean descen- 
dants (who a few years later were 
called Mennonites). This was the 
condition under papal power. While 



About this 
recht caused 
land to be 



10 



WICKED CONDITION OF ZURICH 



it may astound us to learn that a 
Bishop could do this, we must not for- 
get that such was the power of the 
State Church, that almost anything it 
asked of the civil rulers, those rulers 
gave the Church power to carry out. 
About the same time came floods and 
conflagration and famine; and the 
people believing that this was a pun- 
ishment on them for leaving the 
Romish church, again went back to 
it for consolation; but they found no 
consolation. Instead they found con- 
tinual demands for heavy p a y- 
ments of money to pay for spiritual 
benefits as they were called. No 
wonder says Brons, (p. 397) the 
people lost faith in the church and 
lifted their hearts and minds to 
Heaven. Thus suffered these Wald- 
ensean parents of the Mennonites in 
Holland in the beginnig of the 16th 
century. 

1515— Zwingli Still Adheres to Ro- 

niisli CLurch— Not Friendly to 

the Mennonites. 

In 1515 Zwingli a second time went 
with the banner of the Canton of 
Glarus as chaplain to Italy. The Swiss 
troops were to drive out the French 
who had made a stand at Milan. But 
here bribed by French gold, they 
made a disgraceful treaty with the 
French. Zwingli now preached with 
wrath against this bribery and want 
of fidelity to Keiser and Pope and the 
honor of Switzerland, (Brons, p. 13). 

We jot down this item simply be- 
cause it gives us a view of the atti- 
tude of Switzerland and particularly 
of the Canton or State of Glarus at 
this time. We remember that Glarus 
was the ancient home of a branch of 
the Herrs. The Reformer Zwingli, 
who later found many of the same 
faults with the Church of Rome as 
did the Mennonites had not yet re- 
nounced papacy, though as we no- 
ticed in a former article, he denounc 
ed many of its doings. 



1516 — Zwingli Begins Approving the 

Waldensean Faith. 

Zwingli now accepted a position as 
preacher in the Abbey of Maria Ein- 
sielden, and he found rest though 
still a Catholic. He now began to 
preach to the pilgrims who came for 
forgiveness of sins. He told them 
they must not rely on indulgences 
and that all outward service is in 
vain — -that the picture of Mary has 
no power — and no priest could for- 
give sins. Many a seed corn did the 
pilgrims carry away with them from 
his speeches, (Do.) 

Then too, Erasmus from Rotterdam 
published a Greek new testament for 
the priests as the language of the 
priests was in Greek. 

1518— Wicked Condition of Ziiricli. 

In 1518 Zwingli accepted a call as 
secular priest in Zurich. There were 
there delegates and foreign powers 
and Swiss soldiers to be enlisted. 
Money fiowed in streams to Zurich. 
Zwingli saw here that there was great 
looseness of morals — great joy, delight 
and pasttimes. Gentlemen and boys 
took to drink, gambling and courting. 
Some of the first families took the 
lead in this abandon. Zwingli saw 
that the heads of the Church made 
sport of the commandment to fast and 
on Palm Sunday they made pig 
roasts. These things influenced 
Zwingli. He says on these festive days 
the people played, fought, gambled 
drank and committed mortal sins. 
one mended shoes during this h ly 
season, he was called a heretic; out 
not if he did these things. For all 
this he says the State Church was the 
fault. 

We insert this item simply to show 
the condition of Zurich at this time 
just about the time the Mennonites 
began to grow in this sink of iniquity, 
where religious degeneracy was rank 
and the government winked at it. 



NENNONITES IN BOHEMIA AND HOLLAND 



11 



1519 — Swiss Governineiit Frowns on 

the Kisinf? Ueforiiicd Jind Menno- 

uite Boctriue. 

Egli in his Ziiricher Wiedertauffer 
Zur Reformationszeit, a German work 
published in Zurich, he says, (p. 7), 
that it has been said when Zwingli 
came to Zurich in 1519 to preach the 
new doctrine the Government powers 
were in his favor — blamed the wick- 
edness of the place on the Roman 
Church and wanted to get rid of it. 
But he says it would be wrong to say 
the heads of the State were with him, 
for the Council of that day were anx- 
iously working against his novelties. 
And he says the Council forbade at- 
tacks upon the Romish doctrine. 

This is added here only to show the 
difficulties the Reformed Christian 
thought, of which the Mennonite was 
one phase, had to encounter at all 
times in the places of its origin. 

1519 — Meuuonite Faith in Bohemia. 

In 1519 John Schlechta of Gostelek 
had written to Erasmus, conceriiing 
the Bohemian brethren, (Moravians). 
He was told that they choose out of 
the laity and not the learned Greek 
bishops and priests to teach them. 
Their ministers married and had 
wives and children — they called them- 
selves brethren and sisters and recog- 
nized only the Old and New Testa- 
ments as sacred, despising all other 
teachers. Those who joined the sect 
were obliged to submit to baptisms 
with ordinary water, (not Holy 
Water). They regarded the sacra- 
ment as a memorial of the sufferings 
of Christ. They regarded petitions to 
priests, pennances, auricular confes- 
sions as out of place. They kept Sun- 
day. Christmas, Easter, etc., (Miiller, 
p. 56). 

These people we see were Walden- 
seans of Bohemia, a species of Men- 
nonites in early times, afterwards 
Moravians. 



Who were the Weldenseans asks. 
MuUer? Then he says, "The Cathulic 
Church called the Weldenseans the 
old Evangelicals, who gradually gath- 
ered in the valleys of the Piedmont 
and around Mt. Visa, on the borders 
of France." By the same name the 
Catholic Church called all the Evan- 
gelicals of Germany and Switzerland, 
who like the Piedmont brethren be- 
fore the reformation adhered to the 
old Evangelical principles in opposi- 
tion to the Romish Church, (.Miiller. 
p. 56). They stretched from Southern 
France and Bohemia and Northward 
and Southward across the Alps. 

1520— lleunonite Faith in Holland. 

, Says Miiller, (p. 159) the Dutch 
i Baptists (or Menuonites) derived 
their origin from the Waldenses who 
lived there. He also calls our atten- 
I tions to a letter spoken of by Brons 
I from the Swiss Baptists (or Menno- 
inites) in 1522. This shows the con- 
{nection of Swiss and Holland Menno- 
! nites very early. 

I Other authorities relied on by Mul- 
; ler prove that from 1520 to 30 Swiss 
refugees were already present in 
[Amsterdam, Holland with their Men- 
'nonite brethren. The Reformation 
movement in the Netherdands from 
the beginning had all the marks of 
being led off by these Baptists or 
Mennonites, says Miiller (Do.). Menno 
j Simon a little later became the leader 
through his serious reflection upon 
the execution of Sicke Schneider, who 
was thus executed because he was 
re-baptized, deeming his infant bap- 
tism in the Roman Church of no 
I avail. 

1521 — Decree Against Mtnnoniti's 

j Zwinfflians and Lutlierans. 

This year, under permission ofl^m- 

^ peror Charles V of Germany, a decree 

was issued forbidding anyone to read, 

buy, carry, give or have possession of 

any book containing the doctrines of 

■ the Mennonites, Zwinglians or Lu- 



12 



EARLY MENNONITE HOLD IN BERNE 



therans. This decree was not made by 
the State; but by the mothei- Church, 
yet tolerated by the State. An old 
writer calls it, "the first prohibition 
or decree concerning religion and 
brought into the Netherlands without 
the consent of the State — rather toler- 
ated than confirmed by the State". 
The reason for this decree is explain- 
ed by Brons, (p. 57). Congregations of 
the mother church were fast going to 
pieces and something had to be done. 
He says, "The movement (Anabap- 
tism) was going on. The churches 
became empty, the sacraments neg- 
lected, children not baptized, monks 
and nuns were leaving the convents 
and the preachers became indifferent 
to the mother church. Thus Charles 
V ordered those who were indifferent 
to be punished." 

1522— Swiss Became Religious 
Refugees. 

Brons speaks (p. 53) of fifty con- 
gregations, presumably Swiss, out of 
which the delegates, elders and teach- 
ers, numbering 600 had gathered at 
Strasburg about 1522. At least, he 
says, most of them were Swiss refu- 
gees, while other Swiss joined the Bo- 
hemians and Moravians, within the 
Wald as ancient documents show. 
The Canton of Switzerland, South of 
Zurich is called Unter Walden. Lu- 
ther had correspondence . with these 
Waldensean or Mennonite refugees in 
1522. 

1522— The Waldensean "Reform" iu 
Berne. 

Says Miiller, "In Berne we find a 
vigorous reform spirit in the aspiring 
element of the citizens, or the pro- 
gressive, intelligent and business 
classes. Especially in all the guilds. 
The Munster Cathedral stone masons 
showed themselves full of it." It is 
supposed that we generally know that 
about the end of the middle ages the 
guilds or lodges of cut stone masons 



and mechanics were very intellectu- 
ally and artistically advanced and 
that they had a monopoly of all Ca- 
thedral building in Central Europe, 
(Miiller, p. 20). 

Miiller continues that when in 1522 
the dean of Miinsingen prosecuted the 
Minister York Bruner in Kleinhoch- 
stetten before the Council of Berne, 
the Council took the side of Bruner 
and sentenced the Chapter of Miin- 
singen to pay the costs. Bruner's of- 
fense was that of speaking publicly 
of the Pope, cardinals and bishops, as 
devils and anti-christs and the priests 
and monks as cheats, seducers and 
oppressors of the poor; and wolves 
who kill and destroy body and soul. 

Of course if the Government of 
Berne would dismiss such charges as 
not heretical, it shows that the Coun- 
cil and all the heads of the Berne 
Government at this time were ap- 
provers of or at least not opponents 
of the reformed doctrines of the 
Waldenseans and Zwinglians, which 
were taking root here. 

Miiller also tells us, (p. 159) that 
in 1522, these Anabaptists were in 
different parts of Switzerland and 
wrote letters encouraging other sec- 
tions. 

1522— Early Hold of the Mennonite 

Doctrines in Berne. 

The Bible in the time of the Refor- 
mation had a wide circulation and 
this was the same in Berne as else- 
where. In a Shrove Tuesday play or 
drama in 1522 written by Nicholas 
Manuel, the monks in the play com- 
plain that the farmers know all 
about the New Testament. Among 
the Weldenseans the Sermon on the 
Mount and the apostolic administra- 
tions were regarded as the law of 
those Christian communities. Miiller 
continues (p. 54) and says the chief 
question as to the Reform in the 
early fifteen hundreds is whether 
there is only family or race relation- 



MEXXONITE GROWTH IX ZURICH 



13 



ship between the Baptists or Anabap- 
tists of the time and the old Walden- 
seans or whether both these concep- 
tions of the Reform movement are 
different phenomena of one and the 
same religious community. 

Thus Miiller argues that there is a 
close relationship between the early 
Baptist or Mennonite views and the 
Reformed and Lutheran views, and 
that both have many points of belief, 
identical with the ancient Waldenses. 
But whether these beliefs were in- 
Iverited ones or beliefs merely adopted 
and just happened to be similar to the 
ancient Waldensean belief, he does 
not undertake to say. However this 
be, our ancient Mennonite faith grew 
up out of the same soil as did that of 
the followers of Waldo in 1170. 

1523 — Melcboir Hoffman's Religious 
Labors in Zuricli. 

aielchoir Hoffman born in Swabia, 
(anciently the Northern part of 
Switzerland; and as we have seen, 
home of a branch of the Herr family) 
was a tanner by trade about 1523, in 
Waldshut. When the movement of re- 
ligious reformation began, which 
emanated from Zurich, inspired him 
with the contents of the Bible which 
many common people now lirst began 
to read, he became a great student of 
it and learned it. In the Wald, in 
Switzerland, he began to make his 
faith known. Even in Zurich as 
Zwingli says, in a letter dated 1523, 
this pious Anabaptist's work and ac- 
tivity were felt. Hoffman went fur- 
ther than Zwingli. He did not stop 
with the " Reformed " principles but 
embraced what were then Anabap- 
tists' views, similar to the new Men- 
nonite non - resistant doctrine. Zwin- 
gli says of him, " The good-for- 
nothing fellow who dresses hides has 
turned up here as an evangelist and 
has brought me under suspicion." 
Contemporaries speak of Hoffman as 
a man of strictly moral walk and con- 



versation, — having great eloquence 
and holy zeal for the cause, (See 
Brons, p. 373). I mention him be- 
cause his is a familiar Lancaster 
county name; and because he seems 
to have been a vessel filled with Men- 
nonite doctrine in and about Zurich, 
the home of many of our eastern 
Pennsylvanians' ancestors. 

152-t— Zurich OfHcials Favor tlie New 

Religion, Hut Fear the Kstali- 

iished (jliurcli. 

In Dr. Emil Egli's Zurichter Weid- 
ertaufer (p. 8), it is stated that the 
Government was in sympathy with 
the great mass of people rising from 
the corruption in religious matters 
and freeing themselves to do their 
own thinking as the Bible taught 
them; but against the Roman Church 
as an institution did nothing. The 

! Government went only so far as the 
public compelled. The Government 
held back as long as it could says 
Egli, and therefore so much more jeal- 
ous became the Reformers. Zwing- 
lians, Lutherans and Evangelicals all 
had stropg friends in the Government 
officers. 
1523— The Anabaptist (Meuuouite) 

j 3Iovcmeut in Zurich. 

; Says Dr. Egli, (p. 10), the Evangeli- 
cals showed as much zeal as the Re- 
formed and Lutherans. Simon Stumpf 

I of Hongg. near Zurich, began teach- 
ing the mild doctrine; and Rouplin 
seems to have taught the same doc- 
trine in Wyttikon, Switzerland. At 
least the Council in the Spring of 1523 
took action with regard to the tithes 
of his congregation. That is, that un- 
like the Lutherans and Reformed, 
(who while they did not longer prac- 
tice the doctrine of the Roman 

' Church, continued to give tithes 
for the use of the buildings in which 
they worshipped, as they were the 
property of the Catholic Church), 

I Rouplin asserted that his congrega- 



14 



EARLY MENNONITE LEADERS 



tion was cut loose entirely from the 
Roman Church and that the buildings 
belonged to this congregation. So 
they refused to pay tithes and they 
not only ceased worshipping, but took 
down and removed the pictures of the 
Virgin and various saints. Thus we 
learn that soon a radical party was 
gathered, and opposed this delay of 
the Government. From this founda- 
tion the Zurich Anabaptism or Men- 
nonitism took its rise, says Egli. 

1523— Jacob and Klaus Holliuger, 

(Taufers). 

In 1523 we find two more now fam- 
iliar Lancaster county names in 
Switzerland. Egli tells us (p. 11) that 
the delay in the Zurich Government 
to recognize and encourage the re- 
formed spirit made the Evangelicals 
all the more insistent, especially the 
zealous Jacob and Klaus Hollinger, 
who preached the Mennonite faith 
and aroused the county of Zollikon 
in Switzerland. In June, 1523 they 
demanded the communion in both 
forms, and insulted the priests. In 
September, Klaus Hollinger taught in 
Statehoffen that the pictures of the 
virgin should all be taken down and 
later became a thorough Baptist 
among a company of them in St. 
Gallen, and was very bitter against 
the "pictures". Soon after Jacob be- 
gan making most dreadful expres- 
sions about the mass. They created 
a great public explosion in religion 
by 1524. And says Egli, (p. 13) 
Stumpf, of whom we have spoken 
above continued his "awkward preach- 
ing and other matters" so much that 
he was entirely banished from the 
city and country. 

1523 — William Reubliu Becomes a 

Mennonite at Wittikou. 

This Reublin says Brons (p. 23) 
had become pastor at Wittikon in 
Zurich. He left papacy and was pub- 
licly married. And at Wittikon at 
the Corpus Christi he proceeded the 



procession, with a beautifully bound 
Bible, with the proclamation, "This is 
your Venerable — this is your Sanc- 
tuary- — all else is dust and ashes." 
The "venerable" is the bread and 
wine after the prayer. 

1523 — Zwingli Converts the Govern- 
ment Officials. 

Brons tells us (p. 17) that Zwingli 
was now exercising such power that 
the council orderd that he might give 
a public disputation of his religion. 
Therefore, the Zurich authorities is- 
sued a proclamation that such dispu- 
tation would be allowed January 3, 
1523. Upon this permission Zwingli 
worked out 67 theses in which he 
clearly set forth his doctrine in an 
emphatic way. The opponents did 
not reply and so the council ordered 
it made public that "since no one rose 
against Magister Huddrich Zwingli to 
prove his error, or with divine Holy 
Scripture to overcome him, the burg- 
omasters, council and great council 
of the City of Zurich have resolved 
after mature consideration and it is 
their will that Zwingli continue as he 
has done hitherto to proclaim and 
preach the Evangelical Gospel and 
scriptures according to the Spirit of 
God. And the other ministers of the 
word also in City and country shall 
teach and preach nothing else than 
what they are able with the Evangel- 
ical doctrine and authority of the 
Holy Scripture to prove. And all in- 
sult to this religion is forbidden under 
penalty." 

This surely was no mean triumph 
in the cause of the old Evangelical 
faith, first given to the world by the 
Waldenses and handed down by them 
to the Mennonites and to Lutherans 
and Reformed. 

The doctrine had also spread by 
1523 into Holland, Brabant and 
Flanders and also a year or two later 
into the Netherlands, where Menno 
Simon was its great advocate, (Brons, 
p. 60). 



EARLY MEXNOXITE CONFESSIONS AND WRITINGS 



15 



1523 — The Beginnings of a Meuuoulte 

Coufesslou of Faith. 

While the first confession of faith 
set forth in the Martyrs' Mirror is 
dated 1625, there are to be found 
some of the rudiments of a confession 
one hundred years earlier. 

In 1523 as Brons tells us (p. 53) a 
catechism of the Bohemian brethren 
appeared in German and Bohemian 
language, in which it was taught that 
it was not lawful to worship the sac- 
rament of the Altar. This was about 
the same time that Michael Sattler 
(M. Mirror) was accused of the new 
custom of eating and drinking the 
bread and wine. 

This catechism caused Luther to 
issue a "broadside" with the title "A 
Little Scripture Concerning the Wor- 
ship of the Sacrament of the Holy 
Body of Jesus Christ to the Brethren 
of Bohemia and of Moravia, known 
as Wald." In this broadside we read 
at the beginning, "There is a little 
book issued by your people in Ger- 
man and Bohemian to instruct the 
young children in a Christian way, in 
which among other things it is said 
that Christ is not independent and 
natural and the altar is not to be 
worshipped, which almost moves us 
Germans, for you must know how I 
through your delegates requested you 
that you should make this article 
clear also in a little book for our 
people." 

Brons tells us also (p. 420) that the 
Moravians had entered into relations 
with Luther who issued a broadside 
to the Moravians, know nas Waldens- 
es. Many Catholics went over to 
these Mennonites of Moravia and per- 
mitted themselves to be baptized 
again and thus brought upon them 
great persecution." 

In all this we see that the founders 
of the Mennonite faith were as early 
and as active as those of the Re- 
formed and Lutherans, etc. 



1.V23 — Early .Martyr Maniiserpits in 
the Mennonite Congregation Li- 
brary at Amsterdam. 

The following information is taken 
from two anonymous German old 
Baptist Manuscripts of the Meuuouite 
Congregational Library in Amster- 
dam. 

The first is quarto in size and is en- 
titled, "History Book of the Martyrs 
of Christ, who in this our time in all 
places of German Lands for the sake 
of the faith and Godly truth have 
been executed with fire, water and the 
sword. What was transacted and en- 
deavored in many ways with them. 
How they steadfast and comforted 
were. Also what German persecu- 
tions and trouble the congregation has 
suffered in this last time." This 
writing extends from 1523 to 1618. 

The second is Octavo and has the 
following title, "Description of the 
History Briefly Comprehended, How 
God Has Acted with his Faithful to 
His own Fame and Praise, from the 
Beginning of the World and has 
proved Himself Mighty till the Pre- 
sent Time." This extends to 1594. 
(See Brons, p. 419). 

These are the earliest manuscript 
accounts preserved of the sufferings 
of the ancient Waldenses, Old Evan- 
gelicals, Old Baptists, Anabaptists, 
etc., out of whom grew the Menno- 
nites, the Reformed, Lutherans and 
Moravians, etc. They have no doubt 
all since been printed. 

1523 — Anabaptists Separatists in Zur- 

icli Compelled to Pay Papal Tithes. 

We have shown before that what 
distinguished those of the general 
Reformation from those called the 
Brethren (in doctrine Mennonites) 
who also joined the reform movement 
was that, the latter refused to pay 
tithes to the papal church for use of 
the church buildings. The Govern- 
ment thought that these tithes should 
be paid and the great Council of 



16 



LUTHERANS AND MENNONITES DIFFER ON BAPTISM 



Zurich passed a resolution, January 
22, 1523, that the right of the church 
to demand tithes must be enforced. 
All who use the churches must pay 
the tithes. So these Anabaptists or 
Mennonites had to do so, (Muller, p. 
8). 

1523— An Old Anabaptist Belief That 

Children Should Not and Need Not 

Be "Taken Into Church". 

A different conception toward the 
church was entertained by these 
Anabaptists from that of the Re- 
formed. The church of the Reformed 
was viewed like the Roman church 
by its believers as a lawful commun- 
ion, to which the children and minors 
belonged. The congregation of the 
Mennonites (or Brethren) was ac- 
cording to old tradition, customs and 
practices, a voluntary union of the 
faithful. These must have the right 
to receive and also expel members. 
The church of the Reformed was held 
by them as an institution for learn- 
ing and Christian and intellectual 
growth for all, and they therefore 
held they did not dare refuse the 
children or anyone else the means of 
grace. The Reformed believed in 
children coming in as children to be 
taught and the church as a school; 
but early Anabaptists believed only 
in adults being admitted, (Miiller, p. 
9.) So their ways naturally parted 
more and more. Also when in Octo- 
ber, 1523, the question was raised as 
to abolishing the mass, Zwingli 
wanted to place the decision in the 
hands of the Council while Pastor Si- 
mon Stumpf (Mennonite) protested 
against this, saying "You have not 
the power to do this, to give the de- 
cision into the hands of the lords of 
this or any other place." The Zwingli 
party was successful, and in this way 
the form of a state church was pre- 
ordained, whose forms and procedure 
the State Council commanded. Hence- 
forth union between Reformed and 



Mennonites was impossible. The for- 
mer became the state church and the 
latter the refugee body, (Miiller, p. 
9). 

1524 — Early Difference Between Luth- 
eran and 3fennonite Forms, Etc. 

Ernst Miiller says (p. 11), that 
Luther in his book concerning bap- 
tism published in Wittenberg, in 
1523-25, retained all the Roman 
church ceremonies. They were as 
follows: — the child to be baptized 
was first exorcised througjh breath- 
ing upon him — salt was then put into 
his mouth — the cross was made upon 
him — his nose and ears were touched 
with spittle — the head was anointed 
with oil and in doing all this a burn- 
ing candle was held in the hand. 
Even in the book of Concord 'the for- 
mula is found. "I conjure thee, thou 
unclean spirit in the name of the 
Father, Son and Holy Ghost that thou 
come out from this servant of 
Christ." 

In this report concerning the con- 
secration of the Minister of Basil un- 
to the Anabaptists there, whom he re- 
cently joined, Kalonford, a former 
Lutheran Reformer, says, "It was 
thrown up to me that we performed 
ceremonies in the baptism of chil- 
dren — that we conjured the Devil — 
j that we gave the children salt — burn 
a candle — that we used spittle, etc. I 
did not want to defend this or excuse 
it for I, myself, don't approve of it at 
all." 

Now from the beginning the Ana- 
baptists or Mennonites refused to 
make use of these ceremonies of bap- 
tism or believe in them. Their bap- 
tism was as simple as possible. Just- 
us Menius Pratorius and other Luth- 
eran theologians however, expressly 
attributed great importance to the ex- 
orcism. 

But Hans Denck broke off from this 
belief and he and his followers came 
to the Anabaptism belief saying that 



\ : 



ANABAPTIST (MEXXONITE) POEMS AND LEADERS 



17 



the new born child is pure and not 
possessed of the Devil. And this is 
often expressed in Baptist writings, 
ler. p. 11). 



1524 — Early Anjibaph'sfs or Moiinoiiito 

Poems. 

Among the Bernese Productions 
appear these two lyric Anabaptist 
poems, which show how in early days 
the Mennonite views of baptism then 
existed in Switzerland. By a free 
translation and reversification, I 
render them as set forth below. The 
first is directed against exorcism in 
baptism of children, and is as follows: 

So that our God might be despoiled, 

of his great name; 
As if could be in his pure offspring 

Found a blame; 
A little child, without a sin; 
Which God into this world has sent; 

And new created pure within; 
"Its soul is lost", their cry is spent. 
They take it quickly in their power 

And say, "Expelled and out of it we 
clean 
Sin and Devil from this hour." 
Though they themselves are steeped 
in sin. 

And this also is found on the sub- 
ject of Christian Companionship: 

In the inner light from our God we 
can see 
Into every one there now cometh a 
ray; 
And the soul that is bright with these 
beams shall be 
The chamber of Christ and his spir- 
itual way. 
All they who receive this light from 
the giver, 
Shall have joy and day in their 
souls forever. 

1524 — Revolt Against Infant Baptism 

in Zurich. 

Egli tells us (p. 18) that from the 
spring of 1524, Ruplin had begun to 
preach against infant baptism, and 



parents began to be opposed to It be- 
cause of these sermons, and quit 
bringing their children. Finally 
about August, the Town council sum- 
moned two fathers and demanded of 
them why they do not have their chil- 
dren baptized. One had a boy about 
a year and a half old. These parents 
appealed to Ruplin's sermons and said 
they believed what he preached. One 
of the parents said that Ruplin de- 
clared that if he had a child he would 
not have it baptized, until it came to 
years of understanding, and could 
choose its own sponsors. This father 
also appealed to his neighbors who 
followed his course. Ruplin was put 
in jail, and a commission was ap- 
pointed to examine his doctrine. It 
consisted of preachers, the Abbot of 
Kappel, the Clerk of Kiiusnoch (Ec- 
clesiastical clerk), the provost of Em- 
brach and four delegates of Council. 
In addition to investigation they were 
to have all unbaptized infants imme- 
diately baptized. 

1524 — Miinzer, Grejhol & Manz, and 

Menuouitism. 

The last named author says (p. 19) 
that the time and place when and 
where their doctrine came from are 
not definitely known; but it is be- 
lieved that the widely circulated writ- 
ings of the German head of the Ana- 
baptists, Thomas Miinzer were much 
read in Zurich, for when in Septem- 
ber, 1524, Miinzer travelled in Wals- 
hut and remained eight weeks in Grie- 
ssen, the restless spirits of Zurich, es- 
pecially Conrad Greybell and Felix 
Manz visited him and frequently they 
took in the Anabaptism preached by 
Miinzer. Miinzer, however, became a 
war anabaptist and believed that they 
who believed in the new faith ought 
to fight for it. 

1524— 3Iaterials for the Martyr Book 
Collected. 

About this time, too (says Brons, p. 
237), there was a great deal of ma- 



18 



MUENZER AND GRAYBILL'S LABORS 



terial collected about the sufferings 
of the early martyrs, as a means to 
increase the faith and the courage of 
those who were suffering now. Hands 
and hearts were in it and many old 
matters and rhymes were found and 
made new. Some preachers of the 
■"fatherland" at whose head was Hans 
de Ries, undertook to make a new 
■edition with increased contents. 
These collections were made into a 
book, at Hoarlam, a large quarto 
with ten pictures, bound in leather 
with copper hooks and corners. The 
title was, "History of the Martyrs or 
the True Witnesses of Jesus Christ 
Who Witnessed the Evangelical Truth 
Under Many Tortures, and Establish- 
ed Them With Their Blood, since 
the year 1524." Their confessions of 
faith were also added and their dis- 
putations which express their living 
hope and mighty faith and love to 
God and his Holy Truth. 

1524— Menuouite Growth in tlie NeUi- 

erlauds, (Hollaud). 

By the last quoted author we are 
told also, (p. 244) that the number of 
those who had left the Roman church 
in the Netherlands, as early as 1524 
through the influence of the writings 
of these fathers of the faith (consid- 
able of it being because of Luther's 
writings) according to the report of 
Peter of Thabor, (in Monch, in the 
Cloister of Thabor, or Thires, near 
Sneek a contemporary of Menno 
Simon) had become so great that the 
Pope the same year called a secret 
council in regard to the matter. It 
was resolved and proclaimed by the 
Council that in Holland the Pope 
would grant all backsliders for God's 
sake, absolution of all their sins, 
without money if they would come 
back and come to confession, keep the 
feasts, pray according to prescription 
of their church and not neglect the 
sacrament of the altar. 



This idem is highly interesting to us 
in Lancaster county because it gives 
us light on the condition in Holland 
at the beginning of the Mennonite 
faith, the country where it started. It 
tells us of the vigorous hold it had on 
the people; and how anxious the 
Catholic Church was to stop it. That 
not simply a bishop or other high 
church officer was moved to bring 
back the Anabaptists, but the power- 
ful pope himself, shows that it was 
regarded very seriously by the 
Church. And that such a wonderful 
concession was made to forgive all 
those people their sins without them 
being required to pay for it, when by 
the ordinary course of things the for- 
giveness of the sins of such a multi- 
tude would have meant thousands of 
thaler s (dollars) out of their pockets 
and into the pockets of the priests, 
shows how it was viewed. But the an- 
cient fathers bravely withstood this 
munificient offer from the head of 
their former Church, having since 
learned that salvation is free to all 
"whosoever will." 

1524 — Miiuzer's Anabaptists Attacked. 

About this same time says Brons 
(p. 31) Zwingli published a broadside 
against the turbulent Miinzer and in 
it alluded to Greybell and Manz. 
Thereby Greybell was induced to send 
out of jail a defense to the Council of 
Zurich in 1524. He did not want to 
be considered as a person who incited 
to riot in his religious teachings, or 
spoke anything that would lead to it. 
Miinzer as we have seen as an Ana- 
baptist was of so determined a nature 
that he taught the people should defy 
opposition to God's truth as he saw 
it and Greybell did not want to be 
considered any other than, the mild 
and defenseless Mennonite. Inter- 
est is found in this item from the fact 
that it contains the well known promi- 
nent and honorable Lancaster county 
name, Greybill. 



SATTLER'S EXECUTION: THE GRAYBILL MENNONITES 



19 



lo2r>— Michael Sattler's Efforts In An- 

abaptisni. 

Michael Sattler of Stauffen was a 
monk of St. Peters in the Black For- 
est and had gone over to Anabaptism 
in 1525 in the region of Zurich. He 
was expelled from that place but con- 
tinued his work in his home and was 
the founder of several congregations 
at Horb and Rotenburg. He is de- 
scribed by Swiss and Strasburg 
preachers as a highly honorable, 
quiet and learned man. "Golden 
Apples in Silver Pitchers" an Ana- 
baptist book of 1742 contains his fare- 
well letter to the congregation in 
Horb, the events of his trial and his 
parting song. In 1527 he was cruelly 
executed and his wife was drowned. 
Unshelm, the Berne writer of the 
chronicles described the cruel execu- 
tion in a tone very pathetic and pays 
a noble tribute to Anabaptism. Un- 
shelm was a fellow sufferer as he 
was also a prisoner, but whether an 
Anabaptism or Lutheran is not clear, 
(Miiller, p. 38). Sattler's death is al- 
so described in Martyrs' Mirror, p. 
401. 

1525 — Early Anabaptists of Berue. 

Muller tells us (p. 23) that in 
Berne there were Baptists in 1525 of 
whom the ministers of the Council 
tell. Mention is made of them in a 
letter of H. Bullinger which he wrote 
from Kappel, Switzerland to Hein- 
rich Simler in Berne. John Jacob 
Simler dates the letter about 1525; 
and he says according to the manu- 
script or letter Bullinger writes, "In 
order that you may not get into the 
community of the society of Baptists, 
etc.," which is conclusive that the 
Baptists existed about Berne at this 
early date. The letter also sets out, 
"It has come to us through the com- 
mon report of many people, how with 
those also at Berne the doctrine of 
Anabaptists has been introduced and 



which renders me friendly to the ef- 
forts there, etc." 

This item is of Interest to the 
people of Lancaster county because 
Berne is the place from which the 
first settlers of this county came two 
hundred years ago — Swiss .Mennonites 
who were the descendants of those 
Anabaptists spoken of in 1525 and de- 
scendants of similar believers in and 
about Zurich. 

1525— More Zurich Anal»ai)fists Ex- 
amined. 

A very zealous stranger who had 
come to Zurich was a man of peculiar 
habits called Blaurock. He was to 
be taken by ship with his wife to his 
home in Chur and there he was to be 
kept and if he came again about Zur- 
ich he was to be tortured into silence. 
His doctrine was to be passed on by 
three secular preachers and six mem- 
bers of Council at Zurich, among 
whom were Hans Hager and Ulrich 
Funk; and the two schoolmasters 
were also to take part in examining 
him. Bullinger reports that the Bap- 
tists in the disputation proved no 
more than before. Zwingli appealed 
to Graybill who behaved himself as 
if the Savior was present. And others 
tell of the testimony the Baptists gave 
of the joy and relief they felt after 
they were baptized over again, (Zur., 
p. 30). 

1525— The Grajhill Anabaptists or 

Mennonites of 1525. 

The congregation of Anabaptists 
had by 1525 had so far now become 
established that they caused the 
Council of Zurich to admit they were 
beyond control. There were by this 
time thirteen different religious Re- 
formed bodies that had broken off the 
Catholic Church and nearly all em- 
braced some part of the Anabaptist 
failh. One branch was called the free 
or rude brethren who condemned in- 
fant baptism and baptized their ad- 



20 



GREAT SPREAD OF MENNONITISM 



herents anew. Aside from these was 
the party of Graybill Anabaptists 
known as the quiet Baptists who kept 
themselves aloof from the other Men- 
nonites or Anabaptists. But Zwingli 
said he much feared in the end they 
would combine. This was away back 
in 1525, (Brons, p. 25). 

1525 — Anabaptism Gaiuiug from Lutli- 
eraiiism. 

About 1525 when Anabaptism be- 
gan to spread whole town and coun- 
ties which did not adhere to Luther 
began to flock to Anabaptism and 
thousands who had been Lutherans 
went over into their camps. They 
showed an enthusiasm and a courage 
to the death that had for its example 
only that of the times of early Chris- 
tianity and its mart>'rs. This was the 
condition throughout Germany, (Miil- 
ler, p. 14). 

1525 — Eastward Spread of Anabap- 
tism or Menuonitism 

Miiller tells us (p.93) that in Zurich 
the powers greatly reduced Anabap- 
tism by force which had in 1525 and 6 
spread over Schauffhausen, Basil, 
Wald and other parts of Switzerland, 
from the neighboring Cantons. But 
it found entrance into Swabia and in 
the Tyrol in early times. Especially 
when Zurich began to drown the Ana- 
baptists and when the fall of Wald 
brought new threats to the itinerant 
messengers of the Baptists who 
looked for a new theatre. Blaurach 
especially from Zurich turned to 
Graubiinden when he had established 
a congregation of Anabaptists at 
Manz; and from there to Tyrol to 
gather a flock for the Lord. Ruplin 
and Sattler went to Alsace and on to 
Swabia where they found the soil 
ready by the Augsburgers (Luther- 
ans) labors — and in a short time 
stood at the head of seven congrega- 
tions of Anabaptists or Mennonites. 
Hatzler promulgated Anabaptism in 



] Nuremburg, Augsburg and along the 
Rhine; Jacob Gross of Wald in Stras- 
burg, etc. In Passau, Regensburg 
! and Miinchen congregations of Ana- 
; baptists arose who kept themselves in 
{ communion with the brethren in 
j Swabia and Upper Rhine and press- 
ing forward to the Danube, estab- 
lished the same in Austria, Slazburg, 
Spener, Lenz and Stein. Even Vi- 
enna had congregations of Anabap- 
tists. 

1526 — Jacob Gross's Mennouite Labors 

iu Strasburg. 

For a time in Strasburg there was 
a disposition not to incline either to- 
ward Wittenburg and Lutheranism or 
to Zurich toward Reform Religion; 
and this gave Menuonitism a chance. 
And thus it was that Jacob Gross was 
able to lead an Anabaptism movement 
in that region. Gross' main doctrine 
was that the Gospels teach there 
should not be infant baptism but that 
baptism should be given only to 
grown persons as a seal of their 
faith. He also taught that one must 
not take an oath. Thus he was a 
leader of the faith there. (Brons 408). 

1526— Graybill and Mauz Give the 

Eeasoiis for Their Faith. 

These Anabaptist leaders were sev- 
\ eral times examined for their faith. 
At one of the examinations in 1526 
Graybill said that a careful study of 
the scriptures had brought him to 
Anabaptism. He held that no Chris- 
tian could defend by the sword. The 
warlike Anabaptist, Blauroch from 
his prison wrote that Graybill and 
Manz and himself were acknowledged 
Anabaptists as early as 1526 and 
that they were all ready to die for 
their principles. He went so far as 
to write that the Pope, the Lu- 
therans and Zwinglians and Judas 
were all the same class, that is mur- 
derers of Christ. He said baptism of 
children comes from the Evil One. 
This same Blauroch time and again 



VARIOUS ANABAPTIST REFORMtJRS 



21 



declared he wanted to debate with ] 
Zwingli, and such a debate was ar- 
ranged but Egli says he departed a 
confused man. (Zur. 54). I 

152(v— Zurich Tries to Get the Ana- 
baptists Back to the Former | 
Faith. 

Brons tells us (p. 47) that the Coun- 
cil of 200 tried in 1526 to bring the 
deluded Anabaptists or Mennonites 
back to the former faith because their 
movement hurt the government, and 
tended to the destruction of order, 
and to bring this about they put sev- , 
eral men and women to prison. Also' 
there was a proclamation issued that 
nowhere in the land henceforth shall 
any one presume to baptize again a 
person who has once been baptized; i 
and any one who should violate this 
decree was to be tried and drowned. | 

1526 — Advance and Growth of Ana- 
baptism in Netherlands. 

Brons tells us (p. 60) that in 1526 
about Zurich an announcement or 
public proclamation was made in sub- 
stance that as many of the subjects 
have been reading the writings of the 
new Reformers in religion that now 
no one shall secretly or publicly as- 
sent to the opinions in the books of 
Luther, Romerani, Karlstadt, Melan- 
thon, Lamberti or others, and that all 
these books are to be gathered up 
within three days and be burnt. 
(Brons 60). 

1526 — Menno Simon >'ot Disturbed by 
the Al>ove Order. 

Says Brons at the same page Menno 
Simon did not suffer himself to be 
disturbed in the least by this order; 
and his fellow preachers also paid no 
attention to it — but they all kept on 
reading these interdicted writings and 
especially in regard to baptism. And 
it is laid down that Menno Simon said 
"these men taught me that by means 
of Baptism children were made clean 
of hereditary and original sin. I test- 



ed it and found by the scripture that 
such doctrine is contrary to the teach- 
ing of Christ. Afterwards he says I 
went to Luther, and he said children 
are to be baptized on their own faith. 
This was wrong. Then I went to oth- 
ers and they said the child should be 
baptized to make parents more care- 
ful. This Bucerrus told me. Then I 
went to Bullingerus and he called my 
attention to the old covenant of cir- 
cumcism and said infant baptism was 
to be used istead of that; but I found 
this would not stand with the scrip- 
tures." Then Menno Simon took a 
view different from all these and what 
he felt accorded with the scriptures. 
(Do.) 

1526 — Some Other .llennonite Keform- 

i ers at This Date. 

I Muller tells us (p. 194) that in 1526 
1 when Reuplin, Gross, Sattler, Denck, 
Haetzer and Kautz and finally Hoff- 
man in a united way were carrying 
on Anabaptism in Strasburg and sur- 
rounding countries, there was in spite 
of temporary banishment of former 
leaders a good footing gained. This 
kept on growing so that in 1555 there 
was at Strasburg the first important 
synod of the Baptists or Mennonites 
held, which brought unanimity to the 
leading spirits in the inflamed times 
that w^ere to follow, 
i After many more items on early 
times we will hasten to the times 
that more nearly concern America. 

1527 — Anabaptism or Mennonitism 
Among the High Germans. 

About the year 1527 Baptist con- 
gregations had become established in 
all the regions of the High German 
language, and the new religion had 
become fixed in those places. There 
I was a network of small congregations 
' from Alsace to Breslau, and from 
Kessen to Etchland. The center of 
this region was Augsburg. Neither 
in Germany or in Switzerland can the 



22 



BAPTIST OR MENNONITB FACTIONS 



growth of this vigorous Mennonitism 
be considered as growing from any 
particular center — it grew from dif- 
ferent centers at the same time. In 
cities it took hold and there was soon 
intercourse from city to city by visit- 
ing brethren. The whole of Zurich 
was at this time a center of Anabap- 
tism — and also were Basil — Zolloth- 
urn, Berne, Freiburg and other cities 
of Switzerland. Muller (20). 

1527— Hupmeier, Banished for His 

Mennonite Faith. 

Muller tells us (p. 94) that Dr. 
Hupmeier, now Hoofmeier or Hoff- 
mier about 1527 was banished from 
Zurich, on account of his faith and he 
went to the wilds of Switzerlnad and 
founded an asylum for those who 
were determined to carry on the Evan- 
gelical or Anabaptist religion. He 
found that the opposition to him was 
not so much from the Catholics as 
from the Zwinglians or Reformed 
people — and in Walshut the over- 
coming of the Rebellion party, led by 
Blauroch and others who professed 
the Mennanite faith, but still who 
were "resistants" made it impossible 
there. 

1527 — A PrimitiTe Anabaptist Synod 

Begun by Sattler. 

The same author quoted above (p. 
10) says that at two small synods 
held at Augsburg in 1526 and 7 the 
Swiss took no part; but on the other 
hand in 1527 at a meeting of the south 
Germans, who were under the leader- 
ship of Sattler there were such gath- 
erings held at Schlott on the Rand 
and at Strasburg, at which Swiss 
Mennonites as well as Germans were 
present. 

1527— Lutheranism Rises Up Against 

Mennonites or Baptists. 

Shortly before the beginning of the 
year 1527 Luther had a sermon print- 
ed in which he attacked the Baptists 
says Brons (p. 411). In his eyes the 



rise of these Baptists involved liberty 
of conscience, the very thing he fought 
for and yet he denied it to them. The 
result of it was that at Strasburg an 
order was issued against the Baptists 
or Mennonites and they were exiled. 
Their enemies of the town of Stras- 
burg followed up Luther's lead by 
publishing a document in which they 
warned the people against Kautz, a 
Mennonite leader. The title of the 
book was "A Faithful Warning of the 
Servants of God at Strasburg Against 
the Sermons which Jacob Kautz, a 
Preacher in Worms has Published." 
Thus by this early date a fact almost 
incredible appears, — that the different 
branches of the new religion were at 
odds with each other. 

1527— More Anabaptists Trouble 

About Zurich. 

We are told (Zur. 62) that at the 
end of 1527 about 30 Baptists met at 
Hein, and the report was spread their 
next meeting would be in a church — 
that they now had friends and funds 
enough to own a church. When the 
council of Zurich (Zur. 64) sent its 
delegates in 1527 to the General As- 
sembly they were instructed to bring 
up the subject of whether Christ's 
teachings were hot that all were sub- 
ject to the government, and whether 
the Anabaptist movement was not 
spiritually wrong. When it was found 
that five Baptists known of old had 
gone there too as delegates from Zol- 
likon it aroused suspicion and the 
council of Zurich were doubly angry. 
These Baptist delegates confessed 
that they had themselves sent as 
delegates so that they could know 
whether their brethren were to be de- 
creed to be drowned, according to the 
desire of the council, so that if that 
was the decision reached they would 
know it early and could go and visit 
the brethren and comfort them so 
that they should be firm, for Christ 
had taught clearly that they should 
visit the brethren in prison. 



WORMS AND ZURICH IX UPROAR 



23 



The Council at Zurich now tried 
suasion (Zur. 64). They invited the 
confederacy of Baptitsts from Berne, 
Basil, Schaffausen, Chur, Appenzel 
and St. Gallen, all in Switzerland to 
meet at Zurich, Monday after St. Law- 
rence day in 1527, stating that it could 
be shown to them that their aim was 
the destruction not only of true right- 
eousness and inner faith of the Chris- 
tian Religion but also the outward or- 
dinances of Christian and orderly gov- 
ernment, against brotherly love and 
good morals. (Do. 65). 

1527 — Zurich Decree Against Meniio- 

iiite Street Preaching. 

In the latter part of 1527, (Zur., p. 
70) a decree was sent out to the 
Bailiffs or Sheriffs about Zurich, 
dated the 16th of December, to spot 
out all the Baptist or Mennonite 
preachers who were preaching on the 
corners of the streets and trying to 
get the people to withdraw from the 
Catholic Church. Some of these 
preachers were foreigners from Hol- 
land and parts of Germany. The de- 
cree was that they were to be arrest- 
ed and taken to Wellenberg, but to be 
dismissed on paying 5 Pound penalty. 
Following this decree there were sev- 
eral arrests in the Lowlands. From 
this we see a new difficulty arising 
that often appears in the Baptist 
movement in this that there was cor- 
ruption among the clergy; and these 
Baptist preachers were accused of 
some of this corruption. But the 
truth is that the corruiition was not 
among them but that the established 
Church needed stricter discipline. 
Egli says at the same page that this 
section of the country is the chief 
hearth or location of the third period 
of the Baptist movement, that is, in 
and about Zurich. 

1527 — Great Martyrdom of .Vnabap- 

tism About Worms. 

In Brons' work, (p. ISO) he tells us 
that according to recent research 



among the "Staats-Archivars", that 
is, the Archives in charge of the gov- 
ernment, by Dr. Keller, that in .Mun- 
ster where a work on Anabai)tism 
came to light, that Hans Denck who 
in Worms in 1527 sought refuge, was 
perliaps the most imiiortant of the 
teachers of the German Baptists of 
that time. He further says that 
Denck found here, as he had in Augs- 
burg enthusiastic adherents, who 
recognized in the man there a gospel 
messenger of genuine gold. One of 
his adherents, a Lutheran preacher, 
named Kautz, affixed a series of theses 
to the theological Cloister at Worms, 
June 9, 1527. Challenged by this the 
Lutherans and Catholics arrayed 
themselves against the Baptists and 
the whole city went into uproar. 

The Baptists in Worms were in 
such large majority that Wolfgang 
Capito, four days before the theses 
were fi.xed, wrote to Zurich that the 
City of Worms had by a public agree- 
ment seceded from the word of God, 
that is, he meant there were so many 
of these Anabaptists and Mennonites 
about that it looked as if they were 
about the only people in the district. 
This Capito was not a Baptist; he 
was a Lutheran, but in some ways 
agreed with Denck. 

Soon, however, the opponents of 
the Baptists succeeded in stirring up 
the Elector against them, which was 
a hard task. All they had to do to 
these defenseless people was to re- 
ward them as the same kind as the 
.Miinzerites and the Zwickauerites, 
who disregarded infant baptism and 
so made it appear that these real Bap- 
tists belonged to the same class. We 
remember these Miinzerites and oth- 
ers were not regarded as sincere and 
were looked upon more as persons 
who simply took a delight in making 
trouble; Miinzer, their leader, was 
always trying to quarrel; henceforth 
the Baptists in the Palatinate were 
persecuted by the united spiritual and 
I worldly powers in such a terrible man- 



24 



ANCIENT AUTHORITY ON BAPTISM 



ner that in a short time 350 of these 
harmless people were executed. This 
aroused many who did not agree with 
these Anabaptists or Mennonites but 
who were impressed by the steadfast- 
ness and who had read many writings 
of Hans Deuck. Among these friends 
of the Mennonites was a preacher 
named John Odenbach and he wrote a 
letter to the Judges and said, "Behold 
with what great and patient love and 
devotion these pious people died — 
how knightly they withstood the world 
and how they can not be vanquished 
because of the truth. They have suf- 
fered violence but they prosper be- 
cause they are the holy martyrs of 
God." 

1527— Aucieut Autliority of the Ana- 
baptists on Baptism. 

The same author, last mentioned 
(p. 44) tells us that the Anabaptists or 
Mennonites' view of baptism as it was 
in 15:^7 is expressed in an old work 
as follows: "At his baptism by John 
Christ called baptism a righteousness 
and when the Publicans were baptiz- 
ed by John he called it a Council of 
G'od, therefore, children are not to be 
baptized because they need no repen- 
tance and know nothing of righteous- 
ness and Council of God; further 
Christ says after his resurrection, he 
who believes and is baptized shall be 
saved but he who does not believe 
will be dammed." Thus it is said by 
this writer that no one could be bap- 
tized except those who understand 
and believe and therefore children 
can not be baptized.This work further 
says for this reason children will not 
be condemned and the Savior only 
speaks of those who understand to 
know good and evil shall be in danger 
after they do the evil but as to the 
rest he. says they are simple minded 
and must be aware that false prophets 
do not lead them astray. So to them 
baptism would only be an outer sign 
and would not mean anytbing. 



1527— Death of the .lleuuouite Patriot 
Manz. 

We are told by Brons, (p. 40) that 
when Felix Manz, of whom we have 
' spoken of before was taken out on the 
ship to death by drowning "and when 
he stood there ready to be martyred, 
beneath him the floods of the Lake of 
Zurich — above him the blue sky — 
around him the great mountains with 
their sun-illumined summits — his 
soul raised itself in sight of death 
above these and when on one side a 
preacher sympathetically spoke to 
him that he should be converted to 
the Catholic faith again, he scarcely 
heard it; but he heard the voice of 
his mother standing on the other side 
and his brethren with her, who at the 
same time prayed that he should re- 
main steadfast; and lie sang when 
they fettered him, with a loud voice 
and said, 'Into thy hands, O Lord, I 
commit my spirit' and soon after the 
waves covered him from sight." This 
happened in January, 1527. Brons 
gives us a very vivid picture of the 
event, etc. 

1527 — First Geriiian and Austrian 

Menuouite Leaders. 

The same author says (p. 412) that 
in this year Sattler, Denck, and 
Haetzler had gone from Worms to 
preach the Anabaptist or Mennonite 
doctrine. Sattler went to Rotenburg 
in the Necker and the other two went 
to Augsburg. Here they met Kautz, 
Jacob Gross and Jacob Dascher and 
Sigmund Salminger and other friends, 
all important men, who asserted a 
great influence on the congregations; 
and all prepared to risk their lives 
for their faith in the certainty that 
that faith was according to the gen- 
uine spirit of the doctrine of Christ. 
Christianity seemed to them a power 
of God that rendered men capable to 
be a follower of Christ as it had also 
renedered the first Christian martyrs. 
Therefore, they had courage to stand 
up for their convictions in spite of 



SECOND PERIOD OF MEXNOMTIS.M 



25 



disgrace and contumely — in spite of 
torture and death. They were con- 
vinced that their affair was God's and 
that they were the leaven for later 
generations. This kept them stead- 
fast through the horrible events in 
which they saw everywhere the breth- 
ren, singly and in groups, robbed, ex- 
pelled and tortured and killed women 
as well as men. 

In Austria they were smoked out of 
the caves and camps, burnt as fast as 
convicted and the officers who ar- 
rested them got their property. It 
was horrible there. Haetzler was 
overtaken too. In one of the old 
manuscripts the death of Haetzler is 
told. He was learned in several lan- 
guages and in holy scripture. At the 
time of his departure he made a beau- 
tiful speech, which moved many to 
tears, and he composed a song which 
is still in use in Switzerland and other 
places. 

In this we see some of the earliest 
attempts to act as a group of minis- 
ters or a collective body to give the 
new Anabaptist religion its organiza- 
tion. 

1527 — King of Denmark favors a 5Ien- 

iiouite Leader. 

The same author says, (p. 377) that 
Hoffmeier about 1527 attracted the at- 
tention of the King of Denmark, who 
examined his doctrine and made him 
preacher in the province of Kiel; and 
he soon had his own printing press, 
which the King assisted him in secur- 
ing as he had no means himself but 
it excited the envy of other preachers. 
Brons tells us later, however, that 
this Danish Mennonite let his fancy 
and zeal carry him away. And when- 
ever he had time he got to reading 
that part of the Bible which excited 
his fancy and led him into hallucina- 
tions, viz: — the tabernacle of Moses, 
the dress of Aaron, the Priest, the 
Exodus of the Children of Egypt, etc. 
From these he deduced the number 
four as the sacred number, which dis- 



turbed his idea of the Trinity for a 
time. Thus he said we had the four 
gospels. And he preached about the 
four rivers — the four colors of silk — 
the four horns of the Altar and the 
four animals of Ezekiel — and these he 
made more imi)ortant than the gospel. 
"So he got a little off." Hoffmeier 
brought about much evil. His agree- 

I ment with Luther was kept and 
Luther, therefore did not bother about 

;him because he did not attack Luther 
very much. Luther however, wrote 
to Kiel to his friends there that Hoff- 
meier was not right and that they 
should not heed his doctrine. 

In this we see that there was dan- 
ger of the early zeal carrying the 
early fathers away as well as in these 
later days. 

1527— The Second Stasre of the Ana- 
baptist Religion and Its Leaders. 

The history of Anabaptism in 1.^26 
to 1528 enters into its second period 
at Zurich. After the victory in Zurich 
had been decided by the State and the 
Baptists had been oppressed, the 
stronger of the Baptist leaders bring 
the Anabaptist religion into its second 
period in which the defeated found as 
leaders, and supi^orters such strong 
men as Balthaser, Hoffmeier and .Jo- 
hann Denck, the recognized new lead- 
ers. 

At that time Sebastian Frank, Capi- 
to and Kessler in Saint Gallen recog- 
nized fully the difference between the 
Swiss brethren and Anabaptists in 

' the narrower sense when in 1527 at 

!Signau in Northwest Moravia, the 
difference came openly to light. The 
type of the Swiss brethren is more 
that of the early martyrs, whose val- 
iant stand for their new Christianity 
was brought out more prominent by 
persecution, (Miiller, p. 10). 

It is shown us in this item that 
there were really different branches of 

: Anabaptism or Mennonite faith in 
early times. The preachers through- 

, out Switzerland being the more re- 



26 



HANS SECKLER AND GEORGE WAGNER 



liable and serious. In parts of Gter- 
many and in Denmark we have no- 
ticed that the leaders were inclined 
to try to do something odd and create 
excitement. 

1527— Hans Seckler's Eunnciation of 

Principles. 

During the year 1527, Hans Seck- 
ler had come from Basel to Bei'ne, 
both in Switzerland. Hans Dreier 
and Heinrich Seller were present at 



Church. (9) Infant baptism has no 
foundation in the gospel but it was 
only begun by the Pope. This does 
not make it a gospel rite; because no 
Christian practice can exist that is 
not planned and set up by God him- 
self, (Miiller, p. 42). 

1527 — George Wagner's Execution ; 
Also Others Put to Death. 



In Martyr's Mirror, (p. 401) is given 
the Baptists' meeting or convention of the following account of the execution 



1528, and were, according to a manu- 
script in the Berne Library, drowned 
in the Berne Lake in 1535. A minute 
of the hearing against these people is 
set out in the old books and the main 
points that Seckler insisted upon 
were as follows: (1) Baptism of chil- 
dren is a bad practice and can not 
serve any good purpose. (2) Though 
we do not take part in Government 
we ought to be subject to Govern- 
ment, and we are. (3) The word of 
Christ must remain and govern all 
things — we are not to swear at all — 
what Govenrment commands we will 
do as long as it is not against God. 
(4) The heart belongs to God and not 
to men (he was surely not a Social- 
ist). (5) Paying taxes is all that is 
imposed upon us and this a Christian 
will always do. (6) As to paying in- 
terest we hold it the same as paying 
tithes; if interest is usury so is pay- 
ing the tithes. (7) As to having sev- 
eral wives, he said that more than 
one wife is wrong, but that he knew 
of some Anabaptists who had several 
wives in common, but most of them 
did not believe in this doctrine, and 
now I believe that all who used to fol- 
low are very sorry for it and that it is 
stamped out. (8) As to the mass and 
pictures of the Virgin and as to why 
they do not enter churches in which 
there are these pictures and idols in 
the church, he said, he does not com- 
plain about it and those who want to 
do so, may; neither do we say that 
the women should not go into the 



of George Wagner in 1527. 

"George Wagner, of Emmerich, was 
apprehended at Munich, in Bavaria, 
on account of four articles of the 
faith. First, That the priest can not 
forgive sins. Secondly, That he does 
not believe a man can bring down 
God from heaven. Thirdly, That he 
does not believe that God or Christ 
is bodily in the bread which the priest 
has upon the altar; but that it is the 
body of the Lord. Fourthly, That he 
did not hold to the belief that water 
baptism possessed any saving power. 
As he would not renounce these arti- 
cles, he was most severely tormented, 
so that the prince felt great compas- 
sion for him, and personally came to 
him in the prison, and earnestly ad- 
minished him thereto, promising that 
he would call him his friend all his 
lifetime. Thus also, the tutor of the 
prince, earnestly admonished him to 
recant, and likewise made him many 
promises. Ultimately his wife and 
child were brought before him in pris- 
on in order, on this wise to move him 
to recant. But neither was he to be 
moved in this way; for he said that 
though his wife and child were so dear 
lo him that the prince could not buy 
them with all his dominion, yet he 
would not forsake his God and Lord 
on their account. Many priests and 
others also came to himffl but he was 
steadfast and immovable in that which 
God had given him to know. Hence he 
was finally sentenced to the fire and 
death. 



ZURICH MORE SEVERE THAN BERNE 



27 



Having been delivered into the 
hands of the executioner, and led in- 
to the middle of the city, he said: 'To- 
day I will confess my God before all 
the world.' He had such joy in Christ 
Jesus, that his face did not pale, nor 
his eyes show fear; but he went smil- 
ingly to the fire, where the execution- 
er bound him on the ladder, and tied 
a little bag of powder to his neck, at 
which he said: 'Be it done in the name 
of the Father, the Son and the Holy 
Ghost;" and having smilingly bidden 
farewell to a Christian who was 
there, he was thrust into the fire by 
the executioner, and happily offered 
up his spirit, on the eighth day of 
February, A. D. 1527. The sheriff how- 
ever, surnamed Eisenreich von Lands- 
berg, while returning home from the 
place of execution, travelling on 
horseback, purposing to apprehend 
others of the brethren, died suddenly 
in the night, and was found dead in 
his bed in the morning having thus 
been removed through the wrath of 
God. 

Melchior Vet, who was a compan- 
ion of George Blaurock of whom we 
have spoken before, was also burned 
at the same time that Michael Satter 
was executed. Leonhard Keyser, the 
same year, was drowned for having 
accepted the doctrine of the Aanbap- 
tists, (Martyrs' Mirror, pp. 403 and 
405). The same year, Thomas tier- 
man and 67 others, and also at the 
Hague and at other places in Hol- 
land, about 150 more were executed, 
(M. Mirror, 406-9.). 

l.")27 — Berne Asks Zurich How They 

Exterminate the Meuuouitos 

There. 

On the 14th of September, of this 
year, the Berne authorities wrote to 
Zurich and informed them that they 
had published a decree against the 
Anabaptists or Mennonites to the 
effect that they must stop practicing 
the faith or leave the country, and 



warning them that if they went into 
any other part of Switzerland and 
keep on their doctrine, they would be 
punished wherever they are. 

About the same time Berne asked 
information from Zurich how they 
managed to reduce the Baptists to 
such a small number so early, stating 
that they wish to follow the same 
method. Zurich said the best method 
they found was to kill them, (Miiller. 
p. 28). 

In this item we observe two points, 
(1) that Zurich got through her per- 
secutions against the Mennonites 
earlier than Berne did. It is likely 
that many of them fled from Zurich 
to Berne and into the Emmenthal or 
valley Northwest of Berne; and (2) 
we notice that Zurich was much more 
severe than Berne in its treatment of 
these people. 

1,'>2" — Xeiv Meinionite Strenarth in the 
Ennnenthal. 

In 1527 Berchtold Haller, (likely to- 
day Heller, the common Lancaster 
county name), the reformer from 
Berne wrote to Zwingli that the val- 
ley of the Lower Zimmenthal is on 
his side and further he also hears 
that the subjects from the Emmen- 
thal and particularly about Langnau 
and Ruederswell have turned for the 
right, that is have become Anabap- 
tists and have given up the mass and 
have petitioned the rulers of the 
country that they should let them 
practice their religion unmolested. 
They said also that they could show 
by the scriptures that the mass was 
a blasphemy. The Council agreed to 
let these faithful people go without 
observing the mass now until further 
notice. This was the same also as to 
the congregations of Bollingen and 
Rohrbach, (Muller, p. 23). 



28 



MENNONITISM IN SWITZERLAND 



1527— Auabaptists Acted Unwisely at 

Zolotliuru, Switzerland. 

The agitation, which was in 1527 
carried to Berne in favor of Anabap- 
tism frightened the friends of the re- 
formation in not a little degree and it 
was a year before the victory of the 
reformation was known to the friends 
at Berne. At this time there were 
some restless and foolish dreamers 
among the Anabaptists and this cre- 
ated disorders in Zurich and the 
news spread to Berne and did there 
cause much harm. Also in Germany 
they caused trouble and now it was 
carried to Berne and the Catholics 
took a delight is this dilemma. Zeh- 
ner in 1531 reports and says the re- 
formation movement at Zolothurn, 
Switzerland, that the beginning was 
so good that the whole reformation 
should have grown very strong in 
Christ, but he heard that everything 
was spoiled by these Anabaptists, 
who were tolerated with pleasure by 
the Catholics, because they saw it 
held the cause back and so the true 
servants of the gospel are not now 
counted anything in that section, 
(Miiller, p. 25). 

1527— Mennouite Congregations Grow- 
ing in Different Parts of Switzer- 
land. 

Doctor Hoopmeier, expelled from 
Zurich found an asylum in Nickel- 
burg, Switzerland, and there for a 
long time he was not hindered in the 
Anabaptism doctrine, which he be- 
lieved and which Zwingli prevented 
in Zurich. Others came to this Asv- 
lum from St. Gallen and the Upper 
Mountainous regions of Switzerland. 
They had the powerful protection of 
County Lichtenstein and in a little 
while 40 to 50 households had turned 



to Anabaptism out of a population of 
12,000. These formed the kernel of 
the Baptist congregations in that sec- 
tion, known as the conservative Ban- 
tists or Mennonites. There were also 
communities of Baptists there who 
were very excitable and they were 
called the enthusiastic Baptists. Then 
there were also the Swabian Baptists 
in the Upper Necker Valley, and they 
agreed to seven articles of faith about 
the year 1527, (Miiller, page 94). 

1528 — Reformation Moienient i n 

Switzerland Retarded by the 

Mennonites. 

A great discussion or debate was 
held in January, 1528, in Berne for 
the purpose of having the people de- 
cide which branch of the reformation 
they would cling to, that is, whether 
the reform under Zwingli or the Men- 
nonite or Anabaptist faith and it was 
to be decided according to the result 
of this debate. E\;eryone could speak 
out what he desired. But the Bishops 
knew the opinion in Berne and re- 
mained away. Whether the Baptists 
would take part in it and defend their 
views or whether they wanted to 
take advantage of the excitement 
simply to push on their doctrine is 
not known but it was soon found that 
their appearance there would be 
disastrous to the success of the dis- 
cussion and might have ended the de- 
bate because now all the strength of 
the powers or Government were to be 
held together to strike against Rome. 
And it was feared that a debate in- 
stead of getting all the reform 
preachers together, would just result 
in splitting them up more. There- 
fore, the foreign Mennonites who had 
come to attend this discussion were 
kept back in a cloister until the dis- 



MARTYRDOM IN SALSBURG AND BAVARIA 



29 



cussion was ended. Then wiion they 
came up it was decided they could 
say whatever they pleased. At this 
time also a spirit commenced to arise 
to punish any of those Anabaptists 
or heretics as they called them, who 
were sent out of the country and were 
now beginning to come back. A 
great effort was now to be made to 
gather together all the reformers and 
make a move against the Catholic 
Church and because the Mennonites 
and Anabaptists were splitting up 
this reform movement by not accept- 
ing Zwingli and Luther views, the 
Reformed and the Lutherans now 
turned against them as fiercely as 
possible, (Miiller, p. 28). 

1528 — Martyrdom in Salsbnrg'. 

During this year IS persons in one 
part and many others were execuiod 
for their Mennonite faith in Salsbu".g. 
Germany. The most reliable account 
is as follows: 

"These eighteen persons, besides 
many others, were kindled with zeal 
in the fear of God, and had turned to 
God from the world and its idolatry, 
and been baptized upon faith in 
Christ, entering upon obedience to- 
wards his holy gospel. This the ad- 
versaries could not endure; these 
eighteen were therefore apprehended, 
and finally, as they, under many tor- 
tures, piously adhered to their faith, 
were also sentenced to the fire, and 
burned on the same day, at Salzburg, 
about the year 1528." (See M. Mirror, 
p. 411.) 

All of these showed the greatest 
readiness to die for the sake of their 
faith and left inspiring tributes to 
strengthen their brethren and sisters. 
Speaking of the state churches, they 
say they have hid the truth for 
more than 500 years, seduced the 



multitudes with false doctrines and 
trampled the word under foot. 

They then proceed and say that all 
this has been witnessed at Salzburg 
not a lamentable matter, viz.: — that 
eighteen persons should be burned in 
one day for the doctrine of Christ. 
That they suffered a great deal before 
they were burned, to wit. — they could 
not buy or sell land nor own prop- 
erty, because they did not believe in 
the State doctrine. 

1.V28 — Seventy-one Persons .Martyred 

in tlie Valley of the Inn, Ita^aria, 

Oerniany. 

In the year 1528, "Leonhard Schoe- 
ner of Becklasburg was apprehended. 
He was a minister of God, and was 
well versed in the holy Scriptures, 
and also in the Latin language. He 
faithfully taught the true baptism of 
Christ and his apostles, the true 
Lord's Supper, and the articles of the 
Christian faith; yea, the word of God. 
He also testified against infant bap- 
tism, the abominable sacrament, and 
other abominations of antichrist. He 
had originally been a barefoot friar 
for about six years, but beholding the 
impurity, wantonness, hypocrisy 
(Matt. 7:15), and viciousness of the 
monks and priests, and judging their 
lives by the word of God, he left the 
monastery at Judenburg, Austria, and 
went to Nurenberg, learned the tai- 
lor's trade and then traveling about 
as a journejTnan tailor, he came to 
Xulasberg, in Austria. There he 
heard of Balthasar Huebmeier and his 
baptism, and learned that a number 
of the same faith formed a little so- 
ciety at Veyen. He sought them out, 
came to them, heard them, and, led 
thither by Oswald was baptized. Af- 
i ter this he went to Steyen to work 
I at his trade; where he taught and 



» 



30 



MENNONITISM AND BAPTISM 



baptized, having been elected teaclier 
by them; and thus teaching and bap- 
tizing, he proceeded through Bavaria, 
as far as Rothenburg, in the Valley of 
the Inn, vv^here he was apprehended 
for his faith, disputed much with his 
opposers, and was examined. Pre- 
vious to this he proposed: that, if 
they regarded his faith and doctrine 
as wrong and heretical, they should 
produce learned persons, doctors, 
monks and priests, to dispute with 
him concerning the matter. Should 
he, in dispute on true scriptural 
grounds be found to be in the wrong, 
they should punish him as unright- 
eous; and for still further confirma- 
tion of the truth, he offered, in order 
to confirm his assertion and his writ- 
ings, that, if any of the learned could 
convince him with the truth of the 
word of God, that his doctrine was 
not comformable to the holy scrip- 
tures, he should, as having been van- 
quished be severed limb from limb by 
the executioner, and, when deprived 
of all his limbs, have the ribs torn 
out of his body, until he should be 
dead. But if he should not be able to 
obtain and hearing and disputation, 
and they should judge and put him to 
death unheard, he asked all the wit- 
nesses of his death, and all those 
standing by, that they be his witness- 
es before God, in His Judgment at the 
last day. But by virtue of the man- 
date of the Emperor, and the edict of 
the King of Hungary and Bohemia, he 
was condemned, delivered to the exe- 
cutioner, beheaded, and burnt to 
■ashes on the 14th day of January of 
said year, at Rothenburg, for the tes- 
timony of Christ, from which he 
would not depart. After the death of 
this Leonhard, about seventy persons 
bore witness with their blood in the 
•same place. Leonhard Schoener, 



among others, left an admonition for 
the consolation of all those who suf- 
fer for the name of Christ." (See Mir- 
ror, p. 409.) 

By this we can see that the re- 
ligious agitation was in great ferment 
in the central part of Germany at this 
time; and that the Anabaptist or Men- 
nonite Church was slowly rising 
through blood and turmoil to become 
a great religious power in cen tral 
Europe. 

1528 — Hans Sclilaeffer and Leonhard 

Frick Martyred in the Valley of 

the Inn, Bavaria, Germany. 

"In the year 1528, Brother Hans 
Schlaeffer, formerly a Roman Priest, 
but afterwards a teacher of the word 
and Gospel of Christ, a highly gifted 
man, was apprehended at Schwartz, 
in the Valley of the Inn, and with him 
Brother Leonhard Frick. They tried 
him greatly with many severe tor- 
tures, and disputed with him, through 
the priests about infant baptism; but, 
he orally as well as in writing, 
showed them his defense, as it is com- 
manded, and as it will be found 
throughout the entire New Testa- 
ment, namely: That the word of God 
must first be taught, and that only 
those who hear, understand, believe 
and receive it, are to be baptized. 
This is the true Christian baptism, 
and no anabaptism. The Lord has 
nowhere commanded to baptize in- 
fants; they are already the Lord's, 
and as long as they are in their inno- 
cence and simplicity, they are not to 
be condemned at all. The also asked 
him, in what the foundation of these 
anabaptistic sects did properly con- 
sist. To this he replied: 'Our faith, 
practice and baptizing is founded on 
nothing else than the command of 
Christ: Go ye into all the world and 



EXECUTION OF MENNONITES 



31 



preach the Gospel to every creature. 
He that believeth and is baptized will 
be saved' (Mark 16:16; Matt. 28:19); 
and many other Scriptures. 

They also asked what design was 
concealed under this baptism, since 
they had thus exhorted them to raise 
a new uproar and sedition. But l.e 
replied that it never entered his 
heart, to make an uproar; neither 
had he ever approved of it in others; 
yea, he had fled fom a house in which 
they lived in contention, which he 
could prove by all with whom he had 
ever lived. And there is no other de- 
sign concealed under it, than to 
amend the life, and to forsake the 
viscious ways of the world; so that 
in the doctrine which he teaches, this 
is not the least commandment that 
we are in duty bound to be subject to 
the authorities in all good things; 
how, then, should he raise and pur- 
pose uproar and sedition? 

Thus Hans Schlaeffer of Schaeffer 
was asked what had caused and in- 
duced him to forsake his office and 
priest. Concerning this he told them, 
that he had done it for conscience's 
sake, because he knew that he was 
in a place of a prophet, and believed 
that God had sent him. 

They would also know of him, who 
told him to go into Germany to plant 
the evil seed of Anabaptism. He told 
them, that no one had ordered him 
thither; but that, since he had no 
abiding place as yet, and had to go 
about in misery, he came there to one 
of his friends, with whom he stayed, 
and thence came to Schwartz, where 
he was apprehended, according to 
and for the will of God. As to the 
evil seed of which they spake, he 
knew nothing at all; but he intended 
nothing evil, but much rather the 



pure divine truth." 
410). 



(M. Mirror, p. 



1528 — Other Excciilions of .Monno- 
nitcs or Aiiabuptists. 

During this same year Leojiold 
Schneider was beheaded at Augsburg 
for his faith. He died with songs of 
praise on his lips, (M. Mirror, p. 411). 
Also Hans of Stotzingen was con- 
demned to death for the Evangelical 
truth, in Zabern, Alsace, (M. Mirror, 
p. 412). And the same as all the rest 
he seemed to show no fear at all and 
was glad to meet his torture and 
death. 

The same year (Do.) two ministers 
of the Evangelical gospel were de- 
stroyed in the city of Brueem, Mo- 
ravia. When they were being tried, 
one of them said to the Council who 
were trying them, to be careful that 
they do not shed innocent blood, when 
one of the Council being pricked in 
his heart named Thomas Petzer arose 
and pretended he were washing his 
hands, saying, 'Thus shall 1 wash my 
hands in their blood and think to do 
iGod service.' But a few days later he 
was found dead in his bed, so that he 
died and passed away before those 
whom he helped to condemn. In the 
same year Hans Feierer, (M. Mirror, 
p. 412) and five of his believers were 
condemned and burned at Munich, in 
Bavaria, and in addition three sisters, 
being wives of three of these men, 
were drowned and all of them seemed 
ready and willing to die for their 
father. This name Feierer is much 
like our Lancaster County Feree, 
which at certain times spelled Fer- 
ree, and may have later been changed 
into Forry. And we also have the 
name Fiero. All of these names seem 
to come from the same stock and 
these people may have come from 



32 



MENNONITE MIGRATION AND GROWTH 



that part of Germany, bordering on 
France. 

1528— Growtli of 3Ieniioiiitism. 

This year, according to Dr. Egli's 
Ziiricher Wiedertaufer, Zwingli found 
great difficulty in keeping his brethren 
from leaving the Reformed church 
and going over to the Mennonites or 
Anabaptists. He remonstrated with 
them but they did not heed and took 
such means as they saw fit. Then the 
Government came to his aid and com- 
pelled the people to follow Zwingli's 
teaching or suffer a penalty if they 
joined the Anabaptists. In certain 
places the Anabaptist strength grew 
so that in one town there was only 
one woman left in the Reformed 
church, the rest of the neighborhood 
having turned Mennonites and held 
their meeting in a barn, (Zur., p. 80). 

They now, however, began to have 
difficulties among themselves and 
this retarded the growth somewhat, 
(Zur., p. 87). 

1528— First Migration of the Menno- 
nites into Germany. 

The Anabaptists begged that their 
opponents should examine the Baptist 
faith more closely and their teachings 
and they offered to submit them to 
the Council of Berne but they were 
refused. Council said they would not 
accept any opinion the Anabaptists 
had but their damned wrong teaching 
about not baptizing until the children 
were grown up must be rejected en- 
tirely and also their dotcrine of not 
assisting the Government. They fur- 
ther said that the Anabaptist view 
that no Government was necessary 
was dangerous and the steps taken by 
the officials to enforce the Anabap- 
tists to change their views so dis- 
gusted them with the fatherland, that 



they began to migrate to other lands. 
This migration was partly caused by 
the reason that the great Mennonite 
leaders, viz: — Greybill, Stumpf and 
others were expelled — Hoffmeier was 
taken captive by the Austrians and 
burned at the stake in Vienna, Ludwig 
Haetzer of Kiisnitz and also Denck 
were submitted to tortures; and thus 
they began to move onward like 
sheep without a shepherd. The Men- 
nonites from Schaffhausen may have 
gone down the Rhine about this time. 
Some went to the Netherlands, some 
went to Alsace in the Pfaltz and 
yet others to Hassen, (Brons, p. 47). 

1528 — Debate on Mennonite Principles 
at Berne. 

This year, according to Miiller, (p. 
45) the Anabaptists were invited to 
come to Berne to discuss the religious 
principles and to see whether those 
who were imprisoned might have 
their liberty again. After the regular 
convention was held there was an in- 
formal discussion with these Ana- 
baptists who were present and there 
again the Baptists re-asserted their 
principles more strenuously than be- 
fore as is shown by an old book pub- 
lished in Zurich. The objections 
brought against them were, they do 
not say the "Ave Maria" — nor pay 
taxes or tithes — and that it is a shame 
that these "devilish, brazen Anabap- 
tists are hot ashamed of thmselves 
for refusing honor to Virgin Mary 
since God himself, gave her honor by 
making her the mother of the Savior 
though she remained a Virgin." This 
book goes on to say, "why will they 
call themselves Christians, if they do 
not give her the honor which the Arch 
Angel Gabriel gave to her, saying, 
'Hail, Mary, full of grace; thou shall 
be the mother of the Savior,' etc. — 



MEXXONITE DEBATE— AUSTRIAN DECREE 



33 



yet these people do uot give her 
any honor." 

It is related that the city clerk of 
the Council was an Anabaptist and 
he and his wife said something 
against the Virgin and were heavily 
fined; ])ut he would not take absolu- 
tion from the Priests. The Anabap- 
tists or Mennonites were further ac- 
cused, because it was charged they 
would not observe the Apostles' creed, 
since that was not in the Scripture; 
also they were charged with holding 
that there should be no authority 
exercised, except what was given in 
the Bible, and the Bible says a sword 
could be used, they claim that it can 
or should uot. 

1528 — Imperial Austrian Decree 
Agiiiust the Anabaptists. 

Miiller says, (p. 32) that during this 
year, there was pronounced an Imper- 
ial decree by Austria against the Ana- 
bai)tists; and in 1.529 another. These 
decrees made it the duty of every 
citizen to exterminate the Anabaptist 
movement. This movement went into 
Germany and appeared in many 
places there as communism and 
looked to be detrimental to the State. 
Therefore, they were much persecuted 
about ths time; their religious sincer- 
ity was not believed in and they were 
looked upon as a new form of civil 
government much like socialists be- 
cause of their peculiar views concern- 
ing Government. For this reason 
Zurich, Berne, St. Gallen and many 
other Cantons of Switzerland and 
other places decreed that it must be 
exterminated. The main question 
they asked however was "how shall 
these stubborn heretic people be ex- 
terminated?" Switzerland found that 
question harder to answer than to 
ask. By the middle of 1529, it is shown 



by MuUer, that this movement was 
very strong all over Switzerland, 
(Miiller, p. 30). 

1528— Anabaplisl Tortiins in Switz- 
erland, Bavaria and <<<'riiiany. 

Muller, (p. 17) tolls us that in the 
latter part of 1528, in Swabia (which 
was anciently the Northern part of 
Switzerland) they had 500 to 1000 
horsemen to go all over the country 
and without trial or judgment, kill 
Taufers like wild beasts and take their 
property. George Ausl)ach, who was 
a friend of the Anabaptists, itrotected 
them against this. Just as hard were 
the persecutions in Bavaria. Here 
Duke William gave the order that all 
who do not repent must be burned 
and their limbs be pulled out from 
their" bodies. Some were fried to 
death on hot i)illars of stone — some 
were tortured with red hot tongs — 
some were locked in houses and 
burned- with the houses — some burned 
at the stake — some hung on trees — 
and some died by sword and water — 
some were gagged and taken to the 
place of death and killed. But in s])ite 
of all this they continued to grow. 

1529— Anabaptists \early Exlcrini- 

nated Near (iroeningen. 

In this year there was such a severe 
measure in the district of Groeningen, 
that only two small letters remind 
us that the Anabaptists were not 
wholly swept or wiped out. One de- 
cree was that the Sheriffs and their 
Deputy Sheriffs were all compelled to 
see to it that these Baptists went to 
the Catholic Church; and those that 
were not found there were condemned 
as heretics. In spite of all this a 
good many kei)t themselves hid and 
did not appear at the Catholic church 
for two years, (Zur., p. 83). 



34 



HANS MILLER'S LABORS— TAUFER GROWTH 



1529— Pious Old Hans Miiller's Labors 
and Troubles in Switzerland. 

At the end of this year the authori- 
ties had new troubles on hand with 
the Anabaptists. In the Aathal was 
Hans Miiller of Medikon (Switzer- 
land). In this place he was put to 
jail on account of debts but he was 
also held on account of his Anabap- 
tist or Mennonite views. When the 
promise given about going to church 
was offered to him, he said he wanted 
to have an interview with his people 
before he would answer, as he was 
one of their leaders. The Council 
were at the same time Judge and Jury 
in important matters; and he seeing 
that their methods were unfair said 
to them, what you want people to do 
to you you must do to them. He pe- 
titioned the Council that they should 
have fatherly mercy, that they should 
not compel him to violate his con- 
science or make his persecutions un- 
bearable on account of his faith be- 
cause faith is a free gift of God, and 
as everyone has not the same faith 
which the scriptures tell about, they 
ought all to be dealt with according 
to their individual faith. He went on 
to say that faith is not of the will of 
the flesh but born of God and because 
they have the spirit of God are the 
children of God — that all that comes 
from God is good — that the mysteries 
of God are hidden like a treasure in 
a field and no one can find them un- 
less God shows them to him, there- 
fore he said, "You servants of God, I 
beg of you let me and my faith free." 

In a similar manner he expressed 
himself in a petition in which he asks 
for patience until God gives him light 
to decide and said he, faith is not to 
be taken up as a stone but must first 
be found. 



Miiller made an effort to break out 
of jail and his excuse was very 
simple and unsophisticated. He said, 
"Beloved do not let this surprise you 
that I wanted to break out from this 
Castle or jail, because the hardship 
here compels me to do it." Dr. Egli 
goes on to say that if his supposition 
is correct, this Hans Miiller of Medi- 
kon or Edikon is the same as the Miil- 
ler from the Aathal or Mathal, ac- 
cording to a letter of the Sheriff of 
Gl'eoningen in the beginning of 1530, 
who interrupted the pastor in the 
church, because he would proclaim 
"Ave Maria." Edikon he says, is no 
other place than Medikon in Aathal, 
noticed as early as August, 1528, when 
Sheriff Vogt Berger wrote and said 
that one, Hans Miiller has strong An- 
abaptist views but otherwise he was a 
quiet and pious man, very willing to 
be taught; and afterwards he said of 
him, "He is a fine pious fellow." It 
seems also that the title page of an 
early Hymn Book used by the Early 
Anabaptists contained some fine al- 
lusions to the good qualities of this 
Hans Miiller and Egli thinks that 
Sheriff Berger copied them in praise 
of Miiller. The title of the Hymn Book 
is, "A Collection of Nice Christian 
Hymns Composed in Prison of Passaw 
and in the Castle by the Swiss Breth- 
ren and Other Righteous Christians." 
Some of the hymns were composed by 
Blauroch and Mans. And it is plain 
that Hans Miiller copied them and 
frequently quoted from them. 

1529— Estimate of the Number of 

Meunonites at Tliis Time. 

Miiller tells us (p. 17 that Sebastian 
Prank, estimated the number of Meu- 
nonites who were destroyed in two 
years by sword, water and fire was 
about 2000. In Tyrol there was about 
1000 up to the year 1530. In Ensen- 



LUTHER AND THE BAPTISTS 



35 



sheim in Austria, 600 — in Luitz, 73 — in 
Bavaria and tlie Palatinate up to 1529 
350. There were also others in Mu- 
nich and other sections. Among them 
were Michael Sattler of Rotenburg, 
whose tongue was cut out. So too 
there were prominent people in other 
sections. 

i:,2{)— Molchoir Hoffinau's l)o>)ate On 
the Lord's Supper. 

This year as we are told (Brons, p. 
381), Hoffman declared that if the 
Government of Holland does not yield 
and allow the Anabaptists peace, they 
will bring on bloodshed as they grow 
stronger. This he said after the great 
debate at Kiel, Germany, where today 
the great war vessels are gathered. 

Hoffman was looked upon as an 
agitator rather than a harmless Men- 
nonite. Plis enemies tried to have tlie 
ruler of Holland turn against liim, 
but he could not do so. 

On tlie question of transubstantia- 
tion, Hoffman said, had Christ more 
than one body? Was he not sitting at 
the table when he said, "This is my 
body?" He did not mean it in that 
sense. Neither can priests make the 
bread his body blessing it. No, said 
Hoffman, "The bread is only a sym- 
bol." On this subject Luther and 
Zwingli could not agree either; but 
they did agree on all other points by 
a special effort, (Do., p. 390). 

1529 — Decree Against the Baptists. 

In 1529 the Emperor of Austria de- 
cided that all Baptists, men and wo- 
men who have reached the age of un- 
derstanding and who are stubborn, 
reproachful and inciting others not 
to recognize any government, may be 
put to death by fire and sword with- 
out trial of any kind. This was call- 
ed the "blood edict" and it drove 
many out of the country because at 
this time there were a great many 
Bohemians and Moravian Baptists go- 
ing over to Prussia. This edict was 
by the Emperor of Austria (Brons, p. 
176). 



I i:)21>— Karlj llollaiul .Martyr Hook. 

These Baptists or Mennonites from 

an early date distributed papers, books 
and other writings to advance their 
religion. These were later gathered 
; into a book. The Government began 
to have them destroyed, when they 
found the Baptists were making an ef- 
fort to save them. The book was fin- 
ished in 1562 and called the book of 
the sacrifices for the Lord. Five years 
later a second edition of the book 
came out and the Spanish Govern- 
ment tried to destroy it. But it was 
l)rinted the third time and accounts of 
many later persecutions added. The 
first edition had only the persecutions 
up to 1529. The next one those up to 
1559 killed in Holland, (Brons, p. 
236). 

1529— Luther .Vdopts Parts of Baptist 
Catediisni. 

The Bohemian and Moravian 

JWaldenses, got up a little catechism 

about this time and Luther studied it 

and called attention to what he con- 

: sidered their mistakes; and in answer 

these Bohemians and Moravians tried 

to prove that Luther was wrong. 

Luther did not answer their attack; 

but it seems he copied much of it, 

changed it somewhat and published it 

as his catechism in 1529. (Brons, p. 

j53). 

1529— Torture of Hans Hut (now 
Hutb). 

Brons, (p. 425) tells us of the tor- 
ture of a Baptist in 1529 who bore 
what is now a familiar Lancaster 
county name — Hans Hut or Huth. Hut 
went to Augsburg in Bavaria and his 
brother .John to Wiirtenbug. He was 
arrested there and taken to the tower. 
He tried to escape by a rope but fell 
off and lay as dead. A burning candle 
set the straw of his bed on fire which 
nearly suffocated him. In this half 
dead condition they took him to Court. 
He was condemned and burned, as 
the author who first wrote the narra- 
Itive says he heard from the victim's 



36 "STAFF AND "SWORD" AND "WEIDMAN" MENNONITE FACTIONS 



own son. His offense was "free 
speech." This Martyrdom of Hans 
Hut is also found in Martyr's Mirror, 
p. 417). 

1529— The Weidman Faction of Meii- 

noiiites. (The Staff 31eiiiioiiites 

and the Sword Mennouites). 

Brons tells us (p. 424) that in 
Nickelsburg, there was a convention 
in 1529 of teachers. Hoffmier was 
chairman it seems. But there were 
present also Hans Huth, Oswald Vlait, 
Hans Pitmaier, Christian Rothmantel, 
Hans Werner, Strahl Weidman, Jacob 
Weidman and others. We see here 
the forbears of Lancaster county 
citizens. This convention was held 
under protection * of Lichenstein, a 
Count of Germany, who had come 
over to the Mennonite doctrine. They 
discussed whether a Christian could 
go to war, cany weapons, pay war tax 
and similar subjects; but no conclu- 
sion was reached. Huth and Weid- 
man were against it. They differed 
in opinion from Lichtenstein, who 
thought patriotism made these things 
necessary. Huth was captured be- 
cause he was against Lichtenstein, 
but aftei'wards a friend helped him 
and let him down on a rope and he es- 
caped. Lichtenstein wanted to bring 
Huth to his way of thinking. 

This debate brought about another 
split and gave rise to two new parties 
or factions of Baptists. One was of 
the belief that weapons could be car- 
ried and that war taxes should be 
paid and the other that it should not 
be so. Those who split off, on the 
doctrine that Christians should not 
carry weapons, or pay taxes, followed 
Jacob Weidman to the number of 
about 200 to the great disgust of 
Count Lichtenstein, the powerful 
friend of the Mennonites and a be- 



liever in part of their doctrine. Still 
Lichtenstein went with his dissenters 
to his boundary line and gave them a 
drink and let them go. 

They went to the Count at Auster- 
litz and begged him to take them and 
help them and he said he would if 
there were even a thousand of them, 
and he did help them. This party 
was called the "Staff" party or pilgrim 
Baptists or Mennonites and the other 
party the "Sword" party. 

Men of power began to sympathize 
with the Mennonite movemvBnt, espec- 
ially about the Wurtenburg in South 
Germany where these events hap- 
pened. 

There was a midle party also who 
were against war and carrying weap- 
ons and going to war but who were 
willing to pay war duties. To this 
latter party belong the Swiss Men- 
nonites. 

As the Baptists grew, the Catholics 
Church complained more and more 
and as a result the German emporer 
commanded Lichtenstein and Hoff- 
meier to come to Vienna, the capital 
of the German Empire, at that time. 

As soon as Hoffmeier arrived he 
and his wife were captured and taken 
to the Castle Gravenstein and after- 
V. ards he gave out a statement that as 
far as bearing arms was concerned, 
he believed the same as Count Lich- 
tenstein. Later however, he regretted 
yielding so far and said he was guilty 
of not being firm enough in the faith 
and wrote to the Nickelsburg congre- 
gation that he had become too weak 
I but that they should hold fast to the 
: faith? Soon afterwards the congre- 
jgation received the sad news that their 
1 dear teacher was burned to death and 
that his wife was drowned. But it 



HOFFMAN'S AND BLAUROCH'S MEXNONITK LABOKS 



37 



seems Lichtenstein escaped punish- 
nient. 

IVJi) — I>iii>list Kally at Kiiidcii, in (ier- 
iiiaii.v. 

Brons tells us (p. o90) that, the fall 
of this year some preachers came to- 
gether at Emden, most of whom were 
Baptists. They tried to come to a de- 
finite view on the principal doctrines, 
especially on the Lord's supper. But 
by this time the Lutheran view of the 
same had grown very strong. The 
Baptists semed to become more divid- 
ed. They differed much from their 
leaders, Hoffman and others too. They 
said their views were right. They 
were an extreme branch of Baptists 
about Hanover, Germany. 

Melchoir Hoffman baptized 300 
people in 1529 about Emden. He was 
a valiant worker. This was the only 
place outside of the Roman Empire, 
e.xcept the neighboring territory of 
East Freidland in the Duchy of Al- 
brecht in Prussia where the Baptist 
faith could feel any safety. Hoffman 
came there and worked and baptized 
all these people. Shortly after his ar- 
rival he baptized them in the Ancient 
Church. They did not seem to be 
quite settled. He came to this place 
(Emden or Embden) in August, 1529. 
He had two opponents against him, 
(Brons, pp. 385 and 386). One spoke 
against Hoffman from the pulpit and 
another preacher Olmsdorf followed 
his example. Also the preacher of 
the Danish Crown prince was against 
him. Hoffman challenged them all to 
meet him in public debate but they 
refused. 

At Keil in Northern Germany on 
the Baltic Sea in the Gray Cloister, 
Hoffniftn debated the Lord's Supper, 
April 8, 1529. The whole place was 
filled. After Burgenhagen, by order of 



the King, had made the first speech, 
the Crown Prince and all of the peo- 
ple present fell on their kiicfs td 
pray. Burgenhagen was tlic great 
theologian of the Crown Prince, 
(Brons, p. 379). 

Six clerks were put on oath to take 
the debate in writing correctly or lose 
heir souls. All the learned people 
and the aristocrats took seats near the 
Crown Prince, while those disputing 
•vere standing. 

Hoffman was askinl why he called 
all the preachers false prophets in his 
books and he said because they all 
preached a wrong view of the Lord's 
sujtper. And then a long debate fol- 
lowed. Hoffman here aloiie against 
the learned theologians of Northern 
Germany, opposed the doctrine of 
transubstantiation. This Bungen- 
ha-^en was a great friend of Luther, 
the same as Melanchthon. This i)art 
of Denmark was. in those times part 
of Germany, (Brons, p. 381). 

153J)— The End of Oeorae IMaurocli or 

"Strong Georg*''— A Mennouite 

Father. 

Muller tells us (p. 30) that Blau- 
roch was the best known and best 
loved in 1520 of all the leaders of the 
Mennouite people. He labored in 
Chur (Switzerland) and could bring 
the doctrines down to the common 
|)eople's understanding better than 
any other man. He labored in differ- 
ent places in Switzerland for the Bap- 
tist faith, and was driven out of Switz- 
erlrnd February 2, 1529. He was a 
reformer of Tyrol also, till August 30, 
1529 and was then burned to death. 
So ended the beloved "Strong George" 
which was his lovable nickname by 
the people of Tyrol and Switzerland. 
He was a second Paul in the view of 
hese Baptists or Mennonites. 



PENNSYLVANIA NAMES ABOUT ZURICH IN 1530 



1530 — Fniiiiliar Lancaster County 

Names About Zuricli. 

In 1530, besides Miiller there were 
the following Mennonites about lower 
Switzerland, toward Basel: Balthaser 
Stall and Hans Ruschacher (may be 
now Ricksecker) the tile maker of 
Eglisan, north of Zurich — Gabrill, the 
brickmaker of Tossriedun, near the 
same place — Casper Killer, Hans 
Nespler, Konrad Sewer (Sower), Ja- 
cob Schmidt, Burkhard Henry, Mar- 
garet and Ursula Myers, Appollonie 
Schnider and Ann Margaret and Julia 
Wiener, all of Blilach, a few miles al- 
most directly south of Eglisan — also 
Musterlis Bub of Oberglatt, a few 
miles south, slightly west of Bulach--- 
Hans Flumer of Wuningen, a few 
miles northwest of Zurich — also Jorg 
Stephen, Joder Ann and Eva Myers 
and Margaret Melcher of Watwill, 
near Keppel, far east of Zurich — Elsie 
Muchli or Oberhasli, a few miles north 
of Zurich — Margaret of Mettenhhasli, 
Adelaide Schwarz (or Black) of Dalli- 
kon, both near Oberhasli — Regula and 
Verona Kern of Nussbaumen, south- 
west of Zurich and Ann Piirst of 
Watt, north of Zurich. Working with 
these were foreign Mennonites, 
among them, Henry Spattig of Dotti- 
kon, among the mountains of the 
South; Hans of Horb in Wittenburg, 
Germany; Ann Sittler of Zug and 
several persons named Berkhald. Of 
these whole families were imprisoned 
— husbands and wives separated and 
the sect in Zurich greatly reduced. 
Dr. Egli also mentions with these, 
Hans of John Bruppacher. Thus we 
see that at this early period there 
were living in the Canton of Zurich, 
both in the lowlands north of the 
City of Zurich and in the moun- 
tains to the south, the ancestor fami- 



lies of the Common Lancaster County 
and eastern Pennsylvania names fa- 
miliar today, viz: — Stoll, Ricksecker, 
Keller, Sowers, Schmidt Burkhard, 
Myers, Schneider, Weiner, Yoder, 
Schwartz, Fiirst, Sittler, Burkholder 
and Brubaker. I have set this item 
out at such length because of this 
fact, (Zur., p. 87 and 88). 

1530 — Conrad Winkler — Leader and 
Martyr. 

There was also Conrad Winkler of 
VVasserburg, southeast of Zurich 
among the hills. Dr. Egli (p. 89) 
tells us that Winkler was for several 
years leader of the Anabaptists in the 
lowlands, north of Zurich and came to 
visit them from the mountains of the 
South. He was drowned January 20, 
1530 by the State authorities. 

1530— Schwenkfeld, Working With 
Hoffman. 

Brons tells us (p. 392) that in Stras- 
burg, Germany, Casper Schwenkfeld 
was in close touch with Hoffman. 
Both of them asked to be allowed to 
give a public debate on their princi- 
ples. They were accused of being 
heretics and Schwenkfeld in his peti- 
tion asserts he is no heretic nor se- 
ducer and he wants protection. He 
was against the State Church. He 
was the father of the Schwenkfelders 
of today and of the last nearly four 
centuries. 

1530 — Factions Cause Religious Ex- 
citement and Fear of "End of 
the World." 

Brons tells us (p. 58) that in 1530 
the Diet of Augsburg was opened to 
the Lutherans of Germany. At this 
Diet the Anabaptists or Mennonites 
were particularly, severely condemn- 
ed, because of opposition to infai.t 



TAUFERS IN SWITZERLAND. GERMANY AND HOLLAND 



39' 



baptism. Under these conditions the 
common people thought the "world 
was coming to an end" and there were 
all kinds of literature on the subject. 
Then Hoffman came out and wrote 
that the revelations are being fulfilled, 
and he explained how this was the 
case. Hoffman was leader of ttio, 
principle faction of the Mennonites, as 
we have seen. He attacked Luther 
and said Luther makes himself a new 
God who can save or damn at will and 
that he calls all who do not believe as 
he does "Heretics.' 

l.'>30 — Morals of the Anahaptists Com- 
pared AVith Other Reforniers. 

In 1530 Miiller (p. 2) Philip of Hes- 
sen wrote, "I find these Baptist peo- 
ple who are called dreamers and here- 
tics are purer than those that are 
Lutherans." This he stated in a let- 
ter dated February 18, 1530 to his sis- 
ter, Elizabeth of Saxony. Capito goes 
further and says that the most of 
these Anabaptists were in his opin- 
ion anything but bad — they possessed 
fear of God and Holy Zeal. And he 
considered them, as dear brethren, 
even though he was not wholly one of 
them, but was an Italian, partly pros- 
elyted. 

1530 — Anabaptist Movement Toward 
Berne. 

Miiller tells us (p. 46) that about 
1530, when these Anabaptists had 
gained some freedom, they gathered 
in great numbers and moved toward 
Berne from the Zurich tortures. Berne 
began to deplore the fact; for they 
were now giving trouble there. Octo- 
ber 13, 1530, Pfister Meyer complained 
to Baden that the Taufers or Anal)a])- 
tists were being badly used in the 
new regions and they demanded pro- 
tection. But they received none, of 



[ course. "Pfister" is a name met with 
in Lancaster county today. 

The growth was such now, that '.\t 
January, 1530, a general conference: 
was held by delegates from Zurica, 
Bern, Basil, St. Gallen and ConstancCr 
and they unanimously held that the 
Taufers or Anabaptists were becom- 
ing very dangerous and that there was 
a great falling off noticed from the 
true Christian Church — that is, the 
Reformed Church. It was decided 
that a report should be made, so that 
at the next meeting they would know 
how to go about curbing and break- 
ing up those "erring ones" by com- 
mon concerted action. 

1531— Hoffman's Followers Proselyte 
In Holland. 

Brons tells us (p. 396) that this 
ivear there were nine men proselyting 
to the Anabaptist faith in Belgium 
and Holland. They were taken from 
their beds and put into the Hague 
prison. Their main offense was re- 
baptizing those baptized in infancy. 
November 15th, they were beheaded 
in Brussels. Thus it happened these 
ambassadors of Hoffman were exe- 
cuted without accomplishing their de- 
sire. 

1531_«Taufers" Go Into rrussiau 
Lands. 

This year saw the beginning of the 
Taufer or Anabaptist movement into 
Prussia, where it was safe for them. 
They began to go into East Friesland 
also about this time. These parts of 
Germany were asylums also for peo- 
ple from all sections, persecuted for 
the sake of their religion, (Brons. p. 
243). 
l.)3I— Early Labors of Menn<» Simon. 

I This year a girl from near East 
I Friesland, about 12 years old was in 



40 



BERNE AND ZOLOTHURN REPRESS THE TAUFERS 



a convent and she heard of people 
being burned at the stake on accouat 
of their religion and it made such an 
impression on her that she secured a 
Latin Bible to get a clear notion and 
when she grew up her views became 
known. She was pronounced a here- 
tic and imprisoned a year. Then other 
nuns interceded for her and the Su- 
perior allowed her to escape disguis- 
ed as a milk maid and go to Leer. 
Here she found a Mennonlte Home 
and she joined them. Then she went 
to Linworden and associated with a 
Mennonite woman named Hadein. She 
was the widow of a man who at the 
beheading of Siche 'Drerick Schnider, 
beat drum so that his dying speech 
could not be heard. This widow was 
soon afterwards convinced of the 
correctness of the new faith and was 
one of the first ones baptized by 
Meno Simon, (Brons, p. 109). 

lo31 — Mennonite and Reformed De- 
bate at Berne. 

In April, 1531, there appeared m 
print the report of a debate between 
Pfister Myer and several Reformed 
preachers on the subject of second 
baptism — oaths — taking part in Gov- 
ernment and other Mennonite articles. 
The report was called, "A Christian 
Discussion Held at Bern, Between 
Pfister Myer and the Reformed 
Preachers. The report states that 
Myer was compelled to disavow some 
of his doctrine. This was the same 
Pfister who was complained against 
by the Bern authorities as being so 
strong, (Miiller, p. 46). 

1531 — Bern Orders Zolotliurn to Pun- 
ish tlie Aualiaptists, (31ennonites). 

Bern, which is west of Zurich, now 
began to feel the influence of the Men- 



nonites coming from Zurich and the 
east where they were driven. Reports 
came in from the smaller towns, 
and Bern ordered the authorities of 
one of them named Zolothurn to pun- 
ish them, or if they were not able, to 
allow the Bern authorities to do so. 
These Mennonites were holding meet- 
ings. It was feared the new sect 
would get a stronghold on the coun- 
try. Zolothurn answered that April 
1st, all the Sheriffs were ordered to 
drive them out everywhere; and be- 
sides it was forbidden under a penalty 
of 10 pounds fine, for anyone to give 
them shelter. Zolothurn reported that 
if the few leaders can be gotten hold 
of, the movement will cease. And thus 
said this town, there is no need that 
Bern authorities should come and help 
(Miiller, p. 32). 

1531— Deatli of Zwingli. 

This year too, at the Battle of Kap- 
pel in Switzerland, Zwingli, the "Re- 
formed" leader, who was also chap- 
lain in the army at Zurich, was acci- 
dentally killed. He fell a martyr to 
the dangers of war. 

1531— The Name "Taufer" or "Men- 
nonite" Used Contemptuously. 

So odious and yet so strong had 
grown the Anabaptist or Wiedertau- 
fer or Mennonite cause at this time 
in Switzerland, that whenever anyone 
showed an extraordinary zeal in any 
view different from the Lutheran doc- 
trine in Germany, he was called in de- 
rision a "Taufer" or an Arch-Taufer. 
Weitzel in a letter dated 1531, tells us 
this, (Miiller, p. 6). About the same 
time Hans Ballinger of Zurich, a min- 
ister of the Reformed church, wrote a 
book against the Mennonites calling it 
the "Brazen Faced, Shameless, Wick- 
ed, Erring and False Teachings of the 



MENNONITE PROGRESS IN BERNE— DECLINE IN ZntlCll 



n 



Self-Sent Anabaptists." A second edi- 
tion was published in ir)61. (Miiller, p. 
3). 

1501 — Close of the Reformation in 

Zurich. 
The Battle of KapiJel, October 11, 
1531, closed the Reformation in Zu- 
rich, bat for the next two years there 
were a great many mandates and or- 
ders directed against Anabaptists, 
(Zur., p. 90). 

1532 — Mennonite Trouress About 
Berne. 

The Anabaptists (Mennonites) now 
continued to grow in the Canton of 
Bern. August 17, 1532 the Baliiiff of 
Sumiswald about twenty miles north- 
east of the city of Bern, reported that 
these Baptists now continue in their 
activity without letup and the Coun- 
cil went on to say they expected good 
results from the printed reports of the 
debates, in which they felt the Men- 
nonites could not and did not success- 
fully uphold their side. This little 
book or report the authorities through- 
out the canton or State of Bern, or- 
dered to be read before the congrega- 
tions against the Taufers or Menno- 
nites. But during all this time the 
council heard continual reports that 
these Taufers or Baptists won their 
case or debate at Sumiswald and the 
people were beginning in great num- 
bers to believe in them and this gave 
Council great uneasiness. In Zofin- 
geu, about 35 miles northeast of Bern, 
the Mennonites preached publicly 
without much fear, since they had 
most of the people with them, _ (Miil- 
ler, p. 69). 

The growth about the city of Bern 
became so great, that orders were in 
1532 also sent out to the Sheriff of 
Aarburg, a town about three miles 



northwest of the last named town, to 
check their growth in any way they 
could. So the officials began to hunt 
up and arrest them. In Solothurn, a 
large town about IS miles almost dir- 
ectly north of Bern City, the brother- 
hood was very strong. Haller wrote 
to Ballinger (an enemv of the Tau- 
fers) that there these Mennonites had 
the upper hand and they met openly 
and freely. Therefore Berne sent or- 
ders to them to prevent it or allow 
Berne to do so. Berne complained 
that Solothurn seems to take no in- 
terest in trying to stop their growth, 

(Miiller, p. 72). 
I 1532 — Spread of Anal)ai»tisni in Berne. 

i Miiller tells us (p. 72) that after 
j 1532 the Taiifers (or Mennonites) 
I spread into and over the state or Can- 
' ton of Berne very extensively. And 
in August of that year, orders were 
sent to the Sheriffs of Aarburg, 30 
mil'^s northeast of the city of Berne, 
I of Thun, 12 miles southeast of Berne 
— of Unterseen, near the same place 
— of Interlacken about the same 
place — of Hasti six miles northeast 
of Berne and to the Sheriffs of the 
whole Upland — to the Sheriffs of 
Trachseiwald, 10 miles almost direct- 
ly east of Berne, of Signau, also close 
by — and in January, 1533 and in other 
times during the year, to the Sheriffs 
of Zolothurn, Summisvil and other 
places all about Berne, commanding 
all of them to bring these Anabaptists 
into subjection, calling attention to 
the fact that prior orders were not ef- 
fectively carried out. 
1532— Extinction of the Taiifers or 
Anijl.-aptist .Henn<Miites .Vbout 
Zurich. 

Dr. Egli in his work says (p. 91) 
that after the battle of Kappel. Oc- 
tober 11. 1531, that the reform move- 
ment in that section closes, although 
the next two years a good many or- 



42 MENNONITES ABOUND IN PALESTINE, SWITZERLAND, AND BALTIC 



ders and mandates were issued. But 
a change had come, and the state did 
not prosecute those that were left, so 
hard as before. 

He also says that these Taiifers 
were up to this time in three princi- 
pal centers — the Zurich district— the 
Groeningen district 15 miles south- 
east and in the low country 25 miles 
north of Zurich. And these were large 
centers. But now they became broken 
up into many smaller centers, and 
small Anabaptist meetings were held 
all around, over the whole country. 
There were many small bodies of 
them in the Knonow district, about 20 
miles southwest of Zurich, where the 
movement against them ended in 
1533. These Baptists, it seems, in 
both the parts of this country, got 
new strength — new adherents sprang 
up when the war was ended. But the 
Catholic Church yet was their enemy; 
but they did not do much of impor- 
tance against them, except cause two 
executions, 

1532— Early Baptist Doctrine in 

Hymns. 

In 1532, Otmar Rote or Roth of St. 
Gallen, composed a fine hymn, which 
is set forth by Brons, (p. 173). And 
In this hymn the chief elements of 
the Taiifer or Mennonite belief of that 
time is expressed. The substance of 
this as shown in the hymn is, that we 
must live true and right, that sin 
brings pain, we must be righteous, 
clean and humble. It declares that 
we must not imitate the worldly ones 
— that we must not talk about evil 
nor become familiar with it— we must 
be just — that no sin will be allowed 
to be unpunished — we must fear God 
— ask for grace early and late and 
not repel by force, but submit, as the 
Savior taught. 

1532 — Bohemian Anabaptists or Taii- 
fers Preach from Palestine and 
Egypt to Switzerland and 
Westward. 

We are told that the Anabaptists of 



Bohemia and Moravia rejected infant 
baptism — did not give their ministers 
any salary, but furnished them food 
and provisions — required that they 
should all follow some trade and 
make their living in that way so as 
not to be paid for teaching God's word. 
These Bohemian Anabaptist or Menno- 
nite preachers, traveled and preached 
throughout Asia, in Palsetine and 
Egypt and other places in Africa. 
They also came into Switzerland and 
other places to the West in Europe, 
about 1532, (Miiller, p. 56). 

1532 — Taiifers (Jlenuonites) Spread 
to the Baltic. 

By this date says Brons (p. 245), 
quoting Duke Albrecht, very many 
Anabaptists or Taiifers had reached 
the Baltic region. Their spreading 
had become a very serious matter. 
The Duke did not understand their 
mild nature and he feared the excess- 
es and boisterous conduct of that 
branch of adventurers led by Miinzer 
some time before, farther South, who 
were rebellious and warlike and hurt 
the cause, would be repeated. Menno 
Simon in his defense was very care- 
ful to impress upon the rulers the 
fact that he never had any sympathy 
with the Miinzerites, though he was 
accused of it. 

Duke Albrecht, therefore, wrote to 
Luther and asked him what to do with 
these masses of new religionists who 
were now rising on the Baltic — these 
Taiifers or Mennonites. He called 
them a sect of factious and restless 
spirits or sacramentarians. Luther 
replied that the Duke need not espec- 
ially fear them for all adherents of 
adult baptism are the same. He said 
he was afraid the Lutheran interests 
would suffer by too many divisions 
among the Reform people. They 
should all try to get together he said. 



MENNONITES FIRST DEMAND SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE 4:{ 



as he still has serious war with Cath- 
olics. So, said Luther, "There will be 
no end to disi)ute and discussions and 
the best thing is not to irritate these 
people but rather to shun them and 
not interfere with them." 

1532 — HolTniiin's Writliifrs Comfort 

Holland Tiiiifers. 

In 1532, Hoffman was again in 
Strasburg and there he continued to 
write. His writings reached Holland 
and were a great comfort to the Taii- 
fers there in the Netherlands. They 
took heart and hope again. Many of 
them now were fugitives in the Neth- 
erlands and they were encouraged to 
know ;\Ielchoir Hoffman, their leader, 
was still fighting the cause. Holland 
was early through with her persecu- 
tions and cooled off sooner than some 
other countries. She became an asy- 
lum for persecuted Mennonites from 
Germany and Switzerland toward the 
end of the 16th century and remained 
so (Brons, p. 396). 

ir>32— Taiifer Debate at Soffiiiffeii. 

Miiller tells us (p. 35) that from 
July 1st to 9th, 1532, there was a big 
debate at Soflingen, Switzerland on re- 
ligious matters, and also the same 
year in St. Gallen Canton, Switzerland 
another debate. Twenty-three Taiifer 
or Anabaptist debaters met all oppo- 
nents who desired to come. But when 
it was found they were getting the 
best of the arguments, they were kept 
closed up in a barn. 

Froschaur of Zurich had the pro- 
ceedings printed however, and they 
are very full of interest. There were 
many more prominent Anabaptist de- 
bates too; and some of the principal 
Mennonite or Taiifer or Anabaptist de- 
baters named are Martin Weninger, 
Hans Hock, Simon Lantz, Michael Utt 



(the tailor or Schneider), Christian 
Brugger (Bricker). 

The prominent debaters against the 
Taiifers were Micahel Haller — Bech- 
told Haller, Casper Megander, Sebas- 
tian Hoffmeister, George Stehle, Hein- 
rich Linkey (Lincki), Sutzer of Basil 
and Henry Morider. The discussion 
I ended at a session at Aarian, where 
the minutes were revised to print 
them. 

The opponents told the chief debater 
for the Taiifers, Brugger or Bricker 
that he shall declare whether he will 
confess himself convinced they are 
wrong and secede from them. And he 
declared neither he nor any other of 
them would do so. He was told then 
they must all leave and if they come 
back they would be "geschwimmt" 
that is, swimmed or drowned. He did 
come back and his arrest was ordered, 
and he was likely drowned. 

1532 — Taiifer or Mennonile Demand 
for Separation of Church and State. 

Ernst Muller, (p. 34) states that in 
this year at Soffingen (Switzerland) 
the Taufers or Bai)tists held and sent 
forth the demand that the state must 
not interfere with matters of faith and 
conscience — that the state has noth- 
ing to do with religion. They set 
forth as the state had been so cruel to 
them, they never found cause to be 
enthusiastic about J;he Government 
nor show any patriotism. They stat- 
ed that their ideas of justice were 
Evangelical and come from the scrip- 
tures. Their views of justice they 
said were according to apostolic 
models rather than those of the stat- 
utes and those enforced by the police^ 
the inquisition, the dungeon, the gal- 
leys and the piles of fagots and fire. 



44 



THE SWENKFELDERS ARISE 



1532 — Taiifers or Meunonites Win the 
People. 

When the minutes of the debate of 
15G2 got into circulation, there was 
trouble. Finally it was arranged that 
printed reports of it were to be given 
out to the sheriffs and officers. The 
rumor became current that the Ana- 
baptists had gotten the better of the 
argumens and therefore the goveru- 
ment sent out printed copies of the 
debate much modified to deny the 
rumors, that the Taiifers had suc- 
ceeded. (Miiller 70). 
1582— Casper Swenkfeldt and His Fol- 
lowers. 

Casper Swenkfeldt moved to Stras- 
burg in Germany in 1.532 and labored 
for religion in that section. He wrote 
from that place to Leo Juda, the Ana- 
baptist and to Hoffman that he does 
not longer patronize them and their 
■doctrine except to that extent which 
is consistent with the spirit of Christ, 
according as he interpreted it. He 
began therefore his new faith and 
sect, which also have lived down to 
our day. He seems however to have 
had intimate spiritual intercourse 
with Hoffman; and to have had a 
quieting effect on him. They both 
asked the established (Catholic) 
church to have a debate with them. 
Swenkfeldt was accused of being a 
worse heretic than Hoffman, and thus 
in his petition for a debate he avers 
that he is not a heretic and challenges 
all mankind to prove him one. A dis- 
cussion was held by Swenkfeldt and 
Hoffman on June 11, 1533 jointly 
against the Church of the State, which 
seems to show that even at that date I 
Swenkfeldt had not split very far off 
the Mennonite Church and faith. 

Both these champions of non-resist- 
ing Christian religion had a hard 



fate. Hoffman was condemned to pri- 
son for life and died there. Swenk- 
feldt did not fare so hard. He was 
orderd out of town. Although he 
split from Hoffman's faith, he had 
deep sympathy for him, which h€ 
showed in his letter to Leo Juda Julj 
3, 1533. In the same letter he alsc 
replied to his critics who accuse him 
of denying both Christ and God and 
shows that he is as orthodox as the 
most fervent can be in that regard 
(Brons 402). 

Hoffman languished in jail several 
years. In 1534 Swenkfeldt and Martin 
Zell and Casper Medio visited him and 
found him sick in body and in spirit. 
He was badly treated and they asked 
that he be treated more kindly; but it 
seems that neither he nor his friends 
made application to get him out of 
jail. Their requests for kinder treat- 
ment of him were not heeded; and he 
died after being in jail six years about 
1540, rather than give up or even 
change his religion one iota (Brons 
405). I speak thus at large of Hoff- 
man, because his is a common name 
in our own county today. 

1535 — Three Hundred Anabaptists Im- 
prisoned in Holland. 

Miiller tells us (p. 159) that a group 
of fugitives, 300 in number besides 
women and children were barricaded 
or imprisoned in a convent near Wit- 
marsum, the home of Menno Simon, in 
Friesland, Holland, this year, after 
they had been overwhelmed. Subse- 
quently they were tortured and the 
women drowned, under the cruel edict 
of Charles V of Spain and Emperor of 
Germany, who ruled Holland as well. 

1535 — Charles V and the Miinsterites 
— Enenij- of Baptists. 

Miiller tells us (p. 159) that in many 
places and particulars the "reform 



COMPLETE CONVERSION OF MENNO SIMON 



45 



movement" was nii)i)e(l in the iiiid by 
the activity of Charles V against it. 
Charles took advantage of any cir- 
cumstiiire he could to condemn these 
people, and especially any shortcom- 
ing or fault in the movement he was 
ready to turn to its disadvantage. 
Therefore great hurt was brought 
about to the Anabaptists or Taiifers by 
the rebellious followers of John Mat- 
thias and .John Bockelsohn of Miinster. 
These people, called Miinsterites were 
rebellious, law-breaking and often of 
immoral conduct and practice; and 
they tried to make it appear that they 
were genuine Anabaptists and paraded 
in the garb of the same, much to the 
disgust of both the government and 
tho religious forces. Menno Simon 
tried his influence with them, but it 
only resulted in them trying to be- 
smirch him too. And in his history of 
his life and works, he takes great 
pains to inform the reader that he 
never belonged to the Miinsterites al- 
though he says he was accused of it. 
They were wild agitators and they 
cruelly persecuted all others who did 
not believe as they did. On their ban- 
ners they carred emblazoned all of the 
warnings and dire threats of the Rev- 
elations (Miiller 159). 

1535 — A Xureinbiirg Translatiou of 
the Bible. 

This year says Miiller (p. 68) a 
translation of the Bible was made at 
Nuremburg. at a great expense and 
sacrifice by the descendants of the 
Waldenses, which Waldensean doc- 
trine the Anabaptists or Taiifers or 
Mennonites largely carried out and 
continued from early days. The trans- 
lation was into German. 

1536 — ^lenno Simon Completelj 
Leaves Catholicism. 

In 1536 Menno Simon severed his 



connection with the Catholic church 
and changed his care-free life for 
poverty and distress and lived in the 
fear of the Lord and sought out 
people of like mind to associate with 
him. By devoting himself to his 
cause, he found peace, says Brons (p. 
65). About a year later says the same 
author, a body of men who were 
Taiifers called upon him near Wit- 
marsum; his home, and said they 
were disgusted with the different up- 
starts who uesd to lead them and that 
therfore, they had now come to him 
and they pleaded with him and 
begged him that he should take to 
heart the leaderless condition of the 
Anabaptists or Taiifers and the hard 
lot under which they suffered. They 
complained that the men who assumed 
to lead them were too mystical and 
fantastic and were impracticable 
idealists — they called them "Schwar- 
mers" or rovers — they said these 
leaders were constantly falling into 
fanaticism and reveries and withdrew 
themselves away from people and be- 
came monastic and did them no good. 
Menno's heart was touched by this, 
says Brons; but he said he doubted 
his ability to meet the educated oppo- 
sition against the Anabaptists and also 
that he was of so shy and modest a 
nature he feared he was not the man 
to lead them. He said he was too 
"blodigkeit" or bashful and did not 
have the "fahigkeiten" or capability 
to do the work. He told them, how- 
ever, to be patient and he would con- 
sider the matter in prayer and if it 
was God's will that he should lead 
them he could no more refuse to 
preach and teach than Paul who 
said. "Woe unto me if I do not preach 
the Gospel." And says Brons, he de- 
cided it was his duty to lead these 



46 



BERNE MENNONITES COMBINE TO HELP BRETHREN 



people; and from that time on they 
stood as solid as a rock in the great 
movement of reform, which was now 
active all over Europe like the great 
wakes and tides of the ocean. Then 
numbers gathered around him and 
they were rebaptized. He began now 
to teach fearlessly and he sent many 
encouraging doctrinal letters to many 
places to help others. 

The three events that made Menno 
Simon the leader of the Holland 
Wiedertaufers or Anabaptists were, 
first, his meditations over the execu- 
tion of Sicke Snyder about 1528 be- 
cause he was re-baptized — then the 
shutting up of 300 or more of these 
Baptists in a prison-convent near 
him, and the destruction of them for 
their faith, and finally the request of 
the Anabaptists we have just men- 
tioned to him, to lead them. 

1530— Combined Action iu All Switz- 
erland Agaiust Anabaptists. 

Muller, tells us (p. 34) that a meet- 
ing of the officers and political 
powers of the towns of Zurich, Bern, 
Basel, Schoffhausen, St. Gallen, Miihl- 
hausen and Biel, all places in Switz- 
erland, was held at Basil in 1536 and 
there they composed and worked out 
a common form of confession, includ- 
ing several articles against second 
baptism and against the Taiifers or 
Mennonites, etc. The 24th articles of 
this was that there must be a common 
proceedings or movement against 
second baptism and the Wiedertauf- 
ers and declaring that all who sepa- 
rate from the Holy Church (Catholic) 
must be punished as a duty to God, 
by the high authorities of the Church 
and the State and must be prevented 
from polluting the people and poi- 
soning their minds with their doc- 
trines. Officers were then appointed 



at this convention of the above chie 
cities of Switezrland, to see that thi 
demand of the "Holy Church" wa; 
carried out. 

