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•us I 'do U.I
I
l^acbarb College Ittrrars
BRIGHT LKC+AOY.
Delcendanli of HenrT Bright, jr.. who died U VVater-
Uiwn. Mus.. in i<J%, art en Jtled to hold tchnIanliiM in
Hirrard College, eitabliihed in iSSo under the will of
JONATHAN BROWN BRIGHT
riT WilUiem, Mui., wilh one half the income of thii
L^fin, Such desceDdantB rBilingi other penons are
eligible to the gchnlnrships. The will requira Ihit
" Id the Ubnry uni^t [U provliioni.
* HISTORY
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
PocuMTucK Valley
Memorial Association
1899-1904.
VOL. IV.
DEERFIELD, MASS., U. S. A.
PUBUSHED BY THE ASSOCIATION.
1905.
N^
I »
y
•'>■ -nv'r.tvt .{
'-c-wc'^
EEPOKT.
Volume IV of the History and Proceedings of the Pocumtuck
Valley Memorial Association is herewith submitted to your
charitable consideration. It has been edited and published
under a vote of the Association at the Annual Meeting of 1904.
The material for these volumes grows more abimdant with
the passing years. Vol. I covered ten years, 1870-79; Vol. II
from 1880 to 1889, ten years; Vol. Ill eight years, 1890-98;
Vol. IV six years, 1899-1904.
This volume will be found uniform in character with the pre-
ceding, and the set makes a very creditable appearance. We
have not been idle during our thirty-four years of life, and we
are willing to place our volumes on the shelves of the great li-
braries, beside the best historical literature in New England.
Every article is original, written for the Association and read
before its members.
The edition is limited to 300 copies.
Respectfully submitted,
George Sheldon,
J. M. Arms Sheldon, )
C<mmiiUe.
Debrfield, February, 1906.
F&SB8 OF T. KORKT & SOH,
OBEBNFIBLD, BLAJS., U. 8. ▲.
CONTENTS.
! L Annual Meeting, 1899, 1-57
I Biograpbioal Sketch of Robert Orawford, D. D., Craw-
I ford — ^Poem, Starr — ^Messengers of War and Peace,
I Thompson — New Tracks in an Old Trail, Sheldon —
, Ethan Allen and His Daughter, Baker.
II. Field Meeting, 1899, Charlemont, 58-79
J Address of Welcome, Clark — Response, Sheldon — Ad-
dress, Whiting — Address, Eellogg — ^Poem, Maxwell.
I m. Annual Meeting, 1900, 80-114
Letter, Alexander — ^Report of Curator, Sheldon — ^A
j Puritan Foremother, Smith — Poem, Snow — Capt.
Agrippa Wells, Thompson — Broom Com Industry,
Jones — Reminiscent Letter, Sheldon.
IV. Field Meeting, 1900, Gill, 115-151
Address of Welcome and Presentation of Land,
Stoughton — ^Response, Capt. William Turner, Shel-
don— Indian War Conditions, Buell — Addresses, Law-
rence, Holton, Parsons.
V. Annual Meeting, 1901, 152-191
Report of Treasurer, John Sheldon — ^Reports of Pub-
lishing Committee and Curator, Sheldon — Extracts
from the Diary of Gen. Epaphras Hoyt, Williams —
' Hoosac Tunnel, Parsons — Necrology, Jonathan John-
son, Thompson — Nathaniel Hitchcock, Finch — Eben
A. Hall, Fessenden — Franklin J. Pratt, Potter — Mary
P. Wentworth, Stebbins.
VL Field Meeting— Old Home Week, 1901, 192-231
' (Sunday, a. m.), Address, SoDey — Letter, Starr — Dedi-
cation of Willard Tablet— Hymn, Willard— Dr. Sam-
f uel Willard, Park.
1 (Sunday, p. k.), The Old Meetinghouses of Deerfield,
I Sheldon — Hymn, Mary Willard — life of Edward
Hitchcock, Hitchcock — New England's History, Bar-
ber— The Old Home Spirit, Pratt — Indian Trails,
Charles Barnard — Address, SoUey.
(iii)
iy Contents.
(Tnesday), Historic Bide and Dedication of Barnard
Monument; Address^ William L. Barnard — Poem,
Ghampney — Address, Starr — ^Lamentable Ballad of
Bloody Brook, Hale — Address, A His,
Vn. (Wednesday,) Field Meeting, 232-271
Address of Welcome, Thompson — ^Report of the Com-
mittee on Memorial Stones, J. M. Arms Sheldon —
Address, Barber — Pocomtuck Valley in the World's
Arena, Winship. Dedication of the Jonathan Wells
Monument by the Ohildren ; Beport^ John P. Ashley
— Ode, Sheldon — ^Address, Smith — ^Ballad, Arms ; Let-
ters, Hoar, Sazton — Addresses, Barnard, Orawford,
Grosyenor.
Exhibition of Arts and drafts — ^Three Deerfield Even-
ings, 272-282
Vm. Annual Meeting, 1902, 283-829
Report of Curator, Sheldon — Necrology, Solon L.
Newton, Lamb— P. Voorhees Finch, Beid — ^Address,
Baker — Address, Thompson.
IX. Annual Meeting, 1903, 830-378
Beport of Treasurer, John Sheldon — ^Beport of Cura-
tor, Sheldon — Necrology, Albert C. Parsons and Jar-
yis B. Bardwell, Parsons — Charles Jones and Luther
Joshua Barker Lincoln, Sheldon — Parson Leavitt Vin-
dicated, William H. Leavitt — Adventures of Baptiste,
Baker— Journal of Capt. Nathaniel Dwight, Sheldon.
X. Field Meeting, 1903, Deerfield, 379-423
Keynote of the Day, Sheldon — Address of Welcome,
Parsons — ^Historical Address, Grosvenor — ^Dedicatory
Address, Whiting — ^Inscriptions — Address in the Old
Graveyard, Baker — Addresses, Boe, Lord, Denio, Ap-
pleton, Corss, Bolton, Bauer, Haskins.
XI. Annual Meeting, 1904, 424r-483
Beport of Curator, Sheldon — ^Necrology, John E. Rus-
sell, Sheldon — J. W. Champney, Coleman — James M.
Crafts, Crafts — ^Zeri Smith, Haskell — A. B. Stebbins,
Stebbins — John M. Smith, Montague — Adventures of
Baptiste, Baker — The Teachings of American History
Applied to the Present, Atkins.
XII. Officers and Members of the Association, 485
XIII. Index, 498
ANNUAL MEETING— 1899.
REPORT*
It was the same picturesque, quaint, interesting event — ^the
annual meeting of the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association,
which was held at Old Deerfield, Tuesday afternoon, Febru-
ary 28. The same in general characteristics, as the twenty-nine
preceding meetings — the same in the olden-time flavor and
antiquarian charm that makes these meetings unique. Both in the
old Idtchen of Memorial Hall where the veritable and venerable
antiquarians, with their gray, or graying heads, and their goodly,
quiet cheer, assemble during the afternoon, and in the town-
hall where supper and papers fill in the time from early candle-
light until along towards night's meridian — ^there were the
familiar, &scinating scenes. Interest in these meetings seems
not to wane. This is, doubtless, owing much to the personality
of Yice-President Francis M. Thompson who, foUowing in the
lines of the older generation of Hon. Geo. Sheldon and Nathan-
iel Hitchcock, is yet cementing, as must needs be, the old and
the new, so that the interest will not die out in the period which
is just now at hand when some of the founders are fading, a bit,
from the possibility of their one-time activity.
That Deerfield people have unchanging interest in this, their
memorial institution, is shown by their unchanging hospitality
to all those who attend from out of the town, and, also, by the
excellent supper provided and served by the women. The sup-
per has never been better than this year, and from the notably
good coffee to Mrs. Ball's sponge cake, it was calculated to con-
flict somewhat with the prime purpose of the meeting — ^in mak-
ing one think intently of the present instead of the past.
^Tha *' Reports,** as Id YoIb. 1-111, are generally those of the news-
papers of the day. These show the spirit of the times and the drift <^
pabUo sentiment.— Bditob.
1 (1)
S Ammt4d Meeting— 1899.
A pTticolariy plenrint put <rf the ereoiiig iiiafiUng wis ^be
msme by angers in oostome <tf the olden time — ^men, womea
and girls. They all became tbear oostomes — and the cnrtaBias
became theoL They comi^eted a most interesting andi^easing
stage picture. Back of the jiBtlonn was hong the cid, old
battle-flag. In front were straight-bad^ <dd diairB wb^re sat
thesing^v, before whom was an aged little taUe on which wore
two candles in antiquated stidcs. They wore, {vesoitly, trim-
med by one of the bonneted visitors from the past One in
costume presided at the piano. The mnsic was very pleasant
and «i joyed by alL The songs were ^ New Jerosalem," ^ Old
Hundred " and Sharbume's ^ Cousin Jedediah."
The venerable GeOTge Sheldcm, president of the society, was
not present, though he almost seemed to be there, — so integral
a part of all that is Deerfieklian and antiquarian have his figure
and personality become. But the aged Nathaniel Hitchoodc,
the society's recording secretary, was there, and had many
greetings from his friends.
At the business meeting held in the old kitchai in the after-
noon, Yioe-President Thompson presiding, the following oflKoers
were elected :
President : Oeorge Sheldon of Deerfield.
Yice-Presidents : Francis M. Thompson of Ghreenfield ; J<dm
M. Smith of Sund^land.
Beccmiing Secretary : Nathaniel Hitchcock of Deerfield.
Corresponding Secretary : Herbert C. Parsons of Greenfield.
Treasurer : Nathaniel Hitchcock.
Assistant Treasurer : John Sheldon of Greenfield.
Members of Council: Chaiies Jones, Almon C. Williams,
Robert Childs, Eunice E. Huntington, Mary P. Wentworth,
Deerfield ; Eugene A. Newcomb, Avice S. Arms, Eben A. Hall,
Greenfield; G. W. Horr, Athol; John E. Russell, Leicester;
Henry M. Phillips, Springfield; John W. Hoyt, Cincinnati^
Ohio ; Charles Corss, Lock Haven, Pa. ; Henry W. Taft, Pitts-
field ; Samuel Carter, Brooklyn, N. T.
A committee of arrangements for the next field day, which
will probably be held in Charlemont, was elected as follows : —
Mrs. Kate Upson Clark of Brooklyn, N. T., Rev. Dr. Lyman
Whiting of Charlemont, Mrs. Lucy Cutler Kellogg, Jonathan
Johnson and E. A. Newcomb of Greenfield, W. L. Harris and
J. H. Stebbins of Deerfield. The committee of publication was
Annual Meeting — 1899. 8
authorized to publish the third volmne of the proceedings of
the Association. A number of gifts were made, among them a
piece of wood from the old Stone house at Greenfield, a copy
of the address by Whiting Oriswold at the opening of court
in the remodeled courthouse in Greenfield, March 18, 1873;
a copy of the trial of Prof. John W. Webster for the murder of
Dr. George Parkman, presented by Major H. Tyler of Green-
field ; a letter written in 1845 by President Hitchcock of Am-
herst College to a lyceum committee of Quaboag Seminary at
Warren, of which George W. Horr, now of Athol, was chair-
man. The letter, which was presented by Mr. Horr, is the
quaint old kind of those days before stamps or envelopes had
come into being. Mr. Horr also presented a business letter he
received in 1854, while he had his office in Brooklyn, N. T.,
from William H. Seward. Kev. Lyndon S. Crawford of Tre-
bizond, Turkey, read a paper giving extracts of the story of the
life of his father, Eev. Dr. Bobert Crawford, for many years
pastor of the White church in Deerfield.
After the supper by early candlelight had ended, the evening
meeting was opened with prayer by Bev. Andrew Campbell.
The first paper was one on " Old-time Advertising," by Edward
Branch Lyman of Greenfield. The old-time singers, under the
charge of Mr. and Mrs. Charles H. Ashley, then gave one of their
selections and Bev. Lyndon S. Crawford read the poem which
had been written for the occasion by Eliza A. Starr. Vice-
President Thompson, introducing Miss C. Alice Baker of Cam-
bridge, who read an interesting paper on ^^ Ethan Allen and his
Daughter," gave a short, well turned, paper on ^^ Messengers of
War and Messengers of Peace." The last paper of the evening
was one by President George Sheldon, entitled " New Tracks
in an Old TraiL" It was read by his son, John Sheldon of Green-
field.
An/ntuU Meeiinff — 1899.
ADDEESS BY EEV. LYNDON S. CRAWFORD.
Dr. Robert Crawford was bom on November 24, 1804, at
Paisley, Scotland. He was the third child of James and Jane
(Eennedy) Crawford, she being the daughter of Douglass Ken-
nedy, from the isle of Arran. His early life was spent in Scot-
land and his memories of the European wars, and especially of
the battle of Waterloo, are interesting. From his grandmother
he learned the feeling of many of the people there in regard to
the American Revolution, and of the sharp reproof she gave to
one of the soldiers who exclaimed, as he was marching away :
^^ I will never come back from that war till I wash my hands in
Washington's heart's blood." She, who was a sympathizer with
the Americans, immediately retorted : ^^ Then, lad, you will never
come back." It was the custom among the Paisley weavers to
possess themselves of all the new books and papers they could
find, and as they sat at their looms weaving, to appoint a reader
while the others listened and discussed the religious or political
questions of the hour. As a result of this discussion and thought,
it is not surprising that boys, brought up in this atmosphere,
developed into scholars and men of literary note.
When young Robert was sixteen his fainily, with a number of
their neighbors, emigrated to Canada. They were assisted by
the British government in this undertaking. Theirs was a
pioneer life in the new world, entering and clearing the primeval
forest and building their log huts and so establishing the town
of Lanark, upper Canada.
Near the close of that year (1821) his oldest sister Marrion
was married to Archibald McTaggart. The journal records
the wedding as follows :
"There was no minister nearer than Perth, twenty miles
from us, and my father, the two McTaggart brothers, my sister
and myself went there to the marriage, going on foot one day,
and coming back the next."
The journal tells of the meetings held from house to house
until " after some considerable time a small log church building
was erected. ... I may here state that the first formal ser-
mon I preached was in that little log building. When Mr.
Smith, the minister, invited me, I hesitated saying, ^ O I I cannot
Address hy JS&o. Lyndon 8. Orawford. 6
preach.' I was then a sophomore m college, and was there on a
Tisit to my family. After I had preached, and the service was
over, I remember he said to me— ^ Noo Bobert^ ye manna say
again ye canna preach.'
My text on that occasion was 1 John 4: 19, ^ We love ELim
because He first loved us.' "
It was after they had become somewhat settled and young
Robert could be spared from home that two opportunities offered
themselves to him, one of becoming derk and liquor-seller on a
river steamer, or that of a common workman in digging a canal
around the Long Sault rapids. He chose the latter, a fact which
gave him great pleasure and satisfaction in later years as he re-
viewed his life. It was while on his way home from this canal
that he and his companion saw at a farmhouse a very old man
whom they afterwards learned was the great explorer McEenzie,
whose name is preserved in the McKenzie river. In May, 1826,
he said good-by to his Canada home and family, and though
he had the pleasure of seeing other members of his family, this
was his final good-by to his father, who died before he visited
Canada again.
From that time till 1832 he was employed as a weaver in the
cotton mills of Hoosick Falls, I^. Y., and North Bennington,
Vt. The son of the owner of the mill, young Thomas Gordon,
a student in Williams College, revived in young Crawford's soul
the thirst for knowledge which as a smaU boy he had imbibed
in the little schools in Scotland. A visit to his mother about
this time, in which she reminded him that he had been dedicated
to the gospel ministry when he was born, resulted in his leaving
the factories and, after preparing himself by studying nights
and mornings, he was able to enter Williams College, where he
was graduated in 1836, when he was nearly 32 years of age.
During his college course he taught several terms in Bennington,
North Adams, Charlemont and Zoar, and had his first ride on a
railroad from Albany to Saratoga. This was during the summer
of 1833. The journal says : ^' The cars seemed to be the bodies
of the old stages set on car wheels." It was in 1834, during the
visit to Canada referred to above that he interested a number
of young men in the matter of an education, and six of these
afterwards became ministers. His theological course was taken
in Princeton (N. J.) Seminary and in the Union Seminary at
Kew York^ It was while a tutor in Williams College that he
6 Annual MeeUng— 1699.
became engaged to Hiss Ellen Griflbi, daughter of his former
ooUege president, to whom he was married September 30, 1840.
