The Histories

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOtmOED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY
tT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D.

tE. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. tW. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d.

L. A. POST, L.H.D. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., f.b.hist.soc.

TACITUS
1

V

TACITUS

THE HISTORIES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
CLIFFORD H. MOORE

OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY

THE ANNALS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
JOHN JACKSON

IN FOUR VOLUMES

I
THE HISTORIES, Books I-III

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

MOMLXII

First printed 192o
Reprinted 1936, 1952, 1966, 1962

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

7A0«

INTRODUCTION —

LIFE AND WORKS OF TACITUS Vli

BIBLIOGKAl'HY xiv

HISTORICAL NOTE Xvii

BOOK I : TEXT AND TRANSLATION 1

BOOK II : TEXT AND TRANSLATION 159

BOOK III : TEXT AND TRANSLATION 327

MAP OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE At end

MAP OF NORTHERN ITALY ,,

INTRODUCTION

Life and Works of Tacitus

Our scanty knowledge of the life of Cornelius Taci-
tus is derived chiefly from his own works and from
the letters of his intimate friend, the younger Pliny.
The onl}' certain dates are the following : in 78 ad.
he married the daughter of Gnaeus Julius Agricola,
whose life he later wrote ;^ in 88 he was praetor and
a member of the college of the XVviri, but he may
have been appointed to this sacred office before this
year.2 The consulship he obtained in 97 (or 98),^
and between 113-116 (or 111—112) he governed the
province of Asia as proconsul.* His earlier political
career can be determined with somewhat less

^ Agric. 9: consul (77 a.d. ) egregiae turn spei filiam iuveni
mihi desponclit et post consulatum coUocavit ; et statim
Britanniae praepositus est.

* Ann. xi. 11 : is quoque (Domitianus) edidit ludos saecu-
lares, iisque inteiitius adfiii sacerdotio quindecimvirali
praeditus ac tunc praetor.

' Pliny, Epist ii. i. 6: laudatus est (Verginius Riifus) a
coiisule Cornelio Tacito ; nam hie supremus felicitati eius
cumulus accessit, laudator eloquentissimus. The question
as to the year obviously de])ends on the date of the death of
Verginius. For the lilerature on the dispute seeSchanz:
Geschichte der rom. Litteralur, § 427.

* See an inscription from Mylasa, published in the
Btl'etin de Correspondance HelUnique, 1890, p. 62! f.

INTRODUCTION

accuracy from his own words: dignitatem iiostraiii a
Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano
longius provectam non abnuerim.^ According to
this we may conjecture that he had been tribunus
militum laticlavius, and had held some of the
offices of the vigintivirate under Vespasian (69-79) ;
the quaestorship then would have come to him
between 79 and 81.

From the above facts we can believe that Tacitus
was born not far from 55-56 a.d. This date fits the
course of his political career; besides, we know that
he was only a few years older than his devoted
friend, the younger Pliny, who was born in 61 or 62. ^
The place of his birth is unknown, and in fact his
praenomen is uncertain ; the codex Mediceus I
gives it as Publius, but ApoUinaris Sidonius, writing
in the fifth century, names him Gaius.^ His father
may have been a procurator of Belgic Gaul.^ Cer-
tainly the historian was descended from well-to-do,
if not wealthy, parents, for he enjoyed the best
education of his day, had the full political career of
the nobility, and early married well. Moreover, his
attitude of mind is always that of a proud and aristo-
cratic Roman, without sympathy or interest in the

» Hist. i. 1.

* Pliii., Epist. VII. XX. 3 ; eritrarum et insigne duos homines
aetate dignitate propemodiim aequales, non nullius in litteris
nominis — cogor enim de te quoque parcius dicere quiade me
simul dico — alterum alterius studia fovisse. equidem adule-
scentulus cum iam tu fama gloriaque floreres, te sequi,
tibi ' longo sed proximus intervallo' et esse et haberi concupis-
cebam. (Written probably in 107.)

3 Epist. IV. 14. 1 ; 22. 2. Cf. Mommsen, Hermes, III., p. 108,
1 ; Studeniund, ibid. viii. 2.32 f.

« Plinv, N.H. vii. 76.

INTRODUCTION

affairs of the lower classes ; his occasional admiration
for an independent and free spirit in foreigners is
prompted by his desire to secure a clear contrast for
Roman vices.

The influence of Tacitus's rhetorical studies is
clearly seen in all his writings, and he won reputa-
tion as an orator.^ It was natural, then, that his
earliest extant work, the Dialogiis de Oratorihus,
should be an inquiry into the reasons for the decay
of oratory under the empire. Modelled on Cicero's
rhetorical works, it shows in form and style the effects
of its author's study. The scene of the dialogue is
placed in the year 74—75 a.d., but the date of com-
position is unknown ; apparently it was not published
until after Domitian's death (96). His other works
belong to the field of history. Two small volumes
preceded his larger studies. The Agiicola is an
encomiastic biography of his father-in-law, Gnaeus
Julius Agricola. A considerable portion of this
little book is given to a description of Britain and to
an account of the Roman conquest, so that a triple
interest — in geography and ethnography, history,
and biography — is secured on the i-eadcr's part.
The book was composed, or at least published, in
98 A.D.^ The Gennania, published at about the
same time, gives an ethnographic account of
Germany, in which the Romans then had an especial
interest because of Trajan's projected expedition
thither. There is idealization of the Germanic
peoples at the expense of the Romans, but also much

^ Cf. Pliny, Epist. ii. i. 6, quoted above, and ihid. il. xi.
17 : respondit Cornelius Tacitus eloquentissime et, quod
eximium otationi eius inest, aeiivws.

^ Agricola., 3. 44.

INTRODUCTION

sober and valuable matter with regard to the
Germanic tribes ; the booklet is the earliest signifi-
cant account that we possess of these peoples, for
the chapters dealing with Germany in the sixth
book of Caesar's Gallic War are too slight to give us
more than a glimpse of the Germanic peoples and
their ways.

However, as early as Tacitus was writing his
Agricola, he was planning a larger historical work
which should deal with his own era.^ But with
the passage of time his plan was somewhat changed :
he first composed the Histories, a. translation of which
is here presented. This work began with January 1,
69 A.D., and was carried through to the death ot
Domitian (96). Then he turned to an earlier time,
and wrote a history of the period from the death of
Augustus to the end of 68. He seems to have
entitled tiiis work Ah excessii divi Augusti, but he
refers to it also as Annnlcs, and this is the name by
which it is generally known. Our slight evidence
shows that Tacitus was working on his Histories
between the years 104 and 109 ; the latest chrono-
logical reference in the Annals is to 117. Apparently
death prevented him from carrying out his cherished
))urpose of writing the historv of the happy reigns of
Nerva and Trajan.

The fourteen books of the Histories covered the
period from January 1, 69, ^to the death of Domitian
in 96, as stated above ; of these onlv Books I.— IV.
are preserved complete, while Book V, breaks off"
with chapter 26, at about August, 70 a.d.

^ Agric. 3: Non tamen pigebit vel incondita ac rudi voce
raemoriam prioris servitutis ac testimonium praesentium
bononim composuisse.

INTRODUCTION

The first book contains an account of the brief
reign of Galba, of the adoption of Piso as his
successor, and of the revolution that placed Otlio in
the imperial power and cost Galba and Piso their
lives (1-49). Then follow (50-90) the story of the
uprising of the legions in Germany, where V'itellius
was proclaimed emperor, the advance of these troops
toward Italy, and Otho's preparations to oppose them.

With the beginning of the second book (1—10)
Tacitus directs our attention to the East, where
Vespasian and his son Titus begin to jilay an
important role. He then turns back to Italy and to
the struggle between the opposing forces of Otho
and Vitellius, which ends with Otho's defeat at the
battle of liedriacum and his suicide (11-50). The
rest of the book (51-101) contains an account of the
reign of Vitellius, which is quickly threatened by the
proclamation in Egy])t and Syria of Vesjiasian as em-
peror. The general Mucianus, as chief of Vespasian's
forces, advances toward the West. The legions of
Moesia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia join Vespasian's
cause. The news from the East finally causes
Vitellius to despatch some forces to the north of
Italy.

"Phe third book gives an account of the struggle
between the adherents of Vespasian and those of
Vitellius. This finally conies to a close with the
defeat of the latter, who meets a miserable end
at the hands of a mob of soldiers and civilians.

With the fourth book we find Vespasian supreme.
On Jamiary 1, 70, the emperor and his son Titus
entered on office as consuls, although both were
still in the East. The greater part of the book,
however (12-37; 54-79; 85-86), is taken up with

INTRODUCTION

an account of the threatening uprising of . the
Batavians under Civilis ; this story is continued in
the fifth book (14-26), although the opening
chapters (1-13) claim a greater interest from the
modern reader with their history of the expedition
led by Titus against Jerusalem.

In time of composition the Histories lie between
the three minor works with which Tacitus began
his literary career and the Annals, the maturest
product of his mind and pen. As is to be expected,
the Histories are written in a style that has not yet
fully attained the extreme compression of his latest
work; but nevertheless examples of the flowing
period here are few, and the sentences are frequently
overweighted with their content. Connectives are
comparatively rare ; the reader must often find for
himself the connection of thought. In diction
Tacitus avoids, when possible, the commonplace and
▼ulgar, without, however, seeking for what is
strange and unnatural. He employs poetic turns
and phrases, being greatly influenced by his pre-
decessors, especially by Sallust and by Vergil. Yet
the poetic eloquence that often marks his style is all
his own, as are the sharp epigrammatic sentences
that form so striking a characteristic of his pages.

In form the Histories are annaiistic, often inter-
rupting the narrative to preserve the order of
events. To the modern reader this procedure is
disturbing, but we must remember that it was one
of the canonical forms of history in anticpiity.

Tacitus was a man of deep feeling and strong
individuality. Eager as he was to write " sine ira et
studio," 1 he was yet unable to do so : we may well

^ Ann. I. 1. 6.
xii

INTRODUCllON

conjecture that if we had to-day his account of the
reign of Domitian, we should find that the man
mastered tlie historian there as in his extant
accounts of the reigns of Tiberius and of Nero.
Conscious that the Empire did not offer him the
great themes of the Republic, he sought after the
springs of action that are hidden in men's hearts.
Human motives interest him so much that he some-
times does not give due weight to the influence of
events themselves. He is the most individualistic,
the most psychological of ancient historians, and in
writing his history of the early empire he has
endeavoured to write the history of the human soul.^
Like most historians of antiquity, he is also a
moralist, who regards it as his duty to hold vice up
to scorn and to praise virtue. ^ With his age he is
inclined to believe in astrology, prodigies and fate ;
but on these points he often finds himself puzzled.

We may and must at times doubt l^acitus's inter-
pretation of his facts ; but his genius is such that
he gives a mordant vividness to his pictures and
descriptions. He writes with grim feeling because
he is impassioned by his own experiences and knows
what a tyrant is. His terse and epigrammatic style,
unparalleled before or since, and the manner in
which his personality pervades his work liave made
his fame secure.

' Cf. Hist. ii. 74-76.

* Ann. III. 65. 1 : praecipuum munus ani)alium reor ne
virtutes sileantiir utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate
et infamia metus sit.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Manuscripi's

The text of the Histories depends on a single
manuscript, the Mediceus II (M), known also as the
Laurentianus 68, 2, in which are found as well
Annals XI-XVI and Apuleius, De Magia, Metamor-
phoses, and Florida. This manuscript was written in
the eleventh century in Langobard script at Monte
Cassino. It is published in facsimile with an intro-
duction by Enrico Rostagno : Codices graeci et laiini
pkolograp/nce depicti, VII. 2, Leiden, 1902. All
other manuscripts are copies of the Mediceus
and comparatively useless, except to supply the
text in two passages that are now missing in the
parent manuscript : I. 69-75 and I. 86—11. 2,

Printed Editions

The editio princeps brought out by Vindelinus
de Spira in Venice in 1470 contained Aiinals XI-
XVI, Histories, Germania, and Dialogus. The first
edition of all the works was by Beroaldus, published
at Rome in 1515.

Modern editions are numerous. The text edition

BIBLIOGRAPHY

of Halrrij 4th ed., Leipsic, 1884, has long been the
standard ; but it has now been somewliat replaced for
the Histories by that of Van der Vliet, Groningen,
1900, and by C. D. Fisher's in the Oxford Classical
Texts, 1910.

Among annotated editions of the Histories the
following may be named : E. Wolff, Berlin, 1886.
1888; C. Heraeus, Lei})sic &, 1904; A. D. Godley^
London, 1887, 1890; and W. A. Spooner, London,
1891.

For studying the language of Tacitus, Gerber and
Greef, Lexicon TaciteuJii, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1903, is
indispensable.

Translations

The earliest English translation of the Histories
(I.-IV.) was made by Sir Henry Savile, London, 1591.
The translation of the complete works by Arthur
Murphy, London (1793), 1811, long remained the
standard English translation.

More modern and better translations are by
Church and Brodribb, London (1864), 1905;
W. Hamilton Fyfe, Oxford, 1912 ; and G. G. Ramsay,
London, 1915. That by H. W. Quill, London, 1892,
1896, may also be mentioned, but it is inferior to
those just named. In French there is an excellent
rendering by Burnouf, Paris, 1914. Although the
following translation was made in the first draft
largely in Italy with none of these renderings at
hand, it probably owes more to them all than the
translator is aware ; for whatever he has taken, con-
sciously or unconsciously, he is sincerely grateful.

It is unnecessary to say anything on the diffi-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

culties of translating Tacitus to those who have
attempted to render even a small portion of his
work ; and the experiment is earnestly recommended
to all who would entertain a kindly charity toward
one who has dared to face the temj)ting but
impossible task.

HISTORICAL NOTE

To understand the events narrated in the opening
chapters of the Histories it is necessary to have in
mind the events that led up to the death of Nero
and the acceptance of the imperial office by Galba.

As a result of the discontent with Nero, Servius
Sulpicius Galba had been proclaimed iniperator by
his troops in Hither Spain early in April, 68.
Galba was now in his seventy-third year. He was
of high birth and had been consul thirty-five years
before ; under Caligula he had distinguished himself
when governor of Gaul by repelling the German
invasion in 39 a.d., and at Caligula's death he had
declined to listen to his friends who urged him to
claim the imperial power. Later the Emperor
Claudius sent him to govern the province of Africa,
then distressed by the poor discipline prevailing
among the soldiers and threatened by barbarian
raids. After restoring discipline and securing peace,
for which accomplishments he was highly honoured,
Galba retired from public life, but in 60 he was re-
called by Nero, who sent him to govern Hispania
Tarraconensis.

Early in the year 68 Galba had been approached
by Vindex, governor of Gallia Liigdunensis, who pro-
posed that they should revolt and that Galba should

HISTORICAL NOTE

be emperor. The old man was too cautious to
embark then upon so dangerous an enterprise, but
after the revolt under Vindex had broken out he
began to fear for his own safety ; claiming that his
life was sought by Nero, he called his troops
together and addressed them on the state of the
empire. Although they proclaimed him emperor
(imperator), Galba styled himself only the repre-
sentative of the Senate and the people {legatns
senatus popu/ique Romnni). He was supported bv
Otho, governor of Lusitania, and Caecina, quaestor
of Baetica. After the rebellion under Vindex had
been crushed and Vindex himself had committed
suicide, Galba's situation seemed desperate, but
Nero's hesitation and levity saved him. Finally,
Nympidius Sabinus, prefect of the praetorian guards,
embraced Galba's cause for his own purposes ; Nero
was condemned to death by the Senate, and met
his end in the suburban villa of his freedman Phaon
on the night of June 9. Seven days later the news
reached Galba at Clunia in Spain, whereupon he
assumed the imperial name. His progress to Rome
was slow ; pretenders in Spain and Gaul had to be
put down, and claimants from Germany and Africa
disposed of; in October he entered Rome, after
overcoming the real, or supposed, opposition of some
marines at the Mulvian Bridjje.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS
BOOK I

CORNELII TACITI

HISTORIARUM

LIBER I

I. Initujm mihi operis Servius Galba iterum Titus
Vinius consules erunt. Nam post conditam urbem
octingentos et viginti prions aevi annos multi
auctoresrettulerunt, dum res populi Romani memora-
baiitur pari eloquentia ac libertate : postquani
bellatum apud Actium atque pmnem potentiam ad
iiiium conterri pacis interfuit, magna ilia ingenia
cessere ; simul Veritas pluribus modis infracta,
primum inscitia rei publicae ut alienae, mox libidine
adsentandi aut rursus odio adversus dominantis. Ita
neutris ciira posteritatis inter infensos vel obnoxios.
Sed ambitionem scriptoris facile averseris,^ obtrectatio
et livor pronis auribus accipiuntur ; quippe adulationi
foedura crimen servitutis, malignitati falsa species
libertatis inest. Mihi Galba Otho Vitellius nee
beneficio nee iniuria cogniti. Dignitatem nostram

1 aveiseris Pichena : adverseris M.

^ Jan. 1, ti9 a.d.

^ To be meticulously exact, the period was 822 years,
according to the Varronian date of the founding of Rome,
753 B.C., which was generally accepted in Tacitus's day.

' Tacitus thus dates the beginning of the Empire at 31
B.C. ; yet the position of Augustus was not made wholly
constitutional until January, 27 B.C.
2

THE HISTORIES OF

TACITUS

BOOK I

I. I BEGIN iny work with the second consulship of
Servius Galba, when Titus Vinius was his colleague.^
Many historians have treated of the earher period
of eight hundred and twenty years from the founding
of Rome, and while dealing with the Republic they
have written with equal eloquence and freedom.^
But after the battle of Actium, when the interests
of peace required that all power should be concen-
trated in the hands of one man,^ writers of like
ability disappeared ; and at the same time historical
truth was impaired in many ways : first, because
men were ignorant of politics as being not any
concern of theirs ; later, because of their passionate
desire to flatter ; or again, because of their hatred of
their masters. So between the hostility of the one
class and the servility of the other, posterity was
disregarded. But while men quickly turn from a
historian who curries favour, they listen with ready
ears to calumny and spite ; for flattery is subject to
the shameful charge of servility, but malignity makes
a false show of independence. In my own case I
had no acquaintance Avith Galba, Otho, or Vitellius,
through either kindness or injury at their hands. I

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

a Vespasiano inchoatfiiu, a Tito auctani, a Douiitiano
longius provectam non abnuerim : sed incorruptam
fidem professis neque amore quisquam et sine odio
dicendus est. Quod si vita suppeditet, principatum
divi Nervae et imperium Traiani, uberiorem securio-
remque materiam, senectuti seposui, rara temporum
felicitate ubi sentire quae velis et quae sentias dicere
licet.

II. Opus adgredior opimum casibus/ atrox proeliis,
discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum. Quat-
tuor principes ferro interempti : trina bella civilia,
plura externa ac plerumque permixta : prosperae
in Oriente, adversae in Occidente res: turbatum^
lllyricum, Galliae nutantes, perdoniita Britannia et
statim omissa^: coortae in nos Sarmatarum ac Sue-
borum gentes, nobilitatus cladibus mutuis Dacus,
mota prope etiam Parthorum arma falsi Neronis
ludibrio. lam vero Italia novis cladibus vel post
longam saeculorum seriem repetitis adflicta. Haustae

1 opimum codd. dett. : opibns M,

* pro-spereliiorientem adversae in oecidentes. retiirbatuin M.

* omissa LipsiHS : missa M.

^ Tacitus must have been quaestor under Vespasian or
Titus, for he was praetor in 88, and consul in 97 a. d.

* So far as we know, Tacitus never carried out his plan.
After finishing his Histories, which covered the years 69-96
A.D., he turned back and wrote the Annals, embracing the
years 14—68 A.D.

' Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Domitian.

* Two of the three civil wars were those of Otho against
Vitellius and of Vitellius against Vespasian ; the third was
probably that of Domitian against the revolting governor of

4

BOOK 1. i.-:l.

cannot deny that my political career owed its
beginning to Vespasian ; that Titus advanced it ;
and that Domitian carried it further ; ^ but those
who profess inviolable fidelity to truth must write
of no man with affection or with hatred. Yet if my
life but last, I liave reserved for my old age the
history of the deified Nerva's reign and of Trajan's
rule, a richer and less perilous subject, because of
the rare good fortune of an age in which we may
feel what we wish and may say what we feel.^

II. The history on which I am entering is that of
a period rich in disasters, terrible with battles, torn
by civil struggles, horrible even in peace. Four
emperors fell by tiie sword;" there were three civil
wars, more foreign wars, and often both at the same
time. There was success in the East, misfortune in
the West, Illyricum was disturbed, the Gallic
provinces wavering, Britain subdued and immedi-
ately let go.^ The Sarmatae and Suebi rose against
us ; the Dacians won fame by defeats inflicted and
suffered ; even the Parthians were almost roused to
arms through the trickery of a pretended Nero.^
Moreover, Italy was distressed by disasters unknown
before or returning after the lapse of ages. Cities

Upper Germany, L. Antonius Saturniiius, in 89 A.r>. Suet.
Dcnn. 6 f. ; Dio Cassius, Ixvii. 11.

The foreign wars were against the Rhoxolani (i. 79) and
the Jews (v. 1). The successes in the East were won in the
latter war, while the disasters in the West were caused by
the revolt of Civilis and his Batavians, as is narrated below,
especially iv. 12-37, 54-79 ; v. 14-26.

The subjugation of Britain was accomplished Vjy Agricola,
the father-iu-law of Tacitus, in 77-84 a. d. ; in the later years
of Domitian's reign some parts of the province apparently
were lost.

* See Suet. Dom. 6 ; Xrr. 57.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

aut obrutae urbes, fecundissiina Campaniae ora ; et
urbs incendiis vastata, consumptis antiquissimis delu-
bris, ipso Capitolio civium manibus incenso. Pollutae
caerimoniae, magna adiilteria : plenum exiliis mare,
infecti caedibus scopuli. Atvocius in urbe saevitum :
nobilitas, opes, omissi gestique honores pro crimine
et ob virtutes certissimmn exitium. Nee minus
praemia delatorum invisa quam scelera, cum alii
sacerdotia et consulatus ut spolia adepti, procurationes
alii et interiorem potentiam, agerent verterent
cuncta odio et terrore. Corrupti in dominos servi,
in patronos liberti ; et quibus deerat inimicus per
amicos oppressi.

III. Non tanien adeo virtutum sterile saeculum
ut non et bona exempla prodiderit. Comitatae
profugos liberos matres, secutae maritos in exilia
coniuges : propinqui audentes, constantes generi,
contumax etiam adversus tormenta servorum fides ;
supremae clarorum virorum necessitates fortiter
toleratae^ et laudatis antiquorum mortibus pares
exitus. Praeter multiplicis rerum humanarum casus
caelo terraque prodigia et fulminum monitus et
futurorum praesagia, laeta tristia, ambigua mani-
festa ; nee enim umquam atrocioribus populi Romani
cladibus magisve iu^tis indiciis adprobatum est non
esse curae deis securitatem nostram, esse idtionem.

1 necessitates fortiter toleratae codd. dett. : necessitates
ipaa necessitas fortiter tolerata JA

^ The reference is to the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 a.d.
Pliny, Epht. vi. 16 and 20.

2 By the fire of 69 (iii. 71), and by the conflagration under
Titu8,"^80 A.D. T)io Cassius. Ixvi. 24.

BOOK I. ii.-m.

on the rich fertile shores of Campania were swallowed
up or overwhelmed ; ^ Rome was devastated by con-
flagrations, in which her most ancient shrines were
consumed and the very Capitol fired by citizens'
hands.2 Sacred rites were defiled ; there were
adulteries in high places. The sea was filled with
exileSj its cliffs made foul with the bodies of the
dead. In Rome there was more awful cruelty.
High birth, wealth, the refusal or acceptance of
office — all gave ground for accusations, and virtues
caused the surest ruin. The rewards of the in-
formers were no less hateful than their crimes ; for
some, gaining priesthoods and consulshijis as spoils,
others, obtaining positions as imperial agents and
secret influence at court, made havoc and turmoil
everywhere, inspiring hatred and terror. Slaves
were corrupted against their masters, freedmen
against their patrons ; and those who had no enemy
were crushed by their friends.

III. Yet this age was not so barren of virtue that
it did not display noble examples. Mothers accom-
panied their children in flight; wives followed their
husbands into exile ; relatives displayed courage,
sons-in-law firmness, slaves a fidelity which defied
even torture. Eminent men met the last necessity
with fortitude, rivalling in their end the glorious
deaths of antiquity. Besides the manifold mis-
fortunes that befell mankind, there were prodigies
in the sky and on the earth, warnings given by
thunderbolts, and prophecies of the future, both
joyful and gloomy, uncertain and clear. For never
was it more fully proved by awful disasters of the
Roman people or by indubitable sijzns that the gods
care not for our safety, but for our punishment.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

IV. Ceterum antequam destinata compouain, re-
petendum videtur qualis status urbis, quae mens
exercituum, qiiis habitus proviiiciarum, quid in totd
terrarum orbe validum. quid aegruni fuerit, ut non
modo casus eventusque rerum, qui pleruuique fortuiti
sunt, sed ratio etiani causaeque noscantur. Finis
Neronis ut laetus primo gaudentium inipetu fuerat,
ita varies motus animorum non modo in urbe apud
patres aut populum aut urbanum militem, sed omnis
legiones ducesque conciverat, evulgato imperii arcano
posse principem alibi quam Romae fieri. Sed patres
laeti, usurpata statim libertate licentius ut erga
principem novum et absentem ; primores equitum
proximi gaudio patrum ; pars populi integra et mag-
nis domibus adnexa, clientes libertique damnatorum
et exuluni in speni erecti : plebs sordida et circo ac
theatris sueta, simul deterrimi servorum. aut qui
adesis bonis per dedecus Neronis alebantur, maesti
et rnmorum avidi.

V. Miles urbanus longo Caesarum sacramento
imbutus et ad destituendum Neronem arte magis
et in^pulsu quam suo ingenio traductus, postquam
neque dari donativum sub nomine Galbae promissum

^ Galba was the first to be proclaimed emperor outside
Rome.

BOOK I. iv.-v.

IV, Before, however, 1 begin the work that I have
planned, I think that we should turn back and
consider the condition of the city, the temper of
the armies, the attitude of the provinces, the
elements of strength and weakness in the entire
world, that we may understand not only the
incidents and the issues of events, which for the
most part are due to chance, but also their reasons
and causes. Although Nero's death had at first been
welcomed with outbursts of joy, it roused varying
emotions, not only in the city among the senators
and people and the city soldiery, but also among
all the legions and generals ; for the secret of
empire was now^ disclosed, that an emperor could
be made elsewhere than at Rome.^ The senators
rejoiced and immediately made full use of their
liberty, as was natural, for they had to do with a
new emperor who was still absent. The leading
members of the equestrian class were nearly as
elated as the senators. The respectable part of the
common people and those attached to the great
houses, the clients and freedmen of those who had
been condenmed and driven into exile, were all
roused to hope. The lowest classes, addicted to the
circus and theatre, and with them the basest slaves,
as well as those men who had wasted their property
and, to their shame, were wont to depend on Nero's
bounty, were cast down and grasped at every
rumour.

V. The city soldiery had long been accustomed
to swear allegiance to the Caesars, and had been
l)rought to desert Nero by clever pressure rather
than by their own inclination. Now when they saw
that the donative, which had been promised in

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

neque magnis meritis ac praemiis euadem in pace
quern in bello locum praeventamque gratiam in-
tellegit apud principem a legionibus factum, pronus
ad novas res scelere insuper Nymphidii Sabini
praefecti imperium sibi molientis agitatur. Et
Nymphidius quidem in ipso conatu oppressus, set^
quamvis capita defectionis ablato manebat plerisque
militum conscientia, nee deerant sermones senium
atque avaritiam Galbae increpantium. Laudata olim
et militari fama celebrata severitas eius angebat
aspernantis veterem disciplinam atque ita quattuor-
decim annis a Nerone adsuefactos ut baud minus
vitia principum amarent quani olim virtutes vere-
bantur. Accessit Galbae vox pro re publica honesta,
ipsi anceps, legi a se militem, non emi ; nee enim
ad banc formam cetera erant.

VI. Invalidum senem Titus Vinius et Cornelius
Laco, alter deterrinius mortaliunij alter ignavissimus,
odio flagitiorum oneratum contemptu inertiae de-
struebant. Tardum Galbae iter et cruentum, inter-

^ set Hfienanus : et M.

^ Nymphidius had promised the praetorians 7,500 drachmas
^$1,500) each, and 1,250 drachmas ($250) to each legionarj',
the former sum being the largest gift ever promised the
soldiers. Plut. ftalba 2.

•^ Nj-mphidius had soon come to feel that his services were
not duh' appreciated by Galba and that Titus Vinius and
Cornelius Laco had supplanted him in Galba's regard. He
next gave out that he was the son of Caligula (Tac. Ann. xv.
72 ; Plut. Galba, 9) and wished to persuade the praetorians
to proclaim him emperor in Galba's place ; but they refused,
and when he tried to force himself into the praetorian camp,
they killed him. Plut. Galba, 14 ; Suet. Galba, II.

^ On Titus Vinius, see i. 48, below ; Laco, who had been

BOOK 1. v.-vi.

Galba's name, was not given them,i that there were
not the same opportunities for great services and
rewards in peace as in war, and that the legions had
already secured the favour of the emperor whom
they had made, inclined as they were to support
a revolution, they were further roused by the
criminal action of Nymphidius Sabinus, the prefect,
who was trying to secure the empire for himself. ^ It
is true that Nymphidius was crushed in his very
attempt, but, though the head of the mutiny was
thus removed, the majority of the soldiers were still
conscious of their guilt, and there were plenty of
men to comment unfavourably on Galba's age and
greed. His strictness, which had once been esteemed
and had won the soldiers' praise, now vexed them,
for they rebelled against the old discipline ; through
fourteen years they had been trained by Nero to
love the faults of the emperors not less than once
they respected their virtues. Besides, there was the
saying of Galba's to the effect that he was wont to
select, not buy, his soldiers — an honourable utterance
in the interests of the state, but dangerous to himself;
for everything else was at variance with such a
standard.

VI. Galba was weak and old. Titus Vinius and
Cornelius Laco, the former the worst of men, the
latter the laziest, proved his ruin, for he had to bear
the burden of the hatred felt for the crimes of Titus
and of men's scorn for the lethargy of Cornelius.^
Galba's approach to Rome had been slow and

appointed prefect of the praetorian guard in place of
Nymphidius, played a prominent part in Galba's brief reign,
a7id was killed by Otho at the same time as his imperial
master. See i. 46 ; Plut. Qalba, 27.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

fectis Cingonio Varrone consule designato et Petronio
Turpiliano consulari : ille ut Nymphidii socius, hie
ut dux Neronis, inauditi atque indefensi tamquam
innocentes pei'ierant. Iiitroitus in urbem trucidatis
tot milibus inermium militum infaustus omine atque
ipsis etiam qui occiderant formidolosus. Inducta
legione Hispana, remanente ea quam e classe Nero
conscripserat, plena urbs exercitu insolito ; niulti ad
hoc numeri e Germania ac Britannia et lUyrico,
quos idem Nero electos praemissosque ad claustra
Caspiarum et bellum, quod in Albanos parabat,
opprimendis Vindicis coeptis revocaverat : ingens
uovis rebus materia^ ut non in unum aliquem prono
Tavore ita audenti parata.

VII. Forte congruerat ut Clodii Marci et Fontei
Capitonis caedes nuntiarentur. Macrum in Africa
baud dubie turbantem Trebonius Garutianus pro-
curator iussu Galbae, Capitonem in Germania, cum
similia coeptaret, Cornelius Aquinus et Fabius Valens
legati legioiium interfecerant antequam iuberentur.
Fuere qui crederent Capitonem ut avaritia et libidine

1 Cingonius Varro had actually composed the speech with
which N\'inphidius addressed the praetorians. Pint. Galba,
14. Petronius Turpilianus, consul in 61 a.d., had been
governor of Britain 61-63 (Tac. Ann. xiv. 39; Agri. 16) ; he
was selected by Nero as general against Vindex and Galba.
but had come to an agreement with the latter. Zonares,
xi. 13, p. 570d.

* The Claustra Caspiarum seem to be the pass which was
also called Portae Caucasiae (Plin. N. H. vi. xiii. 40) ; it i.s
that which leads to-day to Tiliis.

3 Clodius Macer was governor of Africa. Cf. below,
i. 73 ; Suet. Galha, 11 ; Plut. Galba,6. 13. Fonteius Capito,

BOOK I. VI. -VII.

bloody : the consul-elect, Cingonius Varro, and
Petronius Turpilianus, an ex-consul, had been put to
death, Cingonius because he had been an accomplice
of Nymphidius, Petronius as one of Nero's generals : ^
they were killed unheard and undefended, so that
men believed them innocent. Galba's entrance into
Rome was ill-omened, because so many thousands of
unarmed soldiers had been massacred, and this insjiired
fear in the very men who had been their murderers.
A Spanish legion had been brought to Rome ; the
one that Nero had enrolled from the fleet was still
there, so that the city was filled with an unusual
force. In addition there were many detachments
from Germany, Britain, and Ilh'ricum, which Nero
had likewise selected and sent to the Caspian Gates ^
to take part in the campaign which he was preparing
against the Albani ; but he had recalled them to
crush the attempt of Vindex. Here Avas abundant
fuel for a revolution ; while the soldiers' favour did
not incline to any individual, they were ready for
the use of anyone who had courage.

VII. It happened too that the executions of
Clodius Macer and Fonteius Capito were reported
at this same time.^ Macer, who had unquestionably
been making trouble in Africa, had been executed
by Trebonius Garutianus, the imperial agent, at
Galba's orders. Capito, who was making similar
attempts, had been executed in Germany by
Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens, tlie com-
manders of the legions, before they received orders
to take such action. There were some who believed
that, although Capito's character was defiled and

consul in 67 a.d., was governor of Lower Germany, i. 58 ;
iii. 62.

VOL. I. B "^

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

foedum ac maculosum ita cogitatione rerum novarum
abstinuisse, sed a legatis helium suadentibus, post-
quam impellere nequiverint, crimen ac dolum ultro
compositum, et Galbam mobilitate ingenii, an ne
altius scrutaretur, quoquo modo acta, quia mutari
non poterant, comprobasse. Ceterum utraque caedes
sinistra accepta, et inviso semel principi sen l>ene
seu male facta parera invidiam ^ adferebant. V^enalia
cuncta, praepotentes liberti, servorum manus subitis
avidae et taniquam apud senem festinantes, eademque
novae aulae mala, aeque gravia, non aeque excusata.
Ipsa aetas Galbae inrisui ac fastidio erat adsuetis
iuventae Neronis et imperatores forma ac decora
corporis, ut est mos vulgi, comparantibus.

VIII. Et hie quidem Romae, tamquam in tanta
multitudine, habitus animorum fuit. E provinciis
Hispaniae praeerat Cluvius Rufus, vir facundus et
pacis artibus, bellis inexpertus. Galliae super me-
moriam Vindicis obligatae recenti dono Romanae
civitatis et in posterum tributi levamento. Proximae
tamen Germanicis exercitibus Galliarum civitates
non eodem honore habitae, quaedam etiam finibus

* parem inviiliam Bezzenhcrger : praeminuit iam M.

' Cluvius Rufus, now governor of Hispania Tarraconensis,
wrote an account of the reigns of Nero, Galba. Otho, and
Vitellius. He is one of the few authorities whom Tacitus
mentions by name.

' In 48 A.D. Claudius had granted full citizenship to the
Gallic nobility of Gallia Comata {Ann. xi. 2.3 f). This
privilege Galba extended to all citizens in the Gallic tribes
and communities that had favoured Vindex and himself;
and at the same time he reduced the tribute 25 per cent,
i. 51 ; Plut. Galha, 18.

14

BOOK I. vii.-vni.

stained by greed and lust, he had still refrained
from any tiioiight of a revolution, but that the com-
manders who urged him to begin war had purposely
invented the charge of treason against him when
they found that they were unable to persuade him ;
and that Galba, either by his natural lack of decision,
or to avoid a closer examination of the case, had
approved what was done, regardless of the manner
of it, simply because it could not be undone. But
both executions were unfavourably received, and
now that the emperor was once hated, his good and
evil deeds alike brought him unpopularity. Everj--
thing was for sale ; his freedmen were extremely
powerful, his slaves clutched greedily after sudden
gains with the impatience natural under so old a
master. There were the same evils in the new
court as in the old : they were equally burdensome,
but they did not have an equal excuse. Galba's
very years aroused ridicule and scorn among those
who were accustomed to Nero's youth, and who,
after the fashion of the vulgar, compared emperors
by the beauty of their persons.

Vni. Such were the varied sentiments at Rome,
natural in a city with so vast a population. Of the
provinces, Spain was governed by Cluvius Rufus, a
man of ready eloquence, expert in the arts of peace
but untrained in war.^ The Gallic provinces were
held to their allegiance, not only by their memory
of the failure of Vindex, but also by the recent gift
of Roman citizenship, and by the reduction of their
taxes for the future ;2 yet the Gallic tribes nearest
the armies of Germany had not been treated with
the same honour as the rest ; some had actually had
their lands taken from them, so that they lelt equal

15

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ademptis pari dolore commoda aliena ac suas iniurias
metiebantur. Germanici exercilus, quod periculo-
sissimum in tantis viribus, solliciti et irati, superbia
recentis victoriae et metu tamquHm alias partis
fovissent. Tarde a Nerone desciverant, nee statim
pro Galba V^erginius. An imperare noluisset du-
bium : delatum ei a milite imperium conveniebat.
Fonteium Capitonem occisum etiam qui queri non
poterant, tamen indignabantur. Dux deerat ab-
ducto Verginio per simulationem amicitiae ; quern
non remitti atque etiam reum esse tamquam suum
crimen accipiebant.

IX. Superior exercitus legatum Hordeonium Flac-
cum spernebat, senecta ac debilitate pedum invali-
dum, sine constantia, sine auctoritate : ne quieto
quidem milite regimen ; adeo furentes infirmitate
retinentis ultro accendebantur. Inferioris Germaniae
legiones diutius sine consulari fuere, donee missu
Galbae A. Vitellius aderat, censoris V^itellii ac ter
consulis filius : id satis videbatur. In Britannico

* The Lingones and Treveri, who had supported Verginiua,
are meant, i. 53f

* The district along the Rhine was divided for administra-
tive and military purposes into Upper Germany and Lower
German}'. Upper Germany extended on botli sides of the
Rhine from Vindonissa (Windisch, near Lake Constance) to
Mogontiacum (Mayence) ; Lower German}' from Mogontiacum
to the North Sea, but included little territory on the east
bank of the Rhine. Usually there were four legions in each
district ; but at this time there were only three in L'pper
Germany.

' Auhis Vitellius had enjoyed the favour of Caligula,
Claudius, and Nero in turn. In 4S a.d. he had been consul
ordinarius with L. Vipstanus Poblicola; he had been pro-
consul of Africa, apparently in 60-61, and in the following
year he ser\ ed in the same province as Icgatus of his brother,

i6

BOOK I. viii.-ix.

irritation whether they reckoned up their neighbours'
gains or counted tlieir own wrongs.^ The armies
in Germany were vexed and angry, a condition most
dangerous when large forces are involved.^ They
were moved by pride in their recent victory and
also by fear, because they had favoured the losing
side. They had been slow to abandon Nero ; and
Verginius, their commander, had not pronounced
for Galba immediately ; men were inclined to think
that he would not have been unwilling to be
emperor himself ; and it was believed that the
soldiers offered him the imperial power. Even
those who could not complain of the execution of
Fonteius Capito Avere none the less indignant. But
they had no leader, for Verginius had been taken
awa}' under the cloak of friendship. The fact that
he was not sent back, but was actually brought to
trial, the soldiers regarded as an accusation against
themselves.

IX. Tlie army in Upper Germany despised their
commander, Hordeoiiius Flaccus. Incapacitated by
age and lameness, he had neither courage nor
authority. Even when the soldiers were quiet he
had no control ; once exasperated, the feebleness
of his restraint only inflamed them further. The
soldiers of Lower Germany were a considerable time
without a general of consular rank, until Galba sent
out Aulus Vitellius, the son of that Vitellius who
had been censor and three times consul : his father's
honours seemed to give him enough prestige.^ In

who then was governor. He was a member of most of the
important priesthoods, and also hekl tlie office of commissioner
of public works at Rome. Tacitus characterizes him below,
ii. 86.

17

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

exercitu nihil irarum. Non sane aliae legiones per
omnis civilium bellorum motus innocentius egerunt,
seu quia procul et Oceano divisae, seu crebris ex-
peditionibus doctae hostem potius odisse. Quies et
lliyrico, quamquam excitae a Nerone legiones, dum
in Italia cunctantur, Verginium legationibus adissent :
sed longis spatiis discreti exercitus, quod saluber-
rimum est ad continendam militarem fidem, nee
vitiis nee viribus miscebantur.

X. Oriens adhuc immotus. Syriara et quattuor
legiones obtinebat Licinius Mucianus, vir secundis
adversisque iuxta famosus. Insignis amicitias iuvenis
ambitiose coluerat ; mox attritis opibus, lubrico statu,
suspecta etiam Claudii iracundia, in secretum Asiae
sepositus ^ tam prope ab exule fuit quam postea a
principe. Luxuria industria, comitate adrogantia,
malis Ijonisque artibus mixtus : nimiae voluptates,
cum vacaret ; quotiens expedierat, magnae virtutes :
palam laudares, secreta male audiebant : sed apud
subiectos, apud proximos, apud coUegas variis inlece-
bris potens, et cui expeditius fuerit tradere imperium
quam obtinere. Bellum ludaicum Flavius Vespa-

^ sepositus Acidalius : repositus M.

^ The legions here referred to had been withdrawn on
account of Yindex's revolt.

* Licinius Mucianus had heen consul under Nero, and in
67 was appointed governor of S\'ria. After Vespasian
claimed the imperial power Mucianus became his strongest
supporter ; the details are given below, Books Il-IV.

iS

BOOK I. IX. -X.

the army stationed in Britain there were no hostile
feelings ; and indeed no other legions througli all
the confusion caused by the civil wars made less
trouble, either because they were farther away and
separated by the ocean, or else they had learned in
many campaigns to hate the enemy by preference.
There was quiet in Illyricum also, though the legions
which Nero had called from that province, while
they delayed in Italy, had made overtui-es to
Verginius through their representatives ; ^ but the
various armies, separated by long distances — which is
the most effective means of maintaining the fidelity
of troops — did not succeed in combining eitlier their
vices or their strength.

X. The East was as yet undisturbed. Syria and
its four legions were held by Licinius Mucianus, a
man notorious in prosperity and adversity alike. ^
When a young man he had cultivated friendships
with the nobility for his own ends ; later, when his
wealth was exhausted, his position insecure, and
he also suspected that Claudius was angry with him,
he withdrew to retirement in Asia and was as near
to exile then as afterwards he was to the throne.
He displayed a mixture of luxury and industry, of
affai)ility and insolence, of good and wicked arts.
His pleasures were extravagant if he was at leisure ;
whenever he took the field, he showed great virtues.
You would have praised his public life ; but his
private life bore ill rej)ute. Yet by diverse attrac-
tions he gained power with his subordinates, with
those close to him, and with his associates in office ;
and he was a man who found it easier to bestow
the imperial power than to hold it himself. The war
against the Jews was being directed with thi-ee legions

19

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

sianus (ducem eum Nero delegerat) tribus legionibus
administrabat. Nee Vespasiano adversus Galbam
votum aut animus : quippe Titum filium ad vene-
rationem cultumque eius miserat, ut suo loco me-
morabimus. Occulta fati et ostentis ac responsis
destinatum Vespasiano liberisque eius imperium post
fortunani credidimus.

XI. Aegyptum copiasque, quibus coerceretur, iam
inde a divo Augusto equites Roniani obtinent loco
regum : ita visum exj)edire, provinciam aditu diffi-
cilem, annonae fecundam, superstitione ac lascivia
discordem et mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram
magistratuum, domi retinere. Regebat turn Tiberius
Alexander, eiusdem nationis. Africa ac legiones in
ea interfecto Clodio Macro contenta qualicumque
principe post experimentum domini minoris. Duae
Mauritaniae, Raetia, Noiicum, Thraecia et quae aliae
procuratoribus cohibentur, ut cuique exercitui vicinae,
ita in favorem aut odium contactu valentiorum age-
bantur. Inermes provinciae atque ipsa in primis
Italia, cuicumque servitio exposita, in pretium belli
cessurae erant. Hie fuit rerum Romanarum status,

^ Titus Flavius Vespasianus was born at Reate in 9 a.d.
[jTp to the present he had spent his life as a soldier and
administrator in Thrace, Crete, Germany and Britain ; he
had been aedile in 38, praetor in 40, and consul in 51 A.D. ;
and in 6') he was appointed general by Nero to conduct the
war against the Jews.

'^ On tlie position and importance of Egypt, see Ann. ii.
59: "For Augustus had made it one of the secret principles
of his power to keep Egypt to himself and not to allow
senators or eminent knights to enter it without his per-
mission. His purpose was to save Italy from the danger of
being starved ; indeed Italy was at the mercy of any man
who once got control of Egypt, for the province is the key

20

BOOK I. x.-xi.

by Flavius Vespasianus,^ whom Nero had selected as
general. Neither Vespasian's desires nor sentiments
were opi)osed to Galba, for he sent his son, Titus,
to pay his respects and to show his allegiance to
him, as we shall tell at the proper time. The
secrets of Fate, and the signs and oracles which
predestined Vespasian and his sons for power, we
believed only after his success was secured.

XI. Egypt, with the troops to keep it in order,
has been managed from the time of the deified
Augustus by Roman knights in place of their former
kings.^ It had seemed wise to keep thus under
the direct control of the imperial house a province
which is difficult of access, productive of great
harvests, but given to civil strife and sudden dis-
turbances because of the fanaticism and superstition
of its inhabitants, ignorant as they are of laws
and unacquainted with civil magistrates. At this
time the governor was Tiberius Alexander, himself
an Egyptian. Africa and its legions, now that
Clodius Macer had been killed, were satisfied with
any emperor after their experience of a petty
tyrant. The two provinces of Mauritania, Raetia,
Noricum, Thrace and the other districts which were
in charge of imperial agents, were moved to favour
or hostility by contact with forces more powerful
than themselves, according to the army near which
each was. The provinces without an army, and
especially Italy itself, were exposed to slavery under
any master and destined to become the rewards of
war.

This was the condition of the Roman state when

to both sea and land ; and a small force there could resist
large armies."

21

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

cum Servius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules
inchoavere annum sibi ultimum, rei publicae prope
supremum.

XII. Paucis post kalendas lanuarias diebus Pom-
pei Propinqui procuratoris e Belgica litterae adferun-
tur, superioris Germaniae legiones rupta sacramenti
reverentia imperatorem alium flagitare et senatui ac
populo Romano arbitrium eligendi permittere quo
seditio mollius acciperetur. Maturavit ea res con-
silium Galbae iam pridem de adoptione secum et
cum proximis agitantis, Non sane crebrior tota
civitate sermo per illos mensis fuerat, primum licen-
tia ac libidine talia loquendi, dein fessa iam aetata
Galbae. Paucis iudicium aut rei publicae amor:
multi stulta spe, prout quis amicus vel cliens, hunc
vel ilium ambitiosis ^ rumoribus destinabant, etiam in
Titi Vinii odium, qui in dies quanto potentior eodem
actu invisior erat. Quippe hiantis in magna fortuna
amicorum cupiditates ipsa Galbae facilitas intende-
bat, cum apud infirmum et credulum minora metu et
maiore praemio paccaratur.

XIII. Potentia principatus divisa in Titum Vinium
consulem Cornelium Laconem praetorii praefectum ;
nee minor gratia Icelo Galbae liberto, quern anulis

• tLmh\t\osis Agricola: ambitionis ^/,

BOOK I. XI. XIII.

Servius Galba, chosen consul for the second time,
and his colleague Titus Vinius entered upon the
3'ear that was to be for Galba his last and for the
state almost the end.

XII. A few days after the first of January a despatch
was brought from Fonipeius Pro})inquus, imperial
agent in Belgic Gaul, saying that the legions of
Upper Germany had thrown off all regard for their
oath of allegiance and were demanding another
emperor, but that they left the choice to the senate
and the Roman people, that their disloyalty might
be less seriously regarded. This news hastened
Galba's determination. He had already been con-
sidering with himself and his intimates the question
of adopting a successor ; indeed during the last few
months nothing had been more frequently discussed
throughout the state, first of all because of the
licence and the passion which men now had for such
talk, and secondly because Galba was already old
and feeble. Few were guided by sound judgment
or real patriotism ; the majority, prompted by
foolish hope, named in their selfish gossip this man
or that whose clients or friends they were ; they
were also moved by hatred for Titus Vinius, whose
unpopularity increased daily in proportion to his
power. Moreover, Galba's very amiability increased
the cupidity of his friends, grown greedy in their
high good fortune ; since they were dealing with
an infirm and confiding man, they had less to fear
and more to hope from their wrong-doings.

XIII. The actual power of the principate was
divided between Titus Vinius the consul and Cor-
nelius Laco the praetorian prefect, nor was the
influence of Icelus, Galba's freedman, less than

23

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

donatum equestri nomine Marcianum vocitabant.
Hi discordes et rebus minoribus sibi quisque ten-
dentes, circa consilium eligendi successoris in duas
factiones scindebantur. V'inius pro M. Othone, Laco
atque Icelus consensu non tam unum aliquem fove-
bant quam alium. Neque erat Galbae ignota Othonis
ac Titi Vinii amicitia ; et rumoribus nihil silentio
transmittentium, quia Vinio vidua filia, caelebs Otho,
gener ac socer destinabantur. Credo et rei publicae
curam subisse^ frustra a Nerone translatae si apud
Othonem relinqueretur, Namque Otho pueritiam
incuriose, adulescentiam petulanter egerat, gratus
Neroni aemulatione luxus. Eoque Poppaeam Sabi-
nam, principale scortum, ut apud conscium libidinum
deposuerat;, donee Octaviam uxorem amoliretur.
Mox suspectum in eadem Poppaea in provinciam
Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit. Otho comi-
ter administrata provincia primus in partis trans-
gressus nee segnis et, donee bellum fuit, inter
praesentis splendidissimus, spem adoptionis statim
conceptam acrius in dies rapiebat, faventibus

^ Icelus had hurried from Rome to Galba in Spain with
the news of Nero's death, and had been rewarded with the
gold ring and the privilege of wearing the nairow purple
stripe [angustus clavus) on his tunic, that were prerogatives
of the equestrian order. He then became one of Galba's
chief advisers ; he was later executed by Otho. Plut.
Galba, 7; Suet. Galba, 14. 22.

24

BOOK I. XIII.

theirs. He had been presented with the ring of
a knight, and people called him Marcianus, an
equestrian name.^ These three quarrelled with one
another, and in small matters each one worked for
iiimself ; but in the question of choosing a successor
they wei'e divided into two parties. Vinius favoured
Marcus Otho ; Laco and Icelus agreed not so much
in favouring any particular person as in supporting
someone other than Otho. Galba was not ignorant
of the friendship between Otho and Titus Vinius ;
and the common gossip of people, who let nothing
pass in silence, was already naming Otho the son-
in-law and Vinius the father-in-law, because the
former was a bachelor and Vinius had an unmarried
daughter. I can believe that Galba cherished also
some thought for the state, which had been wrested
from Nero in vain if it were to be left in the hands
of an Otho. For Otho had spent his boyhood in
heedlessness, his early manhood under no restraint.
He had found favour in Nero's eyes by imitating
his extravagance; therefore Nero had left with him,
privy as he was to his debaucheries, Poppaea Sabina,
the imperial mistress, until he could get rid of his
wife Octavia. Later the emperor suspected him in
relation to this same Poppaea and removed him to
the province of Lusitania, ostensibly as governor.
He administered the ])rovince acceptably, but he
was the first to join Galba's party and he was not
an inactive partisan. So long as war lasted he
was the most brilliant of all Galba's immediate
supporters, and now, as soon as he had once con-
ceived the hope of being adoj)ted by Galba, he
desired it more keenly every day that passed. The
majority of the soldiers favoured him, and Nero's

25

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

plerisque militum, prona in eum aula Neronis ut
similem.

XIV. Sed Galba post nuntios Germanicae sedi-
tionis, quamquam nihil adhiic de Vitellio certum,
anxius quonam exercituum vis erumperet, ne urbano
quidem militi confisus, quod remedium unicum re-
batur, comitia imperii transigit ; adhibitoque super
Vinium ac Laconem Mario Celso consule designate
ac Ducenio Gemino praefecto urbis, pauca praefatus
de sua senectute, Pisoneni Licinianum accersiri iubet,
seu propria electione sive, ut quidam crediderunt,
Lacone instante, cui apud Rubellium Plautum exer-
cita cum Pisone amicitia ; sed callide ut ignotum
fovebat, et prospera de Pisone fama consilio eius
fidem addiderat. Piso M. Crasso et Scribonia genitus,
nobilis utrimque, vultu habituque moris antiqui et
aestimatione 1 recta severus, deterius interpretantibus
tristior habebatur : ea pars morum eius quo suspec-
tior sollicitis adoptanti placebat.

XV. Igitur Galba, adprehensa Pisonis manu, in
hunc modum locutus fertur: "Si te privatus lege

^ aestimatione Beroaldus'. extimatione M.

^ M. Salvius Otho, born 32a.d., had governed Lusitania
■well for ten j-ears (59-68 a.d. ) under Nero, but had promptly
joined Galba's cause and had accompanied him to Rome.
For a somewhat different account of his relation to Poppaea,
see Ann. xiii. 45.

* The expression "imperial comitia" is ironical, in imi-
tation of "consular comitia," etc., which described the
ordinary electious. The date of the adoption was January
10.
26

BOOK I. xiii.-xv.

court was inclined to him because he was hke
Nero.^

XIV. But after Galba received word of the dis-
loyal movement in Germany, tliou<jjh he had as yet
no certain news with regard to Vitellius, he was
distressed as to the possible outcome of the army's
violence, and had no confidence even in the soldiers
within the city. So he held a kind of imperial
comitia, which he regarded as his only remedy.'
Besides Vinius and Laco, he called Marius Celsus,
the consul-elect, and Ducenius Geminus, the city
prefect. He first spoke briefly of his own advanced
years, then directed that Licinianus Piso should be
called in, either because he was his own choice, or,
as some believed, owing to the insistence of Laco,
who had formed an intimate friendship with Piso
at the house of Rubellius Plautus. But Laco
cleverly supported Piso as if he wei'e a stranger,
and Piso's good reputation added weight to Laco's
advice. Piso was the son of Marcus Crassus and
Scribonia, thus being noble on both sides ; ^ his
look and manner were those of a man of the ancient
school, and he had justly been called stern; those
who took a harsher view regarded him as morose,
but this element in his character, which caused the
anxious to suspect him, recommended him to Galba
for adoption.

XV. Then Galba, according to report, took Piso's
hand and spoke to this effect : " If as a private
citizen I were adopting you according to curiate

^ Piso, born 38 a.d., was long an exile under Nero (i. 48),
and therefore had held no civil offices in the State. His
father, mother, and one brother liad been put to death by
Claudius, a second brother killed by Nero.

27

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

euriata apud pontifices, ut moris est, adoptarem, et
mihi egregium erat Cn.^ Pompei et M, Crassi sub-
olem in penatis meos adsciscere, et tibi insigne
Sulpiciae ac Lutatiae decora nobilitati toae adiecisse :
nunc me deorum hominunique consensu ad imperium
vocatum praeclara indoles tua et amor patriae impulit
ut principatum, de quo maiores nostri armis certa-
bant, bello adeptus quiescenti offeram, exemplo divi
Augusti qui sororis filium Marcellum, dein generum
Agrippam, mox nepotes suos, postremo Tiberium
Neronem privignum in proximo sibi fastigio conlo-
cavit. Sed Augustus in domo successorem quaesivit,
ego in re publica, non quia propinquos aut socios
belli non habeam, sed neque ipse imperium ambitione
accepi, et iudicii mei documentum sit non meae tan-
tum necessitudines, quas tibi postposui, sed et tuae.
Est tibi frater pari nobilitate, natu maior, dignus hac
fortuna nisi tu potior esses. Ea aetas tua quae cupi-
ditates adulescentiae iam effugerit, ea vita in qua nihil
praeteritum excusandum habeas. Fortunam adhuc
tantum adversam tulisti : secundae res acrioribus
stimulis animos explorant, quia miseriae tolerantur,
felicitate corrumpimur. Fidem, libertatem, amici-
tiam, praecipua humani animi bona, tu quidem eadem
constantia retinebis, sed alii per obsequium immi-
nuent : inrumpet adulatio, blanditiae et^ pessimum

^ Cii. Freinshrim : nunc M.
' et add. Freudenhurg

1 To give validity to tlie adoption of a mature person the
approval of the curiae and of the pontifices was necessary.
The curiate assembly had lost its political power in 286 B.C.,
but it was still represeiited by thirty liciors, assembled
by the pontifices. Galba, as pontifex niaximus, dispensed
with the usual forma.

?8

BOOK I. XV.

law before the pontifices, as is customary,^ it were
both an honour to me to bring into my house a
descendant of Gnaeus Pompey and Marcus Crassus,
and a distinction for you to add the glories of the
Sulpician and Lutatian houses to your own high
rank. But as it is, called to the imperial office, as
I have been, by the consent of gods and men,
I have been moved by your high character and
patriotism to offer you in peace the principate for
which our forefathers fought, and which I obtained
in war. Herein I follow the example of the deified
Augustus, who placed in high station next his
own, first his sister's son Marcellus, then his son-
in-law Agrippa, afterwards his grandsons, and finally
Tiberius Nero, his step-son. But Augustus looked
for a successor within his own house, I in the whole
state. 1 do this not because I have not relatives
or associates in arms; but I did not myself gain
this power by self-seeking, and I would have the
character of my decision shown by the fact that
I have passed over for you not only my own rela-
tives, but yours also. You have a brother as noble
as yourself and older, worthy indeed of this fortune,
if you were not the better man. You have reached
an age which has already escaped from the passions
of youth ; your life is such that you have to offer
no excuses for the past. Thus far you have known
only adversity ; prosperity tests the spirit with
sharper goads, because we simply endure misfortune,
but are corrupted by success. Honour, liberty,
friendship, the chief blessings of the human mind,
you will guard with the same constancy as before ;
but others will seek to weaken them by their
servility. Flattery, adulation, and that worst poison

29

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

veri adfectus venenum, sua cuique utilitas. Etiam
si^ ego ac tu simplicissime inter nos hodie loquimufj
ceteri libentius cum fortuna nostra quam nobiscum ;
nam suadere prineipi quod oporteat multi laboris,
adsentatio erga quemcumque principem sine adfectu
peragitur.

XVI. " Si immensum imperii corpus stare ac librari
sine rectore posset, dignus eram a quo res publica
inciperet : nunc eo necessitatis iam pridem ventum
est ut nee mea senectus conferre plus populo Romano
possit- quam bonum successorem,nec tua plus iuventa
quam bonum principem. Sub Tiberio et Gaio et
Claudio unius familiae quasi hereditas fuimus : loco
libertatis erit quod eligi coepimus ; et finita luliorum
Claudiorumque domo optimum quemque adoptio
inveniet. Nam generari et nasci a principibus
fortuitum, nee ultra aestimatur : adoptandi indicium
integrum et, si velis eligere, consensu monstratur.
Sit ante oculos Nero quem longa Caesarum serie
tumentem non Vindex cum inermi provincia aut ego
cum una legione, sed sua immanitas, sua luxuria
eervicibus publicis depulerunt ; neque erat adhuc
damnati principis exemplum. Nos bello et ab aesti-
raantibus adsciti cum invidia quamvis egregii erimus.

' etiam si Halm: etiam M.
' possit Mhenamis : posset M.

30

BOOK I. xv.-xvi.

of an honest heart, self-interest, will force them-
selves in. Even though you and I speak to each
other with perfect frankness to-day, all other men
will prefer to deal with our great fortune rather
than ourselves. For to persuade a prince of his
duty is a great task, but to agree with him, whatever
sort of prince he is, is a thing accomplished without
real feeling.

XVI. " If the mighty structure of the empire
could stand in even poise without a ruler, it were
proper that a republic should begin with me. But
as it is, we have long reached such a pass that my
old age cannot give more to the Roman people than
a good successor, or your youth more than a good
emperor. Under Tiberius, Gaius, and Claudius we
Romans were the heritage, so to speak, of one
family ; the fact that we emperors are now begin-
ning to be chosen will be for all a kind of liberty ;
and since the houses of the Julii and the Claudii are
ended, adoption will select only the best ; for to be
begotten and born of princes is mere chance, and is
not reckoned higher, but the judgment displayed in
adoption is unhampered ; and, if one wishes to make
a choice, common consent points out tiie individual.
Keep Nero before your eyes. Swelling as he was
with pride over the long line of Caesars, it was not
Vindex with an unarmed province, nor I with a
single legion, but his own monstrous character, his
own extravagance, that flung him from the necks
of the people ; yet never before had there been a
precedent for condemning an emperor. We, who
have been called to power by war and men's judgment
of our worth, shall be subject to envy, no matter
how honourable we may prove. Yet do not be

31

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Ne tamen territus fueris si duae legiones in hoc
coiicussi orbis motu nondum quiescunt : ne ipse qui-
dem ad securas res accessi, et audita adoptione
desinam videri senex, quod nunc mihi unum obicitur.
Nero a pessimo quoque semper desiderabitur : mihi
ac tibi providendum est ne etiam a bonis desideretur.
Monere diutius neque teniporis huius, et impletum
est omne consilium si te bene elegi. Utilissimus
idem ac brevissimus bonarum malarumque rerum
dilectus est, cogitare quid aut volueris sub alio
principe aut nolueris; neque enim hie, ut gentibus
quae regnantur, certa dominorum domus et ceteri
servi, sed imperaturus es hominibus qui nee totam
servitutem pati possunt nee totam libertatem."

Et Galba quidem haec ac talia, tamquam principem
faceret, ceteri tamquam cum facto loquebantur.

XVII. Pisonem ferunt statim intuentibus et mox
coniectis in eum omnium oculis nullum turbati aut
exultantis animi motum prodidisse. Sermo erga
patrem imperatoremque reverens, de se moderatus ;
nihil in vultu habituque mutatum, quasi imperare
posset magis quam vellet. Consultatum inde, pro
rostris an in senatu an in castris adoptio noncuparetur.
Tri in castra placuit : honorificum id militibus fore,

32

BOOK I. xvi.-xvn.

frightened it there are still two legions not yet
reduced to quiet in a world that has been shaken
to its foundations. I myself did not come to the
throne in security, and when men hear that I have
adopted you, I shall cease to seem an old man — the
one charge that is now laid against me. Nero will
always be missed by the worst citizens ; you and I
must take care that he be not missed also by the
good. To give you further advice were untimely,
and, besides, all the advice I would give is fulfilled
if you prove a wise choice. The distinction between
good and evil is at once most useful and quickest
made. Think only what you might wish or would
oppose if another were emperor. For with us there
is not, as among peoples where there are kings, a
fixed house of rulers while all the rest are slaves,
but you are going to rule over men who can endure
neither complete slavery nor complete liberty."

Galba spoke further to the same effect, as if he
were making an emperor, but everyone else con-
versed with Piso as if he had been already made one.

XVII. People report that Piso gave no sign of
anxiety or exaltation, either before those who were
looking on at the time or afterward when the eyes
of all were upon him. He answered with the
reverence due to a father and an emperor ; he spoke
modestly about himself. There was no change in
his look or dress ; he seemed like one who had the
ability rather than the desire to be emperor. The
question was then discussed whether his adoption
should be proclaimed from the rostra or in the senate
or in the praetorian camp. It was decided to go to
the camp, for this act, they thought, would be a
mark of honour toward the soldiers^ whose support,

33

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quorum favorem ut largitione et ambitu male adquiri,
ita per bonas artis baud sperneiidum. Circumsteterat
interim Palatium publica expectatio, magni secreti
impatiens ; et male coercitam famam supprimentes
augebant.

XV^III. Quartum idus lanuarias, foedum imbribus
diem, tonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae ultra
solitum turbaverunt. Observatum id antiquitus co-
mitiis dirimendis non terruit Galbam quo minus in
castra pergeret, contemptorem talium ut fortuitorum ;
seu quae fate manent, quamvis significata, non vitan-
tur. Apud frequentem militum contionem impera-
toria brevitate adoptari a se Pisonem exemplo divi
Augusti et more ^ militari, quo vir virum legeret,
pronuntiat. Ac ne dissimulata seditio in maius
crederetur, ultro adseverat quartam et duoetvicen-
simam ^ legiones, paucis seditionis auctoribus, non
ultra verba ac voces errasse et brevi in officio fore.
Nee ullum orationi aut lenocinium addit aut pretium.
Tribuni tamen centurionesque et proximi militum
grata auditu respondent : per ceteros maestitia ac
silentium, tamquam usurpatam etiam in pace donativi
necessitatem bello perdidissent. Constat potuisse
conciliari animos quantulacumque parci senis liberali-

* Exemplo . . . more Ferretux : more . . . exemplo M.
- duoetvicensimam Pichena: duodevicensimam M.

1 According to the primitive method of raising levies.
34

BOOK I. XVII. -XVIII.

when gained through good arts, was not to be
despised, however base it was to seek it by bribery
and canvassing. In tlie meantime an expectant crowd
had gathered around the palace, impatient to learn the
great secret, while the unsuccessful efforts of those
who wished to check the rumour only increased it.

XVIII. The tenth of January, a day of heavy
rain, was made dreadful by thunder, lightning, and
unusual threats from heaven. In earlier times notice
of these things would have broken up an election,
but they did not deter Galba from going to the
praetorian camp, for he despised these things as
mere ciiance : or else the truth is that we cannot
avoid the fixed decrees of fate, by whatever signs
revealed. Before a crowded gathering of the soldiers,
with the brevity that became an emperor, he
announced that he was adopting Piso after the
precedent set by the deified Augustus, and following
the military custom by which one man chose another.^
And to prevent an exaggerated idea of the revolt by
attempting to conceal it, he went on to say that the
Fourth and Twenty-second legions had been led
astray by a few seditious leaders, but their errors
had not passed beyond words and cries, and jiresently
they would be under discipline. He added no
flattery of the soldiers, nor made mention of a gift.
Yet the tribunes, centurions, and soldiers nearest
him answered in a satisfactory manner ; but among
all the rest of the soldiers there was a gloomy
silence, for they felt that they had lost through war
the right to a gift which had been theirs even in
times of peace. There is no question that their
loyalty could have been won by the slightest
generosity on the part of this stingy old man. He

35

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tate : nocuit antiquus rigor et nimia severitas, cui
iam pares non siimus.

XIX. Inde apud senatum non comptior Galbae,
non longior quam apud militem sermo : Pisonis
comis oratio. Et patrum favor aderat : multi volun-
tate, efTusius qui noluerant, medii ac plurimi obvio
obsequio, privatas spes anfitantes sine publica cura.
Nee aliud sequenti quadriduo, quod medium inter
adoptionem et caedem fuit, dictum a Pisone in pub-
lico factumve. Crebrioribus in dies Germanicae de-
fectionis nuntiis et facili civitate ad accipienda
credendaque omnia nova cum tristia sunt, censuerant
patres mittendos ad Germanicum exercitum legatos.
Agitatum secreto num et Piso profioisceretur, maiore
praetextu, illi auctoritatem senatus, hie dignationem
Caesaris laturus. Placebat et Laconem praetorii
praefectum simul mitti ; is consilio intercessit. Le-
gati quoque (nam senatus electionem Galbae per-
miserat) foeda inconstantia nominati, excusati,
subbtituti, ambitu remanendi aut eundi, ut quem-
que metus vel spes impulerat.

XX. Proxima pecuniae cura ; et cuncta scrutan-
tibus iustissimum visum est inde repeti ubi inopiae
causa erat. Bis et viciens miliens ^ sestertium dona-
tionibus Nero effuderat : appellari singulos iussit,

* milies Lipsius : mille M.

^ A sum roughly equivalent to $100,000,000 of our money,
but tlie vastly greater value of money in anlicjuity must be
taken into account to arrive at a just comparison.

36

BOOK I. xviii.-xx.

was ruined by his old-fasliioned strictness and exces-
sive severity — qualities which we can no longer
bear.

XIX. Galba's speech to the senate was as bald
and brief as his address to the soldiers. Piso spoke
with grace ; and the senators showed their approval.
Many did tliis from good-will, those who had opposed
the adoption Avith more effusion, the indifferent —
and they were the most numerous — with ready
servility, for thev had their private hopes in mind
and cared nothing for the state. During the four
days that followed between his adoption and murder
Piso said and did nothing further in public. More
frequent reports of the revolt in Germany arrived
every day, and since the citizens were ready to
accept and believe anything strange and bad, the
senate voted to send a delegation to the army in
Germany. There was a secret discussion as to
whether Piso also should go, that so the mission
might be more imposing : the other members
would take with them the authority of the
senate, Piso the dignity of a Caesar. They voted
to send Laco also, the prefect of the praetorian
cohort ; but he vetoed their plan. The senate
had left the choice of members to Galba. With
disgraceful lack ot firmness he named men, excused
them, made substitutions, as they pleaded with
him to stay or go, according to their fears or
hopes.

XX. The next anxiety was with regard to finances.
After full consideration it seemed fairest to look for
money from the sources where the cause of the
poverty lay. Twenty-two hundred million sesterces
had been squandered by Nero in gifts. ^ It was

Z7

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

decima parte liberalitatis apud quemque eorum
relicta. At illis vix decimae super portiones erant,
isdem erga aliena sumptibus quibus sua prodegerant,
cum rapacissimo cuique ac perditissimo non agri aut
faenus sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manerent.
Exactioni triginta equites Romani praepositi, novum
officii genus et ambitu ac nuniero onerosum : ubique
hasta et sector, et inquieta urbs actionibus. Ac
tamen grande gaudium quod tarn pauperes forent
quibus donasset Nero quam quibus abstulisset.
Exauctorati per eos dies tribuni, e praetorio Antonius
Taurus et Antonius Naso, ex urbanis cohortibus
Aemilius Pacensis, e vigilibus lulius Fi-onto. Nee
remedium in ceteros fuit, sed metus initium, tam-
quam per artem et formidinem singuli pellerentur,
omnibus suspectis.

XXI, Interea Othoneni, cui compositis rebus nulla
spes, omne in turbido consilium, multasimul exstimu-
labant, luxuria etiam priucijji onerosa, inopia vix
privato toleranda, in Galbam ira, in Pisonem invidia ;
fingebat et metum quo magis concupisceret : prae-
gravem se Neroni fuisse, nee Lusitaniam rursus et
alterius exilii honorem expectandum. Suspectum

38

BOOK I. XX -XXI.

voted that individuals should be summoned, and
that a tenth part of the gifts which Nero had made
them should be left with each. But Nero's favourites
had hardly one-tentli left, for they had wasted the
money of others on the same extravagances as they
liad their own ; the most greedy and depraved had
neither lands nor principal, but only what would
minister to their vices. Thirty Roman knigiits were
appointed to collect the money. This was a new
office, and a burden because of the number and
intrigue of its members. Everywhere there were
auctions and speculators, and the city was disturbed
by lawsuits. And yet there was great joy that tliose
who had received gifts from Nero were going to be as
poor as tliose from whom he had taken the money.
During these same days four ti-ihunes were dis-
missed, Antonius Taurus and Antonius Naso from
the praetorian cohorts, from the city cohorts Aemilius
Pacensis, and Julius Pronto from the police. This
action was no assistance against the rest, but it did
arouse their fears : individuals, they thought, were
being driven from office craftily and cautiously one
by one, because all were suspected.

XXI. In the meantime Otho, who had nothing
to hope from a peaceful arrangement, and whose
purpose depended wholl}' on disorder, was spurred
on by many considerations. His extravagance was
such as would have burdened an emperor, his poverty
a private citizen could hardly have borne. He was
angry toward Galba and jealous of Piso. He invented
fears also to give his greed greater scope. He said
that he had been formidable to Nero, and that he
could not look again for Lusitania and the honour
of a second exile ; that tyrants always suspected and

39

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

semper invisumque dominantibus qui proximus des-
tinaretur. Nocuisse id sibi apud senem principem,
magis nociturum apud iuvenem ingenio trucem at
longo exilio efFeratum: occidi Othonem posse.
Proinde agendum audendumque, dum Galbae auc-
toritas fluxa, Pisonis nondum coaluisset. Oppor-
tunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum, nee eunc-
tatione opus, ubi perniciosior sit quies quam
temeritas. Mortem omnibus ex natura aequalem
oblivione apud posteros vel gloria distingui ; ac si
nocentem innocentemque idem exitus maneat,
acrioris viri esse nierito perire.

XXII. Non erat Othonis mollis et corpori similis
animus. Et intimi libertorum servorumque, coi'-
ruptius quam in privata domo habiti, aulam Neronis
et luxus, adulteria, matrimonia ceterasque regnorum
libidines avido talium, si auderet, ut sua ostentantes,
quiescenti ut aliena exprobrabant, urgentibus etiam
mathematicis, dum novos motus et clarum Othoni
annum observatione siderum adfirmant, genus homi-
num potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in
civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur.
Multos secreta Poppaeae mathematicos, pessimum
principalis matrimonii instrumentum, habuerant : e
quibus Ptolemaeus Othoni in Hispania comes, cum
superfuturum eum Neroni promisisset, postquam ex
40

BOOK I. xxi.-xxii.

hated the man who was marked out as their suc-
cessor; this had ah'eady injured him with the aged
emperor, and was going to injure him still more
with the young one, who was cruel by nature and
embittered by long exile. An Otho could be
murdered ; therefore he must be bold and act while
Galba's authority was still weak and Piso's not yet
established ; this time of transition was opportune
for great attempts, and a man must not delay when
inactivity is more ruinous than rash action. Death
nature ordains for all alike ; but it differs as it
brings either oblivion or glory in after ages ; and
if the same end awaits the guilty and the innocent,
it is the duty of a man of sujierior vigour to deserve
his death.

XXII. Otho's mind was not effeminate like his
body. His intimate freedmen and slaves, who had
more licence than prevails in private houses, con-
stantly held before his eager eyes Nero's luxurious
court, his adulteries, his many marriages, and other
royal vices, exhibiting them as his own if he only
dared to take them, but taunting him with them
as the privilege of others if he did not act. The
astrologers also — a tribe of men untrustworthy for
the powerful, deceitful towards the ambitious, a
tribe which in our state will always be both forbidden
and retained — they also urged him on, declaring
from their observation of the stars that there were
new movements on foot, and that the year would be
a glorious one for Otho. Many of these astrologers,
the worst possible tools for an imperial consort, had
shared Poppaea's secret plans, and one of them,
Ptolemy, Avho had been with Otho in Spain, had
promised him that he should survive Nero. Having

41

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

eventu fides, coniectura iam et rumore senium
Galbae et iuventam Othonis computantiura per-
suaserat fore ut in imperium adscisceretur. Sed
Otho tamquam peritia et monitu fatorum praedicta
accipiebat, eupidine ingenii humani libentius obscura
credendi. Nee deerat Ptolemaeus, iam et sceleris
instinctor, ad quod facillime ab eius modi voto
transitur.

XXIII. Sed "^celeris cofi^itatio incertiim an repens :
studia militum iam pridera spe successionis aut
paratu facinoris adfectaverat, in itinere, in agmine,
in stationibus vetustissimum quemque militum
nomine vocans ac memoria Neroniani comitatus
contul)ernalis appellando ; alios a«:^noscere, quosdam
requirere et pecunia aut gratia iuvare, inserendo
saepius querelas et ambiguos de Galba sermones
quaeque alia turbamenta vulgi. Labores itinerum,
inopia commeatuum, duritia imperii atrocius accipie-
bantur, cum Campaniae lacus et Achaiae urbes
classibus adire soliti Pyrenaeum et Alpes et immensa
viarum spatia aegre sub annis eniterentur.

XXIV. Flagrantibus iam militum animis velut faces
addiderat Maevius Pudens, e proximis Tigellini. Is

* On Tigellinus, see i. 72 below,
42

BOOK I. xxii.-.xxiv.

won credit by the event, he had then, employing his
own conjectures and the gossip of those wlio com-
pared Galba's old age and Otho's youth, persuaded
Otho that he would be called to the imperial office.
But Otho accepted his prophecies as if they were
genuine warnings of fate disclosed by Ptolemy's skill,
for human nature is especially eager to believe the
mystei'ious. And Ptolemy did not fail to do his
part ; he was already urging Otho even to crime,
to which from such aspirations the transition is most
easily made.

XX II I. Yet it is uncertain whether the idea of
committing crime came suddenly to Otho ; he had
long been trying to win popularity with the soldiers
because he hoped for the succession or was preparing
some bold step. On the march, at review, or in
camp he addressed all the oldest soldiers by name,
and, reminding them that they had attended Nero
together, he called them messmates. Others he
recognized, some he asked after and helped with
money or influence; oftentimes he let droj) words of
complaint and remarks of a double meaning con-
cerning Galba, and did other things that tended
to disturb the common soldiery. For they were
grumbling seriously over the toilsome marches, the
lack of supplies, and the hard discipline. The
men who had been in the habit of going by ship
to the lakes of Campania and the cities of Achaia
found it hard to climb the Pyrenees and the Alps
under arms and to cover endless marches along the
high roads.

XXIV. When the minds of the soldiers were
already inflamed, Maevius Pudens, one of Tigellinus's
nearest friends,^ added fuel to the fire. Winning

^13

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

mobilissimum quemque ingenio aut pecuniae indigum
et in novas cupiditates praecipitem adliciendo eo
paulatim progressus est ut per sj>eciem convivii,
quotiens Galba apud Othonem epularetur, cohorti
excubias agenti viritim centenos nummos divideret ;
quara velut publicam largitionem Otho secretioribus
apud singulos praemiis intendebat, adeo animosus
corruptor ut Coceeio Proculo speciilatori, de parte
finium cum vicino ambigenti, universum vicini agrum
sua pecunia emptum dono dederit, per socordiam
praefecti, quem nota pariter et occulta fallebant.

XXV. Sed turn e libertis Onomastum futuro
sceleri praefecit, a quo Barbium Proculura tessera-
rium speculatorum et Veturlum optionem eorundem
perductos, postquam vario sermone callldos audacis-
que cognovit, pretio et promissis onerat, data pecunia
ad pertemptandos plurium animos. Suscepere duo
manipulares iniperiuni populi Romani transferendum
et transtulerunt. In conscientiam facinoris pauci
adsciti : suspenses ceterorum animos diversis artibus
stimulant, primores militum per beneficia Nymphidii
ut suspectos, vulgus et ceteros ira et desperatione
dilati totiens donativi. Erant quos memoria Neronis

^ The speculatores were picked men, chosen from the
praetorians, who formed the bodyguard of the emperor.

44

BOOK I. xxiv.-xxv.

over all who were of a restless temper or who needed
money and were hot-headed tor a revolution, he
gradually came to the point, whenever Galba dined
at Otho's house, of using the dinner as an excuse for
distributing one hundred sesterces to each member
of the cohort that stood on guard. This was a
kind of gift from the state, but Otho added to its
significance by secret gifts to individuals ; and he
grew so bold in his acts of corruption that when
Cocceius Proculus, one of the bodyguard,^ had a
quarrel with his neighbour with regai-d to boundaries,
Otho bought up the neighbour's whole farm with his
own money and gave it to Proculus. This was
possible through the dullness of the prefect Laco,
who equally failed to see what was notorious and
what was secret.

XXV. Then Otho put one of his freedmen,
Onomastus, in charge of the crime he planned.
When Onomastus had won over Barbius Proculus,
the officer of the password for the bodyguard, and
Veturius, a subaltern of the same, and had learned
through various conversations that they were clever
and bold, he loaded them with rewards and promises,
and gave them money to tamper with the loyalty
of a larger number. Two common soldiers thus
underto )k to transfer the imperial power, and they
transferred it. Few were admitted to share the
plot. By various devices they worked on the
anxieties of the rest — on the soldiers of higher rank
by treating them as if they were suspected because
of the favours Nymphidius had shown them, on the
mass of the common soldiers by stimulating their
anger and disappointment that the donative had
been so often deferred. There were some who were

vol.. I. c 45

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ac desiderium prions licentiae accenderet : in com-
mune ^ omnes metu mutandae militiae terrebantur.

XXVI. Infecit ea tabes legionum quoque et auxi-
liorura motas iam mentis, postquam vulgatum erat
labare Germanic! exercitus fidem. Adeoque parata
apud malos seditio, etiam apud integros dissimulatio
fuit, ut postero iduum die redeuntem a cena Otho-
nem rapturi fuerint, ni incerta noctis et tota urbe
sparsa militum castra nee facilem inter temulentos
consensum timuissent, non rei publicae cura, quam
foedare principis sui sanguine sobrii parabant, sed ne
per tenebras, ut quisque Pannonici vel Germanici
exercitus militibus oblatus esset, ignorantibus pleris-
que, pro Othone destinaretur. Multa erumpentis
seditionis indicia per conscios oppressa : quaedam
apud Galbae auris praefectus Laco elusit, ignarus
militarium animorum consiliique quamvis egregii,
quod non ipse adferret, inimicus et adversus peritos
pervicax.

XXVII. Octavo decimo kalendas Februarias sacrifi-
canti pro aede Apollinis Galbae haruspex Umbricius
tristia exta - et instantis insidias ac domesticum
hostem praedicit, audiente Othone (nam proximus

^ commune Rhenanus : communi M. * tristitia M.
46

BOOK I. xxv.-xxvii.

kindled by their memory of" Nero and a longing for
their former licence : but all had one common tear of
some change in their conditions of service.

XX VI. This infection touched the loyalty of the
legions also and of the auxiliaries^ who were already
unsettled, now that it was a matter of common know-
ledge that the army in Germany was disatiected. And
so ready were the ill-disposed for revolt and even the
loyal to wink at wrong-doing, that on the tourteenth
of January they planned to carry oti' Otho as he was
returning from dinner, and would have done so if
they had not been deterred by the uncertainty of
night, by the dispersion of the soldiers in detach-
ments scattered through the whole city, and by the
difficulties of common action when men are in their
cups. They were not influenced by any anxiety
for the state, for in their sober senses they were
preparing to pollute it with the blood of their
emperor ; but tliey feared that in the darkness any
man who fell in the way of the soldiers from
Pannonia or Germany might be proclaimed as Otho,
for the majority did not know him. There were
many signs of the outbreak of the revolt, but these
were repressed by the plotters. Some things reached
Galba's ears, but the prefect Laco made light of
them ; he was unacquainted with the soldiers' s])irit,
and he was opposed to any plan, however excellent,
which he did not himself propose, and obstinate
against those who knew better than himself.

XXVII. On the fifteenth of January, when
Galba was sacrificing in front of tiie temple of
Apollo, the seer Umbricius declared that the omens
were unfavourable, that a plot was imminent, and that
an enemy was in his house. Otho heard this, for he

47

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

adstiterat ^) idque ut laetum e contrario et suis cogi-
tationibus prosperum interpretante. Nee multo post
libertus Oiiomastus nuntiat expectari eiim ab archi-
tecto et redemptoribus, quae significatio coeuntium
iam nailitum et paratae coniurationis convenerat.
Otho, eausam digressus requirentibus, cum emi
sibi praedia vetustate suspecta eoque prius exploranda
finxisset, innixus liberto per Tiberianam domum in
Velabrum, inde ad miliarium aureum sub aedem Sa-
turni pergit. Ibi tres et viginti speculatores con-
sal utatum imperatorem ac paucitate salutantium
trepidum et sellae festinanter impositum strictis
mucronibus rapiunt ; totidem ferme milites in iti-
nere adgregantur, alii conscientia, plerique miraculo,
pars clamoi-e et gladiis, pars silentio, animum ex
eventu sumpturi.

XXVIII. Stationem in castris agebat lulius Mar-
tialis tribunus. Is magnitudine subiti sceleris, an
corrupta latius castra et, si contra tenderet, exitium
metuens, praebuit plerisque suspicionem conscientiae ;
anteposuere ceteri quoque tribuni centurionesque
praesentia dubiis et honestis, isque habitus animorum
fuit ut pessimuni facinus auderent pauci, plures vel-
lent, omnes paterentur.

XXIX. Ignarus interim Galba et sacris intentus

* adsisterat J/.

* The miliarium aureum was a column, covered with gilt-
bronze, erected by Augustus, on which were engra%'ed the
names of the chief cities of the empire and theii- distances
from Rome.
48

BOOK I. xxvn.-xxix.

stood next to Galba^ and interpreted it by contraries
as favourable to himself and auguring well for
his purposes. Presently his freedman, OnomastuSj
announced to him that his architect and the con-
tractors were waiting for him, this having been
agreed upon as a sign that the soldiers were already
gathering and that the conspiracy was ripe. When
some asked Otho why he was leaving, he gave as an
excuse that he was buying some properties of whose
value he was doubtful because of their age, and
therefore he wished to examine them first. Taking
the arm of his freedman he walked through the
palace of Tiberius to the Velabrum, and then to the
golden milestone^ hard by the temple of Saturn.
There twenty-three of the bodyguard hailed him as
emperor ; when he was frightened because there
were so few to greet him, they put him quickly into
a chair and with drawn swords hurried him away.
About the same number of soldiers joined them as
they went, some through knowledge, more through
wonder, a part with shouts and drawn swords, a
part in silence, ready to take their cue from the
result.

XXVIII. Julius Martialis the tribune was the
ofticer of the day in the camp. Terrified by the
enormity of the sudden crime, ignorant of the extent
to which the camp was disloyal, and fearing death
if he opposed, he made the majority suspect him
of complicity. All the rest of the tribunes also and
the centurions preferred present safety to a doubtful
but honourable course. And such was the attitude
of their minds that the foulest of crimes was dared
by a few, desired by more, and acquiesced in by all.

XXIX. Galba in the meantime was in ignorance.

49

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

fatigabat alieni iam imperii deos, cum adfertur
rumor rapi in castra incertum quem senatorem, mox
Othonem esse qui raperetur, simul ex tota urbe, ut
quisque obvius fuerat, alii formidine augentes, qui-
dam minora vero, ne turn quidem obliti adulationis.
Igitur consultantibus placuit pertemptari animum
cohortis, quae in Palatio stationem agebat, nee per
ipsum Galbam, cuius integra auctoritas maioribus re-
mediis servabatur. Piso pro gi-adibus domus vocatos in
huncmodum adlocutus est : " Sextus diesagitur com-
militones, ex quo ignarus futuri. et sive optandum
hoc nomen sive timendum erat, Caesar adscitus sum.
Quo domus nostrae aut rei publicae fato ^ in vestra
manu positum est, non quia meo nomine tristiorem
casum paveam, ut qui adversas res expertus cum
maxime discam ^ ne secundas quidem minus dis-
criminis habere : patris et senatus et ipsius imperii
vicem doleo, si nobis aut perire hodie necesse est
aut, quod aeque apud bonos miserum est, occidere.
Solacium proximi motus habebamus incruentam
urbem et res sine discordia translatas : provisum
adoptione videbatur ut ne post Galbam quidem belle
locus esset.