1536 — Bern Mennonites Flee to Mo 
ravia and Eussia. 
Miiller tells us (p. 93) that abou 
this time many of the oppressec 
Weidentaufers of Bern in Switzerlanc 
moved to Moravia and Russia. There 
fore the Mennonite Church in Russif 
is also very old. They found Moravia 
he says, a new Jerusalem and a ha 
ven of peace and rest from their tor 
ture. There they remained in peac( 
a long time. Then calamities arose 
among them there from State anc 
Church, but they endured until 1622 
when they received a fatal blow 
which almost exterminated them 
from Russia. But during nearly a\ 
this time Moravia was an asylum un 
til suddenly in 1622 they receivec 
there also the "todesstosb" or dealt 
blow. 

1536— The Berne Mennonites Go t« 
Help the French Huguenots. 

In 1536 Harry Frantz Nageli (no 
doubt a remote ancestor of the Neg- 
leys of our county and State) at the 
head of the Berne army of great mass 
of Taiifers at Waadt conquered much 
of the opposition against the sect, 
November 29th, he in company with 
a fellow christian named Yost, of 
Diesbach were sent as messengers to 
France to speak and plead for the 
Huguenots and their religion. He la- 
bored to have persecution against 
them cease. For these reasons Miil- 
ler speaks of Nageli as a leader of 
and at the head of the Bern Taiifers 
or Mennonites at this time. Nageli 
had difficulty to make the French 
King understand as Naegli's lan- 
guage could not be understood in 



BERNE EXECUTIONS AND TORTURES 



47 



France. But he did manage to ex- 
plain to the King the cause of the 
rise and organization of the Taiifers 
or Anabaptist Mennonites and espec- 
ially laid stress upon the point that 
the priests and leaders of the Cath- 
olic church had become corrupt in 
early days and also that the subject 
of infant baptism also caused the se- 
cession, (Miiller, p. 83). 
l.')37— Berne Executions (Lancaster 
County and rennsjivania Names) 
About this time among others the 
following people were executed for 
their faith, in and abount Berne. In 
1537 Bernard Walti (now Welty) — 
John Sweitzer, Serf Hoffer, Ulrich 
Bichsel (now Bixler) — Barbara Will- 
her (now Weiler) — Catharine Fried- 
ley, Berna Steli (now Sthely or 
Staley). In 1538 Peter Stecker, Ul- 
rich Huber, Hans Wilier or Weiler, 
Elizabeth Rupser or Rupp, Peter Best- 
miller, Stephen Ricksecker and Ru- 
dolph Staley. In 1539 Lawrence Ha- 
berly, John Shumacker, Peter Unter 
— in 1543 Christian Oberlin, John Un- 
ter and Waldi or Waldo Garber. 

Nearly all of these we recognize to 
be familiar Lancaster county and east- 
ern Pennsylvania names of people 
living among us today; and our neigh- 
bors are no doubt relatives of these 
ancient martyrs for conscience sake. 
This shows again what a large num- 
ber of our southeastern Pennsylvania 
families came from ancestry who 400 
years ago lived in the mountains of 
Switzerland, before their later gen- 
erations moved down the Rhine into 
the Palatinate, (Miiller, p. 78). 

1537 — Berne A grain Demands Solo- 

thurn Anabaptists to Be Crushed 

Out. 

In 1537 says Miiller (p. 73) mes- 
sengers were again sent from the 



Council of Berne to the authorities of 
Zolothurn and declared that at Et- 
tigen and Lusbligen there are many 
Anabaptists or Mennonites; and that 
if the Zolothurn authorities do not 
kill them according to orders, Berne 
will take a hand in it. Zolothurn was 
a center where the people were 
shown favors and mercy. Those who 
came from Zolothurn to Berne were 
sent back to be disposed of. In the 
early Waldensean times before the 
days of the Reformation the Walden- 
seans had gained a foothold in Zolo- 
thurn and therefore we must remem- 
ber that even in 1737 this faith was 
200 years old them. That is why they 
had such strength there. There were 
persons high in authority there who 
were Anabaptists or now Mennonites, 
whose ancestors going back several 
generations planted the faith there. 
This is why the State or Canton au- 
thorities at Berne were so anxious 
about it. Solothurn or Zolothurn is 
a good sized city nearly equidistant 
between Berne and Basil, being about 
15 miles almost directly north of 
Berne. 

1538 — yew Tortures in Berne and 
Basel. 

Right after the religious discussion 
or debate in Berne which was held in 
1538 the feeling against the Anabap- 
tists or Taiifers reached its high 
water mark. The debate was won by 
I these baptists. The authorities now 
i knew that all former means to sup- 
1 press them had failed. And the move- 
ment went on. So henceforth a for- 
cible extermination was decided on 
and there were many executions of 
which there are no public records. If 
they were in prison every means was 
used to make them give up and when 
I these failed they were killed. The or- 
der was if they do not yield to ordi- 



48 



HALDEMANS APPEAR— DEBATE AT SIGNAU 



nary questioning, "You must inter- 
rogate them with a rope." But this 
was not to include women. It was al- 
so ordered that the property of the 
Baptists who have no children must 
be taken by the State at the death of 
the owner. In August 17, 1538 the 
Catholic Bishop of Basel sent out an 
order that no Anabaptists were to be 
allowed in his bishopric at all. They 
must leave or be killed, (Muler, p. 
82). 

1588— The Name "Haldeman" Ap- 
pears. 

This year in Eggvil, Switzerland, 
we find the name "Haldeman" so fa- 
miliar to us and so prominent in Lan- 
caster county and Eastern Pennsyl- 
pania, used the first time. This is 
about 375 years ago. Miiller tells us 
(p. 75) that Thiiring Haldeman was 
ordered this year to "walk the plank" 
or be killed. That is, he was to go 
on board a vessel and leave or suffer 
death. 

1538— Houstten (or Hochtetteu) aud 
Sigiiau Demaud Auother Reli- 
gious Debate. 

In February and March of 1538 says 
Miiller (p. 79) a discussion on religion 
was demanded by the above towns. 
The attempt was made to prove the 
Old Testament equal to the New. 
This was an argument against the 
Taufers, who largely avoided the Old. 
At this debate Rappenstein and Pfeis- 
ter Myer, the converted Baptists or 
Taufers, who in Sofnngen had done 
good work, were present and entered 
the debate. The minutes of this de- 
cussion are still extant in two copies 
in the State Archives in Berne. 
Strange Baptists were present also 
and some of them spoke a great deal. 
Michael Utt (the tailor) — Matthias 



Weiser— Henry Wcninger of Schloff- 
hausen. There were Hans Hatz, George 
Trasser of Bavaria. Of these, Weiser, 
Trasser and Hatz spoke most. From 
the Berne neighborhood, there were 
John Vogt, and Hans Luthi who 
spoke. There were also present from 
Eggvil, Bernard Vergerter, Ulrich 
Wenenschwander, Bernard Jenruy, 
Christian Salzman — Waldi Gerber of 
Rotherbach — Ulrich and Klaws Rupp 
of Stauffen — Hans Schellenberg, John 
Krahenbuhl (Graybill), Friedli Die- 
boldswiler, all of Signau — Peter 
Schwendimann and Felix Shumaker 
of Big Hochstetten — Casper Kalb or 
Kulp and Andrew Shindler or Shindle 
of Thun — Casper Zugg, Frantz Ober- 
ly and John Haslibach — Jos. Meis- 
cher, Uli Flickinger, Christian Brick- 
er, Jacob Sutter, and Jacob Caspar of 
Aarburg — Uli Hunsicker, Hans Gus- 
per, Michael Zink, Hans Snyder and 
Beit Herman, and others were pres- 
ent. Amongst these we find many 
names today familiar in Eastern 
Pennsylvania. All of which shows us 
where our ancestors lived and moved 
nearly 400 years ago and where they 
were even before Columbus sailed on 
his voyage of discovery. 

The four presidents who managed 
this debate (M,iiller, p. 80) had the 
minutes compiled and reported to the 
Council of Berne and it was ordered 
that four copies be made and the 
same be put in the library. The Men- 
nonites wanted a copy of the minutes 
too but it was refused on the ground 
that it was a report and not a discus- 
sion for the public. This explains how 
those ancient books got into the lib- 
rary where they are today. They 
would not allow extra copies to be 
made for the Baptists. 



THE EMMENTHAL FILLS UP WITH xMENNONITES 



49 



1538— Meiiiionitos Drifliiiff Into the 
Emiiieutlial. 

lu 1338 a conference between Berne 
and the Bishop of Basel at Miinster 
was held. The inhabitants of Miins- 
ter were subjects of the Bishop of 
Basel and since 1486 they were also 
connected or had certain city rights 
in Munster. Wattenbach and Ferrell 
in Munster introduced the Reforma- 
tion here and in the valley of the Em- 
menthal. This is important history, 
especially to citizens of Lancaster 
county, because it was to the valley 
of ihe Emmeuthal, northeast of Berne 
a short distance, that the persecuted 
Mennonites gathered, from whom and 
from whose descendants, came from 
that place, the first ten or twelve pio- 
neers who reached Amsterdam in 
March, 1710 — London about May, re- 
maining to the end of June and finally 
reached the Pequea, now in Lancaster 
county, in October, 1710. 

The result of the conference at 
Munster was that both Berne and 
Basel should contrive to wipe out 
"this damned sect." Berne said to the 
Bishop of Basel, "What shall we do 
to wipe them out? The Sheriffs and 
Officers lead such bad lives they can 
not punish anyone." The answer was 
get other sheriffs. But said Basil, "It 
is your own question to deal with; 
we do not want to interfere," (Miiller, 
p. 235). 

1538 — Herrs, Oraafs, 3Iylins, Landises 

and Others Become 3Iennonites. 

Ezra E. Eby of Berlin, Out, in his 
book on the Eby family says: The 
Ebys belong to the Celts, an ancient 
Asiatic race. During the early ages 
lived in Northern part of Italy and 
were brought from heathendom 
through the Vandois (Waldenesj. 



From the 8th to the 11th Century 
these Vandois became numerous. The 
Church of Rome tried to exterminate 
them. In 1453 the whole Valley of 
Luzerne was laid under an interdict. 
In 1487, Innocent the XIII began an 
order of extermination against them; 
a large number fled and went to the 
Northern part of Switzerland. They 
finally settled in Bern, Luzeren, Zur- 
ich and Schweyz. Among the Vandois 
(Waldenes) who settled in these coun- 
tries were the "Ebees." These Swiss 
Waldenes when Menno Simon founded 
the Mennonite Church in 1538 joined 
hm. Among those who joined were 
the names of Herr, Graaf, Mylin, 
Shank, Witmer, Landis, Eby and oth- 
ers. Some of these are of Teutonic 
origin which proves the Waldenes had 
accessions from that source, after ar- 
rival in Switzerland. 

1538 — Offreus Greisinger Destroyed. 

Greisinger is a common Eastern 

Pennsylvania name, numerous in 
I 
! Lancaster county. Thus I give this 

item on his sufferings and death. The 
Martyrs' Mirror, page 432, tells us 
that, in 153S, a Greisinger resident of 
Tyrol in Austria of the same stock as 
the Swiss and Germans, after being 
sought in mountain and valley was 
caught, after a large reward was of- 
fered for him. He was a preacher 
among the Taoifers and kept many of 
them encouraged to hold on. They 
tried to make him recant but he de- 
clared he would "endure all pain unto 
death." 

Then they drew him up by a rope 
about his neck, but quickly let him 
down and threatened hm saying he 
would be torn limb from limb. He 
said, "I am in your hands." Eight 
days later they drew him up again 
and let him down but he would not 



50 WEIDMAN AND SHUMAKER SUFFER— HAEUSER MENNONITES 



recant. Eight days later they threat- 
ened him again but did nothing. Then 
he was sentenced to death and placed 
in the fire and burned to ashes, on 
Halloween, 1538. 

1538 — Michael Weidiiiaii's Sufferings 
and Death. 

The same book tells us, page 433, 
that, "About this time also Brother 
Michael Weidman or Beck was appre- 
hended at Ricten, in Allegan, togeth- 
er with some other persons, which 
others persons, however were ;sent 
home, while this brother was put in 
prison for the faith. Many things 
were resorted to with him, and he was 
admonished to renounce, but he had a 
good assurance of his faith in Christ, 
and said: "When I was living with the 
world in all unrighteousness, in sins 
and wickedness, no one admonished 
me to renounce, but I was considered 
a good Christian before the world." 
After being imprisoned almost half a 
year, he was beheaded and burned. 
Here we find another old German or 
Swiss martyr of nearly four centuries 
ago, whose surname is common here 
in Lancaster county today. 

1588 — Caspar Sclinniacher's Sufferings. 

In the same book the sufferings of 
another remote ancestor of a large 
Lancaster county and Eastern Penn- 
sylvania family of today are given,, 
page 433, as follows: "In the year 
1538, the brethren Martin of Vilgraten, 
and Caspar Schumacher, were both 
apprehended for the divine truth, at 
Michelsberg, in Priesterthal, and af- 
ter steadfastness, sentenced to death, 
and executed with the sword, thus 
manfully persevering in the faith un- 
to the end. They were of good cheer 
in their bonds and tribulation and 
held fast to the love of God, from 



which they could not be separated 
through tribulation, fear, persecution, 
hunger, nakedness, or danger. 

1538 — Our Meunonite Ancestors Suf- 
fered Also Under English Decrees. 

In the Martyrs' Mirror, page 434, it 
is stated: "After manifold tyranny, 
persecution and putting to death," 
writes P. J. Twisck, "in various coun- 
tries and kingdoms, against the Chris- 
tian flock, also in England, a decree 
was proclaimed December, to the or- 
dianance of Christ. By virtue of the 
same, they, right in the face of cold 
winter, were banished from the coun- 
try, and had to flee whithersover they 
could. Thus it came, that some of 
them fled for refuge to Holland, and 
having come to Delft, they were there 
spied out by their enemies, and fell 
into the hands of the tyrants; and, 
after manifold trials, and steadfast- 
ness in their faith, they were sen- 
tenced to death for the truth, at said 
place, and, on the 7th of January, A. 
D. 1539, put to death. Sixteen men 

were beheaded with the sword, and 
fifteen women drowned. 

1539 — HJinser Mennonites in Stainer- 

hruun, Austria. 

A part of the Hauser Baptist who 
went under Brother Hauser to Hun- 
gary were named accordingly Hauser 
Baptists or Mennonites. They were 
understood to make great and strong 
profession. Some of them later went 
to Prussia. A little party who came 
from Stainerbrunn, Austria, lived un- 
molested there until 1539. But when 
they had grown to be a numerous con- 
gregation, then the Catholic Priests in- 
formed the King and they had officers 
with armed men and on horseback 
sent against them. December 6, 1539 
some of the officers appeared before 
the houses of the brethren and took 
every one of the male members pris- 



MEXNONITES AS GALLET SLAVES 



.1 



oners. The Catholic mob robljod what- 



ever they could. The main purpose of 
the expedition was to get the treas- 
ures of these people. The overseer of 
the congregation of Austerliz was 
taken prisoner; and he with all the 
others were taken to the Castle of 
Falkenstein. This happened near 
Stainerbrunn in Austria as we have 
said. They took 150 priosners and ! 
among them were some who had not 
been as yet baptized or taken up into j 
the congregation, (Brons, p. 431). i 

IrfSJ)— Tiiufors or MoniionUos Buried 

Paupers in Potter's Fields. 

It was decided in 1.j:;9 in Berne that 
the Baptists ex-communicated from 
the Catholic church should not be 
buried on holy ground. The theory 
of the church was that whoever in 
his life time was not in the church, i 
could not be buried in holy ground. 
According to an order of 1539, they 
were not allow to be buried in any of 
the cemeteries, and this decree was in 
force until 1695, (Miiller, p. 362). 

ir)40 — Our Meunonite Auoestors as 

Galley Slaves. 

In the early times the 'maritime 
nations had to have slaves in their 
galleys to propel them before steam 
engines were invented ; and scores of 
strong men were captured constantly 
and chained to the oars of these war 
vessels. They used to take all con- 
victs and people whose lives were of 
no account and make them propel the 
galleys. Some of the Swiss cantons 
agreed with the Republic of Venice 
and with Italy and France by treaties 
to supply them with slaves for the 
galleys. So they took these Menno- 
nites and sent them. This saved 
Switzerland the trouble and expense 
of their prisoners and the sea coun- 
tries were glad to get them. Venice 
had great wars with Turkey and need- 
ed them. Her ambassadors requested 
Swiss galley slaves and this made the 



Swiss oflicers very active to do this 
for them, particularly l)ecausc it 
would rid the country of these Bai)- 
tists. The Swiss got their idea from 
France. In this way France treated the 
Huguenots. Berne furnished many 
Mennonites for the galleys; it was d<'- 
cided that only these big mountain 
Baptists were fit to go to .he galleys. 
As early as 1540 there were 90 of these 
Mennonites bound to King I'^erdinand 
of Austria and taken to Trieste to be 
sent to Venice. They escaped from 
the Tower of Trieste but 20 were re- 
arrested and sent on. This began as 
early as 1540. And as late as 1613 
Hans Landis. and Galli Fuchs and 
Stephen Zehnder or Zehner were sent 
to the galleys by Zurich but they 
escaped. Zurich tried to spread the 
galley punishment to Basel and other 
places; but it was condemned as too 
severe and went out of use, (Miiller, 
p. 215). 

1540 — TJiufers or Mennonites in the 

Prineipality of Basel. 

The Tiiufers or na])tists now called 
Mennonites, had for some time been 
settling around the Emmenthal, 
which is in Switzerland, northeast of 
Berne. They became numerous there 
and spread throughout the Valley. 
They were very successful farmers 
and were the leaders in that region 
in agriculture and stock raising. But 
in the Canton of Zolothurn they found 
refuge first and then moved to the 
,Jura in the Emmenthal. Some came* 
to the section north of Biel and 
settled in the valley of the Monto. 
Some went to the great Munsterberg, 
the entrance to the Jura and then 
went west. About 100 years later they 
went to Xeuberg. Many of them 
came from Bucheggberg. Among the 
first of the emigrants that came from 
Bucheggberg we find the family of 
Gerber and Neusbaum and Tanner. 
This happened between 1540 and 1570. 
But the first Baptists in Jura on the 
Emmenthal were not from the neigh- 



52 



MORAVIAN MENNONITES— TAEUFERS USE GUNS 



borhood of Berne but came from the 
north regions, in the neighborhood of 
Staasb, from where they were chased. 
There were about 4000 of them as 
early as 1535, (Miiller, p. 235). 

Of these on the 4th of June, the 
Berne authorities wrote to the Catho- 
lic Bishop that it must be known to 
him what trouble these people are 
making and that they must be pun- 
ished. That he should punish them — 
these Taufers. It was also stated 
that the treaty with the Miinsterites 
would be renewed as they were ene- 
mies of the true Taufers. The Bishop 
promised that he would punish and 
exterminate them. Then the agree- 
ment was made that the Miinsterites 
should help to get rid of the Taufers. 
The Eerne Reformed authorities and 
the Catholic authorities were willing 
to work together now to put the 
Taufers or Mennonites out of the way, 
(Miiller, p. 236). 

The authorities of Than, Switzer- 
land, some distance from Berne, sent 
word that they are chasing these 
Taufers day and night and that they 
had the Sheriff of Signau to help 
them, (Miiller, p. 82). 

I'AG — Xeiuionites in 3Ioravia. 

There were congregations of Swiss 
brethren in Popitz and Mahren; and 
three brethren from congregations of 
Thessa'onica appeared in these Mora- 
vian towns, hunting for other brethren 
of whom they learned. They received 
information in different parts of Mo- 
ravia in 1540 stating that these 
brethren had been taken by the Turks 
and sold as slaves. They did not find 
the brethren of their same faith there 
but they found these Swiss brethren 
who had emigrated there. One was 
Hans Pech. They could not speak to 
him in Latin. They also learned that 
Hans Fiihrman and twelve others had 
been nine years in prison at Passau in 
Bavaria, (Miiller, p. 101). The name 
Fiihrman is familiar in Lancaster 
county and other sections of Eastern 



Pennsylvania and we call attention to 
it to show the close relation between 
Southeastern Pennsylvania and these 
ancient lands. 

1540 — More About Hoffman. 

Brons in his book, (p. 405) states 
some of the hardships of Melchoir 
Hoffman, of whom we have studied 
before. He says that Hoffman was a 
good man and that he had written 
several religious works, some of w^hich 
he dedicated to his Christian brethren 
in the Netherlands. He refers to a 
Martin Butzer. Butzer was against 
Hoffman. Their difference seemed to 
be on the subject of infant baptism. 
Butzer in a tract, after discussing 
Hoffman, says, "Now you can see how 
Hoffman is in the bonds of Satan." It 
seems that both these men were of 
the Baptist or Mennonite faith but 
that Butzer told many untruths about 
Hoffman. Hoffman was one of the 
greatest powers the early church had. 
He died in prison in 1540. 

1541 — Taufers or Anabaptists Defend 

Witli Guns. 

An extract from a writing dated De- 
cember 20, 1541, cited by Miiller (p. 
S3) requests that consideration shall 
be shown to the Taufers who are 
backsliders. It seems some of them 
finding mild methods did not avail, de- 
fended themselves with guns and sent 
word that if the Sheriff of Interlacken 
was coming with force against them, 
they would meet him with force, as 
they had guns. Miiller also states 
that in Stettler's Chronology under 
the date of 1545, it was stated that 
in 1541 the Baptists should have sep- 
arate burial because in life they sep- 
arated themselves from other Christ- 
ians. Nagely, one of these Baptists, 
had travelled to France and he learn- 
ed a great deal there. When he came 
back in November, 1541, he spoke in 
a manner to which the people were 
not accustomed, that is in Latin. He 
said the reason of the growth of the 



INIEXXO SI.MOX— GERMANS FOrXD VKNI-:ZCI:LA 



53 



Taufer sect was the low morals of the 
different religious bodies. Those who 
had resisted the government and were 
then overcome were garrotted ; but 
as others promised to be good citizens 
they were left go. 

l.')41 — Thiirintr Haldcinairs Bravery. 

In this year there was a mandate 
condemning many Anal)aptists to 
death but Thiirman Haldeman refused 
to submit. He was one of the spokes- 
men and teachers of the people and 
the most disobedient to the govern- 
ment. He was erratic and was ordered 
beheaded. They told him that if he 
would publicly swear an oath that he 
would obey the order, he would be 
left off. We can not find what hap- 
pened. In this and the preceding 
articles we find again familiar Lan- 
caster county and Eastern Pennsylva- 
nia names, those of Butzer, Nagley, 
Haldeman, and Stettler. 

1541 — 3Ieuno Simon's Bolduess and 

Labors. 

About this time the persecution 
agai.»"^t Menno Simon became acute. 
Ar. edict against him personally was 
passed in which all people are for- 
bidden under loss of life to hand him 
anything or read anything that he 
wrote. A reward of 100 guilders or 
florins for his capture was offered. In 
addition he had trouble with a false 
brother in faith, who gave his perse- 
cutors track of him. But he escaped 
to the town of Groeningen, a safe 
place. This was a privileged town 
under Charles V and later under his 
son. The son was friendly to the 
quiet Baptists. For this reason the 
Catholic monks accused the Emperor's 
son of being faithless to the church. 
The Bishop of Utrecht was also toler- 
ant. In spite of this Menno Simon, 
as the most prominent of his brethren, 
was not safe — his life was in hourly 
jeopardy. This curtailed his activity 
in the Netherlands very much but he 
did not leave; but he did go to Emb- 



den. From there to East Friesland. 
Several of his faith had escaijed and 
gathered into a congregation. Countess 
Anne was ruler of East Friesland and 
she and her peoi)le about this time 
went over to the Protestant faith and 
they gave Menno Simon's people a 
haven of rest, (Brons, p. 70). 

l.')41 — Vent'ziicia — First (iorniiin Col- 

uny ill Aiiicricu. 

In the year 1541 there was as ad- 
venturous journey from Germany and 
Switzerland to America. An active 
traffic for years existed between Ger- 
many and Spain, and it happened al- 
so that, frequently, German soldiers 
were in Spain. The adventurous spirit 
of the Spaniards began to fill the Ger- 
mans. Some of them, hearing the 
stories of Spanish discoveries in 
America also set out and arrived at 
Venezuela, in 1541, which was the 
first German settlement in America. 
As they approached they saw an In- 
dian village on an island or on sev- 
eral islands near the coast and they 
exclaimed "Venezuela" which means 
Little Venice and so the mainland was 
named Venezuela. A rich banker in 
Augsburg in Bavaria had loaned 
Charles V of Spain twelve "tons" of 
gold and the repayment of this sum 
was a hard task for the Emperor. The 
banker Weltzer In lieu asked for Ven- 
ezuela and received it. Thus the coun- 
try of Venezuela was originally a pro- 
prietary province owned by a German 
banker but under Spanish law. This 
country Americus Vespucius discov- 
ered and in this way Spain became 
entitled to the Government thereof in 
149? 

When Charles V began his agita- 
tions and persecutions against Luther, 
a lot of German followers of Luther 
sailed to Venezuela, and began gold 
hunting. In 15-26 the first settlment 
took place. This Weltzer Banking 
and Merchant firm as owners of Ven- 
ezuela became more powerful than 
the Castilian kings. While it was a 



54 



MYLINS. HUBERS, OBERLINS AND GERBERS APPEAR 



hard matter for the Spanish govern- 
ment to furnish three small ships for 
discovery, the Weltzers in a short 
time built three good sized ones them- 
selves and in 1526 set sail with Am- 
brose Olfinger from Ulm in Witten- 
burg in command. They quickly built 
a city and a fort and began trade with 
South America. Later when their 
trade had grown, the Weltzers sent 
500 German soldiers to Venezuela, but 
they became a pest and brought about 
all manner of mischief and lost their 
lives, (Loher, p. 15). 

1542— A Relic of Tiiufer or Meuuouite 

Persecution. 

Muller tells us, (p. 251), that there 
is an old folio of the New Testament 
or rather a comentary on the New 
Testament by Christian Froschauer 
in Zurich; and that a considerable 
part of this book is perforated with a 
bullet, a memento of the times when 
Baptists or Taufer were being hunted 
down for their lives. This book is in 
Bion above Lachsfelden. These places 
are in one of the principalities of 
Basel. 

1542— Cleaes Melias aud Hans Huber 
Destroyed. 

In the Martyrs Mirror (pp. 448 and 
449) an account is given of the death 
of two Taufer of the same name as 
many in modern eastern Pennsyl- 
vania. One is Dutch— Meliss,— which 
may be the Dutch form of Meiley. The 
Papists killed him and several com- 
panions in Holland in 1542. 

The same year Hans Huber (a dis- 
tinct Lancaster County name) also 
called Shumaker was imprisoned at 
Waserburg in Bavaria. He was burned 
to death. 

1543— Christian Oberlin and Waldo 
Garber Executed. 

This year according to Miiller (p. 
78) the above mentioned persons, both 
bearing well known Lancaster County 
and eastern Pennsylvania names were 



executed in Berne, on the 17th of 
September. Also John Ankeu with 
them. This gives new evidence of 
how large a number of our ancestors 
lived in and about Berne. 

1543 A ^en Decree Against Meuno 
Simon and the Mennonites. 

The Mirror (p. 449) citing an an- 
cient Dutch work says that this year 
a dreadful decree was proclaimed 
throughout West Friesland where 
Menuo Simon was taking refuge. By 
its terms all malefactors and murder- 
ers were promised pardon for their 
crimes, the favor of the Emperor and 
100 Carl guilders if they would deliver 
Menno Simon into the hands of the 
tormentors and executioners. This 
shows the extreme wickedness of the 
west Friesian Regents. It made mur- 
derers superior to the devout Chris- 
tians. 

1543— Dirk Philip's Taufer Writings. 

This year Dirk Philips, who had 
written a book or manuel of the 
Christian doctrine (and which later 
ran into five editions) had it trans- 
lated into French. He also issued a 
work on Christian marriage, which 
was highly praised, (Brons, p. 74). 

1543 — Menno Simon's Learning aud 

Debating Ability. 

Brons tells us, at the same page 
that Menno Simon was a consummate 
Latin student, in 1543, and both wrote 
and spoke Latin; and that as to his 
knowledge of the Bible, none of his 
opponents could surpass him. He 
was therefore, in the latter part of 
1543 requested to enter into a debate 
or religious discussion at Embden 
with several leaders of the Catholic 
Church at Francis Convent. It lasted 
three or four days. Menno spoke for 
the Taufer or Mennonites; and his 
chief opponent was a man named A'- 
Lasco. They discussed the two na- 
tures within us — Christian baptism — 
original sin — ordination of preachers 



THE x\AME "MENNISTS"— MENiNOS KNOWLEDCE 



oa 



— sanctification, etc. Roth sides] 

claimed victory. And tlien Menno 
promised at a future date he would 
prove his side so that no one would 
doul)t. He then withdrew to a quiet ' 
place and went to work and there 
composed several treatises. ' 

1544 — Mciiiioiiife Leaders Triiit Many 

Ituoks. I 

This year as we are told in the | 
Mirror (p. 454) John Claess was con- I 
demned to death in Amsterdam, for 
the crime as the clerk read it, "That 
he had caused to be printed at Ant- 
werp, six hundred books which he 
had concluded with Menno Simon and 
scattered abroad in this country con- 
taining strange opinions and sectar- 
ranisms; and had kept school and 
held meetings to introduce errors 
among the people which is contrary 
to the decree of our Emperor, and 
our mother the holy church". 

The same year certain Anabaptists 
in Germany printed over fifteen hun- 
dred religious books and that 
throughout Germany the sect in- 
creased greatly (Miiller, p. 83). 

1544 — Menno Simon's Followers First 
Called Alennonites or "Mennlsts." 

This year says Miiller (p. 160) the 
name "Mennonites" was first applied 
to the followers of Menno Simon. Mr. 
Smith in his new book says the name 
was first used by Countess Ann of 
East Friesland. Though the Menno- 
nites had to suffer, this did not retard 
their growth. About this time there 
was a discussion of several days be- 
tween the Netherland Mennonites and 
the other Baptists. This and other 
causes brought Charles V to begin a 
counter reformation against the 
Catholic Church. This fight, which 
he as Emperor had against the Catho- 
lics, made times easier for the Men- 
nonites. 

1544 — Menno Simon's Exegeses at 
Emdeti. 

In 1544 Menno Simon wrote "A Brief 



and Clear Confession and Scriptural 
Demonstration on the Incarnation and 
Teachings of Christ to John A'Lasco 
and his Fellow Laborers at Emden. 
(See Mennos Works part 2 p. 325 to 
350). This was written in East Fries- 
land in Holland. In this he refers to 
his debate with them at Emden in 
1543. Those to whom he wrote this 
were his opponents. He discusses 
the use of the sword and says only 
spiritual weapons are allowable. He 
then takes up a learned discussion of 
the Incarnation. He says he wandered 
about for days without food, ponder- 
ing and praying over this subject. 
He then answers the objections. 

The second part of this treatise is 
an admonition to A'Lasco, Arch- 
Bishop at Emden, East Friesland and 
to his brethren on how preachers 
■'should be minded". He rebukes them 
as wordly — as sellers of the Word of 
G^od — they are blamable in doctrine — 
buried in "filthy lucre" — produce no 
fruit of the spirit— have no fear of 
God— no brotherly love— and finally 
he says they are not the true mes- 
sengers of God. Therefore he says he 
cannot hear nor attend their preach- 
ing or partake of their supper. Then 
he follows up and tells the Catholic 
Arch-Bishop what ails their Church, 
etc. 

l,V15_3[ennonilos Wander Alousr 
Northern Coasts. 

From 1545 and during the next 5 
years the Mennonites everywhere had 
great difficulty to form congregations. 
They were now chased and harassed. 
They scattered through Danzig, Elb- 
ing, Konegsberg, along the northern 
coasts and the Weichsel river. There- 
fore, they only gathered in small 
bodies of 2 or 3 and met in private 
houses for worship — sometimes in 
barns. Their plan at meeting was a 
preacher behind a small table and on 
each side of him the deacons and in 
front the members, women on one 
side and men on the other on bench- 
es, (Brons, p. 248). 



56 



MENNO DRIVEN TO THE BALTIC— OTHER HARDSHIPS 



1546_3IeiiHo Simon and His People 
Flee to Baltic Coast and Finland. 

Menno Simon this year found a 
haven of rest in Cologne in Prussia. 
Under elector Herman of Wied, all 
Mennonites were given refuge in the 
principality until the Elector was de- 
feated by the Arch bishop under 
Charles Vs. Counter Reformation. 
(Miiller, 160.) But after these events 
Menno and his sick wife had to flee 
to the Baltic Coast and were overcome 
in and around Cologne by the new 
Catholic forces: and the Elector was 
deposed by the Catholic Archbishop. 
This was a blow for the new teach- 
ing. Strict Popery held sway again. 
Menno in his wanderings on the Bal- 
tic came to Liefland where he found 
many of his faith and he formed a 
congregation there and baptized 
many and administered the sacra- 
ments. This was in the region of 
Finland and says Brons (p. 77) fruits 
of Menno's work there 370 years ago 
are still seen in the form of a large 
Mennonite Settlement in territory, 
where he had labored so long ago. 
The followers of that faith have 
existed there from that time to the 
present. 

The next year Menno Siman was in 
Wismar (1547) and a theological doc- 
tor opposed him with great animosity 
— and said he would rather have a 
hatful of Menno's blood than a hatful 
of gold. This theologian Smedistedt, 
by name, also induced the authorities 
to compel the Baptists to get out of 
the country, (Brons, p. 77). 

1546 — Local Hardships Of, and Pre- 
judice against Menno Simon. 

In his complete work (p. 8) pub- 
lished in Elkhart by Funk in 1871, 
Menno Simon relates that in 1546, at 
a place in Holland where it was 
boasted the Evangelical Christians or 
Baptists predominated, four dwellings 
were confiscated because the owner 
had rented one of them for a short 



time to his (Menno's) sick wife and 
children. This severe persecution 
compelled him to move to a place be- 
tween Hamburg and Lubeck, where 
there was formely a large forest, 
owned by a German who though cruel 
otherwise was much inclined toward 
the Holland martyrs. This he did in 
defiance of the King. After Menno 
settled there exiles from all sides 
came there too and shortly there was 
a large colony of them. 

1546 — Leonard Scliueider and Dirk 

Peters Executed. 

This year these persons bearing 
eastern Pennsylvania and Lancaster 
County names were executed for their 
faith, the former in Vienna and the 
latter in Amsterdam. Peters we have 
frequently referred to. 

1547— Tlie Diet of Augsburg. 

This year says Brons (p. 88) it was 
lucky for the Protestants that when 
Charles V was successful over them 
all, he at the same time had serious 
difficulties with the Catholic Church. 
We remember he, though a Catholic, 
undertook to regenerate it. To re- 
concile the difference of views he 
called the Diet of Augsburg Septem- 
ber 1, 1547. Over the deliberations of 
the Diet he had two Catholics and one 
Protestant theologians as moderators 
and they got a creed framed up; but 
the Protestant was out-voted by the 
Catholic. 

1547 — Lutheran Hatred of Menu© 

Simon. 

This year says Brong, (p. 77) a 
Lutheran Minister named Vincentius 
appeard in Wismar and preached so 
vehemently against Menno that he 
was smitten by a stroke of apoplexy. 
But Menno was not much disturbed 
by it. He kept a steady home there. 

1547— Menno Simon Tries to Consoli- 
date Reform Movement. 

In 1547 Menno Simon went to Emb- 
den to have a talk with the elders and 



PERSECUTION'S IN HOLLAND— NAME "RAIR" 



APPEARS 



rtT 



bishops of the Baptists— Obbe and 
Dirli Philips, Gilliiis of Achen, Henry 
of Vrenen, Antonius of Cologne and 
others. In the meeting there were 
two present named Adam Pastor and 
Franz Ciiyper, whose divergent views 
disheartened Menno very much, 
(Brons, p. 77). 



1550— Menii(> Simon Defines Separa- 
tion from the >Vorl(I. 

In 1550 Menno Simon wrote a dis- 
cussion in the form of "Questions and 
Answers" on doctrine. He concludes 
that the regenerated must be separate 
from others — or the world. And that 
those who disobey this are to be ban- 
ned, and that this extends to mem- 
bers of the same family. Dealing 
with the banned should only be such 
as necessity requires, he declares. He 
then sets out who are the banned, ac- 
cording to Galations, Corinthians. 
Ephesians, etc. What Meuno advises 
here is more nearly the '-Reformed" 
Mennonite doctrine than the 'Old". 
Its strict practice today would cause 
much consternation, (Mennos Works 
part 2, pp. 276-8). 

1550— Inquisition Revived iu Holland 
and Belgium. 

About this time the Romish clergy 
became more bitter in Holland 
against Mennonites and all evangeli- 
cals. They caused the Emperor to 
revive the Inquisition there. Old au- 
thors cited in the Mirror say that, 
though many persecutions were con- 
stantly inflicted in Holland earlier, 
yet in 1550 the hatred and ill will of 
the people increased to a dreadful de- 
gree and caused Emperor Charles V 
at Brussels, April 29th, to revive an 
inquisition by the church whose de- 
crees of death the government car- 
ried out. The decree was somewhat 
modified later, but not before many 
had fled to Brabant and Flanders, 
(Mirror, p. 483). 



1551— Jolin Hair, ui Liclitentcis, IM*d 

Here we have anolhcr familiar 
Eastern Pennsylvania or Lancast.-r 
County name. The Bair or Barr fam- 
ily is very numerous, there being in 
Lancaster City, according to the Di- 
rectory of 1910, by count 103 Bair and 
Barr heads of families and self sup- 
porting adults and in the countv by 
1910 directory 140 of them. 

The Mirror tells us (p. 485) that 
the above John Bair was imprisoned 
23 years in a tower at Bamberg in 
Franconia on account of his faith 
that is from 1528 to 1551 when he 
died. In 1548 he wrote a letter as he 
states in a dark dungeon at Bamberg. 
He states that he has received si.K 
pens, writing tablets, accounts of 
the doctrine (religious tracts) but a 
Bible he has not yet received. And 
this after 20 years' imprisonment. In 
the letter he pitiably begs for release 
without being compelled to change 
his belief. But it was not to be; and 
he died three years later. Franconia 
was an old dutchy, now the grand 
duchies of Baden and Hesse and 
Kingdoms of Saxony and Bavaria,Ger- 
manj', (Webster's Diet. Gaz.). 

Jfeuno Simon Writes His People's 
Complaints. 

This year Menno Simon wrote 
what he called the "Complaint or 
Ai)ology of the Despised Christians 
and Exiled Strangers, to All the 
Theologians and Preachers of the 
German Nations, Concerning the Bit- 
ter Falsehoods, Slanders and Abuses, 
with which they Burden these suffer- 
ing Christians". In this he laments 

(1) the falsehood of the accusations 

(2) that the accusations are of capital 
crimes— (3) the accusations are 
against nature and reason and (4) the 

' accusations are out of accord with the 
spirit of Christ and are animated by 
hate, etc. Finally he invites all to 
come together in a friendly discus- 

; sion. (Menuo's Works, Part 2, p. 115). 



58 MENNONITE DOCTRINE— STRASBURG TROUBLES— PALATINATE 



1552 — Menno Simon's Reply to Gel- 

lius Faber. 

This year Menno wrote his reply to 
Faber. The reply is really a book of ! 
115 pages, (See Part 2, pp. 1 to 115, ! 
Menno's Works). He says that Gel- 
lius in a publication slandered the 
Christians and attempted to receive 
them. He then takes up each posi- 
tion of Faber. 

1552 — Menno Writes an Explanation 
of tlie Mennonite Doctrine. 

In the same work last cited, part 2, 
from pp. 259 to 276, Menno Simon 
this year wrote his "Fundamental and 
Clear Confessions of the Poor and 
Distressed Christians Concerning Jus- 
tification, The Preachers, Baptism, 
The Lord's Supper and the Swearing 
of Oaths, On account of which we are 
so much Hated. Slandered and Belied. 
Founded the Word of God". 

lu this work he takes up each of 
tl:e last named subjects in an exposi- 
tion I'ased on the Bible 3xplainij t'ie:.n. 
He shows strong power of discussion 
in the paper. 

Two years later Menno wrote a 
treatise on the causes and facts of 
his conversion, (See His Works, p. 1). 
In 1555 Menno also wrote a series of 
letters, found in the same book, pp. 
277-83. 

1555 — Great Religious Convention at 

Strasbnrg, Germany 

Brons tells us (p. 52) that this year 
a great meeting of Menonites and 
Evangelicals generally was held. 
Some of the delegates traveled 150 
miles. One delegate was present in 
whose house Michael Sattler 30 years 
before made an agreement on re- 
ligious subjects. Sattler was then an 
active Anabaptist teacher. Another 
delegate was present who stated that 
he had been on the rack eleven 
times, but escaped. But he repoi'ted 
that many of his brethren died. There 
were 50 delegates here, made up of 



elders and teachers, representing 600 
members of different congregations. 
Many were Swiss. Some descen- 
dants of the old Waldenseans were 
here too. 

1555 — Edict Inspired by Lutherans. 

This year says Brons (p. 86) a new 
edict in Germany, not only against 
Mennonites but against all Reformed 
bodies was promulgated. It seems 
the edict was issued by the Lutherans 
or at least the Lutherans of six large 
towns advocated it; and the govern- 
ment followed their suggestion. 

1555 — Mennonite Strengrth and Synod 
at Strasburg, Germany. 

In his chapter on Ta/iifers in Switz- 
erland, the Palatinate and adjoining 
countries, Miiller says under the date 
of 1555, that the Swiss through perse- 
cution were driven over the north 
boundary of that country and found 
asylum with their brethren in the 
Palatinate. He says at the beginning 
of the Reformation, the Mennonites 
then known as Baptists or Anabap- 
tists were of nearly the same nu- 
merical strength as the Reformed. 
They were both living in and about 
Strasburg as early as 1526, when 
the Baptist leader Reublin appeared 
in Strasburg. Hoffman also helped 
them there, and through him the 
Baptist^ gained an equal foothold 
there in spite of persecution. In 1555 
in Strasburg, Germany, took place the 
first important general synod of the 
Mennonites as they were later caller, 
(Muller, p. 195). 

1555 — Calvinism at Genera. 

This same year says Miiller, (p. 
76), Zorkinden wrote a letter to Cal- 
vin that the differences between the 
various branches of the "Reformers" 
could never be wipec^ out. It seems 
from this that Calvin, who began his 
branch of the Reformation, (known as 
Calvinism, later a form of Presbyter- 
ianism), about Geneva, hoped to have 
his doctrine accepted by several 



MENNO'S WORKS— BLOODY PHILIP II. 



■>!> 



branches of the Reformation move- 
ment. He was a contemporary of 
Zwingli and one of the great Swiss 
religious powers. 

lrft>6 — Meniio Simon Issues Several 
Works. 

This year Menno Simon issued a 
series of letters (Menno's Works, pp. 
277 to 284), — one to his followers in 
Holland pointing out the errors of 
papacy there — one of consolation to 
the Amsterdam brethren — one to his 
brethren in F^riesland (Holland), re- 
buking them for their dissentions, and ' 
one to the Church at Emden on the ; 
subject and effect of separation in j 
families of the Christian members and ! 
the "worldly" members, which doc- 1 
trine caused much grief, in many 
homes. The same year he wrote a 
work on the Anti-Christ doctrine as > 
he called it, (Do., Part 2, pp. 351 to j 
422). This work is entitled, "A Very j 

Plain and Pointed Reply To the Anti 
Christian Doctrine." This was a reply 
to a false account given by Martin j 
Micron of the Discussion between , 
himself and Micron in 1553, on the 
subject of the incarnation of Christ. 
This is an interesting work, written 
with fairness; but it lacks the learn- 
ing which Menno shows in other 
works. 

The same year he published a work 
on the subject of Excommunication, 
the Ban, Exclusion, etc. In this he 
discusses fully "the separation from 
the world" as the phrase is. Thf 
same year he wrote a work on the 
nature of the "Resurrection" (Do., 
Part L p. 229), or the "Heavenly 
Birth." In this he shows considerable 
learning. The same year there came 
out his "Fundamental Doctrine From 
the Word of the Lord", exhorting all 
to the "Heavenly Birth", etc. (Do., p. 
165). In this he attempts to set peo- 
ple right, he says, from the discus- 
sion of learned men perverting the 
truth. He attacks, of course, the ten- 
ets of practice of the Romish church 



in thesp particulars. This treatise is 
well worth reading by all. He also 
wrote his dissertation o n " True 
Christian Faith" and his "Consoling 
Admonition Concerning the Suffer- 
ings, and Persecutions of the Saints" 
the same year, (Do., pp. 103 and 179). 

1556— Philip II of Spain, Iniitafinu: 
Charles V, Issues Kloodj Kdiots. 

This year says the Mirror (p. 530) 
Philip II, son of Emperor Charles V, 
following his father's footsteps, 
caused all the former bloody edicts of 
his father to be renewed against the- 
Anabaptists. 

The decree forbid all persons to 
read or discuss the scriptures, es- 
pecially all doubtful points, except 
theologians versed in divinity and 
spiritual law. This was to apply to 
all those who try to seduce persi^ons 
away front the holy mother church. 
Those who do so teach were to be 
punished as seditious persons, and be 
executed, viz.: the men with the 
sword and the women to be burned 
alive and their property to be confis- 
cated. The decree recited that as es- 
pecially the Anabaptist violated all 
decrees and moved about secretly^ 
none of the inhabitants of Holland 
should be allowed into the territories 
of Philip, except bringing a certifi- 
cate from the priest. All having 
knowledge of Anabaptists were com- 
Itelled to disclose them. The decree 
forbid the Judges to mitigate the pun- 
ishment in any particular. The above 
is cited from the Great Book of De- 
crees of Ghent, containing all the de- 
crees of Charles and Philip, collected 
oy V/illiam I, Prince of Orange in 
1.^09. 

Miiller commenting on the same 
wicked decree (p. 161), says, that af- 
ter Chanes came, Philip as ruler of 
Kcihsrlanas- and with the assistance 
of his hangmen, during the Inquisi- 
tion, 1000 Evangelicals or Anabap- 
ists were destroyed. Alone in Hol- 
land, outside of Friesland, in these 
few years, one hundred and eleven 



■60 



PERSECUTIONS BEGIN IN THE PALATINATE 



Mcnnonites were executed. He also 
executed the Calvinists, until the exe- 
cution nl' Duke of Egmout and Home. 
Then a general religious war broke 
out. In six years the Duke of Alba, 
known as Philip's hangman, executed 
18,000 people and then left for Neth- 
erlands. Goethe has written a tragedy 
of Eggmount. It likely depicts this 
awful time in Holland. Alba was to 
Holland, what Weyler was to Cuba. 

1557— First Meimoiiite Gathering' Into 
the Palatinate. 

Brons tells us (p. 181) that in 1557 
the persecuted of Holand and espe- 
cially of Switzerland began going in- 
to the Palatinate, that is, the Rhine 
country in Germany, then the prov- 
ince of Frederick II, Elector Palatine, 
Avho was a protestant, (Rupp, p. 68). 
They did this to escape their terrible 
ordeals under Philip. 

1557— Anabaptist Translations of the 

Bible. 

From 1525 onward to 1557 more 
than 25 translations of the Bible ap- 
peared in Holland and the Menno- 
nites and Anabaptist genrally helped 
to do most of it. After 1557 the Ana- 
baptist helped in many more transla- 
tions. Up to 1723 there were over one 
hundred editions of the Bible in dif- 
fernt sizes issued, and made up f»om 
Biestken's translation alone, whose 
work was completed in 1560 at Em- 
den, (Broi!^ ].. 57). 

1557 — Persecutions Begin in the 
Palatinate. 

This year there was a renewal of 
persecution against the Mennonites 
and Anabptists generally, and it ex- 
tended into the Palatinate. The dis- 
cussions of Menno Simon when he 
was there in 1555 was the seed which 
a couple years later brought on the 
fruit, (Brons, p. 93). The result was 
that in 1557 sharp mandates against 
the Mennonites were issued through- 
out the Palatinate. Elector Frederick 



had a discussion at Pfeddersheim that 
year with the Mennonite and Anabap- 
tist leaders and the edict was the re- 
sult, (Do., 185). We notice above the 
striking similarity between the name 
^of the Paltinate town Pfeddersheim 
land that of our well known Petf.r- 
sheims in eastern Lancarit'jr county, 
adherants of the Amish Church. It is 

likely their names are derived from 
that of the ancient Gsrtnan town 

where ancestors of the family may 
have dwelt in olden times. Ft was a 

more or less general custom to name 

citizens after the towns, as is in- 
stanced in the Oberholtzers, who 
were first known in Oberholtz, a town 
of the Wald in Switzerland. 

1558 — Conrad Shnniaker and Peter 
Creamer Suffer. 

This year Shumaker and Creamer, 
names very commonly met with in 
our county and state, were executed. 
Shumaker was a Swabian, a section 
anciently comprising northern Swit- 
zerland. He journeyed with his peo- 
ple toward the Danube and was taken 
at Stein and imprisoned in "Vienna. 
Here he suffered torture and hunger. 
He was brought before Emperor Fer- 
dinand, who was attending a great 
diet at Augsburg, and theratened with 
execution before daylight so that the 
people should not be excited in his 
favor. He would not yield though 
the executioner was by his side. He 
was remanded and brought before the 
Bishops and his monks and priests 
three days later and threatened with- 
out avail. Then the Lutheran preach- 
ers of the King interceded and he was 
released, (Mirror, p. 552). 

Peter Creamer did not fare so well. 
He lived in the Duchy of Berg, was 
arested and brought to Winnick. He 
was imprisoned a long time. When 
brought to execution he appeared so 
upright and pious that nearly every 
one wept — the steward, the judges, 
the deputy, the executioner and the 
common people. The Steward begged 



MEXXOS DEATH— GENEROUS ELECTOR FREDERICK 



Gl 



and begged him to come back to the 
Romish church; but he refused. And 
at last he was executed standing with 
the Sword. (Do., 580). 

1559 — .lloiiiio Simon's Last Works and 
Death. 

It would sem that this remarkable 
man worked, and wrote expounding 
and defending his faith and that of his 
followers up until his death. Accord- 
ing to Funk, who published Menno's 
complete works, Menno wrote and fi- 
nished on January 23, 1559 his "Thor- 
ough Answer to the Slanders, Defama- 
tion, Backbiting, Unseasoned and Bit- 
ter Words of Zyles and Lemmekes" 
concerning the Mennonite doctrine, 
especially on the subject of the "Ban 
Separation or Shunning", (Menno's 
Works, Part 2. pp. 2S3-295). This doc- 
trine of separation from and shunning 
by the church, of those who are "of 
the world" is more or less strictly ad- 
hered to today by one branch of Men- 
nonites. They contend that they are 
the only true followers of the doctrine 
of the Bible .as explained by Menno 
Simon. In this answer, carrying his 
arguments to the point where parents 
and children and even husband and 
wife must be baned from and must 
shun each other if one has accepted 
the doctrine of Menno as he defines 
it, and the other has not, his reason- 
ing leads to very cruel conclusions 
and no end of family discord. 

According to Brons, (p. 102), on the 
same day Menno finished this thesis 
he died — .January 23, 1559, a true ex- 
ample of "faithful unto death". But 
some writers say he died in 1561. 
Brons says he was buried on his own 
estate or farm, in Germany, known as 
the "Wuestenfelds" or Wastefield, be- 
cause when he first acquired it the 
place was a barren tract. He made it 
fertile. The place of the grave is not 
known. His followers, some time af- 
terwards, continued to resort to his 
premises, and it seems, cultivate it 
and use it making it very fertile, until 



in the 30 years' war it was again de- 
vastated. The place is near Leibeck 
a free city of Germany on the Baltic. 

1559— Philip flic ("nicl and I'rcdcrick 

the (lieiieroiis. 

We remember that Charles V of 
Spain abdicated in favor of his son 
Philip II. He was very cruel to all 
Anabaptists. But thoy (and especially 
the Mennonites) had a friend in elec- 

j tor Frederick; and he defended them 
against Philip's hatred. March 7, 1559, 
Philip writes that he has road Freder- 

I ick's defense of these people but that 
he still thinks most of them an anti- 

I Christ sect like those of Miinster, who 
made trouble wherever they were 

' found. But he says there are some 
good communities of them, who are a 
plain peaceful people and not crazy 
like the remainder. The Miinsterites 
asserting themselves to be Mennonites 
and yet full of war and rebellion and 
sedition and not having Mennonite 
principles at all, mislead the rulers 
and make a hard road for Taufers or 
Mennonites in all sections. Their cen- 
tral habitat was Miinster. Philip then 
said, "Those plain, harmless ones 

j should be tolerated, under cautious 
surveillance: but as to all the active 
and troublesome ones, take the sword 
and slay them. As to the mild ones 
they simply err in faith and efforts 
should be made by reason and charity 
to get them back. Listen to them and 
argue. Put out and destroy their 
teaching but you may as you desire 
save their lives". Philip was now 
King of Spain and as Spain was very 
powerful at this time he also ruled 
Holland, parts of Germany and adja- 

^cent country; and thus Frederick the 

' elector, was under him. 
15-,9_Mar?ra\e .Vlhreclit of Prussia 
Orders lianishinent of .Mennonites 

and All AViedertaufers. 
"WMedertaufers", w e remember 
means, those who have received sec- 
ond baptism, on the belief that their 



€2 



FIRST EMDEN BIBLE— TAUFERS IN PRUSSIA 



baptism while infants was of no avail. 
All who held this view, among whom 
most prominently were the Menno- 
nites, this year by edict were ordered 
out of Prussia. But the persecution 
was mild there and more tolerant and 
the order was not obeyed, for 20 years 
later the Mennonites petitioned the 
authorities for free permission to set- 
tle in Koenegsburg and other places 
in the Duchy, on the Baltic sea. The 
same time they submitted their arti- 
cles of faith. This latter request in 
1579 was again made as we shall see 
later to Margrave George Frederick. 
He said he was compelled to refuse 
their request, as the Government 
policy was that the peoplse since the 
Reformation, that people should be all 
Lutherans; but he told them this 
kindly and as he said regretfully, for 
he found them otherwise very good 
people. 

1560— Tlie First Edition of tlse Biest- 

kens Bible Issued .at Eniden. 

Emden is a German city in the 
province of Hanover on an arm of the 
North Sea, on the line between Hol- 
land and the German Empire. Here 
in 1560, says Brons, (p. 57) the first 
Biestkens (Van Diest) Bible was is- 
sued. Brons introduces this chapter 
by telling of the rise of Anabaptism in 
Holland. She tells us that before the 
Reformation the ground was prepared 
by the early Evangelicals or Frater- 
nals. These were followers of Waldo 
— the Waldenseans. Some of the early 
leaders were Thomas of Kempis, John 
Wessel and the great Erasmus. Kem- 
pis wrote four books on the true Imi- 
tation of Christ. He was of Rhenish 
Prussia — a priest or monk. But his 
works extended into Holland. These 
works are famous now in many lan- 
guages and libraries. The writings of 
Luther followed and soon spread 
everywhere. — in Germany, in Holland 
and in Switzerland. Through this agi- 
tation the translations of the Bible 
were very numerous, but of all places, 
they were more numerous in Holland 
than anywhere else. And so it hap- 



pened that a Hollander named Van 
Diest in Emden, just across a little 
gulf from the Holland line, issued the 
Bible above referred to in 1560. 

1560 — Begiuiiing of Mennonites in 

Prussia. 

This year it became known that 
there were three large Mennonite con- 
gregations in Prussia, Germany. It is 
believed that Menno Simon and Dirk 
Philip organized them. They were 
the first known there. From that time 
onward there were many of them. 
These three had one bishop and 
formed the first conference district. 
From that time a register was kept 
there and it was complete at least 
down until the time, Anna Brons of 
Norden, wrote her work on "Taufge- 
sinnten oder Mennoniten" in 1884. 
The first bishop was Hans Von Swin- 
derin. Dirk Philip died near Emden. 
The next bishop seems to have been 
Quirin von der Meiilen in Dantzig. He 
printed a Bible at his own expense, 
called the Schotlandische Bible. Then 
there was a bishop named Hiltze 
Schmidt, (Brons, p. 251). 

1560 — Holland Mennonites Form Con- 
ference Districts. 

Between 1560 and 66 the congrega- 
tions of four cities, viz: Harlingen, 
Francker, Leeuworden and Sneek of 
Friesland, now in Holland combined 
into conference districts, etc., by a 
compact of 19 articles, so that by the 
efforts of all they might help those 
who had fled to them from other 
places, where they had been perse- 
cuted and robbed. A good many of 
these refugees came from Flanders. 
The compact did not last long, be- 
cause a large faction of them con- 
tended that Christ would not favor so 
much organization and machinery in 
the Church, (Brons, p. 133). 

Here can be seen the early stages 
of the Church simplicity and opposi- 
tion to anything which looks like self 
aggrandizement, which simplicity 



THE EBY OR EABY FAMILY— THE St'HWENKFELDERS 



63 



still shows itself today. These people 
always had a zealous care that their 
church government, form of worship 
and church property should all be 
simple and plain and not exalt their 
manner of religion into a magnifi- 
cence and ceremony that would make 
men forget their humility. They have 
thus for more than three centuries 
been called the "plain church". 

1560 — BoUiiiiier, Bocoincs a 3I(miiio- 

nite IIi»»torian. 

We have written of Bollinger's ac- 
tivity for the Anabaptists or Menno- 
nites, of which he was a member. In 
his now later and maturer life he 
wrote a work on the origin of the 
Mennonites, which he published this 
year. In it he tells how Moravia had 
become the New Jerusalem of the 
persecuted brethren of Zurich and 
Berne and Switzerland generally. Dr. 
Hupmeier of Zurich was active in or- 
ganizing and founding an asylum 
there, (Miiller, p. 94). Bollinger also 
wrote up the Mennonites in 1531, 
nearly 30 years earlier. Froschower 
printed it for him, (Do., p. 3). 

1560— The Eby or Eablj Family Move 

to Zurich. I 

In the History of the Eby Family, 
written in 1889 by Ezra E. Eby, of 
Berlin, Ontario, he says, "The Ebys 
belong to the Celts, an ancient Asiatic 
race. During early ages they lived 
in the Northern Parts of Italy and 
were converted from heathendom 
through the Valdois or Waldenses.who 
from the Sth to the 11th century be- 
came numerous. The Church of Rome ' 
tried to exterminate them; and in 
1453 the whole valley Luzerne was 
laid under an edict. In 1560 a large 
number of them fled and went to the 
Northern part of Switzerland. Among 
the Waldenses vv'ho settled there were 
the Ebees. These Waldenses joined 
Menno Simon in 1538". 

1562— Peath of Caspar Swenkfcld. 

We have written before of the rise 



of the Swenkfolders under Caspor 
Swenkfeld. This year he died at 
Ulm. Ulm is in Wittenburg, on the 
Danube and it is famous for having 
the highest spire in Germany. The 
first followers of Schwenkfeld were 
in Silesia, Germany. Silesia is where 
Schwenkfeldt was born. His followers 
never had any relatou to the Sweden- 
borg doctrine, as asserted by Liiher. 
The capital city of Silesia is Breslau. 
The Lutherans prosecuted the 
Schwenkfeklers severely. The Cath- 
[ olics tried also to punish them and to 
to get their children back to the 
Catholic faith. They endured all pa- 
tiently without any signs of restless- 
ness, when suddenly in 1725 the 
Silesian colony departed by night for 
Saxony and in 1734 came to America 
leaving everything behind. They had 
quietly made arrangement with Eng- 
land to land here, (Do.). 

1562— The Swiss Catholics of »aadt 

^Vant Anabaptists Siii)i)ressed. 

The persecutions about Berne are 
now beginning to be agitated. This 
year the leading Catholic powers of 
Waadt asked for severe rules on the 
Mennonites to suppress them. They 
asked to have Bollinger suppressed. 
The fight was now on between the 
State church (Catholic) and the Ana- 
baptists. Twenty-four Anabajitist 
preachers left the neighborhood of 
Waadt and emigrated toward Berne, 
(MuUer p. 49). 

156i — Berne Decree Aurainst Eniinen- 

thal Mennonites. 

February 16, this year the Swiss 
authorities in the Canton of the Em- 
menthal had a decree passed and 
proclaimed from the Catholic pulpits 
in Signau. Trachelwald, and Brandis 
to the effect that all Mennonites are 
to be fined ten pounds each if they do 
not stop printing and reading books of 
their own invention. They were ac- 
tive printers of their doctrines about 



64 



THE MYLINS AND KOCHS APPEAR— CALVINISM ARISES 



the Emmenthal, (a locality in Switzer- 
land east of Berne) ever since 1551; 
and the result was that the whole ter- 
ritory about Hoechstetten and the 
Emmenthal showed a big increase in 
their growth. Soon a stricter order 
was issued, to the effect if they con- 
tinue in their heresy they will be 
punished in body and in possessions. 
But the threat was not then carried 
out. In 1566 the subject was brought 
before the authorities again and a de- 
cree of banishment was passed. But 
it was of no avail. They continued to 
increase. 

1564 — Tlie Meiileiis or Melius of 

Ghent, Belgium. 

There is an account in Martyr's 
Mirror (p. 640) edtailing how Peiter 
Von Der Meulen of Ghent for defend- 
ing his faith as an Aanbaptist, was 
put to death. I speak of this only be- 
cause the name seems to have some 
relation to the family so famous and 
so numerous in eastern Pennsylvania 
and in Lancaster County, — -Meilin, 
etc. A well known home of the an- 
cestors of our present day Meilins 
was Switzerland. The present item 
may establish that there was an an- 
cient home in Belgium also. 

1565 — Courad Koch of Berg Executed. 

We now call attention to another 
name quite common in Eastern Penn- 
sylvania and in Lancaster County, — 
Koch. This man seemed to live in 
Berg, Germany, in the region of the 
Rhine river. The record shows that 
when the light began to shine along 
the Rhine, Conrad Koch embraced it. 
He lived in the little town of Hauf. 
He was imprisoned in the Castle of 
Loemenburg about a year and then 
executed, (Mirror, p. 659). 

1565 — Fire of Calvauisni Arouses Hol- 
land Against Papacy. 

In 1565 the nobility of Holland got 
together, on the question of abolish- 
ing the Spanish inquisition in Hol- 
land. Holland belonged to Spain at 
this time. Charles V abdicated in 



favor of Philip, his son. Charles had 
sympathy for the Netherlands, but 
Philip did not. Charles was born 
there. Philip, however, had not the 
least interest in the Dutch people — he 
was a Spaniard. When he was crown- 
ed in Brussels that sealed the doom 
of thousands in Holland. So the in- 
quisition was introduced in Holland; 
but in spite of all this the Menno- 
nites flourished greatly there, arid 
they were found in all places. Next 
to them were the Calvinists. Their 
preachers spoke on the street, in the 
fields, and implored the people to des- 
ert papacy. They ridiculed the Catho- 
lic Church and its Pope; showed the 
bad morals of the monks and priests 
and worked the people up into a 
frenzy so that the crosses along the 
road sides and on buildings were de- 
molished and the graves of prominent 
Catholics desecrated. In three days 
300 churches were demolished when 
Calvinism s t a rted, — Catholic 
churches. This was the answer of 
the people to the establishment of 14 
new dioceses under the papacy of 
Cardinal Granvella. But regent Mar- 
garet, wife of Philip was herself dis- 
satisfied and asked milder treatment 
for the Mennonites and all dissenters. 
But just the contrary resulted — the 
Inquisition. Then in 1565 the nobility 
got together and protested against its 
further use and declared they would 
stand together and if necessary lose 
all they had to abolish the inquisition; 
but it was of no avail, (Brons, p. 
106). 

1566 — Executions About Berne at This 
Time. 

The Mirror relates that up to this 
time, in Berne, 42 persons were put 
to death for their faith. The informa- 
tion is found in an extract of a docu- 
ment by H. Vlaming, a resident of 
Amsterdam, citing a document drawn 
up in ancient times by the elders of 
Alsace. In it they say: As regards 
the brethren who were executed for 
their faith in the Berne Country, there 
were executed from 1528 until 1566, 



BERNE IMPATIENT OVER ZOLOTHURN: HANS HASLIRACH 6'. 



forty-two persons, among whom wore 
eight women. We have in our pos- 
session a brief abstract of their 
names and the year of death, (p. 
675). 

Gruner relates that this year (1566) 
too, a Mennonite was beheaded in 
Berne, who was so invincible that he 
vehemently declared with his last 
breath that no one of his enemies 
should pray for him. He declared he 
was praying for himself. Of him 
Zehnder says, he was the most prom- 
inent teacher of the Berne Menno- 
nites. He was executed July 30th. A 
reward of 100 guilders was offered 
for his arrest and thus he was cap- 
tured, (Miiller, p. 75). 

1566— Mennonites Quit the Elbe Dis- 
trict. 

Loher says, Mennonites and Quak- 
ers in the 17th century gathered about 
Wastefield in Holland, of which we 
have written before. The Mennonites 
by the middle of the 16th century 
were leaving the neighborhood of 
Hamburg and the Elbe district. They 
were going into Holland where 
numerous congregations of Menno- 
nites found peace, as persecution with 
the decline of Philip and the uprising 
of the people ended there before 1570. 
But in Switzerland their troubles were 
never ended. Even in Holland, Men- 
no's death had great effect. His con- 
gregations divided and only a few re- 
mained on the Elbe river. They 
scattered into Denmark and Germany, 
(Loher, p. 56). 

1566 — Berne Drives Mennonites to 
Zolothurn. 

This year a company of Mennonites 
came from Zolothurn, about thirty 
miles away, to Berne; but Berne sent 
them back again. Zolothurn was 
never so severe on them as Berne and 
companies of them went to Berne for 
the purpose of helping their brethren 
there and adding to their strength by 
securing conversions. Berne deter- 
mined to stamp this out, (Mviller, p. 
73). 



1568 — Moranan .M«-niionit<'s Print a 
Book 

This year (Brons, p. 77), the Men- 
nonites of Moravia and Bohemia is- 
sued a book called the Golden Portals 
of Heaven, published by Gabriel 
Ackerman of Neweustadt. In it is set 
forth their doctrine, explaining why 
they do not have any pictures of the 
Virgin in their churches. They say 
they are reproached for this omis- 
sion; but they count it only proper 
not to worship the Virgin. 

1569— Great Slauerhtor of Anabaptists 
in Belt^iuni, Flanders, etc. 

According to the Martyr's Mirror, 
(pp. 708 to 800) this year scores of 
Mennonites or Anabaptists were slain 
in Belgium, Flanders and parts of 
Holland. None of the names is fa- 
miliar in Pennsylvania, excei)t thosa 
of tI:s':jo..r'.i3 ;in,l Dirk Williams. 
Hasbourke is a New York name also. 

1571— Hans Basel or Ilaslibach of 
Haslibacb. 

October 20, this year, Hans Hasli- 
bach, teacher of a congregation in the 
Sumiswald in Switzerland was killed. 
He composed a famous hymn reciting 
all about his trials, and reciting that 
he had a vision in his sleep that as a 
sign of God's anger over his death, as 
soon as his head was cut off it would 
leap into his hat and begin to smile, 
the sun would turn red and the creek 
nearby would flow with blood. The 
Mirror recites page 851, the same 
supernatural events upon the execu- 
tion of Hans Misel, which may be our 
same Hans Hasel. The Haslibach 
Hymn is one of the most famous 
pieces of the old Swiss Religious 
Poetry. It is found in the "Ausbund" 
or ancient Song Book of the Menno- 
nites published about 16JU, and also in 
the Mirror (p. 1069). The hymn had 
32 verses, detailing the incidents in 
the capture, hardships and death of 
Hans Haslibach or Hans of Haslibach. 
He was to the Sumiswald, (a region 
15 miles northeast of Berne), in a 
religious sense, what William Tell 



66 



BERNE KEEPS MENNONITES FROM MORAVIA 



was to another part of Switzerland in 
a patriotic sense; and in many ways 
the two were alike. Governor Penny- 
packer in 1904 translated this hymn 
and the same is found in the Menno- 
nite Year Book for 1911. About this 
time there was a movement against 
•capital punishment. The putting to 
death of these brave people; and their 
bravery in meeting death had a won- 
derful effect in making the common 
people believe in them. And many 
_ were heard to remark that they 
wished they were as sure of salvation 
as the Mennonites. Thus capital 
punishment was simply making more 
adherents of the faith, (Muller, p. 77). 
Haslibach's death and the declared 
fulfillment of what he predicted about 
his head, the sun and the little river, 
gave renewed belief in the Mennonite 
faith. 

1572 — Tortures Again Rage in Hol- 
land; United Netherlands Formed. 

Philip and Duke Alba, known as 
his executor or hangman, this year 
alone in Holland executed a thousand 
Evangelicals or Anabaptists, Menno- 
nites, etc. Holland was in an uproar. 
Mennonites and Calvinists were mar- 
tyred until the execution of Eggmont 
and the war for liberty broke out. 
August 15, 1572 the foundation of the 
United Netherlands was laid and the 
Prince of Orange elected Governor. In 
1573 Alba left Netherlands, having re- 
sided there six years, and in that time 
murdered 18,000 people. The same 
year the Prince of Orange joined the 
Calvinists. Thus there are the Dutch 
Reformed who followed Calvin and 
the Swiss Reformed who followed 
Zwingli, (Brons, 16). 

1573 — Berne Prevents Mennonites 
from Converting 3roravians. 

This year says Muller (p. 96) there 
were three edicts from Berne to pre- 
vent her Mennonites from going into 
Moravia as missionaries. Nor were 
missionaries allowed to come to 
Berne. Each year after "bread break- 
ing" these missionaries were sent. 



1575— Bylers of Flanders, Tortured 
in England. 

This year several Mennonites from 
Flanders fled to England because of 
persecution and lived in simplicity 
about London. Their religious ser- 
vices were spied out by a constable 
and he drove them to South Fort on 
the Mersey River. They were given 
the alternative of subscribing to 
transsubstantiation — to oaths — to in- 
fant baptism — to the bearing of public 
offices, or being put to death. Some 
they put on board ship for Gravesend 
and some they killed, by burning 
alive. One named Gerrett Byler, af- 
ter much misery, escaped. 

Byler is a well known eastern Lan- 
caster County name as we know. He 
tells of his ordeal in England this 
year. 

1576 — Zurich Issues ?few Decrees. 

Zurich followed the example of 
Berne in 1576. It was 'found that the 
Mennonites and other Evangelicals 
were quietly leaving with their wives, 
as the result of the efforts of the "ex- 
citers from Moravia" as they were 
called. Particularly from Aargau the 
migration was felt. These Aargau citi- 
zens secretly sold their goods and 
prepared to leave. They were ordered 
watched and taken prisoners, (Miil- 
ler, p. 96). 

1576— Mennonites of Zurich Fight 

Against a State Church. 

This year was published another 
edict against the Mennonites about 
Zurich, Switzerland and this brought 
on in earnest the fight against a State 
Church. Their congregations sepa- 
rated from the State Church and de- 
manded not to be interfered with. 
Many congregations moved from Zur- 
ich into Moravia. But they fared no 
better there, and came back having 
lost all. The Sheriffs were to stamp 
out the migration. But there were no 
results; and in 1580 there was an- 
other Zurich decree stating they were 



BENDERS APPEAR— HOLLAND LIBERTY OF COXSriEXCE 



67 



getting more and more numerous: 
that people were adhering to them; 
and warning all that they should shun 
them. (Brons, 192). 

l.')T(> — The FaiiiiUar Niinn' "Bender' 

Appears. 

The Benders are prominent and nu- 
merous in Lancaster County and 
Eastern Pennsylvania. About this 
time Matthias Bender or Binder a 
Mennonite minister of Wurtenburg in 
Germany, was arrested and taken to 
Stuttgart prison on account of his 
faith, and later imprisoned in chains. 
He was examined and threatened by 
the doctors of theology, the represen- 
tatives of the Prince and by the ab- 
bott. He was then sent to the castle 
of Hohenwithing and remained two 
years, when in 1576 the Castle was 
burned to the ground. He was then 
released because of his brave conduct 
about the fire, (Mirror, 973). 

1577 — Liberty of Conscience Gains 

Foothold in Holland. 

King William I called William of 
Nassau, January 26, 1577 at Middle- 
burg (in the southwest corner of Hol- 
land on the North Sea) issued a let- 
ter of privilege to the Anabaptists or 
Mennonites, reciting that these citi- 
zens complain their shops have been 
closed by the magistrates, because 
these people would not take oaths, 
though they have always paid their 
taxes, etc. This, the letter says is 
against liberty of conscience and it has 
just been decided by the people of 
Spain against their sovereign that 
liberty of conscience must be allowed, 
especially as these Hollanders helped 
to gain liberty of conscience for others 
deprived of it; that the oath is used as 
a means to drive these good people 
out of the country, and not only those 
residing in Middleburg, but those in 
innnumerable other places in Holland 
and Zealand. The letter then pro- 
ceeds and says these petitioners are 



ready at all times to offer their tender 
"Yea" in place of an oath and agree 
that those who transgress the "Yea" 
shall be punished as perjurers. 

He then ordains that those people 
shall be allowed to use their "Yea" in 
place of an oath; but if they trans- 
gress, they shall be punished as per- 
jurers. This was a great sin by the 
Mennonite Doctrine, (Mirror. 1000). 

1577— Holland's Huler Trotects Ihi 

.Mennonites. 

This year a deputation of Reformed 
preachers met at Dortrecht in Hol- 
land about ten miles southeast of 
Rotterdam; and asked that the Men- 
nonites be restrained. But the Dutch 
authorities now refused to interfere 
longer with them. The Prince of 
Orange said personally that they 
should not be interfered with and 
more than that, their "Yea" should be 
acepted as an oath. This shows how 
they were regarded as to truth tell- 
ing. The Prince further expressed 
his dislike that the civil authorities 
should assume to control matters of 
conscience. He also said to the Re- 
formed Churchmen who made the 
above demand that, they should re- 
member how the Catholics had abused 
them and not, in turn abuse these 
Mennonites in a similar way. (Brous, 
117). 

1579 — 3Iennouites Settle .Vnionir Lu^ 
therans in >ortheasteru Prussia. 

Brons tells us (p. 249) that this 
year the Mennonites handed in a re- 
quest to settle about Koenigsburg in 
northeastern Germany on the Baltic 
Sea near the Gulf of Dantzig; and 
handed over their articles of faith for 
inspection. George Frederick, the 
ruler and successor of Duke Albrecht 
said reluctantly that the Constitution 
of Prussia required all should be of 
the Lutheran religion there, other- 
wise he would allow it. He ordered 
them to go to the consistory and be 
questioned about their faith and if 
they did not want to join the Lutheran 



68 



MENNONITE MARRIAGES VOID— "NEGLEY AND KELLER" 



church they should leave, in four 
months. But the order was not car- 
ried out. The Mennonites remained 
there and took deeper root. They 
cculd feel that Frederick at heart was 
favorable to them. Wherever they 
settled they made the land very fer- 
tile. 

1579 — Berne Declares Menuonite Mar- 
riages Void. 

About 1567 it was decided in Berne 
that if married couples do not go to 
the state church they shall be consid- 
ered as living together illicitly as if 
the marriage had never been per- 
formed; and their children should be 
Illegitimate— the right to inherit 
should be denied to them. This re- 
mained an edict not carried out for 12 
years; but in 1579 messengers were 
sent among the Mennonite congrega- 
tions warning them that the old edict 
was to be enforced and that those 
who do not choose to obey shall leave 
within three months or be punished 
in their possessions and lives. 

1581— At Berne, Negley a "Keforined ' 

Praises the Mennonites. 

Muller tells us (p. 84) that in 1581 
a large synod was held at Berne. 
There Negley announced as a Re- 
formed adherent that the many ac- 
cusations against the Mennonites 
were unjust. He said his own peo- 
ple, the Reformed, ought to study 
their own faults. He showed that 
great moral rottenness existed about 
Berne, but not among the Mennonites. 
He said that each individual of them 
was pure and set an example for 
others. He said that most of them 
were poor and their preachers taught 
without pay and did various work to 
support themselves. We call atten- 
tion to the fact that the name Negley 
is a common Lascaster County name. 

1582 — Prominent Norwegians Join 
the Mennonites. 

This year Anslo, a Norwegian, joined 
the Mennonite church in Holland. He 



founded a large cloth business and 
his sons became prominent in it. 
They were the head of the cloth 
makers' guild. One of his sons. Cor- 
nelius Claes Anslo was a prominent 
preacher of the Mennonites and his 
portrait was painted by Rembrant, 
and a poet named Vondel wrote some 
complimentary poetry under it. It is 
now in the gallery of the Lord Hol- 
land. Other great men about Amster- 
dam joined the Mennonites too, about 
this time, (Brons, 158). 

1584— Wenish Keller from Austria 

Joins the Swiss Mennonites. 

Austrian historians tell us that this 
year seven brethren were sent out of 
that country. They went to the 
Swiss. One of them was Wenish Kel- 
ler. He labored about Berne nine 
year and his death was reported in 
1593, (Muller, 97). 

1585 — Berne Mandate, Ordering Men- 
nonites Out 

This year, says Miiller (p. 182) 
there was a mandate ordering the 
Mennonites to get out of Berne or 
suffer imprisonment or death. But 
execution by the sword was not al- 
lowed as in the past. It provided that 
those who were teachers should be 
branded. Hans Stence and Mart. 
Berger were two of them. After a 
long effort to cause them to recant 
they were expelled. Stence returned 
and was compelled to sign a cove- 
nant agreeing that if he came back 
as-ain -he should be beheaded. He was 
then sent away again; and never 
came back. 

1585 — Moravian Missions Successful 

in Switzerland. 

So many people followed the Mora- 
vian missionaries in Switzerland that 
they could hardly all be taken in. A 
good part were accepted. In 1686 
many Swiss joined the Moravian Men- 
nonites. Moravia had her trouble 
nearly 100 years before Luther led by 



EARLY ANABAPTIST STRICTNESS 



«» 



Huss, who was burned at the stake in 
Constance, beginner of the Moravians, 
began his work. So here was an 
asylum for the Mennonites, (Miiller, 
p. 9S). 

loSB — Five (ireat (ieniian 3Ienuonite 

Congregations 

By this time, in face of all edicts, 
the Mennonite strength was amazing 
In Germany and throughout central 
Europe. The largest German congre- 
gations of Mennonites were at Mar- 
burg, at Niederulm or the Swamp of 
Weichsel, at Thom, at Gradens and at 
Danzig. They were the strongholds 
there, in spite of the edict of Danzig 
prohibiting any stiangers there, by 
Whitemtide, (Brons, p. 251). ' 

1586— Edict Against Anabaptists in 

Prussia. 

The great tortures inflicted by 
Papists upon the Anabaptists of 
various countries drove many of them 
into Prussia, in the hope that these 
Lutheran sections would be more 
mild than the Catholic ones. This 
hope was partly inspired by the fact 
that Prussia boasted of her liberality. 
But in this hope the Anabaptists or 
Mennonites were sadly disappointed. 
The Government of Prussia, Novem- 
ber 12, 1586 issued a decree that they 
must all leave or be tortured, but not 
killed. George Frederick, Margrave 
of Brandenburg issued the chief edict, 
(Mirror, 1006). The next year there 
was a similar decree against all the 
Baptists of Koenigsburg, (Do., 1007). 

1588— Severe Integrity of Early Ana- 
baptists or Mennonites. 

A remarkable instance of Menno- 
nite discipline is shown in 1588. A 
brother named Bintgens bou?j;ht li 
house from a neighbor for 700 guilders. 
who was a spendthrift and a drunk- 
ard. The deed expressed 800 g;:i!ders. 
The church found this out through a 
deacon. He brought it before th^ 
church as being a device that would 
deceive the next purchaser as to its 
value. The church also found out 



that the drunkard should not have had 
the money because his creditors were 
entitled to a part of It. They held 
Bintgens should have protected the 
creditors. Bintgens asked to purge 
himself befor=i the meeting. He said 
that he was sorry and that he would 
personally pay the creditors their 
claims. Then some of the elders who 
did not trust him went and asked his 
wife whether he did it. She said her 
husband did not act honestly. Then the 
whole congregation was called to- 
gether for an opinion and the elders 
of the surrounding congregations 
were invited to join in the opinion. 
This meeting divided the churches far 
and near — some were for Bintgens 
and some against him. Then his op- 
ponents felt injured and wanted him 
to resign as teacher. .Jan. 1589 there 
was a big meeting of delegates from 
churches far and near to talk it over. 
The Amsterdam brethren asked Bint- 
gens again if it was true that there 
were 100 guilders more expressed in 
the deed than he paid. He said "Yes", 
but that he paid the 100 guilders in 
;:nen. Then a second meeting was 
held and all the prominent Menno- 
nites to be found were pressed to be 
present. It was urged that Bintgens 
be expelled. Others wanted it decided 
by a vote in all the congregations of 
Holland. Others wanted delegates 
called from all the congregations and 
that they decide. Others wanted to 
proceed according to I Timothy Ch. 5, 
verses 19 and 20. July 3rd, there was 
a special meeting called to decide the 
method of procedure only. Then the 
churches of Holland divided on the 
subject. The Haarlem churches led 
one faction and the Amsterdam 
churches the other. The Amsterdam 
faction was against Bintgens. Then 
the factions agreed to refer it to the 
church authorities of the congrega- 
tions of Groeningen, Emden and Col- 
ogne. At a later meeting in Haarlem 
this was done, and Bintgens was part- 
ly exonerated. Then the Amsterdam 
enemies accused the Haarlem people 
of covering up the facts. Bintgens 



70 



EARLY MENNONITE CONFESSION OF FAITH 



had denied the Groeningen Menno- 
nites and East Frieslanders the right 
to take part in his dispute. Bintgens 
and his adherents then left. Then the 
Haarlemites were put on trial by the 
Amsterdamers. Haarlem appealed to 
the whole Anabaptist or Mennonite 
world to show they did wrong. And 
so the matter ended in crimination 
and recrimination. 

The public result is the most inter- 
esting. It was that the Haarlemites 
did act in underhand and inferior 
ways toward the Amsterdamers; and 
the latter gained in public esteem and 
in the esteem of the King as well. 
The Haarlemites gradually lost public 
favor. In Groeningen and East Fries- 
land Bintgens people fell in favor and 
were called "bankrupters" and '"house 
buyers" in odium and finally they lost 
greatly in public favor. All this came 
from Bintgens sharp trick, which in- 
nocent in itself was supposed by the 
brethren to be meant to deceive. The 
'-psult was he and his party were much 
shattered for years throughout Hol- 
land. So the right won says Brons, 
(p. 122). 

1592— The Familiar Name "Myers" 

Appears. 

This year at Wier, in Baden, Mat- 
thias Myers was arrested through the 
espionage of a priest. The priest had 
a servant maid go to Myers and pre- 
tend she wanted to join the Anabap- 
tists. In this way they got evidence 
against him. And thus they drowned 
him in a most horrible way, putting 
him under water for some time re- 
peatedly and drawing him out to in- 
duce him to recant, which he would 
not do. He died steadfast, (Mirror, 
p. 1032). 

1595 — Lutherans and Keformed at 

Odds. 

This year at Emden, a house in 
which the Lutherans held services 
was closed by the Reformed. They 
fought over the Lord's supper. Finally 
the Reformed allowed the Lutherans 



to preach at certain times but only' 
under governmental supervision and 
under conditions. One condition was, 
the collection was to be handed over 
to the Reformed. To this, and to other 
conditions they had to agree; and did 
so in writing, signed by 108 persons. 
Only under the Prussian government 
did the Lutherans get permission to 
build the Church that stands in Em- 
den today. 

1599 — Berne Edict against Ana- 
baptists. 

This year, March 10, there was a 
mandate promulgated by Berne, de- 
manding that the Mennonites must 
leave without their property. Their 
real estate was confiscated to the 
Government. If they sold it before 
going, the purchaser would be com- 
pelled to pay it again. This was a 
severe edict, (Miiller, p. 131). 

This ends the annals of the six- 
teenth century. 

1600— An Extensive Mennonite Con- 
fession of Faith. 

About this year, says the author of 
the Mirror (p. 360), a Mennonite con- 
fession of faith was /adopted, consist- 
ing of 33 articles. It contains the doc- 
trine as to the Father, Son and Holy 
Ghost — the Creation — Fall — Restora- 
tion — Free Will — Election of Believ- 
ers — the law of Moses and the Gos- 
pels — Saving Faith — Regeneration — 
Incarnation — Death and Resurrection 
—Office of Christ— the Church— Ordi- 
nances of the Church — Baptism — the 
Lord's Supper — Feet Washing — Gt)od 
Works — Marriage — Swearing and 
Oaths — the Ban — Second Coming of 
Christ and Kingdom of Heaven. Just 
where this was adopted is not clear. 

1601 — Groeningen & Sneek Decree in 
Holland against the Men- 
nonites. 

The following decree was issued 
by the Dutch authorities of Groenin- 
gen and Sneek by the Reformed 



THE GROXIXGEN AND SXEEK DECREE (HOLLAXD) 



:\ 



Church authorities, who controlled 
the government now, against the 
Mennonites. The Reformed seem 
now to have forgotten the fierce de- 
crees of the Catholics in former cen- 
turies against them and in turn they 
now persecuted the Mennonites, who 
differed from them. This decree is 
found in Martyr's Mirror, (p. 1043) 
and is as follows: 

The burgomasters and the council 
make known: Whereas it has come to 
our certain knowledge that not only 
many in the city and in the jurisdic- 
tion of the same presume to exercise 
and practice, contrary to the treaty 
sworn to and made with the city, A. 
D. '94, another religion than the Re- 
formed, to the adulteration of the 
word of God, to the misuse of his holy 
sacraments, and to the offense and se- 
duction of many persons; but that al- 
so nearly all disorders and abuses in 
and without the marriage state, and 
also others contrary to the Christian 
church regulations established and 
customary here, creep in and are 
practiced; and we by virtue of our of- 
fice recognize it our duty to meet and 
check all this with proper penalties: 
therefore, we have ordained, and do 
ordain and decree by these presents, 
as follows: 

Firstly, that the exercise of all 
other religions than the Reformed is 
herewith again strictly prohibited. 

And if any one be found to allow his 
house or place to the Anabaptists, 
contrary to the church regulations of 
this city, for the purpose of preach- 
ing, of holding meetings therein, he 
shall each time be fined ten dollars. 

The preachers, as aforesaid, if found 
to be preaching, shall for each of- 
fense be fined ten dollars, or be im- 
prisoned two weeks on water and 
bread; and when detected in thus 
preaching the third time, shall be ex- 
pelled from the city or the jurisdi.c- 
tion of the same. 

And all that shall be found attend- 
ing such preaching or gatherings 
shall each time be fined two dollars. 



Whoever shall be found to have rp- 
baptized anyone, shall be fined twen- 
ty dollars; and when detected the sec- 
ond time, shall be imprisoned on 
water and bread, and expelled as 
aforesaid. 

Again, nnbaptized children shall not 
receive inheritance, according to the 
city statutes. 

No one shall be admitted to any 
administration or office, public or pri- 
vate, nor be accepted as a witness, 
except he render the solemn oath re- 
quired for it. 

And all that refuse such oath shall 
be punished as is proper acording to 
law. 

1601— Calvinists Try To Destroy (Ger- 
man Ciitholios aind Lutherans. 

In the Mirror (p. 1044) under the 
date of 1601 we are told that, "In the 
year of our Lord sixteen hundred and 
one it occurred that Johann von 
Steyn, Count of Witgensteyn, Lord of 
Hamburg, being a member of the Cal- 
vinistic church, purposed to abolish 
the Romish and Lutheran doctrine, 
and at the same time laid his hands 
on the defenseless sheep of Christ, 
which were contenii)tuously called 
Anabaptists, and put them into pris- 
on. 

Among these are mentioned by 
name, Huybert op der Straten, Trijn- 
ken, his wife, Pieter ten Hove, and 
Lijsken te Linschoten, which latter, 
as we have learned, was an aged 
woman of over seventy years. 

The first three mentioned were im- 
prisoned twelve weeks, the latter 
seventeen days, she having been ap- 
prehended much later". 

1601— Zurich Mennonites Mitrrato lo 

Mora>ia, Melio ini: It "The 

rromiscd Land". 

Ernst Muller in his excellent book 

tells us, (p. 98), "Repeatedly we hear 

complaints from the Canton of Zurich 

concerning the Moravian emissaries, 

who invited the people to emigrate. 

The pastor of Wald even reports in 



72 



THE VOGTS AND BOLLINGERS APPEAR 



the year 1601 that 25 Moravian Breth- 
ren are traveling about the country 
two by two (Ottins, p. 192). 

The tidings of the "Promised Land" 
in Moravia and of the "New Jerusa- 
lem" at Nikolsburg even penetrated 
to the prominent circles of the City of 
Berne. On the 20th day of March, 
IGOl Samuel Oachselhofer and Jacob 
Vogt are to pass over to the Treasurer 
4000 pounds from the state of th.nr 
mother and sister-in-law, Agatha 
Pfauderin and two children, who had 
secretly left the country for Moravia, 
this payment to be made to "His 
Grace" for his rights of confiscation". 
There are Vogts in Lancaster county. 

Miiller then tells us more of these 
banishments (p. 99), as follows: "If 
ever one of these children was to re- 
turn, then its share would be given 
back to it. (R. M.). Very soon there- 
after Elizabeth Oachselhofer, pre- 
sumably a near relation of the above 
named Agatha, with her son removed 
to Moravia as a Baptist, leaving be- 
hind a very considerable inventory, 
which was taken on May 17, 1605, and 
contained enumerated goods and chat- 
tels and the rich wardrobe of a lady 
of the highest rank, (K. A., Vol. SO, 
No. 19). 

This inventory was estimated to he 
worth 8000 pounds and should revert 
to "His Grace". But there is to be 
kept an account in the interest of the 
eon, should he ever return. 

1603— Keformed Swiss Churob Op- 
presses the Mennouites. 

Brons tells us (p. 132) that in "1603 
a Reformed Synod resolved to request 
of the government, the latter should 
prohibit the bishops of the Menno- 
nites from traveling from one place to 
another, preaching and baptizing; in 
1001 a resolution was passed in like 
manner that they (these bishops) 
should be prohibited from educating 
young preachers; 1605 the Calvinistic 
predicants handed in a request that 
the Mennonites be forbidden to build 
churches. And thus it went on 
through the whole Seventeenth cen- 
tury at 55 Reformed Synods". 



1605 — Bollinger or Bolsingrer of Ba- 
varia Executed. 

Under this date the Mirror contains 
an account (p. 1044) of the execution 
of Hans Bollingeror Bolsinger, while 
traveling through Bavaria, Germany. 
With him was Marcus Eder, too. I 
use this item simply to show the Bol- 
linger home in Europe. It is well 
known that there are several promi- 
nent families bearing that name in 
Eastern Pennsylvania and in Lancas- 
ter county. They too, were strong in 
their Mennonite Faith and died for it. 
The Bollingers came to this country 
about 1730. The now much paraded 
name Ballinger may be a form of it. 

1605 — Menuoiiites Tortured in 
Hungary. 

Many Mennonite people were in 
Hungary, when in 1605, during the 
Hungarian War, the ruffians were 
raging in Hungary and Moravia, pil- 
laging and burning towns, torturing 
to death the people. On May 4th, they 
led 42 pt^rsons and on June 28th, 112 
brethren and sisters, as slaves to the 
heathen lands and to the galleys. 
(Muller, p. 99). 

1607 — Mennonite Church Re-Organ- 
ized in Strasburg. 

There were certain rules and regu- 
lations for the conduct cf the Menno- 
nite church in Strasburg, Germany as 
early as 1568. But in 1607 the con- 
•iregation was re-organized and many 
regulations passed, upon the duties of 
elders, ministers and bishops. In ad- 
dition to the regular church duties, 
rules were laid down upon their du- 
ties to visit, console and comfort the 
distressed and the bereaved and the 
strangers. These missionaries en- 
dured many hardships (Muller p. 90). 

1608 — Progress of the Mennonite 

Church in Holland. 

The Holland Mennonite brethren 
had taken vigorous possession of 
Tiegenhof, had constructed dykes and 



SWITZERLAND CONFISCATES MENNOXITE FROPEKTY 



73 



canals and had achieved such re- 
markable success that the proprie- 
tors made contracts with them for 
forty years, which were thereafter 
always renewed. Consequently their 
numbers increased to such an extent 
that the Bishop of Kuhn complained 
in the year 1608, that the vicinity of 
Marienburg was filled with Menno- 
nites and Samosatenes. Against this 
the town governments of Daniz, 
Thorn and Elbing protested, refer- 
ring to the Warsaw Confederation of 
1585 approved by King Sigismund, 
which says: 

"We promise among us, for us and 
for our posterity forever under oath 
of our fidelity, honor and conscience, 
that we, who differ in religion one 
from another, will keep the peace 
among ourselves, and on account of 
the different creeds and the changes 
in the churches, we will tolerate no 
bloodshed, nor punish anyone by the 
confiscation of his goods, , injury to 
his honor, imprisonment or banish- 
ment from the country, nor will we 
assist any authority or official to do 
such, etc." 

Here again the industrious charac- 
ter' of our Mennonite forefathers is 
shown. We also have here another 
view of King Sigismund's ideas of 
justice toward these i>eople and his 
faith in their willingness to abide by 
the government. On this faith he 
promised the protection which we 
have stated, (Brons p. 255). 

1610— Switzerland Confiscation of 

Mennonite Property. 

Ernst Miiller (p. 131) refers to the 
confiscation of the possessions of the 
Baptist or Mennonite brethren by 
the State, viz: "If the Baptists who 
have emigrated (from Switzerland) 
had previously sold their possessions, 
then such shall be taken from the 
purchaser and be confiscated, and 
the purchaser must look to the seller 
for his rights." (Mandate of April 
23, 1610). The hardships of the Men- 
nonites in Switzerland we see at this 
time are still going on. 



1(110 — |{ern<> tJovernment Tearlu-s 
.Vnti-Mennonitism. 

All through the 17th century the 
authorities of Berne, Switzerland 
continued to do anything in their 
power to harass the Meunonites on 
the one hand, and on the other hand 
to encourage and give strength to 
the Reformed religion. They held 
meetings with those who believed in 
Anabaptism or the Mennonite doc- 
trine to get the weaker ones by argu- 
ment, to turn away from that faith, 
but they did not succeed to any great 
extent. The Protestant authorities of 
Berne, as the head of their church, 
left no method untried in order to 
guide and control the hearts and 
minds of their subjects. Among 
these methods was the censorship or 
censure. Hans Jacob Poll, of Zofin- 
gen, had written a tract, in which 
the doctrine was defended that no 
one should be prosecuted on ac- 
count of his faith or belief. This tract 
was printed in 500 copies at Basle, 
and therefore the authorities of Basle 
were requested to confiscate this 
edition, "for the sake of God and 
His beloved Church." (Mis. January 
31, 1610). 

We have here another picture of 
the continual harassing of these non- 
resistant people in the Berne dis- 
trict. But the church kept on grow- 
ing there. We remember that it wa,s 
the Ementhal. a little valley north- 
west of Berne, from which the L.an- 
caster County pioneers came in 1710. 
Their ancestors in earlier days had 
lived about Zurich. (Miiller, p. 104). 

1610— Switzerland Restrains Bap- 
tists from (ioina: to Moravia. 

Ernst Muller (p. 99) tells us that 
this year means were taken to pre- 
vent our Mennonite forefathers from 
getting out of the country of per- 
secution and going to Moravia. 
Speaking of the instances of this he 
says: "These cases were by no means 
singular or exceptional. An order of 



74 



ELBING AND ALTONA MENNONITES— GERMANY 



the Council to Seekelmeister and 
Venner, which promulgated means 
for the prevention of the secret re- 
moval of Baptists to Moravia, bears 
date of April 3, 1610 (K. A.). 

At page 18, Miiller says, "Some 
were (so writes the author of the 
preface to the History of the Martyr- 
ers of Christ, 1610) racked and pulled 
or torn to pieces; some were burned 
to powder and ashes; some burned to 
a crisp at the stake; some torn with 
red-hot tongs ; some penned up in 
houses and the whole burned down; 
others were hanged on trees; some 
were executed by the sword; others 
were pushed into the water; many 
had gags put into their mouths in or- 
der to prevent them from speaking, 
and thus lead to their doom." This 
is Ernst Miiller's way of stating the 
dreadful experiences of our Swiss 
ancestry. 

1610— Elbiiig (Prussia) Mennonites 

Made Citizens. 

Brons tells us (p. 255) that Elbing, 
in Prussia near the Gulf of Danzig, 
was a district where the Mennonite 
people were required to exercise the 
privileges and also to undergo the du- 
ties of citizens. As early as 1610 he 
says they were given the franchise of 
citizens and had to take upon them- 
selves the duties of citizens. 

1611 — Eldest Mennonite Deacon in 
Altona, Germany. 

Brons tells us (p. 263) that "a cer- 
tain Paul Rossen, who in 1611 had 
come from Fresenberg to Altona be- 
fore the devastation of the place dur- 
ing the Thirty Years' War and the 
scattering of the congregation there, 
in whose midst Meuno had spent his 
last days, was eldest deacon of the 
Mennonite Church or congregation at 
that place, viz: Altona opposite Ham- 
burg in the province of Holstein, 
Germany." 

1613 — Swisser Hans Landis's 
Troubles Begin. 

Miiller tells us (p. 216) that "Zur- 
ich had in 1613 condemned Hans 



Landis, Galli Fuchs and Stephen 
Zehender to the galleys and led them 
bound and fettered to the French 
Ambassador at Solothurn, where with 
the assistance of Brethren from 
Berne they found the way out of pris- 
on (Ottins, p. 216). Hans Landis was 
beheaded September 29, 1614 at Zur- 
ich". We merely make a note of this 
at this date. We shall have consider- 
able more to say about this prominent 
old patriarch Hans Landis under the 
year 1614. 

1613 — Mennonite Colony in Elbing. 

Brons tells us (p. 255) that at this 
time there lived at Elbing, sixteen 
Mennonite families. This was appar- 
ently the extent of their growth in 
that section at this date. 

1614 — Mennonite Troubles in Zurich 
and the History of the Martyrs. 

Of the condition in Zurich we pos- 
sess extensive Baptist sources in the 
chapters pertaining thereto in the 
Martyr's Mirror of Tielman Van 
Bracht. Here we find the history of 
the martyrdom of the Baptists or Men- 
1 nonites ; and a large number of tales 
of sorrow and suffering in the perse- 
j cution of Zurich at that time, etc. 
j (Miiller, p. 165). 

i The above work was published in 
j 1615. The work is divided into three 
books, of which the first closes with 
the year 1566, the second with 1573, 
I and the third with 1614. The last 
! martyr recorded therein was the 
j Swiss Hans Landis, (Brons, p. 237). 

i 1614— The Sufferings and Death of 

I Swisser Hans Landis. 

I 

An important teacher of the Bap- 
tist minded or Mennonites was Hans 
Landis, who, against the prohibition 
of the government preached before 
large meetings in forest and field, 
baptized and solemnized marriages. 
He was, for that reason, taken pris- 
oner and as he would not promise to 
cease such activities in the future, 
condemned to six years' punishment 



SUFFERINGS AXU DEATH OF HANS LANDIS 



75 



on the galleys. The Swiss authorities 
made use of the galleys of the Italian 
Princes as penal institutions. On the 
galleys he sawed his chains by means 
of an instrument which the brethren 
had smuggled to him, escaped and re- 
turned to his country, (Switzerland). 
But soon after that he was again 
taken into custody, whereupon he was 
ordered to depart from the country; 
but he refused stubbornly to obey the 
orders, saying: "God favored me with 
this land as well as all others and the 
eaith is the Lord's." Besides, he would 
remain in his native country, as he 
did not know where to go. Further- 
more he said he was now aged and 
did not fear death. And, indeed, he 
could verily say, he did not know 
where to go to, for in the adjacent 
Austrian countries the Baptistminded 
or Mennonites were persecuted since 
1601 unto death by Emperor Rudolph, 
who had again put in force the de- 
crees of Ferdinand. In consequence 
he (Landis) was condemned to death 
by the Great Council of Zurich and 
beheaded in 1614, (Brons, p. 200). 

The Mirror (p. 1045) gives us the 
following account of Hans Landis's 
death: 

This account states that Hans Lan- 
dis had gone up the river Rhine w^here 
he had his place of residence, to feed 
and refresh the people with the word 
of God. 

"When the Council of Zurich learn- 
ed of this, they instigated by the dis- 
position of the envious scribes and 
Pharisees, could not tolerate this, but 
instantly caused it to be forbidden 
him. as though they had thought 
thereby to hinder the true progress 
of the word of the gospel. But he, 
who knew with Peter, that we must 
obey God's commands more than the 
commandments of men, had such love 
to the truth and to the young suck- 
ling's on Zion's breasts, that no hu- 
man threats could induce him to for- 
bear feeding them with the true food 
of the soul. Hence the enviers of the 
same apprehended him, and sent him 
ironed from Zurich to Solothurn to 



till' |)ai)isls, e.\c('i)tiiig that he should 
forthwith be sent to sea or upon the 
galleys; but through the help of good 
hearted people he was there released; 
hut subsequently apprehended again 
and taken to Zurich, where he was 
rigorously examined concerning his 
doctrine, and when he would in no 
wise desist from his godly purpose or 
from his faith, they showed in him, 
that th.eir decree of eighty-four years 
previous was not forgotten, neither 
had the spirit of it died of old age; 
for, according to the import of the 
same, they sentenced him from life to 
death, and hence, in the month of 
September of the aforesaid year, 
1614, for the sake of the truth he was 
beheaded as a true follower of Christ, 
Which they nevertheless would not 
acknowledge, but pretended and per- 
suaded the common people to deceive 
them, that he was not punished and 
put to death for his religion, but for 
his obstinacy and disobedience to the 
authorities." 

The Mirror further states (p. 1046) 
a certain letter dated July 29, 1659 at 
Zurich, sets out that the writer was 
present at the execution of Hans Lan- 

|dis; and the following extracts are 
made from the letter. 

; "Hattavier Salr, witnessed the be- 
heading of Hans Landis, which I also 
still remember well, having seen it 
myself in the Wolfsstadt, the whole 
transaction being as fresh in my 
recollection as though it had happen- 
ed but a few weeks ago. 

j Continuing, he speaks of his per- 
sonal appearance and the manner of 
his death, saying. 
"Hans Landis was a tall, stately 

' person with a long black and gray 
beard and a manful voice. 
When he, cheerful and of good cour- 

' age, was led out by a rope, to the 
Wolfsstadt (being the place made 
ready for his execution), the execu- 
tioner, Mr. Paull Volmar dropped the 
rope, and lifting up both of his hands 
to heaven, spoke these words: 

" 'O that God, to whom I make my 
complaint, might have compassion; 



MANY LANCASTER COUNTY NAMES ABOUT BERNE 



that you, Hans, have come into my 
hands in this manner; forgive me, for 
God's sake, that which I must do to 
you.' " 

Hans Landis comforted the execu- 
tioner, saying that he had already 
forgiven him: God would forgive him, 
too; he well knew that he had to 
execute the order of the authorities; 
lie should not be afraid, and see that 
there was no hindrance in his way. 

Thereupon he was beheaded. After 
his head had been struck off, the exe- 
cutioner asked: 'Lord Bailiff of the 
Empire, have I executed this man 
rightly according to imperial law and 
sentence?' (Otherwise it was custo- 
mary to say: 'This poor fellow', etc.) 
as though he believed he died saved 
and rich. 

The people were of the opinion that 
the executioner by dropping the rope 
meant to indicate to Hans that he 
should run away, it was also generally 
said; that if he had run away, no one 
would have followed him. to stop him. 
So far the aforementioned extract. 

Further Statement.— It is also ap- 
propriate to give here what has been 
stated to us through credible testi- 
mony, namely, that when the afore- 
mentioned Hans Landis was standing 
in the place of execution, to be put to 
death, his dear wife and children 
came to him in mournful crying and 
lamentation, to take a last and final 
adieu and leave from him. But when 
he saw them he requested them to go 
away from him, in order that his good 
resolution and tranquility of heart for 
the death awaiting him might not be 
disturbed or taken away by their 
weeping and grief; which having 
been done, and he having commended 
his soul into the hands of God, the 
quickly descending stroke of the 
sword put an end to his life." 

1615 — Berne the Ancient Home of the 

Shenks, Hoft'ers, Baumans, Etc. 

A brother Stoffel Schenk of Rehogk 
in Switzerland, died in the Lord this 
year, says Miiller (p. 99). In Moravia 



and other Austrian counties in these 
early times there were many families 
that had emigrated there from Berne 
in Switzerland. Some of the names 
in the Moravian-Mennonite communi- 
ties that could be traced to the Emen- 
thal near Berne, in Switzerland were 
Gerber, Shenk, Hoffer, Schlechter, 
Born, Amster, Bauman, and others. 
Therefore as early as the year 1600 
the Berne district of Switzerland was 
the home of these well known now 
Lancaster County and eastern Penn- 
sylvania families. 

1615 — The Holland Goyernment Saves 

the Mennonites from a Flanders 

Decree. 

This year at Aerdenborgh in Flan- 
ders the enemies of the Mennonites, 
principally the Romish Church, began 
a series of decrees and hardships 
against the Taufers or Mennonites of 
that place. 

This sad beginning would to all ap- 
pearance, have culminated in greater 
mischief to the aforesaid people, had 
not their High Mightinesses, the 
Lords States General of the United 
Netherlands, who had received infor- 
mation of this, opposed it with a cer- 
tain mandate, whereby those who 
were the cause of sad oppression 
were prevented from proceeding with 
the execution of their aforementioned 
prohibiton, and on the other hand, 
liberty of religion was granted to those 
that were oppressed. The contents of 
the aforementioned mandate are as 
follows: 

The States General, etc., to the Bailiff, 
Burgomasters and Judges of Aer- 
denborgh. 

Honorable, etc.: We have learned 
with surprise, that, contrary to our 
order or resolution announced to 
Your Honor by our order by the 
clerk, Jan Bogaerd, you still hinder 
the members of the community called 
Anabaptists or Mennonites, residing 
in Aerdenborgh and the parts under 
its jurisdiction, in the freedom of 
their assembling and the exercise of 



HOLLAND GRANTS PROTECTION TO MKNNON ITKS 



77 



their religion in Aerdenborgh, and 
trouble and oppress them, by prohibi- 
ting their assembling, by arrests and 
fines. 

Whereas we desire that the afore- 
said members of the community be- 
longing to the Anabaptist persuasion 
be allowed to enjoy just as much 
freedom, with all quiteness and 
modesty, in their mind, conscience, 
assembling, and exercise of their re- 
ligion, in Aerdenborgh as is the case 
everywhere else in the provinces, 
cities and places of the United Neth- 
erlands, without contradiction or re- 
sistance,; except that you may exer- 
cise an oversight over their gather- 
ings, as far as they deem it well, and 
that they, to this end,, may inform you 
every time that they desire to as- 
semble. Hence we command you, to 
govern yourselves precisely in ac- 
cordance with this, to the better 
maintenance of tranquillity, peace and 
unity in the aforesaid city; without 
causing the apprehension or execution 
of the aforesaid members for any fine 
or contraventions, because of pre- 
vious gatherings. Upon this we shall 
rely, and, etc. Given this first of May, 
1615, (Mirror, p. 1046 and Muller, p. 
187). 

In November 16, 1619, the Holland 
Government was compelled to repeat 
its orders to Aerdenberg, who had 
not fully complied with the former 
demands, (Miiller, p. 187). 

1616 — Berne Renounces Condemna- 

tion to the Galleys. 

Muller states, (p. 216) that this 
year the cities of Basle, Berne and 
Schaffhausen, all prominent points 
in Switzerland, sent protests to the 
Zurich government against allowing 
any Swiss citizens, Mennonites or any 
others going to the Roman Galleys. 
And Berne particularly came out and 
said that the sending of the Menno- 
nites or Weidertaufers, as they called 
them, to the galleys was a punishment 

too severe and not to be longer al- 
lowed. 



1617— (>n>iun!:cn (IMifrh) Mcnnonite 

Leaders Warn Thoir Flock 
a;raiiist Kecitniiiii: '»(»rl(ll\'. 

The old plain mode of living of the 
Mennonites was gradually changed 
to a more modern, finer way of living. 
The ban had been mostly abolished to- 
ward the end of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. The ban compelled the Ana- 
baptists to shun those not of their 
church and not hear any of their 
preaching. Nevertheless care had to 
be taken and watchfulness exercised 
in order to curb at once any possible 
derelictions; for instance, the presi- 
dency of the Groningen Society in the 
year 1617 had published and printed a 
warning against the "getting worldly" 
(worldly mindedness) of the flock, 
and had the same sent to each con- 
gregation, (Brons, p. 149). 

1617— Abont 70,000 Swiss and Other 

Mennonites Crnshed Out of 

Moravia. 

Brons tells us (p. 178) that 10 years 
prior to 1617, many Swiss brethren 
had fled into Moravia; but, that 
(quoting the Chronicler) though fully 
70,000 Swiss and other Mennonites 
were recently in Moravia, they were 
by 1617 all exterminated there. Many 
of them fled to Sylvania. 

1619 — Moravian Mennonites Ravaged 

in the Thirty Years' War. 

Says Muller (p. 100), speaking of 
1619 and onward, "The following 
years brought levies of war and the 
passing through the troops, and in 
1619 the horrors of the thirty years* 
war. First the soldiers of Dampierre 
ranged in Moravia, with murder and 
arson in their trial, and by them that 
year 38 brethren were slain". 

1619— Reformed Church Have 

Trouble Over Their Confes- 

>i<in of Kiiifh. 

Within the confines of the declara- 
tion of faith of 1619 there began con- 



78 



MORAVIANS AND POLLOCKS BUTCHER MENNONITES 



siderable agitation among the Re- 
formed; parties were formed that 
tried to break down these confines; 
the minds became heated, and there 
came a clash. Here there were Re- 
monstrants and Counter-Remon- 
strants, Labadists and Socinians, who 
could not be held for the church and 
who began to form their own con- 
gregations, (Brons, p. 133). 

1620 — Moravians, Polooks, Etc., 
Butcher Menonites. 

(Hans (Serber and Sliarach Huber 
Slain.) 

In the year 1620 came the "Polocks" 
and massacred under terrible tortures 
72 brethren. And after the battle at 
the White Mountain, the Baptists in 
Moravia were without justice or pro- 
tection, a prey to their enemies. A 
number of horrible massacres was the 
sequel. According to the records, 
there were killed on April 17th, at 
Sabatisch, among others, a Hans 
Gaerber and a Sadrach Huber. It 
was altogether an awful, fearful, ter- 
rible time, yea, a time full of suffer- 
ing, anguish and evil, and neither 
words nor pen can describe the cruel, 
barbarous tyranny and devilishness in 
this diabolical war, which were in- 
flicted on our country people, on men 
and women folk, women in confine- 
ment, young boys and girls — by the 
Spaniards, Neopolitans. Walloons, 
Crabatians, Polocks and the like Im- 
perial war hordes. The Chronicle 
enumerates 234 persons of the con- 
gregations of the Lord who were put 
to death in these five years, (Miiller, 
p. 100). 

We call special attention here to 
the two now familiar Lancaster 
County and eastern Pennsylvania 
German or Swiss names, Huber and 
Gerber or Garber. 

1620— Deventer Edict against the 
Meunouites. 

In the Mirror, (p. 1047) the follow- 
ing edict is set forth under the above 
date: 



"The magistrates of the city of 
Deventer prohibit all citizens and 
residents of their city; that no Men- 
nonists, etc., shall hold any secret or 
open assembly or meeting where 

preaching marriage, or any other 

exercise of religion is practiced; 
under whatever pretext the same may 
be done; on pain that those who shall 
be found to practice it shall forthwith 
be banished from the country for- 
ever; and every person that shall be 
found at such a place or in the 
assembly, shall forfeit the upper gar- 
ment and twenty-five guilders in 
money; the second time, the upper 
garment and fifty guilders; the third 
time to be punished arbitrarily. And 
he that lends his house, for the pur- 
pose of holding such gatherings, for- 
feits a hundred guilders; the second 
time two hundred guilders; and the 
third time he shall be banished for- 
ever." 

1620— IJndolph Philip Forrer (Forrj). 

Miiller (p. IS) gives us the first 
knowledge of the Forry also called 
Ferry, and at one time called Ferree 
family of Lancaster County and 
Eastern Pennsylvania. The early 
records in the Recorder's Office as 
well as Rupp the Historian, mention" 
the name as "Ferree." But the Re- 
corder's records twenty-five years 
later spell the name Forrer. Whether 
the two names are identical or not we 
can not tell. The Ferrees were Hu- 
guenots; and the Forrers were Bern- 
ese, in Switzerland. They may have 
come from the same family stock. 
The subject of the title of this sketch 
was a Forrer, prominent in the Men- 
nonite ministry. 

"Out of the atmosphere of the 
dungeons, court rooms and council 
chambers we wander into the verdant 
Emmen Valley and stop in at the par- 
sonage of Langnau, the wooden struc- 
ture which at one time stood below 
the church, and listen to the recitals 
of the pastor with regard to hia 



LAXGXAU AND LANCASTER COUNTY NAMES 



79 



troubles with the Baptists. The pas- 
tor, Johann Rudolph Philii) Ferrer 
was born in the year ir)98, became in 
1620 only twenty-two years old, pastor 
in Langnau, etc. He showed a leni- 
ent forbearing spirit in his dealings 
with the Baptists. His efforts to in- 
duce some of them to resume their 
church visits and attendance at the 
services were not without success." 
(Miiller, p. 18). 

1621 — Meiiiionite Families of Lang- 
nau, Switzerland. 

Ernst Miiller (p. 119) gives us the 
following list of Mennonites living at 
this time in and about Langnau. The 
names of these Mennonite ancestors 
of many of our present day Lancas- ' 
ter County and eastern Pennsylvania, 
Swiss and German descendant families 
were: Fredley Baumgardner from ' 
Miilibach and his wife, to whom he 
had been married ten years — also a 
Baumgardner of Diirsriitti and his 
wife but no small children; Oswald 
Probst or Brobst and wife, married 
six years; Fred. Moritz and wife; 
Simon Bichsel or Bixler and wife; 
Oswald Ruch or Reich; Michael Stud- 
er, a powerful youth; Tschoffen Elsi; 
Stinnis Gibbel's daughter living in the 
family of Christian Yost; Hans Utzen- 
berger's wife; Klaus Yost and wife; 
Barbara Dellenbach; Benedict Rae- 
ber's or Reber's wife; Anna Kreyen- 
buel or Graybill; wife of Benjamin 
Baumgardner; w'ife of Hans Gerber 
or Garber and the wife of Uli or Eli 
Rothlisperger. 

Among these it is not necessary to 
do more than call attention to the 
familiar eastern Pennsylvania Swiss 
names we find viz: Baumgardner; 
Probst or Brobst; Ruch, Yost, Raeber 
or Reber, Kreyenbuel or Graybill, 
Bixler, Gibbel and Garber. Miiller, 
the author, was himself a preacher in 
Langnau as he states in his title page 
of his book. Langnau is a city with 
a population of 7,000 about 18 miles 
directly east of Berne, in the Emmen 



Valley, which valley extends from the 
northeast to the southeast of Berne. 

1621— Hichsel or Hlxler Above Named, 

Gave His Reasons for LeaviiiK the 

Reformed Clnirch. 

Forrer or Ferry, asked Simon 
Bichsel why he left his old Church and, 
came to the Taufer or Mennonite 
Church this year. He answered that 
this is a very bad world and many 
people of the State Church in Langnau 
are corrupt. He said that at the last 
"Fair", there he saw these who called 
themselves Christians and who were 
members of these worldly churches, in 
the upper tavern, clubbing each other 
and cursing and swearing— even the 
young boys— that the young people of 
those churches dance and are gay, and 
reckless and so are the older people 
—that they "sauffen and fressen", that 
is eat and drink to excess and are not 
Godly minded. Forry then asked him. 
"If God staid among sinners, why 
could your people not do it too?" This 
he did not answer, (Muller, p. 121). 

1621 — Uli or ririoh IJaumsrardner 

Gives His Reasons for Being 

a Mennonite. 

Forry then tells us he asked Baum- 
gardner, also, why he is a Taufer. He 
answered that the State Church is full 
of wickedness. Baumgardner lived in 
Dursrutti, in Switzerland and some of 
the Baumgardners live there today; 
but they belong to the State Church. 
In March. 1621, Michael Miller, Daniel 
Stroedel and Forry went on a journey 
to make converts back to the State 
Church, and took a New Testament 
along so that if the Mennonites would 
question them, they could answer by 
Scripture. Miller was the best scholar 
and he was sent to Baumgardner to 
argue the religious stand that Baum- 
gardner took. Miller, Stroedel and 
Forry belonged to the Reformed 
Church. These men argued upon the 
right way to be saved, but each held 
[his own opinion. Miller made some 



80 



HOLSTEIN MENNONITES GREAT FARMERS 



converts away from the Mennonite ' 
faith, but not many. Ulrich Baum- 
gardner was a very strong teacher 
among the Mennonites, (Miiller, 122). 

1621— Holstein Bulers Champion the 

Mennonites. 

In Frederickstadt in Holstein, the 
• ruler took up the Mennonite side 
about 1621 A colony of Holland Men- 
nonites moved over to Holstein (Ger- 
many) and had permission to build a 
town there and they called the town 
Frederickstein. The town had a com- 
plete Holland appearance. These Men- 
nonites built a dyke to keep out the 
sea about this town. They lived quiet- 
ly, attended to work and were good 
citizens. They kept no writings, 
(Brons, 265). 

1621— Holstein Mennonites Giyen Lib- 

erty of Conscience. 

These Holstein Mennonites soon be- 
came famous cattle raisers. Many 
others came to them, and soon they 
were all granted liberty of conscience. 
They were allowed to testify on "Yea" 
and "Nay". And when this privilege 
was once granted, every Duke there- 
after renewed it. This was one of the 
first places in the world where the 
Mennonites were equal to every other 
class. The Government ever recog- 
nized their preachers. Preachers came 
to this congregation from Hamburg 
and from other parts of the Palati- 
nate, (Brons, 265). 

1621— John Philip Rudolph Forry's 
Efforts near Berne, Switzerland. 

We have shown that Pastor Forry of 
the Reformed Church at Langnau 
about 16 miles east of Berne, was 
exerting great zeal in 1620 (the time 
the Mayflower reached Massachusetts) 
to stop the Mennonite growth. His 
arguments with them in the Langnau 
debates in 1621 he had printed in a 
work called, "What Was Discussed 
Answering the Taufers in the Church 
and Parish of Langnau in 1621". This 
work may be found today in the Bapt. 



Bible Archives of the Historical So- 
ciety of Canton, Berne, No. 12-2, (Miil- 
ler, p. 119). 

The same author says at same page, 
"Forrer, soon after his promotion to 
the pastorate of Langnau, had heard 
of the Baptists there "that they 
through wrong and perverted zeal did 
absent themselves from Christian 
Church attendance and hearing the 
sermons, and held themselves aloof". 
He determined to seek an opportunity 
to do his duty in this matter, because 
the sect was increasing from day to 
day. and had many secret adherents 
and protectors, particularly because 
"they are mightily connected among 
each other". 

He goes on and says with horror, 
"Some of them are living together in 
matrimony without attending church 
as Christans should, and have big un- 
baptized children, and finally the 
Fatherland, too is (in the great, dang- 
erous war expeditions of these times) 
in danger, that the "enemy will beat 
our head full". 

Forrer, thereupon brought his re- 
quest under extensive or elaborate 
reasoning in God's name to the atten- 
tion of the Church tribunal, February 
21, 1621, with the plea, "no one should 
attribute sinister motives to him, even 
if it were to concern his own". 

1625 — King Sigsnmnd Complains That 

the Mennonites Do >'ot Take Oaths. 

This year, Sigsmund, a petty king in 
Germany or Poland, complained that 
the Mennonites were given the privi- 
leges of subjects without taking oaths. 
He insisted that, at least they should 
make oath of allegiance to him. The 
town of Ebling particularly contained 
large numbers of Mennonites. But 
his order had no effect. The Menno- 
nites continued to prosper. In 1631 
some of them got a privilege to begin 
the silk business. Yost Van Kampen 
carried it on. His father and grand- 
father had similarly done so before in 
Elbing. Another Mennonite, Zachariah 
Jonsen also obtained a license to 



BAUMGARDNERS. MYERS, EGLES AND BENDERS APPEAR 81 



carry on the wine business. These 
were considered rare privileges to be 
granted to persons who would not 
take an oath of allegiance to the Gov- 
renment (Brons. p. 255.) 