He had been ordained at North Adams, August 20 preceding,
and continued for 15 years the pastor of the Congregational
church of that place. It was there that their seven children
were born, and it is there that three of them died. Two years
were spent in a parish near Chester, Pa. A northern minister
was not welcome there at that time, but when he came to look
for a northern parish some doors were shut against him because
he was hailing from the South. Old Deerfield, however, was
glad to welcome him, and he was settled over the Orthodox
Congr^ational church January 12, 1858, where he remained
in active service until the death of his wife in 1881. He re-
mained pastor emeritus until his death in 1896, and was very
thankful to be able to preach frequently up to very near the end
of his life.
He was upon the school committee of Deerfield for many
years. In July, 1861, he succeeded Bev. J. F. Moors, on the
removal of the latter to Greenfield as President of the Board of
Trustees of Deerfield Academy and was successively elected to
that office until 1888. He was the chief agent in the recovery
of the ** Old Indian House Door," from Dr. Slade of Newton,
its holder and owner. On its return to Deerfield a board of
trustees was organized for its care, of which he was president.
When the P. Y. M. Association was formed and an act of in-
corporation asked for, the five trustees signed the petition and
bec^one charter members. Soon after, the old door was form-
ally transferred to the new Association. It is now a great cen-
ter of attraction in your ^^ Indian Boom." He was a member
of most of the important committees engaged in the prelimi-
nary work of settUng the Association in its present quarters.
He was the first corresponding secretary and continued in that
. office thirteen years ; he was a member of the council for six
years.
In the fall of 1862 he was nominated for the state senate.
No one was more surprised than he when the nomination came
to him, for apparently there had been no previous mention of
his name. When his young daughter told him that he had been
nominated, ^^ I answered her rather sharply, thinking that for
some cause or other she was, as the children say, ' fooling me.' "
At this period one wrote of him : ^^ He is a good Christian,
Address by Bev, Lyndon S. Oravrford. 7
kind-hearted, intelligent, trusty, affable man, just what every
legislator ought to be. We intend to vote for him and be
thankful we have so good a man to receive our vote."
Commenting on this in his diary, Dr. Crawford writes : ^^ This
is a pretty good set-off, rather fulsome for a man to read about
himself, but just such things politicians like and are accustomed
to." He talked of declining, but his deacons and parishioners
requested him to remain in the field. After the election Dr.
Crawford made this entry in his diary : ^^ Well, the ordeal is
past. Election came Tuesday of this week and I was elected a
Massachusetts senator for this district, a high honor many
would doubtless esteem it ; and I feel grateful certainly, yet
humbled. In the common phrase, I ran far ahead of my ticket,
showing that I had more than my own party votes ; and it is
pleasant to feel that one stands well, not only as a party man,
but with others also. But I mean to keep in mind Uiat I am a
minister of the gospel and must maintain my character as such,
if I am a senator. Gkxi give me grace to do so always."
Dr. Crawford then gives a description of a reception in Deer-
field, when Sev. Mr. Hosmer, who had enlisted as a private in
the Fifty-second, was presented with a silver-mounted pistoL
The Fifty-second had been encamped on Potty's Plain. On Tues-
day, November 20, 1862, Dr. Crawford made this entry : ** A
drizzly, unpleasant day and a gloomy one for many of our people.
Our boys in blue broke camp today at 2 o 'clock p. m., and
marched to the depot, where a long train of cars awaited them
and on which they made their start for the seat of war. With
all the pageantry of the occasion, there were many tears shed,
many hearts ached. With not a few of those brave fellows it
was their last parting with friends here. They were never to
return again from the cruel but patriotic errand on which they
were going. Two days before I had visited them, and distrib-
uted to each from our community, a copy of the New Testa-
ment and Psalms."
The following anecdote finely iUustrates a salient feature in
his kindly character :
During his last years, while in Clinton, Conn., at the home
of his oldest daughter, Mrs. Emerson, on his daily walks he fre-
quently met and chatted with two little girls. They never
knew bis name but they knew that be must be ^' Somebody's
Grandpapa." And when he died Oct. 26, 1896, and the " Colo-
8 Anivual Meeting — 1899.
nial Express," which did not usoally stop at Clinton, did stop
(me day to take his body on to Newark, N. J., those little girls
ran into the hoose and said '^ Somebody's Grandpapa is dead
but he was such a good man, they did n't put him in the ground
but the Express Train stopped and took him on and took him
clear to Heaven."
THE OLD BURYING GROUND.
BT ELIZA. ALLEN STARR OF CHICAOO, ILL.
Where sunshine rests from dawn to set of sun,
Where wilding roses bloom, not asking care,
The ancient tomh-stones leaning, moss o'er grown,
The story tell of town and village fair;
Of town and village in the far-off time
When copse and hedge held, oft, a wily foe,
And stealthy feet would o'er the meadows glide
Nor leave a trace upon the frozen snow;
Of August days, ere morning dews were dry,
And tender mists along the hillsides clung;
Yet still the story is of death and blood.
Of noble deeds by blazing firesides sung.
And ours the fruitage, ours the sweet reward
Of daimtless courage, patient aims that rose
Above the tidal line of selfish gains.
Above the loud laments o'er selfish woes.
Lift not the sod upon those ancient graves;
Raise not a stone a-lean with honored years;
This is no place for renovating hand —
A place, alone, for venerating tears.
Agam I stand in this horizon's round
Of melting loveliness; the August skies,
That brought my birth, bend gently o'er the scene
To memory sacred and long cherished ties;
Its story of the village and the town
Set to the music of the noble waves
That flow beneath. Beloved Pocumtuck, guard,
With your strong current, my ancestral graves.
MessengeTB of War and Messengers of Peace. 9
MESSENGERS OF WAR AND MESSENGERS
OF PEACE.
BY JTJDGB FSANOIB H. THOMPSON.
On the last Tuesday of February, 1703-04, there arrived be-
fore the palisades of the little frontier hamlet of Deerfield, mes-
sengers of war, sent forth by Vaudreuil, the governor of New
France, under the command of Hertel de Rouville, consisting
of 200 Frenchmen and 142 Indians. The people of Pocumtuck
will ever remember the nature and the results of this message
of war : — ^but let us forget for a moment, if we can, the devilish
work of these messengers, who claimed to march under the
banner of the Prince of Peace ; forget the fiendish murder of
innocent women and children ; the scalping-knife and the bloody
hatchet; the torch and the flame; — and think only of the
daring bravery and the wonderful hardihood of these men who
had undertaken and accomplished the long and perilous journey,
in the midst of winter's snow and ice, through the pathless
forests which then stretched unbroken from the Connecticut to
the St. Lawrence river ; and imagine the depth of devotion of
these fanatics to their country and their king, and their fren-
zied zeal for their religion so often shown by their intense ha-
tred of the detested English heretic.
But brave and daring as were these messengers of war, their
valor and courage was certainly equaled, if not excelled, by
those messengers of peace. Ensign John Sheldon and John
Wells, who, on their errand of mercy, started on the 20th day
of the following December to traverse these unknown paths to
Canada, by the way of Albany and the lakes, over that trail
which 60 years later became the scene of the ^^ Bloody Morn-
ing ScouV' long to be remembered, and which for a century
was the great highway of slaughter and of death.
"Well may the biographer of Ensign Sheldon say: — ^**We
need not go back to the days of King Arthur for exploits of
chivalry ; our Colonial history is full of them. This man, long
past the daring impulses of youth : — this youth, — ^whose life is
all before him : — show me two braver knights-errant, setting
out for loftier purposes, or on more perilous pilgrimage."
10 Annual Mdeting— 1699.
** Three hundred miles of painful and nnaocnstomed tramp-
ing on snowHshoes in mid- winter, over mountain and morass ;
through tangled thickets and snow dogged forests, where with
fell purpose the cruel savage lurked ; with gun in hand, and
pack on back, now wading knee deep through some rapid
stream, now in the face of the fierce north wind toiling over
the slippery surface of the frozen lake, now shuffling tediously
along in tiie sodden ice of some half thawed river, digging
away the drifts at night for his camp ; wet, lame, half famished
and chilled to the bone, hardly daring to build a fire, — a bit of
dried meat from his pack for his supper, spruce boughs for his
bed, crouching there in his blanket his head muffled in the
hood of his capote, eye and ear alert, his mittened hand grasp-
ing the hilt of his kiidf e at his belt ; up at daybreak and on
again, through storm and sleet, pelted by pitiless rains or
blinded by whirling snow : — what iron will and nerves of steel,
sound mind and sound body, to dare and do what this man
did.''
Three times did this old Puritan yeoman make this journey to
search out and recover the English captives, and to a great ex-
tent through his efforts, it is owing that within a period of
about eight years, all but thirty of them had been restored to
their English homes, and of those not accounted for. General
Hoyt says, ^^They remained in Oanada, mixing with French
and Indians and adopting their manners and customs, and were
lost to their friends."
Nearly two hundred years elapsed, and against the names of
those almost forgotten ones, whose existence seemed like a
dream, — stood the record, ^^ Taken captive to Canada, whence
they came not back again ; ^ when a new messenger of peace,
a woman, and a scion of that brave old first messenger, skilled
by education and the art of diplomacy, and by her zeal and
energy, ^^ iron vnll and nerves of sted, sound mind in sound
body," in every way fully fitted for her delicate mission, started
in mid-winter from Pocumtuck valley for Oanada, fully de-
termined to learn something of the lives of the missing captives.
Her route is nearly identical with that followed by the
French army and its prisoners upon their homeward march
after the sacking of Deerfield, but under what different condi-
tions. In a palace car, inlaid with foreign woods, beautifully
upholstered with rich and costly stuffs, heated with steam and
New Tracks in an Old Trail. 11
brilliantly lighted, she glides smoothly along, now through some
beaatif ul village standing where once in the deep wilderness
her captive relative had shivered in a winter camp ; now over
some rapid frozen stream throogh whose icy waters the half-
starved captives had been forced to wade ; then gliding over
the shining rails in fall view of the long lake over the frozen
surface of which the poor captives had been compelled to haul
the loaded sleds of their masters in weakness and despair. She
makes her journey from Deerfield to Montreal in about twelve
hours, but the English captives on their memorable march were
struggling through the wilderness for many weeks.
The first messengers of peace were met upon their arrival
with characteristic chivalry by the French governor, with sus-
picion and jealousy by the Indians, who feared the loss of their
captives without ransom, and by the Jesuit priests with ill-
concealed treachery. Their steps were dogged by spies, and
every obstruction which the government would allow, was placed
in the way of the accomplishment of their humane mission.
How different the reception of our later day messenger. Every
facility for the accomplishment of her purpose was freely ac-
corded her by priest and people ; the doors of the convents
thrown open, and old records brought out by the parish priest
and seardied for memoranda of those ^^ who were taken cap-
tive to Canada and came not back again." What astonishing
and wonderful success met the prolonged labor and keen scru-
tiny of our modem messenger of peace and good will, and the
good work still goes on, and by those means '^ eighteen of these
exiles have been accounted for and the records of their lives
identified." For this work, and for much other in antiquarian
channels, what a debt of gratitude, love and honor this Associa-
tion and the people of this valley owe to Charlotte Alice Baker.
NEW TRACKS IN AN OLD TRAIL.
BT OEOBGB SHBLDON.
In threshing over old straw which has been a score of times
under the persistent flail, no great results are to be expected.
If here and there a few grains hidden away in odd comers, or
enveloped in thick husks, be discovered, it satisfies any reason*
able demand.
12 Annual Meeting— 1899.
When « The Eedeemed Captive " of Parson John WUliams
and the ^^ Journal " of his son Stephen are subjected to this pro-
cess, enough new pigment is found to paint quite an interesting
little picture of events hitherto lying in the shadow. If nothing
new of really historic importance appears on the canvas, I
trust some obscure points have been cleared up and some new
details of local interest brought to light. It is the purpose of
this paper to give the results which this new scrutiny of old au-
thorities has developed, relating to the sacking of Deerfield,
February 29, 1704 ; to the capturing of Mr. Williams and his
enforced journey over the snows to Canada, together with that
of his ten-year old boy. As these narratives have been my
principal authority, of course nothing can be found herein to
militate against their contents, but a searching analysis will
throw a few side lights upon their somewhat disconnected state-
ments, while a new and interesting historical hypothesis will be
more or less clearly established, from the words of those most
nearly concerned, John and Stephen Williams.
It is well known to careful students of the history of the
times that the inroad upon Deerfield in 1704 was not a purely mil-
itary affair. Its object was not to conquer territory to be held
for France ; it was not to capture a fort which controlled a
territory necessary for future military operations ; it was not to
distract an enemy and keep him on the defensive ; it was not to
reconquer for the valley Indians their old homes or avenge their
old wrongs, or settle old scores ; it was not to recover prisoners
taken in a successful foray. It was none of these, nor was it
any other act of legitimate warfare. What, then, was the ani-
mus and object of this assault upon peaceful Deerfield ? The
result of the attack has been too often described to need here
more than this simple statement: Canadian barbarians were
brought three hundred miles through the wilderness under the
conduct of a choice scion of the chivalry of France, and turned
loose upon a sleeping village to satiate their native love of blood
and plunder, not only without let or hindrance, but under the
protection of the French soldiers, ^^ the greatest part standing
to their Arms ... & killing all they could y* made any re-
sistence." It nowhere appears that the French were directly
engaged in breaking open the houses and in killing or taking
captive the occupants. The French acted apparently only as a
bodyguard for the Indians in their preliminary work. Later,
New TraoJcB in a/n Old Trail. 13
they joined in the attempt to reduce the Benoni Stebbins house,
and in securing provisions for their homeward march. This ex-
pedition was in purpose and fact a purely political measure with
a military adjunct for its execution.
In 1703 Philip de Rigaud, Marquis de Yaudreuil, became
governor of Canada, and his earliest prominent act was to make
the Eastern Indians violate the treaty of peace just made be-
tween them and the English, with the consent of M. de Call-
ieres, his predecessor. The new governor forced the Indians to
surprise the English settlements in Maine with torch and toma-
hawk. In return some of the Abenaki Indians were killed by
the Maine settlers. The Abenaki Sachems went at once to
Canada and asked the assistance of the French in taking their
revenge. Yaudreuil in a letter to the home Oovemment ex-
pressly declares that he was only too happy to comply with
this request, and that the expedition against Deerfield was or-
ganized at their solicitation, to show the Indians that the French
were their friends, and to break up a talked-of treaty between
the Abenakis and the English. The governor says the Indians
called upon him in the following June to thank him formally
for this assistance.
At the time this expedition was set on foot, a French pris-
oner of war was in the hands of the Massachusetts Governor
Dudley, at Boston. He was called in the correspondence be-
tween Dudley and Yaudreuil, Capt. Battis, or Baptiste. He was
a man of some importance in Canada with a status not clearly
defined. It has been stated that he was a relative of YaudreuiL
Miss Baker finds no evidence of this relationship, but I cannot
help suspecting that there were other than reasons of state
for the extraordinary and persistent efforts of Yaudreuil for
the recovery of this captive. There was much correspondence
with Dudley on the subject, upon which it is unnecessary to
dwell longer at this time.
Thus far I have spoken by the book, plain documentary evi-
dence. My next step will be an assumption founded on testimony
satisfactory to me, although circumstantial and widely scattered.
I shall later attempt to point out and concentrate the evidence
on which this assumption is based.
I assume that, independent of his declared object. Governor
Yaudreuil attached to the expedition against Deerfield in 1704
an important side issua I assume that for the purpose of ob-
14 Annual MeeUng— 1899.
taininga prisoner of safficient importance to secure the ex-
change of Oapt. Baptiste, Yaudreoil made a special arrange-
ment for secnring Mr. Williams. That he engaged two Macqua
Sachems and one brave to go along with the army, whose es-
pecial duty it was to capture and bring back safely to Canada
the Minister of Deerfield, with a promise of a substantial re-
ward in case of success. The capture was made and the pris-
oner delivered to the Governor, and in due time we shall see
that two of his agents received the promised reward, presum-
ably in the coin of the realm, but the third, the leader, we shall
also see had already received his reward, in the shape of an
ounce of cold lead from the hand of one of the brave men de-
fending the Benoni Stebbins house.