XXX. " Nihil adrogabo mihi nobilitatis aut mo-
destiae ; neque enim relatu virtutum in comparatione
Othonis opus est. Vitia, quibus solis gloriatur.

^ fato Puteolanus : fatum M.
* discam Freinsheim : dicam M.

50

BOOK I. xxix.-xAx.

Intent upon his sacrifices, he was importuning the
gods of an empire which was ah-eady another's, when
a report was brought to him that some senator or
other was being hurried to the camp. Afterwards
rumour said that it was Otho ; and at the same time
people came from the whole city — some, who had
happened to meet the procession, exaggerating the
facts through terror, some making light of them,
for they did not even then forget to flatter. On
consultation it was decided to try the temper of the
cohort that was on guard at the palace, but not
through Galba himself, whose authority was kept un-
impaired for more serious measures. Piso, standing
on the steps of the palace, called the soldiers
together and spoke as follows: "It is now five
days, my comrades, since, in ignorance of the future,
I was adopted as Caesar, not knowing whether this
name was one to be desired or feared. The fate
of our house and the State depends on you. I say
this not because I fear misfortune on my own
account, for I have known adversity, and at the
present moment I am learning that prosperity
brings no less danger. But I grieve for the fate
of my father, the senate, and the very empire, if
we, must either ourselves die to-day or kill others —
an act which brings equal sorrow to the good. In
the last uprising we were solaced by the fact that
the city was unstained by blood and the government
transferred without dissension : adoption seemed to
provide against any occasion for war even after
Galba's death.

XXX. " I make no claim of high birth or character
for myself, and I need not catalogue virtues when
the comparison is with Otho. His faults, which are

51

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

evertere imperium, etiatn cum amicum imperatoris
ageret. Habitune et incessu an illo nniliebri ornatu
mereretur imperium ? Falluntur quibus luxuria
specie ^ liberalitatis imponit : perdere iste sciet,
donare nesciet. Stupra nunc et comissationes et
feminai'um coetus volvit animo : haec principatus
praemia putat, quorum libido ac voluptas penes
ipsum sit, rubor ac dedecus penes omnis ; nemo enim
umquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus
exercuit. Galbam consensus generis humani, me
Galba consentientibus vobis Caesarem dixit. Si res
publica et senatus et populus vacua nomina sunt,
vestra, commilitones, interest ne imperatorem pessimi
faciant. Legionum seditio adversus duces suos
audita est aliquando : vestra fides famaque inlaesa
ad hunc diem mansit. Et Nero quoque vos desti-
tuit, non vos Neronem. Minus triginta transfugae
et desertores, quos centurionem aut tribunum sibi
eligentis nemo ferret, imperium adsignabunt ? Ad-
mittitis exemplum et quiescendo commune crimen
facitis ? Transcendet haec licentia in provincias, et
ad nos scelerum exitus, bellorum ad vos pertinebunt.
Nee est plus quod pro caede principis quam quod
innocentibus datur, sed proinde a nobis donativum
ob fidem quam ab aliis pro facinore accipietis."

* specie Rhenanus : speciem M.
5-^

BOOK 1. XXX.

the only things in which he glories, were under-
mining the empire even when he pretended to be
the friend of tlie emperor. Was it by his bearing
and gait or by his womanish dress that he deserved
the throne ? They are deceived who are imposed
upon by extravagance under the garb of generosity.
He will know how to ruin, he will not know how-
to give. Adulteries and revelries and gatherings
of women fill his thoughts : these he considers the
prerogatives of imperial power. The lust and
pleasure of them will be his, the shame and dis-
grace of them will fall on every Roman ; for imperial
power gained by wicked means no man has ever
used honourably. The consent of all mankind
made Galba Caesar, and Galba made me so with your
consent. If the State and the Senate and People
are but empty names, it is your concern, comrades,
that the emperor should not be made by the worst
citizens. A revolt of the legions against their
generals has been sometimes heard of ; your loyalty
and good name have remained unimpaired down to
the present day. It was Nero, too, who deserted
you, not you Nero. Shall less than thirty renegades
and deserters, men whom no one would allow to
choose a centurion or tribune, bestow the empire.''
Will you allow this precedent, and by inaction
make their crime yours ? Such licence will spread
to the provinces, and the consequence of their
crimes will fall on us, the resulting wars on you.
The reward given the assassins for the murder of
the emperor will not be greater than that which
will be bestowed on those who refrain from crime ;
nay, you will receive no less a gift from us for
loyalty than you will from others for treason,"

53

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XXXI. Dilapsis speculatoribus cetera cohors non
aspernata contionantem, ut turbidis rebus evenit,
forte^magis etnullo^adhuc consilio rapitsigna^quam/
quod postea creditum est, insidiis et simulatione.
Missus et Celsus Marius ad electos Illyrici exercitus,
Vipsania in porticu tendentis ; praecej)tum Amullio
Sereno et Domitio Sabino primipilaribus, ut Germa-
nicos milites e Libertatis atrio accerserent. Legioni
classicae diffidebatur,^ infestae ob caedem commili-
tonum, quos primo statim introitu trueidaverat Galba.
Pergunt etiam in castra praetorianorum tribuni
Cetrius Severus, Subrius Dexter, Pompeius Lon-
ginus, si incipiens adliuc et necdum adulta seditio
melioribus consiliis flecteretur. Tribunorum Su-
brium et Cetrium adorti milites minis, Longinum
manibus coercent exarmantque, quia non ordine
militiae, sed e Galba e amicis, fidus principi suo et
desciscentibus suspectior erat. Legio classica nihil
cunctata praetorianis adiungitur ; Illyrici exercitus
electi Celsum infestis^ pilis proturbant. Germanica
vexilla diu nutavere, invalidis adhuc corporibus et

* evenit forte Pichena : eventior te M,
' iiuUo Freiyisheim : nonnuUo M.

^ rapit signa Meiser : par signas M.

* quam add- Heinsms.

» diffidehatur Acidalius : difEdebat M.

* festum incestis M.

* This was on the west side of the Campvs Agrippae, a
piazza laid out by Agrippa on the Campus Martius, and
finished and dedicated by Augustus in 7 B.C.

* This building, which held the archives and offices of the
censors, had been restored by Asinius Pollio, who in 39 B.C.

54

BOOK I. XXXI.

XXXI. The members of the bodyguard slunk
away, but the rest of the cohort did not refuse to
hear his speech, and, as irequently happens in times
of excitement, they seized their standards haphazard,
without any plan as yet, rather than, as was after-
wards believed, to conceal their treachery. Celsus
Marius was sent to the picked troops from Illyria,
who wei-e encamped in the Vipsanian Colonnade ; ^
Amullius Serenus and Domitius Sabinus, centurions
of the first rank, were ordered to summon the
German troops from the Hall of Liberty. ^ The
legion of marines was not trusted, for they were still
hostile to Galba, because he had immediately mas-
sacred their comrades when he first entered the
city.^ The tribunes, Cetrius Severus, Subrius
Dexter, and Pompeius Longinus, went even into
the praetorian camp to see if the mutiny Avere still
incipient and not yet come to a head, so that it
could be averted by wiser counsels. Subrius and
Cetrius the soldiers attacked and threatened,
Longinus they forcibly restrained and disarmed ;
this action was prompted by his fidelity to his
emperor, which was due not to his military position,
but to his friendship for Galba; therefore the
mutineers regarded him with the greater suspicion.
The legion of marines without hesitation joined the
praetorians. The picked troops from Illyria drove
Celsus away at the point of their spears. The
German detachments hesitated for a long time ;
they were still weak physically and were kindly

established in it the first public library at Rome. It was
apparently on or near the site on which Trajan later built
his forum.
* Cf. chap. 6 above.

55

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

placatis aiiimis, quod eos a Nerone Alexandrian!
praemissos atque inde reverses ^ longa navigatione
aegros impensiore cura Galba refovebat.

XXXII. Universa iam plebs Palatium iniplebat,
niixtis servitiis et dissono clamore caedem Othonis
et coniuratorum exitium^ poscentium ut si in circo
aut^ theatro ludicrum aliquod postularent : neque
illis iudicium aut Veritas, quippe eodem die diversa
pari certamine postulaturis, sed tradito more quem-
cumque principem adulandi licentia adclamationum
et studiis inanibus.

Interim Galbam duae sententiae distinebant :
Titus Vinius manendum intra domum, opponenda
servitia, firmaiidos aditus, non eundum ad iratos
censebat : daret malorum paenitentiae, daret bono-
rum consensu! spatium : scelera impetu, bona con-
silia mora valescere, denique eundi ultro, si ratio
sit, eandem mox facultatem, regressus, si paeniteat,
in aliena potestate.

XXXIII. Festinandum ceteris videbatur ante-
quam cresceret invalida adhuc coniuratio paucorum :
trepidaturum etiam Othonem, qui furtim digressus,
ad ignaros inlatus, cunctatione nunc et segnitia

^ reverses Doderlcin : rursus M.
* exitium Acidalius : exilum M.
■* aut ed. Spireiisis : a M.

^ Cf. Juvenal x. 54-77.

BOOK I. xxxi.-xxxm.

disposed towards Galba^ for Nero had sent them
to Alexandria, and then on their return, when sick
from their long voyage, Galba had taken great pains
to care for them.

XXXII. The whole mass of the people, with
slaves among them, filled the palace. There were
discordant cries demanding Otho's death and the
execution of the conspirators, exactly as if the
people were calling for some show in the circus or
the theatre ; there was neither sense nor honesty
in their demands, for on this very same day they
would have clamoured for the opposite with equal
enthusiasm ; ^ but they acted according to the tradi-
tional custom of flattering the emperor, whoever
he might be, with fulsome acclamations and senseless
zeal.

In the meantime Galba was torn between two
proposals : Titus Vinius urged the necessity of
staying in the palace, arming the slaves for defence,
blocking the entrances, and not going to the
infuriated troops. Let Galba, he said, give time
for the disloyal to repent, for the loyal to come to
a common agreement ; crimes gained strength by
impulsive action, wise counsels through delay ; and,
after all, he would later have the same opportunity
to go on his own motion if it should seem wise, but
if he went now and regretted it, his return would
depend on others.

XXXIII. All the rest thought that he should act
immediately, before the conspiracy, as yet weak and
confined to a few, should gain strength. They
declared that Otho would lose heart. He had
slipped away by stealth, had presented himself to
people who did not know him, and now, because

57

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tercntium tempus imitari principem discat. Non
expectandum ut compositis castris forum invadat et
prospectante Galba Capitolium adeat, dum egregius
imperator cum fortibus amicis ianua ac limine tenus
domum cludit, obsidionem nimirum toleraturus. Et
praeclarum in servis auxilium si consensus tantae
multitudinis et, quae plurimum valetj prima in-
dignatioelanguescat.^ Proinde intuta quae indecora ;
vel si cadere necesse sit, occurrendum discrimini :
id Othoni invidiosius et ipsis honestum. Re-
pugnantem huic sententiae Vinium Laco minaciter
invasit, stimulante Icelo privati odii pertinacia in
publicum exitium.

XXXIV. Nee diutius Galba cunctatus speciosiora
suadentibus accessit. Praemissus tamen in castra
Piso, ut iuvenis magno nomine, recenti favore et
infensus Tito Vinio, seu quia erat seu quia irati ita
volebant ; et facilius de odio creditur. Vixdum
egresso Pisone occisum in castris Othonem vagus
primum et incertus rumor : mox, ut in magnis
mendaciis, interfuisse se quidam et vidisse adfirma-

. * indignatio elanguescat /. Gronoviiis : indignatione Ian-
guescat M.

* Cf. Suet. Galba, 19, for a different account.

BOOK I. xxxiii.-xxxiv.

ut" the hesitancy and inactivity of those who were
wasting their time, he was having an opportunity to
learn to play the emperor. There must be no waiting
for Otho to settle matters in the camp, invade the
forum, and go to the Capitol under the very eyes of
Galba, while that most noble emperor with his valiant
friends barred his house and did not cross his thres-
hold, being ready, no doubt, to endure a siege ! It
was a brilliant backing, too, that they would find in
slaves, if the united sentiment of the whole people
and their first indignation, which is the strongest,
should be allowed to cool ! The dishonourable,
therefore, was the dangerous resolve ; even if they
must fall, they should go forth to meet the danger ;
that would bring more disrepute on Otho and
honour to themselves. When Vinius opposed this
view Laco attacked him with threats, goaded on by
Icelus, who persisted in his personal enmity towards
Vinius to the ruin of the state.

XXXIV. Galba did not delay any longer, but
favoured those who offered the more specious ad-
vice.^ Yet Piso was sent first to the camp, for he
was young, had a great name, and enjoyed fresh
popularity ; he was also an enemy of Titus Vinius ;
either that was a fact, or else in their anger the
opponents of Vinius wished to have it so : and
it is so much easier to believe in hatred. Piso
had hardly left the palace when a report was
brought, vague and uncertain at first, that Otho
had been killed in the camp. Presently, as is
natural in falsehoods of great importance, some
appeared who declared that they had been present
and had seen the murder. Between those who
rejoiced in the news and those who were indifferent

59

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

bant, credula fama inter gaudentis et incuriosos.
Multi arbitrabantur compositum auctumque rumorem
mixtis iam Othonianis, qui ad evocandum Galbatn
laeta falso vulgaverint.

XXXV. Turn vero non popuhis tantum et imperita
plebs in plausus et immodica studia sed equitum
plerique ac senatoi-um, posito metu incauti, ret'ractis
Palatii foribus ruere intus ac se Galbae ostentare,
praereptam sibi ultionem querentes, ignavissimus
quisque et, ut res docuit, in periculo non ausurus,
nimii verbis, linguae feroces ; nemo scire et omnes
adfirmare, donee inopia veri et consensu errantium
victus sumpto thorace Galba inruenti turbae neque
aetate neque corpore resistens ^ sella levaretur.
Obvius in Palatio lulius Atticus speculator, cruentum
gladium ostentans, occisum a se Othonem ex-
clamavit ; et Galba " Commilito," inquit, " quis ius-
sit ? " insigni animo ad coercendam niilitarem licen-
tiam, minantibus intrepidus, adversus blandientis
incorruptus.

XXXVI. Haud dubiae iam in castris omnium
mentes tantusque ardor ut non content! agmine et
corporibus in suggestu, in quo paulo ante aurea
Galbae statua fuerat, medium inter signa Othonem

* resistens Faernus : siatens M.
60

fiOOK I. xxxiv.-xxxvi.

to it, the story was believed. Many thought this
rumour had been invented and exaggerated by
Otho's partisans who were already in the crowd
and spread abroad the pleasant falsehood in order
to lure Galba from his palace.

XXXV. Then indeed it was not the people only
and the ignorant mob that burst into applause and
unrestrained enthusiasm, but many of the knights
and senators as well. They laid aside all fear and
became incautious, broke down the doors of the
palace and burst in, presenting themselves to Galba
and complaining that they had been robbed of
vengeance. They were all rank cowards, and, as
the event proved, men who would show no courage
in time of danger, but who now were exceedingly
bold with words and savage of tongue. No one knew ;
everyone attirmed. Finally, overcome by the dearth
of truth and by the common error, Galba put on his
breastjjlate ; then since his years and strength were
unequal to resisting the inrushing crowds, he was
raised aloft in a chair. Julius Atticus, one of the
bodyguard, met him in the palace, and exhibiting
his bloody sword cried out that he had killed Otho.
"Who gave you orders, comrade?" said Galba;
for Galba showed a remarkable spirit in checking
licence on the part of the soldiers ; before threats
he was unterrified,and incorruptible against flattery.

XXXVI. There was no longer any doubt as to
the sentiments of all the soldiers in the camp.
Their enthusiasm was so great that they were not
satisfied with carrying Otho on their shoulders as
they advanced, but they placed him on a platform
where shortly before the gilded statue of Galba had
stood, and surrounded him with the standards and

6i

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vexillis circumdarent. Nee tribunis aut centurioni-
bus adeundi locus : gregarius miles caveri insuper
praepositos iubebat. Strepere cuncta clamoribus et
tumultu et exhortatione mutua, non tamquam in
populo ao plebe, variis segni adulatione vocibus, sed
ut quemque adfluentium militum aspexerant, pren-
sare inanibus, complecti armis, conlocare iuxta,
praeire sacramentum, modo imperatorem militibus,
modo milites imperatori oommendare. Nee deerat
Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum, iacere
oscula et omnia serviliter pro dominatione. Post-
quam universa classicorum legio sacramentum eius
accepit, fidens viribus, et quos adhuc singulos
exstimulaverat, accendendos in commune ratus pro
vallo castrorum ita coepit.

XXXVII. "Quis ad vos processerim, commilitones,
dicere non possum, quia nee privatum me vocare
sustineo princeps a vobis nominatus, nee principem
alio imperante. \'estrum quoque nomen in incerto
erit donee dubitabitur imperatorem populi Romani
in eastris an hostem habeatis. Auditisne ut poena
mea et supplicium vestrum simul postulentur ?
Adeo manifestum est neque perire nos ueque salvos
esse nisi una posse ; et cuius lenitatis est Galba, iam
fortasse promisit, ut qui nullo exposcente tot milia
innoeentissimorum militum trucidaverit. Horror
animum subit quotiens reeordor feralem introitum et
62

BOOK I. XXXVI. -xxxvii.

ensigns. Neither tribune nor centurion was allowed
to approach him : the common soldiery kept calling
out that they must beware of their commanders above
all. There was utter confusion, with shouts and
tumult and mutual exhortation — not such as one
sees in a gathering of the peo})le and populace, when
there are various cries and half-hearted Hattery, but
they seized everjone tliey saw coming over to
them, embraced tliem with their arms, placed them
next to them, repeated the oath of allegiance, now
recommending the emperor to tlie soldiers, now the
soldiers to the emperor. Otho did not fail in his
part: he stretched out his hands and did obeisance
to the common soldiers, threw kisses, and played
in every way the slave to secure the master's place.
After the entire legion of marines had sworn fidelity
to him, enthusiastic in his strength and thinking
that he must now encourage in a body those whom
he had hitherto incited as individuals, he began to
speak from the wall of the camp as follows :

XXXVII. "Comrades, I cannot tell who I am who
come before you, because I may not call myself a
private citizen after you have named me emperor,
nor emperor while another holds the imperial power.
Your name, also, will be uncertain so long as there
is any doubt whether you have an emperor or an
enemy of the Roman people in your camp. Do
you hear how men demand my execution and your
punisliment in the same breath ? So clear it is
that we can neitiier die nor be safe except together :
and so merciful is Galba that perhajis he has already
made promises such as befit the man who massacred all
those thousands of innocent soldiers when no man de-
manded it. Horror comes over me whenever I recall

63

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

banc solam Galbae victoriam, cum in oculis urbis
decimari deditos iuberet, quos deprecantis in fidem
acceperat. His auspiciis urbem ingressus, quam
gloriam ad principatum attulit nisi occisi Obultronii
Sabini et Cornelii Marcelli in Hispania, Betui Cilonis
in Gallia, Fontei Capitonis in Germania, Clodii
Macri in Africa, Cingonii in via, Turpiliani in urbe,
Nymphidii in castris ? Quae usquam provincia,
quae castra ^ sunt nisi cruenta et maculata aut, ut
ipse praedicat, emendata et correcta ? Nam quae
alii scelera, hie remedia vocat, dum falsis nominibus
severitatem pro saevitia, parsimoniam pro avaritia,
supplicia et contumelias vestras disciplinam appellat.
Septem a Neronis fine menses sunt, et iam plus
rapuit Icelus quam quod Polycliti et Vatinii et
Aegiali perdiderunt.^ Minore avaritia ac licentia
grassatus esset T. Vilnius si ipse imperasset : nunc et
subiectos nos habuit tamquam suos et vilis ut alienos.
Una ilia domus sufficit donativo quod vobis numquam
datur et cotidie exprobratur.

XXXV'III. "Ac ne qua saltem in successore
Galbae spes esset accersit ab exilio quem tristitia
et avaritia sui simillimum iudicabat. Vidistis, com-
militones, notabili tempestate etiam deos infaustam

^ in castris M.
* perdiderunt Bitter : peiieiunt M.

^ Favourite freedmen of Nero, whose iuclination indulged
their greed.
64

BOOK I. xxxvii. -XXXVIII.

his fateful entrance, and the single victory that he
won, when he gave orders that those who surrendered
should be decimated in the sight of the whole city ;
they were the very men whom he had received under
his protection in answer to their appeals. Such
were the auspices under which he entered the city.
Now what glory has he brought to the principate,
except the murder of Obultronius Sabinus and
Cornelius Marcellus in Spain, of Betuus Cilo in
Gaul, of Fonteius Capito in Germany, of Clodius
Macer in Africa, of Cingonius on the way to Roine,
of Turpilianus in the city, of Nymphidius in the
camp ? What province is there anywhere, what
camp, that is not bloodstained and defiled, or, as
Galba would say, purged and disciplined? For
what other men call crimes he calls ' remedies,' falsely
naming cruelty ' strictness,' avarice ' frugality,' the
punishment and insults you suifer ' discipline.' It is
seven months since Nero met his end, and already
Icelus has stolen more than all that a Polyclitus
and a Vatinius and an Aegialus squandered.^ Titus
Vinius would have proceeded with less greed and
lawlessness if he had been emperor himself; now
he keeps us under his heel as if we were his slaves,
and regards us as cheap because we belong to
another. Galba's house alone is equal to paying the
donative which is never given to you, but daily
thrown in your teeth.

XXXVIII. " Furthermore, to prevent your having
any hope even in his successor, Galba summoned
from exile the man whose gloom and greed he
reckoned made him most like himself Comrades,
you saw how even the gods by a wonderful storm
expressed their disapproval of this ill-starred adop-

65

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

adoptionem aversantis.^ Idem senatus, idem populi
Romani animus est: vestra virtus expectatur, apud
quos omne honestis consiliis robur et sine quibus
quamvis egre<iia invalida sunt. Non ad bell urn vos
nee ad })ericulum voco : omnium militum arma no-
biscum sunt. Nee una cohors to;Tata defendit nunc
Galbam sed detinet: cum vos aspexerit, cum signum
meum acceperit, hoc solum erit certamen, quis mihi
plurimum imputet. Nullus cunctationis locus est in
eo consilio quod non potest laudari nisi peractum.''
Aperire deinde armamentarium iussit. Rapta statim
arma, sine more et ordine militiae, ut praetorianus
aut legionarius insignibus suis distingueretur : mis-
centur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque, nullo tribunorum
centurionumve adhortante, sibi quisque dux et
instigator; et praecipuum pessimorum incitamentum
quod boni maerebant.

XXXIX. lam exterritus Piso fremitu crebre-
scentis seditionis et vocibus in urbem usque
resonantibus, egressum interim Galbam et foro
adpropinquantem adsecutus erat ; iam Marius Celsus
baud laeta rettulerat, cum alii in Palatium redire,
alii Capitolium petere, pleriqiie rostra occupanda
censerent, plures tantum sententiis aliorum contra
dicerentj utque evenit in consiliis infelicibus, optima
viderentur quorum tempus effugerat. Agitasse Laco

^ aversaiites Agricola : adversantes J/.

66

BOOK I. xxxviii. -XXXIX.

tion. The senate, the Roman people, have the
same feelings : they look to brave action on your
part, for in you is all strength lor honourable plans,
and without you purposes, however noble, are of
no avail. It is not to war or to danger that I am
calling you ; all the armed forces are on our side.
And that one cohort in civil dress is not now defend-
ing Galba, but detaining him ; when it has once
seen you, has once accepted my watchword, the
only rivalry between you will be to see who can
put me most in his debt. There is no time for
delay in a plan which is not praiseworthy unless
put into effect." Then he ordered the armoury to
be opened. The soldiers immediately seized arms
without regard to military custom or rank, with no
desire to distinguish praetorian or legionary by their
proper insignia ; they wore the helmets and shields
of auxiliaries without distinction ; there was no
tribune or centurion to direct them ; each guided
and spurred himself on ; and the chief incentive of
the rascals was the grief of loyal men.

XXXIX. Piso, already terrified by the roar that
arose from the growing revolt and by the shouts
whose echoes reached even the city, had now caught
up with Galba, who had meanwhile left the palace
and was approaching the forum. Already Marius
Celsus had brought a discouraging report. There-
upon some proposed that Galba return to the palace,
others that he try to reach the Capitol, while many
urged the necessity of seizing the rostra. But the
majority simply opposed the advice of others ; and
as usually happens in the case of such unfortunate
proposals, those plans for which the opportunity was
past, now seemed the best. Men say that Laco,

67

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ignaro Galba de occidendo Tito Vinio dicitur, sive
ut poena eiusanimos militum mulceret, seu conscium
Othonis credebat, ad postremum ^ vel odio. Haesi-
tationem attulit tenipus ac locus, quia initio caedis
orto difficilis modus ; et turbavere consilium trepidi
nuntii ac proximorum diffugia, languentibus omnium
studiis qui primo alacres fidem atque animum
ostentaverant.2

XL. Agebatur hue illue Galba vario turbae fluc-
tuantis impulsu, completis undique basilicis ac
templis, lugubri prospectu. Neque populi aut plebis
ulla vox, sed attoniti vultus et conversae ad omnia
aures ; non tumultus, non quies, quale magni metus
et magnae irae silentium est. Othoni tamen armari
plebem nuntiabatur ; ire praecipitis et occupare peri-
cula iubet. Igitur milites Romani, quasi Vologaesum
aut Pacorum avito Arsacidarum solio depulsuri ac
non imperatorem suum inermem et senem trucidare
pergerent, disiecta plebe, proculcato senatu, truces
armis, rapidi equis forum inrumpunt. Nee illos
Capitolii aspectus et imminentium templorum
religio et priores et futuri principes terruere quo
minus facerent scelus cuius ultor est quisquis
successit.

' postremum Rhenanus : posterum M.
^ ostentaveriiit M.

* Vologaesus became king of the Parthians in the reign of
Claudius ; Pacorus was king of Media, now appareutly subject
to the Parthians. Cf. Annals xii. and xv.

68

BOOK I. xxxix.-xL.

without Galba's knowledge, considered killing Titus
Vinius, either to appease the angry spirits of the
soldiers by his puuisiiinent or because he believed
him privy to Otho's plans, or finally simply because
he hated him. Time and jilace, however, made him
hesitate, because when once a massacre has been
started, it is hard to check it ; moreover his plan
was upset by disturbing reports and by the defection
of his closest adherents, since the enthusiasm of all
who at first had been eager to exhibit their loyalty
and spirit was now weakening.

XL. Galba was swept to and fro by the various
movements of the surging mob ; crowds everywhere
filled the public halls and temples, contemplating
the grim spectacle. Neither the common people
nor the rabble uttered a word, but their faces showed
their terror and they turned their ears to catch
every sound ; there was no uproar, no quiet, but such
a silence as accompanies great fear and great anger.
Yet Otho received a report that the rabble was
being armed ; he ordered his adherents to go with
all haste and anticipate the danger. So Roman
soldiers rushed on as it they were going to drive a
Vologaesus or a Pacorus from the ancestral throne
of the Arsacidae ^ and were not hurrying to slay
their own emperor — an old man all unarmed. They
thrust aside the rabble, trampled down senators ;
terrifying men by their arms, they burst into the
forum at full gallop. Neither the sight of the
Capitol nor the sanctity of the temples which
towered above them, nor the thought of emperors
past and to come, could deter them from committing
a crime which any successor to the imperial power
must punish.

69

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XLI. Viso comminus armatorum agmine vexil-
larius comitatae Galbam cohortis (Atilium Vergilio-
nem fuisse tradunt) dereptam Galhae imaginem solo
adflixit ; eo signo mr.nifesta in Othonem omnium
militum studia, desertinn fuga populi forum,
destricta adversus dubitantis tela. luxta Curtii la-
cum trepidatione ferentium Galba proiectus e sella
ac provolutus est. Extremam eius vocem, ut cuique
odium aut admiratio fuit, varie prodidere.^ Alii
suppliciter interrogasse quid mali meruisset, paucos
dies exsolvendo donativo deprecatum : plures obtulisse
ultro percussoribus iugulum : agerent ac ferirent, si
ita e^ re publica videretur. Non interfuit occidentium
quid diceret. De percussore non satis constat :
quidam Terentium evocatum, alii Laecanium ; cre-
brior fama tradidit Camurium quintae decimae
legionis militem impresso gladio iugulum eius hau-
sisse. Ceteri crura brachiaque (nam pectus tege-
batur) foede laniavere ; pleraque vulnera feritate et
saevitia trunco iam corpori adiecta.

XLII. Titum inde Vinium invasere, de quo et
ipso ambigitur consumpseritne vocem eius instans
metus, an proclamaverit non esse ab Othone man-
datum ut occideretur. Quod seu finxit formidine
seu conscientiam ^ coniurationis confessus est, hue

* prodere M. * e om. M,

* conscientiam ^cf(/aZt«5 : conscientia J/.

* At this time an enclosed spot in the forum.
70

BOOK I. xLi.-XLii.

XLI. When he saw the armed force close upon
liim, the standard-bearer of the cohort escorting
Galba — it is said that his name was Atilius Vergilio —
tore Galba's portrait from the standard and threw
it on the ground. U'his signal made the feeling of
all the soldiers for Otho evident; the people fled
and deserted the forum ; if any hesitated, the
troops threatened them with their weapons. It was
near the Lacus Curtius ^ that Galba was thrown
from his chair and rolled on the ground by his panic-
stricken carriers. His last words have been variously
reported according to the hatred or admiration of
individuals ; some say that he asked in an appealing
tone what harm he had done and begged for a few
days to pay the donative ; many report that he
voluntarily offered his throat to his assassins, telling
them to strike quickly, if such actions were for the
state's interest. His murderers cared nothing for
what he said. About the actual assassin nothing
certain is known : some say that he was one Teren-
tius of the reserve forces, others that his name was
Laecanius ; a more common story is that a soldier
of the Fifteenth legion, Camurius by name, pierced
his throat with a thrust of his sword. The rest
shamefully mutilated his legs and arms, for his
breast was protected, and in their cruel savagery
they continued to inflict many wounds on his body
even after his head had been cut off".

XLH. Then they attacked Titus Vinius. In his
case also there is a question whether his terror of
instant death deprived him of speech or whether
he cried out that Otho had not given orders for his
death. He may have invented this statement in
his fear, or he may have thus confessed his com-

71

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

potius eius vita famaque inclinat, ut conscius scele-
ris fuerit cuius causa erat. Ante aedem divi lulii
iacuit prinio ictu in poplitem, mox ab lulio Caro^
legionario milite in utrumque latus transverberatus.

XLIII. Insignem ilia die virum Sempronium
Densum aetas nostra vidit. Centurio is praetoriae
cohortis, a Galba custodiae Pisonis ^ additus, stricto
pugione occurrens armatis et scelus exprobrans ac
modo manu modo voce vertendo in se percussores
quamquam vulnerato Pisoni effugium dedit. Piso
in aedem Vestae pervasit, exceptusque misericordia
publici servi et contubernio eius abditus non religione
nee caerimoniis sed latebra iniminens exitium
differebat, cum advenere missu Othonis nominatim
in caedem eius ardentis Sulpicius Florus e Britan-
nicis cohortibuSj nuper a Galba civitate donatus, et
Statins Murcus speculator, a quibus protractus
Piso in foribus templi trucidatur.

XLIV. Nullam caedem Otho maiore laetitia ex-
cepisse, nullum caput tam insatiabilibus oculis
perlustrasse dicitur, seu tum primum levata omni
sollicitudine mens vacare gaudio coeperat, seu
recordatio maiestatis in Galba, amicitiae in Tito
Vinio quamvis immitem animum imagine tristi con-

^ Caro Rhenanus: carlo M.
' a galbae c. a pisonis M.

72

BOOK I. xLii.-\Liv.

plicity in the plot ; but his Hfe and reputation incUne
us rather to believe that he was privy to the crime
of which he was the cause. He tell in front of the
temple of the deified Julius at the first blow, which
struck him in the back of the knee ; afterwards he
was run clean through the body by a legionary,
Julius Carus.

XLIII. A noble hero on that day our own age
beheld in the person of Sempronius Densus. He
was a centurion of a praetorian cohort whom Galba
had assigned to protect Piso ; he drew his dagger,
rushed to meet the armed men, upbraided them for
their crime, and drawing the attention of the assassins
to himself by act and word, gave Piso a chance to
escape, although he was wounded. Piso fled into
the temple of Vesta, where he was received through
the pity of one of the public slaves who hid him in
his chamber. It was the obscurity of his hiding-
place and not some scruple about the sacred spot
or its rites that delayed for a time the end that
threatened him ; but presently, despatched by Otho
who was consumed with a desire for Piso's death
above all others, there arrived Sulpicius Florus of
the British auxiliaries, recently enfranchised by
Galba, and Statius Murcus of the bodyguard; these
dragged Piso out and slew him at the door of the
temple.

XLIV. No other murder, according to report,
gave Otho greater joy ; on no other head did he
gaze with such insatiable eyes. The reason may
have been that now his mind was first free from
anxiety and so open to joy, or else that in the case
of Galba the memory of his treason, and in the case
of Titus Vinius the recollection of his friendship,

73

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

fuderat, Pisonis ut inimici et aemuli caede laetari
ius fasque credebat. Praefixa contis capita gesta-
bantur inter signa cohortium iuxta aquilam legionis,
certatim ostentantibus cruentas manus qui occiderant,
qui interfuerantj qui vere qui falso ut pulchrum et
memorabile facinus iactabant. Plures quam centum
viginti libellos praemium exposcentium ob aliquam
notabilem ilia die operam Vitellius postea invenit,
omnisque conquiri et interfici iussit, non honori^
Galbae, sed tradito principibus more munimentum ad
praesens, in posterum ultionem.

XLV. Alium crederes senatum, alium poj)ulum :
ruere cuncti in castra, anteire proximos, certare cum
praecurrentibus, increpare Galbam, laudare militum
iudicium, exosculari Othonis manum ; quantoque
magis falsa erant quae fiebant,^ tanto plura faeere.
Nee aspernabatur singulos Otho, avidum et mina-
cem militum animum voce vultuque temperans.
Marium Celsum, consulem designatum et Galbae
usque in extremas res amicum fidumque, ad^ sup-
plicium expostulabant, industriae eiusinnocentiaeque
quasi malis artibus infensi. Caedis et praedarum
initium et optimo cuique perniciem quaeri apparebat,
sed Othoni nondum auctoritas inerat ad prohiben-
dum scelus : iubere iam poterat. Ita simulatione

* honor! Nipptrdey : honore M.
* fleljant M. • ad om. M.

74

BOOK I, XLiv-xLv.

distressed with gloomy visions even his cruel mind ;
but over the murder of Piso, his enemy and rival,
he thought it lawful and right to rejoice. The
victims' heads were displayed on poles among the
standards of the cohorts side by side with the eagle
of the legion, while those who had committed the
murders, those who had been present, and those
who, whether truly or falsely, boasted of their share
in what they regarded as a splendid and memorable
act, vied in exhibiting their bloody hands. More
than one hundred and twenty petitions demanding
rewards for some notable deed done that day were
afterwards found by Vitellius; their authors he
ordered to be hunted out and killed without excep-
tion, not that he wished to honour Galba, but he
acted according to the traditional custom of emperors
in thus securing protection for the time being and
vengeance for the future.

XLV. The senate and the people seemed wholly
changed: all rushed to the camp, striving to pass
those next them and to overtake those before ; they
inveighed against Galba, praised the soldiers' decision,
covered Otho's hand with kisses, the extravagance of
their acts being in direct proportion to their falsity.
Otho did not rebuff individuals, while he sought to
check the eager and threateningtemper of the soldiers
by his words and look. They demanded for punishment
Alarius Celsus, consul elect, who had been Galba's
faithful friend even to the very end ; for they hated
his energy and upright character as if they were
vicious qualities, it was clear that they wished to
begin murder, plunder, and the destruction of every
honest citizen, but Otho had not yet the influence
to forbid crimes : he could, however, already order

75

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

irae vinciri iussum et maiores poenas daturum adfir-
mans praesenti exitio ^ subtraxit.

XLVI. Omnia deinde arbitrio militum acta : prae-
torii praefectos sibi ipsi legere, Plotium Firmum e
manipularibus quondam, turn vigilibus praepositum
et incolumi adhuc Galba partis Othonis secutum ;
adiungitur Licinius Proculus, intima familiaritate
Othonis suspectus consilia eius fovisse. Urbi Fla-
vium Sabinum praefecere, iudicium Neronis secuti,
sub quo eandem curam obtinuerat, plerisque Vespa-
sianum fratrem in eo respicientibus. Flagititum ut
vacationes praestari centurionibus solitae remitte-
rentur ; namque gregarius miles ut tributum annuum
pendebat. Quarta pars manipuli sparsa^ per comme-
atus aut in ipsis castris vaga, dum mercedem centu-
rioni exsolveret, neque modum oneris quisquam neque
genus quaestus pensi habebat : per latrocinia et
raptus aut servilibus ministeriis militare otium redi-
mebant. Turn locupletissimus quisque miles labore
ac saevitia fatigari donee vacationem emeret. Ubi
sumptibus exhaustus socordia insuper elanguerat,
inops pro locuplete et iners pro strenuo in ma-
nipulum redibat, ac rursus alius atque alius, eadem
egestate ac licentia corrupti, ad seditiones et dis-
cordias et ad extremum bella civilia ruebant. Sed
Otho ne vulgi largitione centurionum animos

* auxilio M: exilio M^.

' mauipuli sparsa Pichtna : manipuli pars M.

76

BOOK I. XLV.-XLVl.

them. Therefore, pretending to be angry, he ordered
the arrest of Celsus, and by declaring that he was
to suffer severer punishment, saved him from
immediate death.

XLVl. The soldiers' will was henceforth supreme.
The praetorians chose their own prefects, — Plotius
Firmus, formerly a common soldier, but later chief of
the city police, and a partisan of Otho even while
Galba lived ; as his associate they gave him Licinius
Proculus, whose intimacy with Otho made men
suspect that he had favoured his plans. As Prefect
of the City they selected Flavius Sabinus, thus
following Nero's choice, for Sabinus had held the same
office under Nero, while many in doing so had an eye
on his brother Vespasian. The troojis also demanded
that the payments usually made to centurions to secure
furloughs should be abolished, since they amounted
to an annual tax on the common soldiers. A quarter
of each company would be away on furlough or
loafing about the camp itself, provided the soldiers
paid the centurion his price, and no one cared how
the burden pressed on the soldiers or how they got
their money; in reality it was through highway
robbery, petty thieving, and by menial occupations
that the soldiers purchased rest from military service.
Moreover the richest soldiers would be cruelly
assigned to the most fatiguing labour until they
bought relief. Then, impoverished and demoralized
by idleness, the soldier would return to his company
poor instead of well-to-do and lazy instead of ener-
getic ; so ruined one after another by the same
poverty and lack of discipline, they were ready to rush
into mutiny and dissension, and finally into civil war.
But Otho wished to avoid alienating the centurions

VOL. I. D 77

THE HISTOHIES OF TACITUS

averteret,^ fiscum suum vacationes annuas exsoluturum
promisit, rem hand dubie utilem et a bonis postea
principibus perpetuitate disciplinae firmatam. Laco
praefectus, tamquam in insu'ani seponeretur, ab
evocato, quem ad caedem eius Otlio praemiserat,
confossus ; in Marcianum Icelum ut in libertum
palam animadversum.

XLVII. Exacto per scelera die novissimum malo-
rum fuit laetitia. Vocat- senatuin praetor urbanus,
certaiit adulationibus ceteri magistratus, adcurrunt
patres : decernitur Othoni tribunicia potestas et
nomen Augusti et omnes principum honores, adni-
tentibus cunctis abolere convicia ac probra, quae
promisee iacta haesisse animo eius nemo sensit ;
omisisset offensas ^ an distulisset brevitate imperii in
incerto fuit. Otho cruento ad hue foro per stragem
iacentium in Capitolium atque inde in Palatium
rectus concedi corpora sepulturae cremarique per-
misit. Pisonem \ erania uxor ac frater Scribonianus,
Titum V^inium Crispina fiHa composuere, quaesitis
redeniptisque capitibus, quae venalia interfectores
servaveraiit.

XLVIII. Piso unum et tricensinuim aetatis annum
eKplebat, fama meliore quam fortuna. Fratres eius
Magnum Claudius, Crassum Nero interfecerant : ipse
diu exul, quadriduo Caesar, pi'operata adoptione ad

^ averteret /. Chronovius : averteret et M.
* vacat M. ' omisisse tot fensas M.

* Both the consuls, Galba and Vinius, were now dead.

^ Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus had married the emperor
Claudius's daughter Antonia in 41, but within six years he
was put to death. Marcus Licinius Crassus Fnigi was charged
with treason by thf> notorious Marcus Aquilius Regulus and
executed between (jti and 6S. Of. iv. 42.

78

BOOK I. xLvi.-xLviii.

by generosity to the rank and file, and so he promised
that the im])erial treasury should pay for the annual
furloughs, a procedure which was undoubtedly useful
and which later was established by good emperors
as a fixed rule of the service. The prefect Laco, who
had been ostensibly banished to an island, was assassi-
nated by a retired soldier whom Otho had despatched
to kill him. Marcianus Icelus, being only a freedman,
was publicly executed.

XLVII. The day was spent in crimes, and the
worst evil was the joy felt over the crimes. The
senate was called together by the city praetor;^ the
other magistrates vied in flattery ; the senators
hurried to their places, and voted Otho the tribunitian
power, the title Augustus, and all the honours granted
the other emperors ; for all did their best to blot out
the memory of their former abuse and insults, nor
did anyone discover to his sorrow that these random
utterances had found lodgment in Otho's mind ;
whether he had forgotten them or put off his vengeance
his reign was too short to show. He was then carried
through the heaps of dead bodies, while the forum
still reeked with blood, first to the Capitol and then to
the Palatine ; after that he allowed the bodies to be
given up for burial and burning. Piso was laid to
rest by his wife Verania and his brother Scribonianus,
Titus Vinius by his daughter Crispina, after they
had discovered and redeemed their heads, which the
assassins had kept for profit.

XLVIII. Piso was near the end of his thirty-first
year; his reputation had been better than his
fortune. His brother Magnus had been put to death
by Claudius, his brother Crassus by Nero.^ He him-
self, long an exile, was Caesar for four days; the

79

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

hoc tantum maiori fratri praelatus est ut prior occi-
deretur. Titus Vinius quinquaorinta septem annos
variis moribus ej^it. Pater illi praetoria familia,
maternus avus e proscriptis. Prima militia infaniis :
legatum Calvisiuni Sabinum habiierat, cuius uxor
mala cupidine visendi situm castrorum, per noctem
militari habitu ingressa, cum vigilias et cetera
militiae munia eadem lascivia temptasset,^ in ipsis
principiis stuprum ausa, et criminis huius reus Titus
Vinius arguebatur. Igitur iussu G. Caesaris oneratus
catenis, mox mutatione temporum dimissus, cursu
honorum inoffenso legioni post praeturam praepo-
situs probatusque servili deinceps probro respersus
est tamquam scyphum aureum in convivio Ciaudii
furatus, et Claudius postera die soli omnium Vinio
fictilibus ministrari iussit. Sed Vinius proconsulatu
Ga'liam Narbonensem severe integreque rexit ; mox
Galbae amicitia in abruptum tractus^ audax, callidus,
promptus et, prout aninium intendisset, pravus aut
industiius, eadem vi. Testamentum Titi Vinii ma-
gnitudine opum inritum, Pisonis supremam volun-
tatem paupertas firmavit.

XLlX. Galbae corpus diu neglectum et licentia
tenebrarum plurimis ludibriis vexatum dispensator

^ temptasset Puteolanus : temperasset M.

^ Under the second triumvirate in 43 B.C. Cf. Dio C
xlvii, 7.

* That is, the emperor's cupidity disregarded the provisions
of the will,

80

BOOK I. xLviii.-xLi\.

only advantage he gained over his elder brother by
his hasty adoption was that he was killed before him.
Titus Viiiius lived fifty-seven years ; his character
varied at different times. His father was of a
praetorian family, his maternal grandfather one of
the proscribed.^ He had disgraced himself in his
first military service under the legate Calvisius
Sabinus, whose wife, prompted by a shameful desire
to see the camp, entered it at night disguised as a
soldier. After she had interfered with the guard
and the other soldiers on duty with unfailing
effrontery, she had the hardihood to commit adultery
in tlie general's headquarters. Titus Vinius was
charged with complicity in this crime and therefore
was ordered by Caligula to be heavily loaded with
chains. Later, when times changed, he was released;
and then, advancing in office without interruption,
he was appointed to the command of a legion after
he had been praetor ; and though he won success in
this position, he later smirched his reputation by an act
worthy of a slave; for he was charged with stealing a
golden cup at a dinner given by Claudius, so that
the next day Claudius ordered Vinius alone to be
served with earthenware. But as proconsul of Gallia
Narbonensis, Vinius ruled his province with strict-
ness and honesty. Later, through friendship with
Galba he was carried to a dangerous heigiit. He
was bold, cunning, efficient, wicked or virtuous,
according to his inclination at the time ; but he always
showed the same vigour. His great riches made his
will void, 2 but Piso's poverty secured the fulfilment
of his last wishes.

XLIX. Galba's body was long neglected and
abused with a thousand insults under the licence of

THE HISTOHIKS OF TACITUS

Argius e prioribus servis humili sepultura in privatis
eius hortis contexit. Caput per lixas calonesque
suffixum laceratumque ante Petrobii tumulum (li-
bertus is Neronis punitus a Galba fuerat) postera
demum die repertum et cremato iam corpori admix-
tum est. Hiinc exitum habuit Servius Galba,
tribus et septuaginta annis quinque principes pro-
spera fortuna einensus et alieiio imperio felicior
quam suo. Vetus in famiba nobiHtas, magnae opes:
ipsi medium ingenium, magis ^ extra vitia quam cum
virtutibus. Famae nee incuriosus nee venditator :
pecuniae abenae non adpetens, suae parous, pubHcae
avarus ; amicorum Hbertorumque, ubi in bonos inci-
disset, sine reprebensione patiens, si mab forent,
usque ad culpam ignarus. Sed claritas natalium et
metus temporum obtentui, ut, quod segnitia erat,
sapientia vocaretur. Dum vigebat aetas miUtari
laude apud Germanias floruit. Pro consule Africam
moderate, iam senior citeriorem Hispaniam pari
iustitia continuit, maior privato visus dum privatus
f'uit, et omnium consensu capax imperii nisi
imperasset.

L. Trepidam urbem ac simul atrocitatem recentis

^ magnis J/.

^ According to Plutarch, Galha 28, this oflSce was per-
formed by the famona Helvidius Priscus.

82

BOOK I. XLix.-L.

darkness. Finally Argius, his steward, one of his
former slaves, gave it humble burial in his master's
private garden. Galba's head, which had been fixed
on a pole and maltreated by camp-followers and
servants, was finally found the next day before the
tomb of Petrobius — he was one of Nero's freedmen
whom Galba had punished — and was placed with the
body which had already been burned.^ This was
the end of Hervius Galba. He had lived seventy-
three years, thi'ough the reigns of five emperors,
with good fortune, and he was happier under the
rule of others than in his own. His family was of
the ancient nobility and possessed great wealth.
Galba himself was of mediocre genius, being rather
free from faults than possessing virtues. He was
neither careless of reputation nor one who cared to
boast of it. He was not greedy for another's
property ; he was frugal with his own, stingy with
the state's. Kindly and complacent toward friends
and freedmen, if he found them honest ; if they were
dishonest, he was blind even to a fault. But his
high l)irth and the terror which the times inspired
masked the truth, so that men called Avisdom
what was really indolence. While he was vigorous
physically, he enjoyed a reputation for his military
service in the German provinces. As proconsul he
governed Africa with moderation and, when he was
already an old man, ruled Hither Spain with the
same uprightness. He seemed too great to be a
subject so long as he was subject, and all would
have agreed that he was equal to the imperial office
if he had never held it.

L. Rome was in a state of excitement and horror-
stricken not only at the recent outrageous crime,

83

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

sceleris, simul veteres Othonis mores paventem
novus insuper de Vitellio nuntius exterruit, ante
caedem Galbae suppressus ut tantum superioris
Germaniae exercitum descivisse crederetur. Turn
duos omnium mortalium impudicitia ignavia luxuria
deterrimos velut ad perdendum imperium falaliter
electos non senatus modo et eques, quis aliqua pars
et cura rei publicae, sed vulgus quoque palam
maerere. Nee iam recentia saevae pacis exempla
sed repetita bellorum civilium memoria captam
totiens suis exercitibus urbem, vastitatem Italiae,
direptiones provinciarum, Pharsaliam Philippos et
Perusiam ac Mutinam, nota publicarum cladium
nomina, loquebantur. Prope eversum orbem etiam
cum de principatu inter bonos certaretur, sed man-
sisse G. lulio, mansisse Caesare Augusto victore
imperium ; mansuram fuisse sub Pompeio Brutoque
rem publicam : nunc pro Othone an pro Vitellio in
templa ituros ? utrasque impias preces, utraque
detestanda vota inter duos, quorum bello solum id
scires, deteriorem fore qui vicisset. Erant qui Ves-
pasianum et arma Orientis augurarentur, et ut
potior utroque Vespasianus, ita bellum aliud atque
alias cladis horrebant. Et ambigua de Vespasiano

1 Cf. chap. 14.
84

BOOK I. L.

but also at the thought of Otlio's former character.
Now it was terrified in addition by news with regard
to Vitellius, which had been suppressed before
Galba's death, so that the citizens beHeved that
only the army of Upper Germany had mutinied. *
Then the thought tiiat two men, the worst in the
world for their shamelessness, indolence, and pro-
fligacy, had been apparently chosen by fate to ruin
the empire, caused open grief not only to the
senators and knights who had some share and
interest in the state, but even to the common
people. Their talk was no longer of the recent
horrors of a bloody peace, but they recalled
memories of the civil wars and spoke of the many
times the city had been captured by Roman armies,
of the devastation of Italy, of the plundering of the
provinces, of Pliarsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina,
names notorious for public disaster. They said that
the world had been well-nigh overturned, even when
the principate was the prize of honest men ; but
yet the empire had remained when Julius Caesar
won, and had likewise remained when Augustus
won ; the republic would have remained if Pompey
and Brutus had been successful ; but now — should
they go to the temples to pray for an Otho or a
Vitellius .'' Prayers for eiliier would be impious
and vows for either detestable when, in the struggle
between the two, the only thing of which men were
certain was that the victor would be the worse. There
were some who had forebodings of Vespasian and
the armies in the East, and yet although Vespasian
was a better man than Otho or Vitellius, they
shuddered at another war and another massacre.
In.deed Vespasian's reputation was uncertain ; he,

85

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

fama, solusque omnium ante se piincipum in melius
mutatus ^ est.

LI. Nunc initia causasque motus Vitelliani expe-
(liam. Caeso cum omnibus copiis lulio V^indice
ferox praeda gloriaque exercitus, ut cui sine labore
ac periculo ditissimi belli victoria evenisset, expedi-
tionem et aciem, praemia quam stipendia malebat.
Diu infructuosam et as)>eram militiam toleraverant
ingenio loci caelique et severitate disciplinae, quam
in pace inexorabilem discordiae civium resolvunt,
pai'atis utrimque corruptoribus et perfidia impunita.
Virij arma, equi ad usum et ad decus ^ supererant.
Sed ante bellum centui-ias tantuni suas turmasque
noverant ; exercitus finibus provinciarum discerne-
bantur : turn adversus Vindicem contractae ^ legiones,
seque et Gallias expertae, quaerere rursus arma
novasque discordias ; nee socios, ut olim, sed hostis
et victos vocabant. Nee deerat pars Galliarum,
quae Rhenum* accolit, easdem partis secuta ac turn
acerrima instigatrix adversum Galbianos ; hoc enim
nomen fastidito Vindice indiderant. Igitur Sequanis
Aeduisque ac deinde, prout opulentia civitatibus

1 principum Imelius mutus M.

- dedecus M.

■'• contractae Rhenanus : confractae M.

^ qua herenum Ji.

* Tlie Seqiiani liv^ed in Franthe-Comte, Burgundy, and
part of Alsace, having as their capital Vensontio (Be.sangon).
The Aeduans were between the tiaone and the Loire. Their
capital was Atigustodunum (Autun).

86

BOOK I. i-.-u.

unlike all his predecessors, was the only emperor
who was changed for the better by his office.

LI. I will now relate the origin and causes of the
revolt of Vitellius. After Julius Vindex had been
slain and all his forces with him, the army, flushed
with joy over the booty and glory it had won, as
was natural since it had secured a very rich victory
without effort or danger, preferred to advance and
tight, to secure rewards rather than mere pay. The
soldiers had long endured a profitless service which
was severe because of the character of the district
and of the climate, and also because discipline was
strict. But discipline which is stern in time of
peace is broken down by civil strife, for there are
men on both sides ready to corrupt, and treachery
goes unpunished. The army had men, weapons,
and horses in abundance for use and for show, but
before the war the soldiers had been acquainted
with only their own centuries and squadrons, for the
armies were then separated by the boundaries of
the provinces. But at that time the legions had
been mobilized against Vindex, so that they had
become acquainted with their own strength and
that of the Gallic provinces. Therefore they were
again looking for war and new quarrels ; they no
longer called the Gauls "allies" as before, but
"enemies" and "the defeated." In fact that part
of the Gallic provinces which borders the Rhine had
not failed to attach itself to the same party and at
this time was most vigorous in urging the soldiers
on against "the Galbans," for they had given them
this name in scorn of Vindex. Accordingly, being
hostile first of all towards the Sequani and the
Aeduans,^ and then towards other states in pro-

87

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

erat, infensi expugnationes urbium, populationes
agrorum, raptus penatium hauserunt animo, super
avaritiam et adrogantiam, praecipua validiorum vitia,
contumacia Gallorum inritati, qui reraissam sibi a
Galba quartam tributorum partem et publice donates
in ignominiam exercitus iactabant. Accessit callide
vulgatum, temere creditum, decimari legiones et
proraptissimum quemque centurionum dimitti. Undi-
que atroces nuntii, sinistra ex urbe fama ; infensa
Lugdunensis colonia et pertinaci pro Nerone fide
fecunda^ rumonbus ; sed plurima ad fingendum cre-
dendumque niateries in ipsis castris, odio metu et,
ubi viris suas respexerant, securitate.

LII. Sub ipsas superioris anni kalendas Decembris
Aulus Vitellius inferiorem Germaniam ingressus hi-
berna legionum cum cura adierat : redditi plerisque
ordines, remissa ignominia, adlevatae notae ; plura
ambitione, quaedam iudicio, in quibus sordes^ et
avaritiam Fontei Capitonis adimendis adsignandisve
militiae ordinibus integre mutaverat. Nee consula-
ris legati mensura sed in maius omnia accipiebantur.
Et ut^ Vitellius apud severos humilis, ita comitatem
bonitatemque faventes vocabant, quod sine modo,

* facunda M.

* sordes Acvialius : sorde J/.

* ut add. Khenanus.

88

BOOK I. Li.-Lii.

portion to their wealth, their souls thirsted for the
storming of cities, the ravaging of fields, and the
looting of houses. Their irritation arose not simply
from greed and arrogance — faults especially common
to the stronger — but also from the insolent spirit
of tlie Gauls, who as an insult to the army boasted
that Galba had remitted a quarter of their tribute
and had rewarded them as communities. There
was, too, a rumour cleverly spread abroad and rashly
believed, that the legions were being decimated and
the most active centurions dismissed. From every
side came alarming messages and from Rome dis-
turbing reports ; the colony of Lyons was hostile
and, owing to its persistent loyalty to Nero, was
filled with rumours ; but the amplest material for
imagination and credulity was to be found within
the camp itself in the soldiers' hatreds, in their
fears, and also, when they considered their own
strength, in their self-confidence.

LII. About the first of December in the preceding
year Aulus Vitellius had entered Lower Germany
and carefully inspected the winter quarters of the
legions. Many of the troops had their ranks
restored, their disgrace removed, the marks against
them cancelled. He did much for his selfish ends,
but some things with sound judgment ; among these
was the honest change he made from the meanness
and greed which Fonteius Capito had shown in
taking away or bestowing military rank. The acts of
Vitellius were not regarded as those simply of a con-
sular legate, but without exception were taken to
be more significant ; and while the strict thought
Vitellius demeaned himself, his partisans called it
aff'abiHty and kindness where he gave away his own

89

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

sine iudicio donaret sua, largiretur aliena ; simul
aviditate imperilandi ^ ipsa vitia pro virtutibus inter-
pretabantur. Miilti in utroque exercitu sicut nio-
desti quietique ita mail et strenui. Sed piofusa
cupidine et insiofni temeritate legati legionum Ali-
enus Caecina et Fabius Valens ; e quibus V'alens
infensus Galbae, tamquam detectam a se Verginii
cunctationem, oppressa Capitonis consilia ingrate
tulisset, instigare \'itellium, ardorem militum osten-
tans : ipsum celebri ubique fama, nullam in Flacco
Hordeonio moram ; adfore Britanniam, secutura
Germanorum auxilia : male fidas provincias, preca-
rium seni imperium et brevi transiturum : panderet
modo sinum et venienti Fortunae occurreret. Merito
dubitasse Verginium equestri familia, ignoto patre,
imparem si recepisset imperium, tutum si recusasset :
Vitellio tris patris consulatus, censuram, collegium
Caesaris et imponere iam pridem imperatoris digna-
tionem et auferre privati securitatem. Quatiebatur
his segne ingenium ut concupisceret magis quam ut
speraret.

LI II. At in superiore Germania Caecina, decorus^
iuventa, corpore ingens, aniini immodicus, scito ^ ser-

^ imperitandi Fisher : imperandi M.
- decorus Baiter : decori M.
^ scito Lipsius : cito M.

^ Caecina was stationed in Upper Germany, Valens in
Lower.

- See chaps. 8 and 9 above.

' Hordeonius was commander in Upper Geimany.

* Vitellius's father had been con.=?ul in 34 ; under Claudius
he was associated with the empi ror in this oti^ce in 43 and
47, and also shared the csensorship with Chiudius in the
last year.

go

BOOK I. 1,11.-1.111.

property without limit and without judgment and
squandered what belonged to others ; at the same
time their greed for power made them translate his
very faults into virtues. There were many in both
armies obedient and law-abiding, as well as many
unprincipled and energetic. But the commanders
of the legionSj Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens,
were men of boundless greed and extraordinary
recklessness.^ Valens was hostile to Galba, because
Galba had treated with ingratitude his disclosure
of V^erginius's hesitation ^ and his crushing of
Capito's plans. He began to urge Vitellius on and
to point out to him the eager spirit of the soldiers,
saying that he enjoyed great fame everywhere, that
Flaccus Hordeonius^ would give no occasion for
delay, that Britain would join him, the German
auxiliaries follow his standard ; the loyalty of the
provinces he declared weak, the old emperor's rule
precarious and sure soon to pass; let him but open
his arms and hurry to meet approaching fortune.
He maintained that Verginius had hesitated with
good reason, for he was of equestrian family, his
father was unknown and he would have been un-
equal to the ortice if he had got the imperial powei",
but safe if he refused it; but to Vitellius, his
father's three consulships and the censorship in which
he had Caesar as colleague* had long since given
him imperial dignity and had taken away from him
the security of a subject. These arguments stirred
his sluggish nature to covetousness rather than to
hope.

LHI. But in Upper Germany, Caecina, a hand-
some young man of towering stature and boundless
ambition, had won over the support of the soldiers

91

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

monCj erecto incessu, studia militum inlexerat.
Hunc iuvenem Galba, quaestorein in Baetica impigre
in partis suas transgressum^ legioni praeposuit : mox
compertum publicam pecuniam avertisse ut pecula-
torem flagitari iussit. Caecina aegre passus miscere
cuncta et privata vulnera rei publicae malis operire
statuit. Nee deerant in exercitu semina discordiae,
quod et bello adversus Vindicem universus adfuerat,
nee nisi occiso Nerone translatus in Galbam atque
in eo ipso Sacramento vexillis inferioris Germaniae
praeventus erat. Et Treviri ac Lingones^ quasque
alias civitates atrocibus edictis aut damno finium
Galba perculerat, hibernis legionum propius miscen-
tur : unde seditiosa colloquia et inter paganos cor-
ruptior miles ; et in Verginium favor cuicumque alii
profuturus.

LIV. Miserat civitas Lingonum vetere institute
dona legionibus dextras, hospitii insigne. Legati
eorum in squalorem maestitiamque compositi per
principia per contubemia modo suas ^ iniurias, modo
vicinarum civitatium praemia, et ubi pronis militum
auribus accipiebantur, ipsius exercitus perieula et
contumelias conquerentes accendebant animos. Nee

^ modo insuas M.

' The Treviri dwelt in the district about Treves, which
preserves their name, as Langres recalls the Lingones.

92

BOOK I. Liii.-Liv.

by his clever speech and dignified carriage. This
youth Galba had put in command of a legion, for
when he was quaestor in Baetica, he had not hesi-
tated to join Galba's party. But later, when Galba
found that he had embezzled public money, he
ordered him to be prosecuted for peculation. Caecina
took this hard and decided to embroil everything
and conceal his private wounds amid the misfortunes
of the state. And there were not lacking seeds
of discord in the army, because it had taken part
in full force in the war against Vindex and had not
gone over to Galba until Nero had been killed, and
then had been anticipated in taking the oath of
allegiance to Galba by some detachments from
Lower Germany. The Treviri, too, and Lingones,^
as well as other states which Galba had punished
with harsh edicts or loss of territory, were closely
associated with the legions' winter quarters, with
the result that there were seditious conferences and
the soldiers were demoralized by mixing with the
civilian inhabitants, and the attachment that they
apparently showed Verginius was ready to be given
to anyone else.

LIV. The community of the Lingones, according
to their ancient custom, had sent clasped right
hands, an emblem of friendship, as gifts to the
legions. Their envoys, assuming the appearance of
poverty and sorrow, complained both at headquarters
and in the messes of the common soldiers, now of
their wrongs, again of the rewards given to neigh-
bouring communities, and, when the soldiers were
ready to lend a listening ear, of the dangers and the
insults suffered by the army itself, and so inflamed
the temper of the troops. In fact, they were not far

93

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

procul seditione aberant cum Hordeonius Flaccus abire
legates, utque occultior digressus esset, nocte castris
excedere iubet. Inde atrox rumor, adfirmantibus
plerisque interfectos, ac ni sibi ipsi ^ consulerent,
fore ut acerrinii militum et praesentia conquest!
per tenebras et inscitiam ceterorum occiderentur.
Obstringuntur inter se tacito foedere legiones,
adsciscitur auxiliorum miles, primo suspectus tam-
quam circuradatis cohortibus absque impetus in
legiones pararetur, mox eadem acrius volvens, facili-
ore inter malos consensu ad bellum quam in pace
ad concordiam.

LV. Inferioris tameu Germaniae legiones sollemni
kalendarum lanuariarum sacramento pro Galba
adactae, multa cunctatione et raris primoruni ordi-
num vocibus,ceteri silentio proximi cuiusque audaciam
expectantes, insita mortalibus natura, propere sequi
quae pigct inchoare. Sed ipsis legionibus inerat
diversitas animorum : primani quintanique turbidi
adeo ut quidam saxa in Galbae imagines iecei'int :
quinta decima ac sexta decima legiones nihil ultra
fremitum et minas ansae initium erumpendi circum-
spectabant. At in superiore exercitu quarta ac
duetvicensima legiones, isdem hibernis tendentes.
ipso kalendarum lanuariarum die dirumpunt ima-

^ ni sibi ipsi Halm : nisi ipsi M.

' Stationed at Bonn and Xanten (Vetera).
* At Xanten and Neuss (Novaesium).
' At Mayence (Mogontiacum).

94

BOOK 1. Liv.-i.v.

from mutiny when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the
envoys to leave and told them to go out of camp
by night that their departure might be less notice-
able. From this arose a disturbing report, for many
maintained that the envoys had been killed ; and it
was urged that if the soldiers did not take thought for
themselves, the most energetic among them and
those who complained of present conditions would
be put to death under the cover of darkness without
the knowledge of their fellows. Thereupon the
legions bound themselves by a secret oath ; the
auxiliary soldiers joined them. These had been at
first suspected of planning to attack the legions,
because their infantry and cavalry had surrounded
the camp ; but presently they showed themselves
more zealous in the same cause ; for the wicked
conspire more readily to make war than to preserve
harmony in time of peace.

LV. Yet the legions of Lower Germany had
taken the usual oath of allegiance to Galba on
the first of January, although there was great
hesitation and only a few in the front ranks re-
peated it, wliile the rest silently waited, each on
the courage of his neighbour, it being human nature
to follow eagerly a course that one hesitates to
begin. But there was a diversity of sentiment in
the legions themselves. The First and Fifth ^ were
so mutinous that some stoned Galba's images.
The Fifteenth and Sixteenth legions,- while daring
to do nothing worse than murmur and threaten,
were seeking some opening for an outbreak. In
the Upper army, however, the Fourth and Twenty-
second legions, who Avere wintering in the same
cam|),3 on the very first of Januarj' tore down the

95

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

gines Galbae, quarta legio promptius, duetvicen-
sima cunctanter, mox consensu. Ac ne reverentiam
imperii exuere viderentur, senatus populique Romani
oblitterata iam noinina sacramento advocabant, nullo
legatorum tiibunorumve pro Galba nitente, qui-
busdam, ut in tumultu, notabilius turbantibus. Non
tamen quisquam in modum contionis aut suggestu
locutus ; neque enim erat adluic cui imputaretur.

LVI. Spectator flagitii Hordeonius Flaccus con-
sularis legatus aderat, non compescere ruentis, non
retinere dubios, non cohortari bonos ausus, sed segnis
pavidus et socordia innocens. Quattuor centuriones
duetvicensimae legionis, Nonius Receptus, Donatius
Valens, Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus,
cum protegerent Galbae imagines, impetu militum
abrepti vinctique. Nee cuiquam ultra fides aut
memoria prioris sacramenti, sed quod in seditionibus
accidit, unde ^ plures erant omnes fuere.

Nocte quae kalendas lanuarias secuta est in
coloniam Agrippinensem aquilifer quartae legionis
epulanti Vitellio nuntiat quartam et duetvicensimam
legiones proiectis G.ilbae imaginibus in senatus ac
populi Romani verba iurasse. Id sacramentum
inane visum : occupari nutantem fortunam et oflTerri
principem placuit. Missi a Vitellio ad legiones

^ inde M.

^ Agrippa had allowed the Ubii to move from the right to
the left bank of the Rhine in 38 B c. Tlieir town, oppidum
Ubioruin, became colonia Claudia Atigust.a Agriypinrnsis
(or Agrippinensium) in 50 a.d. See Strabo iv. 3, 4 (194);
Dio Cassius xlviii. 49, 3 ; Tac. Ann. xii. 27.

96

BOOK I. Lv.-ivi.

images of Galba, the Fourth legion with greater
readiness, the Twenty-second with hesitation at
first, but presently in full accord ; and they called
in their oath on the now forgotten names of the
senate and Roman people that they might not seem
to give up reverence for the empire. No one of
the legates or tribunes made any effort in Galba's
behalf; some, as is usual in an uproar, were con-
spicuous in causing trouble. Yet no one addressed
the soldiers in formal speech or from the tribunal,
for there was no one as yet to whom claim for such
service could be made.

LVI. Hordeonius Flaccus, the consular legate,
was a spectator of this disgraceful scene. He did
not dare to check those who were in a fury or to
restrain the doubtful or even to exhort the loyal,
but he was slow to act, timid, and innocent only
because of his slotb. Four centurions of the Twenty-
second legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens,
Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, were
swept away by the onrush of the soldiers when they
tried to protect Galba's images, and were thrown
into chains. No man had any loyalty or thought
for his former oath, but as happens in mutinies all
joined the majority.

On the night which followed January first, an
eagle-bearer of the Fourth legion came to Cologne ^
and reported to Vitellius at table that the Fourth
and Twenty-second legions had thrown down Galba's
statues and taken the oath of allegiance to the
senate and the Roman people. Such an oath seemed
idle ; they decided to seize fortune while in the
balance and to offer an emperor to the soldiery.
Vitellius sent men to the legions and legates to

97

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

legatosque qui descivisse a Galba superiorem exer-
citum nuntiarent : proinde aut bellandum adversus
desciscentis aut, si concordia et pax placeat, faci-
endum imperatorem : et minora diserimine sumi
principem quam quaeri.

LVII. Proxima legionis primae hiberna erant et
promptissimus e legatis Fabius Valens, Is die
postero coloniam Agrippinensem cum equitibus
legionis auxiliariorumque ingressus ^ imperatorem
Vitellium consalutavit. Secutae ingenti certamine
eiijsdem provinciae legiones ; et superior exercitus,
speciosis senatus populique Romani nominibus relic-
tis. tertium nonas laiiuarias Vitellio accessit: scires
ilium priore biduo non penes rem publicam fuisse.
Ardorem exercituum Agrippinenses, Treviri, Lin-
gones aequabant, auxilia equos, arma pecuniam
ofFerenteSj ut quisque corpore opibus ingenio validus.^
Nee principes modo coloniarum aut castrorum, quibus
praesentia ex affluent! et parta victoria magnae spes,
sed manipuli quoque et gregarius miles viatica sua
et balteos phalerasque, insignia armorum argento
decora, loco pecuniae tradebant, instinctu et impetu
et avaritia.

LVIII. Igitur laudata militum alacritate Vitellius
ministeria principatus per libertos agi solita in equites
Romanos disponit, vacationes centurionibus et fisco

^ gressus M. ' validis M.

^ Corresponding to the medals of modern times.

BOOK I. Lvi. Lvin.

aiuiouiKe that the Upper arniv liad mutinied ayainst
Galba: therefore they must either fight against the
mutineers or, if they preferred harmony and peace,
must take an emperor. There was less danger, he
added, in acoejiting an emperor than in looking
for one.

LVII. The winter quarters of the First legion
were nearest, and the most energetic of the com-
manders was Fabius Valens. The next day he
entered Cologne with the horsemen of the legion
and the auxiliary troops and saluted Vitellius as
emperor. The legions of the same province showed
the greatest rivalry in following this example ; and
the Upper army, abandoning the specious names
of the senate and the Roman people, came over to
Vitellius on the third of January, so that it was easy
to realize that during the two preceding days it had
never been faithful to the state. The citizens of
Cologne, the Treviri, the Lingones, showed the same
enthusiasm as the army. Individuals offered their
personal services, horses, arms, or money, according
to the physical strength, wealth, or talent that each
possessed. Not only the chief men of the colonies
and camps who had present wealth in abundance and
great hopes should they secure a victory, but also
whole companies and common soldiers, prompted
by excitement and enthusiasm and also bv greed,
contributed their own spending money, or in place
of money their belts and bosses, and the decorations
of their armour^ adorned with silver.

LVIII. Therefore Vitellius praised the eager spirit
of the soldiers and then distributed the imperial
offices which had been usually held by freedmen
among Roman knights ; he also paid the fees for

99

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

numeral, saevitiam militum plerosque ad poenam
exposcentium saepius adprobat, raro ^ simulatione
vinculorum frustratur. Pompeius Propinquus pro-
curator Belgicae statim interfectus ; lulium Bur-
donem Germanicae classis praefectum astu subtraxit.
Exarserat in eum iracundia exercitus tamquam
crimen ac mox insidias Fonteio Capitoni struxisset.
Grata erat memoria Capitonis, et apud saevientis
occidere palam, ignoscere non nisi fallendo licebat :
ita in custodia habitus et post victoriam demum,
stratis ^ lam militum odiis, dimissus est. Interim
ut piaculum obicitur centurio Crispinus. Sanguine
Capitonis se^ cruentaverat eoque et postulantibus
manif'estior et punienti vilior fuit.

LIX, lulius deinde Civilis periculo exemptus,
praepotens inter Batavos, ne supplicio eius ferox
gens alienaretur. Et erant in civitate Lingonum
octo Batavorum cohortes, quartae decimae legionis
auxilia, tum discordia temporura a legione digressae,
prout inclinassent, grande momentum sociae aut
adversae. Nonium, Donatium, Romilium, Calpur-
nium centuriones, de quibus supra rettulimus, occidi

^ raro Jacob : paro M. * statis M.

* se a'Id. I. Gronoritis.

1 Cf chap. 46. 2 cf. chap. 12. » Cf. chap. 7.

* A few months later he rai.sed a formidable revolt, as is
narrated in Books IV and V below.

' These people lived chiefly on the island between the
Rhine, the Maas, and the Waal; they had long furnished
auxiliary troops.

BOOK I. i.viM.-Lix.

furloughs to the centurions out of his own purse.^
He frequently gave his approval to the savagery of
the soldiers who demanded tliat many be given up
to punishment ; in some rare instances he evaded
it by throwing the accused into chains. Pompeius
Propinquus,^ imperial agent in Belgian Gaul, was
immediately put to death ; Julius Burdo, com-
mander of the German fleet, he saved by a clever
ruse. The army's anger had blazed out against
Burdo, because he had invented a charge against
Fonteius Capito, and later had plotted against
him.' The soldiers remembered Capito with grati-
tude, and while Vitellius might kill openly before
the angry mob, he could not pardon except by
deceit. And so Burdo was kept under guard and
released only after the victor}' of Vitellius, when the
hatred of the soldiers for him was now appeased.
In the meantime the centurion Crispinus was offered
as a scapegoat. Capito's blood was on his hands,
and that made him the more obvious victim of the
soldiers' demands and the cheaper sacrifice in the
eyes of the executioner.

LIX. Next Julius Civilis was saved from danger.^
He had great influence with the Batavians^ so that
Vitellius did not wish to alienate this savage people
by punishing him. Moreover there were in the
country of the Lingones eigiit cohorts of Batavians,
auxiliaries belonging to the Fouiteenth legion, who
at that time, owing to the discord of the mcmient,
had withdrawn from the legion ; and, whiciiever way
they inclined, these eight cohorts would have great
weight as allies or op[)onents. The centurions
Nonius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, of whom
we have spoken above, he ordered to be executed.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

iussit, damnatos fidei criniine, gravissimo inter desci-
scentis. Accessere partibus Valerius Asiaticus,
Belgicae provinciae legatus, quern mox Vitellius
generum adscivit, et lunius Blaesus, Lugdunensis
Galliae rector, cum Italica legione et ala Tauriana
Liigduni tendentibus. Nee in Raeticis copiis mora
quo minus statim adiiingerentur : ne in Britannia
quidem dubitatum.

LX. Praeerat Trebellius ^ Maximus, per avaritiam
ac sordis ^ contemptus exercitui invisusque. Accen-
debat odium eius Roscius Coelius^ legatus vicensimae
legionis, olim discors, sed occasione civilium armorum
atrocius proruperat. Trebellius seditionem et con-
fusum ordinem disciplinae Coelio, spoliatas et inopes
legiones Coelius Trebellio obiectabat, cum interim
foedis* legatorum certaminibus niodestia exercitus
con-upta eoque discordiae ventum ut auxiliarium
quoque militum conviciis proturbatus et adgre-
gantibus se Coelio cohortibus absque desertus Tre-
bellius ad Vitellium perfugerit. Quies provinciae
quamquam remote consular! mansit : rexere legati
legionum, pares iui*e, Coelius audendo potentior.

LXI. Adiuncto Britannico exercitu ingens viribus
opibusque \^itellius duos duces, duo itinera bello

^ trebellinus M. * sorde M,

' celius M : Caelius vulgo, sed cf. Acta Arvaliura a. 81.

* faedus M.

^ See iii. 38 f. for his alleged murder at Vitellius's orders.

"^ The leg io prima Italico..

' Named from Statilius Taurus.

BOOK I. i.ix.-iAi.

for they had been pronounced guilty of loyalty —
the worst of charges among rebels. He also now
gained the adherence of Valerius AsiaticuSj governor
of the Belgic Province, whom he later made his
son-in-law ; likewise of Junius Blaesus ^ who was in
charge of Gallia Lugdunensis, together with the
Italic legion "^ and the Taurian squadron of horse ^
who were stationed at Lyons. The forces in Raetia
did not delay joining his side at once ; nor was there
any hesitation even in Britain.

LX. The governor of Britain was Trebellius
Maximus, whose greed and meanness made him
despised and hated by his soldiers. Their hostility
towards him was increased by Roscius Coelius, the
commander of the Twentieth legion, who had long
been at odds with him ; but now, on the occasion
of civil war, the hostility between the two broke
out with great violence. Trebellius charged Coelius
with stirring up mutiny and destroying discipline ;
Coelius reproached Trebellius with robbing the
legions and leaving them poor, while meantime
the discipline of the army was broken down by this
shameful quarrel between the commanders ; and the
trouble reached such a point that Trebellius was
openly insulted by the auxiliary soldiers as well as
by the legions, and when deserted by the auxiliary
foot and horse v.ho joined Coelius, fled to Vitellius.
The province remained quiet, although the consular
governor had been removed : control was in the
hands of the commanders of the legions, who were
equal in authority; but Coelius actually had the
greater power because of his audacity.

LXl. Now that the army in Britain had joined
his standard, Vitellius, who had enormous strength

103

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

destinavit : Fabius Valens adlicere vel, si abnuerent,^
vastare Gallias et Cottianis Alpibus Italiam in-
rumpere, Caecina propiore transitu Poeninis^ iugis
degredi iussus. Valenti inferioris exercitus electi
cum aquila quintae legionis et cohortibus absque,
ad quadraginta miba armatorum data ; triginta miba
Caecina e superiore Germania ducebat, quorum
robur legio unaetvicensima ^ fuit. Addita utrique
Germanorum auxilia, e quibus Vitellius suas quoque
copias supplevitj tota mole belli secuturus.

LXII. Mira inter* exercitum imperatoremque
diversitas : instare miles, arma poscere, dum Galliae
trepident, dum Hispaniae cunctentur : non obstare
hiemem neque ignavae pacis moras : invadendam
Italiam, occupandam urbem ; nihil in discordiis
civilibus^ festinatione tutius, ubi facto magis quam
consulto opus esset. Torpebat Vitellius et fortunam
principatus inerti luxu ac prodigis epulis praesume-
bat, medio diei temulentus et sagina gravis, cum
tamen ardor et vis militum ultro ducis munia
implebat, ut si adesset imperator et strenuis vel
ignavis spem metumve adderet. Instructi intentique
signum profectionis exposcunt. Nomen Germanici

^ abnuerent Rhenanus : abnuerint M.
' Poeninus lihennnua : paennis M.

' una et vicesima coM. det. et ed. pr, : una prima et
vicensiraa M.

* rairante M. * vilibus 3f.

1 By Mt. aenevre. * The Great St. Bernard.

104

BOOK I. Lxi.-Lxii.

and resources at his command, selected two leaders
and two lines of advance for the war. He ordered
Fabius Valens to win over the Gallic provinces, or,
if they refused his advances, to lay them waste and
then break into Italy by the Cottian Alps.^ Caecina
was to descend by the nearer route over the Pennine
range. ^ Valens was given picked soldiers from the
Lower army together with the eagle of the Fifth
legion and auxiliary foot and horse, the whole force
numbering about 40,000 armed men. Caecina took
from the Upper army 30,000 ; but his real strength
lay in the Twenty- first legion. Both were given in
addition German auxiliaries with whom Vitellius
completed his own forces also, as he was prepared
to follow with his whole strength.

LXII. There was a marked contrast between
army and general. The soldiers were eager; they
demanded battle, while the Gallic provinces were
still timid and the Spanish hesitant. " Neither
winter," they declared, "nor the delay caused by
a peace which only a coward would make is an
obstacle to us. We must invade Italy, seize Rome.
In civil strife, where one must act rather than
debate, nothing is more safe than haste." Vitellius,
however, was sunk in sloth and was already enjoying
a foretaste of his imperial fortune by indolent luxury
and extravagant dinners ; at midday he was tipsy
and gorged with food. Still the soldiers in their
eagerness and vigour actually performed the duties
of a general, so that they inspired the energetic
with hope or the indolent with fear, exactly as if
the commander-in chief were there in person. They
were drawn up in line and eager for action ; they
demanded the signal for the start. Vitellius was at

THE HISTORIES OK TACITUS

Vitellio statitu additum : Caesarem se appellari etiam
victor prohibuit. Laetum augurium Fabio Valenti
exercituique, quern in bellum agebat, ipso profecti-
onis die aquila leni ^ meatu, prout agmen incederet,
velut dux viae praevolavit, longumque per spatium
is gaudentiuiu militum clamor, ea quies interritae
alitis fuit ut haud dubium inagnae et prosperae rei
omen- acciperetur.

LXII I. Et Treviros quidem ut socios securi adiere :
Divoduri (Mediomatricorum id oppidum est) quam-
quam omni comitate exceptos subitus pavor terruit,
raptis repente armis ad caedem innoxiae civitatis,
non ob praedam aut spoliandi cupidine, sed furore
et rabie et causis incertis eoque difficilioribus reme-
diis, donee precibus ducis mitigati ab excidio civitatis
temperavere ; caesa tamen ad quattuor milia homi-
num. Isque terror Gallias invasit ut venienti mox
agmini universae civitates cum magistratibus et
precibus occurrerent, stratis per vias feminis pueris-
que : quaeque alia placamenta hostilis irae, non
quidem in bello sed pro pace tendebantur.

LXIV. Nuntium de caede Galbae et imperio
Othonis Fabius Valens in civitate Leucorum accepit.
Nee militum animus in gaudium aut formidine
permotus : bellum volvebat. Gallis cunctatio ex-
empta est ^ : in Othonem ac Vitellium odium par,

^ leni Acidaliui : levi M. ' nouien M.

3 est Halm : et M.

1 Metz.

' LiviiTjr about tlie modern town of Toiil.

Io6

BOOK 1. Lxu.-Lxiv.

once given the additional name of Germanicus ; the
appellation Caesar he forbade even after he was
victorious. It was a happy augury to the mind of
Fabius Valens and the army which he was leading
to war that, on the very day they started, an eagle
riew gently along before the advancing army appar-
ently to guide their march ; and for a long distance
such were the exultant cries of the troops, such the
undisturbed calm of the bird, that it was welcomed
as a certain omen of a great and successful issue.

LXIII. The army approached the Treviri with a
sense of security which they naturally felt among
allies. But at Divodurum,^ a town of the Medio-
matrici, though received with all courtesy, the army
was struck with sudden panic ; the soldiers hurriedly
seized their arms to massacre the innocent citizens,
not for booty or from a desire to loot, but prompted
by wild fury, the cause of which was uncertain and
the remedies therefore more difficult. Finally, how-
ever, they were quieted by their general's appeals
and refrained from completely destroying the com-
munity ; still about 4,000 had been massacred, and
such terror spread over the Gallic provinces that
later on, as the army advanced, entire communities
headed by their magistrates came out to meet it
with appeals, women and children prostrating them-
selves along the roads, while everything else that
can appease an enemy's wrath was offered to secure
peace, although there was no war.

LXIV. Fabius Valens heard the news of Galba's
death and the accession of Otho in the state of the
Leuci.- The soldiers were neither moved to jov
nor stirred by fear ; they thought only of war. "The
Gauls no longer hesitated ; though they hated Otho

107

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ex Vitellio et metus. Proxima Lingonum civitas
erat, fida partibus. Benigne excepti modestia cer-
tavere, sed brevis laetitia fuit cohortium intemperie,
quas a legione quarta decima, ut supra memoravimus,
digressas exercitui suo Fabiiis Valens adiunxerat.
lurgia primurn, mox rixa inter Batavos et legionarios,
diim his aut illis studia militum adgregantur, prope
in proelium exarsere, ni Valens aniniadversione
paucorum oblitos iam Batavos imperii admonuisset.
Frustra adversus Aeduos quaesita belli causa : iussi
pecuniam atque arma deferre ^ gratuitos insuper
commeatus praebuere. Quod Aedui formidine Lug-
dunenses gaudio fecere. Sed legio Italica et ala
Tauriana 2 abductae : cohortem duodevieensimam
Lugduni, solitis sibi hibernis, relinqui placuit. Man-
lius Valens legatus Italicae legionis, quamquam bene
de partibus meritus, nullo apud Vitellium honore
fuit ; secretis eum criminationibus infamaverat
Fabius ignarum et, quo incautior deciperetur, palam
laudatum.

LXV. Veterem inter Lugdunensis et Viennensis '
discordiam proximum bellum accenderat. Multae

^ deferret M. ' tauriiia M., ef. c. 59.

3 et Vieiinensis ovi. M : Viennensesque I'tU olanus.

^ Apparently a cohors civixim Roinanorum, an auxiliary
force.

2 The rebellion of Vindex. See Introduction, p. xi.

io8

BOOK I. Lxiv.-Lxv.

and Vitellius equally, they also feared Vitellius.
The next state was that of the Lingones, which was
faithful to his party. There the Roman soldiers en-
joyed a kindly reception and vied with one another
in good behaviour. Yet the joy over this was short-
lived, because of the violence of the auxiliary
infantry, which, as we said above, had detached
themselves from the Fourteenth legion and been
incorporated by Fabius Valens in his force. At
first a quarrel arose between the Batavians and
the legionaries, and then a brawl. Finally, as the
soldiers took sides with one or the other, they
broke out almost into open battle, and in fact would
have done so had not \^alens, by the punishment of
a few men, reminded the Batavians of the authority
which they had forgotten. It was in vain that the
Roman troops tried to find an excuse for war against
the Aeduans ; when ordered to furnish money and
arms, the Aeduans went so far as to provide the army
with supplies without cost, and what the Aeduans
had done from fear the people of Lyons did from
joy. The Italic legion and the Taurian squadron
of horse were withdrawn from the city; it was
decided, however, to leave the Eighteenth cohort
there, ^ for that was their usual winter quarters.
Manlius Valens, commander of the Italic legion,
enjoyed no honour with Vitellius, though he had
done good service to his party. Fabius had de-
famed him by secret charges of which Manlius
knew nothing, but praised him openly that, being
ofl^ his guard, he might be more easily deceived,

LXV. The old feud between the people of Lyons
and Vienne had been inflamed by the last war.^
They had inflicted many losses on each other and

VOL. I. E "°9

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

in viceiu clades, crebrius iiilestiiihiqiie quam ut
tnntum propter Neronem Galbamque pugnaretur.
Et Galha reditus Lugdunensium occasione irae in
fiscum verterat ; multiis contra in Viennensis honor:
unde aeniulatio et invidia et luio amne discretis
conexum odium. Igitur Lugdunenses extimulare
singulos militiini et in eversionem Viennensium
impellere, obsessam ab illis coloniam suani, adiutos
Vindicis conatus, conscriptas nuper legiones in
praesidium Galbae referendo. Et ubi causas odi-
orum praetenderant, magnitudinem praedae ostende-
bant, nee iani secreta exhortatio, sed piiblicae
preces : irent ultoreSj excinderent sedem Gallici
belli : cuncta illic externa et hostilia : se, coloniam
Honianam et partem exercitus et prosperaruni
adversarumque reriim socios, si fortuna contra daret,
iratis ne relinquerent.