1627— Bohemian Mcnnonit^s Merge 
«ith Kcforiiied ("liurch. 

This year at a synod at Ostarz, the 
Bohemian brethren or Mennonites 
were swallowed up by the Reformed 
Churchmen, who were very strong 
there. So they united with them rath- 
er than to continue to struggle against 
them. This ended their existence as 
Bohemian Taufers. This happened 
during the struggle of the 30 years 
war lasting from 1618 to 1648, (Miil- 
ler. p. 65). 

1629— More Trouble for Ulrieh Baum- 
gardner of Langnau. 
September 25th, of this year Ulrieh 
Baumgardner was arrested in fhe 
evening aid taken to TrachtelwaUl and 
held until the beginning of October. 
Then October 6th, he was taken to 
Brene. As they were taking him along 
the road he told them God would send 
a great punishment upon them and a 
little later in the day, at sundown, a 
great blazing and hissing meteor 
shot through the air and all became 
terrified; but nothing more happened. 
December 2nd, he was put on the 
rack because he would not divulge the 
names of the Mennouite leaders of 
the Langnau district. David Amman, 
Herr Heinberg, Court Clerk, George 
Langhams and Jacob Fenner of the 
Reformed Church had charge of his 
torture, and they quoted scriptures to 
him to prove to him that the word of 
God required him to disclose the 
names. When that failed they used 
the rack to convince him that he 
should tell. But he refused. 

About the same time a Benedict 
Baumgardner composed a Mennonite 
Hymn. It appeared in a few years in 
three different versions and was a 
pretty general iise among the Swiss 
Taufers, (Muller, p. 123). 

I set this out because the name 



Baumgardner has played a large part 
in the business world of Eastern 
Pennsylvania, particularly in Lancas- 
ter, and Dauphin Counties, etc. We 
find them here, at early dates. 

1629— Mennonite Exodus into Hun- 
gary. 

We remember that in 1622 the Men- 
nonites were driven out of Moravia by 
the Cardinal of Dietrichstein under 
order from King Ferdinand II. In 
October out of 24 villages began the 
exodus. They went to Hungary and 
Sylvania; but here also they were 
harassed. The Turks and the Tartars 
came and carried away 26 people, 
among them a family of young girls 
named Gerber. While in Hungary 
they elected two ministers' whose 
names have come down to us and are 
familiar today — George Gaul and 
Hans or John Albrecht. These two 
men were Swiss too, just the same as 
most of the exiles who first went to 
Moravia from Zurich and Berne and 
other Swiss towns, and then went 
from Moravia to Hungary. We may 
pause her to note that Caesar speaks 
of Gaul in his "Helvetian War"; and 
thus it is not remarkable that "Gaul" 
should be the surname of some Swiss 
families. Here in Lancaster County 
we have the Golls, the Galls and 
others perhaps modifications of old 
Swiss ancestral names, (Muller, p. 
101). 

1632— Myers— Egli— Bender and Other 
Swiss >"anies. 

We have called attention to the 
familiar names of Gerber. Gaul and 
Albright, in their ancient evironments 
of nearly 300 years ago. So too, now 
other common eastern Pennsylvania 
names were found in Switzerland and 
the Countries that became asylums 
for them about the same time — most 
of them Mennonite leaders then and 
likewise pillars of that church now 
hear at home. 

In 1632 there appear such Swiss as 
Hans Myer and Hans Egli. mentioned 
by Jacob Emsler— also Andreas Ben- 



.82 



DORTRECHT (HOLLAND) CONFESSIONS OF FAITH 



■der, sicklemaker. They were elected 
deacons and ministers of the early 
Mennonites. They were found in 
Hungary, too, refugees from Switzer- 
land. Between the kings and the people 
and the Turks they had a hard life. 
The Turkish War of 1665 nearly 
wiped out entirely the congregations 
of Mennonites in Hungary, (Miiller, p. 
101). 

1632 — The Dortrecht and Earlier 
Mennonite Confessions of Faith. 

This was a jubilee year in the 
history of the Mennpnite cult. Their 
first great confession of Faith or 
Creed was completed and issued to 
the world from Dortrecht, Holland on 
April 21st. 

This was not the first confession of 
Faith of this people. At Amsterdam, 
September 27, 1627, a code of "Spiri- 
tual Instruction" which was virtually 
a primitive confession of faith, was 
drawn up. It was more nearly a 
primitive catechism — in the form of 
questions and answers. 

There was also another confession 
drawn up at Amsterdam, October 7, 
1630, taking up belief in God and the 
proper manner of living. At the end 
of this confession it is recited that it 
was done by the "undersigned min- 
isters, teachers and elders of the 
United Friesic and High German 
Churches" for themselves, as well as 
their fellow-brethren and strangers 
assembled at Amsterdam — subscribed 
to by the fourteen persons, heads of 
the church for them and for all the 
churches whom they were sent to 
represent. The "Friesic" churches 
were those of Friesland, Holland. 

Then came the Dortrecht confession 
of 1632. This work takes up: 

I. God and the Creation. 

II. The Fall of Man. This sets 
forth the belief that man by the "fall" 
became ruined, separated and estrang- 
ed from God and that all would have 
been eternally lost had not God made 
provision otherwise. 

III. The Restoration Through Christ. 



Here is set forth a belief in the fore- 
ordination of salvation through Christ. 

IV. The Coming of Christ. Here 
they say that the word at the proper 
time was made flesh. 

V. The Law of Christ, i. e., the 
Holy Gospel. Here it is confessed 
that before ascension, Christ insti- 
tuted his New Testament and sealed 
the same and left it to the disciples. 

VI. Repentance and Reformation of 
Life. Here it is declared that the 
imaginations of all men's hearts are 
evil and that faith and repentance are 
necessary to all. 

VII. Holy Baptism. Here they set 
forth that there can be no effective 
baptism, before years of understand- 
ing are reached. Only penitent be- 
lievers may be baptized. This was 
one of the chief beliefs that brought 
thousands and hundreds of thousands 
of these people into torture and 
death through perhaps 500 years. 

VIII. The Church of Christ. Here 
is set forth, belief in the "visible 
church," viz: those who repent and 
are baptized. They alone are the 
"chosen royal priesthood." 

IX. Election and Office of Teach- 
ers, Deacons and Deaconesses. "Christ 
instituted offices and ordinances and 
gave himself as the chief shepherd 
and bishop of our souls." He pro- 
vided ministers, apostles, evangelists, 
pastors and teachers, whom through 
the Holy Ghost he had chosen and 
such he meant should be continued 
successively. Also that honorable 
aged widows should be chosen dea- 
conesses. 

X. The Holy Supper. This is an 
ordinance in "remembrance of him." 
It is not his actual body and blood. 

XI. Washing of Feet. This is ad- 
monished to be literally done, as a 
mark of humility. 

XII. The State of Matrimony. This 
shall be only between free believing 
persons. A churchman is not to marry 
any one not zt the church. 

XIII. Secular Authority of Officers. 
Here it is distinctly taught that seen- 



THE DORTRECHT CONFESSION OF FAITH 



83 



lar authority and government and 
civil officers are instituted by God 
and are to be obeyed by all; that no 
one must despise or revile officers of 
government, but honor them; must 
faithfully pay taxes and customs; all 
must pray for them and for the pros- 
perity of the country. 

This is important to notice because 
a more or less false notion pervails 
that these people oppose government 
and decay it. This is not the fact. 
Certain brances of them do not take 
part in the operations of government; 
but they all heed it and support it. 

XIV. Revenge. It it admonished 
there must be no retaliation. 

XV. Swearing of Oaths. Here it 
is required that swearing of oaths is 
abolished by the Savior and that there 
shall be no more than the sanction of 
"Yea" and "Nay" to any statement. 

XVI. Ecclesiastical Ban. Those 
who violate the church law must be 
separated from it and purged out of 
it reproved before all. This is for 
example to others. But on amend- 
ment they may be re-admitted. 

XVII. Shunning the Separated. 
Here it is argued that those who per- 
sist on being wicked separate them- 
selves from God and must be held 
separate from God's people and must 
be shunned. Yet if the shunned be 
needy, thirsty, hungry and sick he 
must be ministered unto. This shun- 
ning is without distinction and ex- 
tends to members of the famly. 

XVIII. Resurrection and Last Judg- 
ment. Belief that all who have died 
shall awaken at the last day is as- 
serted, and they with those who are 
then living shall be changed in the 
twinkling of an eye. 

The confession is then concluded 
by the statement that this was done 
in the United Churches in the City of 
Dortrecht, the 21st day of April, 1632. 

It was signed by delegates, froin, 
Dortrecht, a city now of 33,00 people 
about 30 miles southeast of the 
famous Hague; delegates from Mid- 
dleburg, now a city of 17,000 on the 



almost extreme southwest corner of 
Holland; delegates from Vlissingen, 
now called Flushing, only a couple of 
miles from the last place, a town of 
13,000 people; delegates from Amster- 
dam now containging 400,000 people, 
the great Dutch City on the Znyder 
Zee, and among these delegates were 
David ter Haer, Peter Singel, Tobias 
Govertzs, Peter Moyer and Abraham 
Dirks; delegates from Haerlem, a city 
of 50,000, about 15 miles directly west 
of Amsterdam; delegates from Bom- 
mel, a small place; from Rotterdam, 
a city of 200,000 people, about 20 miles 
southwest of the Hague, among whose 
delegates were Shoenmacher and 
Michaels; delegates from the upper 
parts of the County; from Krevelt 
(Crefeld) in Westphalia, Germany, 
near the Holland boundary, one of 
whose delegates was the famous Her- 
man Updegroff; delegates from Zee- 
land, among whom was Cornelius 
Moir (Myers) ; delegates from Schie- 
dan; from Leyden, Holland, 22 miles 
southwest of Amsterdam; from Black- 
ziel; from Ziericzee; from Gorcum; 
from Aunhum and from Utrecht. 
Utrecht has 40,000 people and is about 
15 miles south of Amsterdam. 

!\Iost of these places are in Holland 
and most of the Churches assembled 
and represented were Holland Men- 
nonite Churches, but the western 
borders of Germany were also rep- 
resented, (Mirror, p. 36). 

The prominent fact is, however, 
that at this time and at this gather- 
ing in Dortrecht, the Mennonite 
Church took on its great constitution 
and laid the general foundation of its 
doctrine and has been, in the main, the 
model of the church as in later years 
it spread to other countries and grew 
In strength and numbers, until this 
day. 

There is only one thing of impor- 
tance to add to the above, and that 
is that this Dortrecht confession of 
Faith, as the foundation of the Men- 
nonite Church, was in 1727 translated 
into German and English and adopted 



84 



THE PALATINATE RECEIVES MENNONITE REFUGEES 



in America in 1727, by a conference of 
15 Mennonite ministers of Skippack, 
and Conestoga, here in Pennsylvania, 
among whom were Hans Burkholder, 
Christian Herr, Benedict Brackbill, 
Martin Baer of our county and others. 
And thus was planted here among us 
almost a hundred years after its 
adoption in Holland, the same con- 
fession of Mennonite faith that guided 
the fathers for centuries, (Miiller, 
369). 

1632 — The Mennouites of Alsace Join 
In Dortrecht Confession. 

Soon after the Dortrecht confession 
was signed, the faithful of other sec- 
tions joined in it also. Throughout 
Alsace — Lorraine the churches ap- 
proved it. By 1660 thousands of the 
Huguenots embraced it. The Palati- 
nate also received it both before and 
after the great Swiss immigration of 
1671. Among the prominent Swiss 
who signed it there were Jacob Schne- 
beli and Rudolph Egli. So J;oo, the 
Schmidts, Scheiders, Fricks and others 
signed, (Muller, p. 195). 

1634— The Palatinate Comes into Ke 
ligious Prominence. 

A writer about 1709 at the time of 
the German Exodus into England, 
said, "The poor Palatines who are ob- 
jects of our present charity inhabi- 
tated lately a principality in Germany 
called the Palatinate, which is divided 
into the Upper and Lower Palati- 
nate. The Upper belongs to the Duke 
of Bavaria and the Lower to Count 
Palatine of the Rhine. It takes its 
name from the Count Palatine, who 
formerly owned the whole and admin- 
istered justice in the Emperor's name. 
The city of Philipsburg was first the 
chief city of the Palatinate. It was 
in the upper part on the Rhine river. 
It was taken six times; by the Imper- 
ialists in 1633; by the Swedes in 
1634; by the Imperialists in 1636; by 
the Prince of Conde in 1644; by the 
Germans in 1676; and by the Dau- 



phine in 1688; but it was restored to 
the Empire by the Treaty of Rys- 
wick." (Palatinate Refugees in Eng- 
land, p. 26). Into this Palatinate, 
therefore, as early as 1634 and earlier 
the persecuted Mennonites of Switzer- 
land flocked because the Count Pala- 
tine allowed much freedom of re- 
ligious thought and practice. 

1635 — A New Persecution of Menno- 

nites about Zurich. 

After the execution of Hans Landis 
in 1614, the persecutions in Switzer- 
land died out for about 20 years. But 
in 1635 the old hatred against the 
non-resisting sect of Christians broke 
out afresh from the Reformed Church, 
and then the State Church in Switz- 
erland. This persecution led by the 
Zwinglians was not new; because in 
1525 Zwingli himself pronounced de- 
crees against them — over 100 years 
before the persecutions of 1635. 

The cause of the persecution was 
the conversion of a rich and influen- 
tial citizen of Zurich named Henry 

F . He was chosen ensign and 

requested to serve as an officer in the 
army. But being a believer in the 
Mennonite or Baptist faith he refused 
to perform military duty and instead 
entered the Baptist convent. This 
enraged the Government against the 
Mennonites. 

A mandate was issued from Zurich 
that all must attend the State Church 
— the Reformed Church — or lose their 
liberty. They refused and toward the 
end of 1635 many of them were ar- 
rested and also imprisoned. Many 
broke jail ; but the prominent ones re- 
mained confined. Rudolph Egli, Uhli 
Schmidt and Hans Muller. They were 
let out on a month's probation; but 
not willing to yield their faith, were 
put back again, (Mirror, p. 1049). 

1636 — Progress of the New Swiss 

Persecutions. 

This year in August and September 
and in the beginning of 1637, nearly 
all the Taufer or Mennonite brethren 



BRUBAKERS, LANDISES, EG'LES. AND MYT.IXS IN JAIL 



85 



and sisters of Switzerland, but prin- 
cipally in Zurich, were summoned be- 
fore the political authorities as well 
as before certain ecclesiastical au- 
thorities, whom the Government dele- 
gated for the purpose. 

F'irst they were summoned to the 
Castles of Wadischwyl on Lake Zu- 
rich ; of Knownau about twenty miles 
south of Zurich; and of Groenigen, 20 
miles east of Zurich, and compelled to 
give their names, surnames, resi- 
dences, ages, ancestry, etc., so that 
they could be watched. 

A second time they were summoned 
to the same place and ordered to at- 
tend the Reformed services. 
They were next summoned to Zurich 
(especially all leaders) and command- 
ed to give up their views and cease 
teaching their beliefs as to infant bap- 
tism, the Lord's supper and the dis- 
cipline of ex-communication. 

A fourth time they were compelled 
to appear as under arrest and give 
complete inventories of their proper- 
ties and estates, especially all mov- 
able property, and cautioned not to 
dispose of any of it. After having all 
their projierty registered they were 
placed under arrest. 

A fifth time they were sent for and 
brought to the castles and given the 
alternative of attending the Reformed 
Church or being lodged in jail. They 
begged permission to leave the coun- 
try with their goods. This was re- 
fused. (Mirror, p. 1050). 

Muller (p. 70) gives substantially 
the same account, except that he tells 
us that a commission of Reformed 
Church-men rode about on horseback 
to the various towns and sought out 
the Mennonites and had them sent to 
the Castles to be intimidated out of 
their religion, etc. 

1637 — Bmbakers, Landises and Effles 

in Zurich Juils. 

In 1637 a perfect swarm of beadles, 
bailiffs and sheriffs were sent 
throughout all Zurich to spy out Men- 



nonites and apprehend them. The 
fire of persecution was now raging. 
Without ceremony they entered 
houses of believers, took whatever 
they wanted and abused women and 
children. Scores of men they im- 
prisoned among criminals. A damp 
prison at Othenbach was the worst 
place. 

Of those captured were Jacob Rus- 
terholtz and Peter Brubach or Bru- 
bacher of Wadischwyl ; also a Hans 
Landis (the second) a minister of 
the Church of Horgerburg and his 
daughter Margaret Landis. She re- 
mained in Othenbach prison about 60 
weeks. While they were in prison 
the authorities sold all of their prop- 
erty for 7000 guilders. 

Rudolph Egly was again imprisoned 
at Zurich, his children driven out of 
the house, the house destroyed and 
everything confiscated to the Govern- 
ment, (Mirror, 1051). 
These facts were written up by Mar- 
tin' Meyli, a Mennonite historian, who 
himself passed through these tortures 
of 1635 to 1660 and wrote of personal 
knowledge. He is quoted by the Mir 
ror also. 

1«37— Tlie Mejils, .Mylins or Mcilens 
Suffer. 

The ancient European home of the 
Meilins now Mylins, seems, to have 
been in the Canton of Zurich. Mr. 
Schnebeli, a present day Swiss his- 
torian tells us this. There was a 
Claes Meiliss in Holland in 1542 (Mir- 
ror, p. 448), and a Peter Von der 
Mdiilin in Ghent in 1564 (Do., 640). 
Whether they were the same family 
as the Meilins, we can not tell. 

Reliable history of the ancestry of 
our preseut Lancaster County Swiss 
Mylins exists from 1637. In the Kno— 
now Bailiwick in Switzerland the 
persecution raged; and aged Hans 
Meyli, a Mennonite minister was im- 
prisoned that year. They also took 
his son Martin's wife. She w^as im- 
prisoned a long time at Ottembach, 
about 8 miles southwest of Zurich 



86 



HANS HERR AND HANS MUELLER 



and treated severely. They took all 
of the elder Mylin's property. About 
a year later they caught two of Hans 
Meyli's sons, Martin and Hans, Jr. 
and imprisoned them at Zurich where 
they were held in chains and hand- 
cuffs. 

Their children (grandchildren of 
Hans Meyli, Sr.) as poor forsaken or- 
phans were put out among strangers. 
One of these, Martin by name, a son 
of Hans Meyli, Jr. and a nephew of 
Martin, the Swiss historian cited by 
the Mirror was one of the band of pio- 
neer settlers of Lancaster County in 
1710 on Pequea Creek, ( Mirror, p. 
1052 and Rupp, p. 74). 

1639— Hans Herr, Lancaster County 

Pioneer Born. 

This year, Hans Herr, leader of the 
Pioneer band of Lancaster County, 
which settled near Willow Street in 
West Lampeter Township, Pennsyl- 
vania, was born on September 17, 
near Zurich. He died in 1725 and 
was buried in the Cemetery of the 
Brick Mennonite Church just east of 
Willow Street (Herr Genealogy, p. 

1). 

Following the title page of the Herr 
Genealogy occurs the statement: 

"The race of Herr descended from 
a very ancient family;— is free that is 
to say , of noble origin; — likewise 
from time immemorial its knights 
were brave and worthy — possessing 
in Schwaben vast and rich estate, the 
name which was called and written, 
Herr von Bilried. The father of the 
race was called the Schwabish Knight 
Hugo, the Herr or Lord of Bilried. 

In the year 1009 flourished and was 
known to all, the family from whom 
that of Herr is descended. But in the 
fifteenth century several of the race 
resigned their nobility and settled as 
citizens. They, however, retained 
their noble name and their coat of 
arms, and in the year 1593 John Herr 
as Lord of Bilried obtained from the 
Emperor Ferdinand in Schwabish 



Hall, a written testimonial proving 
for his flourishing family their coat 
of arms, their free and noble descent 
and the possession of their race to 
the latest generation ; and the coat of 
arms yet rightly belongs to the pres- 
ent living family of Herr. 

E. B. VIEN. 
Recorded in the Register of Noble 
Families, with their coat of Arms, 
Book 5, page 258. 

1639 — Barbara and Elizabeth Meyiin 

and Others Suffer for Their Faith. 

The Mirror (p. 1053) relates that 
this year Barbara and Elizabeth My- 
lin and two other sisters in the faith, 
Ottila Miilerin and Barbara Kolbin 
suffered for their faith. They were 
not executed, however, for they man- 
aged to escape from the prison of Ot- 
tenbach, the location of which town 
we have mentioned. They were also 
relatives of the aged Hans Mylin. 

1639— Another Hans Miiller of Can- 
ton Zurich, Suffers. 

We have set out the troubles of a 
Hans Miiller of Medikon, Switzerland 
under date of 1529 (See Supra., p. 34). 
More than one hundred years later 
the name Miiller again comes into 
prominence, through persecution in 
cruel Switzerland. The sufferer again 
is a 'Hans" Miiller. 

The Mirror under date of 1635 (p. 
1050) refers to this pillar of faith as 
defending the "poor fund" of the 
Church, which they tried to make 
him give up. His home was in Gi'iin- 
ingen, about 12 miles southeast of 
Zurich. He was released but 4 years- 
later was again imprisoned, viz: in 
1639. He was a powerful factor in the 
Mennonite Church and so zealous 
were the officers to find him a second 
time, that like ravening wolves they 
ran through his neighbors' houses to 
find him. He had escaped from his 
house and when they came to it and 
broke it open and found he was gone,, 
they broke open chests and drawers 



THE SNYDERS. WEBERS, ASIANS AND THE AMISH 



87 



and took all the property they could 
get. They threatened his little chil- 
dren with bare swords that " they 
would kill them if they did not re- 
veal his whereabouts. They took his 
wife and put her bound in the loath- 
some Ottenbach prison. Then a pro- 
clamation was announced in the Re- 
formed churches of Zurich, that no 
one would be allowed to lodge or give 
food or drink to Hans Miiller, from 
the Groeningen Bailiwick under se- 
vere penalty. 

Then they deceived him and sent 
abroad a proclamation that he would 
be allowed . a three weeks' safe con- 
duct to argue v/ith him, if he came 
forth. He trusted this and went to 
the convent specified to discuss the 
matter but as he was about to leave 
he was arrested in breach of faith 
and taken to Ottenbach; imprisoned 
60 weeks, of which he spent 16 weeks 
in chains. (Mirror, p. 1053). 

As to the Miillers, Zurich always 
had and now has many "Mliiller" (Mil- 
lers). Mr. Schnebeli says a branch 
of the Miillers came in the early times 
from Zurich; but the Miillers were 
early distributed in Berne and in 
Germany and elsewhere. However, 
he says the whole Canton of Zurich is 
full of Mtiillers. Among the dead in 
the battle of Kappel in Affaltern. 
Canton of Zurich, where Zwingli was 
killed on October 11, 1531, were found 
nine Miillers, from Wipkengen, Zolli- 
kon, Kussnach, Thalvil, Affaltern. 
Lzattiken, Hetlingen, Wetzekon and 
Gollikon, all in Switzerland. Mr. 
Schnebeli say that the Miillers have 
always held prominent offices, did 
valiant and distinguished services for 
the state at home and abroad, and 
produced many able statesmen, such 
as Miiller of Friedberg, of St. Gallen, 
and the historian Miiller, of Schaff- 
hausen. He says, also, that the Presi- 
dent of Switzerland in 1909 was a 
Miiller. 

1639— The A mans, E^les, Snjders, 
Webers and Zehnders Suffer. 

It is perhaps known to all that our 
Amish brethren are so called because 



they followed a dissenting Mennonite 
named Aman, in Europe. In 1639 we 
find that Burkhard Aman v/ho lived 
by the border of Lake Zurich, was 
arrested for his faith, taken to Zurich 
and condemned and then taken to the 
Ottenbach i)rison where so many 
Mennonites suffered. But his year in 
prison was so cruel that he became 
ill and shortly after his release died. 
The Amish abound in Lancaster 
County and other southeastern Penn- 
sylvania sections, (Mirror, p. 1054). 

The same year Jacob Egle of 
Gruningen district, near Zurich as we 
have before stated, was arrested and 
after a short trial at Zurich was im- 
prisoned in the Ottenbach dungeon, 
during a year and a half. He was so 
miserably treated that he died in 
prison, rather than give up Ms faith, 
(Do.). 

The same year George Weber, an 
old man of Kiburg, a city 15 miles 
southeast of Zurich on a branch of 
the Rhine, was arrested for his faith 
and taken to Ottenbach dungeon and 
fed on bread and water. He also be- 
came sick and died soon after his re- 
lease. Besides being imprisoned, both 
Egli and Weber were sentenced to 
pay 500 guilders annually as fine to 
the authorities, which if not paid was 
to be levied on their property until it 
was all consumed; unless they gave 
up their religion, (Do.). 

Webers and the modern Weavers 
are very numerous i n Lancaster 
County. They first located here about 
1711, just 200 years ago. Hans Weber 
having bought the Rudolph Bundely 
tract containing 530 acres, forming 
the north-eastern section of the origi- 
nal settlement of 6400 acres in our 
country, (See map following page 75, 
Vol. XIV, Lancaster County Historical 
Society, Reports or appendix, to s^id 
volume). 

The same year Ulli Snyder from 
Wadischwyl, about ten miles south- 
east of Zurich on the south side of 
Lake Zurich and four miles beyond 
Horgen suffered imprisonment because 
of his faith. They tortured him to 



88 



THE HESS FAMILY— HOLLAND LNTERCESSIONS 



compel him to embrace the Common 
or Reformed mode of worship. He 
died steadfast in jail, (Do., 1055). 

The same year Stephen Zehnder of 
the Mennonite Church at Knonow was 
imprisoned in a damp cellar of the 
Ottenbach jail and so treated that he 
died of exposure and hardship, (Do.). 

The above we all recognize as com- 
mon Lancaster, York, Berks and Leb- 
anon county names. The item seems 
to show that while it is ordinarily 
said that the forefathers of this sec- 
tion of Pennsylvania are of German 
descent, that such tradition is not 
strictly accurate. They are originally 
Swiss. Many of our ancestors, how- 
ever, were pushed by prosecution from 
Switzerland into Germany and par- 
ticularly into the Palatinate on the 
Rhine and lived there some years, 
migrating from that place to Eastern 
Pennsylvania. 

1639— The Hess Family Appear in 
History. 

Here we have one of the earliest 
notices of the Hess family also numer- 
ous in this county and in southeastern 
Pennsylvania and from Pennsylvania 
distributed far and wide — numerous in 
the Virginias, in the middle West, 
many of them in Chicago and in sec- 
tions beyond as well. 

The Mirror (p. 1056) notes- Hans or 
John Jacob Hess in 1639 as a Minister 
of the Mennonite Church in Switzer- 
land, and earlier. The account states 

that he was arrested and imprisoned 
three times, first in 1637. The third 
imprisonment lasted 88 weeks. But 
he, with others escaped. The account 
says that he was stripped and confined 
in prison, in chains 16 weeks with 
fellow prisoners. While he was in 
jail they arrested and imprisoned his 
wife for her religion, in the Ottenbach 
dungeon. There she got consump- 
tion and died after 63 weeks incarcer- 
ation, (Do., 1056). 

The account also states that the 
property of Jacob Hess was seized and 
sold by the authorities and sold for 



4000 guilders without giving any of it 
back. A guilder is worth 40 cents in 
our money. Thus they took $1600 
from this man. The exact home of 
the Hess family mentioned is not 
shown; but it was in the Canton of 
Zurich somewhere. 

1639 — IVetlierland Intercedes for the 
Swiss Meuounites. 

It must not be concluded that the 
Mennonites had no friends and helpers 
during these awful days. The perse- 
cution against them in Holland whch 
raged 100 years earlier had cooled and 
they were held in favor there long 
before 1639. In the Mennonite Ar- 
chives of Zurich there is an extract of 
the event of church affairs from 1639 
to 43; and also similar matter in the 
Bern Archives. Casper Suter of the 
Mennonite Church kept these records. 

Holland sent a commission to Zurich 
inquiring about these matters and 
stated that reports in Holland were to 
the effect that 20 people were being 
cruelly treated and imprisoned in Ot- 
tenbach — that some of them are sup- 
posed to be subjects of Holland; and 
that they remonstrate in a friendly 
way for all of them; but insist on the 
release of any Dutch subjects that 
may be imprisoned. There are reports 
by Ottibus also about these matters. 
Other inquiries were made later by 
Berne, of Zurich asking how they 
treat Mennonites. We shall see, how- 
ever, that a little later Berne began a 
series of persecutions as fierce as 
those of Zurich, (Muller, p. 166). 

1639 — Zurich Tries to Explain and 
Apologize to the World for tJie 
Treatment of the Menno- 
nites. 

This apology was issued in 1639, 
and was called out by the fact that the 
cruelties inflicted by Zuricli moved a 
large part of Europe to protest. Hol- 
land lead the protests. The Swiss 
authorities, incited by "the so called 
Reformed Church" to which the 
ofl!icers of the government belonged, 



MEXXOXITES ANSWER THE ZURICH MANIFESTO 



89 



gave as their chief excuses for tor- 
turing the Meunouites the following 
reasons. That "they separated them- 
selves from the obedience which they 
owed to the Christian Church"; that 
they refused to allow baptism to be 
performed upon little children which 
endangered their salvation; that they 
would not help defend the govern- 
ment against its enemies; and that 
they were disobedient to the authori- 
ties, refusing to help support the 
government and obey its laws. This 
apology was intended to influence the 
nations to believe that Zurich and in- 
deed the whole of Switzerland was 
compelled to take the rneasures they 
did, for the alleged reason that the 
foundation of the government was en- 
dangered by these Taufers or Menno- 
nites and the established religion in 
danger, (Mirror, 10.^6). 

1639 — Ueplj of the Swiss Mennoiiites 
to the Zurich Manifesto. 

The Mennonites of Switzerland im- 
mediately made reply to the apologies 
and explanations of the government 
officials and Reformed churchmen 
against them. 

As to separation from the Christian 
Church, they said this is not a fact, 
but that they adhere and always have 
adhered to the pure Word of God, and 
for this reason could not possibly be 
members of the Reformed Church, 
their chief persecutor now. They say 
also that the original leaders of the 
Reformed Church held the same 
views as the Mennonites still hold, 
when they were both persecuted by 
the Catholic Church ; but that now the 
Reformed churchmen have entirely 
drifted away from the old beliefs 
while the Mennonites have still held 
on to them. 

They then take up the subject of 
baptism and show that originally the 
founders of the Reformed Church 
held the same view the Anabaptists or 
Mennonites now hold. They cited 
Zwingli himself and Baltzer Hubmor 



or Huffmeier, saying that at a confer- 
ence in the Graef in 1523 they, as 
founders of the Reformed Church 
declared that infants should not be 
baptized; and that Zwingli made this 
the 18th Canon in his Book of Articles. 
The same, they say, was held by 
Oecolampadius in a letter to said 
Huffmeier or Hubmor. They declare 
that Sebasitan Hoffmeyster, an early 
Reformed Church preacher wrote to 
Hupmeir and said that at a council 
at Schaffhausen that infants must not 
be baptized. These are all Reformed 
founders. Schaffhausen is a city of 
12000 population about 20 miles north 
from Zurich. 

They also cited that Christopher 
Hogendorf, Cellarius, both Reformed 
fathers, and the early Reformed 
Church preachers at Strassburg, Ger- 
many; Wolfgang Gapito, Cester 
Hedio, Mathew Zell and others agree 
in this writing that originally there 
was no infant baptism. 

Concerning war or retaliation, they 
say that Lutherans who in the begin- 
ning were Calvinistic Reformed and 
the Reformed churchmen or Zwing- 
lians, in the beginning believed the 
same as do the Mennonites. Among the 
earliest were Andrew Carlstadt who 
in his book dated 1524 wrote that war 
is against God's law- and must not be 
entered upon. They also cited Luther 
in the twenty-second article or a tract 
written by him in 1520, explaining 
why he burnt the "pope's books" as 
follows: Because he (the pope) 
teaches that it is right for a Christian 
to defend himself with violence 
against violence contrary to Matthew 
5:40. 

They show that in a tract printed 
at Wittenberg in 1522 it is set forth 
that Luther taught opposition to all 
war and against suits at law. They 
concluded that Luther believed these 
views until he was "Seduced to 
another belief by the Jesuits even as 
Sleydonus ( a Jesuit) testifies". (Mir- 
ror. 1056 to 58). 



90 



MENNONITE CODE OF ETHICS 1639 



They go on to show that all the 
foremost Reformers against Popery 
in 1520 — in 1530 — in 1540 were op- 
posed to war and resistance and to 
oaths and to infant baptism. 

As to the charge that they do not 
support the government they deny it 
wholly. Thus they show that it was 
not they, the Mennonites, who de- 
parted from the Christian Church and 
its doctrines; but that the Reformed 
and the Lutherans departed from 
those first principles approved by all 
who opposed the Catholic Church, 
while the Mennonites have held on to 
those principles to this day. 

1639 — Charges against and Answers 
of the Mennonites, Printed. 

Mviller tells us (165) that the Bur- 
gomeisters and the Great and Small 
Council of Zurich called the Council 
of 200 drew up formally the Menno- 
nite situation there in 1639 stating 
the acts of Zurich against them, the 
form of the judiciary by which they 
tried them and the impartiality of the 
justice visited upon them. The state 
paper was printed by Dr. Humberger 
the same year in Zurich. It is a 
quarto volume of 71 pages. It is 
found also in Leonard Meister's 
'Helvetian Scenes of Visionariries," as 
he calls it. 

1()^9— Holland Mennonites in Confer, 
ence Adopt Ethical Kules. 

Mrs. Brons in her book, which I 
have often referred to says (p. 135) 
that, this year there was a conference 
held by the Mennonites of Holland to 
formulate a code of moral rules for 
daily guidance. A year or two earlier 
there was a similar conference of the 
Mennonites of four Holland cities; 
but now the conference was general. 
Peter Van Twisk seems to have 
brought it about. The Friesland 
churches led off. The principal meet- 
ing was on a day called the 'Lands- 
dag"; and the elders who attended as 
delegates were called the "Landsdie- 



naren". The purpose was to organ- 
ize rules for the encouragement and 
protection of the faithful. Moral rules 
adopted to guide them. A society was 
organized also to admonish all to the 
performance of these rules, and to 
keep before all the necessity of living 
pure lives and taking care of the 
poor, of aiding the preachers, etc. The 
society however did not keep any 
minutes of its proceedings until 1694. 
But there is plenty of evidence that it 
existed as early as 1639; and as late 
as 1716. 

The 12 chief articles or rules 
adopted by them which were to be 
read in all the churches once a year 
were as follows: 

1. When a brother or sister mar- 
ries a second time i;'ney should settle 
on the children of the first marriage 
an inheritance; and obey all the laws 
of the land. 

2. All costly and elaborate wed- 
dings must be avoided. All must be 
moderate and in the fear of God, 
after the example of Tobias so as not 
to dishonor God. 

3. Young men and women must 
not be allowed too much freedom in 
their association. They must not 
"keep company" with each other nor 
engage themselves to marry without 
the consent of their parents or guar- 
dians; such a step must not be taken 
without that serious consideration 
which becomes a Christian. 

4. Those who are about to marry 
from another place or town shall be 
required ot produce a good recom- 
mendation from the place in which 
they dwell. This shall show whether 
they are still free, also whether the 
bans have been published. Under the 
law of Switzerland at this same time, 
bans were allowed to be published in 
the Reformed church only; and no 
other but Reformed ministers were 
allowed to perform the marriage cere- 
mony. 



CODE OF ETHICS— BERNE PERSECUTIONS 



9t 



5. In trading and in doing business 
all are to avoid taverns as much as 
possible, because there one seldom 
learns anything good, and is very 
likely to become drunk. 

6. No one must have business so 
tangled up that he will not be able to 
pay on the day and the hour when he 
should. The word pledged in busi- 
ness, must be kept, otherwise a per- 
son gets a bad name and so does the 
congregation. 

7. No one is allowed to buy or 
receive stolen goods. They who do 
so. share the sin of stealing or rob- 
bing. 

8. No one shall engags himself to 
go on an armed vessel. As soon as 
it is ascertained, it is armed the 
Christian must get off. (This might 
be pretty serious.) 

9. No one should use tobacco un- 
necessarily, or make it a habit, for 
time and money are wasted by it; 
and it is offensve to others. This evil 
is getting so great in Holland since 
trade is open with America that in- 
stead of hymn books to edify, many 
go for the tobacco pipe. (About this 
time tobacco and wigs were intro- 
duced and the church said that they 
were introduced by Satan.) 

10. No ornaments are to be allowed 
on or in houses or ships but all must 
be made plain. By external orna- 
ments the internal ornaments of the 
soul are spoiled. 

11. If a brother or sister move to 
another town they must get a recom- 
mendation or a certificate of good 
character from the place or congrega- 
tion from where he or she come, to 
show that he or she is decent. 

12. No one must neglect to talk to 
and admonish the struggling brother 
who is "going wrong''. This must be 
done in brotherly love and sincerity. 
There must also be reprimand, but in 
a loving way and by taking the 
.brother alone. 

These, says Brons, were the 12 main 
articles of conduct of the Friesian 



Mennonites; and we can see what 
fine lives they exacted from all be- 
lievers. Those who violated these 
rules were "set back", and not al- 
lowed to participate in the rites of 
the church until they repented. They 
bear the caption "Twelve Articlea 
Promulgated in 16o9 by the Confer- 
ence of the Congregations, and for the 
Preservation of Good Morals among 
Themselves". 

All I need add to the above is to 
call attention to the fact that our 
Swiss, German and Holland ancestors 
were not crude in thought, but re- 
fined. It was a more or less common- 
ly held opinion here in our country 
for many years that, our ancient 
stock of Eastern Pennsylvania Ger- 
mans were gross and voluptuous, and 
not concerned about the api)reciation 
nor the i)ractice of the delicate and 
refined. This has been an injustice 
to them and a slander. While their 
taste has not always been standard, 
they have always been, in reality, 
sensitive and cultured. 

1640 — Canton Berne Betrins Persecu- 
tion Anew. 

Jan. IT this year, the Berne author- 
ities in Switzerland sent out a man- 
date to Aarwangen Soffingen, Aarburg 
Kiburg, Thun, Signau, Brandis and 
Trachelswald that on Jan. 23 there 
should be an inquisition upon the 
Mennonites for the purpose of finding 
heresy charges against them and vio- 
lations of the laws and customs of 
Berne and the Reformed church. It 
was decreed that the time had come 
for severe measures because their su- 
perstitions, service and intolerable 
practice kept on prospering and their 
sect kept on increasing, in spite of all 
that had been done against them thus 
far (Miiller 132). Most of the above 
places are between 10 and 20 miles 
east, northeast and southeast of the 
city of Berne, in and near the famous 
Emmenthal or Emmen Valley, the 
particular location from which the 



92 



MANY LANCASTER COUNTY ANCESTORS SUFFER 



pioneers came directly to the Pequea 
and the Conestoga in 1710. and later. 
About 1630 they had come into the 
Emmenthal from the Zurich region. 

1640 — More Eastern Peniisjhania An- 
cestry Suffer. 

About this time and afterwards, the 
following persons suffered throughout 
Switzerland for their religion's sake. 
Among them w^ere Werner Phister of 
Walischwyl who was imprisoned at 
Othenbach; Gallus Snyder of the same 
place, put in the same prison; also 
Rudolph Bachman a very old man of 
the same district who was bound to a 
sled and dragged to the same prison, 
■where he was placed in chains until 
his death; also Henry Schnebli (now 
Suavely) of Knownow who was im- 
prisoned for his religious views with 
criminals in Zurich; about the same 
time Hans Rudolph Bauman (or Bow- 
man) of Horgerberg, imprisoned in 
Zurich.after having been robbed by the 
State church and the government of 
his property worth over 3000 guilders; 
about the same time Ulrich Mliller of 
Kiborg first imprisoned at Zurich and, 
then thrown into the dungeon of 
Othenbach where he dii^d; at the same 
time also Oswald Landis who with his 
wife and two daughters-in-lav/ were 
imprisoned in the Othenbach dungeon; 
also his son Jacob Landis, and his en- 
tire family, imprisoned in the same 
place; about the same time Henry 
Fricken and Hans Ring of the neigh- 
borhood of Knowow; a year or two 
later Felix Landis of Horgerberg (son 
of Hans Landis who was beheaded in 
1614) who was imprisoned at Othen- 
■foach and nearly starved to death after 
robbing him of 5,000 guilders; in 1643 
Elizabeth Bachman of Gruningen and 
Verena Landis also suffered threats 
and imprisonment; also at the same 
time Barbara Neff and Barbara Ruff or 
Rupp of the Knowow district; also 
Martha Lindne and Anna Blau, (after- 
wards married to Moneth Meylich with 
"Whom she moved to the Palatinate), 



were imprisoned. (Mirror 1059 to 
1062). 

All of the above names we recog- 
nize as quite common among the 
generality of Eastern Pennsylvania 
and especially Lancaster County pop- 
ulace today. These incidents are 
meant to throw a clear light on the 
particular location of the sturdy an- 
cestry of the neighborhood nearly 300 
years ago. The places mentioned 
above are. none of them, far distant 
from the two main centers of tyranny 
and torture — Berne and Zurich. 

1641 — Amsterdam, Holland, Becoming 
a Powerful Supporter of 
Mennonites. 

Muller relates (p. 166) that, this 
year Amsterdam received news of the 
persecution of Mennonite brethren by 
Zurich and began another examina- 
tion. Zurich contended that the re- 
ports were exaggerated. The Amster- 
dam authorities sent Isaac Hataver, 
an influential merchant of the Reform- 
ed or Lutheran church of Holland to 
investigate. In the year 1642 Godfried 
Hattonus who was pastor of the French 
church at Amsterdam began the agita- 
tion for investigation, by writing to 
Zurich about the terrible reports that 
came to Holland. He received an an- 
swer from Antistis Breitinger, telling 
him the facts pretty fairly. Then 
pamphlets were printed and circulat- 
ed in Holland calling public attention 
to the furious conduct of Berne and 
Zurich. A pamphlet was started, a 
strong monograph came out against 
the doctrines of the Baptists or Men- 
nonites, alleging it to be a heresy 
calculated to overthrow the govern- 
ment by Petros Bontemps, minister of 
the "Gallicana" in Harlem (Holland). 
To this Yost Hendricks (perhaps an 
ancestor of Laurens Hendricks whom 
we shall mention later) made reply, 
painting the Swiss persecution of the 
Mennonites as black as night. In 
1643 Bontemps replied, in which he 
made it appear there was no persecu- 



DANZIG AND ELBING MENNONITES GOOD FARMERS 



93 



tioiu going on at all. Then three 
strong pamphlets were issued by the 
Mennonites of Amsterdam, Rotterdam 
and Haarlem respectively, showing 
that in truth the Swiss persecutions 
were terrible. Several editions of 
these were printed, and greedily read 
until Holland v,as aflame wth indiga- 
tion against Switzerland. There were 
other productions calling attention to 
the suffering of the defenceless Chris- 
tians; and thi-s brought on the appeal 
from the Holland government. Hol- 
land was a pov/er in those days, to 
whose voice all European nations paid 
attention. 

1641— Pro iniuent Hamburgers Became 
Mennonites. 
On the extinction of the Shumberg 
line the succeeding king, Christian 
the IV of Denmark, who at the time 
was Duke of Holstein became a friend 
of the Mennonites; and the congrega- 
tion of Altona opposite Hamburg, and 
in Hamburg also gained privileges. In 
spite of the raillery of the Lutherans, 
the Mennonites grew. Some of the 
principal Hamburg families, namely 
the Roosen and Goverts families w^ho 
had large warehouses, became Menno- 
nites. (Brons 256). 
1«42— The Dantziff and ElMng Menno- 
nites of tlie Baltic Become the 
Best Farmers of Europe. 
Until 1642, the Mennonites of north- 
western Prussia were left in peace; 
but then a new storm broke loose, es- 
pecially about Elbing in Prussia. The 
Chamberlain of the king Bladislaus 
the IV, namely Willibald of Hexburg 
made the king of Prussia suspicious 
about the Mennonites; and he got a 
warrant or written authority from the 
king, to drive the Mennonites out, be- 
cause they hurt the trade of the other 
people in Dantzig and Elbing. Thia 
paper allowed the officer to seize the 
Mennonites' goods and to use them 
for himself. He started to carry out 
the instructions, and then arranged 
that if they would give him a sum of 



money instead, he would not interfere 
with their goods. These Mennonites, 
many of them, lived in the "Vaterns" 
— that is, on islands on the delta of 
the Vistula River or on swampy land; 
and because they did not serve in the 
army they were made to pay very 
heavy fines or rents to the govern- 
ment, because of the false accusations 
the chamberlain made against them. 
They had to pay fifty gulden rent, 
per hide. A hide is a small piece of 
land, enough for two persons to live 
on. The whole sum collected from 
those who dwelt in the swamp land 
was about fifty-thousand gulden; and 
from Dantzig several thousand. 

The Mennonites comi)lained of this 
suffering and the Land Court took it 
up and relieved them from these griev- 
ances. The king of Prussia saw that 
the chamberlain had deceived him. 
and gave them new privileges. He al- 
so compelled his officer, the chamber- 
lain, to destroy the written authority 
he had given to him. After that, their 
condition was happy in the neighbor- 
hood of the Dantzig, and they took 
new heart and built dykes, drained 
the swampy land, and cultivated that 
which was desolate. The govern- 
ment protected them in their rights. 
The king said that the dykes which 
they built along the Drausees and the 
Sogat Rivers were splendid examples 
to posterity. These Mennonites lo- 
cated in the northeastern part of 
Prussia when they were driven out of 
Holland. The king also gave them ex- 
emption from war taxes forever. 
(Brons p. 256). 

1642— Kupps Account of Mennonite 

Sufferings at This Date. 

We have given in a prior item from 
other sources the names of Lancaster 
County ancestors, who suffered from 
1640 onward. Rupp in his history of 
Lancaster County (page 72) says that, 
among those who suffered was Hans 
Miller, Hans Jacob Hess, Rudolph 
Bachman, Ulrich Miller. Oswald Lan- 



34 



MANDATES AND SUFFERINGS IN ZURICH 



dis, Fanny Landis, Barbara Neff, Hans 
Meylin and his two sons. He says 
that these sufferings occurred about 
1643. 

1643 — Joost Hendricks Account of 
Suffering in Zurich. 

This year, when thirty men and 
women of the Mennonite faith were in 
the Ottenbach prison of Switzerland, 
a Christian man of Holland named 
Joost Hendrick wrote about their suf- 
ferings. We have spoken before of 
the series of pamphlets written upon 
these hardships; but we now quote a 
part of Hendrick's letter written to 
Bontemps whom we have also men- 
tioned before. He says, upon the re- 
fusal to leave their lands, persecution 
and imprisonment followed; and in a 
short time these people were compell- 
ed to pay about eighty- thousand 
Eeichthalers. They were also im- 
prisoned in a horrible manner — so 
iorrible it cannot be described. About 
Easter there were thirty of them im- 
prisoned in a small, dark dungeon. 
Most of them were so sick that they 
looked like dead. They even had wo- 
men fast in chains. 

This is the condition about Zurich. 
A man named Isaac Hattaver, a Men- 
nonite elder in Amsterdam, also states 
they suffered, the greatest in Nether- 
land, and were in great excitement 
and offered prayers for their Swiss 
brethren daily. They are satisfied the 
worst representations were the truth. 
So they sent their brother Hattaver to 
call on business friends in Zurich and 
get the truth. He did so. He got a 
letter to the prisoners; and admon- 
ished them to be mild; and they may 
get permission to leave. He says 
"They hope to come to Holland. We 
can get about to $200.00 to help them. 
"Zurich claims that the Mennonites 
were disobedient and must be treated 
harsh. Our brethren say they did 
make a hole in the wall and broke out 
of jail; it was so bad they could not 
stay. They say the people are joining 



the faith and this is why Zurich is 
punishing them. Something must be 
done to help these people." 

This is what Hendricks wrote about 
the condition at the very time the 
suffering was going on. (Brons p. 
201). 

1644 — Anotlier Futile 3Ijin(late from 
Zurich. 

This year a final mandate was is- 
sued against Mennonites preaching 
throughout Switzerland. After this 
mandate and its failure there was a 
season of freedom allowed the Menno- 
nites. 

This edict demanded that there 
should be no more Mennonite preach- 
ing — that no one should attend any 
services the Mennonites attempted to 
hold — nor should any person harbor 
or give aid to any of them. All 
judges and magistrates and sheriffs 
and Reformed preachers and elders 
and adherents and God-fearing people 
were to help execute this edict under 
penalty. 

A final effort was made to put the 
former decrees of 1.5S5 and 1597 into 
execution, in 1644 because as they 
said the Mennonite heresy was taking 
deeper root than ever (Miiller 136). 
Efforts were particularly directed 
against the teachers and leaders. 

The authorities were first to rea- 
son with the offenders and if that did 
not bring the result to imprison them 
confiscate their goods and do whatever 
may be needed. Those arrested were 
to be sent to Zurich. (Do. 134.) 

1644 — The Proniiuent Swiss Names, 

Stauffer, Z'ug and INeuhauser 

Appear. 

In an edict promulgated through- 
out the region of Berne April 11, 
1644, a demand was made upon all 
loyal adherents by the Reformed 
Church to capture the leaders of the 
Mennonite "heresy" throughout the 
land. Among these the mandate or- 
dered particularly that Christian 



GROWTH IN BERNE— GOCHNAUERS APPEAR 



Stauffer, Uli Neuhus (or probably 
now Xeuhauser) and Uli Zuagg (like- 
ly now Zug or Zook) should be cap- 
tured at all hazards. Their names 
we recognized as that of a numerous 
progeny now throughout eastern 
Pennsylvania and Lancaster County. 
It was ordered that these were "se- 
ducers"' of the people should be sent 
to Zurich. But their homes seem to 
have been in the neighborhood of 
Thun, Trachelswald and Soffingen, 
places in the Berne district. (Miiller 
132 and 133. It was declared Oct. 

26, 1644 that theretofore there had 
been much "winking" at the man- 
dates; but now they were to be en- 
forced rigidly. 

1G44 — -llt'nuonite Growth in the Berne 
District. 

The Mennouites of Aarau and Lenz- 
burg near Berne were becoming par- 
ticularly prosperous. Also near 
Zofingen or Soffingen. about half way 
between Zurich and Berne on a 
branch of the Rhine, there were many 
of them. Of their principal ones 
there were Hans Stentz, a teacher in 
Ober-Culm, Rudolph Kunzli (now 
Kunzler or Kinsley), also Hanz Yeagli 
of Adra, Hanz Dester and Solomon 
Yeagley (Muller 105 and Ottius). 

Three of the Aarau Mennonites, 
when they heard of the new edict, de- 
clared they were ready to go and de- 
feud their religion. It was arranged 
that they should be heard by the 
clergy of the Reformed Church; and 
were assured they would have safe 
conduct granted them, to come to the 
hearing and to go back again. But 
no Zurich brethren would be allowed 
to come and be present at the debate 
and proceedings to hear whether they 
made an able exposition or not. All 
Zurich Mennonites must get out of 
the country. But to allow the Berne 
Mennonites to see their wrong, the 
mandate would be suspended till May 

27. 1644 and they could decide after 



this examination was ended, what they 
would do. 

It appears that Yeagley and all the 
other Mennonite leaders first above 
mentioned were at this examination. 
Their chief inquisitor was, Rev. Mark 
Ruttimyer. The principal Mennonites 
examined were Hanz Tester and Hans 
Glur. They declared for themselves 
and their followers that: 

(1) They will persist in separation 
because of the ungodly life of 
the state church. 

(2) Such separation is demanded 
by Holy Writ and the state 
church does not compel it. 

Because of this stand taken by these 
Mennonites their free and safe con- 
duct was violated; and Tester, Peyer 
and Yeagley were all imprisoned. 
(Muller 105). 

1644 — Kexin'te from Persecution in 
Zurich 

Says the Mirror (p. 1063) that from 
1644 to 1654 persecution abated. And ^ 
in that time there is no record of any 
having died in prison of bad treat- 
ment or bad food. 

1644 — Gochnaiiors, Iliibers and Hainu- 
grartners SuiYer in Ziiricli 

About this time, according to the 
Mirror (p. 1064) Mennonites or Ana- 
baptists of Zurich of the names above 
specified suffered for their religion at 
the hands of the Government, which 
was now in the charge of the Re- 
formed Church. 

.Jacob Gochnauer from Groeniiige.i 
Bailiwick about 10 miles southeast of 
Zurich near the famous field of Greif- 
ensee was first driven out of tho conn- 
try, his family separated, and all his 
possessions sold. On his attempt to 
return and find his children he was 
caught and thrust into the horrible 
l)rison of Ottenbach about 6 miles 
southwest of Zurich on the Reuss 
River, deprived of his clothes and 
dressed in a gray coat and fastened 
with chains. Hans Huber from 



96 



DAVID SHAAR'S EXCOMMUNICATION AND PARABLE 



Horgerburg was also imprisoned in 
the Ottenbach dungeon with eleven 
other Mennonites and was fastened 
with chains and his wife and sister 
driven into exile. 

Jacob Baumgartner an old man of 
70 years had been imprisoned for his 
faith 5 times and each time escaped, 
but was now again apprehended and 
thrown into Ottenbach prison. He 
was fastened to chains, deprived of 
his clothes and clad in a gray coat, 
fed on bread and water, put in irons 
and hand-cuffed and his property sold 
for 500 gilders and the money taken 
by the government. 

These are all familiar names in 
Eastern Pennsylvania and also in 
other parts of the United States, 
whence they have migrated viz.: to 
Indiana, Illinois and Kansas; and al- 
so in Canada. I insert this article 
in this series to show the ancient 
home of the ancestors of our people 
having the same name and now promi- 
nent in many sections and in many 
walks of life. 

1C44 — Interesting Letter From David 
Shaar to Uli Zaugg or Zugg. 

In the district of Diesbach, about 10 
miles northeast of Berne lived Shaar 
and Zaugg or Zugg, above named. 
According to M'iiller (p. 117) Shaar, 
for some reason not revealed, was ex- 
communicated from the Menuonite 
Church of Switzerland, and (it seems) 
Zaugg was instrumental in having this 
done. Shaar thereupon wrote him the 
following letter: 
"Dear Friendly Uli Zaugg: 

For your treatment of me, I will 
pass no invidious judgment for the 
high arch-angel Michael did not dare 
to judge any, only over Satan; but 
I will tell you a parable and submit it 
to your judgment. There was a mas- 
ter who had bought a sheep, as he did 
many times. It was not as fine as the 
others, but he gave as much for it as 
any of the others. He gave this one 
to the charge of the hired man. And 



the poor ignorant sheep went out af- 
ter its nourishment on the pasture 
many years. After long time it was 
hurt by a thorn and it bled a little. 
This was noticed by the shepherd and 
he cried out it shall hurry and come 
to him. He set the time, the hours 
and the day and said "if it did not 
come, its injury might not be healed 
at all." Now this poor sheep is old 
and weak and the road is long and un- 
even and it thought to itself "How 
will it be if this shepherd does not 
have the right salve to heal if you do 
go to him; for many times before 
when you were hurt and wounded 
your Lord and master who had bought 
you healed you himself". Consequent- 
ly he went to the Lord and found 
some relief. Then the hired man cried 
more and more that it should come to 
him and his colaborers if it wants to 
be healed. Now it did not want to 
despise the undershepherd and gave 
an account verbal and written of what 
had happened to it; and how it got 
hurt, but all was of no avail. The 
undershepherd could not cure it. The 
undershepherd then complained that 
it stayed out too long; and he made 
the injury seem so great and incur- 
able. He then resolved with them it 
was not worth any more than that it 
should be killed and its misery ended. 
Therefore, the shepherd said, he does 
not want anything more to do with 
the sheep. But the poor sheep was 
not content with this and could not 
understand why it should be adjudged 
that his life be forfeited. 

When the master of this sheep shall 
come and give these shepherds their 
wages and when he asks of this shep- 
herd what he deserves, what do you 
think, Uli, you would give him as pay 
for what you did in this case? Now 
I pray thee, you will be judge in an 
impartial manner when appealed to by 
the Lord over all, whose judgment you 
will have to bear. 

Herein I place you under the benign 
protection of our Lord. And I, too, 



ZUG AND SHAAR APPEAR— THE RACK USED. 



9' 



will stay with my Lord who has 
bought me with his blood, and not 
with gold or silver. Therefore I will 
stay right with the universal church 
whose head is Christ. At times I will 
gladly go where the Holy Gospel is 
read, taught and preached. But with 
respect to unjust courts and judg- 
ments and power, which the people 
scmetimes, adjudge to themselves or 
usurp, to that my heart and con- 
science and my mind will never be 
bound. Should the Almighty God — 
the benevolent God, in Heaven will it, 
he will give them all the wisdom to 
do these things, that they may govern 
with righteousness and justice, be- 
cause they do not only hold Court by 
the people and account to them; but 
they must account to God also, who 
will finally be the judge of all of us. 
May he be merciful to us all, through 
Christ. Amen. 

This, I, David Shaar wish to all 
who are ingrafted in .Jesus Christ not 
only by baptism of water; but by a 
true and living, simple and pure 
faith. Herewith I will close, this 
date — next Sat. before day of St. 
Margaret, this year 1644. God give us 
his grace and his blessing for tempor- 
al and eternal life. Amen. 

David Shaar. 

I quote the letter in full, first, be- 
cause in it, Shaar tries to make Zaugg 
feel that his church is as bad as the 
churches of "the world" because it 
exercised a cruel jud<?ment upon poor 
David; and secondly, because the 
names Shaar and Zaugg or Zug are 
both common in Eastern Pensylvania. 

1644 — The Rack Used on Berne Meu- 
uonites. 

Miiller tells us that there always 
was a more or less strict censorship 
of the Mennonite publications. But 
now their enemies began to use the 
rack. About Aarau the activity against 
them became active now. This, says 
Mliiller, was because Mennonites were 



very numerous now throughout the 
Berne district, and especially in the 
three counties of Aarau, Lenzburg 
and Sofiingen, (Miiller 105). 

1644— The Berne Mandates Begin 

In December of this year a mandate 
was promulgated. It was ordered to 
be published particularly in Thun, 
Burgdorf, Langenthal, Brugg and 
other places. The authorities in these 
l)!aces were compelled to make a list 
of the children not baptized; and of 
the marriages entered into and not 
completed in the state church. It was 
decreed that all children of such mar- 
riages were illegitmate. To the un- 
der-sheriffs orders were issued to 
make an inventory of the possessions- 
of all these Mennonite people; and ta 
arrest all obstreperous ones and bring 
them to Berne to the jail and their 
children to the Orphan Asylum (Miil-- 
ler 167). It was also decreed that all 
their teachers, preachers and leaders 
were to be branded with a hot iron 
(Do. 182). 

Miiller records (p. 128) that the day 
the mandate was read in Berne and 
throughout the land, and at the very 
hour, a thunder storm raged all over 
the country; and that in the church at 
Berne a great stone fell on the chair 
of the Burgomaster and mashed it. So 
God was on the Mennonite side they 
said. This created such panic and 
fear that for a few years persecution 
ceased. But later when another fierce 
decree was read a bountiful rain be- 
gan to fall and it rained a great deal 
and saved the crops of the oppressors 
which were drying up. So God seemed 
to favor the oppressors this time. 
This was in 1692. (Mailler 182). 

1645— :^rart. Mjiin and Jere Mangold 

Chronicle Mennonite Troubles. 

We simply call attention here to the 
fact that the Mennonites had some 
able writers among them. According 
to Rupp (72 and Muller 165), Bracht 



S8 



HAGBN, MEILY, STENTZ AND BURGER. 



the writer of the Mirror got consider- 
able of his matter from Mangold and 
Mylin, especially the record of the 
sufferings in Othenbach prison. 
Bracht shows this also by citations. 

1645 — Swiss Menuonites Call on Hol- 
land Brethren to Pray For 
Their Deliverance. 

The following statement is made by 
the Mirror (p. 1062) of the despair of 
our Swiss Ancestors in 1645. 

"jNlow when some brethren and sis- 
ters in the Swiss dominations had died 
in prison, of misery, want, hunger 
and grief, but five still lived in con- 
finement, the remaining ones who 
were yet out of bonds, when they 
were threatened, espic illy by th se 
of Berne, that they should expel them 
all from the country, and seize their 
goods, and sell them, had recourse, 
next to God, with an humble and 
friendly letter, to their fellow be- 
lievers in Holland and elsewhere in 
the Netherlands, requesting that they 
should everywhere fervently call up- 
on God the Lord in their behalf, for 
comfort and grace, to the end that 
they might patiently endure that 
which might come upon them accord- 
ing to the flesh, for his holy name's 
sake. 

The letter was written the 22nd of 
July, old style, in the year of our 
Lord 1645, and was signed by 
Hans Duster, at Baltzen, 

an elder in the word of 

the Lord. 
Ruth Kiinstel, at Miichem, 

a minister in the word 

of the Lord. 
Ruth Hagen, an elder, 
Hans Meily, a minister. 
Hans Stuss, a minister. 

What followed therefrom, and how 
it subsequently went with those who 
were imprisoned, can be seen in a 
subsequent account, in a marginal 
note, in connection with Ully Wag- 
man." 



From the 

Berne 

Jurisdiction 



From the 

Zurich 

Jurisdiction 



Here again we meet familiar names 
in Eastern Pennsylvania today; par- 
ticularly, Hagen, Miilley (or Meiley) 
and Wagman or Wagaman. Thus we 
find they also came to the eastern 
countries of Pennsylvania from that 
numerous hive of Switzerland. 

1645-8 — Hans Stentz and Martin 

Burger Labor and Suffer For 

the ^on-resistant Faith. 

These two fathers of the faith came 
into prominence, according to the 
records by being thrown out of Berne 
about the end of 1644. On account of 
their faith (Muller, 182). One was a 
teacher and the other an exhorter. It 
seems that for their proselyting 
power they were expelled by the Gov- 
ernment under the Reformed Church. 
They were compelled to take a solemn 
oath that they would not return. If 
they did, they would be executed as 
perjurers. But about 1646 or 1647 
they did return and had a discussion 
with the State Church authorities; 
and set forth tenets they would not re- 
tract. An old sheriff named Fresh- 
ling (Do. 107) and a sheriff named 
Marlott were deputed to watch them. 
Two members of the State Church 
named Venner and Hummel met them 
and tried to win them back. The 
sheriff and the last named Venner 
and Hummel asked Stentz and Burger 
to have a prayer with them, that God 
would give them as light. Then they 
began to interrogate them and the 
two held to their faith. 

In substance, Stentz said he was 
born in Stezwyl and had a house at 
Qulm — that he was married and had 
five children — that he was a farmer — 
a member of the Mennonite Church 
which he had joined a couple years 
earlier — that he was called a teacher 
by his people, a position which he 
fills without pay, being called by lot 
to it according to the will of God, 
though he accepted it against his own 
will be cause he felt unfitted for it. 



MRNNOXITES ACCUSED OF SOCIN IAN ISM— SWISS INDEPE.NDElXCE. 99 



But he said if he took pay or refused 
to teach after the call he would be 
thrown out of the sect entirely. 

Martin Burger said he was born in 
Burg Castle — that he married at 
Rynack and has six children — three 
years before he joined the Mennonites 
and a year before stopped going to 
the State Church entirely and that he 
was a farmer. 

These men were given, in 1648, sev- 
eral questions to answer as an ulti- 
matum. If they answered these 
favorably they would be released; 
otherwise not. (Miiller 108). As to 
why they separated from the State 
Church they said, the immorality in 
the established religion was the cause 
— cheating, fraud, adultery, etc., were 
common — that there was no spiritual 
life or devotion in the church. On 
doctrine, they said they do not live by 
the Old Testament, as much as by the 
New and have not read it as much. 
As to infant baptism, they said it has 
no power; but they say it does no 
harm to do it. As to government they 
said it is ordained of God, though 
they take no part in it. Yet a Chris- 
tian may take part so far as it is not 
inconsistent with God's will. All are 
bound to pay taxes, hut as to war. it 
is wrrn<r. As to 0"ths. they say an 
end shall not be made of things by 
an oath: and nnthin? is iustified but 
"Yea, yea" and "nav. nay." 

Jan. 1.5. Ifi48 CMuUer 115) it was 
decided finally that Stentz and Bur2;er 
were unsafe and they were ordered to 
be expelled, and to be sent to Venice 
as galley slaves. But for a time they 
were to be held in the Zurich jail to 
try to convert their souls back. They 
broke jail and were caught and ex- 
pelled from the country. Stentz saii 
he would gladly leave his country 
rather than yield his faith. But says 
Mtiller fp. 216) after these men were 
in jail it was decided they sho; li h2 
banished to some island r.Tther than 
be sent to the galleys, as that was too 



j severe. And so they were banished 
I and nothing more was ever heard of 
them. 

\ I write thus in extenso in this case 
because "Burger" is a name of prom- 
inence in our county and city and in 
eastern Pennsylvania and elsewhere. 
I Stentz is also a name more or less 
I familiar here. 

I I may add that about 1671 the ty- 
! rants of Berne and other parts of 
j Switzerland overcame their borrow of 
i spndin<r Christians to the galleys, and 
did it freely as we shall see later. 

1648 — Meuiionites Accused of Socin- 
lunisin. 

This year a new danger befell the 
Mennonite faith. The doctrine of 
Socinianism arose and many influen- 
I tial men took to it. Socinianism was 
I the name of this doctrine after the 
I founder Socinian. It started in Po- 
lland; and in connection with the 
lArian doctrine. It denied the Trinity, 
I Tin] did much dania-^e. Council of 
Nicae at Constantinople was held, in 
300 A. D. and the Arians seceded from 
the Catholic Church and led this 
movement off. These Arians attracted 
the Socinians to them. Some of the 
Mennonites were suspected. It was held 
that the Government should confiscate 
Mennonite proi)erty the same as the 
Socinian; but the King would not al- 
low it. This was largely in Poland 
under King Kasimir. 

16J8— Switzerland Declares Her In- 

depoudence of the German Empire. 

This year an important historical 
event, vitally affecting Switzerland 
occurred — her Declaration of Inde- 
pendence from the German Empire. 
It vitally affected the Mennonites and 
their worship, in that Switzerland 
was now holly unrestrained in her 
cruelty. We shall see that she began 
a new series of persecutions hence- 
forth and continued them until these 
defenseless Christians migrated, into 






J UN.' 
JPENN&YLVANIAI 



100 



HOLLAND HELPS MENuMONITBS— PEASANT WAR. 



the Palatinate and finally fled across 
the Atlantic (Lippincott's Gazeteer). 

1650 — Schaffhausen Edict Against 
Anabaptists or Menuouites. 

About this time the persecutions 
that had been confined about Zurich 
as a center, suddenly burst forth like 
exploded powder from one place to 
another. Principally in Schaffhausen, 
a Canton on the extreme northern 
boundry of Switzerland, about one- 
sixth as large as Lancaster County, 
containing about 40,000 people today, 
whose chief city is also Schaffhausen. 
located about 20 miles north of the 
city of Zurich, — princijjally in tliis 
canton — the persecutions now broke 
out afresh. The non-resistants here, 
were banished. (Mirror 1063). This 
is the section where many of the 
Millers, and the Herrs, Goods and 
Hubers lived. A very large percen- 
tage of our, Lancaster. County ances- 
try came from there, moving first into 
the Emmenthal, the Palatinate and 
other sections (Rupp 72). 

1650— i>efliprlands Puts Forth A New 
Defense of the Swiss Meuuouites. 

At the time when all authorities 
vied with each other in their persecu- 
tion of she Baptists or Mennonites 
and Emperor and Empire led the way 
with mandates and ipersecutions, it 
transpired about the middle of the 
seventeenth century, for the first 
time that state and city auhorities of- 
ficially undertook the protection of the 
persecuted; and strongly mediated in 
their defense. The sorely tried peo- 
ple of the United Netherlands had 
learned the value of freedom of creed 
(or belief) at the time of the reign of 
terror under the Duke of Alba. She 
had. by the blood of her noblest citi- 
zens gained this freedom of belief, and 
the joint sacrifice of the martyrs 
blood, had reconciled the adherents of 
Menno Simon and the followers of 
Zwingli and Calvin, etc. It appears 



that the congregation of Amsterdam 

protested against the persecution of 

the Bapists or Mennonites in Berne 

and other places in Switzerland; but 

without success. Thereupon, the 

States General, of Netherlands and 

j the Magistrates of Amsterdam took 

I the matter in hand and remonstrated 

i with the Swiss authorities, asking of 

I them to allow the Baptist or Menno- 

j nites unmolested to leave the country 

with their families and belongings. 

etc. (Miiller 164). 

1653 — JTennonites Blamed for Inciting 
the German Peasant War. 

About this time it was thought that 
the Mennonites had something to do 
with the peasant war. This peasant 
war broke out all over Germany — 
and lasted a long while. Two generals 
were ordered June 10, 1653, to take up 
all Mennonites, and see whether they 
had helped to bring on the war, as 
they were against the authoriies. It 
turned out that they had nothing to 
do with it. They always denied it; 
because it was directly against their 
doctrine of non-resistance. 

The peasant war was a rebellion of 
the poor people of Germany which 
broke out about this time against the 
plutocratic land owners, who were 
becoming rich at the expense of their 
tenants. The Mennonites were sus- 
pected also, because they never show- 
ed any strong liking for those in pow- 
er, but on the other hand an aversion 
against them. Miiller 135). 

1653— Hollanders Help the Perse- 
cuted Mennonites Who Fled 
to the Palatinate. 

Miiller tells us that the first help 
for the Mennonites who fled into the 
Upper Palatinate in and about Stras- 
burg came about this year from the 
-Vetherland Authorities and Breth- 
ren, which country a century earlier 
went through the same terrors. Miil- 
ler 206). 



THE EM.MEXTHAL SP:TTLEMEXT— MYLINS AND BURKHOLDERS. 101 



IGoil — The jNcuborg: Mandate Against 
All Anabaptists. 

This year those non-resistant chris- 
tians who were forced to flee from 
Switzerland and establisiied them- 
selves in the Principality of Neuberg, 
Germany found that the Jesuit 
authorities of that place succeeded in 
turning their former friend Prince 
William Wolfgang, against them and 
in causing liim to promulgate a se- 
vere decree against them .(Mirror 
1063). 

1653 — The Nouborg Yictinjs Go to 

lloliaud. 

According to Miiller (195) these 
Mennonites whom v/e liave just men- 
tioned of Guliche and Berge, about 
Neuberg, when Wolfgang turned 
against them, went to Cleve and 
other places in the Netherlands to 
live. They came as w'e liave seen, 
from Switzerland to Germany. Now 
they go to Holland. Shortly after this 
they formed their first Swiss Congre- 
gation in Holland. They were called 
Pfaltzers in Holland because of their 
temporary residence in the Palatinate 
or Pfaltz. They kept up their Swiss 
customs in Holland. 

1654 — Eg^wyl, First Mennonite Cen- 
ter in the Enimeuthal. 

In 1654 Venner Sturler reported to 
the court of Berne that, there were in 
Eggwyl. Mennonites, who as long as 
there was preaching there, never have 
been to a sermon in the Catholic or 
Reformed Church. Among them are 
Zaug — Lichten — Hinden — Wolfgang 
and other Signau people. Berne asked 
the predicant whether it is so that 
none of them go to church. The per- 
dicant investigated and sent a detailed 
report in whicli lie mentioned not less 
than 40 Mennonites who did not at- 
tend Catholic or Reformed services, 
and this report was handed to the 
council of Eggwyl and was a hard' 
point to controvert. 



Eggwyl is situated about l.'j miles 
southeast of Berne in the Eramenthal 
about hve miles south of Langnau, the 
home of Pastor Miiller. This is right 
in the heart of the Mennonite center 
of western Switzerland, the first 
I)lace of refuge to which they lied 
when driven out of Zurich by fire and 
sword 50 years earlier. Zurich is 
about 60 miles northeast of Berne. 
The Emmenthal or Emmen Valley is 
about 50 miles southwest of Zurich 
and about 10 miles northeast of 
Berne, the Emmen creek flowing from 
southeast to northwest. 

Here then, about 1650 or earlier 
congregated the Swiss forefathers of 
Lancaster County and of eastern 
Pennsylvania. At the early date of 
1654 a group of 40 heads of families 
of those lived there in the little town 
of Eggwyl (Miiller 338). 

1658— Martin 3Iylin Tublishes His 

Mennonite History. 

Miiller tells us (p. 165), that Martin 
Mylin published this year liis writ- 
ings. His chronicles extend over at 
least 30 years. Many of them are 
written from actual experience and 
observation. Bracht, the writer of the 
Mirror quotes freely from them. He 
was the grandfather of the Martin My- 
lin who in 1710 came to Pequea in 
Lancaster County (Mirror 1052). 

1658 — Hans Bnrkholder Escapes 

Arrest. 

We now note the appearance of a 
name of great extension in eastern 
Pennsylvania — Burkholder. The Burk- 
holders form one of the most numer- 
ous families in this section. Miiller 
relates (191) that in 1658 Hans Burk- 
holder was arrested; but that he took 
to his heels and escaped November 26. 
He lived in Schneisingen about 10 
miles northwest of Zurich. This is 
the earliest mention of this name 
known to us. In 1718 there were sev- 
eral Burkholders in Conestoga. 



102 



SLiABACH, BAUMGARTNER, PETERS AND OTHERS. 



1659 — Zurich Mennonite Sufferings 

In Their New Home About 

Berne and Emmenthal. 

The Mirror tells us (p. 1065) the 
little flock of Christ having fled from 
Zurich to Berne, now found they must 
undergo similar sufferings there. 
Berne now imitated Zurich and made 
especial efforts to capture the leaders 
(Mirror 1065). 

This year "seven of the teachers 
and principal elders of the church 
were apprehended, for whom special 
prisons were prepared, namely: Uly, 
Bogart, Anthony Hinnelberg, Jegley 
Schlebach, Hans Zuag, Uly Baumgart- 
ner. Christian Christians, and Rhode 
Petres. 

These were for a while kept very 
hard at work, and very poorly fed 
with heavy food, spelt and rye. to 
make good the expenses they caused; 
besides much reproach, contumely and 
vituperation was heaped upon them. 

They were first told, that they 
should be kept confined in this man- 
ner until the end of their life; in 
which they patiently comforted and 
surrendered themselves to the grace 
of the Lord. However when they saw 
that there was no hope of dissuading 
these people from their faith and re- 
ligion, they determined upon another 
plan (according to what we have 
been informed from Alsace) namely, 
that they should have to choose one 
of three things: (1) To go with them 
to church; or (2) Be Perpetually 
banished to the galleys; or (3 To 
have to die by the hands of the exe- 
cutioner. 

This item is given prominent place, 
because here we have in the Emmen- 
thal or in Berne, near it the familiar 
names Slabach, Zuagg or Zugg, Baum- 
gardner and Peters, shov/ing where 
the ancestors of these familiar Lan- 
caster County descendants lived and 
suffered. 



1659 — Berne Now Organizes a Spec- 
ial Branch of Goyernment to 
Crush the Mennonites. 

Jan. 4th of this year says Miiller 
(p. 136) Berne organized a special 
bureau to take full charge of sup- 
pressing the Mennonites. They were 
to look into the question thoroughly 
and do whatever was necessary. 
They were to find particularly 
whether the Mennonites gave sym- 
pathy and encouragement to the peas- 
ant war of Germany and Switzerland 
The Mennonites were suspected of 
this because, same as the peasants 
they opposed power and monopoly; 
and because the peasants showed 
such a liking of the Mennonites and 
joined them cordially. The commit- 
tee or bureau made a report that 
Lenzburg particularly was a Menno- 
nite hot bed. Lenzburg is a city about 
16 miles directly west of Zurich. 
Sixty Mennonite families were found 
there. The council accordingly is- 
sued an edict punishing by a fine of 
10 guilders any one who gave any 
encouragement or aid or held any 
communication with these Menno- 
nites. All people were ordered to re- 
port any neglect to attend services of 
the State Church. The edict was to 
be proclaimed from all pulpits. The 
motto adopted was Titus, 3:1. (Miil- 
ler 173). 

1659 — Amsterdam Edition of Martyr's 
Mirror Printed. 

Brons tells us (p. 240) that, this 
year a complete copy of the Martyr's 
Mirror was printed at Amsterdam. 
The author says that this book next 
to the Bible was the most generally 
used of all books by the Mennonitos 
of early days both in Switzerland and 
in Conestoga. 

The stories of the sufferings of the 
Waldenses, of Menno Simon and the 
death of Klaus and Jacob Hollinger 
and Graybill and Manz and Hupmier 



BENEDICT BAUMGARDNER'S HYMN. 



lOj 



and Denck and Wagner and Miiller 
and Hoffman and Hochstetter and 
Blauroch and Hasel and Meylin and 
others were familiar stories to the 
children of our pious forefathers. 

16r>J) — IJendk't IJauiii^'^ardner's Hjiiin 

Muller tells us (p. 123) that this 
year Benedict Baumgardner com- 
posed a hymn in which he relates his 
troubles growing out of his persecu- 
tions and as well the sufferings of his 
people for conscience sake. Some 
samples of its . verses freely trans- 
lated are as follows: 

Lord, for thy grace, I, Thee, beseech 

In chanting a new song. 
Without thy grace naught we can 
reach. 

Help, God, my heart along. 

Our Savior in the mountain taught, 

In beatitude sublime; 
So we the mount Dursrutti, sought. 

In sixteen fifty nine (1659). 

And we the doctrine there proclaimed. 
Which on the mount, the Lord 

In holy lessons sweetly named. 
From the beloved "Word." 

And as our blessed meeting charmed. 
There came into the room. 

Stern men with dreadful weapons 
armed. 
And sealed our horrid doom. 

One Simon, fierce and foremost came. 

And with him many more; 
And our poor Brethren, prisoned 
them, 

And vexed their hearts full sore. 

Then horsemen and rough halbred- 
ers. 
Bared swords in every hand. 
Rushed, cursed and swore; excited 
fears 
In all our Christian band. 

Then ropes were brought, and in the 
sight 
Of children dear, and wives. 



Two fiends named Shriner, left and 
right. 
Bound brothers 'gainst their cries. 

And then the teacher of the flock, 
Who glad himself confessed 

They took, and hastened to the block 
And threatened so, the rest. 

So, Ully Baumgardner, the head, 
Went fettered to his death; 

"Fear not. Oh little flock, nor dread" 
He said with parting breath. 

To Trachselwald they first were lead 
Whose bailiff waiting stood; 

And took them then, in fear and dread. 
To Berne, to shed their blood. 

And there in prisons, vile and foul, 
With other brethren thrown; 

Two ancient shepherds of the soul 
Cheered all, their Lord to own. 

The jailer sought to wean away 
These Christian, from their faith; 

But Ully straight declared their stay 
Was God, of Heaven and earth. 

Cruel and false accused were they; 

To strange lands driven far; 
But yet by grace of God they pray; 

His love their guiding star. 

They trusted not in human aid; 

But built right on the "Rock." 
And crowns and scepters ne'er dis- 
mayed; 

Nor e'en the headsman's shock. 

Yet none of these their duties cease. 

Imposts and tithes and taxes gave; 
And served their country well in 
peace; 

Prayed God, their rulers save. 

1660— Holland Forms a Swiss Men- 

nonite Relief Committee. 

In 1660 (Miiller 206) a large num- 
ber of worthy people of the Nether- 
land cities of Dortrecht, Haarlem, 
Leyden, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, 
met and formed a committee to help 



104 MENNONITE CHARITY AND EMIGRATION COMMITTEE FORMED. 



the Swiss Mennonite cause. This 
was a valuable aid to our suffering 
forefathers. This committee did as 
rnuch toward settling Lancaster 
County and eastern Pennsylvania as 
any one of the three or four factors 
producing that result. The commit- 
tee lived at least 75 years, and dur- 
ing the dreary time of the edicts of 
1671 and 1690 and later, and the dark 
days of the expulsion down the Rhine 
into the Palatinate as late as 1700 
and the days of embarkation to 
America from 1707 to 1735 and later 
the Amsterdam Mennonite Charity 
and Emigration Committee, gave 
encouragement, made provisions with 
monarchs and rulers and furnished 
much of the moneys by which the 
Swiss and German Mennonites found 
relief in the New World. A remark- 
able fact is that while Holland was 
more thickly settled than Switzerland 
and Germany, few if any of the Hol- 
land Mennonites came to America. 
The design of this item is to set out 
conspicuously, the beginning of that 
noble organization in Holland in 
16G0 which did so much during the 
following three quarters of a century 
to aid the oppressed and persecuted 
forefathers, of the most numerous na- 
tionalities of our imperial county and 
of eastern Pennsylvania. 

1660 — ^List of Ancient Lancaster 
County Ancestors in Berne Jail. 

Under the year 1659, quoting from 
the Mirror p. 1065, we noticed that 
the Mennonites driven from Zurich 
migrated westward toward Berne, and 
fell into afflictions there too. Miiller 
(p. 179) now tells us that in the be- 
ginning of 1680, the Holland Commit- 
tee or Mennonite Relief in Switzer- 
land found a considerable number of 
these Emmenthal Mennonites in 
Berne jails. 

The minutes of a meeting held by 
the committee Jan. 20, 1660 reports 
the following in jail: 



1. Rudolph Wertz, from Lenzburg, 

not yet an avowed and declared 
Mennonite. 

2. Anthony Himmelsburg, from the 

Congregation of Wattenwyl. 

3. Jacob Schlabach of Oberdiesbach. 

4. Ulrich Baumgardner of Laupers- 

wyl. 

5. Hans Zuagg of Signau. 

6. Jacob Gut (Good) of Offtringen,' 

of the Soffingen Congergation, 

7. Hans Jacob Mumprecht of Rueg- 

san. 

8. Peter Frider of Bigler. 

9. Benedict Baumgardner of Lang- 

nau. 
10. Christian Christians of Langnau. 
11. Mathias Kauffman of Kriegstetten 
in Zolathurn district. 

We observe in this list the names of 
Kauffman first appears — an ancestor, 
no doubt of the prominent and famil- 
iar family of that name here now. 

1660 — A Congregation of Swiss Men- 
nonites in Alsace. 

Feb. 4, 1650 there was a Mennonite 
congregation in Alsace, the leaders of 
which had moved there from Switzer- 
land. On that day this congregation 
assembled and signed the Dortrecht 
Mennonite Confession of Faith — for- 
mulated and adopted originally at 
Dortrecht. in Holland April 21, 1632. 
Among the Alsace brethren signing 
the same in 1660 were Jacob Schnebly 
of Budlenheim — Rudy Egli in Kunen- 
heim, Swissers and perhaps also 
Schmidt, Schneider and Funck. Thus 
before 1660 there was an immigration 
into the Palatinate or upon its bor- 
ders. However the great inrush was 
:n 1671 (Miiller 195). 

1660— Walloons (of Belgium) Friends 

of Mennonites. 

From very early times there dwelt 
in Belgium in the region of Luxem- 
bourg and parts of Brabant, a Roman- 



AMSTGRDAiM INTERCEDES FOR SWISS MENNONITES. 



105 



ic people. In and before 1660 they 
showed a marked friendship for the 
persecuted Meiinonites. In 1660 one 
of these Walloons wrote a boolt in 
French, dated Feb. 29, (which year ; 
must have been a leap year) inter- ', 
ceding for them, addressed to the op- 
ponents and persecutors of Menno- ! 
nites and to the pastors and other j 
leaders of the French church, at i 
Berne. We cannot ascertain much j 
about the book — its name or con- j 
tents (Muller 183). | 

1660— AinstordaiJi Intercessory Letter, 
For the Meuiiouites. ! 

Apr. 16, 1600 a certain Harry Flem- \ 
ing in Amsterdam wrote an letter of 
nine pages, folio to William of Dlesz- 
bach interceding for the Mennonites 
and for better treatment of them. He 
bases the letter on passages from the 
Gospels and on a historical presenta- ; 
tion of the manner in which freedom 1 
of religion had won victory in the 
Netherlands and finally on the state- 
ment that wherever toleration gained 
a foothold it brought blessings with it ' 
and persecutions always brought mis- i 
fortune to the persecutors (Muller i 
179). ' 

June 7. 1660 an intercessory letter i 
of the cities of Amsterdam, Rotter- • 
dam and by the Holland States Gener- 
al carried by Adolph de Vreed, was 
persecuted to the Berne persecutors, 
and prmission was given to de Vreed 
to meet the committee of the Swiss 
Government (whom we have seen be- 
fore, had entire charge of the Menno- 
nite question in Switzerland) and 
treat with them in the presence of the , 
great Council and Burgesses. In this 
letter a beautiful testimony of noble 
character is given the Mennonites. 
They were declared to be a people 
who had lived in the cities of Holland 
and in the country, in perfect peace, 
many years, under the government; 
they always gladly contributed what- 
ever was demanded and levied of 
them in support of the Republic of 



Holland and fulfilled their duties as 
citizens; they always showed an ex- 
traordinary beneficence toward the 
I^eformed Church in Holland though 
not belonging to it; and they, short- 
ly before, on the recommendation of 
the Holland Government collected 
7000 pounds Holland money for the 
persecuted Waldenses? 

The letter then continues and says 
"We durst therefore not, deny our 
dear fellow citizens the favors of in- 
Ureeding with you in favor of their 
brethren in your country — Switzer- 
land, that if you cannot resolve to let 
them live as we do here in the c'.tios 
and country of Holland, that it may 
please you to treat them kindly after 
the example of those of Schaffhausou 
or even after that of the Roman Cath- 
olic prince of Neuberg, by giving 
them time to depart with their fam- 
ilies and their goods. Dated at Am- 
sterdam and Rotterdam, Holland, 
June 7, 1660 (Muller 184). 

This is a most extraordinary ex- 
ample on the part of one nation for 
citizf: IS (f another, vho were in no 
way connected with the intercessory 
nation except by the ties of common 
humanity and of religion. It is an 
example (238 years earlier) of what 
the United States did toward the 
Spanish butcheries in Cuba. 

It is very strange that there should 
be such a marked difference between 
the Reformed Church of Holland and 
the Reformed Church of Switzerland. 
Holland evidently was without fear 
and apprehension of any danger com- 
ing from the Mennonites at this date, 
while Switzerland — particularly the 
great canton of Berne — was full of 
fear because of them. 

1660— Lancaster County Ancestors 
Banished From Berne. 

Quoting above from the Mirror 
(1065) and from Muller (170) we cited 
a list of Emmenthal Mennonites as 
being in the Berne Jail in 1660. 



106 BERNE DOMINATED BY THE STATE CHURCH (REFORMED). 



Under the same date Miiller (p. 19l) 
mentions the same list with some 
variation of names as being banished 
Sept. 10, from Berne and talten to 
Brug, Holland, in a ship. He men- 
tions Anthony Weber (Weaver) Jacob 
Schlabach, Ulrich Baumgardner Ja- 
cob Gut, Hans Jacob Mumprecht. 
Christian Christian, Rudolph Wertz, 
J^O Benedict Baumgardner, Hans Zaugg, 
i Peter Freider or Fridy, Mathias 
V Kauffman and Hans Wenger. He adds 
that this was the first small emigra- 
tion to Holland, to which other Men- 
nonites afterwards joined themselves 
(Miiller 191). 

Miiller adds (192) that the Holland- 
ers continued to care for the Berne 
brethren continually. There existed 
a regular correspondence between 
them up to 1681 as a letter in native 
Dutch on the subject shows. 

1660 — ^Meniionites Pay Heavy Boun- 
ties in Lieu of Assisting in War. 

During the wars of the middle of 
the 17th century in Europe, heavy 
drains were made on the public reve- 
nues and upon the men of Switzer- 
land, of Germany and of other coun- 
tries. Since the Mennonites would not 
go to war, they were compelled to 
make up large sums of money, and to 
contribute that instead. The general 
mass of Swiss Mennonites were poor. 
They gave all they could possibly 
gatl'.er up; but that was far short of 
the demand on them, and for the shor- 
tage they were imprisoned. Their 
friends in Holland contributed for the 
Danzig Mennonites in 1660, for the 
Poland Mennonites in 1663. for the 
Moravians in 1665 and in 1678 for 
those in the Palatinate. The whole 
sum raised for the Palatinate, mainly 
by Holland, in the last year was 30,- 
000 guilden which was at least $12,- 
000.00. The latter part of the same 
year they raised 20,000 guilden more. 
They also sent them several shiploads 
of goods. The sense of obligation to 



help the struggling brethren is shown 
here very beautifully (Miiller 162). 

1660— Eeply to the Holland Interces- 
sions. 

The authorities of Berne,, on June 
15 of this year make reply to the re- 
quests of Holland complaining that 
Switzerland should give the Menno- 
nites better treatment. 

Berne says that rulers are bound to 
preserve good order and peace in the 
nation and also to preserve and defend 
the true Reformed Evanglical Reli- 
gion, pure and unadulterated; that the 
disobedience of the Mennonites has 
given much offense to the government; 
and ways and means must be devised 
to root them out entirely now ;ts 
weeds, for they set bad examples; that 
it was intended to do this with great 
patience and good nature, but the evil 
kept on growing and growing instead 
of abating; that finally twelve of the 
principal leaders and teachers have 
been arrested and placed in confine- 
ment, but not in jail, and that a room 
has been furnished for them so that 
the imprisonment shall not be too se- 
vere; that the government authorities, 
who are all sworn to support the Re- 
formed Faith held friendly discus- 
sions with these Mennonite leaders 
and reasoned with them so that they 
might be won back, but all this was of 
no avail; that nothing is left but to 
clear the land of them entirely, since 
they are so stubborn; they cannot be 
tolerated at all; that their goods and 
possessions must be taken from them 
because property is always a source 
of power and so long as they have 
property they can do harm; and be- 
sides, a just punishment for violating 
the law is deprivation of property. 

All this was decided upon, declare 
the Swiss authorities: but as Holland 
has so strongly intervened they de- 
clare they would modify the decision 
somewhat and not absolutely confis- 
cate the Mennonite property; but only 
take it and hold it for their use and 



SWISS MENNONITES MORE STRICT THAN HOLLAND METS'NONITES. 1(J7 



give them the income for it, that was 
left after expenses were taken out; 
and at the death of the owner the 
principal would be paid out to his 
wife and children if they obey the 
government and the religion of the 
country. If not, then it should go to 
such relations as did adhere to the 
Reformed Religion (Do. 186). 

16(50 — Berne Withdraws Mennonitc 
Permit to Migrate. 

At one time the Swiss Government 
gave to Mennonjtes who migrated 
from the country, certificates as to 
their character, citizenship, etc. But 
later this was stopped. Then the Hol- 
land authorities were satisfied with the 
baptismal records given to the Men- 
nonite immigrants by their church 
authorities. The Berne governmeut 'n 
1660 ordered this to be stopped, so 
that the Holland authorities should 
deny entrance to the Mennonites. But 
in spite of all this, Holland received 
and comforted these persecuted Swiss 
brethren (Muller 191). 

1660 — Holland Mennonites Interest 
Holland Government in the Swiss. 

For some time the Mennonites of 
Holland tried directly, to influence 
Switzerland to be more mild to their 
brethren, about Berne and Zurich. 
But they would do very little. Then 
they appealed to their own govern- 
ment (Holland) authorities to inter- 
vene. The Holland government then 
appointed De Vreede as a special 
agent of the government to intercede 
in Switzerland. Amsterdam and Rot- 
terdam took a leading part in the 
movement (Miiller 167). 

June 21, Adolph De Vreede having 
spent some time in Switzerland asked 
to inspect the jail where the Menno- 
nites were imprisoned. He was shown 
their sleeping apartments. They were 
allowed to have a friendly conference 
with him and he counselled them to 
be patient and to trust to the Holy 
Spirit for comfort (Do. 186). 



1660— Holland 3Iennonites \ot So 
Strict us Swiss Mennonites. 

Adolph De Vreede, as we have seen, 
admonished his imprisoned Swiss 
brethren to be patient. He told them, 
also that they should not be obstre- 
perous; and that they should yield in 
minor points, so that the Swiss gov- 
ernment officers (who were of the 
Reformed Church) would let them out 
of prison. But while they greeted him 
with friendly salutation, and in chris- 
tian fellowship, they would not yield 
any of their principles, at all. De 
Vreede, as was the case with Holland 
Mennonites, generally, was quite lib- 
eral in his views. The Holland Men- 
nonites, by becoming liberal soon 
found many favors and much protec- 
tion from their government. They 
wanted the Swiss Mennonites to modi- 
fy their views also, and to compromise 
with the government's request. De 
Vreede told them that they should 
give up a lot of their fogy ism. But 
they would not do so. They preferred 
to suffer, rather than violate their 
conscience. Rev. A. D. Wenger, who 
visited the Mennonites of Switzerland, 
of Germany and of Holland a few 
years ago, says the Holland Menno- 
nites today are more liberal and 
worldly than the Swiss and others 
(Do. ISG). 

1660 — Coneessions Demanded by Hol- 
land for Swiss Mennonites — 
Swiss Answer. 

De Vreede had with him six cer- 
tificates of concessions, granted to 
Mennonites by the Holland Govern- 
ment; and he urged that Switzerland 
should grant the same to her Menno- 
nites. They were: (1) The ordinance 
of Jan. 1577, by which the Mennonites 
of Middleburg were relieved of all 
forms of oaths, because that was a 
matter of conscience; (2) A prohibi- 
tion by the Prince of Orange, Earl of 
Nassau, of July 1570, restraining all 
persons from interfering with Menno- 
nites, in their trade, and freeing them 
from all fines in pursuing trade; (3) 



tor _^.iT 



108 



SWISS REBUKE HOLLAND— MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 



An acknowledgment of the last named 
concession, by Maurice of Orange, in 
1593; (4) A reprimand by the States 
General to the City of Aerdenburg 
(Holland) May 1615 because that city 
interfered with the Mennonites in the 
exercise of their religion; (5) A repi- 
tition the order of Nov. 16, 1619 grant- 
ing them freedom from interference 
in trade; and (6) An order of the 
States General of Aug. 1651, according 
to which marriage contracts solem- 
nized by Mennonite ministers shall be 
as valid and binding as if done by 
State Chui'ch authority, which custom 
was allowed Holland Mennonites over 
sixty years (Miiller 186). 

Their demands for concessions after 
being presented were heard by the in- 
ferior court or council. But instead 
of deciding the matters they certified 
them to the Superior Council in Berne 
as the highest body, and they gave 
opinion that: 

1. No concession can be granted 
until it is decided whether the govern- 
ment will modify its orders against 
the Mennonites or not. 

2. It is not advisable to modify the 
edicts preventing Mennonites from 
■emigrating to Holland. The orders 
cannot now be revoked, taking away 
the Mennonite property from them 
(except a small interest) because the 
Mennonites of the country of Lenz- 
burg and of Eggivyl are gaining every 
day in numbers and they declare the 
government is yielding. 

3. The complaint that the Menno- 
nites are persecuted barbarously are 
not true. 

4. That Adolph De Vreede, while he 
will be allowed to continue to con- 
verse with the Mennonites in the jail, 
must first declare what and how he 
wished to speak to them and must 
speak only in the presence of the 
■Swiss authorities. 

This shows pretty clearly, the atti- 
tude of these two antipodally disposed 



nations toward the Mennonites, about 
1660. 

1660— Elbing, (Prussia) and the Men- 
nonites. 

Elbing is a city in West Prussia on 
the Gulf of Danzig of 42000 people to- 
day. In this town, Mennonites fiour- 
ished nearly 400 years ago. For over 
100 years, or down to about 1660, 
they were compelled to hold their 
meetings secretly here, arid in pri- 
vate families. They were at last al- 
lowed to build a church in 1660. The 
same privilege was allowed to the 
Priesian Mennonites, living on the 
borders of Germany and Holland, 
about the same time. They were also 
allowed to build hospitals for the 
poor and sick. Thus their privileges 
began about this time (Brons 260). 

1660— Musical Instninients Not Al- 

lowed in Early Mennonite 

Services. 

Brons tells us (p. 260) that as the 
early Mennonites held services se- 
cretl}', they did not have either in- 
strumental or vocal music as part of 
their worship, since it would reveal 
the congregation and endanger ar- 
rest. This writer also says that about 
1660 when the Danzig, and the other 
northern Mennonites were allowed to 
build houses of worship, they omit- 
ted organs and instruments from 
their equipment partly because they 
feared to make much noise in connec- 
tion with worship, and partly because 
of a prejudice against instrumental 
music in service from the long cus- 
tom of having omitted them. They 
thought it wrong to have them. How- 
ever, soon 'after 1660 the Friesian 
Mennonites installed a pipe organ in 
their church. They were the first of 
the European Mennonites to use or- 
gan music in their service. This in- 
novation was very offensive to the 
Flemish Mennonites. who lived near 
them in Flanders, who were more 
strict. Yet later the two congrega- 



A SOCIETY TO ASSIST MENNONITE EAIIGRATIOX. 



103 



tions amalgamated into one. 

We may perhaps, here have some 
light upon the cause of the great 
mass of the Mentionite church not 
having musical instruments in their 
churches today. The prejudice against 
instruments of music must have been 
vtry strong, when such great ,music 
lovers as the Germans, would not al- 
low them to be used. 

1671 — Renewed Intercessions By 
Holland. 

There is a letter dated Feb. 26. 1661 
written by the Hollanders, thanking 
the Swiss authorities for finally al- 
lowing the persecuted Mennonitea to 
leave; but the letter, at the same 
time, complains that the time given 
them to go is entirely too short, s'nce 
they cannot sell their property in that 
time, except at great loss, not settle 
their obligations. Thus they ask that 
the time be extended. 

These intercessions, were recorded 
also by each of the six largest con- 
gregations of Holland, viz: those of 
Dortrecht (where the Mennonite 
Church really was born), Leyden. 
Gouda, Haarlem, Amsterdam and 
Rotterdam. 

The signers for Dortrecht were 
William Broithhunsen, Thielem Van 
Bracht (Author of the Great Mar- 
tyrs' Mirror) John Zorn Byghhoom. 
Geisbert Rees. Cornelius Dirchson of 
Soferyl and Klaus Cornel. 

The signers for Leyden were Jaques 
Van Gamerslagh, Anton David Kop. 
Abraham .Jackson of Limburgh, John 
Bogl, Henrich Van der Doeck and 
Ludwig Peter Caelvert. 

The signers for Gouda were Hen- 
rich Giesbach, Adrean Kahlor, John 
Gillis. Cornelius Abrahamissen, Paul 
Gillissen and Wouhert Daemen. 

The signers for Haarlem were 
Peter Marcus, Boudobin Doom, Isaac 
Snep, Conrad Von Bollenborn, Lam- 
bert Colen and John Everson. 

The signers for Amsterdam were 



Tobias Wingert, Hubert Wlngrrl, 
Isaac Van Limburg. Gerrett Kuvscn 
and Frans Stevens. 

The signers for RotterdTm were 
.\ndreas Jacobsen, Jean BoJ'iies, Bas- 
tian von Weehingen, Guil van der 
Sluys, Mathias Mullen and II mdrlck 
Doeman of Reet. 

I mention the names of these lead- 
ers of these six chief Mentionile. con- 
gregations of Holland. because, 
while scarcely any of them u.re fa- 
miliar Lancaster County names, they 
are the very men who and jirinci pally 
whose sons, throughout Holland did 
very great service fror^.i this timu on- 
ward to 1710 and later, in gathering 
money and means and in moulding 
the influences which enab.ed the i)cr- 
oKcuted Mennonites of Switzerland 
and of the Palatinate, (Gemany) to 
get started to Pennsylvania and to 
our county. Holland early formed an 
emigration society to help our S^\is3 
and German ancestors to 'America 
(Miiller 192). 

166C — Mennonites Furnish IForaud 
Money to Defend Groningen. 

In the northern part of Holland, on 
the Reit Diep River is Gronin.^'ii a 
city of 56000 people. It was bom- 
barded in 1666, and the citizens lacked 
money. The government called on 
the Mennonites of Holland; and 12 
small congregations raised in a "ew 
years 149.810 guilden toward a gov- 
ernment loan. A few years earlier 
the town was bomdarded also by 2,- 
4000 French with 60 cannon or m.or- 
tars. The whole cost was 8 tons of 
gold. The catholics were not allow- 
ed to take part in the defense. This 
is the first time in history that such 
mortars were known. Those that the 
Dutch captured were exhibited in the 
museum for mouey. (Brons 14')). 

1668 — Differences Between Palatine, 
Swiss and 3Iennonites. 

This year, in the official conference 
between Holland and Berne, a com- 



110 



BURKHOLDER, GPINGRICH, BABY AND HALDEMAN. 



parison is made between the Anabap- 
titsts of the three countries. The 
Berne authorities say to Holland that 
the Holland Mennonites are different 
from the Swiss branch. There in 
Holland are well off and pay taxes 
■willingly and contribute to the Re- 
formed Churches as well as their own 
and have farms, etc.; but the Swiss 
Mennonites are of the poor classes 
and exempt from taxes and do not 
lielp to defend the Fatherland or 
show anything of a public spirit at 
all. In recent disturbances they were 
not peaceable; but were carrying on 
all manner of secret intrigue. Be- 
sides no pressure can be brought on 
them so as to affect their conscience. 
(Miiller 193). 

1669 — Burkliolder and Gingrich 
Escape. 

This year Christian Gingrich and 
Hans Burkliolder escaped from the 
jail of Berne. Miiller tells us (p. 146) 
that the Berne jails were all full of 
these people now, and that the watch 
liad become careless and there were 
several escapes, among them the two 
mentioned above. He says that they 
even allowed some of them to go walk- 
ing and they were even known to go 
out and preach alone. They came 
back in the evenings. 

Isaac Lefeier, Lancaster Connty 
Pioneer Bom. 

Rupp quotes approvingly, Mr. Cony- 
Bgham, that Isaac Lefever was born 
this year (Rupp 97). The Penn Land 
Commissioners confirmed to Isaac Le- 
fever 2000 acres of land in the Pe- 
quea in 1712, being a part of 10.000 
acres first allowed to the original 
colony of Mennonites who settled in 
our county. Martin Kendig. who had 
first right to it, asked it to be laid out 
to Maria Warenbuer and she asked it 
laid out to her son-in-law Isaac Le- 
fever and to Daniel Ferree. The Le- 
fevers were French Huguenots, who 
fled into the Palatinate from persecu- 



tion. They dwelt in the town of Stein- 
weiler, Germany. Mr. Conyngham. in 
an address delivered July 4, 1842, on 
the early settlers of Pequea valley, 
spoke eloquently of the good qualities 
of the Lafevers and Ferrees. (Do.) 

1670— Doris Eby and Hans Haldeman 
Condemned. 

This year it was ordered by the au- 
thorities of Berne, that no one was to 
visit the Mennonites in that Canton, 
particularly those of Zofingen and 
Canalsingen. under a penalty of 200 
pounds. Two Mennonites who were 
ordered banished, were particularly 
to be shunned — Doris Eaby from 
Trachselwald and Hans Haldeman 
man from Hotchiken. It was ordered 
that if they are caught they are to be 
branded with hot irons and be sent 
away. This last punishment was or- 
dered by the mandate of November 5, 
lfi70. There was also a mandate of 
November 28, the same year. It was 
ordered that the Mennonites who are 
^oing about in the Swiss country, 
preaching should be found out, and a 
list be made of them, so that they may 
^11 be arrested. They are to be pub- 
licly whipped and be expelled. If they 
come back, they are to be burned with 
Tons. Their teachers are to be de- 
livered to the dungeon. (Miiller 144). 

The authorities of Berne declared, 
the beginning of this year that the 
former orders were not obeyei and 
that this Mennonite faith was becom- 
ing a grat stumbling block and must 
be removed (Dd. 139). Several other 
raandiStes were issued this same year 
(Do. 137). 

Doers Aeby is an early form of our 
familiar name. Toris or Theodorus 
Eby, earliest settler of upper Mill 
Creek, Lancaster County where he 
had a large mill. Hans Haldeman is 
a representative of the numerous and 
prominent family of that name in 
Eastern Pennsylvania and elsewhere 
today. 



GREAT EXODUS INTO THE PALATINATE. 



Ill 



1671— Poverty Strlckon Condition of 
Our Suffering? Swiss Ancestors. 

About this year the condition of the 
nonresistants became unbearable in 
Berne, which city now persecuted 
them more severely than Zurich. This 
was because Zurich had practically 
exterminated them. We are told 
(Brons 226) that both individuals and 
whole congi-egations of Berne Menno- 
nites had to be assisted about this 
time. This was so, especially, right 
after the Armies of Louis XIV (who 
reigned over France from 1643 to 
1715) had devastated the Palatinate in 
his fierce wars, which raged about 
this time. 

1671— The Great Swiss Exodus Into 
the Palatinate. 

This year begins the last act of the 
bloody drama of centuries, which pre- 
pared our Swiss and Palatinate Ances- 
tors to come to Pennsylvania in 1710 
and later. 

This year (1671) the distress of the 
Mennonites of western Switzerland 
became so great that about 700 per- 
sons, young and old, men and women, 
were compelled to turn their backs to- 
wards the "Fatherland". Some au- 
thorities say there were "700 families" 
and not only 700 persons. 

They migrated to the Palatinate — 
that is the Rhine country — a region of 
wide extent. A few of their brethren 
had gone there as early as 1527, and 
kept up a couple small congregations 
there. This was at the beginning of 
the Reformation, when Luther had set 
the world aflire and when Zwingli was 
fanning the flame and when Menno 
Simon felt the cords, of the faith 
which had hitherto bound him to the 
Catholic snap, and give way. 

In 1672 Van Bracht. the chief Men- 
nonite historian and teacher of Dort- 
recht. visited the Berne Mennonites 
and found their condition very poor 
and miserable. He found the reports 
even worse than they were reported 



by Jacob Everllng of Obersulzheira. 
Copies of Everling's letters we will 
give in a later item. (Miiller 195). 

1671 — Swiss Kefornied Church's View 

of Swiss Meuuonites and of 

Galley Torture. 

In the year 1671 the Reformed 
clergy again mediated and went be- 
fore the Council with a petition which 
shows their view of the Anabaptists or 
Mennonites, and which we reproduce 
here in abstract. 

"The great privilege accorded the 
Baptists four years ago to leave the 
country — free with goods and chattels, 
has been an honor to the powers that 
be, and has also shown how far the 
spirit of the Reformed Church is re- 
moved from the spirit of the Anti- 
christ. It is to be deplored that these 
poor, erring people did not take this 
benefaction sufficiently to heart, but 
have returned to their native land 
contrary to the orders of the authori- 
ties, partly for the love of home, and 
partly for the honor of their doctrine. 
For this they have deserved punish- 
ment. But as David asked of the Lord 
that he might punish himself, and he 
not be given over into the bonds of 
his enemies, therefore we intercede 
in behalf of these deluded persons 
doomed to punishment that they may 
not be delivered over to strangers (or 
foreigners) and enemies of the justice 
of Jesus Christ, viz: to the galleys, 
and thereby be thrown not only in 
great danger to lose their soul, but 
also to suffer untold misery and pain 
(since it is known what cruel methods 
are employed on the galleys to make 
these victims turn apostate). The 
confessors of our faith (the Reformed) 
♦vho have just been released from 
ihese implements of torture can re- 
late plenty thereof. By the awf.il 
vices and atrocities which are daily 
perpetrated, not only before them, but 
very often on them, practically in 
Italy, all possiiblity for a true and 



112 THE REFORMED CHURCH INTER,CEDES FOR MENNONITES. 



contrite Christian spirit is cut off. We 
are not only concerned, on account of 
these people, but also for your own 
sake and for the sake of your other 
subjects. You are by divine authority 
given power over these people; but 
God has limited this power. The door 
to a penitent, returned for the re- 
demption of his soul may not be 
closed against man, if the country is 
to enjoy the blessings of God. It has 
pleased an all-wise God to make these 
erring people, so to say, a thorn in 
the flesh of our high authorities and 
the clergy as a punishment ever since 
the Reformation, which thorn coulrl so 
far not be removed, no matter what 
means were employed. Once before 
the galley punishment was used in 
spite of the intercession, at that time; 
but God did not want to sanction this 
method, and the evil became even 
greater, until lately when by the 
clemency shown, the greater part oi 
these people were removed from the 
country. This method will have con- 
tinued success without using such 
extreme measures, of which Reformed 
institutions have such horror, that 
they not only have abolished such 
slavery among themselves, but have 
never handed over any one for such 
punishmnt. 

It is known, however, that the 
enemies of truth use this as one of 
the most powerful methods to force 
the confessors of truth to a revoca- 
tion of their faith; what, would we 
have to bear from them if we were 
to hand them over to such, who allege 
a 'principium religionis' for their 
obstinacy for torture? 

What would be more pitiable than 
if these poor people (should they be 
sent thither, but which God in his 
grace may prevent), be induced to 
deny their faith, which, as we are 
told, some of the others have done? 
Should they, however, remain stead- 
fast and loyal, this would be a matter 
of triumph to the others, and would 



cause great defection among the 
peasantry, who regard these Baptists 
as poor people, anyway. Although 
we are otherwise not so bold as to 
interfere with your busineFS, we 
could not let this opportunity pass to 
discharge our conscience in this mat- 
ter which is of such great importance 
to the salvation of souls, and the 
honor of our church. 

And although no one suffers more 
from these people, separated from us 
by error, and arrogant peculiar holi- 
ness, than the servants of the Re- 
formed church, we, nevertheless, will 
not cease to minister to their salva- 
tion in a spirit of impartial Christian 
love, and to avert in the measure of 
our power all that may be harmful to 
them, wherefore, we plead for a 
change and modification of this galley 
punishment inflicted upon them, for 
the sake of the honor of God, and for 
the salvation of their souls, as well 
as for the good name of Jesus Christ 
in whom we glory and after whom we 
are named. Amen (D. E.)" 

For this honorable and candid ex- 
pression the clergy received no lauda- 
tion and thanks from their strict 
superiors; but a high official repri- 
mand was given them. 

It thus seems that while the Re- 
formed church was now the state 
church of Switzerland, and while the 
rulers were Reformed churchmen, 
yet the clergy of that church were 
horror stricken that the government 
should inflict galley torture upon the 
Mennonites (Miiller 221). 

1671 — Twelve Swiss Mennonites Con- 
demned to Yenetian Galleys. 

Miiller states (p. 216) that, at a 
conference of several Evangelical 
cities and St. Gall, held at Aarau 
April 5th to 7th. 1671, the honorary 
ambassadors from Berne stated, for 
what reasons they were compelled to 
condemn 12 of your obstinate Baptists 
to the galleys. Two of them had 



ME.WOXITE SlFFEIilXG IX BERNE. 



113 



promised obedience, four had de- 
clared tlieir readiness to quit the 
country. These six were not shipped, 
but the other six, who had remained 
stubborn and obstinate were fettered 
and sent to Venice in charge of a 
lieutenant and two muskar.eers, with 
the concession, however, that they 
could change their mind en-route. 
Th-^y were condemned to tvvo year? 
and were to be kept together on the 
galleys. (Fv. A.) 

This method of punishment came 
into use in the year 1671, when the 
extermination of the sect was to be 
carried out with full force, at the time 
when the great expulsion into Alsace 
took place; in the year when the 
Council in Berne was occupied in 
almost every meeting with the affairs 
of the Baptists. 

1671 — Swiss Emiarrants Into the Pala- 
tinate Support Those Following. 

The numerous Swiss who had settl- 
ed about the year 1671 in the Palati- 
nate, and in Alsace were, in the fol- 
lowing years the support of all those 
who, either voluntarily or by force 
had left Switzerland. The Count of 
Wied or Xew-weid also showed this 
constant willingness to receive exiled 
Baptistst or Mennonites. The Palati- 
nate and Alsace, too, were not far 
distant from the old home. Thus 
there were always communications 
between the new abode and Switzer- 
land in person and by letter. A cer- 
tain Bingelli of Schwarzenburg, took 
Mennonite children from there, as 
well as from Pohleren and Blumen- 
stein to the Palatinate for instruction 
and afterwards called for them again, 
to take them home. (Miiller 206). 

1671 — Jacob Everlincr of Obensuftzen 

Describes Ilennonife Suffering 

in Berne. 

Miiller (pp. 196 et seq). Rupp (p. 
72 etc.) and the Mirror (p. 1066) all 
give extracts from several letters 



written by Jacob Everling from April 
1671 to January 1672, describing the 
condition and suffering of the Ana- 
baptists or Mennonite brethren about 
that time in and about Berne, Switz- 
erland. 

In the first letter of April 7th among 
other things he says: "As to the re- 
quest of the friends, concerning the' 
situation of our Swiss brethren in thef 
Berne dominion, the facts are, that 
they are in a very sad condition, as 
we have learned from the lips of the 
fugitives that have arrived here, some 
of whom are still in my house. They 
say, that they are daily hunted by' 
constables, and, as many as they caif 
-;et, taken prisoners to the city of 
Berne, so that about four weeks ago^ 
about forty, men and women. weF« in' 
confinement there. They have alh^ 
scourged some, and banished them 
from the country, one of whom has 
arrived here. They also scourged a 
minister in the word, and then con- 
ducted him out of the country, into 
Burgundy, where, when they arrived 
there, they first branded him, and let 
him go among the Walloons. How- 
ever, as he could talk with no one, 
he had to go about three days with 
his burnt body, before his wounds 
were dressed and he obtained some 
refreshments; being in such a con- 
iiton, that when they undresed him 
for the purpose of binding his wounds, 
the matter ran down his back, as a 
brother who helped dress his wounds 
told me himself. This friend arrived 
in Alsace together with two women 
and a man, who had also been 
scourged and banished. Hence they 
proceed very severely, and. as it 
seems, will not desist from their pur- 
pose until they shall have utterly 
banished from their country and ex- 
terminated this harmless people. 

It also appears that nothing further 
can be done in favor of these perse- 
cuted brethren; for besides that the 
friends of Amsterdam and elsewhere 



114 



JACOB EVERLING AND MENNQNITE SUFFERING. 



labored for several years in the mat- 
ter, so that several favorable letters 
of recommendation from the Lords 
Ststes of Holland, as also in particu- 
lar from the city of Amsterdam, and 
also cf other persons of quality, were 
sent thither to the ma:?istrates; also, 
in the year 1660, an Express named 
Adolf de Vreede, was sent to them; 
however, he did not effect much for 
the benefit of our friends there. 
Hence, I cpnnot see that the friends 
at present will be able to effect any- 
thing that would tend to the relief of 
our persecuted brethren there. We 
will have to await with patience the 
deliverance which the Lord our Gol 
may be pleased to grant them." 
(Mirror 1066). 

1671— Letters of Jacob Ererling of 
Obersiiltzen, (conthiiied) 

In his letter of May 23d, he says: 
"The persecution of our friends con- 
tinues as rigorous as before, go riiat 
we are surprised, that they do no: 
make more speed in leaving the 
country. Now and then one or two 
come straggling down; but the most 
of them stay above Strasburg, in Al- 
sace. Some go into the woods and 
chop wood; others go to the moun- 
tains and work in the vineyards, in 
the hope, as it appears to me, thnt 
by and by tranquility will be restored 
and that they mi'jht be able with the 
greater convenience to return to their 
forsaken abodes; but I fear, that it 
will not pass over so soon, and that 
they will find themselves greatly de- 
ceived in their hope. 

The magistrates at Berne caused 
six of the prisoners, among whom 
w?s a man with nine children, to be 
fastened to a chain, and to be sold for 
the sea, to be used as galley slaves 
between Milan and Malta; but as to 
what they propose to do with the 
other prisoners, cannot really be 
learned. One of the prisoners, an old 
man of about eighty years, died in 



prison. May the Lord comfort them 
in their sorrow, and strengthened 
them in their weakness, so that they 
may patiently bear the cross, and 
strive faithfully unto the end, for the 
truth of the gospel, and thus be en- 
abled ultimately to obtain the prom's- 
ed salvation and crown of life. 
Amen. 
In his letter of October 13, to Henry 
Backer or Baker he says, "Hendrick 
de Backer, most esteemed friend and 
beloved brother in Christ, I wish you 
and yours much grace and peace 
from God our Heavenly Father, 
through our Lord Jesus Christ, as a 
friendly greeting. Amen. 

This is in reply to your request 
touching the condition of our perse- 
cuted Swiss brethren. The facts are, 
that on the 11th ult., it was resolved 
in the full council at Berne, to send 
the male prisoners that are young 
and strong also upon the galleys, 
even as they have before this done 
to six of them; but the old and feeble 
they would either send elsewhere or 
keep them in pereptual confinement. 
Learning of this resolution, and being 
moved to compassion, a certain gen- 
tleman in Berne went to the magis- 
trates, and requested that they would 
be pleased to postpone sending away 
the prisoners untO he cnuld go to 
their fellow-believers, residing in Al- 
sace, and see whether they would be 
responsible for the prisoners, by 
promising that the latter, after leav- 
ing the country, should return no 
more wthout consent? This he ob- 
tained, and coming into Alsace to 
our friends, he presented the matter 
to them, who, as soon as they had 
heard it, forthwith accept'^d the con- 
ditions, and promised, in case the au- 
thorities at Berne should be pleased 
to send the prisoners to them, thnt 
they would be responsible for them, 
and aid them in obtaining other 
abodes. This our friend, as I under- 
stand, promised this gentleman (hi3 



EVERLIXG'S REPORTS, CONTINUED. 



II; 



name was Beatiis), not only orally, 
but also gave it to him in writing. 
Thereupon he promised them again 
to do his best with the authorities of 
Berne, and hoped to obtain so much 
from them, that they should bring the 
prisoners as far as Basle, from where 
the friends might take them away 
with them. Hence, we long to meat 
them, daily expecting to hear that 
they have arrived in Alsace, or that 
they s'lai. come over here to us. 

At this moment there have arrived 
at my house, four Swiss brethrfn 
with their wives and children, who 
say, that also many others are on the 
way, since the persecution and search 
are daily increasing. Concluding 
herewith, I commend you, after a 
Christian and brotherly greeting, to 
the Most High, for your eternal sal- 
vation. Yo!ir affectiomte friend and 
brother in Christ. Jacob Everling." 

In his letter of November 2, he says 
"Concerning our Swiss friends, they 
are now coming this way in large 
parties, so that there already arrived 
over two hundred persons, and among 
them are many old, gray-headed peo- 
ple, both men and women, that have 
reached seventy, eightv, yea. ninety 
years: also a number that are crip- 
pled and lame: carrying their bundles 
on their backs, with children on their 
arms, some of good cheer: some also 
with tearful eyes, particularly the old 
and feeble persons, who now in their 
great age are compelled to wonder 
about li m'sery, and go to strange 
countries, and many of them have 
nothing on which to s^eep by night, so 
that I and others with me, have now 
for about two weeks had to make it 
our re'^ular work, to provide shelter 
and other necessaries for them. 

We are also in daily expectation of 
still more, so that we hope, that when 
the people have mostly left the 
country, the prisoners also will be re- 
leased. Farewell. (Mirror 1066). 



I Referring to their "coming this 
j way" means coming from Switzerland 
I around about Berne, toward Obersult- 
I zen, which is a small town, where 
Everling lived, about 10 miles north- 
west of Manheim on the Lower Rhine 
in the very heart of the Palatinate, in- 
to which the Swiss Mennonites were 
now swarming. 

1671 — Letters of Jacob Everlini^ of 
OlKTsiiltzen. — (Continued) 

In his letter of Jan. 5th, 1072, he 
says: "There has arrived in the re- 
gion above Heidelberg, a man being a 
minister in the North, having twelve, 
mostly very young chilidren, but hav- 
ing, as I understand, brought wi,h him 
only four rix-dollars in money, and a 
very poor horse. Some others have 
brought with them some money, but 
many have nothing at all, so that after 
close examination there was found 
among two hundred and eighty-two 
persons one thousand and forty-six 
rix-dollars. And in the Alzey Bailii- 
wick, there were found one hundred 
and forty-four persons; but as to what 
their means are I have not learned; 
but from appearafices I judge them 
to be most indigent. In short, we find 
that their number consists of about 
eighty full families, then further, 
widows, single persons, and husbands 
and wives that had to forsake their 
companions, because the latter, being 
attached to the Reformed religion, 
could not make up their minds to 
leave; in all, six hundred and forty- 
one persons, whose funds amounts to 
no more than the little sum already 
stated: so that you can easily calcu- 
late, that considerable assistance will 
be necessary. Besides these, we 
understand, there are about one hun- 
dred persons more sojourning in 
Alsace, whom we also exi)ect by the 
fore part of the year. Farewell." 