We will now examine the foundations of my assumption and
see what light we can get on the nyBthods of the emissaries in
carrying their commission to a successful issue. Mr. Williams
says, ^^ They came to my house in the beginning of the onset,
and by their violent endeavours to break open doors and win-
dows, with axes and hatchets, awaked me out of sleep.'' As
Mr. Williams was to be the principal prize no risk was to be
run. May it not be safe to conclude that after all the arrange-
ments for the surprise were made, the attack on his house was
to be the signal for the general assault? This supposition,
however, presupposes a knowledge of the location of this
house, which must be accounted for. There were Indians in
Canada at this period well acquainted with Deerfield, who
could be perfect guides. One was a woman named Ruth, who
when a child had been taken by the English in Philip's War.
She had lived in the family of the Reverend and Doctor 6er-
shom Bulkley in Wethersfield, Ct., and had often been at the
house of Mr. Williams in Deerfield. Somehow she found her
way to Canada and had become a convert to Romanism. Ruth
was one who could have drawn a rough outline of the fort,
giving the location of Mr. Williams's house and even a plan of
its interior. Whether or not Ruth did this, it is evident that
both its location and the plan of its interior were known to the
Macqua agents of YaudreuiL
Once safely within the stockade, with not a symptom of alarm
from the sleeping victims, doubtless parties of Indians were
swiftly detailed for each house in the fort, that the attack might
be simultaneous upon a given signaL It would seem at this
New Traeks in an Old TrcnL 16
sapreme moment the French were ^^ standing to their Arms'*
on the training field, or common ; certainly none remained near
the point of entrance, for nobody was there to interfere with
the escape of those who jumped from the back windows of the
Sheldon and Williams houses. It appears to have been a com-
paratively large party that made the attack on the house of the
minister, as the doors and windows were assaulted at the same
instant. Evidently his doors were not so strong as that of the
Old Indian House with which we are acquainted, for one door
was broken down at once. Mr. Williams sajrs, when awakened
by the noise, he ^^ leaped out of bed, and, running towards the
door, perceived the enemy making their entrance into the
house. . . . The enemy immediately brake into the p>ed] room,
I judge to the number of twenty, with painted faces and
hideous acclamations. . . . The enemy who entered the house
were all of them Indians and Maquas," none being French-
men. Besides the special agents, there was Wattanamon,
and probably his kinsman, Sagamore Greorge of Pennicooke.
As the enemy crowded into his bedroom, Mr Williams showed
a daring that was reckless. ^^ Taking down my pistol," he
says, ^^I cocked it and put it to the breast of the &*st Indian
who came up." This, it wiU later appear, was the Macqua
diief . Had the flint of Mr. Williams's pistol answered true,
Yaudreuil's leading agent would then and there have had his ac-
counts settled ; but ^^ My pistol missing fire, I was seized by
three Indians, who disarmed me and bound me naked, as I was
in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour."
The chief prisoner being safe under a small guard, ^^ the enemy
fell to rifling the house, and entered in great numbers into every
room." Having secured what plunder they could carry, the
captors returned to the bedroom, where, says Williams, ^^ they
gave me liberty to put on my clothes ; " but so cautious were
they with their prize, that, with all the crew about him, they
were afraid to free the parson militant for one moment, but, he
continues ^^ keeping me bound with a cord on one arm, till I
put my clothes to the other, and then changing my cord, they
let me dress myself, then pinioned me again." The savage
who had captured Mrs. Williams, says her husband, ^^ gave lib-
erty to my dear wife to dress herself, and our children."
When " binding me," says Mr. WUliams, " they told me they
would carry me to Quebea" These words were significant.
16 Annual Meeting— 1899.
but Mr. WilUams ooold not then see, as we now can, the full
force of that declaration. All the other captives would of course
be carried to Canada, but not to Quebec, for they would be
held by their captors as private property, being personal chance
captives, to be kept among themselves, or sold to the French at
their pleasure. Not so Mr. Williams ; he was to be carried to
Quebec as a prisoner of state. Had the miserable captive known
this fact he would have been saved much subsequent anxiety
and suffering on the journey.
Generally, so fast as the captives were secured and provis-
ions from the plundered houses packed for the homeward
march, parties were dispatched to the rendezvous about Red
Bocks, but the Williams family were kept in their own house.
" About sun an hour high," says WiUiams, " we were all
carried out of the house, for a march, and saw many of the
houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort,
one house excepted, to be taken.'' Circumstances had pre-
vented his Macqua captors from leaving the house before, and
Mr. Williams was too valuable a prize to be trusted to the or-
dinary captives' guard. Therefore he was moved when the
main army began its retreat, after being baffled in the assault on
the Stebbins house.
There are many notable points in the brief sentences which I
have quoted from Mr. Williams. There were about fifteen or
sixteen houses within the walls of the fort, and but 140 Indians
in the army, so that only about nine would naturaUy be as-
signed to each house. But we find as many as twenty or more
attacking the house of Mr. Williams, and we note that so soon as
the outer door gave way under their blows, the whole twenty,
instead of scattering about in the other rooms, rushed directiy
to Mr. Williams's bedroom, broke down the door and pushed
in pell melL What was the reason for this concentration about
this house and this particular room ? Apparentiy, it was evi-
dent to all that that bedroom was the center of operations, that
there was the chief prize. It may be that all hoped to share
the honor, if not the reward, for the capture of the minister ;
and not unlikely a portion of the assailants considered it open
to competition. And so it would have been if the three Macquas
had fidlen in the attempt. At any rate here was the chief
family in the fort, and here would naturally be the best chance
for plunder and other valuable captives. Of this opportunity
Nem Tracks m an Old Trail. 17
they availed themselves as soon as the first prize was seonred,
entering ^^in great numbers into every room'' in the house,
says the narrative.
We have seen that one of the Macqua leaders escaped death
by a narrow margin at the hands of Mr. Williams. Can we
concdve of any other reason, except the strict charge to bring
Mr. Williams back alive or forfeit the pay, why the savage did
not instantly retaliate and deal his would-be slayer a deadly
blow with his hatchet. That would seem to be the most nat-
ural and justifiable thing to do. What else could have stayed
his hot hand and prevented the instant sacrifice of Mr. Williams ?
In the rest of the field of operations we read, ^^ they killed all
they could y* made any resistance."
Mr. Williams says that while he stood bound in his house,
'^ the enemies ... all of them Indians and Macquas insulted
over me awhile, threatening to bum all I had ;" he does not
say they threatened to kill him, but " binding me, they told me
they would carry me to Quebec."
We may well repeat here that all of the twenty who assaulted
Mr. Williams's house went inside, so that there was no one to
prevent John Stoddard and another soldier, placed in the house
for his protection, from jumping unobserved from the chamber
windows and escaping unmolested. And this brings us to an-
other link in the chain of evidence.
In Gov. Winthrop's manuscript we find an item bearing upon
our narrative at this point, and accounting for some matters al-
ready canvassed : — " One house, viz. : Benoni Stebbins', they at-
tacked later than some others, y^ those in it were well awak-
ened, being 7 men ; besides woemen and children, who stood
stoughtly to y*' armes, fireing upon y* Enemy & y« enemy upon
y" causing sevll of the Enemy to fall, of w^ was one frentch-
man, a Oentile man to appearance." Now, the Benoni Stebbins
house, the Parson Williams house, and the Sheldon house stood
at the northwest comer of the stockade, where it has always
been said De Rouville scaled the palisades. These houses, with
the temporary shelter of Sergt. John Hawks, formed an isolated
group some dozen or fifteen rods from those on the east or south,
and, as we have said, were right in the path of the invaders.
In the attack on the Sheldon house we have no account of any
attempt to force the windows or back door ; the marks on the
front door bear evidence of only two or three assailants, who
2 '
18 Annual Meetinff—1899.
did not saoceed in breaking it down. Meanwhile two, at least,
of its occupants jumped from its east windows unobserved. Why
was this house so lightly assaulted and why was the Stebbins
house entirely unmolested, while we have a score or more of the
Indians breaking into the Williams house ? This is a pertinent
enquiry to which there has been hitherto no reply, and no con-
jecture has so far been hazarded. But are we not now ready to
assume that the greater part of the squad assigned to the Shel-
don house, and all of that assigned to the Stebbins house, joined
that assigned to the Williams house ? Can a movement of this
kind be accounted for ? Those assigned to attack this group
of houses would naturally be the first to leave the main army.
During the short time tliey were awaiting the posting of the
others, and the signal for attack, the secret of the Maoquas may
have leaked out. On learning which house contained the great
prize and which of course would be the most hopeful place to
look for other rich spoils, who can doubt that it was the com-
bined contingent which swarmed mto the house of Mr. WU-
Uams ? Is there any other explanation why the Benoni Steb-
bins house was unmolested ? This being the case, the prudent
arrangements for a simultaneous attack were frustrated. The
result of this disarrangement of plan was disastrous to the
enemy, resulting not only in the death of the officer second in
command under Rouville, but of the leading Maoqua Sachem
and others of less note, but it prevented further progress of the
victors south of the fortified line. To the settlers it was a for-
tunate happening ; the salvation of those in the late beleaguered
Stebbins house and in many another house south of the fort.
The occupants of the Stebbins house, " 7 men and some women
and children, being well awakened " by the hellish tumult out-
side, realized its full import, and were quickly prepared and on
the defensive when the onset came. Doubtless the Macqua
Sachem, leaving Mr. Williams safely bound in the hands of his
two confederates and feeling some responsibility for the fatal
delay, made daring efforts to retrieve it, and he lost his life in
the desperate but vain fight against the Spartan defenders of
the Stebbins house. ITor could all the red Indians and ail the
king's men drive the brave seven and their helpful wives from
their cover, either by fire or by sword. When the dawn came
to their aid, the field within the range of their shot was soon
cleared of their foes, who then poured in their bullets from the
New TraolcB in an old Trail. 19
shelter of the meetinghoase, the Sheldon house, and perhaps
the house of the minister. Mr. Williams thus briefly tells the
story: ^^The judgment of Ood did not long slumber against
one of the three which took me, who was a captain, for by sun-
rising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house ;
who opposed so great a number of French and Indians as three
hundred, and yet were no more than seven men in an ungarri-
soned house." Three hundred against seven ! More than forty
to one!
Where can this act of desperate valor be paralleled ? In
the annals of New England warfare are found many cases
where a small force successfully defends a fort or cabin against
a horde of savages, but never against such odds and backed by
a force of French soldiers under officers of the line.
Many of the details given and to be given may seem trivial,
but each item gives its bit of testimony in support of the as-
sumption with which we set out. These details are scattered
all through the pages of " The Redeemed Captive."
On the march we find the greatest care was taken to prevent
the escape of Mr. Williams. He says, ^^ I was pinioned and
bound down that night and so I was every night while I was
in the army. . . . He that took me was unwilling to let me
speak with any of the prisoners as we marched," thus pre-
venting any plotting to escape. ^^ But on the morning of the
second day, he being appointed to guard the rear " of the re-
treating army, ^^ I was put into the hands of my other master "
who, feeling the responsibility less heavy, gave the captive leave
to walk and talk with his wife when they overtook her.
The fact that this Macqua was put in charge of the rear guard
on the morning of the second day's march shows that he ranked
high and probably took the command in place of the head Sa-
chem who fell before the sharpshooters in the Stebbins house.
His declining to keep Mr. Williams with him in the rear, where
there would be danger of a rescue in case of pursuit, shows a
wise care for the security of his prisoner. At the noon halt
the chief was relieved of his command in the rear and sent to
the head of the column where he took his prisoner, kept him
under his direct charge, and made him his main care. When
the van reached the top of the hill, Mr. Williams says, " I was
permitted to sit down, and be unburthened of my padc, I . . . .
intreated my master to let me go down, and help up my wife ;
but he refused, and would not let me stir from him." The
cautions savage would take no risks, there was too much at
stake, and Mr. Williams never saw his wife again. That night
one of the Sachems of the Abenakis, the tribe for whose benefit
the expedition had been undertaken, feeling that he was short
in the division of plunder and trophies of his prowess, coolly
went to the Macqua camp, and, says Mr. Williams, ^^ spake to
my master about killing of me, and taking off my scalp." Evi-
dently the Abenaki was not in the secret, and he retired no
richer or wiser than when he came. ITeither was Mr. WiUiams
in the secret, and naturally objected to such a summary pro-
ceeding, protesting to his master that it would be an act of bad
faith after his surrender. ^^ I told my master if he intended to
kill me, I desired he would let me know of it. . . . He told
me he would not kill me." Doubtless the emissary smiled
grimly when he gave that assurance. The Abenaki chief was
not satisfied, however, and made complaint to De Rouville. The
result was that : ^' In the morning we were all called before
the chief Sachem of the Macquas and Indians, that a more equal
distribution might be made of tiie prisoners among them. . . .
But I was sent again to my two masters, who broaght me from
my house." This movement for redistribution was a matter of
policy, if not necessity, to quiet the savages. The question of a
new disposition of Mr. Williams, however, was only a pretense,
and De Bouville found no lack of reasons for restoring him to
his captors. That the personal appearance of their captive
might not enhance the value of the prize, Mr. Williams says,
^^ at my going from the wigwam, my best clothing was taken
away from me." This was sharp practice on the part of the
Macquas, who chose to consider this clothing private plunder
and refused to display it before the Abenakis. Later it was
sold to the French in Canada. Stephen Williams says of this
morning's affair : ^^ Some of us were Distributed for some had
five or six Captives & others none. Then they called y« Cap-
tives together to make a more Equal Distribution, but I re-
mained w^ my former master. Here they searche me And
took away my silver buttons & buckles w^*^ I had on my shirt."
Such plunder was probably used for small change in making
the new distribution. It would be interesting to know what
the Abenaki Sachem secured in lieu of the scalp of Mr. Wil-
liams, that escutcheon of honor with which he was ambitious to
Neui Traok9 in an Old Tradl. 21
adorn his belt. None of the Williams children appears to have
changed masters at this time, and as none of the Deerfield cap-
tives was ever found among the Abenakis, these Indians prob-
ably received satisfaction for their share of the spoils in some
other kind of personal property. It nowhere appears that the
French soldiers ever laid claim to any of the captives or to the
plunder. For their escort duty on this little trip, they were paid
by the King of France. After this distribution the French ap-
parently took no further concern for the captives. Their con-
tract with the Indians was fulfilled. All parties made their
way to Canada as best suited their will or convenience.
Sunday, March 5, Mr. Williams was ^^ permitted to pray &
preach to the captives," and he says, '^ When the Macquas and
Indians were chief in power, we had this revival in our bond-
age ; to join together in the worship of God, and encourage one
another to a patient bearing the indignation of the Lord, till he
should plead our cause. When we arrived at New France we
were forbidden praying one with another or joining together in
the service of God." It is well known to historians that there
was an influence in Canada, which ruled not only the Indians
but practically controlled the civil and military authorities.
March 8. The Macqua Sachem withdrew his party from the
main body. There was no apparent reasoa for this move un-
less he feared losing his prize through some act of the Abena-
kis. He may not always have been free to be a personal guard.
Now, having left the main body, he was his own master, and
his will law. It was on the very first day after the separation
that the dramatic scene occurred which is thus described by Mr.
Williams.
^^ At night my master came to me, with my pistol in his hand,
and put it to my breast, and said, now I wiU kill you, for (said
he) at your house you would have killed me with it if you
could. But by the Grace of God I was not much daunted ;
and whatever his intentions might be, God prevented my
death."
We may now be sure that the intention of the savage was
simply an attempt characteristic of his race, to sport with the
fears of his prisoner for his own diversion. This was a game
he did not dare to play before parting with the Abenakis ; it
might encourage the sport, and they might carry the joke too
far ; even now it was done under the cover of darkness, and
22 Afmual Meeting— 1899.
apparently with no spectators. From this time forward Mr.
Williams was not bound down nights, as his captors could give
their personal care to his security. The next Sunday one of
the Indians kept guard over Mr. Williams while the rest went
hunting. They soon came back, saying seven moose had been
killed. This exploit shows the Macqua to be on his own
ground, and his knowledge of the location of a ^^ moose yard.''
The next day the party moved up to the murdered moose.