LXVI. His et pluribus in eundem modum pei*-
pulerant ut ne ^ legati quidem ac duces partium
restingui posse ^ iracundiam exercitus arbitx'arentur,
cum baud ignari discriminis sui Viennenses, vela-
menta et infulas praeferentes, ubi agmen incesserat,
arma genua vestigia prensanda flexere militum
animos ; addidit Valens trecenos singulis militibus
sestertiosr Turn vestustas dignitasque coloniae valuit
et verba Fabi salutem incolumitateraque Vien-

* ne I. F. Gronoviua : nee M.

* posset M.

no

BOOK I. iw.-i.xvi.

had done this too frequently and savagely for anyone
to believe that they were fighting only for Nero or
Galba. Gal'oa too had taken advantage of his dis-
pleasure to divert the revenues of Lyons into his own
treasury ; on the other hand he had shown great
honour to the people of Vienne. Hence arose rivalry
and envy and a bond of hatred between the peoples
who were separated only by a single river. There-
fore the people of Lyons began to stir up individual
soldiers and spur them on to destroy Vienne by re-
minding them that its inhabitants had besieged their
own colony, aided Vindex in his attempts, and had
lately enrolled legions for the defence of Galba.
Moreover, after they had put forward these pretexts
for hating Vienne, they began to point out the large
booty to be obtained, no longer exhorting them in
secret, but making public appeals. "Advance as
avengers," they said; "destroy the home of war
in Gaul. At Vienne there is nothing that is not
foreign and hostile. We, a Roman colony and a
part of your army, have shared your successes and
reverses. Do not abandon us to an angry foe, should
fortune prove adverse. "

LXVL By these and similar appeals, they had
brought the soldiers to the point where not even
the commanders and leaders of the party thought
it possible to check the army's hostile fury, when
the people of V^ienne, well aware of their danger,
diverted the soldiers from their purpose by coming
out along the line of advance, bearing veils and
fillets, and clasping the soldiers' weapons, knees,
and feet. Valens too gave each soldier three
hundred sesterces. The age also and the dignity
of the colony prevailed ; and the words of Fabius,

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

nensium commendantis acquis auribus ^ accepta ;
publice tamen armis multati, privatis et promiscis
copiis iuvere militem. Sed fama constans fuit
ipsum Valentem magna pecunia emptum. Is diu
sordidus, repente dives mutationem fortunae male
tegebat, accensis egestate longa cupidinibus im-
moderatus et inopi iuventa senex prodigus. Lento
deinde agmine per finis Allobrogum ac Vocontiorum
ductus exercitus, ipsa itinerum spatia et stativorum
mutationes venditante duce, foedis pactionibus
adversus possessores agrorum et magistratus civi-
tatum, adeo minaciter ut Luco (municipium id
Vocontiorum est) faces admoverit, donee pecunia
mitigaretur. Quotiens pecuniae materia deesset,
stupris et adulteriis exorabatur. Sic ad Alpis
perventum.

LXV^II. Plus praedae ac sanguinis Caecina hausit.
Inritaverant turbidum ingenium Helvetii, Gallica
gens olim^ armis virisque, mox memoria nominis
clara, de caede Galbae ignari et Vitellii imperium
abnuentes. Initium bello fuit avaritia ac festinatio
unaetvicensimae legionis ; rapuerant pecuniam mis-
sam in stipendium castelli quod olim Helvetii suis
militibus ac stipendiis tuebantur. Aegre id passi

^ saxuribus M. * olim Ehenanus : solim M.

* The AUubroges live! in the districts known to-day as
Savoy and northern Dauphin^ ; the southern part of Dauphine
and Provence were occupied by the Vocontii, whose chief
town was Vasio (Vaison).

* Luc-en-Diois.

112

BOOK I. Lxvi-i.xvii.

as he urged the soldiers to leave the Viennese in
safety and unharmed, received a favourable hearing.
Still the people were all deprived of their weapons,
and they assisted the soldiers with private means
of every sort. Yet report has always consistently
said that Valens himself was bribed with a large
sum. He had long been poor; now suddenly be-
coming rich, he hardly concealed his change of
fortune. His desires had been increased by long
poverty, so that he now put no restraint upon him-
self, and after a youth of poverty became a prodigal
old man. Next he led his army slowly through the
lands of the Allobroges and Vocontii,^ the very
length of each day's advance and the choice of
encampment being sold by the general, who drove
shameless bargains to the detriment of the owners
of the land and the local magistrates. Indeed he
acted so threateningly that he was on the point
of applying the torch to Lucus,^ a town of the
Vocontii, until he was soothed by money. When-
ever money was not available, he was appeased by
sacrifices to his lust. In this way they reached the
Alps.

LXVH. Caecina gained even more booty and shed
more blood. His restless spirit had been provoked
by the Helvetii, a Gallic people once famous for
their deeds in arms and for their heroes, later only
for the memory of their name. Of Galba's murder
they knew nothing and they refused to recognize
the authority of Viteliius. The origin of the war was
due to the greed and haste of the Twenty- first legion,
which had embezzled the money sent to pay the
garrison of a fort once defended by the Helvetians
with their own forces and at their own expense.

113

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Helvetii, interceptis epistulis, quae nomine Ger-
manic! exercitus ad Pannonicas legiones ferebantur,
centurionem et quosdam militum in custodia retine-
bant. Caecina belli avidus proximam quamque
culpam, antequam paeniteret, ultum ibat : mota
propere castra, vastati agri, direptus longa pace in
modum municipii extructus locus, amoeno salubrium
aquarum usu frequens ; missi ad Raetica auxilia
nuntii ut versos in legionem Helvetios a tergo
adgrederentur.

LXVni. Illi ante discrimen feroces, in periculo
pavidi, quaniquam prime tuniultu Claudium Severum
ducem legerant, non arma noscere, non ordines
sequi, non in unum consulere. Exitiosum ad versus
veteranos proelium, intuta obsidio dilapsis vetustate
moenibus ; hinc Caecina cum valido exercitu, inde
Raeticae alae cohortesque et ipsorum Raetorum
inventus, sueta armis et more militiae exercita.
Undique populatio et caedes : ipsi medio vagi,
abiectis armis, magna pars saucii aut palantes, in
montem V^ocetium perfugere. Ac statim immissa
cohorte Thraecum depulsi et consectantibus Ger-
manis Raetisque per silvas atque in ipsis latebris

* Subdued by Caesar in 58 B.C.

- Baden on the Limmat, north-west of Zurich.

' The Botzberg in the Swiss Jura.

114

BOOK I. LXVII.-LXVIII.

This angered the Helvetians, who intercepted some
letters which were being carried in the name of the
army in Germany to the legions in Pannonia,^ and
they kept the centurions and certain soldiers in
custody. Caecina, eager for war, always moved to
punish every fault instantly before there was .1
chance for repentance : he innnediately shifted
camp, devastated the Helds, and ravaged a place
that during the long peace had been built up into
the semblance of a town and was much resorted to
for its beauty and healthful waters.'^ Messages
were sent to the auxiliaries in Raetia, directing
them to attack in the rear the Helvetians who
were facing the Roman legion.

LXVIII. The Helvetians were bold before the
crisis came, but timid in the face of danger ; and
although at the beginning of the trouble they had
chosen Claudius Severus leader, they had not learned
the use of arms, did not keep their ranks, or consult
together. Battle against veterans would be de-
structive to them ; a siege would be dangerous, for
their walls had fallen into ruin from lapse of time.
On the one side was Caecina with a strong force,
on the other the Raetian horse and foot, and the
young men of Raetia itself, who were accustomed
to arms and trained in warfare. Everywhere were
rapine and slaughter. Wandering about between
the two armies, the Helvetians threw away their
arms and fled for life to Mt. Vocetius,^ the majority
of them wounded or straggling. A cohort of
Thracian infantry was immediately dispatched
against them and dislodged them. Then, pursued
by Germans and Raetians through their forests,
they were cut down even in their hiding places.

115

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

trucidati. Multa hominum milia caesa, niulta sub
corona venundata. Cumque dirutis omnibus Aven-
ticum gentis caput infesto ^ agniine peteretur, missi
qui dederent civitatem, et deditio accepta. In
lulium Alpinum e principibus ut concitorem belli
Caecina animadvertit : ceteros veniae vel saevitiae
Vitellii reliquit.

LXIX. Haud facile dictu est, legati Helvetiorum
minus placabilem ^ imperatorem an militem invene-
rint. Civitatis ^ excidium poscunt, tela ac manus
in ora legitorum intentant. Ne Vitellius quidem
verbis et minis temperabat, cum Claudius Cossus,
unus ex legatis, notae facundiae sed dicendi artem
apta trepidatione occultans atque eo validior, militis
animum mitig.ivit. Ut est mos, vulgus mutabile
subitis et tam pronum in misericordiam * quam im-
modicum saevitia fuerat : etFusis lacrimis et meliora
constantius postulando impunitatem salutemque
civitati impetravere.

LXX. Caecina paucos in Helvetiis moratus dies
dum sententiae V^itellii certior fieret, simul transi-
tum Alpium parans, laetum ex Italia nuntium
accipit alam Silianam circa Padum agentem Sacra-
mento Vitellii accessisse. Pro consule Vitellium
Siliani in Africa habuerant ; mox a Nerone, ut in

* infesto Andresen: iusto M.

' Verba quae ^cquwit,' r [placalbilem usqice ad incertum (c.
75), item mopia (c. 86), wsg"" ad Cyprum (II, 2) nesunt in
Mediceo, b'f'dio iam a^i'e a. MuCCOl.II d^perilito ; leUnnes
discrepantes aunt c>dd. Florentiaorum Ivviii. 4, Ixviii. 5 (a, b),
ex Medireo descriptorum.

* no vi talis n. h. * misericordia a h.

' Avenf:hes near Freiburg.

* Protiably nmied from C. Silius, governor of Upper
Germany under Tiberius, who had raised the squadron.

ii6

BOOK I. Lxviii.-Lxx,

Many thousands were massacred, many thousands
sold into slavery. After all had been destroyed,
when the Roman army was advancing to attack
Aventicum,'^ the capital of the tribe, the people
of that town sent envoys to offer surrender and this
was accepted. Caecina punislied Julius Alpinus,
one of the leading men, as the promoter of the
war : the rest he left to the mercy or the cruelty
of Vitellius.

LXIX. It is not easy to say whether the envoys
of the Helvetians found the general or the soldiers
less merciful. The soldiers demanded the destruction
of the state, shaking their weapons and fists in the
faces of the envoys. Even Vitellius did not refrain
from threatening words, till Claudius Cossus, one of
the envoys, assuaged the anger of the soldiers ;
Cossus was a man of well-known eloquence, but at
this time he concealed his skill as an orator under an
appropriate trepidation which made him all the more
effective. Like all mobs, the common soldiers were
given to sudden change and were as ready to show
pity as they had been extravagant in cruelty. By
floods of tears and persistent prayers for a milder
decision, the envoys obtained safety and protection
for their state.

LXX. While Caecina delayed a few days among
the Helvetians until he should learn the views of
Vitellius, being engaged at the same time in prepara-
tions for the passage of the Alps, he received the
joyful news from Italy that the Silian detachment^ of
horse that was operating along the Po had taken the
oath of allegiance to Vitellius. This detachment had
served under Vitellius when he was proconsul in
Africa ; later Nero had removed it to send it to Egypt,

117

THE HISTORIES OF TACTILS

-Aegyptum praemitterentur, exciti et ob bellum Vin-
dicis revocati^ ac turn in Italia manentes, instinctu
decurionum, qui Othonis ignari, Vitellio obstricti
robur adventantium legion um et famam Genuanici
exercitus attollebant, transiere - in partis et ut donum
aliquod novo principi firmissima transpadanae regi-
onis municipia, Mediolanum ac Novariam et Epo-
lediam et Vercellas, adiunxere. Id Caecinae per
ipsos compertum. Et quia praesidio alae unius
iatissima Italiae pars defendi nequil)at, praemissis
Gallorum Lusitanorumque et Britannorum cohorti-
bus et Germanorum vexillis cum ala Petriana,^ ipse
pauluni cunctatus est num Raeticis iugis in Noricum
riecteret adversus Petronium Urbicum * procuratorem,
qui concitis et auxiliis interru})tis fluminum pontibus
fidus Othoni putabatur. Sed metu ne ainitteret
praemissas iam cohortis alasque, simul reputans plus
gloriae retenta Italia et, ubicnmque certatum foret,
Noricos in cetera victoriae praemia cessuros, Poenino
itinere subsignanum militem et grave legionum
agmen hibernis adhuc Alpibus transduxit.

LXXI. Otho interim contra spem omnium non
deliciis neque desidia torpescere : dilatae voluptates,
dissimulata luxuria et cuncta ad decorem imperii

' provocati a b.

' transire a b.

" ala Petriana Bocking : alpe tiiai ia ab.

* Urbicum Freinsheim : urbi a b.

' The commanders of the companies of horse. '/

^ Milan, Novara, Ivrea, Vercelli.

* Named from a certain Petra who had organised the troop.

* The Arlberg.

* The Great St. Bernard.

Il8

BOOK 1. hxx.-L.v\r.

but it had been recalled because of" the war with
Vindex and was at this time in Italy. Prompted by
the decurions ' who, being wholly unacquainted with
Otho but bound to Vitellius, kept extolling the
strength of the approaching legions and the reputa-
tion of the army in Germany, the members of the
troop came over to the side of Vitellius, and as a
kind of gift to the new emperor, they secured for
him the strongest of the transpadane towns, Medio-
lanum, Novaria, Eporedia, and Vercellae.^ This fact
Caecina learned from the inhabitants of these towns,
and since a single squadron of horse could not protect
the broadest part of Italy, he sent in advance infantry,
made up of Gauls, Lusitanians, and Britons, and some
German detachments with the squadron of Petra's
horse,^ while he himself delayed a little to see whether
he should turn aside over the Raetian range * to
Noricum to oppose the imperial agent Petronius
Urbicus, who was regarded as faithful to Otho since
he had called out auxiliary troops and bi'oken dowri
the bridges over the stream. But Caecina was afraid
that he might lose the infantry and cavalry which he
had already dispatched before him, and, at the same
time, he realized that there was more glory in secur-
ing Italy, and that wherever the decisive struggle
took place, the people of Noricum would come with
the other prizes of victory. He accordingly led his
reserve troops and the heavy armed legions over the
Pennine Pass ^ while the Alps were still covered with
the winter's snow.

LXXI. Otho, meanwhile, contrary to everyone's
expectation, made no dull surrender to luxury or
ease : he put off his pleasures, concealed his pro-
rtigacy, and ordered his whole life as befitted the

ii9

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

composita, eoque plus formidinis adferebant falsae
virtutes et vitia reditura. Marium Celsum consulem
designatum, per speciem vinculorum saevitiae mili-
tum subtractum, acciri in Capitolium iubet ; cleraen-
tiae titulus e viro claro et partibus inviso petebatur.
Celsus constanter servatae erga Galbam fidei crimen
confessus, exemplum ultro imputavit. Nee Otho
quasi ignosceret sed, ne hostem metueret, concilia-
tiones adhibens,' statim inter intinios amicos habuit
et mox bello inter duces delegit, mansitque Celso
velut fataliter etiam pro Otlione fides integra et
infelix. Laeta primoribus civitatis, celebrata in
vulgus Celsi salus ne militibus quidem ingrata fuit,
eandem virtutem admirantibus cui irascebantur.

LXXII. Par inde exultatio disparibus causis con-
secuta impetrato Tigellini exitio. Ofonius^ Tigel-
linus obscuris parentibus, foeda pueritia, impudica
senecta, praefecturam vigilum et praetorii et alia
praeniia virtutum, quia velocius erat, vitiis adeptus,
crudelitatem mox, deinde avaritiam, virilia scelera,
exercuitj corrupto ad omne facinus Nerone, quaedam
ignaro ausus, ac postremo eiusdem deserter ac

^ ne hostem metueret, conciliationes adhibens Halm : ne
hostes metvieret conciliationis o b.

* OphoniuB a b, sed cf. Durn. Cass. lix. 23, ed. Boissevain.

I20

BOOK I. Lxxi.-i.xxii.

imperial position ; with the result that these simu-
lated virtues and the sure return of his vices only
inspired still greater dread. Marius Celsus, consul-
elect, whom he had saved from the fury of the
soldiers by pretending to imprison him, he had called
to the Capitol, for he wished to obtain the credit
of being merciful by his treatment of a distinguished
man whom his party hated. Celsus boldly pleaded
guilty of constant loyalty to Galba and went so
far as to claim that his example was to Qtho's
advantage. Otho did not act toward him as if he
were pardoning a criminal, but to avoid having to
fear him as an enemy took steps to be reconciled to
him and immediately began to treat him as one of his
intimate friends ; he later chose him as one of the
leaders for the war. But Celsus, on his side, as by
a fatal impulse, maintained a loyalty to Otho which
was unbroken and ill-starred. His safety, which
gave joy to the chief men of the state and which
was commented on favourably by the common people,
was not unpopular even with the soldiers who
admired the same virtue which roused their anger.

LXXII. Equal delight, but for different reasons,
was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was
secured. Ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parent-
age ; his youth had been infamous and in his old age
he was profligate. Command of the city watch and
of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to
virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker
course ; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and
later greed, oflTences which belong to maturity. He
also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any
wickedness ; he dared certain acts without Nero's
knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

proditor : unde non alium pertinacius ad poenani
flagitavei'unt, diverse adfectu, quibus odium Neronis
inerat et quibus desiderium. Apud Galbam Titi
Vinii potentia defensus, praetexentis servatam ab
eo filiam. Haud dubie servaverat, non dementia,
quippe tot interfectis, sed efFugium in futurum, quia
pessimus quisque diffidentia praesentium mutationem
pavens adversus publicum odium privatam gratiam
praeparat : unde nulla innocentiae cura sed vices
impunitatis. Eo infensior populus, addita ad vetus
Tigellini odium recenti Titi Vinii invidia, concurrere
ex tota urbe in Palatium ^ ac fora et, ubi plurima
vulgi licentia, in circum ac theatra effusi seditiosis
vocibus strepere, donee Tigellinus accepto apud
Sinuessanas aquas supremae necessitatis nuntio inter
stupra concubinarum et oscula et deformis moras
sectis novacula faucibus infamem vitam foedavit
etiam exitu sero et inhonesto.

LXXIII. Per idem tempus expostulata ad sup-
plicium Calvia Crispinilla variis frustrationibus et
adversa dissimulantis principis fama periculo exempta
est. Magistra libidinum Neronis, transgressa in
Africam ad instigandum in arma Clodium Macrum,
famem populo Romano haud obscure molita, totius

* in palatium et tota urbe a b: e tota codd. clett.

^ The warm baths at Sinuessa in Campania were much
visited. Cf. Ann. xii. 66.
* Cf. chap. 7.

BOOK I. Lxvri.-i.wiii.

So no one was more persistently demanded for
punishment from different motives, both by those
who hated Nero and by those who regretted him.
Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the
inHuence of Titus \inius, who claimed that Tigellinus
had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved
her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed
so many victims !) but to secure a refuge for the
future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of
the present and fear of a change always try to secure
private gratitude as an oft-set to public detestation,
having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain
mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made
the people more hostile towards him, and their old
hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus
Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to
the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the
circus and theatres where the common people have
the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious
cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinu-
essa,^ receiving the message that the hour of his
supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and
kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end,
finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling
a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death.

LXXIII. At the same time the people demanded
the punishment of Calvia Crispinilla. She was
saved from danger, however, through various arti-
fices on the part of the emperor, who brought ill-
reputation upon himself by his duplicity. Crispinilla
had taught Nero profligacy ; then she had crossed
to Africa to stir up Clodius Macer to rebellion,^ and
had openly tried to bring famine on the Roman
people. Afterwards she secured popularity with

123

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

postea civitatis gratiam obtinuit, consulari matri-
monio subnixa et apud Galbam Othonem Vitellium
inlaesa, mox potens pecunia et orbitate, quae bonis
malisque temporibus iuxta valent.

LXXIV. Crebrae interim et mubebribus blandi-
mentis infectae ab Othone ad Vitellium epistulae ^
ofFerebant ^ pecuniam et gratiam et quemcumque ^ e *
quietis locis prodigae vitae legisset. Paria Vitellius
ostentabat, primo mollius, stulta utrimque et in-
decora simulatione, mox quasi rixantes stupra ac
flagitia in vicem obiectavere, neuter falso. Otho,
revocatis quos Galba miserat legatis, rursus ad
utrumque Germanicum exercitum et ad legionem
Italicam easque quae Lugduni agebant copias specie
senatus misit. Legati apud Vitellium remansere,
promptius quam ut retenti viderentur ; praetoriani,
quos per simulationem officii legatis Otho adiunxerat,
remissi antequam legionibus miscerentur. Addidit
epistulas^ Fabius Valens nomine Germanici exercitus
ad praetorias et urbanas cohortis de viribus partium
magnificas et concordiam offerentis ; increpabat
ultro quod tanto ante traditum Vitellio imperium
ad Othonem vertissent.

* epulae a h.

^ oHerebant Ehenavus : offerebantur a b.

' quaecunque a b. * e add. Madvig.

* epulas a b.

* The court paid by fortune-liunters to rich and childless
men and women was one of the baser characteristics of this
age and furnished a ready theme for the satirists. Cf. e.g.
Horace, Sat. ii. 5 ; Juvenal 3. 126 S. ; 6. 548 ff. ; and often.

124

BOOK I. LXXHI.-LXXIV.

the entire city by her marriage with a former consul,
and so was u nil armed under Galba, Olho, and
Vitellius. Still later she became powerful through
her wealth and childlessness, which have equal
weight both in good and evil times.^

LXXIV. Meantime Otho sent Vitellius many
letters, disfigured by unmanly flattery, offering him
money and favour and granting him any quiet place
he chose wherein to spend his profligate life.^
Vitellius made similar proposals. At first both
wrote in genial tones, resorting to pretence which
was at once foolish and unbecoming : later, as if
engaged in a common brawl, they each charged the
other with debaucheries and low practices, neither
of them falsely. Otho, after recalling the delegates
that Galba had dispatched,^ sent them again in the
name of the senate to the two armies in Germany,
to the Italic legion, and to the troops that were
stationed at Lyons. The envoys remained with
\'^itellius, too readily for men to think they were
detained. The praetorians that Otho had sent
with the delegation to show it honour were sent
back before they could mix with the legions. Fabius
Valens also sent letters in the name of the army in
Germany to the praetorian and city cohorts, boasting
of the strength of his party and ofl^ering terms of
agreement. He even reproached them for diverting
to Otho the imperial power that had been given to
Vitellius so long before.

* Suetonius {Otho 8) and Dio Cassius (Ixiv. 10) say that
Otlio offered to sliare the imperial office with him ; and
Suetonius adds that he proposed to marry Vitellius'a
daughter.

» Cf. chap. 19.

'25

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

LXXV. Ita prornissis siniul ac minis temptabantur,
ut l^ello impares, in pace nihil amissuri ; neque ideo
[)raetorianorum fides mutata. Sed insidiatores ab
Othone in Germaniam, a V^itellio in urbem missi.
L'trisque frustra fuit, Vitellianis inpune, per tantam
hominum multitudinem mutua ignorantia fallentibus ;
Othoniani no\ itate vultus^ omnibus in vicem gnaris,^
prodebantur. \'itellius litteras ad litianum fratrem
Othonis composuit, exitium ij)si filioque eius minitans
ni incolumes sibi mater ac liberi servarentur; et
stetit domus utraque, sub Othone incertum an
metu : \'itellius victor clementiae gloriam tulit.

LXXVI. Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex
Illyrico nuntius iurasse in eum Dalmatiae ac Pan-
noniae et Moesiae legiones. Idem ex Hispania
adlatum laudatusque per edictum Cluvius Rufus :
set 2 statim cognitum est conversam ad Vitellium
Hispaniam. Ne Aquitania quidem, quamquam ab
lulio Cordo in verba Otlionis obstricta, diu mansit.
Nusquam fides aut amor : metu ac necessitate hue
illuc mutabantur. Eadem formido provinciam Nar-
bonensem ad ^'itellium vertit, facili transitu ad
proximos et validiores. Longinquae provinciae et

^ pilaris Rhenanas : ignaris a b.
» set Ritttr : et M.

I 26

BOOK J. i.xxv.-Lxxvi.

LXXV. Thus the praetorians were plied at the
same time with promises and threats. They were
told that they were unequal to war but would lose
nothing in peace ; and yet they did not give up
their loyalty. Otho sent secret agents to Germany,
and Vitellius sent his agents to Rome. Neither
accomplished anything, but the agents of Vitellius
got oft" safely, since amid the great multitude they
neither knew people nor were themselves known ;
Otho's agents, however, were betrayed by their
strange faces, since in the army everyone knew
everyone else. Vitellius wrote a letter to Otho's
brother, Titianus, in which he threatened him and
his son with death if his own mother and children
were not kept unharmed. As a matter of fact both
families were uninjured : under Otho this was prob-
ably due to fear; Vitellius, when victor, got the
credit for mercy.

LXXVL The first message that gave Otho con-
fidence came from Illyricum, to the efl^ect that the
legions of Dalmatia and Pannonia and Moesia had
sworn allegiance to him. The same news was
brought from Spain, whereupon Otho extolled
Cluvius Rufus in a proclamation ; but immediately
afterwards word was brought that Spain had gone
over to Vitellius. Not even Aquitania long remained
faithful, although it had been made to swear
allegiance to Otho by Julius Cord us. Nowhere was
there any loyalty or affection. Fear and necessity
made men shift now to one side, now to the other.
The same terror brought the province of Narbonensis
over to Vitellius, it being easy to pass to the side
of the nearest and the stronger. The distant pro-
vinces and all the armed forces across the sea

127

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quidquid armorum mari dirimitur penes OthoDcm
manebat, non partium studio, sed erat grande
momentum in nomine urbis ac praetexto senatus,
et occupaverat aninios prior auditus. ludaicum
exercitum Vespasianus, Syriae legiones Mucianus
Sacramento Othonis adegere ; simul Aegyptus om-
nesque versae in Orientem provinciae nomine eius
tenebantur. Idem Africae obsequium, initio Car-
thagine orto neque expectata Vipstani ^ Aproniani
proconsulis auctoritate ; Crescens Neronis libertus
(nam et hi malis temporibus partem se rei publicae
faciunt) epuluni plebi ob laetitiam recentis im|)erii
obtulerat, et populus pleraque sine modo festinavit.
Carthaginem ceterae civitates secutae.

LXXVII. Sic distractis exercitibus ac provinciis
Vitellio quidem ad capessendam principatus lor-
tunam bello opus erat, Otho ut in multa pace munia
imperii obibat, quaedam ex dignitate rei publicae,
pleraque contra decus ex praesenti usu properando.
Consul cum Titiano fratre in kalendas Martias ipse ;
proximos mensis Verginio destinat ut aliquod exer-
citui Germanico delenimentum ; iungitur V^erginio
Pompeius Vopiscus praetexto veteris amicitiae ;
plerique Viennensium honori datum interpretaban-

^ Vipstani Ryckius, cf. Acta Arvalium passim: vip-
sani M.

^ At the beginning of this year, 69 a.d., the thirty legions
of the Roman army were distritjined as follows : Spanish
Provinces, 3 ; Gallic Provinces, 1 ; Upper Germany, .3 ;
Lower Germany, 4; Britain. 3 ; DMlmatia. 2 ; Pannonia, 2;
Moesia, 3 ; Syria, 3 ; Judea, 3 ; Egypt, 2 ; Africa, 1.

To these were attached auxiliary troops and cavalry of
about the same strength as the legions, so that the total

128

BOOK I. LXXVI.-LXXVII.

remained on Otho's side, not from any enthusiasm
for his party, but because the name of the city and
the splendour of the senate had great weight ;
moreover the emperor of whom they first heard
preempted their regard. The oath of allegiance to
Otho was administered to the army in Judea by
Vespasian, to tlie legions in Syria by Mucianus. At
the same time Egypt and all the provinces to the
East were governed in Otho's name. Africa showed
the same ready obedience, led by Carthage, without
waiting for the authority of Vipstanius Apronianus,
the proconsul ; Crescens, one of Nero's freedmen —
for in evil times even freedmen take part in the
government — had given the commonfolk a feast in
honour of the recent accession ; and the people
hurried on with extravagant zeal the usual demon-
strations. The rest of the communities followed
Carthage.^

LXXVII. Since the armies and provinces were
thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to
gain the imperial fortune ; but Otho was perform-
ing the duties of an emperor as if in profound
peace. Some things he did in accordance with the
dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary
to its honour in the haste that was prompted by
present need. He himself was consul with his
brother Titianus until the first of March. The next
months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the
army in Germany, With Verginius he associated
Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their
ancient friendship ; but most interpreted the act
as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The

land forces of the Roman Empire at this time approximated
o(X),000 men.

129

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tur. Ceteri consulatus ex destinatione Neronis aut
Galbae mansere, Caelio ac Flavio Sabinis in lulias,
Arrio Antonino'^ et Mario Celso in Septembris,
quorum lionoribus^ ne \^itellius quidem victor inter-
cessit. Sed Otho pontiticatus auguratusque hono-
ratis iani senibus cumulum dignitatis addidit, aut
recens ab exilio reversos nobilis adulescentulos avitis
ac paternis sacerdotiis in solacium recoluit. Red-
ditus Cadio Rufo, Pedio Blaeso, Saevino P . . .^
senatorius locus. Repetundarum criminibus sub
Claudio ac Nerone ceciderant : placuit ignoscentibus
verso nomine, quod avaritia fuerat, videri maiestatem,
cuius turn odio etiam bonae leges peribant.

LXXVIII. Eadem largitione civitatum quoque ac
provinciarum animos adgressus Hispalensibus* et
Emeritensibus familiarum adiectiones, Lingonibus
universis civitatem Romanam, provinciae Baeticae
Maurorum civitates dono dedit ; nova iura Cappa-
dociae, nova Africae, ostentata^ magis quam mansura.
Inter quae necessitate praesentium rerum et in-
stantibus curis excusata ne turn quidem immemor
amorum statuas Poppaeae per senatus consultum
reposuit ; creditus est etiam de celebranda Neronis
memoria agitavisse spe vulgum adliciendi. Et fuere

^ Antonino Lipsius : antonio M.

* lionoribus Haase: honoris M.
^ pi om-se ^L

* Hispalensilms Faernus : hispaniensibus M.

* ostentata Ernesti : ostentai M.

' Not the brother of Vespasian.
- The grandfather of the Emperor Antoninus Pius.
' The terms of these men were later shortened, and in
fact there were fifteen consuls in the year 69.
* Seville and Merida.

i30

BOOK I. Lxwii.-i.xxviii.

rest of the eonsulshij)S for the year remained as
Nero or Galba had assigned them : Caeliiis Sabinus
and Flavius Sabinus ^ until July ; Arrius Antoninus ^
and Marius Celsus till September ; their honours
not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor.^
But Otho assigned j)ontificates and augurships as
a crowning distinction to old men who had already
gone through the list of ofhces, or solaced young
nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods
which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius
Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P. . . were
restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost
under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of
bribery made against them ; those who pardoned
them decided to shift the name so that what had
really been greed should seem treason, which was
now so odious that it made even good laws null and
useless,

LXXVIII, With the same generosity Otho tried
to win over the support of communities and pro-
vinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita*
he sent additional families. To the whole people
of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and
presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauri-
tania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia
and Africa, more for display than to the lasting
advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in
these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity
of the situation and the anxieties that were forced
upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the
statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate,
it was believed that he also brought up the question
of celebrating Nero's memory with the ho])e of win-
ning over the Roman people ; and in fact some set

131

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

qui imagines Neronis proponerent : atque etiaiii
Othoni quibusdam diebus populus et miles, tamquam
nobilitatem ac decus adstruerent, Neroni Othoni
adclamavit. Ipse in suspense tenuit, vetandi metu
vel agnoscendi pudore.

LXXIX. Conversis ad civile helium animis ex-
terna sine cura habebantur. Eo audentius Rhoxo-
lani/ Sarmatica gens, priore hieme caesis duabus
cohortibus, magna spe Moesiam inruperant,^ ad
novem milia equitum, ex ferocia et successu praedae
niagis quam pugnae intenta. Igitur vagos et in-
curiosos tertia legio adiunctis auxiliis repente invasit.
Apud Romanes omnia proelio apta : Sarmatae dis-
persi aut cupidine praedae graves onere sarcinarum
et lubrico itinerum adempta equorum pernicitate
velut vincti caedebantur. Namque mirum dictu ut
sit omnis Sarmatarum virtus velut extra ipsos.
Nihil ad pedestrem pugnam tam ignavum : ubi per
turmas advenere vix uUa acies obstiterit. Sed turn
umido die et soluto gelu neque eonti neque gladii,
quos praelongos utraque manu regunt, usui, lapsanti-
bus equis et catafractarum pondere. Id principibus
et nobilissimo cuique tegimen, ferreis laminis aut
praeduro corio consertum, ut adversus ictus impene-

* Rhoxolani BeroaJdus : rhosolanis M.

* ad Moesiam M: ad anU novem posuit Acidalius.

* Placed by Strabo, vii. iii. 17, between the Don and
the Dneiper, but by some modem scholars located in
Bessarabia.

BOOK I. LXXVlll.-LXXIX.

up statues of Nero ; moreover on certain days the
people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho's
nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero
Otho ; he himself remained undecided, from fear
to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title.

LXXIX. While all men's thoughts were thus ab-
sorbed in civil war, there was no interest in foreign
affairs. This inspired the Rhoxolani,^ a people of
Sarmatia who had massacred two cohorts the previous
winter, to invade Moesia with great hopes. They
numbered nine thousand horse, and their restive
temper along with their success made them more in-
tent on booty than on fighting. Consequently, when
they were straggling and off their guard, the Third
legion with some auxiliary troops suddenly attacked
them. On the Roman side everything was ready
for battle. The Sarmatians were scattered or in
their greed for booty had weighted themselves down
with heavy burdens, and since the slippery roads
deprived them of the advantage of their horses'
speed, they were cut down as if they were in fetters.
For it is a strange fact that the whole courage of
the Sarmatians is, so to sj)eak, outside themselves.
No people is so cowardly when it comes to fighting
on foot, but when they attack the foe on horseback,
hardly any line can resist them. On this occasion,
however, the day was wet and the snow melting :
they could not use their pikes or the long swords
which they wield with both hands, for their horses
fell and they were weighted down by their coats of
mail. This armour is the defence of their princes and
all the nobility : it is made of scales of iron or hard
hide, and though impenetrable to blows, neverthe-
less it makes it difficult for the wearer to get up

133

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

trabile ita impetu hostium provolutis inhabile ad
resurgendum ; simul altitudine et mollitia nivis
hauriebaiitur. Romanus miles facilis lorica et mis-
sili pilo aut lanceis adsultans, ubi res posceret, levi
gladio inermem Sarmatain (neque enim scuto defend!
mos est) comminus fodiebat^ donee pauci qui proebu
superfuerant paludilius abderentur. Ibi saevitia
hiemis aut'^ viilnerum absumpti. Postquam id Ro-
mae compertum, M. Aponius Moesiam obtinens
triumphal i statua, Fulvus Aurelius et lulianus
Tettius ac Numisius Lupus, legati legionum, con-
sulaiibus ornamentis donantur, laeto Othone et
gloriam in se trahente, tamquam et ipse felix bello
et sais diicibus suisque exercitibus rem publicam
auxisset.

LXXX. Parvo interim initio, unde nihil time-
batur, orta seditio prope urbi excidio fuit. Septimam
decimam cohortem e colonia Ostiensi in urbera acciri
Otho iusserat ; armandae eius cura Vario Crispino
tribuno e praetorianis data. Is quo magis vacuus
quietis castris iussa exequeretur, vehicula cohortis
incipiente nocte onerari aperto armamentario iubet.
Tempus in suspicionem, causa in crimen, adfectatio
quietis in tumultum evaluit, et visa inter temulentos

^ hiemis aut Schneider : hie mia M.

' Such armour was worn by many of Rome's enemies in
both Europe and Asia. Cf. Tac. Ann. iii. 43; Livy xxxv.
48 ; xxxvii. 40 ; Curtius iv. 35, equitibus equisque tegumenta
erant ex ferreis laminis serie inter se conexis (said with
reference to the Scythians and Bactrians) ; and Amm. Mar.
XVI. X. 8.

134

BOOK 1. LXXIX.-LXXX.

when overthrown by the enemy's charge;^ at the
same time they were continually sinking deep in
the soft and heavy snow. The Roman soldier with
his breast-plate moved readih' about, attacking the
enemy with his javelin, which he threw, or with his
lances ; when the situation required he used his
short sword and cut down the helpless Sarmatians
at close quarters, for they do not use the shield for
defensive purposes. Finally the few who escaped
battle hid themselves in the swamps, where they
lost their lives from the cruel winter or the severity
of their wounds. When the news of this reached
Rome, Marcus Aponius, governor of Moesia, was
given a triumphal statue ; P'ulvius Aurelius, Julianus
Tettius, and Numisius Lupus, commanders of the
legions, were presented with the decorations of a
consul ; for Otho was pleased and took the glory to
himself, saying that he was lucky in war and had
augmented the State through his generals and his
armies.

LXXX. In the meantime, from a slight beginning
which caused no fear, a mutiny arose which almost
destroyed the city. Otho had given orders that the
Seventeenth cohort be brought from the colony
of Ostia to Rome. Varius Crispinus, one of the
praetorian tribunes, had been charged with equip-
ping these troops. That he might be the freer to
carry out his orders, when the camp was quiet, he
ordered the armoury to be opened and the wagons
belonging to the cohort to be loaded at nightfall.
The hour gave rise to suspicion ; his motive became
the basis of a charge against him ; and his attempt
to secure quiet resulted in an uproar, while the
sight of arms in the hands of drunken men roused

135

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

arma cupidinem sui movere. Fremit miles et
tribunes centurionesque proditionis arguit, tamquam
familiae senatorum ad perniciem Othonis armaren-
tur, pars ignari et vino graves, pessimus quisque in
occasionem praedarum, vulgus, ut mos est, cuius-
cumque motus novi cupidum ; et obsequia meliorum
nox abstulerat. Resistentem seditioni tribunum et
severissimos centurionum obtruncant ; rapta arma,
nudati gladii ; insidentes equis urbem ac Palatium
petunt.

LXXXI. Erat Othoni celebre convivium primori-
bus feminis virisque ; qui trepidi, fortuitusne militum
furor an dolus imperatoris, manere ac deprehendi an
fugere et dispergi periculosius foret, modo constan-
tiam simulare, modo formidine detegi, simul Othonis
vultum intueri ; utque evenit inclinatis ad suspicio-
nem mentibus, cum timeret Otho, timebatur. Sed
haud secus discrimine senatus quam suo territus et
praefectos praetorii ad mitigandas militum iras
statim miserat et abire propere omnis e convivio
iussit. Turn vero passim magistratus proiectis in-
signibus, vitata coniitum et servorum frequentia,
senes feminaeque per tenebras diversa urbis itinera,

136

BOOK I. LXXX.-LXXXI.

a desire to use them. The soldiers began to mur-
mur and charged the tribunes and centurions with
treachery, saying tliat the slaves of the senators were
being armed for Otho's destruction. A part of the
soldiers were ignorant of the circumstances and
heavy with wine ; the worst of them wished to make
this an opportunity for looting ; the great mass, as
is usual, were ready for any new movement, and
the natural obedience of the better disposed was
rendered inefiective by the night. When the tribune
attempted to stay the mutiny, tliey killed him and
the strictest of the centurions. Then they seized
their arms, drew their swords, and jumping on their
horses, hurried to Rome and to the Palace.

LXXXI. Otho was giving a great banquet to men
and women of the nobility. In terror as to whether
this was some chance frenzy on the part of the
soldiers or some treachery on the part of the
emperor, the guests did not know whether it was
more dangerous to stay and be caught or to flee
and scatter. Now they pretended courage, now
they were unmasked by their fears ; at the same
time they watched Otho's face ; and as generally
happens when men's minds are inclined to suspicion,
it was just when Otho lelt fear that he made others
fear him. Yet he was terrified as much by the
danger to the senate as to himself; he had sent
at once the prefects of the praetorian guard to
calm the soldiers' anger and he told all to leave
the banquet quickly. Then in every direction went
officers of the state, throwing away their insignia
of office and avoiding the attendance of their friends
and slaves ; old men and women stole in the dark-
ness along different streets, few of them trying to

137

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

rari demos, plurimi amicorum tecta et ut cuiqiie
hiimillimus cliens, incertas latebras petivere.

LXXXII. Militum impetus ne foribus quidem
Palatii coercitus quo minus convivium inrumperent,
ostendi sibi Othonem expostulantes, vulnerato lulio
Martiale tribuno et Vitellio Saturnino praefecto
legionis, dum ruentibus obsistunt. Undique arma
et minae^ modo in centuriones tribunosque, modo
in senatum universum, lymphatis caeco pavore ani-
mis, et quia neminem unum destinare irae poterant,
licentiam in omnis poscentibus, donee Otho contra
decus imperii tore insistens precibus et lacrimis
aegre cohibuit, redieruntque in castra inviti neque
innocentes. Postera die velut capta urbe clausae
domus^ rarus per vias populus, maesta plebs ; deiecti
in terram militum vultus ac plus tristitiae quam
paenitentiae. Manipulatim adlocuti sunt Licinius
Proculus et Plotius Firmus praefecti, ex suo quisque
ingenio mitius aut horridius. Finis sei'monis in eo
ut quina milia nummum singulis militibus numera-
rentur : turn Otho ingredi castra ausus. Atque
ilium tribuni centurionesque circumsistunt^ abiectis
militiae insignibus otium et salutem flagitantes.

138

IK)()K I. i.xxxi.-i.xxxii.

reach their homes, but most of them huiTyiug to
the houses of their friends and the obscurest hiding-
place of the humblest dependent each had.

LXXXII. The excited soldiers were not kept
even by the doors of the palace from bursting into
the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho,
and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and
V'itellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when
they opposed their onrush. On every side were
arms and threats directed now against the centurions
and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all
were in a state of blind panic, and since they could
not fix upon any individual as the object of their
wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all.
Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial
position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in
restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they
returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless
hands. The next day private houses were closed as
if the city were in the hands of the enemy ; few
respectable people were seen in the streets ; the
rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes
to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than
repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus,
the prefects, addressed their companies, the one
mildly, the other severely, each according to his
nature. They ended with the statement that five
thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. ^
Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was
surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore
away the insignia of their rank and demanded
discharge and safety from their dangerous service.

1 A sum equivalent to about $225 to-day ; but its purchasing
power was many times that sum.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Sensit invidiam miles et compositus in obsequium
auctores seditionis ad supplicium ultro postulabat.

LXXXIII. Otho, quamquam turbidis rebus et
diversis militum animis, cum optimus quisque reme-
dium praesentis licentiae posceret, vulgus et plures
seditionibus et ambitioso imperio laeti per turbas et
raptus facilius ad civile bellum impellerentur, simul
reputans non posse prinoipatum scelere quaesitum
subita modestia et prisca gravitate retineri, sed dis-
crimine urbis et periculo senatus anxius, postremo
ita disseruit : " Neque ut adfectus vestros in amorem
mei accenderem, commilitones, neque ut animum ad
virtutem cohortarer (utraque enim egregie super-
sunt), sed veni postulaturus a vobis temperamentum
vestrae fortitudinis et erga me modum caritatis.
Tumultus proximi initium non cupiditate vel odio,
quae multos exercitus in discordiam egere, ac ne
detrectatione quidem aut forniidine periculorum :
nimia pietas vestra acrius quam considerate ^ excita-
vit ; nam saepe honestas rerura causas^ ni iudicium
adhibeas, perniciosi exitus consequuntur. Imus ad
bellum, Num omnis nuntios palam audiri, omnia
consilia cunctis praesentibus tractari ratio rerum aut
occasionum velocitas patitur? Tam nescire quae-
dam milites quam scire oportet : ita so ducum

^ considerate JFalther : cunsiderat M.
140

BOOK I. LXXXII.-LXXXIII.

The common soldiei's perceived the bad impression
that their action had made and settled down to
obedience, demanding of their own accord that the
ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.

LXXXIII. Otho was in a dKHcult position owing
to the general disturbance and the divergences of
sentiment among the soldiers ; for the best of them
demanded that some check be put on the present
licence, wiiile the larger mob delighted in mutinies
and in an emperor whose power depended on popular
favour, and were easily driven on to civil war by
riots and rapine. He realized, however, that a throne
gained by crime cannot be maintained by sudden
moderation and old-fashioned dignity ; but being
distressed by the crisis that had befallen the city and
the danger of the senate, he finally spoke as follows :
" Fellow soldiers, I have not come to kindle your
sentiments into love for me, nor to exhort yoxn*
hearts to courage, for both these qualities you have
in marked abundance ; but I have come to ask you
to put some check to your bravery and some limit to
your regard for me. The recent disturbances owed
their beginning not to any greed or hate, which are
the sentiments that drive most armies to revolt, or
even to any shirking or fear of danger ; it was your
excessive loyalty that spurred you to an action more
violent than wise. Very often honourable motives
have a fatal end, unless men employ judgment.
We are proceeding to war. Do the exigencies of
events or the ra{)id changes in the situation allow
every report to be heard openly, every plan to be
discussed in the presence of all .'' It is as proper
tiiat soldiers should not know certain tlnngs as that
they should know them. The authority of the

VOL. I. F 141

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

auctoritas, sic rigor disciplinae habet^ ut multa etiain
centuriones tribunosque tantum iiiberi expediat. Si
cur^ iubeantur quaerere singulis liceat, pereunte
obsequio etiam imperium intercidit. An et illic
nocte intenipesta rapientur arma? Unus alterve
perditus ac teniulentus (neque enim pluris con-
sternatioiie proxima insanisse crediderim) centurio-
nis ac tribiiui sanguine manus imbuet, imperatoris
sui tentorium inrunipet?

LXXXIV. " Vos quidem istud pro me : sed in
discursu ac tenebris et rerura omnium confusione
patefieri occasio etiam adversus me potest. Si
V'itellio et satellitibus eius eligendi facultas detur,
quem^ nobis animum, quas mentis imprecentur, quid
aliud quam seditionem et discordiam optabunt ? Ne
miles centurioni, ne centurio tribuno obsequatur, ut
confusi pedites equitesque in exitium ruamus. Pa-
rendo potius, commilitoneSj quam imperia ducum
sciscitando res militares continentur^ et fortissimus
in ipso discrimine exercitus est qui ante discrimen
quietissimus. Vobis arma et animus sit : mihi con-
silium et virtutis vestrae regimen relinquite. Pau-
corum culpa fuit^ duorum poena erit : ceteri abolete
memoriam foedissimae noctis. Nee illas adversus
senatum voces ullus usquam exercitus audiat. Caput
imperii et decora omnium provinciarum ad poenam

si cur Agrkola : sic ubi M.
ijiiae J/.

142

BOOK I. lAxxm.-LXxxiv.

leaders and strict discipline are maintained only by
holding it wise that in many cases even centurions
and tribunes should simply receive orders. For if
individuals may inquire the reason for the orders given
them, then discipline is at an end and authority also
ceases. Suppose in the field you have to take your
arms in the dead of night, shall one or two worthless
and drunken men — for 1 cannot believe that the
recent madness was due to the panic of more than
that — stain their hands in the l)lood of a centurion
or tribune? Shall they burst into the tent of their
general ?

LXXXIV. "You, it is ti-ue, did that for me. But
in time of riot, in the darkness and general con-
fusion, an opportunity may also be given for an
attack on me. Suppose Vitelliiis and his satellites
should have an opportunity to choose the spirit and
sentiment with which they would prav you to be
inspired, what will they prefer to mutiny and strife?
Will they not wish that soldier should not obev
centurion or centurion tribune, so that wc may all,
foot and horse, in utter confusion rush to ruin .'' It
is rather by obedience, fellow-soldiers, than by
(juestioning the con.mands of the leaders, that
success in war is obtained, and that is the bravest
army in time of crisis which has been most orderly
before the crisis. Yours be the arms and spirit ;
leave to me tlie plan of campaign and the direction
of your valour. Few were at fault; two shall pay
the penalty : do all the rest of you blot out the
memory of that awful night. And I jirav that no
army may ever hear such cries against the senate.
That is the head of the empire and the glory of
all the provinces ; good heavens, not even those

143

THE HISTORIES OF TACITLS

vocare non hercule illi, quos cum maxime V'itellius
in nos ciet, Germani audeant. Ulline Italiae alumni
et Romana vere iuventus ad sanguinem et caedem
depoposcerit ordinem, cuius splendore et gloria sordis
et obscuritatem Vitellianaruni partium praestringi-
uius^? Nationes aliquas occupavit V'itellius, imaginem
quandam exercitus habet, senatus nobiscum est : sic
fit ut hinc res publica, inde^ hostes rei publicae
constiterint. Quid ? Vos pulcherrimam banc urbem
domibus et tectis et congestu lapidum stare creditis ?
Muta^ ista et inanima* intercidere ac reparari pro-
misca sunt : aeternitas rerum et pax gentium et
mea cum vestra salus incolumitate senatus firmatur,
Hunc auspicate a parente et conditore urbis nostrae
institutum et a regibus usque ad principes continuum
et immortalem, sicut a maioribus ^ accepimus, sic
posterls tradamus ; nam ut ex vobis senatores, ita
ex senatoribus principes nascuntur."

LXXXV. Et oratio apta ad ^ perstringendos mul-
cendosque militum animos et severitatis modus (neque
enim in pluris quam in duos animadverti iusserat)
grate accepta compositique ad praesens qui coerceri
non poterant. Non tamen quies urbi redierat :
strepitus telorum et facies belli, militibus ut nihil
in commune tui-bantibus, ita sparsis per domos
occulto habitu, et maligna cura in omnis, quos
uobilitas aut opes aut aliqua insignis claritudo

^ praestriiigimus /. F. Gn^iiorivs : perstringimus M.

* in J/. ' multa .V. '' inanhna, Lipsius: inania ilf,

* sicamatoribus M. * apta ad Meiser : perod M.
144

BOOK I. LX.XXIV.-LXXXV.

Germans whom Vitellius at this moment is stirring
up against us would dare to call it to punishment.
Shall any child of Italy, any true Roman youth,
demand the blood and murder of that order through
wiiose splendid glory we outshine the meanness and
base birth of the partisans of Vitellius ? Vitellius
has won over some peoples ; he has a certain shadow
of an army, but the senate is with us. And so it is
that on our side stands the state, on theirs the
enemies of the state. Tell me, do you think that
this fairest citv consists of houses and buildings and
heaps of stone ? Those dumb and inanimate things
can perish and readily be replaced. The eternity
of our power, the peace of the world, my safety and
yours, are secured by the welfare of the senate.
This senate, which was established under auspices
by the Father and Founder of our city and which
has continued in unbroken line from the time of the
kings even down to the time of the emperors, let
us hand ovc'- to posterity even as we received it
from our fathers. For as senators spring from your
number, so emperors spring from senators."

LXXXV. Botii this speech, well adapted as it
was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his
moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment
of more than two) were gratefully received, and in
this way those who could not be checked by force
were calmed for the present. But the city was not
yet quiet ; there was the din of weapons and the
face of war, for while the troops did not engage in
any general riot, they nevertheless distributed them-
selves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously
kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or
some distinction had made the object of gossip.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ruinoribus obiecerat : VitelUanus quoque milites
venisse in urbera ad studia partium noscenda pleri-
que credebant ; unde plena omnia suspicionum et
vix secreta domuum sine formidine. Sed pluritnum
trepidationis in publico, ut'^ quemque nuntium fama
attulisset, animum vultunique conversis, ne diffidere
dubiis ac parum gaudere prosperis viderentur.
Coacto vero in curiam senatu arduus rerum omnium
modus, ne contumax silentium, ne suspecta libertas ;
et private Othoni nuper atque eadem dicenti - nota
adulatio. Igitur versare sententias et hue atque
illuc torquere, hostera et parricidam V^itellium
vocantes, providentissimus quisque vulgaribus con-
viciis, quidam vera probra iacere, in clamore tamen
et ubi plurimae voces, aut tumultu verborum sibi
ipsi obstrepentes.

LXXX^T. Prodigia insuper terrebant diversis
auctoribus vulgata : in vestibiilo Cajntolii omissas
liabenas bigae, cui Victoria instit(-rat, erupisse cella
lunonis maiorem humana speciem, statuam divi lulii
in insula Tiberini amnis sereno et immoto die ab
occidente in orientem conversam, prolocutum in
Etruria bovem, insolitos animalium partus, et plura

^ vim M, * dicenti Lipsivs : dicendi M.

^ That is in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which liad
three celiac one each for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva.

146

BOOK I. LXXXV. LXXXVI.

Most of them believed that soldiers of V^itellius, too,
liad come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the
different parLies, so that there was suspicion every-
whtre, and the intimacy of the home was hardly
free from fear. But there was the greatest terror
in public, where men changed their spirit and looks
according to the message that rumour brought at
the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart
over doubtful news or show too little joy over
favom*able report. Moreover, when the senate had
assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain
the proper measure in anything, that silence might
not seem sullen or open speech suspicious ; while
Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had
used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So
the senators turned and twisted their proposals to
mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy
and traitor ; but the most foreseeing attacked him
onlv with ordinary terms of abuse, although some
made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they
did this when there was an uproar and many
speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning
by a riot of words.

LXXXVI. Prodigies which were reported on
various authorities also contributed to the general
terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the
Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory
stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a
superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel,^
that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of
the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright
calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that
animals had given birth to strange young, and that
many other things had happened which in barbarous

147

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

alia rudibus saeculis etiam in pace observata, quae
nunc tantum in nietu audiuntur. Sed praecipuus
et cum praesenti exitio etiam futuri pavor subita
inundatione Tiberis, qui immenso auctu proruto ^
ponte sublicio ac strage obstantis molis refusus, non
modo iacentia et plana urbis loca, sed secura eius
modi casuum implevit : rapti e publico pleriquCj
plures in tabernis et cubilibus intercepti. Fames in
vulgus inopia quaestus et penuria alimentorum.
Corrupta stagnantibus aquis insularum fundamenta,
dein remeante Huniine dilapsa. Utque primum
vacuus a periculo animus fuit^, id ipsum quod paranti
expeditionem Otlioni campus Martins et via Fla-
minia iter belli esset obstructum, a fortuitis vel
naturalibus causis in prodigium et omen imminentium
cladium vertebatur.

LXXXVII. Otlio lustrata urbe et expensis belle
consiliis, quando Poeninae Coltiaeque Alpes et ceteri
Galliarum aditus Vitellianis exercitibus claudebantur,
Narbonensem Galliam adgredi statuit classe valida
et partibus fida, quod reliquos caesorum ad pontem
Mulvium et saevitia Galbae in custodia liabitos in
numeros legionis composiierat, facta et ceteris spe ^
honoratae in posterum militiae. Addidit classi urba-

^ proruto /. F. Oronovius : prorupto M.
* spe /. F. Gronovius : spes M.

^ The famous Pons Sublicius, the oldest bridge across the
Tiber.

2 Cf. chaps. 6 and 37.

* Service in a legion was regarded as more honourable
than that in tlie fleet, and so those who were still serving in
the fleet looked forward to being treated as their comrades
had been.

148

BOOK I. LXXXVl.-LXXWII.

ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which
now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the
chief anxiety which was connected with both present
disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden
overflow of the Tiber wliicli, svvollen to a great
height, broke down the wooden bridge ^ and then
was tin'own back by the ruins of the bridge which
dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the
low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts
which are normally free from such disasters. Many
were swept away in the public streets, a larger
number cut off in shops and in their beds. The
common people were reduced to famine by lack of
employment and failure of supplies. Apartment
houses had their foundations undermined by the
standing water and then collapsed when the flood
withdrew. The moment people's minds were
relieved of this danger, the very fact that when
Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus
Martius and the Flaniinian W;>y, over which he was
to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted
as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster
rather than as the result of chance or natural
causes.

LXXXVII. Otho purified the city and then con-
sidered his plan for a campaign. Since the Pennine
and Cottian Alps and the other passes into Gaul
were closed by the forces of Vitellius, he decided to
attack Narl)onese Gaul with his fleet, which was
strong and loyal, for he had enrolled as a legion
those who had survived the massacre at the Mulvian
Bridge and who had been kept in prison by Galba's
cruelty ; ^ and so he had given the rest reason to
hope for an honoura])le service hereafter.^ He

149

THK HISTORIES OF TACITUS

lias cohortis et plerosque e praetorianiSj viris et
robur exercitus atque ipsis ducibus consilium et
custodes. Summa expeditionis Antonio Novelloj
Siiedio Clementi primipilaribus, Aeniilio Pacensi, cui
ademptum a Galba tribunatum reddiderat, permissa.
Curam navium Moschus libertus retinebat ad obser-
vandani honestioruni fidem imniutatus. Peditum
equitumque copiis Suetonius Paulinas, Marius Celsus,
Annius Gallus rectores destinati, sed plurima fides
Licinio Proculo praetorii praefecto. Is urbanae
militiae impiger, bellorum insoleus, auctoritatem
Paulini, vigorem Celsi, niaturitatem Galli, ut ouique
erat, criminando, quod facillimum factu est, pravus
et callidus bonos et modestos anteibat.

LXXXVIII. Sepositus per eos dies Cornelius Do-
labella in coloniam Aquinatem, neque arta custodia
neque obscura, nullum ob crimen, sed vetusto nomine
at propinquitate Galbae monstratus. Multos e ma-
gistratibus, magnani consular) um partem Otho non
participes aut ministros bello, sed comitum specie
secum expedire iubet, in quis et Lucium V^itellium,
eodem quo ceteros cultu, nee ut imperatoris fratrem
nee ut hostis. Igitur motae urbis curae ; nullus
ordo metu aut periculo vacuus. Primores senatus

^ Moschus had held this office under Nero and Galba.
* Aquino.

BOOK I. i-xxxvu.-Lxxxviii.

added to the fleet the city cohorts and many of the
praetorians to be the strength and back-bone of the
army and also to advise and control the leaders
tliemselves. At the head of the expedition he
j)]aced Antonius Novellus, Suediiis Clemens, cen-
turions of the first rank, and Aemilius Pacensis, to
whom he had restored the tribunate which Galba
had taken away. His freedman Moschus, however,
retained command of the fleet, no change being
made in his rank, that he might keep watch over
the fidelity of men more honourable than himself.^
As commanders of the foot and horse he named
Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, Annius Gallus,
hut he trusted most in Licinius Proculus, prefect
of the praetorian guard. Indefatigable on home
service, inexperienced in war, Proculus, in strict
accordance with their individual characters, made
the " influence " of Paulinus, the " energy " of Celsus,
the "proved ability" of Gallus the bases of his
accusations, and thus — nothing is easier — by dis-
honesty and cunning outdid the virtuous and modest.
LXXXV'III. About this time Cornelius Dolabella
was banished to the colony of Aquinum.- He was
not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge
was made against him ; but he had been made
prominent by his ancient name and his close
relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and
a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join
his expedition, not to shai'e or help in the war but
simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitel-
lius, who was treated in the same way as the others
and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an
enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No
class was free from fear or danger. The leading men

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

aetata invalid! ^ et longa pace desides, segnis et oblita
bellorum nobilitas, ignarus militiae eques, quaiito
magis occultare et abdere pavorem nitebantur, mani-
festius pavidi. Nee deerant e contrario qui ambi-
tione stoHda couspicua arma, insignis equos, quidam
luxuriosos apparatus conviviorum et inritamenta
libidinum ut instrumenturn belH mercarentur. Sapi-
entibus quietis et rei publicae cura ; levissimus
quisque et futuri improvidus spe vana tumens ; multi ^
adflicta fide in pace anxii,^ turbatis rebus alacres et
per incerta tutissimi.

LXXXIX. Sed vulgus et magnitudine nimia com-
munium curarum expers populus sentire paulatim
belli mala, conversa in militnm usum omni pecunia,
intentis alimentorum pretiis, quae motu Vindicis
baud periude plebem attriverant, secura turn urbe
et provinciali bello, quod inter legiones Galliasque
velut externum fuit. Nam ex quo divus Augustus
res Caesarum composuit, procul et in unius soUici-
tudinem aut decus popuUis Romanus bellaverat ; sub
Tiberio et Gaio tantum pacis adversa ad rem
publicam pertinuere * ; Scriboniani contra Claudium
incepta simul audita et coercita ; Nero nuntiis magis
et rumoribus quam armis depulsus : turn legiones

^ invalida ab. * multis a b.

* anxii A^olte : ac si a &. * ad r.p.p. Halm : r.p.p. a b.

^ Cf. II, 75. M. Fiiriiis Caniillua Scribonianus, governor
of Dalinatia, had revolted in 42 a.d. but he had been crushed
in five days.

BOOK I. Lxxxvin.-Lxxxix.

of the senate were weak from old age and had grown
inactive through a long peace ; the nobility was
indolent and had forgotten the art of war ; the
knights were ignorant of military service ; the more
all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more
evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other
hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation
bought splendid arms and fine horses ; some made
extravagant preparations for banquets and provided
incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The
wise had thought for peace and for the state ; the
foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with
idle hopes ; many who had been distressed by loss
of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this
time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty.

LXXXIX. But the mob and the mass of the
people, whose vast numbers kept them aloof from
cares of state, gradually began to feel the evils of
war, for all money was now diverted to the use of
the soldiers, and the prices of provisions rose. Such
things had not affected the common people so much
during the revolt of Vindex, because the city at that
time was safe and the war was in a province ; since
it was between the legions and the Gauls, it was
regarded as a foreign war. In fact, from the time
when the deified Augustus had established the power
of the Caesars, the wars of the Roman people had
been far from Rome and had caused anxiety or
brought honour to a single individual alone ; under
Tiberius and Gains only the misfortunes of peace
affected the state ; the attempt of Scribonianus against
Claudius was checked the moment it was known ; ^
Nero had been driven from his throne rather by
messages and rumours than by arms. But now,

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

classesque et, quod raro alias, praetorianus urba-
nusque miles in aciem deducti, Oriens Occidensque
et quicquid utrimque virium est a tergo, si ducibus
aliis bellatum foret, longo bello materia. Fuere qui
proficiscenti Othoni moras religionemque nondum
conditoruin ancilium adferrent : aspernatus est om-
nem cunctationem ut Neroni quoque exitiosam ; et
Caecina iam Alpes transgressus extimulabat.

XC. Pridie idus Martias commendata patribus re
publica reliquias Neronianarum sectionum nondum
in fiscum conversas revocatis ab exilio concessit,
iustissimum donum et in speciem magnificum, sed
festinata iam pridem exactione usu sterile. ^ Mox
vocata contione maiestatem urbis et consensum
populi ac senatus pro se attoUens, adversum Vitel-
lianas partis modeste disseruit, inscitiam potius
legionum quam audaciam increpans, nulla Vitellii
mentione, sive ipsius ea moderatio, seu scriptor
orationis sibi metuens contumeliis in Vitellium
abstinuit, quando, ut in consiliis militiae Suetonio
Paulino et Mario Celso, ita in rebus urbanis Galeri

^ sterile Lipsius : sterili a b.

* The anciJia, that were used by the Salii throughout the
month of March.

2 Cf. chap. 20.

' Under Nero the confiscated properties of those who were
sent into exile were hastily sold for what they would bring
and the proceeds paid into the treasury, so that there was
little left to be returned to the e.xiles.

* Galerius Trachalus, cos. 68, is praised by Quintilian for
his impressive appearance and effective delivery.

BOOK I. Lxxxix.-xc.

legions and fleets and, by an act almost without
precedent, the soldiers of the praetorian and city
cohorts were led away to action ; the East and the
West and all the forces that both have behind them
formed material for a long war had there been other
leaders. There were some who attempted to delay
Otho's departure by bringing forward the religious
consideration that the sacred shields had not yet
been restored to their place. ^ Yet he scorned
every delay, for delay had proved ruinous to Nero
also ; and the fact that Caecina had already crossed
the Alps spurred him on.

XC. On the fourteenth of March, after entrusting
the interests of state to the senate, he granted to
lliuse who had been recalled from exile all that was
U'tt from the sales of property confiscated by Nero,
so far as the monies had not yet been paid into
the Imperial Treasury,'^ — a most just donation, and
one that was generous in appearance ; but it was
worthless because the property had been hastily
realized on longbefore.^ Then he called an assembly,
extolled the majesty of Rome, and praised the en-
thusiasm of the people and senate in his behalf.
Against the party of Vitellius he spoke with modera-
tion, blaming the legions for their ignorance rather
than boldness, and making no mention of Vitellius.
This omission may have been moderation on his part,
or the man who wrote his speech may have omitted
all insults towards Vitellius, fearing for himself. This
is probable, because it was generally believed that
Otho employed the ability of Galerius Trachalus
in civil matters,* as he did that of Suetonius Paulinus
and Marius Celsus in planning his military move-
ments, and there were some who recognized the very

'55

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Trachali ingenio Othonem uti credebatur ; et erant
qui genus ipsum orandi noscerent, crebro fori usu
celebre et^ ad implendas populi aures latum et sonans.
Clamor vocesque vulgi ex more adulandi nimiae et
falsae : quasi dictatorem Caesarem aut imperatorem
Augustum prosequerentur, ita studiis votisque certa-
bant, nee metu aut amore, sed ex libidine servitii :
ut in familiis, privata cuique stimulatio,^ et vile iara
decus publicum. Profectus Otho quietem urbis
curasque imperii Salvio Titiano fratri permisit.

* et 07)1. ab. ^ siiimlatio ab.

156

BOOK I. xc.

style of Trachalus, which was well known, because
he frequently appeared in court, and which was
copious and sonorous in order to fill the ears of the
people. The shouts and cries from the mob, according
to their recognized fashion of flattering an emperor,
were excessive and insincere. Men vied with one
another in the expression of their enthusiasm and
vows, as if they were applauding the Dictator Caesar
or the Emperor Augustus. They did this, not from
fear or affection, but from their passionate love of
servitude. As happens in households of slaves, each
one was spurred on by his private motive, and the
honour of the state was held cheap. When Otho
set out, he left the good order of the city and the
cares of empire in the charge of his brother,
Salvius Titianus.

157

BOOK 11

LIBER II

I. Stri EBAT iam fortuna in diversa parte terrarum
initia causasque imperio, quod varia sorte^laetum rei
publicae aut atrox, ipsis principibus prosperum vel
exitio fuit. Titus Vespasianus, e ludaea incolumi
adhuc Galba missus a patre, causam profectionis
officium erga principem et maturam petendis liono-
ribus iuventam ferebat, sed valgus fingendi avidum
disperserat accitum in adoptionem. Materia sermoni-
bus senium et orbitas jirincipis et intemperantia
civitatis, donee unus eligatur, multos destinandi.
Augebat faniam ipsius Titi ingenium quantaecumque
fortunae capax, decor oris ^ cum quadam maiestate,
prosperae Vespasiani res, praesaga responsa, et
inclinatis ad credendum animis loco ominum etiani
fortuita.3 Ubi Corinthi, Achaiae urbe, certos nuntios
accepit de interitu Galbae et aderant qui arma
V^itellii bellumque adfirmarent, anxius animo paucis
amicorum adhibitis cuncta utrimcjue perlustrate si

^ varia sorte Lipsms : varie oitum a b.
^ decor oris Ef^enanux : decoris a b.
' fortuita Grotius: fortuna ab.

^ Vespasian and Titus were good emperors; but Domitian
was a second Nero. He was assassinated at the instigation
of tlie Empress Domitia.

* Titus was now twenty-nine j'ears of age.

1 60

BOOK II

I. FonxuNE was already, in an opposite quarter of
the world, foundin<>- and making ready for a new
dynasty, which from its varying destinies brought
to the state joy or misery, to the emperors them-
selves success or doom.^ Titus Vespasianus had
been dispatched by his father from Judea while
Galba was still alive. The reason given out for his
journey was a desire to pay his respects to the
emperor, and the fact that Titus was now old enough
to begin his political career.^ But the common
people, who are always ready to invent, had spread
the report that he had been summoned to Rome to
be adopted. This gossip was based on the emperor's
age and childlessness, and was due also to the popular
passion for designating many successors until one is
chosen. The report gained a readier hearing from
the nature of Titus himself, which was equal to the
highest fortune, from his personal beauty and a
certain majesty which he possessed, as well as from
Vespasian's good fortune, from prophetic oracles, and
even from chance occurrences which, amid the general
credulity, were regarded as omens. When Titus
received certain information with regard to Galba's
death he was at Corinth, a city of Achaia, and met
men there who positively declared that Vitellius had
taken up arms and begun war ; in his anxiety he
called a few of his friends and reviewed fully the
two possible courses of action : if he should go on

i6i

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

pergeret in urbeui^ nullam officii gratiam in alterius
honorem suscepti, ac se Vitellio sive Othoni obsidem
fore : sin rediret, offensam baud dubiam victoris, set^
incerta adhuc victoria ^ et concedente in partis patre
riiium excusatum. Sin Vespasianus rem publicam
susciperet, obliviscendum offensarum de bello agi-
tantibus.

II. His ac talibus inter spem meturaque iactatum
spes vicit. Fuerunt qui accensum desiderio Berenices
reginae vertisse iter crederent ; neque abhorrebat a
Berenice iuvenilis animus, sed gerendis rebus nullum
ex eo impedimentum. Lactam voluptatibus adule-
scentiam egit, sue quam patris imperio moderatior.
Igitur oram Achaiae et Asiae ac laeva maris prae-
vectus, Rhodum et Cyprum insulas, inde Syriam
audentioribus spatiis petebat. Atque ilium cupido
incessit adeundi visendique templum Paphiae Veneris,
inclitum per indigenas advenasque. Haud fuerit
longum initia religionis, templi ntum,^ formam deae
(neque enim alibi sic habetur) paucis disserere.

HI. Conditorem templi regem Aeriam* vetus
memoria. quidam ipsius deae nomen id perhibent.
Fama recentior tradit a Cinyra sacratum templum

1 set JUie7iami3 : et ab.

- incertani adimc victoris a b.

^ ritum JJarcatc de Lamalle : situm M.

* Aeriani FJienanus : verian M.

^ Berenice, daughter of Herodes Agrippa I and sister of
Herodes Agrippa II, had been married iirst to her uncle
Herodes, king of Chalcis, later to King Polemo of Pontus,
whom she left. She supported the Flavian cause and
later followed Titus to Rome. Cf. Acts 25, 13. 23 ; Suet.
Tit. 7.

162

BOOK II. i.-.ii.

to Rome, he would enjoy no giaiiludc for an act of
courtesy intended for anotlier emperor, and he would
be a hostage in the hands of either Vitellius or Otho ;
on the other hand, if he returned to his father, the
victor would undoubtedly feel offence ; yet, if his
father joined tlie victor's party, while victory was
still uncertain, the son would be excused ; but if
Vespasian should assume the imperial office, his
rivals would be concerned with war and have to
forget offences.

II. These considerations and others like them
made him waver between hope and fear ; but hope
finally won. Some believed that he turned back
because of his passionate longing to see again Queen
Berenice ; and the young man's heart was not
insensil)le to Berenice, but his feelings towards her
proved no obstacle to action.^ He spent his youth
in the delights of self-indulgence, but he showed
more self-restraint in his own reign than in that of
his father. So at this time he coasted along the
shores of Achaia and Asia, leaving the land on the
left, and made for the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus ;
from Cyprus he struck out boldly for Syria. While
he was in Cyj^rus, he was overtaken by a desire to
visit and examine the temple of Paphian Venus,
which was famous both among natives and strangers.
It may not prove a wearisome digression to discuss
brieHy the origin of this cult, the temple ritual, and
the form under which the goddess is worshipped, for
she is not so represented elsewhere.

III. The founder of the temple, according to
ancient tradition, was King Aerias. Some, however,
say that this was the name of the goddess herself.
A more recent tradition reports that the temple was

163

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

deamque ipsam conceptam mari hue adpulsam ; sed
scientiani artemque haruspicum accitam et Cilicem
Tamiram intulisse, atque ita pactum ut familiae
utriusque posteri caerimoniis praesiderent. Mox, ne
honore nullo regium genus peregrinam stirpem ante-
celleret, ipsa quam intulerant scientia hospites
cessere : tantum Cinyrades sacerdos consulitur.
Hostiae, ut quisque vovit, sed mares deliguntur :
certissima fides haedorum fibris. Sanguinem arae
obfundere vetitura : precibus et igne puro altaria
adolentur, nee ullis imbribus quamquam in aperto
madescunt. Simulacrum deae non effigie humana,
continuus orbis latiore initio tenuem in ambitum
metae modo exsurgens, set ratio in obscuro.

IV. Titus spectata opulentia donisque regum
quaeque alia laetum antiquitatibus Graecorum genus
incertae vetustati adfingit, de navigatione primum
consuluit. Postquam pandi viam et mare prosperum
accepit, de se per ambages ^ interrogat caesis complu-
ribus hostiis. Sosti'atus (sacerdotis id nomen erat)
ubi laeta et congruentia exta magnisque consultis
adnuere deam videt, pauca in praesens et solita re-
spondens, petito secreto futura aperit. Titus aucto

^ perambales J/.

* A mythical king, father of Adonis and Myrrha.

* i.f. the symbol of the goddess was a conical stone, not
unlike the turning-posts {metae) in the circus. Cf. Serviua
on the Aen. i. 724 and Maxim. Tyr. viii. 8,

164

BOOK II. m.-iv.

consecrated by Cinyras,i and that the goddess herself,
after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither ;
but that the science and method of divination were
imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and
so it was agreed that the descendants of botli
Tamiras and Cinyras should preside over the sacred
rites. It is also said that in a later time the foreigners
gave up the craft that they had introduced, that
the royal family might have some prerogative over
foreign stock. Onlv a descendant of Cinyras is now
consulted as priest. Such victims are accepted as
the individual vows, but male ones are preferred.
The greatest confidence is put in the entrails of
kids. Blood may not be shed upon the altar, but
offering is made only with prayers and pure fire.
The altar is never wet by any rain, although it is
in the open air. The i*epresentation of the goddess
is not in human form, but it is a circular mass that
is broader at the base and rises like a turning-post
to a small circumference at the top.^ The reason
for this is obscure.

IV. After Titus had examined the treasures, the
gifts made by kings, and all those other things
which the Greeks from their delight in ancient tales
attribute to a dim antiquity, he asked the oracle
first with regard to his voyage. On learning that
his path was open and the sea favourable, he slew
many victims and then questioned indirectly about
himself. When Sostratus, for such was the priest's
name, saw that the entrails were uniformly favour-
able and that the goddess favoured great under-
takings, he made at the moment a brief reply in
the usual fashion, but asked for a private interview
in which he disclosed the future. Greatly en-

165

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

animo ad patrem pervectus suspensis provinciaruni
et exercituum mentibus ingens rerum fiducia
accessit.

Profligaverat bellum ludaicum Vespasianus, obpug-
natione Hierosolymorum reliqua, duro niagis et
arduo opere ob ingenium mdiitis et pervicaciam
superstitionis quam quo satis viriiim obsessis ad
tolerandas necessitates superesset. Tres, ut supra
niemoravimus, ipsi Vespasiaiio legiones erant, exer-
citae bello : quattuor Mucianus obtinebat in pace,
sed aemulatio et proximi exercitus gloria depulerat
segnitiam, quantumque illis roboris discriraina et
labor, tantiim his vigoris addiderat integra quies et
inexperti belli amor.^ Auxilia ntrique cohortium
alarumque et classes regesque ae nomen dispari
fama celebre.

V. Vespasianus acer militiae anteire agnien, locum
castris capere, noctu diuque consilio ac, si res posceret,
manu liostibus obniti, cibo fortuito, veste habituque
vix a gregario milite discrepans ; prorsus, si avaritia
abesset, antiquis ducibus par. Mucianum e contrario
magnificentia et opes et cuncta privatum modum

* amor Orelli : labor M.

1 Cf. i. 10 and 76.

* That is, Syria.

* The fleets of Egypt, Syria, and Pont us were at their
disposal, while they could count on the active support of
Antiochus of Commagene, Herodes Agrippa II of Peraea,
and Sohaemus of Sophene.

i66

ROOK II. iv.-v.

couraged, Titus sailed on to his father ; his arrival
brought a great accession of confidence to the pro-
vincials and to the troops, who were in a state of
anxious uncertainty.

Vespasian had almost put an end to the war
with the Jews. The siege of Jerusalem, however,
remained, a task rendered difficult and arduous by
the character of the mountain-citadel and the
obstinate superstition of the Jews rather than by
any adequate resources which the besieged possessed
to withstand the inevitable hardships of a siege.
As we have stated above,^ Vespasian himself had
three legions experienced in war. Mucianus was
in command of four in a peaceful province,^ but a
spirit of emulation and the glory won by the neigh-
bouring army had banished from his troops all
inclination to idleness, and just as dangers and toils
had given Vespasian's troops power of resistance, so
those of Mucianus had gained vigour from unbroken
repose and that love of war which springs from
inexperience. Both generals had auxiliary infantry
and cavalry, as well as fleets and allied kings ;^ while
each possessed a famous name, though a different
reputation.

V. Vespasian was energetic in war. He used to
march at the head of his troops, select a place for
camp, oppose the enemy night and day with wise
strategy and, if occasion demanded, with his own
hands. His food was whatever chance ofl'ered ; in
his dress and bearing he hardly differed from the
common soldier. He would have been qiiite equal
to the generals of old if he had not been avaricious.
Mucianus, on the other hand, was eminent for his
magnificence and wealth and by the comjilete

167

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

supergressa extollebant ; aptior sernione, dispositu
provisuque civilium rerum peritus : egregium princi-
patus temperamentum, si deniptis utriusque vitiis
solae virtutes niiscerentur. Ceteriim hie Syriae, ille
ludaeae praepositus, vicinis provinciarum administra-
tionibus invidia discordes, exitu demum Neronis
positis odiis in medium consuluere, primum per
amicos, dein piaecipua concordiae fides Titus prava
certamina communi utilitate aboleverat, natura atque
arte compositus adliciendis etiam Muciani moribus.
Tribuni centurionesque et vulgus militum industria
licentia, per virtutes per voluptates, ut cuique in-
genium, adsciscebantur.

V^I. Aiitequam Titus adventaret sacramentum
Othonis accejjerat uterque exercitus, praecipitibus,
ut adsoletj nuntiis et tarda mole civilis belli, quod
longa Concordia quietus Oriens tunc primum parabat.
Namque dim validissima inter se civium arraa in
Italia Galliave viribus Occidentis coepta ; et Pompeio,
Cassio, Bruto, Antonio, quos omnis trans mare
secutum est civile bellum, baud prosperi exitus
fuerant ; auditique ^ saepius in Syria ludaeaque
Caesares quam inspecti. Nulla seditio legionum,
taiitum adversus Parthos minae, vario eventu ; et

^ aditiqne M,
1 68

BOOK II. v.-vi.

superiority of his scale of life to that of a private
citizen. He was the i-eadier speaker, experienced
in civil administration and in statesmanship. It
would have heen a rare combination for an emperor
if the faults of the two could have been done away
with and their virtues only combined in one man.
But Mucianus was governor of Syria, Vespasian
of Judea. Ihey had quarrelled through jealousy
because they governed neighbouring provinces.
Finally at Nero's death they had laid aside their
hostilities and consulted togetlier, at first through
friends as go-betweens ; and then Titus, the chief
bond of their concord, had ended tlieir dangerous feud
by pointing out their common interests ; both by his
nature and skill he was well calculated to win over
even a person of the character of Mucianus. Tribunes,
centurions, and the common soldiers were secured for
the cause by industry or by licence, by virtues or by
pleasures, according to the individual's character.

VI. Before Titus arrived, both armies had taken
the oath of allegiance to Otho, for news came
quickly as usual, wliile it was a slow and laborious
task to set in motion civil war, for which the Orient,
after its long period of quiet and peace, was then
for the first time preparing. For in former times
the most violent civil struggles had been begun in
Italy or Gaul with the resources of the West, and
Pompey, Cassius, Brutus, and Anthony, all of whom
liad been followed over-sea by civil strife, had come
to no happy ends ; and in Syria and Judea the
Caesars had been oftener heard of than seen. There
was no mutiny on the part of the legions, only some
threatening demonstrations against the Parthians
which met with varied success. In the last civil

169

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

proximo civili bello turbatis aliis inconcussa ibi pax,
dein fides erga Galbam. Mox, ut Othonem ac Vitel-
lium scelestis armis res Romanas raptum ire vulgatum
est, ne penes ceteros imperii praemia, penes ipsos
tantum servitii necessitas esset, fremere miles et
viris suas circumspicere. Septem legiones statim et
cum ingentibus auxiliis Syria ludaeaque ; inde con-
tinua Aegyptiis duaeque legiones, hinc Cappadocia
Pontusque et quicquid castrorum Armeniis prae-
tenditur, Asia et ceterae provinciae nee virorum
inopes et pecunia^ opulentae. Quantum insularum
uiari cingitur, et parando interim bello secundum
tutumque ipsum mare.

Vll. Non fallebat duces impetus militum, sed
bellantibus aliis placuit expectari. Bello civili ^
victores victosque numquam solida fide coalescere,
nee referre Vitellium an Othonem superstitem for-
tuna faceret. Rebus secundis etiam egregios duces
insolescere : discordia militis ignavia luxurie^ et
suismet vitiis alteram bello, alterum victoria peri-
turura. Igitur arma in occasionem distulere, Ves-
pasianus Mucianuj^quc nuper, ceteri olim mixtis

' pecunia Ritter : pecuniae M.
^ bello civili Heinisch : bellu cu /n M.

' discord iam militis ignavia hixurie Madvig : discordiam
bis ignaviani liixuri^ M.

170

BOOK II. vi.-vii,

struggle, while other provinces had been shaken, in
the East peace was undisturbed, and then adhesion
to Galba followed. Presently, when the news spread
abroad that Otho and Vitellius were proceeding with
their impious arms to make spoil of the imperial
power, the soldiers began to murmur and examine
their own resources, that the rewards of empire
might not fall to the rest, to them only the necessity
of servitude. They could count at once on seven
legions, and they had besides Syria and Judea with
the great auxiliary forces that they could furnish ;
immediately on the one side there was Egypt with two
legions, on the other Cappadocia and Pontus and all
the garrisons stationed along the Armenian border.
Asia and the rest of the provinces were not poor in
men of military age and were rich in money. Besides
there were all the islands of the Mediterranean and
the Mediterranean itself, which was convenient and
a source of safety to them in the interval while they
were preparing for war.

VII. '1 he generals did not fail to notice the ardour
of the soldiers, but they decided, while others fought,
to await the issue. They knew that the victors and the
vanquished in civil war never unite in any complete
good faith, and that it made no difference whether
it was Vitellius or Otho whom Fortune allowed to
survive. In prosperity, they reflected, even great
generals degenerate ; here one of the contestants
would perish in the field from the mutiny, sloth,
and luxury of his soldiers, as well as from his own
faults ; the other contestant would meet his doom
through success. Therefore Vespasian and Mucianus
postponed the war until a more favourable oppor-
tunity, having recently agreed to act in concert,

171

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

consiliis ; optimus quisque amore rei publicae, multos
dulcedo praedarum stimulabat, alios ambiguae domi
res : ita boni malique causis diversis, studio pari,
bellum omnes cupiebant.

VIII. Sub idem tempus Achaia atque Asia falso
exterritae velut Nero adventaret, vario super exitu
eius rumore eoque pluribus vivere eum fingentibus
credentibusque. Ceterorum casus conatusque in con-
textu operis dicemus : tunc servus e Ponto sive,
ut alii tradidere, libertinus ex Italia, citharae et
cantus peritus, unde illi super similitudinem oris
propior ad fallendum fides, adiunctis desertoribus,
quos inopia vagos ingentibus promissis corruperat,
mare ingreditur; ac vi tempestatum Cythnum insu-
1am detrusus et militum quosdam ex Orieiite com-
meantium adscivit vel abnuentis interfici iussit, et
spoliatis negotiatoribus mancipiorum valentissimum
quemque armavit. Centurionemque Sisennam dex-
tras, concordiae insignia, Syriaci exercitus nomine
ad praetorianos ferentem variis artibus adgressus est,
donee Sisenna clam relicta insula trepidus et vim
inetuens aufugeret. Inde late terror : multi ad
celebritatem nominis erecti ^ rerum novarum cupi-
dine et odio praesentium. Gliscentem in dies famam
fors discussit.

' erecti JFeissenborn: erectis M.

^ The portions of the Histories referred to here are now
lost.

- Cf. i. 54

172

BOOK II. vii.-viii.

while the others had come to an at^reement long
since : the best were moved by love for the state, many
by the attractions of spoil, others by their private
embarrassments. So all, boih good and bad, were
eager for war with equal zeal but for different reasons.
VIII. About this time Acliaia and Asia were
terrified by a false rumour of Nero's arrival. The
reports with regard to his death had been varied,
and therefore many people imagined and believed
that he was alive. The fortunes and attempts of
other pretenders we shall tell as we proceed ; ^ but
at this time, a slave from Pontus or, as others have
reported, a freedman from Italy, who was skilled in
playing on the cithara and in singing, gained the
readier belief in his deceit through these accom-
plishments and his resemblance to Nero. He re-
cruited some deserters, poor tramps whom he had
bribed by great promises, and put to sea. A violent
storm drove him to the island of Cythnus, where
he called to his standard some soldiers who were
returning from the East on leave, or ordered them
to be killed if they refused. Then he i-obbed the
merchants, and armed all the ablest-bodied of their
slaves. A centurion, Sisenna, who was carrying
clasped right hands,- the symbol of friendship, to
the praetorians in the name of the army in Syria,
the pretender approached with various artifices,
until Sisenna in alarm and fearing violence secretly
left the island and made his escape. Then the
alarm spread far and wide. Many came eagerly
forward at the famous name, prompted by their
desire for a change and their hatred of the present
situation. The fame of the pretender was increasing
from day to day when a chance shattered it.

vol.. I. G 173

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

IX. Galatiani ac Pamphyliam provincias Calpurnio
Asprenati regendas Galba permiserat. Datae e classe
Misenensi duae triremes ad prosequendum, cum
quibus Cythnum ^ insulam tenuit : nee defuere qui
trierarchos nomine Neronis accirent. Is in maestitiam
compositus et fidem suorum quondam militum invo-
cans, ut eum in Syria aut Aegypto sisterent orabat.
Trierarchi/- nutantes seu dolo. adloquendos sibi milites
et paratis omnium animis reversuros firmaverunt.
Sed Asprenati cuncta ex fide nuntiata, cuius cohorta-
tione expugnata navis et interfectus quisquis ille
erat. Corpus, insigne oculis comaque et torvitate
vultus, in Asiam atque inde Romam pervectum est.