Subsequently the brotherhoods re- 
siding in the provinces of the Unitied 
Netherlands, in March of the same 



116 



EVERLIXG ON THE EXODUS. 



year, 1672, sent some from their midst 
to the Palatinate, who traveling 
everywhere to the persecuted breth- 
ren and hearing and seeing them, not 
only found the above related, to be 
true, but also, that already some of 
the last mentioned had come over 
from Alsace, who, bringing also, like 
the others, no funds with them, were, 
together with these, aided and com- 
forted by the common assistance of 
the wealthy churches or brotherhoods 
of the United Provinces. 

Moreover, they learned from some 
of the forty prisoners themselves that 
they had all been released, and, ac- 
cordin-?,- to the request of the above 
mentioned gentlemen, been brought 
to Basle, and there turned over to 
their brethren, with whom they then 
together removed. But when the 
chiefest of them were asked why they 
had not left sooner and sought such 
places, where they might have lived 
with more freedom according to their 
conscience, seeing the author ties 
had not prevented their leaving, they 
gave different reasons for it, of which 
the following ones were not the least. 

1. They said that they say that the 
churches greatly waxed and increased, 
so that, though under the cross, they 
nevertheless flourished as a rose 
among thorns, and that further in- 
crease could daily be expected because 
many persons manifested themselves, 
who saw the light shine out of dark- 
ness, and began to love the same and 
seek after it; that the ministers con- 
sidering this in their heart, found 
themselves loth to leave the country, 
fearinig that thereby this promising 
harvest might be lost, and thus many 
fall back from their good purpose: 
and hence, they chose rather to suf- 
fer a little than to leave in order that 
thev might yet rescue some souls from 
perdition and bring them to Christ. 

2. A second reason was, that they 
could not so easily take their de- 
parture to other countries, because 



there are among them many divided 
families, of whom the husband or the 
wife is in the church, while the com- 
panion still attended the public 
church, in which case, if the latter 
would not follow their persecuted 
companions, also to forsake every- 
thing and leave the country, it 
caused great inconvenience and sor- 
row; that there were even divers 
ministers not exempt from this dif- 
ficulty, and there were also two 
ministers there in the Palatinate, who 
had wives that were not in the church, 
and whom they (having secretly been 
warned by a good friend), also had 
had to leave by night, and take to 
flight, without knowing as yet whether 
their wives would follow them, or 
whether they, loving their property 
more than their husbands, should 
remain there in the land, and forsake 
their husbands. That such cases 
created the more sorrow and difficulty, 
because the authorities granted liberty 
to such remaiining persons, whether 
women or men, to marry again and 
seek other companions. These and 
other reasons had prevented them 
from departing uncompelled out of 
their earthly fatherland: but induced 
them rather (as they had now done), 
to wait until they should see that 
they could no longer remain there and 
preserve a good conscience." (Mirror 
1067). , 

The only excuse for devoting so 
much time and space to these letters 
is that, the people of whom Everling 
(now perhaps Eberly) writes, are the 
ancestors of at least 90 per cent, of 
the German and Swiss descendants 
forming the back bone of our country 
today. 

1671 — Berne Holds Mennonites as 
Hostages. 

Not only did the exodus into the 
Palatinate suddenly grow to great 
proportions during this year, but 
Berne began the custom of compelling 
the Mennonite congregations in that 



SWITZERLAND PROHIBITS GALLEY TORTURE. 



117 



part of Switzerland, to send hostages 
to compel the congresations to obey 
the stringent rules laid down for these 
brethren. Each congregation was com- 
pelled to send two or three prominent 
men to Berne whom Berne could tor- 
ture, send to the Venetian galleys or 
kill, if the congregation disobeyed. 
Three of these hostages were Andrew 
Mowrer of Thun and Christian Oesch 
and Peter Forney (Fahrni) (Miiller 
144. p. 339). 

1671— Mennonitos' Friends Find Hos- 
pitnls for Tliem. 

Flamming, a friend of the Swiss 
Mennonites this year wrote to Berne 
expressing sympathy for them. But 
the only effect was to offend the coun- 
cil of Berne. He was sent word that, 
his interference was resented by the 
Berne government and if he did not 
stop it, complaints would be made to 
his government, Holland. 

Another friend, B. Fisher, however, 
was allowed to gather sick Mennonites 
together and bring them to an Orphan 
House in Basle (Muller 198). 

1671— S>Yitzorlan(l Prohibits Galley 

Punish men t. 

Miiller in Chapter 13, of his book (p. 
215) sets out that galley punishment 
was useful to "men of war," that is 
war vessels, for many years. Criminals 
and those whose lives were considered 
of little value were condemned to such 
fate. Several of the cantons of Switz- 
erland had contracts with Venice to 
supply her galley slaves for which 
Venice paid a good price. Venice had 
wars with Turkey and needed them. 
As early as 1540 Mennonites of Switz- 
erland were sent to the galleys. In 
1613 Galli Fuchs and Hans Landis 
were so condemned. In 1648 Stentz 
and Burger were also sent to the 
galleys. But a couple years later the 
government of Switzerland condemned 
sending respectable Mennonites to 
such fate. However under the pretext 
of punishing criminals our ancestors 



were so sent up to the time of the 
exodus in 1671. March 6, 1671 an 
edict was issued abolishing the galley 
torture (Miiller 21.")— 219). 

1671 — Galley Masters Show Kiutlness 
to .Mennouites. 

Miiller tells us that toward the last, 
the galley Masters themselves showed 
kindness to the Mennonites who were 
sent to them to be chained to the gal- 
leys. They allowed them, as a distinct 
favor, to keep their beards. They were 
known as the bearded oarsmen, and 
the cruel masters of Venice said of 
them "Those bearded oarsmen we 
need not keep constantly in. si^ht 
They are conscientious. They prefer to 
carry their fetters over the Alps to 
us and suffer, on distant seas, than 
deny their faith, of which their un- 
shorn beards in the midst of criminals 
bear testimony. They are not crimi- 
nals, but good men" (Miiller 219). 

1671 — The Mowrers, Oesolis and For- 
neys Appear. 

As shown by the above item about 
this year we find the above named 
common Lancaster County family 
names in and about Berne (Miiller 
339). IMiiller says that these men 
were made to suffer financially more 
than bodily. It was announced that 
if this does not make the Mennonites 
go ,a great number of hostages would 
be taken. 

1671— The Eggwyl Contrrcgation To 
Be Wiped Out. 

May 3, this year the bailiff of Sig- 
nau was instructed to tell the Men-* 
aonite congregation of Eggwyl that 
they, (who are well known to them), 
were to be taken at once and be im- 
prisoned in the Orphan Asylum, and 
f they do not come and surrender 
themselves within 14 days, armed men 
would be sent for them at the expense 
of the congregation. But up to S:>pt. 
26, nothing was done to deliver up 
these Mennonites of Eggwyl. 



118 



SWITZERLAND TAKES MENNONITE HOSTAGES. 



Then another method was tried, 
which was effective in some places. 
There were twelve of the wealthiest 
people of the congregation to be sent 
to Berne to be kept on the expense 
of the congregation until the Menno- 
nites were either delivered up or quit 
the country. Oct. 4 they were given 
eight days more; and as to the 12 
hostages, six were to be sent away to 
exile or the galleys, and after eight 
days the other six were to suffer. 
These twelve were in addition to two, 
prior ones who were to be executed, 
because their congregation did not 
obey. 

The result of this was that the 
whole Eggwyl congregation took their 
departure as is shown by the testi- 
mony of their minister. Then the hos- 
tages were discharged and their ex- 
penses were refunded to them as a 
special favor. But the congregation 
was compelled to pay some expenses. 
Hostages were also demanded about 
the same time from the congregations 
of Guggisberg and Schwarzenberg and 
from Thun (Miiller 339). 

1671 — Jolin Floss's Account of Swiss 
Meunonite Suffering. 

On December 19, the Mennonite con- 
gregation of Crefeld wrote a letter to 
the congregation at Amsterdam, the 
sense of which is as follows: 

"Our brother John Floss informs us 
that on October 21, coming from 
Heidelberg he met about 20 brethren 
at Manheim in tlie Palatinate wlio had 
arrived there the day before from 
Berne; and they offered a pitiable 
appearance. Mostly they were (5ld 
people of fifty, sixty and even seventy 
years of age. Many were bare and 
naked, and for more than a year they 
had not had a night's rest in theii- 
house. He says they told liim their 
distressing and pitiable condition 
with bitter tears which was very sad 
and touching. After they had received 
his sympathy and alms, with tears in 



their eyes they fell upon his neck and 
showed their gratitude. They further 
related that they could no longer re- 
main in Switzerland on account of the 
strict and cruel mandates and the 
anxiety that caused. They expect 
about 40 more persons to arrive if 
they have not been intercepted, as the 
roads and passes are well guarded, 
because the Swiss authorities do not 
want to let them get out of the coun- 
try. Many were sent to the galleys, 
and others were scourged and whipped 
and burnt with branding irons. Among 
them was an exhorter who died a few 
days after being branded. Others were 
cast into prison where they suffered 
misery and hunger. (Miiller 199.) 

1671 — P.ilatines' Account of Similar 

Sufferings. 

This year an account was given by 
the Mennonites who had reached the 
Palatinate, of the suffering of their 
brethren in Switzerland. The account 
states that fu!l> 100 families have fled. 
The Palatinate was now overrun by 
the refugees; and the brethren now in 
the Palatinate are too few and poor 
to help the fugitives very much. Many 
who arrive, even in the cold winter 
are nearly bare and naked. The 
Palatinate brethren find themselves 
under the severe necessity of calling 
upon the well-to-do Amsterdam Men- 
nite congregation and people to help 
clothe and feed the Swiss sufferers 
now flocking into the Palatinate. 
(Miiller 199.) 

1672 — List of Swiss Refugees Near the 

Palatinjite. 

Muller (200-204) gives the following 
list of Swiss Mennonites near the 
Palatinate in 1672 as found by Valen- 
tine Huetwol and Lichty between 
Brehm and Bingen. 

There were: George Lichty (or 
Light — Hans Borchalter (Burkholder) 
and his wife — Michael Oxenheim — 
Adam Burkholder — Christian Immel — 



FAMILIAR LANCASTER COUNTY NAMES L\ THE PALATINATE. 119 



Melchoir Brenneman — Margaret Beil- 
er — Babbie Schappe — Frona Engler — 
Ulrich EnJers — Barbara Reusser (Kis- 
ser) — Michael Schnebeli (Suavely) — 
Daniel Snavely — Hans Van Giente — 
Margaret Biery — Mary Ummei — Bab- 
bie Reauformet — Anna Reumschwani- 
er — Hans Reuscher — Hans Eiicher — 
Daniel Reuscher — Frona Robe! — May 
Anthony — Christian Robel — Catherine 
Dinzeler — Christian Reusommet — 
Hans Reusommet — Christian Stauffer 

— Peter Reigshnerer — Hans Matti 
(Maili)— Ulrich Strom— Ulrich Bitner 
— Christian Klari — Babbie Kin?els- 
becker — Magdalena Luthi — Peter 
Walte — Mary Bauman — Christian 
Stauffer — Anna Stauffer — Daniel 
Stauffert — Hans Stauffert — Barbara 
Lehman — Ulrich Lehman — Ulrich 
Kiiehner — Elizabeth Einsberger — 
Michsel Shenk — Hans Shenk — Babbie 
Staller — Nicholas Kieffer — Hans 
Jurien — Ma'^dalena Krapf — Babbie 
Weilman — Michael Miiller — Ulrich 
Stauffer — Katharine Kuene (Kahni) — 
Bets Bachman — Hans Miiller — Chris- 
tian Shenk — Ulrich Laiibel — Babe 
Burki (Burkey) — Hans Egmann — 
Hans Egman (son) — Hans Roet (Rupp 
or Roth) — Hans Schneider — Babe 
Ruesser (Risser) — Christian Wenger 
— Stephen Luechtie (Lichty or Light) 

— Ulrich Lichty — Peter Boomgaert 
(Baumgardner) — Maria Kraebel — Bar- 
bara Fredericks and Barbara Schenk. 

All these persons were found in 
1672 between the places mentioned 
above, Brehm and Biugen, a territory 
near the Palatinate, but somewhat 
above it toward Switzerland. This 
fact proves that our persecuted an- 
cestors at this time were migrating 
slowly out of cruel Switzerland (and 
away from Berne) toward the Palati- 
nate where in 1671 over 700 of their 
brethren had gone. 

This item is of interest to us because 
in the list set out, appear many of 
our present day numerous Lancaster 
County and eastern Pennsylvania 



names. Among these are Burkholder, 
Breneman. Schup or Shoff. Stauffer, 
Maili, Strom, Bauman, Shenk, Miller, 
Bachman, Sayder, Wenger, Kraebel, 
Bauman and others. 

1672 — Galley Punislimeut Oeuerully 
Fatal. 

In the Amsterdam Archives there is 
a statement that the lot of the Men- 
.lonites were on a certain galley saip 
which had gone to the Island of 
oorfu. and that it is sapposta that 
will be the last that will ever be seen 
of them.- They are hardly ever known 
to come back. (Miiller 219). 

1672— Swiss Kcfut'ees State Tlieir 
Own Miseries. 

This same year the Swiss refugees 
in one of their own petit. ons to Am- 
sterdam ask for help. They also had 
prominent Amsterdam people approve 
the petition and among them we find 
tlie names of Valentine Hutewoli — 
George Lichty — Jacob Gut — Christ. 
Peters — Uly Seyler (now Saylor) and 
Hands Loescher (now Lescher). 
Lichty and Gut are Swiss names how- 
ever. The petition runs as follows: 
"Beloved brethren and sisters in Hol- 
land and elsewhere and particularly 
our friend Hans Flamming — We wish 
to report to you that our people here 
are driven out of Berne and came to 
the Palatinate where our brethren 
were already there to receive us; and 
we are staying with them, and they 
are supplying us with food, clothes 
and drink, but because there are so 
many of us who have nothing, and our 
brethren here are not well off, we are 
a great burden to them — and too 
heavy a load for them to carry. We 
find ourselves compelled to write you 
in the Netherlands, and there are so 
many charitable people of our faith, 
that we ask them to give us alms 
which we sorely need. No doubt 
Tacob Everling has told of our condi- 
tions; and we therefore believe you 



120 



NUMBER OF MENNONITES IN THE PALATINATE. 



will understand our petition, dated 
January 1, 1672." 

This petition was indorsed by 
Everling, whose home we have noticed 
before was about eight miles north- 
west of Manheim. (Miiller 205). 

1672— Everling Statistics of Jlenno- 
nltes Residing about the Palatiuate. 

Miiller (p. 205) states further the 
statistics of Jacob Everling which he 
sent from Darmsteiner County or con- 
ference district to the Netherlands, 
detailing the Mennonites situated in 
the Rhine valley, east of the Palati- 
nate, being near to it. He says that 
in that year 1672, in Darmsteiner 
section, the number of Mennonites, 
counting the women and children was 
144 — in Hilsbach round about Heidel- 
berg 250 — among whom there were 19 
widows and unmarried women — of 
women who left their husbands and 
children and remained with the Re- 
formed religion 4 — in Manheim are 
settled 11 making a total east of the 
Rhine of four hundred twenty-eight. 
In the congregation at Alzey, among 
which are people of the Town of 
Obersultzen, Chriesum, Osthoben and 
other places, according to Huetwold's 
register which places are west of the 
Rhine, and in the upper part of the 
Palatinate, there were 215 Mennonites. 
This makes a total of six hundred 
forty-three persons just ' above the 
Palatinate and just east of it. The 
Swiss authorities compute that there 
were about one hundred Mennonites 
in Alsace at this time. Among these 
latter, there were twelve teachers of 
the faith. Henry Funk was one of 
them. In the Amsterdam Archive? 
there is an account of the moneys paid 
for the relief of the Swiss settling 
above the Rhine country, which states 
the sum to be 11,290 florin, which in 
our money was about $4500.00. The 
account is Number 1198 in the said 
archives. 



1674 — ^Vllliam Penn's Interest in the 
Mennonites of Eniden. 

This year William Penn- wrote a 
letter to the Magistrates of Emden, 
counselling them to kindness toward 
the Mennonites and preaching the 
Gospel of Peace. Brons says that he 
also visited this section of Germany. 
They were much impressed by him, 
and some of them were the first to 
come to the new world. Several let- 
ters of these people are in the Amster- 
dam Archives, in which letters they 
plead for more toleration. One of 
them is signed by a member of the 
Mennonite congregation by the name 
of Von Ravenstein. it was in conse- 
quence of these letters that William 
Penn wrote to the magistrates. Penn's 
letter was written partly in Latin and 
partly in English: and was sent to a 
business friend of his in Amsterdam 
to have it translated into German, 
and then forwarded to the sufferers. 
It seems that the original letter, in a 
very bad condition, as well as a copy 
of it, are printed and preserved in the 
.\rchives of the City Hall in Emden. 
It is so classic that it is worth while 
to rescue it from oblivion says Brons 
(p. 223) ; and she has the letter com- 
plete in German in her book as a sup- 
plement, page 435. Emden is a city 
of about fourteen thousand people in 
the state of Hanover, Germany, bor- 
dering on Holland on an arm of the 
Xorth Sea. 

1678 — Holland Helps the ]>rennonites 

in the Palatinate. 

This year the Holland Mennonites 
furnished 30.000 florin and also sent 
-hips up the Rhine toward Switzer- 
'and to bring the distressed brethren 
Town into the Palatinate and into Hol- 
land where they would not be sub- 
iected to such suffering as the Re- 
formed Church was heaping upon 
'hem; and a short time later 20 000 
more were collected for the relief of 
the hundreds that were lately come 



TELNER AND THE MENNONITES. 



121 



into the Palatinate. This shows in 
what distress they were. (Miiller 
162). 

1(578— .Tacol) Tclner (oincs to tlie 
Dchnvare. 

Miil'er tells us (p. 364) that, this: 
year Jacob Telner came to America 
from Crefeld, Germany. He had, for 
some years been interesting himself 
in the welfare of his brethren. The 
outcome of his visit was that a little 
later 13 families from Crefeld consist- 
ing of 33 persons followed him and 
landed October 5, 1683. This was the 
beginning of Germantown. Telner re- 
mained from 1678 to 1681, says Brons. 
(p. 221). He bought 5000 acres of 
land on Skippack Creek in 1682 and 
the next year six more came; and 
each bought 1000 acres. 

1680— aiennoiiite Alleged Secrets 
Exposed. 

This year Seyler wrote a work, the i 
purpose of which was to expose the I 
Mennonites, as he said, being an al- 
leged exposition of their secret rites. | 
He was of the Reformed Church, much 
opposed to the INIennonites. He was 
pastor at Basle, (Muller, 3). 

1680— Jacob Telner and tlie Fire 
Hundred Year Comet. 

The great comet whose appearance 
occurs once very 500 years and which 
appeared in the time of Caesar again 
appeared in 16S0. It is the most im- 
portant of all comets known to 
astronomers. Jacob Telner was deep- 
ly moved by its appearance and con- 
cluded that it had appeared as a guid- 
ing star to lead the suffering of 
Switzerland to freedom. And every 
night as it hung in the West, he con- 
cluded that it beckoned them to 
America. (Pennsypacker's Settlement 
of Germantown, p. 126). 

1682 — Early Germans Beg to be 
Naturalized. 

At a very early date these Palatines 
felt their disadvantage and on the 6th 



of December, 1682, we find them to- 
gether with the Finns and Swedes 
presenting a petition to the Assemb'y 
asking that they may be made free as 
the other members of the Province, 
and that they might hold and enjoy 
land and pass it to their children the 
same as others; and that they might 
be naturalized. The Assembly re- 
commended this (Vol. 1 of Votes of 
.\ssembly, Part 1, p. 3). These Pala- 
tines of course, were the pioneers of 
Germantown and were not in Lancas- 
ter County at this early date. It was 
the law, however, that no foreigner 
could be naturalized unless he paid 
taxes to the extent of 20 shllings; and 
the Palatines complained very loudly 
against this, for in those days it was 
a large sum. 

1682— "Lam bister' and "Sonnister" 
Factions of the ]\Ienno:iites. 

About this time according to Muller 
fp. 162). a large part of the Holland 
Mennonites divided into two factions 
over a doctrinal difference upon Christ 
as the "Son of God" and Christ as the 
"Lamb of God"; and the factions were 
called the "Lambists" and the "Son- 
ists." The question of the "Ban" or 
separation from the world began to 
cause more trouble. One party tried 
to tear down the meeting houses built 
by the others. The separation grew 
v/ider and there were all shades of 
belief from the Strict Flammingers 
to the liberal Frieseners and the more 
liberal Waterlanders. The Holland 
church has always been strong and 
has 40'.000 souls today. Her theolog- 
ical facu'ty is inter-denominational. 
There are 120 preachers that are 
University men, (Do.). 

1683— Germantown: The First Per- 
manent Mennonile Settlement in \ 
America. ^ 

In Kauffman's Mennonite History, 
I p. 126. it is stated that the first Men- 
nonite settlers made up of 13 families 
I reached America on October, 1683; 



122 



MENNONITES AND MILITIA— NEW CODE. 



and that a few days after their ar- 
rival, fourteen divisions of land were 
measured off to them, and they pro- 
ceeded to the cave of Pastorius, in 
which he lived at this time, on the 
banks of the Delaware and drew lots, 
each family taking one lot, and the 
fourteenth for Pastorius. They be- 
gan to dig cellars and build huts at 
once. Some of the first ones were 
Hendricks, Cassels, Rittenheisens, 
Van Bebbers and Upd&graffs. The 
colony was so poor for a while that it 
was named Armentown, which means 
in the English, "Poor Town." This 
custom of living in caves was one 
which the old Swedes established 
about forty years hefore. When trade 
began to grow so that wharves were 
needed along the Delaware river, the 
people who had their caves built 
a'ong it would not give them up. They 
did afterwards give them up, and now 
their descendants are living in very 
elegant mansions on Spruce Street 
and Pine Street in Philadelphia. These 
Mennonite families came in the ship 
"Concord." They did not mingle with 
the Swiss Mennonites on the Pequea, 
who came later. It seems that the 
Germans and the Swiss being of dis- 
tinct nationalities, also kept their 
settlement separate. 

1684 — A Company of German Palatines 
Arrive in Philadelpliia. 

This year a lot of German Palatines 
who had a special invitation from 
William Penn arrived in America, ac- 
cording to the statements set forth in 
the petition of Johannes Koster found 
in Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 241. This 
petition is dated 1706 and in it, he 
says that 22 years before many of his 
German brethren encouraged by Wil- 
liam Penn came here and their in- 
dustry changed the uncultvated lands 
into good settlements, and behaved 
themselves well; and that they always 
will be ready to do anything for the 
welfare of Pennsylvania, that they 
can. 



1687 — Basel Mennonites Print a New 

Testament. } 

This year the Mennonites printed a : 
.Mew Testament in Basel. It was at 
once denounced as false by the author- 
ities of the Government at Berne and 
ordered to be suppressed. The mandate 
also said that all of the Anabaptist or 
Mennonite meetings should be sup- 
pressed for the honor of God and His 
church. However, as late as 1692 we 
find the authorities trying to get rid 
of this New Testament, (Miiller, p. 
104). 

1688— Mennonites Forced Into the 
Militia. 

One of the first instances of the 
Anabaptists or Mennonites refusing to 
5erve in the army or do any sort of 
military duty, occurred in 1688. This 
enraged the Council of Berne. The 
Government decided that there should 
be militia musters several times a 
year and that all men of the Canton 
of Berne were compelled to wear a 
short sword at their side to indicate 
that they were loyal to the Govern- 
ment. The purpose in this was- to 
find out who were Taufers or Menno- 
nites, and by the absence of this 
sword this could be told, (MHiller, p. 
132). 

1688— Mennonites' New Code of Re- 
ligious Rules and Practice. 

This year the ancient articles of 
faith from those of the times of Hans 
Seckler about 1528 down to this date, 
were gathered together and augment- 
ed and re-adopted at a meeting held 
at Obersultzen, March 5th. Some of 
the principal landmarks in this code 
were the minutes of the meeting in 
Starsburg in 1568 — the minutes of the 
Strasburg meeting of 1667, and others. 
This was not the real confession of 
faith because the old Dortrecht con- 
fession was still in use; but this col- 
lection was rather a code of rules for 
the moral welfare of the Mennonites. 
Among the common directions given 



MENNONITE RULES— OPPOSITION TO SLAVERY. 



12:? 



in them was that: the church should 
follow only the practice laid down in 
early Christian times by the apostles 
— brethren and sisters should meet 
three or four times a week and when 
gathered they should read something 
about the scriptures and explain it, 
and they should read the Psalter daily 
— all scandals should be suppressed — 
that there should be separation from 
the worldy — that servants, elders and 
deacons should go through the dif- 
ferent congregations and find how 
they fared spiritually and look after 
the widows and the orphans. A rule 
was enforced that the rich should edu- 
cate the poor — that, at the breaking 
of bread all must kneel — that in part- 
ing the brotherly holy kiss of peace 
should be given — that those who were 
tailors or mechanics should not make 
any fancy garments or articles of any 
kind, for the brethren or any one else, 
because it would help the worldliness 
along — that money .should be gath- 
ered up and given to the deacons and 
elders to relieve suffering — that if any 
one owed his brother or sister money. 
they should demand it and set a time 
for payment, but never enter any suit 
or issue any execution for it — that in 
villages where the Government com- 
pels people to be watchmen at night, 
brothers should be willing to be 
watchmen or sentries, but they should 
not have any guns or weapons in their 
hands, because they might hurt some- 
body — that the brother could hire a 
substitute for watchman if he wished 
to — and that money could be loaned 
out at interest, but only in case of 
necessity should any interest be taken, 
that is, if the party had needed his 
interest to live on. 

These were some of the main rules 
that were re-adopted by the primative 
brethren for their peaceful conduct 
and life in early days. The main dif- 
ficulty was that being surrounded by 
the wicked conditions, all manner of 
advantage was taken of these breth-» 



ren, so that they had not only the dis- 
pleasure of the Government but the 
disadvantage of being imposed ui>oa 
by the people, (Miiller, p. 52). 

1688— Jacob Telner's Continued Af- 
forts on Skippack. 

Miiller devotes chapter 22 of his 
book to the Swiss Mennoniles in 
North America, (p. 364). In this 
chapter he states, after tellin? us 
about the founding of Germantown in 
1682, that .Jacob Telner in 16S8 from 
Crefeld, became very much interested 
in this place in America for the Men- 
nonites. Telner eventually got up a 
colony of these brethren and landed 
them on the Skippack creek, one of 
the early Mennonite centers in Amer- 
ica, near the Schuylkill. 

1688—1110 Mennonites First Ref?ular 
Prachcr In America. 

This book on p. 127, Kauffman in- 
forms us that in 1688 William Ritten- 
huisen was the first minister. He was 
born in Holland in 1644 and died in 
Pennsylvania in 1708. He moved to 
New Amsterdam about 1678 and 
reached Germantown in 1688 and be- 
gan preaching. In 1690 he built the \ 
first paper mill in America at Rox- ' 
; borough near Germantown. He was 
I ordained the first Bishop of the 
Church in 1701. His descendants are 
still among the active workers of 
that church. Also see Miiller. p. 364. 

1 1688— The Mennonites tlie First to 
Protest Against Slaverj. 

Kauffman tells us in his book and 
page 127 that in 1688 the Mennonites 

; of Germantown sent their protest 
against slavei-y to the Friends quarter- 
ly meeting. This was the firsi known 
public protest in America against 
human slavery. It is not improper to 

' notice that in 1712 the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania moved by a big petition 

j passed an Act against slavery, (See 

' Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, p. 
110) and also (Vol. 2 of the Statutes at 



124 



MENNONITE MARRIAGES VOID. 



Large, p. 433). How different might 
have been the history of America if 
these early protests of the Mennonite 
Brethren and the pious pioneers of 
Pennsylvania had been heeded. 

1689 — Sixty Meimoaites Imprisoned at 
Leiisburg. 

This year about 60 persons were 
persecuted by the Berne authorities 
(who were Anabaptists or Menno- 
nites). The Sheriff of Lensburg was 
ordered to make a register of all the 
Anabaptists and to deliver the list to 
the authorities at Berne, who deter- 
mined to make an effort to convert 
them. Graffenreid mentions the list 
of the persons found, but Miiller does 
not give them, and we have not any 
access to the Graffenreid list. (Miil- 
ler, 167). 

1680— Decree tliat All Mennonite Mar- 
riages are Toid. 

This year it was decided in Berne 
that Anabaptist or Mennonite mar- 
riages are absolutely void — that their 
children shall not inherit — that the 
inheritance shall fall to the authori- 
ties — that the property coming to 
those who were minors should be held 
by guardians appointed by the Govern- 
ment until it would be found out 
which way these minors would lean 
and what church they would embrace 
when they became of age — and that 
if they joined the Mennonites the 
property should not belong to them, 
(Muller, p. 135). 

1691 — Mennonites Declared Enemies 
of the Governmelit. 

This year complaint was made 
against the Mennonites throughout 
Switzerland, that they refused to 
swear fealty to the Government, and 
are therefore, dangerous and must be 
considered as enemies of the Govern- 
ment. This was a revival of the old 
mandate of 1671. It was further 
charged that they make a practice of 
<;ondemning the authorities — that they 



refuse all military exercise which is 
necessary to protect the fatherland 
from its enemies — that they are a 
detriment to the public and that they 
must all be driven out. This mandate 
the different Sheriffs are ordered to 
execute, (Miiller, p. 145). 

1691 — Daniel Grimm of Langnau De- 
clared a Special Enemy. 

Miiller tells us (Do, p. 145) that this 
year Daniel Grimm of Langnau, liv- 
ing in the village of Geibel, was de- 
clared a special enemy of Switzerland 
because of his strong Meunonitism, 
and the Sheriff of Langnau and the 
authorities of Trachelswald were 
given strict orders to watch him and 
arrest him upon the least proof of his 
violating the ordinances. 

1691 — Berne Complains against Men- 
nouite Growth. 

Miiller tells us at the page last men- 
tioned, that this year Berne and other 
parts of Switzerland, lamented the 
fact that the Mennonites had increased 
greatly and especially that their big 
congregations in the district of Konol- 
fingen; and that they are so disloyal 
that the Government must reform 
them, and that they are so numerous 
that it is impossible to get any militia 
company together in that neighbor- 
hood, because those who are not Men- 
nonites take their part and refuse to 
do military duty. 

1691— Division of the Confiscated 
Mennonite Property. 

This year on the 17th day of No- 
vember, there was issued a mandate 
decreeing that the fines, the forfei- 
tures and all moneys raised by penal- 
ties upon the Mennonites or Anabap- 
tists should be divided into three 
parts, viz: one-third to be given to 
the Government authorities for sup- 
port of the poor — one-third to the 
expenses of the special court that was 
created to take charge of the Menno- 
nite violations of law — and one-third 



MENNOXITES IX)OKIXG FOR LAND ON SUSQUEHANNA. 



125 



to the judges and officers who tried 
the cases against the Mennonites. This 
was a provision very well calculated 
to make the propaganda against the 
Mennonites effective and the officers 
zealous and active, (Miiller, p. 132). 

1691— Tho ralatfiies rromise Allegi- 
ance to the Kinir and Fidelity 
to Pcnn. 

The petition of Joannes Koster 
states that on the 7th of May, 1691, 
over 60 of these German Mennonites 
had in open Court at one time promis- 
ed alle'^iance to King William and 
Queen Mary and fidelity to William 
, Penn; and that many others have done 
the same since and that all are will- 
ing and ready to do so, (Vol. 2 of 
Col. Rec, p. 241). Those items give 
us a hint of the difficulties under 
which the early Mennonites labored, 
and make their patience, loyalty and 
industry all the more commendab'e 
to us. Living as we do when liberty 
is universally enjoyel this discrimina- 
tion against them seems very unjust 
indeed as in reality it was. 

16f)l — .An Early irenno'iiite Father 
Secures Land on Susquehanna. 

In the Second Series of the Penna. 
Archives, Vol. 19, p. 72, it is set forth 
that William Penn on the 16th day of 
July, 1691, granted 37.5 acres of land 
; toward^~The Susquehanna River to 
'Henry Maydock of Holmholl in the 
County of Chester (Lancaster County 
having been originally a part of 
Chester County) and that he could 
take up the land at once. Afterwards 
his son, Mordecai Maydock got a 
patent for it. 

1691— The Dutch Minister Desires to 

Move from Lonsr Islaud to This 

Province. 

On the 28th of November of this 
yearDe Lavall and Albertus Brant.im 
reported to William Penn's commis- 
sioners of property that the Dutch 
minister of Flatbrush upon Long 



Island desires to settle himself in 
Pennsylvania and that there would be 
about two hundred families with him, 
and that they would like to have 40,000 
acres of land. He stated that if they 
could not be accommodated in Penn- 
sylvania they would go to New Castle 
in Delaware or to Maryland. It was 
represented that the colony were all 
sober and industrious. The authorities 
answered that they would be glad to 
have these German people come and 
that they would look for a tract for 
them, and report to them in two days. 
Accordingly on the 30th the Commis- 
sioners of Property gave a report in 
writing to De Lavall and Brant, that 
Pennsylvania would encourage their 
people to come and that they had sev- 
eral tracts that would accommodate 
them, and also that they should come 
and view the tracts, (See Series of the 
Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, pp. 78 and 
79). On the 26th of December the 
Dutch Minister wrote and asked what 
would be the lowest price for the land 
and how far from Philadelphia they 
could settle and how far from a navig- 
able creek. The Commissioners re- 
plied that they wish the German 
settlers would send some one to view 
the land, that there were several 
tracts and different prices, but that 
they could have it all near the Schuyl- 
kill River if they wished, (Do., p. 80). 
I can not find any further record of 
th's proposal so that it does not seem 
likely that the Germany colony settled 
here. 

1692— Incidents of Mennonite Faith 
I'reserAed at Lani;nau. 

In the collection of Baptist or Men- 
nonite manuscripts at Langnau (which 
's a town in the Western part of 
Switzerland near Berne), dated 1692, 
we find the following items jotted 
down by Johannes Mozart, the Re- 
formed minister at that place, giving 
the following facts as to the attitude 



126 INCIDENTS OF EARLY MENNONITE FAITH AND CONVERSION. 



of the recently converted Mennonites 
toward the Reformed Church. 

He states that he often visited Ully 
Krie? (now Krick), a recent convert 
and that he was very strong. 

Of Hans Snyder of Trub, he says 
that Snyder became stubborn about 
the baptism of his child and said that 
there are so many views about bap- 
tising children that his child will not 
be baptized until it grows up. 

Of Michael Burkholder, he says that 
Michael was an old Baptist or Men- 
nonite and so was his wife — and that 
they lived at Maettenberg. She had 
been a member of the Mennonite 
Church forty years. Michael said that 
it was God's will that they should not 
any longer go to the Reformed 
Church: but that his son Jacob goes 
and as his father, he (Michael) did no' 
have anything against that, if Jacob 
wanted to go. 

Ully Fisher, he says was an Ana- 
baptist or Mennonite at Signau and 
when he asked him why he stopped 
going to the Reformed Church, Ully 
said, "What will I do in that grand 
stone pile?" He also sa'd. "Why do 
the people say 'My Lord' to you? Only 
God should be called 'Lord'; and 
priests should not be called 'Fat'.'er' 
either. Your grand stone pile is too 
full of pride. We must be humble." 

Mozart said he talked to Fisher's 
sister and she said, "Yea, verily, I 
would join the Anabaptists but I am 
not worthy to be one of them — they 
would not accept me because they are 
a holy people. My brother, Ully 
Fisher was formerly a Godless man 
when he was in the s^^ylish church, 
but since he is a Mennonite it is alto- 
gether different with h'm, like when 
Paul was converted and enliT;htened." 
Mozart says she did join later and so 
did her mother and sister Magdalena: 
and he says that when he ask°d Mag- j 
dalena about falling off from the State j 
Church, she said that she is going to 
try to live a righteous life, and that 



G'od does not dwell in temples made 
by hands. 

Mozart says that he reasoned with 
Dan Grimm and Hans Burkholder; 
Ihey said, "We object to the Church 
because you preach that we must 
honor people and rulers and that doc- 
trine we have renounced." Mozart 
says further that Grimm was one of 
the leaders in the peasant war in 
younger days. 

In Mooshad, Mozart talked with an 
Anabaptist preacher and showed him 
a spiritual hymn he had composed; 
the Mennonite or Anabaptist said it 
had some good in it but "you should 
see what T composed." Mozart asked 
him what he and the other Anabap- 
tists thought of the state church and 
he answered, "You are with the 
world." 

Christian Wahley said to Mozart 
th'^t since he became a Mennonite he 
could not go to the Lord's Supper in 
the state church, because the mem- 
bers are too careless in their habits 
and that they drink and have froMcs, 
and such persons must not put their 
lips to the Lord's cup. 

Ullv Steiner's wife said that since 
she became, an Anabaptist or Menno- 
nite, she had found a short cut to 
Heaven; th^t she is sure she is on a 
direct way now. 

Michael Gerber, one of the same 
sect from Wannethal said that he 
would rather suffer death than go 
back, to the State Church. Mozart 
a,sked h'm wh^t would become of those 
Anabaptists that do go back again to 
the Reformed Church. He said, "God 
have pity on them, they will find out 
what will become of them." 

Mozart further says that this year 
(169?) there were in Langnau, 28 
known Anabaptist or Mennonite fam- 
ilies, and that nearly everybody was 
well disposed toward them. In fact, 
he says thev had such influence there 
at that time that even our own mem- 
bers do not want to hear us preaching 



LIST OF MENXOXITDS DRIVEN OUT OF LANGNAU. 



127 



anything against them, and that the 
public opinion was with them, the 
prominent people being very sorry to 
see them moving away. He says sev- 
eral of them left but the most of them 
had to be driven out by force. They 
were first sold out as bankrupts and 
then driven out, (Miiller, p. 125). 

1692— List of Mennonites Driven Out 

of La II gnu u. 

Miiller tells us at the page last cited, 
that the following Mannonites among 
others were driven out of the Langnau 
district, because of their religion 
about this time, 

1. Ully Gerber and his wife, Kath- 
arine of Wissenhollen; and a son 
Peter and daughter Elizabeth. 

2. Michael Gerber's son Michael of 
Wannethal. 

3. Oswald Bracher's wife Barbara 
(Sterchi) and himself of Frittenbach. 

4. Jacob Wissler of Eyschachen and 
his four children, Christian, Peter. 
Katharine, Levi, and his wife Magda- 
lena. 

5. Michael Burkhalter, the shoe- 
maker of Maettenberg, an old man, 
and his wife, who had been a Menno- 
nite for forty years. 

6. Dan Grimm of Geibel and Hans 
Burki, his neighbor, the first of whom 
before he became converted to the 
Mennonite Church was a petty Judge 
and the latter, a Poor Warden. 

7. Jacob Schwartz, in Moss and his 
wife, Elizabeth Schenk Schwartz and 
their son Ully; also Peter Schenks 
and Barbara, the sister of Elizabeth. 

8. Also the old fish woman, Eliza- 
beth Aeschman and her two daughters, 
Magdalena and Elsa. 

9. Ully Brasers' wife and Christian 
Tanner's wife, both from Wallistolen. 
These last two have permitted them- 
selves to be persuaded to the Menno- 
nite faith by their brother Ully Fisher, 
a very dangerous Anabaptist of Sig- 
nau. — in fact one of the worst of 
them. 



10. Ully Aeschlimann's wife Magda- 
lena (Herman) of Rigenen. 

11. Ully Bieris's wife of Katzbach, 
who was Maria Hoffer. She became a 
Mennonite or Aanabaptist in Trub and 
came with her husband to Langnau in 
1692. 

12. Ully Steiner's wife. She went at 
one time In distress to Caspar Luethi. 
a minister of the Mennonite Church at 
Langnau, and he proselyted her to 
that faith. 

13. Anna Blaser Miiller, wife of 
Michael Miiller. Her husband ran 
away but she stayed. 

14. Anna Gysler, whose maiden 
name was Mill ten. 

1.5. Young Hans Gerber of Yngey, 
who was a son-in-law of Caspar 
Luethi. 

These are among the list who were 
banished from the region of Berne 
and Langnau and perhaps a larger 
section of Eastern Switzerland in 
1692 for their faith. The paople said 
that God would punish Switzerland 
for doing this and as it did not rain 
for a couiile of months, the people 
said, "Now God is punishing this cruel 
country for what it has done^' (Miil- 
'er, p. 125). We will all observe here 
that nearly all of these ancient Swiss 
names are al=o present prominent 
r-,ancaster County names. 

1(503— Local SiirnaniPs in Tlmn, Olter- 
hoften and Hurj^dorf, (Switzerland). 

It was now decreed that all sales, 
transactions and obligations of the 
\nabaptists or Mennonites, were to be 
void — that in the said districts, the 
whole military force must come out 
und reiister. that is, all the males 
from fourteen and over — that all must 
fake the oath of allegiance, and that 
all who refuse will be considered 
Vnabiptists or Taufers. The payment 
provided for apprehending an Ana- 
baptist tefcher was $25.00 if a resi- 
dent, and $50.00 if he was a foreign 
teacher. 



128 



FAMILIAR NAMES— ORIGIN OF THE AMISH. 



There was a mandate a few weeks 
later, in May, declaring that these 
Anabaptist or Mennonites (who went 
to church Saturday night, and would 
often be compelled to wait until Sun- 
day night to go home, so as not to be 
caught) should be closely hunted 
about Berne, and all suspicious per- 
sons be arrested, (Miiller, p. 157). 

Following these instructions there 
were discovered in the towns -of Thun, 
Oberhoften and Bergdorf, a large 
number of these people. The follow- 
ing aged people were excused by the 
authorities: 

From Thun, Christian Schneider — 
Anna Neuwhouss — Christian Miiller — 
Hans Kropf — Michael Miiller — Abram 
Stayman — Anton Kropf and Jacob 
Neushousen. 

From Oberhoften, Hans Wolf and 
Madaline Ammon. 

From Bergdorf, Hans Kohler — Jacob 
Schiippack (Shaubach) — Christian 
Yawh — Adam Reist — Barbara Sterchi 
(Stirk) — Oswald Bracher — Elizabeth 
Schank — Michael Burkholder — Ita 
Ross— Kaspar Luethi (an old teacher) 
— Peter Weidmer (Witmer) and Chris- 
tian Walti. 

I have mentioned these names be- 
cause we recognize again in them, 
ancestors of our Eastern Pennsylvania 
Sw'ss-descendant families of today, 
(Miiiller, Do). 

1693 — Origin of the Amish Meuno- 
nites. 

This year there was a division 
among the congregations of Menno- 
nites in Berne. A faction of them fol- 
lowed Jacob Ammon, and the remain- 
der remained under the leadership of 
Hans Reist. The factions were known 
as the Amish and Reist factions. The 
parting was quite bitter: each party 
putting the other under the ban. The 
division was deep and painful. 

The Reist party were the Emmen- 
thalers — that is, their stronghold was 
in the Thai or valley of the Emmen 



creek, which lies a short distance 
northeast of Berne. They held that 
there should be no emigration or at 
any rate that they should neither emi- 
grate nor mix wiih the Amish, who 
were the "Oberlanders" — that is, they 
lived on the Ober or upland regions 
in Switzerland. This split was not on 
fundamental doctrines; but upon the 
question of strictness versus liber- 
ality of rules. It really had its origin 
in Holland where a discussion arose 
upon the question of discipline and 
behavior, especially with reference 
to worldliness and association with 
the worldly. When the same question 
was taken up by these brethren in 
Switzerland, the feeling became more 
intense than it was in Holland, and- 
resulted in those who believed in 
strict literal adherence and severe 
unworldliness following Jacob Am- 
mon, and those who took the some- 
what more literal view, following 
Hans Reist. 

The Dutch Ambassador, Runckel, 
reasoned with the Amish but they 
would not be convinced. The Reist 
Mennonites claimed that they were the 
old original Mennonites and became as 
hitter against the Amish as the Amish 
lid against them, and for a time took 
the stand that if the Amish migrated 
out of Switzerland, they would not 
follow them. Nevertheless, it was the 
Reist Mennonites who first reached the 
. Pequea valley here in Pennsylvania. 
They also tried to get others to break 
away from the "Oberlanders," as they 
called them, that is, the Amish. It 
=eems that when the Amish were sent 
down the Rhine, some of the Reist 
Mennonites were forced into the ship 
with them, but they left the ship near 
Alsace and Upper Palatinate and did 
not go on to Holland. 

This division was carried from 
Switzerland into Alsace and into the 
Palatinate, and also to America where 
it is preserved today. 



ORIGIN OF THE AMISH MENXOXITES 



129 



There are manuscripts upon the di- conisderable doctrinal controversy, 
vision and the discussion resulting I This is signed by those Reist Menno- 
from it at the time, in the library of nites who are mentioned in Xo. 9 



the Reist Mennonites in the Emraen- 
thal or valley. These documents 
among others, consist of: 

1. The separation letter or history 
of the division, by Christian Blanck. 

2. A report of the said division or 
schism, by Peter Geiger, dated 1693. 

3. A confession of faith of the 
Amish, gotten up by .Jacob Ammon and 



above, and also by Hans Reist — Ulrich 
Kolb — Xichlaus Baltzli — Doerse 
Rohrer — .Jacob Schwartz — Dan C.rimm 
and Ulrich Baltzli, from the Emmen- 
th.al; and by Jacob and Hans Gut — 
Peter Zollinger — Benedict Mellinger 
and Hans Henrich Bar. from the 
Palatinate. 
11. A letter of the 26th of February, 



written into form by Hans Gut in the^^^"' ^•' "^"^ Bachman and others in 
Palatinate. I ^^^ Palatinate. 

4. A letter to the Swiss brethren ^ J' ,i'ff^ °/ ^^^ 23rd of December, 
written from Markirch in the paiati J ^'f V^^/^*7 /^^"'^'J^ ''^"^ ^"^>' «"^- 
nate. December 13, 1697, by Hans ""j/.^^f L^ ^^^ •'^^"\^'°^- ,. , 

Rudy Xagele (Negley) - Christian , ^f *° ^l' treatises on the subject of 
Pleam-Rudolph Huaser-Peter Lee- ^'!! ^'."'^'ff ^""^ ^'"'^^'"S tobacco, 
mann and Christopbel Dohltan. I During the year 1693. .Jacob Am- 

_ , . <, .^ ^ . . , l™on. while this subject of separation 

0. A report of the happenings m the ^^s uppermost in his mind, with 
division movement during the year ; several other believers in Switzerland 
J. u94 ' 

' went from congregation to congrega- 

6. A letter by Hans Rudy Nagele I tion to get converts. By what author- 
of May 6, 1694. to Jacob Ammon and ' ity he did this is not shown; but the 
his adherants. I proceedings, as we have said before 

7. A letter to the same by Jonas were generally believed to have gotten 
Lohr from Alsace, dated September impulse from the Netherlands.-^'here 
28. 1695. I the Mennonites were discussing for 

8. A letter by Gerhart Rossen in; many years, the question of strictness 
Hamburg, dated December 2, 1697, to | and liberality. Ammon considered 
the Alsace Mennonites. himself the head of what he called. 

9. A letter dated October 19, 1699. ■"The Real Christian Order." He said 
by Jacob Gut (Good), in the name of j that he would not have his followers 
all the congregations of the Upper ' build temples either grand or modest. 
Palatinate to Rudy Husser— Peter but they would worship God in the 



old way as did Abraham and the patri- 
archs and the early disciples, that is, 
in the homestead. He also said that 
the Bible compels him to introduce 
keeping aloof from the world by being 



Leman — Christian Dollam — Hans Mei- 
er — Christian Neucomet fXewcomer) 
— Hans Rudy Xegele — Rudy Blotchan, 
Reist Mennonites in the lower Palati- 
nate; and to Peter Hapegger (Ha- 
becker) — Peter Geiger and Hans Bur- ' strict 
ki. of the Emmf nthal in Switzerland. , Therefore, he held that all former 
10. A declaradon by the servants, j members who were expelled should be 
elders and df aeons from the Palati- avoided— if, of a married couple, one 
nate and from Switzerland, who ad- was under the ban, the other must 
hered to the Reist faction and who separate from him or her — and mem- 
called themselves, "such as can not be I bers of his family must not be allowed 
in accord with Jacob Ammon. and , to eat with other members that are 
therefore, his opponents," containing ' under the ban. 



130 LOCAL GERMAN-SWISS POLITICALLY OPPOSE THE QUAKERS 



Miiller tells us that a few years 
after this separation, feet washing 
was first introduced by the Amish; 
and later practiced by the Reist Men- 
nonites, who did not do so before. He 
says that the Reist party objected to 
the ban because it was too sharp and 
strict a law, was not Christian and 
Tvould cause misery in, and break up 
families, separating husbands and 
wives, parents and children. MXiller 
says further that, Ammon got most of 
his followers in the beginning from 
the Berner Oberland; but that he had 
one strong leader in the Emmenthal, 
and that was Isaac Kauffman, (Mtil- 
ler, p. 315). 

We find here again the location of 
the ancestors of our Lancaster County 
and Eastern Pennsylvania families. 

1693— The Germans Adhere to Fletch- 
er; and Do Not Side With the 
Quakers. 

Because the Quakers would not 
heed the demands from Great Britain 
to organize a military in 1692, William 
Penn's Government was taken out of 
his hands and Benjamin Fletcher of 
New York was made military Governor 
of Pennsylvania. While the Germans 
were against anything warlike as well 
as the Quakers, they were glad of an 
opportunity to take sides against the 
Quakers when they had a chance, be- 
cause the Quakers put them to much 
inconvenience and expense on account 
of being foreigners. This year they 
sent a paper to Fletcher promising 
him to adhere to him and his require- 
ments and to rebuke the Quakers for 
their opposition to him. (Vol. 1 of 
Votes of Assembly, p. 71.) However, 
John De Lavall with seven Quaker 
members of the Council sent an ad- 
dress to Fletcher protesting against 
his rule in Pennsylvania; De Lavall, 
vfe remember, was a German. (Vol. 1 
Col. Rec, p. 370.) Francis Daniel Pas- 
torius, the leader of the German colo- 
ny, accepted the office of Justice of the 



Peace and showed his willingness to 
break away from the Quakers and 
help Fletcher. (Do., p. 371.) 

These and other events show that 
the Germans took the opportunity of 
Fletcher's presence to show their 
dissatisfaction with the Quakers. 

1694— Ploclihoy, Sole Snnivor of the 

Ill-Fat€d Mennonite Colony on 

Delaware, Reaches the Village 

of Germantown. 

In Cassel's History of the Menno- 
nites, p. 88, it is stateo that, in the 
year 1694 an old blind man and his 
wife came to Germantown. His mis- 
erable condition brought much sym- 
pathy from the Mennonites there. 
They got him naturalized free of 
charge and gave him a plot of ground 
to build a little house on and make a 
garden, which he could use as long as 
he lived. They planted a tree in front 
of it and the minister took up a col- 
lection to build him a house. He was 
Peter Plockhoy, leader of the Dutch 
Mennonite colony of 1662, who after 
thirty-one years of wandering from 
the South, where it seems he was sold 
into slavery, reached a resting place 
with his brethren at Germantown. 

U)96 — Hans Graif Arrives in German- 
town, 

The famous Hans Graff, one of the 
founders of the Lancaster County set- 
tlementflrst appeared in Pennsylvania 
in 1695 or 1696 and joined the German 
colony at Germantown. He remained 
there for some time and joined the 
German-Swiss settlement in the neigh- 
borhood of Strasburg about 1709. 
(Lyle's History of Lancaster County, 
p. 63.) 

1698 — Henry Zimmerjtr'an Arrives in 
Germantown. 

Rupp in his history says on p. 126 
that another old father of the Church 
by the name of Henry Zimmerman (or 
Carpenter) arrived this year and in- 



GERMAN MEXXONITES NEAR SUSQUEHANNA 



131 



spected the brethren at Germantown. 
He then went back to Europe for his 
family and broii2:ht them over in 1706 
and settled first in Germantown and 
then removed within the bounds of 
Lancaster County in 1717. His de- 
scendants are especially numerous 
and respectable. 

1701 — Coruelius Einpson's Colony. 

This year Cornelius Empson applied 
for 20,000 acres of land along the 
Octoraro. An account of it may be 
found in the Sec. Series of the Penna. 
Archives, Vol. 19, p. 24.5. Empson 
seems to have been a minister or at 
least he was acting for twenty families 
who desired to settle together. On p. 
280 it is stated that he renewed his 
request, and the names of the people 
are given. They do not seem to be 
German, however, but some of them 
seem to be Huguenots, whether they 
were Mennonites or not I can not tell. 
The method, however, of applying for 
land was very much like that im- 
pressed by Mennonite leaders for their 
people. 

1701 — ^lonnonite School Started. 

This year a school was started in 
Germantown with Pastorius for 
teacher. Some time later Christopher 
Dock commenced his celebrated 
school on Skippack. Further particu- 
lars about these events may be found 
in Kauffman's Book, p. 129. 

1701— The Germans Petition to be 

Free From Taxes about Phila. 

This Francis Daniel Pastorius, the 
leader of the Germans, by a petition 
signed by himself in behalf of the 
whole German population in German- 
town, asked the Council of Pennsyl- 
vania to exempt the Germans from 
paying any taxes, for the reason that 
they were a corporation of their own, 
that is that they were chartered as 
the Germantown Colony. He sets forth 
for his brethren that, William Penn 
had especially requested his German 



! people to come here; and also that 
they are now conducting the affairs 
of Germant,own without any hel]) 
from the rest of the County. The 
Charter of Germantown was then sent 
for and it was soon seen that the 
Germantown people had full power of 
holding their own Courts and trying 
all their cases but had no right to 
have anyone represent them in the 
Assembly. And they objected to tax- 
ation without representation. The 
Council however said that they had 
the right to choose members as well 
as the rest of the county and they 
ought to bear their part of the taxes; 
and that they enjoy the roads and 
bridges built around them, and must 
help to support them. They answered 
that they had their own roads and 
bridges to build and the rest of the 
county was enjoying their roads. The 
question was not solved at this time 
but was to be taken up at another 
time. However, no further action 
seems to be shown. (Vol. 2 Col. Rec, 
p. 13.) 

1701— Hans Bingjreli (Binklej) a 
Teacher. 

This year a man by the name of 
Binggeli or Binkley appeared in 
Schwarzenberg. M'iiller in an item (p. 
207) says that he took the children 
from Schwarzenberg and from Phol- 
eren and Blumenstein to the Palati- 
nate for instructions in the Mennonite 
doctrine. He left them there for a 
term and then brought them back 
again to their homes. He seems to 
have been conducting a school to ad- 
vance Mennonite principles, similar to 
the modern Mennonite Sunday School. 

1701 — Some Germans May Have Locat- 
ed ^"ear Susquehanna Temporarily 
At This Time. 

In the Treaty made the 23rd of April, 
1701, with the Susquehanna and Con- 
estoga Indians there are references to 
the conduct that the Indians should 



132 



MEXXOXITES PRINT THE NEW TESTAMENT 



observe towards the Christians inhab- 
iting near or among those Indians. 
But it is not likely that there were any 
Germans Iving here then but that the 
provision was to be made for the Ger- 
mans that were about to come. (Vol. 
2 of Col. Rec, p. 15.) 

1702 — Hans Burkholder, Mennonite 
Teacher. 

In Geraldsheim in 1702 there was a 
Hans Burkholder, a teacher among 
the Mennonites. He tauglit several 
years, and about 1710 we find him 
begging the Holland authorities for 
500 gulders for the family of Christian 
Wenger, impoverished through cattle 
diseases. He also states that the Men- 
nonite congregation at Geraldsheim 
had been subject to an extra contribu- 
tion of the 1000 gulder for the corona- 
tion of the new elector and that taxes 
ranging from six to ten gulden a head 
were levied upon the Mennonite breth- 
ren (Miiller, p. 208). It will be ob- 
served here that the familiar names of 
Burkholder and Wenger are mention- 
ed, giving us some knowledge of the 
locality from which they came. 

1702 — Skippack Settlenioiit Begius. 

Quoting from Pennypacker's Settle- 
ment of Germantown, we observe that 
he states (page 140) the Skippack 
Mennonite settlement began in 1702, in 
the present Perkiomen Township in 
Montgomery County. Some of the 
Skippack pioneers were William and 
Cornelius Dewees, Hermanus Keister, 
Christian Zimmerman, and others. 

1702— Jiiew Testament Printed by Men- 
nonites in Basle. 

This year a New Testament was 
printed by Yohon Jacob Gevoth in 
Basle in octavo form and it was con- 
sidered dangerous by the State 
Church. These New Testaments were 
discovered at a book-binder's shop in 
Bergdorf. They were ordered to be 
seized and sent to the Court of Switz- 
erland having charge of Mennonite 



matters or Baptist affairs. It was 
found that Peter Geishboihler was the 
binder and had six of these books. 
Finally in 1705 Basle was given orders 
to suppress the work (Mtiller, p. 353). 

1702— A Mennonite Hunt Tliroughont 
the Emmenthal. 

The edicts against Mennonites in the 
Emmenthal did not have the desired 
result. The people sympathized with 
them and gave them warning by vari- 
ous signals when any officers were 
about. Ully Dummersmuth for a long 
time harbored baptists and gave them 
room in his building for their meet- 
ings, though he was not a Mennonite 
himself. He lived in Rotachen. Anna 
Wenger, and the two brothers. Chris- 
tian and Hans Dummersmuth were 
caught and imprisoned twenty-four 
hours for being obstreperous against 
the officers. Ully had to pay 159 
pounds and the costs of the chase and 
capture and work in the work house. 
He gave battle to the chasers. One of 
the men who was employed and hired 
to hunt down and chase these Men- 
nonite brethren and harass them was 
Christian Rupp. He later came under 
suspicion of blackmail by the Swiss 
Government, extorting large sums of 
money from these Mennonites and 
then letting them go. There was some 
testimony that he pointed a gun at the 
brethren or at the breast of some of 
them and threatened their lives if they 
did not pay (Miiller, p. 341). 

1702— The First German Tract of Land 
Located. 

It seems that about this time some 
of the German Mennonites contracted 
for land about Conestoga or some- 
where in the Conestoga or Pequea val- 
leys because it is stated in Vol. 1 of 
the Penn and Logan Correspondence, 
pp. 148 and 149, that there is a fear 
that the Indians would disturb the re- 
mote settlers, such as the "New Ger- 
man Tract" which they say has not 
been purchased from them by the 



FUNKS SKRMO.N BEFORH KING CHARLKS XII. 



1 ■)•» 



white ppople. I can not say where 
this new German Tract was located as 
early as 1702 but the Indians referred 
to are the Conestogas and it is so 
stated. So that at this time it is cer- 
tain that a German Tract was decided 
upon and contracted for with Penn's 
authorities, even though the Germans 
themselves had not actually located 
on it. 
, 1702— The Skipimek Meniionite Settle- 
inent Again. 
Kauffman says in his book, p. 129, 
that this settlement was an extension 
of Germantown. It is in Montgomery 
County and it began by Matthias Van 
Bebber securing 6000 acres of land 
there which he immediately began to 
colonize with Mennonites. The prin- 
cipal families were the Kolbs, Zim- 
menuans, Pannebeckers, Jansons, 
Zieglers, and others. 

1703— Swiss Suffer and Perish Cross- 
ing the Ocean. 

Our ancestore in the beginning of 
the century suffered with what was 
known as Palatine fever. It is said 
that the children under seven years of 
age rarely lived. Mittelberger says he 
saw no less than thirty-two children 
thus dying and being thrown into the 
sea (Kuhn, p. 71 ). 

1703 — Swiss Baptist Property Con- 
fiscated. 

This year in Switzerland the farms 
of a lot of Mennonites who had been 
banished were sold at auction. We 
have no record of how many there 
were, but at least quite a number. 
They brought 5576 pounds. Of this 
money 220 pounds went lo the Judge 
of the Court and the balance was di- 
vided among the Mayors of the towns 
off Steffisburg. Schwarzenegg, Ober- 
Neiderstachten, Blumenstein, Bals- 
ringen, Ruegsau, Trachelswald, Trub, 
Lauperswyl, Schangnau, Hutwyl, 
Criswyl, Hasli, Schofftland, Diesbach 
and other towns, whose officers were 
to hold the same in trust and pay the 



interest to the heirs of the exiled 
Mennonites. But as generally the 
children went with the parents, the 
principal fell to the Governments 
(Miiller, page .358). 

1703 — Stephen Funk Preaches Before 

KinfT Charles XII of Sweden, 

at Thorn. 

Many Baptists or Mennonites at this 
time lived in Poland in the town of 
Thorn. They were compelled to fur- 
nish supplies to Charles XII in his 
wars. Among them was a leader 
named Stephen Funk from Moravia. 
King Charles XII's chaplain on one 
occasion held services and Funk was 
present and listened attentively to the 
chaplain's sermon and took notes. Thi.s 
was brought to the attention of the 
authorities and State Church digni- 
taries and Funk was asked why he 
took notes. The author was brought 
before the King and he asked Funk 
who he was and why he took notes of 
the sermon. He said to see if it were 
correctly spoken. The King said for 
that act Funk must preach a sermon 
to him, the King, and asked. "When 
oan you do it?" Funk said, "In four- 
teen days, but you must keep me safe 
from harm." The King promised. The 
day came and Funk appeared and 
went to the tent of the King. Tho 
provost and generals, prominent and 
petty, were present. The King told 
all that he had ordered the sermon 
tio be preached and that all should 
give attention. At the conclusion, 
none had any objections to offer. The 
King said to Funk, "You have proved 
your position in all points except you 
should not condemn war." Funk 
said, "War can not be upheld by any- 
thing in the Bible." The King said, 
"Is there no permission given at all 
in the Bible for war?" Funk replied, 
"If a King should be attacked in his 
country he could defend by war, but 
he must never go to another country 
and devastate it." This ended the 



134 



LANCASTER COUxNTY GERMAN-SWISS PIONEERS 



matter. This was King diaries of 
Sweden. He compelled the Mennonites 
to furnish supplies to carry on his 
wars. Th,is happened in Thorn, no^ 
in Prussia; or formerly in Poland 
(Brons, 330). 

1703 — Jacob Telner and Skippack 
Mennonites. 

Telner at this time was zealous in 
the Skippack project. He was on the 
ground and spent part of his time in 
Philadelphia. Penn in a letter to 
Logan, the 6th of June. 1703, writes, 
"I have been much pressed by Jacob 
Telner about Rebecca Shippen's busi- 
ness in ihe town. I desire that truth 
and righteousness may take place" (1 
Penn and Logan Corr., 189). Penny- 
packer says that Telner had a right 
to five thousand acres and took up the 
bulk of it on Skippack Creek. It 
comprised a township. 

1704 — Germans Not Allowed to Own 
land Absolutely. 

Without naturalization the Germans 
oould not pass the land which they 
lived on, to their children by will or 
otherwise even though they improved 
it by buildings and tilled it. In order 
to have the same right as the English 
people they complained to the Assem- 
bly asking that their titles should be 
as good as anybody else's. Their first 
petition seems to have been filed in 
1704. (Vol. 1 of Notes of Assembly, 
Part 2, p. 26.) 

1704— Tlieodonis Eby Moved to the 
Palatinate. 

This year an old patriarch, ancestor | 
of a large Lancaster County family, 
Theodorus Eby, who was born in 
Zurich on the 25th day of April, 1665, 
moved to the Palatinate and resided 
there until 1715, when he came to 
Philadelphia and thence to Eby's Mill 
on Mill Creek, afterwards Roland's 
Mill, south of New Holland on the line 
between Earl and Leacock townships. 
(History of Eby Family, p. 5.) 



1704 — The Lancaster Connty Menno- 

nlte Pioneer. 

Rupp in his history, pp. 54, 55 and 
70, says that this year Louis Michelle, 
a Swiss .miiner, was in America look- 
ing for a convenient tract to settle a 
colony of his people on. He was among 
the Indians near Conestoga about 
1706 and 1707 in search of mineral 
ore. It is thought that he built a fort 
several miles above Conestoga. These 
performances do not look much like 
the Mennonite actions, especially the 
building of warlike defenses, yet in 
those days a defense of that kind was 
as needful as an ordinary house just 
now. It is safe to say he was inter- 
ested in the Swiss Mennonites be- 
cause the statement that he wanted a 
tract to settle the "colony of his 
people on" indicates that he was act- 
ing for his distressed brethren. 

1705 — The German Palatines Apply 
for Naturalization. 

This year several Germans filed a 
petition in the Assembly asking that 
they might be naturalized, not only so 
that they could hold their lands, but 
have ail the other privileges of other 
citizens in Pennsylvania. (Vol. 1 
Votes of Assembly, Part 2, p. 47.) 

1705 — Frederich de Eedeiarelt, a Ger- 
man Palatine, Takes Land on the 
Susquehanna. 

This year it is stated in the Sec. 
Series of the Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, 
p. 468, that John Henrich Kursten 
showed a deed translated by Daniel 
Pastorius, from Frederick de Rede- 
gelt, for 750 acres of land, part of the 
10,000 purchased of William Penn in 
England by Redegelt, to be taken up, 
rent free for seven years, near Sus- 
quehanna. So it appears from this 
that this friend of old Pastorius and 
likely member of his church had 
secured land about Susquehanna at 
this early date. 



GERMAN-SWISS PIONEERS BECOME NATURALIZED 



135 



1705— Sniss rnparc to SetUe in Lnn- 
caster County. 

In a letter written by William Penn 
to Logan, the 16th of February, 1705, 
he says, "I have a hundred German 
families preparing for you. They buy 
30,000 or 40,000 acres: and no longer 
than yesterday Sir Charles Hedges 
discoursed me upon a Swiss Colony 
intended thither (eo Pennsylvania) 
by request of our envoy in the Can- 
tons; but keep this close for many 
reasons" (1 Penn & Logan Corr., p. 
352). Thus we see that this year 
preparations were taking shape to 
people the section which afterwards 
became Lancaster County. 

1705 — Some Toleration hy the Re- 
formed Toward tlie Mennonites 
in Switzerland. 

By this time the Swiss Reformed 
Church began to allow toleration to 
the Mennonites; but even this year a 
legacy left by a member of the Men- 
nonite congregation to the congrega- 
tion for its benefit was confisoated by 
the Government authorities and State 
Church. By this we see that tolera- 
tion had not made much headway in 
Switzerland around Berne. 

1706 — Familiar Names at Skippack. 

Among the Mennonite land buyers 
of the Skippack settlement is to be 
found under the date of 1706 the name 
of Edward Beer (Bear). Ajnong the 
preachers a little later were found 
two Hunseckers, two Landises, a 
George Detweiler, a Christian Huns- 
berger and a Hans Witmer, (Brons, p. 
369). 

1706— German Falatines Petition again 
for Naturalization. 

This year Johannes Koster and about 
150 other High and Low Germans pre- 
sented a petition, stating that though \ 
they came over here by Penn's invita- 
tion and many more had also done the 
like, they feel insecure in their estates. 



as they are considered as foreigners; 
and they beg that a law may be passed 
to naturalize all the Germans that 
come, and to give them the right to 
hold and enjoy land and to sell it or 
pass it to their children, and to give 
them the right of voting and of being 
elected to serve in Assembly or other 
offices. They also set forth that they 
are Mennonists and that they as well 
as their predecessors for over 150 
years past could not on account of 
conscience take an oath. And they 
ask that they should have the same 
rights as the Quakers about this mat- 
ter, as the Quakers are not required 
to take an oath. (Vol. 2 of Col. Rec, 
p. 241.) The Assembly thought this 
was perfectly reasonable and that 
these good people ought to be secured 
in their estates and titles and have the 
other rights they ask for. And the 
Attorney General was instructed to 
draw up the proper act of Assembly 
to be passed. 

But these poor Mennonites had to 
wait three years before the Act got 
through Assembly, when finally on the 
17th of August, 1709, some of them 
appeared with an act drawn by the 
Attorney General and begged the 
Council would urge the Assembly to 
pass it into a law; and the Council 
agreed that they would request the 
Assembly to act on it. (Vol. 2 Col. 
Rec, p. 480.) From this we see that 
matters moved very slowly towards 
giving these German Palatines any 
well-deserved relief. The matter was 
now dragging along, and on the 31st 
of 'August the Council decided that this 
bill of these Germans required di- 
spatch, and the Council read it and re- 
turned it to the Assembly and in- 
structed the messenger that the As- 
sembly is requested to consider care- 
fully whether it is safe to make this 
naturalization so extensive. (Do., p. 
488.) But finally it was passed. 



136 SETTLEMENTS AT SKIPPACK, PA., AXD XEW BERNE, N. C. 



1707 — Swiss Settlers Come to Pennsji- 
yania. 

This year it seems there were Ger- 
mans or Swiss who came into Pennsyl- 
vania "under a particular agreement 
with the Honorable Proprietor at Lon- 
don"; and took up lands under him, 
and a couple of years later moved up 
to Lancaster County. They had not fol- 
lowed the formalities necessary on the 
part of foreigners to get complete 
title, and thus on the 16th of June, 
1730, they asked the Government, who 
called them "several Germans now in- 
habitants of the County of Lancaster" 
for the rights and privileges of British 
subjects. The G'overnor says they are 
all of so good a character for honesty 
and industry as deserves the esteem 
of this Government. (3 Col. Rec, p. 
374— Old Style p. 397.) 

1707 — First Germans in Jersey. 

One of the first settlements of Pala- 
tines in New Jersey was that in what 
was named German Valley, in the 
Counties of Sussex, Passaic, Essex and 
others. These Germans intended to go 
to New York, but the ship leaked, and 
they stopped in the beautiful valley of 
a little river in Jersey. They were, 
however, a Reformed congregation 
from Germany. In the year 1705 they 
got to Neuwyl on the Rhine, from 
which they went to Holland, hired 
themselves for Dutch settlement in 
New York and were sent over in 1707. 
(Loher, p. 70.) 

1707 — Swiss 3Iennonites Secure Xatur- 

alizntion in Germany and Threaten 

Swiss Autliorities. 

In the year 1707 Mennonites were 
permitted to leave Switzerland on pay- 
ment of a fee. Some left and went to 
other lands, became naturalized in 
those countries, and then came, back 
as citizens of other countries and 
made trouble for Switzerland. (Miil- 
ler, p. 349.) 



1707 — Swiss Mennonites Not Allowed 
To Be Employed. 

Some of the Cantons of Switzerland, 
by a mandate of June 29, this year, 
gave the Swiss Mennonites until No- 
vember 20th to leave the country. It 
was also enacted that a fine of fifty 
pounds would be inflicted on anyone 
who hired a Mennonite as a servant 
or leased any land to Mennonites as 
tenant farmers, except such as could 
show a certificate from the Judge that 
they were honest, law-abiding citizens 
and obedient to the authorities of the 
country and had made an oath of al- 
legiance. Whoever did not have cer- 
tificates were given orders l)y the 
Government to leave and were de- 
ported if they did not leave volun- 
tarily. (Miiller, p. 349.) 

1708 — Accession to Skippack and 
Germautown. 

About this time some of the prin- 
cipal leaders of the Germantown 
colony arrived in Germantown and at 
Skippack. By the 23rd of May, this 
year, there were 43 members in the 
Germantown and Skippack congrega- 
tions. Among them were Herman Kas- 
dorp and Martin Kolb, who were 
chosen their preachers. (Pennypacker, 
p. 174.) 

1708— Swiss Settle Newborn, >. C, and 
Are Destroyed. 

In 1708 a colony of Swiss went to 
North Carolina and founded Newbern. 
Others came to the colony a little later 
from Pennsylvania. Most of them 
were Mennonites and were induced to 
go to colonize that neighborhood by 
Michelle and Graffenreid. They cut 
down the forests to make their settle- 
ment. The Indians allowed them to 
build their huts and to build a fort in 
their midst. Graffenreid purchased 
15,000 acres there for them. He was 
also kindly treated by the Indians for 
a time. Later they captured him up 
the Neuse river and decreed that he 



DUNKARDS ORGANIZED— FIRST MMNXONITK CHURCH IN AMERICA m? 



should be burnt. The chiefs sat in two 
rows in front of him, and behind hin. 
the savages were dancing the death 
dance. Graffenreid told them fairy 
tales and tried the exi)edients of Cap- 
tain John Smith upon the savages, and I 
they let him go; but Lawson, his part- 
ner, they burned to death. Graffen- 1 
reid then left his colony for five 1 
weeks, and when he came back it was | 
all destroyed by the Indians. (Loher, | 
p. 51.) j 

1708 — Diinkards Secede from the 
.Mennonites. 

This year Alexander Mack, of 
Schwarzennau, in Westphalia, founded 
the Dunkard denomination. (Kuhn, p. 
179.) About twenty families of them 
in 1719 came to G'ermantown, Skip- 
pack, Oley and to the Conestoga. 
Their leader was Peter Baker. It 
would seem from the similarity of 
their creeds that they were formerly 
Mennonites. 

1708— Kocherthal Colony of Palatines. 

On the 28th day of April, 1708, a 
number of the German Palatines were 
sent under Kocherthal in a colony 
from New York on a Government ves- 
sel, accompanied by Lord Lovelace, 
the newly-appointed Governor. ("Die 
deutsohen im Staate N. Y." by Kolb.) 
I cite this from Diffenderffer's Ger- 
man Exodus, page 7, in which he also 
says that the Board of Trade records 
(Appendix B.) state there were ten 
men, ten women and twenty-one chil- 
dren in this colony. 

1708 — Mennonites Granted rerniission 
to Leave the Palatinate. 

By a paper dated March 10, 1708 — 
set forth in Rupp's History, p. 93 — it 
is provided that the several Menno- 
nites mentioned in it, with the view 
of improving their conditions, wish to 
reside in "The Island of Pennsyl- 
vania." It is further stated that they 



have requested a certificate of the 
authorities to set forth that they are 
free and not subject to vassalage and 
have paid all their debts, and that 
they have behaved themselves piously 
and honestly. It then states that they 
have the permission of the Council or 
of the Palatinate to leave and go to 
the New Country. The same day, as 
shown on p. 95 of the same book, they 
also got the pel-mission of their 
Church and a certificate that they 
were Christians and had the record 
of the baptism of their children. So, 
with these blessings they departed for 
America. 

This company went to New York, 
but their religious customs not being 
approved thjere they finally drifted 
across into Pennsylvania. They were 
some of the first fruits of Mennonite 
migration. 

1708 — First Mennonite Church in 
America. 

Mr. Kauffman says in his book that 
the Mennonites held their services in 
private houses or in the open air until 
1708, when a log house was erected 
for puljlic worship in Germantown. 
He says that Christopher Dock, the 
Mennonite preacher, taught school in 
this house for several years. He also 
tells us that it was rebuilt in 1770 and 
is today the oldest meeting house in 
America. 

1709— A Lot of the Palatines Natural- 
ized. 

The petition we spoke of before was 
finally passed September 29, 1709, and 
by virtue of it 82 of the Palatines of 
Philadelphia County and one of Bucks 
County were naturalized. Among 
them were Pastorius, the Conrads, 
Shuemakers, Vanbibbers, Gattschalks, 
Stolls, Kesselberrys, Hoffs, Smiths. 
Scholls and others. (2 Col. Rec, p. 
493.) 



138 SWITZERLAND DETERMINED TO SEND MENNONITES TO AMERICA 



1709 — New Attempt to Baoisb the Ana- 
baptists or Meniionites From 
Berne. 

The Berne authorities again en- 
deavored to get rid of the objectionable 
Anabaptists (all other means and 
measures having failed) by shipping 
them to America; since it became 
known that the Queen of England was 
desirous of obtaining colonists for her 
transatlajitic possessions. There ap- 
peared at Berne about this time a for- 
warding merchant, or agent, named 
Ritter, with some associates, who was 
about to emibark (for Afnerica. They 
declared themselves willing to take 
with them "poor families" and capable 
persons of the Anabaptist religion, 
who were to be deported from the 
country. Negotiations were opened 
with this Mr. Ritter, by the authori- 
ties; and it was decided that he was 
to receive for the 101 persons to be 
deported 500 Thaler (Dollars) ; and 
for the Anabaptists 45 Thaler per per- 
son actually landed in America. The 
Anabaptists were to pay for their own 
transportation, the money to be taken 
from the funds obtained by confisca- 
tion of their possessions. Return to 
the fatherland was prohibited on pain 
of death. 

The Swiss Ambassador at The 
Hague, Holland, Francois Louis Pes- 
ine, Seignueuer de Saint Saphorin, in- 
terested himself in Ritter's undertak- 
ing by asking the Dutch authorities to 
be watchful lest some of these deport- 
ed Anabaptists might make good their 
escape while en route through Holland 
or at their re-shipment at Rotterdam. 
The Anabaptists of Holland had re- 
ceived word of their Swiss brethrens' 
plight; and as they were influential 
and were held in high esteem in that 
country, they were determined to 
have them set free as soon as they 
arrived in Holland. There had been 
several conferences with the Amibas- 
sador, Saint Saphorin, by the Dutch 



authorities, the Ambassador of Eng- 
land, Mylord Townshend, and a num- 
ber oif Brethren and friends of the de- 
ported Swiss. These friends sent word 
to their brethren in Rotterdam to 
have a watchful eye, lest the deported 
Swiss be secretly shipped over to Eng- 
land. 

As the efforts of the Swiss Ambas- 
sador at The Hague to secure passage 
for Ritter's expedition had become 
known, letters were written by Messrs. 
Hendrik Toren and Jan von Gent 
(good fellow-believers in Amsterdam) 
to the Burgomaster, von der Poel in 
Briel; to the passenger lists of the 
packet boat at Hellevoet, and to Mr. 
James Dayrolle, Secretary of the 
Queen of Egnland at The Hague, ask- 
ing to inform them, should anything 
about the prisoners be reported from 
England. Mr. Torne (who reported 
this on March 31st, to Mr. Vosterman 
in Amsterdam), also told Vosterman 
of a certain Mr.Machielse, who appear- 
ed to be a servant of the Swiss Ambas- 
sador. This is very likely the hereto- 
fore-mentioned Mr. Michelle, who was 
in Lancaster County, in 1705. Prepara- 
tions were made to go to Nimewegen, 
to meet there the Swiss prisoners, 
and to furnish them, if possible, with 
a ship for their transportation over 
to England. (Miiller, p. 269.) 

1709 — Mennonites Prepare to Come to 
Peqnea Valley, Lancaster County. 

Rupp tells us (p. 71) that a lot of 
Mennonites reached Pennsylvania and 
also some, North Carolina in Decem- 
ber, 1709. He says that "a respectful 
number of Mennonites left Strasburg, 
in Germany, where they had come 
overland, and sailed for America." 
Page 74, he also tells us that they 
first made a bargain with William 
Penn, that is the Swiss Mennonites, 
and then came to Lancaster County, 
reaching it in 1709. He quotes this 
from Benjamin Eby's "Geschchten 
Der Mennoniten," p. 151; and the 



LAMCASTE'R COUNTY'S FIRST SWISS SETTLEMENT 



139 



statement Rupp sets forth from that 
\ book is that in the year 1709 the first 
families from the Pfalz reached Lan 
caster County. Rupp also bases this 
date on papers belonging to the 
ancient Herrs and Mylins. 

Rupp says the tradition is that 
these Mennonites made improvements 
and cleared land here in Lancaster 
County before they got their first 
■warrant for land, that they felled trees 
;and made cabins. Their warrant was 
'dated October 10, 1710 (Rupp, p. 76). 
He says that the warrant last men- 
tioned in 1710 would prove that they 
came and settled early because it 
states on its race that these different 
families had lately arrived and had 
settled and selected land twenty miles 
easterly from the Conestoga, near the 
head of Pequea Creek. Then on p. 96 
he says that they reached America in 
1709. 

He also sets forth Letters Patent, 
dated 1708 by Queen Anne, to the an- 
cestors of the Mennonites of Eastern 
Lancaster County and shows that they 
arrived and registered in \ew York 
the 10th of August, 1709. 

On p. 97, he sets forth an extract 
from an address by Redmond Con- 
yngham on "The Early Settlement of 
Pequea Valley." This address was de- 
livered .July 4, 1842. Conyngham was 
a ver>' famous liistorian and can be 
thoroughly relied on. He tells in the 
address of the wanderings of Issac 
Lefever, the head of the Mennonites 
in that section of our county. 

Much that is highly interesting 
could be said here upon the begin- 
nings of this fist colonly in the 
Pequea Valley, but that must be re- 
served for our discussion under date 
of 1710, which we will shortly enter 
upon. 

1709 — Importnnt Swiss tand Palatinate 
Item of 1709. 

The Ferrees, now Ferrys and Forrys 
who reached Lancaster County in 1711 



and 12, according to Rupp (p. 91 to 
101) reached New York in 1709, and 
were very Godly people. 

Rupp also tells us that some of the 
Pequea Colony of 1710 (the first set- 
tlement in Lancaster County) lived in 
Germantown before coming here. 
They lived there in 1709. He does 
not mention the names of those who 
did live there and I do not believe 
the fact can be established. The Ger- 
mantown and Skippack pioneers al- 
ways seemed to live separate from I 
those of Pequea — they were Germans. - 
The Pequea settlers were Swiss. A 
letter written in London in 1710 by 
our Pequea ancestors proves they 
were not in Germantown in 1709 nor 
in 1710 either, any considerable time. 
(Rupp's' 30,000 Names.) 

In 1709 the Germans of German- 
town who had come over a couple of 
years before were naturalized. "We 
find no Lancaster County names 
among them. (2 Col. Rec, p. 480-483.) 
Indeed they had made application 
to be naturalized in 1706, and the 
matter was delayed three years (2 C. 
R. 241). 

Bishop Benjamin Eby, who about 
1805, moved from Lancaster county 
to Canada, in his "Geschicten der 
Mennoniten"' p. 150 and 151, says that 
in the year 1709, there moved several 
Swiss families from the Palatinate 
and settled in Lancaster County. 
(Rupp 74.) We will show, by many 
evidences, that the date of their ar- 
rival was 1710. 

1709— Berne Mennonites Write Com- 
plaint to Holland of Swiss State 
Chnrch Persecutions. 

The following letter written in 1709 
by one of the Mennonite elders de- 
scribes the condition in Switzerland 
at that time. 

Switzerland, June 22, 1709. 
"To the Brethren of Holland: 

We greet you most friendly in the 
Lord, and return thanks to you in 



140 



SEVERE EDICT AGAINST SWISS MENNONITBS 



general for all the fidelity and love 
which you have showed to our breth- 
ren in the faith, in the Palatinate and 
in other places. The Lord will re- 
ward you in time and eternity. We 
as ministers and elders in Switzer- 
land wish this to you. First we make 
known to you that we are all in 
mourning because of how the govern- 
ment treats us. In the year 1708 they 
sent hostages to Berne out of the 
parishes, in which we lived, that had 
to be maintained at the expense of 
the parish, in order that they might 
help to hate and expel us; and gave 
council that even children must re- 
port their parents; and the brother 
report against his brother that he is 
a INIennonite. Friends and neighbors, 
such were their commands, must ex- 
pel each other out of the bailiwick of 
Berne and of the whole government, 
and must then bring report and testi- 
mony to the government that they are 
quite gone. Among others, they have 
carried away to prison on a cart, poor 
old people who could travel with dif- 
ficulty. The sick and the faint were 
brought prisoners to Berne. Some 
were compelled to leave family and 
all else back. They had to give pro- 
mise they would not come back again. 
If they came again, they had to keep 
themselves concealed. The govern- 
ment sent out men to search all the 
houses, and with their swords, they 
thrust into the hay cocks and hit the 
minister of the congregation, who had 
concealed himself in it and he came 
out with another brother; they 
brought them both to Berne. The 
minister had a chain put upon his 
feet in the severe cold; and he is still 
a prisoner with others. It also hap- 
pened that where there was any pro- 
perty, they divided it among the chil- 
dren, who joined the State Church 
and the portion which would come to 
the Mennonite children was paid to 
the Reformed Church. From some 
who had no children, they took every- 



thing and made large bills of cost, in 
favor of the Court House officials, 
who carried out their work. This was 
paid out of the Mennonite property." 

This edict is a renewal of one 
issued fifteen years before, which 
commanded that all persons must go 
to the court of Sagnau and make a 
promise that if any one should see a 
Mennonite, they must bring him to 
the bailif. or the officer of the court, 
to deliver him into the hands of the 
government; and those who harbored 
them, if found out, must leave the 
country. Where the husband goes to 
the State Church and the wife to the 
Mennonite, or vice versa, the one that 
is Mennonite was to be called before 
the court, known as the Mennonite 
Chamber, where he or she would be 
punished. It happened that where a 
man harbored his own wife, who was 
a Mennonite and he was not, that she 
was ordered to leave the country, and 
had to pay 300 pounds fine; and a 
father for harboring his Mennonite 
son was ordered by the Mennonite 
Chamber to pay 500 pounds fine. 

This simple letter is sent to you to 
make known to the congregations in 
all Holland to stand by us your ser- 
vants and elders in Switzerland. 

We pray to God that He may be 
counsel to you that your labors may 
succeed for us, according to that 
which seems good to Him. You know 
'better than we can write, how to in- 
terecede so that the government may 
treat us a little milder, which would 
be happy news to our breasts. It 
seems too, my brothers and sisters 
that it would be better if we were at 
peace with each other and there were 
no divisions and our government 
would have no reason to accuse us of 
trouble among ourselves. I believe 
that if the ministers and elders would 
come together, as they did long ago, 
at Strasburg, much division would 
be stayed and we would be reunited. 
Oh," that the dear God might grant us 



FRAXKENTHAL ADDITION TO SKIPPACK 



141 



his grace that this should happen. 
(Miiller 255.) 

Amen. 

liOy — The FrankentliJil .Meiinonite 

Addition to Skippack aud 

Vicinity. 

I The error of some historians in stat- 
ing that the first Lancaster County 
seatlement araived in 1709, arises 
from confusing the Skippack German 
Mennonite Colony of 1709 with the 
'Swiss Lancaster County Colony of 
1710. 

A settlement of German Mennonites 

came to ^kippack on the Schuylkill in 

1709, as an accretion to an earlier 

colony there. They may have been a 

branch of the great German Exodus 

of 1709. (Kuhn 26.) But this is not 

certain. They were Strasburg people. 

(Rupp 71 and 79.) But they may have 

. come by way of London. Those of 

the Exodus left from London for 

lAmerica. These Strasburg people 

jwent to Skippack. 

April 8, 1709, a letter coming from 
the committee on Foreign Needs at 
Amsterdam, states that nine or ten 
poor families from Worms had come 
to Rotterdam, asking for help to be 
transferred to Pennsylvania; but the 
committee advised them not to go (Pa. 
Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. 2). 

August 6, 1709, Jacob Telner wrote 
of them from London , that eight 
families had gone to Pennsylvania 
and that there were six more Menno- 
nite families in London, too poor to 
pay passage. He asks the brethren in 
Rotterdam to come to their assistance. 
And this year also the yearly meeting 
of the Quakers at London voted fifty 
pounds to help Mennonites to go to 
America (See Smith's Mennonite His- 
tory 145). 

It is these people no doubt, says 
Prof. Smith, of whom Penn wrote to 
Logan as having gone to Pennsyl- 
vania. The letter is dated 26th of 
fourth month (.June) 1709; and in it 



Penn says "Herewith come the Pala- 
tines whom use with tenderness and 
love and fix them so that they may 
send over an agreeable character for 

! they are a sober people — divers Men- 
nonites and will neither swear nor 
fight. See that Guy uses them well. 
(P. & L. Cor. vol. 2, p. 354). 
Prof Smith says '"They reached 

; America and located on Skippack." 

I (p. 146.) 

The Telner letter about them of 

I August 6, 1709, addressed to Amster- 
dam is in part as follows: 

"Eight families have gone to Penn- 
sylvania from here; the English 
friends called Quakers helped them. 
The truth is many thousand persons, 
young and old, men and women, have 
arrived here in the hope and expecta- 
tion of going to Pennsylvania, but the 
poor men are mislead in the matter. 
If they could transport themselves by 
any means, they might go when it 
pleased them, but because of inability, 
they cannot do it, and must go where 
they are ordered. Now as there are 
among all this multitude, six families 
of our own brethren and fellow be- 
lievers — I mean German Mennonites 
— who ought to go to Pennsylvania, 
the brethren in Holland should extend 
to them the hand of love and charity, 
for they are poor and needy. I trust 
and believe, however, that they are 
I honest and God fearing. It would be 
a great comfort and consolation to 
[ the poor sheep if the rich brothers and 
sisters from their superfluity, would 
satisfy their wants and let some 
crumbs fall from their tables to these 
poor Lazuruses.'' (Vol. 2, Pa. Mag., p. 
122.) 

Telner by speaking of "all the mul- 
titude" refers to the great German. 
Exodus of 1709 in England, of which 
we shall presently speak. Only six 
I families of Mennonites were, so he 
' says, in that Exodus. These six fam- 
, ilies and perhaps a few more with 
j them, came from Worms and Franken- 



142 



FRANKENTHAL AND SKIPPACK SETTLEMENT 



thai and reached Skippack. They 
were Germans: not Swiss. The Lan- 
caster County pioneers were Swiss. 

Pennypacker in his "Settlement of 
Germantown" also notices this settle- 
ment, (p. 126.) 
1709 — Pr. Hoop Scheffer's Views on 

the German Mennonite Emigration 
to Pennsylvania in 1709. 

"Dr. J. G. De Hoop Scheffer, of 
Amsterdam Mennonite College, in an 
article on Mennonite Emigration to 
Pennsylvania, written in 1869, vol. 2 
Pa. Mag. p. 117, says (inter alia p. 
120) on this subject: 

One of the oldest communities, if 
not the oldest of all in Pennsylvania, 
was that at Scheeback or German- 
town. The elder of their two preach- 
ers, Wm. Rittenhouse, died in 1708, 
and two new ones were chosen. The 
emigration of the other brethren 
from the Palatinate with Peter Kolb, 
were men enabled to make the jour- 
ney by the aid of the Netherlands and 
gave a favorable prospect of growth. 
Financially, however, the circum- 
stances of the community left much 
to 'be desired. In a letter written to 
Amsterdam, dated September 3, 1708, 
from which these particulars are de- 
rived and which was signed by Jacob 
Godschalk, Herman Kaasdorp, Martin 
Kolb, Isaac Van Sintern, Conradt Jan- 
sen, they presented a long and friend- 
ly request for some catechisms for 
the children, and some little Testa- 
ments for the young.'' 

It is no wonder that half a year 
later, April of 1709, the Mennonite 
Committee on Foreign Needs cher- 
ished few hopes concerning the colony. 
They felt, however, for nine or ten 
families who had come to Rotterdam, 
according to information from thence, 
under date of April 8, 1709, from the 
neighborhood of Worms and Franken- 
thal, in order to emigrate and whom 
they earnestly sought to dissuade 
from making the journey. They were 
(said the letter from Rotterdam), al- 



together very poor men, who intended 
to seek a better place of abode in 
Pennsylvania. Much has been ex- 
pended upon them heretofore, freely, 
and these people bring with them i 
scarce anything that is necessary in 
the way of raiment and shoes, much 
less the money that must be spent for 
fare from here to England and from 
there on the great journey, before 
they can settle in that foreign land." 
The committee who considered the 
matter useless and entirely unadvis- 
able, refused to dispose in this way of 
the funds entrusted to them." The 
Palatines understood the situation 
well. If they could only reach Hol- 
land without troubling themselves 
about the letters the committee would 
end by helping them on their way to 
Pennsylvania. The emigrants in April, 
1709, accomplished their object; 
though it appears through the assis- 
tance of others. At all events, I think 
they are the ones referred to by 
Jacob Telner a Netherlands Menno- 
nite, dwelling at London, who wrote 
August 6, 1709, to Amsterdam and 
Haarlem." 

1709— The Great Palatinate Exodus 
into England. 

This year a great number of pov- 
erty stricken Germans from the 
Palatinate (also Swiss, who earlier 
had moved into the Palatinate) rushed 
like madmen into England. There 
were several causes for it. First: 
Queen Anne of England had issued a 
glowing prospectus of the great op- 
portunities in Pennsylvania and in- 
vited the Palatines to go there and 
take up the rich farm lands. Second: 
there was great hardship and poverty 
in the Palatinate, resulting from its 
over-crowded condition (but the people 
who flocked into England in this 
Exodus were not suffering any serious 
religious prosecution, because they 
were Catholics, Lutherans and Re- 
formed, who were not the people per- 



GREIAT PAX,ATINATE EXODUS OF 1709 



143 



secuted for their religion). The num- 
ber in the exodus has been stated at 
various amounts, from 14,000 to 33,000. 
Their ultimate object was Pennsyl- 
vania. But when they flocked into 
England they learned that there were 
neither money nor ships to take them 
there. 

\ The most authentic account of it is 
' given in a report made to the House 
*of Commons in 1711. The report in 
part states: "In the Spring of 1709, 
great numbers came down the Rhine 
and did not stop until reaching Rot- 
terdam, Holland. Their destination 
was England. By June, the number in 
England reached over 10,000 and the 
Queen's government became alarmed. 
Orders were sent to the English min- 
ister at the Hague to check it. Ad- 
vertisements were put into the Dutch 
Gazettes, that no more would be al- 
lowed to land. But three thousand 
more came. England issued a pro- 
clamation in December, that all would 
be sent back; some were sent to the 
West Indies and Ireland; but those 
coming after October were sent back. 
Holland also tried to stop the tide. 
The English Board of Trade and 
Plantations met twenty times to con- 
sider the matter, in May, June and 
August. 

Queen Anne ordered help to them 
and 19,838 pounds were provided. 
They were lodged in ware houses, 
etc. — on the commons — in large build- 
ings of business men — and fed. 

The Commons Committee says that 
most of them were farmers and vine j 
dressers, but many had trades. 

Finally, 3,800 were sent to Ireland ' 
in August, 1709, and February, 1710, 
there were 800 more sent — 600 were | 
finally lodged on Black Heath, 650 
were sent to North Carolina (to New 
Bern), where Michelle and GrafEen- 
reid had bought 10,000 acres of land— 
800 (those who were Swiss) were in- 
duced to go back to Switzerland — 



3,200 were taken by Col. Hunter to 
New York, in May, 1710. 

The whole subject is written up in 
a masterly way by Dr. F. R. Diffen- 
derfer in his "German E.xodus of 
1709"; and is entrancingly interesting. 
The great bulk of them were Luth- 
erans and Reformed Their Lutheran 
minister took 3,548 of them back to 
Germany and 1,600 also went back, 
who were to go to Scisily Islands; 
and 746, who were ordered to go to 
Ireland, went back to Germany; and 
800 who had gone to Ireland, came 
back and returned to Germany, mak- 
ing nearly 7,000 in all going back. The 
; elector Palatinate protested against 
the report that religious persecution 
drove these people to England. He 
says they were not persecuted. 

My only excuse for writing at such 
length on this subject is to show that 
while all of these 14,000 or more, poor 
Palatinates intended in 1709, to come 
to Pennsylvania, the only ones who 
did arrive here were the few who 
reached Sklppack in 1709. And none 
of our Lancaster County pioneers 
came here from the Exodus. The 
British government ordered the Luth- 
eran and other ministers, in England, 
to take an accurate census of the 
hordes in England, and make a record 
K)f their religious faiths. This was 
done to the number of about 6,520. 
The record has been recently copied 
in England, brought to America, and 
printed by the New York Genealogical 
Society. Before the record was print- 
ed the writer went to New York and 
tabulated the list. It was found that 
1,784 were Lutherans, 2,257 were Re- 
formed, 44 were Catholics, 10 were 
Baptists, only six were Mennonites; 
and the remainder were of various 
faiths. 

Our Lancastr County pioneers were 
Mennonites. Beside, of all the 7,000 
names, not more than a dozen or 
twenty are familiar Lancaster County 
names (See N. Y. Gen. Rec. Vols. 40 & 



144 



DUTCH AMBASSADOR HELPS SWISS SUFFERERS 



41). It is indeed, most remarkable 
that out of 14,000 to 17,000 persons 
intending to come to Pennsylvania in 
1709, having accomplished their jour- 
ney to England, only a little handful 
reached the province of Pennsylvania 
and none at al 1 reached Lancaster 
County, though they were of the -Swiss 
and German stock, who, the next year, 
began to settle here and who, in the 
next ten years, had settled here to the 
number of many thousands. 

1710 — (Tiernian Colony in Ireland. 

In our article on the Exodus from 
the Palatinate to England, we noted 
that a large number of the refugees 
were sent to Ireland. Dr. Mitchel, 
who visited the Palatines in Ireland 
in 1840, says that it is very odd to 
find the names Baker, Miller, Ludwig, 
Madler, Pyfer, Strine, and Shirk in 
that section of the world, where all 
those about them are full blood Irish. 
About 1895 or 6 an article in the 
Philadelphia Record also dwelt on 
this situation. (Diffenderffer on the 
Exodus 81.) 

1710 — Dutch Ambassador lluuckel at 

Berne. Tells of the Mennonite 

Conditions There. 

A letter written by ambassador 
Runckel to J. Beets in Hoorn (Hol- 
land) January 22, 1710, explains it- 
self. It is as follows: "Your letter 
of Oct. last year has come to me. I 
have not been able to answer sooner, 
because I have been detained to the 
present time in Lyons and Geneva 
and other places in Italy. Yesterday 
I came back here again and have in- 
formed myself as far as possible. I 
have heard, with compassion, that the 
so called Mennonites are persecuted 
so severely as has not been the case 
for years; and that since one named 
Willading has become Mayor of 
Berne, who is a Godless man and an 
enemy to all the pious, has that been 
the fact. However, there are yet some 



good men in the Council who did not 
want to approve this persecution. 
But on the other hand, the unspiritual 
clerics have mightily supported the 
Mayor. Also, oije of these Godless 
preachers has not been ashamed to 
tell him that one should cut off the 
heads of some of them, then the 
others might come to their senses. In 
the meantime, the Council has writ- 
ten to Zurich in order to ascertain 
how they got rid of the Mennonites 
there. Whereupon, they answered 
that they had ordered some to be 
killed; and after that they had thrown 
as many as they could, into prison. 
Some have been transplated forcibly 
into the war in France. Others had 
been sold to the galleys — others had 
been banished and forbidden to re- 
turn. Of these latter, some had re- 
turned and have given their persecu- 
tors occasion to let their wrath loose 
against them, so that they are now 
persecuted more than ever and are 
hunted down in every possible way 
and thrown into dire imprisonment. 
They pay money to informers, where- 
by a large number have come to 
prison. How many and who, I cannot 
tell but hope soon to do so. Although 
it is strictly forbidden to let any one 
visit them in their prison, yet I hope 
through the aid of good friends to be 
able to speak to them myself. In the 
meantime, it is reported they are very 
patient under this affliction, edifying 
one another, and have increased their 
friends greatly through this persecu- 
tion. Within the last month, two of 
the best teachers were caught whom 
they could not get before, until two 
prisoners who were in jail, because of 
thieving, promised to bring them to 
jail, if they would obtain their liberty 
for doing so. This bold purpose they 
carried out in delivering up these two 
good men, whereupon, they received 
$200 in specie, as a reward. But that 
some of those had died in prison I 
cannot tell. They say that of those 



RITTER'S PROJECT OF DEPORTATION TO AMERICA 



145 



now in prison some are to be sent to 
Pennsylvania. 

Now there was in Berne a Mr. 
Spezieria Ritter, and fellow associate, 
who were of a mind, soon to take 
their journey into America; and of- 
fered of the very poor families here 
and those Mennonite people, who 
were of good reputation to be gotten 
out of the country, to take them 
along. Arrangements were made with 
this Ritter that he was to receive for 
101 persons who were to go along 
with this expedition $500: and for the 
Mennonites $45 a person actually 
landed in America. The Mennonites 
were to pay the transportation by 
wagon themselves, to the boat which 
was to be taken out of the Mennonite 
property of the congregation to 
which they belonged. Return to the 
fatherland was prohibited on penalty 
of death. Ritter was to accompany 
them to Carolina. This was made in 
1709; and supplemented the following 
year, to the effect that Ritter obtain- 
ed some advance payment and the 
town Council provided for good ships 
themselves. These Mennonites were 
required by the Queen of Great Bri 
tain for the peopling of their Amer- 
ican islands and colonies. There 
must therefore have been agreements 
and transactions with Great Britain; 
and passes were provided from there 
also. Everything was ready for the 
departure on the 18th of March, 1710. 
In the last hour, a French Ambassa- 
dor, Counte Du Luc, asked for a pass. 
The Imperial Ambassador, Herrn 
Feontianmansdorf, also asked for a 
free pass and passage on the Rhine 
and the places along the same. 
(Minutes llth March.) The Council 
and authorities of Basle, were asked 
to appoint a walled place situated 
not far from the Rhine for the pas- 
sengers (Min. 15th March). They 
had their thoughts wholly set on get- 
ting free pasage through the Nether- 
lands and necessary passes for em- 



l)arkation to America. March 12, 1710, 
was set for the departure from Berne. 
Shortly before that date, a letter 
from th Chancellor to the Bernese 
Ambassador in Holland, Mr. De St. 
Saphorin, announced that the French 
and English passes had been given to 
Mr. Ritter in order to secure safe 
transport of the people from their 
plight. (So they did not need to flee.) 
I Xow St. Saphorin took care that the 
States will impart to the police 
officers the necessary directions along 
the route, in order that not only free 
foreign passage but also the neces- 
sary assistance be given to the leader 
of the expedition against any acci- 
dental escape at the embarkation o£ 
the Mennonites at Rotterdam. The 
necessary writing together with in- 
structions, St. Sapharin is to send to 
Ritter in Cologne, to the address of 
Mr. Deitrich Kaester, export mer- 
chant. He is also to get into com- 
munication with the authorities in 
Rotterdam. St. Sapharin is a perfect 
diplomat, in the true sense of his 
time; and one of the finest and most 
skillful of men." 

1710 — Swiss and Holland Correspond- 
ence on Mennonite Persecution in 
Berne. 

In the item just cited, found in Mtil- 
ler 257-259, we set forth the Dutch 
Ambassador Runckel's letter. 

We now give the substance of fur- 
ther correspondence on the same sub- 
ject between the two nations. 

May 13, 1710, the Swiss authorities 
wrote to Holland saying: 

We do not doubt that if your High- 
ness were acquainted with the condi- 
tion of our Canton, you would approve 
of our proceedings in this matter and 
find, with us, that, this kind of people 
cannot be tolerated in our land, with- 
out danger. All the more because we, 
as a case of necessity, must arm our 
subjects, and unlike some other of 
the federated nations, have no foreign 



146 



ST. SAPHORIN HELPING' THE MENNONITES TO AMERICA 



troops in our pay. This we must do 
to keep the treaties made by the con- 
federation.'' (Miiller 264.) 

Another letter is noteworthy. It is 
the reply of the Dutch Ambassador to 
the request of the Berne authorities, 
asking the Dutch to take an interest 
in banishing Mennonites to America. 
The reply dated March 22, 1710, is in 
part as follows: 

"In religion, freedom must be al- 
lowed to every man to believe and 
profess that which in his judgment is 
necessary to his salvation. No one 
may be persecuted and punished for 
such faith and such profession.if his 
life and doctrines do not tend to the 
injuring of the state. 

And as to these Mennonites, it is 
well known that they have at all 
times conducted themselves as good 
inhabitants and subjects. Therefore, 
the Holland authorities cannot in any 
way, lend a hand to the forcible trans- 
portation and banishment of Menno- 
nites to America; nor do anything 
"Whereby they might give color of ap- 
proving even indirectly, such pro- 
ceedings as have been inflicted upon 
the Mennonites in the Canton of 
Berne." (Miiller 265.) 

1710 — St. Sapliorin, the 3Ienuonites' 
Friend Still Assists Them. 

Obstacles arose and largely pre- 
vented Ritter's project from realizing 
any important results. Louis Michelle 
(who before, had been to America, 
both in what is now Lancaster County, 
Pa., and in what is' now the region 
of New Berne, North Carolina), was 
assisting Ritter in the project of tak- 
ing the Mennonites down the Rhine 
and it fell to him to tell them that 
there was no home in Holland for 
them and no funds to take them on 
to America. It thus became neces- 
sary to persuade those who were in 
Holland to find means to go on to 
America and also those who were 
coming on to Holland to do the same. 



St. Saphorin then succeeded as he 
says in a communication, dated March 
28, 1710, in arranging for a temporary 
stay for them in Holland where Hol- 
land Mennonites were prevailed on to 
take care of them, for he says "they 
cannot be expected to go back to 
Berne and be killed." March 29, 1710, 
St. Saphorin wrote to the English 
Ambasador at Hague (Holland) Lord 
Townsend to win him over. Miiller 
says, the manner in which he presents 
the project does him great credit as 
a diplomat. 

He says among other things "Some 
private individuals of good family of 
Berne, have purchased from the 
Queen of Great Britain a considerable 
portion of land in North Carolina and 
seven thousand acres in Pennsylvania 
in order to found colonies there under 
the mild government of the Queen. 
More than eighty families belonging 
to a religion, according to their 
consciences from the Canton of Berne 
are on the way there. Besides these, 
there are fifty Anabaptists or Menno- 
nites who are in prison because they 
will bear no arms for the defence of 
the Fatherland — will not obey the 
sovereign nor recognize him — and 
who have been given their liberty on 
the condition that they bind them- 
selves to settle in America where 
their sect is tolerated. And on the 
condition that they go to America, 
they have been allowed to sell their 
goods. And favorable contracts have 
been made with the owners of the 
land; and the state of Berne has as- 
sumed to pay all expenses from Berne 
to America. All this was carried on 
with Mr. de Stanin the Ambassador 
of the Queen of Great Britain. It will 
be of great advantage to the kingdom 
of Great Britain if the American col- 
onies became populated with these 
people, in part, as both the families 
of these brethren in faith, who are 
going thither from Switzerland and 
all Mennonites are very good farmers 



MENNONITES PLEAD FOR HELP TO GO TO AMERICA 147 



and industrious people. And as in 
large part they are provided with 
money, they will be brought into the 
colonies without cost to Great Bri- 
tain. Thus all will be of great ad- 
vantage to her."' 

"My lord Townsend," he says, "is 
therefore requested to intervene with 
their high mightiness the Holland 
states general, that they grant to all 
those who are in Holland a free pas- 
sage who hope to emigrate from 
Switzerland to America." (IVKiller 
266.) 

The Mennonites, seeing the transac- 
tions of Berne simply religious per- 
secution by which they meant to send 
their subjects to America by force 
just as they previously sent them to 
the galleys of Venice, were about to 
alarm their brethren in faith then 
in England, to interest the Queen in i 
the cause of their Swiss brethren, ' 
when St. Saphorin took up their case > 
as above. (Do. 267.) i 



1710— Hans Funk Leads a Colony Out 
of Switzerland. 

There is a brief note in RPdller (p. 
206) stating that about 1710, appar- 
ently, Hendrick Funk led a colony of 
12 exiled Mennonite families out of 
Switzerland. 

1710— Burkholder, Zellers, Brackbill, 
Rupi) and Donens at Amsterdam, 
Plead for Help to Transport 
Swiss Mennonites to 
America. 
This year, according to Dr. Schef- 
fer of the Mennonite College at Am- 
sterdam (Holland) in his article on 
Mennonite Emigration to Pennsyl- 
vania in Vol. 2 of Pa. Mag. of Hist, 
and Biog. pp. 117-126, five Swiss 
Mennonite leaders, Hans Burchi or 
Burghalter, Melchoir Zeller, Benedict 
Brechtbuhl, Hans Rupp and Peter 
Donens were in Amsterdam pleading 
for their people in Switzerland. The 



[ majority desired to live in the Palati- 
nate but found great difficulty in ac- 
, complishing it. The Palatinate cora- 
munity were generally poor and much 
hardship they endured there for want 
I of religious liberty. They were sub- 
j ject to the humors of the elector, or 
' worse, of his officers. For nearly 
I seven years they waited, often sup- 
ported by the Xetherland brethren. 
, always hoping for better times. 
j Finally, at a meeting of the Elders at 
Manheim, in the Palatinate, held Feb. 
1717, it was decided to call upon the 
Mennonite brethren of Netherlands 
for help in carrying out the project 
of going to Pennsylvania, which they 
had long contemplated, and which at 
last came to maturity. And the very 
land to which in 1710, they were to be 
forcibly exiled, they adopted in 1717, 
viz. Pennsylvania — particularly the 
Pequea and Conestoga Valleys. 

The actual numbers coming here in 
1717 we will treat of under that year. 
I may note here too, that this same 
Hans Burchi, or as Dr. Scheffer calls 
him Burghalter in 1727, was a Menno- 
nite preacher at Conestoga. Also ac- 
cording to Rupp, Brechbuhl trans- 
lated the Wanderland Seele into the 
German from the Dutch. 

1710— Swiss Mennonites the First 

Settlers in Lancaster County, 

Pennsylvania. 

We now enter upon a most inter- 
esting item, locally — the first settle- 
ment in the Imperial County of Lan- 
caster. This settlement was the Men- 
nonite colony on Pequea Creek near 
Willow Street in 1710. 

Miiller says (p. 365) that among the 
emigrant Palatinates to Pennsylvania, 
there were a large number of exiled 
Bernese. Bernese emigrated not only 
out of the Palatinate(where many had 
prviously settled) in 1710 to America 
but also directly out of the Eramen- 
thal. They were two months on the 



148 JOURNEY OF FIRST SWISS SETTLERS TO LANCASTER COUNTS 



ocean and experienced all the hard- 
ships of first settlers. 

Miiller says further "Bernese Men- 
nonites are mentioned in a letter 
written by Toren van Gent in Rotter- 
dam to Jacob Forsterman in Amster- 
dam, dated March 31, 1710, which 
Mennonites had gone to England on 
their way to Pennsylvania and whom 
the Rotterdam brethren had helped 
with money to reach London. And 
says M*iiller (p. 366) they are likely 
the same six Swiss Mennonites, who 
on the 27th of June, 1710, wrote from 
London to their brethren in the faith 
in Amsterdam. 

That letter quoted in full by Miiller, 
p. 366, is as follows: 

"Worthy and Beloved Friends: 

"Besides wishing you all temporal 
and eternal welfare we have wanted 
to inform you how that we have 
received that financial aid which the 
dear friends out of their great kind- 
ness of heart have given toward our 
journey. And this kind contribution 
came very opportunely to us, because 
the journey cost more than we had 
imagined. God bless the worthy 
friends in time and eternity; and 
whatever may be of good for the body 
and wholesome for the soul may the 
merciful God give them and contin- 
ually be and remain their rewarder. 
But of our journey we report that we 
were detained almost ten weeks, be- 
fore we were put on board ship; but 
then we actually entered into the 
ship on the 24th, were well lodged 
and well cared for, and we have been 
informed we will set sail from here 
next Saturday or Sunday from 
Gravesend, and wait there for the 
Russian convoy. God be with us, and 
bring us to land in America as hap- 
pily as here in England. Herewith 
we commend you to the merciful 
God; and, should we not see one 
another in this life, may God permit 
us to see one another in eternity. 



Wherewith we commend you al 1 to 
the merciful God (together with 
courteous greetings from us all) and 
remain your true friends. London, 
the 24th of June, 1710. 

JACOB MILLER, 

MARTIN OBERHOLTZBR, 

MARTIN MAILY, 

CHRISTIAN HERR, 

HANS HERR, 

MARTIN KINDIG." 
These six pioneers came from Lon- 
don in the Mary Hope, a small ship 
having ninety-four passengers on 
board (one of whom was the famous 
Quaker preacher, Thomas Chalkley), 
with John Annis, master, and left 
London early Friday, June 29, 1710, 
in the morning, and later the same 
day left Gravesend for America and 
reached the Delaware in September. 

We base our belief on Chalkley's 
Journal, page 74, where he says: "I 
took passage in the Mary Hope, John 
Annis master, bound for Philadelphia; 
and on the 29th of the 4th month 
(June), 1710, at Gravesend, we set sail 
and overtook the Russian fleet at 
Harwich and joined them and sailed 
with them as far as Shetland, north- 
ward to the Isle of Orkney. We were 
two weeks with the fleet, and then 
left them and sailed to the westward 
for America. In this time we had 
rough seas, which made divers of us 
sea sick. After we left Shetland we 
were seven weeks and four days at 
sea before we saw the land of Amer- 
ica. We had sweet and solemn meet- 
ings on the first and fifth days; had 
one meeting with the Germans, or 
Palatines, on the ship's decks and a 
person who understood both lan- 
guages interpreted for me. The people 
were tender and wrought upon, be- 
haved sober and were well satisfied." 
He also says the ship was small and 
was well loaded, with ninety-four on 
board; and all were brought well and 
safe to Philadelphia in September, 
1710; and that the Palatines were 



LANCASTER COUNTY'S FIRST SWISS COLONY 



149 



wonderfully pleased with the coun- 
try, mightily admiring the pleasant- 
ness and fertility of it." 

It is not known that in the fall of 
1710 any other Palatines than these 
who signed the London Letter, came 
to Philadelphia. Chalkley.'s ship left 
Gravesend, and was under convoy of 
the Russian fleet, just as the Menno- 
nite letter says they e.xpected to do; 
it had Mennonites on board; it left 
Gravesend (which is fifteen miles 
from London) on Friday, June 29, al- 
most the day the Palatines wrote they 
expected to leave. They expected to 
go Saturday, the 30th, but to catch 
the Russian fleet, they had to sail a 
daj- earlier. We find that the 29th of 
June, 1710, was Friday, because in 2 
Col. Rec. p. 5.33, June 16, 1711, was 
said to be Tuesday, and the 25th was 
thus, Tuesday, and the 25th of June. 
1710, therefore, Monday, which made 
the 29th on Friday. 

This traces up these six pioneers 
of Lancaster County settlement from 
Amsterdam (where prior to March 31, 
1710, there were gathered), to their 
arrival in Philadelphia in September. 
1710. Other fragmentary evidence 
makes it fairly clear that, in the win- 
ter of 1709 and 10 they fled out of the 
Bmmenthal near Berne and went to 
Holland to collect means, etc., from 
wealthy Mennonites there and make 
arrangements to go to Pennsylvania. 
Lancaster County thus owes a debt of 
thanks to Holland for helping the 
opening up of this county and for 
helping so good and God-loving a 
class of early settlers here. 

We shall next trace the movements 
of this handful of settlers from Phil- 
adelphia to Pequea Creek, their steps 
to acquire land there and bring it 
under their dominion. While only six 
are signers of the letter quoted, it is 
certain that several more were in the 
colony. 



1710— The Pioneer Swiss Colony Se- 

cures Land on l'e<|uea Creek, 

Lancaster Countj, Pa, 

Shortly after arriving in Philadel- 
phia in September, 1710, the Colony 
just mentioned secured the right to 
take up land on Pequea Creek. 

They procured for themselves the 
following warrant, which is No. 572 
of the Taylor Papers, in the Histori- 
cal Society Building at Philadelphia. 

Phil. ber 16, 1710. 

By a warrant from dated 

the 8th day of Oct. Lord, one 

thousand seven hundred and is 

authorized and required to survey 
and lay out to Rodolph 

Bundely and company ten 

thousand acres of land with reason- 
able allowances for roads and high- 
ways on the northwest side of a hill, 
about twenty miles easterly from 
Conestoga and near the head of 
Pequea Creek, and thereof 

with my office. 

JACOB TAYLOR. 
To Isaac Taylor Surveyor 
of the County of Chester." 

The blanks above are occasioned 
by reason of the fact that the original 
paper has partly crumbled to pieces 
because of age. There is no full 
copy of it. 

In Vol. 19, Sec. Series of Penna. 
Archives, p. 529, may be found cer- 
tain minutes of Penn's Commission- 
ers of Property of their meeting held 
Sept. 10, 1712, making reference to 
the same tract. It is there stated 
that, the Commissioners granted ten 
thousand acres of land to the Pala- 
tines, by warrant dated ber, 1710 

and that part of it (2000 acres) was 
laid out to Martin Kendig. 

Rupp, in his history of Lancaster 
County (p. 90) quoting the same min- 
utes says, the warrant was dated the 
6th of October 1710. The copy which 
I give above of the original, found 



150 FACTS ABOUT ORIGINAL SETTLEMENT IN LANCASTER COUNTY 



in the Taylor Papers seems to be 
dated the 8th of October as I state; 
but the date is so indistinct that the 
6th may be correct. 

Rupp (p. 85) sets out another 
paper, apparently not in the archives, 
stated to be a document signed by 
former commissioners, which states 
that those former commissioners by 
a warrant bearing date the 10th of 
October 1710, granted unto John Ru- 
dolph Bundely, Hans Herr, and divers 
other Germans, late inhabitants in or 
near the Palatinate of the Rhine, 
10,000 acres to be laid out on the 
north side of a hill, about twenty 
miles easterly of Conestoga, near the 
head of Pequea Creek" etc. 

Thus we have the 6th — the 8th and i 
the 10th of October, declared as the I 
date of this first ti^tle of land in Lan- ! 
caster County by our Swiss-German : 
ancestors. I 

There is an order to survey accord- 
ing to the Taylor Papers (No. 573) 
dated October 16, 1710, which sets out 
that by a warrant dated 11th day of 
eighth month (OctoDer) 1710, there 
was given to John Rudolph Bundely 
500 acres of land adjoining the 10,000 
located or to be laid out to the Pala- 
tine Company. 

Thus the true date is not later than 
October 1710. 

These pioneers at once journeyed 
to the head of Pequea Creek but did 
not find that 'point to meet their de- 
sires and journeyed down the stream 
until they arrived at a point on the 
creek directly east of present Willow 
Street and there took up, on both 
sides of the creek 6,400 acres of this 
land and had it surveyed Oct. 23, 
1710 and divided the 27th of April, 
1711. This may be found in a map 
called "Plot of Original Tract of Old 
Rights in Lancaster County" in the 
Office of Internal Affairs at Harris- 
burg. The remainder was divided 
later. (See Mennonites of America 
by C. Henry Smith, p. 146.) 



The division was as follows: Be- 
ginning on the west Martin Kendig 
530 acres — Martin Mylin 265 acres — 
Christian Herr 530 acres — Martin 
Kendig 264 acres — John Herr 530 
acres — John Bundely 500 acres — 
Christian Franciscus 530 acres — Ja- 
cob Miller 1,008 acres — John Funk 
530 acres — Martin Kendig 1,060 acres. 
The tracts extend nearly north and 
south and are of regular parallel 
form, the whole plot reaching from 
West Willow on the west to Stras- 
burg on the east. 

Upon this tract also are the remains 
of the original settlers in the private 
grave yards on the same — one on the 
bank of Pequea Creek, known as 
Tchantz's Graveyard, afterwards 
called Musser's, where are found 
tombstones (practically intact today) 
over the resting places of the Mylins 
and Millers — one adjoining the brick 
Mennonite Willow Street Church,, 
where lie the Herrs — and one just 
east of Willow Street, where repose 
the Kendigs and some of the Mylins. 

The division lines of the old origi- 
nal farms, determined the public 
road of today of that whole section 
of ten square miles, five miles from 
east to west and two miles or more 
from north to south: these roads be- 
ing located precisely on the old 
property lines. Much of the original 
tract is today owned and occupied by 
descendants of the original owners. 

1710— Itecord of Siibdivisiou of 
Pequea Tract. 

In the record of warrants at Har- 
risburg the subdivision of the great 
tract mentioned above may be found. 
Among other facts, it is set out that 
"Martin Kendig late an inhabitant of 
Switzerland, had surveyed to him 
1060 acres of land in Strasburg town- 
ship, bounded by Mylin. Herr and 
Funk — another of 530 acres and an- 
other of 265 acres. Recorded Sept. 
1711. 