Three days were spent in roasting and drying the meat for
their journey. " Here," says Mr. Williams, " my master made
me a pair of snow shoes, for (said he) you cannot possibly travel
without, the snow being knee deep." Mr. Williams was obliged
to assist in the transportation of this provision, but he was bur-
dened no longer than it was necessary, for, when they reached
French Eiver : — " My master, at this place, took away my pack
and drawed the whole load on the ice." Each night a wigwam
was built to shelter the exhausted traveler, who was failing
under the hardships. Mr. Williams says, " My master was very
kind to me — would always give me the best he had to eat, and
by the goodness of Ood, I never wanted a meal's meat during
my captivity ; though some of my children and neighbors were
greatly wounded (as I may say) with the arrows of famine and
pinching want ; having for many days nothing but roots to live
upon, and not much of them neither. My master gave me a
piece of Bible ; never disturbed me in reading the scriptures, or
in praying to God." Soon, however, Mr. Williams was called
to an experience of this kindness which was a sore trial to his
faith. .
Spring came on apace. Hurry they must or their highway
would melt under their feet. Mr. Williams says, " My march
on French River was very sore ; for, fearing a thaw, we trav-
elled a very great pace ; my feet were so bruised, and my joints
so distorted by my travelling in snow shoes, that I thought it
impossible to hold out. . . . Each night I wrung blood out of
my stockins when I pulled them off." The Indian knew that
a crisis in their march was at hand; delay was not to be
thought of, and extraordinary measures must be adopted.
Early one morning when his plans were matured, the chief
awoke his charge, saying, ^^ arise, pray to God, and eat your
breakfast, for we must go a great way today." But, Mr. Will-
iams says, ^^ my feet were so tender, swoln, bruised, and full of
New Tracki m an Old TraU. 23
pain, that I ooold scarce stand upon them, without holding on
to the wigwam, and when the Indian said, you must ran to-
day ; I answered I could not run ; my master pointing out to
his hatchet, said to me, then I must dash out your brains, and
take off your scalp. I said, I suppose then you will do so, for
I am not able to travel with speed. He sent me away alone
. on the ice. About sun half an hour high, he over-took me, for
I had gone very slowly, not thinking it possible to travel five
miles. When he came up, he called me to run ; I told him I
could go no faster. He passed by without saying one word
more.'*
The condition of the poor sufferer was now desperate. Death
in another form stared him in the face. Starvation must surely
follow desertion by the savage. Life was still sweet, and the
knowledge that his fate depended upon his own exertion nerved
him to that supreme effort of which the experienced Macqua
judged him capable. The latter understood the power of man's
endurance in an extremity. He skillfully kept just far enough
in advance, and showed himself just often enough, to lure his
follower on and keep the embers of hope from being buried in
the ashes of despair. This heroic treatment was successful.
Mr. Williams says, '^ I travelled from about break of day till
dark ; never so much as sat down at noon to eat warm victuals ;
eating frozen meat, which I had in coat pocket, as I travelled.
We went that day two of their day's journey as they came
down. I judge we went forty or forty-five miles that day
.... in tJie afternoon I was stronger to travel than in the
forenoon. My strength was restored and renewed to admira-
tion."
Here was a striking exhibition of the power of mind over
matter. The strong will of the fagged out minister alone car-
ried him through. We may be sure the hurrying Sachem kept
a wary eye on his captive and would have returned to him in
case of extreme need. He knew, of course, that there was no
possibility of an escape or of a rescue. In due time the party
reached the place where the Sachem's family were, and after
various moves they ^^ made a canoe of elm bark in one day,"
went down the Sorel river and arrived at the French town of
Obambly, March 25. Soon after they went on to St. Frauds.
As we have seen, Mr. Williams was always fully supplied
with food, but he did not fare so well for clothing, ^^ having
24 Annual Meetmg—1%99.
lousy old clothes of soldiers pat upon me when they stripped
me of mine to sell to the French soldiers in the army." Mr.
Williams had otherwise been subjected to physical suffering
only as a necessary consequence of his condition. He expresses
gratitude for the personal care and consideration of his savage
masters. It must, however, be questioned whether this kind-
ness was prompted by a humane motive or by one less com-
mendable. His masters were converts to Bomanism, but so
catholic were they, that every opportunity was allowed for the
devotions of their captive, and they had shown full respect to
his religious views. But now Mr. Williams was to enter upon
another chapter of experiences. He was not only to be well
fed but well clothed and well housed ; he was also to be weU
treated by the civil authorities and the common people of
Canada. But he was denied every chance of religious converse
with other captives, and was kept by the priests under the
theological harrow from his arrival at Chambly until the hour
he embarked for Boston. But this is rather beside our object.
Gov. Vaudreuil, on receiving news that Mr. Williams had
reached St. Francis, sent orders to have him brought forthwith
up to Montreal. " Upon which," says Mr. Williams, " one of
the Jesuits went with my two masters, and took me dong with
them." Tuesday, April 25, Mr. Williams arrived at Montreal,
where " the Governor de Vaudreuil redeemed me out of the
hands of the Indians, gave me good clothing, took me to his
table, gave me the use of a very good chamber, and was in all
respects, relating to my outward man, courteous and charitable
to admiration."
Now let us examine the above transaction to see if there is
any evidence to support my assumption. Mr. Williams simply
says Vaudreuil ^^ redeemed me out of the hands of the Indians."
For this and other acts of kindness, he was grateful to the
governor. Had he known the facts, he might not have been
less grateful, for he would doubtless have fared much worse
had he been unprotected. But Mr. Williams never knew what
he unconsciously reveals. Mark the manner in which this so-
called ^^ redemption " was accomplished. Vaudreuil simply
orders Mr. Williams to be brought to him, and it is done.
There is not a moment's hesitation, and not a word about the
conditions of delivering the carefully guarded prisoner. The
two surviving Macquas simply hand over their prize, and secure
New Tracks in an Old Trail. 35
their reward, doubtless a generous one. Their mission is at an
end, and nothing more is heard of them. In all other known
oases of the redemption of English prisoners, there is much
haggling about the price of the chattel We shall see, further^
more, that the governor had no power to take other prisoners
from the hands of their owners.
Contrast the foregoing case of the ^* redemption " of Mr.
Williams with what follows. Yaudreuil, for some reason, is
anxious to reclaim from savage hands all the children of Mr.
Williams. Why does he not use the summary method which
he did with the father ? For the simple reason that the father
is a prisoner of state, while the children were private property.
Hear Mr. Williams : — ''At my first entering into his house,
he [Vaudreuil] sent for my two children, who were in the city,
that I might see them ; and promised to do what he could to
get all my children out of the hands of the savages." Of the
redemption of the eldest daughter we have no particulars. But
'' the governor gave orders to certain ofScers to get the rest of
my children out of the hands of the Indians." After six weeks
of ineffectual effort by these officers, '' a merchant of the city
obtained my eldest son, who was taken to live with him. He
took a great deal of pains to persuade the savages to part with
him," and so accomplished what the agents of the governor had
been unable to do. '' The govemour ordered a priest to go along
with me to see my youngest daughter among the Macquas,
and endeavour for her ransom. I went with him .... and
from his parish, which was near the Macqua fort, he wrote a
letter to the Jesuit [in the fort], to desire him to send my child
to see me, and to speak with them who took her to come along
with her. But the Jesuit wrote back a letter, ' That I should
not be permitted to speak with, or see my child, and if I came,
my labour would be lost ; and that the Macquas would as soon
part with their hearts as my child.' " When the governor read
this letter he '' was very angry and endeavoured to comfort me,
assuring me I should see her, and speak with her." That was
all he could promise. '' He would do his utmost endeavour for
her ransom [and], after some days, he went with me in his own
person to the fort." The governor was in dead earnest now.
After talking a while to the Jesuits, '' My child was brought
into the chamber where I was. I was told I might speak with
her but should be permitted to speak to no other English person
26 Annual Meeting— 1899.
there." And Mr. Williams was guarded from the gate of the
fort to his canoe. ^^ The govemour laboured much lor her re-
demption ; at last he had the promise of it, in case he would
procure for them an Indian girl in her stead." He procured
one with great trouble, but she was refused. ^^ He offered them
an hundred pieces of eight [Spanish dollars] for her redemption,
but it was refused. His lady went over to beg her from them,
but all in vain." The power and authority of the governor was
exhausted. Neither he nor his wife could do more, and the
child, Eunice Williams, spent her life among the Indians, to
whom she belonged by right of capture. Omitting much more
testimony which points in the same direction, I will cite only
the case of Stephen Williams.
While Stephen was at Cowass, in the spring of 1704, with
his captor Wattanamon the Pennicook, the governor empow-
ered Capt. Chambly, a brother of De Bouville, to obtain Stephen
by purchase ; but the agent employed by Chambly proved a
fraud, and the attempt came to nothing. In August, when the
party from Cowass arrived at St. Francis, Wattanamon made
over Stephen to his kinsman. Sagamore Ghdorge, of Pennicook,
and Capt. Chambly renewed his attempt for his purchase ; but the
Jesuits broke up the bargain. Yaudreuil now takes the matter
in hand. " The French governor after he heard I was in y*
country," says Stephen, ^^ was often sending to y^ Indians to
buy me, who were quite wearied out because of y* many mes-
sages he sent. Y^ governor was not willing to give above 80
crowns whereas they stood for 40. At length," the Sagamore
sent his ultimatum ; the governor must give 40 crowns for the
boy and take him before spring, or he would not be sold at alL
Yaudreuil was obliged to come to terms, and, at planting time,
^^ the govemour came & bought me after a long parley for 40
crowns."
All these facts show the status of Mr. Williams as compared
to that of his children, they being in the same condition as the
rest of the captives, only private property over which the
government had no control.
^^ At my first coming to Montreal," says Mr. Williams, *^ the
govemour told me, I should be sent home as soon as Captain
Battis was retumed, and not before, and that I was taken in
order to his redemption." Two years later he records that he
had heard ^' that the Lord Intendant said if More retumed and
Nefuo Traoka in an Old Trail. 27
brought word that Battis was in prison, he would put me in
prison and lay me in irons."
These two extraots from ** The Eedeemed Captive " contain
all that is found there relating to Capt. Baptiste. But we know
from other sources that the negotiation for the exchange of
prisoners was long and complicated. We do not find in them
any proposition for a direct exchange of Baptiste for Mr.
Williams, but Vaudreuil would agree to no exchange including
Mr. Williams in which Baptiste was not also included. He
held the trump card, and could play the game accordingly.
He says little of Mr Williams ; does not exploit the mode of his
capture, does not appear to be proud of the act.
At length an agreement for a final exchange of prisoners
was reached. Capt. Baptiste arrived in Canada, early in Oc-
tober, 1706, and on the 21st of November Mr. Williams arrived
in Boston.
Now, it may be asked, why, with the above statement of Mr.
Williams before me, I have gone about in such a lengthy
fashion to prove what is so plainly stated. My reasons for
writing this paper are three :
First, to gratify my own inherent love for close investigation
and the sifting of evidence.
Secondly, to present a more detailed and personal view of
some of the events of 1704 : Lest we forget. Minute details
make a picture more vivid, more real, and, therefore, more
lasting.
Thirdly, and chiefly, because, although the story was told
that Mr. Williams was taken for an exchange for Capt. Bap-
tiste, so far as I know, no writer has ever taken the statement
for a fact or other than an afterthought of the governor for
convenient application. Mr. Williams makes no comments on
the governor's statement and the Intendant's threat, and it
nowhere appears they had any influence on his subsequent ac-
tion. Nowhere in his narrative, or elsewhere, is there found
the least intimation that Mr. Williams took Yaudreuil's words
as a statement of fact. He nowhere urges the return of Bap-
tiste, nowhere complains of delay. On the other hand, he freely
records how the bishop, priests, and Jesuits often urged his
stay among them, and what great rewards they offered as in-
ducements. We note that no word of that kind is heard from
the governor. Possibly the ecclesiastics were not in the secret.
28 Antvual Meetinff— 1899.
The goTernor may have played a lone hand. It is evident that
neither Mr. Williams, nor any of his readers, took seriously the
statement of YaudreoiL Certainly there has never been the
slightest intimation by anybody that special agents were em-
ployed by the governor for a specific purpose in the expedi-
tion against Deerfield in 1704.
ETHAN ALLEN AND HIS DAUGHTER.
BY 0. ALIOS BAKER.
The name of Allen, written at different periods as Allein,
Alleyn, Alain, is doubtless of French origin. A certain Louis
Alain figures in early Canadian and New England annals, as a
spy. One Samuel Allen came in 1682 from Braintree, Eng., to
Cambridge in New England, and thence went with Hooker's
company to Windsor, Conn., in 1635. His son, Nehemiah, mar-
ried Sarah Woodford, of Northampton, Mass., and died there.
Their son, Samuel, a barber, in 1705 married Mercy, daughter
of Judah Wright, of Northampton, and bought a homestead in
Deerfield, Mass.
Their son, Joseph, bom in Deerfield in 1708, when five years
old removed with his parents to Coventry, Conn., where the
father died. The widow, Mercy Allen, with her grown-up son
and several other children, went west from Coventry fifty miles
to Litchfield, where she died in 1728. In 1737, her son Joseph
married Mary Baker, and ETHAN ALLEN, the eldest of
their nine children, was bom in Litchfield in 1738. Semember
Baker, later his companion in arms, was his own cousin. One
of Allen's biographers pithily says, ^^ this year gave birth to
three honest men : Ethan Allen, G^rge UL, and Benjamin
West''
According to the universal custom in those days, Ethan
Allen was baptized while an infant. When he was two years
old, the family removed to Cornwall, Conn., where his father
died. Nothing in the boyhood or youth of Ethan Allen indi-
cates that he wished to be or would become a soldier. His
father's death put an end to his preparation for college, and as
a farmer he went resolutely to work for the support of his
widowed mother and her children. In 1762, we find him work-
EOujm AUen and Sis DoMghUr. 29
ing an iron mine, building a f umaoe, and casting iron-ware. In
June of the same year, at the age of twenty-foar, he married
Mary Bronson, who was five years his senior, paying sixty-
seven cents as his marriage fee. By her he had five children,
a son who died in boyhood and four daughters. Allen lived
with his family for some time in Sheffield, Mass.
During the formative period of Ethan Allen's life, the West-
minster Catechism and Watts' hynms were used throughout
New England. He seems to have escaped the influence of
George Whitefleld's preaching, which during his youth elec-
trified thousands in New England, and steering equally clear of
Calvinism and Methodism, he was an Arminian in his early
manhood.
In that tiresome Latin-English characteristic of self-taught
men, he says of himself, ^^ In my youth I was much disposed
to contemplation, and at my commencement in manhood, I
committed to manuscript, such sentiments and arguments as
appeared most consonant to reason, less through the debility
\dc\ of memory, my improvement should have been less grad-
ual This method of scribbling I prax^tised many years, from
which I experienced great advantages in the progression of
learning and knowledge; the more so as I was deficient in
education, and had to acquire the knowledge of grammar and
language, as well as the art of reasoning, principally from a
studious application to it, which, after all, I am sensible lays
me under disadvantages, particularly in matters of composi-
tion : however, to remedy this defect, I have substituted the
most unwearied pains. . . . Ever since I arrived at manhood,
and acquainted myself with the general history of mankind, I
have felt a sincere passion for liberty. The history of nations
doomed to perpetual slavery, in consequence of yielding up to
tyrants their natural-bom liberties, I read with a sort of philo-
sophical horror." This sounds like Marat, the French revolu-
tionist, and in this his own statement of his early manhood,
as well as in the story of his boyhood, we have the keynote to
the later career of Ethan Allen. Deprived of the advice and
discipline of a father, interrupted in his studies and burdened
while a mere boy with the support of his widowed mother and
her young family, he acquired a premature independence of
thought and became early accustomed to believe in his own
ability and to regard himself as a leader. To these circum-
30 Annual Meeting— 1S99.
stances add the liberality of his religious training, his inborn
craving for justice, his hatred of oppression, his passionate love
of liberty, and you have the man ready when the hour should
strike.