X. In civitate discordi et ob^ crebras principum
mutationes inter libertatem ac licentiam incerta
parvae quoque res magnis motibus agebantur. Vibius
Crispus, pecunia potentia ingenio inter claros magis
quam inter bonos, Annium Faustum equestris ordinis,
qui temporibus Neronis delationes factitaverat, ad
cognitionem senatus vocabat ; nam recens Galbae
principatu censuenmt patres, ut accusatorum causae
noscerentur. [d senatus consultum varie iactatum
et, prout potens vel inops reus inciderat, infirmum
aut validum, retinebat adhuc aliquid* terroris. Et
propria vi Crispus incubuerat delatorem fratris sui

^ Cyihnnm Frobe7iius : scitliinum JVf. * trierarohis J/.
' hoc Al. * aliquid suppl. Jacob.

^ Galaiia, Pamphylia, and Lycia now formed one province.
* Vibius Secundus, wiio had been banished under Xero for
extortion in Mauretania.

. BOOK II. ix.-.v.

IX. The provinces of Galatia and Pamphylia ^
li.id been entrusted by Galba to Calpurnius Asprenas,
who had been given as escort two triremes from the
Heet at Misenum. With these Calpurnius reached
the island of Cythnus, where there were many who
tried to win over the captains in Nero's name.
Tlie pretender, assuming a look of sorrow and call-
ing on the soldiei*s, once his own, for protection,
begged them to land him in Syria or pjgypt. The
captains, either hesitating or acting with craft,
declared that they must address their soldiers and
that they would return after thty had prepared tiie
minds of all. But they faithfully reported every-
thing to Asprenas, at whose bidding they captured
the pretender's ship and killed him, whoever he was.
His body, which was remarkable for its eyes, haii-,
and grim face, was carried to Asia and from there to
Rome.

X, In a state distracted by civil strife and waver-
ing between liberty and licence because of the
frequent changes of emperors, even smaller matters
caused excitement. Vibius Crispus, whose money,
power, and ability caused him to be ranked with
the prominent rather than among the good, sum-
moned for trial before the senate Annius Faustus,
a knight, who had been an informer under Nero ;
for the senate had voted recently in the reign of
Galba that informers might be brought to trial.
This vote of the senate had had various fortunes
and had been weak or effective according to the
power or poverty of the defendant; yet it still
retained some of its terror. Moreover, Crispus had
used his own power to the uttermost to ruin the
man who had informed against his brother,^ and had

175

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

pervertere^ traxeratque niagnani senatus paiteuij ut
indefensum et inauditmn dedi ad exitium jiostularent.
Contra apud alios nihil aeque reo proderat quani
nimia poteiitia accusatoris : dari tempus, edi crimina,
(juamvis invisum ac nocentem more tamen audien-
dum censebant. Et valuere primo dilataque in
paucos dies cognitio : mox damnatus est Faustus,
nequaquani eo adsensu civitatis quern pessimis mori-
bus nieruerat : quippe ipsuni Crispum easdeni
accusationes cum praemio exercuisse meminerantj
nee poena criminis sed ultor displicebat,

XI. Laeta interim Othoni principia belli, metis
ad imjjerium eiiis e Dalmatia Pannoniaque exerci-
tii)us. Fiiere (juattuor legiones, e quibus bina milia
praemissa ; ipsae modicis intervallis sequebantur,
septima a Galba conscripta, veteranae undecima ac
tertia decima et praecipui fama quartadecumani,
rebellione Britanniae compressa. Addiderat gloriam
Nero eligendo ut potissimos, unde longa illis erga
Neronem fides et erecta in Othonem stadia. Sed
quo plus virium ac roboris e fiducia tarditas inerat.
Agmen legionum alae cohortesque praeveniebant ;
et ex ipsa urbe baud spernenda manus, quinque

* Brought by Galba with him from Spain. Cf. i. 6.

* The revolt'of 61 a.d., led by Boudicca. Cf. Ann. xiv. 29 ff.,
and Agricola 15ff.

176

BOOK II. x.-xi.

prevailed upon a large part of the senate to demand
that Annius should be given over for execution
without defence and unheard. But, on the other
hand, nothing helped the defendant with other
senators so much as the excessive power of his
accuser. They voted that time be allowed, the
charges published, and that no matter how odious
and guilty the defendant might be, yet he must
be heard according to precedent. They prevailed
at fii'st and the case was put off for a few days.
Later Faustus was condemned, but by no means
with that unanimity of feeling on the part of the
citizens which he had deserved by his infamous
character ; for they remembered that Crispus had
likewise been an informer to his own profit, and
they felt displeasure not at the penalty but at the
would-be avenger.

XI. In the meantime the war had begun favour-
ably for Otho. At his command the armies had
moved from Dalmatia and Pannonia. There were
four legions in all ; two thousand of each were sent
in advance of the main body. The legions proper
followed at no long interval. The Seventh had been
enrolled by Galba,^ but the Eleventh, Thirteenth,
and Fourteenth were veterans ; the last enjoyed
great reputation for crushing the revolt in Britain. ^
Nero had added to their fame by selecting them as
his best soldiers, so that they had long been loyal
towai-ds him and were enthusiastic for Otho. But
their power and strength were matched by a self-
confidence that made their advance slow. The main
line of the legion was preceded by allied cavalry
and infantry. There was also a force drawn from
Rome itself which was not to be despised, five

177

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

jjraetoriae cohortes et equitum vexilla cum legioue
prima, ac def'orme insuper auxilium, duo milia gla-
diatorum, sed per civilia arma etiam severis ducibus
usurpatum. His copiis rector additus Annius Gallus,
cum Vestricio Spurinna ad occupandas Padi ripas
praemissus, quoniam prima consilioriim frustra ceci-
derant, transgresso iam Alpis Caecina, quern sisti
intra Gallias posse speraverat. Ipsum Othonem
comitabantur speculatorum lecta corpora cum ceteris
praetoriis cohortibus, veterani e praetorio, classi-
corum ingens uumei'us. Nee illi segne aut cor-
ruptum luxu iter, sed lorica ferrea usus est et ante
signa pedes ire,^ horridus, incomptus famaeque
dissimilis.

XII. Blandiebatur coeptis fortuna, possessa per
mare et navis maiorc ftnliae parte penitus usque ad
initium maritimarum Alpium, quibus temptandis
adgrediendaeque provinciae Narbonensi Suedium
Clementem, Antonium Novellum, Aemilium Pa-
censem duces dederat. Sed Pacensis per licentiam
militum vinctus, Antonio Novello nulla auctoritas :
Suedius Clemens ambitioso imperio regebat, ut
adversus modestiam disciplinae corruptus,^ ita proe-
liorura avidus. Non Italia adiri nee loca sedesque
patriae videbantur : tamquam externa litora et urbes

' pedes ire Madvig : pedestre M.
' corruptius M.

1 Cf. i. 87.
178

BOOK II. XI. -XII.

praetorian coliorts and detacliments of cavalry with
the First leijion. Besides these, there was a dis-
reputable kind of auxiliary force — two thousand
gladiators — but it was a means resorted to even by
strict generals in civil war. Over these troops Annius
Gallus was put in command. He had been sent
on with Vestricius Spurinna to seize the banks of
the Po, since Otho's first plans had come to naught,
for Caecina had already crossed the Alps, whereas
Otho had hoped he could be stopped in Gaul,
Otho himself was accompanied by a selected body-
guard together with the rest of the praetorian
cohorts, as well as by veteran praetorians and a great
number of marines. He did not march slowly or
disgrace his advance by luxury, but wearing an iron
breastplate he preceded the standards on foot, rough,
negligent of his person, and the opposite of his
reputation.

XII. At first fortune smiled upon his undertaking.
Since his fleets, which controlled the sea, made him
master of the greater part of Italy up to the point
where the maritime Alps begin, he had allotted the
task of forcing the Alps and attacking the province
of Narbonensis to the generals Suedius Clemens,
Antonius Novell us, and Aemilius Pacensis.^ But
Pacensis was put in chains by his mutinous
soldiers; Antonius Novellus had no authority; and
Suedius Clemens used his office to secure popularity,
being as reckless toward maintaining discipline as
he was eager to fight. It did not seem as if it
were Italy and the haunts and homes of their
native land that Otho's troops were approaching.
They burned, devastated, and looted, as if they
were on foreign shores and in an enemy's cities ;

179

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

hostium uiere, vastare, lapere eo atiocius quod nihil
usquam provisum adversum nietus. Pleni agri,
apertae domus ; occursantes doniini iuxta coniuges
et liberos securitate pacis et belli malo circumvenie-
bantur. Maritimas turn Alpis tenebat procurator
Marius Maturus. Is concita gente (nee deest iu-
ventus) arcere provinciae finibus Othonianos in-
tendit: sed primo impetu caesi disiectique montani,
ut quibus temeie coUectis, non castra, non duceiu
noscitantibus, neque in victoria decus esset neque
in fuga H.^^■itiul^.

XIII. Inritatus eo proelio Othonis miles vertit
iras in municipium Albintimilium. Quippe in acie
nihil praedae, inopes agrestes et vilia arma ; nee
capi poterant, pernix genus et gnari locorum : sed
calaraitatibus insontium expleta avaritia. Auxit
invidiam praeclaro exemplo femina Ligus, quae filio
abdito, cum simul pecuiiiam occultari milites credi-
dissent eoque per cruciatus interrogarent ubi filium
occuleret, uterum ostendens ibi^ latere respondit,
nee ullis deinde terroribus aut morte constantiara
vocis egregiae mutavit.

* ibi su}ipl. Ernesti.

^ Veiitiiniglia.
1 80

BOOK II. Mi.-.viii.

and their action was the more horrible, for no pro-
vision had been made anywhere to oppose their
terrifying advance. The iields were tilled with
workers, the houses open. The owners of estates
who hurried to meet them with their wives
and children, in the security which peace war-
rants, were overwhelmed by the horrors of war.
At this time the Maritime Alps were governed by
the procurator Marius Maturus. Summoning to
arms the people, among whom there is no lack of
vigorous men, he proposed to keep Otho's troops
from entering his province ; but the mountaineers
were cut to pieces and scattered at the first onset,
as was natural with men who had been hastily
collected and were not accustomed to a military
camp or a regular leader, and so saw no glory in
victory and no disgrace in flight.

XIII. Provoked by this battle, Otho's troops
vented their rage on the town of Albintimilium,^
for on the field of battle they had gained no booty^
since the rustics were poor and their arms of no
value ; nor had they been able to make captives,
since the people were fleet of foot and familiar
with the locality. But the invaders satisfied their
greed with the misfortunes of the innocent. The
horror of their action was aggravated by the
glorious example of a woman of Liguria, who had
hidden her son. Since the soldiers believed that
she had hidden money at the same time, they
tortured her and asked where she had concealed
her son ; she pointed to her womb, answering,
" Here is his hiding-place." Thereafter neither
terrors nor death itself made her falter or change
her noble reply.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XIV. Imminere provinciae Narbonensi, in verba
Vitellii adactae, classem Othonis trepidi nuntii Fabio
V^alenti attulere ; aderant legati coloniarum auxilium
orantes. Duas Tungrorum cohortis, quattuor equi-
tum turmas, universam Trevironim alam ^ cum lulio
Classico praefecto misit, e quibiis pars in colonia
Foroiuliensi retenta, ne omnibus copiis in terrestre
iter versis vacuo mari classis adceleraret. Duode-
cim equitum turmae et lecti e cohortibus adversus
hostem iere, quibus adiuncta Ligurum cohors, vetus
loci auxilium, et quingenti Pannonii, nondum sub
signis. Nee mora proelio : sed acies - ita instructa
ut pars classicorum mixtis paganis in collis mari
propinquos exsurgeret, quantum inter collis ac litus
aequi loci praetorianus miles expleret, in ipso mari
ut adnexa classis et pugnae parata conversa et
minaci fronte praetenderetur : Vitelliani, quibus
minor peditum vis, in equite robur, Alpinos proximis
iugis, cohortis densis ordinibus post equitem ^ locant.
Trevirorum turmae obtulere se hosti incaute, cum
exciperet contra veteranus miles, simul a latere saxis
urgeret apta ad iaciendum etiam paganorum manus,

' universa mire viroriini M.
' acies Ruperti : acie M,
^ quietem M.

^ Frejus.

^ The LiguiiauB just nieutioiied.

X82

BOOK 11. XIV.

XIV. Meantime panic-stricken messengers brought
news to Fabius Valens that Otho's fleet was threat-
ening the province of Galha Narbonensis, which had
sworn allegiance to Vitellius ; envoys from the
colonies also came, asking help. He therefore des-
patched two cohorts of Tungrian infantry, four
squadrons of cavalry, and the whole detachment of
the cavahy of the Treviri with Julius Classicus as
commander. A part of these troops were kept in
the colony of Forum Julii ^ to prevent Otho's fleet
from making a hasty descent on an unprotected
coast, as it might do if all their forces were sent bv
an inland road. Twelve squadrons of cavalry and
picked infantry advanced to meet the enemy. Their
numbers were reinforced by a cohort of Ligurians,
a local auxiliary force long existing, and by five
hundred Pannonians not yet formally enrolled. The
battle was begun without delay. But Otho's line
was so drawn up that part of the marines with
peasants in their ranks stood on the higher ground
of the hills near the sea. The praetorians filled all
the level ground between the hills and the shore,
while on the sea itself, the fleet moved close to the
shore ; cleared for action, facing the land, it offered
a threatening front. The V^itellians, who were less
powerful in infantry but strong in cavalry, placed
their Alpine troops ^ on the neighbouring heights,
and ranged their infantry in close ranks behind the
cavalry. The scjuadrons of the Treviri charged the
enemy without due caution, for they were received
in front by veteran troops and at the same time
were hard pressed on the flank by showers of stones
thrown by a company of peasants who were skilled
in hurling. These peasants, being distributed among

183

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

(jui sparsi inter milites, strcnui ignavique, in victo-
ria idem audebaiit. Additus perculsis terror invecta
in terga pugnantium classe : ita undique clausi, dele-
taeque omnes copiae forent ni victorem exercitum
attinuisset obscurum noctis, obtentui fugientibus.

XV. Nee Vitelliani quamquam victi quievere :
accitis auxiliis securum hostem ac successu rerum
socoi'dius agentem invadunt. Caesi vigiles, perrupta
castra, trepidatuni apud uavis, donee sidente pau-
latim metu, occupato iuxta colle defensi, mox inru-
pere. Atrox ibi caedes, et Tungrarum cohortium
praefecti sustentata diu acie telis obruuntur. Ne
Othonianis quidem incruenta victoria fuit, quorum
improvide secutos conversi equites eircumvenerunt.
Ac velut paetis indutiis, ne hine elassis inde eques
subitam formidinem inferrent, Vitelliani retro Anti-
polim Narbonensis Galliae municipium, Othoniani
Albingaunum interioris Liguriae revertere.

XVI Corsicam ac Sardinian! ceterasque proximi
maris insulas fama victricis elassis in partibus Otho-

' Antibes.
* Alben''a.

184

BOOK 11. xiv.-.wi.

tlie regular soldiers, showed, whether brave or
cowardly, the same daring wlieu victorious. The
consternation of the \'itellians was increased by the
alarm caused by the fleet which attacked their rear
while they were in action. So they were shut in on
all sides, and their entire force would have been
wiped out if the obscurity of night had not checked
the victorious army and given protection to the
fugitives.

XV'. Yet the Vitellians, though defeated, did not
rest. They brought up auxiliary forces and attacked
the enemy, who thought themselves secure and
were less on their guard because of their success.
The Vitellians cut down tlieir opponents' pickets,
i)roke into their camp, and caused alarm on the
ships, until Otho's troops, as their fear gradually sub-
sided, found defence on a neighbouring hill which
they seized, and from which they presently assailed
the V^itellians. Then there was terrible slaughter,
and the prefects of the Tungrian infantry were
overwhelmed by a shower of weapons after main-
taining their line unbroken for a long time. Even
Otho's troops did not find their victory a bloodless
one, for when some of their number followed their
enemy without due caution the Vitellian cavalry
wheeled and surrounded them. Finally', as if they
had completed an armistice to the effect that neither
the fleet on the one side nor the cavalry on the
other should cause any sudden panic, the Vitellians
withdrew to Antipolis,^ a town of Narbonese (iaul,
while Otho's troops retired to Albingaunum ^ in the
interior of Liguria.

XVI. Corsica, Sardinia, and the other islands in
the neighbouring sea were kept ftiithful to Otho's

185

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

nis tenuit. Sed Corsicam prope adHixit Decumi
Pacarii procuratoris temeritas, tanta mole belli nihil
in summam ^ profutura, ipsi exitiosa. Namque Otho-
nis odio iuvare Vitellium Corsorum viribus statiiit,
inani auxilio etiam si provenisset. Vocatis principi-
l)us iusulae consilium aperit^ et contra dicere ausos,
Claudiiim Pyrrichum trierarchum Liburnicarum ibi
uavium, Quintium Certum equitem Romanum, in-
terfici iubet : quorum morte exterriti qui aderant,
simul ignara et alieni metus socia imperitorum^ turba
in verba V'itellii iuravere. Sed ubi dilectum agere
Pacarius et inconditos homines fatigare militiae
muneribus occepit, laborem insolitum perosi infirmi-
tatem suam reputabant : insulam esse quam inco-
lerent, et longe Germaniam virisque legionum ;
direptos vastatosque classe etiam quos cohortes
alaeque protegerent. Et aversi repente animi, nee
tamen aperta vi : aptum tempos insidiis legere.
Digressis qui Pacarium freqiientabant, nudus et
auxilii inops balineis interficitur ; trucidati et co-
mites. Capita ut hostium ipsi interfectores ad
Othonem tulere ; neque eos aut Otho praemio
adfecit aut puniit Vitellius, in multa conluvie rerum
maioribus flagitiis permixtos.

* summam Rheiuinus : summa Af.

* imperatorum M.

^ Light vessels moiielled after those of the Liburni, an
lllyrian people. Augustus made them an important part of
his navy. Cf. Horace Up. i. 1.

l86

BOOK II. xvi.

side by tlie report that his Heet was victorious. But
Corsica was almost brought to disaster by the rash
action of Decumus Pacarius, the procurator, an
action which would have contributed nothing to
the sum total in so great a war, and which was fatal
to Decumus himself. For, hating Otho, he decided
to use the strength of Corsica to help Vitellius — an
assistance of no value even if he had succeeded.
Accordingly he summoned the leading men of the
island and disclosed his purpose ; when Claudius
Pyrrichus, commander of the Liburnian ships ^ there,
and Quintius Certus, a Roman knight, dared to
o|)pose him, he ordered them to be killed. This
execution terrified those who were present ; and
along with them the uninstructed populace, sharing
in its ignorance the fears of others, swore allegiance
to Vitellius. But when Pacarius began to raise a levy
and to put the exhausting burdens of military service
on undisciplined men, disgusted with their unfamiliar
labour, they thought of their own weakness ; they
realized that their land was an island and that
(jcrmany and the strength of its legions were far
away, while even those who were protected by
auxiliary infantry and cavalry had suffered rapine
and robbery from the fleet. They suddenly repented
their action, but yet did not resort to open violence ;
they selected a fitting time for treachery. When the
attendants of Pacarius had left him, they killed him
in his bath, naked and helpless. They slaughtered
his attendants also. The murderers themselves
carried the heads of the slain to Otho, as if they
were the heads of enemies. Yet Otho did not
reward them or Vitellius punish them, lost as they
were in such a medley of foul acts and greater crimes.

187

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XVII. Aperuerat iam Italiam bellumque transnii-
serat, ut supra memoravimuSj ala Siliana, nuUo apud
quemquam Othonis favore, nee quia Vitellium mal-
lent, sed longa pax ad omne servitium fregerat
facilis occupantibus et melioribus incuriosos. Flo-
rentissimum Italiae latus, quantum inter Paduni
Alpisque caniporum et urbium, armis Vitellii (nam-
que et praemissae a Caecina eohortes advenerant)
tenebatur. Capta Pannoniorum cohors apud Cre-
monam ; intercepti centum equites ac mille classici
inter Placentiam Ticinumque, Quo successu Vitelli-
anus miles non iam flumine aut ripis arcebatur ;
inritabat quin etiam Batavos transrhenanosque Padus
ipse, quem repente contra Placentiam transgress]
raptis quibusdam exploratoribus ita ceteros terruere
ut adesse omnem Caecinae exercitum trepidi ac falsi
nuntiarent.

XVIII. Certum erat Spurinnae (is enim Pla-
centiam optinebat) necdum venisse Caecinam et, si
propinquaret, coercere intra muninienta militem nee
tris praetorias cohortis et mille vexillarios cum
paucis equitibus veterano exercitui obicere : sed
indomitus miles et belli ignarus correptis signis
vexillisque ruere et retinenti duci tela intentare,

1 i. 70.

* riacenza and Pavia.

BOOK II. xvii.-xviii.

XVII. The road into Italy had already been
opened and the war transferred there by Silius's
cavalry, as we have said above. ^ Although no one
favoured Otho there, this success was not due to the
preference of the people for Vitellius ; but long
peace had broken their sjiirits, so that they were
ready for any kind of servitude, an easy prey to the
first comer and careless as to who had the better
cause. The richest district of Italy, all the plains
and cities between the Po and the Al{)s, were now in
the possession of the forces of Vitellius ; for the
auxiliary infantry which Caecina had' sent on in
advance had already arrived. A company of Pan-
nonian infanti*y was captured at Cremona ; a hundred
horsemen and a thousand marines were intercepted
between Placentia and Ticinum.^ Encouraged by
this success, the troops of Vitellius were no longer
checked by the banks of a river. On the contrary
the Po itself roused to fury the Batavians and those
from beyond the Rhine ; they suddenly crossed the
stream by Placentia, captured some scouts, and so
terrified the rest that, in their alarm, they spread the
false report that Caecina's whole army was close at
hand.

XVIII. Spurinna (for he was the commander at
Placentia) was sure that Caecina had not yet come
and had decided, in case he were approaching, to
keep his soldiers within the fortifications and not to
oppose to a veteran army three praetorian cohorts,
a thousand reservists and a few cavalry. But the
soldiers were not to be restrained, and in their
ignorance of war they seized the standards and
colours and rushed out. When their commander
tried to restrain them, they threatened him with their

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

spretis centurionibus tribunisque ^ : quin - prodi ^
Othonem et accitum Caecinam clamitabant. Fit
temeritatis alienae comes Spurinna, primo coactus,
niox velle simulans, quo plus auctoritatis inesset
consiliis si seditio niitesceret.

XIX. Postquam in conspectu Padus et nox adpe
tebat vallari castra placuit. Is labor urbane militi
insolitus contundit animos. Turn vetustissimus quis-
que castigare credulitatem suani, metum ac discri-
men ostendere si cum exercitu Caecina patentibus
campis tam paucas cohortis circumfudisset. lamque
totis castris modesti sermones, et inserentibus se
centurionibus tribunisque laudari providentia * ducis
quod coloniam virium et opum validara robur ac
sedem belle legisset. Ipse postremo Spurinna, non
tam culpam exprobrans quam rationem estendens,
relictis exploratoribus ceteros Placentiam reduxit
minus turbides et imperia accipientis. Solidati muri,
propugnacula addita, auctae turres, provisa para-
taque non arma mode sed obsequium et parendi
amer, quod solum illis partibus defuit, cum virtutis
baud paeniteret.

XX. At Caecina, velut relicta post Alpis saevitia
ac licentia, modesto agmine per Italiam incessit.

^ tribunisque providentiam ducis laudari M : tria postrtma
verba del. Madvig : cf. 19.

* quin Agricola : qui M.
' prodi Bekker : pro M.

* providentia /. F. Gronovinx : providentiam M.

190

BOOK II. xix.-xx.

weapons and scorned the centurions and tribunes.
More than that, they kept shouting that Otho was
being betrayed and tliat Caecina had been sent for.
Spurinna joined the iolly that otiiers started, at
first under compulsion, later pretending that it was
his wish, for he desired to have his advice possess
greater weight in case the muting' subsided.

XIX. After the Po was in sight and night was
at liand, Spurinna decided to entrench camp. The
work involved was strange to the town troops and
broke their spirit. Then all the older soldiers began
to blame their own credulity and to point out their
dangerous and critical situation if Caecina with
his army should surround so few cohorts in the open
country. Presently throughout the camp more
temperate speech was heard, while the centurions
and tribunes made their way among the common
soldiers and praised the foresight of their general
for selecting as a strong base of operations a colony
which possessed great natural strength and re-
sources. In the end Spurinna himself, not so much
reproving their faults as showing the reasons for his
action, left some scouts and led the rest back to
IMacentia. They were now less mutinous and more
ready to accept orders. The walls of the town were
strengthened, battlements added, towers built higher,
arms were provided and pre])ared, and steps were
taken to secure good discipline and a ready obedience,
which were the only things that side lacked, for
there was no reason to be dissatisfied with the
soldiers' bravery.

XX. But Caecina seemed to have left behind the
Alps his cruelty and licence, and now advanced
through Italy in well-disciplined order. His manner

191

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Oriiatum ipsius municipia et coloniae in superbiam
trahebantj quod versicolori sagulo, bracas [barbarum
tecgmen] ^ indutus togatos adloqueretur. Uxorem
quoque eius Saloninam, quamquam in nullius iniu-
riam insignis equo ostroque velieretur, tamquani
laesi gravabantur, insita mortalibus natura recentem
aliorum felicitatem acribus oculis introspicere mo-
d unique fortunae a nullis magis exigere quam quos
in aequo ^ viderunt. Caecina Padum transgressus,
temptata Othonianorum fide per conloquium et pro-
missa. isdem petitus, postquam pax et concordia
speciosis et inritis nominibus iactata sunt, consilia
curasque in obpugnationem Placentiae magno terrore
vertit, gnarus ut initia belli provenissent famani in
cetera fore.

XXI. Sed primus dies impetu magis quam vete-
rani exercitus artibus transactus : aperti incautique
muros subiere, cibo vinoque praegraves. In eo
certamine pulcherrimum amphitheatri opus, situm
extra muros, conflagravit, sive ab obpugnatoribus
incensum, dum faces et glandis et missilem ignem
in obsessos iaculantur, sive ab obsessis, dum retorta
ingerunt.^ Municipale vulgus, pronum ad suspiciones,
fraude inlata ignis alimenta credidit a quibusdam

^ seel. R'dttr " inequos M.

' retorta ingerunt /. F. Gronorius: reportans gerunt M in
rasura.

' Gallic dress, considered inappropriate for a Roman.
192

BOOK II. xx.-xxi.

of dress the towns and colonies interpreted as a
mark of haughtiness, because he addressed civihans
wearing a parti-coloured cloak and breeches.^ They
seemed to feel offence and annoyance over the fact
that his wife Salonina also rode a fine horse with
})urple tra])})ings, though it did no one any harm.
But they were prompted by that inveterate trait
of human nature, which makes men look with
unfavourable eyes u{)on the recent good fortune of
others and to demand moderation from none more
than from those whom they have recently seen their
equals. Caecina, having crossed the Po, tried to
break dow-n the loyalty of Otho's followers by a
conference and promises, and was himself assailed
by the same devices. Finally, when in vain and
empty phrases they had bandied back and forth the
words " peace and concord," he turned his purpose
and thoughts to storming Placentia with terrific
force, well aware that the success he made in the
beginning of the war would determine his repu-
tation thereafter.

XXI. The first day was spent in a furious onslaught
rather than in skilful attacks appropriate to a veteran
army. The troops, heavy with food and wine, came
under the walls without protection and without
caution. During the struggle the handsome amphi-
theatre, which was situated outside the walls, was
burned, being set on fire either by the besiegers as
they threw firebrands, hot bullets, and burning
missiles against the besieged, or by the besieged
themselves as they directed their return fire. The
common people of the town, being given to sus-
picion, believed that inflammable material had been
treacherously brought into the amphitheatre by some

193

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ex^ vicinis coloniis invidia et^ aemulatione, quod nulla
in Italia moles tam capax foret. Quocumque casu
accidit, dum atrociora metuebantur, in levi habitum,
reddita securitate, tamquam nihil gravius pati potu-
issent, maerebant. Ceterum multo suorum cruore
jiulsus Caecina. et nux parandis operibus absumpta.
Vitelliani pluteos cratisque et vineas subfodiendis
muris protegendisque obpugnatoribus^ Othoniani
sudis et iuimensas lapidum ac plumbi aerisque mo-
lis perfVingendis obruendisque hostibus expediunt.
Utrimque pudor, utrimque gloria et diversae ex-
hortationes hinc legionum et Germanici exercitus
robuFj inde urbanae militiae et praetoriarum co-
hortium decus attollentium ; illi ut segnem et
desidem et circo ac theatris corruptum militem, hi
peregrinum et externum increpabant. Simul Otho-
nem ac Vitellium celebrantes culpantesve uberioribus
inter se probris quam laudibus stimulabantur.

XXn. Vixdum orto die plena propugnatoribus
moeniaj fulgentes armis virisque campi : densum
legionum agmen, sparsa auxiliorum manus altiora
murorum sagittis aut saxis incessere, neglecta aut
aevo fluxa comminus adgredi. Ingerunt desuper
Othoniani pila librato magis et certo ictu adversus

*■ ex Salm : et Af.

* invidia et Muretus -. invidiae M.

194

BOOK II. xxi.-xxii.

persons from the neighbouring colonies, who looked
on it with envy and jealousy, since no other building
in Italy was so large. However it happened, the
loss was regarded as slight, so long as they feared
more awful disasters ; but when a sense of security
returned, they grieved as if they could have suffered
nothing worse. Nevertheless Caecina was repulsed
with great loss to his troops, and the night was spent
in the preparation of siege-works. The Vitellians
made ready mantlets, fascines, and sheds to under-
mine the walls and protect the assailants. Otho's
followers prepared stakes and huge masses of stones
and lead and bronze to break through and over-
whelm the enemy. On both sides was a feeling
of shame ; on both an ambition for glory. Different
exhortations were heard : one side exalted the
strength of the legions and the army from Germany,
while the other praised the high renown of the town
soldiery and the praetorian cohorts. The Vitellians
assailed their opponents as lazy and indolent, soldiers
corrupted by the circus and the theatre; those within
the town attacked the Vitellians as foreigners and
barbarians. At the same time, while they thus
lauded or blamed Otho and Vitellius, their mutual
insults were more productive of enthusiasm than
their praise.

XXII. Almost before dawn the walls were filled
■with defenders, the plains all agleam with armed
men. The legionary forces in close array, the
auxiliaries in open order, assailed the higher parts
of the walls with arrows or stones and attacked at
close quarters the parts of the walls that were
neglected or weak from age. Otho's soldiers poured
a shower of javelins from above with more deliberate

195

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

temere subeuntis cohortis Germanorum, cantu truci
et more patrio nudis corporibus super umeros scuta
quatientium. Legionarius pluteis et cratibus tectus
subruit muros, instruit aggerem, rnolitur portas;
contra praetoriani dispositos ad id ipsum molaris
ingenti pondere ac fragore provolvunt. Pars subeun-
tium obruti, pars confixi et exsangues aut laceri : cum
augeret stragem trepidatio eoque acrius e inoenibus
vulnerarentur, rediere^ infracta partium fama. Et
Caecina pudore coeptae temere obpugnationis, ne
inrisus ac vanus isdem castris adsideret, traiecto
rursus Pado Cremonam petere intendit. Tradidere
sese abeunti Turullius Cerialis cum compluribus
classicis et lulius Briganticus cum paucis equitum,
hie praefectus alae in Batavis genitus^ ille primipila-
ris et Caecinae baud aUenus, quod ordines in Germania
duxerat.

XXIII. Spurinna comperto itinera hostium de-
fensam Placentiam^ quaeque acta et quid Caecina
pararet, Annium Galium per litteras docet. Gallus
legionem primam in auxilium Placentiae ducebat,
diffisus paucitati cohortiumj ne longius obsidium et
vim Germanici exercitus parum tolerarent. Ubi

^ redire M.

1 Cf. i. 87.
196

BOOK II. xxii.-xxiii.

and certain aim upon the German infantry who
;ipproac]ied with little caution, singing their wild
songs and brandishing their shields above their
shoulders, while their bodies, according to a native
custom, were unprotected. The legionary soldiers,
defended b}' mantlets and fascines, undermined the
walls, built an earthwork, and assailed the gates,
while the praetorians on their side rolled down upon
them millstones of great weight, arranged for the
purpose, which fell with a mighty crash. Many of
the assailants under the walls were thus crushed,
many wei'e pierced and bleeding or mangled ; since
their panic increased their demoralization, and the
weapons rained upon them more fiercely from the
walls, they began to withdraw, thus injuring
the prestige of their side. Caecina, however,
})rompted by shame at his rash attempt to carry the
town by storm and desiring to avoid appearing
ridiculous and useless by remaining in the same
camp, crossed the Po again and hurried to attack
Cremona. As he was leaving, Turullius Cerialis,
with a large number of marines, and Julius Brigan-
ticus, with a few horsemen, surrendered to him.
Briganticus, a Batavian by birth, was commander of
a squadron of cavalry ; Cerialis was a centurion of the
first rank and no stranger to Caecina, for he had
served in Germany.

XXIII. When Spurinna learned of the enemy's
route, he informed Annius Gallus ^ of everything
that had happened, of the defence of Placentia, and of
Caecina's purpose. Gallus was at the time bringing
the First legion to help Placentia, for he feared that
the few cohorts there might not be able to withstand
a long siege and the force of the German army.

197

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

pulsutn Caecinam pergere Crenionam accepit, aegre
coercitam leorionem et pugnandi ardore usque ad
seditionem progressam Bedriaci sistit. Inter Vero-
uani Cremonamque situs est vicus, duabus iani
Romanis dadibus notus infaustusque.^

Isdem diebus a Martio Macro baud procul Cremona
prospere pugnatum ; namque proniptus" animi Mar-
tins transvectos navibus gladiatores in adversam Padi
ripam repente efFudit. Turbati ibi Vitellianorum
auxilia, et ceteris Cremonam fugientibus caesi qui
restiterant : sed repressus^ vincentium impetus ne
novis subsidiis firmati bostes fortunam proelii rauta-
rent. Suspectuni id Othonianis fuit, omnia ducum *
facta prave aestiinantibus. Certatim, ut quisque
animo ignaviis, procax ore, Annium Galium
et Suetonium Paulinum et Marium Celsum — nam
eos quoque Otbo praefecerat — variis criminibus
incessebant.^ Acerrima seditionum ac discordiae
incitamenta, interfectores Galbae scelere et metu
vaecordes miscere euncta, modo palam turbidis
vocibus, modo occultis ad Otbonem litteris ; qui
humillimo cuique credulus, bonos metuens trepida-

^ iiifastusque M. * proini>tius M.

' sed repreliensis M.

* ducum Freinsheim : quocum M.

'" incessebant Agricola : incesserant M.

1 At the juncture of the highroads leading from Hostilia
and Mantua toward Cremona, near tlie present Calvatone.

198

BOOK II. xxni.

When the news came that Caecina had been repulsed
and was marching on Cremona, he had difficulty
in restraining his legion which, in its enthusiasm
for battle, had reached the point of mutiny,
but he succeeded in stojiping them at Bedriacum.^
This is a village which lies between Verona and
Cremona, and two Roman disasters have given it an
unhappy celebrity.^

During these same days, Martius Macer had had a
successful engagement not far from Cremona ; for by
a prompt decision he had transferred gladiators to
the opposite bank of the Po, and suddenly hurled
them at the enemy. This had thrown the auxiliaries
of Vitellius into confusion and, while most fled to
Cremona, those who resisted were cut down. But
Macer checked the enthusiastic advance of his
victorious troops, prompted by fear that the enemy
might be reinforced and change the fortune of
battle. This roused suspicion in the minds of Otho's
troops, who put a bad construction upon every act
of their leaders. Blustering in speech to * match
their cowardice at heart, they vied with one another
in bringing various charges against Annius Gallus
and Suetonius Paulinus and Marius Celsus, for Otho
had appointed the latter two also as generals. The
murderers of Galba were the most ardent promoters
of mutiny and discord, for, driven mad by guilt and
fear, they sought to cause utter confusion, now by
openly seditious expressions, now by secret letters to
Otho, who, between his readiness to trust the
meanest and his fear of honest men, was in a state of

' r.pcause liere Vitellius defeated Otho (ii. 41 tf. ), and Ves-
pasian Viiellius (iii. 15 fF.).

199

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

bat, rebus prosperis incertus et inter adversa melior.
Igitur Titianum fratrem accitum bello praeposuit.

XXIV. Interea Paulini et Celsi ductu res egregie
gestae. Angebant Caecinam nequiquam omnia
coepta et senescens exercitus sui fama. Pulsus
Placentia, caesis nuper auxiliis, etiani per concursum
exploratorum, crebra magis quam digna memoratu
proelia, inferior, propinquante Fabio Valente, ne
omne belli decus illuc concederet, reciperare gloriam
avidius quam consultius properabat. Ad duodecimum
a Cremona (locus Castorum ^ vocatur) ferocissimos
auxiliarium imminentibus viae lucis occultos com-
ponit : equites procedere longius iussi ^ et inritato
j)roelio sponte refugi festinationem sequentium
elicere, donee insidiae coorerentur.^ Proditum id
Othonianis ducibus, et curam peditum Paulinus,
equitum Celsus sumpsere. Tertiae decimae legionis
vexillum, quattuor auxiliorum cohortes et quingenti
equites in sinistro locantur ; aggerem viae tres
praetoriae cohortes altis ordinibus obtinuere ; dextra
fronte prima legio incessit cum duabus auxiliaribus*
cohortibus et quingentis equitibus : super hos ex ^
praetorio auxiliisque mille equites, cumulus prosperis
aut subsidium laborantibus, ducebantur.

^ C&storum Alciatus : castrarum? M: castroruni Jf *.

* iussi Rhenanus : iussit M.

^ coorerentur Hheiumtis : coercereiitur .1/.

* auxiliaribus Merceries : vexillaribus M.
' ex Bach : et M.

BOOK II. xxiii.-xxiv.

trepidation, hesitaling" in prosperity and yet showing
himself the better man in adversity. Therefore he
sent for his 1)rother Titianus and appointed him to
the chief command.

XXIV. In the meantime the generals Pauiinus
and Celsus had met with brilliant success. Caecina
was distressed by the failure of all his efforts and by
the waning rej)utation of his army. Driven from
Placentia, he had lately had his auxiliaries cut to
pieces, and, even when his scouts engaged in
skirmishes which were frequent but not worth record-
ing, he was worsted. Therefore, as Fabms Valens
was approaching, he feared that all the honour in the
campaign would fall to him, and hurried to recover
Ills reputation with more impetuosity than wisdom.
Twelve miles from Cremona, at a place called " The
Castors',' he concealed the bravest of his auxiliary
troops in some woods which overhung the road. His
cavalry he ordered to advance and provoke battle,
then to feign fright and draw the enemy into a
hasty pursuit until the troops in ambuscade could
assail them. This plan* was betrayed to Otho's
generals, and Pauiinus took conmiand of the foot,
Celsus of the horse ; they stationed a detachment of
the Thirteenth legion, four auxiliary cohorts of
infantry, and five hundred auxiliary cavah-y on the
left flank ; the causeway three praetorian cohorts
occupied in deep formation ; on the right front the
First legion advanced with two cohorts of auxiliary
infantry and five hundred cavalry. In addition to
tiiese they were accompanied by a thousand prae-
torian and auxiliary horse to give them additional
weight if victorious, or to act as a reserve if they
were in difficulties.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XXV. Antequam miscerentur acies, terga ver-
tentibus Vitellianis, Celsus doli prudens repressit
suos ; \'itelliani temere exsurgentes cedente sensini
Celso longius seciiti ultro in insidias praecipitantur ;
nam a lateribus cohortes, legionum adversa frons, et
subito discursu terga cinxerant equites. Signum
pugnae non statim a Suetonio Paulino pediti datum :
cunctator natura et cui cauta potius eonsilia cum
ratione quatii prospera ex casu placerent, compleri
fbssas, aperiri campum, pandi aciem iubebat, satis
cito incipi victoriam ratiis ubi provisum foret ne
vincerentur. Ea cunctatione spatium Vitellianis
datum in vineas nexu traducum impeditas refugi-
endi ; et modica silva adhaerebat, unde rursus ausi
promptissimos praetorianorum equitum interfecere.
Vulneratur rex Epiphanes, impigre pro Otlione
pugnam ciens.

XXVI. Turn Othonianus pedes erupit ; protrita
hostium acie versi in fugam etiam qui subveniebant ;
nam Caecina non simul cohortis sed singulas acci-
vei'at, quae res in proelio trepidationem auxit, cum
disperses nee usquam validos pavor fugientium abri-
peret. Orta et in castris seditio quod non universi
ducei'entur : vinctus praefectus castrorum lulius

1 Son of King Antiochus, king of Commagene.
202

BOOK II. xxv.-xxvi.

XXV. Before the lines engaged the ViteUiaus tied ;
but Celsus, aware of the tricky stratagem, held his
men back. The Vitellians rashly left their ambus-
cade, while Celsus gradually withdrew. They
pursued too far and themselves fell into a trap ; for
the auxiliary infantry hemmed them in on the
Hanks, the legions opj)osed them in front, and their
rear the cavalry cut off by a sudden manoeuvre.
Suetonius Paulinus did not at once give his infantry
the signal to engage, for he was naturally inclined to
delay, and a man who preferred cautious and well-
reasoned plans to chance success. So he kept issuing
orders to fill up the ditches, clear the fields, and
extend the line, thinking that it was soon enough
to begin to conquer when they had made provision
against defeat. This delay gave the V^itellians time
to retreat into some vineyards which were obstructed
by the intertwining vines. There was a small wood
also near at hand, from which they dared to issue
again and killed the boldest of the praetorian horse.
Prince Epiphanes ^ was wounded as he was enthusias-
tically cheering the soldiers on for Otho.

XXVI. Then Otho's soldiers charged ; they
crushed the enemy's line and routed also those who
were coming to their assistance. For Caecina had
not brought up his cohorts of auxiliary infantry all at
once, but one by one, an action which increased the
confusion while they were engaged, inasmuch as the
bodies of troops which were thus scattered and
nowhere strong were swept away by the panic of the
fugitives. Even in the camp the soldiers mutinied
because they were not all taken out together. They
threw into chains Julius Gratus, the prefect of the
camp, on the charge that he was having

203

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Gratus, tamquam fratri apud Othonem militanti
proditionem ageret, cum fratrem eiiis, lulium Fron-
tonem tribiinum, Othoniani sub eodem crimine
vinxissent. Ceterum ea ubique forniido fuit apud
fugientis occursantiSj in acie pro vallo, ut deleri cum
universe exercitu Caecinam potuisse, ni Suetonius
Paulinus receptui cecinisset, utrisque in partibus
percrebruerit.^ Timuisse se Paulinus ferebat tantum
insuper laboris atque itineris, ne Vitellianus miles
recens e castris fessos adgrederetur et jierculsis^
nullum retro subsidium foret. Apud paucos ea ducis
ratio probata, in vulgus adverso rumore fuit.

XXVII. Haud proinde id damnum Vitellianos in
metum compulit quam ad modestiam composuit : nee
solum apud Caecinam, qui culpam in militem con-
t'erebat seditioni magis quam proelio paratum : Fabii
quoque Valentis copiae (iam enim Ticinum venerat)
posito hostium contemptu et reciperandi decoris cupi-
dine reverentius et aequalius duci parebant. Gravis
alioquin seditio exarserat, quam altiore initio (neque
enim rerum a Caecina gestarum ordineni interrumpi
oportuerat) repetam. Cohortes Batavorum, quas
bello Neronis a quarta decima legione digressas, cum

^ percrebuerit Beroaldus : pei'crebuit M.
* periculosis M.

^ That is, Paulinus, if successful here against Caecina,
would then have to lead his troops some twelve miles to
Cremona where Caecina's camp was situated.

^ Tacitus here resumes his narrative from i. 66.

204

BOOK II. xxvi.-.xxvii.

treacherous dealings with his brother who was serv-
ing under Otho, while Otho's troops had put that
same brother, the tribune Julius Pronto, into fetters
on the same charge. But there was universal panic
both among the troops who were fleeing and those
who were advancing, in the lines and in front of the
camp, so that on both sides it was commonly said that
Caecina could liave been annihilated with his whole
force if Suetonius Paulinus had not given the signal
to retire. Paulinus offered as excuse that he had
been afraid of the effect of such great additional
effort and the long march, ^ lest the soldiers of
Vitellius, fresh from camp, should attack his weary
forces, and then, when they were demoralized, they
sliould have no place of retreat. A few approved
of the general's plan, but it caused adverse comment
among the mass of the soldiers.

XXVII. Their disaster did not so much drive the
Vitellians into a panic as bring them back to a state
of obedience. This was true both among the troops
with Caecina, who blamed the soldiers, saying that
they were readier for mutiny than for battle ; and
likewise among the forces under Fabius Valens, who
had now reached Ticinum. They gave up their
scorn of their opponents, and, i)rompted by a desire
to recover their former reputation, began to obey
their commander with more respect and regularity.
A serious n)utiny had broken out among them on
another occasion, the history of which I shall now
trace from an early point, since before I could not
properly interrupt my account of Caecina's opera-
tions. I have already related ^ how the Batavian
cohorts that had withdrawn from the Fourteenth
legion in the uprising against Nero, on hearing of

VOL. I. H 205

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Britanniam peterent, audito Vitellii motu in civitate
Lingonum Fabio Valenti adiunctas rettulimuSj su-
perbe agebant^ ut cuiiisque^ legionistentoria accessis-
sent, coei-citos a se quartadecimanoSj ablatam Neroni
Italian! atque omnem belli fortunam in ipsorum
manu sitam iactantes. Contumeliosum id militibus,
acerbum duci ; corrupta iurgiis aut rixis disciplina ;
ad postremum Valens e petulantia etiam perfidiam
suspectabat.

XXVIII. Igitur nuntio adlato pulsani Trevirorum -
alam Tungrosque a classe Othonis et Narbonensem
Galliam circumiri, simul cura socios tuendi et militari
astu cohortis turbidas ac, si una forent, praevalidas
dispergendi, partem Batavorum ire in subsidium
iubet. Quod ubi auditum vulgatumque, maerere
socii, fremere legiones. Orbari se fortissimorum
virorum auxilio ; veteres illos et tot bellorum victores,
postquam in conspectu sit hostis, velut ex acie
abduci. Si provincia urbe et salute imperii potior
sit, omnes illuc sequerentur ; sin victoriae columen^
in Italia verteretur, non abrumpendos ut corpori
validissimos artus.

XXIX. Haec ferociter iactando, postquam im-

* cuius M.
' ire virorum M.

' sanitas sustentaculum coluraen M ; san. susten. utglossas
agn. Nippenity.

» Cf. ii. 14f.
2 06

BOOK n. xxvii.-xxix.

the revolt of Vitellius while they were on their wa}-
to Britain, had joined Fabius V'alens in the country
of the Lingones. These cohorts then began to be
insolent, going up to the quarters of each legion and
boasting that it was they who had checked the
regulars of the Fourteenth legion, they who had
taken Italy away from Nero, and that in their hands
lay the whole fortune of the war. Such action was
insulting to the legionaries, bitterly offensive to the
commander ; discipline was ruined by quarrels and
brawls; finally their insolence began to make Valens
suspect even their loyalty.

XX\ III. So when news came that the squadron
of Treviran cavalry and the Tungrian foot had been
defeated by Otho's fleet,^ and that the province of
Gallia Narbonensis was blockaded, Valens, prompted
by his desire to protect the allies and, like a wise
commander, to scatter the auxiliary cohorts Avhich
were now mutinous and which, if united, would
prove too strong, ordered a part of the Batavians
to march to the aid of the province. When the
report of this action became common knowledge,
the allied troops were dissatisfied, the legionaries
angry. They declared that they were losing the
help of their bravest troops ; that it looked as if
the Batavians, veterans in so many victorious cam-
paigns, were being withdrawn from the line after the
enemy was in sight. If the province was of more
account than Rome and the safety of the empire, then
all ought to follow thither ; but if the main support
of victory depended on Italy, the strongest limbs
must not be torn, as it were, from the body of the
army.

XXIX. While the soldiers were thus savagely

207

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

missis lictoribus V'alens coercere seditionem coepta-
bat, ipsum invadunt, saxa iaciunt, fugientem sequuii-
tiir, Spolia Galliariim et Viennensium aurum, pretia^
laborum suorum, occultare clamitantes, direptis
sarcinis tabernacula ducis ipsamque humum pilis et
lanceis rimabantur; nam Valens servili veste apud
decurionem equitumtegebatur. Turn Alfeiius Varus
praefectus castrorum, deflagrante paulatim seditione,
addit consilium, vetitis obire vigilias centurionibuSj
omisso tubae sono, quo miles ad belli munia cietur.
Igitur torpere cuncti, circumspectare inter se attoniti
et id ipsum quod nemo regeret paventes ; silentio,
patientia, postremo precibus ac lacrimis veniani
quaerebant. Ut vero deformis et flens et praeter
spem incolumis Valens processit, gaudium miseratio
favor : versi in laetitiam, ut est vulgus utroque
immodicum, laudantes gratantesque circumdatum
aquilis signisque in tribunal ferunt. Ille utili
moderatione non supjilicium cuiusquam poposcit, ac
ne dissimulans suspectior foret, paucos incusavit,
gnarus civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus
licere.

* pretia Classen : et praetia M.

1 Cf. i. 6.3-66.

* The eagles of the First and Fifth legions and the colours
of auxiliarj' cohorts.

208

BOOK II. XXIX.

criticizin<r his action, Valeiis sent his lictors among
tliem and tried to check the mutiny. Thereupon
the troops attacked Valens himself, stoned him, and
pursued him when he fled. Dechiring that he was
concealing the spoils of the Gallic provinces and
the gold taken from the people of Vienne, the
rewards of their own toil,^ they began to ransack
his baggage and explore the walls of his quarters
and even the ground with their spears and javelins.
\'alens, disguised in a slave's clothes, hid in the
quarters of a cavalry officer. Then, as the mutiny
l)egan gradually to lose its force, Alfenus Varus,
prefect of the camp, helped the situation by the
device of forbidding the centurions to make the
rounds of the pickets and of omitting the usual
trumpet call to summon the soldiers to their military
duties. The result was that all were amazed, they
began to look at one another in perplexity, irightened
by the simple fact that no one issued orders. In
silence and submission, finally with prayers and
tears, they begged forgiveness. When Valens
appeared in sorry plight and weeping, but un-
expectedly safe, there came joy, pity, and even
popularity. In their revulsion from anxiety to
delight — mobs are always extravagant in both
directions — they praised and congratulated him,
surrounded him with the eagles and colours,^ and
carried him to the tribunal. Valens showed a wise
moderation : he did not demand the punishment
of any man ; at tlie same time, that an assumption
of ignorance might not arouse suspicion, he blamed
a few severely. He was well aware that in civil
wars the soldiers have more liberty than the
leaders.

209

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XXX. Munientibus castra apud Ticinum de ad-
versa Caecinae pugna adlatura, et prope renovata
seditio tamquam fraude et cunctationibus Valentis
proelio defuissent : nolle requiem, non expeetare
ducem, anteire signa, urgere signiferos ; rapido
agmine Caecinae iunguntur. Improspera Valentis
fama apud exercitum Caecinae erat : expositos se
tanto pauciores integris hostiura viribus querebantur,
siniul in suam excusationem et adventantium robur
per adulationem attollentes, ne ut victi et ignavi
despectarentur. Et quamquam plus virium, prope
duplicatus legionum auxiliorunique numerus erat
Valenti, studia tamen niilitum in Caecinam inclina-
bant, super benignitatem animi, qua promptior
habebatur, etiam vigore aetatis, proceritate corporis
et quodam inani f;ivore. Hinc aemulatio ducibus :
Caecina ut foedum ac maculosum, ille ut tumidum
ac vanuni inridebant. Sed condito odio eandem
utilitatem fovere, crebris epistulis sine respectu
veniae probra Othoni obiectantes, cum duces partium
Othonis quamvis uberrima conviciorum in Vitellium
materia abstinerent.

XXXI. Sane ante utriusque exitum, quo egre-
giam Otho famam, Vitellius flagitiosissimam meruere

BOOK II. xxx.-xxxi.

XXX. While the soldiers were fortifying their
camp at Ticinum, word of Caeeina's defeat arrived ;
the troops almost mutinied again, for they suspected
that their absence from the battle was due to
treachery and delay on the pai't of Valens. They
refused to rest ; they would not wait for their
genera] ; they advanced before the standards, and
spurred on the standard-bearers ; and they quickly
marched and joined Caecina. Valens did not enjoy
a good reputation witli Caeeina's troops ; they com-
plained that in spite of their great inferiority in
numbers Valens had exposed them to an enemy
whose strength was unimpaired, and at the same
time, to excuse themselves, they praised and flattered
the strength of the troops that joined them, for
they did not wish these to despise them as defeated
and cowardly soldiers. Moreover, although Valens
had the larger army, in fact almost twice as many
legionaries and auxiliaries, the troops were inclined
to favour Caecina, not only for his kindness of heart,
which he was thought to display more readily than
Valens, but also because of his vigorous youth, his
tall person, and a certain unwarranted popularity.
This caused rivalry between the generals. Caecina
made sport of Valens as a shameful and disgraceful
character; Valens ridiculed Caecina as a conceited
and vain person. Yet they laid aside their hatred
and devoted themselves to the common interest ; in
many communications, sacrificing all hope of pardon,
they heaped insults on Otho, while the generals of
Otho's party refrained from using the abundant
material they had at hand for attacking Vitellius.

XXXI. In fact, before these two met their deaths,
in which Otho won a glorious reputation while

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

minus Vitellii ignavae voluptates quam Othonis
flagrantissimae libidines timebantur : addiderat huic
terrorem atque odium caedes Galbae, contra illi
initium belli nemo imputabat. Vitellius ventre et
gula sibi inhonestus,^ Otho luxu saevitia audacia rei
publicae exitiosior ducebatur.

Coniunctis Caecinae ac Valentis copiis nulla ultra
penes Vitellianos mora quin totis viribus certarent :
Otho consultavit train belhnn an fortunam experiri
placeret.

XXXII. Tunc Suetonius Paulinus dignum fama
sua ratus, qua nemo ilia tempestate militaris rei
callidior habebatur, de toto genere belli censere,
festinationem hostibus, moram ipsis utilem disseruit :
exercitum Vitellii universum advenisse, nee multum
virium a tergo, quoniam Galliae tunieant et deserere
Rheni ripam inrupturis tam infestis nationil)us non
conducat ; Britannicum militem hoste et mari disti-
neri : ^ Hispanias armis non ita redundare ; provinciam
Narbonensem incursu classis et adverse proelio con-
tremuisse ; clausam Alpibus et nuUo maris subsidio
transpadanam Italiam atque ipso transitu exercitus
vastam ; non frumentum usquam exercitui, nee
exercitum sine copiis retineri posse : iam Germanos,

^ inhonestus Victorius : inliostus M.
* destineri M.

^ Pauliims had proved himself an able general in Africa as
early as 42 a.d. (Dio Cass. Ix. 4 ; Plin. N.U. v. 14), and in
Britain during the years 59-61 (Tac. Agric. 14-16 ; Ann.
x\v. 29-39 ; Dio Cass. Ixii. 7-12). He was apparently consul
in 42, and now was the senior among the ex-consul?
(of. ii. 37).

BOOK II. xxxi.-xxxn.

Vitellius gained infamy, tlie indolent pleasures of
Vitellius were less feared than the fiery passions of
Otho. Moreover the murder of Galba had made
men stand in terror of Otho and hate him ; but no
one blamed V'itellius for beginning the war. The
sensuality and gluttony of V^itellius were regarded
as disgracing him alone ; Otho's luxury, cruelty and
daring seemed more dangerous to the state.

After Caecina and Valens had joined forces, the
Vitellians no longer hesitated to engage with all
their forces. Otho, however, took counsel as to
whether it was better to protract the war or to try
his fortune now.

XXXII. Then Suetonius Paulinus, who was re-
garded as the most skilful general of the time,^
thought it consonant with his reputation to express
his views with regard to the whole conduct of the
war, maintaining that the enemy's advantage lay in
haste, their own in delay. He spoke to this effect :
"The whole army of Vitellius has now arrived, and
there are no strong reserves behind them, for the
Gallic provinces are growing restless, and it would be
unwise to abandon the bank of the Rhine when so
many hostile tribes are ready to rush across it. The
troops in Britain are kept away by their enemies'
assaults and by the sea ; the Spanish provinces have
no forces to spare ; Gallia Narbonensis has been
badly frightened by the attacks of our fleet and by
defeat ; Italy north of the Po, shut in by the Alps,
can look to no relief by sea, and in fact has been
devastated by the mere passage of an army. Our
opponents have no supplies anywhere for their
troops, and they cannot maintain their forces with-
out supplies ; then the Germans, who are the fiercest

213

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quod genus militum apud hostis atrocissimum sit,
tracto in aestatem bello, fluxis corporibus, mutatio-
nem soli caelique haud toleraturos Multa bella
impetu valida per taedia et moras e\ anuisse. Contra
ipsis omnia opulenta et fida, Pannoniam Moesiam
Dalmatiani Orientem cum integris exercitibus,
Italiam et caput rerum urbem senatumque et popu-
lum, nunquam obscura nomina, etiam si aliquando
obiimbrentur ; publicas privatasque opes et im-
niensam pecuniam, inter civilis discordias ferro
validiorem ; corpora militum aut Italiae sueta aut
aestibus ; obiacere flumen Padum, tutas viris muris-
que urbis, e quibus nuUam hosti cessuram Placentiae
defensione exploratum : proinde duceret bellum-
Paucis diebus quartam decimam legionem, magna
ipsam fama,^ cum ^ Moesicis copiis adfore : tum rursus
deliberaturum et, si proelium placuisset, auctis
viribus certaturos.

XXXni. Accedebat sententiae Paulini Marius
Celsus ; idem placere Annio Gallo, paucos ante dies
lapsu equi adflicto, raissi qui consilium eius sciscita-
rentur rettulerant. Otho pronus ad decertandum ;
frater eius Titianus et praefectus praetorii Proculus,
imperitia properantes, fortunam et deos et numen
Otiionis adesse consiliis, adfore conatibus testaban-

^ magnam ipsam famam M. * cum om. M.

^ This implies the withdrawal of Otho's troops to the south
of the Po.

' For the reputation of the Fourteenth legion, see above,
chap. 11; the troops from Moesia reached Aquilea at the
time of the battle of Cremona. See below, chap. 46.

214

BOOK II. xxxu.-xxxm.

warriors in their army, if the war be protracted into
summer, will soon lose their strength and be unable to
endure the change of country and climate. Many
wars, formidable in their first onset, have shrunk to
nothing through the tedium caused by inaction. On
the other hand, our own resources are rich and
certain : Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia and the East
are with us ; their armies are undiminished ; we
have also Italy and Rome, the capital of the empire,
the Senate and the People — names never insignifi-
cant, even if they be sometimes obscured. We have
also on our side public and private resources and an
enormous amount of money, which in time of civil
stril'e is more powerful than the sword. Physically
our soldiers are inured to Italy, or, at least, to heat.
The Po is our defence ; ^ our cities are well pro-
tected by their garrisons and walls, and we have
learned from the defence of Placentia that none will
surrender to the foe. Your policy therefore is to
prolong the war. In a few days the Fourteenth
legion itself, a force of great renown, will be here
with troops from Moesia besides ; ^ then you may
again consider the question, and if we decide to fight
we shall engage Avith increased strength.''

XXXIII. Marius Celsus supported the opinion of
Paulinus. Annius Gallus did likewise ; he had been
incapacitated a few days before by a fall from his
horse, but a delegation which had been sent to
consult him reported back his views. Otho was
inclined to fight. His brother Titianus and the
praetorian prefect, Proculus, impatient as they were
through inexperience, declared that fortune, the
gods, and Otho's good genius favoured his policy
and would favour its execution ; in fact they had

215

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tur, neu quis obviam ire sententiae auderet, in
adulationem concesserant. Postquam pugnari placi-
tum, interesse pugnae imperatorem an seponi melius
foret dubitavere. Paulino et Celso iam non adver-
santibus, ne principem obiectare periculis viderentur
idem illi deterioris consilii auctores perpulere ut
Brixellum concederet ac dubiis proeliorum exemptus
summae ^ rerum et imperii se ipsum reservaret. Is
primus dies Othonianas partis adflixit ; namque et
cum ipso praetoriarum cohortium et speculatorum
equitumque valida manus discessit, et remanentium
fractus animus, quando suspecti duces et Otho,- cui
uni apud militem fides, dum et ipse non nisi militi-
bus credit, imperia ducum in^ incerto reliquerat.

XXXIV. Nihil eorum Vitellianos fallebat,crebris, ut
in civili bello, transfugiis ; et exploratores cura diversa
sciscitandi sua non occultabant. Quieti intentique
Caecina ac Valens, quando hostis imprudentia rueret,
quod loco sapientiae est, alienam stultitiam opperie-
bantur, inchoato ponte transitum Padi simulantes
adversus obpositam gladiatorum manum, ac ne
ipsorum miles segne otium tereret. Naves pari inter
se spatio, validis utrimque trabibus conexae, adversum
in flumen dirigebantur, iactis super ancoris quae
firmitatem pontis continerent, sed ancorarum funes

^ summam M. ' et ut Otho M. ' in ani. M.

^ Brescello.

- See below, chap. 39. Otho's brother, Titianus, was ap-
parently in nominal command, while Proculus possessed the
real authority.
2i6

BOOK II. xxxm. -XXXIV.

taken refuge in flattery to prevent anyone from
daring to oppose their views. When they had
decided on an engagement^ they debated whether it
was better for the emperor to take part in the battle
in person or to withdraw. PauHnus and Celsus
now offered no opposition for fear that they might
seem to expose the emperor to danger ; so the same
councillors urged on him the baser course and
persuaded him to withdraw to Brixellum ^ and there,
safe from the risks of battle, to reserve himself for
the supreme control of the empire. This day first
brought doom to Otho's side, for with him went a
strong force of praetorians, of his bodyguard, and of
horse, and the spirit of those who remained was
broken ; they sus})ected their generals ; and Otho,
in whom alone tlie troops had confidence, while he
trusted no one but his soldiers, had left the authority
of his generals in doubt.^

XXXIV. None of these facts escaped the know-
ledge of the Vitellians, for there were many
desertions, as is always the case in civil wars ; and
spies, in their anxiety to inquire into the purposes of
the other side, failed to conceal their own. Caecina
and Valens quietly watched for their enemy's im-
prudence to end in ruin, and, employing a common
substitute for wisdom, waited to profit by their
opponents' folly. They began a bridge and made a
feint of crossing the Po in the face of a band of
gladiators ; they also wished to keep their own
men from spending their time in idleness. They
arranged some boats at equal intervals, heading
upstream, and fastened them together with strong
beams at prow and stern. They also cast out
anchors to make the bridges more secure ; the

21 7

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

non extenti fluitabant, ut augescente flumine inofFen-
sus ordo navium attolleretur. Claudebat pontem
imposita turris et in extremam navem educta, unde
tormentis ac machinis hostes propulsarentur. Otho-
niani in ripa turrim struxerant saxaque et faces
iaculabantur.

XXXV. Et erat insula anme medio, in quam
gladiatores navibus molientes, Germani nando prae-
labebantur. Ac forte pluris transgressos completis
Liburnicis per promptissimos gladiatorum Macer
adgreditur : sed neque ea constantia gladiatoribus
ad proelia quae militibus, nee proinde nutantes e
navibus quam stabili giadu e ripa vulnera derigebant.
Et cum 1 variis trepidantium inclinationibus mixti
remiges propugnatoresque turbarentur, desilire in
vada ultro Germani, retentare puppis, scandere foros
aut comminus mergere : quae cuncta in oculis
utriusque exercitus quanto laetiora Vitellianis, tanto
acrius Othoniani causam auctoremque cladis de-
testabantur.

XXXVI, Et proelium quidem, abruptis quae
supererant navibus, fuga diremptum : Macer ad^ exi-
tium poscebatur, iamque vulneratum eminus lancea
strictis gladiis invaserant, cum intercursu tribunorum

1 turn M. ^ ad 07n. M.

1 Cf. ii. 16.
2i8

BOOK II. xxxiv.-xxxvi.

cables they did not draw taut, but let them hang
loose, so that when the river rose the line of boats
was lifted without being disturbed. At the end of
the bridge a tower was built and raised aloft on
the last boat, that they might repulse the enemy by
artillery and machines. Otho's troops had built a
tower on the opposite bank and kept shooting stones
and firebrands at the Vitellians.

XXXV. In the middle of the river was an island,
which the gladiators were trying to reach in boats,
but the Germans swam across and anticij)ated them.
When a considerable number of Germans had
crossed, Macer filled some light Liburnian vessels ^
and attacked them with the bravest of his gladiators.
But gladiators have not the same steadfast courage
in battle as regular soldiers, and now in their
unsteady boats they could not shoot so accurately as
the Germans, who had firm footing on the shore ;
and when the gladiators in their fright began to
move about in confusion so that rowers and fighters
were commingled and got in one another's way, the
Germans actually jumped into the shallow water,
held back the boats, and boarded them, or sank
them with their hands. All this went on under the
eyes of both armies, and the keener the delight it
gave the Vitellians, the greater the indignation
which Otho's followers felt toward Macer, who was
the cause and author of their defeat.

XXXVI. In fact the battle ended in flight, after
the gladiators had succeeded in dragging off the
boats that were left. Then they began to clamour
for Macer's life. Wounded as he was by a lance
thrown from a distance, they had already attacked
him Avith drawn swords, when he was saved by the

219

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

centurionumque protegitur. Nee multo post Ves-
tricius Spurinna iussu Othonis, relicto Placentiae
modieo praesidio, cum cohortibus subvenit. Dein
Flavium Sabinum consulem designatum Otho
rectorem copiis raisit, quibus Macer praefuerat, laeto
milite ad^ miitationem ducum et ducibus ob crebras
seditiones tam infestam militiam aspernantibus.

XXXVIl. Invenio apud quosdam auctores pavore
belli seu fastidio utriiisque principis, quorum flagitia
ac dedecus apertiore in dies fama noscebantur,
dubitasse exercitus num posito certamine vel ipsi in
medium consultarent, vel senatui permitterent legere
imperatorem, atque eo duces Othonianos spatium ac
moras suasisse, praecipua spe^ Paulini, quod vetustis-
simus consularium^ et militia clarus gloriam nomenque
Britannicis expeditionibus meruisset. Ego ut con-
cesserim apud paucos tacito voto quietem pro dis-
cordia, bonum et innocentem principem pro pessimis
ac flagitiosissimis expetitum, ita neque Paulinum, qua
prudentia fuit, sperasse corruptissimo saeculo tantam
vulgi moderationem reor ut qui pacem belli amore
turbaverant, bellum pacis caritate deponerent, neque
aut exercitus linguis moribusque dissonos in hunc
consensum potuisse coalescere, aut legatos ac duces
magna ex parte luxus egestatis scelerum sibi conscios

1 milite et ad M.

^ praecipua spe Bipontini : praecipiias ^f.

^ consulariiim 6* et Rfunamcs: consiliarium 3f.

' Cf. i. 77.

BOOK II. XXXVI. -XAXVII.

intervention of the tribunes and centurions. Shortl}'
after, at Otho's orders, Vestricius Spurinna left a
small garrison at Placentia and came with his
cohorts of auxiliaries. Then Otho sent Flavius
Sabinus,^ consul designate, to take command of
Macer's forces. The soldiers were delighted at the
change of generals, but the numerous mutinies had
made the generals dislike so troublesome a command.
XXXVII. In certain authorities I find it stated
that, jMompted by their fear of war or by their
disgust with both emperors, whose shameful wicked-
ness was becoming better known and more notorious
every day, the armies debated whether they should
not give up fighting and either consult together
themselves or allow the senate to choose an emperor.
This, it is urged, was the reason why the generals on
Otho's side advised delay, and it is said that Paulinus
iiad great hope of being chosen, since he was the
senior ex-consul and by his distinguished service had
won fame and reputation in his British campaigns.
Now while I can grant that there were a few who
silently prayed for peace instead of civil strife, and
who wished a good and upright emperor instead of
the worst rascals alive, still I do not believe that
Paulinus, with his practical good sense, ever hoped
for such moderation on the part of the people in
that most corrupt age that the very men whose
passion for war had destroyed peace would now
abandon war from love of peace. Nor can I think
that the two armies, whose habits and speech were
so different, could ever have come to such an agree-
ment or that the lieutenants and generals, most of
whom were well aware of their own extravagance,
poverty, and crimes, would ever have endured an

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

nisi pollutum obstrictumque meritis suis principeni
passuros.

XXXVIJI. Vetus ac iam pridem insita mortalibus
potentiae cupido cum imperii magnitudine adolevit
crupitque ; nam rebus modicis aequalitas facile habe-
batur. Sed ubi subacto orbe et aemulis urbibus
regibusve excisis securas opes concupiscere vacuum
t'uit, prima inter patres plebemque certamina exar-
sere. Modo turbulenti Iribuni^ modo consules prae-
validi, et in urbe ac foro temptamenta civiliuni
bellorum ; mox e plebe infima C. Marius et nobiliuni
saevissimus L. Sulla victam armis libertatem in
dominationem verterunt. Post quos Cn. Pompeius
occultior noil nielior, et numquam postea nisi de
principatu quaesitum. Non discessere ab armis in
Pharsalia ac Philippis civium legiones, nedum Othonis
ac Vitellii exercitus sponte posituri bellum fuerint :
eadem illos deum ira, eadem hominum rabies, eaedem
scelerum causae in discordiam egere. Quod singulis
velut ictibus transacta sunt bella, ignavia principum
factum est. Sed me veterum novorumcjue morum
reputatio longius tulit : nunc ad rerum ordinem
venio.

XXXIX. Profecto Brixellum Othone honor imperii
penes Titianum fratrem, vis ac potestas penes

^ The tribunes Tiberius and Gains (iracchus. Saturninus,
and Driipus, the consuls Appius Claudius and Lucius Opimius
are probably meant.

BOOK Vlll. xxxvii.-xxxix.

emperor unless he was foul with vice and under
obligations to them.

XXXVIII. The old greed for power, long in-
grained in mankind, came to full growth and broke
bounds as the empire became great. When resources
were moderate, equality was easily maintained ; but
when the world had been subjugated and rival
states or kings destroyed, so that men were free
to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first
quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out.
Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls
usurped too much power ;i in the city and forum
the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius
Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the
people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla,
defeated liberty with arms and turned it into
tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no
better man than they, but one who concealed his
purpose more cleverly ; and thenceforth there was
never any aim but supreme power. The legions
made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their
arms at Pharsalia or Philippi ; much less were the
armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war
voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human
madness, the same motives to crime drove them on
to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a
single blow, so to speak, was due to the Avorthless-
ness of the emperors. However, my reflections on
the character of antiquity and of modern times have
taken me too far afield ; now I return to my
narrative.

XXXIX. When Otho left for Brixellum the
nominal command fell to his brother Titianus, but
the real authority was in the hards of the prefect

223

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Proculum praefectum ; Celsus et Paulinus, cum
prudentia eorum nemo uteretur, inani nomine ducum
alienae culpae })raetendebantur ; tribuni centuriones-
que ambigui quod spretis melioribus deterrimi vale-
bant ; miles alacer, qui tamen iussa ducum interpre-
tari quam exequi mallet. Promoveri ad quartum a
Bedriaco castra placuit, adeo imperite ut quamquam
verno tempore anni et tot circum amnibus^ penuria
aquae fatigarentur. Ibi de proelio dubitatum,
Othone per litteras flagitante ut maturarent, militibus
ut imperator pugnae adesset poscentibus : plerique
copias trans Padum agentis acciri postulabant. Nee
proinde diiudicari potest quid optimum factu fuerit,
quam pessimum fuisse quod factum est.

XL. Non ut ad pugnam sed ad bellandum profeeti
confluentis Padi et Aduae fluminum. sedecim inde
milium spatio distantis, petebant. Celso et Paulino
abnuentibus militem itinere fessum, sarcinis gravem
obicere hosti, non omissuro quo minus expeditus et
vix quattuor milia passuum progressus aut incom-
positos in agmine aut dispersos et vallum molientis
adgrederetur, Titianus et Proculus, ubi consiliis vin-
cerentur, ad ius imperii transibant. Aderat sane

' inanibus M.

^ The Adda to-day. Since the march as here described

would have exposed Otho's troops to a flank attack,

Mommsen and others have doubted the accuracy of tliis
account.

224

BOOK II. xxxix.-xL.

Froculus. As for Celsus and Paulinus, no one made
any use of their practical knowledge ; with the empty
title of generals they only served to cloak the faults
of others. The tribunes and centurions knew not
what to do, because tlie better men were thrust
aside and the worst held the power ; the soldiers
were enthusiastic, but they preferred to criticize
their generals' orders rather than to execute them.
It was decided to move camp to the fourth mile-
stone from Bedriatum, but the advance was made
in such ignorance that, in spite of the fact that it
was spring and there were many rivers all about
them, the troops were distressed by lack of water.
There they discussed the question of a battle, for
Otho kept sending dispatches urging them to hurry,
while the soldiers kept demanding that the emperor
take part in the engagement ; many insisted that
the troops operating across the Po be called in. It
is not so easy to decide what they should have done
as it is to be sure that the action they took was the
worst possible.

XL. Setting out as if they were starting on a
campaign and not going into battle, they aimed to
reach the confluence of the Po and the Adua,^ sixteen
miles away. Celsus and Paulinus refused to expose
their soldiers, weary as they were with their marcli
and weighed down with baggage, to the enemy,
who, unencumbered with baggage, after marching
hardly four miles, would not lose the opportunity
to attack them either while in disorder on the
march or while scattered and engaged in fortifying
camp. Thereupon Titianus and Proculus, being
defeated in council, sought refuge in the imperial
authority. And it is true that a Numidian arrived

225

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

citus equo Nuuiida cum atrocibus mandatis, quibus
Otho increpita ducum segnitia rem in discrimen
mitti iubebat, aeger mora et spei impatiens.

XLI. Eodem die ad Caecinam operi pontis intentum
duo praetoriarum cohortium tribuni, conloquium eius
postulantes, venerunt : audire condiciones ac reddere
parabat, cum praecipites exploratores' adesse hostem
nuntiavere. Interruptus tribunorum sermo, eoque
incertum fuit insidias an proditionem vel aliquod
honestum consilium coeptaverint. Caecina dimissis
tribunis revectus in castra datum iussu Fal)ii Valentis
pugnae signum et militem in armis invenit. Dum
legiones de ordine agminis sortiuntur, equites pro-
rupere ; et mirum dictu, a paucioribus Othonianis
quo minus in vallum inpingerentur, Italicae legionis
virtute deterriti sunt: ea strictis^ mucronibus redire
pulsos et pugnam resumere coegit. Disposita Vitel-
lianarum legionum acies^ sine trepidatione : etenim
quaniquam vicino hoste aspectus armorum densis
arbustis prohibebatur. Apud Othonianos pavidi
duces, miles ducibus infensus, mixta vehicula et
lixae, et praeruptis utrimque fossis via quieto quoque
agmini angusta. Circumsistere alii signa sua, quae-

* Explora | adesse M.

* ea strictis Rhenanus : et astrictis M.
^ acies Lipsius : arte M.

1 Cf. ii. 34 f.

BOOK n. xt..-xu,

post-haste with iin{)erative commands from Otho,
who, sick of delay and too impatient to rest on hope,
rebuked his generals for their inaction and ordered
them to bring matters to an issue.

XLI. On the same day, while Caecina was busy
with the construction of his bridge,' two tribunes of
the praetorian cohorts came to him and asked for
an interview, Caecina was preparing to hear their
proposals and to make counter propositions when
suddenly scouts reported that the enemy was upon
them. The conversation with the tribunes was
broken off, and so it remained uncertain whethei
they were attempting some j)lot or treachery, or
rather had in mind some honest purpose. Caecina,
dismissing the tribunes, rode back to camp, where
he found that Fabius Valens had ordered the signal
for battle to be given and that the troops were
under arms. V\'hile the legions were casting lot for
positions in the line, the cavalry charged, but,
strange to relate, they were kept from being driven
back within their entrenchments by an inferior force
of Otho's troops only through the courageous action
of the Italian legion. This at the point of the
sword compelled the beaten cavalry to wheel about
and renew the battle. The legions of Vitellius
formed in line without disorder, for although the
enemy were close by, dense thickets made it im-
possible to see their arms. On Otho's side the
generals were nervous, the soldiers disaffected to-
wards the generals, wagons and camp-followers were
mixed in confusion with the troops ; moreover, the
road, with deep ditches on either side, was narrow
even for an army which was advancing quietly.
Some of the troops were gathered about their proper

227

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

rere alii ; incertus undique clamor adcurrentium,
vocantium : ut cuique audacia vel formido, in
primam postremamve aciem prorumpebant aut
relabebantur.

XLII. Attonitas subito terrore mentis falsum
gaudium in languorem vertit, repertis qui descivisse
a Vitellio exercitum ementirentur. Is rumor ab
exploratoribus ^'itellii dispersus, an in ipsa Othonis
|)arte seu dolo seu forte surrexerit, parum compertum.
Omisso pugnae ardore Othoniani ultro salutavere ;
et hostili murmure excepti, plerisque suorum ignaris
quae causa salutandi, metum pioditionis fecere. Turn
incubuit bostium acies, integris ordinibus, robore et
numero praestantior : Othoniani, quamquam dispersi,
pauciores, fessi, proelium tamen acriter sumpsere.
Et per locos arboribus ac vineis impeditos non una
pugnae facies : eomminus eminus, catervis et cuneis
concurrebant. In aggere viae conlato gradu cor-
poribus et umbonibus niti, omisso pilorum iactu
gladiis^ et securibus galeas loricasque perrumpere :
noscentes inter se^ ceteris conspicui, in eventum
totius belli certabant.

XLII I. Forte inter Padum viamque patenti campo
^ gladibus M^, cladibus J/.

1 That is, on the raised causeway of the Via Postumia, the
hiu^h road on the left bank of the Po. Cf. ii. 24

BOOK II. xLi.-xi.iM.

standards, others were hunting to find theirs. From
every side rose confused shouts of those running to
their places or calling their comrades ; soldiers
rushed to the front or slunk to the rear as courage
or fear prompted in each case.

XLII. The sudden consternation and fright of
Otho's men were changed to indifference by an un-
warranted joy, for some men were found who spread
the false report that the army of Vitellius had
deserted him. It was never discovered whether this
rumour was spread by Vitellian scouts or whether it
started on Otho's side through treachery or by chance.
In any case Otho's men lost all enthusiasm for buttle
and actually cheered their foes ; but the Vitellians
received their cheers with hostile murmurings, and
this made Otho's men fear treachery, for most of
them did not know the reason lor the cheering.
Then the Vitellians charged : their lines were intact ;
they were superior in strength and in numbers.
However, Otho's troops put up a brave resistance
in spite of their disordered ranks, their inferior
numbers, and their fatigue. The fact that in places
the ground was encumbered by trees and vineyards
gave tiie battle many aspects : the troops fought now
hand to hand, again at a distance : they charged
now in detachments, again in column. On the
raised road^ they struggled at close quarters, press-
ing with the weight of their bodies behind their
shields ; they threw no spears, but crashed swoi'ds
and axes through helmets and breastplates. They
could recognize one another, they could b6 seen by
all the rest, and tliey were fighting to decide the
issue of the whole war.

XLIII. In the open plain between the Po and

329

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

duae legiones congressae sunt, pro Vitellio unaetvi-
censima cui cognomen Rapaci, vetere gloria insignis,
e parte Othonis prima Adiutrix, non ante in aciem
deducta, sed ferox et novi decoris avida. Primani
stratis unaetvicensimanoruni ^ principiis aquilam
abstulere ; quo dolore accensa legio et impulit
rursus primanos, interfecto Orfidio Benigno legato,
et plurima signa vexillaque ex hostil)us rapuit. A
parte alia propulsa quintanorum impetu tertia decima
legio, circumventi plurium adcursu quartadecimani.
Et ducibus Othonis iam pridem profugis Caecina ac
Valens subsidiis suos firmabant. Accessit recens
auxilium, Varus- Alfenus cum Batavis, fusa gladia-
torum manu, quani navibus transvectam obpositae
cohortes in ipso flumine trucidaverant : ita victores
latus hostium invecti.

XLIV. Et media acie perrupta fugere passim
Othoniani, Bedriacum petentes. Inimensum id
spatium, obstructae strage corporum viae, quo plus
caedis fuit ; neque enim civilibus bellis capti in
praedam vertuntur. Suetonius Paulinus et Licinius
Proculus diversis itineribus castra vitavere. Vadium
Aquilam tertiae decimae legionis legatum irae militum
inconsultus pavor obtulit. Multo adhue die vallum
ingressus claraore seditiosorum et fugacium circum-

^ un§ et vicensimamorum M.
• Varus Rhenanus : varenus M.

' "The Invincibles," from Upper Germany.

* "The Helpers," made up of the marines. Cf. i. 6.

• From. Lower Germany. Cf. i. 61.

* From Pannonia. Cf. ii. 24.

' Somewhere between twelve and sixteen Roman miles.

• Plutarch, 0<Ao xiv. makes a similar remark. Dio Cassius
(Ixiv. 10) says that a total of over 40,000 fell in this battle.

230

BOOK XLiii.-xLiv.

the road two legions happened to engage. On the
side of Vitellius was the Twenty-first, also called the
Rapax,^ a legion long renowned ; on Otho's was
the First Adjutrix^ which had never been in an
engagement before, but which was enthusiastic and
eager to win its first success. The First cut down
the front ranks of the Twenty-first and ca{)tured
their eagle ; thereupon shame at this loss so fired
the Twenty-first that they drove back the First,
killed their commander, Orfidius Benignus, and
captured many colours and standards. In another
part of the field the Fifth ^ charged and routed
the Thirteenth* legion; the Fourteenth was sur-
rounded by a superior force which attacked it.
Otho's generals had long before fled. Caecina and
Valens began to strengthen their forces by bringing
up reserves; and a new reinforcement came when
Varus Alfenus arrived with the Batavians They
had routed the gladiators who had crossed the river
in boats, by meeting them with cohorts which cut
them down while still in the water. So in the full
flush of victory they assailed the enemy's flank.

XLIV. The Othonians' centre was now broken
and they fled in disorder, making for Bedriacum.
The distance to be covered was vast ; ^ the roads
were blocked with dead, and so the carnage was
greater : for in civil wars captives are not turned
to profit.^ Suetonius Paulinus and Licinius Proculus
took different roads and avoided the camp. Vedius
Aquila, commander of the Thirteenth legion, was so
terrified that he thoughtlessly exposed himself to
the angry troops. It was still broad day when he
entered camp and was surrounded by a shouting
mob of mutinous fugitives. They spared no insult or

231

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

strepitur ; non probris, non manibus abstinent ;
desert orem proditoremque increpant, nuUo proprio
crimine eiiis sed more vulgi suum quisque flagitium
aliis obiectantes. Titianum et Celsum nox iuvit,
dispositis iam excubiis conpressisque militibus, quos
Annius Gallus consilio precibus auctoritate flexerat,
ne super cladem adversae pugnae suismet ipsi caedi-
bus saevirent : sive finis bello venisset sen resumere
arma mallent, unicum victis in consensu levamentum.
Ceteris fractus animus : praetorianus miles non
virtute se sed proditione vietum fremebat : ne
Vitellianis quidem incruentam fuisse vietoriam, pulso
equite, rapta legionis aquila ; superesse cum ipso
Othone militum quod trans Padum fuerit, venire
Moesicas legiones, magnam exercitus partem Bedriaci
remansisse : hos certe nondum victos et, si ita ferret,
honestius in acie perituros. His cogitationibus truces
aut pavidi extrema desperatione ad iram saepius quani
in formidinem stimulabantur.

XLV. At Vitellianus exercitus ad quintum a
Bedriaco lapidem consedit, non ausis ducibus eadeni
die obpngnationem castrorum ; simul voluntari.i
deditio sperabatur : sed expeditis et tantum ad
proelium egressis munimentum fuere arma et

^ Gallus had remained in camp (ii. 33), and therefore was
not blamed by tlie soldiers.

* That is, without their trenching tools and stakes for
building a rampart.

232

BOOK II. xLiv.-XLv.

violence ; tliey greeted him with cries of " deserter "
and "traitor, " not because of any crime of his own,
but, after the habit of mobs, every man imputed
to him his own shame. Night assisted Titianus
and Celsus, for Annius Gallus'^ had ah-eady placed
sentinels and got the soldiers under control. By
advice, appeals, and connnands lie had induced the
men not to add to the cruelty of their defeat by
massacring their own leaders ; he urged that whether
the end of the war had come or whether they pre-
ferred to resume hostilities, their sole resource in
defeat lay in concord. The spirit of the rest was
broken ; but the praetorians angrily declared that
they had been defeated by treachery, not by the
valour of their foes. "The troops of Vitellius," they
maintained, " have not won a bloodless victory ; we
routed their cavalr}', and captured the legion's
eagle. Otho and the force with him on the other
side of the Po are still left us ; the legions from
Moesia are on their way hither ; a large part of the
army is still at Bedriacum. These surely have not
been defeated, and, if occasion require, they will
consider it move honourable to die in open battle."
Such reflections now roused them to exasperation,
or again depressed them ; in their utter despair
they were more often goaded to fury than to fear.

XLV. But the army of V^itellius halted at the
fifth milestone from Bedriacum, for the connnanders
did not dare to try to carry their opponents' camp by
storm on the same day ; and at the same time they
hoped that Otho's troops would surrender volun-
tarily ; but, although they had set out without their
heavy equipment,^ and with no other purpose than
to give battle, their arms and their victory served

»33

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

victoria. Postera die baud ambigua Othoniani exer-
citus voluntate et qui ferociores fuerant ad paeni-
tentiam inclinantibus missa legatio ; nee apud duces
V'itellianos dubitatum quo minus pacem concederent.
Legati pauHsper retenti : ea res haesitationem
attuHt ignaris adbuc an impetrassent. Mox remissa
legatione patuit vallum. Turn victi victoresque in
lacrimas effusi, sortem civilium armorum misera
laetitia detestantes ; isdem tentoriis abi fratrum, alii
propinquorum vulnera fovebant ; spes et praemia in
ambiguo, certa fuuera et luctus, nee quisquam adeo
mali expers ut non aliquam mortem maereret.
Requisitum Orfidii legati corpus honore solito
crematur ; paucos necessarii ipsorum sepelivere, cete-
rum vulgus super humum rebctum.

XLVI. Opperiebatur Otho nuntium pugnae ne-
quaquam trepidus et consibi eertus. Maesta primuni
fama, dein profugi e proelio perditas res patefaciunt.
Non expectavit militum ardor vocem imperatoris ;
bonum baberet animum iubebant : superesse adbuc
novas viris, et ipsos extrema passuros ausurosque.
Neque erat adulatio : ire in aciem, excitare partium
fortunam furore quodam et instinetu flagrabant.
Qui procul adstiterant,* tendere manus, et proximi

* astiterant J/.