ANCIENT HOME OF OUR COUNTY PIONEERS 



151 



Likewise Christopher Franciscus of 
Switzerland 530 acres bounded by 
Miller, Bowman and Bundely — in 1710 
Funk had 7V.]0 acres founded by Ken- 
dig and Miller, surveyed Feb. 28, 
1711. Bundely of Switzerland had 500 
acres bounded by Bowman, surveyed 
in 1710 and Mart. Mylin 265 acres — 
Christian Herr 530 acres and .John 
Herr 530 acres — all recorded July 3, 
1711; Wendell Bowman 530 acres re- 
corded July 7, 1711. Warrants for all 
of these are dated 1710. (See Rupp 
79.) 

1710 — Meiiibersliip and First Steps of 
Pequea Colony. 

We have mentioned above six of the 
members of the Pequea Colony — those 
signing the London Letter. Rupp 
says that in addition to them, Hans 
Mylin, Michael Oberholtzer and 
others (whom he does not name), 
were in the Colony. (Rupp 75.) He 
says their warrant was recorded and 
the land surveyed Oct. 23, 1710; and 
that April 27, 1711, the surveyor- 
general, at their request subdivided 
it; "into so many parts as they had 
previously agreed upon." 

In warrant book 1700-1714 p. 229, 
Shippen, Griffith Owen and Thomas 
under date of Oct. 10. 1710, Edward 
Story — Penn's land commissioners — 
order Jacob Taylor, Surveyor General, 
to survey to those named above the 
full quantity of ten thousand acres, i 
with allowances for highways into as 
many small tracts as they (the pur- 
chasers) shall agree or appoint to 
each of them his respective share to 
be holden by the purchasers, their 
heirs and assigns under the rents re- 
served, of one shilling Sterling yearly 
for every hundred acres. They were 
to pay 500 pounds Sterling for the 
land — one hundred pounds each year 
so that in six years they .should pay 
principal and interest in full. (See 
Rupp 75.) 



1710 — LanniJsler Coimtj AiKest<»rs 

iianished From Heme This 

Year. 

Prof. Kuhns (p. 46) in his "German 
and Swiss settlements of Pennsyl- 
vania" states that, in 1710 among 
those banished out of Berne were the 
names of Brechbuhl, Baumgartner, 
Rui)p, Fahrni, Aeschliman. Maurer, 
Ebersold and others and that as 
surely as these are of Bernese origin, 
the names of Landis, Brubacher, 
Meiley, Engli, Ringer, Gut, Gochenor 
and Frick are from Zurich. 

The particular Swiss home of the 
pioneers of Lancaster County may 
claim our brief attention in this item. 

The ancient Herr home we have 
discussed before. 

Martin Meiley and his ancestors, 
says Mr. Schnebeli of Obfelden, came 
from the Canton of Zurich. And he 
says the ancient home of Meileys 
was at Hedingon in Canton Zurich; 
and that there are doctors and pro- 
fessors of that name there now. 

Of the Kendigs, Oberholtzers and 
Millers, this same authority also says 
they were from Zurich. He says too 
that, the name Miiller is most numer- 
ous there (as it is here) of them all. 
In Canton Glarus there are many 
Herrs and Tschudys. 

Mr. Schnebeli says that "It is prob- 
able that two of the six signers of 
the London letter were from Zurich 
Oberland (that is southeast part of 
the Canton — mountainous part). They 
are Martin Kendig and Martin Ober- 
holtzer. 

Jacob Miiller was from Zurich, for 
a certainty. There were nine dead 
Mullers on the battle field of Keppel 
where Zwingli met his death Oct. 11, 
1531. The Mullers are most promi- 
nent in Switzerland. 

They have been statesmen, domes- 
tic and foreign. The president of 
Switzerland in 1909 was a Miiller. 



152 ATTEMPT TO FORCE MENxNONITES INTO PESTILENTIAL SWAMPS 



A branch of the Oberholtzers came 
from a village called Oberholtz near 
Wald. There are families of that 
name there today. 

Speaking again of the Mileys, Mr. 
Schnebeli says, there was a Colonel 
Meiley in late years. There is today 
a Rev. Meiley and a Dr. Meiley there 
too. 

Other now familiar Lancaster 
County names are found in the 
County of Obfeldon and says Mr. 
Schnebeli, "At the beginning of the 
18th century several Obfeldon resi- 
dents moved to Pennsylvania, such as 
Huber, Landis. Ringger, Gut, Funk, 
and others." 

He concludes by saying that the 
best authority on these subjects is 
Dr. Weber, the High Librarian of 
Canton Zurich. 

1710 — Projected Lithuanian Colony 

of Swiss Mennonites iu 

Prussia. 

As early as 1526 there were Menno- 
nites in Marienberg, Prussia, asd thus 
that section of the German Empire 
was not a new country to them. When 
this nation had become depopulated 
by pestilence and what Miiller calls 
the northern war (Miiller 329) King 
Frederick of Prussia, in 1710 asked 
Berne to send a colony of the perse- 
cuted Mennonites there. The Prus- 
sian Ambassador Von Bundeli was 
consulted by Berne as to the matter. 
The Prussian King also oipened the 
matter with the Ambassadors at the 
Hague and at Hamburg and reported 
that the Dutch and the Hamburg 
Mennonites thought this would be a 
good place to locate some of the per- 
secuted. But these Dutch and German 
brethren advised that by all means a 
committee of Mennonites should go 
and view the land to see whether 
their Swiss brethren would like the 
place. 

King Frederick thought well of the 
project and told his Berne Ambassa- 



dor, Von Bundeli, to give all the aid 
he could and report to the leaders of 
the Swiss Mennonites that they would 
have religious freedom there and be 
exempt from war. The States Gen- 
eral of Holland told their Ambassa- 
dor at Berne to help the project also. 
The letters which passed between 
Berne and King Frederick's officers 
are said to be very interesting, but 
we do not have copies of them. They 
are dated July 31, lYlO^Sept. 26, 1710 
and Nov. 14, 1710. They may be 
found says Miiller 330 in Schaerers 
History, etc. 

Miiller, however, goes on to tell us 
that from the correspondence, it is 
plain that the following conditions 
were laid down by Prussia: 

1. That Berne should allow the 
Mennonites full freedom to depart 
with their goods. 

2. They should be brought free — 
that is without expense to the Prus- 
sian boundary. 

3. That before they came, a commit- 
tee of Mennonites of Germany and 
Holland were to be allowed to ex- 
amine all the conditions of the coun- 
try and see whether it would be 
satisfactory to and suited to the needs 
of the brethren. 

Berne agreed Nov. 14, 1710, to the 
projects in the following manner: 

1. That ten per cent, of the estates 
which the Mennonites took with them 
was to be given up to be applied to 
the expense especially to the expense 
of the needy ones; and that all who 
went were to forfeit Swiss citizen- 
ship. 

2. Berne undertook to see that 
those who were paupers should be 
landed at Frankfort. 

3. Berne would not have a commit- 
tee of Swiss Mennonites go to view 
the land — the Holland and Prussian 
Mennonits should do that. 

4. Berne expressed the hope that 
the Mennonites would find a comfort- 



BRACKBILLS SERVICES FOR HIS BRETHFIEX 



i:,?, 



able place there so that none of them 
would attempt to come back. 

The particular place in Prussia 
where these Mennonites were to be 
settled was in a district on the east- 
ern border of Germany called Lith- 
uania. This is a former grand-duchy, 
later sub^divided between Russia and 
Prussia. 

This colony of Mennonites was to 
be made up of a considerable number 
of Swiss Mennonites who had been 
banished from Berne and were now 
in Holland with the brethren there 
and of a lot more still in Switberland 
around Berne, who had not yet been 
sent out. 

The project failed. A few Menno- 
nites from the Palatinate went but as 
wars were numerous in those sections 
then, they found that their principle 
of non resistence was not respected 
and that while they were not com- 
pelled to bear arms, they were com- 
pelled to pay large sums of money as 
the price of exemption. Then the 
Mennonites in Switzerland were not 
willing to go to a place which war 
and pestilence had once made deso- 
late. The Swiss Mennonites in Hol- 
land were too well pleased with the 
happy condition of the Dutch Menno- 
nites with whom they were living as 
servants, etc. (and with prospects of 
getting to Pennsylvania) to leave and 
go back east again. (MiiHer 329 and 
330.) 

1710— Benedict Brackbill's Taluable 
Services for His Swiss Brethren. 

One of the finest and foremost 
characters in the Mennonite troubles 
of the beginning of the 18th century 
in Switzerland was Benedict Brack- 
bill or (Brechbuhl) ancestor of our 
Strasburg Township and other east- 
ern Pennsylvania Brackbill's of today 
— one of the best and most numeorus 
of the families of the great county of 
Lancaster. 



According to Brons 215 and Miiller 
329, etc., Brackbill and two other 
! church brethren Zahier (Zellers) and 
, Burchi (Burgholder) March 22. 1710, 
I appeared before the authorities of 
! Amsterdam (Holland) to request Hol- 
land to prevent the Swiss Mennonites, 
whom Berne was now forcibly throw- 
j ing out of Switzerland, from crossing 
' Holland to the ocean. There three 
patriots found out that a ship-load of 
' fifty-seven of these Swiss brethren 
(of whom we have spoken of before) 
mostly old people and in many cases 
husbands separate from wives, etc., 
were taken out of the jails about 
Berne and were being sent down the 
Rhine. They were sick and half 
starved in their imprisonment and 
were not fit to travel at all. By the 
time the vessel reached Manheim, 
thirty-two had to be taken off the ship 
or they would have died. They were 
left to the mercies of Manheim. They 
were all to be sent to America. (In 
a later item, see page 159, we give 
their names, which on inspection will 
nearly all be found to be our common 
Lancaster county names of today.) 

Brackbill and his two fellow labor- 
ers agreed that these people were too 
weak to try to reach America and that 
they would all die on the trip. The 
Holland authorities agreed to what he 
asked. And thus when St. Saphorin, 
the Swiss Ambassador in Holland, 
asked for freedom of the Swiss emi- 
grants to go on, he was refused by 
Holland. St. Saphorin was a great 
friend of the Swiss Mennonite suffer- 
ers. 

When the ship containing the re- 
mainder of the fifty-seven reached 
Holland at Ximwegan, they knew 
that Switzerland could not harm them 
and they disembarked. They found 
Brackbill, Zellers and Burgholder 
waiting for them and they brought 
them before the Dutch Mennonite 
Congregation there for comfort, etc. 
There too, they gave testimony of 



154 



SENDING SWISS MENNONITES DOWN THE RHINE 



their suffering and treatment as we 
have set out before. (Brons 215). 

There it was too, that Benedict 
Brackbill got Holland interested in 
trying to get them to settle in Lith- 
uania; and it seems he had been in 
that place of proposed settlement to 
examine conditions too. (Miiller 330.) 

Brackbill also did another service 
for his Swiss brethren, when he 
visited Holland's capital in March, 
1710. They were represented by 
Berne as bad people and enemies of 
government and this was beginning 
to poison the Dutch against them. 
Brackbill explained their faith in all 
points and satisfied them that the 
Swiss Mennonites were the same good 
Christians as were the Holland Men- 
nonites. 

The circumstances leading up to the 
jail delivery in Berne resulting in the 
fifty-seven brethren having been sent 
down the Rhine are harrowing and 
horrible. 

In February, 1710, Berne decided 
that the government must get rid of 
the imprisoned Mennonites, as their 
imprisonment excited sympathy and 
kept the cause alive. The Council 
acted on the matter and a large num- 
ber of the body held out for executing 
them alii; but the majority carried 
through a vote to send them to Amer- 
ica. Then the Holland Mennonites 
determined to help them all they 
could and gathered up a fund of 
50,000 guilden for the cause. A 
guilden is worth forty cents. The 
government of Holland too was favor- 
able to them. All this again shows the 
gratitude Lancaster County and all 
southeastern Pennsylvania owe to 
Holland (Brons 215). 

1710 — Preparations to Send the Swiss 
Mennonites Down tlie Rhine. 

The negotiations between the Swiss 
and Holland Government with Mr. 
Ritter, deporting agent, of which we 
have spoken before, finally bore fruit. 



Holland, arranged so that the journey 
might be acoo'mplished. They asked 
for a promise on the part of the States 
Qieneral, that the prisoners upon their 
arrival in the country would be in due 
form declared free, so that they might 
go unhindered to their brethren, who 
would take care of them. This request 
was granted by Holland on April 3rd, 
with the advice not to allow them to 
return to their fatherland; for in such 
an event a further protection would be 
impossible. 

At last the important information 
was received that the Swiss ship had 
arrived at Nimwegen, where the pris- 
oners were set free by the authority of 
the Holland Government. Their soon- 
to-be-expected arrival had been her- 
alded froon Neuwied, by the teacher of 
said congregation. Tielman Rupp, in 
a letter by his son, Lieubard Rupp to 
Jacob Hendriks in Amsterdam, dated 
April 6th. Originally (the writer 
states) there had embarked at Berne 
56 persons, who were shipped down 
the Rhine, among them Brechbuhl, 
Zahler and Burki, ancestors of famous 
Eastern Pennsylvania families today. 
Of these 28 were by reason of sick- 
ness and infirmities incapable of 
travelling further; and upon urgent 
entreaties the officer released them on 
the 29th of March at Mannheim. The 
other 28 were transported further. At 
Neuwied, an effort had been made to 
land them (which place was passed 
April 3rd, at three o'clock in the after- 
noon), but the attempt was frustrated 
by two officers and fifteen men of the 
guard. In the letter of Tieleman Rupp 
the Hollanders are requested to pur- 
chase their liberty. Alhough the 
Messrs. Von Bent and Jan Frederiksen 
hurried from Rotterdam to Nime- 
wegen, on the strength of this letter, 
it was impossible to reach Nimewegen 
in time, the ship having arrived there 
April 6th. The banished travelers 
had been apprised that there existed 
a congregatiin of Anabaptists or 



SWISS MENNONITES RESCUED AT NIMBWEGEX 



155 



Mennonites in this port, and asked I 
leape that some of them, ever under I 
escort of a guard, be permitted to [ 
visit their brethren of the faith. Mr. ' 
Ritter placed no obstacles in their I 
way. They sought out and found the 
place of meeting and the teacher, I 
Hendrick Laurens, residing there. We 
will now let this Hendrik Laurens tell 
his own story of the arrival, as he 
wrote it to the brethren at Amster- 
dam. 

"It was on the 6th of April that they 
arrived here at Nimiwegen. As soon 
as they had heard that fellow-believers 
resided here, one of them came to me, 
guarded by two soldiers; but the sol- 
diers went away and let the man re- 
main with me. After I had spoken 
about this matter to other sei*vants of 
our congregation, we went together to 
the vessel, and there found our Swiss 
brethren. We had a talk with the 
ofRcer of the guard, and soon saw that 
some refreshments ought to be sup- 
plied to these people, as they had spent 
twenty days on the water in great dis- 
tress and misery; whereupon we 
brought them into the town. Now we 
said to our captive brethren: 'The sol- 
diers will not get you out ol here 
easily, for if they sfhould use force, we 
will make complaint to the States 
General.' But nothing of the kind 
happened. Now they were free, over 
which we felt great joy, and we show- 
ed them all token of friendship and 
love, to their great delight and happi- 
ness. After we spent some time hap- 
pily together, and they regaled them- 
selves, with great enjoyment, they left 
the following day. But they could 
only walk with difficulty, for by reason 
of their long imprisonment they had 
become quite stiff; some of them had 
been confined for almost two years 
amid much suffering, and particularly 
last winter during the intense cold, 
when their feet were shackled with 
fetters. I went with them for an hour 
and a half outside of the town. Then 



with tears of joy and cheerful minds 
we embraced each other and parted 
with a kiss of peace. Thereupon they 
returned to the Palatinate, to seek out 
their wives and children, who were 
scattered there, as well as in Switzer- 
land, and in Alsace, not knowing 
whither they had gone. They were 
quite confident and of good cheer in 
their misery, although all their world- 
ly goods had been taken from them. 
There were among them a preacher 
and two teachers. They were by nature 
a very sturdy, hardened people, cap- 
able of enduring great privations and 
hardships, with long unshorn beards, 
wearing disordered clothing, heavy 
shoes, made all the more clumsy by 
horseshoes on the heels and great 
nails being driven into them. They 
were very assiduous to serve God with 
prayer, reading and other works, were 
very plain in all their actions, like 
larnibs and doves. They asked me how 
the congregation was conducted here 
which I told them; and they seemed 
to be very well pleased. But we could 
converse with them only with dif- 
ficulty, owing to the fact that in 
Switzerland they had dwelled in the 
mountains f;ir from villages and cities, 
and had little intercourse with other 
people. Their language was quite 
coarse, awkward and uncouth; and 
they could hardly understand anyone 
who did not si^eak their language. Two 
of them went to Deventer in order to 
see whether they could make a living 
in this country." Such is the letter of 
their host Laurens. (iMiiller, p. 170.) 

1710— nroohbiielil. Zaliler (Zollers) & 

Burki and Tlieir Noitrhbors, Swiss 

Mennonites Tell of Berne's 

Cruelty. 

The Swiss sufferers, Brechbiiehl, 
Zahler, Burki and others, before men- 
tioned as being at Nimewegen, after- 
wards went to Cleve, there to await 
the result of the negotiations of their 
I brethren in Holland, of which thy had 



156 



DEPORTATION OF 1710 DOWN THE RHINE 



no knowledge; and then to wander 
further South. 

When about twenty of them had ar- 
rived there (one, Bendicht Brechbuhl, 
upon leaving the ship had preceded 
them to Crefeld, by way of Cleve), 
they repaired to the teacher for the 
congregation at Cleve, Isak Vrauken. 
Here the emotion and pity of the 
liberated brethren were great. In a 
trice their arrival was known; one of 
the deacons asked the privilege of car- 
ing for half of them. The other breth- 
ren also came around, and each one 
asked for his portion, in order to exer- 
cise hospitality. Consequently no 
one could entertain more than two 
himself; for a teacher and a deacon 
remained with Vrauken. Whoever re- 
ceived no guest, brought clothing. 
These strangers could not be persuad- 
ed to lie in bed; but preferred to sleep 
on straw, as most of them had sub- 
sisted for one or two years on nothing 
but bread and water. Meats and other 
nutritive foods did not agree with 
them. They made no other request 
than to be taken as soon as possible to 
Mannheim, where their fellow-prison- 
ers, as we have seen before, 28 in num- 
ber, were left behind. When asked 
about the state of their purses, they 
refused to accept anything, saying 
they had partaken of more than they 
could ever recompense. But Isak 
Vrauken collected hurriedly 9 florins 
of Cleve money and slipped them into 
their hands, whilst Vice Chancellor 
Heine procured for them a good pass- 
port and 30 floirns, in the bargain. So 
they remained a few days longer at 
Cleve, principally upon the suggestion 
of some brethren at Emmerich, to 
await tidings from Holland which 
were soon expected, as two delegates 
had left Rotterdam on April 11th, to 
come to their aid with good advice. 
As Sunday had arrived, Vrauken's 
guest occupied in his stead the pulpit 
of the congregation of Cleve. Albeit 
the brethren of Cleve did not under- 



stand the sermon, it nevertheless did 
not likely fail to create a deep im- 
pression. 

Isak Vrauken writes to the Commit- 
tee at Amsterdam, he has found that 
these people are well versed in the 
Holy Scriptures, that they are very 
humble without any hypocrisy or de- 
ceitful show of character. Of the 
twenty, seventeen were married. They 
had a heartfelt longing for wife and 
children after such a long and grie- 
vous separation. None of them had a 
desire to return to Switzerland. They 
preferred rather to settle down in the 
Palatinate, at Mannheim or elsewhere. 

On May 2, 1710, the Committee of 
Amsterdam transmitted the sum of 
1200 florins to the congregations in 
the vicinity of Mannheim, who were 
not able to care for the Swiss who had 
remained there, and for those who had 
just returned there from Nimwegen. 

The Committee of the Mennonites at 
Amsterdam had asked some of the 
Swiss, freed at Nimewegen, to come 
before them in order thoroughly to 
learn the conditions in Switzerland. In 
their meeting at Amsterdam on April 
25. 1710, twenty-four questions were 
submitted to them to be answered. Of 
four of these questions written, an- 
swers were requested, viz: How and 
by whom were they taken prisoner? 
How long and where were they im- 
prisoned? How were they treated 
then? Whether an investigation had 
been conducted and by whom? These 
Swiss were, Benedicht Brechbuhl of 
Trachselwald, teacher and elder at 
Mannheim; Hans Burki, of Langnau, 
deacon, and Melchoir Zahler, deacon 
of Prutigen. Brechbuhl had once be- 
fore been expelled from the Bernese 
territory and gone thence to Mann- 
heim. Returning to fetch his wife and 
children, he was taken prisoner and 
in that way got among the deported. 
Upon his liberation at Nimwegen, he 
at once traveled toward Mannheim and 
was then recalled to Holland. Three 



BURKIS AND BRECHBUHL'S REPORT AT NIMEWEGE.N 



157 



of these Swiss sufferers made reports 
in writing of their treatment. 

1710— Hans Burki's lUport. 

For the remembrance of my descen- 
dants and of all my fellow-believers, 
I, Hans Burki, of Langnau, want to 
relate what happened to me. I had 
gone to the mountain called Blutten- 
ried (Community of Langnau), in 
company with my wife and two sons. 
There a poor man came to us to whom 
we gave something to eat; this man 
subsequently went to Harvag to the 
authorities and told them that he saw 
me. Thereupon the Bailiff of Trach- 
selwald sent the traitor with a few 
others to take me prisoner. They came 
quite early in the morning to my hut, 
in which I stood unawares of any evil, 
and when I noticed the man before 
the door I had him supplied with 
something to eat. Then I was made 
a captive and they took me away from 
my wife and twelve children and led 
me to Castle Trachselwald and placed 
me into a prison or dungeon, for four 
days, during which time I was taken 
sick. Then the bailiff with two pro- 
vosts brought me on a cart into the 
city of Berne. There they placed me. 
sick as I was, in the prison, called 
Ahur. After two days the gentlemen 
called and questioned me, whereupon 
I confessed my faith. Then they lock- 
ed me up alone in a separate hole in 
the Ahur, and there I lay sick about 
five weeks, and altogther 17 weeks, in 
solitary confinement. Thereupon they 
led me into another prison, named the 
Island. There I lay during the whole 
long and cold winter with an un- 
healthy body, and suffered very much 
from the intense cold. For a long time 
I was watched so closely that none of 
my family or anyone else could come 
to me, so that my friends did not 
know whether I was living or dead. 
Thereupon, at the beginning of the 
month of May, 1709, I was brought 
with all the other prisoners to the 
hospital, and there, too, I was kept in 



such close surveillance that only very 
few persons could speak to us. We 
were compelled to work on wool from 
early morning until late at night, viz: 
from four o'clock in the morning until 
eight o'clock at night, and we got 
nothing to eat and drink but bread 
and water. This lasted about thirty- 
five weeks. Thereafter ten more 
weeks we were treated less severely. 
Then the authorities had us conveyed 
to the ship, viz: on March 18, 1710, 
with the design of having us taken to 
America. The authorities told us that 
if any time and by any means we 
were to return to their country, they 
would inflict the death penalty on us. 
Thus the merciful Father has by his 
strong hand and through the medium 
of our brethren and friends in Hol- 
land, delivered us from our oppres- 
sors, as we arrived at Ximewegen, 
and came to the town where they had 
to release us. For this we thank the 
Almighty God and Father of all 
mercy, who will not forsake all those 
who place their confidence in him, 
but will cause them to prosper. The 
whole time of my imprisonment has 
been about 21 months, for in the month 
of July, 1708 I was taken captive, and 
on the 18th of March, 1710, I was led 
away from Berne. Will come to a 
close here. 

Breohbuhl's Report 
It was in the year 1709, on the 12th 
of January, that the authorities of 
Berne sent seven provosts with a con- 
stable, early in the morning to my 
house, whereby we were greatly 
frightened so that my wife and my- 
self tried to hide ourselves. I con- 
cealed myself under a haystack. They 
searched my house in every nook and 
corner. Finally they came to the hay- 
stack and thrust their swords in it, 
so that they struck me and were made 
aware that some one was hiding 
therein. Thereupon I crept out and 
they seized me, asked my name and 
whether I was a preacher, which I 



158 



M/ELCHIOR ZELLBRS REPORT AT NIMEWEGEN 



told them and acknowledged it. Then 
they led me into my room; there the 
constable gave me a box on the ear 
and tied my hands on my back and 
led me out of nay house. Thereupon 
my children began to lament and cried 



were forbidden by pain of loss of their 
possessions, privileges and expulsion 
from the country, to harbor any one 
of us and to give them food or drink; 
furthermore it was ordained that if 
anyone would discover or see any 



so piteously that, as the saying is, a ! Anabaptist or Mennonite, he was to 



heart of stone would have been touch- 
ed thereby. But the provosts were in 
great glee that they ihad succeeded in 
catching me. They led me hence to 
the city of Berne in comipany with two 
other brethren, and put us in impris- 
onment and that too, in the very long 
and cold winter, there we lay as pris- 
oners. If we wanted anything warm, 
we had to pay dearly for wood. After 
six or seven days they bi'ought me in 
another jail. There they put iron 
shackles on me. In the mean time the 
authorities had given those who cap- 
tured me 100 Thaler, which my family 
had to reimburse out of my estate. 



inform the pastor or bailiff of such 
fact. A reward was set, a liberal sum 
of money, for some 50, for others 100 
Thaler of the realm, and they had 
their subjects make oath, that if they 
can get hold of any of us, be it in the 
houses or on the roads, or elsewhere, 
they should bind us and lead us all 
into captivity, so that the same hap- 
pened about this time to myself. For 
when I was about to get some bread 
and wine for my sick and pregnant 
wife, now deceased, which was about 
between 10 and 11 o'clock at night, I 
was asked whether I was not a Bap- 
tist. And when I did not deny this. 



After two days they again brought me ! they told me they had to be true to 
in the tower and set me in a separate I their solemn promise and would not 



hole and fastened me to an iron chain. 
There I laid about 18 weeks. After 



perjure themselves on my account, or 
they would not do this injury. There- 



that they led me with all the other upon they led me part ways with 
prisoners to the hospital. There we I much cursing and swearing. But at 



were compelled to work from four the same time I was released by a 
o'clock in the morning to eight o'clock good friend. 



in the evening in wool and they fed 
us with bread and water, but supplied 
these in sufficient quantity. This last- 
ed about 35 weeks. The remaining 
ten weeks the work was easier. So 
the whole time of my imprisonment at 
Berne was one year, 7 months and 7 
days. This happened in the 44th and 
45th years of my age. 

Benedicht Brechbuhl, a. Native of 
the Bmmenthal. 

1710 — Melchior Zahler s Statemeut. 

In the year 1709, about the month 
of March, the authorities of Berne had 
issued a commandment and a strict 
mandate, which they had announced 
from the pulpit in all their territory 
against the so-called Anabaptists or 
.Mennonites, wherein all their subjects 



After that the gentlemen of Berne 
had caused to be sent to the city of 
Berne, from all parishes wherein it 
was presumed that some Anabaptists 
dwelled, two, three or more persons; 
these people had to remain there for 
several weeks at great expense to the 
people of their respective parishes, so 
that by such loss and detriment we 
were to be made all the more obnox- 
ious and hated by the peasantry, 
whereupon many of our people re- 
moved about that time from the coun- 
try to Alsace, Mompelgard and Neuen- 
burg, whereby the oppressed fugitives 
and banished, suffered great distress 
and poverty, since everything was 
taken and robbed from the most of 
them, so that nothing was left to 
them; and all this against all rights 



NAMES OF THOSE DEPORTED DOWN THE RHINE IN 1710 159 



and justice and against their own 
mandate. 

At the same time, I, Melchior Zah- 
ler, also went to dwell in the territory 
of Neuenburg. Thereafter some time, 
my brother-in-law with a friend well 
known to me by the name of Hans 
Germann, both Reformed, requested 
me by word of mouth through a con- 
fidant, to come back to my possessions 
in the Bernese District. Thereupon I 
went to this well known friend, who 
showed me all love and friendship, 
and who wanted to give over to me 
my two children in order that I might 
maintain and clothe them. Then I 
wanted at one time to visit my brother 
and sister and my other children, and 
while I was with my brother and sister 
and other children, he went to the 
Reformed pastor and betrayed me. He 
divulged everything, the time, the 
night when I returned into the coun- 
try; and of the clothing, etc. All this 
he told the pastor. Thereupon this 
pastor sent three provosts on the same 
evening, who took me prisoner, bound 
me and took me to the pastor who 
questioned me concerning my creed, 
about infant baptism, swearing of an 
oath, about the regulation of the ban, 
about the carrying of arms, about the 
institutios of the authorities, etc. And 
he ordered them to again bind me 
and transport me to Berne, which was 
subsequently done on February 27, 
1710. 

Once before, in the year 1706, I had 
been imprisoned for three weeks, and 
now at Berne in the hospital six 
weeks my right hand shackled and 
locked ,and fed on bread and water, 
whereby I was afflicted during this 
time with much anguish, sadness and 
misery, for the reason that they had 
betrayed me so falsely, and that they 
had robbed me of all my children and 
worldly goods. 

They also took away from me, be- 
sides my five children, more than 



15,000 florins; furthermore banished 
me from my estate and ties of blood, 
and transported me with the following 
company to be sent to America with- 
out giving me a penny for the jour- 
ney, viz: 

Hans Burki, who was captured July, 
170S — Christian Sattler, captured and 
made prisoner .July, 1708 — Isaac 
Baumgartner, taken prisoner the first 

time ; 1709 the second time — 

Benedicht Brechbuhl, a teacher, on 
.January 12, 1709 — Jacob Ulrich — 
Peter Zalfanger — Kaspar Bieri — Chris- 
tian Janthauser — Christian Berger of 
Laupersville — Dan. Moser (Musser) — 
Ulrich Schmied of Langnau — Nicklaus 
Blaser of Lauperswyl — Peter Hofer of 
Schoenek — Peter Hofer of Laupers- 
wyl — Christian Grahenbiihl — ^Samuel 
Reber; this Samuel Reber, according 
to a letter of Runkel, of January 17, 
1711 (A. A. No. 1301), came back and 
was sentenced to imprisonment for 
life — Ulrich Ellenberger — Peter Koh- 
ler— Henrich Wenger of Moglenberg — 
Christian Steiner, a deacon — ^Hans 
Jacob of Uetendorf — Jacob Schwander 
— Peter Thonen of ~Reutigen — Hans 
Gasser, a teacher — Hans Stubet (Sto- 
ber), a deacon — Hans Rupp of Sigris- 
wyl — Hans I^Iurdt (Maurer) of Nieder- 
hunigen — Niklaus Hager of Nieder- 
hunigen — Ulrich Fahrni of Schwarzen- 
egg — Hans Ramseier — Yost Kopfler — 
Hans Engle of Rothenbach — Durs 
Rohrer a deacon — Rudolph Stettler, a 
teacher — Michael Aeschlimann, a dea- 
con — Niklaus Baltzer — Melchior Zah- 
ler taken prisoner February 27, 1710, 
and once before in May, 1706 — Mathias 
Grahenbiihl — Benedict Muster (Mus- 
ser) of Diesbach — Benedicht Maurer — 
Hans Berain — Niklaus Moser, a teach- 
er, who died in prison — Benedicht 
Nusbaum — Peter Mutrich of Trub and 
Niklaus Luthi — and the women folks 
are Katharina Ebersole — Elizabeth 
Gerber — Elizabeth Gerber of Signau — 
Elizabeth Krieg (Krick) of Hettings- 
hem — Elizabeth Steiner of Nurzenburg 



160 



SUMMARY OF SWISS SENT TO THE GALLEYS 



— Anna Schenk of Diesbach — ^Barbara 
Fahrni — Margaretha Engel of Dies- 
bach — 'Magrith Aeschlimann — Katha- 
rina Ellenberger of Eggiwyl and Bar- 
bara Frutiger, who escaped from the 
Basle district. 

The above named women and men 
folk were on March 18, 1710, trans- 
ported from Berne in a ship after en- 
during much persecution and oppres- 
sion and severe imprisonment; of 
these people 32 were liberated at 
Mannheim on the following 28th of 
March in consideration of the fact that 
they were old and feeble people, and 
some of them very sick. The other 
26 were somewhat stronger, were 
taken to Nimwegen, where, on April 
9, they were set free through the in- 
tercession (or intervention) of the 
high and mighty gentlemen of the 
States General and the Dutch Breth- 
ren and friends, which happened by 
divine will or decree." 

At the close of the whole episode 
we enter once more the residence of 
the Ambassador, St. Saphorin, at The 
Hague, and find him busily engaged 
with the Messrs. Ritter and Isott, 
which, of course, ended to the disad- 
vantage of that firm. In consequence 
thereof there remained for the master 
of the ship, Schinder, 12 Thaler of the 
money which he had received at 
Berne for the maintenance of the ser- 
geant and the soldiers. As he could 
not enter upon the home journey with 
this small amount, St. Saphorin paid | 
over to Schinder for this purpose 130 
Thaler, taking a proper receipt there- 
for. 

On April 26th, the Ambassador also 
received a well merited testimonial 
from his government for his exeer- 
tions. 

1710— Brief Snininary of Galley 
Torture 

We have several times given items 
upon the persecution of our ancient 
ancestors by means of the galleys, 
Berne sending them to Venice and 



other Mediterranean icountries. Miiller 
in his Chapter No. 13, page 215, dis- 
cusses the whole subject. Wars with 
Turkey made strong galley-men 
necessary. Switzerland was glad to 
send our Mennonite ancestors to this 
torture. As early as 1540 ninety 
Anabaptists or Mennonites were taken 
out of the dungeons in Austria, to be 
handed over to the great king of 
Venice for galley-service; but they 
escaped from the torture at Trieste. 
Twenty were afterwards captured and 
transferred to the galleys. When they 
arrived a receipt was given by the of- 
ficer who took them and an agree- 
ment that after two years, they would 
be released. It was also agreed that 
they were to be used in one ship and 
not be separated. Any that would re- 
pent their religion before reaching 
the galley could go back. 

In 1671 George Orell was in Venice 
collecting payments due to Zurich and 
Berne for the hiring of our Menno- 
nite brethren as galley-servants. (Do. 
216). He reports that Venice was 
greatly pleased with, these people 
There are works devoted entirely to 
the subject of galley-punishment. 

The great emigration in 1711 Berne 
thought, would rid Switzerland of the 
Mennonites (Miiller 220) ; but it was 
found there were many of them still 
in Switzerland and that many more 
came back from Holland, refusing to 
be banished. This caused a split in 
the Mennonite religion. Jacob Am- 
nion headed the stricter party and 
Hans Reist the milder party. The 
Amnion people, that is the Amish, 
were willing to go; but the Reist 
wing were not, and were put under 
the ban by the Amish. Berne now de- 
termined to send the obstinate Reist 
people to the galleys, because they 
came back_ from Holland; and thus it 
happened that this year about fifty- 
two were sent. 

Berne now seleeted from those who 
were expelled in 1710 and 1711, (and 



ATTEMPTED DEPORTATION TO .UIEJUCA. 



If?-! 



had returned), six of the most promi- 
nent, to be sent to the galleys — to be 
sold to the king of Sicily, but only 
four were found fit to go, the other 
two were too old. They were Hans 
Luithi, XicJiolas Bumgarduer, Peter 
Weitrich, and .Joseph Brobst. These 
were of Trub. Much influence was 
brought to try to have the govern- 
ment re-consider; but to no avail. 
They were strong men about fifty 
years old and had to go (Miiller 220). 
They were to be fettered with irons. 
Some time in 1711, Jacob Schnebeli 
(Suavely) of M.inheim wrote to Jacob 
Frey and others at Amsterdam and 
stated that he had news of these de- 
ported from Turin by letters — that 
they were to remain there over win- 
ter — that they were kept in a vault to- 
gether with ninety criminals, who 
had been sold to a man named Hack- 
brett for their crimes — that they were 
daily taken out to do some hard 
work. Schnebeli further wrote that 
by Spring they would go on the high 
seas to the galley. They presented a 
petition to the Duke of Savoy to re- 
lease them. The Duke said he was 
satisfied but it was all in the hands of 
the officers at Berne. When at Turin 
the prisoners received some aid from 
their Mennonite brethren in Holland. 
A little later Berne agreed to release 
the prisoners, provided they would 
not return to Switzerland. 

The original letter from these gal- 
ley-slaves, dated at Balermo, Septem- 
ber 16, 1715, signed by Christian 
Liebe, Peter Whitrick and Joseph 
Brobst is found in the archives of the 
Mennonites or Baptists at Amster- 
dam (Miiller 226). 

In this letter they complain of great 
tribulation and distress and that one 
of them died that year, another one 
the year before, at Turin, so that only 
three were now left. These were 
Nicholas Bumgardner and Hans 
Luthi. A little later the king of Sicily 
ordered them released (Do. 230). The 



king agreed to transfer the men free 
to Nice. An influential Swiss friend 
named Frey of Torren, succeeded in 
getting them liberated and he gave 
them money and clothing and con- 
ducted them back to Switzerl'ind 
(MuUer 231 and 232). They had the 
shackles taken off of their feet, and 
they started to walk to Turin but got 
very sore feet. From Turin they pro- 
ceeded through Savoy and Geneva to 
Neuenburg. They were met by the 
l)i3hop of Pruntret, in whose neigh- 
borhood some Mennonite friends had 
settled and got together a small con- 
gregation. Here they were given 
earnest advice not to go back to 
Berne. All of them but Christian 
Liebi (Levy) remained there; but he 
went on alone to the Palatinate. 

ITlO^Scattered Itiiiis on Alteiiipted 
Deportation to America. 

Miiller devotes Chapter 15, page 
252, to an attempted deportation to 
America. Much of this we have al- 
ready discussed. The question be- 
fore Berne was, "What shall be done 
with these Mennonites?" All orders 
had been partly futile. Whenever the 
Mennonites were forced over the 
Swiss boundaries, they were sure to 
return. This was made worse about 
1710 by a famine that had broken out 
in Alsace, where some had been sent 
So they went b'lck to Switzerl.'md. 
Many were in the .jails and were a 
burden. The galleys were too dread- 
ful. Many were old and weak. 

The idea of deportation to distant 
countries began about 1699; and on 
the 17th of May, that year, the East 
India Company at Amsterdam were 
requested to take ship-loads of them 
away. (Miiller 253.) The city of 
Berne sent a long communication to 
the company, stating how obstinate 
these people were; that measures 
harsh and mild were of no avail, and 
that nothing would do but to send 
them to a far-off land. Thus Berne 



162 



FIRST SETTLEMENT IN LANCASTER COUNTY. 



urged the East India Company to 
take a lot of them to the Islands of 
East India. 

One of the foremost leaders was 
Isaac Kaiiffman; and it was arranged 
that he should be taken to the Com- 
pany at Amsterdam and be sent to 
India. The company paid no heed to 
this. 

The idea of deportation soon again 
was taken up as the number of pris- 
oners was increasing in Switzerland. 
This time the Court, erected to take 
charge of the Mennonite matters, 
known as the "Baptists Chamber" 
was informed of the affairs in April 
17, 1709 and directed to start vigor- 
ously to clean them all out of the 
country. So vigorously did this Court 
take hold of its work that shortly, 
more than five hundred were driven 
out of the country and it was hoped 
that soon they would all be gone. It 
seems that two places where the 
Mennonites had been imprisoned 
were in the "Upper Jail" and on the 
"Island." Among those mentioned 
are Benjamin Brackbill of Troxel- 
wald, Christian Krayenbiihl of Nor- 
ben, Hans Wager (Wenger) a weaver 
of Wattenweil, Peter Thouen of Reut- 
igen, Jacob Neueuschwanger (News- 
wanger) of Stocken, Hans Burki of 
Gibel, Christian Steiner of GTafen- 
hiihl, Elsbeth Steiner, his sister Catri. 
Aebersold, Anna Shenk, Hans Ger- 
ber's wife; a baby, Catrina Leuen- 
berger of Wytigen, Peter Rubeli's 
wife of Aesehlen; Elsbeth Gerber, 
Peter Gerber's wife of Zimmerzey; 
Christian Danzler, an old bedfast man, 
Babi Forni, an old woman quite deaf. 
To the Baptists incarcerated on the 
Island were added Rudolph Stettler 
of Stettlen; Durse Rohrer of Ittigen 
and Hans Rupp of Gunten. (Miiller 
253.) 

These and others were people not 
able to do galley-service, and there- 
fore, Berne asked the Baptist Cham- 
ber to see that they were sent to the 



East or West Indies and Pennsyl- 
vania. 

The other steps in this attempted 
deportation to Pennsylvania we have 
already had in former items and I 
have simply added this at this time 
because it was omitted heretofore. 
We recall that the principal step 
taken to deport to Ameirca was that 
in 1710, when fifty-seven were put in 
a boat and sent down the Rhine, of 
whom three gave their story and tes- 
timony to the Dutch Mennonite 
preacher, Hendrick Laurens, at 
Nimewegen. We have also heretofore 
given the names of them. 

1711 -The Pequea Swiss Tra^t Sub- 
divided. 

We have stated in a prior item that 
in 1711 the tract of 6,400 acres (part 
of the 10,000 acres taken up) was 
sub-divided among the different 
owners. This happened on the 27th 
of April ; and the surveyor general at 
the request of the purchasers made 
the actual division I hope to append 
a map of this subdivision to these 
annals which will show the particular 
lines dividing the large tract. (Rupp 
75.) 

1711— First Swiss Birth in tlie Settle- 
ment. 

According to Rupp 83, on the 22nd 
of January this year, Samuel Miller 
was born on the Pequea, son of Jacob 
Miller, a pioneer. He was the first 
child born to our Swiss ancestors in 
this county. 

1711"Interesting Conference Between 
the Governor of Pennsylvania and 
the Pioneer Colony of Lan- 
caster County. 

In the Colonial Records. Vol. 2. 
page 533, there is an interesting ac- 
count of a treaty at Conestoga on the 
13th of June, 1711. The Governor of 
Pennsylvania, together with four of 
his most noted members of Council 



NEW BBRNB SETTLEMENT— REIST AND AJVIMAN FRACTIONS. 16l{ 



were present at this treaty. It took 
place at the fork of the Little Cone- 
stoga and Big Conestoga Creeks. As 
far as it relates to the German-Swiss 
settlement of this county, we simply 
note that under date of Tuesday the 
18th, in the forenoon, the Governor 
in his speech to the Indians says 
that he intends to present five belts 
of Wampum to the Five Nations and 
with them the Conestoga Indians, he 
required their friendship to the 
■'Palatines settled on Pequea." This 
is conclusive proof to show that the 
Periuea settlement of the Swiss was 
in existence at that time. To this the 
Indians made answer "As to the 
Palatines, they are in our opinion I 
safely seated." This gives us some! 
little side light upon the conditions ! 
in which our fore-fathers lived. 

1711— Palatine Colony of New Berne 
Killed. I 

According to Rupp in his 30,000] 
names of Swiss and Germans coming 
to Eastern Pennsylvania he says, 
page 3, that in 1709 a considerable 
number went and found New Berne, 
N. C, about 150 families; and that 
Sept, 22, 1711, one hundred of them 
were killed by the Tusoaroras. The 
New Berne Colony do not appear to 
have been Mennonites. New Berne 
exists today. 

1711— Condition and Size of the 
Pequea Colony. 

.Jacob Ta.\ lor, surveyor for Penn, 
in a letter to .James Logan, the 20th 
of the 5th month (which was July) 
1711, concerning the Pequea Colony of 
Swiss writes "^Many people are de- 
sirous to go backwards to settle land. 
Six or seven families of Palatines are 
settled at Pequea; and more desire to 
go there next winter." In another 
part of the letter he says that there 
is "a great want of commissions to 
sell the proprietor's land and that 
many people desire to go back to 



settle." (Taylor Papers No. 2796.) 
We state this item simply to show 
the condition of the first colony, 
toward the end of its first ye.ir ot 
residence in this county; and we can 
gather from Taylor's letters that it 
consisted only of a few families. But 
that many more families were inter- 
ested in coming there to settle. And 
that generally they were prosperous, 
is also evident. 

1711 — The Keist and Amman Factions 
of Mennonites on Eniig^ratlun. 

We have before stated that .lacoLi 
Amman led off a branch of Menno- 
nites from the regular church on the 
doctrine that they were not strict 
enough. When the question of suffer- 
ing, persecution or emigrating to 
America came up, it seems that the 
Amman faction were more willing to 
emigrate than the Reisi faction. At 
least we are told by Miiller (page 
220 and 221) that the Reist people re- 
sisted being sent to America and 
either remained at home or left the 
ships wherever they could to return 
home and join their brethren in faith 
in the Palatinate. Therefore, the 
wrath of the authorities was more 
fierce against the Reist people than 
against the Amish. The Berne Gov- 
ernment called them "the most con- 
trary people known." The govern- 
ment also declared that all those who 
were banished and came back would 
be sent to the galleys or imprisoned 
for life. Among those sent to the 
galleys was Hans Gerber. 

1711— Holland ^fennonites Take Ip 

Beriie Mennonlte Cause Before 

Berne Ambassador in 

Holland. 

About this time a deputation of 
eight leaders of the Holland Menno- 
nites, who had brought with them 
four Berne or Swiss Mennonites, one 
of them a preacher, came to try to 
induce the Berne ambassador in Hoi- 



1G4 BERNE'S AMBASSADOR AT AMSTERDAM CRITICIZES HOLLAND. 



land to new efforts, to influence 
Berne. The Bernese Ambassador to 
Holland tried to thwart this. The four 
Bernese Mennonites were taken be- 
fore him. The Holland Mennonites 
said that they regretted that Berne 
was again imprisoning their Brethren 
and that the wives and children of 
those banished, had been kept back. 
(Mliller 281.) They represented that 
these Brethren do not hinder the 
state in any way and only ask the 
right to serve God, according to the 
dictate of their own consciences. 

St. Saphorin relates as follows: I 
deemed it proper to answer the Hol- 
land Mennonites with asperity. I 
told them "I am astounded to hear 
you speak in such a manner after 
you had yourselves an opportunity to 
know the Bernese Baptists. These 
people had the permission to sell 
their possessions, but only upon the 
provision not to enter any more upon 
the territory of their Excellencies in 
Switzerland from which they had 
been banished. Not only did they re- 
turn to the land but they also tried 
to convert to their notions as many 
of the inhabitants as they were able 
which under the Constitution of our 
State would lead to nothing less 
than the annihilation of its defences. 
They could have been punished with 
the severity which the law prescribes 
against those who break their banish- 
ment; but instead arrangements had 
been made with the minister of Eng- 
land by which they were to be re- 
ceived in America under the mild 
dominion of her Majesty, the Queen, 
with the same privileges enjoyed by 
the other subjects of their Excellen- 
cies who emigrate thence on their 
own accord, or voluntarib' — ^ouly with 
this for their advantages — that those 
who profess the religion of their 
sovereign must go there on their 
own expense, while the Anabaptists 
are sent there at the expense of their 



Excellencies, the Swiss government. 
With profuse thanks they had accept- 
ed this, glad that a punishment had 
been meted out so little commensur- 
ate with their disobedience. 

While not all could emigrate to 
America — although such was stipu- 
lated — yet it would have been quite 
proper for some who liave neither 
wives or children to show by the 
journey, their compliance; but none 
would give in, to the admonitions of 
the gentlemen here who are so 
solicitous of their welfare. Instead, 
they have remained in Holland 
to complain of Switzerland, their 
Country and Sovereign. Although 
there is only one religion prevalent 
in all reformed Cantons in Switzer- 
land, it is nevertheless not the re- 
ligious dogmas which impels the in- 
tolerance of the Anabaptists or Men- 
nonites in the territory or the domin- 
ion of their Excellencies; but because 
their creed contains certain things 
which are diametrically opposed to 
the State Constitution. No power 
can reprove us if their Excellencies 
fwho maintain no standing army, and 
who impose no other burdens on 
their subjects, than the duty of de- 
fending the Fatherland), cannot tol- 
erate a religion which tends to over- 
throw the only foundation of their 
security. As to the intercessions of 
so many different powers such as 
Holland, England, etc., their Excel- 
lencies know full well that all these 
powers have too just an opinion, as 
to disapprove what Switzerland de- 
mands, when they expect of their 
subjects the defense of the Father- 
land. Besides, their Excellencies are 
not bound to render an account of 
their doings to any one; nor do they 
expect from any other an account of 
their actions. I declare that all 
movements by which you cause a 
disapproval of the attitude of their 
Excellencies will only have a tend- 
ency to embitter the public mind in 



SWITZERLAND DENIES HOLLAND'S REQUESTS. 



165 



Switzerland, and to make the condi- 
tion of your brethren in the faith all 
the harder." 

This action of St. Saphorin defines 
the Bernese standpoint. The military 
view takes precedence of all others. 
The military duty is the most promi- 
nent affair of honor of the citizen; 
and in the storms which sometimes 
swept through Europe, it was not an 
easy matter to guard the neutrality 
of the country which, in addition to 
other duties, had to defend the Re- 
formed Faith against the Catholic, 
making it a countiy with weapon in 
hand; and one whose best forces 
were hired to foreign countries as 
mercenary soldiers. The speech did 
not fail to have effect. 

1711 — Holland Mennonites .Vrranging 

tA* Help Swiss Brethren Out of the 

Country to America and 

Elsewhere. 

After St. Saphorin had delivered 
his lecture to the delegation of Dutch 
Mennonites and their Swiss brethren 
present, just set out, the delegation 
made the following requests: 

1. For the free departure of the 
wives and children of those who were 
banished and are being banished to 
America, so they may join them. 

2. For milder treatment of, and 
liberation of, those recently impris- 
oned so that they can emigrate out of 
Switzerland too. 

3. To stop the horrible practise 
of Mennonite-hunting and rewards 
for their capture, so they can come 
out of hiding, collect their possessions 
and leave too. 

St. Saphorin replied that the first 
r6quest would be granted, on condi- 
tion these families would not settle 
down near the boundary line of 
Switzerland; and that Holland should 
see to it that none of the ship-load 
sent down the Rhine in 1710, of fifty- 
seven persons of whom thirty were 
put off at Manheim and twenty-seven 



at Nimewegen, Holland, should re- 
turn to Switzerland as they threat- 
ened to return; and that a bond be 
given to guarantee this. If this be 
done, the detained wives and chil- 
dren may go to them. The delegates 
also state that as to the property of 
these divided families, they be allow- 
ed to turn it all into money and take 
the money with them; but the Ambas- 
sador said all he could do was to see 
that the wives' dowry rights were re- 
spected, as the husbands' share had 
already been forfeited. 

As to the milder treatment of and 
liberation of the Mennonites, then in 
Berne jail,- all St. Saphorin would say 
was that, the act of the first ship-load, 
violating their agreement to go on to 
America, and instead of that getting 
on the ship at Nimewegen as soon as 
they were in the free soil of Holland 
was responsible fey the rough treat- 
ment of those then in jail and for 
refusal to liberate them and send 
them away free of charge; and that 
future severity of Switzerland would 
depend on whether the first ship-load 
sent out, would stay out or come 
back. The delegation then gave bond 
^guaranteeing that this would be ob- 
served — that they would never more 
set foot on their native land. St. 
Saphorin also said he heard from 
what passed between prominent 
Dutch and Swiss Meunonite repre- 
sentatives and Lord Townsend, Eng- 
lands Ambassador in Holland, that 
the Mennonites are full of hope that 
their religion, having been born in 
the Reformation, the same as the 
State Church of Switzerland (the Re- 
formed Church), it will not be exter- 
minated by Switzerland. He told the 
delegation they must give up all 
hope as to this, as the country was 
determined to crush it out entirely; 
and that if they had any love for 
their Swiss brethren, they should in- 
duce them all to get out of Switzer- 
land as soon as possible. 



166 



HOLLAND'S HELP. ST. SAPHORIN'S EFFORTS. 



They aroused surprise and admira- 
tion in Ambassador Saptiorin's breast 
by saying that since the charge 
against them was that they were not 
patriots and would not help to defend 
Switzerland, they would try to get 
their Holland friends and the govern- 
ment too, to guarantee that they 
would raise money instead of troops, 
and thus do their duty to their native 
land. But he said, Switzerland does 
not keep up her defenses by bounty 
and substitutes, but by her own sol- 
diers alone. 

This ended the conference on the 
three subjects. (Muller 281-3.) 

1711 — Holland's Help to Persecuted 
Swiss Mennonites. 

The final determination to deport 
the Mennonites to America brought 
affairs to a crisis. (Miiller 279.) These 
Mennonites could not see extradition 
as in any sense, a favor to them. The 
Netherlands being in close sympathy 
with the oppressed Mennonites kept 
themselves advised on all these mat- 
ters, and all that the Holland Menno- 
nites did for the Berne Mennonites, 
the Holland government approved. 
The Holland Mennonites did every- 
thing that diplomacy could bring 
about. The great help that Holland 
gave the cause has never been ac- 
knowledged publicly, or at all by 
Switzerland. 

As soon as the Bernese Mennonites 
who were sent down the Rhine in 
1710 were liberated at Nimewegen, 
the crisis came. St. Saphorin, the 
Swiss ambassador at the Hague im- 
mediately took up the matter, with 
the English throne and the Menno- 
nites also tried to get Lord Townsend 
to intercede with Britain to help 
them. Saphorin represented to Eng- 
land that Holland's help to the Men- 
nonites instead of speeding them on 
to America made them more stubborn 
to return, and caused many of them 
to return to the Palatinate. He said 



they are determined to maintain their 
sect in Switzerland. Saphorin, while 
anxious to help the Mennonites to 
America, was against them in all 
other respects. He deprecated (to 
the British Government) any further 
efforts by Holland to help them, and 
especially that the Mennonites were 
trying to have Holland interfere with 
Berne. These complaints he made to 
what is called the "Pensioner," who 
seems to have been an o^cer with 
funds to help the Mennonites; 
whether English or Dutch is uncer- 
tain. 

A conference was arranged with St. 
Saphorin and other powers of the 
Berne government; and the "Pen- 
sioner" demanded that the banished 
be allowed to take their goods with 
them, saying they could get riil of 
them quicker by so doing. 

1711 — St, Saphorin Announces 

Berne's Final Decision. 

The deputies mentioned in an 
earlier item, it seems, were al&L> the 
representatives of Holland. They 
tried again this year to intercede 
with Berne. But St. Saphorin thwart- 
ed it. Again and again these Menno- 
nites tried to get favorable action 
from St. Saphorin and hoped that 
Secretary Runckel, who was going 
to Berne could secure favor at the 
home office. These Dutch friends 
tried to persuade Berne that they 
were trying to find settlements for 
the Swiss brethren. St. Saphorin 
praised them highly for the love and 
sacrifice they showed and said he was 
glad only five hundred were left in 
Switzerland, since they must suffer 
so severely there. He said finally he 
would recommend the Swiss govern- 
ment to give them sufficient time to 
go. He represented to this govern- 
ment that the Swiss Mennonite ques- 
tion is stirring the whole Protestant 
world. 



HOLLAND DECLARES VIRTUES OF MENNONISTS. 



167 



He told the deputies that Berne is 
about to resort to severe torture 
upon those who refuse to go and he 
was compelled to exact a bond from 
the Dutch Mennonites that the Swiss 
would go and not return. (Miiller 
284.) 

1711— Holland Declares the Good 
Character of the Mennonites. 

The Dutch brethren became active, 
and to get all the information they 
could, three of the Nimewegen re- 
fugees came before them as we have 
seen before, April 25, 1710, at a meet- 
ing at Amsterdam. They learned the 
condition in Switzerland, by submit- 
ting to them twenty-four questions. 
It seems from Amsterdam, the Hol- 
land authorities took Brackbill, Burki 
and Zellers to the Hague and con- 
fronted St. Saphorin with them and 
from the answers made by the Swiss 
Mennonites, for their brethren and 
all else learned about them, the Hol- 
land officials and deputies entered in 
their "Great Memorial" on record, 
Vol. IX, page 106, and published in 
French, this defense of the Swiss 
Mennonite cause, in answer to all the | 
reproaches against them. 

"We, the Burgess and Council of 
the city of Amsterdam, make known 
to everyone whom it may concern 
and declare according to the truth 
that, there appeared before us Hans 
Burki, Benedikt Brechtbiihl and Mel- 
chior Zahler, teacher and elders of 
the Mennonite Congregation in the 
honorable canton of Berne, Switzer- 
land, who declare that they came into 
our city and were cognizant of the 
fact that they were accused upon 
three points of their Christian Doc- 
trine, namely: that they denied the 
authorities were ordained by God, 
that they refuse to take an oath, and 
they refuse to defend the Fatherland 
with weapons. They, therefore, de- 
sire to make a solemn declaration of 
their faith, before the magistracy of 



this city, which would prove clearly 
that the above accu.sations originated 
from erroneous notions, inasmuch as 
their creed and that of their brethren 
in the faith was not properly under- 
stood, as to the three points in ques- 
tion. Whereupon the aforenamed 
Benedikt Brechtbiihl, Hans Burki and 
Melchior Zahler, each one for him- 
self, have before us. burgess and 
council of this city, pul)licly attested 
and declared that the creed after 
which they had lived in the Canton 
of Berne, in regard to the above 
named three points consisted of: 

1st. That they believe and proclaim 
that the authorities were ordained by 
God the Almighty, to punish the 
wicked and protect the righteous, and 
that therefore every Cliristian is in 
duty bound to acknowledge it as a 
servant of God; and dare not resist 
it, so that one may be enab'ed under 
its government, to lead a quiet peace- 
ful life, and that, therefore, one must 
render that which he owes — toll to 
whom toll is due, fear to whom fear 
is due and honor to whom honor is 
due. 

2nd. They believe that, according 
to the teachings of Christ (Matthew 
5), it is not incumbent upon them to 
swear an oath, but yea whatever is 
yea and nay whatevei' is nay; and 
that by this they feel themselves as 
strictly bound as all others who take 
an oath, and that they, when they 
break their word are just as amen- 
able to the punishment of the author- 
ities as a perjurer. 

3rd. That they are ready to pay 
to the authorities taxes on imports 
for their protection and safe-guard, 
as much as may be levied against 
them, according to their means, and 
which they may be able to render, 
and that in times of distress they 
would be willing in lieu of military 
service to participate in the works of 
defense, as much as lay in their 
power. 



]68 



BENEOICT BRACKBILL'S VALUABLE SERVICES. 



4th. The deponents humbly pray 
that we might register this, their 
public declaration in order to serve 
as a testimony for all times, when- 
ever it would be necessary. 

"To this document we have affixed 
our city seal and have had it signed 
by our secretary." (Miiller 285.) 

1711— Brackbulil's Further Services 
For His Swiss Brethren. 

After numerous conferences and 
visits to Holland as we have seen 
before, the three Bernese Mennonites, 
Breckbuhl, Zellers and Burki, took 
their leave on June 6, 1710, with a 
Christian and brotherly farewell, and 
supplied with a present of fifty florins 
as traveling money, returned to Man- 
heim. Brechb'iihl was there again 
active as elder in his congregation, as 
we now show. He was the mediator 
and confidential agent between the 
Mennonites of Berne and Holland and 
in many cases, rendered his brethren 
in the faith many services in those 
years. He writes under date of Jan- 
uary 4, 1711, from Manheim to Hol- 
land: 

"Report to the friends that some 
time since I received a letter from 
servants and elder in Switzerland 
with reference to their exodus to 
Prussia: they write me that they do 
not wish to go there; but want to 
await the mercy of God. and wish to 
remain in their land as long as they 
can. They who were in the ship 
thank you most friendly and cordial- 
ly for all the great love and fidelity 
shown to them. I understand also 
from their letter that, the brother- 
hood in Switzerland do not deem it 
well that I, because of fear of men, 
do not help foster the small flock of 
Christ; and express the opinion that 
I should not forsake their people. 
But until now, I have not deemed it 
feasible, however, to help more than 
I am. In the Springtime I mean to 
undertake the trip up, to fetch my 



children. For this reason I had 
written some time ago to the Canton 
Berne to have them show me the 
grace and privilege of receiving me 
with favor, or at least to grant me a 
passport so that I might return for 
some time to the country, since I 
have made the promise in the past 
Spring to the friends of the com- 
mittee, while we were at the Hague, 
that I would not travel up to Switzer- 
land without their knowledge and 
consent. Therefore I will try to get 
the government to release me of my 
promise; for I cannot very well have 
my children and other things brought 
out (or called for) by some one else. 
It is my friendly request to the 
friends to write me whatever may be 
your pleasure in the matter. Fur- 
thermore, I report that, I am able to 
earn my board and keep, by my 
hands; consequently, I am well con- 
tent. But, as yet I know of no place 
where I can dwell with my people. I 
trust to the Lord, however, that he 
will not forsake his people (for 
whoever does His will the Lord will 
not forsake), but will furnish me with 
a place of abode. 

I have also received word a short 
time since that, the authorities of 
Berne have promised those who 
were made prisoners that, if they 
would promise to appear whenever 
they were wanted, they would be re- 
leased; but when this would be, only 
time will tell. 

As to the two morasses (swampy 
tracts in Luthania where the German 
King wanted to induce them to settle 
in Germany, vacant because of pesti- 
lence), I would report that I have 
heard from good authority that it 
would entail an almost impossible 
expense to make them fertile, or pro- 
ductive, therefore, I know not what 
further to write on this subject. Al- 
though I would like to write much on 
account of the unbroken love for the 
friends with which I am imbued. But 



EFFORTS TO COLONIZE SWISS MENXOMSTS. 



169 



as I have nothing further in particu- 
lar to relate, I will let this short 
intellisence suffice, and commend the 
friends, together with their whole 
families to the gracious protection of 
the Almighty, remaining herewith 
your affectionate friend and brother 
in Christ. 

"BENEDICHT BRACHTBUHL." 

On May IT. 1711, Benedicht Bracht- 
biihl writes to .lohn Willink. that his 
three children have arrived hale and 
hearty from Switzerland, that they, 
however, have brought the word that 
the congregations there are so great- 
ly eager to have him come that he in- 
tends to yield to them, and requests 
a speedy release from his promise or 
vow. (Muller 286 et. seq.) 

This letter, so full of love and trust 
' in the Lord under the difficulties he 
details, ought to put to shame the 
dissatisfaction we so often feel and 
the mistrust of God we show when- 
ever the affairs of our lives do not 
w-ear the rosy tint we unreasonably 
expect. It may be found in the Men- 
nonite Archives at Amsterdam, No. 
1299. The project to send the small 
company of Mennonites at this time 
left about Berne, to the bogs of 
northern Germany to a place where 
war and pestilence had destroyed all 
the inhaibtants. and the powerful in- 
fluences behind the project ought to 
make us appreciate how narrowly the 
ancestors of many of us here in Lan- 
caster County, escaped being sent to 
another section of the world, from 
which they never would have reached 
Pennsylvania. By a similarly nar- 
row margin, we remember they also 
escaped being taken to the East 
Indies by the East India Company. 
Benedict Brackblihl was a strong 
factor in preventing both of these 
fates of our people. Isaac Kauffman 
also rendered service to prevent the 
East India project. 



The oppressed Mennonites of 
Switzciland and the Palatinate turned 
to the Quakers of Pingland, through 
the advice of their Holland brethren, 
to have them intercede with the Eng- 
lish government; but, the queen's 
authorities refu.sed to interfere with 
Swiss affairs. 

They then turned to the king of 
Prussia in a petition; and he gave it 
as his opinion that there would be no 
help for them unless they all leave 
Switzerland. In a letter dated July 5, 
1710, the king wrote that these Swiss 
sufferers should settle themselves in 
the district of Brandenburg, at such 
places where extensive dairies could 
be operated, or in Prussia, where 
there were good chances of success. 
In Prussia, the raging epidemic com- 
pletely depopulated many villages in 
the most fruitful region; but houses 
and cattle and agricultural imple- 
ments were still there ready for peo- 
ple to use them, said the king. I' 
the new settlers come at once they 
would profit from the rich harvest, 
as the former settlers had died after 
planting the crop.-!. The king pro- 
mised further, that everything that 
would help these good people would 
be done (Huizinga, page 25). 

This act on the part of the king of 
Prussia was hailed by the "Amster- 
dam Courant" of August 9, 1710, with 
delight and it spread' the news that 
the king had already written to the 
canton of Berne, that he would re- 
ceive these people. Baptists or Men- 
nonites, without any exception and 
would help them to make a living. 
(Miiller 288.) 

Miiller further says that, even a 
narrative of the Amsterdam commit- 
tee's acts in behalf of their Swiss 
brethren in faith .would be too long to 
recite complete. A recital of all the 
Journeys from Amsterdam and Rot- 
terdam to the Hague; and the numer- 
ous conferences, with influential dele- 
gates and the letters sent make up a 



170 



SWISS MENNONISTS INVITED TO HOLLAND. 



large catalogue in the Mennonite 
librai-y at Amsterdam. 

The Holland Ambassador at Berne, 
Runckel, used all means with the 
Berne government to have the hard 
measures against the Mennonites 
stopped; and to secure freedom of 
worship for them at home. His next 
plan was, if this was not allowed, to 
secure a few years chance for these 
Mennonites to sell their goods and 
land. But Runckel had a hard 
struggle in this effort; and July 12, 
1710, from Berne, he wrote to the 
comrnittee in Amsterdam, that though 
he had no further orders from Hol- 
land to assist the Mennonites, yet 
that of his own accord, he had in- 
quired carefully into the condition of 
them; and in this inquiry he states 
that he found in Switzerland some 
people who felt that the Swiss gov- 
ernment was entirely too severe; and 
who were full of pity for the poor 
Mennonites. (Muller 289.) But he 
says for every one of these, there are 
two or three who wish them all the 
pains the government has given them 
and no remonstrance can influence 
them. He states that the government 
especially makes it a point of honor 
that all they have done was right and 
for the welfare of the government 
and the glory of God. He says it is 
most certain the Berne officials have 
no idea what kind of people these 
Mennonites are and what difference 
there is between them and the 
Munster Anabaptists, who stirred up 
trouble for the government in earlier 
times. These people believe every- 
thing true that is charged against the 
Mennonites, he says; and that he 
knows no way to overcome it, unless 
the pamphlets that have been printed 
in their faith in Holland, and their 
creed, be translated into High-Ger- 
man and be printed, and especially 
that a great lot of such pamphlets be 
scattered throughout Berne. He says 
that the more he things of the subject. 



the more he is concerned that these 
poor people must be helped to escape 
the heavy storm which is hovering 
over their heads and seek a home 
somewhere else until the wrath has 
subsided. He concludes his letter In 
part as follows — "I believe, therefore, 
the greatest act of love which oould be 
done for these people will be to seek 
out some place of abode for them and 
that they should completely leave 
Berne. The princess of Nassau and 
the count of Newweid are willing to 
receive some of them — such as are 
artisans and mechanics; but as these 
people are mostly farmers and stock- 
raisers, the above offer was of no 
value, as Holland has enough far- 
mers. By the last mail, I have re- 
ported to Amsterdam that more than 
twenty of these poor people are again 
in prison and the rest were scattered 
and chased into the neighboring 
countries. I will endeavor to talk 
with these poor prisoners myself and 
to comfort them as much as possible 
in their bondage. (Muller 290.) 

Joahn Ludwig Runckel." 

1711— Further Plans to Deport Men- 
nonites — Holland the Final 
Asylum. 

In Muller ('page 290), may be 
found a list of the prisoners (men- 
tioned in a letter from Alsace), who 
were in the jail of Berne, July 27. 
1710, consisting of twenty-three 
brethren and seven sisters, of the 
Anabaptist or Mennonite faith. They 
are as follows: Peter G'erber, a ser- 
vant in the Word of God, — lies In 
chains. 

From the dominion of Trachsel- 
wald: Peter Blaser, Hans Wisler, 
Hans Schneider, Clauss Baumgartner. 
Ulli Bear, Peter Hertig, Peter Leuti. 
Ulli Brachbul, Hans Grasser, Joseph 
Probst, Daniel Rotenbuler, Haua 
Zahn. 

From the dominion Sumiswald: 
Ulli Trussel, Ulli Schurch. 



PROJECTS TO COLONIZE MBNNOXISTS. 



17 f 



From the dominion Brandiss: Hans 
Piflckinger. 

From the dominion Signau: Martin 
Stramm, Christian Gouman, the 
younger, Hans Hoitzer, Leupersweil 
(bailwick of Schnottweil) ; district of 
Solothurn. Hans Kuoubuler from the 
dominion of Diessbach. Hans Fru- 
tiger from the dominion of Thun. 
Niclauss Haberli of Buchsi. 

The .sisters imprisoned are: Verena 
A^schlimann, Catrina Bieri, Christina 
Trussel, Margret Scher, Margret 
Oberii, Anna Brentzighoffer, Anna 
Moseri. 

There is a letter in existence stat- 
ing that these thirty prisoners were 
also to be sent down the Rhine to 
Holland, in a ship, the same as a 
former party were. The letter is as 
follows: Cunonheim in Alsace, July 
26, 1710. "Have received a letter 
from Switzerland, and understand 
from it that twenty-three brethren 
and seven sisters are imprisoned at 
Berne, and that they are willing to 
take them down the Rhine on a ship, 
therefore, we, the undersigned dea- 
cons and elders in Alsace beg of 
your deacons and elders in the 
Palatinate, namely, Tillman Kolb and 
Hans Jacob Schnebeli, very friendly 
to pay attention and see to it, when 
the ship arrives at Breisach. But we 
may not know when they will arrive. 
We are willing, however, to send 
people to Breisach who will let us 
know as soon as they arrive there. 
We ask of you kindly if it be your 
pleasure that you will write to the 
friends in Holland. We are afraid if 
they have a further passport from the 
king, we can hardly accomplish any- 
thing. 

In haste 

MARTIN EGLI. 
HANSS BLUMM, 
CHRISTIAN RUPP." 

A. A. 1269. I 
On all sides, it was agreed that ; 



emigration was necessary. But where 
should these people be sent to? They 
would be received with open arms in 
Prussia. The Mennonite committee, 
therefore, requested Benedict Brech- 
buhl in Manheim on July 18, 1710. to 
use his efforts to persuade his coun- 
trymen to accept this offer; and that 
they, as obedient subjects, submit to 
the demand of the authorities to quit 
the country. Brechbiihl replied on 
August 27th that he communicated 
this suggestion to the brethren in 
Switzerland and that those residing 
in Manheim were too well pleased 
with their condition there to think of 
such a thing. 

As the Baptists or Mennonites in 
Switzerland could not be enthused 
over the emigration to Prussia, it 
seems, Runckel on August 30, 1710, 
broached another subject to the Com- 
mittee at Amsterdam. The Baptists 
or Mennonites might be colonized on 
Bernese territoiy on the two great 
marshes, which could be drained and 
by cultivation, would make excellent 
land for tilling and grazing pur- 
poses. As a recompense for making 
these morasses arable, the Bernese 
government should grant freedoim of 
religion. But much money would be 
needed for this enterprise, which the 
Holland and Hamburg Mennonites 
would have to furnish. Brechbiihl, 
being interrogated by the commission 
on this subject, on September 26th, 
held the project of the great morass 
to be absolutely unacceptable. 
Runckell wanted to consult with an 
engineer on the matter. 

He did so and October 4 he secured 
the opinion of engineer Bodurer In 
Amsoldingen that was unfavorable. 
Then this project was dropped. The 
engineer, however, informed Runckel 
that between Romainmotier and 
Romont, on the boundary of Bur- 
gundy, a great tract of unfilled land 
was in possession of Berne, which 
would be used as a place of abode for 



172 



SWISS MiENNONIST EXODUS INTO HOLLAND. 



the Mennonites. He hoped to be able ! 
to submit a chart and an estimate of j 
the cost by October 25th. Such well- | 
meant but impractioable plans were j 
soon discarded; and it became I 
clearer and clearer that the Nether- ; 
lands must be the haven of refuge for j 
the S'wiss brethren. To this end j 
preparations in Holland were now 
made to receive them. (Do. 292.) 



1711 — Joyous Swiss Mennonite Exo 
dns Into Holland. 

Holland now became the goal. To 
transport the suffering Mennouitef 
there, a new collection of money was 
needed, the same as in the year? 
1642, 1660, 1G71 and 1694; and now 
greater sacrifices were demanded. Of 
the 20,000 florins which were collected 
in the last named year for the fugi- 
tives in the Palatinate, nothing was 
Ijeft. For the balance, namely; 1200 
florins, Brechbuhl, on May 2. 1710, 
gave his receipt at Manheim. There- 
fore, the Committo.es at Amsterdam 
on August 12, 1710, dispatched a cir- 
cular to all Mennonite or Baptist 
Congregations in the Netherlands. 
This appeal was signed by the Am- 
sterdam brethren Willem von Maurik, 
Harmanus Schijn, Jan Willink Jansz, 
Adr, Jacob Fries, Jacob Vorsterman, 
Frans von Aken and Cornells Beets. 
A general assembly was held on No- 
vember 5, 1710, at which detailed re- 
ports were made by the thirty-seven 
brethren present. The Committee 
received j)ower of attorney to dispose 
of the money to be received at their 
discretion. In important questions 
the commission should be augmented 
by two delegates, each of the cities of 
Zaaudam, Haarleh, Leiden and Rot- 
terdam. Then the various projects 
for the rescue of the Swiss were 
thoroughly discussed, and further in- 
formation requested of Mr. Runckel. 

Of the Swiss liberated at Nime- 
wegen, two, Hans Rupp and Peter 
Tenne (Thonen) had gone from there 



to Deventer, and were now brought 
by S. A. Cremer to the assembly. They 
reported to the meeting, in detail, 
everything which they and their 
brethren in Switzerland had to suf- 
fer innocently; and that of them all 
(as badly as they were treated), only 
one, Niklaus Riigen, had apostatized 
his Mennonite faith. They related 
that their split into two parties: viz. — 
that of Hans Reist and that of Jacob 
Ammon, largely concerned the "Ban"; 
that they could not calculate the 
number of their church members, but 
one faction estimated them at 600, the 
other at more than a thousand. 

The report of Vorsterman contains, 
under date of December 2, 1710, a 
touching letter of consolation by the 
Committee at Amsterdam to the bre- 
thren and sisters imprisoned at 
Berne, and as an answer thereto 
dated January 8, 1711, from Peter 
Blaser in the name of his fifty-two 
fellow prisoners. 

Of the condition of these prisoners, 
Runckel writes from Berne to the 
Committee at Amsterdam under date 
of October 1, 1710, as follows: 

"The day before yesterday, Sep- 
tember 29th, I, at last, found an op- 
portunity to visit the prisoners and to 
console them in their sorrow as much 
as lay in my power, and to encourage 
them to submit to God's will and obey 
the authorities in calmness of Spirit. 
In this, two local citizens, Messrs. 
Knoll and Wagner, have given me 
much assistance. (Miiller 293.) In the 
so-called 'Island' prison, I found 
eleven men and six women, but with- 
out chains or fetters. Among the first 
named, three sick. The men are 
idle, the women spin hemp and flax to 
while away the time. In the upper 
hospital are sixteen men and fourteen 
women, among whom are also some 
sick and weak. The men are all 
penned up together in one room, but 
without any fetters or chains. These 
must earn their bread by carding or 



EXODUS INTO HOLLAND (Continued). 



173 



combing wool or by other trade with [ 
which they are familiar. The women, 
too, are in a separate compartment, 
but not alone; and by reason thereof 
not confined as strictly as the men. 
They must in conjunction with other 
women who are imprisoned for other 
causes, pass their time by spinning 
wool. As much as I could observe, 
they are permitted to read the Bible 
and some other books, and, as I am 
informed, there is no lack of food and 
drink, though of course, everything, 
as well as the sleeping places, are 
very poor. 

Among all these p" isoners, there 
are very few who have any means, 
and even if they once had anything, it 
is to be feared that the costs of the 
prison and other things connected 
therewith, have already consumed 
that Those w'ho associate with these 
poor people declare, too, that there 
are ("generally speaking) not as many 
wealthy among them as among those 
sent away a year ago. I spent more 
than three hours with them, and con- 
versed with them. I heard from them 
that they are willing to leave their 
fatherland and go away, but that they 
are not able to forget it at once, and 
to take leave forever. Besides it is 
very much to be feared that they will 
raise difficulties when they learn that 
His Royal Majesty of Prussia wants 
to settle them in a county bereft of 
its inhabitans, caused by a terrible 
pestilence. When I hinted this, they 
protested most energetically against 
such a proposition, and earnestly re- 
quested to be spared from it. They 
would rather be sent to some other 
place, which scruples, I and the 
above-named affectionate God-fearing 
citizens endeavored to remove to the 
best of our ability; and will use 
every endeavor in the future to re- 
move. A list of the prisoners incar- 
cerated on September 29, 1710, con- 
tains the following names: 



In the upper hospital, men: Peter 
Hertig, Hans Gasser, Peter Liithei, 
Ulrich Triissel. Daniel Rothenbiihler, 
Peter Gerber, Hans Zahn, Hans 
Schonauer, Hans Frutlger, Heinrich 
Schilt, Uli Brechbiihl, Daniel Neu- 
komet, Hans Wissler, Michael Riis- 
ser, Hans Kreybiihl, Bauman the 
Younger. (Do. 294.) 

The women are: Gertrud Riigseg- 
ger, Barbara Riiugsegger. Margrif 
Gerber, Elsi Brast? (Graf?), Barbara 
Steiner, Luzia Wymann, Barbara 
Rohrer, Margret Schiirch, Elisabeth 
Aebersold, Gertrud Parli, Vrenl 
Aeschlimann, Stini Triissel, Anna 
Salzmann. Anna Moser. 

On the "Island," men: Hans Scheni- 
der, Uli Bear, Joseph Brobst, Glaus 
Baumgatrner, Christian Gaiimann, 
Christian Gaiimann the Younger, 
Martin Strahm, Peter Blaser, Bene- 
dict Lehmann, Ulrich Schiirch, and 
Hans Fliickiger. 

Women: Anna Brenzikoffer. Anna 
Habegger, Vreni Rubin, E. Heimann, 
Anna Bear, and Margret Oberli. (AA) 

1711 — Joyous Swiss Mennonitc Exo- 
(1ns into Holland — Continued. 

Runckel took upon himself the fur- 
ther task of ascertaining the number 
of Mennonites set at liberty out of the 
jails, and their residences, in order 
to induce them to emigrate. Of 
course, this was no easy undertaking, 
since they all kept themselves in hid- 
ing as much as possible. The only 
sources from which anything could 
be learned, were the prisoners at 
Berne. But these, too, showed them- 
selves distrustful. He (Runckel) 
secured the services of Messrs. Kuoll 
(or Kuoff) and Wagner to mediate; 
but they, too, failed to induce the 
prisoners to make any disclosures. 
So Mr. Runckel had to try the thing 
personally, being accompanied by 
the aforesaid two men. He con- 
vinced them of his intentions, and 



174 



EXODUS INTO HOLLiAND (Continued). 



upon his promise to observe their 
urgent request for secrecy, he re- 
•ceived on November 17, 1710, the de- 
sired information that there were at 
present in the Bernese lands about 
'295 men and women, not including 
the husbands and wives and children 
who must still be counted with the 
Reformed. This is reported under 
date of November 19, to the Commit- 
tee at Amsterdam. By the aid of con- 
fidential messengers he procured, as 
nearly as possible, the lists of all 
participants. 

Runckel learned and communicated 
to the Committee, under date of De- 
cember 3, 1711 (A. A. No. 1290) that 
the Burgess Willading of Berne, for- 
merly a bitter enemy of the Menno- 
nites, was now engaged in an effort 
to effect their speedy departure. He 
directed (December 10th) a memor- 
ial to the Bernese authorities. Based 
on the proposal of the King of 
Prussia and the Netherland Menno- 
nites, he now submitted, in the name 
of the latter the following request: 
(1) The Swiss are to have the privi- 
lege of making a choice between the 
two offers. (2) A general amnesty is 
to be published so that all Menno- 
nltes, who have heretofore secreted 
themselves, may without danger to 
themselves, appear openly and sell 
their possessions. (3) That they be 
permitted to name some one who 
shall have the right to dispose of 
their possessions for their benefit, 
even after their departure. (4) That 
those who are still imprisoned be 
liberated at once. (5) That the Re- 
formed who are wedded to Menno- 
nites, be permitted to emigrate with 
their spouses and also to take their 
children with them, and (6) That 
they may be exempt from the fee 
exacted until now, as a tax on emi- 
gration, when they leave the coun- 
try. 

Of this proposition, Mr. Runckel 
informed the Chancellor of the States 



General, Mr. Fogel, whereupon the 
States General by resolution of De- 
cember 30, 1710, empowered Mr. 
Runckel to urge also in their name, 
the granting of the demands of the 
Mennonites. 

The matter was considered. B\A 
Runckel writes on December 17th, 
with indignation, the exhortations 
were met with many fines and penal- 
ties, so that the Bernese government 
seems to act as if they wanted to re- 
tard the departure of the Mennonites, 
because of these requests. In the 
meantime, the desire to emigrate 
grew stronger. To Prussia, they did 
not want to go, as they feared the 
pestilence and had an aversion 
against the system of serfdom still 
in vogue there. 

On January 7, 1711, the delegates 
met at Amsterdam. They deMberated 
about the places where the Swiss 
might be taken; passed resolutions to 
the effect to bring further pressure 
upon the Bernese government in 
favor of the wishes already submit- 
ted to it; and remitted to Mr. 
Runckel, in addition to the 300 
Reichstdalern, which he had at his 
disposal for the brethren, 1000 
florins more. At last, information was 
given out that the amount of the 
collection now had reached a total of 
50,000 florins, as per detailed state- 
ment (in Huizinga, page 99). 

"What transpired in the meantime 
in Switzerland on the subject, Mr. W. 
J. Willink in Amsterdam, wrote on 
March 6, 1711, to Mr. H. Toren in 
Rotterdam, as follows: 
"After much vexation, at last thirty- 
six of our brethren in the faith in 
Berne have already been set free 
from the prison under bail, and we 
hope to hear before long that the 
fifteen still in prison will be liber- 
ated too. Further, that the procla- 
mation of amnesty will soon be pro- 
mulgated, in such manner that all 
will receive permission to sell their 



HOLLA.\DS HELP FX)R SWISS MENNONISTS. 



175 



estates by the end of June and to 
leave the country with the proceeds 
thereof, together with the concession 
that, whatever they, themselves can- 
not accomplish in that time, they can 
have attended to by their authorized 
agents, to which end, it is hoped, I 
there will be granted them a term of j 
one year. We now deem it necessary I 
to consult with the committees out- 1 
side of our city, and to find ways and 
means to transport and settle down [ 
these poor down-trodden people. For \ 
a place of settlement, the King of I 
Prussia is making very generous pro- 
posals, such as we cannot offer.. He' 
places all his various provinces at 
the disposal of the oppressed, they to ; 
choose whichever they want. He ; 
agrees to furnish them there at once ' 
with comfortable houses, cattle and 
supplies, hired help, utensils and im- i 
plements, and whatever else may be 
necessary for their calling, without 
great expense, so that they may be 
installed in their new places without 
delay. He even agrees to grant them 
great privileges in preference to the 
natives. But he wants also the rich 
as well as the poor." (Miiller 296). 

The King had a suspicion that the 
Hollanders wanted to keep the rich 
with them and to saddle the poor 
upon Prussia. Mr. Runckel endeav- 
ored to set the King's too great ex- 
pectations about the wealth of the 
Swiss Meunonites aright, by mention- 
ing the fact that according to his in- 
vestigation they mostly belonged to 
the lower order. 

1711— Holland Doing Everything Pos- 
sible for tbe 31ennonites. 

There is a long list of documents 
in the Archives of Amsterdam show- 
ing what trouble and expense Holland 
expended to help our ancestors to 
flee from the wrath of Berne. Am- 
bassador Runckel led off in the tas'^. 

In Runckel's letter of Jan. 3, 1711, 
be speaks of the repeated return of 



the Baptists or Mennonites who had 
been deported the previous year. This 
made their condition worse. Among 
those returning was Samuel Rebar, 
75 years old. He was imprisoned for 
life, or so condemned. Also Hans 
Burki. 

Through Holland's continued inter- 
cession however an amnesty procla- 
mation was made Feb. 11, 1711, by 
Berne. 

It set forth that, as all past efforts 
to rid the land of the Baptists had 
failed, and the sect increased— and 
as they will not take the oath of 
allegiance — nor bear arms — and as 
they did not take advantage of the 
right to depart because as they say 
no fixed place has been provided for 
them to go to, where they could en- 
joy what they call "liberty of con- 
science," that, the government of 
Berne has finally made arrangements 
with the government of Prussia by 
its consul Bundeli, and with the Gov- 
ernment of Holland, by their Secre- 
tary, M. Runckel, to take over these 
persons. They are therefore allowed 
now to go to Holland or Prussia if 
they do not return; except they must 
not go into Neuenburg or Valeudis. 
But those already condemned are not 
at liberty to thus depart. Those in 
prison will be at liberty to go too if 
they furnish bail. They are allowed 
to the end of June, 1711, to go, but 
not after — and no fee for departure 
will be exacted. The journey is to 
be at their own expense. Wives, chil- 
dren and husbands of these Menno- 
nites or Baptists, who belong to the 
Reformed Church may go too if they 
desire. But all will lose their citizen- 
ship. Whatever is not reported to the 
Baptist or Mennonite Chamber in 
time will be confiscated. In the mean- 
time all Mennonite meetings are pro- 
hibited under penalty. All who leave 
will be severely punished if they re- 
turn. Runckel reported that by Feb. 



176 



SWISS ALE-NXOXISTS INVITED TO HOLLAND. 



14th at least 18 Meunonites secured ! 
release from prison by giving bail, I 
and departed out of the Canton Berne 
under this amnesty. They went to 
Holland. Thirty others wer^ promised 
freedom. 

March 18, at Amsterdam, the condi- 
tions of this amnesty were discussed 
in a meeting held under government 
authority. Runckel was given a vote 
of thanks for his good work; and he 
was given general charge by Holland 
of the departure, etc. 

At the meeting Dr. Herman Schijn 
read the draft of a letter, he favored 
sending out. It was approved and 
ordered translated into German, and 
to be sent to Runckel to be distributed 
throughout Switzerland. This letter 
urged Mennonites everywhere to take 
advantage of the permission to de- 
part, and end their misery. They 
were to come to Holland. 

The King of Prussia, too, soon 
after, Feb. 1711, granted special priv- 
ileges to these people and v/elcomed 
them. Agents of the King, Steven 
Creamer and Alia Dirks, invited them 
to come; but the meeting decided it 
best to wait until the Swiss arrived — 
and then let them select whether they 
would take Holland or Germany to 
live in. 

Runckel complains in his letters 
that it is very hard to find amons 
these Swiss men who can be of much 
help to him in arranging for their 
advantage, and their departure. Dan. 
Reichen he says seems to be the only 
man who can help much. He com- 
plains that there is a good deal of 
distrust among the Mennonites. He 
says arrangements are made that lists 
of those who will take advantage and 
depart, and the names shall be sent 
in at once or by Feb. 20, 1711. An- 
nouncement is to be made in all pul- 
pits. Berne promulgatea a mandate 
April 17, 1711, that everything is to 
be done to assist these people to de- 
part. There was a mandate of April 



29, 1711, that all people of Berne in 
whom the Mennonites have confi- 
dence, whether Reformed or other- 
wise, who will assist the departure 
shall receive instructions and the 
thanks of the government. (Miiller 
296-7.) 

1711— Exodus Into Holland (Con- 
tinued). 

Xow that the movement into Hol- 
land was to become a fact, a list was 
to be made of the property and 
possessions of these Mennonites. But 
toward the beginning of Summer ia 
1711, these people had not yet made 
a statement to the authorities ; and 
the Berne government now began to 
feel that they would be accused of 
embezzling the estates of the op- 
pressed. 

The authorities, therefore, decided 
that heavy penalties must be inflicted, 
and did so, by mandate of the 11th of 
May. requiring the statements. On 
the second of June the mandate was 
repeated. 

June 22, 1711, there was a mandate 
issued by Berne that the wives, hus- 
bands and children of Mennonites or 
Baptists, who belonged to the Re- 
formed Church and who are going to 
Holland with the Mennonites, should 
lose their Swiss citizenship. And 
inose wHj are not members of the 
Baptist or Mennonite families, should 
pay, in addition, ten per cent, of the 
"departure money." Mandate of 
June 24. 

Ten thousand florins of the moneys 
collected by the Dutch for the Swiss 
were now put at the disposal of their 
needs. 

July 15, a meeting was held by the 
government at Amsterdam and the 
Dutch Mennonites, as the Swiss were 
soon expected to arrive there, at 
which meeting full report was made 
of everything that had transpired dur- 
ing the last few weeks. Mr. Runckel 



SWISS MENNONIST DEPARTURE FOR HOLLAND. 



ITi 



reported that with the cousent of the 
committee he had persuaded Mr. G. 
Ritter from Berne, who managed the 
expedition of 1710, to take charge of 
the tran.'^portation of this expedition 
of 1711 that his first duty as arranged, 
was to provide five vessels for con- 
veyance of about five hundred per- 
sons (the number estimated who 
would migrate) that t!ie vessels were 
built in Berne — that the cost of them 
with all necessary furnishings 
amounted to one thousand six hun- 
dred and fifty-six reichsthalers (or 
dollars of the realm). 

Upon the advice of Ruuckel, the 
committee secured the intercession of 
the States General — that is the gov- 
erning officers of Holland — whereby 
the migrants are to be accorded at 
Vasal, Treves, Cologne, Hesse-Cassel 
and Prussia, unhindered passage on 
the Rhine and exemption from toll 
or duty. They also had instructions 
issued to Runckel to continue his stay 
at Berne. Runckel reported that the 
crews of the ships demanded higher 
wages than they did in 1710; and 
that the cost of the crews and the 
board and expenses would reach 
about three thousand two hundred 
and fifteen reichsthalers. 

It was reported that there would 
be hardly five hundred members, be- 
cause the faction of the Mennonites 
led by Hans Reist decided that they 
would not go, because Switzerland 
was their home and no one had a 
right to drive them out. But the fac- 
tion led by .Jacob Ammon (that is 
the Amish Mennonites) w^ere likely 
all to go. Runckel reasoned with the 
Reist Mennonites a great deal but 
they had not yet made up their minds. 
(Miiller 299). Runckel further re- 
ported that he felt quite indignant at 
this resolve, as he haa done every- 
thing he could for these people. He 
was disgusted further because, he 
said old Hans Burki, disregarding all 
danger, had come back to the coun- 



try, after having jjromised not to do 
so. and had brought a company of 
brethren back with him and they 
were all again thrown In jail and a 
dark future in sight for everybody. 

The Mennonite committee in Hol- 
land extended their thanks to the 
Swiss Ambassador at the Hague (M. 
St. Saphorim) and also to the King 
of Prussia for the interest they took 
in these oppressed Swiss Brethren. 
The King was so interested that he 
visited the Holland authorities and 
leading Mennonites at Amsterdam on 
the 16th of June, 1711, to learn more 
fully what he could do ror them. 

1711 — .Mennonites Dcpjirt for Hoi- 

liUKl. 

The dfi)arture of the emigrants 
was fixed to take place on the 13th of 
July. Runckel had given informa- 
tion that according to the latest esti- 
mates, the number who would go was 
307, together with fifty-two. who had 
been imprisoned. But it was not 
known whether any members of their 
family would accompany them or not. 
It was recommended that, it be earn- 
estly insisted on departing, that 
they must obligate themselves as 
the Berne government wishes, never 
again to return to their country. It 
was arranged that they should not 
disembark until they reached Am- 
sterdam. The necessary instructions 
were to be handed by Abraham 
Fortgens, the pastor or teacher of the 
Mennonite congregation at Emmerich 
to Mr. Ritter, who had charge of 
these Christians. The place they 
were to settle when they landed was 
to be referred to a meeting to beheld 
a few days prior to their expected 
arrival in Amsterdam. By that time 
minute information about colonizing 
in Prussia was expected to be avail- 
able. The committee had sent, early 
in July, three Swiss Mennonite ex- 
perts, Benedict Brackbiihl, Hans 
Ramseier and Uly Bauer to the dif- 



178 



FINANCING SWISS MENNONISTS IN HOLLAND. 



ferent places from which so many 
reports and good prospects had been 
held forth, to investigate and see the 
condition with their own eyes, and 
make report. It was also reported 
at the meeting by the delegate from 
Preisland, the northern province of 
Holland on the North Sea, that Mr. 
G. von Aylva, a notary or Court 
Officer at Bakkoveen (a town in Hol- 
land twenty miles southwest of the 
town of Groningen in the swamp 
country, about fifteen miles from the 
north coast of Holland), was willing 
to place part of his lands, on which 
peat or soft coal could be dug for 
two hundred years, at the disposal of 
these Swiss Mennonite members and 
to all others of them who should 
come, for the sum of two thousand 
florins. Others reported in favor of 
colonizing in the Groningen country, 
the north eastern province of Hol- 
land, on the North Sea. The inves- 
tigation of these proposed sites pro- 
gressed some time but the final de- 
cision was not to be rendered until 
the Swiss did actually arrive. (Miil- 
ler 299.) 

1711 — Exodus Into Hollsmd (Contin- 

ned). 

We now glance again at the events 
transpiring in Switzerland. Berne 
agreed, though unwillingly, upon 
pressure being brought against her 
by Prussia and Holland, to grant 
amnesty to the persecuted Anabap- 
tists or Mennonites; but did so only 
upon payment of twenty-five reich- 
thalers, expense money for every one 
released from prison. Berne also in- 
sisted that these payments should 
not be taken out of the charity funds 
collected in Holland. (Miiller 300.) 
The ships of which we spoke before, 
were ready to sail, but now it ap- 
peared that the emigrants delayed 
making preparations for the journey, 
though they had given in their names 
and th* names of their children and 



wives to be placed on the list thai 
were being made out under Runckel's 
orders, after great difiBculty. They 
had no confidence in the promise of 
the government; they felt suspicious 
about whether their teachers and 
leaders would be included in the am- 
nesty — about whether their children 
could be taken along or whether the 
government would keep tliem back 
and train them up in the State re- 
ligion. The Hans Reist people, since 
they split from the Amish people 
were quite stubborn about going. A 
great deal of trouble arose about 
separating the goods and property of 
families, between the members who 
would go and those who would stay. 
A great deal of time was necessary 
to make the sales and transfers of 
property. The notice was really too 
short. And the fact that such an 
emigration could be accomplished at 
all is evidence of the sacrifices that 
the people were ready to make for 
their religion and how hard the intol- 
erance which they suffered, bore upon 
them. We may add that, without the 
great ingenuity and services of 
Runckel, the exodus to Holland in 
1711 could not have been possible. 
Nor must we forget the great services 
which George Ritter and Daniel 
Richen rendered Runckel in this 
matter. Richen was in banishment 
in Neuenberg at the time, and only 
on the 23rd of May, 1711, by the earn- 
est efforts of Runckel, was he given 
permission to return to Switzerland, 
on the first of July. 

Runckel received from the Ana- 
baptist or Mennonite Chamber all 
the moneys of the emigrants who 
were to go to Holland and transmit- 
ted the same by a draft to the Men- 
nonite Committee in Holland. The 
sum he remitted was twenty-eight 
thousand five hundred florins, which 
on the 17th of August was receipted 
for by Jacob Vorsterman and John 
Honnore at Amsterdam, to be repaid 



SWISS EXODUS INTO HOLLAND (Continued). 



179 



by them later to the proper owners 
on presentation of obligation which 
these owners held and which had 
been issued to them as an evidence 
of what sums they were entitled to. 
The sum paid to each owner was the 
same that he had been required to 
pay in. upon entering the ship, so 
that it would be impossible for him 
to turn back with his money. These 
receipted obligations are still on file 
in their original completeness in the 
Archives of Amsterdam. 

In addition to this, the sums of 
money wbich the Swiss themselves 
carried with them 'in drafts and in 
cash, accordin<? to Runckel, amounted 
to six Or seven thousand reichthalers. 

Zehn-der estimates the amount of 
capital taken out of Switzerland up 
to this time by departing Mennonites 
was ab^ut six hundred thousand 
pounds. The whole sum which 
Runckel received for the aid of the 
Swiss and for which he rendered an 
account on March 29, 1713, in Am- 
st-erdam amounted to thirty-eight 
thousand one hundred and thirty- 
three (38,133) florins or fifteen thou- 
sand two hundred and thirty-three 
(1.5.233) reichthalers. 

By the beginning of June, the dif- 
ficulties and hindrances had become 
so great that it seemed to Runckel, 
as well as to the Committee, that the 
enterprise would be impossible. Tn 
the second week of .July, the five 
ships (four of which had been con- 
structed at Berne) were all ready. 
As the five hundred emigrants could 
not be gathered together, other pas- 
sengers were accepted (Do. 301). 

Penally embarkation took place 
.July 13th in Neunberg. as well as in 
Berne. 

The ships joined one another at 
Wangen. Here one of the former 
prisoners, Henrich Schilt, of Schang- 
nau, absented himself, contrary to 
his vow. On the 14th the journey was 
continued to Lafenburg: and on the 



16th, all arrived safely at Basel. 
Runckel had reached this i)laco a day 
before by a land route. The open 
vessels were here furnished with 
awnings and the necessary supplies 
were put on board — additional pas- 
sengers were taken on board here. 
Shortly before the departure from 
Basel, on the 17th of .July, two Men- 
nonites, Hans Burki (or Burkholder) 
and Samuel Reber, were released 
from imprisonment and brought by 
the government of Berne to Basel 
and put upon the ships. Those men 
had been condemned to severe pun- 
ishment because they sneaked or 
stole back into Switzerland. Through 
the efforts of Runckel they were al- 
lowed to board the shii)s at the last 
moment. 

1711 — Exodus Into Holland (Con- 
tinued). 

The Baptist or Mennonite teacher. 
Daniel Grimm, had been arrested at 
Langnau with Hans Burki (or Burk- 
holder), and was to have been trans- 
ported to America the previous year. 
But, upon his liberation in Holland, 
he became one of the three trustees or 
men of confidence of the Mennonites 
in the Netherlands, though he had, as 
we have just stateil, violated his 
pledge and returned to Switzerland. 
Burkholder's action caused great dif- 
ficulties; and the more so because 
all of his children, in company with 
Uli Gerber, his hired man. as well as 
the ten sons of three other Menno- 
nites, Peter and Daniel GTimm and 
Christian Neuenschwender, armed 
themselves with pitch forks, sticks 
and clubs and made a stubborn re- 
sistance to either being thrown out of 
Switzerland or being arrested. (R. 
M. July 9, 1711.) Upon this opposi- 
tion to the authorities, proceedings 
to punish them were instituted. Burki 
and Grimm particularly angered the 
government of Switzerland because 
they endeavored to dissuade the 



180 



RUNCKEI^'S GREAT SERVICE FOR SWISS SUFFERERS. 



Mennonites in the mother country 
from going to Holland. (R. M. June 
10. 1711.) 

At Basel it was plain that the 
travelers could be transported In 
four ships. Therefore, the fifth ves- 
sel was left behind here to be usel, 
perhaps, later for similar purposes. 
After it had lain there for a year, the 
people of Basel had it dismembered 
and removed, though it was the prop- 
erty of the friends of the Mennonites 
and was worth at least one hundred 
florins. 

The command over the flotilla was 
confided to George Ritter and his two 
superintendents, Gruner and Haller. 
He was also to be advised in import- 
ant matters by two prominent Men- 
nonite Brethren, Daniel Richen and 
Christian Gauman, the elder, who had 
been appointed for this purpose. Be- 
sides this there were on the ships a 
few brethren entrusted with the su- 
pervision and care of the emigrants — 
Hans Burki, Jacob Richen, Emanuel 
Lartscher, Michael Lusser, Hans 
Meier and Peter Zehnder. (Miiller 
302.) Each vessel had its experienced 
helmsman or pilot, and the necessary 
crew from the brethren, of whom 
twenty reported as experienced oars- 
men. Experienced pilots were taken 
along from one place to another ac- 
cording as they were familiar with 
the river at different points. 

The embarkation took place in good 
order. Runckel tells us in A letter, 
however, of July 18, 1711, which he 
wrote from Basel to the Committee, of 
the trouble he had with Hans Burki 
and Samuel Reber, who said they 
positively would not go along to Hol- 
land. He said they had the rudeness, 
in company with a number of others 
whom he names, all of whom had 
been imprisoned and whom he had 
gotten out of prison with great dif- 
ficulty — that they had the rudeness to 
inquire of him in a public place in the 



presence of Mr. Ritter and other 
prominent men, whether he(Runck6l) 
intended to take them away as pris- 
oners or free men. He answered them 
that they were certainly to go as free 
men but the order was, thev m- st go 
on to Holland, where full liberty 
would be granted them. BurkhoPer 
reported that the Burge-s of Berne, 
when he delivered him up to the ship 
merely told him that he .must keep 
away from the Berne territory in the 
future and did not say that he must 
go to Holland. He now insisted that 
here at Basel, he was outside of 
Berne territory and was at liberty to 
go wherever he 'plea=-ed; and further 
that he did not intend to go into the 
ship again; but savs Kunckel, Burk- 
ho'der finally submitted, after being 
informed that he (Runckel) would 
get the a"d of the Basel government 
to order him locked in irons and to 
be taken to Holland in that manner, 
if he would not go willingly, accord- 
ing to his vow and pledge. Runckel 
says further, that he lectured Burk- 
holder very severely for his opposi- 
tion to all that was being done for 
his and others* best interest. Py 
energetic action, Runckel says he 
nipped great difficulties in the bud 
which later could not have been pre 
vented or overcome. Some of the 
emigrants subsequently m"de theii 
escape from the ships in order to g( 
back to Switzerland and were a^ain 
arrested and locked rp. And after 
having now broken their promise sev- 
eral times nothing could liberate 
them. 

Runckel inspected every ship and 
made a careful and correct list ot 
those who undercook the journev; 
issued the necessary orders; en- 
trusted the care of the who'e expedi- 
tion to Mr. Ritter; and af'er the de- 
parture of the ships, returned tc 
Schaffhausen. (Muller 303.) 



I 



EXPENSES OF DEPORTATION OF 1711. 



181 



1711 — i:\4)diis iiitu Holland (Contin- 1 
aed). 

The following items of expense, 
taken from Ruuckel's account which 
he rendered on November 30, 1711, 
from Schaffhausen to the Committee 
at Amsterdam, throws considerable 
light on the expedition: 

1710 

Oct. 6 — To Maid Jenner, prison- 
keeper at Berne, for necessaries and 
habiliments for the Baptists who had 
been imprisoned on the Island, on 
account; twenty ducats or 25 
Reichsthaler. Oct. 6 — To Mister 
Berabard Wagner for the same pur- 
pose for the prisoners contained in 
the upper hospital, ihirty-five ducats 
or 26 Reichsthaler and 18 batzen or 
cents, of which he had used only 
twenty-six. Oct. 20 — Journey to Am- 
soldingen to Mister Boduer, to con- 
sult with him in reference to placing 
the poor Baptists on the bogs of Aau- 
burg, Yoerdon and Orbe, spent in 
three days with an hired man and 
two horses, 7 Reichsthaler and 25 
batzen (cents). Feb. 4, 1711 — To the 
poor Baptists on the Island for their 
necessities, 10 Reichsthaler. Do. — 
Cave separately to Samuel Reber 
who had recently been re-arrested 3 
Reichsthaler. 

Do. — To the so-called "Schnecke- 
muttzer" (snail mother) who had at- 
tended to the wants of these Baptists, 
and who had usually opened the pri- 
son doors to us, as a tip, two dol- 
lars. Do. — To the poor Baptists in 
the upper hospital for their necessi- 
ties, 62 dollars. Do. — To the so-called 
"Spinnmutter" (spinning mother) 
who had attended to the wants of 
these Baptists and who had usually 
opened the prison doors to us, as a 
tip, 2 dollars. Feb. 5— To the mes- 
senger of the Chancery who had de- 
livered to me the decision for the 
liberation of the above mentioned 
Baptists, tip, 15 batzen or cents. 



March 5 — Paid to the Baptist Cham- 
ber at Berne for i)rison expenses one 
hundred Reichsthaler. Of these were 
refunded by: 

Niklaus Haberli 16 Reichsthaler 

Elsbeth Aebersold 15 

Barbara Rohrer 15 

Katharine Balli 15 

61 

Leaving a balance on account ol 
thirty-nine Reichdollars. 

March 11th, paid further to the Bap- 
tist Chamber for prison expenses foi- 
lieinrich Schilt of Schangnau, 25 dol- 
lars; Hans Kuenbuhler of Diessbach, 
25 dollars. March 12 — To Mrs. 
Langhaus, attendant at the Baptist 
Chamber, for various services on ac- 
count of the imprisoned Baptists; 
particularly at the time of their re- 
lease, by request of the Baptists, 1 
Louisdor, 3 dollars and 24 cents. 
(Miiller 304)— March 30, To Peter 
Blaser of Lauperswyl, who was sent 
into the judicial districts of Trach- 
selwald and Sumiswald. in order to 
induce the Baptists residing there to 
emigrate, as travelling expenses, 1 
dollar and 15 cents. — May 13, To 
Peter Sheuk of Trub, a member of 
the Reformed Church but who was 
kindly disposed towards the Baptists, 
and who distributed the printed cir- 
culars in the Emmenthal, a gratuity 
for his trouble, 1 dollar. — May 18, Mr. 
Bernhard Wagner, who was sent into 
the Emmenthal to persuade the Bap- 
tists residing there for Heaven's sake 
to get themselves in readiness for 
departure and for this purpose to 
have their names written down, since 
he refused absolutely to charge any- 
thing for his trouble and expense, a 
gratuity of four Louisdor paid him, 
15 dollars and 6 cents. — June 15, To 
Samuel Reber, preparation for the 
Journey, 25 dollars. — June 13, To the 
four provosts, who had brought Sam- 
uel Reber and Hans Burki from the 



182 



SWISS EXODUS INTO HOL.L.AND (Continued). 



jail to the ship, 2 Reichdollars — July 
14, On the journey to Basel, nights 
lodging in Wangen for Mr. Bernhard 
Wagner's postillion and horse, 1 dol- 
lar and 16 cents. — July 16, To printer 
Thurneisen in Basel, for the printing 
of seven hundred copies of that cir- 
cular, 9 good florins, 4 dollars and 12 
cents. — July 19, Paid in Basel for 
board and lodging for Mr. Wagner's 
postillion and horse for 3 days, 8 
dollars and 16 cents. — For his return 
home, 12 dollars and 15 ecnts. 

1711— Exodus Into Holland (Con- 
tinued). 

Various writers have described 
how the exiled protestants of Salz- 
burg, bearing their scant effects, 
journeyed over the mountains of their 
country, and with tearful eyes, cast 
a last glance upon the valleys of their 
native- land. It has been related too, 
how the columns of French emigrants 
wandered toward the boundary line 
of their fatherland, singing psalms. 
Of our exiles from the Emmenthal 
and from the highlands of Switzer- 
land, no countrymen of theirs has 
made mention in sympathy and sor- 
row, none have described the feelings 
of these pople when they set their 
eyes for the last time on the spires 
of the cathedral of Basel, and the 
wooded crests of the Jura and saw 
their native country recede from 
view. On the boxes and bundles piled 
up on the deck of the ship, old men, 
the weak and infirm are seated. In 
other parts of the ships, the young 
and strong are standing together and 
looking with wondrous eyes on the 
shores, as the ships glide along. 
Sometimes hopeful, sometimes full of 
anxiety, they glance to the North, and 
then again and again to the South to 
their home country, which they were 
compelled to give up, the country, 
which had driven them so cruelly in- 
to exile — but whose verdant hills and 
silver-crested mountains, they never- 



theless could not forget. And (their 
hearts, heavy with sorrow) they in- 
tonated a hymn which gave them so- 
lace: 

"O Lord, we Thee implore, 

G'uide well our hearts and minds 

According to Thy Holy Word, 
Through Thy great mercy kind." 

Kindle in our hearts 

A fervent love to Thee. 
Watch o'er us and defend us; 

Or sundered we shall be. 

Who loves his life shall lose it; 

But who for Him leaves wife' and 
child. 
And home and friends and countiy. 

Gains Christ and Heaven mild! 

The winds are blowing tempests; 

The flowing streams swell high ; 
Yet these we freely brave. 

And to God, our Savior cry. 

Whoe'er avows the truth; 

And keeps his soul from sin; 
Though haunted down and seized, 

Has joy and peace within. 

The Lord two groups will form. 
On the stern judgment day, 

Come blessed of my Father, 
To the righteous he will say. 

Ye suffered taunts and outrage; 

Left home and Fatherland of old. 
He gains who struggles wage, 

A hundred thousand fold. 

No man can speiak it out. 

No bond can it portray. 
What God will give his own, 

On the great Judgment Day." 

Hans Burki took the first opportun- 
ity to leave the ship at Breisach, tak- 
ing with him twelve companions; and 
when Mennheim hove into view, the 
haven of refuge of so many friends 
and acquaintances, Samuel Reber, 



SWISS EXODUS INTO HOLLAND (Continued). 



183 



and thirty others too, decamped. 
Mayence, Coblenz, Cologne, Diissel- 
dorf and Wessel were passed. At 
Elmmerich, Abram Fortgens brought 
all greetings of welcome, and in 
formed them on behalf of the Com- 
mittee that, Amsterdam was to be the 
end of the journey. Now the boun- 
dary line of Holland had been reach- 
ed. Utrecht was passed, and at Niii- 
den. the ships were docked. From 
Utrecht on, two envoys from Amster- 
dam accompanied the transports. In 
Amsterdam Jan Frederlksen on Au- 
gust 2nd, gave notice of the arrival 
at Utrecht. In Nuiden they were bid 
a cordial welcome by a number of 
gentlemen of Amsterdam. 

On the same day, (the third of Au- 
gust, 1711) Mr. Hounore gave a glow- 
ing report of the arrival of the Swiss 
at Nuiden, to his friend Bennings at 
Rotterdam, saying they would be in 
Amsterdam by evening, and adding 
the information that, their number 
was tliree hundred and forty, among 
whom were one hundred and fifty 
children, eighty to ninety men and 
ninety to one hundred women. 

1711 — Exodus Into Holland (Con- 
tinned). 

The Swiss, who actually did arrive 
on the evening of the third of August 
at Amsterdam, were given quarters 
for the night in the large rooms of 
the warehouses on the "Zaudlock," 
which was part of the malting plant, 
and which had been placed at their 
disposal by one of the gentlemen. 
This building had been transformed 
within the last few days into huge 
barracks and had been supplied with 
the necessary bedding, blankets, uten- 
sils, victuals and beverages. Every- 
thing that was needed was brought in 
large quantities, and the sick and in- 
firm received special attention. It 
was a hospitable reception in evei-y 
sense. Great was the love and cordi- 
aJlity mutually exhiblte-d. And the 



citizens of Amsterdam came in such 
great throngs that it became neces- 
sary to put the entrances to the quar- 
ters under police protection. The 
boxes placed at the doors contained 
charitable offerings to the amount of 
one thousand and forty-five florins. 
For two weeks, the Swiss were here 
the guests of their brethren in the 
faith. It was indeed an arduous time 
for the Committees at Amsterdam. 
The best we can do in the way of be- 
lated thanks, is to present the name 
of the Holland loaders for future per- 
petuation. The membere of the relief 
committee were William van Maurik, 
Hermanns Schyn, Jan Willink, Abra- 
ham Jacob Fries, Jol) Sieuwerts, 
Jacob Vorsterman, Jan Honnore and 
Cornells Beets. 

The most accurate kno.wledge of the 
doings of the relief committee is ob- 
tained by examining the account of 
Messrs. Vorsterman and Honnore. We 
find therin the entire total daily con- 
sumption of the emigrants, the fur- 
ni.^hing of the barracks, the service, 
the gifts and money. We leam, too. 
the names of all who furnished sup- 
plies. (Miiller 307 ^ The entire ac- 
count is contained in Huizinga, pages 
100 to 102. The orphans were placed 
in homes and their board paid. A 
young Christian was admitted into the 
Orphanage of the Baptist congrega- 
tion for seventy-five florins annually. 

The fugitives who had anived at 
Amsterdam were most part members 
of the Amman faction, that is the 
Amish. The adherents of Reist had 
nearly all decamped en route. 

In the "Emmenthaler" ship most of 
the prisoners had been placed. The 
Overseers were Hans Burki, Christen 
(jaumann the Elder and Jacob Rich- 
ener. 

Martin Strahm, of Hohsteten, left 
the ship at Breisaeh; so did Hans 
Burki of Langnau, Peter Hartig of 
Laupei-swyl; Peter Gerber and wife 



184 



DEPORTATION OF SWISS IN 1711. 



and Verena Aeschlimann of Langnau: 
Joseph Propst of Lauperswyl; Daniel 
Rothenbublier of Lauperswyl escaped 
at Mannheim; so did Hans Schwarz- 
entrub of Triib; Ulrich Beer of Trub 
escaped at Breisach; so did Hans 
Gas'ser, teacher and his wife, Katrina 
Stauffer, and a young son of Laupers- 
wyl. Hans Zann escaped at Mann- 
heim; so did Hans Fliickiniger of 
Liitzelfliich and Niklaus Baumgartner 
of Trub, and Niklaus Haberli of 
Liicbsee, and Ulrich Triissel and his 
daughter Katherina of Sumiswald. 
Chr. G-aumann the elder and his wife, 
Anna Brenzikoffer of Hoctstetten. 
Chr. Gaumann the younger and his 
wife, Katharina Streit, with two sons, 
five and eleven years of age, respec- 
tively, and two daughters of six and 
three years of age respectively, of 
Hochstetten, arrived at Amsterdam. 
Daniel Neukomm, of Eggwyl, escaped 
at Mannheim. Hans Wisler of Lang- 
nau escaped at Breisach. Verena 
Kohler and daughter of Rothenbach, 
escaped at Mannheim, Hans Schon- 
auer and his wife Elsbeth Aebersold 
of Hochstetten, Hans Snyder of Trub, 
and Samuel Reber of Trub, escaped at 
Mannheim. Ulrich Schurch and his 
wife, Barbara Grunbacher, with three 
sons and one daughter, of Sumiswald, 
Katharina Haldimann, of Hochstet- 
ten and Katrina Galbi of Hochstetten, 
and Lucia Weinmann, forty years old, 
weaver of Hochstetten, arrived. (Miil- 
ler 308.) Barbara Rohrer, forty years 
of age, her husband, and Veit Sagi- 
mann, of the Reformed Church, and a 
son twenty years of age, not a mem- 
ber of the congregation of BoUlgon, 
arrived. She died shortly after the 
arrival at Amsterdam. Marg. Schurch, 
widow, and a daughter twenty years 
of age (not a member) of Lutzelfluh, 
arrived. 



1711 — Exodus Into Holland (Contin- 
ued). 

Marg. Oberli, of Ruderwyl, escaped; 
so did Kath Bieri of Trub; and Marty 
Kling of Tru'b ; and Anna Habegger of 
Trub; and Hans Shellenberger and his 
wife, Elsbebh Neuensohwander of 
Trub. Among the expedition were 
Daniel Becker, Ulrich Hugo, student 
and Andreas Jeggli a tanner. Besides 
these the following voluntary travel- 
ers had been placed on the ship: Ru- 
dolf Stettler and his wife, Elsbeth 
Widmer, with two young sons, thir- 
teen and fifteen years of age respect- 
ively, a weaver of Stettlen, who went 
through to Amsterdam. But Jacdb 
Richeuer and his wife belonging to 
the Refoi-med Churoh, with five chil- 
dren eleven years down to five weeks 
old, respectively, of Ruppertswyl, 
escaped at Mannheim. Hans Kohler. 
thirty-nine years old, and his wife, a 
member of the Reformed Church, re- 
spectively, stonecutter of Wimmingen, 
arrived at Amsterdam. So did Madg. 
Gisler. widow, with two ehildren, aged 
ten and six years respectively, seam- 
stress forty-six years old of Sumis- 
wald; and Ester Bohlen. single wo- 
man, weaver of Rueggisberg; and 
Barbara Shar. widow, with two chil- 
dren, eleven and eight years old re- 
spectively, of Sumiswald; and Bar- 
bara Joost, with a daughter, of the 
Reformed faith, twenty years of age. 
of Sumiswald; and Katharine Mliiller, 
single woman, forty-four years of 
age, of Melc'huan; and Anna Heiniger. 
single woman, thirty-five years old, of 
Duenroth; and Kathrine Heiniger. 
thirty-two years of age; Magd. Hein- 
iger, twenty-eight years of age; and 
Elsbeth Heiniger, thirty-four years of 
age, of Dunenroth; and Elsbeth Som- 
ner, single woman, thirty years of 
age, of Sumiswald; and Elsbeth 
Kaner, single woman, twenty-two 
years of age, straw hat maker orf 
Dunenroth ; and Elsbeth Althouse, 



DEPORTATION OF SWISS IN 1711. 



18i 



wid<>w , fifty -six years of age. and 
daughter, twenty-three years old, not 
a memljer of Sumiswald; and Christ 
Brand, an oriihan. eleven years old. 
of Sumiswald; and Elsbeth Kupfers- 
ahusied, of Sumiswald. In the "Em- 
enthaler" ship, there were altogether 
aihout eighty-nine i>ersons. (Miiller 
309.) 

On another list there are the fol- 
lowing names and facts: Hans Ogi 
and wife, thirty-four years old and 
daughter five years old farmer, ar- 
rived at Amsterdam; so did Hans 
Qchallenberg, of Neunberg, and his 
wife, Marg. Richen, and four daugh- 
ters. Christian Kroff, 'his wife and 
three sons, aged ten, two and one 
years respectively, shoemaker, ar- 
rived; and Hans Hauri, weaver, wife 
and two sons, from the judicial dis- 
trist of Leuzburg; arrived. Hans 
Lang, -weaver, thirty-five years old, 
his wife. Barb Gerber, twenty-seven 
years old and one child, arrived. Hans 
Grerman, farmer, his wife, Magd. 
Schallenberger, and two children 
died. Ulrich Roth, miller, fifty-five 
years of age, his wife Elsbeth Steiner, 
a son of fifteen years, and three 
daughters and Anna MWller (or 
Moser) widow, sixty-six years of age, 
lame, arrived, and so did Daniel 
Gerljer, husbandman, and wife, Magd. 
Richen, forty-six years old. In the 
siip, "Oberlander" (people from up 
tihe country), there were: Overseers — 
Daniel Richen, inspector general, and 
Bmanuel Lortscher; and Emanuel 
Liortsoher, husbandman, of Erlenbach, 
his wife, Anna Andres, and four chil- 
dren, from six years to six months of 
age, respectively, who reached Am- 
sterdam; and Anna and Duchtly 
Teuscher, forty years old, single 
women, weavers; and Marg. Kallen, 
of Frutigen, seventy years of age, 
lame, and daughter, twenty years old, 
R-eformed (her husband stayed be- 
hind) ; and Magd. Schmied, fifty-four 
years old. Baptist, of Latterbaoh, and 



eight children, Jobam, Abrahajn, 
Jakob, Isaac, David, Hans Rudolf. 
Susanna, Salome, all by the name of 
Lortscher, and all children of the 
Reformed faith; and Hans Thonen, 
fifty years of age, husbandman, of 
Frutigen, Reformed, and wife, Kath. 
Reichen, with three sons and six 
daughters, from twenty to three years 
of age, respectively, and Hans 
Schmied, Reformed, and wife, Baptist, 
with one son and one daughter, nine 
and seven years of age respectively, 
of Frutigen; and Chr. Schlapbaoh, 
Reformed, of Frutigen, his wife, 
Kath. Bohner, and four children, 
eight and two years of age, respec- 
tively; and Anna Schmied, single 
woman, thirty years old, of Frutigen. 
They all arrived at Amsterdam. Magd. 
Schmeid, single w'oman of Frutigen, 
was the only one to join the party en 
route. Melchoir Kratzen, husband- 
man, of Aeschi, forty years of age. 
Reformed, (his wife) Elsb. Graf. 
(Baptist) who had been imprisoned 
with four sons and three daughters, 
fourteen years to six months of age, 
arrived at Amsterdam. So did Verena 
Barben, single woman, thirty years of 
age, of Spiez, seamstress; and Kung- 
gold Kropfli, of Spiez, with one son 
and one daughter, 12 and 10 years of 
age, respectively. (Mliiller 310.) 