Let us leave Ethan Allen in Connecticut in 1762, at the age
of twenty-four fearlessly taking upon himself the burden of a
family, hard at work by day carrying on his farm, casting iron
and working a mine, meditating at night on the problem of
human destiny and writing out his thoughts in ^' order to ac-
quire the knowledge of grammar and language as well as the
art of reasoning." Precisely at this period, there landed in
New York an Irish lawyer, who, having borne a military com-
mission in Dublin, was known in America as Colonel Crean
Brush. Brush was a widower, and had left his only child, a
baby girl, in Ireland. He soon married, in New York, Marga-
ret Montr68or, widow of a colonel in the British service who
was killed in the old French war. This widow Montr6sor had
a daughter Frances. Colonel Brush was employed in the of-
fice of the Secretary of New York and later was licensed to
practice law in all the New York courts. Previous to this, in
1749, Benning Went worth. Royal Governor of New Hampshire,
by the King's orders had begun to grant lands on the west side
of the Connecticut river (now Vermont) to such persons as
would improve them, and actually settle thereon. Three tiers
of townships were laid out on each side of the mountain, each
township being six miles square; the Governor reserving for
himself five hundred acres in each. The township adjoining
the northwest comer of Massachusetts was the first town settled
in Yermont west of the Green Mountains, and was named Ben-
nington in honor of Governor Benning Wentworth. On the
bonus of five hundred acres at the comer of each township and
the fees and other perquisites received for the New Hampshire
grants, Governor Wentworth grew rich, like honest John Hull
on his percentage of pine-tree shillings, and lived in splendid
style at Little Harbor, Newcastle, N. H. Who can forget
Longfellow's picture of him, as he drove out of Portsmouth in
His brilliant equipage that flashed and spun,
The silver harness, glittering in the sun.
Outriders, with red jackets, lithe and lank,
Pounding the saddles as they rose and sank.
While all alone, within the chariot, sat
Ethan Allen and Bu Daughter. SI
A portly person with three-oomered hat,
A criinaon velvet coat, head high in air,
Gold-headed cane, and nicely powdered hair,
And diamond buckles sparkling at his knees.
Dignified, stately, florid, much at ease.
For this was Governor Wentworth driving down
To Little Harbor, just beyond the town.
Where his Great House stood looking out to sea.
A goodly place, where it was good to be.
It was a pleasant mansion, an abode
Near, and yet hidden from the great high road.
Sequestered among trees, a noble pile
Baronial, and colonial, in its style.
Gables and dormer windows every where,
And stacks of chimneys rising high in air,
Pandaean pipes, on which all winds that blew
Made mournful music the whole winter through.
Within, unwonted splendors met the eye, —
Panels and floors of oak, and tapestry,
Carved chimney pieces, where on brazen dogs
Revelled and roared the Christmas fires of logs.
Doors opening into darkness unawares,
M3r8terious passages, and flights of stairs.
And on the walls, in heavy gilded frames
The ancestral Wentworths with old Scripture names.
Governor Wentworth's prosperity was viewed with jealousy
by his neighbors, and, in 1763, lientenant-Govemor Cadwallader
Golden, of New York, proclaimed the Connecticut river to be
the eastern boundary of that province, ordering " aU civil of-
fleers holding commissions under the New York government,
to exercise jurisdiction as far as to the banks of the Connecti-
cut." In March, 1764, a counter-proclamation was issued by
Governor Wentworth in assertion of the rights of the settlers
under the New Hampshire Grants and exhorting them ^^ to be
industrious in clearing and cultivating their lands." In 1765, a
large part of the township of Bennington was occupied by
hardy pioneers from Massachusetts and Connecticut, who had
cleared the land, built houses and barns, made roads, and es-
tablished schools. Just at this moment of prosperity the hard-
working settiers were alarmed by another proclamation from
lieutenant-Govemor Colden, reiterating his previous claim and
this time by authority of the King and his Council, declaring
the western bank of the Connecticut to be the boundary be-
tween New Hampshire and New York, and ordering all His
Majesty's subjects to conform thereto.
32 Annual Meeting— 1S99.
Having thus by proolamataon, indorsed by the King of Eng-
landy claimed jurisdiction over the disputed territory, the New
York government proceeded to allot the same, — ^in many in-
stances granting to others the identical lands already occupied
and improved by settlers who had paid for them to Governor
Wentworth. About this time, Ethan Allen and his brothers,
having invested in the New Hampshire Grants, made their home
in Bennington. As may well be supposed, Allen was not the
man tamely to submit to be dispossessed of his lawful property
or to advise submission in others. Obtaining an able Connect-
icut lawyer, he went to Albany to maintain the rights of the
settlers. But it being soon evident that their case was prejudged,
Allen went back to Bennington and stirred the people up to
defend their rights and hold their property by force, since justice
was denied them. Committees of Safety were appointed, and
a military organization formed, afterward famous as ^^The
Green Mountain Boys," with Ethan Allen as Colonel, and his
cousin, Bemember Baker, Seth Warner, and others as captains
under hiuL In July, 1771, an attempt was made by an armed
force of three hundred men from Albany to eject James Break-
enridge, one of the earliest settlers of Bennington. The at-
tempt failed, but, says a writer, ^^ Here, in fact, on the farm of
James BreiJienridge, was bom the future state of Vermont."
The same year the Committee of Safety in General Council
" Besolved, that no New York officer should be suffered to carry
any person out of the New Hampshire Grants, without per-
mission of the Committee of Safety, or the military Com-
manders." New York surveyors were forbidden to run any
lines within the Grants ; and finally no person should take out
a grant under New York authority. Whereupon the New
York Assembly authorized the sheriffs to call out a j>088e in
case of opposition in executing their office : and a reward of £160
was offered for the seizure of Ethan Allen, and £50 each for the
other officers of the ^^ Green Mountain Boys." Thus it will be
seen that Allen was regarded as the ringleader. It should also
be noted that Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys were
not like Bobin Hood and his fellows, a band of desperate out-
laws, banded together without authority for the defense of their
individual rights, but a regular organization legitimately ap-
pointed by committees of the whole people to maintain justice
and prevent intrusion upon their lawful rights. The ^^ Con-
Ethcm Alien amd HU Daughter. 33
necticat Courant " was the organ of the Green Mountain Boys
at this period. Besides his contributions to this paper, pamphlets
and placards flew fast from Ethan Allen's pen. His counter-
blast against Governor Tryon's proclamation for his arrest, pro-
vokes a smile to-day, though the gentlemen therein named would
have found it no joke, had they fallen into the hands of the
Green Mountain Boys at the Catamount Tavern in Benning-
ton.
In this very year (1771) Orean Brush removed to Westmins-
ter, Vermont. Doubtless he was influenced by his failure to
obtain political power in New York and by his wish to realize
money from his lands in the New Hampshire Grants, which in-
cluded many acres of meadow land on the Connecticut. Brush's
advent into this quiet country town, his display in dress, his glib
tongue, his pompous manner, and his pretensions to gentility, at
first profoundly impressed the simple villagers. But, as they
came to know him better, they judged him more justiy. He
soon found his level, and his only friends were a few arrogant
loyalists of his own type, of whom every New England town at
the beginning of the Bevolution had its quota. In answer to a
petition of Cumberland County in 1772, the people were allowed
to nominate two representatives to the General Assembly of
New York. Crean Brush was one of the two elected. Weak
and unprincipled as he appears. Brush had all the qualities
which go to make a brilliant and successful party politidan.
He soon became recognized as a conservative, wholly opposed
to reform. His voluble speech, his grandiloquent oratory, and
impassioned manner, compelled attention and gave him a cer-
tain influence. In the dispute regarding the New Hampshire
Grant, he was doubly interested, and from his knowledge ac-
quired while in the office of the Secretary of State of New Ywk,
he was able to present the case intelligently. Accordingly, we
find him frequentiy on committees to draft statements of the
rights of New York. It was he who prepared the bill to sup-
press the riotous and disorderly proceedings of the '*' Benning-
ton Mob," as the Green Mountain Boys were called, which
was the origin of Governor Tryon's proclamation for the seizure
ol Ethan Allen, Bemember Baker, and six otbwi. Brush also
opposed the election of New York delegates to the Continental
Congress. His career as a legisdator ended with the adjourn-
ment of the New York Assembly on the 8d of April, 1775.
8
34 AnntuU Meeting — 1899.
He probably spent that summer in New York, working for the
King's cause. In the autumn we find him in Boston, offering
his services to General Gage, — who having reluctantly deter-
mined to winter his army in Boston, and finding it necessary to
remove the furniture from the houses that would be required,
authorized Crean Brush to receive for safe keeping ^^ such goods
as the people might voluntarily entrust to him .... to take due
care thereof, and to deliver said Goods when called upon by
those to whom he should have given his Receipts for the same."
Mr. Brush's sun was near its setting. Shortly after this. Gage
was superseded by Lord Howe, who, thinking discretion the
better part of valor, determined to evacuate Boston, and when
it became evident that this was no longer a matter of choice,
the conduct of the British and their Tory adherents became
more insolent. On Sunday, March 10, 1776, Howe privately
ordered Brush to seize all goods which, if they should "fall
into the hands of the rebels, would enable them to carry on
War." At the same time a handbill was posted conspicuously
in Boston, ordering the removal of linen and woolen goods
from the town, and declaring that " any person who should se-
crete such articles, would be treated as a Favourer of Rebels,"
and empowering Crean Brush to receive such goods on board
the ship Minerva and the brigantine Elizabeth.* "The day
following," says Mr. Frothingham, " was signalized by the op-
erations of Crean Brush, a conceited New York tory, as igno-
rant of the American character, as he was insolent in the
discharge of his official duties." The following inventory of
" sundry packages taken by Crean Brush, out of Mr. Cyrus
Balwin's store, March 10, 1776, shows his indiscriminate plun-
der of private property : 7 trunks. 9 boxes. 9 casks. 1 Coun-
ter. 11 bales. 1 bag pepper. 1 bag allspice. 1 Cask indigo.
3 quires small and 1 quire large Press paper. Sundry loose
ones. 1 black walnut desk. 1 writing desk. 1 Pewter dish.
1 small Organ in the chamber. 4 chairs." Abigail Adams's
letters to her husband from Quincy during the first seventeen
days of March, are of the most exciting interest. March 16, 1776,
she writes, " There have been some movements among the minis-
terial troops as if they meant to evacuate .... Boston. Be-
tween seventy and eighty vessels of various sizes, are gone down,
and lie in a row, in fair sight of this place, aU of which appear to
* Frothingham, Si^ge of Boston, p. 306.
Ethcm Alien and His Daughter, 35
be loaded : and by what can be collected from our own observa-
tions, and from deserters, they have been plundering the town."
Smiday noon, March 17, Mrs. Adams writes : '^ Being quite sick
with a violent cold, I have tarried at home today. I find the
firing was occasioned by our people taking possession of Nook's
Hill .... which has obliged our enemy to decamp this morn-
ing, as I hear from a messenger just come from head-quarters
.... they have carried away everything they could possibly
take ; and what they could not, they have burnt, broke or hove
into the water. Many articles of good household furniture
having in the course of the week come ashore at Great Hill,
both upon this, and Weymouth side ; — ^lids of desks, mahc^ny
chairs, tables, &c. To what quarter of the world they are
bound is wholly unknown. . . . From Penn's Hill we have a
view of the largest fleet ever seen in America. Tou may count
upwards of a hundred and seventy sail. They look like a for-
est." A letter from a British officer's wife, on board a ship of
this fleet, dated ^^ Kantasket Boads, March 25," gives us the
other side of the picture. She says, " We know not where we
are to go : We are in great distress. The spectacle is truly ter-
rible." The Elizabeth, with Crean Brush on board, dropped
down the harbor, and on the 29th of March, set sail for Halifax.
She was overhauled on April 2d by Capt. John Manly in the
^^ Hancock," and finding escape impossible, she struck her
colors. All on board were made prisoners, and the brigantine
anchored in Fiscataqua river, not far from the old homestead of
Benning Wentworth. Brush with others was brought the 11th
of April before the Massachusetts Council then sitting at Water-
town. His testimony proved his share in the pillage of Boston.
" I solemnly aver," he said, " that from the 5th to the 13th of
March, I did not in any one night allow myself more than two
hours' sleep." Brush was sent the next day to the jail in Boston,
where he was kept a close prisoner, being placed in a cell by
himself, heavily handcuffed, refused the use of pen, ink, paper,
and candles, forbidden to talk with any one except in presence
of the jailer. In January, 1777, his wife arrived in Boston, re-
maining through the year. On the 5th of the following No-
vember, she spent the day as usual with her husband in his cell,
till the time for locking up, when she was told by the jailer
that she must go. A tall figure, in a woman's dress, left
the cell with apparent reluctance, passing slowly out of
36 Annual MeeUng— 1899.
the jail. The relieved turnkey shot the bolt and reported
all safe, lifargaret Montr^sor passed a restless night in a felon's
joelly while her husband, on a fleet horse provided by her, fled
swiftly towards New York. The next morning, in answer to
the turnkey's repeated summons to Mr. Brush to take his break-
fast as usual at the loophole of his cell, a gentle voice at last replied
with dignity, '^ I am not Mr. Brush's keeper," refusing to say
more. Mr. Brush reached New York on the 16th of November.
There he tried in vain to recover his New Hampshire grant,
and to get redress for injuries sustained in the service of the
£ing. A Boston paper of the period * gives the last act in the
drama of his life. " From New York we learn that the noto-
rious Crean Brush, who was sometime since released from con-
finement in this town, after his arrival in that LOYAL city,
applied to the Commander there, for a Consideration of the
Insults ; and as he told his Story, the many Losses &c he met
while here, he received for answer, ' Sir, your conduct merited
them, and more ; ' which so enraged him, that he retired to bis
Chamber, where with a Pistol, he besmeared the Boom with his
Brains." While in Boston jail, Crean Brush had made his will,
making his wife his Executrix, and leaving to her the whole of his
property, as long as she should remain a widow. In case of
her marrying again, she was to have one-third, her daughter,
Frances Montr^sor, one-third, and his own daughter by his first
wife, whom he had left an infant in Ireland, one-third. Mar-
garet Montrteor seems to have had a penchant for Irishmen.
We find her in 1783, as the wife of Patrick Wall, a New York
tailor. Later they removed to the ertate in Westminster, Yt.,
inherited by her from Crean Brush, where they spent the rest of
their lives. Her daughter, Frances Montr6sor, a gay and
brilliant woman, then the widow of Captain Buchanan in the
British service, lived with her in Westminster, attracting much
attention among the plain village folk, by her imperious man-
ners.
To follow the fortunes of Crean Brush we left Ethan Allen,
in 1771, busy with his pamphlets and his placards. In the spring
of 1772, Governor Tryon, through the Rev. Jedediah Dewey,
minister of Bennington, proposed to the people of the Grants,
to send agents to him with a view to the settlement of their
troubles, promising protection to anyone sent by the minister
* Hie Independent CSmmide, and Univereal Ad^iertiser, May 21, 1778.
Ethan Aden and Bis De^hter. 87
on this business, excepting Ethan Allen and the other leaders
of the Green Mountain Boys. To this proposal a firm but re-
spectful answer was sent, signed by Allen, Warner, Baker, and
Cochran. This letter is a manly and dignified statement of
their grievances and explanation of their conduct. They say,
*^No consideration whatever, shall induce us to remit in the
least our loyalty .... to our most Gracious Sovereign, and
reasonably to you ; yet no tyranny shall deter us from assert-
ing and vindicating our rights and privileges as Englishmen."
Allen goes on to describe the assaults of the posse on unoffend-
ing settlers, and says, '' The alteration of jurisdiction in 1764,
could not effect [sic] private property, .... the transferring
or alienating of property is a sacred prerogative of the true owner.
Kings and Governors cannot intermeddle therewith. . . . Bight
and wrong are eternally the same, to all periods of time, —
places and nations ; and colouring a crime with a specious pre-
tence of law, only adds to the criminality of it. . , . Can any
man, in the exercise of reason, make himself believe, that a
number of attorneys and other gentlemen with all their tackle
to ornaments and compliments and French finesse .... have
just rights to the lands, labors and fortunes of the New Hamp-
shire settlers ? .... Our breasts glow with a martial fury to de-
fend our persons and fortunes. . . . We choose Captain Stephen
Fay, and Dr. Jonas Fay to treat with you in person. We en-
tr^bt your aid to quiet us in our farms, till the King decides it."