1 At Brixellum. Cf. ii. 33 39.
234

BOOK XLv.-xi.vi.

them as a rampai't. The next day the wishes
of Otho's troops were clear beyond doubt ; even
those who had been most determined were inclined
to change their views. Accordingly they sent a
deputation, and the generals of Vitellius did not
long hesitate to grant terms. But the deputation
was detained for a time, and this action disturbed
those who did not know whether they had secured
terms or not ; presently, however, the delegates
were let go and the gates of the camp were opened.
Then vanquished and victors alike burst into tears,
cursing, amid their melancholy joy, the fate of civil
war. In the same tents some nursed the wounds of
brothers, others of relatives. Their hopes of reward
were doubtful ; but they knew for certainties the
bereavements and sorrows that they suffered, and
none of them was so free from misfortune as not to
mourn some loss. The body of the legate Orfidius
was discovered and burned with the usual honours,
a few others were buried by their relatives, but the
majority of the fallen were left lying on the ground.
XLVI. Otho was waiting ^ for a report of the
battle without anxiety and with determined purpose.
First there came a distressing rumour ; then fugi-
tives from the field showed clearly that the day was
lost. But the troo})s in their zeal did not wait for
the emperor to si)eak ; they urged him to keep up
his courage, for there were fresh troops left ; and
they declared that they were ready themselves to
dare and suffer anything. Nor was this flattery :
they were fired by an almost passionate desire to go
into action and raise again the fortunes of their
party. The soldiers who were not near him stretched
out their hands to him appealingly, those near him

235

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

prensare genua, promptissimo Plotio Fiimo. Is
praetorii praefectus identidem orabat ne fidissimuai
exercitutn, ne optime meritos milites desereret :
maiore animo tolerari adversa quam relinqui ; fortis
et stienuos etiam contra fortunam insistere spei,
timidos et ignavos ad desperationem formidine pro-
perare. Quas inter voces ut flexerat vultum aut
induraverat Otho, clamor et gemitus. Nee praetori-
ani tantum. proprius^ Othonis miles, sed praemissi e
Moesia eandem obstinationem adventantis exercitus,
legiones Aquileiam ingressas nuntiabant, ut nemo
dubitet potuisse renovari bellum atrox, lugubre,
incertum victis et victoribus.

XLVII. Ipse aversus a consiliis belli " hunc "
inquit "animum, banc virtutem vestram ultra peri-
culis obicere nimis grande vitae meae pretium puto.
Quanto plus spei ostenditis, si vivere placeret, tanto
pulchrior mors erit. Experti in vicem sumus ego ac
fortuna. Nee tempus conputaveritis : difficilius est
temperare felicitati qua te non putes diu usurum.
Civile bellum a Vitellio coepit, et ut de principatu
certaremus armis initium illic fuit : ne plus quam
semel certemus penes me exemplum erit ; hinc

^ propius A[.
236

BOOK II. xi.vi.-xr.vii.

clasped his knees. The most zealous of all was
Plotius Firmus, the prefect of the praetorian guard,
who constantly begged him not to fail an army
which was absolutely loyal, and soldiers who had
served him so well. He reminded Otho that it
called for greater courage to endure adversity than
to yield to it ; that brave and courageous men press
on even against ill fortune to attain their hopes ; the
timid and cowardly are quickly moved to despair by
fear. During these appeals the soldiers cheered
or broke into groans as Otho's face showed signs of
giving way to their appeals or grew hr.rJ. The
praetorians, Otho's personal force, were not the only
ones who encouraged him. The advance detach-
ments from Moesia declared that the troops which
were on the^r way were just as determined, and
they reported that the legions had entered Aquileia,
so that no one can doubt that it would have been quite
passible to renew this cruel and awful war, with uncer-
tain results for both the victors and the vanquished.
XLVII. Otho himself was opposed to the plan of
continuing the war. "To expose such courageous
and brave men as you to further dangers," he said,
" I reckon too great a price for my life. The greater
the hope you otter me, if it were my wish to live, so
much the more glorious will be my death. Fortune
and I know each other well. Do not reckon up the
short duration of my rule ; it is all the harder to
make a moderate use of a good fortune which you do
not expect to enjoy long. Vitellius began civil war ;
it was he who initiated the armed contest between us
for the imperial power ; but we shall not contend
more than once, for it is in my power to set a
precedent for that. I would have posterity thus

VOL. T. I 237

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Othonem posteritas aestimet. Fruetur Vitellius
fratre, cojiiuge, liberis : mihi non ultione neque
solaciis opus est. Alii diutius imperium tenuerint,
nemo tarn fortiter reliquerit. An ego tantum
Homanae pubis, tot egregios exercitus sterni rursus
et rei publicae eripi patiar ? Eat hie mecum animus,
tamquam perituri pro me fueritis, set este superstites.
Nee diu moreraur, ego incolumitatem vestram, vos
constantiani nieam. Plura de extremis loqui pars
ignaviae est. Praecipuum destinationis meae docu-
mentum habete quod de nemine queror ; nam incu-
sare deos vel homines eius est qui vivere veUt."

XLVIII. TaUa locutus, ut cuique aetas aut dignitas,
comiter appellatos, irent propere neu remanendo
iram victoris asperarent, iuvenes auctoritate, senes
precibus movebat, placidus ore, intrepidus verbis,
intempestivas suorum lacrimas coercens. Dari navis
ac vehicula abeuntibus iubet ; Hbellos epistulasque
studio erga se aut in Vitellium contumeHis insignis
abolet ; pecunias distribuit parce nee ut^ periturus.
Mox Salvium Cocceianum, fratris fihum, prima
iuventa, trepidum et maerentem ultro solatus est,
laudando pietatem eius, castigando formidinem : an
VitelHum tarn inmitis animi fore ut pro incolumi
tota domo ne hanc quidem sibi gratiam redderet ?
Mereri se festinato exitu clementiam victoris ; non

^ ne cui M,

* CocceianuR was Titianus's son. He was later put to
death by Doinitian for celebrating Otho's birthday.

* Otho had left unharmed the mother and children of
Vitellius. Cf. i. 75.

23S

BOOK II. XLVH.-XLVIII

judge Otho. Vitellius shall enjoy his brother, his
wife, and his children ; I require neither vengeance
nor solace. Others may hold the power longer than
I ; none shall give it up more bravely. Would you
have me sutler so many of Rome's young men, such
noble armies, to be again cut down and lost to the
state ? Let me carry with me the thought of your
willingness to die for me ; but you must live. Now
there must be no more delay ; let me not interfere
with your safety, or you with my determination.
To talk at length about the end is cowardice.
Regard as the chief proof of my resolve the fact
that I complain of no man. It is for him to blame
gods or men who has the wish to live. "

XLVIII. After Otho had spoken thus, he addressed
all courteously as befitted the age or rank of the
individual, and urged them to go quickly and not to
incite the victor's wrath b}' remaining. The young
men he persuaded by his authority, the older by his
appeals ; his face was calm, his words showed no
fear ; but he checked the unseasonable tears of his
friends. He gave orders that boats and carriages
should be furnished those who were leaving. Evei'y
document or letter which was marked by loyalty
towards him or by abuse of Vitellius he destroyed.
He distributed money, but sparingly and not as if
he were about to die. Then he took pains to con-
sole his nephew, Salvius Cocceianus,^ who was very
young, frightened, and sad, praising his dutiful
affection, but reproving his fear. He asked him if
he thought Vitellius would prove so cruel as not to
grant him even such a return as this for saving his
whole house.^ " By my quick end," said he, " I
can earn the clemency of tlae victor. For it is not

239

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

enini ultima desperatione sed posct-iite proeliuin
exercitu remisisse rei publioae novissinium casuni.
Satis sibi nominis, satis posteris suis nobilitatis
qiiaesitum. Post lulios Claudios Servios se primum
in familiam novam imperium intulisse : proinde
erecto animo capesseret vitam, neu patruum sibi
Othonem fuisse aut oblivisceretur umqiiam aut
nimiinn meniinisset.

XLIX. Post quae dimotis omnibus paulum requievit.
Atque ilium suprenias iam curas animo volutantem
repens tumultus avertit, nuntiata consternatione ac
licentia militum ; namque abeuntibus exitium mini-
tabantur, atrocissima in Verginium vi, quem clausa
dome obsidebant. Increpitis seditionis auctoribus
regressus vacavit abeuntium adloquiis, donee omnes
inviolati digrederentur. V^esperascente die sitim
haustu gelidae aquae sedavit. Tum adiatis pugioni-
bus duobus, cum utrumque pertemptasset, alterum
capiti subdidit. Et explorato iam profectos amices,
noctem quietam, utque adfirmatur, non insomnem
egit : luce prima in ferrum pectore incubuit. Ad
gemitum morientis ingressi liberti servique et
Plotius Firmus praetorii praefectus unum vulnus
invenere. Funus maturatum ; ambitiosis id precibus
petierat ne amputaretur caput ludibrio futurum.
Tulere corpus praetoriae cohortes cum laudibus et

^ Consul Suffectus at this time (cf. i. 77) ; he was later
victorious over Vindex.
* The date was April 16.

240

BOOK II. xLviii.-xLix.

in the extremity of despair, but while my army is
still demanding battle that I have saved the state
this last misfortune. I have won enough fame for
myself, enough high rank for my descendants.
After the Julii, the Claudii, and the Servii, I have
been the first to confer the imperial rank on a
new family. Therefore face life with a brave heart ;
never forget or too constantly remember that Otho
was your uncle."

XLIX. After this he sent all away and rested for a
time. As he was already pondering in his heart the
last cares of life, he was interruj)ted by a sudden
uproar and received word that the soldiers in their
dismay had become mutinous and were out of
control. In fact they were threatening with death
all who wished to depart ; they were most violent
against Verginius,^ whom they had shut up in his
house and were now besieging. Otho repi'oved the
ringleaders and then returned to his quarters, where
he gave himself up to interviews with those who were
departing, until all had left unharmed. As evening
approached he slaked his thirst with a draught of
cold water. Then two daggers were brought him ;
he tried the points of both and placed one beneath
his head. After learning that his friends had gone,
he passed a quiet night, and indeed, as is affirmed,
he even slept somewhat. At dawn he fell on the
steel. ^ At the sound of his dying groans his freed-
nien and slaves entered, and with them Plotius
Firmus, the prefect of the })raetorian guard ; they
found but a single wound. His funeral was hurriedly
accomplished. He had earnestly begged that this be
done, that his head might not be cut off to be an
object of insult. Praetorians bore his body to the

241

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

lacriiiiis, vulnus manusque eius exosculantes. Quidam
militum iuxta rogum interfecere se, non noxa neque
ob metum, sed aemulatioiie decoris et caritate
principis. Ac postea promisee Bedriaci, Placentiae
aliisque in castris celebratum id genus mortis.
Othoni sepulchrum extructum est modicum et
mansurum. Hunc vitae finem habuit septimo et
tricensimo aetatis anno.

L. Origo illi e municipio Ferentino/ pater consu-
laris, avus praetorius ; maternum genus impar nee
tamen indecorum. Pueritia ac iuventa, qualem
monstravimus. Duobus facinoribus, altero flagitio-
sissimo, altero egregio, tantundem apud posteros
meruit bonae famae quantum malae. Ut conquirere
fabulosa et fictis oblectare legentium animos procul
gravitate coepti operis crediderimj ita vulgatis tradi-
tisque demere fidem non ausim. Die, quo Bedriaci
certabatur, avem invisitata specie apud Regium
Lepidum celebri luco consedisse incolae memorant,
nee deinde coetu hominum aut circumvolitantium
alitum territam pulsamve, donee Otho se ipse inter-
ficeret ; tum ablatam ex oculis : et tempora repu-
tantibus initium finemque miraculi cum Othonis
exitu competisse.

LI. In funere eius novata luctu ac dolore militum

^ Ferentino Puteolanus: ferentio .1/.

^ In southern Etruria ; Ferento to-da3\
2 His mother, Albia Ferentia, sprang from an equestrian
family.

' The murder of Galba and his own suicide.
* Reggio, between Moilena and Parma.

242

BOOK II. xux.-Li.

|)vre, praising him amid their tears and kissing his
wound and his hands. Some soldiers slew themselves
near his pyre, not because of any fault or from fear,
but prompted by a desire to imitate his glorious
example and moved by affection for their emperor.
Afterwards many of every rank chose this form of
death at Bedriacum^ Placentia, and in other camps
as well. The tomb erected for Otho was modest,
and therefore likely to endure. So he ended his
life in the thirty-seventh year of iiis age.

L. Otho was born in the municipal town of
Ferentinum ' ; his father had held the consulship,
his grandfather had been praetor. His mother's
family was not the equal of his father's, but still it
was respectable.^ His boyhood and youth were such
as we have already described. By two bold deeds,
the one most outrageous, the other glorious,^ he
gained with posterity as much fame as evil reputa-
tion. While I must hold it inconsistent with the
dignity of the work I have undertaken to collect
iabulous tales and to delight my readers with
fictitious storieS;, I cannot, however, dare to deny the
truth of common tradition. On the day of the
battle at Bedriacum, according to the account given
by the people of that district, a bird of unusual
appearance settled in a much-frequented grove near
Regium Lejndum,* and neither the concourse of
people nor the other birds which flew about it
frightened it or drove it away, until Otho had com-
mitted suicide ; then it disappeared from view. And
they add that when people reckoned up the time,
they found that the beginning and end of this
marvel coincided with Otho's death.

LI. At his funeral the soldiers' gi'ief and sorrow

243

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

seditio, nee erat qui coerceret. Ad Verginium versi,
niodo ut reciperet imperium, nunc ut legatione apud
Caecinam ac Valenteni fungeretur, minitantes ora-
l)ant : Verginius per aversam domus partem furtiui
digressus inrumpentis ^ frustratus est. Earum quae
Brixelli egerant cohortium preces Rubrius Gallus
tulit, et venia^ statim inapetrata, concedentibus ad
victorem per Flavium Sabinum iis copiis quibus
praefuerat.

LH. Posito ubique bello magna pars senatus
extremum discrimen adiit, profecta cum Othone ab
urbe, dein Mutinae relicta. Illuc adverse de proelio
adlatum : sed milites ut falsum rumorem aspernantes,
quod infensum Othoni senatum arbitrabantur, custo-
dire sermones, vultum habitumque trahere in
detenus ; conviciis postremo ac probris causam et
initium caedis quaerebant, cum alius insuper metus
senatoribus instaret, ne praevalidis iam Vitellii parti-
bus cunctanter excepisse victoriam crederentur. Ita
trepidi et utrimque anxii coeunt, nemo privatim
expedite consilio^ inter multos societate culpae tutior.
Onerabat paventium curas ordo Mutinensis arma et
pecunium ofFei'endo, appellabatque patres conscriptos
intempestivo honore.

^ degressus inrumpente M. ^ veuiam M.

^ Modena.

244

BOOK II. Li.-Lii.

caused the mutiny to break out afresh, and there
was no one to check it. The soldiers turned to
V^erginius and threateningly besought him, now to
accept the imperial office, again to act as their envoy
to Caecina and Valens. Verginius slipped away by
stealth through the rear ot his house and so escaped
them when they burst in the doors. Rubrius
Gallus brought the appeals ot" the cohorts who had
been quartered at Brixellum. They were at once
forgiven, and the troops tiiat Flavius Sabinus had
commanded made known through him their adhesion
to the victor.

LI I. Although fighting had now ceased at every
point, a large part of the senate, which had set out
from Rome with Otho and then been left at Mutina,^
encountered extreme danger. News of the defeat
was brought to Mutina ; but the soldiers treated the
report with scorn, believing it false, and since they
thought the senate hostile to Otho, they began to
watch the senatoi's' conversation and to put an
unfavourable interpretation on their looks and bear-
ing. Finally, resorting to abuse and insults, they
looked for an excuse to start a massacre, while in
addition the senators were weighed down by the
further fear that, now the party of Vitellius was
dominant, they might be held to have been slow
in accepting the victory. Thus they assembled,
frightened and distressed by a double anxiety ;
none was ready with any plan of his own, but each
felt the safer in sharing his guilt with many. The
local senate of Mutina added to the distress of the
terrified company by offering them arms and money,
and with an untimely compliment addressed them as
" Conscript Fathers."

245

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

LIII. Notabile iuri^ium ^ fuit quo Licinius Caeciiia
Marcellum Eprium ut ainbigua disserentem invasit.
Sec ceteri sententias aperiebant: sed invisum
luemoria delationum expositumqiie ad invidiam
Marcelli nomen inritaverat Caecinam, ut novus
adhuc et in senatum nuper adscitus magnis inimi-
citiis claresceret, Moderatione nieliorum dirempti.
F^t rediere omnes Bononiam, rursus consiliaturi ;
simul medio temporis plures nuntii sperabantur.
Bononiae, divisis per itinera qui recentissimum
(juemque percontarentur,^ interrogatus Othonis li-
Ijertus^ causam digressiis habere se suprema eius
mandate respondit ; i))sum viventem quidem relictum,
sed sola posteritatis cura et abru{)tis vitae blandi-
nientis. Hinc admiratio et plura interrogandi ])udor,
atque omnium animi in \'itellium inclinavere.

LIV. Intererat consiliis frater eius L. \'itellius
seque iam adulantibus otferebat, cum repente Coenus
libertus Neronis atroci mendacio universes perculit,
adfirmans superventu quartae decimae legionis,
iunctis a Brixello viribus, caesos victores ; versam
partium fortunam. Causa fingendi fuit ut diplomata
Othonis, quae neglegebantur, laetiore nuntio reva-
lescerent. Et Coenus quidem raptim in * urbem

' iurgium Bekkfr : virgenium M.

^ percunctaretur M.

^ Imbertus M.

* raptim in J . Gronovius : rapidum M.

1 Kprius had laid information against Thrasea and gained
.">, 000,000 sesterces thereby. Ann. xvi. 22, 28, 33 and cf. Hist,
iv. 6.

'^ Bologna.

' Diplomata that secured post-horses, lodging, etc.

246

BOOK II. Liii.-Liv.

LI 1 1. There was a remarkable quarrel when
Licinius Caecina attacked Marcelliis Eprius for
making ambiguous proposals. Yet the other
senators did not disclose their opinions ; but the
name of Marcellus was hateful and exposed to
odium, because men remembered that he had been
an informer ' ; it consequently roused in Caecina,
who was a new man, recently em-olled in the senate,
a desire to win fame by making enemies of the
great. The two were separated, however, by the
moderate and wiser senators. They all returned to
Bononia ^ to take counsel together again there ; and
they also ho})ed for fuller news in the meantime.
At Bononia they posted men on the different roads
to question every newcomer. One of Otho's freed-
men who was asked why he had left, replied that he
had Otho's last commands. He also said that Otho
was still alive when he left, but that his sole anxiety
was for posterity and that he had rejected all the
allurements of life. This answer filled the senators
with admiration and made them ashamed to question
further ; and then the hearts of all inclined toward
Vitellius.

LIV. His brother Lucius V^itellius was now
sharing their councils and was already offering
himself as an object of their flattery, when suddenly
Coenus, one of Nero's freedmen, by a bold falsehood
succeeded in terrifying them all. He declared that
by the arrival of the Fourteenth legion and by its
union with the forces from Brixellum, the victors
had been crushed and the fortune of the two parties
reversed. He had invented this tale to secure by
such good news a renewed validity for Otho's pass-
ports^ which were being disregarded. Now Coenus

247

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vectus paucos post dies iussu Vitellii poenas luit :
senatorum periculum auctum credentibus Othonianis
railitibus vera esse quae adferebantur. Intendebat
formidinem quod publici consilii facie discessum
Mutina desertaeque partes forent. Nee ultra in
commune congressi sibi quisque consuluere, donee
missae a Fabio \'alente epistulae demerent metum.
Et mors Othonis quo laudabilior eo velocius audita.

LV. At Romae nihil trepidationis ; Ceriales ludi
ex more spectabantur. Ut cessisse Othonem et a
Flavio Sabino praefecto urbis quod erat in urbe
militum Sacramento Vitellii adactum certi auctores
in theatrum attulerunt, ^'itellio plausere ; populus
cum lauru ac floribus Galbae imagines circum templa
tulit, congestis in modum tumuli coronis iuxta lacum
Curtii, quem locum Galba moriens sanguine infecerat.
In senatu cuucta longis aliorum principatibus com-
posita statim decernuntur ; additae erga Germanicum
exercitum ^ laudes gratesque et missa legatio quae
gaudio fungeretur. Recitatae Fabii Valentis epistu-
lae ad consules scriptae baud immoderate : gratior
Caecinae modestia fuit quod non scripsisset.

LVI. Ceterum Italia gravius atque atrocius quam
bello adflictabatur. Dispersi per municipia et colonias

* exercitum Hitter : exercitus M.

1 April 12-19.

* Vespasian's brother.
» Cf. i. 41.

* Only the highest officials were expected to address the
consuls or the senate.

24S

BOOK II. I.1V.-LVI.

hurried to Home, wlnre a few days later, at tlie
orders of Vitellius, lie paid the penalty due; the
senators, however, were in still greater danger, for
Otho's soldiers believed that the story was the truth.
Their alarm was increased also by the fact that their
departure from Mutina and their abandonment of
Otho's cause had the appearance of a formal and
public act. They no longer met together, but each
took thought for his own safety until letters from
Kabius V'alens did away with their fears. Moreover
the laudable character of Otho's death made the
news of it spread all the quicker.

hV. Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The
festival of Ceres ^ was celebrated in the usual manner.
When it was announced in the theatre on good
authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius
Sabinus,^ the city prefect, had administered to all
the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to
Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitel-
lius with applause. The peojile, bearing laurel and
flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple,
and ])iled garlands high in the form of a burial
mound by the Locus Cvrlius,^ which the dying Galba
had stained with his blood. The senate at once
voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been
devised during the long reigns of other emperors ;
besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to
the troops from Germany and dispatched a delega-
tion to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters
from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written
in quite moderate style ; but greater satisfaction
was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all.*

LVI. But the distress of Italy was now heavier and
more terrible than that inflicted by war. The troops

249

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Vitelliani spoliare, rapere, vi et stupris poUuere : in
omne fas ^ nefasque avidi aut venales non sacro, non
profano abstinebant. Et fuere qui inimicos suos
specie militum interficerent ; ipsique milites regionum
gnari refertos agros, ditis dominos in praedam aut,
si repugnatum foret, ad exitium destinabant, ob-
noxiis ducibus et prohibere non ausis. Minus
avaritiae in Caecina, plus ambitionis : Valens ob
lucra et quaestus infamis eoque alienae etiam culpae
dissimulator. lam pridem attritis Italiae rebus
tantum peditum equitumque, vis damnaque et
iniuriae aegre tolerabantur,

LVII. Interim Vitellius victoriae suae nescius ut
ad integrum bellum reliquas Germanici exercitus
viris trahebat. Pauci veterum militum in hibernis
relicti, festinatis per Gallias dilectibus, ut remanen-
tium legionum nomina supplerentur. Cura ripae
Hordeonio Flacco permissa ; ipse e Britannico
exercitu^ delecta octo milia sibi adiunxit. Et pau-
corum dierum iter progressus prosperas apud Bedri-
acum res ac morte Othonis concidisse bellum accepit :
vocata contione virtutem militum laudibus cumulat.
Postulante exercitu ut libertum suum Asiaticum

1 omnelas M. • exercitu add. Hercuus.

250

BOOK II. i.v[.-i.vn.

of Vitellius, scattering among the municipalities and
colonies, indulged in every kind of robbery, theft,
violence and debauchery. Their greed and venality
knew no distinction between right and wronff ;
they respected nothing, whether sacred or profane,
ihere were cases too where, under the disguise of
soldiers, men murdered their personal enemies ; and
the soldiers in their turn, being acquainted with the
country, marked out the best-stocked farms and the
richest owners for booty or destruction, in case any
resistance was made. ihe generals were subject to
their troops and did not dare to forbid them.
Caecina was less avaricious, but more eager for
popularity ; Valens, notorious for his greed and
sordid gains, was more inclined to overlook the
crimes of others. Italy, whose wealth had long-
before been exhausted, now found all these troops,
foot and horse, all this violence, loss, and suffering,
an intolerable burden.

LVII. In the meantime, Vitellius, quite ignorant of
his success, was bringing with him all the remaining
forces from Germany, as if he had to face a war
whose issue was undecided. He had left only a few
veterans in the winter quarters and was now hurrying
forward levies in the Gallic provinces to fill up the
empty ranks of the legions that were left behind.
The duty of guarding the Rhine he assigned to
Hordeonius Flaccus. He supplemented his own
forces with eight thousand men picked from the army
in Hritain, After he had advanced a few days, he
heard of the success at Bedriacum and learned that
at Otho's death the war had collapsed ; then he
assembled his troops and spoke in the highest praise
of his brave army. When his soldiers demanded that

251

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

equestri dignitate donaret, inhonestam adulationem
conpescit ; dein mobilitate ingenii, quod palam
abnueratj inter secreta convivii largitur, honoravitque
Asiaticum anulis, foedum mancipium et malis artibus
ambitiosum.

LVIII. Isdem diebus accessisse partibus utramque
Mauretaniam, interfecto procuratore Albino, nuntii
venere. Lucceius Albinus a Nerone Mauretaniae
Caesariensi praepositus, addita per Galbam Tingi-
tanae provinciae administratione, baud spernendis
viribus agebat. Decern novem cohortes, quinque
alae, ingens Maurorum numerus aderat, per latiocinia
et raptus apta bello manus. Caeso Galba in Othonem
pronus nee Africa contentus Hispaniae angusto freto
diremptae imminebat. Inde Cluvio Rufo metus, et
decimam legionem propinquare litori ut transniis-
surus iussit ; praemissi centuriones qui Maurorum
animos VitelUo conciliarent. Neque arduum fuit,
magna per provincias Germanici exercitus fama ;
spargebatur insuper spreto procuratoris vocabulo
Albinum insigne regis et lubae nomen usurpare.

LIX. Ita mutatis animis Asinius PolUo alae prae-
fectus, e fidissimis^ Albino, et Festus ac Scipio

^ et fidissimis M.

1 Cf. ii. 95, and iv. 11.

' The province of Mauretania Caesariensis corresponded
ronglily to the western half of Algeria and eastern Morocco,
Mauretania Tingitana to western Morocco.

252

liOOK II. (.VU.-LIX.

he give his freedman Asiaticus the rank of knight, he
checked this shameful adulation ; but later, prompted
by his fickle nature, in the privacy of a dinner he
granted tliat which he had refused in public, and
honoured with the golden ring this Asiaticus, a servile,
shameful creature, who owed his popularity to his
wicked arts.^

LV'III. During these days word arrived that both
Mauretanias- had come over to the side of Vitellius
after the imperial governor Albinus had been killed.
Lucceius Albinus, who had been appointed governor
of Mauretania Caesariensis by Nero, had been
charged by Galba with the administration of the
province of Tingitana as well, and had forces at his
command which were not to be despised. Nineteen
cohorts of infantry, five squadrons of cavalry were at
his disposal as well as a great number of Mauri, form-
ing a band which robbery and brigandage had trained
for war. After the assassination of Galba, Albinus had
favoured Otho, and not satisfied with Africa, began
preparations to threaten Spain, which is separated
from Africa by only a narrow strait. This action
frightened Cluvius Rufus, and he ordered the Tenth
legion to advance towards the coast as if he planned
to transport it across ; and he dispatched centurions
ahead to win the Mauri to the cause of Vitellius. This
was not hard, for the army from Germany enjoyed a
great reputation in the provinces ; besides, gossip
spread the report that Albinus, despising the name
of imperial governor, was adopting the insignia of
royalty and the name of Juba.

LIX. The sentiments of the Mauretanians were
changed, and this reversal of feeling led to the assassi-
nation of the prefect of the cavalry, Asinius Pollio,

253

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

cohortium praefecti oppriinuntur : ipse Albinus diini
e Tingitana provincia Caesariensem Mauretaniam
petit/ adpulsu litoris trucidatus ; uxor eius cum se
percussoribus obtiilisset, simul interfecta est, nihil
eorum quae fierent Vitellio anquirente : brevi auditii
quamvis ^ magna transibat, impar curis gravioribus.

Exercitum itinere terrestri pergere iubet : ipse
Arare flumine devehitur, nullo principali paratu, sed
vetere egestate conspicuus, donee lunius Blaesus
Lugudunensis Galliae rector, genere inlustri, largus
animo et par opibus, circumdaret principi miuisteria,
comitaretur liberaliter, eo ipso ingratus, quamvis
odium Vitellius vernilibus blanditiis velaret. Praesto
fuere Luguduni victricium victarumque partium
duces. Valentem et Caecinam pro contione laudatos
curuli suae circumposuit. Mox universum exercitum
occurrere infanti filio iubet, perlatumque et paluda-
mento opertum sinu retinens Germanicum appellavit
cinxitque cunctis fortunae principalis insignibus.
Nimiushonos inter secunda rebus adversis in solacium
cessit.

LX. Tum interfecti sunt ^ centuriones promptissimi
Othonianorum, unde praecipua in Vitellium alienatio
per Illyricos exercitus ; simul ceterae legiones con-

^ petiti M : petit, in If aim.

- hreve auditu vi quamvis M.

' interfecti sunt Mtter : intert'ectis M.

^ Now six years of age.

254

BOOK II. LIX.-I.X.

one of the most devoted friends of Albinus, and
of the commanders of the cohorts, Festus and Scipio.
Albinus, who was trying to reach Mauretania
Caesariensis by sea from Tinsfitana, was killed as
he disembarked ; his wife ottered herself to the
assassins and was slain with him. Vitellius made
no investigation of all these acts ; how ever important
matters were, he dismissed them after a brief
hearing ; he was quite unequal to serious business.

His army he ordered to advance by land ; but he
himself sailed down the Arar, distinguished by no
imperial show, but rather by the same poverty that
he had displayed of old ; until finally Junius Blaesus,
governor of Gallia Lugudunensis — a man of illustrious
family, whose wealth matched his liberal spirit, — sur-
rounded him with all the service that an emperor
should have and gave him generous escort, earning
dislike by that very act, although the emperor con-
cealed his hatred under servile flattery. At Lugudu-
num the generals of both sides, the victors and the
defeated, awaited him. Vitellius spoke in praise
of Valens and Caecina in public assembly and placed
them on either side of his own curule chair. Then
he ordered the entire army to parade before his
infant son/ whom he brought out and, wrapping
him in a general's cloak, held in his arms ; he called
him Germanicus, and surrounded him with all the
attributes of imperial rank. These excessive honours
in prosperity presently became a solace in misfortune.

LX. Then the centurions who had been most
active in supporting Otho were put to death, an
action which more than anything else turned the
forces in Illyricum against Vitellius ; at the same
time the contagion spread to the rest of the legions,

25s

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tactu et adversus Germanicos milites invidia belluni
meditabantur. Suetonium Paulinum ac Licinium
Proculum tristi mora squalidos tenuit, donee auditi
necessariis magis defensionibus quam honestis uteren-
tur. Proditionem ultro imputabant, spatium longi
ante proelium itineris, fatigationem Othonianorum,
permixtum vehiculis agmen ac pleraque fortuita fraudi
suae adsignantes. Et Vitellius credidit de perfidia
et fidem absolvit. Salvias Titianus Othonis frater
nullum discrimen adiit, pietate et ignavia excusatus.
Mario Celso consulatus servatur : sed creditum fama
obieetumque mox in senatu Caecilio Simplici, quod
eum honorem^ pecunia mercari, nee sine exitio Ceisi,
voluisset : restitit Vitellius deditque postea consula-
tum Simplici innoxium et inemptum. Trachalum
adversus criniinantis Galeria uxor Vitellii protexit.

LXI. Inter magnorum virorum discrimina, puden-
dum dictu, Mariccus quidam, e plebe Boiorum,
inserere sese fortunae et provocare arma Romana
simulatione numinum ausus est. lamque adsertor
Galliarum et deus (nam id sibi indiderat) concitis
octo milibus hominum proximos Aeduorum pagos

^ cum honore M.

1 Cf. i. 77. * Cf. i. 90.

' The Boil lived between the Loire and the AUier.

256

BOOK II. L.v.-i.M.

who were jealous of the forces from Gerniany, and
they began to think of war. Suetonius Paulinus
and Licinius Proculus were kept in anxiety and
distress by a long delay, until at last, when admitted
to audience, they resorted to a defence which
necessity rather than honour dictated : they actually
charged themselves with treachery towards Otho,
declaring that their own bad faith was responsible
for the long march before the battle, for the
exhaustion of his forces, for the baggage train
becoming involved with the marching troops and
the resulting confusion, and finally for many things
which were due to mere chance. Vitellius believed
in their treachery and acquitted them of the crime
of loyalty towards Otho. Salvius Titianus, Otho's
brother, was in no danger, being forgiven because
of his duty towards his brother and his own in-
capacity. Marius Celsus did not lose his consul-
ship.^ But gossip, which was widely believed, gave
rise to the charge made later in the senate against
C'aecilius Simplex to the effect that he had wished
to purchase the consulship, even at the cost of the
life of Celsus. Vitellius opposed this rumour and
later gave Simplex a consulship which cost neither
crime nor money. Trachalus was protected against
his accusers by Galeria, the wife of Vitellius.^

LXI. While men of high distinction were thus
endangered, it raises a blush to record how a certain
Mariccus, a common Boian,^ dared to take a hand
in Fortune's game, and, jM-eteTiding the authority
of heaven, to challenge the Roman arms. And this
liberator of the Gallic provinces, this god — for he
had given himself that honour — after collecting
eight thousand men, was already plundex'ing the

257

TFIE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

trahebat, cum gravissima civitas electa iuventute,
adiectis a Vitellio cohortibuSj fanaticam multitudinem
disiecit. Captus in eo proelio Mariccus ; ac mox
feris obiectus quia non laniabatur, stolid uin vulgus
inviolabilem credebat, donee spectante Vitellio
interfectus est.

LXII. Nee ultra in defectores aut bona cuiusquam
saevitum : i-ata fuere eorum qui acie Otlioniana
ceciderant, testaments aut lex intestatis : prorsus, si
luxuriae temperaret, avaritiam non timeres. Epula-
rum foeda et inexplebilis libido : ex urbe atque
Italia inritamenta gulae gestabantur, strepentibus ab
utroque raari itineribus ; exhausti conviviorum appara-
tibus principes civitatum ; vastabantur ipsae civitates ;
degenerabat a labore ac virtute miles adsuetudine
voluptatum et contemptu ducis. Praemisit in urbem
edictum quo vocabulum Augusti ditferret, Caesaris
non reciperet, cum de potestate nihil detraheret.
Pulsi Italia mathematici ; cautum severe ne equites
Romani ludo et harena polluerentur. Priores id
principes pecunia et saepius vi perpulerant, ac

^ The capital was Augustodunum (Autun).
» Cf. i. 22,

?58

BOOK n. Lxi.-ixM.

Aeduan cantons nearest him, when that most
important state, ^ with tlie best of its jouth and
the cohorts whicli VitelHus gave, dispersed the
fanatic crowd. Mariccus was taken prisoner in the
battle. Later, when he was exposed to the beasts
and the animals did not rend him, the stupid rabble
believed him inviolable, until he was executed before
the eyes of \'itellius.

LXII. No other severe measures were taken
against the rebels ; there were no further confisca-
tions. The wills of those who fell in Otho's ranks
were allowed to stand, and if the soldiers died
intestate, the law took its regular course. In fact,
if Vitellius had only moderated his luxurious mode
of life, there would have been no occasion to fear
his avarice. But his passion for elaborate banquets
was shameful and insatiate. Dainties to tempt his
palate were constantly brought from Rome and all
Italy, while the roads from botii the Adriatic and
Tyrrhenian seas hummed with hurrving vehicles.
The preparation of banquets for him ruined the
leading citizens of the communities through which
he passed ; the communities themselves were devas-
tated ; and his soldiers lost their energy and their
valour as they became accustomed to pleasure and
learned to despise their leader. Vitellius sent a
proclamation to Rome in advance of his arrival,
deferring the title Augiisius and declining the name
Caesar, although he rejected none of an emperor's
powers. The astrologers ^ were banished from Italy ;
strict measures were taken to prevent Roman
knights from degrading themselves in gladiatorial
schools and the arena. Former emperors had driven
knights to such actions by money or more often by

259

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

pleraque municipia et coloniae aemulabantur cor-
ruptissimum quemque adulescentium pretio inlicere.

LXni. Sed Vitellius advxntu fratris et inrepenti-
bus dominationis magistris superbior et atrocior
occidi Dolabellam iussit, quern in coloniam Aquina-
tem sepositum ab Othone rettulimus. Dolabella
audita morte Othonis ui'bem introierat : id ei Plancius
Varus praetura functus, ex intimis Dolabellae amieis,
apud Flavium Sabinuni praefectum urbis obiecit,
tamquam rupta custodia ducem se victis partibus
ostentasset ; addidit temptatam cohortem quae
Ostiae ageret ; nee ullis tantorum criminum pro-
bationibus in paenitentiam versus seram veniam post
scelus quaerebat. Cunctanteni super tanta ^ re
Flavium Sabinum Triaria L. Vitellii uxor, ultra
feminam ferox, terruit ne ^ periculo principis famam
dementia adfectaret. Sabinus suopte ingenio mitis,
ubi formido incessisset, facilis mutatu et in alieno
discrimine sibi pavens, ne adlevasse videretur,
impulit ruentera.

LXIV. Igitur Vitellius metu et odio quod Petron-
iam uxorem eius mox Dolabella in matrimonium
accepisset, vocatum per epistulas vitata Flaminiae

^ snpertentare M. * e M.

1 i. SS. * Cf. i. SO.

260

BOOK n. Lxn.-ixiv.

force ; and most municipal towns and colonies were
in the habit of rivalling the emperors in bribing the
worst of their young men to take up tiiese disgraceful
pursuits.

LXIII. But Vitellius was moved to greater arro-
gance and cruelty by the arrival of his brother and
by the cunning apjjroaches of his teachers in the
imperial art ; he ordered the execution of Dolabella,
whose banishment by Otho to the colony of Aquinum
we have previously related.^ Dolabella, on hearing
of Otho's death, had entered Rome. For this he
was accused before the city-prefect, Flavius Sabinus,
by Plancius \^arus, an ex-praetor, one of Dolabella's
most intimate friends. To the charge of escaping
from custody and offering himself as leader to the
defeated party Varus added that Dolabella had
tampered with the cohort stationed at Ostia,^ but
being unable to present any proofs for his grave
charges, he repented of his action and sought pardon
for his friend — too late, for the outrage had been
done. While Flavius Sabinus was hesitating — for
the matter was serious — Triaria, the wife of Lucius
VitelHus, violent beyond her sex, frightened Sabinus
from any attempt to secure a reputation for clemency
at the expense of the emperor. Sabinus was by
nature gentle, but ready to change his decision
when alarmed, and now being afraid for himself
when the danger was another's, and wishing to
avoid seeming to have helped him, he precipitated
Dolabella's fall.

LXIV. So Vitellius, who not only feared but also
hated Dolabella, because Dolabella had married his
former wife, Petronia, summoned him by letter,
directing him to avoid the crowded Flaminian Road

261

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

viae celebritate devertere Interamnium at(jue ibi
interfici iussit. Longum interfectori visum : in
itinera ae taberna proiectum hunii iugulavit, magna
cum invidia novi principatus, cuius hoc primuni
specimen noscebatur. Et Triariae licentiam modes-
turn e proximo exemplura onerabat, Galeria impera-
toris uxor non immixta ^ tristibus ; et pari probitate
mater Vitelliorum Sextilia, antiqui moris : dixisse
quin etiam ad priraas filii sui epistulas ferebatur, non
Germanicum a se sed Vitellium genitum. Nee ullis
postea fortunae inlecebris aut ambitu civitatis in
gaudium evicta domus suae tantum adversa sensit.

LXV. Digressum a Luguduno Vitellium Cluvius
Rufus adsequitur omissa Hispania, laetitiam et gratu-
lationem vultu ferens, animo anxius et petitum se
criminationibus gnarus. Hilarus Caesaris libertus
detulerat tamquara audito Vitellii et Othonis princi-
patu propriam ipse potentiam et possessionem His-
paniarum temptasset, eoque diplomatibus nullum
principem praescripsisset ; et^ interpretabatur quae-
dam ex orationibus^ eius contumeliosa in Vitellium et
pro se ipso popularia. Auctoritas Ciuvii praevaluit ut
puniri ultro Hbertum suum Vitellius iuberet. Cluvius

^ inniixta /. F. GronoviuM : Inmix M.

* et add Ernesti.

' ex orationibus Rhenanus : exortationibus 'Af.

1 Temi. - Cf chap. 58 above.

263

BOOK II. I.xiv.-Lxv.

and go to Interamniumj^ vhere he ordered that
he should be killed. The executioner thought the
journey too long ; at a tavern on the way he struck
Dolabe'la to the ground and cut his throat, to the
great discredit of the new principate, of whose
character this was regarded as the first indication.
The bold nature of Triaria was made odious by com-
parison with an example of modesty within her own
family, for the Emperor's wife Galeria never took a
hand in such horrors, while Sextilla, the mother of
tlie two \ itellii, showed herself a woman of the
same high character, an example of ancient ways.
Indeed it was said that when she received the first
letter from her son, she declared that she had borne
a Vitellius, not a Germanicus. And never later was
she moved to joy by the allurements of fortune or
by popular favour : it was only the misfortunes of
her house that she felt.

LXV. After Vitellius left Lugdunum,he was over-
taken by Cluvius Rufus, who had left Spain. ^ Rufus
had an air of joy and congratulation, but in his heart
he was anxious, for he knew that charges had been
laid against him. Hilarus, one of the imperial
freedmen, had denounced him, claiming that when
Rufus had heard of the elevation of Vitellius and of
Otho, he had made an attempt to gain power and
possession of the Spanish provinces for himself, and
for that reason had not prefixed the name of any
emperor to his public documents ; moreover, Hilarus
interpreted some parts of his public speeches as
derogatory to Vitellius and calculated to win popu-
larity for himself The influence of Cluvius was
strong enough to move Vitellius so far as to order
the punishment of his own freedman. Cluvius was

263

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

comitatui priiicipis adiectus, non adempta Hispania,
quam rexit absens exemplo L. Arrunti. Sed Arrun-
tium ^ Tiberius Caesar ob nietum, Vitellius Cluvium
nulla formidine retinebat. Non idem Trebellio
Maximo honos : profugerat Britannia ob iracundiam
militum ; missus est in locum eius Vettius Bolanus e
praesentibus.

LXVI. Angebat Vitellium victarum legionum
haudquaquam fractus animus. Sparsae per Italiam
et victoribus permixtae hostilia loquebantur, prae-
cipua quartadecimanorum ferocia, qui se victos ab-
nuebant : quippe Bedriacensi acie vexillariis tantum
pulsis viris legionis non adfuisse. Remitti eos in
Britanniam, unde a Nerone exciti erant, placuit
atque interim Batavorum cohortis una tendere ob
veterem adversus quartadecimanos discordiam. Nee
diu in tantis armatorum odiis quies fuit : Augustae
Taurinorum, dum opificem quendam Batavus ut
fraudatorem insectatur, legionarius ut hospitem
tuetur, sui cuique commilitones adgregati a conviciis
ad caedeni transiere. Et proelium atrox arsisset, ni
duae praeturiae cohortes causam quartadecimanorum
secutae his fiduciam et metum Batavis fecissent :

^ Arrunti sed Arruntium Haase : arruntium M.

1 Cf. Ann. vi. 27. * Cf. i. 60.

264

BOOK II. i,.\v.-i.\vi.

added to the emperor's train but not deprived of
his province of Spain ; he continued to govern it
from a distance, after the precedent ot Lucius
Arruntius. But the emperor Tiberius had kept
Arruntius with him because he was afraid of him ; ^
VitelHus had no fear of Cluvius. Trebellius Maxi-
mns did not receive the same honour.^ He had
fled from Britain to escape the resentment of his
army; Vettius Bolanus, one of the suite of Vitellius,
was sent out in his place.

LXVI. Vitellius found cause for anxiety in the
spirit of the defeated legions, which was by no means
conquered. Scattered about Italy and mingling
with the victorious troops, their talk was constantly
hostile ; the soldiers of the Fourteenth legion were
particularly' bold, declaring that they never had
been defeated, for in the battle at Bedriacum it was
only some veterans who had been beaten ; the
strength of the legion had not been there at all,
Vitellius decided to send them back to Britain, from
which Nero had withdrawn them, and in the mean-
time to iiave the Batavian cohorts camp with them,
because the Batavians had had a difference of long
standing with the Fourteenth. Peace did not last
long among armed men who hated one another so
violently. At Turin a Batavian charged a workman
with being a thief, while a legionary defended the
workman as his host; thereupon their fellow-soldiers
rallied to the support of each and matters soon
passed from words to blows. In fact there would
have been a bloody battle if two Praetorian cohorts
had not taken the side of the soldiers of the Four-
teenth and inspired them with courage M'hile they
frightened the Batavians. Vitellius directed that

265

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quos X'itelliuh, aginini suo iungi ut tidos, legioiiem
Grais Alpibus traductam eo flexu itineris ire iubet
quo V^iennam vitarent ; namque et Viennenses time-
bantur. Xocte. qua proficiscebatur legio, relictis
passim ignibus pars Taurinae coloniae ambusta, quod
damnum, ut pleraque belli mala, maioribus aliarum
urbium cladibus oblitteratum. Quartadecimani post-
quam Alpibus degressi ^ sunt, seditiosissimus quisque
signa Viennam ferebant : consensu meliorum con-
pressi et legio in Britanniam transvecta.

LXVIL Proximus Vitellio e praetoriis cohortibus
metus erat. Separati primum, deinde addito
honestae missionis lenimento, arma ad tribunes suos
deferebant, donee motum a Vespasiano bellum
crebresceret : tum resumpta militia robur Flavia-
narum partium fuere. Prima classicorum legio in
Hispaniam missa ut pace et otio mitesceret, unde-
cima ac septima suis hibernis redditae, tertiadecimani
struere amphitheatra iussi ; nam Caecina Cremonae,
Valens Bononiae spectaculum gladiatorum edere
parabant, numquam ita ad curas intento Vitellio ut
voluptatum obli\ isceretur.

LXVIII. Et vic-tas^ quidem partis modeste dis-
traxerat: apud victores orta seditio, ludicro initio ni ^

^ degressi Pichena : digressi M.
* victas add. Haasc.
' ni add. Agricola.

» The Little St. Bernard.

* Vienne.

■ Normally the praetorians received 5000 denarii (about
$900) with their discharge after completing sixteen j'ears of
service. Cf. Dio Cass. Iv. 23.

* To Dalmatia and Pannonia respectively.

i6&

BOOK II. Lxvi.-i.xviM.

tlie Bataviaiis, as being trustworthy, should join
his train, while the Fourteenth was to be conducted
over the Graian Alps^ by a circuitous route to avoid
Vienna,^ for the people of Vienna also gave him
alarm. On the night in which the legion set out,
the soldiers left fires burning everywhere, and a part
of the colony of the Taurini was consumed ; but this
loss, like most of the misfortunes of war, was obscured
by the greater disasters that befell other cities. After
the Fourteenth had descended the Alps, the most
nmtinous were for advancing on Vienna, but
they were restrained by the common action of
the better soldiers, and the legion was got over to
Britain.

LXVII. The next alarm of Vitellius arose from
the praetorian cohorts. At first they had been kept
apart ; later the offer of an honourable discharge
was employed to soothe their feelings,^ and they
started to turn their arms over to their tribunes,
until the report that Vespasian had begun war
became common ; then they resumed their service
and formed the backbone of the Flavian party. The
First legion of marines was sent to Spain to have
their savage temper softened by peace and quiet ;
the Eleventh and Seventh legions * were sent back
to winter quarters, while the members of the
Thirteenth were ordered to build amphitheatres,
for Caecina was preparing to exhibit gladiators at
Cremona, Valens at Bononia. Vitellius was never
so absorbed in serious business that he forgot his
pleasures.

LXVIII. The conquered party Vitellius had thus
succeeded in scattering without an outbreak. But
among the victors a mutiny broke out ; the mutiny

267

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

numerus caesoruin invidiam Vitellio ^ auxisset. Dis-
cubuerat Vitellius Ticini adhibitoad epulas Verginio.
Legati tribunique ex moribus imperatorum severitateni
aemulantur vel tempestivis conviviisgaudent ; proinde
miles intentus aut licenter agit. Apud Vitellium
omnia indisposita, temulenta, pervigiliis ac bacchana-
libus quam disciplinae et castris propiora. Igitur
duobus militibus, altero legionis quintae, altero e
Gallis auxiliaribus, per lasciviam ad certamen luctandi
accensis, postquam legionarius prociderat, insultante
Gallo et iis qui ad spectandum convenerant in studia
diductis, erupere legionarii in perniciem auxilioruni
ac duae cohortes interfectae. Remedium tumultus
fiiit alius tumultus. Pulvis procul et arma aspicie-
bantur : conclamatum repente quartam decimam
legionem verso itinere ad proelium venire ; sed erant
agminis coactores : agniti dempsere sollicitudinem.
Interim Verginii servus forte obvius ut percussor
V^itellii insimulatur : et ruebat ad convivium miles,
mortem Verginii exposcens. Ne Vitellius quidem,
quamquam ad omnis suspiciones pavidus, de innocen-
tia eius diibitavit : aegre tamen cohibiti qui exitium
consularis et quondam ducis sui flagitabant. Nee
quemquam saepius quam Verginium omnis seditio

^ Vitellio Doderlcin : bello M.

* That is, in dinners that began unseasonably early that
they might last the longer.

268

BOOK 11. Lxviii.

originated in sport ; only, the number of the slain
aggravated the unpopularity of Vitellius. The
emperor was dining at Ticinum, and Verginius was
his guest. According to the character of their
commanders, legati and tribuni either imitate their
strictness or find pleasure in extravagant dinners ; ^
and in the same way the soldiers exhibit devotion or
licence. In the army of Vitellius complete disorder
and drunkenness prevailed — things which belong
rather to night revels and bacchanalian routs than to
the discipline appropriate to an armed camp. So it
happened that two soldiers, one from the Fifth legion
and the other a Gallic auxiliaiy, in sport challenged
each other to a wi-estling match. When the legionary
was thro\vn and the Gaul began to mock him, the
crowd of spectators that had gathered took sides and
the legionaries suddenly started to kill the auxiliaries,
and in fact two cohorts were wiped out. The remedy
for this disturbance was a second riot. A cloud of
dust and arms were seen in the distance. A general
cry was at once raised that the Fourteenth legion
was retracing its steps and coming to fight ; but
in fact it was the rear-guard, and when they were
recognized the general panic ceased. In the mean-
time the soldiers accused a slave of Verginius who
happened to be passing with being an assassin of
Vitellius ; they rushed to the dinner, demanding
that Verginius be put to death. Even Vitellius,
who was timid and ready to entertain any suspicion,
had no doubt of his innocence. Still it was with
difficulty that the troops were kept from insisting
on the execution of this ex-consul who had once
been their own general. In fact no man was
endangered by every riot so often as Verginius.
VOL. I. ^^ 269

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

infestavit : manebat admiratio viri et fama, set
oderant ut fastiditi.

LXIX. Postero die Vitellius senatus legatioue,
quam ibi opperiri iusseratj audita transgressus in
castra ultro pietatem militum conlaudavit, frementi-
bus auxiliis tantum impunitatis atque adrogantiae
legionariis accessisse. Batavorum cohortes, ne quid
truculentius auderent,^ in Germaniam remissae,
principium interno simul externoque bello parantibus
fatis. Reddita civitatibus Gallorum auxilia, ingens
numerus et prima statim defectione inter inania belli
adsumptus. Ceterum ut largitionibus adfectae iam ^
imperii opes sufficerent, amputari legionum auxilio-
rumque numeros iubet vetitis supplementis ; et
promiscae missiones ofFerebantur. Exitiabile id rei
publicaej ingratum militi, cui eadem munia inter
paucos periculaque ac labor crebrius rtdibant : et
vires luxu corrumpcbantur, contra veterem disci-
plinam et instituta maiorum apud quos virtute quam
pecunia res Romana melius stetit.

LXX. Inde Vitellius Cremonam flexit et spectato

^ audireut M.

' iam Agricola : tarn M.

* Verginius had refused the imperial power. Cf. i. 8, 52;
ii. 51.

2 Referring to the revolt of Civilis described iii Books
IV and V.

270

BOOK II. Lxvni.-Lxx.

Admiration for him and his reputation continued
unimpaired ; but the troops hated him, for he had
despised their offer.^

LXIX. The next day VitelHus first received the
delegation from the senate, which he had directed
to wait for him here ; then he went to the camp and
took occasion to praise the loyal devotion of the
soldiers. This action made the auxiliaries complain
that the legionaries were allowed to enjoy such
impunity and to display such impudence. Then, to
keep the Batavian cohorts from undertaking some
bold deed of vengeance, he sent them back to
Germany, for the Fates were already preparing the
sources from which both civil and foreign war was
to spring.^ The Gallic auxiliaries were dismissed to
their homes. Their number was enormous, for at
the very outbreak of the rebellion they had been
taken into the army as part of the empty parade
of war. Furthermore, that the resources of the
empire, which had been impaired by donatives,
might be sufficient for the needs of the state,
^'itellius ordered that the legionary and auxiliary
troops should be reduced and forbade further
recruiting, besides offering discharges freely. This
policy was destructive to the state and unpopular
with the soldiers, for the same tasks were now
distributed among fewer men, so that dangers and
toil fell more often on the individual. Their
strength also was corrupted by luxury in contrast
to the ancient discipline and maxims of our foi*e-
fathers, in whose day valour formed a better founda-
tion for the Roman state than money.

LXX. Vitellius next turned aside to Cremona, and
after witnessing tiie exhibition of gladiators provided

271

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

raunere Caecinae insistere Bedriacensibus campis ac
vestigia recentis victoriae lustrare oculis concupivit.
foedum atque atrox spectaculum : intra quadragensi-
mum pugnae diem lacera corpora, trunci artus, putres
virorum equorumque formae, infecta tabo humus,
protritis arboribus ac frugibus dira vastitas. Nee
minus inhumana pars viae quam Cremonenses lauru
rosaque constraverant, extructis altaribus caesisque
victimis regium in morem ; quae laeta in praesens
mox perniciem ipsis fecere. Aderant Valens et
Caecina, monstrabantque pugnae locos : hinc inrupisse
legionum agmen, hinc equites coortos, inde circum-
fusas auxiliorum manus : iam tribuni praefectique,
sua quisque facta extollentes, falsa vera aut maiora
vero miscebant. Vulgus quoque militum clamore et
gaudio deflectere via, spatia certaminum recogno-
scere, aggerem armorum, strues corporum intueri
mirari ; et erant quos varia sors ^ rerum lacrimaeque
et misericordia subiret. At non Vitellius flexit oculos
nee tot milia insepultorum civium exhorruit : laetus
ultro et tam propinquae sortis ignarus instaurabat
sacrum dis loci.

LXXI. Exim Bononiae a Fabio Valente gladiato-
rum spectaculum editur.advecto ex urbe cultu. Quan-

^ fors M.
272

BOOK II. Lxx.-i.xxi.

by Caecina, conceived a desire to tread the plains of
Bedriacum and to see with his own eyes the traces
of his recent victory. It was a revolting and ghastly
sight : not forty days had passed since the battle,
and on every side were mutilated corpses, severed
limbs, rotting bodies of men and horses, the ground
soaked with filth and gore, trees overthrown and
crops trampled down in appalling devastation. No
less barbarous was the sight presented by that part
of the road which the people of Cremona strewed
with laurel and roses, while they erected altars and
slew victims as if they were greeting an eastern
king ; but their present joy was later the cause of
their ruin. Valens and Caecina attended Vitellius
and explained the scene of the battle ; they showed
that at this point the legions had rushed to the
attack ; there the cavalry had charged ; and there
the auxiliary forces had surrounded the foe. Tribunes
too and prefects, each extolling his own deeds,
mingled truth with falsehood or at least with
exaggeration of the truth. The common soldiers
also with shouts of joy turned from the road, recog-
nized the stretches over which the battle had raged,
and looked with wonder on the heaps of arms and the
piles of bodies. Some among them were moved to
tears and pity by the vicissitudes of fortune on which
they gazed. But Vitellius never turned away his
eyes or showed horror at the sight of so many
citizens deprived of the rites of burial. Indeed he
was filled with joy, and, ignorant of his own fate
which was so near, he offered sacrifice to the local
divinities.

LXXI. Thereafter at Bononia Fabius Valens pre-
sented his gladiatorial exhil>ition for which the equip-

273

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

toque magis propinquabat, tanto corruptius iter
immixtis histrionibus et spadonum gregibus et cetero
Neronianae aulae ingenio ; namque et Neronem
ipsum Vitellius admiratione celebrabat, sectari can-
tantem solitus, non necessitate, qua honestissimus
quisque, sed luxu et saginae niancipatus emptusque.
Ut Valenti et Caecinae vacuos honoris mensis aperiret,
coartati aliorum consulatus, dissimulatus Marci Macri
tamquam Othonianarum partium ducis ; et Valeriuni
Marinum destinatum a Galba consulem distulit, nulla
offensa, sed mitem et iniuriam segniter laturum.
Pedanius Costa omittitur, ingratus principi ut adver-
sus Neronem ausus et Verginii extimulator, sed alias
protulit eausas ; actaeque insuper Vitellio gratiae
consuetudine servitii.

LXXn. Non ultra paucos dies quamquam acribus
initiis coeptum mendacium valuit. Extiterat quidani
Scribonianum se Camerinum ferens, Neronianoruni
temporum metu in Histria occultatum, quod illic
clientelae et agri veterum Crassorum ac nominis
favor manebat. Igitur deterrimo quoque in argu-
mentum fabulae adsumpto vulgus credulum et qui-
dam militum, errore veri seu turbarum studio,

^ Cf. i. 77.

2 Scribonianus and his father had been murdered by
Helios, Nero's slave, according to Dio Cass. Ixiii. 18 Cf.
Plin. Ejrist. I. 5. 3. The Scriboniani were a family of the
Crassi.

274

BOOK II, Lxxi.-Lxxii.

uient liad been brought from Rome. As Vitellius
drew nearer to the capital, his train exhibited
the greater corruption ; actors, crowds of eunuchs,
and every other kind of creature that belonged to
Nero's court mixed with his soldiers. For Vitellius
cherished great admiration for Nero himself, whom
he had been in the habit of accompanying on his
singing tours, not under compulsion, as so many
honourable men were forced to do, but because he
was the slave and chattel of luxury and gluttony.
To secure free months in which to honour Valens
and Caecina with consulships, he shortened the
tei'ms of others ^ and passed over Marcus Macer
in silence as having been a leader of Otho's
party. He put oft" the consulship of Valerius
Marinas, who had been selected by Galba, not
because of any offence, but because Marinus was of
a mild nature and would put up witli the injury.
Pedanius Costa was omitted from the list ; he was
unpopular with the emperor because he had dared
to move against Nero and to urge Verginius to action,
although other reasons were alleged. Vitellius
received the usual thanks, for the habit of servility
was well established.

LXXIT. A deception, which had a lively success
at first, prevailed for only a few days. A man
appeared who gave himself out as Scribonianus
Camerinus, alleging that he had remained concealed
in Istria during Nero's reign, for there the ancient
Crassi still possessed clients, lands, and popularity.-
He accordingly associated with himself, to develop
this comedy, a company made up of the dregs of
mankind; the credulous common people and some of
the soldiers, either deceived by the falsehood or led

275

THE HISTORIES OF TACFTUS

certatiin adgregabantur, cum pertractus ad Vitelliuni
interrogatusque quisnam mortalium esset. Postquam
nulla dictis fides et a domino noscebatur condicione
fugitivus, nomine Geta, suniptuni de eo supplicium
in servilem modum.

LXXIII. Vix credibile memoratu est quantum
superbiae socordiaeque Vitellio adoleverit, postquam
speculatores e Syria ludaeaque adactum in verba eius
Orientem nuntiavere. Nam etsi vagis adhuc et
incertis auctoribus erat tamen in ore famaque Ves-
pasianus ac plerumque ad nomen eius Vitellius ex-
citabatur : tum ipse exercitusque, ut nullo aemulo,
saevitia libidine raptu in externos mores proruperant.

LXXIV. At V^espasianus bellum armaque et procul
vel iuxta sitas viris circumspectabat. Miles ipsiadeo
paratus ut praeeuntem sacramentum et fausta Vitellio
omnia precantem per silentium audierint ; Muciani
animus nee Vespasiano alienus et in Titum pronior ;
praefectus Aegypti Ti.^ Alexander consilia socia-
verat ; tertiam legionem, quod e- Syria in Moesiam
transisset, suam numerabat ; ceterae Illyrici legiones
secuturae sperabantur ; namque omnis exercitus
riammaverat adrogantia venientium a Vitellio mili-
tum, quod truces corpore, horridi sermone ceteros

* Ti. add. Ursinus.

* e Lipnius : de M.

i Cf. ii. 5.
276

BOOK II. LXXII. I,\XIV.

on by a desire for trouble, were rapidly rallying
about him, when he was dra^^ged belbre Vitellius
and questioned as to his identity. No faith was put
in his answers ; and after he had been recognized
by his master as a runaway slave, Geta by name, he
suffered the punishment usually inflicted on slaves.

LXXIII. The degree to whicii the insolent pride of
Vitellius increased after couriers arrived from Syria
and Judea and reported that the East had sworn
allegiance to him is almost past belief. For although
the grounds for the gossip were as yet vague and
uncertain, rumour had much to say of Vespasian,
and his name frequently excited Vitellius. But now
both emperor and army, believing that they had no
rival, broke out into cruelty, lust,and rapine, equalling
all the excesses of barbarians.

LXXIV^ As for Vespasian, he now began to reflect
on the possibilities of war and armed combat and to
review the strength of the forces near and far. His
own soldiers were so ready that when he administered
the oath and made vows for the success of Vitellius,
they listened in complete silence. The sentiments
of Mucianus were not hostile to him and indeed
were favourable to Titus ^ ; Tiberius Alexander, the
prefect of Egypt, had already cast his lot with his
side ; he could count on the loyalty of the Third
legion, which had been transferred from Syria to
Moesia; and he had hopes that the legions in
lUyricum would follow the Third. There was reason
for this expectation, for all the eastern forces had
been fired with rage over the arrogance of the
soldiers of Vitellius who came to them, because
though savage in appearance and barbarous in
speech, they constantly mocked at all the others as

277

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ut imparls inridebant. Sed in tauta mole ^ belli
plerumqiie cunctatio ; et Vespasianus modo in spem
erectus, aliquando adversa reputabat : quis ille dies
foret quo sexaginta aetatis annos et duos filios
iuvenes belle permitteret ? Esse privatis cogita-
tionibus progressum et, prout velint, plus minusve
sumi ex fortuna : imperium cupientibus nihil medium
inter summa aut praecipitia,

LXXV. Versabatur ante oculos Germanici exercitus
robur, notum viro militari : suas legiones civili bello
inexpertas, V'itellii victrices, et apud victos plus
querimoniarum quam virium. Fluxam per discordias
militum fidem et perieulum ex singulis : quid enim
profuturas cohortis alasque, si unus alterve praesenti
f'acinore paratum ex diverse praemium petat ? Sic
Scribonianum sub Claudio interfectum, sic percus-
sorem eius Volaginium e gregario ad summa militiae
provectum : facilius universes impelli quam singulos
vitari,

LXX\T. His pavoribus nutantem et alii legati
amicique firmabant et Mucianus, post multos secre-
tesque sermones iam et coram ita locutus : " Omnes,
qui magnarum rerum censilia suscipiunt, aestimare
debent an quod incheatur rei publicae utile, ipsis

^ sed iniant amole M.

1 Cf. i. 89.
27S

BOOK II. i.xxiv.-Lxxvi.

their inferiors. But a war of such scope can never
be undertaken without liesitation ; and V^espasian,
at one moment inspired with hope, would at times
ponder over the obstacles — what could that day be on
which he should entrust his sixty years and his two
young sons to the fortune of war.'' He reflected
that private plans allow one to advance or retreat
and permit the individual to take that measure of
Fortune's gifts that he will ; but when a man aims
at the imperial power, there is no mean between
the heights and the abyss.

LXXV. He pictured to himself the strength of
the army from Germany, which as a soldier he well
understood. He realized that his own legions were
untried in civil war, that the troops of Vitellius knew
the joy of victory, and that there was more dis-
content than strength in the ranks of the defeated.
In time of discord the fidelity of an army is uncertain
and danger may come from individuals. " For what
will cohorts and squadrons avail me," he asked him-
self, " if some one or two assassins go red-handed to
demand the reward which my opponents will always
be ready to pay f Thus Scribonianus was killed
under Claudius ; ^ thus his assassin Volaginius won
advancement from the lowest to the highest rank.
It is easier to move whole armies than to avoid
individuals."

LXXVI. While he was hesitating, moved by such
fears as these, his mind was confirmed by his officers
and friends and especially by Mucianus, who first
had long private conversations with him and then
spoke openly before the rest : " All who are debating
high emprises ought to consider whether their
purpose is useful to the state, glorious for them-

.279

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

gloriosum, promptum^ effectu aut certe non^ arduuni
sit ; simul ipse qui siiadet considerandus est, ad-
iciatne consilio periculum suuni, et, si fortuna coeptis
adfiierit, cui summum decus adquiratur. Ego te,
Vespasiane, ad imperium voco, quam^ salutare rei
publicae, quam tibi niagnificum, iuxta deos in tua
inanu positum est. Nee specieni adiilantis expaveris :
a contumelia (}uam a laude [jfopius fuerit post
Vitellium eligi. Non adversus divi Augusti acerri-
mam mentem nee adversus eautissiniam Tiberii
senectutem, ne contra Gai quidem aut Claudii vel
Neronis fundatam longo inipeiio domum exsurgimus ;
cessisti etiam Galbae imaginibus : torpere ultra et
polluendam perdendamque rem publicam relinquere
sopor et ignavia videretur, etiam si tibi quam
inhonesta, tam tuta servitus esset. Abiit iam et
transvectum est tempus quo posses videri non cu-
pisse*: confugiendum est ad imperium. An exeidit
trueidatns Corbulo ? Splendidior origine quam nos
sumuSj fateor, sed et Nero nobilitate natal ium
Vitellium anteibat. Satis clarus est apud timentem
quisquis timetur. Et posse ab exercitu principem
fieri sibi ipse Vitellius documento, nullis stipendiis,
nulla railitari fama, Galbae odio provectus. Ne
Othonem quidem duels arte aut exercitus vi,^ sed

^ promptuni Nip2)erdey : aut promptum ^[.

* non certe non M.

' quam Miiller : tanquam M.

* non cupisse Rnperti et Madvig : concupisse M.

* exercitus vi Rhenanus : exercitu sui M.

^ Cn. Doniitius Corbulo, who had distinguished himself in
the war against the Parthians, aroused Nero's jealousy and
was put to death by him. Cf. Dio Cass. Ixiii. 17.

280

BOOK II. ixxvi.

selves, easy of accomplishment, or at least not
difficult. At the same time they must take into
account the character of their adviser. Is he ready
to share the risks involved as well as to give advice ?
If Fortune favours the undertaking, who is the man
for whom the higiiest honour is sought ? I call you,
Vespasian, to the throne. How^ advantageous to
the state, how glorious for you this may prove, are
questions which depend, after the gods, on your own
acts. Have no fear that I may ajipear to flatter
you. It is rather a disgrace than a glory to be
chosen emperor after Vitellius. It is not against the
keen mind of the deified Augustus, nor the cautious
nature of the aged Tiberius, nor against the long-
established imperial house of even a Gaius or a
Claudius, or, if you like, of a Nero, that we are
rising. You respected the ancestry even of Galba.
But to remain longer inactive and to leave the state
to corruption and ruin would a))pear nothing but
sloth and cowardice on your part, even if subservi-
ence should prove as safe for you as it certainly
would be disgraceful. The time is already past and
gone when you could seem to have no desires for
supreme power. Your only refuge is the throne.
Have you forgotten the murder of Corbulo .'' ^ He
was of more splendid family than I am, I grant you,
but Nero also was superior to Vitellius in point of
noble birth. Anyone who is feared is noble enough
in the eyes of the man who fears him. Moreover
you have proof in the case of Vitellius himself that
an army can make an emperor, for Vitellius owes his
elevation to no campaigns or re])utation as a soldier,
but solelv to men's hatred of Galba. Even Otho,
who owed his defeat, not to his rival's skill as general

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

praeprbpera ipsius desperatione victum, iam deside-
rabilem et magnum principem fecit, cum interim
spargit legiones, exarmat cohortis, nova cotidie bello
semina ministrat. Si quid ardoris ac ferociae miles
habuit, popinis et coraissationibus et principis imita-
tione deteritur : tibi e Judaea et Syria et Aegypto
novem legiones integrae, nulla acie exhaustae, non
discordia corruptae, sed firmatus usu miles et belli
domitor externi : classium alarum cohortium robora
et fidissimi reges et tua ante omnis experientia.

LXXVII. "Nobis nihil ultra adrogabo quam ne
post V^alentem et Caecinam numeremur : ne tamen
Mucianum socium spreveris, quia aemulum non
experiris. Me Vitellio antepono, te mihi. tuae
domui triumphale nomen, duo iuvenes, capax iam
imperii alter et primis militiae annis apud Ger-
manicos quoque exercitus clarus. Absurdum fuerit
non cedere imperio ei cuius filium adoptaturus
essem, si ipse imperarem. Ceterum inter nos non
idem prosperarum adversarumque rerum ordo erit :
nam si vincimus, honorem quem dederis habebo :
discrimen ac pericula ex aequo patiemur. Immo, ut
melius est, tu ^ tuos exercitus rege, mihi bellum et

^ tu add. Kiessling.

1 The Jews.

2 Cf. ii. 4 and 81.

* Vespasian had won this distinction bj' his services iu
Britain in 43 a.d. Cf. iii. 44 ; Suet. Fcsp. 4.

* Titus had served in Germany and Britain with credit.
Cf. Suet. Tit»x, 4.

282

BOOK II, LXXVl.-LXXVU.

or to the force of the opposing army, but to his own
hasty despair, VitelHiis has ah'eady made seem a
great emperor whom men regret ; and in tlie mean-
time he is scattering his legions, disarming his
cohorts, and every day sowing new seeds of war.
All the enthusiasm and courage that his soldiers
ever had is being dissipated in taverns, in debauches,
and in imitation of their emperor. You have in
Syria, Judea, and Egypt nine legions at their full
strength, not worn out l)y fighting, not infected by
mutiny, but troops who have gained strength by
experience and proved themselves victorious over a
foreign foe.^ You have strong fleets, cavalry, and
cohorts, princes wholly loyal to you,^ and an experi-
ence greater than all others.

LXXVII. " For myself I shall make no claim save
not to be reckoned second to Valens and Caecina ;
yet I beg you not to despise Mucianus as partner in
your enterprise because you do not find in him a
rival. I count myself superior to Vitellius and you
superior to me. Your house has the honour of a
triumphal name ; ^ it possesses two young men, one
of whom is already equal to ruling the empire ; he
also enjoys a high reputation with the forces in
Germany because his first years of service were
spent there.^ It would be absurd for me not to
bow before the throne of a man whose son I should
adopt if I myself held it. Besides, you and I shall
not stand on the same footing in success as in
failure, for if we win, I shall have simply the posi-
tion you choose to give ; but risks and dangers we
shall share alike. Rather — and this is better — do
you command your forces here ; leave to me the
conduct of the actual war and the risks of battle.

283

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

proeliorum incerta trade. Acriore hodie disciplina
victi quam victores agunt. Hos ira, odiunij ultionis
cupiditas ad virtutem accendit : illi per fastidium
et contumacia hebescunt. Aperiet et recludet con-
tecta et tumescentia victricium partium vulnera
bellum ipsum ; nee mihi maior in tua vigilantia
parsimonia sapientia fiducia est quam in Vitellii
torpore inscitia saevitia. Sed meliorem in bello
causam quam in pace habemus; nam qui deliberant,
desciverunt."

LXXVIII. Post Mucianiorationem ceteri audentius
circumsistere, hortari, responsa vatum et siderum mo-
tus referre. Nee erat intactus tali superstitione^ ut qui
mox rerum dominus Seleucum quendam mathemati-
cumrectorem et praescium palam habuerit. Recursa-
bant animo vetera omina ^ : cupressus arbor in agris
eius conspicua altitudine repente prociderat ac
postera die eodem vestigio resurgens procera et
latior virebat. Grande id prosperunique consensu
haruspicum et summa claritudo iuveni admodum
Vespasiano promissa, sed prime triumphalia et
consulatus et ludaicae victoriae decus implesse
fidem ominis videbatur: ut haec adeptus est, por-
tendi sibi imperium credebat. Est ludaeam inter
Syriamque Carmelus : ita vocant montem deumque.

' omina llhoianus : omnia At.
284

BOOK II. LXXVII.-LXXVIII.

There is stricter discipline to-day in the ranks of the
defeated than among the victors. The former are
fired to brave action by rage, hatred, and eager
desire for revenge ; the latter are losing their vigour
because they scorn and disdain their opponents.
War will inevitably open and lay bare the angry
wounds which the victorious party now conceals ;
nor is the confidence that I have in your vigilance,
frugality, and wisdom greater than that I feel in the
sloth, ignorance, and cruelty of Vitelljus. Besides,
our situation is better in war than in peace, for they
who plan revolt have already revolted."

LXXVIII. After Mucianus had spoken, the rest
became bolder ; they gathered about Vespasian, en-
couraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers
and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was
he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was
evident later when he had obtained supreme power,
for he openly kept at court an astrologer named
Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle.
Old omens came back to his mind : once on his
country estate a cypress of conspicuous height
suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the
selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse
than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen
of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed,
and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian,
who was then still a young man. At first, however,
the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his
victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the
promise given by the omen ; yet after he had gained
these honours, he began to think that it was the
imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea
and Syria lies Carmel : this is the name given to both

285

THE HISTORIES OF TACITLS

Nee simulacrum deo aut templuni — sic tradidere
maiores — : ara tantum et reverentia.^ Illic sacrifi-
canti Vespasiano, cum spes occultas versaret animo,
Basilides sacerdos inspectis identidem extis " Quic-
quid est " inquitj " Vespasiane, quod paraSj seu
domum extruere seu prolatare agros sive ampliare
servitia, datur tibi magna sedes, ingentes termini,
multum homimim." Has ambages et statim ex-
ceperat fama hi tunc aperiebat ; nee quicquam magis
in ore vulgi. Crebriores apud ipsum sermones,
quanto sperantibus plura dicuntur. Haud dubia
destinatione discessere Mucianus Antiochiam, Ves-
pasianus Caesaream : ilia Syriae, hoc ludaeae caput
est.

LXXIX. Initium ferendi ad V'espasianum imperii
Alexandriae coeptum,. festinante Tiberio Alexandre,
qui kalendis luliis sacramento eius legiones adegit.
Isque primus prineipatus dies in posterum celebratus,
(juamvis ludaicus exercitus quinto nonas lulias apud
ipsum iurasset, eo ardore ut ne Titus quidem filius
expectaretur, Syria renieans et consiliorum inter
Nfucianum ac patrem nuntius. Cuncta impetu
militum acta non parata contione,^ nun eoniunctis
legionibus.

* ara . . reverentia Agricola : aram . . reverentiam M.

* contione Agricola : cognitione M.

^ The Roman procurator resided at Caesarea ; but natu-
rally Jerusalem was the only capital in the eyes of the
Jews,
286

BOOK II. Lx.wiii.-Lxxix.

the mountain and the divinity. The god has no
image or temple — such is the rule handed down by
the fathers ; there is only an altar and the worship
of the god. VVlien Vespasian was sacrificing there
and tliinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the
priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the
victim's vitals, said to him : " Whatever you are
planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to
enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of
your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home,
limitless bounds, and a multitude of men," This
obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time,
and now was trying to interpret ; nothing indeed
was more often on men's lips. It was discussed
even more in Vespasian's presence — for men have
the more to say to those who are filled with hope.
The two leaders now separated with clear purposes
before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian
to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea
of Judea.i

LXXIX. The transfer of the imperial power to
V^espasian began at Alexandria, where Tiberius
Alexander acted quickly, administering to his troops
the oath of allegiance on the first of July. This
day has been celebrated in later times as the first of
Vespasian's reign, although it was on the third of
July that the army in Judea took the oath before
Vespasian himself, and did it with such enthusiasm
that they did not wait even for his son Titus, who
was on his way back from Syria and was the medium
of communication between Mucianus and his father.
The whole act was carried through by the enthu-
siastic soldiery without any formal speech or regular
parade of the legions.

287

THE HISTORIES OI TACllUS

LXXX. Dum quaeritur tempus locus quodque in
re tali difficillimum est, prima vox, dum animo spes
timer, ratio casus obversantur, egressum cubiculo
V^espasianum pauci milites, solito adsistentes^ ordine
ut legatum salutaturi, imperatorem salutavere : turn
ceteri adcurrere, Caesarem et Augustum et omnia
principatus vocabula cumulare. Mens a metu ad
fortunam transierat : in ipso nihil tumidum,adrogans
aut in rebus novis novun) fuit. Ut primum tantac
altitudinis^ obfusam oculis caliginem disiecit, mili-
tariter locutus laeta omnia et affluentia excepit:
namque id ipsum opperiens Mucianus alacrem mili-
tem in verba Vespasiani adegit. Tum Antiochensium
theatrum ingressus, ubi illis^ consultare mos est,
eoncurrentis et in adulationem effusos adloquitur,
satis decorus etiam Graeca t'acundia, omniumque
quae diceret atque ageret arte quadam ostentator.
Nihil aeque provinciam exercitumque accendit quam
quod adseverabat Mucianus statuisse Vitellium ut
Germanicas legiones in Syriam ad niilitiam opulentam
quietamque transferret, contra Syriacis legionibus
Germanica hiberna* caelo ac laboribus dura muta-
rentur; quippe et provinciales sueto militum con-
tubemio gaudebant, plerique necessitudinibus et

^ adsistentes Piehena: adsistent M.

* altitudinis Triller : multitudinis M. ' illi M.

* h\hQm& Ehenanus : hiberno J/.
288

BOOK II. lAx.v.

LXXX. While the time, the place, and — what is
in such case the most difficult thing — the person to
speak the first word were being discussed, while
hope and fear, plans and possibilities filled every
mind, as Vespasian stepped from his quarters, a few
soldiers who were drawn up in their usual order
to salute him as their Legate, saluted him as
Emperor. 'J'iien the rest ran up and began to call
him Caesar and Augustus ; they heaj)ed on him all
the titles of an emperor. Their minds suddenly
turned from fears to confidence in Fortune's favour.
In Vespasian himself there was no arrogance or pride,
no novelty of conduct in his new estate. The moment
that he had dispelled the mist which his elevation to
such a height spread before his eyes, he spoke as
befitted a soldier ; then he began to receive favour-
able reports from every quarter ; for Mucianus, who
was waiting only for this action, now administered
to his own eager troops the oath of allegiance to
Vespasian. Then he entered the theatre at Antioch,
where the people regularly hold their public assem-
i)lies, and addressed the crowd which hurried there,
and expressed itself in extravagant adulation. His
speech was graceful although he sjioke in Greek,
for he knew how to giv^e a certain air to all he said
and did. There was nothing that angered the
province and the army so much as the assertion of
Mucianus that Vitellius had decided to transfer the
legions of Germany to Syria, where they could enjoy
a profitable and easy service, while in exchange he
would assign to the troops in Syria the wintry
climate and the laborious duties of Germany. For
the provincials were accustomed to live with the
soldiers, and enjoyed association with them ; in fact,

289

THE HISTORIES. OF TACITUS

propiiiquitatibus mixti, et militibus vetustate sti-
pendiorum nota et familiaria castra in modum pena-
tiiim diligebantur.

LXXXI. Ante idus lulias Syria omnis in eodem
Sacramento fuit. Accessere cum regno Sohaemus
hand spernendis viribusj Antiochus vetustis opibus
ingens et inservientium regum ditissimus. Mox per
occultos suorum nuntios excitus ^ ab urbe Agrippa,
ignaro adhuc \'itellio, celeri navigatione propera-
verat. Nee minore animo regina Berenice partis
iuvabat, florens aetate formaque et seni quoque
Vespasiano magnificentia munerum grata. Quidquid
provinciarum adluitur mari Asia atque Achaia tenus,
quantumque introrsus in Fontum et Armenios pate-
scit, iuravere ; sed inermes legati regebant, nondum
additis Cappadociae legionibus. Consilium de sum-
ma rerum Beryti habitum. Illuc Mucianus cum
legatis tribunisque et splendidissimo quoque cen-
turionum ac militum venit, et e ludaico exercitu
lecta decora : tantuxn simul peditum equitumque et
aemulantium inter se regum paratus speciem for-
tunae principalis effecerant.

^ exercitus M.

^ Sohaemus, a prince of the house of Emesa, had been set
up by Nero in 54 a.u. as king of Sophene, a district on the
east of the upper Euphrates. Cf. ii, 4 ; Ann. xiii. 7.

* Antiochus, of the Seleucid family, was at this time king
of Commagene and of a part of Cilicia ; three years later
Vespasian deposed him and changed his kingdom into a
Roman province. Cf. ii. 4 ; Ann. xii. 55.

' The son of Herod Agrippa, who died in 44 a. D., and the
brother of Berenice ; at this time he was governor of the
district east of the Jordan. Cf. ii. 4. —

* Cf. ii. 2.

^ Cappadocia was now governed by a procurator of eques-

3QO

BOOK II. Lxxx.-Lwxi.

many civilians were bound to the soldiers by ties
of friendship and of marriage, and the soldiers from
their long service had come to love their old familiar
camps as their very hearths and homes.

LXXXI. Before the fifteenth of July all Syria had
sworn the same allegiance. V'espasian's cause was
now joined also by Sohaemus ^ with his entire
kingdom, whose strength was not to be despised,
and by Antiochus ^ who had enormous ancestral
wealth, and was in fact the richest of the subject
princes. Presently Agrippa,^ summoned from Rome
by private messages from his friends, while Vitellius
was still unaware of his action, quickly crossed the
sea and joined the cause. Queen Berenice showed
equal spirit in helping Vespasian's party : she had
great youthful beauty, and commended herself to
Vespasian for all his years by the splendid gifts
she made him.* All the provinces on the coast to
the frontiers of Achaia and Asia, as well as all the
inland provinces as far as Pontus and Armenia, took
the oath of allegiance ; but their governors had no
armed forces, since Cappadocia had as yet no
legions.^ A grand council was held at Berytus.^
Mucianus came there with all his lieutenants and
tribunes, as well as his most distinguished centurions
and soldiers ; the army in Judea also sent its best
representatives. This great concourse of foot and
horse, with princes who rivalled one another in
splendid display, made a gathering that befitted the
high fortune of an emperor.

trian rank ; later Vespasian was forced by the frequent
inroads on tlie province to put it in charge of an ex-consul
supported by troops. Suet, resp, 8.
^ Beyrout.

291

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

LXXXII, Prima belli cura agere dilectus, revocare
veteraiios ; destiuantur validae civitates exercendis
arniorum officinis : apud Antiochensis aurum argen-
tumque signatur, eaque cuncta per idoneos ministros
suis quaeque locis festinabantur. Ipse Vespasianus
adire^ hortari, bonos laude, segnis exemplo incitare
saepius quam coercere, vitia magis amicorum quam
virtutes dissimiilans. Multos praefecturis et pro-
curationibus, plerosque senatorii ordinis honore per-
coluit, egregios viros et mox summa adeptos ; qui-
busdam fortuna pro virtutibus fuit. Donativuni
militi nequc Mucianus prima contione nisi modice
ostenderat, ne Vespasianus quidem plus civili bello
obtulit quam alii in pace, egregie firmus adversus
militarem largitionem eoque exercitu meliore. Missi
ad Parthum Armeniumque legati, provisumque ne
versis ad civile bellum legionibus terga nudarentur.
Titum instare ludaeae, Vespasianum obtinere claustra
Aegypti placuit : sufficere videbantur adversus Vitel-
lium pars copiarum et dux Mucianus et Vespasiani
nomen ac nihil arduum fatis. Ad omnis exercitus
legatosque scriptae epistulae praeceptumque ut
praetorianos Vitellio infensos reciperandae militiae
piemio invitarent.

LXXXIII. Mucianus cum expedita manu, socium

^ Their diplomacy was so successful that Vologaeses, king
of the Paithians, offered Vespasian forty thousand cavalry,
wliich, however, Vespasiui prudently refused. Cf. iv. 51.

* Alexandria and Pelusium.

392

BOOK II. LXXXII.-L.WXIIt.

LXXXII. The first business of the war was to
hold levies and to recall the veter.ins to the colours.
The strong towns were selected to manufacture
arms ; gold and silver were minted at Antioch ; and
all these preparations, each in its proper place, were
quickly carried forward by expert agents. Vespasian
visited each place in person, encouraged the work-
men, spurring on the industrious by praise and the
slow by his example, concealing his friends' faults
ratiier than their virtues. Many he rewarded with
prefectures and procuratorships ; large numbers of
excellent men who later attained the highest positions
he raised to senatorial rank ; in the case of some
good fortune took the place of merit. In his first
speech Mucianus had held out hopes of only a
moderate donative to the soldiers ; even Vespasian
did not offer more for civil war than others did in
time of peace. He was firmly opposed to extravagant
gifts to the soldiers and therefore had a better army.
Embassies were dispatched to the Parthians and
Armenians, and provision made to avoid leaving their
rear exposed when the legions were drawn off to
civil war.^ It was decided that Titus should follow
up the war in Judea, Vespasian hold the keys to
Egypt ; '^ and it was agreed that a part of the troops,
if led by Mucianus, would be enough to deal with
Viteliius, aided as they would be by the prestige of
Vespasian's name and by the fact that all things are
easy for Fate. Letters were addressed to all the
armies and to all their commanders, directing them
to try to win over the praetorians, who hated Viteliius,
by holding out to them the hope of re-entering the
service.

LXXXIII. Mucianus, bearing himself rather as a

293

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

niagis imperii quam ministi'um agens, iioii lento
itinere, ne cunctari videretur, neque tamen properans.
gliscere famam ipso spatio sinebat, gnarus modicas
viris sibi et maiora credi de absentibus ; sed legio
sexta et tredecim vexillariorum milia ingenti agmine
sequebantur. Classem e Ponto Byzantium adigi
iusseratj ambiguus consilii num omissa Moesia Dyr-
rachium pedite atque equite, simiil longis navibus
versum in Italiam mare clauderet, tuta pone tergum
Achaia Asiaque, quas ^ inermis exponi VitelliOj ni
praesidiis firmarentur ; atque ipsum V'itellium in
incerto fore quam partem Italiae protegeret, si sibi
Brundisium Tarentumque et Calabriae Lucaniaeque
litora infestis classibus peterentur.