1711— Exodus Into Holland (Con- 
tinned) 

Christ Stutzwann, farmer, of Spiez, 
thirty-four years of age, and wife, 
Magd. Stuck, thirty-seven years of 
age( he a member of the Reformed 
faith, and she a Baptist) ; and Barb 
Gerber of Thun, escaped at Manhelm, 
but Elsbeth Wenger, of Fhierachem, 
single woman, thirty-eight years old, 
arrived at Ampterdam. So did Maria 
i BogU, of Herzogenbuchsee, single 
woman, twenty-five years old; and 
Dan Richen, teacher and husband- 
man, of Frutigen, thirty years old, 
and his wife, Anna Blank, three sons. 



186 



DEPORTATION OF SWISS IN 1711. 



and one daughter, aged from six to 
one year, respectively. According to 
this list, there were in the ship 
"Oberlander" sixty-eight persons. 

The following names appear in an- 
other list: Christ Neuhauser, hus- 
bandman, thirty years of age, and his 
wife, Marg. Plank, with one child, 
who arrived at Amsterdam, 

In the Tbiin ship were overseers — 
Mi hael Reusser, Hans Meier; — ^also 
passengers — Hans Meier, tailor, of 
Sigriswyl, forty-one years old, his 
wife, Dorothy Frutiger, thirty-four 
years of age, two sons and two daugh- 
ters, from seven to six years of age 
respectively; also Ulrich Frutiger, 
husbandman, sixty-eight years old. 
Deformed, his wife, and one daughter 
of thirty-six years, who are Baptists; 
also Hans Frutiger, farmer, of Sigris- 
wyl, forty-four years of age, his wife, 
Maria Konig, forty-seven years of 
age, three sons and one daughter of 
thirteen years to six years respective- 
ly; also Hans Ruff (Ruff or Rufener) 
vinegrower of Sigriswyl, forty-five 
years of age. Baptist, his wife, Elsb. 
Thommen, thirty-nine years old (Re- 
formed), three sons and four daugh- 
ters, sixteen to three years respec- 
tively; a' so Christen Ruff, farmer, of 
Sigriswyl, thirty-nine years of age, 
his wife, Magd. Konig, thirty-nine 
years of age, and one child of four 
years; also Stephen Reusser, of Hil- 
terfin-ren, seventy-six years of age, 
his wife, Anna Buhler, thirty-eight 
years old, and one son of twelve 
years, still Reformed; also Michael 
Russer, twenty-seven years old, 
teacher, son of Stephen Reusser (who 
had ben a prisoner), these all arrived 
at Amsterdam; also Vereva Ritschard, 
single woman, thirty years of age, of 
Hilterfingen; also Ulrich Bryner, 
forty-two years of age, his wife, 
M'^ria Ruff, one son and one daugh- 
ter, four and two years of age re- 
spectively; also Blasius Sorg, of 



Schiffhausen, his wife Magd. Meier 
of Hilterfingen, a son and a daughter, 
of three years and six months of age 
respectively; also Anna Jenni, of 
Hi terfin2;en, thirty years of age, 
'widow, with one daughter, one year 
old; also Hans iSchlappach, farmer, 
of Eriz in the judicial district of 
Thun, fifty years of age, Reformed, 
his wife, Verena Duchti, forty-two 
yeas old, four sons and four daugh- 
ters, from two to eighteen years of 
age respectively; also Elsb. Eicher, 
of S hwarzenburg, country servant, 
twenty-six years of age; also Christ 
Ste'ner, farmer, of Diesbach, deacon, 
s xty years of age, and his wife, fifty 
years of age; also Hans Krenbuhl, 
hired man, of Diesbach, who had 
been imprisoned; also Anna Kuenzi, 
called Seller, of Diesbach, single 
woman, twenty two years old; also 
Pet r Krahenbuhl, of Diesbach, thirty 
seven years of age, Reformed, his 
wife, Anna Wenger, thirty-eight years 
old, Baptist, and three sons from 
six to three years of age respectively. 
All these arrived at Amsterdam. 

Anna Rubeli, of Diesbach, escaped 
at Mannheim; Barbara Ruegsegger, 
of D'.e&bach, who had been impris- 
oned, escaped at Breisach; Kath, 
Rue^seg^er, of Diesbach, who had 
been imprisoned, escaped at Bries- 
b'-ch. Anna Aeschbacher, widow,^ 
thirty years of age, of Barbers, of the 
judicial district of Schwarzenburg, 
with two sons and two daughters, 
from fourteen to five years of age, 
arrived at Amsterdam; also Christ 
Stockli, husibandman, fifty years of 
age, unmarried; also Barb Gerber, 
twenty-five years of age, single wo- 
man, lame; also Elsb. Huber, forty 
years of age, of Frutigen, widow, with 
a son six years old; also Els'b Tsih- 
bald, of Steffinburg, widow, fifty years 
of age, a son of sixteen years and a 
daughter of twenty years. These last 
reached Amsterdam. 



DEPORTATION OF SWISS IN 1711. 



187 



Although in the ship "Thuner" 
there were seventy-one persons. On 
another list are the following names, 
etc: — Hans Buhler tailor, thirty-nine 
years of age, who arrived at Amster- 
dam; also Peter Streit, widower, rope 
maker, thirty-four years of age; also 
Adam Gautschi, shoemaker, seventy- 
two years of age. and his wife, sixty 
years old; also Hans Gautschi, thirty 
two years of age, his wife, Barbara 
Hafele. twenty-six years old, and two 
children; also Jakob Peter, carpen- 
ter, forty years old, Reformed, his 
wife. Maria Stadler, thirty-eight years 
old and three children. All reached ' 
Amsterdam. 

In the ship "Neuenburger" were 
Hans Anken, husbandman, teacher 
and elder, of Spiez, thirty-seven years 
of age, his wife thirty years old, one 
son and two daughters, who arrived 
at Amsterdam; also Peter Lehner. 
husbandman, of Oberhofen, thirty- 
four years of age, and wife; and Ul- 
rich Roth, his wife, two daughters 
and one son, of Diesbach ; and Nik- 
laus Gerber, husbandman, of Thun. 
thirty-four years of age, his wife, 
Magd. Yenger, twenty-four years old, 
and two sons; also (Miiiller 312) 
Peter Wenger, husbandman, of Blu- 
menstein, seventy-nine years old, and 
his wife, Kath. Wyler, seventy years 
old; and Melch Zahler, deacon, hus- 
bandman, of Frutigen, forty-one years 
old, and his wife, Anna Richen, thirty 
years old; and Mathys Aeschbacher, 
husbandman, of Diessbach, seventy- 
five years of age, and his wife seventy 
years old; also Math. Aeschbacher, 
Jr., wine grower, twenty-six years of 
age, his wife, forty years old, and one 
daughter; also Peter Krebs, glazier, 
of Reutigen, thirty-two years old, his 
wife, twenty-four years old, and one 
daughter; also Martin Richer, hus- 
bandman, of Frutigen, thirty-four 
years of age, his wife, Barbara Turn- 
er, twenty-five years old, and one 
son; also Peter Thonen, shoemaker, 



of Reutigen, twenty-five years old; 
also Hans Krebs, husbandman, of 
Reutigen, thirty-two years old, and 
his wife twenty-two years old; Peter 
Krebs, Jr., husbandman, of Reutigen, 
twenty-four years old, and Barb. 
Rubi, eighteen years old; and Steffen 
Simon, husbandman, of Reutigen, 
thirty-nine years of age, his wife, 
Ursel Fahrni, and a daughter; and 
Peter Aeschbacher, farmer, of Lau- 
perswyl, widower, thirty-nine years 
of age, and three children; also Abr. 
Lauffer, tailor, of Zofingen, twenty- 
four years of age, his wife, Kath. 
Richen, a son and two daughters; and 
Hans Schallenberg, of Erlenbach, 
and his wife and four daughters; and 
Hans Gasser, husbandman, of 
Schawrzenburg, seventy-five years of 
age, his wife, fifty years old and three 
children; also Jakob Stahli, husband- 
man, thirty-five years of age, of Hil- 
terfiugen, his wife, thirty-five years 
of age and one daughter; also Bevd. 
Stockli, forty-two years of age, of 
Schwarzenburg, his wife, Anna Glaus, 
forty-four years of age, a son and one 
daughter; also Hans Furer, forty-five 
years old of Oberhofen, his wife, 
Magd. Kampf, a son and four daugh- 
ters; also Hans von Gunten, of Sigria- 
wyl, fifty-five years of age, his wife, 
Kath. Isler, thirty years old, two 
sons and one daughter; also Hans 
Bauer, vine grower, of Oberhofen, 
forty-one years old. Reformed, his 
wife, Anna Willener, thirty-four years 
old, two sons and two daughters; 
and (.Miller 313) Kath. Rubi, of Fru- 
tigen. sixty-seven years old, and a 
daughter, Magdalena, twenty-six years 
old: also David Lauffer, tailor, of 
Zofingen, seventeen years of age; 
also Peter Maier, shoemaker, of Sie- 
benthal, thirty-eight years of age. 
Reformed; also Peter Tschageler, (?) 
husbandman, of Barometer (?) in the 
judicial district Thun, twenty-five 
years of age. Reformed; also Nikl. 
Hoffman, cooper, of Affoltern, thirty 



188 



DEPORTATION OF SWISS IN 1711. 



years of age, Reformed; als Hans 
Zurcher, forty years of age, cripple, 
of Frutigen, and his mother Barb. 
Germann, widow, seventy years old, 
knitter; also Anna Trachsel, of Fruti- 
gen, thirty-four years of age, for- 
saken; also Verena Kallen, country 
servant, of Frutigen, twenty-nine 
years of age, single woman; also 
Christina Kallen, country servant, of 
Frutigen, thirty-two years of age, 
single woman; also Anna Bucher, of 
Reichenibach, weaver, thirty years of 
age, single woman; Barb. Frei, of 
Hilterfingen, country servant, thirty- 
nine years of age; and Elsb. Binggeli, 
of Schwarzenburg, thirty-eight years 
of age. Reformed; Hans Lortscher, 
wine grower, of Hilterfingen, unmar- 
ried, thirty years of age; and Hans! 
Aeschbacher, husbandman, of Lau- 1 
perswyl, twenty-three years of age. j 
All these arrived at the end of the ' 
journey. i 

On another list is recorded Hans 
Schmied, Reformed, thirty years of 
age, Elsb. Schmied and two children, 
who arrived at Amsterdam. There had 
departed, therefore, altogether: 

67 men among them 14 Reformed 

76 men " 2 

21 single men " 2 " 

35 single women " 3 " 

147 children 



346 persons 



21 



Of these, who had been imiprisoned, 
there escaped at Basel, Ulrich Brech- 
buhl and Peter Blaser, of Lauperswyl, 
Peter Luthi, Anna Einmann, the wife 
of Smaule Roth, from the parish of 
Diessbach, with her Reformed hus- 
band Heinrich Schilt had already de- 
camped at Wengen, making a total of 
six. 

Two women returned to Switzerland 
to their husbands — Katharine Moser 
and Barbara Steiner. "With the per- 
mission of the authorities of Berne, 
two of the prisoners remained in the 



county on account of old age; Chris- 
ten Dubach and Benedict Lehmann. 
There is a record of forty-nine names 
of persons who had reported them- 
selves willing to emigrate, but who 
failed to appear. On the other hand, 
twenty-three went along who had not 
been advised, or reported, an'd who 
are enumerated in the foregoing re- 
gister. At Breisach, thirty more per- 
sons embarked. These are in part 
the same who are mentioned as being 
recorded on one of tne lists above 
mentioned. 

The complete record is undersigned 
"Schaffhausen, the 23ra of July, 1711. 
Johann Ludwig Runckel." 

(A. A. No. 1396, Huizinga page 113, 
etc.) 

1711 — Goal of the Emi^ants to 
Holland. 

The emigrants to Holland intended 
to push on to America. A large num- 
ber of them never reached America, 
however. (Miiiller 319.) 

We remember many of them were 
housed in the Daudhoek near Amster- 
dam. They, as well as others in Hol- 
land, were looking for a place In 
Prussia; but as we have seen before, 
the persons sent to view the land, re- 
ported against them going. Richen, 
Anken and Zahler were asked their 
opinion, as representatives of the 
Swiss, but they said the country 
would not suit. A landholder of 
Groningen offered to take twenty 
families of about one hundred per- 
sons and see that they got a suitable 
place. Abraham Cremer undertook to 
find a place for the rest at Kampen 
and Deventer, till the following May 
at least. How to maintain these 
Swiss Mennonites for the winter was 
a question. The deputies of Friesland 
(Holland) said they would take a 
number of them for the winter. Mr. 
Ritter was voted two hundred reich- 
thalers for what he did. 



DISTRIBUTION OF HOL.I^\ND HiXODUS. 



18» 



On the 20th of August, the vessels 
left their mooring in the presence of 
a large crowd (who were deeply 
moved at their departure) and car- 
ried the Swiss out on the angry 
waves of the Zuider Zee, to distribute 
them. Twenty-one went to Harlingen 
— one hundred and twenty-six to 
Grooiingen — eighty-seven to Kampen 
and one hundred and sixteen to De- 
venter, total 356 persons. It is ob- 
served that this distribution was made 
by water — some of the Swiss being 
landed at the first coast point to 
these towns, and then escorted to the 
town. 

The expense of those who went to 
Groningen was taken care of by the 
committee, largely of the elders of 
the old Flaninger congregation and 
of the Vaterlander congregation. They 
rendered a detailed account on the 
30th of March 1712. In it they show 
that the board and lodging amounted 
for the first few days to five thousand 
&even hundred and eleven florins, in 
Groningen. (Mtiller 320.) 

Authorities of the town had very 
little information when the Swiss ar- 
rived, and called upon Runckel to 
explain all about the causes of this 
emigration and the kind of people 
these were. Runckel praised them 
highly and succeeded in having con- 
ditions all favorable to them in the 
town. The price of land there was 
low, because the crops had failed in 
1709. but there was demand for labor 
now. 

Lists of names and accounts are 
still in existence, from which we get 
a good idea of the settlement. Names 
and numbers of families are given. 
and the expense of the trip. Also 
the points they touched on the road — 
the amount of money brought along 
by each — the allowance granted to 
each out of the general fund. 

The full details would be too long 
but the names of the heads of families 



I and some of the individual persons, 
may be given with profit. 

1711— Swiss Leave Hollands Shelter 

The names of the heads of families 
and individual persons referred to 
above are; the families of Peter Leh- 
ner, Ulrich Roth, Jacob Stahll, Christ 
Stutzman, Niklaus Teuscher, Hans 
Tschabold, Peter Krahenbuhl, Hans 
Bauer,— and the single, Elsbeth Tsch- 
abold, settled at Saperneer. In Hoog- 
kerk, also near Groningen are the 
families of Emanuel Lortcher, Hans 
Furxer, Hans von G'unten. In Helpen, 
the widow Magdelena Schmidt, with 
her family, purchased an estate; in 
Vinklaus, Steffon Simon, with his fam- 
ily was located — the rest of the people 
were in and about Groningen, name- 
ly, the families of Hans Meier, of Ul- 
rich Frutiger, who in December 1711^ 
lost his wife in Groningen; Anna 
Eesclebacher; of Kringold Kroflli; 
Matheys Aeschebacher; Christ Stucki, 
Christ Schilling, Elsbeth Rubin, Peter 
Krebs, and Peter Thonin. The other 
unmarried persons are, Niklaus Hoff- 
man, Vreni Barber, Hans Knenbuhl, 
Hans Aeschbacher, Peter Tschaggel- 
j er, Hans Lortscher, Anna and Tillie 
I Tuscher, Anna Kunzi, Elsbeth Bin?- 
j geli, Elsbeth Wenger, Barbara Frei, 
Katharina Sch^ied. 

In the year 1721, the information 
•was sent from Groningen to the com- 
mittees at Amsterdam, that none of 
Swiss were in need of any further as- 
sistance. Some of these in later years 
emigrated to Pennsylvania. 

To Kampen came thirty-five children,, 
three widows and seven children, and 
eight single persons, with a total 
amount of ten thousand nine hundred 
and seventy-eight florins. These were 
domiciled in the same manner as 
those of Groningen by Steven Cremer 
of Deventer, who bought the rights of 
citizenship in Kampen for six famil- 
ies, for one hundred and forty florins 
each, which carried with it the prlvl- 



390 



FROM HOLtLAND TO NORTHERN GERMANY. 



lege of pasture for six cows and two 
horses each. They are the families of 
teacher Michael Reusser, Stephen 
Reusser, Melchior Zahler, Hans Long, 
Hans Jacob Burki, Hans G-erwanni 
Hans Ogi, Hans Schmied, Hans Surer 
(?), Hans Buhler, Hans Gautschi, 
Peter Aeschbacher, Benedict Stockli, 
Hans Grasser, Blasins Sorg, Anna i 
Muller, Marg, Galli, Chr. Schlappach, 
Daniel Gerwanni, Adam Gautschli, Ja- 
cob Petri, Chr. Stockli, Peter Meier, 
Peter Streit, Math. Aeschbacher. 

The above named brought one hun- 
dred and six persons to Deventer, 
namely, the families of the teacher 
Daniel Richen, Martin Richen, Peter 
Richen, Hans and Peter Krebs, Abra- 
ham L,auffer, Hans Schellenberger, 
Hans Thonen, Chr. Neuhauser, Ulrich 
Bryner, Elsbeth Althaus, Daniel Ger- 
ber, Peter Wenger, Chr. Krebs, Mar- 
gret Giseler, Barbara Schar, Kath. Ru- 
bin, Elsbeth Kufferschmied, Anna, 
Elsbeth, and Margaret Heiniger, David 
Laufer, Anna Bruger, Verena and 
Christian G-alli, Marie Bogli, Peter 
Thonen, Elsbeth Koner, Kath Muller, 
Esther Benli, Barbara Gerber, and 
student Daniel Becker. 

The Swiss experts, who, headed by 
Benedict Brechbuhl, were to investi- 
gate and pass on the Prussian offers, 
wrote under date of August 12, 1711, 
from Danzig to Amsterdam. They 
gave a description of their experiences 
in Lutkania, praised the remarkable 
fertility of the soil, the favorable in- 
ducements of the king, and the great 
love and affections which were shown 
them by their brethren in the faith, 
in Danzig and Elbing. The houses.very 
naturally, did not suit them, but they 
had the royal promise of the permis- 
sion to fell the needed lumber from 
the forests of the domain free of cost. 
There were to be had 62 farms of 30 
acres each. These journeys and a visit 
to Berlin, where they went upon invi- 
tation of the king, delayed their return 



to Amsterdam, until the 8th of Sept- 
ember. By that time the Swiss had 
already gone to their new places of 
abode in Ireland, and there was a 
question whether, on the strength of 
the favorable reports of Brechbuhl, 
they could again be induced to wan- 
der to another place. For that reason 
three delegates to their brethren in 
Kampen; but neither there nor in 
Groningen and Deventer did they find 
a willingness again to emigrate, inas- 
much as there was a prejudice against 
the plague, which had a short time 
before decimated those countries. 
Brechbuhl reported on September 20, 
1711, from Deventer in like manner as 
two days later Russer, Anken, Richen. 
Steiner and Zahler, who gave the as- 
surance that they would no longer be 
a burden to the commission, but 
would endeavor to earn their bread, 
Brechbuhl was quite enthusiastic 
over the colonization in Prussia, and 
no doubt, through his efforts, there 
were in later years, founded Swiss 
congregations there, which, howveer, 
in 1720, and particularly in 1730, be- 
came greatly distressed and later on 
mostly emigrated to Germany, the 
Netherlands and North America. 

1711 — Wanderingrs of a Portion of the 
Exodus. 

From the year 1711 on, more emi- 
grants followed almost annually, since 
the persecutions did not cease, and 
which found renewed expression in 
the pi*oclamation of March 24, 1714. 
In this year there emigrated from 
Goutenschwyl near Lenzberg to Hol- 
land — Hans Gautschi, his wife, Bar- 
bara Hafele and his daughter, Jacob 
Peters and his wife, Marie Stodler; 
Samuel Peter and Barbara Frei; Rudi 
Peter and Anna Erisman; Samuel 
Peter StuHzer and his wife; Samuel 
Leutswyler, single; Rudolph Peter and 
Verena Aeschbach and Rudolph Wurg- 
ler. 



THE HOLLAND SWISS REACH LANCASTER COUNTY. 



191 



Samuel Peter and Barbara Frei were 
oailled Neuhauser from their estate 
Waihaus, near Gontenschwyl, and are 
the ancestors of the very large and 
flourishing Xeuhuizen, whose family 
tree Huizinga has worked out in great 
detail. Very likely they were induced 
by relatives who were among those 
who settled in Groningen, to make 
this the destination of their journey, 
and they remained in Kalkivyk at 
Hoogezand, near G'roningen. At Sap- 
peneer and Groningen, small indepen- 
dent Swiss emigrations were formed. 
Prior to 1671, fugitives of Swiss orign 
(M. 323) had come from the Palati- 
nate into the country about Groningen, 
and were called Pfalzer (inhabitants 
of the Palatinate). This w^as applied 
to the arrivals of 1671, as they amal- 
gamated into a congregation which 
held their services in a house in the 
"Achterunner"' in Groningen. As 
founder of this congregation, their 
first teacher, Hans Anken, may be re- 
garded as principal; soon thereafter, 
assisted by Daniel Richen and Abra- 
ham Stauffer. It would have been 
considered too good a fortune if these 
Swiss could have been without dissen- 
sions in their new place of abode! 
Hans Anken had bought a house for 
himself, called the "great cloister." 
Abraham Lauffen deemed the style of 
architecture too vain, and insinuated 
t» the owner to change the same. 
Anken did not take kmdly to this sug- 
gestion, and this difference of opin- 
ion was sufficient cause for a split in 
the congregations into "Old" and 
"New" Swiss. 

1711 — Mennonite Diyision Into Old 
and New Swiss Factions 

The heads of one congregation of 
fbrty to fifty members were Hans and 
Peter Kreb, the heads of the other 
congregation of fifty to sixty members 
were Daniert Riohen and Abraham 



Lauffer. This split lasted from the 
year 1720 to the last quarter of the 
century, and extended to the congre- 
gation at Sappeneer. The stylish house 
of Anken's led as supposed to this 
split. It is very likely that the showy 
or eonspicious house which Anken had 
bought was only a i)retended motive 
to bring to a focus a deeper rotted dif- 
ference — a difference which ever and 
ever shows itself among the Baptists, 
between the strict and severe and the 
less strict. 

1711 — Emigrants of 1711 Exodus 

Reach Lancaster County 

Eventually. 

We have in a previous article given 
a description of the transportation of 
the Berne Mennonites down the 
Rhine In 1711. Kuhns in his work 
(page 46), calls attention to the fact 
that the names of many of those Swiss 
emigrants are identical with our Lan- 
caster County names and those who 
went down the Rhine in 1710 are iden- 
tical with our Lancaster County prom- 
inent names also. Among them he 
mentioned Gerber, Gaumann, Schurch, 
Galli, Haldiman, Burki, Rohrer, Schal- 
lenberger, Oberli, Jeggli, Wisler, 
Hauri, Graf, Wenger, Neukomm. 
Fluckinger, Rubeli, Ruegsegger, Kra- 
henbuhl, Huber, Buhler, Kuenzi, 
Stahli, Rubi, Zurcher, Bucher, Strahm. 
Among those exiled in 1710 were the 
names of Breehbuhl, Baumgartner, 
Rupp, Fahrni, Aeschlimann, Maurer. 
Ebersold and others. All these names 
— which, more or less changed, are 
common throughout the State and 
country today — are of Bernese origin. 
The Landis, Brubacher, Meili, Egli. 
Ringer, Gut, Gochnauer and Frick 
families came from Zurich. 

This would argue that (while Miller 
does not trace any of these emigrants 
of 1711 to Lancaster County) many of 
them eventually readied this county. 



192 



PERSECUTED SWISS REACH LANCASTER COUNTY. 



1711 — Brethren Join the Pequea 
Colony of 1710. 

According to Rupp, it would seem 
that as soon as the winter of 1710-11 
was passed, the Pequea colonists sent 
one of their members back to the Old 
CoHntry, to bring on members of their 
family, who were left behind. 

Rupp des-cribed very vividly, pages 
80 and 81, how this came about. 
Quoting from a source which he does 
not mention, he says, that before the 
ground brought forth its first crop, 
they made preparations to bring the 
balance of their families over — that 
after the lot fell to Hans Herr, it was 
decided that Mart Kendig should take 
his place and that he, accordingly, 
went abroad and brought a company 
of Swiss and Germans back with him. 
He tells us that the party consisted 
of the balance of famLlies already 
here and of Peter Yordea, Jacob Mtil- 
ler, Hans Tchantz, Henry Funk, John 
Hau'ser, John Bachman, Jacob Weber 
and three others, whose Christian 
names are not given, Schilagel, Wen- 
rich and Guildin. It would seem that 
Schlagel's name was Christopher, be- 
cause in 1713, he had established 
himself on the Conestoga creek, and 
complained of the Cartledges interfer- 
ing -with his milil. 

1712 — Large Palatine Possessions in 

Lancaster County. 

This year a tract of 3330 acres in 
Strasburg Township was ordered to 
be surveyed to Amos Strettle, for the 
occupation of Swiss Mennonites. It 
adjoins the original Herr tract of 
1710 on the east. The warrant Is 
dated the 5th of July 1712, and the 
survey was made November 1st, the 
same year. This tract was divided 
during the next twenty years among 
the following holders, viz.: Henry 
Shank, Ulrich Brackbill, Augustine 
Widower. Alexander Fridley, Martin 



Miller, George Snavely, Christian 
Musser, Andrew Shultz, John Foutz, 
Jacob Stein, John Hickman, John 
Bowman, Valentine MiUer,Jaoob Hain, 
John Herr, Henry Carpenter, Daniel 
Ferree, Isaac Lefevre, Christian 
Stoner, John Beiers, Hans Lein, Ab- 
raham Smith, John Jacob Hoover, 
Septimus Robinson, Samuel Hess, 
Samuel Boyer, John Musgrove. 

It is intended a little while later 
ti make a map of the original tract 
and show the present sub-divisions 
thereupon, setting forth the name of 
the owners of the present farms 
carved out of the same. Mention of 
this tract is made in Rupp, page 77. 

1712 — Poor Ragged Palatines in 
England. 

Ralph Thoresly in his diary under 
date of June 1712, published in 2 vol- 
umes in Loudon in 1830 says that on 
his return ,to Hyde Park, he saw a 
number of Palatines in England and 
that they were the most poor and 
ragged creatures that he ever beheld. 
(Diffenderfer's Exodus 86.) 

1712 — (rjrowth of German Ski))pack 
Colony. 

We are told that by this year, on 
Apriil 6th, the Mennonites of Skippack 
numbered 99. They had additions in 
1708 and '09. (Pennypacker's German- 
town 169.) 

1712 — Ferree and Lefevre^ennonit©*, 

Take 2000 Acres of Land in Con- 

estoga Yalley. 

In the minutes of the Pennsylvania 
Board of Property, under date of 
September 10, 1712, it is stated that 
"at a meeting of the commissioners 
that day held— the late commissioners 
having granted 10,000 acres of land to 
the Palatines, by their warrant, dated 
6th of 8th month, 1710, in pursuance 
thereof there was laid out to Martin 
Kendig, besides the 2,000 acres already 



ADDITIONS TO SWISS SETTLEMENT. 



193 



confirmed and paid for, the like quan- i 
tity of 2.000 acres, towards Susque- 
hanna, of which the General Surveyor 
has made a return. The said Martin 
Kendig now appearing desirous that] 
the said land may be granted and con- 1 
firmed to Maria Warenbuer, for whom 
the same was taken up. But upon , 
further consideration of the matter, it 
is agreed among themselves that the . 
said land shall be confirmed to Daniel 
Fierre and Isaac Lefevre, two of the 
said widow's sons, and the considera- 
tion money, viz £140 at £7 per 100 
acres, by agreement having been for 
some time due, but is now to be paid 
down in one sum. 'Tis agreed they ; 
shall only pay £10 for interest, thait : 
is £150 for the whole. (2nd Series Pa. 
Arc, Vol 19, p. 259 and Rupp, page 90.) 

This is the Jarge section lying north 
of the Herr and Strettle tracts; partly 
in East Lampeter Township and partly 
in Strasburg Township. The Fierres 
are the ancestors of the present 
Ferry or Forry family. Neither the 
Lefevres nor Forrys were pure Swiss, 
as there was French extraction in | 
their race. This tract was subsequent- 
ly divided among the following per- 
sons — Henry A. Carpenter, Forre 
Brinton, John C. Lefevre, Joseph L. 
Lefevre, Jacob Hershey, Christian Le- 
man, Henry and Jacob Brackbill, 
Theo. Shertz, John Shertz, F. S. Bur- 
rows, D. Lefevre. (Rupp 102.) I hope 
to have a map of the sub-divisions of 
this tract also. 

That it lay partly in Strasburg 
Township is shown by the fact that 
Maria Warenburger, mother-in-law of 
Isaac Lefevre paid a quit rent on 2,000 
acres in Strasburg Township, the 
same year. (Rupp 107.) Ferrees and 
Lefevres came from Steinmerster into 
the Palatinate. (Rupp 85.) 
1712 — German-Swiss Reach the Con- 
estoga Valley. 

It appears that, this year, the Ger- 
man-Swiss immigrants in Lancaster 



County reached Conestoga in their 
settlement for under the name of the 
"Dutch" it is stated in First Pa. Arch., 
Vol. 1, p. 338, that they had been liv- 
ing at Conestoga during the past 20 
years. The date of the letter is 1732. 
In some of the proceedings of the 
Conestoga Road, as it was laid out 
from time to time, there is a reference 
to "The road up to the Duitch settle- 
ment on the Susquehanna" in 1712. 
This makes it plain that there was a 
settlement that year, including road 
improvements up to the River. This 
refers to a road "that leads from 
Philadelphia to the Dutch settlements 
at Conestoga" found in Volume one of 
the original road papers in Chester 
County, p. 50. The public are indebt- 
ed to the industry of Gilbert Cope in. 
Chester County for the compilation of. 
these road papers. 

1712 — Further Swiss Additions abont 
This Year. 

According to Rupp, in his "Thirty 
Thousand Names," about 1712, addi- 
tional tracts of land were bought by 
Pequea settlers. The settlers living in 
the Pequea Valley at that time (1712) 
he gives as follows: Johan Rudolph 
Budeli, Martin Kendig, Jacob Miil- 
ler, Hans Groflf, Hans Herr, Martin 
Oberholz, Wendel Bauman, Martin 
Meylin, Samuel Gulden, John Rudolf, 
Daniel Herman, John George TruJ- 
berger, Hans Mayer, Hans Hagj', 
Christian Hereby, Hans Pupather, 
Heinrich Bar, Peter Lehman, Melcher 
Brennen, Heinrich Funck, Michael 
Schenck, Johannes Landis, Alrich 
Honench, Emanuel Herr, Abraham 
Herr, Melchoir Erisman, Michael 
Mliiller and Christopher Schleagel. 

1713 — Rapid Additions to the Menno- 
nite Colony. 

This year Isaac Lefever purchased 
300 acres of land adjoining the other 
settlements made by his countrymen 
near Conestoga and received a war- 



194 



FIRST SWISS GRIST MILL ON CONESTOGA. 



rant for it. And Samuel Guilden, who 
had lately come from Berne, in 
Switzerland as a minister to the 
Sw'itzers, desired 800 acres in Stras- 
burg with the rest of his countrymen 
and a warrant was signed to him for 
the price of ten pounds i>er 100 acres, 
Pennsylvania money, 80 pounds or 60 
pounds of English money. (2d Ser. Pa. 
Arch., V. 19, p. 669.) 

17ia— The Mennonites Build Their 
First (nrist Mill on the Conestoga, 

This year we have an account of a 
reimarkable German Mennonite on the 
Conestoga. In Vol. 19 of the Sec. 
Series of the Penna. Arch., p. 569, it 
was stated at a meeting of the Land 
Commissioners, held on the 8th of 
October that, Christopher Schleagel, 
late of Saxony, being desirous to 
settle near the Palatines about Con- 
estoga and build a mill on a run, run- 
ning into the Conestoga Creek, wishes 
.to take up 1000 acres of land there 
and build such a mill for the accom- 
modation of his neighboring inhabi- 
tants ; and it was agreed that he could 
have the 1000 acres for 100 Pounds. 
And if he built the mill immediately 20 
Pounds were to be thrown off. He 
did build the miM, because a year 
later I shall show he made complaint 
that people were interefering with 
lis mill race. 

Schleagel had some trouble about 
bis land and at a meeting held on the 
18th of Miarch, 1718, Edmund Cart- 
lidge claimed to own it by having pur- 
chased from Schleagel, the right to a 
tract of land and an ordinary grist 
mill on a branch of the Conestoga; 
and it is stated that Schleagel did 
not comply with the term.s, when he 
first bought, he lost his right. It is, 
however, set forth that Cartlidge has 
s.jnce built a good mi-ll on the same 
land and he desires 400 acres to be 
laid out to him, including his build- 
ings and improvements. A warrant 



was accordingly given him, (Do. 644). 
Rupp also notices that Christopher 
Schleagel in 1712 took up this land to 
build a mill and he finds the place not 
far away from the land granted to the 
Palatines, (Rupp, 115). 

113 — The English are Moving In 
Among the German Mennonites 

We have just noticed that Edmund 
Cartlidge, the Indian agent, seated 
himself on Christopher Schleagel's 
land a,nd in addition to this, we have 
the account that a patent was given 
in 1713 to Thomas Story near a set- 
tlement of the Palatines at Conestoga, 
and that he had a right to it as early 
as 1711, (Vol. 19 of Sec. Series of Pa. 
Arch., p. 572). There are also signed 
the same year, a patent to John Mar- 
low for 260 acres on Pequea in the 
rights of Gilbert Mace. These last 
are English names and show that the 
English were interested also in set- 
tlements in this section. 

1714 — Scheagel's Mill is Now Serving 
the Mennonites 

The mill which Christopher Schleagel 
said he was about to build he evi- 
dently erected as may be seen in the 
Taylor papers. No. 2827. Schleagel 
went to Philadelphia, and made com- 
plaint about the English claiming his 
mill; and James Steele gave him a let- 
ter dated the 24th of September, 1714, 
which Schleagel carried to Isaac Tay- 
lor, surveyor for the Penns, who was 
surveying at Conestoga. In this let- 
ter, 'Steele states that Schleagel com- 
plains that a certain person has 
seated himself near the miU he hath 
lately built at Conestoga, by whose 
means the Indians that are there- 
about are likely to be troublesome and 
dangerous to him. This letter then 
further states that Isaac Taylor shall 
order the people there interfering with 
Schleagel's mill to remove and that 
300 acres belonging to the mill 



FOrtriBLE DKI'ORTATIOX 01 SWISS TO PENlXSYLVAXIA. 



195 



should be in quiet possession of 
Schleagel. 

1714 — liioorure Leonard Takes Land in 
Octorara. 

A patent for 300 acres on the Octo- 
rara Creek, dated 15th of September, 
was also executed to George Leon- 
ard. (Do. 572.) 

1714— Additional Settlers Come to 
Pequea Colony. 

In Rupp's "Thirty Thousand Names," 
page 10. he sets forth a statement by 
Johnathon Dickinson, under date of 
1719, in which Dickinson says: -"We 
are daily expecting ships from London 
which will bring Palatines, in num- 
ber, about six thousand to seven thous- 
and. We had a parcel that came over 
five years ago, who purchased land 
about 60 miles west of Philadelphia, 
and proved quite industrious." Refer- 
ence may also be found to this addi- 
tion in Colonial Records. Vol. 3, p. 29 
and 228. 

1714 — More dlernian-Swiss Locate in 
Our County. 

This year the following order for 
passes to deiwrt some of our ances- ! 
tors was issued, "We, the Mayor and i 
Council, of the City of Berne, here- 
with notify you that we, being the 
persons in authority and especially 
appointed for this purpose, having 
power and command to transport five 
stubborn Mennonites and one cele- 
brated thief out of the country to 
Lausanne, under guard, with all 
necessary secrecy, on the 10th day of 
August, to be delivered to our Chief 
of Police, do command you and all 
people to allow them to pass safely 
through, and unhindered, and to give 
all aid to our State Officers convey- 
ing the said Mennonites, that lies 
within your power." (Mtiller 224.) 
These Mennonites (who were called 
stubborn) to be sent to Lausanne, ac- 



cording to Smith, were to be sent to 
the galleys. 

1714 — Benedict Brackhiirs Letter to 
Fries. 

In Muller, p. 224, the following let- 
ter written by Benedict Brackbill in 
Manheim to Jacob Fries of Amster- 
dam appears: — 

"Some time ago, a brother came 
from Switzerland and told me the 
present condition of the Swiss breth- 
ren. The government still keeps up 
its persecution against our people. 
They have given their police power 
anew to take our people to prison, 
and on one day about fourteen per- 
sons were taken and conveyed to 
l)rison. whose names, as well as I 
know, are Casper Ammann, of Reugan 
— Benedict Mowrer, who was i)revi- 
ously a prisoner with me and who 
also was gotten free with me at Nim- 
wegen, three years ago. At present 
he is in prison without his wife. 
Babbie Steiner. They have robbed 
him of everything that they were able 
to find. They also imprisoned a 

poor H R of Signau, and 

Oswald Otzerberger of Hochstetten — 
Christian Wagsel (Wochtel) from 
Eggwyl, also Has Luthi and his son- 
in-law — also Elizabeth Zeuricher 
from Lauperswyl — and Barbara Yost 
from Landau, and three of the Amish 
side or branch. They are in a city 
situated far from us, in Savoy, hired 
out as slaves. One of them died on 
the way, by the name of Niklaus 
Baumgartner. At the end of the year 
they are to be set free. Some say 
they are to be set free and to be 
given some money." Dated Nov. 14, 
1714. (Muller 224.) 

Muller goes on to say that Brackbill 
made a mistake here, because the 
fourteen prisoners were not taken 
away to Turin, which he called Savoy, 
as can be shown. 



196 



ANABAPTIST OR MENNONIST TORTURE RENEWED. 



1714 — Another Brackbill Letter. 

The substance of another letter 
written by Brackbill, this year, is as 
follows: 

"Under date of February 6. 1714. 
Brackbill reported to Holland that 
conditions in the Palatinate were most 
deplorable, owing to the war. The 
gift of 400 florins was received with 
pleasure. Many are fleeing back to 
Switzerland, and are there again taken 
into captivity; others have gone into 
Alsace and to Zweibrucken." (Miiller 
207.) 

This shows again the interest that 
Brackbill displayed for his people. In 
the Historical Society at Philadelphia, 
among a lot of letters called "Dutch \ 
Copies" are several in German, writ- 
ten by Brackbill. 

1714 — Swiss Mandate against Menno- 
nites. 

The attitude of the Swiss govern- 
ment toward the Anabaptists found 
expression in the Great Mandate of \ 
May 24, 1714. It provided that those j 
who were tJhen in captivity, some of 
them teachers, and those who had 
been expelled under pain of punish- 
ment, corporal and capital, and who 
in spite of their oath, nevertheless ; 
came back, who were fit for work 
should all be sent to the galleys, for | 
life, as they have well deserved it. 
Others were to be confined in Berne, 
in imprisonment forever. (Miiller 221.) ; 

1714 — Christian Leiby or Liebeck ; 

Tortured. 

Miiller gives the following account: 
Christian Liebi (R. M. "Liebegg") who 
came from the Palatinate under the 
dominion of my liege lords, and ad- 
mitted that he h.ad intended to visit 
Mennonites in Berne here, to console 
and comfort teachers, and if chance 
presents itself, to baptize several of 
them; who declared that the inhibi- 
tions of the authorities were known 



to him, was condemned with no less 
punishment than the native teachers, 
and, therefore, he was sent to tihe 
galleys, in company with the teachers 
already sentenced and as a terror to 
other strange teachers. (R. M. June 6, 
1714.) (Miiller 228.) 

Jacob Sehnebeli's Testimony on Men- 
nonite Torture. 

Information was given by Hans 
Jacob Schnebeli in Mannheim to 
Abram Jacob Fries and Company in 
Amsterdam, he learned by the de- 
ported Mennonites at Turin that they 
must remain there during the winter. 
They were confined in a vault, in 
company with 90 miscreants and 
good-for-nothings, who were sold on 
account of their wickedness 'to a cer- 
tain man named Hackbrett, of Turin. 
They were daily taken out to hard 
work. "I fear," writes Schnebeli, 
"that by springtime, they will he sent 
to the galleys on the high seas." A 
petition had been presented by cer- 
tain persons to the Duke of Savoy, to 
which answer was given that the Duke 
would be willing to grant their re- 
lease, but that this matter was wholly 
a concern of the gentlemen of 
Berne. (A. A. No. 1371. December 1, 
1714.) (Mulder 225.) 

As we notice above, this letter is 
still preserved in the Amsterdam Ar- 
chives, and is number 1371. It was 
written by Jacob Snavely. 

1714— Further Light on BraokbiU s 
Letter. 

In a former item, Bennedict Brack- 
bill's letter of Nov. 26, 1714, is set 
out. Miiller states (p. 225) that 
Brackbill relates one of the brethren 
died on the way to a distant city in 
Savoy — Nicholas Baumgartner. This 
letter is preserved in Amsterdam and 
is No. 1371 of the Amsterdam Archives. 
It is stated tjhat Brackbill got the 
prisoners and the deported confused. 



MIGRATION TOWARD PENNSYLVANIA. 



191 



because these prisoners were never 
taken to Turin in Savoy. 

1714 — Keforined Clergy Sjiupatliize 

with Mennonitos. 

ADiiller relates (p. 223) that under 
date of July 19, 1714, the olerg>' of Che 
State Church, criticized the govern- 
ment for the cruel treatmen/t of the 
Mennonites. They uttered very com- 
mendable and honorable sentiments. 
But the government severely repri- 
manded them. The government of- 
ficials said that the sentences im])osed 
are no concern of the Church, and that 
these AnabapOists are so stubborn, 
that sentences must be severe. 

1711— Persecution On the Deported of 
1710 and '11 who Returned. 

We have noticed above that an 
edict was issued by Berne to send to 
the galleys, such of the iNIennonites, 
who were deported in 1710 and '11, as 
returned to Switzerland. Some of 
these who were deported in 1710 and 
'11, reached Lancaster County. The 
edict, condemning to galley punish- 
ment, required that until they should 
be sent to the galleys, they should be 
put in the jail of Titligen. It seems 
that on account of their age and 
weakness, only four were found fit 
for galley service. They were Hans 
Luthi, the teacher of Schaufelbuhl. 
54 years old — Nicholas Bumgartner of 
Trub, forty yeai-s old— Peter Wiith- 
rich of Trub, fifty years old and 
Joseph Brobst of Trub, fifty years old. 
These were to be given over to Col. 
Hackbrett. who was to force them on 
to Silioia. 

1714_\ >ew Flood of Swiss Emi- 
grants Moving Toward Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Muller tells us Opage 322) that, be- 
ginning in the year 1711, with the 
exodus of four shiploads of Menno 



emigrations every year, west into the 
Palatinate and into Holland, intend- 
ing to reach America; but he says a 
new impulse was given by the man- 
daite of 1714; and that the severity of 
that mandate sent an eanigration that 
year from Goutnschwyl, near Lens- 
burg, to Holland; among others, 
Hans Goutchi and wife, Barbara 
Hafeli. and daughter— Jacob Peters 
and wife, Maria Stattler — Samuel 
Peters and his wife. Barbara Fry- 
Rudy Peters and his wife. Anna 
Erisman^Samuel Peter Stultzen and 
his wife — Samuel Lentzwyler. single 
— Verena Aeschbach and Rudolph 
Wiirgler. It will be noticed that the 
maiden names of the wives are given 
here. That seems to have been the 
custoan. We may notice also, that 
Samuel Peters and wife are ancestors 
of a very large family in Neihuizen, 
and also of Groningen. 

1714_The Means of Itaptist Persecu- 
tion. 

Muller inquires, (page 352) "With 
what means had the campaign against 
the Baptists to be carried out?" He 
then answers, before 1714, "the state 
church was blamed," that is. the 
Reformed Church. An effort was then 
made to inculcate the Orthodox doc- 
trine into the minds of the young, 
through the land, so they would grow- 
up in the State Church and not em- 
brace the faith of their Mennonite 
ancestors, who were tortured and 
suffered all manner of penalty; and 
the government and the State Church 
tried to secure teachers throughout 
the land to do this. 

1714 — Another View of the Edict of 

this Tear. 

The efforts to deport in 1710 and '11 
and help to get these Mennonites out 
of Switzerland and to America, did 
not have the result Switzerland ex- 



nites down the Rhine, there followed pected. They hoped that these Men- 



198 



THE PERSECUTION OF 1714. 



nonites in America would draw all 
the others over to them, but there 
still remained many powerful mem- 
bers of that church in Switzerland, 
who refused to go. The amnesty 
offered by Switzerland in 1711, to all 
who would go, did not have the re- 
sult intended. Therefore, this severe 
edict of 1714, imposing life imprison- 
ment and galley service for life, was 
issued. 

1714— A Battle Growing: Out of the 
Edict of 1714. 

Miiller relates (page 344) how the 
officers trying to carry out the edict 
of 1714, were very roughly handled 
near Sumiswald, a town of now 
6,000 people, about 15 miles northeast 
of Berne. He relates that several 
Baptists or Mennonites had been ar- 
rested there, but that a party of 60 
or 70 neighbors rescued the prison- 
ers from the officers. In this strug- 
gle, these Mennonite hunters were 
handled roughly and beaten in a 
bloody way. The government pun- 
ished some of the perpetrators and a 
hunt was made for all the others 
who beat the constables. Several 
were arrested and they had to pay the 
expense of the officers sent to catch 
Mennonites, and fines to the ex- 
tent of $100, for each one. Andreas 
Sommer in the Nttenwatte, was the 
chief leader of this rescue. He was 
ordered to pay $100 or be banished. 
This banishment was annuled in 1715, 
by him furnishing bail. There was 
another Peter Soimmer, a horse doc- 
tor, that harbored Mennonites. He 
was sent, for a year, to one of the 
French provinces. Benedict Widmer 
(Witmer), the school master, who 
was in the fight, was sent for a year 
and a half to Brassu in Romainmais- 
ter — Benedict Risser in the Lengen- 
walt, who sent his two sons with 
bludgeons to this fight, was banished 
until the next November to St. Croix. 



and the two sons were fined heavily. 
Peter Sommers, the son of the horse 
doctor, was banished a year to St. 
Cerge, and Jacob Christen, the hired 
man, who had a hand in this fight, 
was sentenced to eight days im- 
prisomment. His term was made 
short because he had a large family. 
Some of those condemned had be- 
haved themselves obstinately and 
were impudent before the Court and 
were to be kept under the eye of the 
Sheriff. Some were sent to the gal- 
leys. One of them, Christian Wachsel, 
was pardoned. 

1715 — A Few More Warrants Given 
to the Mennonites. 

In Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the 
Pa. Arch., p. 597, under this date, it is 
set forth at a meeting of the Land 
Commissioners at the end of the year 
that several warrants were signed at 
sundry times at ten Pounds a 100 
acres and One Shilling, sterling quit 
rent, all in Chester County. The 
whole is 2800 acres but the only 
Mennonites among the number were 
Hans Graeff. 200 acres — Benedictus 
Venerick, 200 acres — and Joseph 
Hains, 100 acres. At the same time 
there were 250 acres laid out to John 
Funk at Strasburg, (Do) and 1000 
acres to Herman Richman in Stras- 
burg. 
1715 — Ambassador Runckel's Letter. 

Miiller recites (p. 360) that under 
the date of March 7, 1715, Runckel 
wrote to Holland about the destitute 
condition of the prisoners and the 
rest of the Mennonites whose deter- 
mination to stay in the country, 
brought upon them. They are losing 
friends by it. He says he does not 
feel satisfied that Holland owes them 
much more sympathy and assistance. 
1715 — Disposition of Fines on Menno- 
nites. 

Miiller (p. 356) informs us that the 
fines collected from the Mennonites, 



GALLEY TORTURE RENEWED L\ 1715. 



199 



and the moneys raised from their con- ' 
fiscated property, was divided up; 
and that one-third of it went to the 
Court or Mennonite Chamber, one- 
third to the Lords of the land and one- 
third to the SheiifE for his activity j 
and vigilance in the matter. 

1715 — Efforts to Kelease Mennonites 
from the Galleys. 

Miiller (p. 288) recites the petition 
of the mother of Christian Liebe (or 
Liebeck) for the release of her son, 
who had been sentenced to the gal- 
leys. The petition was received by 
the authorities but nothing particu- 
larly was done on the subject. On 
the subject of galley torture, infor- 
mation was sent, 15th of October, 
1715 (Muller 229) of the release of the 
Swiss Mennonites from the galleys, 
under a proviso that they would not 
go back to the Berne territory. At 
the same time, attempts were made 
to secure the release of 40 prisoners, 
who were being prepared to send on 1 
to Venetian galleys, provided they j 
would promise to leave the country j 
and never come back. It was further j 
reported that if money was needed, I 
there was an English Arch-Bishop, j 
ready to place a large sum at their! 
disposal. 1 

1715 — More Condemnations to tbe | 
Galleys. j 

About the same time, Daniel Knopf, j 
in Berne, sent word to Mennonite 
friends at Amsterdam, that a friend 
of the Mennonites named Freytor- 
rens, at Berne, offered his services 
and had a plan to raise moneys and 
send to the prisoners, now at the 
galleys. He stated that the Swiss au- 
thorities would be willing to do this, 
if pledges were made that when re- j 
leased, these people would forever 
leave the country. There were sub- 
sequent letters on this same point, j 
One proposed that the petition be . 



submitted to the king, in the name of 
the authorities of Berne, asking for 
the release of all prisoners. There 
was also a letter from the Burgess 
and Council of Berne to the king, giv- 
ing their views upon this subject. 

Miiller recites (p. 232) that at a 
meeting of the committee on the 
welfare of Mennonites at Amsterdam, 
it was stated that four prisoners had 
been condemned by the Government 
of Berne, to the galleys; and 40 more 
had been imprisoned. The aid of the 
Holland Government was invoked; 
and the Holland officers took up the 
matter with Switzerland, and secured 
full freedom for all of them. Former 
efforts to the same purpose were with- 
out avail. 

1715 — More Galley Torture and 
Trouble. 

Miiller sets forth, (p. 226) that even 
in Turin, these prisoners, ready for 
the galleys, were aided financially by 
the Dutch. Goosen Goyen, in Kre- 
feld, wrote to Van Woorst, that he had 
received moneys for these Mennonites 
and had forwarded the same. He also 
wrote that Freytorrens (a man re- 
ferred to in the preceeding article, p. 
229) was a fanatic or Mennonite, and 
that he was interfering too much with 
affairs at Berne. He also says that 
he has false doctrines on religious 
matters, and was supposed to be the 
author of a shameful tract or treatise, 
on religious subjects. Finally he 
was placed under arrest. His politi- 
cal activities were to be looked into. 
He states that it is expected that he 
will be banished from the country as 
an undesirable foreigner, if some one 
pays the cost of his release. M^iiller 
continues and says that his noble 
efforts on the part of the oppressed 
Mennonites who were suffering galley 
torture, was looked upon with jealous 
eyes. 



200 



SETTLEMENT AT SUSQUEHANNA AND STRASBURG. 



At another place Miiller recites 
that there are original letters in Am- 
sterdam, written by Christian Liebe, 
Peter Wetrich, and Joseph Brobst, 
•dated at Palermo, September 16, 1715, 
relating to the efforts made for their 
release, in which they promise that 
if they are released from the galleys, 
they will never go baclt to Swiss ter- 
ritory again. 

The same page, Mliiller tells us 
again of the efforts of Gabriel of 
Wattenwyl, to get these people out of 
prison. He also states that if some 
•one would be willing to go to Turin 
to intercede for the release of the 
■prisoners sent there, Berne is ready 
to give a written pledge that they 
will take up mediation on the part of 
the friends of these people, provided 
they would never come back to the 
old home. 

1715 — Eby Family Come to Lancaster 

County. 

The Bby family is numerous in 
this section, and the original home 
seems to be on Mill Creek, at a point 
Icnown as Eby's Mill, Theodorus Eby 
was the ancestor. According to 
Bishop Benjamin Eby's records, found 
In the "Eby Family," pages 2 and 3, 
Theodorus Eby was a son of Jacob 
Eby, and came to America in 1715. 
Peter Eby, a nephew of Theodorus, 
came in 1720; also Nicholas Eby. 
These are all Swiss. But it is said 
that earlier generations of the family 
came into Switzerland from Northern 
Italy. Menno Eby, a young lad living 
near Terre Hill, is the 9th genera- ; 
tion descendant of Theodorus Eby. 

1715 — Land Taken Up on the Susque- 
hanna. 

In the 2d Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol. 19, 
p. 602, there is an account of a war- 
rant being issued to John Salkeld for 
400 acres of land. This is made up of 
575 acres formerly granted to Rich- 



ard Hyde and 25 acres new land. It 
was warranted on the Susquehanna. 
(See also ip. 575.) 

Page 594 of the same book, there 
is an account setting forth that the 
land commissioners of Pa. had an ap- 
plication for 1,000 acres of land in 
Strasburg from Harmon Richman, 
late of Hamburg, Germany, and that 
the commissioners have decided to 
give him a part of that land which 
was first laid out to John Bundeli in 
Strasburg. The account states also 
that he wants 100 acres more and the 
same was assured to him by a war- 
rant dated Oct. 22. 1715. This same 
year, the commissioners of property 
signed a patent to George Pierce for 
600 acres in Sadsbury Twp., dated 
May 24, 1715, in right of John Hen- 
nery. In Harris's History will be 
found an interesting record of Stras- 
burg land purchased in 1691. If this 
is a fact, it seems to be the earliest 
land taken up in the present county. 
In the same volume of the Arch., page 
600, there is a record of 650 acres of 
land on a branch of the Pequea Creek, 
applied for by Richard Cloud, for 
which he is to pay 78 pounds, and also 
300 acres to Wm. Cloud. (See p. 597.) 
This year, 1715, there was also an 
account of several other warrants, 
one to Robert Hodgen and James 
Hendricks, for 3,500 acres at Con- 
estoga, ten pounds per 100 acres (see 
p. 595) and a warrant to Henry Wor- 
ley for 600 acres on a branch of a 
creek, whose name is not given, for 
erecting a mill. (Do. 595.) And one 
to Francis Worley for 1,000 acres in 
Conestoga. (Do. 602.) 

1714 — Land Laid Out at Strasburg. 

In the second series of the Pa. 
Arch., Vol. 19, page 587, it is recorded 
that a patent for 350 acres at Stras- 
burg, was signed to Isaac Lefever, at 
10 pounds per 100 acres, dated Sept. 
25, 1714. 



THE GKR.MAN-SW.ISS TAKK LANCASTER COL'.NTV LAND. 



liOl 



The same year a warrant for 1,000 
acres to James Hendricks, near 
Strasburg, at the same price, dated 
December 28, 1714 (See page 591) was 
granted. Also the same j'ear and 
same date, a warrant to Peter Bellas 
at Strasburg, for 200 acres at the 
same price, was granted; and also, 
the same year and date, 1,000 acres to 
Thomas Reichman, of Strasburg. 

Rupp states that the land taken up 
by Peter Bellas was in the neighbor- 
hood of Smoketown, that is near Blrd- 
in-Hand, and that Daniel Harmon, 
William Evans and James Smith were 
neighbors, (p. 116.) 

1716 — Gorman-Swiss Take Up Some 
Land in Lancaster Countj-. 

In the second series of the Pa. 
Arch.. Vol. 19, page 607, it is set forth 
that in 1716, a warran? was issued to 
Anthony Pretter for .300 acres of land 
in Conestoga, dated November 16th — 
and page 608, a warrant dated Decem- 
ber 9, 1716, was set forth as being 
issued to John Gardner for 500 acres 
of land on the Conestoga River — and 
page 608 there is a patent, dated De- 1 
cember 10, 1716, to Thomas Dawson I 
for 300 acres, near Conestoga. On the 
same page, tracts amounting to 12,871 j 
acres, were granted to John Bstauch, ' 
near Conestoga — ^and page 609, aj 
tract to Columbus McNair, for 200 1 
acres in Conestoga. In Pequea, in the 
year 1716 (See same book, page 609) 
there is a record of Daniel Fierre 
(now Ferry or Forry) applying for 
600 acres of land near Pequea, f or j 
which he was to pay in three months, | 
10 pounds for 100 acres. A warrant ' 
was signed October 4th for the same. 
Also note here that in 1713 (See 
same book, page 574) Samuel Guilden 
of Berne, the Mennonite Minister, 
asked for 800 acres in Strasburg, with ' 
the rest of his brethren. The warrant! 
was granted January 1, 1714. We will ! 
notice this again under date of 1718, ' 



when it was patented to Martin Ken- 
dig. 

This same year, a warrant was exe- 
cuted to Isaac Lefever, dated October 
10th for 300 acres, at Strasburg, and 
RyjlL) says, page 116, that this same 
year, Jacob Greider or Kreider, Jacob 
Hostetter, Hans Frantz, Shenks and 
others, settled on the banks of the 
Conestoga. He also says that Kreider 
and Hostetter arrived in America 
earlier than 1716, visited their breth- 
ren in faith at Pequea, and then 
settled on the north side of the Con- 
estoga, two miles south of the pres- 
ent site of Lancaster, and that here, 
they took up the 800 acres above re- 
ferred to. He recites that their first 
tent was covered with tow-cloth, 
which they brought along with them, 
and that during the winter, the In- 
dians came to secure shelter with 
them and sleep by their fire. Rupp 
does not quote his authority. 

1717— A Few More Mennonite Addi- 
tions This Year. 

This year a patent was signed to 
Hans Moyer at Strasburg for 700 
acres (Rupp 624). A considerable 
tract was also surveyed near the head 
of Pequea Creek, inculding the old 
Shawanna Town by Mathias Vanbib- 
ber for some Germans to settle. This 
year also, says Rupp, Hans Zimmer- 
man came to Lancaste Crounty (Rupp 
126) and Hans Graeff settled in Earl 
(Rupp 133). 

1717— The First Ship-loads of Men- \/-^ 

nonites. 

Under this date, we are given knowl- 
edge of the first ship lists of Menno- 
nites, who were coming to Pennsyl- 
vania, and up into the Susquehanna 
Valley. In Vol. 3, Col. Rec, p. 29. it 
is stated that Captain Richard, Cap- 
tain Tower and Captain Eyers(Ayers) 
waited on the Council of Pennsylvania 
with a list of Palatines or Mennonites 



202 



CONESTOGA VALLEY FILLING UP. 



they had brought over in their ships ! 
from London. The names are not I 
given, hut the record states that 
Richards had 164, Tower 91 and 
Eye.ris 108; this makes a total of 363 
persons. This throws some light '' 
upon how rapidly our Swiss ancestors i 
were coming to this section. We be- 
lieve that nearly all of these settled 
in Lanoaster County, because in the 
year 1717, all who came over were 
coming up to this region. In 1739, a 
list of 178 Lancaster County German- 
Swiss were naturalized and likely, 
many of these were among the list. 
(4 St. L. 326.) 

1717— Slow Progress of tlie Mennonite 
Colonies. 

The Mennonite colonies in Lancas- 
ter County seem to have made very 
little progress. There is a record of 
only a few additional land grants. 
The principal one seems to be the one 
given to Martin Kendig and Hans 
Herr of 5,000 acres, to be taken up in 
several parcels about Conestoga and 
Pequea Creeks at 10 Pounds per 100 , 
acres. The Penna. Pound was worth 
$3.24 and, therefore, this would have 
been $32.40 for 100 acres or 32 cents 
an acre. In addition to this, there 
was the usual quit rent to pay. The 
record of this grant of land is found 
in Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the Pa. 
Arch., p. 622, and it states that these 
two men took up the 5,000 acres for 
settlements for several of their coun- 
trymen, lately arrived. The warrant 
was dated the 22nd of November, 1717. 
In addition to this tract, the same 
date, warrants were signed for 15 
other persons about Conestoga for 
land, making a total of 6,675 acres, 
but this land may have been practi- 
cally the same that Kendig and Herr 
had applied for. The warrants are 
set forth as follows: To Hans Moyer, 
500 acres — Hans Kaiggey, 100 acres — 
Christian Hearsey (Hershey), and 



Hans Pupather, 1000 acres — ^Michael 
Shenk and Henry Pare (Barr), 400 
acres — another to Hans Pupather for 
700 acres — another to Peter Leaman 
for 300 acres — another to Molker 
Preneman (Brenneman) for 500 acres 
— another to Henry and John Punk, 
550 acres — ^another to Christopher 
Fanciscus for 150 acres — another to 
Michael Shenk for 200 acres — another 
to Jacob Landis and Ulrick Harvey, 
150 acres — one to Elmanuel Heer 
(Herr) for 500 acres — one to Abram 
Herr for 600 acres — one to Hans 
Tuber, Isaac Kauffman and Melker- 
man, 675 acres and one to Michael 
Miller for 500 acres. 

We will see later that these were 
settled practically in a colony, neigh- 
bors to one another. It will be also 
noticed that the authorities were not 
slow in laying the assessment upon 
these newcomers, and under the year 
of 1718 we find the first assessment 
list of Conestoga sets forth these 
names and we have noticed that they 
have just arrived about this time. 
Christopher Franciscus was more than 
an ordinary man and we will notice 
later his activity and his encounters 
with panthers and wild animals about 
his home. 

1717— The ftovernor Advised the Pro- 
vince to Protect Itself Against 
the Mennonites 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 217, Governor Keith in his address 
to the Assembly under the date of 
1717, warns the province to protect 
itself against the great number of for- 
eign German Palatines now arriving. 
Keith says to the Assembly on the 
13th of October, "I must recommend 
to you in particular not to lose any 
time in securing yourselves and all 
the people of this colony from the in- 
conveniences which may possibly 
arise by the unlimited number of for- 
eigners that without any license from 



THE GOVERNMENT ALARMED OVER GERM.\N-SWISS INFLUX. 203 



the King:, or leave of this Government, 
have been transported hither of late, 
and to provide some discrete regula- 
tions to allay the apprehensions we 
are under, of greater numbers, which 
1 am informed are to be daily expect- 
ed from Europe." We can plainly un- 
derstand that he meant the Menno- 
nites, because Englishmen, Irishmen, 
Scotchmen and Welchmen were not 
foreigners and the only other persons 
coming were these German Menno- 
nites. It will be a pleasure to notice 
that Governor Keith a few years later 
changed his opinion very much about 
these good people. 

1717— Great Increase of the Menno- 
nite Colony Alarms the Gov- 
ernment at Philadelphia. 

On the 17th of September of this 
year, Governor Keith brought before 
his Council the fact that a greater 
number of Germans have lately come 
into the province and that many of 
them are Mennonites, and therefore 
will not take the oath of allegiance, 
and that there may be some danger 
in allowing them to come. He gives 
the matter to the attention of Coun- 
cil in the following words: 

"The Governor observed to the 
Board that great numbers of foreign- 
ers from Germany, strangers to our 
Language and Constitutions, having 
lately been imported into this pro- 
vince daily dispersed themselves im- 
mediately after landing, without pro- 
ducing any certificates, from whence 
they came and what the^- are; and as 
they seem to have first landed in Bri- 
tain and afterwards to have left it 
without any License, from the Gov- 
ernment, or so much as their knowl- 
edge, so in the same manner they be- 
haved here, without making the least 
application to himself or to any of 
the Magistrates; that as this practice 
might be of very dangerous conse- 
quence, since by the same method any 
number of foreigners from any na- 
tion whatever, as well enemies as 
friends, might throw themselves upon 



us; The Governor, therefore, thought 
it requisite that this matter should be 
considered by the Board, and accord- 
ingly it was considered, and it was 
ordered thereupon, that all the mas- 
ters of vessels who have lately im- 
ported any of these foreigners be 
summoned to appear at this Board, 
to render an account of the numbers 
and characters of their passengers 
respectively, from Britain; that all 
those who are already landed be re- 
quired by a proclamation, to be issued 
for that purpose; to repair within the 
space of one month to some Magis- 
trate, particularly to the Recorder of 
this City, to take such oaths appoint- 
ed by law as are necessary to give 
assurances of their being well affect- 
ed to his Majesty and his Govern- 
ment; But because some of these for- 
eigners are said to be Mennonites, 
who can not for conscience sake, take 
an oath, that those persons be admit- 
ted upon their giving any equivalent 
assurances in their own way and 
manner and that the Naval Officer of 
this Port be required not to admit 
any inward bound vessel to an entry, 
until the master shall first give an 
exact list." 

In this we see that very few of our 
Mennonite forefathers came over and 
joined the Colony of 1710 until about 
the year 1717. They are now coming 
rapidly as this extract from the re- 
cords tells us. 

An imi)ortant regulation in the 
Mennonite migration started from this 
incident, that is, it was now made the 
law that hereafter every ship must 
give an exact list of the Palatines im- 
ported by them before they will be 
allowed to land. From this action by 
the Governor and Council, we have 
today the complete records of the 
coming of these Mennonites, including 
the times, the numbers, the ships in 
which they came and the names. 

1717 — Lands Taken I'p By German 
Swiss This Year. 
According to the Penna. Archives 
(Vol. 19 of Series 2) Dan Morris re- 
ceived a warrant for 1,000 acres of 



204 



GERMAN-SWISS COMPLAIN OF OUR LAWS. 



land at Conestoga, dated Oct. 12, 1717 
(p. 621) — Mart Kenddg and Hans 
Herr, for 5,000 acres in several par- 
cels about Conestoga and Pequea 
Creek, for settlements for several of 
their countrymen "latelj' arrived" 
dated Nov. 22, 1717, the total of 
which, however, reached 6,675 acres — 
viz. Hans Mover 350 — Hans Haiggy 
100 — Christ Hearsey and Hans Pru- 
pacher 700— Peter Lehman 300— Mel- 
ker Prenema*! 500 — ^Henry and John 
P\ink 500 — Christopher Franciscus 
150— Michael Shenk 200— Jacob Lun- 
des and Ulrich Harvey 150 — Abram 
Herr 600 — Emanuel Herr 500 — Hans 
Tuber, Isaac Kauffman and Milker- 
man 675 and Michael Muller 500 
acres (p. 622). These foreigners were 
informed they should be naturalized 
if they expect their cbildren to be 
able to flail heir to this land. (p.. 
624.) 

1718 — Our Swiss Ancestors Complain 

That They ]>rust 01>ey Laws They 

Have No Part in Mating. 

In a letter to Wm. Penn, dated May 
20, 1718, the same year he died, our 
Swiss (Amish) ancestors complain 
that they are to be subject to laws in 
which they have no share in making, 
and which they do not want, or avail 
themselves of. In lit they say "We are 
subject to the laws of God — you to 
tlie laws of m«n. We do not go to 
the elections — iwe do not go to your 
Courts of Justice — we hold no offices, 
neither civil or military — we do not 
refuse to pay for our land, but we re- 
gard it as a subject for complaint 
that we should be subjest to oivil and 
military domination. We came to 
Pennsj'^lvan.ia to enjoy the freedom of 
our opinions and of our bodies, and 
expect no other prescriptions of the 
laws than such as God has command- 
ed. Because we make no debts and 
need no laiws to collect such, we 
ought not be compelled to pay for the 



support of other criminals in jails. 
We respect your rights — do you also, 
respect our customs. We demand 
nothing from you beyond what the 
word of G'od justifies." 

Since their American freedom of 
that day and the laws were not sat- 
isfactory to them, we can easily un- 
derstand how odious their attitude 
must have been at home in Berne. In 
the face of their partial dissatisfac- 
tion here, they prospered and grew, 
so that in 1883, they had 3,500 bap- 
tized members — 41 churches — 47 
preachers and eight bishops in Lan- 
caster County alone. (Miiiller, pp. 
367 and 8.) 

1718— William Penu, Jr^ Was a 
Friend to the Mennonites. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, pp. 63 

and 64, there is a letter dated in 

whiich he first recites (p. 63) the 

views of his father and then says, "I 

I profess myself to be a minister of the 

i Church of England and recommend to 

i be careful of her interest and protect 

I the clergy; but also protect in their 

I possessions such 'strangers' as are 

: settled among us, for the public faith 

is concerned in it." We readily see 

; by the last clause here that the 

I Junior Penn referred to the Menno- 

nites as the strangers and he shows 

; that, while his father was a Quaker, 

he was a member of the Church of 

England. 

1718— The First Assessment List, 

In the first assesisment list of Con- 
I estoga, which included all of Lancas- 
i ter County from Strasburg to the 
' River, and as far North as what is 
! now Manheim. the names of the Men- 
I nonite families living here in that 
I year (1718) are as follows: 

Martin Kundig, Martin Milan, Chris- 
I tian Heer, John Haer, Wendall Bow- 
j man, Jacob Miller, Jotseph Steman, 
i Daniel Harmer, John Miller, John 



CONICSTOGA'S FIRST ASSESSMENT LIST— 1718. 



20& 



Funk. Henry Carp^nture, Henry 
Hayne. Christopher Francisciis. Peter 
Bellar, Benedictus Venrick, Daniel 
Ferre, John Ferre, Philip Ferre, Isaac 
Lefevre. Richard Davis, Thomas Falk- 
ner. John Milen. Hans Haure, John 
Taylor, Martyn Berr, Imanuel Heer, i 
Henry Kundic & Son. Jacob Moyer, ' 
Hans Steff, Hans Keague. Jacob Gri- 
ter. Jacob Highstetter, John Widwer, 
Andrew Koffman, John Broakpather. 
Junior, John Broakpather, Jacob 
Broakpather, Peter Swaor, Abraham 
Heer. Melchior Arisman. Christopher 
Hearse & Son. John Toup, Henry 
Heer, Michael Bowman, Hance Bug- 
holder, Hans Neicomer. Melchior 
Prenamon, George Kendrick, John 
Xatts, Junr., Michael Shank, Junr., 
Jorn Natts, Senr., Henry Funk, Ben- 
jamin Wilmer, Jacob Lundus, Hance 
Henry Neff, Michael Miller, Felix 
Lundus. Jacob Kundrick. Junr., John 
Frame. Charley Christopher Woolrick 
Howry, Stoffal Prenaman, Jacob 
Hoober, Christian Stone, Isaac Fred- 
erick & Son, Jacob Kundrick, Jacob 
Lundus, Junr.. Martin Boyer, Hance 
Boyer, John Bowman, Penedictus 
Brackbill, Christian Shank, Michael 
Shank, Senr., Rudey Moyer. Hance 
Brand, Hans Graff, Junr., Hans Graff. 
Senr., Peter Yorte, Torey Ebys, Hans 
Currick Moyer, Christian Shank, Hans 
Weaver, Woolrick Hource, Peter La- 
man. 

The original of this assessment list 
is in the possession of Gilbert Cope 
of West Chester. As may be seen 
from the above spelling, the German- 
Swiss names were not well de- 
ciphered. In addition to these Dutch- 
men, as they were called, there were 
43 Englishmen settling or owning 
property there. 

1718— The Amish Protest Against 
Penn's Laws. 

In a previous article we set forth 
the protest of certain Amish brethren. 



against the laws of Penn, concerning 
land, inheritance, etc. We simply 
call attention here to the fact that 
the same protest is found in volume 
7 of Hazard's Register, page 151, 
where, however, it appears in some- 
what different language. 

1718— The Assembly Take Action on 
the Growth of Oiir Swiss Ancestry. 

In answer to the Governor'fet 
speech, the Assembly in an address 
drawn up by David Lloyd, say to the 
Governor that the Assembly feel a 
great concern at the coming of so 
many foreigners and that the Royal 
Charter seems to be taken against 
them, especially unless they take the 
proper tests to show that they are 
not his enemies. The Assembly went 
on further and suggested that it 
would be well for the Governor to 
I appoint a Committee of the Council 
to join a Committee of the Assembly 
and plan proper methods to remove 
jealousies already raised in the 
minds of the inhabitants concerning 
these foreigners; and also to prevent 
I the inconveniences which may arise 
from their settlement in one place or 
some of them settling promiscuously 
among the Indians. 

This conclusion left the Menno- 
nites very little choice. They were 
\ not to be allowed to settle in one 
place and they were not allowed to 
settle promiscuously among the In- 
dians. The Governor replied to this 
on the 10th of January, two days later 
and said that he approved of the ap- 
pointing of a Committee to confer 
about these foreigners lately trans- 
ported here; but that he would delay 
I action at present because he had 
1 written home to England to find out 
I the King's desire upon the matter. 
! The upshot of it was that the As- 
sembly proceeded to introduce a law 
that the sum of 1 pence per pound 
and four shillings a head should be 



206 



ACTIVE GERMAN-SWISS INFLUX— 1718. 



laid upon all those Palatines that are 
taxable. This, however, was doing 
nothing more than putting the same 
tax on them as the other subjects 
were taxed. (See Votes of Assembly 
January 10, 1718.) 

1718 — Large Additions to the Menno- 
nite Colony in Lancaster County. 

This year, according to the records, 
a considerable addition was made to 
the number ot Mennonites in our 
county; but I can not find any men- 
tion of a church built by them at this 
date. It is likely they held their ser- 
vices in the different homes before 
they built their church, the whole 
body gathering Sunday after Sunday 
at these different places. There is no 
douht that they had services because 
their minister was usually the leading 
man of the Colony from the beginning. 

This year, as shown in volume 19 
of the Second Series of the Pa. Arch., 
p. 626, there is considerable set forth 
showing the activity of these Menno- 
nite forefathers. It is stated that the 
late settlements on and near the Con- 
estoga Creek have made it necessary 
that the Indian fields about the town 
should be enclosed by a good fence 
to secure the Indians' corn from the 
horses, cattle and hogs of the new 
settlers. A patent was also granted 
to Isaac Lefever for 300 acres at 
Strasburg. And Pupather, Hershey, 
Shenk and Henry Pare were given 
patents for the land which they took 
up last year (p. 628). Matrin Kendig 
was given a patent for his 800 acres. 
Wendell Bowman also got a deed or 
patent this year for his part of the 
Mennonite tract which he first took 
up in 1710; and so did Hans Mo.yer, 
Melker Preneman, Jacob Hochstater, 
Jacob Kraytor and Christopher Fran- 
ciscus, the land being ail about Stras- 
burg. According to Rupp, these par- 
ties all joined one another and lived 
in and about the neighborhood of 



Strasburg. The same year land was 
also taken up by Theodorus Eby at 
Conestoga. His land it seems, was 
located on Mill Creek, and when the 
road was laid out from the junction of 
the Cocalico and the Conestoga, down 
to what is now Dowingtown in 1726. 
it speaks of the same running by 
Dorus Ehy's mill on Mill Creek, (Do. 
p. 632). Later in the year 1718':, 
patents were granted to Hans Graeff 
and Christopher Franciscus, (Do. p. 
639). Abram Herr also got his deed 
or patent — ^Henry Pare got his deed 
for 300 acres at Conestoga and Hans 
Shenk took up 200 acres at the same 
place, (Do. p. 640). 

This same year, Hans Graeff took 
up 1100 acres more near Strasburg by 
a new warrant, (Do. p. 642). The 
same year Michael Danager, late of 
Germany, was given a warrant for 300 
acres of land near Pequea, Joseph 
Stehman 100 acres near Conestoga 
and Christian Stone 100 acres, (Do. 
p. 650). This is the record as far as 
the Land Commissioners' books show 
the state of the land taken by our 
Mennonite forefathers at this time. 

We notice at this time that a con- 
siderable number got their warrant 
or rights to land in 1710, nearly all 
about the neighborhood of Strasburg 
and a few about the same time along 
the Conestoga. near where the Little 
Conestoga and Big Constoga come to- 
gether, which is in the neighborhood 
of Rock Hill ; and no patents or deeds 
were given, with perhaps a very few 
exceptions, until 1718, In which year 
the patents or deeds were signed and 
delivered, and we find many of them so 
recited in our records in the Record- 
er's Office; and also that in this lat- 
ter year of 1718, a new lot of appli- 
■cations for land were made and a new 
lot of warrants given. This shows 
that there was a second incoming of 
Palatines in 1717, and between the 
two dates, there is no record of very 



EMANUEL ZIMMERMAN'S GREAT CAREER. 



207 



many having come. The Colonial | 
Records do not contain accounts of 
any arriving between these two dates. . 
Those who took up their land in 1717 i 
did not get their deeds or patents i 
until about 1734. I 

As to the Mennonite population in 
Lancaster County in 1718, there is no ; 
record except the assessment list of, 
Conestoga Township, which I have i 
found in charge of Gilbert Cope at 
West Chester. This list contains 86' 
Dutchmen and 43 Englishmen, as I 
being assessed in Conestoga at this ' 
time. 

Therefore, averaging these early 
Mennonite families at six in a family, 
including parents, it would seem as if 
there were fully 500 Mennonites in 
Conestoga, at this date. As Conestoga, 
at that time, included what is now 
Strasburg and Pequea, we may say 
that it included all of the settled part j 
of Lancaster County. Thus in the first \ 
eight years, from 1710 to 1718, the; 
Mennonite population of Lancaster! 
County reached perhaps the neigh- I 
borhood of 600 persons. There were 
practically no other inhabitants in 
the Conestoga and Pequea Creek 
valleys at this time, as the Scotch- 
Irish had not yet come up to the 
Donegals. So that Lancaster County, 
at that time, was wholly a Mennonite 
settlement. 

1718 — Eniannel Zininierman — A Won- 
derful Aniish-Mennonite Boy. 

The great concensus of opinion is 
to the effect that Hans Herr and 
Martin Mylin, Dr. Hans Neff and a 
few others were the leading spirits 
of the early Mennonites in Lancaster 
County and there is no doubt that 
these elderly fathers were the very 
back bone of the first Mennonite set- 
tlers; they managed the spiritual, 
financial and business affairs for their 
brethren. But in 1717 there appeared 
within what is now the bounds of 



I^ancaster County, an Amish-Menno- 
nite boy, 15 years of age, who was 
gifted with a wonderful intellect, re- 
ligious spirit and strong constitution. 
At the early age of 16, in the year of 
1718, it is asserted he drew the 
memorial we have just referred to, for 
his brethren, addressed to William 
Penn. He lived to be seventy-eight 
years of age, dying in 1780, after hav- 
ing served as .Justice of the Peace, 
Judge and Member of Assembly many 
years. Mr. Conynghara has the fol- 
lowing to say of him, as may be seen 
in Vol. 7 of Haz. Reg., p. 152: 

"Henry Zimmerman arrived in 
Pennsylvania in the year 1698, and 
returned afterwards to Europe for his 
family, whom he brought out in 1706; 
and settled first in Germantown, and 
removed within the present bounds of 
Lancaster County (then Chester 
County) in 1717. 

Emanuel Zimmerman, son of Henry, 
was the most distinguished of all the 
early settlers. He possessed from na- 
ture, an ardent love for liberty in 
every form, zealous and active in 
every pursuit. His mind was finely 
organized: and he enjoyed an un- 
bounded influence over the whole set- 
tlement. Tunkers, Aymenish. Luth- 
erans, Calvanists, and Mennonites, all 
applied to him in any emergency. He 
possessed as strong a constitution as 
intellect. He was born in Switzer- 
land in the year 1702, and died in the 
year 1780. He lived beloved, and died 
lamented, by all denominations. He 
was in every sense an honest man — 
always just, liberal and tolerant. He 
was arbitor in all matters of dispute 
among his neighbors; and from his 
decisions, they never appealed; such 
was the confidence in his integrity. 

The memorial of the AjTnenish and 
Mennonites, breathes the spirit of a 
William Tell. It was written prob- 
ably by Emanuel Zimmerman, as his 



208 



AMISH SETTLEMENTS IN LANCASTER COUNTY. 



name is attached to it, on behalf of 
the Mennonites, Amish, etc. 

The memorial is dated May 20, 
1718. William Penn died on the 30th 
of July of the same year, in England. 
Sir William Keith was deputy gov- 
ernor; and it does not appear, from 
any record that I can trace, that he 
ever acted upon the memorial." The 
later services of Emanuel Zimmer- 
man I will mention under later 
dates. 

1718 — Danger from the Wild Beasts 
in the Mennonite Country 

In the same book and page last 
spoken of, the following appears from 
the pen of Conyngham: 

When the Amish Mennonites first j 
settled on the Pequea, its woods were 
infested by wolves and panthers. 
These animals committed great depre- 
dations, especially among the sheep. 
The hunters would laugh at the 
Amish, because they would not at- 
tempt to destroy them. The Amish 
said in justification, "That they con- 
sidered it a crime to deprive any of 
God's creatures of life, except those 
which God gave us for our use; and 
that to instruct youth in the use of 
firearms, would be to lead them to 
eternal ruin."' "You," said an old 
Amish to a hunter, "pursue the deer, 
the fox and the squirrel, and neglect 
not only your farm, but your family. 
We give your children bread, when 
you leave them destitute. You are 
improvident — we are provident. Your 
race will be short — ours will be long. 
In the eye of the Almighty, who dis- 
charges his duty? You or I?" 

1718 — Customs of Early Amish- Men- 
nites. 

Mr. Conyngham in Vol. 7 of Haz. 
Reg., p. 150, speaks thus of the early 
dress of the people saying that the 



long beards of the men and the short 
petticoats of the females, just cover- 
ing the knee, attracts the attention of 
the English settlers. He further 
says, "The men wore long red "caps on 
their heads; the women had neither 
bonnets, hats or caps, but merely a 
string passing around their head to 
keep the hair from the face. The 
dress of both male and female was 
domestic, quite plain, made of a 
coarse material, after an old fashion 
of their own. 

Soon after their arrival in Philadel- 
phia, they took a westerly course in 
pursuit of a location, where they 
could all live in one vicinity. They 
selected a rich limestone country, 
beautifully adorned with sugar maple, 
hickory, and blaek and white walnut 
on the border of a delightful stream, 
abounding in the finest trout — here 
they raised their humble cabins. The 
water of the Pequea was clear, cold 
and transparent, and the grape vines 
and clematis, intertwining among the 
lofty branches of the majestic button- 
wood, formed a pleasant retreat from 
the noon beams of a summer sun. 

These emigrants were neither stim- 
ulated by the desire of distinction, or 
the love of wealth. They approved of 
an equalization of rank and property. 
All they required was sufficient land, 
from .which by their own industry, 
they could raise produce for the snip- 
port of their respective families. Tea, 
coffee, West India sugar, and spiritu- 
ous liquors, were not considered by 
them, either as useful or necessary. 
The sugar tree supplied them with 
sugar and molasses. Th«y had, there- 
fore, no want but what they could 
gratify. 

As land was easily acquired, it was 
in the power of each individual to ibe 
a large proprietor but this neither 
agreed with their professions and 
practises." 



EARLY I'X)R.MS OF FiAPTTSM AND SACRAMENT. 



209 



17IS — Earli(>>t Form «»f Administer- 
ing: Sacrament, Hiiptism, etc. 

Mr. Conyngham in the same book 
last referred to, p. 131, gives this as 
the early form of baptism, which he 
says they had brought over from the | 
old country. "In administering the 
fight of baptism the following rule' 
was observed: The person to be bap- 
tised being an adult kneels; a 
preacher holds his hand over him or I 



and breaks it, then hands it around 
the table saying "Take, eat, this is 
my body;" then taking up the pitcher, 
he returns thanks to God, then hand- 
ing the pitcher to the congregation, 
he says "Drink ye all of it." The peo- 
ple partake of the Holy sacrament 
whilst walking around the table, talk- 
ing with each other sociably; and 
after having finished the bread and 
wine, sing a hymn and then return to 
their respective dwellings." 



ior of the Prounce. 



her while the deacon pours water into 
the hands of the preacher, which runs 1718— The ^lennonite Settlement, the 
on the head of the person to be bap- Thickest Settlement in the Inter- 
tised, after which prayer accompanied j 
by the imposition of hands closes the 
ceremony." , In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 37. un- 

Conyngham then goes on and gives I ^^^ the date of the 13th of February, 
the form that another sect practised ' 1^18, Governor Keith acquainted the 
on the same page, as follows: "One Board of certain dangers at Conestoga 
of the Mennonist sect baptise after ; by Maryland people and he says that 
this fashion; the person to be bap- : they were surveying land not far 



lised is accompanied to a stream oi 
water by a large number of people, 
attended by persons playing on vari- 
ous instruments of music and some 
singing. The preacher stands on the 
bank and pours water on the head of 
the person, who is in the stream, say- 
ing "[ baptise thee in the name of the 
Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost." j 

What sect of them followed this 
custom, I can not tell. As to the 



from Conestoga. "near the thickest of 
our settlements" to the great disturb- 
ance of the neighborhood there. I 
simply quote this item to show that 
the Governor called this the thickest 
of our interior settlements. 

1718 — Swiss and Germans Who Came 

to Lancaster Connty Prior 

to This Date. 

In Vol. 4 of the Statutes at Large 
(p. 147) there is a list of persons who 
early mode of sacrament, the form came from Switzerland and the Palat- 
was this, says Conyngham, on the i"^te to Lancaster County, prior to 
sime page: "The principal ancient ^'^1^- ^he list in part is the same as 
^lennonists pursue the mode pointed the assessment list of Conestoga 
out in the New Testament, in admin- Township of 1718, which we have 
istering the sacrament. See the &iven; but there are the following 
eighteenth verse of the twenty-sixth names in addition to those appearing 
chai)ter of St. Matthew. The preacher ^^ that list: 

sends a message to a member — "Make MJartyn Mylin, Jacob Funk, Fran- 
ready for the passover." In the even- ciscus Neiff, Sr., Franciscus Neiff, Jr., 
ing the congregation collect; and on Abraham Burkholder, Michael Boh- 
a table are placed small loaves of man, John Frederic, Martin Harnist, 
bread and a pitcher of wine, and as Michael Mire, Henry Bare, Peter 
th?y eat, the preacher blesses the Bumgartner. Melcor Erishman, Jacob 
bread (see the twenty-sixth verse) Goot, John Woolslegle, Jacob Mire, 



210 



GERMAN-SWISS IMMIGRATION AND LAND GRANTS. 



Christopher Somers, Joseph Stone- 
man, Daniel Ashleman, Christopher 
Peelman, Abrahann Hare, Jacob 
Biere, Peter Yordea, Peter Leaman, 
John Jacob Snevely, Isiaac Coffman, 
Andrew Coffman, Woolrich Rodte, 
Roody Mire, Jacob Bheme, John Coff- 
man, Michael Doneder, Andrew 
Shults, Christian Preniman, Mathias 
Slaremaker, big John Shank, Jacob 
Churts, John Croyder, John Leeghte, 
John Haniipher, Peter Newcomat, 
David Longnicker, Abraham Mire, 
Woolrich Houser, John Mire, Henry 
Mussleman. Peter Aybe, Hans Goot, 
Christian Staner, John Jacob Light, 
William Loughman, Frederic Stay, 
John Line. John Shoope, Bastian 
Royer, Jonas Lerow, Simeon King, 
Joyn Aybe and Everard Ream. Con- 
estoga was a large section in those 
times. This list includes residents of i 
the whole county. 

1718 _ Land Grants and Warrants 
This Year on the Conestoga. 
Vol. 19 of the Sec. Ser. of the Pa. 
Arch, sets forth the following war- 
rants for or grants of land in 1718 in 
Lancaster Connty. The list for Con- 
estoga consists of 200 acres to Moses 
Comb, a brother-in-law of Peter Bi- 
zalion (p. 625)— patent to Hans Pupa- 
ther, 700 acres--to Pupather and Her- 
shey, 1000 acres— to Daniel Herman 
450 acres — to Michael Sh©nk and 
Henry Pare, 400 acres (p. 628)— war- 
rant to Theodorus Eaby, 300 acres (p. 
637) —patent to Thos. Baldwin, 200 
acres, stated as a part of the tract 
laid out to James Hendricks-^warrant 
to Henry Pare, 300 acres — warrant to 
Hans Shenk, 200 aces, (all p. 640) — 
warrant to Robert Wilkins 150 acres, 
above Conestoga (p. 641)— warrant to 
Thos. Morgan, on branch of the Con- 
estoga Creek — warrant to Gabriel 
Davis, 450 acres, same place— warrant 
to Hugh Hughes, 500 acres same place 
(all page 642)— warrant to William 



Hews, 400 acres near Conestoga, (p. 
648) — ^warrant to Richard Carter, Con- 
estoga 200 acres (p. 649)— grant to 
Joseph Steman, 100 acres near Con- 
estoga — warrant to Christian Stone or 
Steman, 100 acres near Conestogi 
(both page 650). 

We may say in reference to the 
tract of Theodorus Eaby that it was a 
grant on Mill Creek, at the point 
where the Old Peters Road today 
crosses that creek, known as the Ress- 
ler Mill. This mill of Theodorus 
Eaby is referred to in the laying out 
of a road in 1726, (the records of 
which are in Chester County), ex- 
tending from near Downingtown, orig- 
inally, to the junction of the Cooali- 
co and Conestoga Creeks. 

We note also that it became neces- 
sary at this time for Penn's land com- 
missioners to order James Steele, the 
surveyor general, to prevent Mary- 
land from surveying lands about Con- 
estoga, among our Germans. (Do 625). 

1718— The German Cattle and the In- 
dian Corn Fields at Conestoga. 

Vol. 19, of the Sec. Ser. of the Pa. 
Arch, sets forth that the late settle- 
ments on or near Conestoga Creek 
make necessary that the Indian fields 
about the town should be closed by 
a good fence to secure the Indians' 
corn from the horses, cattle and hogs 
may fence in 200 acres more for con- 
venience of pasturage; 300 acres were 
of the new settlers; and the govern 
ment, therefore, ordered that the 
fences should be made and that James 
Logan should pay for the same out of 
public funds, not over 20,000 pounds. 

1718 — John Cartlidge at Conestoga 
Allowed to Fence Off Pasturage. 

In the same book, pag>e 644, it is 
stated that at a meeting of the land 
commissioners, held Jan. 18th, this 
year, John Cartlidge, having seated 
himself between Conestoga Creek and 



sp:ttlements about conestoga. 



211 



the Susqiit^lianna River, desires a 
grant of 300 acres, aaid also that he 
granted to him at ten pounds per 
hundredweight and one shilling sterl- 
ing quit rent. The 200 acres he is 
permitted to fence in and hold for 
pasturage for the term of fourteen 
years, in consideration of the good 
services he has done among the new 
settlers of those parts as well as to 
the Indians, wliose toAvn is very near 
to his dwelling. A warrant for said 
grant is signed dated Dec. 11, 1716, for 
300 acres, and for 200 acres. 

1718— Christian Selileg:el's Old Mill 
Site Granted to Edninnd Cartlidge. 

In the same book (p. G44) we find 
Edmund Cartlidge having purchased 
a pretended right of Christopher 
Schlegle to a tract of land and ordi- 
nary grist mill on a -jranch of the 
Conestoga, which the said Christopher 
by not complying with the terms on 
which it was granted, became void. 
But the said Edmund having since i 
built and erected a good mill on the i 
same land, the grant of 400 acres to 
be laid out to him, including his 
buildings and improvements for 10 
pounds 100 acres and 1 shilling quit 
rent and was signed Oct. 1, 1717, for 
400 acres. 

1718— Nathaniel Christopher's Tract 

Ahore Conestoga, Granted to 

Peter Bizalion. 

In the same volume of the Archives 
it is stated that Peter Bizalion. hav- 
ing purchased a small improvement 
made by Nathaniel Christopher, on 
the Susquehanna River above Con- 
estoga, desires to purchase 700 acres 
of land to include the said improve- 
ment, the whole being for Nathaniel 
and his wife, daughter of .John Comb, 
late of Philadelphia. It is agreed that 
700 acres be laid out to said Martha. 
the wife of said Peter Bizalion, in the 
place aforesaid, in a regular tract 



fronting on said river, and to include 
the said improvement; to extend as 
far back into the woods as the place 
will bear, for which said Peter agrees 
to give 70 pounds and 1 shilling 
yearly, sterling, quit rent to Christo- 
pher. Warrant signed Jan. 2.5. 1719, 
for 700 acres. 

1718 — Maryland EncrcKU-hes on Our. 

German Land. 

In the Sec. Ser. of the Penna. Arch. 
Vol. 19 (p. 625) it is recorded that, 
Mathias Van Bebber from Maryland, 
taking with him Henry Hollingsworth 
surveyed a considerable tract near 
head of Pequea, including in same 
old Sawannah town, by virtue of war- 
rants from Maryland and offered the 
people settled there under this gov- 
ernmnt to sell lands in right of 
Maryland and make good titles. An- 
dros issued proceedings to dispossess 
them and ten pounds reward to any 
one apprehending the surveyor. 

James Steel was ordered to Cones- 
toga to present like orders there. 

At the same time 500 acres near the 
Old Sawannah Town on the Pequea 
Creek was surveyed to Col. French, 
for the interest he took in keeping 
Maryland people from taking up land 
in the Pequea Valley, that was in- 
tended for our Germans. These oper- 
ations took place evidently near the 
head of the Pequea Creek in Salisbury 
township. There was such a town 
there. It was the town of the 
Shawanee Indians. There as also 
one of their towns on the Octorara. 
near Christiana, and another at the 
mouth of Pequea called Sequehan. 

1718 — A Few Peqnea Settlements. 

This year, according to the same 
book, there were additional warrants 
for land on the Pequea, some to the 
Swiss and some to the English. 
Thre was a patent to Ezekial Kennett 
for 200 acres (p. 625) — one to Wil- 



212 SUSQUEHANNA, PEQUEA AND STRASBURCx ADDITIONS. 



liam Middleton for 100 acres, (p. 640) 
— warrants to Owen O'Neil, John 
Blake and David Jones each 100 
acres (p. 621)— and, also, (p. 650), 
there is a record of a warrant to 
Michael Donnager for 300 acres, near 
Pequea Creek, and he was to pay one 
shilling sterling per 100 acres year- 
ly, quit rent. The same year a war- 
rant was given to Thomas Edwrad for 
250 acres "back in the county of 
Chester" (p. 651). There is a fur- 
ther record about the John Frencn 
tract, (p. 681) the same year. 

1718— Land Taken About Straslmrg 

This Tear. 

In tiie same book (p. 628) three 
hundred acres were granted to Isaac 
Lefever at Strasburg anl the patent 
was granted to Hans Hawry (Howry) 
for 300 acres at Strasburg and fifty 
acres land (p. 632) — and at the same 
page, there is a record of a patent to 
Wendell Bowman for 250 acres at 
Strasburg, and it stated to be "parr, of 
the land granted to the Palatines in 
1710" — at the same page also are re- 
corded a patent to Hans Moyer at 
Strasburg for 350 acres — one to 
Melker Prenneman for 500 acres and 
a warrant to Jacob Hockstatter for 
250 acres at the same place and a.\so 
a warrant to Jacob Kryter for 250 
acres, (p. 633) — a warrant for 200 
acres to Christopher Pranciscus — (p. 

639) a patent to Hans Graeff for 300 
acres — one to Christopher Franciscus 
for 150 acres and one to Hans Snyder I 
for 200 acres, all at Strasburg and U). 

640) there is recorded a patent to 
Abram Herr for 600 acres at Stras- 
burg; and (at p. 642) a warant to 
Hans Line, Strasburg, for 900 acres; 
and also a warrant to Hans Graeff for 
1100 acres at Strasburg. All these 
warrants and patents in and about 
Strasburg were granted by Penn's 
land authorities, in the year 1718. 



We remember that this year, or 
perhaps the later part of the previous 
year, there was the first big migra- 
tion of Swiss and Germans to our 
county, after the first colony came in 
1710 and 1711 and perhaps, 1712. be- 
tween which two settlements, there 
was five years of a recess. ♦ 

1718 — Lands Taken Up at Snsqne- 

hanna This Year. 

Turning in the same book to Sus- 
quehanna, we find that a warrant was 
granted this year to lay out to Peter 
Carterer, 300 acres on the Susque- 
hanna "where his father had settled, 
at his father's request" and (p. 634) 
a warrant to John Henry Henison for 
laJ^ing out 100 acres at Susquehanna, 
part of 10,000 acres sold to Redegeldt 
by his land commissioners, a part of 
which Redelgeldt transferred to Heni- 
son. 

1719— Hart Nylin's Gun Factory. 

Rupp tells us that Martin Mylin, 
who landed here in 1710, built a gun 
factory on Mylin's run in Lampeter 
Township in 1719. (Rupp, p. 74.) It 
is well known that the gun factory 
industry was begun in this section 
very earlj-. In the time of the Revo- 
lutionary War, there was a gun fac- 
tory in the neighborhood of Smithville 
on a run of water there, and in other 
parts of the county. 

1719 — Dunkards in Pequea, or C'on- 
estoga. 

Kuhns tells us that this year the 
Dunkards were founded. Alexander 
Mack of Schwarzenau in Westfalia, be- 
gan the foundation of that faith as 
early as 1708. Though they became 
perfected as an organization about 

1719 and on or about the same year 
twenty of those famileis came and 
settled in G'ermantown — on the Skip- 
pach, Montgomery County — at Oley, 
Berks County, and on the Conestoga, 
Lancaster County. (Kuhns, 179.) 



MILL CREEK (JERMAN SWISS SETTLEMENTS. 



21:; 



1719 — (•eriiiaii-8>vis.s Propertios at 
Coiiestotrn. 

This year, accordius to the records 
of Penn's land cammissioners. David 
Powell agreed to take 3,000 acres of 
vacant land back of the late survey, 
uiK)a which he had settled divers 
families of Palatines, to whom he sold 
the whole 3,000 acres. Th^is was for 
300 i)ounds. (Second Series of the 
Pa. Arch. Vol 19. p. 663.) William 
Grimpson, "who dwells on the road 
goin? to Conestoga." is to have 100 
acres that belonged to John Hendricks 
(p. 690). Hans Weaver was given 500 
acres on the Conestoga Creek, four 
miles above Hans Groff's. James Le- 
tort who had taken up land between 
the Conestoga and the Pacstang on 
the east side of the Susquehanna 
River, at a convenient place to trade 
vith the Indians, desired 500 acres 
more laid out, fronting on the river, 
and a warrant dated Jan. 25, 1719, was 
granted to him. The price was 50 
pounds and 15 shillings quit rent. 

1719— New Strasburer Laid Out. 

In the same book (p. 652) under 
this date, it is stated that Edward ! 
Ream is given 200 acres of land near ! 
New Strasburg, at 20 pounds and 1 j 
shilling quit rent. Just where this is,: 
is difficult to tell. It is well known' 
that Everhard Ream, about 1724, was 
given the first grant of land, which is j 
now Reamstown. 

1719— A Law to he Drawn in Favor of 

the .llennonites. 

On the 11th of February of this 
year a motion was made in the As- 
sembly that leave be granted to bring 
in a bill to settle and confirm the for- 
eigners in their possessions and to 
make firm all the sales heretofore 
made by them. The Assembly ordered i 
that leave be granted to bring in such { 
a bill and David Lloyd should draw 



up the same (2 votes of Assembly, p. 
253). 

1719— .Mill Creek .Mennonite .Settle- 
ment Beenin. 

Conynghani in Vol. 7 of Hazard's 
Reg., p. 124, says that the word 
"Tunkers" was a name given to the 
?ect that broke off from the Baptists 
'n Philadelphia and moved up the 
country. In the year 1719, about 
twenty families came to Philadelphia, 
some settled at Pequea, some at Ger- 
mantown, some at Skippack, etc. In 
the year 1729, more than thirty fami- 
lies arrived within the province, be- 
longing to the original church of 
Schwardzenau. The Tunkers were 
originally Calvanists and were bap- 
tized in the river Eder by Schwardze- 
nau. The words, Tunkers in German 
—Baptists in Greek — and Dippers in 
English, have all the same significa- 
tion. Persecution drove some to Hol- 
land, and some to Crefeldt. The orig- 
inal congregation removed from 
Schwardzenau to Sornstervin in Friez- 
land, and from thence to Pennsylvania 
i- 1719. 

1720— Lands Taken Up in Conestoga 

and Strasburer by Swiss and 

Germans. 

This year 600 acres of land were 
warranted to David Lewis on a branch 
of the Conestoga — in tv/o parcels (2nd 
Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol. 19, p. 707). The 
same year Walter Wr.lters and others 
examined the country back in the 
Conestoga branches to find a place to 
settle themselves and their families, 
where they desired 2,000 acres, above 
the lands of Evan Jones and others. 
They were allowed 1,000 acres. This 
was on the head waters of Conestoga 
(Do. 708). There were settlements 
tile same year on Oc:oraro — to James 
Cotton, 200 acres near Xottiugh^m 
and to John Matthews, near Mus- 
grove's 200 acres (Do. 704-708). 



214 



]\ffiiNNONIST CHILDREN AND INDIAN PLAYMATES. 



About the same time, Hans Geo. 
Sbutz and Mathias Reuger were given 
500 acres of land including the old 
plantation, v/here Peter P. Bizalion 
lived (Do. 626) and Thomas Edwards 
was given 250 acres "back in the 
County of Chester" v/hich was the 
name of this section before Lancaster i 
County was erected (Do. 651). 

Page 289 of same book, it is stated 
that a tract of 30,000 acres in the up- 
per part of Chester County was laid 
out soon after it was first purchased 
in 1686. 

We may also note that, in 1686, by 
Act of Assembly, 20,000 acres of land 
on the Conestoga were vested in Chas. 
Reed and others in trust. This, later 
deeds show, included practically the 
whole peninsula, between Pequea and j 
Conestoga creeks, from the Susque- ; 
hamia River, many miles up said 
Creeks. (Recorder's Office of Lancas- 
ter Co., Book B, p. 213, etc.) 

1720— Mennonite Cliildren Play With 
the Indians. | 

A very interesting topic in the life | 
of the Mennonito families in the early I 
times is shown in 7 Haz. Reg., p. 163, ; 
in an account given by the ancient 
Amish-Mennonite of those early times, 
r.s follows: i 

"An aged member of the Amish or 
Ommish faith relates, that he often ^ 
heard his grandfather say, +Lat his i 
family was one ol the first of the I 
Europeans who settled v\'est of the | 
Conestoga. That the Indians lived j 
near them; and that the German and j 
Indian children would frequently \ 
play together in the neighbouring 
wigwam. Some times you would see [ 
them engaged in eonests of foot race; | 
in which the Indian lads would excel 
although the German lads would dis- { 
card their clothes, to put them on an ' 
ctquality of the naked savages. Some- j 
times with the bow and arrow, but [ 
here the little Indians would all show 
their superiority in skill, and accuracy i 



of aim. In wrestling, and in most of 
their exercises, the Indian boys ex- 
celled; but in the mechanical arts the 
little emigrants had the advantage. I 
have often seen the chiefs reclining 
on the ground leaning on the arm, 
looking at the diversions and amuse- 
ments of the children; and when the 
little Indian would excel, they would 
laugh very heartily. 

It would not unfrequently happeoi, 
that the little Germans would show 
some degree of anger, when they were 
unsuccessful, by giving a blow, and 
taking up a stone and unceremoni- 
ously hurl it at the head of a competi- 
tor, which the little Indians would 
receive with the utmost complacency. 
I was one day amused by seeing a 
struggle between an Indian and a 
German, the former was younger, but 
more active than the latter, and the 
little son of the forest was evidently 
playing wiith the strength of his ad- 
versary ; the German became heated, 
and exerting all his strength, en- 
deavored to throw his adversary with 
some force upon the ground, but the 
wily Indian gave a sudden trip, which 
caused the German to fall beneath; 
who. rising angrily, seized a stone 
and levelled his opponent to the 
earth. The chiefs who were near 
laughed very heartily, for the little 
white faces diid not stay to see the 
result, but ran hastily homewaTdB, 
dreading the severe catigation. In all 
and every transaction, we had with 
the Indians, we found them mild and 
peaceable; and as just related, not 
disposed to revenge, when the act ap- 
peared to be a momentary burst of 
passion. I have often seen the little 
Brennemans, children of a Mennonist 
emigrant, playing in the most sportive 
and innocent manner with the little 
red faces, and I never knew or heard 
of one little white face receiving an 
injury from their red brethren: that 
is. no intentional injury. 



GERMAN-SWISS ACTIVITIES HERE. 



215 



1720— Arrival of a Ship-Load of Ger- j 

mans and Swiss IniinitrraiUs Not 

Oiliciallj Kecorded. 

In the American Weekly Mercury, 
under date of September 1, 1720, there, 
is an item stating that "the ship' 
Laurel, John Cappel from Liverpool, 
with 240 odd Palatines, who came here 
to settle" just arrived 

This is the only place where a re- 
cord of this shipload of these people 
is to be found. It is not in "Rupp's 
Thirty Thousand Names," nor in any 
of the ship registers. Pennypacker in 
his preface to the reprinted first vol- 
ume of the Mercury says that this is 
the only place any knowledge of this 
particular shipment of immigrants is 
to be found. The "American Weekly 
Mercury," which began publication on 
the 22nd of December, 1719, in Phila- 
delphia, was the third newspaper in 
United States, in point of time. The 
first was a newspaper called "Public 
Occurances," first issued September 
25, 1690, in Boston, then the "Boston 
News Letter," first issued in 1704— 
then the "Mercury." There was a 
pai)er known as the "Boston Gazette," 
issued on the 21st of December, 1719, 
but as that was the only issue, we 
may say it died the day it began, and 
thus, could hardly be called a news- 
paper. 

1720— The Absence of Avarice in 

Early German-Swiss Life. 

We are told in an article in Vol. 7 
of Haz. Reg., p. 150, of a reply made 
by a Mennonite in 1720 upon an offer 
of 1000 acres of land granted to him 
In the year 1720, a thousand acres 
were offered to an influential member 
of the Amish faith by the proprietary 
agent, but he refused the grant saying 
"It is beyond my desire, also my abil- 
ity to clear; if clear beyond my power 
to cultivate; if cultivated, it would 
yield more than my family could con- 



sume; and as the rules of our Society 
forbid the disposal of the surplus, I 
can not accept your liberal offer: but 
you may divide it among my married 
children, who at present reside with 
me." This individual is supposed to 
have been a man named Kurtz. 

1720 — Conrad Beissel Reaches 

America This Tear. 

According to Harris' Biographical 
History of Lancaster County, p. 44, 
Conrad Beissel arrived in America in 
1720, and settled at Millport, in I^n- 
caster County in 1729; where he and 
a companion built a house. His ser- 
vices to the early colonists in arrang- 
ing Indian matters, is one of the 
greatest instances of life devoted to 
betterment of conditions to be found. 
About 1759, as I recollect it, there 
was an attempt to burn his house. 
Bundles of straws were laid about the 
doors and windows and ignited, but 
the fire was extinguished. It is a re- 
markable fact that nearly 150 years 
later, a similar attempt to burn that 
same house resulted in its destruction 
about 1909 or '10. This Millport, how- 
ever, is now in Berks County, but was 
in 1729 part of Lancaster County. 

1721— German-Swiss Object to Bear- 
ing Arms. 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 297, it is stated that on the 12th of 
October of that year a petition of a 
considerable number of Swiss- Pala- 
tines, setting forth the reason for 
removing themselves or their families 
into this province, and praying leave 
to bring in a bill for their naturaliza- 
tion and to be exempt from swearing 
and bearing arms was presented to 
tbe House and read. The Assembly 
I ordered the bills to lie on the table so 
' as to be examined by the members of 
the House afterwards for action upon 
it. This would be an interesting doc- 
ument of these good people and the 



216 



CONESTOGA HIGHWAYS TO PHILADELPHIA. 



early times if it could be found. I 
cannot find any act passed to relieve 
them from bearing arms but tliey 
were frequently naturalized from 
time to time as they applied. I am in- 
clined to believe that they could be 
relieved from military service only by 
paying a bounty as has been the law 
in some later days. 

1721— Menuonist Outlet to Philadel- 
phia. 

This year we find there was a pro- 
ceeding to improve the road which led 
from the Mennonite Colony about 
Conestoga to Philadelphia. The re- 
cord is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. 
Rec, p. 142. The petitioners state that 
the Ju.dges of the Courts of Chester 
County lately directed a road to be 
laid out in the highway to Conestoga, 
which road runs through uninhabited 
land quite up to the Mennonite settle- 
ment on this side of Conestoga and 
they think that the change that is 
asked for here is not a good one. 
These good people had a road of some 
inferior character as early as 1714 and 
in a petition filed in the Quarter Ses- 
sions of Lancaster County in 1734, to 
improve it, they speak of having used 
it for 20 years before that date. It 
was also proposed to make a King's 
Highway out of it as early as May, 
1718, and the Mennonite people around 
Conestoga were the leaders in trying 
to get this improvement, for which 
they signed a petition that same year. 
This may be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col. 
Rec, p. 43. This road was what is 
now known as the Long Lane, passing 
through Conestoga, Pequea and other 
townships to the East, beginning at 
Rock Hill and going through Stras- 
burg. It was the earliest outlet to 
Philadelphia that these ancient peo- 
ple had. 

1721— The Conestog-a Palatines Assist 
in the Indian Treaty of This Tear. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 121, it 



is set forth, under date of July ath, 
that year, that the Governor arrived 
at Conestoga at noon and in the even- 
ing v.'ent to Captain Civility's cabin. 
The Governor held part of the treaty 
at the cabins of the different Chiefs' 
and then adjourned to the house of 
John Cartlidge and continued the 
treaty on the 8th of July. It appeared 
that large numbers of the Swiss Pala- 
tines were present at this treaty and 
the Indians told the Governor that i 
they would take very good care that \ 
these settlers were not interfered j 
with, and the Governor refers to the ) 
town of Conestoga, that is, the Indian 
town. 

We are to notice here that the In- 
dians' dwellings are referred to as 
cabins and not tents; so they likely 
built small houses here. Some light 
on this treaty and the conditions about 
Conestoga is given in a small book 
published on Neath Street, Dublin, in 
1723. The publisher there goes on to 
say that the Indian Village of Con- 
estoga lies 70 miles directly west of 
Philadelphia, and that the land there 
is very rich and is "now surrounded 
with divers fine plantations or farms, 
where they raise quantities of wheat, 
barley, flax and hemp, without the 
help of any dung." I merely quote 
this so as to give a picture of the for- 
wardness of agriculture by our Men- 
nonite ancestors at this early date of 
1723. We must remember that they 
had only reached this section five or 
six years before, and thus, that they 
were good farihers is clearly shown. 
This was in the neighborhood of what 
is now Indiantown, in the central part 
of Manor Township. The account fur- 
ther goes on to state that the Gov- 
ernor was attended by between 70 and 
80 horsemen well armed and that 
when they arrived there, great 
amounts of provisions were provided. 
Thus, we see that our ancestors were 



GEIWIAN-SWISS CONTINTK TO FLOCK TO CONESTOUA. 



21' 



rp'ady to co-o|)erato with the projects 
of Pennsylvania. 

1721— The Takina Ip of Land in 

Conestoirn. 

In the Taylor Pai)ers. Xo. 3323, 
there is a paper inrlorserl '"lauds in 
Chester County" and on one of the 
first pages, this heading, "lands on 
Pequea and Conestoga, 38937 acres." 
I cannot tell how early this account 
was set forth of lands surveyed in 
■Conestoga, for our Mennonite ances- 
tors: but it is as early as 1721 and 
perhaps earlier. This shows that at 
that time, the immense sum of nearly 
lOrt square miles of land was sur- 
veyed and taken up. In paper 3349, a 
surveyor renders a bill for surveying 
Conestoga Manor, which is now Manor 
Township 16,500 acres. And about the 
same time, a survey on Chickies is set 
forth. Taylor sets forth his authority 
for all of this. I cite this simply to 
show the activity among our ances- 
tors at this time and in fact, from 1714 
onward, in the Taylor Papers, there 
are letters upon letters, showing the 
extreme anxiety for land on the Con- 
estoga. About this time complaint 
■was made that nearly all the back 
lands were taken up and there is very 
little more to sell. 

1721 — Ores Discovered in Conestoga. 

Under the date of the 17th of Feb- 
ruary, 1721, No. 2-22 Taylor, Paper 
No. 2975, the following letter is found: 

"Isaac Taylor, Esteemed Friend: — 
These inform thee yt there has come 
into this province from New England 
a gentleman named John McNeal and 
he hath been with me and hath view- 
ed ye iron ore and matter yt we laid 
out. I suppose yt I will sell to them 
as I have advised him to note how 
we shall ye most easy way come at 
ye land, if we conclude with business 
for if any old rights can be had, I in- 
cline most to make a purchase yt 



way; however thy opinion in yt mat- 
ter is what is desired by me, and a 
line or two from thy hand to advise, 
till an opportunity present a conver- 
sation and consultation yt best mea- 
sures further about ye same, which 
is all at present. Respectfully from 
the true and loving friend, John Car- 
I tlidge." The sense of the above let- 
I ter is that ore was found about Con- 
I estoga, and John Cartlidge wanted to 
! find out whether he could buy some 
i of the land that contained the ore de- 
i posits. 

1721— The Road From Philadelphia 
to Conestogra, Spoken Of. 

In ;'. Col. Rec. p. 142. is given some 
light on how the country was devel- 
' oping around Conestoga. In a petit- 
I ion signed by a considerable number 
1 of those people, setting forth that a 
new road was lately laid out ana 
cleared in the highway to Conesto- 
ga; which "runs all along through 
uninhabited and unsettled lands, 
quite up to the Palatine settlements 
on this side of Conestoga"; and they 
then go on and ask to have certain 
changes made on this road and view- 
ers are appointed etc., for that pur- 
pose. I quote this simply to show the 
activity of that time. 

1721- ralatiiies Tell Why they Left 

the Palatinate. 

In Vol. 2. Votes of Assembly, p. 
297, under this date, the Palatines 
set forth that for religious reasons 
and financial difficulties, etc., they 
left the Rhine valley and came to Co- 
nestoga Country, where greater lib- 
erty of conscience was allowed them. 

1722— .Vctivity on the Conestoga 

River 

In Vol. 9 of the Penna. Arch., p. 
714, there is a record of 200 acres 
granted near Stephen Atkinson above 
Conestoga Manor to Edna Dougherty 



218 



GERMAN-SWISS GENEROSITY TO INDIANS. 



and fat p. 718) a return made of an 
additional grant. Page 720 "Casper 
ttie Smitli" having desired a tract of 
land, is given 100 acres" where some 
Indians settled on Conestoga Creek, 
this year, asked for 200 acres, two 
near Atkinson's mill." On the same 
page it is recorded that "Stephen 
Atkinson requests the grant of a par- 
cel of land lying in the barrens be- 
hind his plantation for erecting a 
mill and that "Logan has writ to 
Isaac Taylor about it; Vide book of 
letters." The land was given to him. 

1722— Settlement Activity on Goto- 

raro 

In the same book. p. 714, John As- 
ler or Hassler, a tailor, is recorded 
as having made a settlement near 
Arthur Park on a branch of Octoraro 
-about the same time John Seager 
asks for a tract (p . 710), — also on 
the Susquehanna, Gordon Howard, 
two miles from Garlbseath's Mill to 
the northward and about four miles 
back of Susquehanna River (p. 713) 
— also Pat Gammel wants land on 
the Suspuehanna River (p. 715). 

1722 — ^Mlennonite Hospitality and 

Charity towards Indians. 

In Vol. 3, Col. Rec. p. 153, we find 
it recorded that this year the Pala- 
tines undertook to bring corn to the 
Indians at Conestoga as their stock 
seemed to be exhausted. It seems, 
however, there was to be a small 
payment for the same. This was the 
season of hard times — the first panic 
in Pennsylvania. We are told also in 
the same book, p. 179 and 180, that 
there was great scarcity of bread at 
Conestoga and the Governor went up 
to that country to find out how pres- 
sing the need was, (p. 181). 

1723— Conestoga Township DiTided. 

The good old German-Swiss region 
of Lancaster County, known as Con- 



estoga originally, included all the re- 
gion from the Susquehanna River 
almost to the Octorara — particularly 
all of the great middle belt of our 
County. It extended south to present 
Drumore, east to the Gap, including 
the Earls, Leacocks, etc. In 1720, 
Salisbury and Gap and adjacent sec- 
tions were organized into Pequea 
Township. Our present Pequea Town- 
ship is no part of old Pequea Town- 
ship. The inhabitants were the 
Davises, Powells, Gaits, Clarks, Mor- 
gans, Cooksins, Collins, and others. 
The Lefevers and Ferrees are also 
mentioned; but they lived farther 
north than we now think. (Cope and 
Futhey.) This section was not really 
a part of old Conestoga proper. 

But the northwest section of West 
Conestoga included what is now Don- 
egal, Conoy, Mount Joy, Rapho, etc. 
In 1723, this section was cut off from 
the old Township. 

Most of the inhabitants in the new 
section were Scotch-Irish; but a few 
Germans were also in that section, — 
Ephraim Moor, Jos. Woork. John 
(Jardner and others. 

1723— John Meylin Joins Ephnita 
Commnnity. 

Rupp (74) makes a simple note of 
the fact of John Meylin joining the 
Sieben Taeger (Seventh Day) fratern- 
ity at Ephrata and assuming the name 
"Amos" or "Bruder Amos." There 
does not seem, at the present day, to 
be any branch of the Meylin family so 
connected. 

1723 — German Palatines of >ew York 
Come to Pennsylvania. 

In the great Gennan Exodus of 1709, 
of which we have spoken before. Gov- 
ernor Hunter brought 3,000 of those 
Palatines (who were landed and 
stranded in England in the Exodus) 
to New York. They camped or lived 
in New York till the fall of 1710, and 



POVERTY OK THE PALATINE IMMIGRANTS. 



21& 



then the Queen of England provided 
for their transportation to a wilder- 
ness near Schoharie, New York, where 
it seems one of the chiefs of the Five 
Nations gave a tract of land, because 
this chief and several of his tribe (who 
were in England to get England to 
send a force to reduce the French in 
Canada), saw the destitute condition 
of these Germans, while they lay in 
England in their poverty and misery. 

The laws of New York did not suit 
the Germans— and therefore, in 1723, 
they asked permission to come to 
Pennsylvania. They were allowed to 
do so, and settled on Tulpehocken and 
Swatara Creeks — becoming the foun- 
dation of some of the best German 
stock of Upper Lancaster, Dauphin and 
Montgomery Counties. Conrad Weiser 
descended from them. (Rupp 183 and' 
4.) The petition of these people for 
permission to come to Pennsylvania 
is also found in the Colonial Records. 1 

1725— Mary Ditcher and Palatines. I 

According to Hazard (See Register 
Vol. 9, p. 113) the first proprietor of 
the western end of the Hempfields, 
was a peculiar old German woman 
named Mary Ditcher. Rupp also 
quotes Hazard (p. 189) and says that 
"the land back from the River was 
settled principally by Germans — For- 
rys, Stricklers, Sherricks, Garbers, 
etc." Their first purchase was from 
an old woman, who used to go through 
the country making what was then 
called "improvements" — a few sticks 
piled together — a fire kindled and a 
pot hung over it. This constituted a 
first right. Those who could pay for 
the land had first choice; but these 
"improvements" were generally 
bought for a trifle. Mary Ditcher is 
described as wandering through the 
woods, leading an old horse, her only 
property, with her knitting in her 
hand; and clad in a garment chiefly 
of sheep skin. This was called Hemp- 



fleld because of the great quantities c'. 
hemp raised. 

1723— Weavers Take Ip Weber-Thiil 

Rupp says (p. 191) that while the 
Welsh were making Improvements, 
some Swiss and Germans settled in 
Weber-Thai, south of Conestoga 
Creek, so called from the Webers o.- 
Weavers who took up between two 
and three thousand acres of land in 
1723 or 4. George Weber and Hans 
Guth, brothers-in-law, and Jacob- 
Weber and Henry Weber, all Swiss, 
were the first settlers, contiguous to 
the Welsh. The name "Guth'" became 
"Good." The Webers and Goods had 
settled in Lancaster County twelve or 
fifteen years earlier and lived near 
the present city of Lancaster. A 
good account of their early move- 
ments and connections is contained in 
a record owned in 1842 by Samuel 
Weaver. 