Pending this negotiation Governor Tryon privately sent a
Scotch surveyor to lay out lands within the Grants, and at-
tempted to establish there a colony of Scotch. Both these
schemes were prevented by the prompt action of Ethan Allen
and the Green Mountain Boys. Severe as their action was in
some cases, it must be remembered that they had been greatly
aggravated. We can smile at the penalty inflicted on a certain
doctor, who had been blatant in his abuse of the Green Moun-
tain Boys. They hoisted him in an armchair, twenty-five feet
to the top of the sign-post of the tavern, and compelled him to
sit for two mortal hours above the sign of the grinning cata-
mount, exposed to the jeers of the mob below. By such acts
the passions of both parties to the quarrel were inflamed. A
bill was at once drafted by Crean Brush and enacted by New
York, so cunning and so far-reaching as to blast all chance of
peace. The Green Mountain Boys saw in it an attempt to ter-
38 Annual Meeting— 1899.
rify them into submission to injostioe. A coanter-blast was at
once issued, by handbills and in the newspapers of Kew England,
signed by Ethan Allen and his captains, declarmg their '^ cause
good and equitable in the sight of God." They assert that New
York jpoMes compelled them to join themselves into a military
body. They say, " we will not be fooled or frightened out of
our property. We flatter ourselves that upon occasion we can
muster as good a regiment of marksmen and scalpers, as America
can afford, and we now give the gentlemen, together with Mr.
Brush and all the land-jobbers of New York an invitation to
come and view the dexterity of our regiment. . . ."
On the night of the 18th of April, 1775, a lantern was hung
from the belfry of the old North Church in Boston. " Never,"
says Mr. Philip H. Smith,* " did the beams of a tallow dip go
forth on more momentous errand." Few indeed realized at that
moment, " how far that little candle " would " throw its beams."
Mr. Frothingham says f of the Lexington and Concord fights,
" Those events preface the history of a nation, and the beginning
of an empire." These events found Bennington nominally
under jurisdiction of New York, but substantially independent,
— the people obeying only their own town-meetings, and the
decrees of the Committees of Safety in convention. Their ir-
ritation against the tyranny of King Gteorge, their sympathy
with their friends in Connecticut and Massachusetts, and their
contempt for a monarch who had allowed his grasping servants
to seize their lands, and pursue his first grantees as felons and
outlaws, made them eager to do their part in the war forced
upon the colonies by England. From this moment Ethan Allen
ceases to be a partisan leader, and becomes the broad-minded
patriot. The wrongs of his state are merged in the wrongs of
his country.
Bennington people knew the importance of Ticonderoga. In
March, 1775, their Committee of Safety had promised Joseph
Warren and Samuel Adams, of the Massachusetts committee,
that the Green Mountain Boys would be ready to seize that
fort, whenever the king's forces should begin hostilities in Mass-
achusetts. " On the 26th of April, 1775," says Mr. Sheldon,^
"Captain Samuel H. Parsons, journeying towards Hartford,
* Green Mountain Bojrs, p. 51.
t The Siege of Boston, p. 90.
t History of Deerfieldy vol. II, p. 704
Ethcm AU&th and His Daughter. 89
met on the road Captain Benedict Arnold on his way from New
London to Cambridge. They had a few words about the need
of cannon for the army, the fact of a considerable number being
at ^ Old Ti/ and the weakness of that fortress. This chance
conversation bore fruit on both branches. Arnold pushed on
to Watertown where the Provincial Congress was in session.
He presented to the Committee of Safety a scheme for captur-
ing Ticonderoga. May 3d this body and the Council of War
laid the matter before Congress in secret session. The Com-
mittee on Supplies was directed to furnish Arnold with 10
horses, 200 pounds of powder, 200 pounds of ball, 1000 flints
and £100 in money." On the 5th of May Arnold received his
^* commission as Colonel, with authority to raise four hundred
men and attack the fort."
Meantime Parsons had '^ broached the project at Hartford,"
and Captain Edward Mott with five comrades left Hartford the
29th of April, (joined later by Captain Easton and John Brown,
^' with a few more picked men " ) and ^^ pushed on to rouse Ethan
Allen and the Green Mountain Boys." ^' May 6th," says Mr.
Sheldon, ^^ the newly made Colonel Arnold, resplendent in new
uniform, bright epaulettes, gold lace and waving plumes, and
attended by a servant, rode furiously up the street " in Deer-
field, Mass., dismounting at the old tavern.^ Sending inmie-
diately to the north end of the street for Thomas Wells Dickin-
son, a young farmer of twenty-four, and recently married, he
gave him ^' a commission as Assistant Commissary from the
Commitee of Safety," with special orders to procure at once
15,000 pounds of beef for the expedition to " Old TL" Pausing
only for a social glass with Dickinson at the old tavern, " Arnold
mounted his horse and pushed on over Hoosac Mountain, arriv-
ing at Rupert, Vt., on the morning of May 8th .... Mott and
Allen had already passed that point, Arnold followed, over-
taking them at Castleton. The plan of the capture had been
laid, and one party already sent to execute its share of the work,
when Arnold appeared. He showed his commission and claimed
the command. The Green Mountain Boys looked with con-
tempt on the showy Colonel, .... flatly declaring that they
would not serve under him. It was a terrible blow to the am-
bitious Colonel to find that he was too late and that the laurels
would be given to another," but, says Washington Irving, " he
* Now owned and occupied as a summer residence l^ C. Alice Baker.
40 Annual Meeting— 191^9.
was fain to aoquiesoe and serve as a volonteer with the ranlcv
but not the command of a Colonel." His disappointment may
have been one of the causes of his pitiable end. On Sunday
morning. May 7th, our young Deerfield commissary and his
brother, Consider Dickinson, then a lad of fourteen, were on
the road urging fifteen oxen as rapidly as possible towards
Ticonderoga. They were met on the 12th day by Colonel Mott
and others, returning from its capture. Though the story of the
taking of Ticonderoga is familiar to every schoolboy, Ethan
Allen's own relation has a special flavor. He says, ^^ The first
systematic and bloody attempt at Lexington to enslave America^
thoroughly electrified my mind and fully determined me to take
part with my country, and while I was wishing for an oppor-
tunity to signalize myself in its behalf, directions were privately
sent to me from the then colony of Connecticut, to raise the
Green Mountain Boys, and, if possible, with them to surprise
and take the fortress of Ticonderoga. This enterprise I cheer-
fully undertook .... made a forced march from Bennington,
and arrived at the lake opposite Ticonderoga on the evening of
the ninth of May, 1775, with two hundred and thirty valiant
Green Mountain Boys .... With the utmost difficulty I pro-
cured boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty-three
men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear-guard
commanded by Colonel 8eth Warner ; but the day began to
dawn, and I found myself under the necessity to attack the fort
before the rear could cross the lake, and as it was viewed haz-
ardous, I harangued the officers and soldiers in the following
manner. * Friends and fellow-soldiers, you have for a number
of years past, been a scourge and terror, to arbitrary power.
Your valor has been famed abroad and acknowledged, as ap-
pears by the .... orders to me from the General Assembly
of Connecticut to surprise and take the garrison now before us.
I now propose to advance before you, and in person conduct
you through the wicket-gate ; and inasmuch as it is a desperate
attempt which none but the bravest of men dare undertake, I
do not urge it on any, contrary to his will. You that will under-
take voluntarily, poise your fire-locks ' . . . . Each poised his
fire-lock : I marched them immediately to the wicket-gate, where
I found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me.
I ran .... towards him, and he retreated through the covered
way into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran
Mhan Allen and His Daughter. 41
under a bomb-proof. My party which followed me into the
fort, I formed in the parade, in such a manner as to face the
two barracks, which faced each other. The garrison being
asleep, except the sentries, we gave three hozzas, which greatly
surprised them. One of the sentries made a pass at one of my
officers, with a charge bayonet, and slightly wounded him. My
first thought was to kill him with my sword, but in an instant
I altered the design and fury of the blow, to a slight cut on the
side of his head : upon which he dropped his gun and asked
quarter, which I readily granted him, and demanded of him the
place where the commanding officer kept He showed me a
pair of stairs in front of the west barrack, to which I immediately
repaired, and ordered the conmiander. Captain de la Place, to
come forth immediately, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison :
at which the Captain came immediately to the door, with his
breeches in his hand, when I ordered him to deliver me the fort
instantly ; he asked me by what authority I demanded it. I
answered him, ^ In the name of the great Jehovah and the Con-
tinental Congress.' The authority of the Congress being very
little known at that time, he began to speak again, but ....
with my drawn sword over his head, I again demanded an im-
mediate surrender of the garrison : with which he then complied
and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms
as he had given up the garrison. This surprise was carried
into execution in the gray of the morning of the 10th of May,
1775. The sun seemed to rise that morning, with a superior
lustre ; and Ticonderoga .... smiled on its conquerors, who
tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress,
and the liberty and freedom of America.'' Seth Warner, who
had now crossed the lake to Allen, was sent against Crown Point.
The garrison there surrendered without firing a gun, and up-
wards of a hundred cannon were taken. Arnold at once insisted
on assuming the command at Ticonderoga, but was overborne
by the popularity of Ethan Allen, whom the Connecticut com-
mittee accompanying the expedition, invested with the command
pending orders from Connecticut, or the Continental Congress.
May 11th, 1775, Allen wrote as follows :
To the Massachusetts CongreaB:
Qmitlemen,
I have to inform you with pleasure unfelt before, that on break of day of the
10th of May, 1775, by the order of the Qeneral Assembly of the Colony of Con^
42 Annual JUeetmg— 1899.
necticut, I took the fortress of Tioonderoga by storm. The soldiery was com-
posed of about one hundred Green Mountain Boys, and near fifty veteran sol-
diers from the Province of Massachusetts Bay. The latter was under the
conmiand of Col. James Easton, who behaved with great seal and fortitude,
not only in council, but in the assault ... I expect the Colonies will main-
tain this fort. As to the cannon and warlike stores, I hope th^ may serve
the cause of liberty instead of tyranny, and I humbly beg your assisting the
Qovenm&ent of Connecticut, in establishing a garrison in the reduced prenuses.
Yours most obedient servant,
Ethan Allen.
In another letter to the Massaohnsetts Connoil of War Allen
says,
Honorable Sirs,
I make you a present of a major, a captain and two lieutenants in the regular
establishment of Geoige the Third. I hope they may serve as ransomes for
some of our firiends at Boston, and particularly for Capt. Brown of Rhode
Island.
** Thus,*' says Mr. Irving,* " a partisan band, unpractised in the
art of war, had by a series of daring exploits, and almost with-
out the loss of a man, won for the patriots the command of Lakes
George and Champlain, and thrown open the great highway to
Canada."
To lead an army into Canada now became the ambition of
both Allen and Arnold. The latter wrote to the Governor
of Connecticut on the subject, and Allen thus addressed the
Continental Congress. *^The Canadians (all except the no-
hlesse), and also the Indians appear at present to be very
friendly to us : and it is my humble opinion that the more vig-
orous the Colonies push the war against the King's troops in
Canada, the more friends we shall find in that country. . . .
Should the Colonies forthwith send an army .... to attack
Montreal, we should have little to fear from the Canadians or
Indians, and should easily make a conquest of that place.
Striking such a blow would intimidate the Tory party in Can-
ada. . . . They are a set of gentlemen that will not be converted
by reason, but are easily wrought upon by fear." To the Pro-
vincial Congress of New York, Allen wrote, '' Provided the Col-
onies would suddenly push an army of two or three thousand
men into Canada, they might make a conquest of all that would
oppose them in the province of Quebec, except a re-inf oroement
* life of Washington, vol. I, p. 407.
EXhcm Allen and Sis J)(mffhter. 43
from England should prevent it. I wish to Otod Amerioa
would .... exert herself agreeably to the indignity offered her
by a tyrannical ministry. Fame is now hovering over her head.
A vast continent must now sink to slavery, poverty, horror and
bondage, or rise to unconquerable freedom, immense wealth,
inexpressible felicity and immortal fame. I will lay my life
on it, with 1500 men, and a proper train of artillery I will take
Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished .... it would
be no insuperable difficulty to take Quebec. This object
should be pursued .... for England cannot spare but a cer-
tain number of her troops .... and it is as long as it is broad,
that the more that are sent to Quebec, the less they can send
to Boston. ... At present, Canada is in a weak and helpless
condition.^'
Allen also wrote to those Montreal merchants friendly to the
cause of Liberty ; to the Canadian Indians and to the Canadian
hdbitomts. These letters are interesting as showing his knowl-
edge of human nature, his JmesBe^ his power to adapt himself
to all sorts and conditions of men with whom he had to deaL
Colonel Hinman with Connecticut troops being sent to relieve
Allen at Ticonderoga, Allen and Seth Warner went to ask per-
mission of the Congress to raise a regiment, and to get pay for
their men. They were received with great honor ; their Green
Mountain Boys were paid the same as the Continental troops,
and it was recommended that a corps of Green Mountain Boys
should be levied to serve in the war under officers of their own
choosing. The people of the New Hampshire Grants were or-
dered to raise a regiment of five hundred Green Mountain
Boys. To the cruel disappointment of Allen, when the com-
mittees of the several towns met at Dorset to choose the offi-
cers for the new regiment, Seth Warner received forty-one votes
to Allen's five, as Lieutenant-Colonel. Writing to Governor
Trumbull on August 3, 1775, Allen says, " Notwithstanding my
zeal and success in ray country's cause, the old farmers on
the New Hampshire Grants have met, . . . and in their
nomination of officers for the regiment of Green Mountain
Boys, have wholly omitted me ... . I find myself in the
favor of the officers of the army, and the young Green Moun-
tain Boys. How the old men came to reject me, I cannot con-
ceive, inasmuch as I saved them from the encroachments of
New York.
44 Armtud Meeting — 1899,
To a meaner soul than Ethan Allen's this would have been
a crushing blow. Not so with Allen. He returned to Ticoni-
deroga, where he was " retained to act as pioneer on the Ca-
nadian frontier." An expedition against Canada was deter-
mined on^ and Arnold^ his more fortunate rival, received com*
mand of a force to march against Canada by way of the Ken-
nebec.
Allen says, ^^ Early in the fall, the little army under the
command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery was or-
dered to advance into Canada. I was at Ticonderoga when
this order arrived, and the General with most of the field offi-
cers requested me to attend them in the expedition : and
though at that time I had no commission from Congress, yet
they engaged me that I should be considered as an officer the
same as though I had a commission, and should as occasion
might require, command certain detachments of the army.
This I considered an honorable offer, and did not hesitate to
comply with it." From Isle aux Noix, Sept. 14, 1775, Allen
writes to General Schuyler, " Arrived at Chambly ; found the
Canadians in that vicinity friendly. They guarded me under
arms night and day, escorted me through the woods, .... and
showed me every courtesy. . . . Governor Carleton threatens
the Canadians with fire and sword, except they assist him
against the Colonies, and the Seigneurs urge them to it. . . .
This is the situation of affairs in Canada, according to my
most painful discovery." Illness compelling General Schuyler
to return to Ticonderoga, Gteneral Bichard Montgomery assumed
command, and the siege of St. Johns, so strenuously urged by
Ethan Allen, began. On his way to assist in this siege, Allen
wrote to General Montgomery from St. Ours, September 20,
1775. "... I now have 250 Canadians underarms : as I march
they gather fast. If this place be taken, the country is ours : if
we miscarry in this, all other achievements will profit but little.
... I shall join you in about 3 days, with 300 or more Cana-
dian volunteers : . . . . those that used to be enemies to our
cause, come up cap-in-hand to me, and I swear by the Lord I
can raise three times the number of our army in Canada, pro-
vided you continue the siege. . . . The eyes of all America,
nay of Europe are or will be on the economy of this army, and
the consequences attending it." If owhere better than in these
letters of Allen is his sanguine temperament and his supera-
EOum Allen and Sis Dattghter, 45
bnndant self-confidence shown. On his march to St Johns,
Allen met Major Brown with his detachment. By a casual re-
mark of Brown's that Montreal was in a defenseless condition
Allen's soul was fired to attempt another brilliant achievement.
The two agreed to return to a point on the river opposite
Montreal, — Brown with two hundred men to cross in canoes a
little above the town, — Allen, similarly, a little below, in the
night, — both at different points attacMng Montreal simultane-
ously. They mutually agreed, that in case of the failure of
either to arrive at the time fixed, early notice should be given
to the other. Hearing nothing from Brown, Allen crossed the
river as agreed upon, and found himself two hours after sunrise
unsupported. The alarm had been given, and there was no re-
treat without leaving a part of his force undefended, as only
one third of his men could re-cross the river at a time. " This,"
says Allen, ^^ I could not reconcile to my own feelings as a man
much less as an officer, and I concluded to maintain the ground
if possible, and all to fare alike. . . . Montreal was in a great
tumult. General Carleton made preparation to go on board
their vessels, but the spy escaped from my guard to the town
.... emboldened G^eral Carleton to send the force .... there
oollected, out against me. . . ." The attack began between
two and three o'clock in the afternoon. Deserted by most of
his Canadian recruits, after a brave resistance of two hours,
Allen surrendered on honorable terms, with about thirty Ca-
nadians who had remained faithful to him. The prisoners were
marched into Montreal, ^^ which was as I should guess," says
Allen, ^^ more than two miles, a British officer walking at my
right hand, and one of the French ncHease at my left .... no
abuse was offered me till I met Oeneral Presoott. He asked
me my name which I told him : he then asked me whether I
was that Colonel Allen who to<^ Ticonderoga. I told him
that I was the very man: then he shook his cane over my
head, calling me many hard names, among which he frequently
used the word rebel, and put himself in a great rage .... upon
which Captain McCloud pulled him by the skirt and told him
that it was inconsistent with his honor, to strike a prisoner.