LXXXIV. Igitur navium militum armorum paratu
strepere provinciae, sed nihil aeque fatigabat quam
pecuniarum conquisitio : eos esse belli civilis nervos
dictitans Mucianus non ius aut verum in cognitio-
nibus, sed solam magnitudinem opum spectabat.
Passim delationes, et locupletissimus quisque in prae-
dam correpti. Quae gravia atque intoleranda, sed
necessitate armorum excusata etiam in pace mansere,
ipso Vespasiano inter initia imperii ad obtinendas

* quasi Af.
294

BOOK II. LXXXUl.-LXXMV.

partner in empire than as a subordinate, advanced
with a force in light marching order, not indeed
slowly, for fear of seeming to hesitate, nor yet in
haste, for he wished to let distance increase his
renown, being well aware that he had only moderate
forces at his disposal and conscious that men magnify
what is far away. Yet the Sixth legion and thirteen
thousand veterans followed after him in imposing
array. He had directed the fleet in tlie Black Sea
to concentrate at Byzantium, for he was undecided
whether he should not leave Moesia to one side and
occupy Dyrrachium with his foot and horse, estab-
lishing meantime a blockade in the waters around
Italy with his ships-of-war. In that way he would
protect Achaia and Asia in his rear, whereas they
would be without protection and exposed to Vitel-
lius, unless he left forces to guard them. He believed
also that Vitellius himself would be at a loss what
part of Italy to protect if he j)repared to attack with
his fleet Brundisium, Tarentum, and the coasts of
Calabria and Lucania.

LXXXIV. So then the provinces were filled with
din as ships, soldiers, and arms were made ready
for their needs; but nothing troubled them so much
as the exaction of money. " Money," Mucianus kept
saying, " is the sinews of civil war." And in deciding
cases which came before him as judge he had an
eye not for justice or truth, but only for the size of
the defendants' fortunes. Delation was rife, and all
wealthy men were seized as prey. Such proceedings
are an intolerable burden; nevertheless, though at
the time excused by the necessities of war, they
continued later in time of peace. It is true that
Vespasian for his part at the beginning of his reign

295

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

iniquitates baud perinde obstinante, donee indul-
gentia fortunae et pravis magistris didicit^ aususque
est. Propriis quoque opibus Mucianus bellum iuvit,
largus privatim, quod avidius de re publica sumeret.
Ceteri conferendarum pecuniarum ^ exemplum secuti,
rarissimus quisque eandem in reciperando licentiam
habuerunt.

LXXXV. Adcelerata interim Vespasiani coepta
lllyrici exercitus studio transgressi in partis; tertia
legio exemplum ceteris Moesiae legionibus praebuit;
octava erat ac septima Claudiana, imbutae favore
Othonis, quamvis proelio non interfuissent. Aqui-
leiam progressae, proturbatis qui de Othone nuntia-
bant laceratisque vexillis nomen Vitellii praeferen-
tibus, rapta postremo pecunia et inter se divisa,
hostiliter egerant. Unde metus et ex metu consilium,
posse iniputari Vxspasiano quae apud Vitellium
excusanda ersnt. Ita tres Moesicae legiones per
epistulas adliciebant Pannonicum exercitum aut
abnueiiti vim parabant. In eo motu Aponius
Saturninus Moesiae rector pessimum facinus audet,
missocenturionead interficiendum Tettium lulianum
septimae legionis legatum ob simultates, quibus

^ dicit M, ' pecuniam M.

296

BOOK II, LWXIV.-LXXXV.

was not so insistent on carrying through such unjust
actions; but finally, schooled by an indulgent
fortune and wicked teachers, he learned and dared
the like. Mucianus contributed generously to the
war from his own fortune also; his liberality with
his private means corresponding, as men remarked,
to the excessive greed he showed in taking from
the state. The rest of the leaders followed his
example in making contributions ; but only the
fewest enjoyed the same licence in recovering them.
LXXX V. Meantime Vespasian's enterprise received
a favourable impulse from the enthusiasm with which
the army in Illyricum came over to his side. The
Third legion set a precedent for the other legions
in Moesia : these Avere the Eighth and the Seventh
Claudiana, both loyal to the memory of Otho,
although they had not taken part in the battle of
Bedriacum. Having advanced as far as Aquileia,
by driving oft' with violence the messengers who
brought the news of Otho's defeat, tearing in pieces
the standards that displayed the name of Vitellius,
and finally seizing the camp treasury and dividing it
among themselves, they had acted like enemies.
Their conduct filled them with fear, and then fear
brought the I'eflection that acts might win them credit
with Vespasian for which they would have to apolo-
gize to Vitellius. So the three legions in Moesia
tried to win over the army in Pannonia by letter ;
at the same time they prepared to use force if the
Pannonian troops refused. In this undertaking
Aponius Saturninus, the governor of Moesia, tried
a bold and shameful act : prompted by private
hatred which he tried to conceal behind political
motives, he sent a centurion to murder Tettius

297

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

causam partium praetendebat. lulianus comperto
discrimine et gnaris locorum adscitis per avia
Moesiae ultra montem Hacmum profugit ; nee
deinde civili bello interfuit, per varias moras sus-
ceptum ad Vespasianum iter trahens et ex nuntiis
cunctabundus aut properans.

LXXXVI, At in Pannonia tertia decima legio ac
septima Galbiana, dolorem iramque Bedriacensis
pugnae retinentes, baud cunctanter Vespasiano
accessere, praecipua vi Primi Antonii. Is legibus
iiocens et tempore Neronis falsi damnatus inter
alia belli ^ mala senatorium ordinem reciperaverat.
Praepositus a Galba septimae legioni scriptitasse
Othoni credebatur, ducem se partibus offerens ; a
quo neglectus in nullo Othoniani belli usu fuit.
Labantibus Vitellii rebus Vespasianum secutus grande
momentum addidit, strenuus manu, sermone promp-
tus, serendae in alios invidiae artifex, discordiis et
seditionibus potens, raptor, largitor, pace pessimus,
bello non spernendus. luncti inde Moesici ac
Pannonici exercitus Dalmaticum militem traxere,
quamquam consularibus legatis nihil turbantibus.
Tampius ^ Flavianus Pannoniam, Pompeius Silvanus
Dalmatiam tenebant, divites senes ; sed procurator

1 belluin M.

2 Tampius Faemtis : titus ampliua M.

^ The Balkan Mountains.

298

BOOK II. LXXXV.-LXXXVl.

Julianus, legate of the Seventh legion. Julianus,
however, learning of his danger, took some men
who knew the country and escaped through the
pathless stretches of Moesia to the district beyond
Mt. Haemus.i Thereafter lie took no part in civil
war, for although he started to join Vespasian, he
kept hesitating or hurrying according to the news
he received, and found various ])retexts for delay.

LXXXVI. But in Pannonia the Thirteenth legion
and the Seventh Galbiana, which still felt deep
resentment over the battle at Bedriacum, did not
delay to join Vespasian's cause, influenced by the
conspicuous violence of Primus Antonius. He had
been found guilty and condemned for fraud in
Nero's reign, but, as one of the evil effects of the
war, he had recovered his senatorial rank. Although
Galba had put him in command of the Seventh
legion, it was believed that he had wi'itten to Otho,
offering his services as a leader of his cause. Since
Otho paid no attention to him, he rendered no
service in the war. Now that the fortunes of Vitel-
lius began to totter. Primus followed Vespasian and
gave his cause a great impulse ; for he was vigorous
in action, ready of speech, skilful in sowing differ-
ences among his enemies, powerful in stirring up
discord and strife, ever ready to rob or to bribe — in
short he was the worst of mortals in peace, but in
war a man not to be despised. Then the imion of
the forces in Moesia and Pannonia drew the troops
in Dalmatia to follow their example, although the
ex-consuls who governed the provinces took no lead
in the revolt. Tampius Flavianus was the governor
of Pannonia, Pompeius Silvanus of Dalmatia, both
rich and old. But with them was the imperial

299

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

aderat Cornelius Fuscus, vigens aetate, claris nata-
libus. Prima iuventa quietis cupidine senatorium
ordinem exuerat ; idem pro Galba dux coloniae
suae, eaque opera j)rocurationem adeptus, susceptis
Vespasiani partibus acerrimam bello facem praetulit :
non tam praemiis periculorum quam ipsis periculis
laetus pro certis et olim partis nova ambigua anci-
pitia malebat. Igitur movere et quatere, quidquid
usquam aegrum foret, adgrediuntur. Scriptae in
Britanniam ad quartadecimanos, in Hispaniam ad
primanos epistulae, quod utraque legio pro Othone,
adversa Vitellio fuerat ; sparguntur per Gallias
litterae ; momentoque temporis flagrabat ingens
bellum, Illyricis exercitibus palam desciscentibus,
ceteris fortunam secuturis.

LXXXVn. Dum haec per provincias a Vespasiano
^ucibusque partium geruntur, Vitellius contemptior in
dies segniorque, ad omnis municipiorum villarumque
amoenitates resistens, gravi urbem agmine petebat.
Sexaginta milia armatorum sequebantur, lieentia
corrupta ; calonum numerus amplior, procacissimis
etiam inter servos lixarum ingeniis ; tot legatorum
amicorumque comitatus inhabilis ad parendum,
etiam si sumnia modestia regeretur.^ Onerabant

* regetur M.

^ The name of the oolony is unknown.
300

BOOK II. LX.VXVI.- LXXXVU.

agent Cornelius Fuscus, who was in the full vigour
of life and of high birth. In his youth his desire
to lead a quiet life had led him to give up his
senatorial rank. Yet he had brought his own colony ^
over to Galba's side, and by this service had secured
a procuratorship. He now adopted Vespasian's
cause and contributed all the fire of his enthusiasm
to the war ; he found his satisfaction in danger itself
rather than in the rewards of danger, and preferred
to certainty and advantages long secured whatever
was new, uncertain, and in doubt. Therefore the
leaders set to work to stir up the discontented
throughout the entire empire. They addressed
communications to the Fourteenth legion in Britain
and to the First in Spain, for both these legions had
been for Otlio and opposed to Vitellius ; letters were
scattered broadcast through the Gallic provinces,
and in a mon;ent a great war burst into flame, as the
armies in lllyricium openly revolted and all the rest
prepared to follow Fortune's lead.

LXXXVII. Wliile Vespasian and the leaders of
liis party were accomplishing this in the provinces,
\'itellius became from day to day the more des-
pised as he grew the more indolent. He stopped
at every attractive town and villa on his way, and
so gradually approaclied Rome with his cumbrous
army. Sixty thousand armed men were in his train,
all corrupted by lack of discijjline ; still greater
was the number of camp-followers, and even among
the slaves the soldiers' servants were the most
unruly. There was also a great tram of officers
and courtiers, a company incapable of obedience
even if they had been subject to the strictest
discipline. The unwieldiness of this great crowd

VOL. I. I 3°'

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

uiultitudiueni obvii ex uibe seiiatores equitesque,
quidara metu, multi per adulationem, ceteri ac
paulatim omnes ne aliis proficiscentibus ipsi re-
manerent. Adgregabantur e plebe flagitiosa per
obsequia Vitellio cogniti, scurrae, histriones, aurigae^
quibus ille amicitiarum dehonestamentis mire gau-
debat. Nee coloniae modo aut municipia congestu
copiarum, sed ipsi cultores arvaque maturis iam
frugibus ut hostile solum vastabantur.

LXXXVIII. Multae et atroces inter se militum
caedes, post seditionem Ticini coeptam manente
legionum auxilioruraque discordia ; ubi adversus
paganos certandum foret,^ consensu. Sed plurima
strages ad septimum ab urbe lapidem. Singulis ibi
militibus Vitellius paratos cibos ut gladiatoriam
saginam dividebat ; et efFusa plebes totis se castris
miscuerat. Incuriosos milites — vemacula utebantur
urbanitate^-quidam spoliavere, abscisis furtim balteis
an accincti forent rogitantes. Non tulit ludibrium
insolens contumeliarum animus : inermem populum
gladiis invasere. Caesus inter alios pater militis,
cum filium comitaretur ; deinde agnitus et vulgata

^ fore M.

» ii. 68.
30J

BOOK I. Lxxxvii.-rxx.vvni.

was increased by senators and knights who came
out from Rome to meet him, some moved by fear,
many from a desire to flatter, the majority, and
then gradually everyone, prompted by a desire not
to stay behind while others went. From the dregs
of the people came hoi'des, well known to Vitellius
by their shameful and obsequious services— buffoons,
actors, jockeys, in whose disgraceful friendship
he took extraordinary pleasure. Not only the
colonies and municipal towns with their stores of
supplies, but the very farmers and their fields in
which the grain stood ready for the harvest, were
despoiled as if the land were an enemy's.

LXXXVIII. The soldiers often fought among
themselves with sad and fatal effect, for after the
outbreak at Ticinum the differences between the
legionaries and the auxiliaries had continued.^
When, however, they had to deal with the country
people, there was complete unanimity. But the
worst massacre was perpetrated seven miles from
Rome. There Vitellius was distributing cooked
rations to each soldier, as if he were fattening gladi-
ators ; and crowds of people pouring out from Rome
had filled the whole camp. While the soldiers were
off their guard, some of the civilians, indulging in
a servile pleasantry, disarmed them by cutting
their belts without their knowledge; then they
asked them if they had their swords. The soldiers
were not accustomed to ridicule, so that their
tempers could not brook the insult; they drew
their weapons and attacked the civilians, who were
unarmed. Among others, the father of one of the
soldiers was killed while with his son ; later on he
was recognized, and, the news of his death

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

caede temperatiiui ab innoxiis. In urbe tauien tre-
pidatum praecurrentibus passim militibus ; forum
maxime i)etebant, ciipidine visendi locum in quo
Galba iacuisset. Nee minus saevum ^ spectaculum
erant ipsi, tergis ferarum et ingentibus telis hor-
rentes, cum turbam populi per inscitiam parum vita-
rent, aut ubi lubrico viae vel occursu alicuius
procidissent, ad iurgium, mox ad manus et ferruni
transirent. Quin et tribuni praefectique cum terrore
et armatorum catervis volitabant.

LXXXIX. Ipse Vitellius a ponte Mulvio insigni
equo, paludatus accinctusque, senatum et populum
ante se agens, quo minus ut captam urbem ingre-
deretur, amicorum consilio deterritus, sumpta prae-
texta et composite agmine incessit. Quattuor
legionum aquilae per frontem totidemque circa e
legionibus aliis vexilla, mox duodecim alarum signa
et post peditum ordines eques ; dein quattuor et
triginta cohortes, ut nomina gentium aut species
armorum forent, discretae. Ante aquilas praefecti
castrorum tribunique et primi centurionum Candida
veste, ceteri iuxta suam quisque centuriam, armis
donisque fulgentes ; et militum phalerae torquesque

^ scaevum M.

BOOK II. i.xxxviu.-Lxxxix.

spreading, this slaughter of the innocent ceased. Yet
in Rome no less alarm was caused by the soldiers
who everywhere preceded the main army ; these
tried to find the forum first of all, for they
wanted to see the place where Galba's body had
lain. They themselves presented a sight that was
equally savage, dressed as they were in shaggy skins
of wild beasts and armed with enormous spears ;
while, in their ignorance, they failed to avoid the
crowds, or, wiien they got a fall from the slippery
streets or ran into a civilian, broke out in curses and
soon went on to use their fists and swords. Even
tribunes and prefects hurried up and down the
streets spreading terror with their armed bands.

LXXXIX. Vitellius, mounted on a handsome
horse and wearing a general's cloak and arms, had
set out from the Mulvian bridge, driving the senate
and people before him ; but he was dissuaded by
his courtiers from entering Rome as if it were a
captured city, and so he changed to a senator's
toga, ranged his troops in good order, and made
his entry on foot. The eagles of four legions were
at the head of the line, while the colours of four
other legions were to be seen on eitlier side ; then
came the standards of twelve troops of cavalry, and
after them foot and horse ; next marched thirty-
four cohorts distinguished by the names of their
countries or by their arms. Before the eagles
marched the prefects of camp, the tribunes, and
the chief centurions, dressed in white ; the other
centurions, with polished arms and decorations
gleaming, marched each with his century. The
common soldiers' medals and collars were likewise
bright and shining. It was an imposing sight and

305

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

s]ilendebant : decora facies et non Vitellio princi})e
(lignus exercitus. Sic Capitolium ingressus atque
ibi matrem complex us Augustae nomine honoravit.

XC. Postera die tamquam apud alterius civitatis
senatum populumque magnificam orationeni de
seniet ipso prompsit, industriam tempeiantiainque
suam laudibus attollens, consciis flagitiorum ipsis qui
aderant omnique Italia, per quam somno et luxu
pudendus incesserat. Vulgus tamen vacuum curis
et sine falsi verique discrimine solitas adulationes
edoctum clamore et vocibus adstrepebat ; abnu-
entique nomen Augusti expressere ut adsumeret,
tam frustra quam recusaverat.

XCl. Apud civitatem cuucta interpretantem fu-
nesti ominis ^ loco acceptum est quod maximum
pontificatum adeptus V^itellius de caerimoniis publicis
XV kalendas Augustas edixisset, antiquitus infausto
die Cremerensi Alliensique cladibus : adeo omnis
humani divinique iuris expers, pari libertorum ami-
corum socordia^ velut inter temulentos agebat. Sed
comitia consulum cum candidatis civiliter celebrans
omnem infimae plebis rumorem in theatro ut spec-
tator, in circo ut fautor adfectavit : quae grata sane
et popularia, si a virtutibus proficiscerentur, memoria

^ omis M.

^ At the Cremera the Fabii had died to a man in 477 B.C. ;
and at the Allia the Gauls had defeated the Romans in 390.
No work, public or private, was undertaken on this dies
Alliensis. Cf. Livy vi. Iff.; Suet. Vitell. 11.

306

BOOK I. Lxxxix. -xci.

au army which deserved a better emperor than
Vitellius. With this array he mounted tlie Capitol,
where he embraced his mother and bestowed on
her the name of Augusta.

XC. 'J'he next day, as if he were speaking to the
senate and people of an alien state, Vitellius
made a boastful speech about himself, extolling his
own industry and restraint, although his crimes wei'c
well known to his hearers and indeed to all Italy,
through which he had come in shameful sloth and
luxury. Yet the poj>ulace, careless and unable to
distinguish between truth and falsehood, shouted
loud the usual Hattery, as it had been taught to do ;
in spite of his refusal they forced him to take the
name of Augustus — but his acceptance proved as
useless as his refusal.

XCI. A city which found a meaning in every-
thing naturally regarded as an evil omen the fact
that on becoming pontifex maximus Vitellius issued
a proclamation concerning public religious ceremonies
on the eighteenth of July, a day which for centuries
had been held to be a day of ill-omen because of the
disasters suffered at the Cremera and Allia : ^ thus,
wholly ignorant of law both divine and human, his
freedmen and courtiers as stupid as himself, he lived
as if among a set of drunkards. Yet at the time of the
consular elections he canvassed with his candidates
like an ordinary citizen ; he eagerly caught at every
murmur of the low est orders in the theatre where he
merely looked on, but in the circus he openly favoured
his colours. All this no doubt gave pleasure and
would have won him popularity, if it had been
prompted by virtue ; but as it was, the memory of
his former life made men regard these acts as un-

307

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vitae prioris indecora et vilia accipiebantur. Venti-
tabat in senatum, etiam cuin parvis de rebus patres
consulerentur. Ac forte Priscus Helvidius praetor
designatus contra studium eius censuerat. Conimo-
tus primo Vitellius, non tanien ultra quam tribunos
plebis in auxiliuni spretae potestatis advocavit; mox
mitigantibus amicis, qui altiorem iracundiam eius
verebantur, nihil novi accidisse respondit quod duo
senatores in re publiea dissentirent ; solitinn se
etiam Thraseae contra dicere. Inrisere plerique
impudentiam aeniulationis ; aliis id ipsuni placebat
quod neminem ex praepotentibus, sed Thraseam ad
exemplar verae gloriae legisset.

XCn. Praeposuerat praetorianis Publilium ^ Sabi-
num a 2 praefectura cohorlis, luliuni Priscum turn
centurionem : ^ Priscus Valentis, Sabinus Caecinae
gratia pollebant; inter discordis Vitellio nihil aucto-
ritas. Munia imperii Caecina ac Valens obibant,
olim anxii odiis, quae bello et castris male dissi-
rnulata pravitas amicorum et fecunda gignendis
inimicitiis civitas auxerat, dum ambitu comitatu et
immensis salutantium agminibus contendunt com-
paranturque, variis in hiinc aut ilium Vitellii inclina-
tionibus ; nee umquam satis fida potentia, ubi nimia
est : simul ipsum \'itel]ium, subitis ofFensis aut

^ Publilium Halm : publium M.

- a Mercrus : ad M.

' turn centurionem Lipsius : dum centurio 6 M.

^ Thrasea had been the father-in-law of Helvidius. He
was a leader of the Stoic opposition under Nero, by whose
orders the senate condemned Thrasea to death in 66 A. D.
Helvidius was banished from Italy at the same time. Cf.
Ann. xvi. 21 35.

308

BOOK II. xci.-x(u.

becoming and base. He frequently came to the
senate, even when the senators were discussing
trivial matters. Once it happened that Helvidius
Priscus, being then praetor-elect, expressed a view
which was opposed to his wishes. Vitellius was at first
excited, but he did nothing more than call the
tribunes of the people to support his authority that
had been slighted. Later, when his friends, fearing
that his anger might be deep-seated, tried to calm
him, he replied that it Avas nothing strange for two
senators to hold different views in the state ; indeed
he had usually opposed even Thrasea.^ Many re-
garded this impudent comparison as absurd ; others
were pleased with the very fact that he had selected,
not one of the most influential, but Thrasea, to serve
as a model of true glory.

XCII. Vitellius had appointed as prefects of the
praetorian guard Publilius Sabinus, who was prefect
of a cohort, and Julius Priscus, a centurion at the
time. Priscus owed his jwsition to the favour of
Valens, Sabinus to that of Caecina. When these
two disagreed V^itellius had no authority. The
emperor's duties were actually performed by Caecina
and Valens. These had long hated each other with
a hatred which had been hardly concealed during the
war and in camp, and which was now increased by base
friends and by civic life, always prolific in breeding
enmities. In their efforts to have a great entourage,
many courtiers, and long lines at their receptions
they rivalled each other and provoked comparison,
while the favour of Vitellius inclined now to one and
again to the other ; when a man has excessive power,
he never can have complete trust : at the same time
Vitellius himself, with his fickle readiness to take

309

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

iiitempestivis blanditiis mutabilem, contemnebant
metuebantque. Xec eo segnius invaserant domos
hortos opesque im))erii, cum flebilis et egens nobiliuni
turba, quos ipsos liberosque patriae Galba reddiderat,
nulla principis misericordia iuvarentur. Gratum
primoribus civitatis etiam plebs adprobavit, quod
reversis ab exilio iura libertorum concessisset, quani-
quam id omni modo servilia ingenia corrumpebant,
abditis pecuniis per occultos aut ambitiosos sinus,
et quidam in domum Caesaris transgressi atque ipsis
dominis potentiores.

XCIII. Sed miles, plenis castris et redundante
multitudine, in porticibus aut delubris et urbe tota
vagus, non principia noscere, non servare vigilias
neque labore firmari . per inlecebras urbis et inho-
nesta dictu corpus otio, animum libidinibus immi-
nuebant. Postrenio ne salutis quidem cura infamibus
Vaticani locis magna pars tetendit, unde crebrae in
valgus mortes ; et adiacente Tiberi Germanorum
Gallorumque ^ obnuxia morbis corpora fluminis avi-
ditas •^ et aestus impatientia labefecit. Insuper con-
fusus pravitate vel ambitu ordo militiae : sedecini

' gavorumque M.

* aviditas Putrolonvs: aviditate M.

310

BOOK II. xcii.-.xciii.

sudden ott'ence or to resort to unseasonable Hattery,
was the object of their contempt and fears. This had
not, however, made them slow to seize houses,gardens,
and the wealth of the empire, while a pathetic and
poverty-stricken crowd of nobles, whom with their
children Galba had restored to their native city, re-
ceived no pity or help from the emperor. An act which
})leased the great and found approval even among
the plebeians was that which gave those who returned
from exile the rights of patrons over their freedmen ;
yet the freedmen by their servile cunning avoided
the consequences of this act in every way, concealing
their money by depositing it with obscure friends or
with people of high position ; some of them passed
into Caesar's household and became more powerful
even than their masters.

XCIII. But the soldiers, whose number was far
too great for the crowded camp, ^^'andered about in
the colonnades, the temples, and in fact throughout
the city ; they did no guard-duty and were not kept
in condition by service. Giving themselves up to
the allurements of the capital and to excesses too
shameful to name, they constantly weakened their
physical strength by inactivity, their courage by
debaucheries. Finally, with no regard even for their
very lives, a large proportion camped in the un-
healthy districts of the Vatican, which resulted in
many deaths among the common soldiery ; and the
Tiber being close by, the inability of the Gauls and
Germans to bear the heat and the consequent greed
with which they drank from the stream weakened
their bodies, which were already an easy prey to
disease. Besides this, the different classes of service
v/ere thrown into confusion by corruption and self-

311

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

praetoriae, quattuor urbanae cohortes scribebantur,
quis singula milia inessent. Plus in eo dilectu
Valens audebat, tamquam ipsum Caecinam periculo
exemisset. Sane adventu eius partes convaluerant,
et sinistrum lenti itineris rumorem prospero proelio
verterat. Omnisque inferioris Germaniae miles Va-
lentem adsectabatur, unde primum creditur Caecinae
fides fluitasse.

XCIV. Ceterum noii ita ducibus indulsit Vitellius
ut non plus militi liceret. Sibi quisque militiam
sumpsere : quamvis indignus, si ita maluerat, urbanae
niilitiae adseribebatur ; rursus bonis remanere inter
legionarios aut alaris volentibus permissum. Nee
deerant qui vellent, fessi morbis et intemperiera
caeli incusantes ; robora tamen legionibus absque
subtracta, convulsum castrorum decus, viginti milibus
e toto exercitu permixtis magis quam electis.

Contionante Vitellio postulantur ad supplieium
Asiaticus et Flavus et Rufinus duces Galliarum, quod
pro Vindice bellassent. Nee coercebat eius modi
voces Vitellius : super insitam animo ignaviam con-

' The niue praetorian coborbs, which had formed the
backbone of Otho's army, Vitellius had disbanded (ii. 67) ;
in their place he now enrolled sixteen praetorian cohorts,
and apparently increased the usual three Cit\' cohorts to
four. This increase was probably due to the number volun-
teering for these advantageous services (chap. 94).

- Cf. i. 66 ; ii. 27, 31-44.

^ Cf. i. 6. Of these chiefs nothiDg more is known.

312

BOOK II. xciu.-xciv.

seeking : sixteen praetoi'ian, four city cohorts were
enrolled with a quota of a thousand men each.^ In
organizing these bodies V^alens put himself forward
as having rescued Caecina himself from peril. It
was true that his arrival had enabled the party
of VitelHus to prevail, and tliat by the victory -
he had got rid of the ugly rumour that he iiad
delayed his advance ; and all the troops of lower
Germany were his enthusiastic followers, which
gives us reason to think tliat this was the moment
when Caecina's fidelity to Vitellius began to
waver.

XCIV. However, the indulgences of Vitellius to
his generals did not equal the licence he granted to
his soldiers. Everyone selected the branch of the
service he desired : no matter how unworthy a
soldier might be, he was enrolled for service at
Rome, if he preferred it. On the other hand, the
good soldiers were allowed to remain with the
legions or the cavalry if they wished ; and there
were some who did so desire, for they were
exhausted by disease and cursed the climate of
Rome. Nevertheless the strength was drawn off"
irom the legions and cavalry, and the high prestige
of the praetorian camp was shaken, for these twenty
thousand men were not a picked body but only a
confused mob taken from the whole army.

When Vitellius was addressing his troops, the
soldiers demanded the punishment of Asiaticus,
Flavins, and Rufinus, Gallic chiefs who had fought
for Vindex.3 Vitellius did not try to check demands
of this sort, for not only was he naturally without
energy, but he was well aware that the time was
close at hand when he must pay his soldiers a

2U

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

scius sibi instare donativum et deesse pecuniam
omnia alia militi largiebatur. Liberti principiim
conferre pro numero mancipiorum ut tributum iussi ;
ipse sola perdendi cura stabula aurigis extruere,
circum gladiatorum ferarumque spectaculis opplere,
tamquam in sumina abundantia ^ pecuniae inludere.

XCV. Quia et natalem ^ itellii diem Caeeina ac
V'alens editis tota urbe vieatim gladiatoribus cele-
braverCj ingenti paratu et ante ilium diem insolito.
Laetum foedissimo cuique apud bonos invidiae fuit
quod extructis in campo Martio aris inferias Neroni
feeisset."^ Caesae publice victimae cremataeque ;
facem Augustales subdidere,^ quod sacerdotium, ut
Romulus Tatio regi, ita Caesar Tiberius luliae genti
sacravit. Nondum quartus a victoria mensis, et
libertus V^itellii Asiaticus Polyclitos Patrobios et
Vetera odiorum nomina aequabat. Nemo in ilia aula
probitate aut industria certavil : unum ad potentiam
iter, prodigis epulis et sumptu ganeaque * satiare
inexplebilis Vitellii libidines. Ipse abunde ratus si
praesentibus frueretur^ nee in longius consultans,
noviens miliens sestertium paucissimis mensibus
intervertisse creditur.^ Magna et misera civitas,

^ abundantiae M.

* fecisset Lij^sius : lecisset 31.

' subdidere Rhenanus : subdere M.

* ganeacjue /*aZ7/ierius: galane : aque J/.

* crederetur sagina M.

' C'f. i. 37, 49, and ii. 57.

* Equivalent to over $40,000,000. But the sum may have
been exaggerated.

314

BOOK II. xciv.-xcv.

donative and that he had not the necessary money :
therefore he indulged his troops in everything else.
The freedraen of the imperial house were ordered to
pay a tribute proportionate to the number of tlieir
slaves ; but the emperor, whose only care was to
spend money, kept building stables for jockeys,
filling the arena with exhibitions of gladiators and
wild beasts, and fooling away money as if his
treasuries were filled to overflowing.

XCV. Moreover, Caecina and Valens celebrated
his birthday by giving gladiatorial shows in every
precinct of the city on an enormous scale unheard
of up to that time. The worst element were
delighted but the best citizens were scandalized by
the act of Vitellius in erecting altars on the Campus
Martins and sacrificing to the shades of Nero. The
victims were killed and burned in the name of the
state. The torch was applied to the sacrifices by
the Augustales, a sacred college which Tiberius
Caesar had dedicated to the Julian gens, as Romulus
had dedicated a college to King Tatius. Four
months had not yet passed since his victory, and yet
Asiaticus, a freedman of Vitellius, already equalled a
Polyclitus, a Patrobius, and the other detested
names of the past.^ In his court no one tried to
win a reputation through honesty or industry : there
was one single road to power, and that was by
satisfying the emperor's boundless greed with extra-
vagant banquets and expensive orgies. He himself
was more than content to enjoy the present hour
with no thought beyond : and he is believed to have
squandered nine hundred million sesterces in a very
few months.- At once great and wretched, the
state was forced to endure within a single year an

3'5

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

eodem anno Othonem Vitellium passa, inter Vinios
Fabios Icelos Asiaticos varia et pudenda sorte age-
bat, donee successere Mucianus et Marcellus etmagis
alii homines quam alii mores.

XCVI. Prima V'itellio tertiae legionis defectio
nuntiatur, missis ab Aponio Saturnino epistulis,
antequam is quoque Vespasiani partibus adgrega-
retur; sed neque Aponius cuncta, ut trepidans re
subita, perscripserat, et amici adulantes mollius inter-
pretabantur : unius legionis earn seditionem, ceteris
exercitibus constare fidem. In hunc modum etiam
Vitellius apud milites disseruit, praetorianos nuper
exauctoratos ^ insectatus, a quibus falsos rumores
dispergi, nee ullum civilis belli metum adseverabat,
suppresso V^espasiani nomine et vagis per urbem
militibus qui sermones populi coercerent. Id prae-
cipuum alimentum famae erat.

XCVII, Auxilia tamen e Gerniania Britanniaque
et Hispaniis excivit, segniter et necessitatem dissi-
mulans. Perinde legati provinciaeque cunctabantur,
Hordeonius Flaccus suspectis iam Batavis anxius
proprio bello, Vettius Bolanus numquam satis quieta
Britannia, et uterque ambigui. Neque ex Hispaniis
properabatur, nullo turn ibi consulari : trium legio-
num legati, pares iure et prosperis Vitellii rebus

^ exaucto rato M.

1 Hovernor of Mocsia. * Cf. ii. 57.

» Cf. ii. 65.
316

BOOK II. xcv.-.vcvM.

Otho and a Vitellius, and to suffer all the vicissitudes
of a shameful fate at the hands of a Vinius, a Fabius,
an Icelus, and an Asiaticus, until at last they were
succeeded by a Mucianus and a Marcellus — other
men rather than other characters.

XCVI. The first defection reported to Vitellius
was that of the Third le<rion. The news came in a
letter sent by Aponius Saturninus ^ before he also
joined Vespasian's side. But Aponius, in his excite-
ment over the sudden change, had not written the
whole truth, and the flattery of courtiers gave a less
serious interpretation to the news. They said that
this was the mutiny of only one legion ; that the
rest of the troops were faithful. It was to the same
effect that Vitellius himself spoke to the soldiers:
he attacked the praetorians who had lately been
discharged, blaming them for spreading false rumours,
and declared that there was no occasion to fear civil
war, keeping back Vespasian's name and sending
soldiers round through the city to check the people's
talk. Nothing furnished rumour with more food.

XCVII. Nevertheless he summoned auxiliaries
from Germany, Britain, and the Spains ; but he did
this slowly and tried to conceal the necessity of his
action. The governors and the provinces moved as
slowly as he. Hordeonius Rufus already sus[)ected
the Batavians and was disturbed by the possibility of
having a war of his own ^ j Vettius Bolanus never
enjoyed entire peace in Britain,^ and both of them
were wavering in tiieir allegiance. Nor did troops
Inirry from the Spains, for at that moment there was
no governor tiiere. I'iie commanders of the three
legions, who were equal in authority and who would
have vied with each other in obedience to Vitellius

317

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

certaturi ad obsequium, adversam eius fortunam ex
aequo detrectabant. In Africa legio cohortesque
delectae a Clodio Macro, mox a Galba dimissae, rur-
sus iussu Vitellii militiam cepere ; simul cetera
inventus dabat inipigre noniina. Quippe integrum
illic ac favorabilem proconsulatum V^itellius^ famosum
invisumque Vespasianus egerat : proinde socii de
imperio utriusque coniectabant^ sed experimentum
contra fuit.

XCVIII. Ac prime Valerius Festus legatus studia
provincialium cum fide iuvit ; mox nutabat, palam
epistulis edictisque Vitellium, occultis nuntiis Ves-
pasianum fovens et haec illave defensurus, prout
invaluissent. Deprehensi cum litteris edictisque
Vespasiani per Raetiam et Gallias militum et centu-
rionum quidam ad Vitellium missi necantur : plures
fefellere, fide amicorum aut suomet astu ^ occultati.
Ita Vitellii paratus noscebantur, Vespasiani consilio-
rum pleraque ignota, primum socordia Vitellii, dein
Pannonicae Alpes praesidiis insessae nuntios retine-
bant. Mare quoque etesiarum ^ flatu in Orientem
navigantibus secundum, inde adversum erat.

XCIX. Tandem inruptione hostium atrocibus un-

^ suomet astu Agricola : suo mestatu M.

* etesiarum Rhenamos : et esi flabra aquilonis arum M,

1 Cf. i. 7 and 11.

* Valerius Festus was commander of the Third legion
in Africa, placed there apparently to keep watch on the
proconsul Lucius Piso. Cf. iv. 48, 49.

BOOK II. xcvii.-.xcix.

if his affairs had been prosperous, now all alike
shrank from sharing his adversity. In Africa the
legion and the cohorts raised by Clodius Macer, but
afterwards dismissed by Galba/ resumed their service
by order of Vitellius; at the same time the young
civilians as well enlisted with enthusiasm. For the
government of Vitellius as proconsul had been honest
and popular, while that of Vespasian had been
notorious and hated ; from such memories the allies
formed their conjectures as to what each would be as
emperor ; but experience proved exactly the opposite.

XCVIII. At first the commander, Valerius Festus,
loyally supported the wishes of the provincials.- But
presently he began to waver ; in his public letters
and documents he favoured Vitellius^ but by secret
messages he fostered Vespasian's interest and was
ready to take whichever side prevailed. Some
soldiers and centurions who had been dispatched
tin'ough Rhaetia and the Gallic provinces were
arrested with letters and proclamations of Vespasian
on their persons, sent to Vitellius, and put to death.
The majority of the messengers, however, escaped
arrest, being concealed by faithful friends or escaping
by their own wits. In this way the preparations of
Vitellius became known while most of Vespasian's
plans remained secret. This was due first of all to
the stupidity of Vitellius, and secondly to the fact
that the guards stationed in the Pannonian Alps
blocked the messengers. Moreover, as this was the
season of the etesian winds, the sea was favourable
for vessels sailing to the East, but unfavourable to
those coming from that quarter.

XCIX. Finally Vitellius became alarmed by the
oncoming of the enemy and by the terrifying messages

THE HISTOUIES OF TACITUS

dique nuntiis exterritus Catcinam v.c Valentem ex-
pedire^ ad bellum iubet. Praennssus Caecina, Valen-
tem e gravi corporis morbo turn primum adsurgentem
infirmitas tardabat, Longe alia proficiscentis ex urbe
Germanici exercitus species : non vigor corporibus,
non ardor animis ; lentum et rariim agmen, fluxa
arma^ segnesequi ; impatiens solis pulveris tempesta-
tum, quantnmque hebes ad sustineiuluin laboreni
miles, tantoad discordias promptior. Accedebathuc
Caecinae ambitio vetus, torpor recens, nimia fortunae
indulgentia soluti inluxum, seu perfidiam meditanti-
infringere exercitus virtutem inter artes erat. Credi-
dere plerique Flavii Sabini consiliis concussam
Caecinae mentem, ministro sermonum Rubrio Gallo :
rata apud Vespasianum fore pacta transitionis. Simul
odiorum invidiaeqiie erga Fabium Valentem admone-
batur ut impar apud Vitellium gratiam virisque apud
novum principem pararet.

C. Caecina e complexu Vitellii miilto cum honore
digressus partem equitum ad occupandam Cremonam
praemisit. Mox vexilla primae, quartae, quintae-
decimae, sextaedecimae ^ legionum, dein quinta et
duoetvicensima secutae ; postremo agmine unaetvi-

^ expedire Acidalixis : expediri M.
' ineditanti Rhenmuis: meditatio i{.

^ piimae . . . sextaedecimae Ferlelus et Nipperdey: in
ijuattuor decum XVI M.

BOOK 11. xcix.-c.

which reached him from every side, and ordered
Caecina and Valens to prepare for war. Caecina
was sent on in advance ; \'alens, who was at that
moment just getting up from a serious sickness, w-as
delayed by physical weakness. As the army from
Germany left the city it presented a very different
appearance from that which it had displayed on enter-
ing Rome: the soldiers had no vigour, no enthusiasm;
they marched in a slow and ragged column, dragging
their weapons, while their horses were without
spirit ; but the troops who could not endure sun,
dust, or storm and who had no heart to face toil,
were all the more ready to quarrel. Another factor
in the situation was furnished by Caecina's old
ambition and his newly acquired sloth, for an exce.ss
of Fortune's favours had made him give way to
luxury ; or he may have been already planning to
turn traitor and so have made it part of his plan to
break the morale of his army. It has been ger.erally
believed that it was the arguments of Flavins
Sabinus that made Caecina's loyalty waver, and that
the go-between was Rubrius Gallus, who assured him
that Vespasian would approve the conditions on
which Caecina was to come over. At the same time
he was reminded of his hatred and jealousy towards
Fahius Valens and was urged, since his influence
with Vitellius was not equal to that of his rival, to
seek favour and support from the new emperor.

C. Caecina, departing from the embraces of
Vitellius with great honours, sent a part of his horse
ahead to occupy Cremona. Presently detachments
of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth and Sixteenth legions
followed ; then the Fifth and Twenty-second ; in
the rear marched the Twenty-first Rapax and the

321

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ceusima Rapax et prima Italica incessere cum vexil-
lariis trium Britannicarum legionum et electis auxiliis.
Profecto Caecina scripsit Fabius V^alens exercitui,
quern ipse ductaverat, ut in itinere opperivetur : sic
sibi cum Caecina convenisse. Qui praesens eoque
validior mutatum id consilium finxit ut ingruenti
bello tota mole occurreretur. Ita adcelerare legiones
Cremonam, pars Hostiliam petere iussae : ipse Raven-
nam devertit praetexto classem adloquendi ; mox
Patavii^ secretum componendae proditionis quaesi-
tum. Namque Lucilius Bassus - post praefecturam
alae Ravennati simul ac Misenensi classibus a Vitellio
praepositus, quod non statim praefecturam praetorii
adeptus foret^ iniquam iracundiam flagitiosa perfidia
ulciscebatur. Nee sciri potest traxeritne Caecinam,
an, quod evenit inter malos ut et similes sint, eadem
illos pravitas impulerit. CI. Scriptores temporum^
qui potiente rerum Flavia domo monimenta belli
huiusce composuerunt, curam pacis et amorem rei
publicae, corruptas in adulationem causas, tradidere :
nobis super insitam levitatem et prodito Galba vilem
mox fidem aemulatione etiam invidiaque, ne ab

^ patvi M. * Bassus Ehenanus: blaessiis M.

^ When in Lower Germany.
322

BOOK II. c.-ci.

First Italic with detaciiments from the three legions
in Britain and with picked auxiliary troo})S. After
C'aecina had gone, Fabius Valens wrote to the troops
which he had earlier commanded/ and ordered them
to wait for him on the way, saying that he and
Caecina had agreed to this effect. But Caecina,
being with the troops and therefore having the
advantage over Valens, pretended that the plan had
been changed that they might meet the rising tide
of war with their whole strength. So the legions
were ordered to press on, part to Cremona, part to
Hostilia ; he himself turned aside to Ravenna under
the pretext of addressing the fleet ; but presently he
retired to the secrecy of Padua to arrange the con-
ditions of betrayal. For Lucilius Bassus, who had
previously been only a jirefect of a squadron of
cavalry, had been placed by Vitellius in command
of the fleet of Ravenna along with that of Misenuni ;
but his failure to receive promptly the prefec-
ture of the praetorian guai'd had roused in him
an unjust resentment, which he was now satisfying
by a shameful and treacherous act of vengeance.
It is impossible to determine whether Bassus drew
Caecina on, or whether, since it often happens that
there is a likeness between bad men, the same
villainy impelled them both. CI. The contemporary
historians, who wrote their accounts of this war
while the Flavian house occupied the throne, have
indeed recorded their anxiety for peace and devotion
to the State, falsifying motives in order to flatter ;
but to me it seems that both men, in addition to
their natural fickleness and the fact that after be-
traying Galba they then held their honour cheap,
were moved by mutual rivalry and a jealous fear

323

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

aliis apud Vitellium anteirentur, pervertisse ipsum
Vitellium videiitur. Caecina leo^iones adsecutus cen-
turionum militumque animos obstinates pro V'itellio
variis artibus subruebat : Basso eadem molieuti minor
difficultas erat, lubiica ad miitandam fidem classe ob
nieuioriam recentis pro Othone niilitiae.

324

BOOK 11. u.

that tliey would be surpassed by others in the
imperial favour, and so overthrew Vitellius himself.
Caecina caught up with his legions and began by
various devices to undermine the unshaken loyalty
of the centurions and soldiers towards Vitellius ;
Bassus found less difficulty when he attempted the
same with the fleet, for the sailors, remembering
their recent service to Otho, were ready to shift
their allegiance.

325

BOOK HI

LIBER III

I. Meliore fato fideque partium Flaviaiiarum
duces consilia belli tractabant. Poetovionem in
hiberna tertiae decimae legionis convenerant. lUic
agitavere placeretne obstrui Pannoniae Alpes, donee
a tergo vires universae consurgerent, an ire com-
minus et certare pro Italia constantius foret. Quibus
opperiri auxilia et trahere bellum videbatur, Germa-
oicarum legionum vim famanique extollebant, et
advenisse mox cum Vitellio Britannici exercitus
robora : ipsis nee numerum parem pulsarum nuper
legionum^ et quamquam atrociter loquerentur, mi-
norem esse apud victos animum. Sed insessis interim
Alpibus venturum cum copiis Orientis Mucianum;
superesse Vespasiano mare, classis, stiidia provincia-
rum, per quas velut alterius belli molem cieret. Ita
salubri mora novas viris adfore, ex ^ praesentibus
nihil i)eriturum.

* ex Urlichs: et 3/".

i Pettau on the Drave in Styria.

* Cf ii. 57. Eight tliousand had come from Biilaiii.

' At Bedriacum. Cf. ii. 41-45.

328

BOOK III

I. The generals of the Flavian party were planning
their campaign with better fortune and greater
lo3alty. They had come together at Poetovio,'
the winter quarters of the Thirteenth legion. There
they discussed whether tliey should guard the passes
of the Pannonian Alps until the whole mass of their
forces could be raised behind them, or whether
it would not be a bolder stroke to engage the
enemy at once and struggle with him for the
possession of Italy. Those who favoured waiting
for the auxiliaries and prolonging the war, em-
phasized the strength and reputation of the German
legions and dwelt on the fact that the flower of
the army in Britain had recently arrived with
Vitellius ;2 they pointed out that they had on their
side an inferior number of legions, and at best
legions which had lately been beaten,^ and that
although the soldiers talked boldly enough, the
defeated always have less courage. But while they
meantime held the Alps, Mucianus, they said,
would arrive with the troops from the east ;
Vespasian had besides full control of the sea
and his fleets, and he could count on the en-
thusiastic support of the provinces, through whose
aid he could raise the storm of almost a second war.
Therefore they declared that delay would favour
them, that new forces would join them, and that
they would lose none of their present advantages.

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

II. Ad ea Antonius Primus (is acerrimus belli
concitator ^) festinationem ipsis utilem, V^itellio exi-
tiosam disseruit. Plus socordiae quam fiduciae
accessisse victoribus ; neque enim in procinctu et
castris habitos : per omnia Italiae municipia desides,
tantum hospitibus inetuendos, quanto ferocius ante
se egerint, tanto cupidius insolitas voluptates hau-
sisse. Circo quoque ac theatris et amoenitate urbis
emollitos aut valetudinibus fessos ; sed addito spatio
rediturum et his robur meditatione belli ; nee procul
Germaniam, unde vires ; Britanniam freto dirimi,
iuxta Gallias Hispaniasque, utrimque viros equos
tributa, ipsamque Italiam et opes urbis ; ac si inferre
arma ultro velint, duas classis vacuumque Illyrieum
mare. Quid turn claustra montium profutura? Quid
tractum in aestatem aliam bellum? Unde interim
peeuniam et commeatus ? Quin potius eo ipso
uterentur quod Pannonicae legiones deceptae magis
quam victae resurgere in ultionem properent, Moe-
sici exercitus integras viris attulerint. Si numerus
militum potius quam legionum putetur, plus hinc
roboris, nihil libidinum ; et profuisse disciplinae
ipsum pudorem : equites vero ne turn quidem victos,

^ conciator M.

^ Commander of the Seventh legion, Galbiana. Cf. ii.
S6.
• The large fleets stationed at Misenum and Ravenna.
« Cf. ii. 42.

HOOK III. II.

II. In answer Antonius Primus,^ the most en-
thusiastic partisan of war, argued that haste was
helpful to them, ruinous to Vitellius. " The vic-
torious side," he said, " has gained a spirit of sloth
rather than confidence, for their soldiers have not
been kept within the bounds of camp ; they have
been loafing about all the municipal towns of Italy,
fearful only to their hosts ; the savagery that they
once displayed has been matched by the greed
with which they have drunk deep of their new-
pleasures. They have been weakened, too, by the
circus, by the theatres, and by the delights of Rome,
or else exhausted by disease ; but if they are given
time, even they will recover their strength by
preparing for war ; Germany, from which they draw
their strength, is not far away ; Britain is separated
only by a strait; the provinces of Gaul and Spain are
near : from both they receive men, horses, and
tribute; they hold Italy itself and the wealth of
Rome ; and if they wisli to attack they have two
fleets 2 and the lllyrian Sea is open. In that case,
what will the mountain barriers avail us .'' What
profit shall we find in prolonging the war into
another summer .'' Where shall we meantime find
money and supplies.'' Rather let us take advantage
of the fact that the Pannonian legions, which were
deceived rather than defeated,^ are eager to rise
in revenge ; that the troops in Moesia have con-
tributed their strength, which is quite unimpaired.
If we reckon the number of soldiers rather than
of legions, we see that we have on our side the
greater force and no debauchery ; the very shame of
the defeat at Bedriacum has helped our discipline.
Moreover, the cavalry were not beaten even then,

3S^

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

sed quamquam rebus adversis disiectam Vitellii
aciem. " Duae tunc Pannonicae ac Moesicae alae
perrupere hostem : nunc sedecim alarum coniuncta
signa pulsu sonituque et nube ipsa operient ac
superfundent oblitos proeliorum equites equosque.
Nisi quis retinet, idem suasor auctorque consilii ero.
Vos, quibus fortuna in integro est, legiones conti-
nete ; mihi expeditae cohortes sufficient. lam
reseratam Italiam/ irapulsas Vitellii res audietis.
luvabit sequi et vestigiis vincentis insistere."

III. Haec ac talia flagrans oculis, truci voce, quo
latius audiretur (etenim se centuriones et quidam
militum consilio miscuerant), ita eflTudit ut cautos
quoque ac provides permoveret, vulgus et ceteri
unum virum duceraque, spreta aliorum segnitia,
laudibus ferrent. Hanc sui famam ea statim con-
tione commoverat, qua recitatis Vespasiani epistulis
non ut plerique incerta disseruit, hue illuc tracturus
interpretatione,- prout conduxisset : aperte descen-
disse in causam videbatur, eoqiie gravior militibus
eiat culpae vel gloriae socius.

IV. Proxima Cornelii Fusci procuratoris auctoritas.

1 reseratam Italiam Pichena; reserata militiam M.
' interpriitaLioue Acidalius : interpraetationem M.

» Cf. ii. 41. » Cf. ii. 82.

' Cf. ii. 86.

33»

BOOK III. ii.-iv.

but in spite of disastei- they broke the forces of
VitelHus.' On that day two squadrons from Pannonia
and Moesia pierced the enemy's Hne ; now sixteen
squadrons charging in a body, by the very noise
they make and the cloud of dust they raise, will
overwhelm and bury the horsemen and horses of our
foes, for they have forgotten what a battle is.
Unless someone restrains me, I who advise will also
perform. Do you, whose fortune is still unblemished,
hold back your legions, if you will ; for me light
cohorts will be enough. Presently you shall hear
that the gates of Italy are open, that the power
of Vitellius is overthrown. Yours will be the
delight of following the victor and of treading in
his footsteps."

III. Thus and in like strain, with flashing eyes
and in fierce tones that he might be more widely
iieard (for the centurions and some of the common
soldiers had made their way into the council) did he
pour forth his words so that he moved even men
of caution and foresight, while the general throng,
and after them the rest, scorning the cowardly
inaction of the other officers, extolled him as the
one man and the one leader. This reputation
Primus had Avon in that assembly from the moment
in his harangue when, after reading out the letter
of Vespasian,^ he did not talk in equivocal terms,
ready to {)ut this or that interpretation on Vespasian's
words to his own advantage, as the others had done ;
but he seemed to have openly joined Vespasian's
cause ; therefore he carried the gi-eater weight with
the soldiers, for he was now an accomplice in their
fault or a partner in their glory.

IV. After Primus the procurator Cornelius Fuscus^

VOL. I. M 333

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Is quoque incleraenter in Vitellium invehi solitus
nihil spei sibi inter adversa reliquerat. Tampius
Flavianus, natura ac senecta cunctantior/ suspiciones
militum inritabat, tamquam adfinitatis cum Vitellio
nieminisset ; idemque,^ quod coeptante legionuui
niotu profugus, dein sponte remeaveratj perfidiae
locum quaesisse credebatur. Nam Flavianum, oniissa
Pannonia ingressum Italiam et discrimini exemptunij
rerum novarum cupido legati nomen resumere et
misceri civilibus aniiis impulerat, suadente Cornelio
Fusco, non quia industria Flaviani egebat, sed ut
consulare nomen surgentibus cum maxime partibus
honesta specie praetenderetur.

V. Ceterum ut transmittere in Italiam impune et
usui foret, scriptum Aponio Saturnino,^ cum exercitu
Moesico celeraret. Ac ne inermes provinciae bar-
baris nationibus exponerentur, principes Sarmatarum
lazugum, penes quos civitatis regimen, in commi-
litium adsciti. Plebem quoque et vim equitum, qua
sola valent, ofFerebant : remissum id munus, ne inter
discordias externa molirentur aut maiore ex diverse
mercede ius fasque exuerent. Trahuntur in partis

^ cunctantior Ealni : cunctatior M. ^ idqiie M.

' aponio satiu 'post quae sequitur (7) revirescere . , . ut
inimici (9), deinde ninocu exercitum moesico (5) ; verutn
(ii'/inevi restituit Pichena.

^ The governor of Tan non ia. * j.e. against Vespasian.
' Governor of Moesia.

* A people living between the Danube and the Theiss.
^ They also served as hostages for the good behaviour of
their people.

334

BOOK III. iv.-v.

had the greatest influence. He also had been in
the habit of assailing Vitellius violently and so had
left himself no hope in case of ftiilure. Tampius
Flavianus/ whose nature and years made him more
hesitant, roused the suspicions of the soldiers ; they
thought that he still remembered the family ties
that bound him to Vitellius. Furthermore, since
he had fled at the first movement of the legions
and then had come back of his own accord, the
troops believed that he had treacherous designs.^
There was some basis for this suspicion, since
Flavianus had abandoned Pannonia and withdrawn
to Italy, where he was not involved in the crisis ;
but later his desire for a revolution had impelled
him to resume his title of governor awd to bear
a hand in civil war. Cornelius Fuscus urged him to
take this present step, not because he needed the
assistance of Flavianus, but because he wished to
display a consular name to give credit and prestige
to his pai-ty which was just then rising to view.

V. But in order to be able to enter Italy without
danger and with advantage, word was sent Aponius
Saturninus^ to hurry with the army then in Moesia.
To avoid exposing the provinces in their unprotected
condition to barbarous nations, the ruling chiefs of
the Sarmatian lazuges* were called into service with
the army.^ These chiefs offered tlieir people also and
their force of cavalry, which constitutes their sole
effective strength ; but this offer was declined for
fear that in the midst of civil troubles they might
undertake some hostile enterprise, or that, if a
larger reward should be offered by the other side,
they might abandon all sense of right and justice.
Vespasian's officers further drew to their side Sido

335

thp: histories of tacitus

Sido atque Italicus reges Sueboruiu, quis vetus obse-
quium erga Romanos et gens fidei quam iussorum ^
patientior. Opposita^ in latus auxilia, inf'esta Raetia,
cui Porc'ius Septiminus procurator erat, incorruptae
erga Vitellium fidei. Igi'air Sextilius Felix cum ala
Auriana et octo cohortibus ac Noricorum iuventute
ad occupandam ripani Aeni^ fluminis, quod Raetos
Noricosque interfluit, missus. Nee his aut illis proe-
lium temptantibus, fortuna partium alibi transacta.

VI. Antonio vexillarios e cohortibus et jiartem
equitum ad invadendam Italiam rapienti comes fuit
Arrius V^arus, strenuus bello, quam gloriam et dux
Corbulo et prosjierae in Armenia res addiderant.
Idem secretis apud Neronem sermonibus ferebatur
Corbulonis,virtutes criminatus ; unde infami gratia
primum pilum adepto laeta ad praesens male parta
mox in perniciem vertere. Sed Primus ac Varus
occupata Aquileia per* proxima quaeque et Opitergii
et Altini laetis animis accipiuntur, llelictum Altini
praesidium adversus classis Ravennatis conatus,"
nondum defectione eius audita. Inde Patavium et
Ate-^te partibus adiunxere. Illuc cognitum tris Vi-

' quam iussorum Scheffer : coiumissior M.

* opposita lihsnanus : posita M.

* Aeni Rhciiaaus: rheni M.

* per add. Baiter.

' conatus suppl. Heinisch.

^ These Suebi had been established by the younger Drusus
Caesar north of the Danube, between the March and the
Waag, in 19 a.d.

* Raetia lay west of Noricum and north of Italj', so that
the party of Vespasian had to protect their right flank
from possible attack by Septiminus.

' Antonius Primus was commander of tlie Seventh Legion

BOOK III. v.-vi.

aud Italicus, princes of the Suebi, who had long
been loyal to the Romans and whose people were
more inclined to remain faitliful to Rome tlian to
take orders from others.^ They protected their flank
with auxiliary troops, for Raetia was hostile to
V^espasian's party, its procurator Porcius Septiminus
being unshaken in his loyalty to Vitellius.^ This
was the reason that Sextilius Felix with the Aurian
squadron of horse and eight cohorts of infantry was
despatched to occupy the bank of the river Inn,
which flows between Raetia and Noricum. Neither
side wished to test the fortunes of battle, and the
fate of the parties was decided elsewhere.

VI. As Antonius^ hurried forward some detach-
ments from the cohorts and part of the cavalry to
invade Italy, he was accompanied by Arrius Varus,''
a vigorous fighter, whose fame had been increased
by his service under Corbulo and by his successes in
Armenia. This same Varus, according to common
report, had in secret conference with Nero brought
serious charges against Corbulo's good character ;
by this means he had won, as a reward of shame, the
rank of chief centurion, and this ill gain, which de-
lighted him at the time, later proved to be his ruin.
However, Antonius and Varus occupied Aquileia,
and then advancing through the adjacent districts
were received with joy at Opitergium and Altinum.^
A force was left at Altinum to block any attempt on
the part of the fleet at Ravenna, of whose defection
they had not yet heard. Next they drew Padua
and Ateste ^ to their side. At Ateste they heard

Galbiana in Paniionia. Cf. ii. 86 ; Ann. xiv. 40 ; Suetonius
Vitellius 18.
* Cf. Ann. xiii. 9. ^ Oderzo and Altino. « Este.

337

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

telliaiias cohortis et alain^ cui Sebusianae nomeii,
ad Forum Alieni ponte iuncto coiisedisse. Placuit
occasio invadendi incuriosos ; nam id quoque nuntia-
batur. Luce prima inermos plerosque oj)pressere.
Praedictum ut paucis interfectis ceteros pavore ad
mutandam fidem cogerent. Et fuere qui se statim
dederent : plures abrupto ponte instanti liusti viam
abstulerunt. Principia belli secundum Flavianos
data.i

VTI. Vulgata victoria legiones se[)tima Galbiana,
tertia decima Gemina cum Vedio Aquila legato
Patavium alacres veniunt. Ibi pauci dies ad requiem
sumpti, et Minicius Justus praefectus castrorum
legionis seplimaCj quia adductius quam civili bello
imperitabatj subtractus militum irae ad Vespasianum
missus est. Desiderata diu res interpretatione gloria-
que in 2 mains accipitur, postquam Galbae imagines
discordia temporum subversas in omnibus municipiis
recoli iussit Antonius, decorum pro causa ratus, si
placere Galbae principatus et partes revirescere
crederentur.

VIII. Quaesitum inde quae sedes bello legeretur.

1 Principia (p'rincipia) . . . data (datae) hue transtiilii
Nipperdey ex c. 7 ubi haec verba vulgata victoria tieqziunhir.
* in om. M.

^ Probably the present Legiiago ; the bridge tliere was
over the Adige.

BOOK III. vi.-viii.

thai three toliorts of the Vitellian I'orces and the
squadron of cavalry called Sebosian had occupied
Forum Alieni ^ and built a bridge over the stream
there. Primus and Varus decided that this was a
oood opportunity to attack the Vitellians, who were
wholly ott their guard ; for this fact also had been
reported. At daybreak they cut down many of
them quite unarmed. They liad been advised that
if they killed a few, they could force the rest by
fear to change their allegiance ; and there were
some who surrendered at once. The larger part,
however, broke down the bridge and so, by cutting
off the road, blocked their foes' advance. The
opening of the campaign was favourable to Vespasian's
side.

VII. When the news of the victory was noised
abroad, two legions, the Seventli Galbiana and the
'J'enth Gemina, marched with all speed to Padua under
their commander V^edius Aquila. There they rested
for a few days during which Minicius Justus, prefect
of tJie camp of the Seventh legion, whose discipline
had been somewhat too strict for civil war, was
withdrawn from the soldiers' resentment by being
sent to Vespasian. An act long desired was now
received with delight and given a flattering inter-
pretation beyond its deserts, when Antonius gave
orders that in all the towns Galba's statues, which
had been thrown down in the disorders of the times,
should again be honoured. His real motive was that
he believed that it would dignify Vespasian's cause
if this were accounted an approval of Galba's
principate and a revival of his party.

VIII. Then Vespasian's commanders considered
what jjlace they should select as the seat of war.

339

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Verona potior visa, patcntibiis circiim campis ad
pugnam equestrem, qua praevalebant : simul colo-
niam copiis validam auferre Vitellio in rem famamque
videbatur. Possessa ipso transitu Vicetia ; quod per
se parvum ^ (etenim modicae municipio vires) magni
momenti locum obtinuit reputantibus illic Caecinam
genitum et patriam hostium duci ereptam. In Vero-
nensibus pretium fuit: exemplo opibusque partis
iuvere ; et interiectus exercitus Raetiam luliasque
Alpis, [ae] ^ ne pervium ilia Germanicis exercitibus
foret, obsaepserat. Quae ignara \'^espasiano aut
vetita : quippe Aquileiae sisti bellum expectarique
Mucianum iubebat, adiciebatque imperio consilium,
quando Aegyptus, claustra annonae, vectigalia opu-
lentissimarum provinciarum obtinerentur, posse Vi-
tellii exercitum egestate stipendii frumentique ad
deditionem subigi. Eadem Mucianus crebris epistulis
monebat, incruentam et sine luctu victoriam et alia
huiusce modi praetexendo, sed gloriae avidus atque
omne belli decus sibi retinens. Ceterum ex distan-
tibus terrarum spatiis consilia post res adferebantur.
IX. Igitur repentino incurso Antonius stationes
hostium inrupit ; temptatisque levi proelio animis

^ parvum ffalm: parum J/. * seel. Lipsius.

^ Vicenza. * Over Ihe Brenner Pass.

' Egypt, .Syria, and Asia.

BOOK 111. viii.-ix.

I'hey decided on Verona because there are open
plains about it suited to the ojierations of cavah"y,
in which their chief strength lay ; and at the same
time to take away from Vitellius so strong a colony
seemed likely to contribute to tlieir own cause
and reputation. As they advanced they seized
Vicetia.i This was no great thing in itself, for the
town had but moderate resources, yet its capture
had great significance in the minds of those who
considered that it was Caecina's birthplace and that
the enemy's general had seen his native town
snatched from him. But Verona was a real gain :
the exani[)le and resources of its inhabitants were
helpful, and the army's position between Raetia and
the Julian Alps blocked the entrance at that point
of the forces from Germany. ^ All these operations
were unknown to Vespasian or had been forl)idden
by him. He had directed that his forces should not
carry their operations beyond Aquileia, but should
wait there for Mucianus ; and he had also given the
reasons for his orders, pointing out that since they
held Egypt, controlled the grain supply of Italy, and
possessed the revenues of the richest provinces,^
the army of Vitellius could be forced to surrender
by lack of pay and food. Mucianus wrote frequent
warnings to the same effect, giving as his reason his
desire for a victory which would cost no blood or
sorrow ; in reality he was ambitious for personal
fame and wished to keep for himself all the glory of
the war. However, the distances were so great that
the advice arrived after the events.

IX. So then Antonius suddenly attacked the
enemy's posts ; but after testing his foe's courage
in a trifling skirmish, he withdrew his troops with

341

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ex aequo discessum. Mox Caecina inter flustiliam,
vicum Veronensium, et paliides Tartari fluminis
castra permuniit, tutus loco, cum terga flumine,
latera obiectu pahidis tegerentur. Quod si adfuisset
fides, aut opprimi universis V^itellianorum viribus
duae legiones, nondum coniuncto Moesico exercitu.
potuere, aut retro actae deserta Italia turpem fugam
conscivissent. Sed Caecina per varias moras prima
liostibus prodidit tempera belli, duni quos armis
pellere proniptuni erat, epistulis increpat, donee per
nuntios pacta perfidiae firmaret. Interim Aponius
Saturninus cum legione septima Claudiana advenit.
Legioni tribunus Vipstanus Messala praeerat, claris
inaioribus, egregius ipse et qui solus ad id bellum
artis bonas attulisset. Has ad copias nequaquam
Vitellianis paris (quippe tres adhuc legiones erant)
misit epistulas Caecina, temeritatem victa arma
tractantium inciisans. Simul virtus Germanici
exercitus laudibus attollebatur, Vitellii modica et
vulgari mentione, nulla in V'espasianum contumelia :
nihil prorsus quod aut corrumperet hostem aut
terreret. Flavianarum partium duces omissa prions
fortunae defensione pro Vespasiano magnifice, pro

^ Ostiglia. * Tartaro.

' From Moesi.i Cf. chap. o.

* For the legate Tettius Juliimus had fled. Cf. ii. So.

" Vipstanus Messala wrote a history of this war which
Tacitus emploj-ed (iii. 25, 28) ; he is also one of the partici-
pants in the Dialoyus de Oraloribus.

342

BOOK III. IX.

no advantage to either side. Presently Caecina
established his camp between Hostilia,' a village in
the district of the Veronese^ and tiie marshes of the
river Tartarus. ^ Here he was protected by the
situation itself, his rear being covered by the river
and his flanks by the marshes. If he had only been
loyal to X'itellius, with the combined forces of the
Vitellians he might have crushed the two legions at
Verona, for the troops from Moesia had not yet
joined them ; or at least he could have driven them
back and made them abandon Italy in disgraceful
flight. But as it was, by various delays he betrayed
to his opponents the first advantages of the campaign,
spending his time in writing letters, reproving those
whom he might easily have routed with his arms,
until he could through messengers conclude the
terms of his own treason. In the meantime Aponius
Saturninus arrived with the Seventh or Claudian
legion. 3 This legion was commanded ■* by the tribune
V^ipstanus Messala,^ a man of eminent family and of
personal distinction ; indeed he was the only one
who had brought with him to the war some honour-
able pursuits. To these forces, which were by no
means a match for those of Vitellius, since thus far
only three legions had concentrated at Verona,
Gaecina now wrote, reproving them for their rash-
ness in taking up arms after defeat. At the same
time he praised the valour of the German army, but
made only slight and casual reference to Vitellius,
with no derogatory mention of Vespasian ; and he
said nothing that was calculated to win over or
frighten his opponents. The chiefs of the Flavian
party in rejily made no apology for their past mis-
fortunes, but they spoke out boldly for Vespasian ;

343

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

causa fidenter, de exercitu securi, in Vitellium ut
inimici praesumpsere, facta tribunis centurionibusque
retinendi quae Vitellius indulsisset spe; atque ipsiim
Caecinam non obscure ad transitionem hortabantur.
Reeitatae pro contione epistulae addidere fiduciam,
quod submisse^ Caecinaj velut offendere Vespasi-
anum timens, ipsorum duces contemptim tamquani
insultantes Vitellio scripsissent.

X. Adventu deinde duarum legionum, e quibus
tertiam Dillius Aponiaiius,- octavam Numisius Lupus
ducebant, ostentare viris et militai'i vallo Veronam
circumdare placuit. Forte Galbianae legioni in
adversa froiite valli opus cesserat, et visi procul
socioruui equites vanam formidinem ut hostes fecere.
Rapiuntur arma metu ^ proditionis. Ira inilitum in
Tami)iuin Flavianum incubuit, nullo criminis argu-
mento, sed iam pridem invisus turbine quodam ad
exitium poscebatur : propinquum Vitellii, proditorem
Othonis, interceptoreni donativi clamitabant. Nee
defensioni locus, quaniquam supplicis manus ten-
deret, humi plerumque stratus, lacera veste, pectus
atque ora singultu quatiens. Id ipsum apud infensos

' siimmisisse M.

* Aponianus Bkenanus: apontanus M.

' arma metu Faemtts : arma et ut M.

^ Governor of Pannonia, iii. -i.

344

BOOK 111. ix.-x.

displaying confidence in their cause and faith in tlie
security of their army, they assailed Vitellius as
if they were his personal enemies, and gave the
tribunes and centurions reason to hope that they
might keep the indulgences that Vitellius had
granted them. Caecina himself they urged in no
ambiguous terms to come over to their side. This
correspondence the Flavian leaders read to their
soldiers in assembly and thereby inspired their
troops with additional confidence ; for Caecina had
written in humble terms, as if afraid of offending
Vespasian, while their generals had written in scorn
and with the evident desire to insult Vitellius.

X. Then two otiier legions arrived, the Third in
command of Dillius Aponianus, the Eighth under
Numisius Lupus. The Flavian party now decided
to show their strength and to surround \'erona with
a rampart. It happened that the Galbian legion
was assigned to work on that part of the lines that
faced the enemy ; seeing in the distance some
allied cavalry, they became panic-stricken, for they
thought that the enemy was coming. They seized
their arms, fearing that they had been betrayed.
The soldiers' wrath fell on Tampius Flavianus,^ of
whose guilt there was not the slightest proof; but
the troops already hated him and now in a whirlwind
of rage demanded his death. They cried out that
he was a kinsman of Vitellius, that he had betrayed
Otho, and had diverted the donative intended for
them. Flavianus had no opportunity to defend
himself, although he raised his hands in supplication,
grovelled repeatedly on the ground, tore his gar-
ments, while the tears ran down his face and his
breast was convulsed with sobs. These very acts

345

thp: histories of tac nus

incitamentum erat. tamquam nimius pavor con-
scientiam argueret. Obtiirbabatur militum vocibus
Aponius, cum loqui coeptaret ; fremitu et clamore
ceteros aspernantur. Uni Antonio apertae militum
aures ; namque et facundia aderat mulcendique
vulgum artes et auctoritas. Ubi crudescere seditio
et a conviciis ac probris ad tela et manus transibant,
inici catenas Flaviano iubet. Sensit ludibrium miles,
disiectisque qui tribunal tuebantur extrema vis para-
batur. Opposuit sinum Antonius stricto ferro, aut
militum se manibus aut suis moriturum obtestans,
ut quenique notum et aliquo militari decore insignem
aspexerat, ad ferendam opem nomine ciens. Mox
conversus ad signa et bellorum deos, hostium potius
exercitibus ilium furorem, illam discordiam inicerent
orabat, donee fatisceret seditio et extremo iam die
sua quisque in tentoria dilaberentur. Profectus
eadem nocte Flavianus obviis Vespasiani litteris
discrimini exemptus est.

XI. Legiones velut tabe infectae Aponium Sa-
turniuum Moesici exercitus legatum eo atrocius
adgrediuntur, quod non, ut prius, labore et opere
fessae, sed medio diei exarserant, vulgatis epistulis,

^ Aponius Saturninus, the goveraor of Moesia (ii. 85;
iii. 5) naturally took the lead, but without avail.

' The eagles were regarded as sacred and were kept with
images of the gods in a kind of chapel at headquarters.

* The letter from Vespasian absolved Flavianus from any
disloyalty toward him.

34'J

BOOK III. x.-xi.

increased the rage of the soldiers, for they regarded
his excessive terror as proof of his guilt. When
Aponius^ began to speak, he was interrupted by the
soldiers' cries ; they expressed their scorn of tlie
other commanders by groans and howls. Antonius
was the only one to whom they would lend an ear,
for he was eloquent, had influence, and possessed
the art of quieting a mob. When he saw that the
mutiny was gaining strength and the soldiers were
about to pass from reproaches and insults to armed
force, he ordered P'lavianus to be put in chains,
ihit the troops saw through the ruse, thrust aside
those who guarded the tribunal, and prepared to use
extreme violence. Antonius drew his sword and
pointed it at his breast, declaring that he would die
by his soldiers' hands or by his own ; at the same
time he called by name to his assistance every
soldier in sight whom he knew or who had some
military decoration. Presently he turned toward
the standards and the gods of war,^ praying them
to inspire rather the enemy's forces with this
madness and this discord. At last the mutiny
gradually spent itself, and as the day was now
near its end, the soldiers slipped away, each to his
quarters. The same night Flavianus set out from
camp, but was met by a letter from V^espasian which
saved him from danger.^

XI Then the legions, as if smitten with a mad
contagion, assailed Aponius Saturninus, the com-
mander of the army from Moesia. They attacked
him with the greater violence, for they were not as
before tired by severe labour, but their anger blazed
up suddenly in the middle of the day on the publica-
tion of some letters which Saturninus was believed

347

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quas Saturninus ad Vitellium scripsisse credebatur.
Ut olim virtutis modestlaeque, tunc procacitatis
et petuhintiae certainen erat, ne minus violenter
Aponium quam Flavianum ad supplicium depu-
scerent. Quippe Moesicae legiones adiutam a se
Pannonicorum ultionem referentes, et Pannonici,
velut absolverentur aliorum seditione, iterare culpam
gaudebant. In hortos^, in quibus devertebatur Sa-
turninus, pergunt. Nee tam Primus et Aponianus
et Messala, quamquam omni modo nisi, eripuere
Saturninum quam obscuritas latebrarum, quibus
occulebatur, vacantium forte balnearum fornacibus
abditus ; mox omissis lictoribus Patavium concessit :
digressu consularium uni Antonio vis ac potestas
in utrumque exercitum fuit, cedentibus collegis et
obversis militum^ studiis. Nee deerant qui crederent
utrumque seditionem fraude Antonii coeptam, ut
solus bello frueretur.

XII. Ne in Vitellii quidem partibus quietae
uientes : exitiosiore discordia non suspicionibus
vulgi, sed pei'fidia ducum turbabantur. Lucilius
Bassus classis Ravennatis praefectus ambiguos mili-
tum animos, quod magna pars Dalmatae Pannoniique
erant, quae provinciae Vespasiano tenebantur, parti-
bus eius adgregaverat. Nox proditioni electa, ut

1 militibus M.

* Here Tacitus picks up the story from the end of the
second book.

34^

BOOK 111. xi.-xn.

Lo have written to Vitellius. While once the soldiers
had vied with one another in bravery and good
discipline, they now strove to excel in insolence and
audacity, for they did not wish to be less violent
in the demands for the punishment of Aponius than
they had been for that of Flavianus. The legions
from Moesia remembered that they had supported
tlie troops from Pannonia in the vengeance that
they had taken, and the latter, as if freed from
guilt by the mutiny of others, found delight in
repeating their fault. They hurried to the gardens
where Saturninus had his quarters ; and in spite of all
their eflbrts, it was not so much Primus and Aponi-
anus and Messala who saved Saturninus as it was the
obscurity of his hiding-place. He concealed himself
in the furnace of a bath that happened to be unused.
Presently he dismissed his lictors and fled to Padua.
Now tijat the ex-consuls had gone, all power and
authority over both armies fell into the hands of
Antonius alone, for his fellow- officers gave way to
him, and the soldiers had regard only for him.
There were some who believed that he had
treacherously fostered both mutinies that he alone
might profit b}^ the war.

XII. Nor on the side of Vitellius were men's
minds at ease ; ^ their distress, however, arose from
more fatal discord, due not to the suspicions of the
common soldiers, but to the treachery of the com-
manders. Lucilius Bassus, prefect of the fleet at
Ravenna, taking advantage of the irresolution of his
forces caused by the fact that most of them came
from the provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia, which
\\ ( re tlicTi in Vespasian's hands, had won them to
tiis side. Night was selected as the time to con-

349

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ceteris ignaris soli in principia defectores coirent.
Bassus pudore seu metu, quisnam exitus foret, intra
domum opperiebatur. Trierarchi magno tumultu
Vitellii imagines invadunt ; et paucis resistentium
obtruncatis^ ceterum vulgus rerum novarum studio
in Vespasianum inclinabat. Turn progressus Lucilius
auctorem se palam praebet. Classis Corneliuni
Fuscum praefectum sibi destinat, qui propere adcu-
currit. Bassus honorata custodia Liburnicis navibus
Atriam pervectus a praefecto alae Vibennio Rufino,
praesidiuni illic agitante, vineitur, sed exsoluta statim
vincula interventu Hormi Caesaris liberti : is quoque
inter duces habebatui'.

XIII. At Caecina, defectione classis vulgata,
primores centurionum et paucos militum, ceteris
per militiae munera dispersis, secretum castrorum
adfectans in principia vocat. Ibi Vespasiani virtuteni
virisque partium extoUit : transfugisse classeni, in
arto commeatum, adversas Gallias Hispaniasque,
nihil in urbe fidum ; atque omnia de Vitellio in
deterius. Mox incipientibus qui conscii aderant,
ceteros re nova attonitos in verba Vespasiani adigit ;

^ obtruncatis cod. det.: obumbratis M.

» Cf. ii. 8(5. * Atri.

35°

BOOK III. xii.-Mii.

sumniate the treason, in order that the accomphces
might meet at headquarters alone without the
knowledge of the rest. Bassus waited in his quarters,
prompted by shame or by fear as to the outcome. The
trierarchs with loud shouts attacked the statues of
Vitellius; and after a few of those who resisted had
been killed, the rest of the crowd, eager for a change,
began to favour Vespasian. Then Lucilius appeared
and showed himself openly as the ringleader. But
the fleet chose Cornelius Fuscus ^ as their prefect,
who came to Ravenna with all speed. l?assus was
taken to Adria^ with an escort of light vessels under
an honourable guard. He was put in chains by the
prefect of cavalry, Vibennius Rufinus, who was on
garrison duty there ; but he was at once released
through the intervention of Hormus, a freedman of
Vespasian. Hormus also was counted among the
leaders of the Flavian party.

Xlll. But as soon as the revolt of the fleet was
known, Caecina sent away most of his troops on
various military duties, and then, taking advantage
of the empty camp, called the leading centurions
and a few of the common soldiers to headquarters.
There he spoke in high terms of Vespasian's courage
and the strength of his party. " The fleet has
revolted," he said, "we are hard pressed for supplies,
the Gallic and Spanish j)rovinces are hostile, and no
dependence can be put on Rome." All that he had
to say concerning Vitellius was derogatory to his cause.
Then while the majority of those present were still
dazed by this sudden turn of affairs, he administered
to them the oath of allegiance to Vespasian, those
who were privy to the plan being the first to take it.
At the same time they tore down the statues of

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

simul Vitellii imagines dereptae et missi qui Antonio
mintiarent. Sed ubi totis castris in fama proditio,
recurrens in principia miles praescriptum Vespasiani
nomen, proiectas Vitellii effigies aspexit,. vastum
primo silentium, mox cuucta simul erumpunt. Hue
cecidisse Germanici exercitus gloriam ut sine proe-
lio, sine vulnere vinctas manus et capta traderent
arma? Quas enim ex diverse legiones ? Nempe
victas ; et abesse unicum Othoniani exercitus robur,
primanos quartadecimanosque, quos tanien isdem
illis campis fuderint straveriutque. Ut tot arma-
torum milia, velut grex venalium, exuli Antonio
donum darentur? Octo nimirum legiones unius
(■lassis accessionem fore. Id Basso, id Caecinae
visum, postquam domos hortos o|)es principi abstu-
lerint, etiam auferre militem.^ Integros incruentos-
que, Flavianis quoque partibus vilis, quid dicturos
reposcentibus aut prospera aut adversa ?

XIV. Haec singuli, haec universi, ut quemque
dolor impulerat, vociferantes, initio a quinta legione
orto, repositis V^itellii imaginibus vincla Caecinae
iniciunt ; Fabium Fabullum quintae legionis legatum
et Cassium Loiigum praefectuin castrorum duces
deligunt ; forte oblatos trium Liburnicarum milites,
ignaros et insontis, trucidant ; relictis castris, ab-

^ etiam auferre niilitem Haha : etiam militibus principeiii
auferre litem M.

1 Cf. ii. 86.

BOOK III. xii!.-.\jv.

\ itellius aud sent a committee to inform Antonius
of what they had done. But when the news of the
treason spread through the whole camp, the soldiers
ran to headquarters, where they saw Vespasian's name
put up on the standards and the statues of Vitellius
overthrown ; at first there was utter silence, and
then all their rage burst out. " Has the glory of the
German troops sunk to this," they cried, 'Hhat with-
out a struggle and without a wound they will offer
their hands to fetters and surrender their weapons
to the foe ? What are these legions that are opposed
to us .'* Those we defeated ! And yet the chief
strength of Otho's army, the First and Fourteenth
legions, are not here ; still those legions too we
routed and overthrew on the same fields. Shall all
these thousands of armed men he presented to that
exile Antonius,^ as if they were a herd of slaves on
the block? No doubt eight legions are to go over
to one poor fleet ! Bassus and Caecina have now
decided, after having robbed the emperor of palaces,
gardens, and treasure, to take away his soldiers also.
Uninjured and with no mark of blood upon us, we
shall be cheap in the eyes even of the Flavian party ;
and what shall we say to those who ask us about our
successes and defeats? "

XIV. With such cries, now separately, now in a
body, as indignation moved each, the Fifth legion
taking the lead, they replaced the statues of
Vitellius and threw Caecina into chains. They
chose as their commanders Fabius FabuUus, legate of
the Fifth legion, and Cassius Longus, prefect of the
camp. Happening to meet the marines from three
light galleys who had no knowledge or complicity in
what had happened, they slew them. Leaving their

353

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ru})to punte Hostilium rursus, inde Cremonam pei-
<?unt, ut legioiiihiis primae Italicaeet unietvicensimae
Kapaci iungerentur, quas Caecina ad obtinendam
Cremonam cum parte equitum praemiserat.

XV. Ubi haec comperta Antonio, discordis animis,
discretos viribus hostiimi exercitus adyredi statiiit,
antequam ducibus auctoritas, niiliti obsequium et
iunctis legionibus fiducia rediret. Namque Fabiiim
Valentem profectum ab urbe adceleratururaque
cognita Caeeinae proditione coniectabat ; et fidus
Vitellio Fabius nee militiae ignarus. Simul ingens
(lermanorum vis per Raetiani timebatiir. Ex^ Britan-
nia Galliaque et Hispania auxilia \'iteilius acciverat,
inimensam belli luem, ni Antoniiis id ipsum metuens
I'estinato proelio victoriam praecepisset. Universo
cum exercitu secundis - a Verona castris Bedriacum
venit. Postero die legionibus ad muniendum
reteiitis, auxiliares cohortes in Cremonensem agrum
missae ut specie parandarum copiarum civili praeda
miles imbueretur : ipse cum quattuor niilibus equitum
ad octavum a Bedriaco progressus quo licentius
popularentur. Exploratores, ut mos est, longius
curabant.

XV'I. Quinta ferme hora diei erat, cum citus eques

^ ex Ai/ricola: et J/.
- secundi M.

' Cf. ii. 100.

* Something over thirty' miles.

354

BOOK III. XIV. -\ VI.

i-amp, they broke down the bridge and hurried back
to Hostiiia, and then moved- toward Cremona to join
the two legions that Caecina had despatched with
part of the cavalry to occupy the town. Tliese were
the First ItaHan and the Twenty-first Rapax.^

XV. VVlien Antonius lieard of this, he decided to
attack his opponents' trooj)S while they were still
distracted in purpose and while their strength was
divided, and not to give time for the leaders to
recover their authority, the ti'oops their spirit of
obedience, and the legions the confidence that they
would feel when once more united. For he suspected
that P'abius Valens had already left Rome and
would make all haste when he heard of Caecina's
treachery ; and in fact Fabius was both faithful to
Vitellius and not ignorant of war. At the same
time Antonius feared a great invasion of Germans
through Raetia. Moreover, Vitellius had summoned
auxiliaries from Britain, Gaul, and Spain, who would
indeed have been utter ruin to the war, if Antonius,
fearing this very thing, had not precipitated an
engagement and gained the victory before their
arrival. He now moved in two days with his entire
army from Verona to Bedriacum.^ The next dav,
keeping his legionaries to fortify his position, he
sent his cohorts of auxiliaries into the district around
Cremona to let the soldiers have a taste of the booty
to be gained from civilians, although his pretext was
to secure supplies. Antonius liimself with four
thousand horse advanced eight miles beyond
Bedriacum that they might pillage with greater
freedom. His scouts, as usual, watched the country
still further from camj).

XVI. About eleven o'clock a horseman rode up

3SS

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ad veil tare hostis, praegredi paucos, motum fremitum-
que late audiri nuntiavit;. Dum Antonius quidnam
agendum consultat, aviditate navandae operae Arrius
\'arus cum promptissimis equitum prorupit impulit-
que Vitellianos modica caede ; nam plurium adcursu
versa fortuna, et acerrimus quisque sequentium fugae
ultimus erat. Nee sponte Antonii properatum, et
fore quae acciderunt ^ rebatur. Hortatus suos ut
magno animo capesserent pugnam, diductis in latera
turinis vacuum medio relinquit iter quo V^arum
equitesque eius reciperet ; iussae armari legiones :
datum per agros signum ut, qua cuique proximum,
omissa praeda proelio occurreret. Pavidus interim
Varus turbae suorum misceturintulitque formidinem.
Pulsi cum sauciis integri suomet ipsi metu et
angustiis viarum conflictabantur.

XVH. Nullum in ilia trepidatione Antonius con-
stantis ducis aut fortis ^ militia officium omisit. Occur-
sare paventibus, retinere cedentis, ubi plurimus
labor^ unde aliqua spes, consilio manu voce insignis
hosti, conspicuus suis. Eo postremo ardoris pro-

^ acciderunt Madvig: acciderant M.
* fortis Aeidalius'. fortissimi M.

1 That is, those who liad been most eager in pursuit were
also the most stubljorn in retreat.

35<>

BOOK III. xvi.-xvii.

at full speed and reported that the enemy way
coming; that a small number preceded the main
body, but that the movement and noise of their
advance could be heard over a wide area. While
Antonius was considering what course to pursue,
Arrius Varus, prompted by his eagerness to do
something important, rushed forward with the
boldest of the cavalry and drove back the Vitelliaas ;
but he inflicted only a slight loss, for when larger
forces came up, the fortune of battle was reversed ;
and those who had been pursuing the Vitellians
most vigorously now were the last to retreat.^
Antonius had not desired this hasty attack and he
expected the result to be what it actually proved.
He now urged his men to engage with all courage
and withdrew his squadrons to the flanks, leaving
an open path in the centre for the reception of
Varus and his cavalry. He directed the legions
to arm, and gave the signal through the fields for
his men to leave their booty and quickly form for
battle, each joining the company nearest him. In
the meantime Varus in a panic regained the main
body of his comrades and communicated his terror
to them. The uninjured and the wounded alike
were forced back in the confusion caused by their
own iright and the narrow roads.

XVll. In this panic Antonius failed in no duty
that a determined general or a brave soldier should
perform. He ran to those who were terrified, held
back those who were fleeing ; wherever there was
the greatest danger, wherever there was some
hope, there his counsel, his action, and his words of
encouragement made him a mark for the enemy
and conspicuous before his men. Finally, he was

357

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vettus est ut vexillariuin fiigi(_iiteiii Iiasta traiis-

verberaret ; mox raptum vexillinn in hostem vertit.