1723 — Onr Poor Palatine Ancestors 
Cannot Pay Passage. 

There is a notice in the American 
Weekly Mercury of January 15, 1723, 
calling on the Mennonists of Con- 
estoga to pay the passage money of 
their brethren who were then coming 
to the Susquehanna Valley and advis- 
ing them that if the passage money 
was not paid, the delinquents would 
be sold into servitude. Therefore, 
before any of us became overbearing 
or haughty, we had better look into 
bhese ancient names and annals. 

The notice is as follows: 

"These are to give notice that rhe 
Palatines who were advertised to be 
at the head of Elk River in Maryland, 
are now come up to Philadelphia and 
will be disposed of for five years each, 
to any one paying their passage money 
at 10 £ per head. If any of their 
friends, the Dutch at Conestoga, have 
a mind to clear any of them, they may 
see them at this Port." 



22ft 



GERMAN-SWISS BEGIN REAMSTOWN AND SALUNGA. 



1723— A Hitherto Unknown Shipload ; 
of Palatines. i 

In the Mercury of June 6th, this 
year, we find a brief article stating 
that the Brigantine that came out 
with the Beaver bound to Philadelphia 
was not Captain Lee's, but Captain ; 
Lee's Brigantine sailed out of the | 
River a tide before Captain Fitch, 
heing bound to Holland, to take in 
Palatines for Pennsylvania. | 

I note this item only for the purpose I 
of recording the name of the vessel ' 
and of its captain interested in bring- 
ing our Mennonite ancestors here, as 
the records from official sources are 
not yet complete. Frequently, our 
people today, try to trace their family ! 
history back to the ship in which they i 
aiTived. j 

1721 — Everhard Keam Begins Eeams- 1 
town. 

Rupp (p. 190) relates that this year, 
Ream, whose descendants still reside 
in the village called after him, began 
the settlement of the northeastern 
part of present Lancaster County. He 
states that Ream journeyed to the 
spot with his wagon, into the woods 
thereabout and unloaded his "fixtures 
and furniture"' under an oak tree and 
lived there until he built a small hut 
■on what is now known as (or was in 
1843) the Lesher farm. He gives as 
Ream's earliest neighbors, the Buch- 
ers, Hubers, Walters, Kellers, Lead- 
ers, Schwarwalders, Schneiders, Kil- 
lians. Docks, Forneys, Rupps, Bal- 
mers, Mays, Mayers, Hahns, Resslers, 
Boyers, Leets, Schlotts, Groffs, Wolfs, 
Feiersteins, Weidmans and others. He 
does not tell us the source of his in- 
formation. 

In the Second Series of the Penna. 
Archives, Vol. 19, p. 725, there is re- 
corded a minute that "Eberhard Ream 
of Conestoga requests a grant of about 



200 acres of land on a branch of that 
creek including a small Indian settle- 
ment called Cocalico. He had the 
Indians "consent to settle and can 
pay the purchase money down." 

This is very definite. It shows that 
Conestoga was recognized as extend- 
ing up to the region of Adamstown, 
etc., and tliis lay entirely across the 
present county, following up the Con- 
estoga Creek, almost to its source. It 
also definitely locates a small Indian 
village; and shows his fair dealing 
and that he had means. 

1721 — Our Swiss Mennonite Ancestors 

Begin the Settlement of Salunga 

and Chickies. 

In the book last mentioned (p. 724) 
we find that this year, Michael Shank 
requested and was allowed 250 acres 
of land near Checosolungas. Jacob 
Graeff requested the same amount 
near that place. Henry Work and 
John Garrett were also given tracts 
of land (the size not specified) at this 
time "near Conestoga or Shecossolun- 
gus." "'Shecossolungus" is our Chick- 
ies Creek. 

1721— Additional German-Swiss Set- 

tleTiients at Conestoga. 

In the Second Series of the Pennsyl- 
vania Archives (p. 721) it is recorded 
that Mart Mayley desires a grant of 
100 acres in the "Point" in a fork of 
Conestoga Creek, near the land called 
"William Willis's," to make tiles and 
l)ricks. At p. 724, there is a request 
by Christian Herr for 50 acres of ordi- 
nary land in Conestoga, joining his 
other land. And p. 726, it is recorded 
that James Als Couradt, rector, re- 
quests the grant of a piece of land 
near Conestoga, adjoining to Freder- 
ickful. Just what and where "Fred- 
erickful" is, we cannot tell. 



GERMAN-SWrSS AGITATE THEIR NATURALIZAT-IOX 



221 



1724 — Earliest Kiunvn Tile and Brick I 

Yard in Lancaster County. ' 

I 
Referring to the last named item, 

we may call attention to the fact that 
Mart Mayley (or Mylin), very likely, 
made the first tiles and brick in this 
county. We know there were tiled 
houses here very early. Mart Mylin 
was evidently a genius. Rupp tells us 
(p. 74) that in 1719, he erected a Bor- 
ing Mill on Mylin's Run, in West Lam- 
peter Township, and that he was also 
the first gunsmith in our county. 

1724 — Our Swiss Mennonist Brethren 
Apply for >'aturalization. 

Rupp (p. 194) notices the efforts 
that our Swiss ancestors were com- 
pelled to make in order to be natural- 
ized, to hold land and pass it on to 
their children, at their death; for 
without naturalization, they could not 
do so. He states that as early as 1721, 
they began to petition for naturaliza- 
tion, but it was not until 1724 that they 
were given permission to bring a bill 
before the Assembly, to naturalize 
them. It could only be done then, 
provided each German or Swiss would 
obtain from a Justice of the Peace, a 
certificate of the value of his prop- 
erty, the nature of his religious faith, 
etc. 

The proceedings in 1724, for natural- 
ization came up in April, and in Vol. 
2. Votes of Assembly, (p. 388) it is 
related that a petition of a great num- 
ber of persons who were born under 
the allegiance of the Emperor of Ger- 
many, setting forth that they have 
moved themselves into this province 
and their families, and have purchased 
lands which they are not capable to 
hold for them and their heirs, and 
therefore, they pray that they may be 
enabled by a law, to buy and hold 
lands and enjoy the same benefits as 
the rest of the inhabitants — was filed. 
The Assembly ordered it to lay on the 



table. The next day it was read again 
and debated, and it was resolved that 
as many of these petitioners as shall 
bring certificates from the Justices of 
the Courts, signifying the lands they 
hold and of what conversation they 
are reputed: and also have taken the 
oath or affirmation and declaration of 
fidelity and allegiance, and set forth 
the profession of their religious be- 
lief as the law directs, shall have 
leave to bring in a bill; but the As- 
sembly orders that the Justices shall 
examine this matter very closely. 

It seems that there was still more 
difficulty for our ancestors because 
the Register General now began to 
stir up strife against them, and to 
make it appear that they were sus- 
picious characters, (2 Votes 391). 
However, they were finally naturalized 
in 1727. Two, however, Casper Wis- 
ter and John Cartho, under the al- 
legiance of the Emperor of Germany, 
were naturalized this year (Vol. 3, 
Statutes at Large, p. 424) ; and a great 
many others later. 

1725— The Swiss Take Up Land in the 

Susquehanna Tallej". 

In Vol. 2 of 'he Penna. Arch., p. 734, 
we find that in 1725, Mathias Stauffer 
recommended by Christian Herr, re- 
quests the grant of a piece of land 
on the Checosolangas; and the same 
year, according to the same book (p. 
729) Jacob Funk requested the grant 
3f 50 acres adjoining his other tract 
in Conestoga. The same year several 
tracts were granted on the Octorara 
— one of 300 acres to John Devour 
near John Musgrave's (p. 726) — one 
to Robert Burd, 100 acres near the 
place called Horse Hook, formerly of 
Cornelius Empson (127) — one to 
George Carr at the head of the Octo- 
rara, where he wished to carry on 
tanning (p. 723) one to Hugh Morri- 
son, Thomas Paxton, Hugh Robinson 
and Lawrence Small, near the same 



222 



GERMAN-SWISS NATURALIZATION CONDITIONS. 



place (p. 734) — one to James Harlan 
(p. 734) between the Octorara Creek 
and the Susquehanna River and one 
requested by Mrs. Musgrave for John 
Cohalan. As these are not German 
Swiss people, but rather English, we 
will say no more about them and only 
'.netion them for the sake of regular- 
ity. 

The same year lands were taken up 
in Pequea; but we must remember 
Lhat Pequea was the region about the 
'lead of the Pequea Creek, north of the 
irap, and we find in the same book (p. 
729) that Robert Eyes, a cooper, was 
given a tract of land and (p. 734) that 
William and James Johnson his son, 
requested a tract on a branch of the 
Pequea Creek called Cat Tail. 

172.') — Governor Keitli, a Friend of 
Our Mennonite Ancestors. 

I About the year 1725, the Governor 
[ of Pennsylvania began to realize that 
' our English laws discriminated too 
severely against the Germans and 
Swiss. In that year Governor Keith, 
in the message to the Assembly, found 
in Vol. 2, Votes of Assembly, (p. 442), 
among other things, states that as to 
the '"Palatine Bill," as he called it, he 
is of the same opinion he was the 
year before — that the producing of 
certificates is not a proper method of 
securing the allegiance of these peo- 
ple to the king and this government, | 
but that it is not agreeable to English 
liberty or to the proprietor's declara- ; 
tion for encouraging settlement of the | 
colony and much less to the freedom 
of conscience, so much professed 
here, to demand other qualifications to 
settle any man to the right of an Eng- 1 
lish subject, than what we have pre- 
scribed by law, namely, affirmation of 
allegiance. The provision made in this i 
intended law to prevent these persons 
from enjoying privileges of this gov- 
ernment, unless they go and take a i 
legal qualification, is not only the 



best but the most justifiable method 
(and that we have many precedents 
in England): but he says that to de- 
mand a strict inquiry into private 
conversion and the religious faith of 
these people, other than what the law 
directs, and especially to pry into the 
circumstances of their private estate, 
would be contrary to natural and 
equal justice and a dangerous preced- 
ent, and would injure our reputation 
as a free country. The Governor, 
therefore, hoped that they would have 
a particular regard against being 
drawn into propositions and new 
emthods inconsistent with liberty. He 
goes on to say that he thinks it is a 
very hard case to deny a stranger who 
has purchased land in this province, 
the right to transmit those lands to 
his children; therefore, he approves 
of the bill, only so far as it requires a 
qualification to be made, but he does 
aot approve inquiring into the re- 
ligious beliefs and private estate of 
these people. A few days later he 
goes on to say tliat he congratulates 
them on passing a liberal law for the 
ease of conscience, and that he ex- 
pects them to use their best endeavors 
among the people to convince them of 
the peace and quiet we enjoy. He 
then says that he wants to impress 
upon them the bill which lies still be- 
fore them, not acted upon, in behalf 
of some "protestants from the Palati- 
nate and other parts of Germany," 
who have a great desire for the bless- 
ing of the Engli.sh Government. He 
also says that they have seen him 
personally and in the humblest man- 
ner have besought him that he should 
have extended to them the same terms 
of naturalization, granted in England 
to foreign protestants. 

1725 — Our O.erman Swiss Ancestors 

Very tirateful to the Governor; 

and They Stand by Him. 

It seems that a very stern struggle 



NATURALIZATION PROGRESSLXi;. 



was before our Meunonite forefathers I 
hf>re to secure their right to make' 
w ills and deed land over or to have it 
pass to their children, on their death, 
unless they made certain affirmations. 
On the 25th of November this year, 
there was a petition of -oT of these i 
people setting forth the tender care I 
and kindness of the present Governor 
and the many advantages of the re- 
ligious and civil rights of the people 
that have been granted by him and [ 
especially by the creation of paper 
money, which is very much appreciat- 
ed by them. They go on in this peti- 
tion and state that they are his friends 
and that they know that he is grossly I 
misrepresented in the province of 
Pennsylvania to the proprietor for his 
enterprising stand taken and that 
there may probably be a change in 
the government by a new governor 
being sent. They pray the house in 
this petition and the governor, that 
as they are faithful people, that their 
needs be recognized and that the true 
state of affairs concerning the bless- 
ing paper money has been to the peo- 
ple here shall be sent to the proprie- 
tor at home, so that their friend, the 
governor, may be saved from removal 
by his enemies and by the misrepre- 
sentations made concerning him. This 
petition they filed in the House of 
Representatives and begged the rep- 
resentatives to stand up for the gov- 
ernor and not let him be scandalized. 
•Paper money was opposed by Eng- 
land. 

17*2.> — A Larae > umber of Our Ger- 
man-Swiss Brethren Desire to be 
Naturalized. 

The records of the Assembly Nov. i 
2 i, 1725, show that the petition of high 
and low Germans on taking and sub- 
scribing the qualification required by 
law, that they may have a bill passed, 
to enable them to hold and enjoy 
lands and to engage in trade and mer- 



chandise was laid before the house. 
This simply means that they applied 
for naturalization. 

172.>— The Early Mennouist Ministers, 

Because Aliens, >Vere >ot Allowed 

to Perform a 3Iarriat?o 

Ceremony. 

Theie was a law in the early days 
of Pennsylvania that only the minis- 
ters of the State Church could perform 
marriage ceremonies. Rev. Anthony 
Hinkle was arrested for marrying a 
pair. This was because he was an 
alien minister, there being a law 
against an alien minister joining par- 
ties in matrimony. (Vol. 2, Votes of 
Assembly, p. 465.) We can readily 
see, therefore, that so long as minis- 
ters of our Mennonite ancestors were 
not naturalized, they were aliens, and 
could not perform the marriage cere- 
mony. These are some of the hard- 
ships in early Pennsylvania, that peo- 
ple hardly dream of as existing. 

1726 — Mennonist ^Veierhlwrs at 
Donegal. 

This year James Anderson, a Pres- 
byterian Minister, who formerly lived 
at New Castle, desired to settle among 
the people at Donegal and asked a 
grant of 300 acres there, he being a 
person of good repute at New Castel. 
The Land Commissioners thought he 
would be of great service in this 
neighborhood and Secretary Logan 
also desired that the land be granted 
him. rSec. Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol. 19, p. 
745.) 

1726— Mennonist Xeisrhbors alone: the 

SuSQuehanna and Octorara. 

This year there was granted to Mor- 
decai Maydock 375 acres of land on 
the Susquehanna, which his father, 
Henry Maydock. had the right to, by 
a writing from William Penn. dated 
May 6, 1691. Peter Risk was also 



224 



CONESTOGA AND PEQUEA GERMAN-SWISS ADDITIONS. 



given -100 acrej at the same time; and 
this year, Eiisah Gatchell and others 
were given three tracts of land, "on 
the running water of Conowingo," 
where there was a vacancy ; and 
Emanuel Grubb was given 100 ocres 
on the same place, on the northeast 
side of his former tract. James Dan- 
iel and Robert Mackell were given 
land by request of the Minister Craig- 
head. James King and Charles Allen 
and Josiah were given land on the 
Octorara — also John Kirkpatrick and 
Moses Ross and William Evans and 
Thomas Jackson and James Buchan- 
nan and Alexander Allison and Alex- 
ander Montgomery. Jackson and 
Buchannan were given 200 acres each 
— Evans 60 acres and the size of the 
others are not mentioned. (See the 
book last mentioned pp. 7 
744 two grants — 745 two grants 
743 three different grants.) 



29-740-742- 
and 



1726 — 3Iore Swiss Brethren Buy Land 
on Conestoga. 

According to Vol. 19, Sec. Ser. Pa. 
Arch., this year Ulrich Burkhold, Hans 
Krow, and Hans Leaman requested 
land through Christian Herr, among 
the Swiss Colonists near Conestoga 
(Vide p. 742). 

The same year Henry Zimmerman 
or Carpenter set forth that Henry 
Vinger (Wenger), who had some years 
ago settled on a piece of land of Henry 
Richmann formerly, and that Wenger 
died, leaving a widow and three sons. 
But that John Musgrove's son has set- 
tled on the land. He desires the same 
(200 acres) to 'be turned over to Wi- 
dow Wenger (or Vinger), see p. 743. 

The same year Henry Zimmerman 
requested a grant of 600 acres of land 
on a branch of the Conestoga (Do). 

The same year John Eby requested 
a grant of a vacant piece of land on a 
branch of Conestoga Creek to build a 
grist mill upon as a convenience to 
the neighborhood (Vide 745). 



I This is no doubt the origin of Eby's 
Mill on Mill Creek, a branch of the 

I Conestoga, because in 1728, when the 

j old Peter's Road was recornized and 
first laid out by law as appears in the 
Road Records of Chester County, 

j (which I have personally examined), 
one of the courses surveyed extends 
to Torus or Dorus Eby's Mill, this 
being a contraction of Theodorus 
Eby. Likely Theodorus was a son of 
John, the original applicant for land. 
The same year Hans Hess of Con- 
estoga requested 75 acres of land for 
his son Jacob, between a branch of 
Conestoga and land of Hans Ulrich, 
adjoining his own tract (Do. 746). 

And Thos. Honenger and Phil Shong 
requested the grant of land for two 
settlements on a branch of Conestoga, 
the same year (Do. 746) — Also Hans 
Miller for 100 acres on Little Cone- 
stoga — recommended by Christopher 
Franciscus (Do) — also Sebastian, 
Beyer and Geo. Goodman requested 
the grant of a parcel of land; each 
near Conestoga (Do). 

1726— Pequea Additions. 

In the book last noted (p. 743) v.-e 
find that this date, 200 acres of land 
were granted to Wm. Richardson and 
a like amount granted to Samuel Rob- 
inson, both located on Pequea. 

1726 — German-Swiss Beginning to 
Take Part in Public Affairs. 

In Vol. 3, Votes of Assembly, p. 4, 
there is mention that Ludwig Sprogle 
was a member of Assembly. He was 
active on a committee to induce Eng- 
land to allow salt to be imported. 

1726 — Our German Ancestors Again 

Petition for Right to Pass Land 

to Their Sons. \ 

It is stated Vol. 2, Votes of As- i 
sembly, p. 461, that a large number 
of high and low Germans have pre- 
sented a petition asking that upon 
their qualifying, according to law, 



ROBBERIES, UPON THE GERMAN-SWISS AT COXESTOGA. 



they may be empowered to hold and [ 
transmit land and enjoy trade, etc. 
(See also 3 Col. Rec. 241). The As- 
sembly replied by proposing to tax 
them three pounds each and then they '. 
are to be allowed same privilege in | 
holding land as others, (2 Votes of j 
Assembly, p. 467). 

1726 — Another German Minister Pun- 
ished for Perform ine: a Marriage. 

Anthony Hinkle, a German minister i 
of the Gospel, who was fine:l for per- 
forming a marriage for two people, 
refused to pay the fine and costs and 
was committed to prison, (2 Votes of' 
Assembly 470). i 

1726— Our Oernian-Swiss Ancestors a 

3Iark for Vagrancy. 

I In Vol. 2, Votes of Assembly, p. 466, 
/ we find a complaint made this year , 
/ about vagrants and horse thieves on I 
[ the Susquehanna, preying upon the | 
\ thrifty Germans and Swiss. The As- 
., sembly took note that a great number 
of convicts and some Irish servants 
of low character had arrived and a ! 
great many more were expected; and 
it was decided that there should be a 
fine of five pounds a head put upon all 
of them. This condition is noticed in 
the petition to create Lancaster Xlaun- 
tyTwErcir-sBts fortB^hat along the] 
Susquehanna, the people not having 
local government, are very great vic- 
tims of robbers and horse thieves and 
vagabonds. On the 19th of June, 1726, i 
a petition was signed by the citizens 
of 'Corr?5roga setting forth that many 
vagabonds resorted to that neighbor- 
, hood, praying that the law be provid- 
I ed to suppress them. (Vol. 2, Votes of 
/Assembly 468). In a little while the 
newspapers began to notice this un- 
lawful condition and in the Pa. Gaz. 
of April 12, 1729, the following item 
occurs: "We hear that there are as- 
sociated together a company of Irish 
robbers, the chief of whom are said 
to be one Bennet, whom they call 



their captain, and one Lynch, whom 
they call their lieutenant, with Dobbs, 
Wiggins and many others, who sulk 
about this and neighboring provinces; 
their villianies being to steal the best 
horses and load them with the best 
goods, and carry them off before the 
people's faces, which they have done 
lately in and about Conestoga. It 
seems their usual practice has been 
to steal horses from this province and 
carry them to sell into Maryland, Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina. It is said' 
that they begin to grow more numer- 
ous and have a place of rendezvous 
where they meet to consult how to 
perpetrate their rogueries and en- 
tertain all like themselves." This 
last note is three years later than 
1726, but it is intimately connected 
with this subject, and I, therefore, in- 
sert it at this place. 

1726 — Trouble to Collect Taxes Among 

Our Ancestors on Conestoga. 

In Vol. 2, Votes of Assembly, p. 491, / 
we find it set forth that the people on 
Conestoga began to neglect and re- 
fused to pay their excises and other 
taxes to the province in their sense 
of immunity from being so far away 
from the ofl!icers of the law — the 
county seat being at Old Chester, 100 
miles distant. It is hard to say at this 
time whether this complaint was made 
against our German-Swiss brethren 
or the people generally, but we can 
readily understand that in the face of 
the hardships, the German-Swiss were 
undergoing, because they were not al- 
lowed to hold and transmit land, they 
being foreigners, that they might very \ 
readily feel like retaliating, by with- ^ 
holding the tax upon lands which they 
were not certain whether they had a 
good title to or not. 

1726— The Law to Xaturalize Ger- 
mans. i 

In Vol. 4, Statutes at Large, p. 457, | 
we find set forth a law to naturalize 



'y 



^26 



GERMAN-SWISS TAKING UP LAND. 



several Germans who had moved to 
this province. They do not seem to 
be Lancaster County names, as their 
names are not familiar here; and there 
are only a few of them. They are 
Bernard Van Lear, Arent Hassert, 
Michael Smiths, Wm. Selliger, Arnolt 
Bam'barger, Wm. Hilligart and Ulrich 
Haggeman. The Statute states that 
they are born under the allegiance of 
the Emperor of Germany. 

1727— More Lands Taken Up By Our 

German-Swiss Brethren in the 

Susquehanna VaBey. 

Benjamin Roads, recommended by 
sundry Inhabitants of Conestoga, was 
granted 100 acres near a branch of 
Conestoga this year. (Vol. 19, 3rd Ser. j 
Pa! Arch., p. 748.) Henry Bear was 
given 100 acres, adjoining his other 
land on Little Conestoga, (Do. 751). 
Joseph Hickenbolten and Joseph Ster- 
man requested a piece of vacant land 
lying between their plantations near 
the Conestoga Creek's mouth, (Do.). 
Anthony Breller requested a piece of 
land near his own settlement, "near 
the Dutch Mill" (Do.). Killian Law 
requested a piece on Mill Creek (Do.). 
Jacob Rife, Ulrick Sauck, Rudolph 
Bear, Jacob Lintner, John Snevely, 
Jacob Snevely, John Long, Casper 
Hoorn, Derrick Miller and Christian 
Graybill were recommended by several 
old settlers to have land to settle 
upon at Conestoga, (Do). Richard 
Carter in behalf of his kinsman, Henry 
Noland, requested 200 acres on the 
east side of Lewis Lewis', under the 
barren hills some distance from Con- 
estoga, (Do.). William Cloud re- 
quested 300 acres of vacant surveyed 
land on the Conestoga. Nathan Evans 
requested 100 acres east of his other 
land to erect a mill, (Do. 753). John 
Burkholder requested a grant of 200 
acres adjoining Benjamin Hershey's 
land on Little Conestoga, and it is 
stated that he is ready to pay cash for 
it, (Do. 755). All of these persons re- 



ceived the land which they asked for 
very shortly after their request. 

1727 — More Neighbors on Octorara. 

This year Hugh Morrison requested 
land on the Octorara, (Do. 745). Al- 
bert Edwards requested 200 acres ad- 
joining the old settlement that Fran- 
cis Warley owned, (Do. p. 747). John 
Musgrove obtained 300 acres but sold 
his right to Roger Dyer and George 
Legerd, (Do. 748). Abraham Bmmett 
requested lands for three settlements 
on the Octorara, (Do. p. 750). Robert 
Wright requested land on Octorara, 
(Do. 750). John Tinner, from Ireland, 
requested land on the Octorara (Do. 
751). John Creswell, for himself and 
Robert Stewart, requested the same, 
(Do.). Robert Evans requested 250 
acres on the west branch of the Octo- 
raa, (Do. 752). Robert Love requested 
a parcel near Octorara, (Do. 754). 
Hugh Berkely and George Patterson 
requested land on Octorara, (Do. 754). 
All these requests were made in 1727, 
and in every case the land was granted 
a little later. 

1727 — Neighbors on Pequea. 

John Barnett desired 200 acres near 
Joseph Hinkman, (Do. 750) and Pallso 
Friends (a very odd name) who 
dwelt with Daniel Ferree, desired a 
tract of vacant land on the south side 
of Pequea, (Do. 756) and Peter Ba- 
zillion requested 200 acres of land ad- 
joining other lands where he dwells, 
100 acres at each end of his tract, (Do. 
747). These requests were made in 
1727 and were granted. 

1727 — Grants on Susquehanna. 

The Commissioners by their warrant 
of June 2, 1718, had granted to Peter 
Chartier 300 acres on Susquehanna, 
which he afterwards sold to Stephen 
Atkinson, and in 1727, Penn's land 
commissioners confirmed Atkinson's 
title for these 300 acres, (Do. 749). 
The same year James Moore re- 
quested land on the Susquehanna, 



LANDS TAKEN UP— NEW HOLLAND FOUNDED. 



227 



(Do. 750) — and William Brackin re- 
quested land on Fishing Creek near 
Susquehanna, (Do. 754). Nathaniel 
Newlin and Joseph Cloud requested 
500 acres on the Susquehanna, (Do.). 
And near Susquehanna, on Chickies, 
John McNile requested land and has 
sent another letter that an order be 
made out to him, which was done, 
(Do. 747). The commissioners hav- 
ing prior, by two warrants, granted to 
Thomas Griffith the right of 1500 acres 
■which on Chickies Creek, Thos. Grif- 
fith, in 1724, transferred his right to 
Isaac Norris and in 1727 Isaac Norris 
was given a deed from the commis- 
sioners dated April 15th for the same, 
he to pay 100 pounds, (Do. 749) — and 
also on Susquehanna near Donegal, 
this same year, Richard Allison re- 
quested a tract above Donegal, called 
"Cornish's Plains," (Do. 750) — and 
Jonas Davenport, having purchased 
certain improvements of Leonard 
Millborn, an inhabitant of Donegal, 
requested a deed for 200 acers made to 
him which was done, (Do. 750). He 
also requested 300 acres more on the 
upper side of the mouth of Swatara 
Creek, (Do. 750) — and John Galbreta 
requested 200 acres at the same place: 
and William Alexander, recommended 
by James Anderson, requested land to 
settle about Donegal on the Susque- 
hanna. These requests were all made 
in 1727 and were granted. 
1727— Origin of the Hans Graeff Hold- 
ings. 

In the Volume last set out above, p. 
746, we find under the date of 1727 
that Hans Graeff requested the grant 
of a piece of land on the Cocalico 
Creek, a branch of the Conestoga, to 
build a grist mill for the accommoda- 
tion of his neighbors. It was granted 
to him. 

1727 — German-Swiss Begin to Regis- 
ter About This Year. 

The law was fast requiring ship- 
owners to take a list of all the Ger- 



mans and Swiss that they bring over. 
These lists were carefully kept and 
preserved and may be found in the 
Colonial Records from time to time. 
They have been collected from Rupp 
in his "Thirty Thousand Names." 
This resulted from the fact that the 
government authorities became 

frightened at the inrush of so many 
foreigners. Rupp stated that of course 
they meant these Non-Resistant Ger- 
mans and Swiss. Rupp also says that 
in the year 1727 about a thousand Pal- 
atines arrived in this province, (Do. 
p. 193) and we have observed in the 
items preceeding that a lot of them 
were coming, which is shown by the 
land which was taken up. 

1727 — Pioneers of ^'ew Holland. 

According to Rupp, about this year 
the Diffenderfer Brothers, Alexander 
and John, r^ailed from Rotterdam in 
the ship William and Sarah and ar- 
rived here in the Fall. John settled 
at SaeueSchwamm, (now New Hol- 
land) in the woods. His grandson 
David, who was a son of Michael 
Diffenderfer, lived to be high in the 
nineties, and he personally informed 
Rupp that his grandfather's house- 
hold goods were brought from Phila- 
delphia by a brother in the faith, by 
the name of Martin, who unloaded 
them under an oak tree, but a cabin 
or hut was built by the aid of the 
neighbors in a few days, and thus, 
settlement began in that comfortable 
and wealthy section, now known as 
New Holland, (Do. p. 193). 

1727— Copy of the Declaration that the 

Geriuan-S>viss AVere Required 

to Sign. 

In Vol. 3, Col. Rec, p. 283, (new 
series) the paper is set forth which 
had been agreed upon and was drawn 
up by the authorities of Pennsylvania, 
which all the Palatines (and this in- 
cluded the Swiss as well as the Ger- 
mans of the Palatinate) were required 



228 



DORTRECHT CONFESSION OF FAITH IN CONESTOGA. 



to sisu, if they came v/ith the inten- 
tion of settling in the province. The 
paper is in these words: — "We, Sub- 
scribers, Natives and late Inhabitants 
of the Palatinate upon the Rhine and 
desiring to transport ourselves and 
families into this province of Penn- 
sylvania, a Colony subject to the 
Crown of Great Britain, in hopes and 
Expectations of finding a Retreat & 
peaceable settlement therein. Do Sol- 
emnly promise & Engage, that We will 
be faithful and bear true Allegiance 
to his present MAJESTY KING 
GEORGE THE SECOND, and his Suc- 
cessors Kings of Great Britain, and 
will be faithful to the proprietor of 
this province; And that we will de- 
mean ourselves peaceably to all His 
said Majesties Subjects, and strictly 
observe and conform to the Laws of 
England and of this Province, to the 
utmost of our Power and best of our 
understanding." This shows what 
these good people were required to 
do; and we may mention here that 
because they and all their successors 
were required to sign a similar paper 
that it explains in a large part the 
reason why there was opposition 
among them in the Revolutionary War 
to fight against the mother country, 
England. It must be remembered 
that the other settlers in these pro- 
vinces did not take any such oath or 
affirmation or make any such similar 
promise to stand by the British gov- 
ernment. 

1727— Conestoga Accepts Dortreclit 
Confession of Faitli. 

This year the Dortrecht Mennonist 
Confession of Faith (promulgated at 
Dortrcht, Holland, in 1632) was adopt- 
ed in America by formal action. The 
fifteen Mennonist ministers of Ameri- 
ca in Conference, signed an Article of 
its approval and adoption here.Among 
these ministers, so signing and thus 
binding themselves and their congre- 
gations to that confession of faith 



were Hans Burkholder, Christian 
Herr, Benedict Hearshey, and Martin 
Baer (Bar) of Conestoga — Daniel 
Longanecker from Manatony. These 
are all of Berne ancestry. There was 
also a Henry Hunsecker and other of 
the Germantown Congregation. 

1727 — Comment on the Dortrecht Con- 
fession. 

In a previous article, we noticed 
how the Mennonists of Conestoga this 
year accepted the ancient Dortrecht 
confession of faith, adopted in 1632. A 
writer of note says that the Menno- 
nists and Aymenists refer for their 
principle and usages to their confes- 
sion of faith, published in Philadel- 
phia in 1727. This writer makes note 
of the fact that this year, to wit, 1727, 
they changed the method of baptism 
from immersion to affusion and that 
thereafter they were no longer known 
as Baptists or Anna-Baptists. It is 
not known generally that before that 
date the Mennonists believed only in 
immersion as the efficient form of 
baptism. This writer goes on to say 
that Aymenists or bearded Mennonists 
are the Amish of today (7 Haz. Reg. 
124.) He also says that the Menno- 
nists used later another confession of 
faith, one composed by Cornelius 
Riss, which was published in Hamburg 
in 1726 (do. 129). He gives a succinct 
history of the rise of the Mennonists 
at the page last mentioned and states 
that it arose largely out of opposition 
to infant baptism — that their main in- 
crease was along the Rhine and West- 
phalia, Holstein and the Netherlands. 
He tells of their rising and complete 
control of Munster, the capital of 
Westphalia. He speaks of the twenty- 
six missionaries sent out and notes 
that Melchior Hoffman was one of the 
strongest of them. He also says that 
in early days in Moravia, these peo- 
ple divided into three branches; one 
called the "buttoners" because they 



GERMAN-SWISS IMMIGRATION TO SUSQUEHANNA. 



229 



wore buttons; one called the "pin- 
ners" because they used wire pins and 
another the "hookers" because they 
wore hooks and eyes to fasten their 
clothes. lU^ also mentions two or 
three other classes. 

1727 — German Swiss Inimlijrad'on into 

Tennsjlvania This Year. 

In the year 1727, as we have already 
stated, the German and Swiss were 
pouring in so rapidly that the G'ov- 
ernment determined that they should 
be put under an oath or promise of 
allegiance. Ship owners were re- 
quired to make accurate lists of all of 
these people who came over to Penn- 
sylvania. Many came before 1727 as 
the County was pretty largely filled 
up before that time. But accurate and 
reliable information as to just how 
many there were, is to some extent 
wanting; but from 1727 onward we 
have reliable information. The Colo- 
nial Records show, that in 1727, iQye 
_shijiJoa.ds of these people came mak- 
ing a total of about 1,000 persons of 
whom 270 were male heads of fami- 
lies (3 Colonial Records 284, 287, 288, 
290). 

The names of the most familiar 
families that came over during this j 
year are: 2 Martins — 4 Bowmans — 2 
Bairs— 2 Graybills— 5 Hoffmans — 2 ! 
Hiestands — 4 Leamans — 10 Millers — 3 
Sieglers— 2 Siegrists— -2 Stauffers— 2 
Snavelys — 2 Svvartzes and 2 Zuggs. 
In addition to that, there were one of 
each of the following prominent Lan- 
caster County families in this year: 
Bixler — Diffenderfer — Frey — Funk 
— Gross — Good — Habecker — Host- 
ler — Keener — Kendig — Longe- 
necker — Landis — Oberholtzer — 
Swabb — Seitz — Shertz — Snyder — 
Strickler — Shultz — Schaeffer — 
Wolf — Weaver and Zimmerman. 

As to the ages of these people noth- 
ing is set forth in the Pennsylvania 
Archives (Vol. 17, 2nd. Series Pa. 



Archives), and none except the names 
of the men are given — that is only 272 
of the 1,000 persons. Boc!;inning about 
1730 we frequently find the ages 
given, names of women and children 
also and from the ages given in the 
lists, that are set out in full, we find 
that a great many of them were be- 
tween 20 and 40 years old; but a great 
many of them were very young chil- 
dren also. 

1728 — German Swiss Immigration into 
Pennsylvania This Year. 

In the year 1728 there was consid- 
erable falling off of German Swiss 
who came into our province. Only 
three ship loads are mentioned in the 
records in the Archives (3 Colonial, 
327, 328, 331, also Vol. 17, 2nd. Series 
Pa. Archives, pp. 12 to 15). The num- 
ber of the heads of families was only 
152; Including women and children 
the total number was 390. Among 
them occurred the following promi- 
nent names: 3 Dinkelbergs — 2 Den- 
lingers — 3 Grosses — 2 Groffs — 2 Keel- 
ers — 4 Millers — 2 Myers — 2 Mussers — 
2 Shirks— 3 Staulfers— 2 Engels— 2 
Schmidts (Smiths) and also one each 
of the following representative fami- 
lies: Bair — Bixler — Dumbach — 
Ebersole — Eshleman — Frey — Hen- 
sel — Hoffer — Newcomer — Forrey 

— Hellar — Neff — Pheffley — Rltter 

— Strickler — Sellers — Schumaker 
and Ranch. Nothing is known of the 
ages of these immigrants. 

1728— German-Swiss Arrivals in Lan- 
caster County. 

This year .Tahannes Kitzmiller of 
Germany, having purchased the con- 
sent of Nathaniel Evans, was given a 
license to build a mill on a vacant 
piece of land on the Little Conestoga 
Creek, and he was granted 400 acres 
there (Sec. Ser. Arch. Vol. 19. p. 757), 
and Jacob Huver reported 150 acres 
of vacant land on the went side of the 
Conestoga Creek, which he desired 



230 



GERMAN-SWISS LAND OCCUPATION. 



and it was granted to him (Do. 760). i 18th of April last. Nor does this 
The same year Hans Hess was given j arise, as I conceive, from any Dislike 
50 acres additional to his settlement j to the People themselves, many of 
near Conestoga (Do.); — and John i whom we know are peaceable, indus- 
Burkholder was given 200 acres ad- j trious and well affected, but it seems 
joining Ben Burkholder's land on the i principally intended to prevent an 
Little Conestoga (Do. 755). We find in j English Plantation from being turned 
these names the beginnings of the into a Colony of Aliens. It may also 
Burkholder and Hess and Hoover require our Thoughts to prevent the 
families, who now inhabit the Con- 1 Importation of Irish Papists and Con- 
estoga locality so numerously. Kitz- \ victs, of whom some of the most no- 
miller is not so numerous a name at torious I am credibly infoiuned, have 
present; but the name is found fre- of late been landed in this River." (3 
quently in Berks and adjacent coun- Col. Rec. 342.) It is rather annoying 
ties. Pequea, in the region adjacent I at this late day to have the ancestors 
to New Holland, received some addi- ' of our good German-Swiss people of 



tional settlers this year, as well as did 
the Strasburg section; and on the Sus- 
quehanna. George Stewart obtained 
200 acres, being a part of the land 
owned by Isaac Taylor, between lands 
of John Gardner and Robert Wilkins 
(Do. 759). About the same time, 
Joseph Jones was given the right to 
settle on the Conowingo Creek. 

1728 — England Opposed to Further 
Swiss Settlement Here. 

We have noticed that the proprietor 
of Pennsylvania and the English in- 
habitants and owners of the province 
of Pennsylvania, several times became 



this county classed with criminals or 
convicts. Tbe grov/th of Papacy we 
can here also see was struck at in 
these earlier times. All these obstruc- 
tions put in the way of the earlier 
settlers add additional luster and 
glory to their pluck in continuing to 
ooQue and settle the land. 

1728 — Gennan-Swiss Actively Trading 
With Philadelphia. 

It is interesting to note the extent 
of the commercial and industrial ac- 
tivity at different stages of our local 
historical development. The year 
1728 was the year before Lancaster 



frightened less the Germans should , County was formed, and according to 
completely crowd them out. The fear ' Witham Marsih, was the year that the 
seemed to have reached England this first house was built in the location. 



year, because this year governor Gor- 
don stated to the House of Repre- 
sentatives of Pennsylvania, in his ad- 
dress to them, that Great Britain de- 
manded these people should not be 
allowed to come into Pennsylvania 
hereafter. Part of his message on this 



which is now Lancaster. Samuel 
Blunston, who lived on the Susque- 
hanna, in writing a letter to James 
Logan, dated the 12th of May 1728, 
among other things, states that "there 
are a great many wagons going down 
this week to Philadelphia, and It is 



subject is as follows: "I must make needless now to engage any more for 



use of this Opportunity to acquaint 
you, that I have now positive Orders 
from Great Britain to provide by a 
proper Law, against these crowds of 
Foreigners who are yearly pour'd in 



you may have your choice." He also 
states that provisions were very 
scarce in this section. (1 Pa. Arch. 
216.) The reason I mentioned the 
extracts from this letter is that it 



upon us, of which the iate Assembly ; shows the activity of our German- 
took notice in a message to mc of the Swiss ancestors in trading with Phil- 



FEAR OF GERMAN-SWISS INFLUX. 



231 



adelphia. So many wagons moving at ' 
that time between Philadelphia and 
the Conestoga Creek was to give, as 
he says, in his letter, any one a choice 
of going down by one of the several 
wagons continually on the move. i 

1728— Swiss Hretliren Ajrain Ask Hoi- 

land's Aid. I 

This year the Swiss brethren suf- [ 
fering for religions sake and desiring 
to emigrate to America, asked Hol- 
land again to aid them. There was 
great poverty among these suffering 
people at this time. But they were 
not all honest in their poverty — not 
only beggars; but also imipostors. A 
certain Rudolph Agh, a teacher in the 
non-resistant church was deposed 
from his office for imposing on the 
charitably inclined. A Daniel Landes 
was found making collections without 
warrant authority, also. He operated 
in Germany and Holland. In Gerold- 
sheim a Hans Burkholder, a teacher 
since 1702, was found soliciting from 
the Holland commissioners, a hun- 
dred guilders and then five hundred 
for the faanily of Christian Wenger, 
impoverished as he said, by reason of 
the cattle disease. The need was 
found to be genuine. He asserted 
that the Mennonist congregation at 
Geroldsheim were subject to an extra 
assessment or contribution of 1500 
guilders toward the expense of the 
coronation of the new elector. Com- 
plaint was made against this by the 
brethren who felt that Burkholder 
was urging the government to extract 
this from his own people, for profit to 
himself. Numerous complaints were 
made about this by the brethren, also 
against the poll tax upon them which 
was doubled about this time per capi- 
ta. (Miiller 20S.) 



1728 — Swiss and German Brediren 

Allowed to Come Into Tenna. 

from >'ew York. 

This year a number of the non-re- 
sistant brethren, who in the Exodus 
from Germany and Switzerland unto 
England in 1709 succeeded in reach- 
ing New York with the assistance of 
Governor Hunter, were allowed to 
settle on Tulpyhocken Creek in Mont- 
gomeiy County and surrounding 
country. There were 3,000 of them 
who came to New York, where they 
lived 19 years and then finding the 
iSfew York policy not to their advant- 
age, prayed permission to move to 
Pennsylvania, which they were al- 
lowed to do. (3 Col. Rec. 325.) 

1728 — General Extitonient and Alarm 

Continnes in Fenna. from the 

German-Swiss luilux. 

The large numbers of our German 
Swiss ancestors now continually 
coming to us, increased the general 
alarm which had excited tne people 
for some time. The Assembly noted 
that "thousands of Palatines" are now 
coming and held strongly that they 
"refused to obey" our laws. (3 Votes 
of Assembly 42.) It is claimed they 
were unlawfully on Tulpyhocken 
Creek. This was false (3 Col. Rec. 
325). They were complained against 
for owning and conveying land, con- 
trary to law, without being natural- 
ized. (3 Votes of Assembly 42.) Many 
applied to be naturalized but were 
long delayed. (3 Votes of Assembly 
43 and 45.) Reports officially made 
on their citizenship and behavior were 
good. (Do.) The government of Penn- 
sylvania appointed a committee with 
full charge and control of the Menno- 
nist or Palatinate question. (3 Votes 
of Assembly 46.) Governor Keith was 
their friend, however. (3 Col. Rec. 
325-325.) More petitions to be allowed 
to hold land were filed by them — but 
the delay continued. (3 Votes of As- 



232 



NATURALIZATION OF GERMAN-SWISS. 



sembly 435-436.) The subject of the 
treatment of our German-Swiss an- 
cestors as to holding of land is com- 
prehensively treated in Mr. Sache's 
Works and a succinct write-up of the 
same may be found in the Philadelphia 
Bulletin of Jan. 31, 1910, under "Men 
and Things." 

1729 — German Swiss Immigration into 
Pennsylvania This Year. 

Tills is the year that Lancaster 
County was created out of Chester 
County. The German Swiss immi- 
grants this year consisted, as far as 
the oath of allegiance is concerned, of 
only 2 ship loads containing 134 heads 
of families or a total list of 306 (3 
Colonial Record 367, 368, also Vol 17, 
2nd. Series of Archives, pp. 15 and 
18). The ages are not given; but the 
names of the female passengers who 
were on the last ship load are given, 
however. Turning to the names we 
find that there were 2 Freys— 3 Mil- 
lers — 2 Moores — 4 Macks — 2 Bossarts 
• — 3 Snyders and 2 Weavers in the list 
and one each of the following: Bow- 
man — Bumgardner — Christ — Esh- 
leman — Hoffer — Klllheffer — Long- 
enecker — Ranch— Rote and Snave'.y. 

1729 — ^'atiiralizafion of our German 

Swiss Ancestors. 

As we have written before, the sub- 
pect of naturalization was a grievance 
•which was continually affecting our 
ancestor;. A great leader in all steps 
for the advancement of these brethren 
was Martin My Tin (Rupp 75). He was 
conitinually looking out for their wel- 
fare. This year a large number of 
these people were naturalized (Rupp 
121). The complete act of naturaliza- 
tion is found in Vol. 4, Statutes at 
Large, page 147, and, it seems that the 
original document itself, which Mar- 
tin Mylln so ably helped to secure, 
was in the possession of himself and 
his descendants for many years. Rupp 



states that 114 years it was in the 
possession of the Mylin family; and 
when he wrote his history of the 
county, Abraham Mylin of West Lam- 
peter Township near Willow Street 
had the original naturalization act and 
slioiwed it to him. The act as set 
forth In the Statutes at Large, omit- 
ting such parts as are repetitions is 
as follows; "An act for the better 
enabling divers inhabitants of the 
province of Pennsylvania to hold 
lands, and to invest them with the 
privileges of natural-born subjects of 
the said province. 

Whereas by the encouragement 
given by the Honorable William Penn, 
Esquire, late proprietary and gov- 
ernor of the province of Pennsylvania, 
and by the permission of his late 
Majesty, King George the First, of 
blessed memory, and his predecessors, 
Kings and Queens of England, etc., 
divers Protestants who were subjects 
to the Emperor of Germany, a prince 
in amity with the Crown of Great 
Britain, transported themselves and 
estates into the province of Pennsyl- 
vania between tilie years one thousand 
seven hundred and one thousand seven 
hundred and eighteen, and since they 
came hither have contributed to the 
enlargement of the British Empire 
and to the raising and improving 
sundry commodities fit for the mar- 
kets of Europe, and have always be- 
haved themselves religiously and 
pea'ceably, and have paid a due regard 
and obedience to the laws and gov- 
ernment of this ijrovince 

(Section 1.) Be it enacted by the 
Honorable Patrick Gordon, Esquire, 
(Lieutenant) Governor of the Pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania, etc., by and 
with the advice and consent of the 
freemen of the said Province in Gen- 
eral Assembly met, and by the author- 
ity of the same. That Martyn Mylin, 
Hans Graaf, Christian Stonemen, 
Jacob Funk, Francis Neiff, Junior; 



EARLY LAXCASTEH COUNTIAXS NATURALIZED. 



::}3 



Oeorge Kindick, John Biirkholder, 
John Biirkholder, Junior; Abraham 
Burkholder, Michael Bohman, John 
Hess, John Frederick, Christopher 
Preniman, .Martin Harni-t. Joseph 
Buckwalter, Felix Landas, Junior; 
Adam Preniman, John Funk, John 
Bohman, John Taylor, Henry Xeiff, 
Michael Mire, Henry Bare, Peter 
Bumgarner, Melcor Hufford, Melcor 
Erishman. John Brubaker, Jacob 
Nisley, Jacob Snevely, Jacob Goot, 
John Woolslegle. Jacob Mire, Christo- 
pher Sowers, Joseph Stoneman, Dan- 
iel Ashleman.Christian Peelman, John 
Henry Xeiff, John Henry Xeiff, Junior; 
Abraham Hare, John Ferie, Jacob 
Biere, Peter Yordea, Peter Leamon, 
John Jacob Snevely, Isaac Coffman, 
Andrew Coffman, Woolrick Rodte, 
Henry Funk. Roody Mire, John Mylin, 
Jacob Bheme, John Coffman, Michael 
Doneder, Charles Christopher, An- 
dres Shults, John Howser, Christian 
Preniman, Jacob Miller, black; Henry 
Cariienter. Emanuel Carpenter, Ga- 
briel Carpenter, Daniel Herman, 
Christian Herman, Philip Fiere, 
:\Iathias Slaremaker, big John Shenk, 
Jacob Churts, Jacob Snevely, Junior; 
John Woolrick Houver. John Croyder. 
John Leeghte, Martin Graaf, Peter 
Smith, Peter Xewcomat, Jacob Bare, 
Junior; John Henry Bare. Jacob 
AVeaver, Henry Weaver, John Weaver. 
David Long-anickar, George Weaver, 
Abraham Mire, Woolrick Houser, John 
Mire, Henry Musselman, Michael 
Shank. Jacob Miller. Jacob Miller, 
Junior; Martin Miller, Peter Ay be, 
Hans Goot, Christian Staner. John 
Jacob Light, Adam Brand, Christopher 
Franciscus, Caspar Loughman, Fred : 
erick Stay. John Line, John Shwope, ! 
Bastian Royer, Jonas Lerow. Simeon I 
King, John Aybe. Everard Ream, all ' 
of Lancaster County and John Xegley, , 
Bernard Ressor, John Wister, John! 
Frederick Ax, John Philip Bohm, ' 
Anthony Yerkbas and Herman Yerk- ! 



I has, of Phil. County, be and shall be 
to all intents and purposes deemed, 
, taken and esteemed His Majesty's 
' natural-born subjects of this province 
of Pennsylvania as if they and each 
of them had been born within the said 
! province, and shall and may and 
j every of them shall and may within 
I this province take, receive, enjoy and 
I be entitled to all rights, privileges 
i and advantages of natural-born sub- 
: jects as fully to all intents, construc- 
j tions and purposes whatsoever as any 
I of His Majesity's natural-born sub- 
jects of this province can, do or ought 
to enjoy by virtue of their being His 
Majesty's natural-born subjects of 
His Majesty in said province of Penn- 
sylvania." (Passed February 14, 1729- 
30.) Apparently never considered by 
the Crown, but allowed to become a 
law by lapse of time, in accordance 
with the proprietary charter.) 

We observe in this thiat nearly all 
of these are Lancaster County per- 
sons, and the act of naturalization, in 
addition to giving them the right to 
hold land, gives us an accurate his- 
tory of the time when they came to 
this country, as we observe that the 
preamble to (the act states that they 
came between 1700 and 1718. In this, 
therefore, many persons today may 
ascertain that their first ancestor in 
this countr>' arrived here before the 
year 1718. 

1729— Rohbors Harass Onr Early Ger- 
man-Swiss Ancestors. 

A picture of the dangers which our 
early German-Swiss ancestors here 
were exposed to (in addition to dan- 
gers from Indians) is painted in an 
article found in the Gazette of April 
12, 1729, as follows: 

"We hear there are associated to- 
gether a company of Irish robbers, 
the chief of whom are said to be one 
Bennet, whom they call their captain: 
and one Lynch, whom they call their 



234 



THE EXODUS OF GERMAN-SWISS TO AJMERICA. 



lieutenant, with Dobbs, Wiggins and 
many others who skulk about this and 
the neighboring provinces ; their vil- 
lianies being to steal the best horses 
and load them with the best goods, 
and carry them off before people's 
faces, which they have lately done in 
or about Conestoga. It seems their 
usual practice has been to steal 
horses from this province and the 
Jerseys and carry them to sell in 
Maryland, Virginia and North Caro- 
lina. It is said they began to grow 
more numerous and have a place of 
rendezvous where they meet to con- 
sult how to perpetuate their roguer- 
ies and to entertain all like them- 
selves." 

This makes it clear that there were i 
many drawbacks in the "good old 
times" and that the pathway was far 
from a sunny one with continual fear 
of savages and robbers and wild 
beasts uppermost in the minds of all. 

1729— Complete Registry Kept of Ger- 
man-Swiss Immigrants of Penna. 

From about the year 1726 onward it [ 
was the law that all immigrants into ; 
Penna. who were not subject to Great 
Britain and Ireland were compelled 
to be registered and their names, dates 
of arrivals and the ships in which 
they arrived were all taken down and j 
preserved. Thus we have a list of I 
about thirty thousand or more of the 
names of our German Swiss ances- 
tors largely of this county, but con- ! 
taining some of adjoining counties. 
And in the Colonial Records these 
names may be found. Rupp's "Thirty 
Thousand Names" was made up from 
these ship lists. By this means, \ 
thousands of people today in Lancas- | 
ter County can find the names of the 
original members of their family who 
arrived here. They nearly all came 
from Rotterdam ibut the ships touched 
at Cowes or other points in England, 
on the way to America. TTie names 



of these immigrants and the ships on 
which they came are entirely too 
numerous to set forth in this work 
as they constitute a complete book in 
themselves. ^ 

1729— Temporary Falling Off of Ger- 
man-Swiss Immigrants. 

The real exodus of German-Swiss 
immigrants into this section occurred 
a few years after 1729. In the year 
1728 the immigration was only 152 
families, making up 390 persons. In 
1729, 243 persons came and yet this 
number caused the English govern- 
ment to be much afraid of them. Dur- 
ing 1729 there were 267 Welsh immi- 
grants, 43 Scotch, 1155 Irish and only 
243 German-Swiss Palatines; and the 
same year by way of New Castle 
there was 4500 Irish immigrants. So 
we can see that the number of Ger- 
man-Swiss that were corning at that 
time compared to the Irish was very 
small. Later, however, the German- 
Swiss came by thousands. (Rupp 
195-196.) 

Among the Irish there were some 
Iris'h noblemen, as appears in the 
Penna. Gazette of April 12th this year. 
An account of the coming about this 
time of our ancestors is also found in 
(7 Haz. Reg. 150). 

1729 — Conrad Beissel, the German's 
Great Friend, Arrives. 

About 1720 there arrived in America 
a German native of great usefulness 
and power. He settled at Millport, 
Lancaster County, in 1729, where he 
and a companion built themselves a 
house. He gave his attention to re- 
ligious matters almost entirely. He 
was the first in America to insist that 
Saturday was the true Sabbath. He 
contended, therefore, that the 7th day 
was the Sabbath. Before he moved to 
Millport he had published a tract on 
the subject which caused a great deal 
of excitement throughout this region. 
(Harris 44.) 



WILD BEASTS AND DANGERS AT CONESTOGA. 



235 



1730— Wild Heasts— The \eieIibors of 
Our Early Ancestors. 

A graphic picture of the wild ani- 
mals living plentifully about the resi- 
dences of our German Swiss ances- 
tors is given in the American Weekly- 
Mercury of Jan. 14, 1729, and of Jan. 
27, 1729. The first is a picture of a 
panther that was killed near Cones- 
toga. The article states that he had 
been among some of the swine in the 
aight and the owner hearing a noise 
went out with a couple of dogs to 
drive him away. The animal had got- 
ten up into a large tree. The farmer 
did not know what kind of an animal 
it was. He made a fire under the 
tree and left the women of his house- 
hold to watch it, while he went to a 
neighbor for a gun. They fired at the 
animal twice and the second shot 
broke his fore legs. The infuriated 
animal made a great desperate leap 
and fell to the ground near the peo- 
ple who just managed to get out of his 
way. The dogs seized him and after 
another shot he was killed. The sec- 
ond item is also about Conestoga and 
this item sets forth that at Conestoga 
the beginning of January, Christopher 
Franciscus was wakened up in the 
night by a disturbance among his 
sheep and he arose and went out and 
found that a wolf had been in the 
sheep pen but that in jumping over 
the fence one of his legs was caught 
and he could not get away. Francis- 
cus took a strong grasp upon the 
wolf's neck and held his leg by his 
other hand; then he threw him on the 
ground and forced his knee on his 
body and called for his daughter, who 
came with a large knife and ripped 
him open, letting out his entrails. I 
put this under the date of 1730 be- 
cause in the olden times, January and 
February were the last two months 
of the year instead of the first two — 
the first month being March. When 
the calendar was re-arran?ed about 



1750. January and February fell in 
the following year, so that it was 
really 1730 in this case. 

1730 — Indians at Conest<»ga Disup- 
prove the Great Inrush of Ger- 
man-Swiss 

This year Captain Civility, a chief of 
the Conestogas, wrote a letter to Gov- 
ernor Gordon saying that when he was 
at Lancaster a short time before he 
heard much talk about the crowds of 
"Dutch" who were going to settle on 
the Susquehanna and that the Indian 
lands were being surveyed there to be 
sold to the Dutch. This he said gave 
his tribe much trouble and uneasiness. 
The Indians' road for hunting would 
be shut off, he said. The letter is dated 
September 28, 1730. (1 Pa. Archives 
271.) 

1730 — Our German-Swiss Ancestors 
Not to Be Drawn as Jurors. 

According to Hazard (7 Haz. Reg. 
150) the sheriffs of Pennsylvania were 
ordered this year, by Gov. Gordon, not 
to summon any of the Mennonist peo- 
ple nor the other non-resistant sect 
as jurors. This, he says, was done be- 
cause they held God only could punish 
man and that the Courts had no right 
to deprive any one of liberty or life at 
all. Besides this, an oath was re- 
quired of a juror and these people 
would not so qualify (Do. 152). One 
of the finest characters and purest 
minds in Pennsylvania, Emanuel Zim- 
merman or Carpenter, this year, 
framed and pushed to adoption a me- 
morial for the Amish and Mennonists 
and all plain sects, asking the legisla- 
ture to provide by a law passed that 
these people might take an affirmation 
istead of an oath. 

1730— Onr Ancestors' Gx)od Character 

Certified. 

In January this year the governor 
of Pennsylvania came out and certified 



236 



IMMIGRATION TAX— CHURCHES AND SCHOOL HOUSE. 



to the sterling qualities of the early 
Germans and Swiss here on the Sus- 
quehanna in a message to the Assem- 
hly. All sorts of rumors had been 
afloat as to them for several years — to 
the effect that they were an unpatrio- 
tic and disloyal people. Thus when 
they petitioned for naturalization he 
made a careful investigation into their 
character, customs, etc. And on this 
point he says to the assembly: "Upon 
application made to me in behalf of 
several Germans, now inhabitants of 
the County of Lancaster, that they 
may enjoy the Rights & Privileges of 
English Subjects, & for that End pray- 
ing to be naturalized; I have made 
Enquiry & find that those whose 
names are subjoyned to a Petition that 
will be laid before your House are 
principally such who many years 
since have come into this province 
under a particular agreement with our 
late Honourable Proprietor at London 
& have regularly taken up lands under 
him. It likewise appears to me by 
good Information, that they have hith- 
erto behaved themselves well, and 
have generally so good a Character 
for Honesty and Industry as deserves 
the Esteem of this Government, & a 
Mark of its Regard for them. I am 
therefore inclined from these Consid- 
erations to favour their Request, & 
hope you will joyn with me in passing 
a Bill for their Naturalization." 

1730 — Our Ancestors Pray that Immi- 
gration Tax Against Tbem Be 
Removed. 

In Vol 3 Votes of Assembly, p. 99, 
there is a minute account of the peti- 
tion and application presented by our 
German-Swiss ancestors to have the 
immigration tax removal which dis- 
criminated against them. They failed 
in this, how^ever, as the English gov- 
ernment felt a jealousy against Ger- 
many and Switzerland on account of 
the strong and influential foothold 



they were securing in the English 
government in America, especially in 
Pennsylvania. 

1730 — Overman Swiss Immigralion into 
Pennsylvania This Tear. 

In 1730 the list of immigrants was 
small, there being only three ship 
loads consisting of 147 persons or 440 
all told (3 Colonial Records, 385, 386, 
289, Vol. 17 Pennsylvania Archives, 
2nd. Series, pp. 20 ajid 22). The names 
of the women and children are given 
in the last ship load and the ages of 
the entire lot. The oldest person was 
Christian Miller, 60 years old. There 
was another Mike Shever 50 years old 
and Margaret Miller 50 years old. The 
ages of the others would average 
about 20 or 22 years. The greater 
number by far of them being between 
20 and 35 years. This shows that 
they were mostly the middle aged peo- 
ple that were coming across at this 
time. Among the prominent families 
that came this year we find 3 Bairs — 
2 Burgers — 3 Hoffmans — 3 Hesses — 2 
Hartmans — 3 Hertzlers— 6 Millers — 4 
Myers_— 4 Schaeffers and 2 Smiths. 
There were also one each of the fol- 
lowing prominent families: Amnion 
— Good — Gross — Kellar — Kep- 
linger — Leaman — Minnich — Ober- 
holtzer — Shultz — Bitner and Bricker. 

1731 — Onr German-Swiss Ancestors 

Succeed in the Right To Hold and 

Transfer land. 

After a hard struggle lasting through 
several years, our German-Swiss an- 
cestors succeeded in having a law 
passed allowing them rights in real 
estate the same as other people. The 
law was passed Feb. 6, 1731 (4 St. L. 
208). The Act sets out that at their 
own cost they purchased small pieces 
of land in Pennsylvania and erected 
churches and other houses of religious 
worship and school houses and alms- 
houses thereon, and enclosed burying 



PARTICULAR LOCATION OF OUR ANCESTORS l.\ THE PALTLNATE. 237 



groun;ls. It then goes on and allows' 
them the rights they prayed for. It 
also allowed their religious societies 
to hold property for religious, educa- 
tional and charitable purposes. 

1721— Our (ierinaii-Swiss Ancestors 

Build Many Churches and School 

Houses. 

The Act of Assembly last referred to ; 
shows plainly that our German-Swiss 
forebears built churches and schools 
as soon as they arrived. 

1731 — Residence of Our Swiss Ances- 
tors in the Palatinate at : 
This Time. I 

Miiller (p. 209-212) gives us an 
adequate idea of where the Swiss 
(who came to the Rhine Valley 
earlier) lived in that Valley at this 
time. He says there were in the con- ' 
gregation at Friedelsheim (about 
eight miles from Xeustadt) forty 
families. The ministers were Hanz 
Tchantz (Johns) and Hans Jacob 
Schneider. In the congregation six 
miles south of Worms 40 families, 
whose ministers were Hans Burlt- 
holder, Christian Burkholder, Chris- 
tian Stauffer, — the last named a dea- 
con of Ober Sultzheim. Of the con- 
gregation of Ibersheim near Worms, 
the minister was Hans Jacob Heist- 
and and the deacon Abram Burk- 
holder. In the Tribbach congregation, 
John Neff was minister and Hans 
Longanecker deacon. Altogether, 
says Miiller, there were in the Palati- 
nate (or Rhine Valley) 458 families 
of Swiss below Manheim and 160 
families above Manheim — in all 618 
families. 

1731 — Names of Stviss Mennonites in 
Upper Rhine Valley Tliis Year. 

Miiller (page 209 et seq.) give the 
following persons as those constitut- 
ing the Swiss Mennonite cong'rega- 



tions above Manheim in the Palatinate 
in the year 1731 : 

(1) The congregation on the Zieh- 
merhof one hour (4 miles) from the 
city of Wimpfen on the Xeckar, to the 
northwest. The heads of the family 
are Ulrich Steckley, Nich. Schnepacli, 
Hans Loscher, Hans Wittmer, Jacob 
Lehmann's widow, Chr. Hodel, Jacob 
Kauffman, Hans Wittmer, Hans Bloet- 
scher, Peter Gran's widow, Uirlch 
Gletler, Nich. Neukomn, Nich. Ploet- 
scher. Minister of the congregation; 
— Ulrich Neukomm of Griembach, — 
Markus Frantz, and Hans Baechtel 
Deacons. 

(2) The congregation on the Biiech- 
elhoff two and one half hours 
from Wimpfen on the Neckar to the 
northwest: Christian, Hans and Dan- 
iel Neukomm, Peter and Jacob Kraeh- 
enbuehl, Henry Engersten's widow, 
Nich Wagner, Hans Horsch, Peter 
Brand, Hans Kuendig, Tob. Hodel. 
Minister of the Congregation Samuel 
Boechtel at Unter-Gambfer, Nich 
Krahenbuhl, — deacon at Dreschkiln^- 
en. 

(3) The congregation at Hassel- 
bach one hour from Bischofsheim to 
tlie South Kaspar Rasy, Hans Hecht, 
Hans and Peter Witmer, Melchoir 
Bauman, Melchoir Huersch, Henry Vol 
Weiters (Vollen Veider's) widow, Hans 
and Jacob Schenk, Oswald Hofstetter, 
Samuel Lierstein, and Samuel Dier- 
stein's widow, Hans Ringstbacher's 
(Rindlisbacher), Chr. Gaumann, David 
Kauffman, Peter Rasch's widow. Min- 
ister of the congregation: — Abr. Zer- 
sert on the Rauhof, Valantine Wagner, 
— deacon at Haselbach. 

(4) The congregation at Halmstad 
one hour from Bischofsheina to tlie 
north, Ulrich Iseli, Henry and Hans 
Wagner, Christian Kleh, Andr. Diter, 
Andr. Schmits, Peter Neuenschwan- 
der, Peter Aebi, Nichlaus Strahm, Val. 
Schmitz. Minister of the congrega- 



238 



PARTICULAR HOME OF OUR PALATINE ANCESTORS. 



tion: Hans Schmitz at Haelmstad and 
Chr. Schmitz of the same place. 

(5). The congregation of the Bok- 
schaft, two hours from Ebingen to the 
northwest: Hans Landis, Hans and 
Chr. Brand, Hans Dierstein Peter 
Moser, David Kobel, Ulrich Burkhal- 
ter, Chr. Martin, Hans Schaerer's 
widow, Samuel Nysli, Samuel Hess, 
Samuel and Martin Meyer, Hans Hu- 
ber, two Hans Schaerer, Hans Graf, 
Chr. Shenk, Chr. Kraitter, Chr. Ober- 
holtzer, Peter Graf. Minister of the 
congregation: Heinrich Kuendig in 
Grambach. Martin Kreiter, deacon in: 
Zetlingen. 

(6) The congregation on the Strei- 
genberg, one hour from Ehingen east- 
ward: Heinrich Beer, Samuel Funk, 
two Hans Frei, Hans Baehr, Fr. 
Rohrer, Hans Hodel, Hans Funk, Jost 
Glnecki, Hans Mueller. Ministers of 
the congregation, Chr. Janw. on Strei- 
genberg, Hans Funk in Richen, Hans 
Heinrich, Mueller, — deacon in Ebin- 
gen; Peter Plaettle, deacon in Strei- 
genberg. 

(7) The congregation in Wesingen 
two hours from Durlack eastward, 
Hans Chr. Ruth (Rupp?), Samuel 
Kraehenbuehl, Nich. Hassler, Hans 
Eschbacher, Hans Gut, Hans Bauman, 
Phil. Schneider. Minister of the con 
gregation; Chr. Eschbacher in "Wes- 
ingen, Ulrich Schneider, — deacon in 
Kraetzingen. (Rupp 209.) 

(8) The congregation in Meeke- 
sheim, two hours from Neckarsmond, 
southward: Samuel Ploetscher, Jas. 
Huersch, Nich. Brand, Peter and Hans 
Bueller, Hans and Jacob Zety, Hans 
Rohrer, Nich. Myer's widow, Benj. 
Nich. and two Hans Musselman (Mos- 
imann?), Hans Jacob and Hans 
Kauffman. Minister of the congrega- 
tion: David Kauffman in Dasbach, 
Hans Bresler in Langzael, Hch. Lan- 
dis, deacon in Zutzenhausen. 



(9) The congregation on the high 
Eckerhof one hour from Wersloch 
eastward. Jacob Shallenberger, Chr. 
Wenger's widow, Hans Gleller, Peter 
Allenbach, Nicholaus Gutzler, Jost 
Gutzler's widow, Chr. Fuchs, Nich. 
Bachtel, Daniel Hattel, Hans Fallman, 
Nat. Schenk's widow. Minister of the 
congregation : Christian Bachman, in 
Wersloch, Hans Meyer in convent 
Logefield, Hans Plaetcher, deacon in 
Mechersheim. 

(10) The congregation on the 
iiaschlof one hour from Neustadt, 
northward. Peter Schneider, Chr. p<7 
Frantz, Andreas Moeselmann, Peter 
Kunzi, Daniel Gran, Ulrich Neukomn. 
Minister of the congregation: Chr. 
and Nath. Moeselmann. 

(11) The congregation on the Im- 
melthaeuserhof, one hour from Sintz- 
helm, southward, Chr. Buenkeli, 
(Binggeli) Samuel Frei, Hans Baehr, 
Hans Brand, Heinrich Mueller, Hein- 
rich Schab, Peter Gut, Claus Gerber, 
Hans Lienhard, Jacob and Samuel 
Schneider, Martin and Jacob Ober- 
holtzer, Chr. Huber. Minister of the 
congregation: Chr. Eicher on the Im 
melhaenserhof, Rudolph Linhard at 
Rohrbach, Peter Moser, deacon in 
Logefield, Hans Plaetcher, deacon in 
Mechersheim. 

(12) The congregation in Thern- 
heim, one half hour from Sintzheim 
southwestward: Jacob Meyer, Chr. 
Herr, Rudolph Plaetscher, Peter 
Brand, Hans Wisler, Hans Pfaeffli, 
Hans Herr, Nich. Kratter, Nich. 
Meii, Hans Jacob Santer, Bend. Wiss- 
ler. Minister of the congregation: 
Rundolp Linhard of Rohrbach, Sam- 
uel Meyer, — deacon at Dirhheim. 

(13) The congregation on the 
Rohrhof, two hours from Mannheim 
eastwards, Hans Schwarz, Wolfgang 
Hall, Hans Rudolph Schneebeli, Hans 
Jnerg Bachstel, Hans Meyer's widow, 
Hans Bachman, Melch. Hanri, Hans 



CONESTOGA FOREST FIRES. 



239 



Werner, Peter Biirchdalff, Hans Jacob 
Schneider, Hans Sanrer, Greg. Stoe- 
ger's widow. Ministers of the congre- 
gation: Jost. Eschbacher, in Oelbel- 
lenheini, Meichoir Foeimann in 
Bruchhausen, Chr. Neukommer, — dea- 
con in the Rohrhof making together 
160 house fathers or families. 

1731 — Additional German Swiss Set- 
tlements in Our t'ounty. 

Rupp says, page 78, Mart Kendig 
built a walnut log house on his large 
tract of 1060 acres. This tract, as we 
have seen before, included all the 
land between Willow Street pike and 
the West Willow road on the east and 
west and extended from the property 
of William G. Mellinger to John Rush 
on the north and south. 

According to the Colonial records. 
Volume 3, page 381, seven shiploads 
of German-Swiss arrived at Philadel- 
phia this year and nearly all came to 
the Conestoga Valley, (See page 417). 
Several Acts of Assembly were passed 
concerning these people. They laid a 
duty or tax upon them because they 
were foreigners, (See 4 Statute at 
large, 135). Laws were also passed j 
naturalizing them and enabling them 
to hold land. (See same book, page 
20). The discussion concerning this 
right to hold land, as it took place in 
the Assembly of Pennsylvania may be 
found in Vol. 3 votes of Assembly, 
page 131. Many of them were 
naturalized by a later act, this same 
year. The naturalization is found in 
4 Statutes at Large 147. We have j 
discussed under the date of 1729. i 
Those naturalized under the act 1731 
(Page 219) were German Swiss who 
settled in Philadelphia County and 
city and Bucks County and Chester 
County. Some of the names promi- 
nent in the list are: Ziegler, Detweil- 
er, Hunsecker, Zimmerman, Schmidt, 
Mayer, Bowman, Swartz, Andrews, 
Levand, Kauffman, Shenkel, Hoff- 



nagel, Cressman, Funk, Schrack, 
Seltzer, Pennypacker, Hollaubiak, 
Reiff, Peters, Kline, Snyder, Kosdorf, 
Sander, Bauchman, Roth and Acker. 
None appear in the list as Lancaster 
County settlers. 

1731 — Early Forest Fires and Other 
Items. 

In the American Weekly Mercury 
under the date of April 15, this year 
the following items appear, "Last 
Monday (April 12) a number of wa- 
gons, coming from Conestoga to the 
city of Philadelphia laden with flour 
and hemp, etc., were set afire by burn- 
ing bushes along the road. The hemp 
burned with such violence, that it was 
with great difficulty that they saved 
the wagon. They lost all their hemp, 
four bags of flour and six bags of pro- 
vender." 

This item shows that there was a 
trade between Conestoga and Phila- 
delphia, in the hemp and flour busi- 
ness. The mills on the Conestoga and 
other Lancaster County places were 
manufacturing flour for Philadelphia 
and growing hemp. Hemp raising 
was so general, among our Germans, 
that in fact, Hempfield Township was 
named from it. Another thing made 
plain is that there were evidently, 
much wood and underbrush along the 
road in these early times, nearly 183 
years ago or more. 

From the Pennsylvania Gazette, 
under the date of May 6, 1731, there is 
an item reported as follows: "From 
Lancaster County, we hear that on 
the 18ih past the woods being afire 
some people fearing that their fences 
would be burned, went out to save 
them, when a child following them 
wandered along the rails and being 
surrounded by fire the flames seized 
her clothes and she was burned to 
death." Tliis is not an unusual item 
especially; but it gives some light 



240 



THE ESHLEMAN FAMILY (SWISS). 



upon the early condition in and about 
Lancaster. i 

Anotlier item of early German Swiss 
days, of Lancaster County, is that, 
surrounding tlie name of Mary Ditch- j 
er, in Volume 9 of Hazzar's Register, 
page 119. Mr. Conynghgam, proficient i 
writer, states that, land back to the i 
Susquehanna river, was settled in the 
Neighborhood of Columbia, by Far- 1 
ricks, Strickler, Garbers, and others ; ' 
and that they purchased their first 
right from Mary Ditcher, an old Ger- j 
man woman who went about making 
what she called, improvements. This 
consisted of a few sticks put together 
and a fire kindled and a kettle hung 
over it, which constituted her claim. 
She would sell out her claim for a 
trifle and then move and take up an- 
other claim. The article continues 
and says that she wandered through 
woods leading her horse, which was 
her only property, with her knitting 
in her hand and clad in sheep skin. 
T'he writer gives a good description 
of the founding of Columbia, also. 

1731— The Eslileman Family. 

The following receipt is found in 
Rupp page 75, "Received September 
29, 1731 of Martin Mylin, 8 pounds, 11 
shilling and 8 pence for passage and , 
head money of John Eschellman. 

Signed Thomas Lawrence." 

This suggests that an item on the 
Eshleman Family might properly be 
entered at this point. , 

The Eshlemans arrived in America I 
and in the Susquehanna Valley, much 
earlier than 1731 ; and perhaps the j 
chronology of these annals would be ; 
better preserved, by this item having 
been entered under the earliest date 
of any Eshleman arrival here. But as 
that was omitted, this item may as , 
properly be entered now as at any i 
other time. 

The earliest arrival of an Eshleman 
in what is now Lancaster County of 



whom there is reliable proof, is that 
of Daniel Ashleman, who came be- 
fore 1718, as set forth in the Act of 
naturalization which embraced him, 
recorded in Vol. 4 St. L. 147. He is 
stated there as one of those who came 
before 1718 and as a native of Lan-' 
caster County. (See also Rupp 125.) 

John Eshleman, above named, ar- 
rived in Philadelphia as one of a ship 
load of 269 Palatines, (Swiss Pala- 
tines) from Rotterdam by way of Lon- 
don and Cowes on September 21, 1731, 
in the ship Brittania and signed the 
declaration of fidelity to the Govern- 
.ment of Pennsylvania that day. (3 
Col. Rec. 414 and 415.) He lost no 
time in reaching Lancaster, for as we 
have stated, 8 days later Martin Mylin 
settled his passage and head money. 
Mylin lived on Pequea Creek near 
Willow Street. According to the same 
record page 367 and 368, Jacob Eshle- 
man arrived about Aug. 19, 1729, with 
a ship load of Palatine Swiss of 180 
persons in the ship Mortonhouse, from 
Rotterdam by way of Deal ; and sign- 
ed the promise of fidelity, etc. 

And Hendrick Eshleman (Ishelman) 
arrived about Aug. 24, 1728, in the 
ship Mortonhouse from Rotterdam by 
way of Deal, with a ship load of 200 
Palatine Swiss immigrants (See Do. 
327 & 328). It is evident, therefore, 
that the pioneers of the family here, 
go back to the days of the first open- 
ing up of civilization in our Susque- 
hanna Valley — near year 1710. 

There were also Peter Eshleman, 
Aug. 28, 1733, in ship Hope; Barbara 
Eshleman, and Jacob Eshleman, the 
same time — and several more in early 
years. (See Vol. 17 2nd Ser. Pa. Ar- 
chives pages 13, 16, 17, 29, 30, 85, 86, 
88, 90, 282, 284, 433, 439, 440 and 494. 

But mention is made in European 
records, of Eshlemans on the move 
toward Philadelphia and the Susque- 
hanna Valley much earlier than the 
above dates. 



THE ESHLEMAN FAMILY (SWISS). 



241 



111 the account given by Melchoir ' 
Zahler (Zeller) in 1710 of those who 
were being deported for America in 
the ship sent down the Rhine that 
year, he mentions Michael Eshleman, 
a Mennondst deacon and Margrith 
Eshleman. (See Ante 159 & 160.) Tliey 
did not proceed farther than Nimewe 
gen in Holland, however. 

As to the old Swiss home and an- [ 
cestry of the family, it api)ears from ' 
Ernest Miiller of Langnau, Switzer- 
land (a noted historian) that about 
1550 the Eshlemans were first known 
in the Langnau district — a short dis- 
tance southwest of Berne. In the list 
of Mennonites driven out of Langnau 
in 1692 occurs the name Elizabeth 
Eshleman the old fish woman and her 
two daughters — Magdalena and Elsa 
and also Ely Eshleman's wife Magda- 
lena. (See Ante 127.) According to 
Kuhns in a letter written to Cyrus H. 
Eshleman of Grand Haven, Michigan, 
a few years ago, an infant Peter Esh- 
leman, son of Benedict Eshleman, was 
baptized in Langnau in 1556. He 
states that there are few, if any, 
earlier Eshleman records in Switzer- 
land than this. The Consul of the 
United States, at Berne states that 
there are 20 or more Eshleman fami- 
lies in Berne; and that the family may 
be of Bernese origin — that is in 
western Switzerland. 

1731— The Eshleman Family. 

(Continued.) i 

But the Eshlemans are numerous 
throughout the Emmenthal too, which 
is a short distance northeast of Berne. 
They are found in Trachselwald, 
Summis'wald and Burgdorf as well as 
in Langnau. It seems that the family 
lived earlier than 1550 in the Emmen- | 
thai and embraced the Baptist or Men- 
nonite faith during the migration of 
the Zurich refugees into the Emmen- 
thal about 1530. , 



The origin of the Eshleman name is 
not clearly established. Imobersteg 
who published a work on the Emmen- 
thal in 1876 says that the Aeschli- 
mann (Eshleman) family originates 
from Aeschlen in "Gemeinde" (con- 
gregation) of Diesbach, in the Emmen- 
thal. And a certain Michael Aeschli- 
mann, nicknamed "der Bergmichael" 
or mountain Michael Eshleman was 
one of the leaders of the peasant war 
against the industrial tyranny and 
landed tyranny of Switzerland, about 
Berne, in 1653. This I cite on the 
authority of Cyrus H. Eshleman of 
Grand Haven, above referred to. He 
has a copy of Imobersteg's book. 

Authorities give two or more deri- 
vations of the name "Eshleman." It 
is said by them that the name may 
mean one who came from the village- 
of Aeschlen or Aeschi or Aeschli, re- 
ceiving the name Aeschlimann to de- 
signate them after they removed to 
another town to denote their original 
home. Another theory is that an 
Aeschlimann was one who was an 
overseer of an Aesch, a section of cul- 
tivated land extending around a small 
town. In the old towns in Switzer- 
land the land round about them was 
called the Aesch and the tenants lived 
in the center in a small cluster of 
houses. The overseer for the noble- 
man (owner of all the land the vil- 
lage was built on and extending some 
distance about it in all directions) 
was the Aesch-man. And the "li" is 
said to be a Swiss localism whose use 
made the name of the overseer the 
Aesch-li-mann. 

Authors in the "Pennsylvania Ger- 
man" at different places give inter- 
esting history relative to the Eshle- 
man family. In the number for June 
1910, page 373, Kuhns, commenting on 
Imobersteg, says that Aeschlimann 
comes from the parish of Aeschli in 
Diessbach — he also says in number 
for Oct. 1906, page 311, that there are 



242 



THE ESHLEMAN FAMILY— IMMIGRATION OF 1731. 



many Eshlemans in Langnau to this 
day— under Oct. 1906, page 610, he 
says he found Aeschlimanns also in 
the district of Meilin in Canton Zur- 
ich, etc. But the name does not ap- 
pear in the Lexicon of Leu (Switzer- 
land). 

There is an Eshleman family coat- 
of-arms too. Ernest Miiller, of Lang- 
nau, Switzerland, has considerable 
knowledge upon it. The description 
of the coat-of-arms given, is as fol- 
lows: There is shown upon it a man 
and an Eschbaum (ash tree) ; but it 
seems that in other instances there is 
described a man and a fish "Aeschi." 
The name, however, seems to be older 
than the coat-of-arms. The Eshleman 
family hold family reunions annually. 
Mrs. John Flaharty, of Plains, Lu- 
zerne County, Pennsylvania is the 
Secretary of the association. 

Hon. W. U. Hensel, of Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania, states that, heading the 
list of those who died in the old 
Switzerland wars, in long columns on 
tablets on Memorial buildings in 
Berne, the names of several Aeschli- 
manns stand at the top of the lists. 

In the County of Lancaster there 
are 180 of Eshleman adults and heads 
of families noted, and in the city di- 
rectory 53 heads and adults, total 233. 

In America at large today there are 
perhaps four or five thousand of 
them. They are found, according to 
Cyrus H. Eshleman, of Grand Haven, 
Michigan, in the following large 
American cities: Boston, New York, 
Rochester, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, 
Baltimore, Memphis, Washington, D. 
C, Columbus, Cincinnati, Cleveland, 
Toledo, Detroit, Minneapolis, Chica- 
go, Springfield, St. Louis, St. Joseph, 
Kansas City, Indianapolis, Sioux City, 
Seattle and Los Angeles, etc. 



1731 — German Swiss Immigration into 
Pennsylvania This Tear. 

According to the Colonial Records 
and other records this year, 4 ship 
loads of the German-Swiss or Pala- 
tine-Swiss reached Pennsylvania. (3 
Col. Rec. 410-13-14-16.) The number 
of male heads of families of these four 
shop loads was 235; and the total 
number of immigrants was 638. Of 
the most general families residing in 
Lancaster County we find the follow- 
ing: 2 Huberts — 2 Leamens — 3 Kee- 
seys — 2 Ritters and 6 Smiths. 

One representative of each of the 
following families were among these 
immigrants: Albert — Bumgartner — 
Bauman — Bender — Cramer — Die- 
trick — Eshleman — Frey — Frieman 
— Fisher — Hiestand — Myers — 
Metzgar — Roth — Rohr — Seyler — 
Shultz — Snyder — Vogell — Wana- 
maker and Wald. 

The women and children's names 
are given in most instances and fre- 
quently there were more women than 
men. In the ship-load of the vessel 
called "Pennsylvania Merchant" qual- 
ified at Philadelphia Sept. 11, 1731, 
there were 56 women above 16 and 
58 children under 16. (Second Series 
Pa. Archives, Vol. 17, page 25.) In 
the ship load coming in the ship Brit- 
tania Sept. 21, this year, the ages are 
given and they average about 22 years, 
women, men and children. One child, 
only 5 weeks old, is reported. It 
was born in passage. Another child 
landed 15 days old. That is about all 
' that we can collect of interest in the 
j immigration of 1731. 

1732 — German Swiss Immigration into 
Pennsylvania Tliis Tear. 

The year 1732 records the beginning 
of a new inrush into Pennsylvania, of 
German Swiss or Palatines. Accord- 
ing to Colonial Records, (3 Col. Rec. 
429, 31, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58. 65 and 
66) eleven vessels of these people ar- 



IMMIGRANTS OF 1732 TO SUSQUEHAXXA VALLEY. 



24' 



rived this year, making a total of 762 
heads of families and a total cargo of 
about 1950 persons. The first vessel 
arrived on May 4, this year — the sec- 
ond iu August — the next seven in Sep- 
tember and the last one in October. 

Turning to the names we find the 
following persons of familiar names 
in the list: 16 Albrights— 4 Breckleys 
— 5 Bairs (Bears) — 3 Bumgartners — 5 
Bergers — 3 Brickers — 5 Benders — 4 
Brandts — 7 Brackbills — 2 Balmers — 2 
Berntheisels — 4 Burkhoklers — 2 Bol- 
lingers — 2 Buchers — 3 Basslers — 6 
Beavers — 7 Cramers — 12 Crlsts — 6 
Ebermans — 3 Freys — 11 Frantzes — 6 
Fishers— 3 Gerlachs— 3 Gro^s^^9'Hoff- 
mans — 4 Hartmans — 7 Hostetters — 8 
Kieffers — 2 Kreiders — 2 Harniches — 2 
Hoaks — 2 Hoffers — 2 Keeseys— 4 Kel- 
lars — 2 Keplingers — 2 Kolbs — 7 Kuhns 
— 2 Kauffmans— 4 Klings — 3 Longs — 
18 Myers — 7 Mumaws — 48 Millers — 24 
Mussers — 4 Peters — 2 Pickels — 2 Ack- 
ers — 2 Andrews — 2 Abels — 4 Rupps — 2 
Ritters— 6 Seylers— 10 Stauffers— 3 
Snyders — 8 Steinmans — 2 Sanders — 4 
Saddlers — 3 Schuymeyer — 3 Strauss — 
2 Schlaughs — 2 Spanglers — 6 Schocks 
— 2 Sigmans — 3 Wolfs — 6 Weavers and 
Webers — 7 Wagners — 17 Zimmermans 
and 4 Zieglers. 

There also appears one each of the 
following families: Sprecher — Schu- 
man — Shaub — Shilling — Berger — 
Gochenaur — G'erhart — Gable — 
Kleinhous — Keeler — Kline — Mose- 
man — Byerly — Brenner — Bechtold 
— Reinhart — Shearer — Landis — 
Pellman — Albert — Hostetter — 
Frank — Brackbill — Gerlach — Her- 
man — Kreider — Moseman — Burk- 
holder — Kellar — Kolb — Lehman — 
Zircher — Meek — Oberholtzer — 
Rohrer — Smith — Snyder — Schuyl- 
er — Wendel — Weaver — Ziegler — 
Crist — Capp and Christian. 

A large number of women and chil- 
dren came with the immigrants on the 
ships that arrived in the fall. There 



were not many old people, as far as 
ages are given, among these immi- 
grants. The ages of the men average 
28 years — that of the women 27 years 
and of the children 7 and one-half 
years. 

In some of the earlier immigrations 
the people that came were older per- 
sons; but it seems that in later years 
the spirit of immigration, into the 
Susquehanna Valley, was taken up by 
the younger people as the above de- 
tails seem to show. 

1732 — llardslii]is of Our (>'orniiin- 
Swiss Ancestors on (lie Sea. 

In the Pennsylvania Gazette, the 
fourth newspaper published in Amer- 
ica (which was begun by Benjamin 
Franklin in 1728, and which exists to 
this day in the form of the Saturday 
Evening Post) there are set forth the 
following accounts of hardships en- 
dured by our early German Swiss 
local ancestors in coming across the 
sea. 

The first item is found in the issue 
of February 8, 1732, and is as follows: 

"There is a letter in town from 
some Palatines who embarked at Rot- 
terdam in June last in a ship bound 
for this place, but instead arrived at 
Martha's Vineyard, an island on the 
coast of New England — containing an 
account that the ship, being four and 
twenty weeks in her passage, their 
provisions fell short, and in the last 
eight weeks they had no bread; but a 
pint of grouts was all the allowance 
for five persons per day. They ate all 
the rats and mice they could catch, 
and the price of a rat was 18d. and 
of a mouse 6d. and water 6d. a 
quart. That seven persons died of 
hunger and thirst in one night; and 
of 150 passengers, which came on 
board at Rotterdam, over 100 were 
miserably starved to death. When at 
length it pleased God that a sloop 
should meet them and conducted the 



244 



HORRORS OF SEA VOYAGES OF OUR ANCESTORS. 



ship into Homes-Hole, a liarbor of ttie 
above named island. In tlie first 
three days after their arrival fifteen 
more died, who had been reduced so 
low b.v famine that it was impossible 
to recover them. They write further 
that they think if they had continued 
at sea three days longer, they should 
all have died, no one being able to 
hand another drop of water. But the 
good people of the island are very 
charitable to them and do everything | 
in their power to refresh them; so 
that many who were famished and 
near death began to revive, but none 
are yet strong enough to travel." 

What was done for their relief ap- 
pears in an article in the same paper, 
dated February 22. It is as follows: 

"Governor G'ordon has been pleased 
to write a letter to the Governor of 
Boston, in behalf of the distressed 
Palatines on Martha's Vineyard as 
follows: 

" 'Sir — On the application of several 
Germans and others from the Pala- 
tinate, now inhabiting this province, I 
am to address you on behalf of their 
unhappy countrymen, who, after a 
passage of twenty-four weeks from 
Rotterdam, are lately arrived at a port 
in your government, near R. I., as I 
suppose. The enclosed being an 
exact translation of a letter from 
them to a Dutch Minister here, sets 
forth fully their calamitous circum- 
stances, and the horrid barbarity with 
which they have been treated by 
Lohb, the master of the vessel, who 
seems to have formed a design to de- 
stroy them, in order to posses himelf 
of their effects, which are said to have 
been very considerable, when they 
embarked. A gentleman of your 
goodness and humanity cannot but be 
moved with pity, for the miserable 
conditions of these poor wretches, and 
with a just indignation against the 
author of their misfortunes. And as 
it will be an act of great charity to 



relieve and protect the first, it will 
be no less a necessary act of justice 
to call the last to strict account. That 
if he cannot acquit himself of what 
is laid to his charge, he may reap the 
just reward of his oppression and 
cruelty. 
" 'I am with much respect, sir, etc. 
" 'Philadelphia, February 9, 1732.' " 

And in the issue of May 18th we 
have a brief account of the slow 
progress of these suffering people on 
their toilsome journey from Boston to 
their final home with their brethren 
here in this land of Pequea and Con- 
estoga. 

It is as follows: 

"Philadelphia, May 18. — Saturday 
last arrived here 34 Dutch passengers, 
being those who came into Martha's 
Vineyard half starved in December 
last. They have since been in Bos- 
ton, where they say the people took 
them into their houses and used them 
very kindly, so that many of them 
j were at no charge, all the while they 
; waited for passage; and, moreover, a 
i collection was made among the in- 
habitants for their relief, by which 
I 200 pounds was gathered and given to 
I them. The Captain who brought them 
from Holland was prosecuted there 
on their account; but the accusations 
against him were not made good and 
; he was acquitted and has since ar- 
1 rested those five who signed the let- 
ter for damages, and they are forced 
j to remain behind to answer his ac- 
j tion. 'Tis said the people who arriv- 
ed here complain almost as much of 
being abused by those five, who were 
the chief persons among them, as 
they in their letter did of the Cap- 
tain." 

It may be that some of our town 
ancestors were among that desolate 
body of men and women, fleeing to 
this land to escape persecution and 
poverty at home in Europe. 



MORE SUFFERING UPON SEA VOYAGES. 



245 



1732— Another rictiire of Suflering 
and Hardships. 

Another picture of the dreadful ex- 
periences which ignorant Palatines 
subjected themselves to in their tedi- 
ous journey to our land is shown in 
an item of the same paper of October 
19, 1732. It is as follows: 

"Sunday last arrived here Captain 
Tymberton, in 17 weeks from Rotter- 
dam, with 220 Palatines — 44 died in 
their passage. About three weeks 
ago, the passengers dissatisfied with 
the length of the voyage, were so im- 
prudent as to make a mutiny, and, 
being the stronger party, have ever 
since had the government of the ves- 
sel, giving orders from among them- 
selves to the captain and sailors, who 
were threatened with death in case of 
disobedience. Thus, having sight of 
land, they carried the vessel twice 
backwards and forwards between our 
capes and Virginia, looking for a 
place to go ashore, they knew not 
where. At length they compelled the 
sailors to cast the anchor near Cape 
May, and eight of them took the boat 
by force and went ashore; from 
whence they have been five days com- 
ing up by land to this place, where 
they found the ship arrived. Those 
concerned in taking the boat are com- 
mitted to prison." 

Those indeed were times that tried 
men's souls. 

This ship was the "John and Wil- 
liam" which reached Philadelphia 
October 17, 1732, under Captain Tym- 
berton from Rotterdam according to 
Vol. 17, Sec. Series of Pennsylvania 
Archives, page 72. 

Turning to the list of passengers on 
that ship we find Martin Lorenz, 
George Albright, Jacob and Benedict 
and Hans Peter Brackbill, and John 
Peter Reinhart, and John Martin 
Schaeffer, and Jacob Weber and Gid- 
eon Hoffer, and Jacob Henrich and 
John George Sprecher, and John 



I Nicholas Boshung and Philip Mel- 
choir Meyer and John Peter Appel, 
and Laurens Kieffer, and Baltzer 
Gerlach, and Stephen Matz and John 
George Martin, and Ludwig John Herr 
and Sebastian Druckmiller, and John 
Shock and Conrad Getz and Mathias 
-Musser and John Vogel and John 
Michael Hoffman, and John Jacob 
Scherr and Joseph Houbley and Mi- 
chael Miller and Mathias Mentzer 
among the list. 

We recognize all of these as com- 
mon Lancaster County names. It is 
indeed interesting to contemplate that 
these persons (ancestors no doubt of 
present families of the same name 
now in our county) suffered such a 
discouraging experience on their 
journey here. What a fascinating 
story they must have told their chil- 
dren and grandchildren of their des- 
perate plight, at sea. No wonder they 
mutinied! Ordinairly 10 to 12 weeks 
! were quite sufficient to make the pas- 
• sage. But these people saw no land 
after 12, 13, yea 14 weeks of patient 
sailing. Then they became frightened 
I —horror stricken. They felt that they 
were lost — lost on the great Atlantic 
Dcean, with no land in sight any- 
where. TTiey threaten the master and 
seamen and take charge of the ship. 
This they did at the end of 14 weeks 
or as the account states, about 3 
weeks before landing. 

Think of the scene on that ship 
from another point. According to the 
record there were 98 women and chil- 
dren on the vessel when it landed in 
addition to about the same number of 
men. What terror they must have 
experienced and how the children 
must have cried in terror. How des- 
perately in despair were the mothers. 
How helpless all of them! Think too 
of the deaths — 44 deaths that voyage. 
That is, one each third day dies and 
is sunk in the sea. 



/ 



246 BROTHERLY COMMUNICATIONS OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. 



It took brave souls indeed in those 
days to cross the ocean and found a 
new land. This was, no doubt, one of 
many similar fated ships. And ac- 1 
cording to the preceding item, that 
vessel had a much more terrifying 
experience. These people were surely ' 
persons of grim determination; and it 
is not a great wonder that they suc- 
ceeded in establishing themselves 
comfortably in a little while after they 
reached their new home here on the 
Jonestoga. 

1732— Ministers and Members in the 
Palatinate. 

The name Landis appearing in the 
ship records of this year suggests to 
us that an important item, that is 
dated 1709, was omitted. We, there- 
fore, insert it at this place. It is a 
greeting" and communication from the 
brethren in Switzerland to the breth- 
ren in Holland, and it is as follows: 

March 3, 1709. 

We the ministers and elders of the 
Mennonite congregations here wish 
all ministers and elders of the Ana- 
baptist (Taufesinden) congregation in 
the Netherlands, much grace, peace 
and blessing from God, the Father of 
all Grace, through the comfort and 
blessing of the Holy Spirit, in Christ 
Jesus, Amen. 

It pleased, God the Lord, by his Al- 
mighty hana to call our brother 
Christian Phlein from this world, and 
thus close his earthly career. Since 
then his accounts, and some errors 
and discrepencies have been discov- 
ered, and this fact has had rather a 
wide circulation among the people and 
caused much unpleasant gossip; sev- 
eral have been gone so far as to enter 
complaint against us with you, which 
might cause you sadness. 

That this might be avoided and that 
you may be correctly informed, we 
the undersigned have mutually agreed 
and thought it well to send several of 



our ministers and elders to you. For 
this purpose Peter Kolb of Knights- 
theim (Kriegsheim) was appointed, 
and Hans Bechtel from here, an or- 
dained Deacon, has been appointed to 
accompany him on his journey. It is 
with much love that we send them to 
visit you and many other places. For 
the love and great good you have 
shown by your brotherly love to us 
and those in needy circumstances, we 
desire hereby to express our grati- 
tude. Our wish and hope is that the 
Lord, by his holy angels, may guide 
them to you and back again in health. 
That the above may carry more 
weight we have with our own hands 
subscribed thereto. 

Jacob Landis, 

Samuel Meyer, 

Christian Bath, 

Jacob GXit, 

Hans Heinrich Ber, 

Pieter Bladtli, 

Michel Meir, 

Samuel Meyer, 

Ulrich Neiwkomme, 

Hantz Chenstsy. 
We the ministers and elders of the 
Palatinate, assembled acknowledge 
the foregoing to be proper and advis- 
able, and l)ear testimony to the same 
by subscribing to it with our hands. 
Ubersheimerhoff, March 13, 1709. 

Hantz Miller, 

Hantz Mayer, 

Jasper Giit, 

Tielman Kolg, 

Peter Leman, 

Heinrich Hiestant, 

Hanz Buszhaler, 

Hanz Jacob Schutbly, 

Jacob Miller, 

Christian Siekommel, 

Henrich Friedt, 

Valentine Giitwohl, 

Christian Swustut, 

Hansz Brubaker, 

Christian Kruntz, 

Hansz Schimmer. 



POVERTY OF MANY OF THE EARLY GERMAN-SWISS. 



247 



In these signatures we see a large 
number of Lancaster County names 
of today. This will serve to show 
where they lived 200 years ago — in 
what sections our forefathers inhab- 
ited. 

1732 — >'atiiralizatiou of the Palatines 

I'nder the Year 1718. (See 

Ante 209.) 

We made note of a large number of 
Palatines, principally from Lancaster 
County, who came to the County be- 
fore 173 8 and who were naturalized. 
We now make note of a company of 
them who were naturalized about this 
year. (4 St. L. 219.) The preamble 
of the naturalization act states that 
divers protestants, subjects of Ger- 
many under encouragement given by 
William Penn, transported themselves 
to Pennsylvania and have contributed 
very materially to the enlargement of 
the British Empire and have always 
behaved themselves religiously and 
peaceably, and as they desire natural- 
ization they are now to be natural- 
ized. 

Most of them were set aown as res- 
idents of Philadelphia County and a 
few of the city; a few of Bucks ounty 
and Chester County; but no Lancas- 
ter County residents are mentioned 
among them. There are about 100 
mentioned in the list. Among them 
are such names as are now in and ! 
about Philadelphia as Kolb, Ziegler, 
Detweiler, Zimmerman, Bowman, Le- 
vand, Shenkel, Longenecker, Penny- 
packer, ReifT and others. 

1732 Poverty of Some German Swiss 
Immi^ants. 

While some of the immigrants from 
the heart of Europe had means to en- 
able them to come to this country, yet 
a great many of them were miserably 
poor. In the American Weekly Mer- 
cury, December 26, 1732, there is the 
following notice: 

"This is to give notice to all Pala- 
tines, who came in the ship Mary, 



John Grey commander, who have 
never paid their passage nor given 
security for the same; that they are 
hereby required to come to said John 
Grey or to Benjajnin Shumaker in 
Philadelphia, and there pay the pas- 
sage money or give security, or they 
will be proceeded against according 
to law." 

A similar notice is inserted as to 
the Palatines who came in the ship 
Pleasant. 

The law which is referred to is the 
Statute passed by early Pennsylvania 
giving authority to the ship masters 
to sell the persons, who did not pay 
their passage, into servitude to make 
up the money to pay their passage. 

According to Colonial Records (3 
Col. Records 457) there were 61 Pala- 
tines on that ship Mary, John Grey 
commander, and of the common Lan- 
caster County names we find: Mike 
and John Eberman, Conrad Miller, 
Christian Klenn, John Mazer, Henry, 
George, John and Heinrich Shissler, 
John Adam Miller, Andrew Mazer, 
Kasper Meyers, Jacob Walter, George 
Pickle and others. No one can tell at 
this late date, whether any of these 
were among the persons who found 
such great difficulty and hardship in 
coming over, whether they paid their 
passage or not. 

It is not, however, to their discredit 
that the hand of poverty was so heavy 
upon them; but rather a compliment 
to their pluck and determination that 
they would face all these difficulties 
for the sake of religious and political 
freedom. 

On the ship Pleasant, record of 
which is found in the same book, page 
465, we find there were 42 heads of 
families and among them, Balzer and 
Henry Spangler, John Kellar, George 
Peters, George Bair, Fred Bassler, 
Henry Eckert, Jacob Hornberger, 
John Sickman, Funk Miller, John 
Tauber, Isaac Reidenbaugb, John Mi- 



248 



A CASE OF GERMAN-SWISS LAPSE OF MORALS. 



chael Hoffman, Conrad Book and 
others. 

These all sound like Lancaster 
County names and it is highly prob- 
able that the ancestors of our Ger- 
man Swiss people, here in the County 
today, were among those poverty 
stricken sufferers, who were mention- 
ed in the article in the Mercury as 
having such an unfortunate financial 
ending of their voyage. The holdings 
of their descendants, round about us 
today, very forcibly teach us that they 
have overcome the obstacle of poverty 
against which they struggled, in those 
early times. 

1732 — Occasional Instances of Low 
3Iorals. 

In the Colonial Records. Volume 3, 
page 429 and 430, there is set forth a 
record, which gives us a melancholy 
picture and the fact that human weak- 
ness was a factor among other Ger- 
man Swiss ancestors, then as now. 

In fact, it would not be compli- 
mentary to civilization at all if we 
could not point to advancement and a 
rising of the moral plane, as the re- 
sult of years of effort and culture. 
We do not believe, that by any means, 
all of the ancestors of whom we have 
been speaking, were clean and godly 
for there are many accounts to the 
contrary. The item which we are now 
about to give, while it shows the 
weakness of one individual and her 
sin, on the other hand, shows that the 
spirit of charity and humanity filled 
the breasts of her neighbors. 

At a meeting of the Council of 
Pennsylvania, (which corresponds to 
our Senate and the Governor Cabinet 
combined today) a report of the Jus- 
tice of Lancaster County was re- 
ceived, setting forth, that at the Oyer 
and Terminer Court, held at Lancas- 
ter, Margaret Sheets was convicted of 
concealing the birth and burial of her 
child, born to her, she being a single 
woman, and upon being so found she 



was sentenced to death, according to 
law. But, it appearing to the Judges 
that there was great doubt concern- 
ing the mother's injuring the child 
and, therefore, the Judges themselves 
ask the Council to relieve her from 
the death sentence. 

In addition to this a petition, signed 
by 63 German neighbors of Margaret 
Sheets, in which they ask mercy to 
this woman, was presented. Taking 
all these facts into consideration, the 
board decided that this woman should 
not be hanged; but be given a much 
littler punishment. The names of the 
persons petitioning for this mercy 
are not given. 

1732 — A German Fore-Father DiscoT- 
ers a Gap Mckel Mine. 

In Volume 2, of the Pa. Archives, 
page 311, under the date of 1755, 
there is a letter from Governor Morris 
to Thomas Penn in which he states 
that certain persons concerned in the 
"Gap Mine," in which Penn is inter- 
ested, are inclined to go to work on 
it again. He says, that it may be 
worked to advantage by the help of a 
fire engine similar to the one that 
Schuylers have erected at their mine. 
He also says, that the vitrol which he 
is told the mine abounds in should be 
turned to account. He further goes 
on to say, that if Thomas Penn is sat- 
isfied that he, Morris, will buy or 
lease Penn's whole share. 

A note at the bottom of 312 goes 
on to say, that this mine is near Gap, 
in Lancaster County, and was first 
discovered by a German named Ter- 
sey in or before 1732, and that a grant 
of land, made by John Penn to Gov- 
ernor Hamilton an account of a cou- 
ple springs later discovered, was re- 
ported to the Philosophical Society of 
London. I simply quote this item to 
show that the Germans were on the 
lookout for ore as well as for rich 
ground. 



GERMANS OF EPHRATA— IMMIGRATION OP^ 173:^.. 



249 



Some time earlier than 1732, in fact 
I think about 15 years earlier, there 
was considerable excitement, as the 
ancient records show, concerning an 
"Ore Mine at Conestoga." 

1732— The (U'rmans Start the Ephiatji 
Monastic Society. 

j In Volume 15, of Hazard's Regis- 
ter, page 161, there is a historical 
sketch of Ephrata by Mr. M. Fahne- 
stock. In it he says, that in the year 
'^ 1732, the solitary life of Ephrata was 
' changed into a Conventical one and 
Monastic Society was established. 
The first buildings erected for that 
purpose were finished in May 1732. 
The dress of the White Friars was 
adopted. 

The writer goes on to say that this 
grew out of the Dunker movement 
which originated in Europe and ex- 
tended to America in 1719, namely, to 
Germantown, Skippack, Oley, Con- 
estoga and elsewhere. 

He goes into the account much 
deeper than these annals contemplate. 

Harris in his biographical history 
of Lancaster County discusses the 
same solitary life under his sketch of 
Conrad Beisel. 

1733 — German Immigration. 

The records that we have mentioned 
above, 3 Col. Records, pp. 515 to 524, 
show that there were 7 shiploads of 
these German Swiss immigrants who 
arrived at the port of Philadelphia, 
during this year making a total of 444 
heads of families or a total list for 
the year of 1183 persons. 

Among the prominent Lancaster 
County names we find 4 Adams — 4 
Arndts — 6 Brocks — 3 Becks — 8 
Burkharts — 2 Beyers — 5 Bergers — 6 
Burkholders— 3 Bowmans — 4 Christs 
— 5 Eshlemans — 19 Freys— 6 Fishers 
13 Fegleys— 10 Fousts— 5 Hoffs— 8 
Hallers— 10 Hetricks— 3 Hoffmans— 7 
Isemans — 11 Kuhns — 7 Kemps — 8 Mil- 
lers — 7 Moores — 2 Mosemans — 11 



Roots — 7 Rushers — 5 Reeds— 3 Richt- 
ers— 2 Reinharts— 20 Smiths— 9 Stein- 
mans — 3 Straubs— 10 Schaeffers — 8 
Snavelys— 3 Sanders— 5 Taylors— 8 
Trouts — 15 Whitmans. 

Besides these there are a large num- 
ber of other common Lancaster 
County names of which there are one 
single representative. It will be ob- 
served that among these immigrants 
the greater number are still Swiss. 
The pure German names have not yet 
appeared in these ship lists. 

1733— More Hardships and Perils on 
the Ocean. 

From the Pa. Gazette, of Mar. 22. 
1733, we cull the following item: "We 
hear from New York, that last week 
arrived there the Snow, 'Experiment' 
with about 80 or 90 Palatines. She 
came from Dover about the middle of 
October, beat 8 weeks upon the coast 
and then put away for Bermuda, in 
which time the master and many of 
the passengers died. She set out with 
180 on board and brought not more 
than the above 80 or 90 to shore." 
This vessel is not among those regis- 
tered as arriving at Philadelphia dur 
ing the year; but, we think that the 
name does appear in earlier or later 
years. This particular trip of 1733, 
was to New York. 

1733— German Swiss Settlers De- 
ceived hj Maryland. 

In Vol. 4, of Colonial Records, page 
64, there is a petition set forth, by 
our German-Swiss under the date of 
1736, complaining that 3 or 4 years 
earlier, they having just newly ar- 
rived in Pennsylvania and not know- 
ing the boundary between Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland, were deceived 
into believing that the Susquehanna 
River was the division and that all 
lands west of the Susquehanna were 
Maryland lands. Therefore, they took 
up lands there and mrrde settlements 
with the Government of Maryland; 



250 



OUR EARLY GERMANS CLASH WITH MARYLAND. 



but, they found that the usage and 
treatment of them was so different 
from the rest of the Government and 
that the small substance they had was 
stolen from them. They also state, 
that they complained, frequently to 
Maryland authorities but received no 
redress; except, that they were told 
that they were worse than negroes 
for they had no master and were not 
under the protection of any laws; and 
they were finally told that the. Sus- 
quehanna River was not the bound- 
ary. They also state, that they no- 
ticed people living east of the river, 
further south than they do, were liv- 
ing in peace and without any disturb- 
ance. They also say, that they now 
see they were imposed upon, to 
answer some object of the Govern- 
ment of Maryland; and now, con- 
scious of the wrong that was done 
them and wrong they have done to 
Pennsylvania by living on land and 
not paying acknowledgement to Penn- 
sylvania or its laws, they have re- 
solved to show to Pennsylvania their 
loyalty and spirit and ask the author- 
ities that they should not hold against 
them what they did in ignorance. The 
Board or Council read the petition 
and sent a letter to the Justices and 
the High Sheriff of Lancaster County, 
in which they state they are apprized 
of a warlike proposition in Maryland 
and that, therefore, the Sheriff of the 
County should go to the west side of 
the Susquehanna River and protect 
our people living there. TTiis shows 
some additional hardships and perils 
under which our people suffered in 
those early days. 

1733— More Petitions for jVaturaliza- 
tion. 

In Vol. 3 of the Votes of Assembly, 
page 197-199, mention is made of the 
fact that many of the Palatines, are 
petitioning for naturalization; and 
their naturalization was accordingly, 
taken up. 



1733 — Oldest German Swiss Cemetery 
in Lancaster County. 

Soon after our first settlers arrived 
here, and took up their home in 
Pequea, in the fall of 1710, cemeter- 
ies of course, became important. The 
oldest one, as far as records show, 
was known anciently as "Tchantz 
Grave Yard" later as "Musser's Cem- 
etery"' on the west bank of the Pequea 
Creek just south of Lampeter, being 
on the Jacob Miller ancient tract or 
farm of 1008 acres^now being on the 
farm owned by Mrs. McAllister near 
Neff's Mill. In that cemetery is the 
tomb stone yet standing of Jacob Mil- 
ler, who was one of the first settlers 
that came in 1710 and who was one 
of the signers of a letter when in 
London on June 24, 1710, in which he 
and others state they "are now about 
to set sail for America." Right south 
of his grave and stone are those of 
his wife, Magdalena and Samuel, 
likely a son; next north of Jacob 
driller's grave is that of Martin My- 
lin, Jr.; and north of his Hans My- 
lin; and north of his Barbara Mylin's. 
These persons all died at a very early 
age. Martin Mylin in 1732 — Barbara 
Mylin in 1742— Samuel Miller in 1743 
— Jacob Miller in 1739 — Hanz Mylin in 
1733. 

Another cemetery, quite likely as 
ancient as this one, is that of the 
Herr cemetery, connected with the old 
brick Mennonite Church just east of 
Willow Street. 

1733 — Swiss and German Palatine Ira' 
migrants This Year. 

According to Vol. 3 of the Colonial 
records pages 515-524 there were 8 
ship loads of these people who ar- 
rived at Philadelphia in the year 
1733. They constitute 400 heads of 
families, making a total of 1252, and 
among th^ common Lancaster County 
names are the following: 4 Adams— 4 
Arnd'ts — 5 Brocks — 3 Beck.s — 8 Burk- 



GREAT STORMS AT CONESTOGA— HOT WEATHER. 



liarts — 6 Burkholders — 5 Burgers — 4 
Christs — 5 Eshlemans — 20 Freys — 5 
Fishers — 13 Fegleys — 10 Fausts — 5 
Hoffs— 8 Hellars— 10 Hetricks— 7 Ise- 
mans — 11 Kiihns — 7 Kemps — 9 Klines 
—4 Kautz— 14 Longs— 6 Lutz— 8 ATil- 
lers — 7 Moores — 4 Peters — 5 Reeds — 
11 Roots— 5 Rhodes— 3 Richters— 23 
Smiths— 9 Steinmans — 3 Straubs — 10 
Schaeffers — S Snavelys — 3 Sauders — 3 
Stricklers — 9 Shermans — 5 Taylors — 
S Trouts— 8 Wises— 5 Wagners— 7 
Whitemans — 9 Whitmans and • one 
each of many other common Lancas- 
ter County names. The ships in which 
these people came are the "Samuel of 
London" of which Hugh Percy was 
master — "Eliza" Edward Lee master — 
"Hope" David Reed master— "Richard 
and Elizabeth" Christopher Cline 
master — "Mary of Dublin" James 
Benn master — and the "Charming Bet- 
ty" John Ball master. All of these 
came from Rotterdam, except the last 
one seems to have left from London; 
and they came by way of Diehl, i 
Dover, Cowes, Plymouth — some of 
them goin;; one way and some of them 
another. 

1734 — Great Suft'ering' in Conestogfa 
from Heat This Summer. 

In the Pennsylvania Gazette of July 
11, 1734, it is stated, that the weather 
has been so exceedingly hot for a 
week that a great number of people 
have fainted and fallen into convul- 
sions and died — and "we also hear, i 
that a great number of harvest peo- 
ple fainted in the fields and in some 
places a multitude of birds were ' 
found dead. Since the hot summer 7 
years ago, such intense heat has not 
been known in this country." • 

1734 — Great Storm at Conestoga. 

In the same paper, under the date 
of September 25, it is stated that "last 
Sunday, between 7 and 8 in the even- 
in^:, we had the most terrible gust of 
wind and rain, accompanied with 



thunder and lightning, that can be re- 
membered in these parts. It blew 
down several stacks of chimneys, un- 
covered several houses, some wholly 
and others in part, and demolished 
some weak buildings. The wind was 
so violent that we have heard of it 
going from Conestoga to the Bay in 
one-half an hour." 

1734— .Michael Welfare, German of 
Conestoga, Preaches in Phila- 
delphia. 

In the Pa. Gazette under Septem- 
ber 25, 1734, it is stated that "yester- 
day morning. Michael Welfare one of 
the Christian philosophers of Con- 
estoga appeared in full market in 
Philadelphia, in the habit and dress 
of a Pilgrim, his hat of linen, his 
beard full length, and a long staff in 
his hand. He declared himself sent 
by Almighty God to denounce ven- 
gence against the wickedness of the 
inhabitants of Philadelphia and to 
|)reach speedy repentance. His dis- 
course continued about one-quarter 
of an hour and the imjiortance of 
what he delivered commanded Vr.e at- 
tention of a multitude of people; but 
when he finished he went away un- 
molested." 

Welfare, later, was one of those who 
joined the Ephrata community, in the 
days when they lived in monastaries 
and withdrew themselves from the 
world and felt themselves called upon 
to denounce al! manner of worldli- 
ness everywhere. 

1734 — Baltzer Hubmier. 

We have, at an earlier place in these 
annals (see pages 22, 2.5. 28, 29 and 
103) referred to Hubmier and his 
work. We made note of his name, be- 
cause the name Huffmier is frequent- 
ly met with in our county, and it 
seems to be related to the ancient 
Hubmier. At this time, we refer again 
to him, only in form of a brief note. 



252 GERMAN BELIEF IX WITCHCRAFT— ACCOUNT OF HUPMEIER. 



A rather extended account may be 
found in the Mennonite Year Book and 
Almanac, for the year 1914, page 38. 
This publication was gotten up by 
Bishop N. B. Grabb of the Mennonite 
Church in Germantown, and contains 
a lot of historical matter which re- 
lates to the German-Swiss people in 
America and Europe. 

Bishop Grubb's article tells of 
Hubmier's debates with Zwingli and 
bis various arguments made, concern- 
ing the non-resistant faith. For a 
time Hubmier believed with Zwingli, 
yet eventually he differed with him 
on the subject of infant baptism and 
was finally firmly established in the 
belief, that only adult baptism can 
avail anything. This belief he finally 
held to through the preachings of 
Reublin. He also stated, that Hub- 
mier introduced feet washing, imitat- 
ing Christ's method. For a longtime 
he was rather uncertain about infant 
baptism; but eventually he renounced 
it. He was a thorough scholar and 
wrote many strong pamphlets. Pro- 
fessor Wedel, who has written an ex- 
cellent history of the Mennonites, 
says about Hubmier, that "We may 
justly place him by the side of Peter 
WaldO; Bishop Reesner, George Blau- 
roclv, Michael Settler, Hans Denk. 
Menno Simon and other leaders of our 
faith." 

1734— Belief in Witcluraft Among tbe 
Early German-Swiss. 

In the American Weekly Mercury, 
we have, under issue of January 22, 
1733-34, the following account: 

"The following letter was sent us 
by an unknown correspondent with a 
desire that it might be published just 
as it is, viz: — 

"James Swafort, of Lancaster 
County, at Octorara, the 29th of De- 
cember, 1733, had some hands helping 
him dre.ss flax in one end of his 
dwelling house, and by some means 
the flax or tow took fire, and there 



being some quantity above stairs, 
which soon took fire so that in an 
instant it was past putting out. In 
the company, there was an old woman 
who had been spinning there and was 
helping to get some things out of the 
fire before they were burnt, and be- 
thinking herself of some of her own 
clothes that were above stairs, said 
hastily, I'll go save my clothes if I 
lose my life for it. So running up 
stairs, she threw them out and they 
were saved; but the fire was so 
vehement that she could not return 
but fell upon a bed and was there 
burnt. It is somewhat surprising, the 
fire beginning at night, there was 
such a violent whirl-wind about the 
place where she lay burning that it 
raised the flames to such a height 
that it gave light above a mile. An- 
other thing added to the surprise of 
the spectators; there suddenly gath- 
ered out of the darkness a company 
of dogs, some thought near 20 about 
the fire who were so fierce about the 
place where she lay burning that it 
was thought they would have leaped 
into the fire had they not been hind- 
, ered." 

I The imputation here is, that the 

great flame shooting around where 

this old woman lay burning, was due 

j to the fact that she was a witch. Also 

the fact that there appeared a pack of 

about 20 dogs, out of the darkness 

I trying to get where this old woman 

i lay, was also a fact which the 

j witches brought about. 

1734 — Swiss and German Palatine 

Immigration This Year. 
I According to Vol. 3, of the Colonial 
' Records, pages 568-570, there were 
two ship loads of these people who 
arrived at Philadelphia in the year 
1734. TTiey constitute 89 heads of 
families, making a total of 261 per- 
sons, and among the common Lan- 
caster County names are the follow- 
ing: 2 Freys — 2 Housers — 6 Hoffmans 



IMMIGRANTS OF 1734— THRIFTY ANDREW FERREE. 



252 



— 2 Leshers — 2 Millers — 3 Meisters — 4 
Nobles— 3 Naumans — 3 Reshs — 2 Rein- 
waUls— 5 Shiiltz — 5 Smiths — 3 Shu- 
berts — 2 Steiners — 7 Wagners — 7 
Youngs and 2 Zimmermans. And one 
each of the following: Andes, Al- 
brecht, Bowman, Cameron, Camel, 
Carter, Hilderbrand, Johns, MaGee, 
Richter, Reynold, Ruth, Reinhold, 
Weber, Yager, and others. The ships 
in which these people came, are the 
"St. Andrew" of which John Stedman 
was .Master — and the "Hope" of which 
Daniel Reid was Master. All of these 
came from Rotterdam. 

1 735— The Large EsUite of a Thrifty 
Gernian-S«iss Ancestor. 

In Rupp's history of Lancaster 
County, p. 103, there is set forth an 
inventory of the estate of one of our 
thrifty French-Swiss ancestors, An- 
drew Ferree, who died that year. The 
name now is Ferry or Forry, and is 
quite common among us. 

The inventory is as follows: 
To wheat in the stack at 8 

lb. — wheat and rye in 

the ground at 5 pounds. Lb. 14 
To great wagon. Lb. 12 — 

little wagon Lb. 5 17 

To a plow and two pairs 

of irons 1 10 

To 2 mauls and 3 iron 

wedges, 9s — to four old 

weeding hoes, 4s 13 

To a spade and shovel, 8s 

— to a matock and 3 

dung forks, 10s 18 

To 2 broad axes, 12s— to 

joyner's axe and adze, 7s 19 
To Sundry carpenter 

tools, 1 lb. — sundry joy- 
ner's tools, 2 Lb. 5s 3 5 

To 7 Duch sythes 12 

To 4 stock bands, 2 pair 

hinges, sundry old iron. 14 

To a hand saw, Lb. 2— to 

5 sickles and 2 old hooks 11 
To a cutting box, 2 knives. 