He then ordered a sergeant's command to kill thirteen Cana-
dians, who were included in the treaty. It cut me to the
heart to see the Canadians in so hard a case, in consequence of
having been true to me .... I stepped between them and tbd
46 AmmdL Meeting — 1899.
exeoutionerSy and told General Presoott to thrust his bayonet
into my breast, for I was the sole caase of the Canadians tak-
ing up arms. . . . The general stood a minute, then said with an
oath, ^ I will not hang you now, but you shall grace a halter at
Tyburn.* ** Those of Allen's men who were not wounded were
put on board vessels in the river, shackled together in pairs
and ^Hreated as criminals." Allen thus describes his own
irons. ^^ The hand-cuff was of common size and form, but my
leg irons would weigh thirty pounds : the bar was eight feet
long, .... the shackles which encompassed my ankles were
very tight, .... I heard their officers say that it would
weigh forty pounds weight. The irons were so close upon my
ankles, that I could not lay down in any other manner than
on my back." Allen was put into the hold of the vessel with
a chest as his chair by day, and bed by night. Two soldiers
with fixed bayonets guarded him day and night. They gave
him some little blocks to lay under each end of his leg irons to
keep them from galling his ankles. After sitting up for sev-
eral days and nights, "having a desire to lie down on my
side," he says, " which the closeness of my irons forbid, ....
I desired the Captain to loosen them .... but was denied."
The officers, ordered to use this severity to their prisoners,
were personally kind to him, sending him food from their own
mess, and " a good glass of grog daily." By letters to Generals
Frescott and Carleton, Allen complained of the cruel treat-
ment he was receiving, and reminding them of his own treat-
ment of the prisoners taken at Ticonderoga, he demanded bet-
ter usage, but got no answer. In this manner, Allen was
confined six weeks on board the schooner Gaspee. Transferred
to another vessel, his irons were removed, and he was treated
like a gentleman by the commander. The latter, becoming in-
volved in a prospective duel, accepted Allen's offer to be his
second, Allen pledging his honor, in case of disaster to the com-
mander, to return to the ship as a prisoner. After " 9 days
happiness," on the arrival at Quebec of the advance of Ar-
nold's army, Allen and his comrades were put on board the
Adamant, in charge of Brook Watson, whose heart was as
hard as the name of his ship, and whose treatment of the pris-
oners was beastly. For forty days, from Quebec to Land's
End, Allen and his men suffered unmentionable horrors, — ^in-
sult and every conceivable indignity, from which they must
JEthan Allen and Sis Daughter . 47
have died, had they not been liberally fed daily on salt beef,
and a gill of rum apiece. The ship reached Falmouth, a few
days before Christmas, 1775. On learning that the hero of
Ticonderoga was among the prisoners, the excitement of the
people of Fahnouth was intense. Allen thus describes the
scene.
"A few days before I was taken .... I shifted my
clothes, by which I happened to be taken in a Canadian dress :
— a short fawn-skin jacket double breasted, an undervest and
breeches of sagathy,* worsted stockings, a decent pair of shoes,
two plain shirts and a red worsted cap ; this was all the cloth-
ing I had, in which I made my appearance in England
Multitudes crowded to see us : I saw numbers on the house-
tops, and the rising adjacent grounds were covered ....
with both sexes." The throng was so great, that the king's
officers had to force a passage with their swords, to Pendennis
Castle a mile from the town, where by Carleton's orders they
were confined. Great numbers, both gentle and simple, who
came daily to gaze upon the caged lion of the Green Mountains,
told him that he was to be hanged. " I could not but feel,"
says Allen, " extremely anxious for my fate. This I concealed
from the enemy, .... and could conceive of nothing more
in my power, but to keep up my spirits and behave in a soldier-
like manner, that I might exhibit a good sample of American
fortitude. The cause I was engaged in, I ever viewed worthy
hazarding my life for, nor was I . . . . sorry that I engaged
in it." It was a common thing for Allen to be taken out for
exhibition on the parade ground of the Castle, where many
people of both sexes were eager to see and talk with him.
Allen's vanity and self-conceit are easily perceptible in his
account of these scenes. On one occasion some gentlemen
told him they had come fifty miles to see him, and one of them
asked him what his occupation in life had been. Allen replied
that when young, he had studied divinity, but that he was a
conjuror by profession. To this the gentlemen replied that he
had " conjured wrong when he was taken." " I was obliged to
own," says AUen, " that I missed a figure then, but that I had
conjured them out of Ticonderoga, — and this was the place of
such notoriety in England, that the joke seemed to go in my
favour." Allen seized the opportunity afforded him by such
* A coarse woolen serge-like doth worn in the reign of Queen Anne.
48 Annual Meedng— 1899.
visits to harangue his audienoes on the futility of England's
attempt to conquer the American Colonies. If his behavior
on these occasions is offensive to us and seems undignified, his
rhodomontade served at least to silence the insults offered him
by beardless British braggarts. Some clergymen who behaved
civilly in visiting him were agreeably surprised by his ability to
discuss with them, moral philosophy and Christianity. Speak-
ing of these visits, Allen says, ^^ I am apprehensive my Canadian
dress contributed not a little to the excitement of curiosity. To
see a gentleman in England, regularly dressed, and well be-
haved, would be no sight at aU, but such a rebel, as they were
pleased to call me, it is probable was never before seen in Eng-
land." On the 8th of January, 1776, Allen was ordered on
board the Solebay, a British man-of-war, to join the fleet at
Cork. He was physically ill, and for the first time despondent,
believing that he was to be secretly made way with. Some
Irish gentlemen supplied him with clothing befitting a gentle-
man and an abundance of sea stores. Sailing again, under a
still more cruel commander, after touching at several ports,
Allen reached Kew York, the first week in June, remaining
there but three days, " in which time. Governor Tryon and
others came on board." ^' What passed between them and the
officers of the ship, I know not," says Allen, ^^ but this I know,
that my treatment was more severe afterward." In mid-June
Allen and his fellow prisoners lay scurvy-smitt^i at Halifax,
^^ pinched with hunger," and shamefully treated. In Halifax
jail Allen enjoyed the companionship of James Lord, also a
prisoner. " I was happy that we were together," says Allen,
^^ as a support to each other, and to the unfortunate prisoners
with us. Our first attention was the preservation of ourselves,
and injured little republic : the rest of our time we devoted in-
terchangeably, to politics and philosophy." On the 3d of May,
1778, having been a prisoner two years, seven months, and six
days, Allen was exchanged at Kew York for Colonel Campbell,*
being thus recognized as a colonel though he had no official
rank. It must not be supposed that Ethan Allen's indiscretion
and consequent suffering had been viewed with indifference by
his superiors. Of his reckless dash at Montreal Schuyler had
written, ^^ I always dreaded his impatience of subordination, and
*Sir Archibald Campbell, captured in Boeton harbor, June 16, 1776.
Bditoe.
Ethan Alien (md Hia Domghter. 49
it was not until after a solemn promise that he would demean
himself with propriety, that I would permit him to attend the
army, nor would I have consented then, had not his soldiers
been backed by several officers." Said Washington, ^' His mis-
fortune wm I hope teach a lesson of prudence and subordina-
tion to others who may be ambitious to outshine their general
officers, and regardless of order and duty rush into enterprises
which have unfavourable effects on the public and are destruc-
tive to themselves." Doubtless, as Mr. Irving remarks,* " Par-
tisan exploit had inflated the vanity, and bewildered the
imagination of Allen ; " yet as '^ nothing succeeds like success,"
bad Allen's attack on Montreal been crowned with success, his
achievements would probably have elicited far different expres-
sions from his superiors in command. Nevertheless, Washing-
ton, having learned of the sufferings of Ethan AUen by orders
of General Prescott, now himself a prisoner, wrote as follows to
liord Howe : " Sir, we have just been informed .... that
Colonel Allen has been treated without regard to decency,
humanity or the rules of war : . . • . that he has been throvni
into irons, and suffers all the hardships inflicted upon common
felons. I think it is my duty to demand, and do expect from
you, an SdaircissemetU on this subject I must take
tiie liberty also of informing you, that I shall consider your
silence as a confirmation of this report, and of assuring you
that whatever treatment Colonel Allen receives, whatever fate
he undergoes, such exactly shall be the fate of Brigadier Pres-
cott now in our hands." Immediately upon Allen's release, he
visited General Washington at VaUey Forge. There he saw
Gates and Putnam and La Fayette and Steuben. There he
wrote to Congress a letter which Washington inclosed with his
own, recommending Allen for promotion. " There is an original
something about him," writes Washington of Allen, " that com-
mands admiration, and his long captivity and his sufferings have
only served if possible, to increase his enthusiastic zeal. He
appears very desirous of rendering his services to the States
.... and at the same time he does not discover any ambition
for high rank." On this recommendation Congress gave Allen
a brevet-commission as colonel. Allen reached his home in
Bennington four weeks after his release. More than one effort
was made by the British to seduce him from his loyalty to the
* Life of Waahingtooy vol. 11, p. 63.
4
50 Annual Meeting— 1899.
American cause. In February, 1781, the independence of Yer-
mont being still unacknowledged by Congress, and New York
being still grasping, — the British general tried to corrupt Allen
by promising to make Yermont a British province. Allen,
without reply, inclosed their offers to Congress, at the same
time fearlessly asserting the right of Yermont to agree upon
terms with Great Britain, if denied her independence among
the Colonies. ^^ I am as resolutely determined," he says, ^^ to
defend the independence of Yermont, as Congress, that of the
United States; and rather than fail, I will retire with the
hardy Green Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns of the
mountains, and wage war with the devil, hell and human
nature at large."
Ethan Allen's first wife died in 1788. In frequent visits to
Westminster, Yt., he became acquainted with Mrs. Wall, of
whom I have spoken, and her daughter, Mrs. Buchanan, who
boarded at the house of his friend. General Bradley. The
young widow was attracted by Allen's original views, and much
flattered by the attentions of a man twenty-five years her senior,
whom everybody feared, and they became warm friends,
though she stood somewhat in awe of his rough manners and
indomitable wilL John Norton, the tavern-keeper, a man of
importance in town affairs, evidently a privileged person, said
to her, " Fanny, if you marry General Allen, you will be the
queen of a new state." " Yes," she replied impetuously, " if I
i^ould marry the devil, I should be queen of hell." This from
a refined and accomplished society woman, one who was usually
of elegant manners and gentle speech, shows that she was
already balancing her chances of happiness, with a man
whose character she had carefully studied, — ^a character which
at once attracted and repelled her. But, as we have seen, Allen
never permitted any obstacles in his path. On the morning of
the 9th of February, 1784, while the judges of the Supreme
Court were breakfasting with lawyer Bradley, Colonel Allen
dashed up to the door in a sleigh drawn by a fine span of black
horses, driven by his negro. Alighting and entering, Allen de-
clined an invitation to sit down at table with the gentlemen,
saying that he had breakfasted and would go up and chat with
the ladies, till his friends should finish. Passing through the
breakfast room, he found Mrs. Wall and her daughter. The
latter, becomingly dressed in her morning gown, was standing
Mhan Allen and Sis Da/ughter. 51
in a chair and arranging the china and glass on the upper shelves
of a cupboard she was dusting. After some joking about a
broken decanter which she held in her hand, the Colonel said,
" Well, Fanny, if we are ever to be married, now is the time,
for I am on my way to Arlington." The abruptness of Allen's
proposal reminds one of his demand for the surrender of Ticon-
deroga, and proved as successful. "Very well,'* replied the
young widow, submissively, " but give me time to put on my
Joseph." Drawing her arm through his, Allen led her to the
breakfast room, where the lawyers were smoking, and address-
ing his old friend the Chief Justice, said, " Judge Eobinson,
this young woman and I have concluded to marry, and to have
you perform the ceremony." " When ? " asked the astonished
judge. "Now," said Allen. "For myself I have no great
opinion of such forms, and I think she cares as little for them
as I do, — ^but as a decent regard for other people's opinions
seems to require it, you may proceed." " But, General," stam-
mered the Judge, " this is a very important matter, and should
have serious consideration." " Certainly," replied Allen, draw-
ing himself up with his usual self-esteem and glancing fondly
at his handsome bride-elect, " but I don't think it requires much
deliberation in this particular case." Seeing argument useless
the Judge proceeded. " Do you, Ethan, promise to live with
Frances, agreeably to the law of God — ^" " Halt ! " cried Allen,
turning and looking out of the window. After a moment's
pause, he said, " Yes, according to the law of Gk>d as written in
the great book of nature, — ^go on, my team is at the door."
The ceremony ended, Frances Montr6sor Buchanan donned her
Joseph, a garment much affected by women of the period, — ^a
great coat, with a broad cape, buttoned down the front. Her
guitar and trunk were tucked under the front seat of the sleigh,
jingle, jingle went the bells, and Ethan Allen, again victorious,
drove rapidly towards the west with his captured bride.
Thus in 1784, the step-daughter of Crean Brush married the
man on whose head a price had been set exactly ten years be-
fore by Governor Tryon at Brush's instigation. In 1787 Ethan
Allen removed with his family to Burlington, Vt. Hay being
scarce, in the winter of 1789, an intimate friend who lived on
the island of South Hero told Allen he would give him a load
of hay if he would come and get it. On the 11th of January
Colonel AIIqu with a sled and span of horses and his negro serv-
52 Annual MeeHng—lS99.
ant crossed on the ice to the island, remaining there all night.
On nearing home the neict day, his servant having spoken to
him several times without reply, saw that his master had died
on the load.
It is not for me to eulogize or defend Ethan Allen. He was
the man for the hour if ever there were one. Much has been
written about his conceit, his coarseness, his profanity, his
blasphemy, and his infidelity. These things seem to me to be
but straws on the surface of his character, and to me it matters
little what a man believes in comparison with what he is. Es-
sentially an American, Ethan Allen was yet a cosmopolitan.
^^Manldnd are naturally too national, even to bigotry," he
says. ^Commercial intercourse with foreign nations, has a
tendency to improve mankind, and erase the superstition of the
Blind, by acquainting them that human nature, policy and in-
terest, are the same in all nations, — and at the same time they
are bartering commodities for the convenience and happmess
of each nation, they may reciprocally exchange such part of
their customs and manners, as may be beneficial, and learn to
extend charity and goodwill to the whole of mankind." Grant
him conceited, — ^most people of ability are. He was impulsive,
but how generous were his impulses ! He was brave, loyal and
patriotic ; just, honest, upright, and affectionate : a good son, a
good father, a good citizen. He did not believe in the inspira-
tion of the Bible ; no more do some of us. With us he believed
in God and in the immortality of the souL
That all roads lead to Rome is a trite saying, but to reach
Kome by way of Ethan Allen is a surprise. Ethan Allen left one
daughter and two sons by his second wife. His widow, Frances
Montr^sor Buchanan, married Dr. Jabez Penniman of Burling-
ton, Vt. Frances, or Fanny, the eldest child of Ethan and
Frances Montr6sor Allen, inherited many of her father's dis-
tinguishing qualities, especially his independence of thought
and action* She was five years old at his death and but six
when her mother married again. It is fair to suppose that she
was left pretty much to her own devices during these all-
engrossing events. We may think of her rambling about Dr.