Quo pudore haud pkires quani centum equites

restitere :^ iuvit locus, artiore illic via et fracto inter-

Huentis rivi ponte, qui incerto alveo et praecipitibus

ripis fugam impediebat. Ea necessitas seu fortuna

lapsas iam partis restituit. Firmati inter se densis

ordinibus excipiunt Vitellianos temere efFusos, atque

illi 2 consternantur. Antonius instare perculsis, ster-

nere obvios, siniul ceteri, ut cuique ingenium, spo-

liare, capere, arma equosque abripere. Et exciti

prospero clamore, qui modo per agros fuga palabantur,

victoriae se miscebant.

XVIII. Ad qiiartum a Cremona laj)idem fulsere

legionum signa Uapacis atque Italicae, laeto inter

initia equitum suorum proelio illuc usque provecta.

Sed^ ubi fortuna contra fuit, non laxare ordines, non

recipere turbatos, non obviam ire ultroque adgredi

liostem tantum per spatium cursu et pugnando

fessum. Forte ducti ^ haud perinde rebus prosperis

ducem desideraverant atque in adversis deesse

intellegebant. Nutantem aciem victor equitatus

inciirsat ; et Vipstanus Messala tribunus cum

^ resistere i/. ^ iWi It hen amis: illic J/.

* provectas. et Af. * ducti Halm: victi Af.

BOOK III. xvii.-xviii.

carried to such a pitch of excitement lliat he
transfixed with a spear a colour-bearer who was
running away, then seized the standard, and
turned it towards the foe. Struck with shame
some horsemen — not over one hundred in all —
made a stand against the enemy. Tlie character
of the ground favoured them, the road at this point
being narrower and the bridge broken down across a
stream which came in the way and with its unknown
depths and steep banks made flight difficult. It was
such necessity or good luck that restored the fortunes
of a side that was already well nigh lost. The troops
reformed in firm and solid ranks and received the
Vitellians, who, coming on in disorder, were thrown
back in confusion. Antonius pursued those who were
panic-stricken, cut down those who resisted, while
the rest of his troops, each following his own nature,
robbed the dead, took prisoners, or carried off arms
and horses. The soldiers, who a moment before
were fleeing through the open fields, were attracted
by the shouts of success and joined in the victory.

XVIII. Four miles from Cremona the gleam of
the standards of the legions Rapax and Italica was
suddenly seen ; for, hearing of the early success of
their cavalry, they had hurried on to this point.
But when fortune opposed them, they did not open
out their lines, receive the fugitives, or advance and
take the initiative in attacking their opponents, who
were exhausted with their long advance and with
fighting. Being now guided by chance, in their
adversity they realized their lack of a leader as
they had never missed him in success. When their
line wavered, the enemy's victorious horse suddenly
attacked ; the tribune V^ipstanus Messala also came

359

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Moesicis auxiliaribus adsequitur, quos multi e '
legionariis quamquam raptim ductos aequabant : ita
inixtus pedes equesque rupere legionum agmen. Et
propinqua Cremonensium inoenia qiianto plus spei
ad effugium niinorem ad resistendum animum dabaat.
Nee Antonius ultra institit, memor laboris ac vulne-
rum, quibus tam anceps proelii fortuna, quamvis
prospero fine, equites equosque adflictaverat.

XIX. Inumbrante vespera universum Flaviani
exercitus robur advenit. Utque cumulos super et
recentia caede vestigia incessere, quasi debellatum
foret, pergere Cremonam et vietos in deditionem
accipere aut expugaare deposcunt. Haee in medio,
pulciira dictu : illasibi quisque, posse coloniam piano
sitam impetu capi. Idem audaciae per tenebras in-
rumpentibus et maiorem rapiendi lieentiam. Quod
si lucem opperiantur, iam pacem, iam preces, et pro
labore ac vulneribus clementiara et gloriam, inania,
laturos, sed opes Cremonensium in sinu praefectorum
legatorumque fore. Expugnatae urbis praedam ad
militem, deditae ad duces pertinere. Spernuntur
centuriones tribunique, ac ne vox cuiusquam

^ multi e Diibner: niilitiae M.
360

BOOK III. xviii.-xix.

up bringing some auxiliary troops from Moesia with
whom many legionaries had kept pace in spite of
their rapid advance ; and so the Flavian foot and
horse combined broke through the line of the two
legions. The neighbouring walls of Verona, while
ottering hope of a refuge, gave them less courage
for resistance. Still Antonius did not press on
further, for he realized that his soldiers were
exhausted by their efforts and by the wounds with
which the struggle, so long uncertain in spite of
its successful end, had afflicted both horsemen and
horses.

XIX, As evening fell, the great mass of the
Flavian troops arrived in a body. As they marched
over the heaps of the dead where the signs of the
bloody conflict were still fresh, imagining that the
war was over, they demanded to go on to Cremona
and receive the surrender of their defeated op-
ponents, or else to storm the town. Thus they
spoke openly — fine words indeed ; but what each
said to himself was that the colony situated in
a plain could be carried by storm ; they would
have as much courage if they broke in during the
dark, and they would have a greater licence to
plunder. But if they waited for the light, there
would be at once appeals and prayers for peace, and
in return for toil and wounds the common soldiers
would bear off such empty prizes as clemency and
glory, while the wealth of Cremona would fill the
purses of the prefects and commanders. " The
booty of a city," they said, "always falls to the
soldiers if it is captured, to the ofKcers if it surren-
ders." They treated with scorn their centurions
and tribunes, rattling their arms to avoid hearing

361

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

audiatiir, quatiunt^ arma, rupturi imperium ni
ducantur.

XX. Turn Antonius inserens se manipulis, ubi
aspectu et auctoritate silentium fecerat, non se
decus neque pretium eripere tarn bene mentis
adfirmabat, sed divisa inter exercitum ducesque
niunia : militibus cupidinem pugnandi convenire,
duces providendo, consiiltando, cunctatione saepius
quam temeritate prodesse. Ut pro virili portione
armis ac nianu victoriam iuverit, ratione et consilio,
propriis ducis artibus, profuturum ; neque enim
ambigua esse quae occurrant, noctera et ignotae
situm urbiSj intus hostis et cuncta insidiis opportuna.
Non si pateant portae, nisi explorato, nisi die
intrandum. An obpugnationem inchoaturos adempto
omni prospectu, quis aequus locus, quanta altitudo
moeniinii, tornientisne et tells an operibus et vineis
adgredienda urbs foret ? Mox conversus ad singulos,
num securis dolabrasque et cetera expugnandis
urbibus secum attulissent, rogit.abat. Et cum ab-
nuerent, " Gladiisne " inquit "et pilis perfringere ac
subruere muros ullae manus possunt ? Si aggerem
struere, si pluteis cratibusve protegi necesse fuerit,
ut vulgus improvidum inriti stabimus, altitudinem
turrium et aliena munimenta mirantes? Quin potius

^ quatiuntur M.
362

BOOK Hi. xix.-xx.

anyone's words, and they were ready to defy their
officers if not led to the assault.

XX. Then Antonius made his way among the
companies, and when by his appearance and in-
fluence he had secured silence, he addressed them
to this effect : " I have no desire to take away either
honour or reward from soldiers who have deserved
so well, but there is a division of duties between
soldiers and generals : to soldiers belongs the eager
enthusiasm for battle, but generals must help by
foresight, by counsel, and more often by delay than
by rash action. As I have done my full part to
secure victory with my arms and my personal efforts,
I will now help by wise counsel, which is the
quality proper to a leader. For there can be no
question as to the obstacles before us — night and
the situation of this strange city, the fact that the
enemy is within, and that everything is favourable
for an ambuscade. Even if the gates Avere open,
we ought not to enter except after reconnaissance
and by day. Or will yoii begin a siege when
wholly cut off from seeing what ground is level,
how high the walls, whether to attack with artillery
and weapons or witli siege works and protecting
sheds ? " Then turning to one and another, he asked
them whether they had brought with them axes,
picks, and the other implements for storming cities.
When they said that they had not, he asked :
" Can any troops break through walls and under-
mine them with swords and javelins? If we need
to build a mound, or protect ourselves with mantlets
and fascines, shall we stand here useless like an im-
provident mob, gaping with wonder at the lofty towers
and fortifications of others? Shall we not rather

3^3

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

mora noctis unius, advectis tormentis machinisque,
vim victoriamque nobiscum ferimus ? " Simul lixas
calonesque cum recentissimis equitum Bedriacum
mittit, copias ceteraque usui adlaturos.

XXI. Id vero aegre tolerante milite prope sedi-
tionem ventum, cum progress! equites sub ipsa
moenia vagos e Cremonensibus corripiunt, quorum
indicio noscitur sex Vitellianas legiones omnemque
exercitum, qui Hostiliae egerat, eo ipso die triginta
milia passuum emensum, comperta suorum dade in
proelium accingi ac iam adfore. Is terror obstructas
mentis consiliis ducis aperuit. Sistere tertiam de-
cimam legionem in ipso viae ^ Postumiae aggere
iubetj cui iuncta a laevo septima Galbiana patenti
campo stetit, dein septima Claudiana, agresti fossa
(ita locus erat) praemunita ; dextro octava per
apertum limitem, mox tertia^ densis arbustis inter-
septa. Hie aquilarum signorumque ordo : milites
mixti per tenebras, ut fors tulerat ; praetorianum
vexillum proximum tertianis^ cohortes auxiliorum in
cornibus, latera ac terga equite circumdata ; Sido
atque Italicus Suebi cum delectis popularium primori
in acie versabantur.

XXII. At Vitellianus exercitus, cui adquiescere
Cremonae et reciperatis cibo somnoque viribus

^ in alae vo M.

* tertia Pkhcna : tertia decima M.

^ The Postuniian Road, which ran from Cremona to
Verona, was here carried on a raised causeway because of
the marshy character of the ground.

BOOK 111. xx.-xxii.

at the expense of a single night fetch up artillery
and engines, and so bring with us the force to
secure victory ? " At the same time he sent the
sutlers, servants, and tlie freshest of the cavalry to
Bedriacum to fetch sujiplies and all else they needed.

XXI. But the soldiers found inaction hard ; in
fact they were near a mutiny when a body of
horsemen who had ridden up under the very walls
of Cremona caught some stragglers from the town
and learned from them that six Vitellian legions
and all the force that had been stationed at Hostilia,
after marching thirty miles that day, had heard ot
the losses that their associates had suffered, and that
they were now preparing for battle — in fact would
soon be there. This alarming danger opened their
obstinate ears to the plans of their general. He
ordered the Thirteenth legion to take its position
on the actual causewa}' of the Postumian Road.^
Immediately on the Tliii'teenth's left the Seventh
Galbian stood in open country, next the Seventh
Claudian, protected, as the ground ran, by a ditch.
On the right was the Eighth legion on an open
cross-i'oad, and then the Third, distributed among
dense thickets. This was the order of the eagles
and standards ; the soldiers took their places in
the darkness without order, wherever chance set
them. The praetorians' standard was next the Third
legion ; the cohorts of auxiliaries were on the wings ;
and the cavalry covered their flanks and rear. The
Suebian princes Sido and Italicus with picked troops
from their tribes were in the front ranks.

XXII. The wise policy for the troops of Vitellius
was to revive their strength by food and sleep at
Cremona and then to put to flight and crush their

vol.. I. N 365

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

oonfectum algore atque inedia hostem postera die
profligare ac proruere ratio fuit, indigus rectovis,
inops consilii, tertia ferme noctis hora paratis iani
(Hspositisque Flavianis impingitur. Oidineni agminis
disiecti per iram ac tenebras adseverare non ausim,
quamquam alii tradiderint quartani Macedonicam
dextriim ^ siiorum cornii, qiiintam et quintam deci-
niam cum vexillis iionae secundaetjue et vicensimae
Britannicarum legionum inediam aciem, sextadeci-
nianos duoetvicensimanosque et primanos laevum
cornu complesse. Rapaces atque Italici omnibus se
manipubs miscuerant ; eques auxibaque sibi ipsi
locum legere. Proelium tota nocte varium, anceps,
atrox, his, rursus ilbs exitiabile. Nihil animus aut
manus, ne oculi quidem provisu iuvabant. Eadeni
utraque acie arma, crebris interrogationibus notum
pugnae signum, permixta vexilla, ut quisque globus
capta ex hostibus hue vel illuc raptabat. Urgue-
batur maxime septima legio, nuper a Galba con-
scripta, Occisi sex primorum ordinum centuriones,
abrepta quaedam signa : ipsam aquilam Atilius Verus
primi pili eenturio multa cum hostium strage et ad
extremum moriens servaverat.

XXIII. Sustinuit labentem aciem Antonius accitis

* dextrum Faernusi dextro M.
366

BOOK III. xxii.-x.xiii.

opponents, who would be exhausted by cold and
lack of food. But being without a leader, destitute
of a plan, at about nine o'clock in the evening
they Hung themselves on the Flavian troops, who
were ready and in their stations. I should not dare
to state definitely the order in which they advanced,
for their line was thrown into confusion by the
soldiers' fury and by the darkness. Some writers,
however, have said that the Fourth Macedonian
legion was on their extreme right, the Fifth and
Fifteenth with detachments from the Ninth, Second,
and Twentieth British formed their centre, while the
Sixteenth, Twenty-second, and First constituted their
left. The troops of the two legions known as the
Rapax and the Italica had joined companies in
every part of the line ; the cavalry and auxiliaries
selected their own positions. The battle lasted the
entire night with varied fortune, uncertain as to
its outcome, savage, and fatal now to one side, now
to the other. Neither courage nor arms, nor even
their eyes, which might have foreseen danger, were
of any avail. The weapons in both lines were the
same, the watciiwords for battle became known, for
they were constantly asked ; the standards were
confused as some band or other carried off in this
direction or that those they had captured from
their foes. The Seventh legion, lately enrolled by
Galba, was hardest pressed : it lost six centurions
of the first rank ; some of its standards were cap-
tured ; its eagle was finally saved hy Atilius Verus,
a centurion of the first rank, who in his efforts
killed many of the enemy, only finally to fall dying
himself.

XXIII. Antonius strengthened his wavering line

367

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

praetorianis. Qui ubi excepere pugnam, pellunt
hostem, dein pelluntur. Namcjue Vitelliani tor-
menta in aggerem viae contulerant ut tela vacuo
atque aperto excuterentur, dispersa primo et arbustis
sine hostium noxa inlisa. Magnitudine eximia
quintae ^ decimae legionis ballista ingentibus saxis
hostilem acieni pioruel)at. Lateque cladem intu-
lisset ni duo milites praeclaruni faciuiis ausi, arreptis
e strage scutis ignorati, vincia ac libramenta tor-
mentoruMi abscidissent. Statim confossi sunt eoque
intercidere nomina : de facto baud ambigitur.
Neutro inclinaverat fortuna donee adulta nocte lunu
surgens ostenderet acies falleretque. Sed Flavianis
aequior a tergo ; bine maiores equorum virorumque
umbrae, et talso, ut in corpora, ictu tela bostium citra
cadebant : Vitelliani adverso 1 amine conlueentes velut
ex occulto iaculantibus incauti ofterebantur.

XXIV. Igitur Antonius, ubi noscere suos noscique
poterat, alios pudore et probris, multos laude et
hortatu, omnis spe promissisque accendens, cur
resumpsissent ^ arma, Pannonicas legiones interro-

^ quintae Lipsius : quartae M.

^ cur resumpsissent Lipsius : currari sumpsissent M.

368

B(30K III. xAiii.-xxiv.

by bringing up the praetorians. On engaging they
drove baclc the enemy, only to be driven back
themselves, for the Vitellians had concentrated their
artillery on the raised road that they might have
free and open ground from which to tire ; their
earlier shots had been scattered and had struck the
trees without injuring the enemy. A ballista of
enormous size belonging to the Fifteenth legion
l)egan to do great harm to the Flavians' line with
the huge stones that it hurled ; and it would have
caused wide destruction if it had not been for the
splendid bravery of two soldiers, who, taking some
shields from the dead and so disguising themselves,
cut the roj)es and springs of the machine. They
were at once run through and thus their names were
lost; but there is no doubt about their deed.
Fortune inclined to neither side until, as the night
wore on, the rising moon illuminated the lines with
its deceptive light. But this was more favourable
to the Flavian forces, for the moon was behind
them and so magnified the shadows of horses and
men ; while their opponents, deceived by the shadows,
aimed at them as if they were the actual bodies, and
therefore their spears fell short ; but the Vitellians,
having the moonlight in their faces and thus being
clearly seen, unconsciously presented a mark to
their enemies, who shot, so to speak, from con-
cealment.

XXIV. When Antonius could recognize his soldiers
and be recognized by them, he began to urge them
on, some by shame and reproaches, more by praise
and encouragement, but all by hope and promises.
He asked the Pannonian legions why they had
taken up their arms again ; he reminded them that

369

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

gabat: illos esse campos, in quibus abolere labem
prions ignominiae, ubi reciperare gloriam possent.
Turn ad Moesicos conversus principes auctoresque
belli ciebat : frustra minis ^ et verbis provocatos
Vitellianos, si manus eorum oculosque non tolerent.^
Haec, ut quosque accesserat ; plura ad tertianos,
veterum recentiumque admonens, ut sub M. Antonio
Parthos, sub Corbulone Armenios, nuper Sarmatas
pepulissent. Mox infensus praetorianis " Vos " in-
quit, " nisi vincitis, pagani, quis alius imperator,
quae castra alia excipient ? Illic signa armaque vestra
sunt,et mors victis; nam ignominiam^consumpsistis."
Undique clamor, et orientem solem (ita in Syria mos
est) tertiani salutavere.

XXV. Vagus inde an consilio duels subditus
rumor, advenisse Mucianum, exercitus in vicem
salutasse. Gradum inferunt quasi recentibus auxiliis
aucti, rariore iam Vitellianorum acie, ut quos nullo
rectore suus quemque impetus vel pavor contraheret
diduceretve.'* Postquam impulsos ^ sensit Antonius,
denso agmine obturbabat. Laxati ordines abrum-

^ frustra Inisset 31. ' tollerent M. ^ ignominia M.
* diduceretve Lipsius : duceretve M.
'' inpulsos Biyontini : pulsos M.

> In 36 B.C. " 63 a.d. « Cf. i. 79.

* That is, the action of the Third legion in saluting the
rising sun.

37°

BOOK 111. .xxiv.-.vxv.

this was tlie Held on which they could blot out the
stain of their earlier disgrace, where they could
regain their former glory. Then turning to the
soldiers from Moesia he appealed to them as the
authors and promoters of this war. He told them
that it had been useless to challenge the Vitellians
with threats and words, if they could not endure
their hands and looks. This he said as he came
to each division ; but he spoke at greater length to
the troops of the Third legion, reminding them of
their ancient glory as well as of their later achieve-
ments, of their victory over the Parthians when
Mark Antony was their leader,^ over the Armenians
when Corbulo commanded,- and of their recent
defeat of the Sai*matians.^ Then he indignantly
said to the praetorians : " As for you, clowns that
you are, if you do not win to-day, what other general
or other camp will take you in ? Yonder are your
standards and your arms, and, if defeated, death ;
for dishonour you have exhausted." A shout arose
from the entire army ; and the soldiers of the Third
legion, according to the Syrian custom, hailed the
rising sun.

XXV. This action * gave rise to a vague rumour,
which perhaps the general started with intention,
to the effect that Mucianus had arrived and that the
two armies had greeted each other. The Flavian
forces then advanced as if reinforced by fresh troops ;
the Vitellian line was now more ragged, as was natural
with troops who had no commander, but closed or
opened out their ranks as courage or fear moved
individuals. After Antonius saw that they were
shaken, he assailed them in mass formation. Their
weakened lines were broken and could not be

371

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

puntur, nee restitui quivere impedientibus vehiculis
tormentisque. Per liinitem viae sparguntur festina-
tione consectandi vietores. Eo notabilior caedes
fuit, quia filius patrem interfecit. Rem iiominaque
auctore Vipstano Messala tradam. lulius Mansuetus
ex Hispania, Rapaci legioni additus, impubem filium
domi liquerat. Is niox adultus, inter septimanos a
Galba conscriptus, oblatum forte patrem et vulnere
stratum dura semianimem scrutaturj agnitus ag-
noscensque et exsanguem amplexus, voce flebili
precabatur placatos patris manis, neve se ut parri-
cidam aversarentur : publicum id facinus ; et unum
militem quotam civilium armorum partem ? Simul
attollere corpus, aperire hunium, supremo erga
parentem officio fungi. Advertere proximi, deinde
plures : hinc per omnem aciem miraculum et questus
et saevissimi belli exsecratio. Nee eo segnius pro-
pinquos adfinis fratres trucidant^ spoliant : factum
esse scelus loquuntur faciuntque.

XXVI, UtCremonam venere, novum immensumque
opus occurrit. Othoniano bello Germanicus miles
moenibus Cremonensium castra sua, castris vallum
circumiecerat eaque munimenta rursus auxerat.
Quorum aspectu haesere vietores, incertis ducibus

* trucidant J. Gronoviiis : trucidati M.

^ In April of this year, at the time of the first battle of
Bedriacuiji.

BOOK III. xxv.-xxvi.

reformed, because tliey were entangled among the
supply-wagons and artillery. The victorious troops
in their hasty pursuit were strung out along the
sides of the road. The carnage was peculiarly
marked by the fact that in it a son killed his own
father. The story and the names I shall give on
the authority of Vipstanus Messala. Julius Man-
suetus of Spain, when enrolled with the legion
known as Rapax, had left behind him a young son.
Later, when this son had grown up, he had been
conscripted into the Seventh legion by Galba. Now
he happened to meet his father, whom he wounded
and struck down ; then, as he looked closely at
the dying man, the father and son recognized each
other ; the son embraced his expiring father and
prayed with tears in his voice that his father's spirit
would forgive him and not abhor him as a patricide.
"The crime," he cried, "is the State's; and what
does a single soldier count for in civil war?" At
the same time he lifted up the body and began to
dig a grave, performing the last duties toward a
father. The soldiers near first noticed it, presently
more ; then through the whole line were heard
cries of wonder, of pity, and of cursing against this
most horrible war. Yet not one whit did they
slacken their murder of relatives, kinsmen, and
brothers. They called the deed a crime but did it.

XXVI. When they reached Cremona they found
a new task of enormous difficulty before them. In
the war against Otho ^ the troops from Germany had
pitched their camp around the walls of Cremona and
then had built a rampart around their camp ; these
defences they had later strengthened. At the sight
of the fortifications the victorious troops hesitated,

373

THE IIISTOUIES OF TACITUS

quid iuberent. Incipere obpiignationem fesso ^ per
diem noctemque exeicitu arduum et nullo iuxta
subsidio anceps : sin Bedriacum redirent, intoleran-
dus tarn lougi itineris labor, et victoria ad inritum
revolvebatur : niunire castra, id quoque propinqiiis
hostibus formidolosimi, ne disperses et opus molientis
subita eruptione - turbarent. Quae super cuncta
terrebat ipsorum miles periculi quam morae patien-
tior : quippe ingrata quae tuta, ex temeritate spes ;
omnisque caedes et vulnera et sanguis aviditate
praedae pensabantur.

XXV^II. Hue inclinavit Antonius cingique vallum
corona iussit. Primo sagittis saxisque eminus certa-
bant, maiore Flavianorum pernicie, in quos tela
desuper librabantur ; mox vallum portasque legioni-
bus attribuit, ut discretus labor fortis ignavosque
distingueret atque ipsa contentione decoris accende-
rentur. Proxima Bedriacensi viae tertiani septi-
manique sumpsere, dexteriora valli octava ac septinia
Claudiana ; tertiadecimanos ad Brixianam portam
impetus tulit. Paulum inde morae, dum ex ^ proximis
agris ligones * dolabras et alii falcis scalasque con-

^ fessos M.

^ f'uV)ite ruptione M,

5 et M.

* ligones Ehenanus : legiouera J/.

374

I

BOOK III. xwi.-xxvii.

for their leaders were in doubt what orders to give.
To begin an attack on the town with troops that
were exhausted by fighting an entire day and night
was a difficult undertaking and one of doubtful issue,
when there were no reserves at hand ; but if they
returned to Bedriacum, their victory shrank to
nothing, not to speak of the intolerable burden of
such a long march. To fortify a camp even, Avith
the enemy close at hand, involved the danger
that the foe might by a sudden sortie cause them
serious difficulty while their troops were scattered
and busy with the work. But beyond all these
things the Flavian leaders feared their own soldiers,
Avho were more ready to face danger than delay ;
the troops detested safe measures and put all their
hope in i-ash action. Every disaster, all wounds and
blood, were outweighed by their greed for booty.

XXVII. Antonius inclined to meet his troops'
desires and ordered the investment of the enemy's
camp. At first they fought at a distance with arrows
and stones ; but in this contest the Flavians suffered
the greater loss, for their opjionent shot down upon
them. Then Antonius assigned to each legion a
gate or a part of the wall, that the division of labour
might show who was brave and who cowardly, and
thus fire the enthusiasm of his troops by making
them rivals for glory. The sections next the road to
Bedriacum the Third and Seventh legions took, the
fortification fai'ther to the right the Eighth and the
Seventh Claudiana ; the Thirteenth assailed the gate
toward Brixia. Then there followed a brief delay
while some of the soldiers gathered from the
neighbouring fields mattocks and picks and others
brought hooks and ladders. Then the soldiers,

375

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vectant : turn elatis super capita scutis densa testu-
dine succedunt. Romanae utrimque artes : pondera
saxoruiu N'itelliani provolvunt, di&iectain fluitantem-
que ^ testudinem lanceis contisque ^ scrutaiitur, donee
soluta compage scutorura exsanguis aut laceros
prosternerent multa cum strage. Incesserat cuncta-
tio, ni duces fesso militi et velutinritas exhortationes
abiiuenti Cremonam inonstrassent.

XXVTII. Hormine id ingenium, ut Messala tra-
dit, an potior auctor sit C. Plinius, qui Antoniuni
iucusat, baud facile discreverim, nisi quod neque
Antonius neque Hormus a fama vitaque sua quamvis
pessinio Hagitio degeneravere. Non iam sanguis
neque vulnera morabantur quin subruerent vallum
quaterentque portas, innixi umeris et super iteratam
testudinem scandentes prensarent liostium tela bra-
chiaque. Integri cum sauciis, semineces cum exspi-
rantibus volvuntur, varia pereuntium forma et omni
imagine mortium.

XXIX. Acerrimum tertiae septimaeque legionum
certamen ; et dux Antonius cum delectis auxiliaribus
eodem incubuerat. Obstinatos inter se cum susti-
nere Vitelliani nequirent et superiacta tela de^
testudine laberentur, ipsam postremo ballistam in
subeuntis pro])ulere, quae ut ad praesens disiecit

^ fluvitantemque M.
* concitisque M.
^ add. Balm.

1 In this formation — the testiido — the soldiers held their
shields over tlieir heads with the edges overlajjping, and they
were so skilful in this that the roof thus formed was not
easily broken through.

* Cf. Verg. Aen. ii. 369, plurima mortis imago.

BOOK HI. \xvn.-\Mx.

raising their shields above their heads^ advanced
under the wall in a close "tortoise" formation.^
Botli sides used the familar artifices of Roman war-
fare : the Vitellians rolled down heavy stones, and
when they had separated and loosened the cover of
compact shields, they searched its joints with lances
and pikes until they broke up the close structure of
the "tortoise,' and hurled their dead and mangled
foes to the ground with great slaughter. The
soldiers would have slackened their assault, for they
were weary and ready to reject exhortations as idle,
had not the leaders pointed to Cremona.

XXVI II. Whether this was the inspiration of
Hormus, as Messala says, or whether Gains Pliny,
who blames Antonius, is the better authority, I cannot
easily decide ; all I can say is that whether it was
Antonius or Hormus, this most monstrous crime was
not unworthy of the life and i*eputation of either.
Blood and wounds no longer delayed the soldiers in
their attempts to undermine the wall and shatter the
gates; they renewed the " tortoise," and climbing on
their comrades' shoulders, they mounted on it and
seized their foes' weapons and arms. The unharmed
and the wounded, the half-dead and the dying all
rolled in one mass ; men perished in many ways and
death took every form.^

XXIX. The Third and Seventh legions made the
most violent assault; and their general, Antonius,
attacked at the same point with picked auxiliaries.
When the Vitellian troops could no longer sustain
this combined and persistent attack, finding that
their shots slipped off the " tortoise " without doing
harm, they finally pushed over their ballista itself on
the heads of their assailants beneath. This for the

377

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

obruitque ^ quos inciderat, ita pinnas ac summa vaili
ruina sua traxit ; simul iuncta turris ictibus saxorum
cessit, qua septimani dum nituntur cuneis^ tertianus
securibus gladiisque portam perfregit. Prinium
inrupisse C. Volusium tertiae legionis militeni inter
omnis auctores constat. Is in vallum egressus,
deturbatis qui restiterant,^ conspicuus manu ac
voce capta castra conclamavit ; ceteri trepidis iam
V^itellianis seque e vallo praecipitantibus perrupere.
Completur caede quantum inter castra murosque
vacui fuit.

XXX. Ac rursus nova laborum facies : ardua urbis
nioenia, saxeae turres, ferrati portarum obices, vi-
brans tela miles, frequens obstrict usque Vitellianis
partibus Cremonensis populus, magna pars Italiae
stato in eosdem dies mercatu congregafe, quod
defensoribus auxilium ob multitudinem, obpugnanti-
bus incitamentum ob praedam erat. Rapi ignis
Antonius inferrique amoenissimis extra urbem aedi-
ficiis iubet, si damno rerum suarum Cremonenses ad
mutandam fidem traherentur. Propinqua muris tecta
et altitudinem moenium egressa fortissimo quoque
uiilitum complet ; illi trabibus tegulisque et facibus
propugnatorcs deturbant.

1 disiecto bruitque .)/.
* resisterant M,

37«

BOOK III. xviv.-wx.

inoiuent scattered and crushed tliose on whom it fell,
but in its fall it dragged down the parapet and the
upper part of the rampart ; at the same time a
neighbouring tower gave way before the volleys of
stones. While men of the Seventh legion pressed
forward in w edge formation, the Third broke down
a gate with axes and swords. All authorities agree
that the first man to rush in was Gains Volusius, a
private of the Third legion. He mounted the
rampart, flung down those who resisted, and before
the eyes of all, with uplifted hand and voice, cried
that the camp had been captured ; thereupon the
rest burst in, while the Vitellians, already in a panic,
threw themselves from the rampart. All the open
space between the camp and the walls of Cremona
was covered with the dead.

XXX. Now a new difficulty again confronted the
Flavian troops in the city's high walls, its towers of
masonry, its iron-barred gates, and the soldiers who
were brandishing their weapons. Furthermore the
civil population of Cremona was large and attached
to the party of V'itellius, while a great part of Italy
had gathered there to attend a market which fell at
this time. This great number strengthened the
defenders, but the possible booty encouraged the
assailants. Antonius ordered his troops quickly to
set fire to the finest buildings outside the town, in
the hope that the people of Cremona might be
moved by the loss of their property to change their
allegiance. The roofs of the houses near the walls,
and particularly those which rose above the city
ramparts, he filled with his bravest troops ; these
dislodged the defenders with beams, tiles, and
firebrands.

379

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

XXXI. lara legiones in testiidinem gloraerabantur,
et alii tela saxaque incutiebant, cum languescere
paulatim Vitellianoruni animi. Ut quis ordine ante-
ibat, cedere fortunae, ne Cremona quoque excisa
nulla ultra venia omnisque ira victoris non in valgus
inops, sed in tril)unos centnrionesque, ubi pretium
caedis erat, reverteretur. Gregarius miles futuri
socors et ignobilitate tutior perstabat : vagi per vias,
in domibus abditi pacem ne turn quidem orabant,
cum bellum posuissent. Primores castrorum nomen
atque imagines Vitellii amoliuntur ; catenas Caecinae
(nam etiam tunc vinctus erat) exsolvunt orantque ut
causae suae deprecator adsistat. Aspernantem tu-
mentemque lacrimis fatigant, extremuni malorum^ tot
fortissimi viri proditoris opem invocantes ; mox vela-
menta et infulas pro muris osLentant. Cum Antonius
inbiberi tela iussisset, signa aquilasque extulere ;
maestum inermium agmen deiectis in terram oculis
sequebatur. Circumstiterant victores et primo in-
gerebant probra, intentabant ictus : mox, ut praeberi
ora contumeliis et posita omni ferocia cuncta victi
patiebantur, subit recordatio illos esse quid nuper

1 Cf. i. 66.

380

BOOK 111. XXXI.

XXXI. The legions were already forming a
" tortoise," while others were beginning to hurl
spears and stones, when the spirit of the Vitellians
gradually slackened. The higlier a man's rank, the
readier he was to yield to fortune for fear that if
Cremona also were captured by assault, there would
be no more pardon, but that the whole rage of the
victors would fall not on the penniless mob, but on
the tribunes and centurions, whose murder meant
gain. The common soldiers, however, having no
thought for the future and being better protected
by their humble position, continued their resistance.
They wandered through the streets or concealed
themselves in houses, but did not beg for peace even
when they had given up fighting. The chief officers
removed the name and statues of Vitellius from
headquarters ; they took ofl' Caecina's tetters — for
even at that time he was kept a prisoner — and
begged him to plead their cause. When he
haughtily refused they besought him with tears ;
all these brave men, and tiiis was the uttermost of
their ills, invoked the aid of a traitor. Presently
they displayed hangings and fillets on the walls
as signs of their submission.^ After Antonius had
ordered his men to cease firing, they brought out
their standards and eagles ; a sad line of unarmed
men followed, their eyes cast upon tiie ground.
The victorious troops stood about, heaping insults
upon them and threatening them with blows; later
when tlie defeated troops ofiered their faces to
every indignity, and without a spark of courage left
in them were ready to suffer anything, the victors
began to remember that these were the troops who
had recently shown moderation after they had won

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Bedriaci victoriae teniperassent. Sed ubi Caecina
praetexta lictoribusque insignis, dimota turba, consul
iricessit, exarsere victores : superbiam saevitiamque
(adeo invisa scelera sunt), etiam perfidiam obiecta-
bant. Obstitit Antonius datisque defensoribus ad
Vespasianum dimisit.

XXXII. Plebs interim Cremonensium inter arma-
tos confliclabatur ; nee procul caede aberant, cum
precibus ducum mitigatus est miles. Et vocatos ad
contionem Antonius adloquitur, magnifice victores,
victos clementer, de Cremona in neutrum. Exer-
citus praeter insitam praedandi cupidinem vetere
odio ad excidium Cremonensium incubuit. luvisse
partis \'itellianas Othonis quoque bello credebantur ;
mox tertiadecimanos ad extruendum amphitlieatrum
relictos, ut sunt procacia urbanae plebis ingenia,
petulantibus iurgiis inluserant. Auxit invidiam
editum illic a Caecina gladiatorum spectaculum
eademque rursus belli sedes et praebiti in acie Vitel-
lianis cibi, caesae quaedam feminae studio partium
ad proelium progressae ; tempus quoque mercatus
ditem alioqui coloniam maiore opum specie comple-
bat. Ceteri duces in obscuro : Antonium fortuna

1 That is, in his robes of office.
* Cf. ii. 67.

382

HOOK HI. XXXI. -XXXII.

at Bedriacum. Yet when Caecina appeared, in the
role of consul, dressed in the to<;a praetexta ^ and
escorted by iiis lictors who put aside tlie crowd before
him, the victors' rage blazed forth : they taunted him
with arrogance, cruelty, and — so hateful are crimes —
even with perfidy. Antonius interposed, gave him a
guard, and sent him to Vespasian.

XXXII. In the meantime the people of Cremona
were buffeted about among the troops, and there
came near being a massacre, when the commanders
by their appeals succeeded in calming the soldiers.
Then Antonius called them together and spoke in
warmest eulogy of the victors ; the conquered he
addressed in kindly terms ; but he said nothing foi*
or against Cremona. The troops, prompted not only
by their ingrained desire for plunder, but also by
their old hatred, were bent on destroying the people
of the town. They believed that they had helped
the party of Vitellius in the war with Otho as well ;
and later the common people of the town (for the
mob always has an insolent nature) had insulted and
taunted the soldiers of the Thirteenth legion who
had been left behind to finish the amphitheatre. ^
The troops' anger was increased by other causes as
well : Caecina had given an exhibition of gladiators
there ; the town had twice been the seat of
war ; the townspeople had provided food for tlie
Vitellians when they were actually in battle-line ;
and some women had been killed who had been
carried by their zeal for Vitellius's side into the very
battle ; besides this the market season had filled the
colony, always rich, with a greater show of wealth.
Now the other commanders were little noticed ; but
fame and fortune had made Antonius conspicuous to

383

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

famaque onuiium oculis exposuerat. Is balineas
abluendo cruori propere petit. Excepta vox est,
cum teporem incusaret, statim futurnm ut incalesce-
rent^: venule dictum omnem invidiam in eum vertit,
tamquam signum incendendae Cremonae dedisset,
quae iam flagrabat.

XXXIII. Quadraginta armatorum milia inrupere,
calouum lixarumque amplior numerus et in libidinem
ac saevitiam corruptior. Non dignitas, non aetas
protegebat quo minus stupra caedibus, caedes stupris
miscerentur. Grandaevos senes, exacta aetate
femina.s, vilis ad praedam, in ludibrium trahebant :
ubi adulta virgo aut quis forma conspicuus incidisset,
vi manibusque vapientium divulsus ipsos postremo
direptores in mutuam perniciera agebat. Dum
pecuniam vel gravia auro templorum dona sibi quis-
que trahunt, maiove aliorum vi truncabantur. Qui-
dam obvia aspernati verberibus tormentisque domi-
norum abdita scrutari, defossa eruere : faces in
manibus, quas, ubi praedam egesserant, in vacuas
domos et inania templa per lasciviam iaculabantur ;
utque exercitu vario Unguis moril)us, cui cives socii
externi interessent, diversae cupidines et aliud
cuique fas nee quicquam inlicitum. Per quadriduum

^ incalescerent ed. Spirensis : inalesceret M.
384

BOOK III. xxxn.-xxxui.

the eyes of all. He liurried to some baths to wash
away the blood with which lie was covered. When
he complained of the temperature, a voice was heard
saying that they would soon be hot enough. This
answer of some slave turned all the odium of what
followed on Antonius, as if he had given the signal
to burn Cremona, which was indeed at that moment
in flames.

XXXI II. Forty thousand armed men burst into
the town ; the number of camp-followers and servants
was even greater, and they were more ready to
indulge in lust and cruelty. Neither rank nor years
j)rotected anyone ; their assailants debauched and
killed without distinction. Aged men and women
near the end of life, though despised as booty, were
dragged off to be the soldiers' sport. Whenever a
young woman or a handsome youth fell into their
hands, they were torn to pieces by the violent
.struggles of those who tried to secure them, and this
in the end drove the despoilers to kill one another.
Individuals tried to carry off for themselves money
or the masses of gold dedicated in the temples, but
they were assailed and slain by others stronger than
themselves. Some, scorning the booty before their
eyes, flogged and tortured the owners to discover
hidden wealth and dug up buried treasure. They
carried firebrands in their hands, and when they had
secured their loot, in utter wantonness they threw
these into the vacant houses and empty temples. In
this army there were many passions corresponding
to the variety of speech and customs, for it was made
up of citizens, allies, and foreigners; no two held the
same thing sacred and there was no crime which
was held unlawful. For four days did Cremona

3«S

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Cremona suffecit. Cum omnia sacra profanaque in
ignem^ considerent, solum Mefitis templum stetit
ante moenia, loco seu numine defensum.

XXXIV. Hie exitus Cremonae anno ducentesimo
octogesimo sexto a primordio sui. Condita erat Ti.^
Sempronio P. Cornelio consulibus, ingruente in
Italian! Annibale^ propugnaculum adversus Gallos
trans Padum agentis et si qua alia vis per Alpis
rueret. Igitur numero colonorum, opportunitate
fluminum, ubere agri, adnexu conubiisque gentium
adolevit floruitque, bellis externis intacta, civilibus
infelix. Antonius pudore flagitii, crebrescente in-
vidia, edixit ne quis Cremonensem captivum detineret.
Inritamque praedara niilitibus effecerat consensus
Italiae, emj)tionem talium mancipiorum aspernantis :
occidi coepere ; quod ubi enotuit, a propinquis ad-
finibusque occulte redemptabantur. Mox rediit
Cremonam reliquus populus : reposita fora templaque
magnificentia municipum ; et Vespasianus horta-
batur,

XXXV. Ceteruni adsidere sepultae urbis minis
noxia tabo humus baud diu permisit. Ad tertium
lapidem progressi vagos paventisque Vitellianosj sua

^ ignem Heinsius : igne 31.
» Ti. Lipshis: T. M.

^ The goddess of malaria, whose ravages in the valley of
the Po must have been serious in antiquity.
* 218B.O.

386

BOOK 111. xxxiii.-xwv.

supple/fond for destruction. When everytliing sacred
and profane sank into the Haines, there stood solitary
outside the walls the tenijile of Mefitis,^ protected
by either its position or its deity.

XXXIV. Such was the fate of Cremona in the
two hundred and eighty-sixth year after its founda-
tion. It was establislied in the consulship of
Tiberius Sempronius and Publius Cornelius,- at the
time when Hanniijal was threatening Italy, to be a
bulwark of defence against the Transpadane Gauls
and to prevent any possible invasion over the Alps.
The large ruimber of colonists sent there, the
advantages given by its navigable streams, the
fertilitv of its land, as well as the connections
established with other ])eoplcs by intermarriage and
alliance, all combined to make the colony increase
and prosper; untouched in foreign wars, it found
misfortune in civil strife. Antonius, ashamed of his
atrocious crime, as public indignation grew, issued a
proclamation forbidding anyone to keep a citizen of
Cremona captive. In fact, the common feeling of all
Italy had already made the soldiers' booty valueless,
for all Italians loathed the idea of buying slaves like
these. The soldiers tlien began to kill their captives ;
wlien this became known, they were secretly ran-
somed by their relatives and kin. Later the remnant
of the people returned to Cremona ; the fora and
the temples were restored by the munificence of its
citizens ; and Vespasian encouraged such action.

XXXV, However, the infection that pervaded the
bloodstained ground did not allow the army to
encamp long by the ruins of this dead city. The
Flavian forces moved to the third milestone ; the
straggling and terrified Vitellians were reorganized,

387

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

quemque apud signa, componunt ; et victae legiones,
ne manente adhuc civili bello ambigue agerent, per
lUyricum dispersae. In Britanniam inde et His-
panias nuntios famamque^ in Galliam lulium Calenum
tribunum, in Germaniam Alpinium Montanum prae-
fectum cohortis, quod hie Trevir, Calenus Aeduus,
uterque Vitelliani fuerant, ostentui misere. Simul
transitus Alpium praesidiis occupati, suspecta Ger-
mania^ tamquam in auxilium Vitellii accingeretur.

XXXVI. At Vitellius profeeto Caeeina, cum
Fabiuin Valentem paucis post diebus ad bellum
impulisset, cui'is luxum obtendebat ; non parare
arma, non adloquio exercitioque militem firmare, non
in ore vulgi agere, sed umbraculis hortonim abditus,
ut ignava animalia, quibus si cibum suggeras, iacent
torpentque, praeterita instantia futura pari oblivione
dimiserat. Atque ilium in nemore Aricino desidem
et marcentem proditio Lucilii Bassi ac defectio classis
Ravennatis perculit ; nee multo post de Caecina
adfertur mixtus gaudio dolor et descivisse et ab
exercitu vinctum. Plus apud socordem animum
laetitia quam cura valuit. Multa cum exultatione in
urbem revectus frequenti contione pietatem militum

* Tacitus resumes his narrative from ii. 101.

BOOK J II. XXAV.-AAXVI.

each man under his own colours ; and the defeated
legions were distributed through lllyricum to keep
them from any doubtful action, for civil war was not
yet over. The Flavian leaders then despatched
messengers to carry the news to Britain and to
Spain ; to Gaul they sent Julius Calenus, a tribune,
and to Germany Apinius Montanus, a prefect of a
cohort. The latter being a Trevir and Calenus an
Aeduan, but both Vitellians, they were despatched
to advertise the Flavians' victory. At the same time
the Flavian forces occupied the passes of the Alps,
for they suspected Germaiiy of preparing to help
Vitellius.

XXXVI. A few days after Caecina had left Rome,^
Vitellius, having succeeded in driving Fabius Valens
to the war, began to conceal his anxieties by giving
himself up to pleasures. He took no steps to pro-
vide weapons, he did not try to inspire his troops by
addressing them or by having them drilled, nor did he
appear before the people. He kept hidden in the
shade of his gardens, like those lazy animals that lie
inactive and never move so long as you give them
abundant food. The past, the present, and the
future alike he had dismissed completely from his
mind. He was actually lounging in indolence in
the woods at Aricia when he was startled by the
report of the treachery of Lucilius Bassus and of the
revolt of the fleet at Ravenna. Shortly afterwards
the report that Caecina had gone over to Vespasian
but had been arrested by his troops caused Vitellius
both delight and sorrow. It was the joy rather than
the anxiety that had the greater influence on his
sluggish spirit. In high exultation he rode back to
the city, and in a crowded assembly extolled to the

389

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

laudibus cumulat; Publilium Sabinum praelurii
praefectuni ob araicitiam Caecinae vinciri iubet,
siibstituto in locum eius Alteno Varo.

XXXVII. Mox senatum coinposita in magnificen-
tiam oratione adlocutus, exquisitis patrum adulationi-
bus attollitur. Initium atrocis in Caecinam sententiae
a L. Vitellio factum ; dein ceteri composita indigna-
tione, quod consul rem publicam, dux imperatorem,
tantis opibus tot honoribus cumulatus amicum prodi-
dissetj velut pro Vitellio conquerentes, suum dolorem
proferebant. Nulla in oratione cuiusquam erga
Flavianos duces ol)trectatio : errorem imprudentiam-
que exercituum culpantes, Vespasiani nomen suspensi
et vitabundi circiimibant, nee defuit qui unum con-
sulatus diem (is enim in locum Caecinae supererat)
magno cum inrisu tribuentis accipientisque eblandi-
retur.^ Pridie kalendas Novembris Rosius Regulus
iniit eiiiravitque. Adnotabant periti numquam antea
non abrogato magistratu neque lege lata alium
suffectum ; nam consul uno die et ante fuerat
Caninius Rebilus C. Caesare dictatore, cum belli
civilis praemia festinarentur.

XXXVIII. Nota per eos dies lunii Blaesi mors et

^ eblaudiretiir Bhenanus : blandiretiir .1/.

1 Varus had been hitherto prefect of the camp. Cf. ii. 29.

' Caecina had been appointed consul for September and
October, and evidently the news of his defection reached
Rome about October 29 or 30. He was not removed from
office, but his treacherous act was apparently regarded as
vacating the office.

39°

BOOK III. xxxvi.-x.v.wiii.

skies the devoted loyalty of his soldiers; then he
ordered the arrest of Publilius Sabiiius, prefect of
the Praetorian guard, because he was Caecina's
friend, aj>pointing Alfenus Varus ^ in his place.

XXXVII. Later he addressed the senate in a
grandiloquent speech, and was himself extolled
by the senate with most elaborate flattery. Lucius
Vitellius took the lead in proposing severe measures
directed against Caecina ; then the rest with feigned
indignation, because, "as consul he had betrayed
the State, as general his emperor, as a friend the
one who had loaded him with wealth and honours,"
under the form of complaints in behalf of Vitellius
expressed their own resentment. But in no speech
was there any attack on the Flavian leaders. While
the senators blamed the troops for their errors and
lack of wisdom, they carefully and cautiously avoided
mentioning Vespasian's name ; and indeed there was
one senator found to wheedle from Vitellius the one
day of Caecina's consulship that was left" — a thing
which brought many a sneer on both giver and
receiver. On the thirty-first of October Rosius
Regulus entered and gave up his office. The learned
noted that never before had one consul succeeded
another unless the office had first been declared
vacant or a law duly passed. There had indeed been
a consul for a single day once before : that was the
c?,se of Caninius Rebilus in the dictatorship of Gains
Caesar, when Caesar was in haste to pay the rewards
of civil war.^

XXXVIIL The death of Junius Blaesus, becoming

3 When Caninius Rebilus was made consul on the after-
noon of the last day of 45 B.C. See Cicero, ad. Fam. v'\\
30. 1.

391

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

famosa fuit, de qua sic accepimus. Gravi corporis
morbo aeger Vitellius Servilianis hortis turrim viclno
sitam conlucere per nocteni crebris luminibus ani-
madvertit. Sciscitanti causam apud Caeciiiam Tuscuni
epulari multos, praecipuum honore lunium Blaesum
nuntiatur ; cetera in iiiaius, de apparatu et solutis in
lasciviam animis. Nee defuere qui ipsum Tuscum et
alios, sed criminosius Blaesum incusarent, quod aegro
principe laetos dies ageret. Ubi asperatum Vitellium
et posse Blaesum perverti satis patuit iis qui princi-
pum offensas aci'iter speculantur, datae L. Vitellio
delationis partes. Ille infensus Blaeso aemulatione
prava, quod eum omni dedecore maculosum egregia
fama anteibat, cubiculum imperatoris reserat, filium
eius sinu complexus et genibus accidens. Causam
confusionis quaerenti, non se proprio metu nee sui
anxium, sed pro fratre, pro liberis fratris preces
lacrimasque attulisse. Frustra Vespasianum timeri,
quem tot Germanicae legiones, tot provinciae
virtute ac fide, tantum denique terrarum ac maris
immensis spatiis arceat : in urbe ac sinu cavendum
hostem, lunios Antoniosque avos iactantem, qui
se stirpe imperatoria comem ac magnificum mili-

1 Cf. ii. 59.
392

BOOK III. xxxvui.

known at the time, caused much gossip.^ I'he story,
as we learn it, is this. When Vitellius was seriously
ill in the gardens of Servilius, he noticed that a
tower near by was brilliantly lighted at niglit. On
asking the reason he was told that Caecina Tuscus
was giving a large dinner at which Junius Blaesus
was the guest of honour ; and his informants went
on to exaggerate the elaborate preparations made
for this dinner and to speak of the guests' extrava-
gant enjoyment. There was no lack of men ready
to accuse Tuscus and others ; but they blamed
Blaesus most severely because he spent his days in
pleasure while his emperor was sick. When the
people, who have a keen eye for the angry moods
of princes, saw that Vitellius was exasperated and
that Blaesus could be destroyed, Lucius Vitellius
was assigned the role of informant. His hatred for
Blaesus sprang from base jealousy, for, stained as he
was by every infamy, Blaesus surpassed him by his
eminent reputation. So now, bursting into the
emperor's bedroom, Lucius embraced the son of
Vitellius and fell on his knees. When Vitellius asked
the reason for his trepidation, Lucius replied that he
had no personal fear and was not anxious for himself,
but that it was on behalf of his brother and his
brother's children that he brought his prayers and
tears. "There is no point," he said, "in fearing
Vespasian, whose approach is blocked by all the
German legions, by all the brave and loyal provinces,
and in short by boundless stretches of sea and land.
The enemy against whom you must be on your
guard is in the city, in your own bosom : he boasts
that the Junii and Antonii are his ancestors ; and,
claiming imperial descent, he parades before the

393

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tibus oslentet. Versas illuc omniuin mentis, dura
Vitellius amicorum inimicorumque neglegens fovet
aemulum principis labores e convivio prospectantera.
Reddendam pro intempestiva laetitia raaestam et
funebrem noctem, qua sciat et sentiat vivere Vi-
tellium et imperare et, si quid fato accidat, filium
habere.

XXXIX. Trepidant! inter scelus metumque, ne
dilata Blaesi mors niaturain peruiciem, palani iussa
atrocem invidiam ferret, placuit veneno grassari ;
addidit facinori fidem notabili^ gaudio, Blaesum
visendo. Quin et audita est saevissima Vitellii vox
qua se (ipsa enim verba referam) pavisse oculos
spectata inimici morte iactavit. Blaeso super clari-
tatem natalium et elegantiam morum fidei obstinatio
fuit. Integris quoque rebus a Caecina et primoribus
partium iam Vitellium aspernantibus ambitus abnuere
perseveravit. Sanctus, inturbidus, nullius repentini
honoris, adeo non principatus adpetens, parum
effugerat ne dignus crederetur.

XL. Fabius interim Valens multo ac molU con-
cubinarum spadonumque agmine segnius quam ad
bellum incedens, proditara a Lucilio Basso Ravenna-
tem classem pernicibus nuntiis accepit. Et si coep-

^ notabili Faernus : nobili M.
394

BOOK III. AWVUI.-XL.

soldiers his courtesy and iiiagniticeuce. Everyone's
thoughts are attracted to him^ while you, failing to
distinguish between IViend and foe^ cherish a rival
who watches his emperor's distress from a dinner-
table. To pay him for his unseasonable joy, he
should suffer a night of sorrow and doom, that he
may know and feel that Vitellius is alive and
emperor, and furthermore that, if any misfortune
liappens to him, he still has a son."

XXXIX. An.Kiously hesitating between crime and
the fear that, if delayed, the death of Blaesus might
bring prompt ruin or, if openly ordered, a storm of
hate, Vitellius decided to resort to poison. He gave
the public reason to believe in his guilt by his
evident joy when he went to see Blaesus. More-
over, he was heard to make a brutal remark,
i)oasting — and I shall quote his very words — that
he had " feasted his eyes on the sight of his enemy's
death-bed." Blaesus was a man not only of dis-
tinguished family and of refinement, but also of
resolute loyalty. Even while the position of Vitellius
was still unshaken, he had been solicited bv Caecina
and the party leaders who already des))ised the
emperor, but he persisted in rejecting their advances.
Honourable, opposed to revolution, moved by no
desire for sudden honours, least of all for tlie princi-
pate, he could not escape being regarded as worthy
of it.

XL. Fabius Valens in the meantime, with his long
effeminate train of concubines and eunuchs, moved
on too slowly for a general going out to war. On
his way he heard from messengers who came in
haste, that Lucius Bassus had betrayed the fleet at
Ravenna to the Flavians. Yet if he had hurried, lie

395

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tuiu iter properassetj nutantem Caecinani praeveiiire
aut ante discrimen pugnae adsequi legiones potuisset.
Nee deerant qui monerent ut cum fidissimis per
occultos tramites vitata Ravenna Hostiliam Cremo-
iianue pergeret; aliis placebat accitis ex urbe prae-
toriis cohortibas valida manu perrunipere. Ipse
inutili cunctatione agendi tempora consultando
consumpsit ; mox utrumque consilium aspernatus,
quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est, dum media
sequitur, nee ausus est satis nee providit.

XLI. Missis ad Vitellium litteris auxilium j)Ostulat.
Venere tres cohortes cum ala Britannica, neque ad
fallendum aptus numerus neque ad penetrandum.
Sed V^alens ne in tanto quidem discrimine infamia
cariiit, quo minus rapei-e inlicitas voluptates adulteri-
isque ac stupris polluere hospitum domus crederetur :
aderant vis et pecunia et ruentis fortunae novissima
libido. Adventu demum peditum equitumque pra-
vitas consilii patuit, quia nee vadere per hostis tam
parva manu poterat, etiam si fidissima foretj nee
integram fidem attulerant ; pudor tamen et praesentis
ducis reverentia morabatur, baud diuturna vincla
apud pavidos^ periculorum et dedecoris securos.
Eo metu coliortes Ariminum praemittit, alam tueri
terga iubet : ipse paucis, quos adversa non mutaverant,

^ pavidos Faernios : avidos M.
^ Rimini.

BOOK 111. xL.-xLi.

might have stopped Caecina, who was still wavering ;
or at least he could have reached the legions before
the decisive battle. Some advised him to take his
most trusty men and, avoiding Ravenna, to push on
by secret roads to Hostilia or Cremona ; others
favoured summoning the praetorian coliorts from
Rome and then breaking through with a strong
force. But Valens by useless delay wasted in dis-
cussion the time for action ; later he rejected both
the plans proposed, and in following a middle course
— the worst of all policies in times of doubt — he
showed neither adequate courage nor foresight.

XLI. He wrote to Vitellius asking for help.
Three cohorts and a s([uadron of cavalry from
Britain came in response, a force whose size was
ill-suited either to escape observation or to force
a passage. But even in such a crisis Valens did
not avoid the infamy of snatching illicit pleasures
and polluting with adulteries and debaucheries the
homes of those who entertained him : he had
power, money, and, as fortune failed, the lust of
the last hour. When the foot and horse finally
arrived, the folly of his plan became evident, because
he could not make his way through the enemy's
lines with so small a band, no matter how faithful,
and, in fact, they did not bring a loyalty that was
wholly unshaken. Still shame and awe in the
presence of their commander held them back ; but
these are weak restraints over men who are fearful
of danger and regardless of disgrace. Accordingly, in
his alarm, he sent the cohorts on to Ariminum,^ and
ordered the squadron of cavalry to protect his rear.
He himself turned aside into Umbria with a few
companions whose loyalty had not been changed by

VOL. I. O 397

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

comitantibus flexit ^ in Umbriam atque inde Etruriani;
ubi cognito pugnae Cremonensis eventu non ignavum
et, si provenisset, atrox consilium iniit, ut arreptis
navibus in quamcumque partem Narbonensis pro-
vinciae egressus Gallias et exercitus et Germaniae
gentis noviimque bellum cieret.

XLH. Digresso Valente trepidos, qui Ariminuui
tenebant, Cornelius Fuscus, admoto exercitu et
missis per proxima litorum Liburnicis, terra marique
circumvenit: occupantur plana Umbriae et qua
Picenus ager Hadria adluitur, omnisque Italia inter
Vespasianum ac Vitellium Appennini ^ iugis divide-
batur. Fabius Valens e sinu Pisano segnitia maris
aut adversante vento portum Herculis Monoeci
depellitur. Haud procul inde agebat Marius Matu-
rus Alpium maritimarum procurator, fid us Vitellio,
cuius sacramentum cunctis circa hostilibus nondum
exuerat. Is Valentem comiter exceptum, ne Galliam
Narbonensem temere ingrederetui', monendo terruit ;
simul ceterorum fides metu infracta.

XLIII. Namque circumiectas civitates procurator
Valerius Paulinus, sti'enuus militiae et Vespasiano
ante fortunam amicus, in verba eius adegerat ; con-
citisque omnibus, qui exauctorati a Vitellio bellum

1 eo nietu et paucis . . . comitantibus cohortes . . , ipse

flexit M : veruin oidinem rest. Acidalius.
'^ Appennini Puteolanvs: appeuninis J/.

^ Now in command of tlie fleet at Ravenna. Cf. ill. 12.
* Monaco.

398

BOOK III. XLI.-ALIII.

adversity, and from Umbria he moved into Etruria.
There, liearing the result of the battle at Cremona,
he formed a plan which was not cowardly and which
would have been formidable if it had only succeeded :
he proposed to seize some ships, land somewhere on
the co.ist of the province of Narbonne, and then
rouse the Gallic provinces, the armies, and the tribes
of Germany — in fact to begin a new war.

XLII. Valens' depai-ture made the troops at Arimi-
num anxious and timid. Cornelius Fuscus^ brought
up his land forces and sent light men-of-war along the
neighbouring coast and thereby cut the garrison off
by land and sea. The Flavians now held the plains
of Umbria and that part of Picenum that is washed
by the Adriatic ; in fact, all Italy was divided between
Vespasian and Vitellius by the I'ange of the Apen-
nines. Fabius Valens sailed from the hai-bour of Pisa,
but was forced by calm or by head winds to put in at
the port of Hercules Monoecus.^ Marius Maturus,
procurator of the Maritime Alps, was not far from
here ; he was still faithful to Vitellius, not having
yet abandoned his oath of allegiance to him although
all the districts round about were hostile. He
received Valens kindly, and persuaded him by his
advice not to risk entering Narbonese Gaul. At the
same time the fidelity of the rest was shaken by their
fears.

XLIII. There was reason for this, since the
imperial agent, Valerius Paulinus, a vigorous soldier
and a friend of Vespasian even before his great
fortune befell him, had bound the neighbouring
communities by an oath of allegiance to him.
Paulinus had also called out all the veterans who had
been discharged by Vitellius, but now freely took up

399

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

sponte sumebant, Foroiuliensem coloniam, claustra
maris, praesidio tuebatur, eo gravior auctor, quod
Paulino patria Forum lulii et hones apud prae-
torianoSj quorum quondam tribunus fuerat, ipsique
pagani favore municipali et futurae potentiae spe
iuvare partis adnitebantur. Quae ut^ paratu firma
et aucta rumore apud varies Vitellianorum animos
increbruere, Fabius Valens cum quattuor specula-
toribus et tribus amicis, totidem centurionibus, ad
navis regreditur ; Maturo ceterisque remanere et in
verba Vespasiani adigi volentibus fuit. Ceterum ut
mare tutius Valenti quam litora aut urbes, ita futuri
ambiguus et magis quid vitaret quam cui fideret
certus, adversa tempestate Stoechadas Massiliensium
insulas defertur.'^ Ibi eum missae a Paulino Libur-
nicae oppressere.

XLIV, Capto Valente cuncta ad victoris opes
conversa, initio per Hispaniam a prima ^ Adiutrice
legione orto, quae memoria Othonis infensa Vitellio
decimam quoque ac sextam traxit. Nee Galliae
cunctabantur. Et Britanniam inclinatus * erga Ves-
pasianura favor, quod illic secundae legioni a Claudio
j)raepositus et bello clarus egerat, non sine motu
■uliunxit ceterarum, in quibus plerique centuriones

^ ut Jacob : vi M.

2 defertur ErncstA : adfertur M.

^ hispania adprima M.

* inclinatus Schiitz : inditus M.

1 Cf. ii. 67. * Frejus.

' Les lies d'Hyeres, near Toulon.

400

BOOK III. xuii.-xLiv.

arms a^ain ; ^ and he kept a garrison in Forum Julii,^
which controls the sea here, while his authority was
increased by the fact that Forum JuHi was his
native city and that he was esteemed by the
praetorians, whose tribune he had once been. Also
the people of the district, moved by zeal for a fellow-
townsman and by hoj)e of his future power, did their
best to help his party. When these preparations,
which were effective and were exaggerated by rumour,
were reported again and again to the Vitellians,
whose minds were alreadv in doubt, Fabius V^alens
returned to his ships with four soldiers of the body-
guard, three friends, and three centurions ; Maturus
and the rest chose to remain and take the oath of
fidelity to Vespasian. But while the sea seemed to
Valens safer than shores or cities, he was still doubt-
ful of the future and saw more clearly what to avoid
than what to trust. An adverse storm drove him to
the Stoechadae islands belonging to the Massilians,-^
where he was captured by some light galleys which
Paulinus sent after him.

XLIV. Now that Valens was captured everything
turned to the victor's advantage. The movement in
Spain was begun by the First legion Adjutrix, which
was devoted to the memory of Otho and so hostile to
Vitellius. This legion drew the Tenth and Sixth
after it. The Gallic provinces did not hesitate. In
Britain a favourable sentiment inclined toward
Vespasian, because he had been put in command of
the Second legion there by Claudius and had dis-
tinguished himself in the field. This secured the
island for him, but only after some resistance on the
part of the other legions, in which there were many
centurions and soldiers who owed their promotions to

401

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ac militcs a Vitellio provecti expertum iam principem
anxii mutabant.

XLV. Ea discordia et crebris belli civilis rumoribus
Britanni sustulere animos auctore Venutio, qui super
insitam ferociara et Romani nominis odium pi'opriis
in Cartimanduam reginam stimulis accendebatur.
Cai'timandua Brigantibus imperitabat, pollens nobili-
tate ; et auxerat potentiam, postquam capto per
dolum rege Carataco instruxisse triumphum Claudii
Caesaris videbatur. Inde opes et rerum secundarum
luxus : spreto Venutio (is fuit maritus) armigerum
eius Vellocatum in matrimonium regnumque accepit.
Concussa statim flagitio domus : pro niarito studia
civitatiSj pro adultero libido reginae et saevitia.
Igitur Venutius accitis auxiliis, simul ipsorum
Brigantum defectione in extremum discrimen Carti-
manduam adduxit. Turn petita a Romanis praesidia.
Et cohortes alaeque nostrae variis proeliis, exemere
tamen periculo reginam ; regnum \'enutio, bellum
nobis relictum.

XLVI. Turbata per eosdem dies Germania, et
socordia ducum, seditione legionum, externa vi,

1 Celebrated in 51 A.D. See Tacitus, Ann. xii. 33-37 ; OIL.
vi. 920.

402

BOOK III. xLiv.-XLvi.

V'itellius, and so hesitated to change from an emperor
of whom they had already had some experience.

XLV. Inspired by these differences between the
Roman forces and by the many rumours of civil
war that reached them, tlie Britons plucked up
courage under tiie leadership of Venutius, who, in
addition to his natural spirit and hatred of the Roman
name, was fired by his personal resentment toward
Queen Cartimandua. She was ruler over the
Brigantes, having the influence that belongs to high
birth, and she had later strengthened her power
when she was credited with having cap'ured King
Caratacus by treachery and so furnished an adorn-
ment for the triumph of Claudius Caesar.^ From this
came her wealth and the wanton spirit which success
breeds. She grew to despise her husband Venutius,
and took as her consort his squire V'ellocatus, whom
she admitted to share the throne with her. Her
house was at once shaken by this scandalous act.
Her husband was favoured by the sentiments of all
the citizens ; the adulterer was supported by the
queen's passion for him and by her savage spirit. So
Venutius, calling in aid from outside and at the same
time assisted by a revolt of tlie Brigantes themselves,
put Cartimandua into an extremely dangerous
position. Then she asked the Romans for protec-
tion, and in fact some companies of our foot and
horse, after meeting with indifferent success in a
number of engagements, finally succeeded in rescuing
the queen from danger. The throne was left to
Venutius ; the war to us.

XLVI. At the same time there was trouble in
Germany. Indeed the Roman cause almost suffered
disaster because of the negligence of the generals,

403

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

perfidia sociali prope adflicta Romana res. Id bellum
cum causis et eventibus (etenim longius provectum
est) mox memorabimus. Mota et Dacorum gens
numquam fida, tunc sine metu, abducto e Moesia
exercitu. Sed prima rerum quieti speculabantur :
ubi flagrare Italiam bello, cuncta in vicem hostilia
accepere, expugnatis cohortium alarumque hibernis
utraque Danuvii ripa potiebantur. lamque castra
legionum excindere parabant, ni Mucianus sextam
legionem opposuisset, Cremonensis victoriae gnarus,
ac ne externa moles utrimque ingrueret, si Dacus
Germanusque diversi inrupissent. Adfuit, ut saepe
alias, fortuna populi Romani, quae Mucianum viris-
que Orientis illuc tulit, et quod Cremonae interim
transegimus. Fonteius Agrippa ex Asia (pro consule
earn provinciam annuo imperio tenuerat) Moesiae
praepositus est, additis copiis e Vitelliano exercitu,
quern spargi per prov incias et externo bello inligari
pars consilii pacisque ei'at.

XLVII. Nee ceterae nationes silebant. Subita
per Pontum arma barbarum mancipium, regiae

* Tacitus fulfils his promise in iv. 12-37, 54-79, and in v.
14-26.

* Living in what is now Rumania.

^ The legionaries having beon withdrawn from the bank
of the Danube, it was now defended by the auxiliaries
alone.

404

BOOK III. xLvi.-XLVii.

the mutinous spirit of tlie legions, the assaults from
without the empire, and tlie treachery of our allies.
The history of this war with its causes and results we
shall give later, for the struggle was a long one.^
The Dacians - also, never trustworthy, became uneasy
and now had no fear, for our army had been with-
drawn from Moesia. They watched the first events
without stirring; but when they heard that Italy was
aflame with war and that the whole empire was
divided into hostile camps, they stormed the winter
quarters of our auxiliary foot and horse ^ and put them-
selves in possession of both banks of the Danube.
They were already preparing to destroy the camps of
the legions, and would have succeeded in their
purpose if Mucianus had not placed the Sixth legion
across their path. He took this step because he had
learned of the victory at Cremona, and he also feared
that two hordes of foreigners might come down upon
the empire, if the Dacians and the Germans should
succeed in breaking in at different points. As so
often before, the fortune of the Roman people
attended them, bringing, as it had, Mucianus and the
forces of the East to that point and securing mean-
time the success at Cremona. Fonteius Agrippa was
transferred from Asia, where, as proconsul, he had
governed the province for a year, and put in charge
of Moesia ; there he was given additional troops from
the army of Vitellius, which it M'as wise from the
point of view of both policy and peace to distribute
in the provinces and to involve in war with a foreign
foe.

XLVII. Nor were the other nations quiet. There
was a sudden armed uprising in Pontus led by a
barbarian slave who had once been prefect of the

405

thp: histories of tacitus

quondam classis praefectus, moverat. Is fuit Anice-
tus Polemonis libertus/ praepotens olim, et postquam
regnum in formam provinciae verterat, mutationis
iinpatiens. Igitur Vitellii nomine adscitis gentibus,
(|uae Pontum accolunt, cornipto in spem rapinarum
egentissimo quoque, hand temnendae manus ductor,
Trapezuntem vetusta fama civitatem, a Graecis in
extremo Ponticae orae conditam, subitus inrupit.
Caesa ibi cohors, regium auxilium olim ; mox donati
civitate Romana signa armaque in nostrum modum,
desidiam licentiamque Graecorum retiiiebant. Classi
quoque faces intulit, vacuo mari eludens, quia lectis-
simas Liburnicarum oninemque militem Mucianus
Byzantium adegerat : quin et barbari contemptim ^
vagabantur, fabrieatis repente navibus. Camaras
vocant, artis lateribus latam alvum sine vinculo aeris
aut ferri conexam ; et tumido mari, prout fluctus
attollitur, summa navium tabulis augent, donee in
modum tecti claudantur. Sic inter undas volvuntur,
pari utrimque prora et mutabili remigio, quando hinc
vel illinc adjiellere^ indiscretum et innoxium est.

XLVIII. Advertit ea res Vespasiani animum ut
vexillarios e legionibus ducemque Virdium Geminum
spectatae militiae deligeret. Ille incompositum et

' libertus prepotens libertiii5, Af.
* contempti M. ' appellare M.

' Polenio II., who at his death in 63 a.d. left the kingdom
of Pontus to the Romans.
* Trebizond.

406

BOOK III. xLvii.-M.vui.

royal Heet. This was a certain Anicetus, a freedman
of Polemo,^ who, having been once very powerful,
was impatient of the change after the kingdom was
transformed into a province. So he stirred up the
people of Pontus in the name of Vitellius, bribing
the poorest among them with hope of plunder. Then
at the head of a band, which was far from being
negligible, he suddenly attacked Trapezus,^ a city of
ancient fame, founded by Greeks at the extreme end
of the coast of Pontus. There he massacred a cohort,
which originally consisted of auxiliaries furnished by
the king ; later its members had been granted
Roman citizenship and had adopted Roman standards
and arms, but retained the indolence and licence of
the Greeks. He also set fire to the fleet and
escaped by sea, which was unpatrolled since Mucianus
had concentrated the best light galleys and all the
marines at Byzantium. Moreover, the barbarians had
hastily built vessels and now roamed the sea at will,
despising the power of Rome. Their boats they
call camarae ; they have a low freeboard but are
broad of beam, and are fastened together without
spikes of bronze or iron. When the sea is rough the
sailors build up the bulwarks with planks to match
the height of the waves, until they close in the hull
like the roof of a house. Thus protected these
vessels roll about amid the waves. They have a
prow at both ends and their arrangement of oars
may be sliifted, so that they can be safely propelled
in either direction at will.

XLVIII. These events attracted Vespasian's at-
tention, so that he sent detachments from his legions
under the command of Virdius Geminus, whose
military skill had been well tested. He attacked

407

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

praedae cupidine vagum hostem adortus coegit in
navis ; efFectisque raptim Libui-nicis adsequitur
Anicetum in ostio fluminis Chobi, tutum sub Se-
dochezorum regis auxilio, quem pecunia donisque ad
societatem perpulerat. Ac primo rex minis armisqiie
supplicem tueri : postquam merces proditionis aut
bellum ostendebatur, fluxa, ut est barbaris, fide pactus
Aniceti exitium perfugas tradidit, belloque servili
finis impositus.

Laetum ea victoria Vespasianum, cunctis super
vota fluentibus, Cremonensis proelii nuntius in
Aegypto adsequitur. eo properantius Alexandriam
pergit, ut fractos V^itellii exercitus urbemque externae
opis indigam fame urgeret. Namque et Africam,
eodem latere sitam, terra marique invadere parabat,
clausis annonae subsidiis inopiam ac discordiam hosti
facturus.

XLIX. Dum hac totius orbis nutatione fortuna
imperii transit, Primus Antonius nequaquam pari
innocentia post Cremonam agebat, satis factum bello
ratus et cetera ex facili, seu felicitas in tali ingenio
avaritiam superbiam ceteraque occulta mala patefecit.

1 The Khopi.

' Tacitus here returns to the matter of iii. 35.

408

BOOK III. xLviii.-xux.

the enemy's troops when they were off their guard
and were scattered in their greed for booty, and
forced tliem to their boats ; afterwards he quickly
built some light galleys and caught up with Anicetus
at the mouth of the river Chobus,^ where he had
sought shelter under the protection of the king of
the Sedochezi, whose alliance he had secured by
bribes and gifts. At first the king sheltered his
suppliant with the aid of threats and arms ; but
after the reward for treachery and the alternative
of war were set before him, with the unstable
loyalty of a barbarian he bargained away the life of
Anicetus, gave up the refugees, and so an end was
put to this servile war.

While Vespasian was rejoicing over this victory,
for ever>'thing was succeeding beyond his hopes and
prayers, the news of the battle at Cremona reached
him in Egypt. He moved with all the more speed
to Alexandria, that he might impose the burden of
famine on the broken armies of Vitellius and on
Rome, which always needs help from outside. For
he was now preparing to invade Africa also by land
and sea, situated as it is in the same quarter of the
world, his purpose being to shut off Italy's supplies
of grain and so cause need and discord among his foes.

XLIX. While the imperial power was shifting
with these world-wide convulsions,- Primus Antonius
did not behave so blamelessly after the battle of
Cremona as before, whether it was that he thought
that he had done enough for the war and that
everything else would easily follow, or whether
success in the case of a nature like his brought to
the surface the avarice, arrogance, and other evils
that had remained hidden hitherto. He stalked

409

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Ut captam Italiam persultare, ut suas legiones colere ;
omnibus dictis factisque viam ^ sibi ad potentiam
struere. Ltque licentia militem imbueret interfec-
torum centurionum ordines legionibus ofFerebat. Eo
suffragio turbidissimus quisque delecti ; nee miles in
arbitrio ducum, sed duces militari violentia trahe-
bantur. Quae seditiosa et corrumpendae disciplinae
mox in praedam vertebat, nihil adventantem Muci-
anum veritus^ quod exitiosius erat quam Vespasianum
sprevisse.

L. Ceterum propinqua hieme et umentibus Pado
campis expeditum agmen incedere. Signa aquilae-
que victricium legionum,milites vulneribus aut aetate
graves, plerique etiam integri Veronae relicti ; suffi-
cere coliortes alaeque et e legionibus lecti profligato
iam bello videbantur. Undecima legio sese adiun-
xerat, initio cunetata, sed prosperis rebus anxia quod
defuisset ; sex milia Dalmatarum, recens dilectus,
comitabantur ; ducebat Pompeius Silvanusconsularis ;
vis consiliorum penes Annium Bassum legionis le-
gatum. Is Silvanum socordem bello et dies rerum
verbis terentem specie obsequii regebat et^ ad
omnia quae agenda forent quieta cum industria

viam Lipnus : vim M.
et ad omnia Habn : oi

: omniaque M,

1 That is, by extorting or accepting money from soldiers
in return for his suppoit.
* It was now Novemher.
« From Dalmatia. Cf. ii. 67.

410

BOOK 111. xux.-L.

through Italy as if it were captured territory ; he
courted the legions as if they were his own ; he
used his every word and act to pave his way to
power. To Inspire the soldiers with a spirit of
licence, he offered to the rank and tile the places of
the centurions who had fallen. The soldiers chose
the most turbulent of their number. The ranks
were no longer directed by the will of their leaders,
but the leaders were at the mercy of the common
soldiers' whims. These acts, which made for mutinies
and the ruin of discipline, Antonius presently turned
to his own profit.^ He had no fear of the arrival
of Mucianus, although in the event this was more
fatal for him than the fact that he had treated
Vespasian with little respect.

L. Meantime, since winter was approaching and
the plains were inundated by the Po,'^ the Flavian
troops moved without their heavy baggage. They
left at Verona the eagles and standards of the
victorious legions, such soldiers as were incapacitated
by wounds or years, and also a number who were
in good condition; the auxiliary foot and horse with
selected legionaries seemed suHicient now that the
worst of the war was over. The Eleventh legion ^
had joined them ; at first it had hesitated, but, now
that the Flavians were succeeding, it became appre-
hensive because it had not joined them befoi*e. Six-
thousand Dalmatians, a new levy, accompanied
them, led by Pompeius Silvanus, an ex-consul. The
actual guiding spirit was Annius Bassus, the legion-
ary legate. Silvanus displayed no energy in war,
but wasted in mere talk the days for action.
Bassus directed him by pretending to defer to him,
and continually attended to all necessary operations

411

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

aderat. Ad has copias e classicis Ravennatibus,
legionariam militiam poscentibus, optimus quisque
adsciti : classem Dalmatae supplevere. Exercitus
ducesque ad Fannin Fortunae iter sistunt, de summa
rerum cunctantes, quod motas ex urbe praetorias
cohortis audierant et teneri praesidiis Appenniiium
rebantur ; et ipsos in regione ^ bello attrita Inopia et
seditiosae militum voces terrebant, clavarium (do-
nativi nomen est) flagitantium. Nee pecuniam aut
frumeiitum providerant, et festinatio atque aviditas
praepediebant, dum quae accipi poterant rapiuntur.
LI. Celeberrimos auctores habeo tantam victoribus
adversus fas nefasque inreverentiam fuisse ut gre-
garius eques occisum a se proxima acie fratrem
professus praemium a ducibus petierit. Nee illis aut
honorare earn caedem ius hominum aut ulcisci ratio
belli permittebat. Distulerant tamquam inaiora
meritum quain quae ^ statim exsolverentur ; nee quid-
quam ultra traditur. Ceterum et prioribus civium
bellis par scelus inciderat. Nana proelio, quo apud
laniculum adversus Cinnam pugnatum est, Pompei-
anus miles fratrem suum, dein cognito facinore se
ipsum interfecit, ut Sisenna memorat : tanto acrior
apud maiores, sicut virtutibus gloria, ita flagitiis

* regioae Faemua : legione J/.

^ qiiam quae Puteolancs: quaiiquam M.

^ Fano.

» A piece of soldiers' slang ; literally, " hob-nail [clavus)
money."
3 In 87 B.C.

41a

BOOK 111. L.-LI.

with unobtrusive activity. The marines at Kavenna
now demanded service with tlie legions, and the
l)est of them were enrolled among them ;
Dalmatians replaced them in the fleet. The troops
and commanders halted at Fanum Fortunae,^ being
uncertain as to the proper course of action, for
they had received a report that six praetorian
cohorts had left Rome, and they supposed that the
passes in the Apennines were guarded. The com-
manders, too, were alarmed by the lack of supplies,
being now in a district completely devastated by
the war, as well as by the mutinous demands of
the soldiers for the c/avariuni,'^ as they call the
donative. They had provided neither money nor
provisions ; moreover, their haste and greed in
seizing as private booty what might have been stores
to draw upon now proved embarrassing.

LI. I have it from the best authorities that the
victors had come to disregard the difference between
right and wrong so completely that a common
soldier declared that he had killed his brother in
the last battle and actually asked the generals for
a reward. The common dictates of humanity did
not permit them to honour such a murder or military
policy to punish it. They put oft' the soldier on
the ground that he deserved a reward greater than
could be repaid at once ; nor is anything further
told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime
had happened in civil war before. In the struggle
against Cinna on the Janiculum,^ as Sisenna relates,
one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and
then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So
much livelier among our ancestors was repentance
for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such

413

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

paenitentia t'uit. Sed haec aliaque ex vetere me-
moria petita, quotiens res locusque exempla recti
aut solacia mali poscet, baud absurde memorabimus.
LII. Antonio ducibusque partium praemitti equites
omnemque Umbriam explorari plaeuit, si qua Appen-
nini iuga clementius adirentur ; acciri aquilas signa-
que et quidquid Veronae militum foret, Padumque
et mare commeatibus compleri. Erant inter duces
qui necterent moras : quippe nimius iam Antonius^
et certiora ex Muciano sperabantur. Namque Mu-
cianus tarn celeri victoria anxius et^ ni praesens urbe
potiretur, expertem se belli gloriaeque ratus, ad
Primum et Varum media scriptitabat, instandum
coeptis aut rursus eunctandi utilitates edisserens
atque ita compositus ut ex eventu rerum adversa
abnueret vel prospera agnosceret. Plotium Grypum,
nuper a Vespasiano in senatorium ordinem adscitum ^
ac legioni praepositum^ ceterosque sibi fidos apertius
monuitj hique omnes de festinatione Primi ac Vari
sinistre et Muciano volentia rescripsere. Quibus
epistulis Vespasiano missis effecerat ut non pro spe
Anton! i consilia factaque eius aestimarentur.

^ adscitum RUter: addituiu Jf.
414

BOOK 111. Li.-ui.

deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our
earlier history, I shall not iniproj)er]y insert in my
work whenever the theme or situation demands
examples of the right or solace for tiie wrong.

Lll. Antonius and the other Flavian commanders
decided to send their cavalry on ahead and to
reconnoitre throughout Umbria, to see if they could
approach the Apennines at any point without danger ;
they proposed also to bring up the eagles and
standards with all tiie soldiers then at Verona, and
to fill the Po and the sea with convoys of provisions.
There were some among the commanders who
devised reasons for delay ; they felt that Antonius
was becoming too pretentious, and they hoped to
get more certain advantages from Mucianus. For
Mucianus, disturbed by the speed with which the
victory had been won, and believing that he would
have no share in the glory to be gained by the war
unless he took Rome in person, kept writing to
Primus and Varus in ambiguous terms, saying in
one letter that they must follow up their successes
and in another dwelling on the advantages of pro-
ceeding slowly, so trimming his course that according
to the event he might at will repudiate all responsi-
bility for failure or take the credit for success. To
Plotius Grypus, whom Vespasian had lately elevated
to senatorial rank and put in command of a legion,
and to all other officers who were loyal, he wrote
admonishing them more frankly; and they all replied,
putting the haste of Primus and Varus in an un-
favourable light and snying what was likely to please
Mucianus. By sending these letters to Vespasian,
Mucianus succeeded in preventing the plans and acts
of Antonius from being estimated so highly as the
latter had hoped.

415

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

LI 1 1. Aegi-e id pati Antonius et culpam in Mucia-
num conferre, cuius criminationibus eviluissent
pericula sua ; nee sermonibus temperabat, immodicus
lingua et obsequii insolens. Litteras ad Vespasia-
uum composuit iactantius quam ad principem, nee
sine oceulta in Mucianum insectatione : se Pannoni-
cas legiones in arma egisse ; suis stimulis excitos
Moesiae duces, sua constantia perruptas Alpis,
oecupatam Italiam, intersepta Germanorum Raeto-
rumque auxilia. Quod diseordis dispersasque Vitellii
legiones equestri procella, mox peditum vi per diem
noctemque fudisset, id pulcherrimum et sui operis.
Casum Cremonae bello imputandum : maiore damno,
plurium urbium excidiis veteres civium diseordias
rei publicae stetisse. Non se nuntiis neque epistulis,
sed manu et armis imperatori suo militare ; neque
officere gloriae eorum qui Daciam ^ interim eompo-
suerint : illis Moesiae paeem, sibi salutem securita-
temque Italiae eordi fuisse ; suis exhortationibus
Gallias Hispaniasque, validissimam terrarum partem,
ad Vespasianum conversas. Sed cecidisse in inritum
laboi'es si praemia periculorum soli adsequantur qui
periculis non adtueriiit. Nee fefellere ea Mucianum ;

^ Daciam Sicker : asiaiii M.
416

BOOK III. uii.

LIII. At this Antonius was indignant, and put the
blame on Mucianus, whose base insinuations, as he
maintained, had made the dangers that he had run
seem triHing ; nor did he pick and choose his words,
being as he was immoderate in speech and unaccus-
tomed to defer to another. He drew up a letter to
Vespasian in a strain too boastful to use to an
emperor ; and he did not fail to attack Mucianus
covertly : " It was I who armed the Pannonian
legions. It was I who roused the commanders in
Moesia and spurred them on. It was my bold action
that broke through the Alps, seized Italy, and
blocked the road against any assistance to Vitellius
from Germany and Raetia." As for the disaster
inflicted on the discordant and scattered legions of
Vitellius by a whirlwind of cavalry and the rout of
those troops by a great force of infantry which
pursued them for a day and a night, Antonius
claimed that these were glorious achievements of
which he deserved all the credit. The fate of
Cremona he charged up to the chances of war ; and
pointed out that civil discord in earlier days had
caused greater loss and had destroyed more cities.
He declared that he did not fight for his emperor
with despatches and letters, but with deeds and
arms; he made no attempt to dim the glory of those
who meantime had quieted Dacia ; their desire had
been to give Moesia peace, his to give Italy safety
and security. It was due to his exhortations that
the Gauls and Spains, the strongest part of the
world, had turned to Vespasian's side. " But," he
added, "my efforts will come to nothing if the
rewards for dangers run are to be gained only by
those who did not face the dangers." Of all this

417

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

inde graves simultates, quas Antonius simplicius,
Mucianus callide eoque implacabilius nutriebat.

LIV. At Vitellius fractis apud Cremonara rebus
nuntios cladis occultans stulta dissimulatione remedia
potius malorum quam mala differebat. Quippe
confitenti consultantique supererant spes viresque :
cum e contrario laeta omnia fingeret, falsis in-
ffravescebat. Mirum apud ipsum de bello silentium :
prohibiti per civitatera sermones, eoque plures ac,
si liceret, vere narraturi, quia vetabantur, atrociora
vulgaverant. Nee duces hostium augendae famae
deerant, captos Vitellii exploratores circumductosque,
ut robora victoris exercitus noscerent, remittendo ;
quos omnis Vitellius secreto percontatus interfici
iussit. Notabili constantia centurio lulius Agrestis
post multos sermones, quibus Vitellium ad virtutem
frustra accendebat, j)erpulit ut ad viris hostium
spectandas quaeque apud Cremonani acta forent ipse
mitteretur. Nee exploratione occulta fallere An-
tonium temptavit, sed mandata imperatoris suumque
animum professus, ut cuncta viseret postulat. Missi
qui locum proelii, Cremonae vestigia, captas legiones
ostenderent. Agrestis^ ad Vitellium remeavit ab-

* adgrestis M.
418

BOOK III. uM.-i.iv.

Mucianus was fully aware, and the result was bitter en-
mity, fostered more openly by Antonius, with cunning
and therefore the more implacably by Mucianus.