Lb. 1— to 22 bags, Lb. 2, 

10s 3 10 

To 2 pair chains, 14s, 2 

hackles, Lb. 1 10 — to 5 

beles, 12s 2 16 

To 4 small chains and 

other horse geers at 1 4 

To other horse geers at 

Lb. 1 10 — to a man's 

saddle at Lb. 1 10 3 

To 3 felling axes at 10s — 

two fowling pieces at 

Lb. 2 2 10 

To a large Byble 2 

To 2 feather beds at Lb. 

6 — to wearing cloaths. 

Lb. 7 13 

To sundry pewter. Lb. s 8 

— to a box iron, 4s 2 12 

To sundry wooden ware at 

Lb. 1 — to two iron pot- 
racks, Lb. 1 2 

To sundry iron ware. Lb. 

2 — to a watering pot 6s 2 6 

To 4 working horses, Lb. 

24 — to a mare and 2 

colts, Lb. 11 35 

To 6 grown cows at Lb. 

15 — to 10 head of .voung 

cattle. Lb. 13 10 28 10 

To 11 sheep. Lb. 3 17— to 

swine, Lb. 1 10 5 7 

To 2 chests, 15s — to a 

spinning wheel, 8s 1 3 

To sley, 6s — to cash re- 
ceived of Samuel Taylor 2 8 
To cash received for a 

servant girles time 3 



152 8 6 



A hundred pounds was "big money" 
in those days. But besides this the 
man owned a fine farm also. One is 
attracted too by the variety of the 
articles. Where did he get these 
wagons and plows and carpenter's 
tools, etc.? There were certainly very 
few mechanics here then. He may 
have brought some of them with him 



254 



GERMAN-SWISS IN THE BOUNDARY TROUBLES. 



and bought some of them in Philadel- 
phia. We notice that 4 working 
horses were worth 24 pounds — or 6 
pounds per head. He thus had the 
equivalent or value of 25 horses as 
his 152 pounds of personal property 
and that would be equal to $4,000 to- 
day as horses are worth $150 to $200 
a head. 

1735 — German Swiss Between Two 
Mill Stones in Border War. 
It is known, that during the first 
few years after Lancaster County 
was organized, Maryland made un- 
reasonable claims against Pennsyl- 
vania concerning the line. An ac- 
count of this is set forth in 4 Colonial 
Records, 63, stating that from Lan- 
caster County certain information 
was received, to the effect that, after 
the Sheriff of the county and some of 
the people were gathered near the 
river, the Sheriff and 200 men under 
officers of Maryland, met just across 
the Susquehanna with drums and 
trumpets. Then they went to the 
house of John Wright, where 300 in- 
habitants were assembled and de- 
manded the Dutch who were in the 
house. The Lancaster County Sheriff 
asked, why they came in such a hos- 
tile manner after these Dutch. They 
appointed a time to discuss the bound- 
ary matter; but while this was going 
on, about 5 o'clock Sunday evening, 
multitudes of Maryland started to 
show a warlike disposition and they 
demanded, that these Dutch had come 
over there and settled on their lands 
and now they owe obedience to Mary- 
land. Pennsylvania, of course, claim- 
ed that they were inhabitants of 
Pennsylvania. 

1735 — German-Swiss llefuse to Pay 
Penn's Quit-rents. 

In the Pa. Gazette of December 30, 
1735, "this notice is given, that as the 
people have not done their duty that 



they are now given further notice 
that the subscribers, that is the Re- 
ceiver general, is appointed to attend 
his Office at the town of Lancaster, 
for County of Lancaster from the 
26th to 31st, of March, for the recov- 
ering of the arrears of quit-rent due 
there; at which place persons in 
arrears of quit rent are requested to 
pay the same, and if they refuse to 
pay the same, measures will be pur- 
sued against them." J. Steel Receiver 
appointed. 

Of course, there were other parts 
of the State subject to quit-rent, 
which gave much trouble also; but 
our Conestoga citizens felt very much 
aggrieved by being compelled to pay 
these rents. 

1735 — Swiss and German Palatine Im- 
migration This Tear. 

According to Volume 3 Colonial 
Records, pages 593 to 607, there are 
three ship loads of these people, who 
arrived at Philadelphia, in the year 
1735. They consititute 85 heads of 
families, making a total of 260 per- 
sons, and among the common Lan- 
caster County names are the follow- 
ing: 3 Brunners — 8 Buchers — 2 Eber- 
harts — 4 Freys — 2 Hallers — 3 Hubers 
—2 Kellars— 2 Millers— 2 Meyers— 4 
Smiths — 8 Wises — 7 Witmers — 7 
Weidmans — 3 Wingers — 2 Shellen- 
bergs. And one head of the following 
names: Albrecht, Appel, Eberly, 
Kline, Oswald, Peters, Weber, Sweitz- 
er, and Schwab, and many other com- 
mon Lancaster County names. The 
ships in which these people came, are 
the "Ship Mercury" of which William 
Wilson was Master — and the "Brig 
Mary" of which James Marshall was 
Master, and the "Billander Oliver" of 
which Samuel Merchant was Master, 
from South Carolina. All of these 
came from Rotterdam. 



GERMAN-SWISS BEGIN SOLITARY MONASTIC LIFE. 



255 



lllio — The Solitary (lermuus ut Coii- 
estoi^a. I 

In Volume 16 of llazzard's Register, 
page -oo, we are given one of the 
original letters of Peter Miller. Peter 
Miller was one of the early patrons 
or founders, at least, of the Ephrata 
community, of which the old cloister 
buildings are still land marks. 

After stating that he published the 
Chronicon Ephratense, he goes on to 
say, that in August 1730, he arrived 
in Philadelphia and at the end of the 
year, upon order of the Scotch Synod, 
was ordained in the old Presbyterian 
meeting house by three eminent min- 
isters, Tennant, Andrews and Boyd. 

He then says, that he visited among 
the Germans for several years and 
quitted the ministry and turned his 
attention to the monastic ideas. lu 
his company he says was a School 
Master, 3 Elders, one of them Conrad 
Wiser, 5 families and some single 
persons, who had raised a fermenta- 1 
tion in the Presbyterian Church. i 

Then he says, that they had sep- 
arated and incorporated with the con- 
gregation at Ephrata in May 1735. 

He further says, that at that time, 
the solitary bretliren and sisters lived 
in the wilderness and caves, as her- 
mits. "An*d I following in the same 
way, set up my hermitage in Tulpe- 
hocken and laid foundations for soli- 
tary and religious life." 

He then says that after about one 
half a year "a camp was laid out for 
all solitary persons at the very spot 
where Ephrata now stands and where 
then, the President lived with some 
hermits." 

He saVs, at this time charity had 
been their chief occupation — that Con- 
estoga was a great wilderness and 
began to be settled by poor Germans, 
who desired assistance in building 
houses for them, which kept them 
employed several summers in hard 
carpenter work and also increased 



their poverty. At times he says the 
necessaries of life were wanting. 
Then to make things worse, a con-« 
stable came into the community and 
demanded the single man to pay 
taxes. Some paid and some refused. 
But the* Constable summoned six of 
these Brethren to prison in Lancaster 
for 10 days. But a Magistrate set 
them at liberty. A very venerable old 
Justice of the Peace, Tobias Hendrick, 
offered himself for their bail. He 
said when Court came on, the fear of 
God came on the gentlemen who were 
their Judges. When they saw these 6 
men before them in the prime of life 
and reduced to skeletons, the Judge 
decided that since they were so thin, 
that the whole lot of them could be 
taxed as one family. This taxation 
remained in force for over 50 years; 
that is, all the brethren of Ephrata 
community were just taxed as one 
person. 

He says further, that they erected 
grist mills — one of three sets of 
stones — paper mill — oil mill — had 
three wagons, printing ofhce; and 
then money commenced to come in. 
They also gave alms to the Indians, 
Mohawks and others. This is about 
the substance of this interesting let- 
ter. 

1735 — Conestoga Manor Parceled 
Out. 

Conestoga Manor was surveyed in 
the year 171S, and the warrant to 
survey may be found in the Taylor 
papers. It is also set forth in Rupp's 
history of Lancaster County (pagi 
130), as follows: — 

These are March 1, 1717 to 1718. 

While the Manor was laid out and 
surveyed, it was not divided among 
purchasers until afterwards. It 
seems that no patents were granted 
until 1723 and from that time on until 
1774, different patents were issued to 
various Germans. 



256 CONESTOGA MANOR (NOW MANOR TOWNSHIP) PARCELLED OUT. 



As the patenting to different owners 
was at its height, about the year 1735, 
• we are placing the list of patents un- 
der this year. It is better that they 
should be together in one paper, than 
to be distributed through these an- 
nals. • 

The principal ones are as follows: — 
Israel Pemberton held 300 acres, date 
of this patent is October 1, 1723. The 
Messrs. Wrights own 1500 acres — date 
of patent, December 13, 1735— sold 
afterwards in smaller parcels to John 
Herr, Andrew Stineman, Daniel Lint- 
ner, Jacob Kilhaver, Rudy Herr, Jr., 
John Kilhaver, Jacob Frantz, Godfrey 
Klugh, Mathew Oberholtzer, Christian 
Hershey, Andrew Kauffman — James 
Pattison 107 acres, November 21, 
173, James Logan 700 acres, patent 
dated July 15, 1737, afterwards held 
by George Brenner, Philip Brenner, 
Christian Stouffer, Casper Souter, 
Adam Fisher,. Valentine Rummel, 
Lawrence Cliffer, Christian Stake — 
Michael Baughman 489, Michael May- 
er 131 acres, both same date February 

20, 1738, Michael Mayer, sen., 217 
acres, patent dated October 16, 1737, 
Abraham Steiner 63 acres May 3, 1740. 
John Wistler 167 acres July 3, 1741, 
Jacob Kuntz 166, Anna Ottila Betty 
Koffee, 166, Jacob Hostetter 475, John 
Shank 197 acres, patent dated July 30, 
1741, Edward Smout 113 acres June 

21, 1743, Michael Baughman 339, May 
28, 1752, Abraham Hare 424 April 22, 
1751, Jacob Wistler 125. Valentine 
Miller 140, both May 25, 1756, Martin 
Funk, 237, December 18, 1758, Jacob 
Wistler 202, Jacob Shuck 185, August 
18, 1759, Abraham and John Miller 
89, Valentine Haith 29, Robert Beatty 
226 February 1760, Samuel Herr 247; 
John Keagy 188, Henry Funk 150, 
Jacob Wistler 173, Ludwich and Fred- 
rick Ziegler 209 June 1760, John Wit- 
mer 77, Abraham Miller 204, Rudolph 
Herr 176, Jacob Witmer 77, November 
1761, James M'Master, 247, April 



1761, John Keagy 159; Henry Funk 
177, David Hare 195, John Miller 150, 
George Adam Dustier 112, John Cor- 
rell 209, Christian Stoner 244, all 
dated 1761, Michael Kauffman 116, 
John Kauffman 118, Jacob Kauffman 
167, Christian Kauffman 163, Michael 
Kauffman 118, Abraham Steiner 200, 
John Wormley 115, Jacob Wistler 19, 
John Kreemer 184, Bartholomew Butt 
40, John Graff 136, all dated 1762, 
Philip Ulweiler 39, Ben.1amin Miller 
220, David Hare, Jr., 94, Peter Snyder 
86, Henry Atkinson and Adam Big- 
ging 49. Peter Witmer 132, dated 1763, 
John Miller 60, January 19, 1764, John 
Newcomer 109, Joseph Nelson 109, 
Jacob Wistler 178, Mary Wright 119, 
dated 1767, John Kendrick 558, James 
Pratt 232, 1768, Henry Buckley 150, 
1769, William Wright 257, 1770. Ulrich 
Rebur 232, John Manning 165 1772, 
Jacob Ashleman 340 1774, Indian 
Town 414, Blue Rock 800 acres. We 
omitted fractions of acres. 

Thomas Penn estimated the value 
of Conestoga Manor being 65 miles 
from the City of Philadelphia, 13,400 
acres, 40 pounds per hundred acres, 
5,360 pounds, Pennsylvania currency. 

There is no date to the paper from 
which the extract is made. See 
Sparks' Franklin Volume 3, page 535. 
All can be found in Rupp, page 131, 
132. 

German Swiss Distressed by Bound' 
ary Troubles. 

About the year 1736 the troubles 
between Maryland and Pennsylvania 
boundary became very acute, and our 
German Swiss were really between 
two mill stones — if they sided with 
Pennsylvania, Maryland oppressed 
them, and if they sided with Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania oppressed them — 
they were non-resistants and there- 
fore, did not take up arms to defend 
themselves. Maryland had asserted 
that the Susquehanna River was 



GER.MAX-SWISS AND THE PA.-MARYLAXD BOUNDARY TROUBLES. 257 



the boundary between Pennsylvania 
and Maryland. This was contested 
for tjO or Tit years before l)eins finally 
settled by the Mason and Di.xon Line. 

Sixty families of our German-Swiss 
ancestors, living west of the Susque- 
hanna River, and holding their al- 
legiance to Pennsylvania and their 
titles from Pennsylvania, this year 
were forcibly disi)osed of their land, 
and driven out of their homes and 
compelled to flee to the other side of 
the river. Thrilling accounts of this 
can be found in Vol. 4 Col. Rec. 149 
and also Vol. 3, Votes of Assembly, 
page 28S. 

Cresap "a free hooter" of Maryland, 
was encouraged by the iNIaryland au- 
thorities, to harass the German-Swiss 
because he had a great deal of the 
character of an outlaw, and he was 
very rough to our ancestors. And 
through a rough character by the 
name of Higgenbottom some of these 
Germans being intimidated, acknowl- 
edged the right of Maryland to gov- 
ern them. Afterwards they found 
their mistake and then acknowledged 
Pennsylvania was their lawful au- 
thority. (Vol. 4 Col. Rec. 56.) 

The 60 German-Swiss, who were 
dispossessed, sent a pitiful letter as 
to their troubles to the authorities at 
Philadelphia, renouncing their al- 
legiance to Maryland and announcing 
their cleavage to Pennsylvania. (Vol. 
4 Col. Rec. 57.) In fact, matters be- 
came so serious, that a particular 
Justice of the Peace was appointed, 
by the authorities of Pennsylvania, to 
protect these defenseless Germans or 
German-Swiss in this region. (Vol. 4 
Col. Rec. 58.) 

Maryland, among her other cruel- 
ties, sent a letter to the 60 families, 
threatening them anew with ven- 
geance, if they did not acknowledge 
Maryland's right to rule them. 

In Vol. 4 Col. Rec. page 60, there is 
set forth, a letter from the Lieutenant 



Governor of Maryland to the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania in which he 
enclosed the letter signed by the 60; 
Germans, who he said, asked the 
Maryland authorities and the Govern- 
ment, for lands there, and that the 
Maryland Government empowered 
them to settle, which he claimed to be 
in Maryland, and that these people 
resolved, by this enclosed letter, as a 
combination or association, to dis- 
own their allegiance to Maryland; and 
transfer themselves to the Govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania. 

The letter which the Governor of 
Maryland refers to, signed by these 
60 people, is in substance as follows: 
(page 61.) 

That they met with oppression and 
Ill-usage from Maryland, very differ- 
ent from the treatment in Pennsyl- 
vania, and that they believe that they 
are not settled in Maryland at all; but 
in the bounds of Pennsylvania: that 
their troubles are so unjustifiable and 
so grievous that they finally fled. They 
concluded by saying that they, the 
subscribers, with many of their 
neighbors are truly sensible of the 
wrong that they have done Pennsyl- 
vania in settling on lands that are in 
Pennsylvania, and at the same time, 
paying allegiance to Maryland. They 
decided therefore, to do their duty 
and live under the laws of Pennsyl- 
vania and the Government of Penn- 
sylvania, and that they will unani- 
mously adhere to this till a legal de- 
cision of the disputed boundary is 
had. 

German Swiss Distressed by Bound- 
ary Troubles. (Continued.) 

The communication is dated to be 
on the 11th day of August 1736; and 
in addition to this letter, depositions 
were taken of Francis Kipp to the ef- 
fect that he met the Master of the 
Sloop "Bachelor Hall," a vessel now 
lying in Susquehanna River. He said 



258 GERMAN-SWISS AND THE PA.-MARYLAND BOUNDARY TROUBLES. 



that a large number of men from Bal- 
timore County with guns and on 
horseback, came out along the River, 
passing near by him. He asked the 
Colonel at the head of the column, if 
he was going to fight? But the Colonel 
said, that he was going on on peace- 
able terms. He later learned, that the 
HaU went up with these soldiers and 
crossed the Susquehanna River near 
the Northeast Iron Works in Cecil 
County, and was going up to join 
Cresap and get possession of certain 
lands the German Swiss had posession 
of. 

The same year there was a petition 
of 4S of these Germans, sent to James 
Logan, and members of Council, stat- 
ing that they are inhabitants on the 
west side of the Susquehanna River, 
opposite to Hempfield, in the County 
of Lancaster. In this petition they 
state, that three years before, many 
of them just newly arrived in Amer- 
ica, were by fair promises of the 
3Iaryland authorities told to settle 
west of the Susquehanna River and 
were promised and told that the Sus- 
quehanna River was the division be- 
tween two provinces. They state that 
they soon found the whole usage was 
different from the usage in Pennsyl- 
vania; and also, without any cause, 
they were told that they were worse 
than negroes, that they had no Mas- 
ter and that they were not under the 
protection of any laws. They later 
learned that the Susquehanna River 
was not the boundary of Pennsyl- 
vania. They also noticed that their 
neighbors living on the east side of 
the River, further down than they 
lived, were enjoying the blessings of 
Penn's government. Therefore, they 
promised obedience to Pennsylvania, 
if Pennsylvania would take care of 
them. 

On receiving this, letters were sent 
to the Justices along the River, to 
protect these people against Cresap ! 



and other Maryland rogues. Vol. 4 
Col. Rec. 65-67. 

But things went worse. The follow- 
ing report was sent concerning the 
affairs. That a man named Tanner 
tried to get some of these Germans 
into ambush. This report was made 
to the Sheriff of Lancaster County. It 
was stated, that on Tuesday morning, 
a certain person went about six miles 
back from the River and there the 
Maryland people were plundering the 
Dutch people's houses. They were 
taking out of windows, cloth and other 
things that they could get their hands 
on, informing the Dutch that this was 
a public tax and that they owed Mary- 
land money. They stated that these 
Dutch people did not pay the Govern- 
ment and for this reason they had the 
right to do this. They threatened to 
burn the houses. When they were 
asked why, they retorted, because the 
Dutch people had revolted against 
Maryland. Then they told the Dutch, 
if they would come back and obey 
Maryland law, these taxes would not 
be collected until they had money. 
One of these intruders got a leader of 
the Dutch to get the neighbors to- 
gether and ask them, if they agreed 
to go back to the Maryland govern- 
ment, and if they would sign a paper. 
They all refused. TTien these intrud- 
ers said that they would not do any- 
thing more to molest them now; but 
at the end of two weeks if they did 
not comply with the Government of 
Maryland that they would come up, 
with an assembly of men, and put 
them out of their houses and put peo- 
ple in, who would be true to Mary- 
land. These troubles lasted for a 
good many years. (Vol. 4 Col. Rec. 
69.) 

In the same book, (page 70), James 
Logan writes a letter to Mr. Blunston, 
one of the Justices along the river, in 
which he states among other things, 
"You may let the Dutch people know 



GERMAN-SWISS TROUBLES UNDER NAVIGATION ACTS. 



2.19 



that the Susquehanna River is a part 
of Pennsylvania; but it is hard to 
keep up a large force to protect 
them." But he states that Pennsyl- 
vania is going to stand by them. 

There were petitions sent in by the 
Maryland people to the Maryland Gov- 
ernment. One of these is found in 
the same book page 101. In this peti- 
tion the subscribers who complain, 
state that they hear there is some 
vacant land near the Susquehanna 
River that the Dutch families settled 
on. They also state that these Dutch 
people are disloyal to Maryland and 
loyal to Pennsylvania and, therefore, 
they asked if Maryland will allow 
them to go and settle on these lands 
and throw the Dutch out. 

A great deal more on the contro- 
versy may be found in Col. Rec. Vol. 
4, pages 90 to 120. 

All this tends to show, that great 
difficulty was had and great hardships 
were endured by our German Swiss 
ancestors, in those dark early days. 

1736 — Our German-Swiss Ancestors 
Suffer I'nder the Navigation Acts. 

A new view of the difficulties and 
the burdens, under which our German- 
Swiss ancestors labored, in the Sus- 
quehanna Valley, and southeastern 
Pennsylvania generally, is shown by 
the following item, which appears in 
Vol. 4 Col. Rec. page 171: — 

"A petition of Durst Thome, of 
Philadelphia, in behalf of himself and 
others, was presented to the Board, 
and read in these words: 

To the Honorable, the President and 
Council of the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania : 
The humble petition of Durst Thome, 
of Philadelphia, in behalf of himself 
and others, whose names are men- 
tioned in a schedule hereunto an- 
nexed, being owners of the household 
goods and utensils in an inventory 



likewise hereunto annexed, humbly 
showeth: 

That being protestants and subjects 
to the Emperor of Germany, and en- 
couraged by the accounts that they 
had received from others of their 
countrymen in the province of Penn- 
sylvania, of the great blessings of 
peace and liberty of conscience, en- 
joyed in the said province, under the 
protection of that gracious and mighty 
Prince, King George the second, King 
of Great Britain and Elector of Han- 
over, they thereupon, in the year of 
' our Lord, One thousand seven hun- 
dred and thirty six, did transport 
ihemselves, with their families into 
this province; and having disposed of 
their old household goods and uten- 
sils, which were very bulky, at their 
coming down the Rhine, for very 
small quantity of new ones of the 
same kind, they were laden on board 
the ship Princess Augusta at Rotter- 
dam. And when the said ship made 
report of her lading at the port of 
Cowes, in Great Britain, the said 
household goods, utensils and other 
things belonging to your petitioners 
were freely exposed to the view of 
the Officers of that Port, who suf- 
fered them to pass without molesta- 
tion or requiring any rates, duty or 
customs for the same, they being for 
the proper use of your petitioners 
and not for sale. But so it is, may it 
please your Honors, that upon the ar- 
rival of your petitioners in the said 
ship at Philadelphia she, together 
with the goods and utensils aforesaid 
was seized by the collector and Naval 
Officer of this Port, or one of them, 
by which and the severity of the said 
Officers, your petitioners were re- 
duced to very great straits. And not- 
withstanding the said ship, upon a 
full hearing in the Court of Admiral- 
ty of this Province, before Charles 
Read, Esq., then Judge of the said 
Court; but since deceased, was legally 



260 



GERMAN-SWISS TROUBLES UNDER NAVIGATION ACTS. 



acquitted, yet the said goods were con- 
demned as forfeited; which sentence, 
as to the condemnation of the said 
goods and utensils, your petitioners 
being advised could not be warranted 
by law. They thereupon, petitioned 
the said Court of Admiralty for a re- 
hearing of the said sentence as to the 
household goods and utensils, in 
which petition they humbly conceive 
they have sufficiently shown that the 
said sentence was altogether null and 
void; and that the same (were the 
Judge of the said Court stil living) 
could not be put in execution, as by a 
true copy of the said petition herewith 
exhibited, and to which your peti- 
tioners for greater certainty beg leave 
to refer themselves, your petitioners 
humbly conceive will manifestly ap- 
pear; and as they, are so unfortunate 
as to be deprived of having the sen- 
tence re-heard in that Court, by rea- 
son of the Death of the Judge, they do 
most humbly pray, as your honors are 
interested in the forfeiture of the said 
goods and utensils if they had been 
legally condemned, that you will in 
compassion to the unhappy circum- 
stances of your poor petitioners, be 
pleased to grant them such relief as 
you, in your wisdom shall think fit. 

And your petitioners, as in duty 
bound, shall ever pray. 

DURST THOME. 

It will be observed that these af- 
flicted German Swiss ancestors said 
that they arrived in the Ship Princess 
Augusta in 1736. Upon making a 
search of the list of those who came 
in this vessel, which list is found in 
Second Series of Pennsylvania Ar- 
chives Vol. 17, page 126 and also in 
Vol. 4, Col. Rec. page 72 — we find 
among them the following general 
Lancaster County names, George and 
Jacob Myers, Jacob Miller, Jacob 
Bair, John Bumgardner, Philip Gard- 
ner, Charles Smith, William Huber, 



Lawrence Simon, John Dubbs, Hans 
and Thomas Kerr, John Jacob Busch, 
John George Graeff (Groff), Christian 
Suavely (Sneiblein), Teilman Her- 
shel, Fred Greir, John Jacob Kellar, 
John Rudolph Erb, John Jacob Krei- 
der, John J. Dubbs, Fredrick Gardner, 
Sebastian Groff, Walter Bowman 
(Baumann), Melchoir Detweiler, Hans 
Zwalley, Peter and John Binkley, Ru- 
dolph Bumgardner, Jacob Christman, 
Jacob Lawrence, Nicholas Faree 
(Free), George Mowrer, Christian 
Shibley and Joseph Newell and 
others. 

W^e may, perhaps, infer from this 
fact, that many of these people who 
suffered these hardships came to the 
Susquehanna Valley to settle. One 
thing is certain, if they did come up 
here, they came without their goods, 
for as we shall see in the next item, 
their goods were forfeited to the Gov- 
ernment and sold. A list of their 
goods will appear in the next item. 

1737 — List of Our German-Swiss An- 
cestors' Forfeited ftoods and Dis- 
posal of the Same. 

The following petition (4 Col. Rec. 
173) and the added items show how 
our ancestors fared in the difficulties 
mentioned in the preceding item. 
"To the Honorable Charles Read, Esq., 
Judge of the Court of Vice Admiral- 
ty of the Province of Pennsylvania. 
The humble petition of Nicholas 
Tainy, Benedict Youghly, Bastian 
Graffts and George Graffts, passen- 
gers, in the plea of the aforesaid 
Samuel Marchant, mentioned on be- 
half of themselves and others, the 
passengers aforesaid, humbly show- 
eth: 

That the said petitioners and others, 
the passengers aforesaid whose names 
are contained in a schedule hereunto 
annexed, were owners and now claim 
property in Thirty Stoves, in tlie in- 



GERMAN-SWISS AND XAVIGATIOX ACTS. 



2GI 



formation exhibited, called Chimney i 
backs, five hundred and ninety-six 
Syths, One hundred and three large j 
Iron Instruments called Straw- 
knives, Fourteen Iron Instruments 
called drawing knives. Twenty seven I 
Iron stew pans, eighty one Iron , 
Ladles, Five dozen and three Iron , 
Shovels, Twenty-seven Iron pot lids. 
Twelve Iron dripping pans and fry- 
ing pans. Thirteen axes and one 
hatchet, three small and one large 
crosscut saws, one gross of Shoemak- 
ers' and two of Saddlers' awls, six 
box Irons and six Chissels, Six Iron 
baking stove pans, T-wenty three 
dozen of Clasp-knives, One dozen of 
Steels, One dozen of Flyers and Ham- 
mers, Six Iron Lamps, Six Trowels, 
One spade. One cask of nails and a • 
smith's Vice, /f'ourten copper kettles,/ 
Five copper stills, Two dozen scissors, 
one packet of sleeve buttons and i 
Studs, four Umbrellas. Four dozen 
and one half of Worsted Caps, Two 
dozen of printed linen Caps, Six pair 
of worsted stockings, Four pieces of 
striped cotton Handkerchiefs, Twenty 
five pieces of Tape, Two dozen black 
Girdles, One piece of black Crepe, One 
piece of striped Cotton, Nineteen 
pieces of Bedtick, Two pieces of 
brown Linen, One piece of blue and 
white Linen, Two dozen of ivory 
Combs, Two dozen and one half of 
tobacco Pipes with brass covers and I 
a brass box. Two dozen of Ivory | 
needle cases. Three handbrushes, ' 
Three dozen of Pewter Spoons, Three , 
dozen of Spectacles, Eight looking 
Glasses, Eight Flutes, Six w^ooden [ 
Clocks, and one dozen of briarhook 
Sickles, in the information aforesaid 
mentioned; that to them they belong I 
and were imported for their own 
private use, and not for sale; And say , 
they are advised and hope to prove I 
that the sentence against the Goods, j 
Wares, and Merchandise aforesaid I 
ought not to be put in execution, for j 



that the proceedings in the cause 
aforesaid against the said goods are 
Null, void, Invalid, and of no force 
and effect in the law, for the several 
causes following, viz: for that it ap- 
pears by the plea of the said Samuel 
Marchant the goods aforesaid were 
the goods of those Claimants, and 
therefore, ought not to have been 
condemned without a hearing first 
given them. And also an opportunity 
of examining witnesses, by which it 
might have appeared to the Court 
here that the said goods were not 
liable to be condemned as forfeited; 
also, for that by the practice of this 
Court and Law in such cases, at least 
a third proclamation ought to have 
been made before the goods afore- 
said could legally be condemned; also 
for that the information aforesaid is 
altogether uncertain and illegal, 
which has rendered the sentence 
grounded thereupon, altogether null 
and void; the said information being 
exhibited on behalf of the Governor 
or President, whereas, at the time of 
the exhibiting of that information, the 
Government, by the death of the late 
Lieutenant Governor and the laws of 
this province, devolves upon and still 
continues in the President and Coun- 
cil and not in the President only, and 
therefor the information aforesaid 
ought to have been in the name of 
the President and Council of the 
Province of Pennsylvania fin whom 
the power and authority of a Gov- 
ernor of this Province, by the death 
of the said late Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor. Patrick Gordon, Esq., deceased, 
is vested) and the sentence ought to 
have been pronounced accordingly. 
And even had this been done, as your 
Honor is a member of that very 
Council, and consequently interested 
in the event of the forfeiture, if any 
be. They submit it to your Honor 
whether it be consistent with the 
rules of Justice and Equity that any 



262 



SHIP RECORDS— MICHAEL WELFARE'S PREACHING. 



sentence should be given in the 
premises at this time and in this 
Court. 

For which reasons they humbly 
pray, that the said sentence may be 
reviewed, reheard, and not put in ex- 
ecution; but that the proceedings for 
the causes aforesaid may be declared 
invalid, null and void, and that the 
goods, wares, and merchandise afore- 
said be restored to their owners. And 
they, as in duty bound shall pray. 
NICHOLAS TAINY 
BENEDICT YOUGHLY 
BASTIAN GRAFFTS 
GEORGE GRAFFTS. 
A schedule or list was likewise an- 
nexed to the foi;egoing petition, con- 
taining the names of One hundred and 
sixteen foreigners. Which petition 
and papers annexed, are contained un- 
der consideration." 

Other steps taken by these unfor- 
tunate foreigners, concerning their 
goods, are found in the same book, 
page 226, where it is made plain, that 
all these goods were condemned and 
sold and the moneys given to the use 
of the English Government. 

From these we observe, that since 
these German Swiss were not English 
and not naturalized, the goods which 
they attempted to bring to this coun- 
try and start their life here with, 
were liable to seizure as the English 
law did not allow any goods from any 
other country except England, to be 
imported into the colonies of Ameri- 
ca. It seems that under a certain 
taxation and restriction, certain 
amount of clothing and household 
goods could be brought over. But 
they fared very badly in the incident 
referred to above. 

1737_Sliil> Roeords of the Preceding 

Year. 

The records of immigrants, coming 

to Pennsylvania in 1736, may be found 

in the item setting forth, the unfortu- 



nate company who arrived in the 
Princess Augusta, set forth (ante) in 
these annals. 

The only other ship arriving during 
that year was the'Perth Amboy, ac- l\ 
count of which is found in 2nd. Series ' 
of the Pa. Archives, Vol. 17, page 130. 
The immigrants arriving in this ship 
are as follows, common in Lancaster 
County : 

Frantz — Hellar — Lambert — Stei- ' 
ger — Herr — Eberhart — Shultz — 
Haas — Rausch and Smith. 

There are others arriving in this 
ship; but these are those of Lancas- 
ter County's common names. 

1736 — Michael Welfare a German 
Baptist Preacher from Ephrata. 

The Germans in and about Ephrata 
who followed a monastic religious 
life, produced several peculiar char- 
acters and a great many religious 
writings. One of these characters was 
Michael Welfare. 

In the Pa. Gazette, in the issue of 
January 6, 1737, there is a notice of a 
book published by Welfare called, 
"The wisdom of God crying and call- 
ing to the sons and daughters of men 
for repentance." 

The notice states, that this is really 
a sermon or testimony delivered to 
the people of Philadelphia Market 
September 1734 by Michael Welfare; 
together with some additional re- 
marks on the present state of affairs 
concerning Christianity in Pennsyl- 
vania. To be sold by Benjamin 
Franklin. About the same time the 
testimony was delivered, a notice ap- 
peared in Franklin's newspaper under 
the date of September 25, 1734. 

This may be found under that date 
in the preceding item of these annals. 

1737— Ship Records For This Year. 

During this year we find 7 ship 
loads of these German Swiss people. 



HORRORS OF THE BORDER WARFARE. 



263 



Among the common Lancaster County 
names we find the following: 

Four Alberts — 2 Arnolds — 2 Beck- 
ers — 6 Bowmans — 2 Fishers — 2 
Frantzs— 2 Falcks— 4 Groves — 2 Gar- 
^ers^6 Habeckers — 2 Kauffmans — 4 
Longs — 3 Leamans — 8 Millers — 2 Mey- 
ers — 2 Minnichs — 2 Rotes — 2 Reigels 
—2 Smiths— 4 Stouts— 3 Wolfes— 3 
"Wises — 2 Wagners — 2 Welches — 2 1 
Zieglers — 3 Stricklers — 5 Shantzs and 
3 Shrivers. 

We find one each of the following 

Appel — Bishop — Bumgardner — 

Christ — Eberhart — Engel — Foust 

— Fink — Frederick — Grim — Hoi- ■ 
linger — Gardner — Kline — Krauss i 

— Melchoir — Thomas — Snyder — 
Ritter — Ruth — Vogel — Weber — ; 
Wetzel — Spangler — Shober — [ 
Shank — Slegel and Springer. { 

These German Swiss people came ! 
in the Ship "Samuel" Hugh Percy 
master — "Snow~~3IoITy" John Howell 
master — "Virtuous Grace" John Bull 
master — "St. Andrew Galley" John 
Stedman master — "Bilander Towns- 
head'' Thomas TTiompson master — 
"Charming Nancy of London" Charles 
Stedman master and the Ship "Wil- 
liam" John Carter master. 

1737 — Horror and Suffering of the 

Early Germans in the Lancaster 

County Border Warfares. 

Tlie Colonial Records, particularly 
Volume 4, contains a great many let- 
ters upon the suffering of our Ger- 
man ancestors by reason of the con- 
tention of Maryland along the Sus- 
q'lehanna River. 

In that book, page 159, and con- 
tinuing for several pages, there ap- 
pears a letter drawn up by the Presi- 
dent and Counsel of Pennsylvania to 
the Maryland Governor, on the state | 
of affairs. And contains, among | 
others, the following extracts, made ' 
from it: ' 



"But what must the world judge, or 
yourself say, of the last transactions 
begun about the time of the date of 
your letter, and since continued by 
your new Captain Higginbotham and 
his crew, the seizing and taking at 
one time half a dozen quiet and 
peaceable German men from the 
human office of digging a grave to 
bury the dead of a neighbor's family, 
hurry them through the woods in the 
most rigorously cold season that has 
been for some years known, about a 
hundred miles on foot, and there 
committing them in the like weather 
to a narrow noisome gaol without 
any other subsistance than a pint of 
Indian corn boiled in water for the 
whole twenty four hours, for which 
pint of the value of about a half 
penny each man is charged by the 
Sheriff twenty pounds of tobacco for 
each day, and no fire or any other 
lodging than the bare floor allowed 
them further than as the distressed 
people could procure them from the- 
humanity of others, or borrow money 
to purchase them. And again others 
of the same people yet more barbar- 
ously treated, for instance your Cap- 
tain and his gang, breaking down the 
window fired in upon the family at 
one man's house, then violently 
breaking up both his doors then 
cruely beat him and his wife with 
their guns, until they broke tw'o of 
them, and then took the man: an- 
other they took from his threshing, 
and being at the work very thinly 
clothed, his wife following him to 
carry his coat to him, they fired at 
the woman and obliged her to re- 
turn; they cut down the door of the 
third and took the man; at another 
who had fled on horseback to escape 
them, they fired two shots; at an- 
other's house they cut down two 
doors and took the man: at another's 
they cut down three doors, two at 
his house and one at his mill, and 



264 



NAMES OF LOCAL GERMAN-SWISS IMMIGRANTS. 



took him; and then took two others 
who went to them with the intention 
to have those unhappy prisoners 
freed; and all these, when thus taken, 
they hurried down in the same man- 
ner to Annapolis and committed 
them as they had the others before. 
They have also since taken Joshua 
Minshal, a frequent sufferer in your 
gaols, for no other reason formerly 
than acknowledging the jurisdiction 
he lives under, and now for none that 
we can learn besides their own will 
and pleasure. Nor do we find any- 
thing is or can be alleged against 
those Dutchmen or Germans, more 
than that being from their own ob- 
servation convinced (for they were 
never that we can discover, solicited 
or persuaded to it by any of this 
Government) that the place they 
lived in could not be in Maryland but 
in Pennsylvania, and therefore, they 
thought themselves obliged in con- 
science to acknowledge their right- 
ful proprietors and accordingly let 
you know this, a proceeding that, on 
their application to some of our 
Magistrates of Lancaster, they were 
advised to as the most candid and 
in genuous means they could use on 
their return to us, which they had of 
themselves proposed and were de- 
termined in before." 

This is simply a summing up of 
what our German-Swiss ancestors 
had to endure along the Susquehanna 
River in 1737 and before. And it is 
set forth as a mirror, which our peo- 
ple of the present day can see re- 
flected, some of the conditions of the 
so-called "good old times." This took 
place in both Manor and W. Hemp- 
field townships and also along the 
west side of the river. 

This extract was found in Vol. 4, 
Col. Rec, p. 160. 

1738— Ship Records For TUs Tear. 

During this year we find 16 ship 
loads of these German Swiss people. 



Among the common Lancaster County 
names we find the following: 

3 Beyers — 4 Bowmans — 2 Benders — 
2 Burns — 2 Funks — 3 Fullmers — 2 
Fritzs — 2 Hellars — 8 Hoffmans — 4 
Halls — 2 Hesses — 4 JacoLs — 2 Klines 
—3 Lites— 3 Longs— 18 Millers— 9 My- 
ers — 3 Nagles — 2 Palmers — 3 Reeses — 
11 Smiths — 13 Snyders — 2 Shoemakers 
—3 Sharps — 2 Shaeffers — 2 Thomases 
—8 Wagners— 2 Walters— 2 Wolfs— 3 
Zieglers and 3 Weberr.. 

We also find, one each of the fol- 
lowing: 

Arnold, Abel, Burkhart, Brock, 
Bernhart, Bricker, Beck, Daniel, 
Diehl, Engle, Fisher, Funk, Fehl, 
Gable, Goodman, Huppart, Hartman, 
Hoover, Hellar, Kiuzer, Haller, Kauff- 
man, Leanord, Mitchell, Mosser, 
Moore, Peters, Roth, Rhode, Stout, 
Ruth, Shenk, Shoop, Shultz, Starr, 
Slegel, Strauss, Stein, Shearer, 
Swartz, Tshudy, Zimmerman, Weaver, 
Wenger, Wise, Walker, Wanamaker 
and others. 

These German and Swiss people 
came in the Ship "Bringantine Cath- 
erine" Jacob Philips Master — "Winter 
Galley" Edward Paynter Master — 
"Glascow" Walter Sterling Master — 
"Snow Sisters" James Marshall Mas- 
ter — "Robert and Alice of Dublin" 
Walter Goodman Master — "Queen 
Elizabeth" Alexander Hope Master — 
"Thistle" John Wilson, Master — 
"Nancy" William Wallace, Master — 
"Friendship" Henry Buch, Master — 
"Snow Fox" Charles Ware, Master — 
"Davy" William Patton, Master— "St. 
Andrew" John Stedmans, Master — 
"Bilander Thistle" George Houston, 
Master — "Elizabeth" George Hodgson, 
Master — "Charming Nancy" Chas. 
Stedman , Master and "Snow Enter- 
prise,'' Lynell Wood, Master. 

1738 — Unsanitary Accommodations in 

Our Ancestors' Shiips. 

From time to time the ancient rec- 



CONTAGIOUS DISEASES AMONG IMMIGRANTS. 



265 



ords make reference to the sick and 
deceased conditions of the poorer im- 
migrants and of the necessity for hos- 
pitals and lazarettos. In Vol. 4, Col. 
Rec, page 306, necessity for quaran- 
tine is again brought up. 

It is there stated, that Dr. Thomas 
Graeme, who was appointed the of- 
ficial visitor on all ships arriving in 
Philadelphia made a report concern- 
ing four ships that had just come 
from Rotterdam and Amsterdam. It 
was particularly pointed out, that the 
passengers on the ship Nancy and 
Friendship should not land, as such 
landing might prove dangerous to the 
health of the inhabitants of the prov- 
ince. And, it was therefore ordered, 
that the Masters of these ships should 
be taken into custody for contempt in 
not obeying the Governor's order, 
which required, that all ships must 
remain one mile away from the City, 
until they give security not to land 
any of the passengers, baggage or j 
goods until the passengers have been 
examined and until the ships have a I 
license to do so. I 

It seems that Philadelphia was 
afraid of small pox and other con- 
tagious diseases. 

On turning to the records of those 
who arrived in the Nancy and Friend- [ 
ship, we find persons bearing our 
Lancaster County names, such as 
Hoffman, Myer, Beck, Reese, Rhode, 
Young, Hoover, Miller, Shoop, Smith 
and many others. i 

173S~The Progress of Our Connty ' 

Largely Due to the German-Swiss. 

Turning again to Col. Rec, Vol. 4, 
page 315, we find, that at this same 
time, the Governor made an address j 
to the Assembly, in which he gave 
his views upon the subject of the 
German Swiss people and their con- 
dition in this county up until that 
time. 

Among other things he says: "This 



Province has been for some time the 
asylum of the distressed Protestants 
of the Palatinate, and other parts of 
Germany, and I believe it may with 
truth be said that the present flour- 
ishing condition of it is in a great 
measure owing to the industry of 
those people; and should any discour- 
agement divert them from coming 
hither, it may well be apprehended 
that the value of your lands will fall, 
and your advances to wealth be much 
slower; for it is not altogether the 
goodness of the soil, but the number 
and industry of the people that make 
a flourishing country. The condition 
indeed of such as arrived here lately 
has given a very just alarm; but had 
you been provided with a Pest House 
or Hospital in a proper situation the 
evils which have been apprehended 
might under God have been entirely 
prevented. The law to prevent sickly 
vessels from coming into this Gov- 
ernment has been strictly put in ex- 
ecution by me. A physician has been 
appointed to visit those vessels and 
the Masters obliged to land such of 
the passengers as were sick at a dis- 
tance from the City, and to convey 
them, at their own expense, to houses 
in the Country convenient for their 
reception. More could not have been 
done without inhumanly exposing 
great numbers to perish on board the 
ships that brought them." 

1738 — Another Lot of German Swiss 
Ancestors Naturalized. 

During this session of the Legisla- 
ture the following persons were nat- 
uralized, among those, we recognize 
many names of our Lancaster County 
people of the present day, Michael 
Albert, William Albert, Leanord Ben- 
der, George Miller, John Bushong, 
Nicholas Candle, John Hagey, Charles 
Kellar, Stephen Leiberger, Ludowick 
Dettenburn, John Peter Ccoher, Mi- 
chael Becker, Kaspar Stump, Jacob 



266 



NATURALIZATION— MORE IMMIGRANTS COME. 



Becker, Bartholomew Shaver, Tobias 
Pickle, Peter Rutt, George Klein, 
Paul Tittenhoffer, Mathlas Tise, 
George Ludowick Horst, Sebastian 
Graeff, John Henry Bassler, Mathias 
Yung, Jacob Schlough, Henry Michael 
Immel, Felix Miller, Martin Wey- 
brecht, Frederick Eigelberger, Sebas- 
tian Fink, Hans Adam Shreiner, 
Christian Lang, Caspar Fillar, An- 
thony Bretter, Hans Graff, Theophilus 
Hartman, Jr., Benjamin Witmer, 
Abraham Witmer, Johannes Binkley, 
Turst Buckwalter, Henry Neaf, Jr., 
Valentine Hergelrat, Henry Bassler, 
John Stettler, Leonhard Romler, 
Leonhard Heyer, Peter Schell, John 
Nohaker, Michael Knoppenheffer, 
Christian Leman, George Unrook, 
Jacob Sheffer, Valentine Keffer, Jacob 
Etshberger, Herman Walburn, Casper 
Reed, Christian Ley, Jacob Lower, 
Hans Moor, Johannes Blum, George 
Steitz, Erasmus Bluckenmeyer,George 
Graff; "being all of the Protestant or 
Reformed religion, and subjects of the 
Emperor of Germany, and other 
provinces now in amity with the King 
of Great Britain; every one of them 
was by this Act declared citizens, and 
all the immunities enjoyed by nat- 
ural liege subjects, were to be enjoyed 
by them." (Rupp 271.) 

1738— Another Small Influx of Get- 

mans. 

Rupp, in his history of Lancaster 
County, page 273, says that about this 
year, many immigrants from the 
Palatinate settled in Brecknock 
Township. Among these were Jacob 
Guth, who erected the first grist mill ; 
John Mussleman and Francis Diller, 
who erected the first distillery in 
Brecknock; Jacob Schneder, and 
Francis Eckert, Herman Deis, Chris- 
topher Waldhauer, William Morris 
and some others. This marks the 
opening of the northeast section of 
Lancaster County settlements, name- 



ly, old Brecknock Township. The 
number of taxables about this time 
were 2560, in Lancaster County. 

1738— Settling- of Another Lot of 

Palatines. 

In the Pa. Gazette of Oct. 26, 1738, 
contaijis this item. "Last Saturday 
arrived here, the ship Davy from Hol- 
land with Palatines. 

The Captain with both mates and 
one hundred and sixty passengers 
died on the passage and the Carpenter 
brought in the vessel. Most of the 
ships which bring Dutch passengers 
this year, have been visited with a 
sickness that has carried away a great 
number of Swiss. 

We see by this, why a pest house or 
a similar method of quarantine was 
so badly needed. This ship had to be 
brought in by the Carpenter and ap- 
parently very few passengers were 
left. 

Turning to Volume 17, Second Ser. 
of Pa. Archives, page 169, we find that 
this ship "Davy" was not Dutch, but 
German; and came from Amsterdam. 
The list of passengers given in the 
records number 94. 

We observe that two-thirds of the 
number died on the passage. 

Among the ordinary county names 
in this ship we find such as Kunzler, 
Long, Shearer, Thomas Seber, Myers, 
Stein, Kellar, Frey, Wise, Fehl,Shrum, 
Kinzer, Subert, Khehr, Snyder, Moore, 
Reichert, Hoffman, Beck, Lantsinger, 
Wetzel, Lantz, Stoltz and others. 

We see, therefor, that the sufferers 
mentioned in this item were ances- 
tors of people actually living in this 
county today. 

1738 — Great Percentage of German 

Swiss Immignrants Died En Route. 

From the records we have shown of 
the several ships names, whose ca- 
tastrophes we were able to describe. 



ONE-THIRD OF SHIP PASSENGERS DIE AT SEA. 



2fi7 



because, of the meager accounts of 
ancient newspapers, still on file, we 
are able to calculate how many thou- 
sands of those who started for 
America from Amsterdam and Rotter- 
dam between the years 1700 and 1750 



We also find one each of the follow- 



ing 



Albert, Burkhart, Brenner, Barr, 
Cook, Christian. Dorwart. Engle, 
Fisher. Frey, Fox, Gerhart, Good, 
Hess, Kramer, Moore, Martin, Neff. 



never reached America; but died at Roth, Reisser, Ream, Schaeffer. 



sea and were buried in its waters. 

We cited the case of the ship that 
had 150 on board and arrived here 
with only ',{) persons: and another 
case where one-half of the crew were 
lost and one-half of the passengers 
died: and of the ship Davy, just men- 
tioned in which, out of 254, fully 160 
were lost and only 94 reached shore. 

There were many others, no doubt, 
in which 50 to 100 died on the voyage 
and no note was ever made of them. 
I It is therefore safe to say, that the 
30,000 German Swiss immigrants who 
arrived here from the year 1700 until 
the times reaching up to the Revolu- 
tionary War may not have been more 
than two-thirds or three-fourths of 
those who started to reach America. 



Shearer, Swartz. Strauss, Weaver, 
Welchans, Wolpert and Zimmerman. 
These German-Swiss people came in 
the Ship "Bilander London" — John 
Pipon Commander: "Jamaica Galley"' 
—Robert Harrison, Commander; 
"Snow Betsy" — Richard Buden, Com- 
mander: "Samuel" — Hugh Percy, 
Commander; "Robert and Alice" — 
Walter Goodman, Commander; 
"Friendship"— William Vittery, Com- 
mander; "Loyal Judith" — Edward 
Painter, Commander, and "Lydia" — 
James Allen, Commander. 

1730 — Xany Inliabifants of Lancaster 

and Philadelpliia Petition to be 

Naturalized. 

In Vol. 3, Votes of Assembly, p. 
That is to say, it is wholly likely that I 334, a large number of our ancestors 
out of nearly 45,000 or 50.000 imml- ,' set forth their desire for naturaliza- 



grants who set sail for America in 
that time, 15,000 to 20,000 of them 



tion and this action as well as the 
general situation in Pennsylvania on 



died on the voyage by diseases, hard- the subject of German Swiss immigra- 
ships and exposure. And perhaps, j tion the Assembly represented to 
many entire ship loads of them went! Hon. Thomas Penn as follows; 



down, of which we have no record in 
America at all. Those 30.000 who ar- 
rived here during that time, may 
simply be survivors of a list of nearly 
50,000 who started. 



1739— Ship Records for This Tear. 



To the Honorable Thomas Penn: 
The address of Representative of 
Freeman of said province showeth: 

That we have received sundry peti- 
tions from a great number of inhabi- 
tants of Philadelphia and Lancaster 
Counties, which we take the liberty to 
During this year, we find 8 ship lay before the Proprietor setting forth 
loads of these German Swiss people, the great straits they and their fami- 
Among the common Lancaster County lies wilh be reduced to and the incon- 
names we find the following: j veniency that will arise to man.v 

2 Adams — 3 Beckers — 2 Bachmans others though not under their cir- 
— 3 Diehls — 2 Gables — 4 Hnffmans — 3 cumstances, if those poor people 
Klines — 8 Millers — 2 Smith.s — 4 Sny- should be removed from their present 
ders — 2 Swenks — 2 Stouts — 2 Thom- habitations at the time limited by the 
ases — 2 Wolfes — 2 Webers and 2 proprietor's advertisement of Xovem- 
Weidmans. i ber 23 last: 



268 



LANCASTER COUNTY GERMAN-SWISS NATURALIZED. 



Though some of these people have 
most unwarrantably possessed them- 
selves of your lands and others of 
them very much" failed in their duty 
in complying with their contracts, yet 
we hope the Proprietor will be 
pleased to have compassion upon 
their present circumstances and 
rather impute their falling short in 
that justice which they owe to your 
Honorable family, to their necessities 
and want of knowledge and due con- 
sideration, rather than a disregard 
and contempt of your right or author- 
ity. 

And as we are of the opinion that 
the greatest part of these people, un- 
der the circumstances mentioned iu 
said advertisements, may in time be- 
come useful inhabitants, — We humbly 
request our Proprietor to take their 
unhappy condition into his considera- 
tion, and allow them such further 
time, under such limitations as the 
Proprietor shall judge reasonable, in 
order to pay for and get their titles 
to their lands confirmed; and this 
house, will in a proper time, readily 
join with the Governor in any Act that 
may be judged necessary, as well as 
for protecting the property of the 
Proprietor and others from such un- 
just intrusions in the future, and for 
the preservation of the Peace of the j 
Government, as for guarding against ! 
the danger which may arise from the i 
great and frequent importation of 
foreigners; and by these means we i 
hope the Proprietor's interest will be 
much advanced and the poor people 
much relieved. 

TVe shall see that the wish of these 
people was gratified. 

1739— Lancaster County Ancestors 

^^ituralized. 

May 19, of this year, the following 
residents of Lancaster County were 
naturalized, Michael Albert, William 
Albert, Leonhart Bender, George Mil- 



ler, John Bushong, Nicholas Camile, 
John Hagey, Charles Kellar, Stephen 
Remsberger, Ludowick Dettenburn, 
Jacob Bair, Jr., John Leiberger, Bar- 
tholomew Shaver, Caspar Stump, 
Jacob Becker, Tobias Pickle, Peter 
Rutt, George Kline, Paul Tittenhof- 
fer, Mathias Tise, George Ludowick, 
Sebastian Graff, John Henry Basse- 
ler, Mattheas Yung, Jacob Shloug, 
Henry Michael Immel, Felix Miller, 
Martin Weybrecht, Fredrick Eigel- 
berger, Sebastian Fink, Hans Adam 
Shreiner, Christian Long, Caspar Til- 
ler, Anthony Bretter, Leonhart Ell- 
maker, Andreas Bersinger, Hans 
Graff, Jacob Hartman, Theopolis 
Hartman, Jr., Benjamin Witmer,Adam 
Witmer, Johannes Binkley, Turst 
Buckwalter, Henry Neaff, Jr., Valen- 
tine Heargelrat, Henry Basseler. 
Johan Stetler, Leonhart Romler, 
Leonhart Heyer, Peter Shell, Johan 
Nohaker, Nicholas Miller, Johan Hock, 
Thomas Koppenheffer, Christian Lee- 
man, George Unrook, Jacob Shaffer, 
Valentine Keefer, Jacob Etshberger, 
Herman Walburn, Caspar Reed, 
Christian Manusmith, Nicholas Cutts, 
George Weyrick, Christopher Ley, 
Jacob Lower, Hans Moor, John Blum, 
George Steitz, Erasmus Buckenmeyer, 
and George Groff. These 78 names 
are all familiar ones down to this day. 
It is quite a satisfaction to know the 
date when they were thus granted 
full citizenship. They are spoken of 
in the record as of the Protestant or 
Reformed religion and are stated to 
have been subjects of the Emperor 
of Germany and other princes in 
amity with Great Britain. 

At the same time a long list of 
Germans or Swiss of Philadelphia 
were naturalized. They are as fol- 
lows; 

Johannes Dylander, Christian 
Grassold, Henry Shocklier, Michael 
Jansen Hailing, Daniel Steinmetz, 
Johannes Smith, David Deshler, Hans 
George Passage, David Seesholtz, 



PHILADELPHIA NATURALIZATIONS— POVERTY OF I.MMIGR.\NTS 269 



Stephen Greiff, Hans George Hickner, 
Sebastian Mirry, Rudolph Bonner, 
Baltzazae Ressler, Jr., Joannes Zach- 
arias, Charles Benzel, Jr.. Daniel 
Macjnd, Jr.. Justis Reeb-Camp, 
Charles Reeb-Camp, Jacob Gallete, 
Anthony Hinkle, Peter Righter, Wil- 
liam Rerig, Henry Stouz, Christopher 
Roab, Caspar Singer, Ludowick 
Knauss, William Hauke, Leonhart 
Hartline, Michawl Kline, Leonhart 
Kristler, Johannes Wilhelm, Ludo- 
wick Cirkel, Ludowick Hinnige, 
George Cressman, Fredrick Gotshall, 
Andreas Trombourger, Jacob Troum- 
berger, Hartman Detterman, Philip 
Enghert, Jacob Coob, Henry Deinig, 
Johan Ditterig Bauman, Johan Kleim, 
Fredrick Alarstaller, Mathias Koplin, 
Johannes Bender, Henry Deeringer, 
Adam Moser, Peter Jarger, Jacob 
Aister, Samuel Gooldin, Hans George 
Jarger, Andreas Kepler, Jacob Frey, 
Christopher Witman, Andreas Geis- 
berts, Benedictus Muntz, John Eigs- 
ter, Michael Herger, Philip Frederick 
Hillengas, Philip Labar, Michael 
Knappenberger, Michael Dotterer, 
George Hubner, Herman Fisher, Con- 
rad Kolb, George Philip Dotterer, 
Johan Miller, Jacob Freeh, Henry 
Smith, Leonhart Smith, Rowland 
Smith, Michael Kraus, Daniel Kreest- 
man, Abraham Beyer, Michael Good, 
George Good, Henry Snyder, Adam 
Reed, Christopher Ottinger, Anthony 
Jager, Nicolaus Jager, John Henry 
Weeber, Johan Jacob Roth, Johannes 
Geldbaugh, and Christian Gondy. 

Nk) doubt many of these are the 
ancestors of the great flourishing 
Mennonite Church of the City of Phil- 
adelphia, which is (among others) 
under the jurisdiction of that enter- 
prising and learned father of the 
faith, Bishop N. B. Grubb. (See rec- 
ord of this naturalization in Vol. 4, 
St. L., p. 326.) T-his is the fruit of 
the petition set forth in the preceding 
item. 



1739— (ilernijm Sniss Ancestors Not 

Able To Pay Their Passage. 

We have noticed in piior articles, 
that some of our German Swiss ances- 
tors were held occasionally for their 
passage money. This difficulty they 
seemed to encounter continually. In 
the Pa. Gazette of April 19, 1739, it is 
stated, that "Whereas sundry Pala- 
tines are indebted for their freights 
in the under mentioned ships and 
sundry others have given their notes 
and bonds which have long been due; 
they are desired to take notice that if 
they do any longer neglect to come 
and pay their respective debts unto 
Benjamin Shoemaker living in High 
Street they may expect to be prose- 
cuted according to law. 

The ships are as follows: 

The Ship Hope, Daniel Reed com- 
mander — Ship Samuel, Hugh Percy 
commander — Ship Mercury, William 
Wilson commander — Ship Princess 
Augusta, Samuel Marchant command- 
er — Ship Virtuous Grace, John Bull 
commander — Ship Harle, Ralph Har- 
le commander — Ship Winter Galley, 
Edward Painter commander — Ship 
Queen Elizabeth, Alexander Hope 
commander — Ship Glascow, Walter 
Sterling commander and the Ship 
Friendship, Henry Berch commander. 

We can easily gather from this, that 
poverty was pretty generally the com- 
mon lot of the earliest forefathers of 
Lancaster County. Of course, they 
had opportunity ahead for making 
money and did make money; but they 
began in face pinching poverty. 

1739 The Dangrers of Wairoiiinsr to 
Pliihladelphia. 

In the Pa. Gazette of October 25, 
1739, there is an account as follows: 

"On the 20th inst. as one Willmouth 
Brackbill, a Palatine, was driving a 
team on the Conestoga Road, he 
stepped out of the fore part of the 



270 



SHIP RECORDS— NATURALIZATION. 



wagon, his foot slipping the wheels 
went over him and he was killed." 

There is nothing of importance in 
this item, except that, undoubtedly the 
road ways were in a bad condition 
between Lancaster and Philadelphia 
and they had many dangers. The 
traveling between the two places was 
quite numerous and many accidents 
occurred. It will be remembered, we 
learned that commodities of all kinds 
were taken to Philadelphia in wagons. 

Harris in his Biographical History 
of Lancaster County contains notes of 
this death also. (P. 5.) Where he 
speaks of him as Ulrich Brackbill. It 
may be that it was Ulrich Brackbill 
that was killed. As Harris says, 
Ulrich Brackbill was one of the most 
prominent of our early ancestors. He 
was, I am quite positive, a son of 
Benedict Brackbill mentioned in a 
previous item of these annals. Bene- 
dict Brackbill was very instrumental 
in preventing the first ship load of 
Palatines from being sent by Switzer- 
land to the East Indies. He interced- 
ed with Holland not to allow such a 
shipment to be sent across the Hol- 
land dominion down the Rhine and, 
therefore, the project was abandoned 
and some of the same people after- 
wards came to Lancaster County. 

1739 — Lancaster Connty Reformed 

Germans Naturalized. 

In 4th Statutes at Large p. 327, will 
be found a list of what are called, 
Reformed Lancaster County Germans 
naturalized. This is the same list we 
gave in a previous item, although in 
that item, we did not refer to them as 
being of Reformed faith. It is made 
clear that they are not of Mennonite 
faith. At the Court of St. James, May 
12, 1740, an Act for naturalizing these 
Germans came before the King's 
Council, and on recommendation of 
the Lords Commissioners for Trade 
and of the Privy Council the Act for 
naturalizing was approved. 



1740— Ship Records For This Tear. 

During this year we find 6 ship 
loads of these German Swiss people. 
Among the common Lancaster County 
names we find the following: 

2 Beckers — 2 Freys — 2 Hellars — S 
Millers— 3 Myers— 8 Smiths— 13 Sny- 
ders — 4 Shoemakers — 2 Walters and 3 
Wolfes. 

We also find one each of the follow- 
ing: 

Arnold — Beyer — Beck — Brosius 

— Berger — Cramer — Casper — Cook 

— Fisher — Fink — Frantz — Green- 
await — Hoffman — Hall — Hersh — 
Hart — Kress — King — Moore — 
Marks — Oster — Rhode — Reinhart 

— Reissner — Rupp — Schaeffer — 
Stein — Saylor — Shaeffer — Weber 

— Wacker and Werner. 

These German Swiss people came in 
the Ship "Friendship," William Vit- 
tery master — "Lydia," James Allen 
master — "Samuel and Elizabeth," 
William Chilton master — "Loyal Jud- 
ith," Lovell Painter master — ^"Robert 
and Alice," Walter Goodman master, 
and '^Samuel," Hugh Mercy master. 

1740— Taxation Without Representa- 
tion. 

In Vol. 16 of Hazard's Register, 
page 253, there is an article showing 
the original letters of Peter Miller, 
who was a prominent figure in the 
Ephrata settlement. Peter Miller 
writing about the events in his letter 
of 1790 says, "that 50 years earlier, 
which would have been 1740, the sub- 
ject of taxes came up and they were 
all very poor at that time." He fur- 
ther states, that at that time, a Con- 
stable entered their Camp, for they 

' lived in the form of a Camp then, and 
demanded a single man's tax from 
each one of the single men. The 

' Brethren differed among themselves 

j in opinion, some paid, some refused 
and claimed a personal immunity, on 

I the ground that, in the eastern coun- 



EPHRATA DUNKERS AND TAXES— GERMAN-QUAKER COALITION. 271 



tries the Monks and hermits were not 
subject to taxes, they simply collected 
every harvest by their labor so much 
grain as was needed for the yearly 
supply and have also supplied all the 
prisons and helped the poor and, 
therefore, the old Roman Emperor 
freed them from any taxes. They 
claimed these early brethren were not 
inferior to those of ancient times. 
The result was, that six of these 
brethren were taken to jail at Lan- 
caster and were imprisoned 10 days 
but were set free, and a veneral old 
Justice of the Court offered himself 
for bail for them. His name was 
Tobias Hendricks. 

When the Court came on and the 
brethren appeared before the Board, 
the Judges became greatly impressed 
with the fear of God; because these 
6 men had been reduced to skeletons, 
and finally, the Court decided they 
could go and be free: but, they should 
pay the tax as one family, that is the 
same as one head of a family would 
pay instead of each man paying a tax. 

You can readily see, that the only 
excuse the brethren had, was that as 
they did not labor for gain and lay 
up estates; but spent their time in 
helping the poor and in teaching re- 
ligion, they should be freed of taxes. 

1740 — Historical Ephrata. I 

In Volume 15, of Hazard's Register, 
page 161, there is a historical sketch ; 
of our early German ancestors at 
Ephrata, stating that they came to 
America about 1719 and settled at | 
germantown, Skippack, Oley, Con- 
estoga and elsewhere. They formed 
a church at Germantown in 1723 and 
established a church at Muehlbach; | 
and the account details, how they 
grew from time to time. It is too 
large an account for these annals. 

1740 — German Mierration into tbe 

Cumberland Valley. 

It seems, that about this time, the 



low wall of mountain ridges between 
lower Susquehanna and the settle- 
ments following to the southwest into 
the Potomac and other valleys, no 
longer formed the western boundary 
of our German population. 

It is stated in Vol. 5, of the Colonial 
Records, page 445, that about 1740, 
Fredrick Starr, a German, with two 
or three more of his countrymen 
made a small settlement in what is 
now called the Cumberland Valley. 

It seems that the Delawares roamed 
in these parts of Pennsylvania and 
that they considered it a breach of 
treat.\, for white people to come into 
that section. They complained to the 
Governor and the Governor said that 
he would see that they were thrown 
back over the mountains again. 

We simply note this item as it 
seems to be the beginning of the Cum- 
berland settlements. 

1740 — Germans Support the Quakers 

in Opposing Gov. Thomas's War 

Spirit. 

We all know that in 1740 Governor 
Thomas of Pennsylvania was very 
zealous in this Province, in gathering 
up soldiers to take part in King 
George's War — and he made no scru- 
ples of causing servants to leave 
their masters (who had paid for their 
services for a term of years), and 
entering the army. TTie Quakers op- 
posed this; and John Wright the pre- 
siding judge of our local courts (also 
a member of the Assembly) was 
strong in denouncing the governor. 
The governor refused to continue him 
longer as a judge and dropped him. 
He was a Quaker. 

Gov. Thomas found himself opposed 
and overcome by the Quakers in the 
Assembly, and the Quaker members 
held their seats by the German vot- 
ers, who also opposed war measures. 

The governor complained of this to 
England at last. In his communica- 



272 



GERMAX-SWISS FIRST TASTE OF POLITICS. 



tion to the English Government Oct. 
20, 1740 (Vol. 4 St. L. p. 46S) he says 
in explanation of why he does not 
succeed better, that the Quakers and 
Germans, "entered into consultation 
and came to a resolution to exert 
their whole power to secure a con- 
siderable majority of their own per- 
suasion to be chosen to assembly to 
oppose all expense on warlike prep- 
arations as they call it." That this 
was not secret but publicly openly 
avowed. Again p. 470 he says, 
"There is little reason to expect pro- 
vision for defense of the Province — 
as the same people at their yearly 
meeting which is now designed to 
direct the civil affairs of the govern- 
ment, instead of regulating religious 
affairs, were so strong that out of 30 
members of the Assembly there are 
only 3 that are not Quakers. He then 
complains that "This could not have 
been effected had not the votes of the 
Germans (who are very numerous 
here) been engaged, by deceiving 
them into a belief that a militia will 
bring them under as severe a bondage 
to governors as they were formerly 
under their princes in Germany; that 
the expense would empoverish them, 
and that if any others than Quakers 
were chosen upon the Assembly they 
would be dragged down from their 
farms and be obliged to build forts as 
a tribute for their being admitted to 
settle in this Province. Many other 
falsehoods were spread among them 
in printed papers one of which fall- 
ing into my hands I have enclosed 
with as good a translation of it as I 
could procure." 

Further on he says that "This pro- 
vince is become very populous from 
the great numbers that have for many 
years past come into it from England, 
Ireland and Germany — and there is 
now 10,000 pounds interest in the 
bank from the interest of paper 
money, etc." 



He also says that though only one 
third of the people are Quakers yet 
by electioneering and using the Ger- 
man vote they elected all but 3 
Quakers to the Assembly out of 30. 

This article shows us several facts: 
— that our early German and Swiss 
non resistant ancestors took an active 
part in elections, which in some 
branches is not exercised today — that 
they were however, not independent 
in politics as in religion, but were 
used by Quaker politicians — that they 
were fearful of expense and extrava- 
gance — that they were numerous — 
that they were for peace, and fearful 
of arbitrary power — and that they 
could easily be frightened, because of 
their ignorance of the constitution 
under which they lived. The translat- 
ed paper above referred to is not pre- 
served nor set forth. 

1740 — Earliest German-Swiss in 
Western Pennsylvania. 

About this time or a little earlier, 
our Germans and Swiss found new 
homes in "western Pennsylvania." In 
Vol. 4 Votes of Assembly p. 140 it is 
noticed that some Germans were then 
settled in western Pennsylvania and 
were getting into trouble among the 
Six Nations of that place. Thus we 
see that at this early date, the coun- 
try toward the east was filled up and 
the new comers were obliged to seek 
homes farther west. We remember 
that by 1730 the whole country east 
of the Susquehanna River was filled 
up, and the migration into what is 
now York County began. We thus 
can trace the rate of growth and mi- 
gration westward, of these German- 
Swiss ancestors. 

1740— Our Germans and King 

George's War. 

This year, war having been de- 
clared against Spain by England 
which later (in 1744) included France 



I 



ARTHUR ANXESLEY AMONG THE GERMANS. 



273 



and became known as King Georg's j 
War, the Governor of Pennsylvania' 
ordered notice to be given to all per- 
sons in Pennsylvania, that they are 
invited to join Pennsylvania's expedi- 
tion against the Spanish West Indies; 
and that the persons to receive their 
enlistment in Lancaster County, were 
Dan Cookson, Andrew Galbraith, 
Thomas Edwards and Samuel Smith 
the late sheriff. The notice further 
set forth that these gentlemen were 
not permitted to give out any per- 
son's name who would join; but to 
keep it secret. 

This notice was published in both 
German and English in the papers 
and was designed to attract the 
"Dutch servants" of the Lancaster 
County people. See American Weekly 
Mercury date Apr. 17, 1740, in the 
Historical Society Library of Penn- 
sylvania at Philadelphia, where old 
newspapers are on file. 

The design of not giving out any- 
body's names was to prevent the own- 
ers of servants from making claim 
and from obtaining knowledge of 
where their servants were. 

The fact that German servants and 
free Germans were enlisting is shown 
by the names of some of them who 
deserted the army, who were from 
Lancaster County and also by the 
following article: 

"Notice is hereby given to all mas- 
ters of servants in the Counties of 
Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester and Lan- 
caster who may have in any manner 
suffered by the late enlisting of serv- 
ants, that they immediately make 
known their several grievances to the 
constables of their respective town- 
ships, who have orders to transmit 
the same to Philadelphia, to the com- 
mittee of grievances appointed by the 
Assembly." See Pa. Gazette, Aug. 14, 
1740. 

Though names cannot be ascer- 
tained yet- there were a great many 
»f our German-Swiss ancestors in the 



military operations between England, 
Spain and France, of these early 
days. We were loyal Englishmen then 
and fought for mother Britain against 
her European foes. But later we com- 
pelled her to acknowledge our inde- 
pendence. 

1740 — A Lancaster County German 

Had a Genuine English Lord as 

a Servant. 

Lord Altham, whose name was 
Arthur Annesley, and who was mar- 
ried to the daughter of the Earl of 
Buckingham in 1715 had a son .Tames 
by her the next year. Then he had a 
j difference with his wife and separat- 
ed — soon afterwards, she died and the 
father became intimate with a Miss 
Gergory. She expected to marry the 
lord, and did all she could to alienate 
the father's affection for his son. The 
son was placed in a Dublin school, 
and in a few- years the father died. 
Then his brother, uncle of James, to 
possess his brother's estate, enticed 
the boy on board a vessel for America 
in 1728. He was landed at Philadel- 
phia a redemptioner that fall, at the 
age of 13 years, sold as a redemption- 
er, and served 12 years here in our 
county in rough farm labor. In 1740 
j when he was about 25 years of age 
I two Irishmen found him, working for 
an old German, in the eastern part of 
I Lancaster County near the "40-mile" 
j stone on the Lancaster road. The two 
Irishmen found that they and the boy 
were all from the same locality in 
Ireland and they agreed to go back 
with him and testify to his identity 
and prove his lordship; and did so. 
In England, James was tried for kill- 
ing a man, which he accidentally did 
soon after arriving, and his uncle 
tried to have him convicted. But he 
was acquitted. Tlie great estate was 
given to the boy, but he did not live 
long, when his uncle again became 
entitled to it; but he also died soon 
after coming to it — a finished villian 



274 



SETTLEMENTS ON PEQUEA AND CONESTOGA. 



and an Irish nobleman. (See Vol. 9 
Haz. Rec. 145.) 

This is perhaps the only case in 
which a plain German Lancaster 
County farmer had a member of the 
British nobility as a farm hand; al- 
beit, many Americans have had scores 
of fool British nobility sons-in-law 
since. 

1740— An Eclio From tlie First Set- 
tlemeut. 

Among the first settlers on Pequea 
in 1710, there was one named Martin 
Mylin. Thirty years later his son 
Martin Mylin erected on the Mylin 
tract just east of what is now Willow 
Street, a fine large stone house of 
imposing proportions. Rupp tells us, 
pp. 286 and 287, that the house, com- 
pared with the modest dwellings of 
the times was so much a mansion 
that the settlement who were prac- 
tically all unassuming Mennonists, 
were greatly excited and felt it their 
duty to take him seriously to task 
for such violations of the principles 
of humility which were fundamental 
in their faith. Therefore, they called 
a meeting and protested against such 
ambitious building on the ground 
that it would seriously affect the 
peace and harmony of the community 
and offend their central tenet of 
humility. Brother Mylin, however, 
mollified the brethren; and with a 
sober and friendly admonition against 
further grandeur and display the mat- 
ter was dropped. The house was en- 
during and substantial as well as 
palatial and stood until a few years 
ago. 

1740— Land Transactions of This 
Tear. 

This year Jos. Shippen and wife 
sold by deed of December 6, 1740, a 
tract of 94 and 2-3 acres of land on 
the Conestoga Creek, and also a tract 
of 100 acres adjoining it by deed 
dated December 9, 1740, to. Oswald 



Hostetter. (See Recorder's Office, 
Lancaster, Book A, pp. 2.5 & 29.) 
These deeds recite that, William Penn 
on September 27, 1681, granted to 
Charles Jones, Sr., and Charles Jones, 
Jr., soap boilers of Bristol, England, 
2000 acres of land in Pennsylvania to 
be surveyed. From the Joneses it 
passed Nov. 4, 1711, to Esther Ship- 
pen, wife of Edward Shippen and 
from them to their grand-son Joseph 
Shippen by will August 4, 1724. 
Michael Shank paid 35 pounds for 
his 194 and 2-3 acres. 

It is described as a tract on a 
branch of the Conestoga and extends 
130 perches or nearly half a mile 
north and south and 123 perches or 
about three-eighth of a mile east and 
west. The Hostetter tract lies by it. 

There was a conveyance this same 
year on November 22, for 192 acres 
of land in Sadsbury Township from 
James Musgrove to Daniel McCon- 
nell. (Same book p. 27.) 

1 cite this transaction on Conestoga 
Creek to show the state of German- 
Swiss settlement at this date. And I 
give the history of the transaction to 
show the fact that the early land 
titles of this county run back far be- 
yond the first deeds. In this case 60 
years elapsed before a deed was given 
and 16 years between the warrant 
and the deed. 

Penn made many sales of land in 
Pennsylvania in 1681 and 1682 which 
land was not taken up and settled 
until 1720-1725 and later. 

1741— Ship Records For This Tear. 

During this year we find 9 ship 
loads of these German Swiss people. 

Among the common Lancaster 
County names we find the following: 

2 Bernharts— 2 Kocks— 2 Millers— 2 
Myers — 2 Martins — 2 Welshes and 2 
Kieffers. 

We also find one each of the fol- 
lowing: 



NAMES OF GERMAX-SWISS IMMIGIIAXTS. 



275 



Arnold — Becker — Bitner — Bieg- ' 
ler — Berger — Frey — Hess — Hu- 
ber — Henry — Hertzog — Hoffman 
— Keiper — Kemper — Kapp — 
Reese — Ruth — Kapp — Smith — 
Snyder — Stout — Wagner and Wolfe. ^ 

These German Swiss people came 1 
in the ship "Frances & Ann," Thomas 
Coatman master — "St. Mark,'' Thomas 
Wilson master — "Lydia," James Allen 
master — "Marlborough," Thomas Bell 
master — "St. Andrew," Chas. Sted- 
man master — "Friendship," Alexander 
Thomas master — "Snow Molly," John j 
Cranch master — "Snow Thane," Wil- j 
liam Weems master and "Europa," 
Lumnsdaine, master. 

1741 — Contag-loHs Diseases on Ship 
Board. 

The question of contagious diseases 
among the German Swiss immigrants 
for some time had caused a great 
deal of excitement and trouble; but 
about 1740 and 1741 measures began 
to be passed to guarantee protection 
against the spread of the diseases. 
The Government appointed Dr. 
Graeme to make a report and investi- 
gation on the con(Jition and upon the 
necessity of erecting a lazaretto or 
quarantine. What he did on the mat- 
ter will be found in Vol. 4, Col. Rec, 
page 51.5. 

The German Swiss about this time 
began to feel that they were quite 
disfavored in Pennsylvania; and in 
fact they had great reasons to feel 
that way ; because every Legislature 
tad something to say against them. 
They were looked upon suspiciously. 
This was partly because of them 
being aliens and partly because they 
began to take positions in political 
affairs in the Province. At least 
those who were naturalized. (See 
Rupp page 286 and Lyle's history 
page 126. A few years later they be- 
gan to be very zealous politicians. 

Xow that these contagious diseases 



were breaking out among them on 
ship, they were suspected of bringing 
over foreign fevers and foreign ail- 
ments. They themselves asked for 
quarantine. (4 Col. Rec. 507.) In 
sloops which had been landing it was 
reported that great fear seemed to be 
rising in Pennsylvania, because they 
were afraid of the spread of small 
pox and other sicknesses. (See 4 Col. 
Rec. pps. 496 and 498.) 
The province of Pennsylvania passed 
a law for the protection of them- 
selves as well as of the Province in 
general, from the diseases which were 
being founded. (See Vol. 4 Col. Rec. 
p. 475.) The Governor was glad that 
the Assembly could agree to some- 
thing favorable to these people, and 
he expressed himself favorably to 
them. (See Vol. 4 Col. Rec. p. 511.) 

These German Swiss people felt 
that these new troubles were very 
likely to cause more intolerance to be 
exercised towards them, and there- 
fore, that began to seek toleration. 
Some of their troubles can be seen in 
Vol. 3 Votes of Assembly, p. 347. 

1741 — Tremendous Snow Storm and 
Cold Winter in Lancaster. 

In the Penna. Gazette, under the 
date of April 9, 1741, we are given a 
picture of some of the suffering of 
these German Swiss in the Conestoga 
settlement, at that early date. 

The article is as follows: 

"We hear from Lancaster County, 
that during the continuance of the 
great snow, which in general was 
more than three feet deep, great num- 
bers of the back inhabitants suffered 
much for want of bread; that many 
families of the new settlers for some 
time had little else to subsist them 
but the carcasses of deer they found 
dead or dying in the swamps or runs 
about their houses. And although they 
had given all their grain to their cat- 
tle many horses and cows are dead. 



276 LOCAL GERMAN-SWISS AND THE ELECTION RIOT OF 1742. 



and the greatest part of the gangs in 
the woods are dead, that the deer 
which could not struggle through the 
snow to the springs are believed to 
be all dead, and many of those which 
did get into the Savannahs are also 
dead, ten, twelve or fifteen being 
found in the compass of a few acres 
of land. The Indians fear the winter 
has been fatal to the deer, turkeys, 
etc., in these northern parts — that 
they will be scarce for many years. 

We also hear, that a young woman 
in Derry Township attempting to get 
home about one mile, as soon as she 
came within sight of her father's 
home turned out the horse which she 
had borrowed of her neighbor, as he 
directed her, but not being able to 
make her way through the snow, she 
threw off her clothes and attempted 
to return in the horse's footing, but 
after much struggle as appeared by 
her tracks froze to death.'' 

Therefore, we have here another 
evidence that our early ancestors had 
a very rugged existence in this new 
country. 

1742 — Amish Mennonites Petition As- 
sembly. 

Hazard's Register (Vol. 5, page 21) 
informs us that in 1742 a number of 
Germans stated to the General As- 
sembly that "They had emigrated 
from Europe by an invitation from 
the Proprietaries; they had been 
brought up, and were attached to the 
Amish Doctrines, and were conscien- 
tiously scrupulous against taking 
oaths — they therefore, cannot be nat- 
uralized agreeably to the existing 
law." 

To remedy this a law was passed 
allowing them to be naturalized. 

These people followed the leader- 
ship of Jacob Aman, originally, sep- 
arating themselves from the main 
Mennonite Church to which they had 
belonged. The factions were then 



known as the Reist and Amman 
branches of the church. They be- 
lieved in a more primitive form of 
worship and in "foot-washing" as the 
form of sacrament. This subject is 
discussed in these annals under date 
of 1693, page 128, ante. 

1742 — Germans and tbe Election Riot 
of 1742. 

In the fall of 1742 there was a 
serious election riot, between what 
was known as the "country party" 
and the "city party" in Philadelphia. 
The city party secured a lot of toughs 
and dare-devil sailors to appear at 
the election and with clubs and mis- 
siles terrorize the Quakers and Ger- 
mans as they came to vote. The city 
party asserted that the country party 
in recent years imported Germans 
from Lancaster county and other 
places to help swell their Philadelphia 
vote, and alleged that many of such 
persons were present at this election. 
At any rate, an ugly fight ensued. The 
matter came before the Governor and 
Council and also before the Assembly. 

The petition of the country party is 
found in Vol. 4, Col. Rec. 620. The 
proceedings in Assembly are found in 
Vol. 3, Votes of Assembly page 498 
and also pages 564 to 575. 

Some of the witnesses for the coun- 
try party were Hugh Roberts who 
said the mayor refused to quell the 
sailor rowdies and to call the con- 
stables together. John Dellyn also 
testified and said the mayor simply 
said the sailors "have as much right 
at the election as the 'Dutchmen' you 
had to meet at Reese Meredith's last 
night." 

Thomas Lloyd said about 50 sailors 
led the fight. He reported it to the 
city Recorder and that officer said he 
heard that 300 unnaturalized Dutch- 
men (Germans) had come down to the 
city armed with clubs and stated the 
sailors had as much right as those 
Dutchmen. 



I 



LOCAL GERMAN-SWISS AND FIDKLITV TO Till-: PROVINCE. 277 



Jos. Wharton in his testimony said 
there w?s a riot like this two years 
before and that there are only 400 
naturalized Dutch in the county and 
many more were at the polls (p. 568). 
Another witness said that one of the 
officers declared he would not stop 
the rioting sailors as they had as 
much right there "as the Dutch that 
you have brought down to vote"' (do. 
56S). A witness said that every year 
they had trouble to dissuade the un- 
naturalized Dutch from voting and 
arming themselves with clubs. John 
Rynell (p. 571) testified that the Re- 
corder when asked to restore order 

' said "the sailors have as much right 
at the election as the unnaturalized 
Palatines many of whom have come 
down to the city to vote." A witness 
(Samuel Maris) said Captain Mitchell 
was drinking with the sailors and 
when spoken to, that he said it was 
agreed that these sailors and others 
should be there too, with clubs as the 
country party intended to have a lot 
of unnaturalized Dutch on hand to 
vote. Another witness Jo Hitchcock 
said he heard a gang of rough sailors 
going from the wharf to the Court 
House with sticks and asked them 
where they were going and they said 
"to knock down the broad brims." (p. 
575). John Mitchell said he heard 
sailors say "Damm it, let us go down 
and knock those Dutch s — s of b — s 
off the steps." (p. 578). Another wit- 
ness heard the city party call the 
country party "Broad-brims and 
Dutch 'dogs." Another witness said 
the City Recorder said "There are 

■^nly 400 naturalized Dutch in the 
county and you have over 1000 of 
them here" (p. 586). 

The Assembly having heard all this 
testimony decided to draw up a 
"humble petition" to the Governor 
setting forth that a pre-meditated de- 
sign of disturbing the public peace of 
the province and terrorizing elections 



' had been formed and that the magis- 
trates did not try to suppress It and 
that the ori.gin of the plot must be 
found and all concerned in it must be 
punished. (Do. p. 501). 

' This will suffice to show us that the 
early Germans here were subjects 
upon which politicians could draw to 
further their ends and also that many 
jf those Germans and Swiss were 
zealously interested in the political 
affairs and in the Government of the 
Province; and I fear it is true that 

I some of the unnaturalized (who did 

[ not have the right to vote) could be 
induced and frequently were induced 
to vote. We shall see that this was 
so, not only in Philadelphia, but in 

' Lancaster County also. I do not 
know whether any of the Germans or 
Swiss engaged in the Philadelphia 
riot were from Lancaster County or 
not. The statement that they were 
■'brought down" to vote may mean 
were brought down from Germantown 
to Philadelphia proper. Some may 

1 have come from other counties. But 
ihe chief grievance was that they tried 

' to vote and did vote though unnat- 
uralized. 

i The riot at any rate did not suc- 

{ ceed in defeating the German and 
Quaker vote, because a large Quaker 

: assembly was elected helped by the 
votes of their German friends. The 
action of the new assembly in resolv- 
ing to punish the rioters, studiously 
avoids any reference to Germans vot- 
ing illegally. This is ignored as if 
there is nothing in it. 



1742 — German-Swiss Ancestors 
Assure tlie G^rernment. 



Re- 



Our unpopular German-Swiss local 

ancestors were now being continually 

accused of lack of love for the Gov- 

' ernment in Pennsylvania. But in 

every instance they proved that they 

I were wrongly suspected. Excitement 

1 ran high against them. To allay the 

i feeling and prejudice they held a 



278 



SUSPICION UPON THE GERMAN-SWISS. 



meeting and made a representation 
to the Governor and assembly in 1741 
in part in the following words: 

"Who they are that look with jeal- 
ous eyes at the Germans, but the 
Governor has not been pleased to in- 
form us, nor do we know. Nothing 
of the kind can be justly attributed to 
us, or any preceding Assembly, to our 
knowledge. The Legislature of this 
province has generally, on applica- 
tion made to them, admitted the Ger- 
mans to partake of the privileges 
enjoyed by the King's natural sub- 
jects; and as we look upon them to 
be a laborious, industrious people, 
we shall cheerfully perform what can 
be expected from us for their benefit, 
and for those who may hereafter ar- 
rive." 

To allay unfounded prejudices, the 
Mennonites gave a decided proof 
thereof in 1742, in convoking a church 
council, consisting of elders, preach- 
ers and the bishop, and meeting at 
the house of Martin Meylin, in Lam- 
peter Township. 

Martin Meylin, grandfather of Mar- 
tin Meylin, Jacob Meylin, John Mey- 
lin and Abraham Meylin, all at pres- 
ent residing in West Lampeter town- 
ship, built what was then called a 
palace, of sandstone. It was. in 1742 
one of the most stately mansions in 
the country; and as the ilennonites 
were a plain people, and r\Iartin Mey- 
lin an active member, the house was 
not only considered too palace-like, 
but the appearance of it might, as 
they reasoned, strengthen their ene- 
mies in prejudicing the Government 
against them — they had been virtually 
charged with disloyalty — "determined 
not to obey the lawful authority of 
government — that they were disposed 
to organize a government of their 
own." 

The bishop, Hans Tschantz, with 
his elders and assistance, having re- 
paired to the humble log cottage hard 



by the "stately mansion" and organ- 
ized the . meeting, himself presiding 
over the deliberations of the assem- 
bled. ]\Iartin was first questioned, 
upon conscience, to openly declare 
what his intentions were in erecting 
so large, so gorgeous a dwelling — 
reminding him of the rumor some 
twelve or thirteen years ago; and 
lately, of the prejudices excited 
against the Germans. He stated, he 
consulted only his comfort, and that 
he had no sinister views. Next he 
w^as reminded that, in their view, the 
house was rather too showy for a 
Mennonite. The question was, wheth- 
er he deserved severe censure, if not 
suspension from church privileges, 
for this oversight. After some con- 
cessions, and mutual forbearance, by 
the parties, it was resolved that Mar- 
tin be kindly reprimanded: to which 
he submitted — thus the matter ended, 
and all parted as brethren. (Rupp 
286 and 7.) 

We cannot tell at this date whether 
the meeting was held for the purpose 
of re-assuring the Government that 
they were a humble people and not 
ambitious for political power: or 
whether it was held for the purpose 
of cautioning brother Mylin that he 
was in danger of violating the rules 
of the church. 

1742 Tlie Case of Jealousy Against 

the German Swiss (Continued). 

Governor Thomas in his address to 
the Assembly, concerning the suspic- 
ions that the German Swiss settlers 
had inspired among the early political 
powers of Pennsylvania, says, in Vol. 
4 Col. Rec, pages 507 and 508, "Sev- 
eral of the most substantial Germans, 
now inhabitants of this province, have 
joined in a petition to me, setting 
forth in substance, that for want of 
a convenient house for the reception 
of such of their countrymen as, on 
their arrival here, laboured under 



GOVERNOR DEFENDS CHARACTER OF THE SWISS. 



279 



diseases contracted in a long voyage 
they were obliged to continue on 
board the ships which brought them, 
where they could not get either at- 
tendance or conveniences suitable to 
their condition from whence many 
have lost their lives; and praying 
that I would recommend to the As- 
sembly the erecting of a proper build- 
ing at the public expense, not only to 
accommodate such as shall arrive 
hereafter under the same circum- 
stances, but to prevent the future 
importation of diseases into this City, 
which has more than once felt the 
fatal effects of them. 

The numbers of people which 1 ob- 
served came into this province from 
Ireland and Germany, pointed out to 
me the necessity of an hospital or 
pest-house, soon after my arrival 
here; and in 1738 I recommended it 
to the Assembly of that year, who 
seemed so far from disapproving it 
that they gave me hopes of building 
one so soon as the circumstances of 
the province should admit. I very 
heartily wish for the sake of such 
families, inhabitants of this City, as 
suffered in the late mortality by the 
loss of some who were their chief 
support, and will therefore feel it for 
years to come, and on account of the 
Irish and German strangers, that it 
had indeed been done so soon as the 
circumstances of the province did ad- 
mit of it. But as it can profit nothing 
to bewail evils past, I hope you will 
now make the proper use of them by 
doing all in your power to prevent the 
like for the time to come. 

I am not insensible that .some look 
with jealous eyes upon the yearly 
concourse of Germans to this prov- 
ince, but the Parliament of Great 
Britain see it in a different light, and 
have therefore given great encourage- 
ment by the late act to all such for- 
eign Protestants as shall settle in his 
majesty's dominions; and indeed every 



man who well considers this matter 
must allow that every industrious 
labourer from Europe is a real addi- 
tion to the wealth of this province, 
and that the labour of every foreign- 
er in particular is almost so much 
clear gain to our Mother country." 

In this we see very plainly that 
while some of the English inhabitants 
settled here and holding offices were 
jealous of the growing power of the 
German Swiss people, that the Gov- 
ernor of the province was favorable 
to them. More than that it is evi- 
dent, from what he says, that the Par- 
liament of Great Britain had great 
faith in them, as a proper people to 
develop the resources of this prov- 
ince. The Assembly in their answer 
to the Governor, state, that a great 
many of these Germans and Irish are 
afflicted with the contagious diseases, 
that that is a cause to make us more 
cautious, and that it makes a quaran- 
tine building a great necessity. 

In the last pargraph, the Assembly 
also tried to make it appear that they 
are also favorable to the Germans, for 
as we said in the former item, that 
the Governor did not tell them who 
the people are that are jealous of 
them; and further, that they, the As- 
sembly, look favorably upon them. 

This will suffice to show, that while 
at present the line of jealous ijowers 
of the two nationalities in this coun- 
ty and in southeastern Pennsylvania, 
has died out, that in early times there 
was great danger of friction. "We shall 
trace up this growing power of the 
German Swiss people in southeastern 
Pennsylvania as these articles pro- 
ceed. 

These proceedings may also be 
found in Vol. 2, Votes of Assembly, 
pages 48-49 etseq. 

1743 — The fiJovernor and Assembly 

Divide On the 0,erman Question. 

The feeling against the German 
Swiss coming into Pennsylvania grew 



280 



QUARANTINE FOR SICK GERMAN-SWISS. 



stronger in the Government of the 
province about this time. Turning to 
Vol. 4, Col. Rec, pages 526-27, we 
find, that a committee of Assembly 
really made charges against the Gov- 
ernor and the Council. 

The Assembly ask the Governor 
why, if he has full power to employ 
a Doctor to examine the condition of 
the sickly palatines that arrive — why 
he asks help of them. They charge 
that the governor is not vigilant 
enough concerning these people in 
restraining the ships from landing 
for they will spread unhealthy dis- 
eases over the City. 

The Assembly also discharged the 
quarantine doctor, so that the Gov- 
ernor had no physician to examine 
these passengers. The Governor 
complained that without examining 
these passengers and proving them 
•dangerous, he would admit them. The 
Governor also observes, that the As- 
sembly try to accuse him of arbitrary 
power; but he states, that the law 
gives him the authority to examine 
these vessels and he has the right to 
employ physicians to see whether any 
disease is found in them or not. He 
complains that they refused to pay 
the doctor he employed. 

Further on, the Governor proceeds 
to consider what he calls the facts 
and says on page 529, that doctors 
appointed to examine these Germans 
acted diligently and that in 1738 there 
was a Palatine vessel with sick pas- 
sengers arrived and the Assembly 
spread the fear that dangerous epi- 
demic diseases were being brought 
but the doctor found nothing more 
than a common ship distemper among 
them. Afterwards it turned out that 
they had a very malignant disease. 

The Governor here says that he 
acted as diligently as was needed and 
the Assembly publicly thanked him 
for the care he took. In this manner, 
the contention kept on during several 
years. The same subject may be 



found in Vol. 3, Votes of Assembly 
451-2-2; also the same Volume, pages 
472-500 and 501 and other places in 
Vol. 4 Col. Records. 

1743— Further Naturalization of Over- 
man and Swiss. 

One of the results of landing a for- 
eigner, was that such person still in 
Pennsylvania, could not will their 
land to their heirs, the same as nat- 
ural born subjects could. For this 
and for other purposes, it was made 
necessary to naturalize them and 
this subject came up again in 1743. 
(See Vol. 4 Col. Rec, page 627.) 

The proceedings to have the law 
passed also appear in 3 Votes of As- 
sembly, page 505. A law was passed 
also enabling these people to devise 
their real estate to make wills, etc. 
(See 3 Votes of Assembly, page 514- 
15.) 

1713 — Law Passed to Establish Hos- 
pitals for German and Swiss 
Immigrants. 

This same year a law was passed 
to establish hospitals for the sick im- 
migrants. It is found in Vol. 4 Stat- 
utes at Large, page 382, the law 
states that as there had been a law 
before not allowing vessels with sick- 
ly immigrants to come nearer than 
one mile of any town or port, with- 
out a bill of health; but that noplace 
was provided for the sick passengers 
that were on these vessels, and there- 
fore, they started to land them se- 
cretly and they got into Philadelphia 
and spread diseases. 

Therefore, Fisher's Island in the 
Delaware River was to be henceforth 
called Province Island, containing 
340 acres, with buildings erected, and 
that this island together with the 
buildings should be under trustees to 
be used as a quarantine or hospital 
for these sick people. The buildings 
should be put on it for these pur- 
poses and that the buildings and 



PARLIAMENT PROVIDES MEANS OF NATURALIZATION. 



2S1 



fences and other improvements on it 
shall always be kept in repair; and 
that the Governor or two Justices of 
the Peace shall have the right to or- 
der and direct all persons brought 
into this province, who have infec- 
tuous diseases to go to that island 
and remain there until the physician 
says that they are free of disease. 
Their nursing and maintenance must 
be paid by the master of the vessel, 
that the sick people were brought in 
and the expenses of the master was 
put to, must be repaid out of the 
goods and property of the passengers, 
if they had any. 

And for this purpose, the Justice 
of the Peace have the right to send 
for the master of the vessels and 
oblige them to give a bond that they 
will find proper food and nursing for 
the sick people, before they could 
land them. The law further pro- 
vides, that a book must be kept in 
which the persons' names are en- 
tered, as sick persons. It is also pro- 
vided that after the persons have re- 
covered, they could be discharged 
only under the seal and certificate of 
two Justices. 

It is further provided that no inn 
keeper or other inhabitants shall re- 
ceive in their house, any of these 
persons who are known to be afflict- 
ed with any of these contagious dis- 
eases, imtil after discharged. A fine 
of ten pounds is provided for such 
persons. 

Therefore, we can readily see that 
there were many difficulties to be en- 
count^Ted. 

1743. — An rniisu.il Naturalization of 
Germans. 

We have heretofore seen, that the 
Germans and Swiss in Pennsylvania, 
were naturalized by virtue of acts 
passed by the Assembly and the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, but finally, 
Great Britain herself passed an Act [ 
of Parliament to naturalize our Ger 



' mans in Pennsylvania and in other 
parts of America. The complete act 
is found in a pamphlet known as the 
General Magazine and Historical 
I Chronicle, a monthly periodical, pub- 
lished by Benjamin Franklin about 
1740. 

The January number of 1741, con- 
tains this Act of Parliament. This 
.shows another event of Benjamin 
Franklin's activity. The pamphlet 
may be found in the Philadelphia His- 
torical numbered Api. 228. 

In conformity with that act of Par- 
liament, the Pennsylvania Gazette re- 
ports, under the date of April 14, 
1743, that "at the Supreme Court held 
here (Philadelphia) on Monday, Tues- 
day and Wednesday last, 304 Germans 
Protestants were naturalized by vir- 
tue of a late act of Parliament, hav- 
ing resided in this province upwards 
of seven years." It would be inter- 
esting to know the names of these 
Germans who were naturalized; but 
there seems to be no list in exist- 
ence. There is no record in the 
Statutes at Large of such naturaliza- 
tion about this date. But there is, 
however, in the Statutes at Large, 
Vol. 4, page 391, an act passed in 
February 1743, allowing Protestants 
settled in Pennsylvania, not Quakers, 
to be naturalized on an affirmation 
instead of oath. And the introduction 
of the act recites, that there was an 
act of Parliament passed, in the 13th 
year of King George II, which is 
likely. The one above referred to, 
for naturalizing Protestants, states 
that after June first, 1740, all persons 
who have resided for seven years or 
more in American colonies, and shall 
not have been absent more than two 
months at a time, and should take an 
oath and repeat the declaration of al- 
legiance and subscribe and set forth 
their Christian belief before the 
Judges, shall be adjudged to be the 
same as his Majesty's natural born 
subjects. 



282 



GER.MAX NEWSPAPER— ENABLING ACTS. 



This Act goes on to say, that any 
foreigners who were not Quakers; but 
who conscientiously refused to talie 
an oath, desired to be naturalized, 
a*id therefore, this Act allows them 
to be naturalized on an affirmation 
instead of an oath, if they have lived 
here seven years. But it further pro- 
vides, that after the affirmation is ad- 
ministered, and entered in the Secre- 
tary's Office, the names of these per- 
sons naturalized must be transmitted 
to the Commissioners for trade and 
plantations in England yearly, in the 
same manner as the Act of Parlia- 
ment is directed. 

1743. — A German Pstper Began PuMi- 
cation. 

In the Pennsylvania Gazette, on the 
June 2, there is a notice as follows: 
'•WHEREAS, the Subscriber has be- 
gun to publish a weekly newspaper 
in the German language for the car- 
rying out of which he has received 
good encouragement from his coun- 
try men, the Germans, in all 'parts of 
the province. So if all merchants who 
want ads inserted, send them to the 
subscriber or David Doshler, they 
will be faithfully translated and in- 
serted. 

Signed, 

J. CRBLLIUS." 

This was no doubt a Philadelphia 
publication; but at any rate, it is 
pretty early and deserves mention, as 
one of the marks of German enter- 
prise in an English Colonial history. 

1743. — German Quarantine Again. 

In Vol. 4 Statutes at Large, (382) 
the final steps, as to the German 
Quarantine building is taken. This is 
in the shape of an Act of Assembly to 
secure the tit-le of Province Island 
and the buildings thereon, for a hos- 
pital for the sick passengers, to pre- 
vent the spread of contagious dis- 
eases. 



As it was said before, this Island 
is situate "on the southerly side of 
the mouth of the Schuylkill River in 
the County of Philadelphia, adjoining 
on Delaware river, before known as 
Fisher's Island; but afterwards known 
as Province Island. Containing 342 
acres of land and buildings," etc. Full 
provisions are made in the Statutes 
at Large, for the maintenance and 
regulations of the hospital. The act 
was passed February 3, 1743. 

1743.— Act to Enable Germans To 
31ake AVills and Give Legacies. 

We have seen before that these 
Germans and Swiss, until they were 
naturalized, could not make wills, de- 
vising their lands to their descend- 
ants. Further it was (not apparently 
until 1743) lawful for any person to 
whom a legacy in money or goods 
was given to sue and prosecute an 
action to recover the legacy in Court. 
Therefore, particularly to assist the 
Germans and Swiss, an act was 
passed, to enable them to get prop- 
erty by will, and to accept it. 

1743.— Crash Over Conflicting Land 

Grants. 

In Vol. 4, Col. Rec, page 648, we 
have another picture of the trouble 
our German Swiss had to encounter, 
concerning their lands along the Sus- 
quehanna River. This time the In- 
dians were mixed in the difficulty, 
and one of the chiefs of the five na- 
tions, made a speech to the Governor 
of Pennsylvania, and said that "the 
Dutchmen settled on southeastern 
Pennsylvania lands, claimed the right 
to the land simply because he gave a 
little victuals to the warriors of the 
Indian tribe, who were very often in 
need of it. The Indian then went on 
in his speech and said, this string of 
wampum serves to take the Dutch- 
men by the arm and throw them over 
the big mountains beyond the bor- 



INDIANS AND LAND TITLES— SHIP RECORDS. 



2S3 



clers. The Indian chief also said, that 
they had given these valleys over to 
their cousins the Delaware Indians 
and to their brothers the Shawanese, 
and reserved some rights there to 
live themselves. Therefore, he re- 
peated that the Indians will demand 
the Governor of Pennsylvania to re- 
move immediately by force, all of 
those Dutchmen that are living on 
their lands. It appears, however, 
that this concerns lands further up 
the Susquehanna River, in the neigh- 
borhood of the .luniata River. 

However as it is the same question 
of the Germans looking for further 
settlement, and coming in contact 
with the native tribes, this item has 
a place in this article. 

This orator then goes ,on to say 
that he now lives on the River Ohio, 
harmless as a child. He could do 
nothing and is weak and does not in- 
tend any mischief; but that he looks 
for the Governor to have charge of 
this. He, therefore, went on to say, 
that the place where he lived, is over 
shadowed by a great cloud, that he 
looked with pitiful eye on the poor 
women and children, and then looked 
on the ground all along for sorrow; 
because of these poor women and 
children. 

He states further, that the people 
were given to lies and raise false 
stories, and they asked the Governor 
to stop up their mouths, as he could 
do it with one word. 

1743— Ship Records of 1743. 

Dnrpg this year we find eight ship 
loads of these German Swiss people. 

Among the common Lancaster 
County names, we find the following: 

3 Benders — 3 Bakers — 2 Good- 
mans — 2 Gilberts — 2 Harts — 4 
Kauffmans — 2 Hermans — 2 Krafts 

— 1 Kleins — 4 Kellars — 4 Myers — 
13 Millers — 2 Snyders — 4 Smiths 

— 2 Stamms — 4 Swartz — 2 Shaubs 



— 2 Wagners — 2 Webers — 2 Hel- 
lars — 2 Youngs. 

We also find one each of the follow- 
ing: 

Albright — Appel — Bumgardner — 
Beyer — Brunner — Burkhart — Cas- 
par — Eckert — Eberhart — Fisher 

— Frey — Good — Garber — Huber 

— Hellar — Kuhn — Koch — Krei- 
der — Leinbach — Lehman — Lan- 
dis — Neffs — Root — Sherts — 
Soutter — Shoemaker — Walters — 
Wolf — Wise and Zimmerman. 

These German Swiss people came 
in the ship "Francis and Elizabeth," 
George North master — "Snow Char- 
lotte,"' John Mason master — "Lydia," 
James Abercrombie master — "Rosan- 
na," James Reason master — "Phoe- 
nix," William Wilson master — "Rob- 
ert and Alice."' Martley Cusack mas- 
ter — "St. Andrews," Robert Brown 
master — and "Snow Endeavor," 
Thomas Andrews master. 

1744 — Lancaster and Its Germans 
This Tear. 

Lancaster was an English town — it 
was founded by the English. It be- 
gan to be built about 1728, according 
to Witham Marsh (Marsh's Diary), 
there was a sprinkling of German 
Swiss in the town, from its begin- 
ning; but they resided most numer- 
ously in the rural sections. An old 
geography of 1816 calls this. Lancas- 
ter the "biggest inland town in 
United States," which it was at that 
time (Jedidiah Morse's D. D. geogra- 
phy, published by Thomas and An- 
drews, Boston, in 1816, p. 171). The 
County of Lancaster at this date, was 
given a population of 58,927. But to 
come back to German Swiss element, 
in the little Lancaster town, which in 
1744, the date of which we are now 
writing was 16 years old. William 
Marsh in his diary says, "the town 
was begun about 16 years earlier and 
has one main street."' He says the 
"inhabitants are high Dutch, Scotch 



284 



MARSH'S VIEW OF "DUTCH" LANCASTER. 



Irish and English, and some unbe- 
lieving Israelites, who dwell very 
considerably in this place." Marsh 
proceeds to say, "that the spirit of 
cleanliness, has not yet, in the least 
troubled the major part of the peo- 
ple; for they are in general very 
great s...s and slovens. When they 
clean their houses, which is very sel- 
dom, they are not willing to remove 
the filth away from themselves, for 
they place it near to their doors, 
which in the summer time breeds 
quantities of bugs, fleas and vermin." 

We believe that Marsh was very 
much prejudiced and was telling 
falsehoods in making these state- 
ments. The German Swiss who lived 
here were industrious and were also 
scrupulously clean, as to the scrub- 
bing brush and broom and mop, 
which were almost constantly in 
their hands. 

The leading German churchmen, 
who lived here, according to Marsh, 
at this time, were the sect of Luth- 
erans. He also says the Dutch church 
was flourishing here, which is to be 
understood to be the German Re- 
formed. Evidently in his opinion, the 
Lutherans were much more prosper- 
ous in their religious advancement, 
than the German Reformed people. 

The houses of which he called this 
Dutch town, he says are mostly built 
with and covered with wood, except a 
few are stone and brick. He also 
tells us that he was stopping at War- 
rail's Hotel, which was the ancient 
Cross Keys, and when he went to bed 
he w-as "attacked by legions of Dutch 
fleas and bugs which were ready to 
devour both himself and the minister 
that he was sleeping with." 

He also gives us the description of 
a dance held in the Court House, dur- 
ing which the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania got too much wine and got very 
merry. He says "during the merri- 
ment two Germans happened to pass 
by the Court House with harp and 



fiddle and played for some time un- 
der the window." Then he says, "the 
Governor ordered them to come in 
and amuse us, which they did; but 
not with the harmony of their music, 
for it was very uncouth and displeas- 
ing; that they played a tune of some 
sort to some young Indian who 
danced a jig with Andrew Hamilton." 
He says that the Dutch girls (which 
he would call females, not ladies) 
danced wilder than the Indians, that 
the dancers in the party consisted of 
Germans, Scotch Irish and some 
Jewesses, and that the Jewesses were 
the best dancers. Finally he says, 
that after the Indian treaty, which he 
was attending was ended, he and his 
people mounted their horses and 
went away from this filthy Dutch 
town, to a very kind landlord at Not- 
tingham, by the Gap road. (See Lan- 
caster County Indians P. 346.) 

We believe that this man Marsh, 
an Englishman from Maryland, was 
entirely unfair to the German Swiss 
people living in this town; and it is 
likely this feeling arose from the fact 
that Maryland and Pennsylvania, had 
for a dozen years prior to Marsh's 
visit, been in grevious dispute, about 
the boundary line, and the German 
Swiss people living on the western 
side of the Susquehanna, as we have 
shown earlier in these items, were 
the bone of contention between the 
two provinces, Maryland, in a very 
greedy fashion, claimed the Susque- 
hanna River her northern boundary. 

1744 — Our German-Swiss Are Victims 
of Priyateers. 

In the Pa. Gazette of December 25, 
1744, the following item appears: 
"That Friday last, arrived at Phila- 
delphia, Captain Duraell, from Hol- 
land, but the last from Poole, with 
Palatines after a passage of thirteen 
weeks. Admiral Davis, with the 
squadron for the West Indies was at 
Spit Head when he sailed, and was to 



GEF^MAN-SWISS IMMIGRANTS AND PIRATES. 



sail in a few days. In his passage, 
twelve leagues to the west of Sicilly, 
he was chased by a French Privateer, 
designed for Philadelphia with Pala- 
tines, as he sailed from Cowes, the 
day before he left Poole. But his 
vessel going very well, he got clear of 
the Privateer." This article is not 
very clearly stated in the Gazette, 
nevertheless serves to show us, that 
the Palatines, that is our German- 
Swiss ancestors, had a great deal to 
contend with besides the rough 
storms at sea, which frequently 
lengthened their voyage from 10 or 
11 weeks to 17 and 18 weeks and per- 
haps 20 weeks. We are here given 
one of these difficulties, namely: 
"being chased by privateers." The 
privateers evidently found profit in 
robbing these poor people of what lit- 
tle substance they had. 

tin — Conrad AVeiser. 

The most influential German, out- 
side of those who lived at German- 
town during the first half of the 
eighteenth century in Pennsylvania, 
was Conrad Weiser. His labors ex- 
tend over a long series of years, until 
he died in 1760. He was the leading 
spirit in all of the treaties held with 
the Indians of Pennsylvania, and at 
the great treaty in 1744. He was the 
chief interpreter and was implicitly 
relied upon, by the Indians, in all 
matters. He made a journey to Sha- 
mokin at the instance of the Province 
of Pennsylvania, in 1744 (See 4 Col. 
Rec. 680), to investigate the murder 
of James Armstrong by the Indians. 
Among' his many activities, from 
about the year 1730, was his leading 
of the Indians to Philadelphia — his 
interpreting at Philadelphia — his en- 
tertaining the Governors at his house 
— his conferences with the Indians of 
Ohio — his dealing with the 6 nations 
— his work in the Cumberland Dis- 
tricts — his interest in missionaries 
for the Indians — his conferences with ! 



Governor Clinton — his labors among 
the Mohawks — his opinions and activ- 
ities in the Connecticut dispute — his 
services at the Albany treaty — his 
purchase of provisions for the In- 
dians — his history of the Owandot 
Indians — his controversy with Sowers 
concerning some newspaper notoriety 
— his efforts to discourage scalping, 
and his trading business. All of 
these activities are found in Vol. 3 
onward, of the Col. Rec. 

In the first to the fourth series of 
the Pa. Archives are found a large 
number of his letters, his journals, 
accounts of his dealing in wampum, 
accounts of the transactions with the 
Indians, in buying and selling horses 
and dealing in their goods, etc., all 
of w'hich are illuminating and show 
the wide range of activities of this 
man. 

1744— Ship Records for This Tear. 

During this year we find 5 ship 
loads of these German-Swiss people. 
We find a total of 1080 people. 

Among the common Lancaster 
County names, we find the following: 

■2 Bergers — 2 Benders — 2 Engles — 2 
Groffs — 2 Harts— 5 Klines— 3 Kings 
— 8 Myers — 7 Millers— 2 Michaels — 2 
Moores — 4 Snyders — 3 Smiths — 3 
Schaeffers — 4 Wagners — 6 Webers — 2 
Wises and 4 Youngs. 

We also find one each of the fol- 
lowing: 

Albright — Baker — Baer — Brown 

— Bernhart — Bauman — Doebler — 
Herman — Hartman — Huber — 
Kautz — Kurtz — Long — Lobach — 
Lintner — Metzler — Morgan — 
Mosser — Mussleman — Roth — 
Reith — Stein — Thomas — Werner 

— Witmer and Steinmetz. 

These German-Swiss people came 
over in the ship "Aurora." Robert 
Pickeman master — "Phoenix," Wil- 
liam Wilson master — "Friendship." 

John Mason master — "Carteret," 

Stevenson master — and "Muscliffe 
Galley," George Durell master. 



2S6 



GERMAN-SWISS ACTIVITIES. 



1744 — Indians at Lancaster Bark 
Trees for the Germans. 

One of the results, incidentally hap- 
pening, in connection with the Indian 
treaty of 1744 at Lancaster, was the 
depredation by Indians, upon the prop- 
erty of citizens. Among those injured 
was John Musser near Lancaster. July 
31st, of this year, he made a com- 
plaint to the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania, that at the late Indian treaty 
he had considerable trouble and loss, 
by the Indians breaking several of his 
walnut trees, which they wanted to 



there is none superior anywhere. I 
have known farms on which other 
occupiers have starved and have been 
finally ejected by the Sheriff, and then 
they were succeeded by Germans, 
who, in a few years, covered the bar- 
ren fields with rich crops and became 
prosperous and wealthy." (6 Haz. Reg. 
69.) 

1744— (?.ermans Oppose War With 
France. 

This year England declared war 
against France and the colonies in 
America became involved too. Our 



"bark" their cabins, and that he was Cxermans were having a great deal of 



told not to differ or interfere with 
them about it, but to hand in his bill 
to the Assembly, and that he now 
does so, and claims six pounds dam- 
age. August 2nd, the Assembly al- 



trouble with their servants, running 
away to war, whose time these own- 
ers had paid in advance from three to 
seven years. As many persons came 
to Pennsylvania not having money to 



lowed him five pounds. (See 3 Votes pay the expense of their passage, our 
of Assembly 555 & 6.) German farmers constantly bought 

Our German-Swiss ancestors also these persons who were sold for a 
suffered by reason of the traders and term of years to pay those expenses, 
others carrymg rum to the Indians : Thus when war was declared and 
and then cheating them when drunk, these servants found they could ob- 
When they became sober, these In- tain ready cash for their services in 
dians were inclined to be savage and , the army, they joined the ranks. A 
threatening to the peaceful Germans : o-reat storm of opposition to the ef- 
among them, even_ though they were ; feet of war on the servant question 

arose in Lancaster County and 
throughout the Province. The trou- 



innocent. (Do. p. 549.) 
1744— Praise for Lancaster County 
Germans Ag:riculture. 



A traveller in Lancaster County 
states "We have been accustomed to 
hear the population of Pennsylvania, 
sneered at and continued as vulgar 
and ignorant; and our Germans 
branded as animals. But by their 
fruits ye shall know them. Thus 
tested, they are not surpassed by any 
population in any country. They are 
intelligent and honest; they under- 
stand perfectly the business that be- 
longs to them — they do all that they 
have to do in the best manner and I did in the night between the 15th and 



ble had existed some years, and John 
Wright, Judge of our Courts, was 
dismissed by Governor Thomas, be- 
cause of his opposition to the War 
Governor in 1741. Then later came 
this new trouble. (Pa. Gazette June 
14. 1744, etc.) 

1744 — Attempt to Burn tlie House of 

Conrad Weiser By His Enemies. 

In the Penna. Gazette of December 
6, 1744, the following appears: "By 
order of the Governor — WHEREAS 
some evil minded person or persons, 



with best results. There is no agri- 
culture in the United States like that 
of the Germans of Pennsylvania — 



16th, inst., attempt to burn the dwell- 
ing house of Conrad Weiser in Tulpy- 
hocken in the County of Lancaster, 



ATTEMPT TO BURN COXRAD WEISER'S HOUSE. 



2S7 



by means of a large bundle of straw, 
which was purposely laid and set ou 
fire, upon the roof of a low building 
joining the house, and at the same 
time fastened the door of the house, 
on the outside, with the intent to con- 
fine the family so that they might be 
unable to help themselves and perish 
in the flames. But the same was hap- 
pily prevented, through some of the 
family being awakened from the 
flames and great quantities of smoke 
from the straw, and the shingles 
beating on the roof, into the room 
where they lay, and alarming the rest 
of the family. Then with difficulty 
they broke open the door, which had 
been fastened by a strong rope, and 
they extinguished the fire. (This at- 
tempt did not succeed; but a few 
years later this house was burned to 
the ground, as we shall note.) 

And whereas, one Adam Haines, a 
vile, profligate young man, in the 
neighborhood of the said Weiser, hav- 
ing committed a crime, which coming 
to the cognizance of the said Weiser, 
he as the next Magistrate, was by the 
duty of his office, obliged to bind him 
over to the Court of Quarter Sessions 
of Lancaster County. And refusing to 
accept a bribe of the said Haines, 
which he solicited him very much to 
take to suppress and keep back the 
recognizance, and for that and other 
reasons, the said Weiser having good 
reasons to suspect Haines and other 
of his accomplices, supposed to be of 
the same family, to have been guilty 
of that villanous attempt to destroy 
him and his family, he caused the 
said Haines to be apprehended by the 
Constable: but Haines made his 
escape and fled from the Constable 
and now absconds. 

These are therefore, to give notice 
that if any person or persons will 
discover and find out, the said Haines, 
so that he may be retaken and com- 
mitted to some of the common jails 
of .this Province, in order to undergo 



a legal prosecution, in the premises, 
all such persons who shall cause the 
said Adam Haines to be apprehended 
and secured, shall be handsomely re- 
warded. And by his Honor, the Gov- 
ernor, special command is hereby 
4iven. that if any one of the accom- 
l)lices in the said crime shall give to 
the Secretary of this province, the 
uames of the rest, so they may be per- 
I sccuted, and brought to condign pun- 
i ishment for the same, he shall secure 
his pardon." 

It is to be observed in this article, 
that this good old German friend, ad- 
visor and counsellor, of the infant 
provinces of Pa. had his enemies for 
conscientiously doing his duty. Not 
anly were there rascals among the 
younger people of this German Swiss 
ancestors here; but also among other 
aationalities. 

Adam Haines, referred to above, 
seems to be a rascal. He was con- 
victed in Quarter Sessions Court of 
Lancaster County, February 5th, 1745, 
of stealing a cow, and being found 
guilty August following, was sen- 
tenced to pay 50 shillings, the price 
of the cow, 50 shillings fine, and the 
cost of the suit, and to have 21 
lashes, the next day, across his bare 
back, at the public whipping post at 
Lancaster. 

George Haines was prosecuted for 
stealing a ram and a ewe — and Adam 
Haines was also convicted of being 
the father of a bastard child, and 
sentenced to pay a fine of ten pounds 
and costs, and the woman received 
the same sentence. 

1744 — Suffering in Switzerland and 

Holland from Oppression, Disease 

and Famine. 

In Earnest IMiiller's Anabaptist 
History, p. 208, he states, that in 1744 
one of the old fathers, by the name 
of Burkholder, wrote, that he and his 
people were suffering indescribably, 
because they were compelled by Eng- 



288 



HANS BURKHOLDER'S EFFORTS FOR HIS PEOPLE. 



land, France and Austria to furnish 
supplies for them in their wars, and 
to quarter the troops of soldiers and 
take care of them and feed them. He 
states that these soldiers became un- 
bearable in their manner, insulting 
and threatening to the families of 
these non-resistant people, and often 
they had to sup.port and quarter as 
many as five or seven soldiers, for a 
considerable time. Besides this they 
suffered from failing crops, and fam- 
ine. There were also epidemics 
among their cattle, and thousands of 
their young cattle died. Some of the 
brethren lost every head of stock they 
had. And to make matters all the 
worse, they were now living the best 
they could, since they were compelled 
to flee from Switzerland, when they 
began to take measures to expel all 
these Anabaptists or Mennonites. 

Now they began to turn their at- 
tention towards emigrating towards 
Pennsylvania, as their Brethren in 
distress, had done more than thirty 
years earlier. Therefore, we see from 
this, that the difficulties and persecu- 
tions, both in Switzerland and in the 
Palatinate along the Rhine, were con- 
tinuing. 

1744— John Armstrong an Early Resi- 
dent Killed by Indians. 

In the Pa. Gazette of April 26th, 
174-1, it is stated, that news from Lan- 
castei reports, that John Armstrong, 
an Indian trader, and two servants, 
were murdered by three Indians, who 
waylaid them as they were going with 
goods to Allegheny. The chief of the 
murderers was taken to the Lancaster 
jail. He confessed the fact with all 
the circumstances. The Indians are 
of the Delaware tribe. It is stated 
that there had been some differences 
and difficulties, between the deceased 
and the Indian, that was taken to 
jail. 

And in the same news appears, un- 
der May 10th, it is stated that the 



Indian who killed Armstrong tells his 
side of the trouble, and says, it was 
about a horse. The Indian gave his 
horse and three belts of wampum, for 
goods, and found that he was cheat- 
ed; and whe