LIV. Vitellius, however, after the loss of his
cause at Cremona, concealed the news of the dis-
aster, and by foolish dissimulation delayed the
remedies for his misfortunes rather than the mis-
fortunes themselves. For if he had only acknowledged
the truth and sought counsel, he had still some
hope and resources left ; but when, on the contrary,
he pretended that all was well, he made his situation
worse by his falsehoods. A strange silence concern-
ing the Avar was observed in his presence ; discussion
in the city was forbidden, with the result that more
people talked. If they had been allowed to speak,
they would have told only the truth ; but as they
were forbidden, tliey spread abroad more frightful
reports. The generals of the Flavian forces did not
fail to increase the rumours by escorting round their
camp the Vitellian spies whom they had captured,
showing them the strength of the victorious army
and then sending them back to Rome. All these
Vitellius questioned in secret and promptly had
them put to death. Julius Agrestis, a centurion,
exhibited notable courage. After many conversa-
tions, in which he tried in vain to rouse Vitellius to
bold action, he persuaded the emperor to send him
to see in person the enemy's forces and to observe
what had happened at Cremona. He did not try
to deceive Antonius by any secret investigation, but
frankly made known his emperor's orders and his
own purpose, and demanded to see everything. Men
were despatched to show him the battle-ground, the
ruins of Cremona, and the captive legions. Agrestis

419

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

niientiqiie vera esse quae adferret, atque ultro
corruptura arguenti "quando quidem " inquif magno
documento opus estj nee alius iam tibi aut vitae aut
mortis nieae usus, dabo cui credas." Atque ita
digressus voluntaria niorte dicta firmavit. Quidam
iussu Vitellii interfectum, de fide constantiaque
eadem tradidere.

LV. Vitellius ut e souino excitus lulium Priscum
et Alfenum Varum cum quattuordecim praetoriis
cohortibus et omnibus equitum alis obsidere Appen-
ninum iubet ; secuta e classicis legio. Tot milia
armatorum, lecta equis virisque, si dux alius foret,
inferendo quoque bello satis pollebant. Ceterae
cohortes ad tuendam urbem L. Vitellio fratri datae :
ipse nihil e solito luxu remittens et diffidentia
properus festinare comitia, quibus consules in multos
annos destinabat ; foedera sociis, Latium externis ^
dilargiri : his tributa dimittere, alios immunitatibus
iuvare ; denique nulla in posterum cura lacerare
imperium. Sed vulgus ad magnitudinem beneficio-
rum aderat,^ stultissimus quisque pecuniis mercabatur,
apud sapientis cassa habebantur quae neque dari
neque accipi salva re publica poterant. Tandem

* terni- M.

* haberat M.

^ The Latin is obscure, but it apparently means what the
English version attempts to say, i.e. that the unthinking
part of the populace were delighted and dazzled by his
apparent liberality. J. F. Gronovius read hiabut ("gaped
with wonder at ") iorad^rcU, but with no manuscript warrant.

420

BOOK III. LIV.-LV.

returned to Vitellius ; and when the emperor denied
the truth of his report, and even went so far as to
charge him with having been bribed, he said, "Since
I must give you a convincing proof of my statements,
and you can have no other advantage from my life
or death, I will give you evidence that will make
you believe." With these words he left the em-
peror's presence, and made good his words by
suicide. Some have reported that he was put to
death by the orders of Vitellius, but all agree as to
his fidelity and courage.

LV. Vitellius was like a man wakened from a deep
sleep. He ordered Julius Priscus and Alfenus Varus
to block the passes of the Apennines with fourteen
praetorian cohorts and all the cavalry. A legion ot
marines followed them later. These thousands of
armed forces, consisting too of picked men and
horses, were equal to taking the offensive if they
had had another leader, 'i he rest of the cohorts
Vitellius gave to his brother Lucius for the defence of
Rome, while he, abating in no degree his usual life ot
pleasure and urged on by his lack of confidence in
tlie future, held the comitia before the usual time,
and designated the consuls for many years to come.
He granted special treaties to allies and bestowed
Latin rights on foreigners with a generous hand ; he
reduced the tribute for some provincials, lie relieved
others from all obligations — in short, with no regard
for the future he crippled the empire. But the mob
attended in delight on the great indulgences that he
bestowed ^ ; the most foolish citizens bought them,
while the wise regarded as worthless privileges
which could neither be granted nor accepted if the
state was to stand. Finally Vitellius listened to the

421

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

flagitante exercitu, qui Mevaniam insederat, maguo

senatorum agmine, quorum multos ambitione, pluris
formidine trahebat, in castra venit, incertus animi
et infidis consiliis obnoxius.

LVI. Contionanti — prodigiosum dictu — tantum
foedarum volucrum supervolitavit ut nube atra diem
obtenderent. Accessit dirum omen, profugus altari-
bus taurus disiecto sacrificii apparatu, longe, nee ut^
feriri hostias mos est, confossus. Sed praecipuum
ipse Vitellius ostentum erat, ignarus militiae, im-
providus consilii,- quis ordo agminis, quae cura
explorandi, quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus,
alios rogitaus et ad omnis nuntios vultu quoque et
incessu trepidus, dein temulentus. Postremo taedio
castrorum et audita defectione Misenensis classis
llomam revertit, recentissimum quodque ^ vulnus
parens, summi discriminis incuriosus.- Nam cum
tiansgredi Appenninum integro exercitus sui robore
et fessos hienie atque inopia hostis adgredi in aperto
foret, dum dispergit viris, acerrimum militem et
usque in extrema obstinatum trucidandum capien-
dumque tradidit, peritissimis centurionum dissentien-
tibus et, si consulerentur, vera dicturis. Arcuere*
eos intimi amicorum Vitellii, ita formatis principis

^ ut Schru^ider : vi M.

' consiliis M.

^ quoque J/.

* arcuere Lipsius: argiiereJ/.

* Bevagna.
422

BOOK III. LV.-LVI.

demands of his army which had st(i|)ped at Mevania,i
and leit Rome, accomjxmied by a long Hne of
senators, many of whom were drawn in his train by
their desire to secure his favour, most liowever by
fear. So he came to camp with no clear purpose in
mind, an easy prey to treacherous advice.

LVI. While Vitellius was addressing the troops
an incredil>le prodigy appeared — such a flock of birds
of ill omen flew above him that they obscured the
day witii a black cloud. Another dire omen was
given by a bull which overthrew the preparations
for sacrifice, escaped iVom the altar, and was then
despatched some distance away and in an unusual
fashion. But the most outstanding portent was
Vitellius himself; unskilled in war, without foresight,
unacquainted with the proper order of march, the
use of scouts, the limits within which a general
should hurry on a campaign or delay it, he was
constantly questioning others ; at the arrival of
every messenger his face and gait betrayed his
anxiety ; and then he would drink heavily. Finally,
weary of the camp and hearing of the defection
of the fleet at Misenum, he returned to Rome,
panic-stricken as ever by the latest blow and
with no thought for the supreme issue. For when
the way was open to him to cross the Apennines
while the strength of his forces was unimpaired,
and to attack his foes who were still exhausted by
the winter and lack of supplies, by scattering his
forces he delivered over to death and captivity his
best troops, who were loyal to the last extremity,
although his most experienced centurions disap-
proved, and if consulted, would have told him the
truth. But the most intimate friends of Vitellius kept

423

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

auribus ut aspera quae utilia, nee quidquam nisi
iucundum et laesurum acciperet.

LVII. Sed classem Miseneiisem (tantum civilibus
discordiis etiam singulorum audacia valet) Claudius
Faventinus centurio per ignominiam a Galba di-
missus ad defectionem traxit, fictis Vespasiani
epistulis pretium proditionis ostentans. Praeerat
classi Claudius Apollinaris, neque fidei constans
neque strenuus in perfidia ; et Apinius Tiro praetura
functus ac turn forte Minturnis agens ducem se
defectoribus obtulit. A quibus municipia coloniae-
que impulsae, praecipuo Puteolanorum in Vespasia-
uum studio, contra Capua Vitellio fida, municipaleni
aemulationem bellis civilibus miscebant. V^itellius
Claudium lulianum (is nuper classem Misenenseni
molli imperio rexerat) perniulcendis militum animis
delegit ; data in auxilium urbana cohors et gladia-
tores, quibus lulianus praeerat. Ut conlata utrimque
castra, baud magna cunctatione luliano in partis
Vespasiani transgresso, Tarracinam occupaverCj moe-
nibus situque magis quam ipsorum ingenio tutam.

LVII I. Quae ubi Vitellio cognita, parte copiarum

^ The successor of Bassus. Cf. iii. 12.
2 At the mouth of the Liris, on the border between Latium
atid Campania.

* Pozzuoli, on the bay of Naples.

* Terracina, on the coast south of the Pontine marshes.

424

BOOK III. LVI.-LVUl.

them away from him, and so inclined the emperor's
ears that useful counsel sounded harsh, and he
would hear nothing but what flattered and was to
be fatal.

LVII. The action of the fleet at Misenum is an
illustration of the weight that a bold stroke on the
part of a single individual may have in time of civil
strife. It was Claudius Flavcntinus, a centurion
dishonourably discharged by Galba, who brought the
fleet to revolt by forging letters from Vespasian in
which he held out to the men a reward for their
treason. The fleet was commanded by Claudius
Apollinaris,^ who was neither strong in loyalty nor
determined in treachery ; and Apinius Tiro, an ex-
praetor who at that time happened to be at Min-
turnae,^ ofl^ered himself to lead the rebels. These
moved the municipal towns and colonies to action.
The people of Puteoli ^ became ardent supporters of
Vespasian ; Capua, on the other hand, was faithful
to Vitellius ; and so rivalry between communities
became a part of the civil war. Vitellius selected
Claudius Julianus to reconcile the troops, for when
Julianus shortly before had commanded the fleet at
Misenum, he had exercised his authority in a mild
fashion. The emperor gave him to support his
efforts one of the city cohorts and the gladiators
that Julianus then commanded. When the two
forces were encamped over against each other,
Julianus did not long hesitate to join Vespasian's
party ; then the combined forces occupied Tarracina,*
a town which was better defended by its walls and
situation than by any ability on the part of the
soldiers.

LVIII. On learning this, Vitellius left part of his

425

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Narniae eum praefectis praetorii relicta L. Vitelliuni
fratrem cum sex cohortibus et quingentis equitibus
ingruenti per Canipaniam bello opposuit. Ipse aeger
animi studiis militum et clamoribus populi arma
poseentis refovebatur, duni vulgus ignavum et nihil
ultra verba ausurum falsa specie exercitum et
legiones appellat. Hortantibus libertis (nam ami-
corum eius quanto quis clarior, minus fidus) vocari
tribus iubet, dantis nomina Sacramento adigit.
Superfluente multitudine curani dilectus in consules
partitur ; servorum numerum et pondus argenti
senatoribus indicit. Equites Romani obtulere operam
pecuniasque, etiam libertinis idem munus ultro
flagitantibus. Ea simulatio officii a metu profecta
verterat in favorem ; ac plerique baud perinde
V^itellium quam casum locumque principatus misera-
bantur. Nee deerat ipse vultu voce lacrimis miseri-
cordiam elicere, largus promissis, et quae natura
trepidantium est, immodicus. Quin et Caesarem se
dici voluit, aspernatus antea, sed tunc superstitione
nominis, et quia in metu consilia prudentium et
vulgi rumor iuxta audiuntur. Ceterum ut omnia
inconsulti impetus coepta initiis valida spatio lan-

» Temi.

^ Vitellius had hitherto declined to be called Caesar or
Augustus (i. 62; ii. 55-62), possibly prompted by a desire to
appear modest ; but now the imperial name seemed to him a
support in his misfortunes.

426

BOOK III. Lviii.

troops at Narnia^ with the prefects of the praetorian
guard ; his brother Lucius Vitellius he sent with
six cohorts and five hundred horse to oppose the
threatened outbreak in Campania. He himself was
sick at heart, but the enthusiasm of the soldiers and
the shouts of the people demanding arms gave him
fresli spirit, while he addressed the cowardly
rabble, whose courage would not extend beyond
words, under the unreal and pretentious names of
an army and legions. On the advice of his freedmen
(for tlie more distinguished his friends were, the
less he trusted them), he ordered the people to
assemble in tribes, and administered the oath to the
members as they enrolled. Since the numbers were
too great, he divided between the consuls the selection
of the recruits. On the senators he imposed a con-
tribution of slaves and cash. The knights offered
assistance and money, while even the freedmen
demanded to be allowed the same privilege. This
pretended devotion, which was in reality prompted
by fear, resulted in enthusiasm for the emperor;
yet most men felt sorry not so much for Vitellius
as for the unfortunate position to which the prin-
cij)ate had fallen. Nor did he fail personally to
appeal to their pity by look, voice, and tears ; he
was generous and even prodigal in his promises,
after the manner of the timid. Nay, he even
went so far as to wish to be called Caesar, a
title which he had rejected before, but now accepted
from a superstitious feeling with regard to the
name,2 and because in time of fear the counsels of
the wise and the words of the crowd obtain a like
hearing. However, since all movements that arise
from thoughtless impulses are strong at first but

427

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

guescunt, dilabi paulatim senatores equitesque, primo
cunctanter et ubi ipse non aderat, mox contemptim
et sine ^ discrimine donee Vitellius pudore inriti
conatus quae non dabantur remisit.

LIX. Ut terrorem Italiae possessa Mevania ac
veUit renatum ex integro bellum intulerat, ita haud
dubium erga Flavianas partis studium tarn pavidus
Vitellii discessus addidit. Erectus Samnis Paelig-
nusque et Marsi aemulatione quod Campania prae-
venisset, ut in novo obsequio, ad cuncta belli munia
acres erant. Sed foeda hieme per transitum Ap-
pennini conflictatus exercitus, et vix quieto agmine
nives eluctantibus patuit quantum discriniinis adeun-
dum foretj ni Vitellium retro fortuna vertisset, quae
Flavianis ducibus non minus saepe quam ratio
adfuit. Obvium illic Petilium Cerialem habuere,
agresti cultu et notitia locorum custodias Vitellii
elapsum. Propinqua adfinitas Ceriali cum Vespa-
siano, nee ipse inglorius militiae, eoque inter duces
adsumptus est. Flavio quoque Sabino ac Domitiano
patuisse effugium multi tradidere ; et missi ab
Antonio nuntii per varias fallendi artis penetrabant,
locum ac praesidium monstrantes. Sabinus inhabilem

^ contemptim et sine Pichena : contempti mesti ne M.

' His return to Rome, described in chapter 56.

' Later he crushed the uprising led by the Batavian
Civilia (books iv. and v.).

' Vespasian's brother, who was city-prefect at this time.
Cf. below, chapters 61-75.

428

BOOK III. I.VIII.-UX.

slacken with time^ the senators and kniijhts gradually
began to fall away, at first with hesitation and when
Vitellius was not present, later in open scorn and
indifference, until in shame at the failure of his
attempts he excused them from the services which
they would not render.

LIX. While the occupation of Mevania had terri-
fied Italy and had seemed to start a new war, it
was also true that the timid retreat of Vitellius ^
had increased the favourable feeling toward the
Flavian party. The Samnites, Paelignians, and
Marsians were jealous because Campania had antici-
pated them, and eagerly undertook all services
required by war with the enthusiasm that attaches
to every new devotion. Nevertheless, the army had
been greatly exhausted by a severe winter storm
while crossing the Apennines, and when the troops,
though undisturbed by any enemy, found difficulty
in struggling through the snow, the leaders realized
what risks they would have run, had not that
fortune which often served the Flavian commanders
quite as much as wisdom turned Vitellius back. In
the mountains they met Petilius Cerialis, who had
escaped the pickets of Vitellius by disguising him-
self as a peasant and using his knowledge of
the district. Cerialis was closely connected with
Vespasian, and being himself not without reputation
in war, was made one of the commanders.^ Many
have reported that Flavius Sabinus ^ also and Domi-
tian had an opportunity to escape opened to them.
Emissaries of Antonius by various cunning arts made
their way to them and showed them tlje place to
which to flee and the protection that they would
have. Sabinus offered the excuse that bis health

vol.. I. p 429

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

labori et audaciae valetudinem causabatur : Domi-
tiano aderat animus, sed custodes a Vitellio additi,
quamquam se socios fugae promitterent, tamquam
insidiantes timebantur. Atque ipse Vitellius re-
spectu suarum^ necessitudinum nihil in Domitianum
atrox parabat.

LX. Duces partium ut Carsulas venere, paucos ad
requiem dies sumunt, donee aquilae signaque legio-
num adsequerentur. Et locus ipse castrorum place-
bat, late prospectans, tuto copiarum adgestu, floren-
tissimis pone tergam municipiis; simul conloquia
cum Vitellianis decem milium spatio distantibus et
proditio sperabatur. Aegre id pati miles et victoriam
malle quam pacem ; ne suas quidem legiones oppe-
riebantur, ut praedae quam periculorum socias.
Vocatos ad contionem Antonius docuit esse adhuc
Vitellio viris, ambiguas, si deliberarent, acris, si
desperassent. Initia bellorum civilium fortunae
permittenda : victoriam consiliis et ratione perfici.
lam Misenensem classem et pulcherrimam Campaniae
cram descivisse, nee plus e toto terrarum orbe
reliquum Vitellio quam quod inter Tarracinam Nar-
niamque iaceat. Satis gloriae proelio Cremonensi
partum et exitio Cremonae nimium invidiae : ne

^ respectus varus M.

^ Casigliiino, ten Roman miles north of Terni.
" From Verona. Cf. chapter 52.
^ At Narnia (Temi).

43°

BOOK III. ux.-Lx.

was not fitted to stand fatigue or to engage in a
bold enterprise ; Domitian had the courage, but, in
spite of the fact that the guards \ itellius set over
him promised to join him in flight, he feared that
they were planning treachery. And yet Vitellius
himself out of regard for his own relatives, cherished
no cruel purpose against Domitian.

LX. On arriving at Carsulae,^ the leaders of the
Flavian party rested a few days and waited for the
eagles and standards of the legions to come up.'-
They also regarded with favour the actual situation
of their camp, which had a wide outlook, and secured
their supply of stores, because of the prosperous towns
behind them ; and at the same time, as the troops of
Vitellius were only ten miles away,^ they hoped to
have conferences with them and to bring them
over. The soldiers objected to this policy and pre-
ferred a victory to peace ; they were opposed to
waiting even for their own legions, which would share
in the booty as well as the dangers. Antonius
assembled his troops and pointed out that Vitellius
still had an army whose allegiance to him would be
doubtful if the soldiers were given a chance to
deliberate, but which would be dangerous if driven
to despair. " The beginning of civil war," he said,
"is necessarily left to fortune ; but victory is always
secured by strategy and wise counsel. The fleet at
Misenum and the lovely district of Campania have
already deserted Vitellius, and he now has nothing
left out of the whole world but the land that lies
between Tarracina and Narnia. We gained a full
measure of glory in the battle of Cremona, but by
the destruction of Cremona won greater unpopu-
larity than we could wish. Therefore we should

431

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

concupiscerent Romam capere potius quam servare.
Maiora^ illis praemia et multo maximum decus, si
incoluraitatem senatui populoque Romano sine san-
guine quaesissent. His ac talibus mitigati animi.

LXI. Nee multo post legiones venere. Et terrore
famaque aucti exercitus V'itellianae cohortes nuta-
bant, nullo in helium adhortante, multis ad transi-
tionem, qui suas centurias turmasque tradere, donum
victori et sibi in posterum gratiam, certabant. Per
eos cognitum est Interamnam proximis cam pis prae-
sidio quadringentorum equitum teneri. Missus ex-
templo Varus cum expedita manu paucos repugnan-
tium interfecit ; plures abiectis armis veniam petivere.
Quidam in castra refugi cuncta formidine implebant,
augendo rumoribus'^ virtutem copiasque hostium, quo
amissi praesidii dedecus lenirent. Nee ulla apud
Vitellianos flagitii poena, et praemiis defectorum
versa 3 fides ac reliquum perfidiae certamen. Crebra
transfugia tribunorum centurionumque ; nam gre-
garius miles induruerat pro Vitellio, donee Priscus et
Alfenus desertis castris ad Vitellium regressi pudore
proditionis cunctos exsolverent.

LXII. Isdem diebus Fabius Valens Urbini in

^ maior M.

2 augend orum oribus M.

' versa Frehisheiiii : verba M.

' The prefects of the praetorian guards. Cf. chap. 58.
* Cf. chap. 43. » Urbino.

432

BOOK III. Lx.-Lxii.

not long to capture Rome so much as to save it.
You will have greater rewards and the greatest
possible fame if you aim to secure without blood-
shed the safety of the senate and the Roman
people." These arguments and others to the same
effect quieted the soldiers' impatience.

LXI. Not much later the legions arrived at
Carsulae. The terrifying report that the Flavian
army had been reinforced caused the cohorts ot
V'itellius to waver : no officer urged them to fight,
but many to desert, rivalling one another in handing
over their centuries and squadrons as a gift to the
victors and a security for their own reward later.
From them the Flavians learned that Interamna
in the neighbouring plain was defended by four
hundred horse. Varus was despatched at once with
a force in light marching order. He killed a few
of the garrison when they resisted ; the majority
threw down their arms and begged for pardon.
Some, escaping to the main camp, caused utter
consternation there by exaggerated accounts of the
bravery and the numbers of their enemies, which
they gave to mitigate their own disgrace for having
failed to hold their post. With the Vitellians there
was no punishment for cowardice ; those who went
over to the Fl ivians received the rewards of their
treachery ; the only rivalry left was in perfidy.
Among the tribunes and centurions desertions were
frequent ; for the common soldiers had remained
steadfastly loyal to Vitellius until now Priscus and
Alfenus ^ by abandoning the camp and returning to
Vitellius set them all free from any shame of treachery.

LXI I. During these same days Fabius Valens-
was killed at Urbinum,^ where he was under guard.

433

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

custodia interficitur. Caput eius Vitellianis cohorti-
bus ostentatum ne quam ultra spem foverent ; nam
pervasisse in Germanias Valentem et veteres illic
novosque exercitus ciere credebant : visa caede in
desperationem vei'si. Et Flavianus exercitus immane
quantum aucto^ animo exitium Valentis ut finem
belli accepit. Natus erat Valens Anagniae equestri
familia. Procax moribus neque absurdus ingenio ni^
famam urbanitatis per lasciviam peteret. Ludicro
luvenalium ^ sub Nerone velut ex necessitate, mox
sponte mimos actitavit, scite magis quam probe.
Legatus legionis. et fovit Verginium et infamavit ;
Fonteium Capitonem corruptum, seu quia corrumpere
nequiverat, interfecit : Galbae proditor, Vitellio fidus
et aliorum perfidia inlustratus,

LXIII. Abrupta undique spe Vitellianus miles
transiturus in partis, id quoque non sine decore, sed
sub signis vexillisque in subiectos Narniae campos
descendere. Flavianus exercitus, ut ad proelium
intentus ornatusque, densis circa viam ordinibus
adstiterat.* Accepti in medium Vitelliani, et circum-
datos Primus Antonius clementer adloquitur : pars
Narniae, pars Interamnae subsistere^ iussi. Relictae

^ aucto add. Haase. * ni add. Halm.

* luvenalium Lipsitis: iuvenum M.

* adsisterat M. * substitere if,

^ Anagni.

- Cf. A /in. xiv. 15. A festival established by Nero, in
which the youth of the Equestrian order took part.
3 Cf. i. 7 f. * Cf. i. 8.

434

BOOK III. Lxii.-Lxiii.

His head was exhibited to the cohorts of Vitellius
to keep them from cherishinjj any further hope, for
hitherto they had believed that Valens had made
his way to the German pi'ovinces, where he was
settin<? in motion the old forces and enrolling new.
The sight of his head turned them to despair ; and
it was extraordinary with what an enormous in-
crease of courage the execution of Valens inspired
the Flavian troops, who regarded it as the end ot
the war. Valens was born at Anagnia'^ of an
equestrian family. He was a man of loose morals
but not without natural ability, save that he sought
a reputation for wit by buffoonery. At the Festival
of Youtli '^ under Nero he appeared in mimes, at
first apparently under compulsion, but later of his
own free will, acting in a manner more clever than
decent. As a legate of a legion he courted Verginius
and then defamed him.^ He put Fonteius Capito*
to death after corrupting him — or it may have been
because he could not corrupt him. A traitor to
Galba, he was faithful to Vitellius and gained glory
from the perfidy of others.

LXni. Now that every possible hope from any
source was destroyed, the troops of Vitellius were
ready to come over to Vespasian's side ; but they
wished to do it with honour, and so came down
into the plain below Narnia with their ensigns and
standards. The Flavian troops, all equipj)ed and
ready for the battle, were drawn up in close oi'der
along the sides of the road. The Vitellians were
allowed to advance between the Flavian lines ; then
Antonius drew his forces about them and addressed
them in kindly terms. Half of them were ordered
to stay at Narnia, the other half at Intei'amna. At

435

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

simul e victricibus legiones, neque quiescentibus
graves et adversus contumaciam validae. Non omisere
per eos dies Primus ac Varus crebris nuntiis salutem
et pecuniam et secreta Campaniae ofFerre Vitellio, si
positis armis seque ac liberos suos Vespasiano per-
misisset. In eundem modum et Mucianus composuit
epistulas ; quibus plerumque fidere Vitellius ac de
numero servorum^ electione litorum loqul. Tanta
torpedo invaserat animum ut, si principem eum fuisse
ceteri non meminissent, ipse oblivisceretur.

LXIV. At primores civitatis Flavium Sabinuni
praefectum urbis secretis sermonibus incitabant, vic-
toriae famaeque partem capesseret : esse illi proprium
militem cohortium urbanarum, nee defuturas vigilum
cohortis, servitia ipsorum, fortunam parti um, et
omnia prona victoribus : ne Antonio Varoque de
gloria concederet. Paucas Vitellio cohortis et maestis
undique nuntiis trepidas : populi mobilem animum
et, si ducem se praebuisset^ easdem illas adulationes
pro Vespasiano fore ; ipsum Vitellium ne prosperis
quidem parem, adeo ruentibus debilitatum. Gratiam
patrati belli penes eum qui urbem occupasset : id

1 The vigiles acted both as city police and as Hremen.

BOOK III. Lxiii. Lxiv.

the same time some of the victorious legions were
left behind, not to oppress the Vitellians if they
remained quiet, but in sufficient strength to meet
any rebellious movement. During this time An-
toiiius and Varus did not fail to send frequent
messages to Vitellius offering him safety, money,
and a retreat in Campania, provided he would lay
down his arms and give himself and his children
up to Vespasian. Mucianus also wrote to him to
the same effect ; and Vitellius was often inclined to
trust these pro])osals and spoke of the number of
slaves he should take with him and the place he
should choose for his retreat. Such a lethargy had
fallen on his spirit that, but for others remembering
that he had been emperor, he would have forgotten
it himself.

LXIV. On the other hand, the leading citizens
began secretly to urge Flavius Sabinus, the city
prefect, to claim his share of victory and glory.
" You have," they said, " your own military force in
the city cohorts, and the cohorts of the police ^ also
will not fail you, nor will our slaves ; in your favour
are the good fortune of the Flavian party and the
readiness with which all things become easy for the
winning side. Do not yield in glory to Antonius
and Varus. Vitellius has only a few cohorts, and
those are in a panic because of the gloomy news
from every quarter. The people are fickle, and if
you but offer yourself as their leader, they will
bestow the same flattery on Vespasian that they
have bestowed on Vitellius, while Vitellius himself,
unable to bear even success, is still more enfeebled
by disaster. Gratitude for ending the war will
belong to the man who seizes the city. It is for

437

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Sabino convenire ut imperium fratri reservaret, id
Vespasiano ut ceteri post Sabinum haberentur.

LXV. Haudquaquam erecto animo eas voces acci-
piebat, invalidiis senecta ^ ; sed ^ erant qui occultis
suspicionibus incesserent, tamquam invidia^ et aemu-
latione fortunam fratris moraretur. Namque Flavius
Sabinus aetate prior privatis utriusque rebus auctori-
tate pecuniaque Vespasianum anteibat, et credebatur
adfectam eius tidem parce iuvisse^ domo agrisque
pignori acceptis ; unde, quamquam manente in
speciem concordia, offensarum operta metuebantur.
Melior interpretation mitem virum abhorrere a san-
guine et caedibus, eoque crebris cum Vitellio
serraonibus de pace ponendisque per condicionem
armis agitare. Saepe donii congressi, postremo in
aede Apollinis, ut fama fuit^ pepigere. Verba
vocesque duos testis habebant, Cluvium Rufura et
Silium Italicum : vultus procul visentibus notabantur,
Vitellii proiectus et degener, Sabinus non insultans
et miseranti propior.^

LXVI. Quod si tam facile suorum mentis flexisset
Vitellius, quam ipse cesserat, incruentam urbem
Vespasiani exercitus intrasset. Ceterum ut quisque
Vitellio fiduSj ita pacem et condiciones abnuebant,

* Sequuntur in Medicco seu ferebatur lecticula (c. 67) . . .
in Capitolium accivit (c. 69) : verum ordinem restiiuit
Pvfeolanxis.

- sed Haase : seu M.
' invidiae M.

* parce iuvisse Halm : praeiuvisse M.
^ proprior M.

^ Built by AugUbtuB on the Palatine.

* Governor of Spain, Cf. i. 8 ; ii. 58, 65,

' The author of the extant epic Punica.

438

BOOK III. lAIV.-LXVI.

you to guard the imperial power fur your brother,
for Vespasian to put you before all others."

LXV. Sabinus, however, listened to such appeals
without enthusiasm, for he was impaired by old
age. Indeed there were some who attacked him,
covertly insinuating that, prompted by ill-will and
envy, he was inclined to delay his brother's success.
For Sabinus was the elder, and so long as they were
both private citizens, he was superior to Vespasian
in inHuence and fortune ; moreover, there was a
report that once, when Vespasian's credit had been
affected, Sabinus had given him some scanty
assistance and taken a mortgage on his city house
and farms for security. So then, in spite of the
apparent cordial feeling between them, there was
a fear of secret misunderstandings. A kinder
explanation of his hesitation is that he was a gentle
spirit who shrank from blood and slaughter, and
for this reason he discussed many times with Vitellius
the question of peace and of laying down his arms
under terms. They had frequent private interviews ;
finally, as the story went, they came to an agreement
in the temple of Apollo.^ Only two men, Cluvius
Rufus '^ and Silius Italicus,^ actually witnessed their
words and statements ; but those who were at a
distance marked their faces and noted that Vitellius
seemed downcast and humiliated, while Sabinus had
a look of pity rather than of triumph.

LXVI. Now if Vitellius could have persuaded his
followers to withdraw as easily as he brought himself
to do so, Vespasian's army would have entered the
city without bloodshed. But as it was, his most
faithful adherents rejected peace and terms with
their opponents, pointing out that in such a policy

439

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

discrimeii ac dedecus ostentantes et fidem in libidine
victoris. Nee tantam Vespasiano superbiam ut
privatum Vitellium pateretur, ne victos quidem
laturos : ita^ periculum ex misericordia. Ipsura sane
senem^ et prosperis adversisque satiatum, sed quod
nomen, queni statum filio eius Gernianico fore ?
Nunc pecuniam et familiam et beatos Campaniae
sinus proniitti : set ubi imperium Vespasianus in-
vaserit, non ipsi, non amicis eius, non denique
exercitibus securitatem nisi extincto aemulatore
redituram. Fabium illis Valentem, captivum et
casibus dubiis^ reservatum, praegravem fuisse, nedum
Primus ac Fuscus et specimen partium Mucianus
ullam in V^itellium nisi occidendi licentiam habeant.
Non a Caesare Pompeium, non ab Augusto Antonium
incolumis relictos, nisi forte Vespasianus altiores
spiritus gerat, Vitellii cliens, cum Vitellius collega
Claudio foret. Quin, ut censuram patris, ut tres*
consulatuSj ut tot egregiae domus honores deceret,^
desperatione saltern in audaciam^ accingeretur. Per-
stare militem, superesse studia populi ; denique nihil
atrocius eventurum quam in quod sponte ruant.

^ laurosita 31. * sanem M.

' oaptium et captis diebus M. * lit res M.

^ degeret M. * audacia M.

* Neither statement is true.

2 Possibly Vespasian owed sojiiptliing to the influence of
L. Vitellius, the father of Viulliiis, who had been a
colleague of Claudius in the consulship 43 a.d. and in the
censorship 47—51.

440

BOOK III. i.wi.

lay danger and disgrace, and that tliey had only the
victor's caprice as guarantee. " Vespasian has not
self-assurance enough," they said, "to endure
V'itellius as a private citizen, and not even the
defeated party Avill allow it : their pity will be a
source of danger. It is true that you are an old
man yourself, wlio has had his fill of success and
adversity ; but what name and position is your son
(jrermanicus to have? At this moment they promise
you money, slaves, and delightful retreats in
Campania. But when Vespasian has once grasped
the imperial power, neither he nor his friends nor
even his army will feel that thev have any security
unless his rival is destroyed. Fabius Valens, though
a captive, reserved as a hostage for a possible crisis,
has proved too great a burden for his captors.
Will Primus and Fuscus or that leading representa-
tive of their party, Mucianus, have any liberty in
dealing with you e.vcept the liberty of killing.^
Caesar did not leave Pompey unharmed or Augustus
Antony.^ What hope is there now for you, unless
perchance Vespasian has a loftier soul — this Ves-
pasian, who once was a client of a Vitellius, when
a V-'itellius was colleague of Claudius.- No. You
must prove yourself worthy of your father's censor-
ship, of the three consulships,^ and all the honours
belonging to your famous house. In desperation
at least you must gird yourself to bold action.
The soldiers are loyal, the people enthusiastic in
their support. Finally, nothing worse can happen
than that to which we are rushing of our free will.

* L. Vitellius was consul in 43 and 47 a.d. according to
Suet. VitcU. 2 ; the date of his third consulship is unknown.
Cf. i. 52.

441

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Moriendum victis, xnoriendum deditis : id solum
referre, novissimum spiritum per ludibrium el con-
tumelias effundant an per virtutem.

LXVII. Surdae ad fortia consilia Vitellio aures :
obruebatur animus miseratione curaque, ne pertinaci-
bus armis minus placabilem victorem relinqueret
coniugi ac liberis. Enit illi et i'essa aetate parens ;
quae tamen paucis ante diebus opportuna morte
excidium domus praevenit, nihil principatu filii adse-
cuta nisi luctum et bonam famam. XV kalendas
lanuarias audita defectione legion is cohortiumque/
quae se Narniae dediderant, pullo amictu Palatio
degreditur, maesta cireum familia^; ferebatur^ lec-
ticula parvulus filius velut in funebrem pompam :
voces populi blandae et intempestivae, miles minaci
silentio.

LXVIII. Nee quisquam adeo rerum liumanarum
immemorquem non commoveret ilia facies, Romanum
principem et generis humani paulo ante dominum
relicta fortunae suae sede per populum, per urbem
exire de imperio. Nihil tale viderant, nihil audierant.
Repentina vis dictatorem Caesarem oppresserat,
occultae Gaium insidiae, nox et ignotum rus fugam
Neronis absconderant, Piso et Galba tamquam in

^ legiones cohortium quaeque 31. * fainia M.

' seu ferebatur J/, i-ide ad c. 65.

442

BOOK III. LXVl.-LXVIII.

We must die if conquered ; die likewise if we
surrender. The only question is whether we shall
breathe our last breath amid mockery and insults or
in valorous action."

LXV^II. Vitellius's ears wei*e deaf to all sterner
counsels. His mind was overwhelmed by pity
and anxiety for his wife and children, since he
feared that if he made an obstinate struggle, he
might leave the victor less mercifully disposed
toward them. He had also his mother, who was
bowed with years ; but through an opportune death
she antici})ated by a few days the destruction of her
house, having gained nothing from the elevation
of her son to the principate but sorrow and good
repute. On December eighteenth, when Vitellius
heard of the defection of the legion and cohorts
that had given tliemselves up at Narnia, he put
on mourning and came down from his palace,
surrounded by his household in teai's ; his little son
was carried in a litter as if in a funeral procession.
The voices of the people were flattering and
untimely ; the soldiers maintained an ominous
silence.

LXVni. There was no one so indifferent to human
fortunes as not to be moved by this sight. Here
was a Roman emperor who, but yesterday lord of
all mankind, now, abandoning the seat of his high
fortune, was going through the midst of the people
and the heart of the city to give up his imperial
power. Men had never seen or heard the like
before. A sudden violent act had crushed the
dictator Caesar, a secret plot the emperor Gains ;
night and the obscurity of the country had concealed
the flight of Nero ; Piso and Galba had fallen, so

443

THE HISTORIES OF TACT ILS

acie cecidere : in sua contione Vitellius, inter suos
milites, prospectantibus etiam feminis, pauca et
praesenti maestitiae congruentia locntus — cedere se
pacis et rei publicae causa, retinerent tantum
inenioriam sui fratremque et coniufjem et iiinoxiam
liberoruni aetatem miserarentur — simul filiiun pro-
tendens, niodo singulis modo universis commendans,
postremo fletu praepediente adsistenti consuli (Cae-
cilius Simplex erat) exsolutum a latere pugionem,
velut ius necis vitaeque civium, reddebat. Asper-
nante consul e, reclamantibus qui in contione adsti-
terant, ut in aede Concordiae positurus insignia
imperii domumque fratris petiturus discessit. Maior
hie clamor obsistentium penatibus privatis, in Pala-
tium vocantium. Interclusum ^ aliud iter, idque
solum quo^ in sacram viam pergeret patebat : turn
consilii inops in Palatium rediit.

LXIX. Praevenerat rumor eiurari^ ab eo imperium,
scripseratque Flavius Sabinus cohortium tribunis ut
niilitem cohiberent. Igitur tamquam oranis res
publica in Vespasiani sinum cecidisset, primores
senatus et plerique equestris ordinis omnisque miles
urbanus et vigiles domum Flavii Sabini complevere.
llluc de studiis vulgi et minis Germanicarum cohor-
tium adfertur. Longius iam progressus erat quam

1 inter clausum .1/". •* quod M.

^ iurari J/.

1 Cf. ii. 60.

* That is, three cohorts made up of soldiers from the
German arm}'. Cf. ii. 93ff.

444

BOOK III, Lxviii.-Lxix,

to say, on the field of battle. But now Vitellius, in
an assembly called by himself, surrounded by his
own soldiers, while even women looked on, spoke
briefly and in a manner befitting his present sad
estate, saying that he withdrew for the sake of
peace and his country ; he asked the people simply
to remember him and to have pitv on his brother,
his wife, and his innocent young children. As he
spoke, he held out his young son in his ai-ms, com-
mending him now to one or another, again to the
whole assembly; finally, when tears choked his voice,
taking his dagger from his side he offered it to the
consul who stood beside him, as if surrendering his
power of life and death over the citizens. The
consul's name was Caecilius Simplex. ^ When he
refused it and the assembled people cried out in
j)rotest, Vitellius left them with the intention of
depositing the imperial insignia in the Temple of
Concord and after that going to his brother's home.
Thereupon the people with louder cries opposed his
going to a private house, but called him to the
palace. Every other path was blocked against him ;
the only road open was along the Sacred Way,
Then in utter perplexity he returned to the palace.
LXIX. The rumour had already spread abroad
that he was abdicating, and Flavins Sabinus had
written to the tribunes of the cohorts to hold the
troops in check. Therefore, as if the entire state
had fallen into V^espasian's arms, the leading senators,
a majority of the equestrian order, and all the city
guards and watchmen crowded the house of Flavius
Sabinus. W^ord was brought there concerning the
temper of the people and the threats of the German
cohorts ; ^ but by this time Sabinus had already gone

445

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

ut regredi posset ; et suo quisque metu, ne disiectos
eoque minus validos Vitelliani consectarentur, cunc-
tantem in anma impellebant : sed quod in eius modi
rebus accidit, consilium ab omnibus datum est. peri-
culum pauci sumpsere. Circa lacum Fundani de-
scendentibus qui Sabinum comitabantur armatis
occurrunt promptissimi Vitellianorum. Modicum
ibi proelium improviso tumultu, sed prosperum
Vitellianis fuit. Sabinus re trepida, quod tutissimum
e praesentibus, arcem Capitolii insedit mixto milite
et quibusdam senatorum equitumque^ quorum nomina
tradere baud ^ proniptum est, quoniam victore Ves-
pasiano multi id meritum erga ])artis simulavere.
Subierunt obsidium etiam feminae, inter quas
maxime insignis Verulana Gratilla, neque liberos
neque propinquos sed bellum secuta. Vitellianus
miles socordi custodia clausos circumdedit ; eoque
concubia nocte suos liberos Sabinus et Domitianum
fratris filium in Capitolium accivit, misso per ueg-
lecta ad Flavianos duces nuntio qui circumsideri
ipsos et^ ni^ subveniretur, artas res nuntiaret. Noc-
tem adeo quietam egit ut digredi sine noxa potuerit :
quippe miles Vitellii adversus pericula ferox, labori-
bus et vigiliis parum intentus erat, et hibernus
imber repente fusus oculos aurisque impediebat.

^ aut tradere haud M.

* ipsos et ni Pichena : ipsos ae Ini M.

' On the Quirinal.

' The south-western height on the Capitolineis here meant,
on which stood the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.
446

BOOK III. i.xix.

too far to retreat ; and everyone, fearing for himself
lest the Vitellian troops should attack the Flavians
when scattered and therefore weak, urged the
iiesitating prefect to armed action. But, as gener-
ally ha{)pens in such cases, while all gave advice,
few faced danger. As Sabinus and his armed retinue
were coming down by the reservoir of Fundanus,'^
they were met by the most eager of the supporters
of Vitellius. The conflict was of trifling importance,
for the encounter was unforeseen, but it was favour-
able to the Vitellian forces. In his uncertainty
Sabinus chose the easiest course under the circum-
stances and occupied the citadel on the Capitoline^
with a niiscellaneous body of soldiers, and with
some senators and knights, whose names it is not
easy to report, since after Vespasian's victory many
claimed to have rendered this service to his party.
Some women even faced the siege ; the most
prominent among them was Verulana Gratilla, who
was not following children or relatives but was
attracted by the fascination of war. While the
Vitellians besieged Sabinus and his companions
thev kept only a careless watch ; therefore in the
depth of night Sabinus called his own sons and
his nephew Domitian into the Capitol. He suc-
ceeded also in sending a messenger through his
opponents' slack pickets to the Flavian generals to
report that they were besieged and in a difficult
situation unless help came. In fact the night was so
quiet that Sabinus could have escaped himself with-
out danger ; for the soldiers of Vitellius, while ready
to face dangers, had little regard for hard work and
picket duty ; besides a sudden downpour of winter
rain rendered seeing and hearing difficult.

447

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

LXX. Luce prima Sabinus, antequam iii vicem
hostilia coeptarent^ Cornelium Martialem e primipi-
laribus ad Vitelliuin misit cum mandatis et questu
quod pacta turbarentur : simulationem prorsus et
imaginem deponendi imperii fuisse ad decipiendos
tot inlustris viros. Cur enim e rostris fratris domum,
imminentem foro et inritandis hominum oculis, quam
Aventinum et penatis uxoris petisset ? Ita private et
omnem principatus s])eciem vitanti convenisse.^
Contra Vitelliura in Palatium, in ipsam imperii
arcem regressum ; inde armatum agmen emissum,
stratam innocentium caedibus celeberrimam urbis
partem, ne Capitolio quidem abstineri. Togatum
nempe se et unum e senatoribus : dum inter Ves-
pasianum ac V'itellium proeliis legionum, captivitati-
bus^ urbium, deditionibus cohortium iudicatur, iam
Hispaniis Germaniisque et Britannia desciscentibus,
fratrem Vespasiani mansisse in fide, donee ultro ad
condiciones vocaretur. Pacem et concordiam victis
utilia, victoribus tantum pulchra esse. Si con-
ventionis paeniteat, non se, quern ^ perfidia deceperit,
ferro peteret. non filium Vespasiani vix puberem —
quantum occisis uno sene et uno iuvene profici ? — :
iret obviam legionibus et de summa rerum illic
certaret : cetera secundum eventum proelii cessura.
Trepidus ad haec Vitellius pauca purgandi sui causa

* coptemnisse M. ' captivitatus M.

' seque M,

448

BOOK III. Lxx.

LXX. At daybreak, before hostilities could begin
on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a
centurion of the first rank, to Vitellius with orders to
complain that he had broken their agreement. This
was his message : " You have made simply a pretence
and show of abdicating in order to deceive all these
eminent men. For why did you go from the rostra to
your brother's house which overlooks the Forum and
invites men's eyes, rather than to the Aventine and
to your wife's home there ? That was the action
proper to a private citizen who wished to avoid all
the show that attaches to the principate. On the
contrary, you went back to the palace, to the very
citadel of the imperial power. From there an armed
band has issued ; the most crowded part of the city
has been strewn with the bodies of innocent men ;
even the Capitol is not sj>ared. I, Sabinus, am of
course only a civilian and a single senator. So long
as the question between Vespasian and Vitellius was
being adjudged by battles between the legions, by
the capture of cities and the surrender of cohorts,
although the Spains, the Germanies, and Britain fell
away, I, Vespasian's own brother, still remained
faithful to you until I was invited to a conference.
Peace and concord are advantageous to the defeated ;
to the victors they are only glorious. If you regret
your agreement, you should not attack me whom
your treachery has deceived, or Vespasian's son, who
is as yet hardly more than a child. What is the
advantage in killing one old man and one youth ?
You should rather go and face the legions and fight
in the field for the supremacy. Everything else will
follow the issue of the battle." Vitellius was dis-
turbed by these words and made a brief reply to

449

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

respondit, culpani in militem conferens, cuius nimio
ardori ^ imparem esse modestiam suam ; et raonuit
Martialem ut per secretam aedium partem occulte
abiret, ne a^ militibus internuntius invisae paeis
interficeretur : ipse neque iubendi necjue vetandi
potens non iam imperator sed tantum belli causa
erat.

LXXI. Vixdum regresso in Capitol ium Martiale
furens miles aderat, nullo duce, sibi quisque auctoi*.
Cito agmine forum et imminentia foro templa prae-
tervecti erigunt aciem per adversum collem usque ad
primas Capitolinae arcis fores. Erant antiquitus
porticus in latere clivi dextrae subeuntibus, in
quarum tectum egressi saxis tegulisque Vitellianos
obi-uebant. Neque illis manus nisi gladiis armatae,
et arcessere tormenta aut missilia tela longum vide-
batur : faces in prominentem porticum iecere et
sequebantur ignem ambustasque Capitolii fores pene-
trassent, ni Sabinus revulsas undique statuas, decora
maiorum, in i{)so aditu vice muri obiecisset. Turn
diversos Capitolii aditus invadunt iuxta lucum asyli
et qua Tarj)eia rupes centum gradibus aditur. Im-
provisa utraque vis ; propior atque acrior per asylum
ingruebat. Nee sisti poterant scandentes per con-

^ nimio ardori Puteolanus : nimius ardor M,
* a 0711. M.

^ In the saddle between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill,
where, according to tradition, Romuhis had established a
refuge. It is to-day the Piazza del Cainpidoglio.

"^ \t the south-western point of the hill.

BOOK III. nx.-Lxxi.

excuse himself, putting the blame on his soldiers,
with whose excessive ardour, he declared, his own
moderation could not cope. At the same time he
advised Martialis to go away privately through a
secret part of the palace, that the soldiers might not
kill him as the mediator of a peace which they
detested. As for himself, he was powerless to order
or to forbid ; he was no longer emperor, but only a
cause of war.

LXXI, Martialis had hardly returned to the
Capitol when the soldiers arrived in fury. They had
no leader; each directed his own movements.
Rushing through the Forum and past the temples
that rise above it, they advanced in column up the
hill, as far as the first gates of the Capitoline citadel.
There were then some old colonnades on the right as
you go up the slopes ; the defenders came out on the
roofs of these and showered stones and tiles on then-
assailants. The latter had no arms except theirswords,
and they thought that it would cost too much time
to send for artillery and missiles ; consequently they
threw firebrands on a projecting coloiuiade, and then
followed in the path of the flames; they actually
burned the gates of the Capitol and would have
forced their way through, if Sabinus had not torn
down all the statues, memorials to the glory of our
ancestors, and piled them up across the entrance as
a barricade. Then the assailants tried different
approaches to the Capitol, one by the grove of the
asylum ^ and another by the hundred steps that lead
up to the Tarpeian Rock.^ Both attacks were un-
expected ; but the one by the asylum was closer and
more threatening. Moreover, the defenders were
unable to stop those who climbed through neighbour-

451

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

iuncta aediBcia^ quae ut in multa pace in altum edita
solum ^ Capitolii aequabant. Hie ambigitur, ignem
tectis obpugnatores iniecerint, an obsessi, quae
crebrior fama, dum nitentis ac progresses depellunt.^
Inde lapsus ignis in porticus adpositas aedibus ; mox
sustinentes fastigium aquilae vetere ^ ligno traxerunt
flammam alueruntque. Sic Caj)itolium clausis foribus
indefensum et indireptum conflagravit.

LXXII. Id facinus post conditam urbem luctuosis-
simum foedissimumque rei publicae populi Romani
acciditj nullo externo hoste, propitiis, si per mores
nostros liceret^ deis, sedem lovis Optimi * Maximi
auspicate a maioribus pignus imperii conditam, quam
non Porsenna dedita urbe neque Galli capta temerare
potuissent, furore principum excindi. Arserat et
ante Capitolium civili bello, sed fraude privata : nunc
palam obsessum, palam incensum, quibus armorum
causis ? Quo tantae cladis pretio ? Stetit dum ^ pro
patria bellavimus. Voverat Tarquinius Priscus rex
bello Sabino, ieceratque fundamenta spe magis
futurae magnitudinis quam quo modicae adhuc populi
Romani res sufficerent. Mox Servius TuUius socio-

^ sonum M.

• fama . . . depellunt Heraeus : famam . . . depulerint M.

^ vertere M. * optimum M. * dum add. Ilaase.

^ Apparently supports, shaped in the form of eagles.

2 507 B.C. » 387 B.C.

* During the struggle between Marius and Sulla, 83 b.c.

452

BOOK 111. Lxxi. i.wii.

ing houses, which, built high in time of peace, reached
the level of the Capitol. It is a question here
whether it was the besiegers or the besieged who
threw fire on the roofs. Ihe more common tradition
says this was done by the latter in tlieir attempts to
repel their assailants, who were climbing up or had
reached the top. From the houses the fire spread
to the colonnades adjoining the temple ; then the
" eagles " which supported the roof, being of old
wood, caught and fed the flames.^ So the Capitol
burned with its doors closed ; none defended it,
none pillaged it.

LXXII. This was the saddest and most shameful
crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since
its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe ; the gods
were ready to be j)ropitious if our characters had
allowed ; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors
as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when
the city gave itself up to him,^ nor the Gauls when
they captured it,^ could violate — this was the shrine
that the mad fury of emperors destroyed ! The
Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war,*
but the crime was that of private individuals. Now
it was openly besieged, openly burned — and what
were the causes that led to arms.'' What was the
price paid for this great disaster? This temple
stood intact so long as we fought for our country.
King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with
the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to
match his hope of future greatness than in accordance
with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still
moderate, could supply. Later the building was
begun by Servius TuUius with the enthusiastic help

453

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

rum studio, dein Tarquinius Superbus capta Suessa
Pometia hostium spoliis exstiuxere. Sed gloria
operis libertati reservata : pulsis regibus Horatius
Pulvillus iterum consul dedicavit ea niagnificentia
quam immensae postea populi llomani opes ornarent
potius quam augerent. Isdem rursus vestigiis situni
est, postquam interiecto quadringentorum quindecim
annorum spatio L. Scipione C. Norbano consulibus^
flagraverat. Curam victor Sulla suscepit, neque
tamen dedicavit: hoc solum felicitati eius negatum.
Lutatii Catuli nomen inter tanta - Caesarum opera
usque ad Vitellium mansit. Ea tunc aedes crema-
batur.

LXXIII. Sed plus pavoris obsessis quam obsessori-
bus intulit. Quippe V'itellianus miles neque astu
neque constantia inter dubia indigebat : ex diverse
trepidi milites, dux segnis et velut captus animi non
lingua, non auribus competere, neque alienis consiliis
regi neque sua expedire, hue ilhic clamoribus hostium
circumagi, quae iusserat vetare, quae vetuerat iubere :
mox, quod in perditis rebus accidit, omnes praecipere,
nemo exsequi ; postremo abiectis armis fugam et
fallendi artis circumspectabant. Inrumpunt Vitelliani
et cuncta sanguine ferro flammisque miscent. Fauci

^ iiorbanacos J/. ' ta .'/.

* On the histoi-y of the Capitol, see Livy, Book I. 38.
">3. 55.

' Actually 425 years.

3 As Sulla himself said. Pliny, K U. vii. 138.

* Who dedicated the new temple in 69 B.C. Although
Augustus spent j^reat sums on the decoration of the Capitol,
he did not displace the inscription containing the name o1
Catulns.

454

BOOK III. Lxxii.-i.xxiii.

of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by
Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils takeii from the
t'uemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the
glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty :
after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus
in his second consulship dedicated it ; and its
juagnificence was such that the enormous wealth
of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned
rather than increased its splendour. '^ The temple
was built again on the same spot when after an
interval of i'our hundred and fifteen years it had been
burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius
Norbanus." The victorious Sulla undertook the
work, but still he did not dedicate it ; that was the
only thing that his good fortune was refused.^
Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the
name of Lutatius Catulus* kept its place down to
Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was
burned.

LXXIIl. However, the fire terrified the besieged
more than the besiegers, for the Vitellian troops
lacked neither skill nor courage in the midst of
danger. But on the opposing side, the soldiers
were frightened, the commander, as if stricken,
could neither speak nor hear ; he would not be
guided by others' advice or plan for himself; swayed
this way and that by the enemies' shouts, he forbade
what he had just ordered, ordered what he had just
forbidden. Presently, as happens in time of despera-
tion, all gave commands, none obeyed them ; finally
they threw away their arms and began to look about
for an opportunity to flee and a way to hide from
their foes. The Vitellians broke in and wrought utter
carnage with fire and sword. A few experienced

455

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

militariuiii viroriirn, inter quos maxime insignes
Cornelius Martialis, Aemilius Pacensis^ Casperius
Niger, Didius vScaeva, pugnam ausi obtruncantur.
Flavium Sabinum inei*mem neque fugam coeptantem
circumsistunt, et Quintium Atticum eonsulem, umbra
honoris et suamet vanitate monstratum, quod edicta
in populum })ro Vespasiano magnifica, probrosa
adversus Vitellium iecerat. Ceteri per varies casus
elapsi, quidani servili habitu, alii fide elientium pro-
tect!^ et inter sarcinas abditi. Fuere qui excepto
Vitellianorum signo, quo inter se noscebantur, ultro
rogitantes respondentesve audaciam pro latebra
haberent.

LXXIV. Domitianus prima inruptione apud aedi-
tuum occultatus, sollertia liberti lineo amictu turbae
sacricolarum imniixtus ignoratusque, apud Cornelium
Primura paternum clientem iuxta Velabrum delituit.
Ac potiente rerum patre, disiecto aeditui contubernio,
modicum sacellum lovi Conservator! aramque posuit
casus suos in marmore expressam ; mox imperium
adeptus lovi Custodi templum ingens seque in sinu
dei sacravit. Sabinus et Atticus onerati catenis et
ad Vitellium ducti nequaquam infesto sermone

^ protecti Niiyperdey : contecti M.

* One of the consuls for November and December.

* There was a shrine of the Egj'ptian goddess Isis on the
Capitol.

456

BOOK 111. i.xxni.-rxxTv.

soldiers, among whom Cornelius Martialis, Aerailius
Pacensis, Casperius Niger, and Didius Scaeva were
the most distinguished, dared to fight and were
killed. Flavius Sabinus, who was unarmed and did
not attempt to flee, the Vitellians surrounded ; they
likewise took Quintus Atticus, the consul.^ He was
marked out by his empty title and his own folly, for
he had issued proclamations to the peo})le, in which
he had spoken in eulogistic terms of Vespasian, but
had insulted Vitellius. The rest of the defenders
escaped in a variety of ways, some dressed as slaves,
others protected by their faithful clients and hidden
among the baggage ; there were some who caught
the password by which the Vitellians recognised one
another, and tlien, taking the lead in asking it or
giving it on demand, found a refuge in audacity.

LXXIV. Domitian was concealed in the lodging
of a temple attendant when the assailants broke into
the citadel ; then through the cleverness of a freed-
man he was dressed in a linen robe and so was
able to join the crowd of devotees^ without being
recognized and to escape to the house of Cornelius
Primus, one of his father's clients, near the Velabrum,
where he remained in concealment. When his
father came to power, Domitian tore down the
lodging of the temple attendant and built a small
chapel to Jupiter the Preserver with an altar on
which his escape was represented in a marble relief
Later, when he had himself gained the imperial
throne, he dedicated a great temple to Jupiter the
Guardian, with his own effigy in the lap of the god.
Sabinus and Atticus were loaded with chains and
taken before Vitellius, who received them with no
angry word or look, although the crowd cried out

VOL. I. o 457

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

vultuque excipiuntur, frementibus qui ins caedis et
praemia navatae ^ operae petebant. Clamore a^
proximis orto sordida pars plebis supplicium Sabini
exposcitj minas adulationesque miscet. Stan tern pro
gradibus Palatii Vitellium et preces parantem per-
vicere ut absisteret : turn confossum conlaceratumque
et absciso capita truncum corpus Sabini in Gemonias
trahunt.

I<XXV. Hie exitus viri haud sane spernendi.
Quinquc et triginta stipendia in re publica fecerat,
domi militiaeque clarus. Innocentiam iustitiamque
eius non argueres ; sermonis nimius erat : id unum
septem annis quibus Moesiam, duodecim quibus
praefecturam urbis obtinuit, calumniatus est rumor.
In fine vitae alii segnem, multi moderatum et
civium sanguinis parcum credidere. Quod inter
omnis constiterit^ ante principatum Vespasiani decus
domus penes Sabinum erat, Caedem eius lactam
fuisse Muciano accepimus. Ferebant plerique etiam
paci consultum dirempta^ aemulatione inter duos,
quorum alter se fratrem imperatorls, alter consortem
imperii cogitaret. Sed Vitellius consulis supplicium
poscenti populo restitit, placatus ac velut vicem
reddens, quod interrogantibus quis Capitolium in-

^ enovatae M. ^ a orn. M. ' direpta M.

' A flight of steps leading from the Capitol to the Forum,
on which the bodies of executed criminals were exposed.

458

BOOK III. LXXIV.-LXXV.

in rage, asking for the right to kill them and
demanding rewards for accomplishing this task.
Those who stood nearest were the first to raise these
cries, and then the lowest plebeians with mingled
flattery and threats began to demand the punishment
of Sabinus. Vitellius stood on the steps of the
palace and was about to appeal to them, when thev
forced him to withdraw. Then they ran Sabinus
through, mutilated him, and cut off his head, after
which they dragged his headless body to the
Gemonian stairs,^

LXXV. Thus died a man who was far from being
despicable. He had served the state for thirty-five
years, winning distinction in both civil and military
life. His upright character and justice were above
criticism ; but he talked too easily. This was the
only thing that mischievous gossip could say against
him in the seven years during which he governed
Moesia or in the twelve years while he was prefect
of the city. At the end of his life some thought
that he lacked energy, many believed him moderate
and desirous of sparing the blood of his fellow-
citizens. In any case all agree that up to the time
that Vespasian became emperor the reputation of
the house depended on Sabinus. According to
report his dcMth gave Mucianus pleasure. Most men
felt that his death was in the interests of peace also,
for it disposed of the rivalry between the two men,
one of whom thought of himself as the brother of the
emperor, the other as a partner in the imperial
power. But Vitellius resisted the people when they
demanded the punishment of the consul, since he felt
kindly toward Atticus, and wished, as it were, to
repay him ; for when people asked who had set fire

459

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

cendisset^se reum Atticus obtulerat eaque confessione,
sive aptum tempori^ mendacium fuit, invidiam cri-
menque agnovisse et a partibus Vitellii amolitus
videbatur.

LXXVI, Isdem diebus L. Vitellius positis apud
Feroniam castris excidio Tarracinae imminebat,
clausis illic gladiatoribus remigibusque, qui non
egredi moenia nteque periculum in aperto audebant.
Praeeratj ut supra meinoravimus, lulianus gladia-
toribus, Apollinaris remigibuSj lascivia socordiaque
gladiatorum magis quam ducum similes. Non
vigilias agere, non intiita moenium firmare : noctu
dieque fluxi et amoena litorum personantes, in
ministerium luxus dispersis militibus, de belle tantum
inter convivia loquebantur. Paucos ante dies dis-
cesserat Apinius Tiro donisque ac pecuniis acerbe
per miinicipia conquirendis plus invidiae quam virium
partibus addebat.

LXXV^II. Interim ad L. \^itel]ium servus Verginii-
Capitonis perfugit pollicitusque, si praesidium acci-
peret, vacuam arcem traditurum, multa nocte
cohortis expeditas summis niontium iugis super caput
hostium sistit : inde miles ad caedem magis quam
ad pugnam decurrit. Sternunt inermos aut arma
capientis et quosdam somno excitos, cum tenebris,

^ temporis M. * Verginii Puteolanus : vergilii M.

' Three miles from Tarraciua. * Cf. chao 67

460

BOOK 111. Lxxv.-L.wvu.

to the Capitol, Atticus had assumed the guilt, and
by this contession — or possibly it was a falsehood to
meet the situation — seemed to have accepted the
odium of the crime and to have freed the party of
Vitellius.

LXXVI. During these same days Lucius Vitellius,
who had pitched camp at Feronia,^ threatened to
destroy Tarracina, where he had shut up the
gladiators and seamen, who did not dare to leave
their walls or to run any risks in open ground. As
1 have stated above,^ Julianus commanded the
gladiators, Apollinaris the crews, but the profligate
habits and lazy characters of both these made them
seem more like gladiators than leaders. No watch
was kept ; no effort made to strengthen the weak
parts of the walls. Day and night they wandered
about, making the pleasant parts of the shore echo
with the noise of their festivals ; their soldiers were
scattered to seek materials for their pleasures, while
the leaders talked of war only at their dinners. A
few days earlier Apinius Tiro had left Tarracina, and
now was gaining more unpopularity than strength
for his cause by the harsh way in which he collected
gifts and money in the tov/ns.

LXXVII. In the meantime a slave of Verginius
Caj)ito escaped to Lucius Vitellius and promised that
if he could have a force, he would hand over the
citadel, which was empty. Accordingly, late at
night he guided some light cohorts and got them on
the heights above their foes; from this position
they poured down to massacre rather than to fight.
They slew their opponents, some unarmed, others
just taking their arms, and some just roused from
bletp, while all were confused by the darkness, the

461

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

pavore, sonitu tubarum, clamore liostili turbarentur.
Pauci gladiatorum resistentes neque inulti cecidere :
ceteri ad navis ruebant, ubi cuncta pari formidine
implicabantur, f)ermixtis paganis, quos nullo dis-
crimine Vitelliani trucidabant. Sex Liburnicae intex'
primum tumultum evasere, in quis praefectus
classis Apollinaris; reliquae^ in litore captae, aut^
nimio ruentium onere pressas mare hausit. lulianus
ad L. Vitellium perductus et verberibus foedatus in
ore eius iugulatur. Fuere qui uxorem L. Vitellii
Triariam incesserent, tamquam gladio militari cincta^
inter luctum cladisque expugnatae Tarracinae
superbe saeveque egisset. Ipse lauream gestae
prospere rei ad fratrera misit, percontatus statim
regredi se an perdomundae Campaniae insistere
iuberet. Quod salutare non modo partibus Ves-
pasiani, sed rei pubbcae fuit. Nam si recens
victoria miles et super insitam pervieaciam secundis
ferox Romam contendissetj baud parva mole certatum
nee sine exitio urbis foret. Quippe L, Vitellio
quamvis infami inerat industria, nee virtutibus, ut
boni^ sed quo modo pessmus quisque, vitiis valebat.
LXXVIII. Dum haec in partibus V^itellii gerun-
tuT, digressus Narnia Vespasiani exercitus festos *
Saturni dies Ocriculi per otium agitabat. Causa

' reliquas M. * ut M.

^ ciuctain M. * festo M.

1 Cf. chaps. 63 and 64 above.
- Tacitus here resumes from chap. 63.
3 Dec. 17-23. * OtricoU.

462

BOOK 111. i.x\vii.-L.\.\viu.

terror, the sound of the trumpets, and the shouts of
their enemies. A few of the gladiators resisted and
fell not without vengeance on their foes. The rest
rushed to the ships ; but there an equal panic caused
utter confusion, for the Vitellians slew without
distinction the townspeople who joined the soldiers
in their flight. Six Liburnian galleys escaped at
the first alarm with Apollinaris the prefect of the
fleet on board ; the rest of the ships were captured
at the shore, or else were swamped by the excessive
weight of those who rushed on board. Julianus was
taken before Lucius Vitellius, flogged, and slain
before his eyes. Some accused Triaria,^ wife of
Lucius Vitellius, with girding on a soldier's sword
and behaving haughtily and cruelly in the horrible
massacre that followed the capture of Tarracina.
Vitellius himself sent laurels to his brother to
announce his success, and at the same time asked
whether he directed him to return or to press on to
the conquest of Campania. The consequent delay
helped not only Vespasian's party but the state, for
if the troops had hurried to Rome while fresh from
their victory and with their natural stubbornness
confirmed by their pride over their success, the
struggle which would have ensued could not have
been slight, and indeed would have destroyed the
city. For all his infamous nature, Lucius Vitellius
possessed industry, and drew strength not like good
men from their virtues, but like the basest from his

vices. .

LXXVIIL While these things were happening on
the side of Vitellius,'^ Vespasian's forces left Narnia
and quietly celebrated the Saturnalia ^ at Ocriculum.*
The excuse given for such unseemly delay was that

463

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

tarn pravae morae ut Mucianum opperirentur. Nee
defuere qui Antonium suspicionibus arguerent
tamquam dolo cunctantem post secretas Vitellii
epistulas, quibus consulatum et nubilem filiam et
dotalis opes pretium proditionis ofFerebat. Alii ficta
haec et in gratiam Muciani composita; quidam
omnium id ducum consilium fuisse, ostentare potius
urbi bellum quam inferre, quando validissimae
cohortes a Viteilio descivissent, et abscisis omnibus
praesidiis cessurus imperio videbatur: sed cuncta
festinatione, deinde ignavia Sai>ini corrupta^ qui
sumptis temere armis munitissimam Capitolii arcem
et ne magnis quidem exercitibus expugnabilem
adversus tris cohortis tueri nequivisset. Haud facile
quis uni adsignaverit culpam quae omnium fuit. Nam
et Mucianus ambiguis epislulis victores morabatui',
et Antonius praepostero obsequio, vel dum regerit^
invidiam, crimen meruit ; ceterique duces dum
peractum bellum putant, finem eius insignivere. Ne
Petilius quidem Cerialis, cum mille equitibus prae-
niissus, ut transversis itineribus per agrum Sabinum
Salaria via urbem introiret satis maturaverat, donee
obsessi Capitolii fama cunctos simul exciret.

LXXIX. Antonius per Flaminiam ad saxa rubra

* regcrit Fichena : regeret M.

^ Apparently Tacitus here refers to the sad results of the
inaction on the part of tlie Flavian leaders — the burning of
the Capitol, the murder of Sahinus, etc.

^ About six miles north of Rome.

464

BOOK III. Lx.wiii.-Lxxix.

they were waiting for Miicianus. There were also
some who suspected Antonius, alleging that a
treasonable purpose made him delay, after he had
secretly received letters from Vitellius offering him
a consulship, the hand of his daughter, and a great
dowry as rewards for treachery on his part. Others,
however, regarded these tales as sheer inventions
devised for the advantage of Mucianus ; some held
that all the leaders proposed to threaten Rome with
war rather than make war on her, since the strongest
cohorts had already abandoned Vitellius, and it
seemed probable that if all his resources were cut
off, he would give up the iinjierial power. " But all
plans," they said, " had been spoiled first by the
haste of Sabinus and then by his weakness ; for he
had rashly taken up arms, and later had been unable
to defend against even three cohorts the citadel of
the Capitoline, which, with its strong fortifications,
could have resisted the attacks of even great armies."
But it would not be easy to fix on any individual the
fault that was common to all. Mucianus held back
the victors by ambiguous letters, while Antonius, by
his untimely compliance or in his efforts to shift the
blame to him, rendered himself culpable, and the
rest of the commanders, by assuming that the war
was over, made its close notorious.^ Not even
Petilius Cerialis, who had been sent on in advance
with a thousand horse under orders to proceed by
the roads across the Sabine country and to enter
Rome by the Salarian Way, advanced with proper
speed until the report that the Capitol was besieged
spurred all to action at the same time.

LXXIX. Antonius, advancing along the Flaminian
Road, reached Rubra Saxa^ late at night; but the

465

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

multo iam noctis serum auxilium venit. Illic inter-
fectum Sabinum, conflagrasse Capitol ium, tremere
urbem, maesta omnia accepit; plebem quoque et
servitia pro Vitellio armari nuntiabatur. Et Petilio
Ceriali equestre proelium adversum fiierat ; namque
incautum et tamquam ad victos ruentem Vitelliani,
interiectus equiti pedes, excepere. Pugnatum haud
procul urbe inter aedificia hortosque et anfractus
viarum, quae gnara Vitellianis, incomperta bostibus
metum fecerant. Neque omnis eques concors,
adiunctis quibusdam, qui nuper apud Narniam d^diti
fortunam partium speculabantur. Capitur praefectus
alae lulius^ Flavianus ; ceteri foeda luga consternan-
tur. non ultra Fidenas secutis victoribus.

LXXX. Eo successu studia populi aucta ; vulgus
url)anum arma cepit. Paueis scuta militaria. plures
raptis^ quod cuique obvium teUs signum pugnae
exposcunt. Agit grates Vitellius et ad tuendam
urbem prorumpere iubet. Mox vocato senatu de-
liguntur legati ad exercitus ut praetexto rei publicae
concordiam pacemque suaderent. Varia legatorum
sors fuit. Qui Pelilio CeriaH occurrerant extremum
discrimen adiere, aspernante milite condiciones pacis.

* lulius Agricola : tuliuB M. ' rapti M.

466

BOOK 111. LX.VIX.-LXXX.

assistance he brought was not in time. At Rubra
Saxa he heard only the sad news that Sabinus had
been killed, the Capitol burned, that the city was
in a panic ; it was further reported that the common
people even and the slaves were arming to support
Vitellius. Moreover, the horsemen of Petilius
Cerialis had been worsted in an engagement, for
when he advanced carelessly and in haste, as if
he were proceeding against a defeated foe, the
Vitellians met him with a force in which foot and
horse were ranged together. The battle took place
not far from the city among buildings and gardens
and winding streets, which were familiar to the
Vitellians but strange to their opponents, who were
consequently frightened. Moreover, not all of
Cerialis's horsemen had the same sentiments, for
some had been assigned to his troop who had lately
surrendered at Narnia and who consequently were
watching the fortunes of the two parties. Julius
Flavianus, prefect of a squadron, was captured ; all
the rest fled in shameful flight, but tlie victors did
not pursue them beyond Fidenae.

LXXX. This success increased the enthusiasm of
the people. The populace at Rome took up arms.
A few had shields ; the majority hastily seized
whatever weapons came to hand and demanded
the signal for battle. Vitellius thanked them and
ordered them to sally forth to defend the city.
Later the senate was convened and selected repre-
sentatives to go to the armies and to persuade
them in the interests of the state to agree on
peace. The fortunes of these envoys varied. Those
who met Petilius Cerialis ran the greatest dangers,
for his soldiers scorned all terms of peace. They

467

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Vulneratur praetor Arulenus Rusticus : auxit invi-
diam super violatum legati praetorisque nomen
propria dignatio viri. Pulsautur^ comites, occiditur
proximus lictor. dimovere turbani aiisus : et ni dato
a duce praesidio delensi forent, sacrum etiam inter ^
exteras gentis legatorum ius ante ipsa patriae
moenia eivilis rabies usque in exitium temerasset.
Aequioribus animis accepti sunt qui ad Antonium
venerant, non quia modestior miles, sed duci plus
auctoritatis.

LXXXI. Miscuerat se legatis Musonius Rufus
equestris ordinis, studium philosophi-ie et placita
Stoicorum aemulatus ; coeptabatque permixtus mani-
pulis, bona pacis ac belli discrimina disserenSjarniatos
monere. Id plerisque ludibrio, pluribus taedio : nee
deerantqui propellerent proculcarentque, ni admonitu
modestissimi cuiusque et aliis minitantibus omisisset
intempestivam sapientiam. Obviae fuere et virgines
Vestales cum epistulis Vitellii ad Antonium scriptis :
eximi supremo certamini ^ unum diem postulabat : si
raoram intei-iecissent, facilius omnia conventura.
Virgines cum honore dimissae ; Vitellio rescriptum

' pulsautur Kiessling : palantur M.
^ in M. ' certamine M.

* A prominent Stoic who was put to death by Domitian in

94 A.D.

* The teacher of Epictetus. His complete works have
been lost, but large parts exist in quotations by other
writers.

46S

BOOK III. LXXX.-LXXXI.

actually wounded the praetor Arulenus Rusticus.^
His high personal character increased the indigna-
tion naturally felt at this violence done an envoy
and this insult inflicted on a praetor. His atten-
dants were driven off; the lictor nearest him was
killed when he dared to try to make a way through
the crowd ; and in fact if Cerialis had not given
the envoys a guard to protect them, the persons
of ambassadors, whose sanctity is respected even
among foreign nations, would have been violated
in the madness of civil strife, and the envoys killed
before the very walls of their native city. A fairer
hearing was given the delegates who went to
Antonius, not because his soldiers were less violent,
but because the general had more authority.

LXXXI. Musonius Rufus^ had joined these dele-
gates. He was a member of the equestrian order,
a man devoted to the study of philosophy and in
particular to the Stoic doctrine. Making his way
among the companies, he began to warn those in
arms, discoursing on the blessings of peace and the
dangers of war. Many were moved to ridicule by
his words, more were bored ; and there were some
ready to jostle him about and to trample on him,
if he had not listened to the warnings of the quieter
soldiers and the threats of others and given up
his untimely moralizing. The troops were also met
by Vestals who brought letters from Vitellius to
Antonius. V^itellius asked that the decisive conflict
be put off for one day only, and urged that if
they only delayed, they could come more easily to
a complete agreement. The Vestals were sent back
with honour ; the reply to Vitellius was that by
killing Sabinus and burning tlie Capitol he had

469

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

Sabini caede et incendio Capitolii dirempta^ belli
commercia.

LXXXII. Temptavit tamen Antonius vocatas ad
contionem legiones mitigare, ut castris iuxta pontem
Mulvium positis postera die urbem ingrederentur.
Ratio cunctandi, ne asperatus proelio miles non
populo, non senatui, ne templis quidem ac delubris
deorum consuleret. Sed omnem prolationem ut
inimicam victoriae suspectabant ; simul fulgentia per
collis vexilla, quamquam imbellis populus sequeretur,
speciem hostilis exercitus fecerant. Tripertito ag
mine pars, ut adstiterat,^ Flaminia via, pais iuxta
ripam Tiberis incessit ; tertium agmen per Salariam
Collinae portae propinquabat. Plebs invectis equiti-
bus fusa ; miles Vitellianus trinis et ipse praesidiis
occurrit. Proelia ante urbem multa et varia, sed
Flavianis consilio ducum praestautibus saepius
prospera. li tantum conflictati sunt qui in partem
sinistram urbis ad Sallustianos hortos per angusta
et lubrica viarum flexerant. Superstantes maceriis
hortorum Vitelliani ad serum usque diem saxis
pilisque subeuntis arcebant, doiiec ab equitibus, qui
porta Collina inruperant, circumvenirentur. Con-
currere et in campo Martio infestae acies. Pro
Flavianis^ fortuna et parta totiens victoria : Vitelliani

' flirepta M. ^ adsisterat M. ^ prosluvianus M.

' TheLudovisi quarter, in the north part of the city.
* Over the Salarian Way.

470

BOOK III. LXXXI.-LXXXII.

made all communication between the two sides
impossible.

LXXXII. None the less, Antonius assembled his
legions and tried to calm and ])ersuade them to
camp by the Mulvian bridge and enter the city
the next day. He desired this delay, for he feared
that his troops, exasperated by battle, might have
no regard for the people, the senate, or even for
the temples and shrines of the gods. But his men
suspected every delay as inimical to their victory ;
at the same time the standards which gleamed
among the hills, although followed by an unarmed
crowd, had presented the appearance of a hostile
army. The Flavian forces advanced in three
columns : part continued in their course along the
Flaminian Way, part along the bank of the Tiber ;
the third column approached the Colline gate by the
Salarian Way. The mass of civilians was dispersed
by a cavalry charge ; but the troops of Vitellius also
advanced in three columns to defend the city.
There were many engagements before the walls
with varied results, yet the Flavian forces, being
more ably led, were more often successful. The
only troops that met with sei'ious trouble were those
who had moved through narrow and slippery streets
toward the left quarter of the city and the gardens
of Sallust.^ The Vitellian forces, climbing on top
of the walls that surrounded the gardens, blocked
their opponents' approach with a shower of stones
and javelins until late in the day, when they were
finally surrounded by the cavalry that had broken in
through the Colline gate.^ The hostile forces met
also in the Campus Martius. The Flavians had
good fortune and many victories on their side ; the

471

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

desperatione sola ruebant, et quamquam pulsi, rursus
in urbe congregabantur.

LXXXIII. Aderat pugnantibus spectator populus,
utque in ludicro certamine, hos, rursus illos clamore
et plausu fovebat. Quotiens pars altera inclinasset,
abditos in tabernis aut si quam in domum perfu-
gerant, erui iugularique expostulantes parte maiore
praedae potiebantur : nam milite ad sanguinem et
caedis obverso spolia in vulgus cedebant. Saeva ac
deformis m*be tota fades : alibi ^ proelia et vulnera,
alibi balineae popinaeque ; simul cruor et strues
corporunij iuxta scorta et scortis similes ; quantum
in luxurioso otio libidinum, quidquid in acerbissima
captivitate scelerum, prorsus ut eandem civitatem et
furere crederes et lascivire. Conliixerant et- ante
armati exercitus in urbe, bis Lucio Sulla, semel
Cinna victoribus, nee tunc minus crudelitatis : nunc
inhumana securitas et ne miiiimo quidem temporis
voluptates intermissae : velut testis diebus id quoque
gaudium accederet, exultabant, fruebantur, nulla
partium cura, malis publicis laeti.

LXXXIV. Plurimum molis in obpugnatione castro-
rum fuit, quae acerrimus quisque ut novissimam
spem retinebant. Eo intentius victores, praecipuo
^ alii M. 2 et ^^ Ri'ter.

» In 88, 87, and 82 B.C.
472

BOOK III. LXXXIU.-LXXXIV.

V' itellians rushed forward, prompted only by despair,
and even though beaten, they kept forming again
within the city.

LXXXlll. Tlie populace stood by watching the
combatants, as if they were at games in the circus ;
by their sliouts and applause they encouraged first
one party and then the other. If one side gave
way and the soldiers hid in shops or souglit refuge
in some private house, the onlookers demanded that
they be dragged out and killed ; for so they gained
a larger share of booty, since the troops were wholly
absorbed in their bloody work of slaughter, while
the spoils fell to the rabble. Horrible and hideous
sights were to be seen everywhere in the city : here
battles and wounds, there open batiis and drinking
shops ; blood and piles of corpses, side by side with
harlots and the compeers of harlots. There were all
the debauchery and passion that obtain in a dissolute
peace, every crime that can be committed in the
most savage conquest, so that men migiit well have
believed that the city was at once mad with rage
and drunk with pleasure. It is true that armed
forces had fought before this in the city, twice
when Lucius Sulla gained his victories and once
when Cinna won.^ There was no less cruelty then
than now ; but now men showed inhuman indifference
and never relaxed their pleasures for a single
moment. As if this were a new delight added to
their holidays, they gave way to exultation and joy,
wholly indifferent to either side, finding pleasure in
public misfortune.

LXXXIV. The greatest difficulty was met in
taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest
soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance

473

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

veterum cohortium studio, cuncta validissimarum
urbium excidiis reperta simul admoventj testudinem
tormenta aggeres facesque, quidquid tot proeliis
laboris ac periculi hausissent, opere illo consummari
clamitantcs. Urbem senatui ac populo Romano,
templa dis reddita : proprium esse militis decus in
castris : illam patriam, illos penatis. Ni statim
recipiantur, noctem in armis agendani. Contra
Vitelliani, quamquani numero fatoque dispares,
inquietare victoriam, morari pacem, domos arasque
cruore foedare suprema victis solacia amplectebantur.
Multi semianimes super turris et propugnacula
moenium expiravere : convidsis portis reliquus globus
obtulit se victoribus, et cecidere omnes contrariis
vuhieribus, versi in hostem : ea cura etiam mori-
entibus decori exitus fuit.

Vitellius capta urbe per aversam Palatii partem
Aventinum in domum uxoris sellula defertur, ut si
diem latebra vitavisset, Tarracinam ad cohortis
fratremque perfugeret. Dein niobilitate ingenii et,
quae natura pavoris est, cum omnia metuenti prae-
sentia maxima displicerent, in Palatium regreditur

* Cf. the note on ciiap. 27 above,
474

BOOK III. Lxxxiv.

made the victors only the more eager, the old
praetorian cohorts being especially determined.
They employed at the same time every device that
had ever been invented for the destruction of the
strongest cities — the "tortoise,"^ artillery, earth-
vvforks, and firebrands — shouting that all the labour
and danger that they had suffered in all their
battles would be crowned by this achievement.
" We have given back the city to the senate and
the Roman people," they cried ; " we have restored
the temples to the gods. The soldier's glory is in
his camp : that is his native city, that his penates.
If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend
the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians,
unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune,
by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and
to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood,
embraced tiie last solace left to the conquered.
Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the
towers and battlements ; when the gates were
broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed
the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow,
dying with faces to the foe ; so anxious were they,
even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious
end.

On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried
on a chair through the rear of the palace to his
wife's house on the Aventine, so that, in case he
succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the
day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts
at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very
nature of texTor, which makes the present situation
always seem the worst to one who is fearful of
everything, drew him back to the palace. This he

475

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS .

vastum desertumque, dilapsis etiam infimis servi-
tiorum aut occursura eius declinantibus. Terret
solitudo et tacentes loci ; temptat clausa, inhorrescit
vacuis : fessusque misero errore et pudenda latebra
seraet occultans ab lulio Placido tribune cohortis
protrahitur. Vinctae pone tergum manus ; laniata
veste, foedum spectaculum, ducebatur, multis incre-
pantibus, nullo inlacriniante : defonnitas exitus
misericordiam abstulerat. Obvius e Germanicis
militibus Vitellium infesto ictu per iram, vel quo
maturius ludibrio exinieret, an tribunum adpetierit,
in incerto fuit : aurem tribuni amputavit ac statim
confossus est.

LXXXV. Vitellium infestis mucroiiibus coactum
inodo erigere os et ofterre contumeliis, nunc cadentis
statuas suas, plerumque rostra aut Galbae occisi
locum contueri, postremo ad Gemonias, ubi corpus
Flavii Sabini iacuerat, propulere. Una vox non
degeneris animi excepta, cum tribuno insultanti se
tamen imperatorem eius fuisse respondit ; ac deinde
ingestis vulneribus concidit. Et vulgus eadem
pravitate insectabatur interfectum qua foverat
viventem.

LXXXVI. Patria illi Luceria^: septimum et quin-
quagensimum aetatis annum explebat, consulatum,
sacerdotiaj nomen locumque inter primores nulla sua

^ Patria illi Luceria Oberlin : patrem illi luceria M.

^ The date was either Dec. 20 or 21, 69 a.d.
476

BOOK III. LXX^IV.-LXXXVI.

found empty and deserted, for even the meanest
of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided
meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces
filled him with fright : he tried the rooms that were
closed and shuddered to find them empty. Ex-
hausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed
himself in an unseemly hiding-place ; but Julius
Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the
light. With his arms bound behind his back, his
garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as
he was led away. Many cried out against him, not
one shed a tear ; the ugliness of the last scene had
banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany
met him and struck at him in rage, or else his
purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult,
or he may have been aiming at tlie tribune — no one
could tell. He cut oft' the tribune's ear and was at
once run through.

LXXXV. Vitellius was forced at the point of the
sword now to lift his face and offer it to his captors'
insults, now to see his own statues falling, and
to look again and again on the rostra or the place
where Galba had been killed. Finally, the soldiers
drove him to the Gemonian stairs where the body
of Flavius Sabinus had recently been lying. His
only utterance marked his spirit as not ignoble, for
when the tribune insulted him, he replied, " Yet
I was your Emperor." Then he fell under a shower
of blow's ; and the people attacked his body after he
was dead with the same base spirit with which they
had fawned on him while he lived. ^

LXXXVI. His native city was Luceria. He had
nearly completed the fifty-seventh year of his age.
The consulate, priesthoods, a name and place

477

THE HISTORIES OF TACITUS

industria, sed cuncta patris claritudine adeptus.
Principatum ei detulere ^ qui ipsum non noverant:
studia exercitus raro cuiquam bonis artibus quaesita
perinde adfuere quam huic per ignaviara. Inerat
tamen simplicitas ac liberalitas, quae, ni adsit modus,
in exitium vertuntur. Amicitias dum magnitudine
munerum, non constantia niorum contineri^ putat,
meruit magis quam habuit, Rei publicae baud dubie
intereat Vitelhum vinci,^sed imputare perfidiam non
possunt qui Vitellium Vespasiano prodidere, cum a
Galba descivissent.

Praecipiti * in occasum die ob pavorem magis-
tratuum senatorumque, qui dilapsi ex urbe aut per
domos clientium semet occultabaut, vocari senatus
non potuit. Domitianum, postquam nihil hostile
metuebatur, ad duces partium progressum et
Caesarera consalutatum miles frequens utque erat
in armis in paternos penatis deduxit.

'■ ei detulere Ithenanus : eidem tulere M,
^ contineri Acidalius : continere i/.
^ vicinis M.
* precipit M,

478

BOOK III. Lxxxvi.

among the first men of his day, he acquired by no
merit of his own but wholly through his father's
eminence. The men who gave him the principate
did not know him. Seldom has the support of the
army been gained by any man through honourable
means to the degree that he won it through his
worthlessness. Yet his nature was marked by
simplicity and liberality — qualities which, if un-
checked, prove the ruin of their possessor. Think-
ing, as he did, that friendships are cemented by
great gifts rather than by high character, he bought
more friends than he kept. Undoubtedly it was to
the advantage of the state that Vitellius should fall,
but those who betrayed him to Vespasian cannot
make a virtue of their own treachery, for they had
already deserted Galba.

The day hurried to its close. It was impossible
to summon the senate because the senators had
stolen away from the city or were hiding in their
clients' houses. Now that he had no enemies to
fear, Domitian presented himself to the leaders of
his father's party, and was greeted by them as
Caesar ; then crowds of soldiers, still in arms, escorted
him to his ancestral hearth.

479

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