Penniman's fine old colonial house, perhaps exploring the re-
cesses of the garret or perched on some broad window seat ab-
sorbed in such books as " The Children of the Abbey," " Thad-
deus of Warsaw," and " The Mysteries of Udolpho." She may
Ethan AUen and IIU DcMghter, 68
have played at keepii^ a coontry store, as some of us have
done, with pins for money, selling currant and raspberry juioe
as drugs and wine, and thistle down and com silk and plantain
cord and birchpaper, — weighing out with the Doctor's scales
sand sugar, and bean coffee to imaginary customers. Our first
glimpse of Fanny is at the age of twelve, when, breathless and
beside herself with fear, she ran shrieking home from the river
bank, her favorite resort, declaring when questioned by her
anxious mother that she had seen the river lashed into billows,
from which at last a monstrous serpent raised itself, winding
rapidly toward the shore where she stood paralyzed with fear,
when an old man suddenly appeared at her side, with a staff in his
hand, and wearing a brown cloak. " What are you doing here,
little girl, — run," he cried, and gently pushed her away. She
fled as on the wings of the wind, but soon looking back, was
surprised that her protector was nowhere to be seen. Her
mother sent everywhere to learn if anyone answering to
Fanny's description of her preserver had been seen in the neigh-
borhood, but tJie old man and the ^^ menstruum horrendum "
had vanished together. Is not this the earliest record of our
New England sea-serpent ? All this might have happened to
any little country girl, and the story would have been sum-
marily dismissed by a busy and practical mother as a child's
fancy, but in the annals of Catholicism, which delight in alle-
gories, this experience of Fanny Allen's plays an important
part. After this incident we have no account of Fanny's life
until 1807, when she would have been about twenty-one years'
old. This interval was a period of great intellectual activity,
of inquiry and theological discussion. Freedom of thought was
awakening in New England. Men began to dare to question
the divinity of Christ, the original sin and total depravity of
man, and tiie doctrines of election and predestination. It could
scarcely be expected that Fanny AUen, ^^her father's own
child," as we should say, would accept anything on tradition.
Her common sense and subtle instinct were quick to discover
weak doctrinal points, but to her thoughtful and searching
questions she received only evasive answers. She seems to me
to have been at this time in a state of mind common to all in-
telligent young people (and praiseworthy up to a certain
point), of unwillingness to accept ready-made opinions from hw
elders. Doubtless, too, for it waa the spirit of that intolerant
64 AnnikU Meeting — 1899.
age, she beard the Boman Catholic church denounced. So in a
half revolt a^inst the bififoted Presbyterianism of her time,
with a vain-^rious oonfidSce in her own superior judgment;
quite consistent with her inherited character, this remarkable
young person determined to find out for herself what Oatholi-
cism was and especially to find out for herself whether there was
any foundation in fact for certain calumnies concerning convent
life which had come to her through a bad book of the period.
Priding herself on simply chiiming her right to independent
judgment, when in fact she was unconsciously dominated by a
spirit of opposition, and delighting in surprising her family, she
informed her mother that she wished to go to Montreal to study
French, having in fact previously wished to perfect herself in
that language. There is a tradition of her engagement at some
period of her life to a rich Boston gentleman. A disappoint-
ment in this connection may have been one of the motives im-
pelling her to this step. To an unprejudiced person, especially
to one familiar with the quips and cranks of young girls, Fanny
Allen's conduct up to this point in her life shows an intolerable
self-esteem and childish perversity; an unbridled imagination
and an undisciplined will. The picture of the weak, volatile
mother and the over-indulgent stepfather, powerless to control
the audacious headstrong girl is not pleasing. As might be ex-
pected, for nothing is so apt to be misguided as religious zeal,
the Pennimans did the worst thing they could have done under
the circumstances. They yielded a reluctant consent to her
plan, on condition that she would first be baptized. Accordingly
she submitted to this rite in the Presbyterian meetinghouse,
shocking everyone who witnessed the ceremony by laughing
in the face of good Parson Barber, when he sprinkled her with
water.
Soon to Montreal went Miss Fanny, and a sad life she led
the gentle sisters of the Congregation, with her gibes and
sneers at everything they held most sacred ; so sad, indeed, that
they were on the point of sending her home in disgrace, and
would have done so, but for the entreaties of her special teacher
who saw lovable qualities in the girl and had set her heart on
her conversion. If this story is true, as told by her Catholic
admirers, it adds color to my theory, that her over-weening
self-confidence, her mistaken sense of her own importance, and
her impatience of control, biased her judgment and made her
Mhcm AUeii and His Daughter. 55
delight to scoff at rites which others regarded aa sacred,
whether Bomish or Presbyterian. As might have been ex-
pected, her obdurate heart was conquered. By a miracle, so
says her biographer, — ^more likely by her affection for the pa-
tient nun who befriended and loved her and appreciated her
nobler qualities. On the Feast of the Nativity of the Yirgin
her teacher sent her to place flowers on the altar in the chapel.
With her usual ridicule, Fanny started with the vase, but on
opening the gate of the balustrade surrounding the holy place,
she found herself paralyzed. ^^ An invisible force arrested her
steps. Three times she tried in vain to proceed. Then her
soul is illumined, she sees, she kneels, she adores," and fleeing
back to the darkest recesses of the chapel ^^ she prostrates her-
self for hours in tears and prayer." To us, this scene is an-
other example of the emotional character and impulsive act of
an impetuous girl influenced by an overwrought imagination.
The joy of her teacher at seeing her hopes and prayers fulflUed
by Fanny's demand for baptism and confirmation may be
imagined. So, too, the feelings of her mother and father, when
they heard of Fanny's conversion. Proceeding at once to Mon-
treal, they demanded her immediate return with them to Yer-
mont. Obedient and gentle as never before, Fanny yielded to
their wishes and accompanied them to Burlington. There by
festivities of every kind, — sleighrides, balls, and all the amuse-
ments of country life in winter, and finally by sending her to
enjoy city gayeties in Philadelphia, they tried to divert her
from her purpose. Alas t the remedy came too late. When
Lent came, she fasted even to exhaustion, reiterating her deter-
mination to return to convent life. In the spring of 1809,
Fanny Allen bade an eternal farewell to home and country.
Her mother went with her to Canada. She had not decided
what community to enter. Providence again directed her steps.
Towards sunset of a bewitching spring day, Fanny and her
motiier entered the chapel of the nuns of the Hdtel-Dieu. In
the mysterious light of the late afternoon a painting of the
Holy Family above the high altar riveted Fanny's attention.
The hour, the scene, the approaching parting from her mother
deeply affected the susceptible girL ^^ It is he I " she cried,
^^ Saint Joseph wants me here. He saved me from the monster
that would have devoured me. I must give my life to his serv-
ice." Her immediate application for admission to the con-
66 Anntcal Meeting — 1899.
vent of the fldtel-Dieu was disoonraged. The Superior, Rev-
erend Mother Cfeloron, advised her to return to the Ladies of
the Congregation, resume her French lessons, and reflect before
immuring herself within a cloister. She entered her novitiate
at the H6tel-Dieu on the 29th of September, 1808, being then
about twenty-four years old. Dr. and Mrs. Penniman visited
her there the following spring. According to the annals of the
convent, a great number of Fanny's American friends were
present at the ceremony of her taking the veil. " They filled
all the choir, and the church could hardly contain the crowd.**
It is a most impressive scene, this New England girl to whom
the earth and air and sky and water of her native land had
been so free and precious, voluntarily renouncing her liberty,
her judgment, and her hitherto indomitable and untrammeled
will, to take the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, and
seclude herself forever within the cold gray walls of a foreign
convent. But " Sister Allen justified by her regularity, her
zeal and all the other religious virtues the hopes which the com-
munity had conceived of her." Amid her duties as nurse she
assumed, as Adelaide Silver, another New England nun, had
done before her, the special mission of converting the heretic
patients. Her converts were numerous, and we are told that
four in one week abjured Protestantism. After eleven years of
her religious life, she was seized with an inflammation of the
lungs. When her iUness became alarming, she asked that a
Protestant Montreal physician, an American whom she re-
spected, might be sent for. His devoted care of her was in vain.
He was present at her death, and was so impressed by the scene
that he wrote an account of it for the newspaper, expanding on
the beatitudes which Catholicism afforded to the dying. A
year and a half later he sold his worldly goods and disappeared
from Montreal, saying that he should never see his friends on
earth again but hoped to meet them in heaven ; and that he
should never forget the ravishing spectacle of the pious death
of Sister Allen. At Winooski near Burlington, Vt., the hospi-
tal nuns of the H6tel-Dieu, the order to which Fanny Allen be-
longed, have established a convent named in affectionate re-
membrance of her. She has been celebrated in song and story,
as " The Gray Nun of Montreal," and " The First American
Nun.*' There is a drama in five acts bearing the latter title,
written by the historian, Abby Maria Hemmenway, of Ver-
Etkom Allen wnd HU Daughter. 57
mont. Bat, as we have seen, Fanny Allen did not belong to
the order of the " Gray Nuns ;" and a century before her, Mary,
rebaptized Adelaide Silver, of Haverhill, Mass., and Tabitha,
rebaptized Ang6liqae littlefield, of Wells, Me., became nans of
the H6tel-Dieu in Canada. Mary Sayward of York, Me., was
a nan of the Congregation in Montreal in 1698. Lydia Long-
ley, of Groton, Mass., aboat the same date, and £sther Wheel-
wright, of Wells, Me., took the black veil as an Ursuline sister
at Qaebec in 1714. So that the honor of being the first Amer-
ican nan mast be ref ased to Ethan Allen's daughter.
FIELD MEETING— 1899.
FIELD MEETING
OF THB
POCUMTUCK VALLEY MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION,
AT OHABLSMOlirr, MASS., WBDNSSDAY, AUOU8T 30, 1899.
Obdbb of Ezbroisb8.
1. SlNQING.
2. Pbater. Bev. E. A. Eobinson
8. Bbpobt of Oommittee of the Town upon the erection of
monuments.
4. Addbbbs of Welcome to the Association. Eate Upson Clark
6. Response. Hon. George Sheldon, President of Association
6. Singing. Miss Annie Temple
7. Poem. Miss Sadie Maxwell
8. HisTOBioAL Address. Rev. Lyman Whiting, D. D.
9. Social Hour — Collation. Basket Picnic.
10. Unyeiling the Stone Marking the Rice Fort.
11. Prater. Rev. Mr. Wriston
12. Address. Hon. Herbert C. Parsons, Cor. Sec'y of Assn.
18. Singing.
14. Address. Lucy Cutler Kellogg
15. Short Addresses. Hon. Samuel O. Lamb, Rev. Mr. P. Y.
Finch, Charles E. Ward and Citizens of Charlemont and
Guests of the Committee.
16. A Processional Yisit to the Moses Rice Monuicent. Brief
History of it.
68
Field Meetinff—1899. 59
17. Olosing W0BD6. Town Oommittee and others, with re-
sponses by the Focnmtaok Gnests.
18. Bbnbdiotion.
OoHMnTEB OF AbBANGEMBNTS.
For the Town, Rev. Lyman Whiting, D. D., Leonard B. Rice
and C. P. C. Miner.
For the Society, Eagene A. Newcomb, Jonathan Johnson,
Lncy Cutler Kellogg, John H. Stebbins and W. L. Harris.
REPORT.
The bit of meadow defined by the Deerfield river, — along
whose farther bank thunders the traffic of the tunnel railroad, —
and on the other side by the single street of Charlemont village,
was adorned Wednesday of this week by a flagstaff rising al-
most in the center of this vernal tract and floating the national
colors. By the roadside, twenty rods away, " Old Glory " was
performing another service, wrapped about and quite conceal-
ing a block of granite, upon whose face, toward the highway,
was inscribed a brief historical record. The floatmg flag in
the meadow marked the exact location of the Rice fort, one of
the cordon of rude but staunch defenses which were stretched
across the northern Massachusetts frontier in French and Indian
days to shelter the scattered pioneers and furnish resistance to
the shock and strain of the savage occasional attack and con-
stant meuaoe. The block of granite was erected as a memorial
to this fortification and the tragic events which cluster about it
in history, and was placed by the public way, rather than in the
field, so that the passers-by should know of its existence and its
purpose.
It was the day for the dedication of this and other memorial
stones, and the task was to be performed by the Historical Asso-
ciation which had inspired the marking of the historic spots, in
this as in other towns within its province, the Pocumtuck Yal-
ley Memorial Association.
This was not the first visit of the Association to Charlemont.
The second Field Meeting in its history was held here August 2,
1871. At no subsequent meeting has there been a larger con-
course or more enthusiasm. The Association was invited here
to dedicate a monument erected over the grave of Moses Rice
60 Fidd MeeHng— 1899.
and Phineos Arms. May it not be that we see to^ay the fruit
of seed sown on that oocasion.
At the suggestion of Charles E. Ward, President of the Oak
Tree Association, Eev. Dr. Lyman Whiting and their associates,
the town voted at the annuaJ meeting to raise money to mark
the sites of Forts Rice, Hawks and Taylor. A committee con-
sisting of Dr. Whiting, L. B. Rice and C. P. C. Miner, was given
charge of the work and instructed to confer with a committee
of the P. V. M. Association — Judge F. M. Thompson and Mrs.
H. W. Kellogg. The sites of the forts were marked by granite
boulders set into the ground with the simplest inscriptions : —
Site of
RICE FORT.
1754—1899.
Site of
HAWKS FORT.
1764:— 1899.
Site of
TAYLOR FORT.
1754—1899.
It was not practicable to visit Taylor Fort on the East, or Hawks
Fort on the West, and the dedicatory exercises of the day cen-
tered at Rice's Fort. It was here that the concluding exercises
of a very full day were held.
To accommodate the throng of people from down the valley
and up the hills who drove in over the dusty roads, and to make
easy tiie task of providing a dinner for the official visitors, the
principal exercises were held at the fair grounds of the Deer-
field Yalley Agricultural Society, a mile away from the scene
of the unveiling, a ceremony which occupied a half hour late
in the afternoon. The historical exercises covered about two
hours in the morning, and precisely two hours in the afternoon
— ^between the two an hour of delightful sociability and a
generous luncheon for those who had come without their bas-
kets.
The morning was chiefly marked by Mrs. Clark's address of
Field Meeting— 1S99. 61
welcome, a spirited, enlivening, entertaining speech; tbe re-
q)onse by President Sheldon which was in keeping with the
long series of his similar addresses in which the solid facts of
local history are dressed in a literary form and an adornment
of happy personal observations that make them entertaining to
tbe least antiquarian of hearers ; and Eev. Dr. Whiting's his*
torical address, a production notably appreciative of tbe spirit
of tbe men and women of pioneer days and appreciative of the
spirits of their descendants who like to take their history in
moderate portions and well seasoned. It was a touching narra-
tive Dr. Whiting gave and the story was so clothed with the
good divine's eloquent language that it brought tears to tbe
eyes and cheeks of many to whom the pathetic incident's of the
early stru^le became real and present.
Mr. Charles E. Ward opened the day with a few words in gen-
eral Prayer was offered by Rev. E. A. Robinson of Buckland.
The committee on the monuments, through Dr. Whiting, reported
the marking of the sites of the three forts as a result of the Old
Oak Tree Association's efforts and the financial help of the town
of Charlemont. The audience sang ^^ America" with much
earnestness and more than the usual correctness. Mr. Ward in-
troduced Mrs. Eate Upson Clark to deliver the address of wel-
come. She was received with applause, which was frequently
repeated after her vigorous sentences.
Mrs. Clark welcomed the Pocnmtuck Association and com-
mended its work. She welcomed particularly its president,
saying she was proud, they who were gathered were "all
proud of what he has done for this county and for the
country as an historian, combining with his faculty for re-
search a fine literary ability which makes his work delightful."
She paid a pleasant personal compliment to Senator H. C. Par-
sons. She honored Charles Dudley Warner as one whose pres-
ence greatly honored the occasion, a man who has been placed
by the best critics at the head of American men of letters, and
who has done much to make our valley a place in literary clas-
sics by his story of " Being a Boy " — ^in Charlemont. She wel-
comed the aged people present and urged that their recollections
of the earlier days should be written down — they are invalu-
able. She recalled the Association's field day in Colrain last
year as one of the most interesting occasions she had ever at-
tended and hoped the one of this day would rival it in spirit.
62 Fidd Meeting— 1S99.
The flower of the countryside had been brought together here
as there and it was delightful to have it gathered. Mrs. Olark
then paid tribute to the women of the early days whose deeds
were almost forgotten, ^^ the short and simple annals of the un-
recorded/' as she paraphrased Gray. Dinah Rice, who shot
the savage, was almost alone in being remembered — and all be-
cause the men kept the records. The women did as much to
save the country as the men. They now want the men to
make the country worth saving. They want something to say
who is going to be king, whether Mr. Croker or some of the
other bosses— or rather they are going to see to it that we do
not have any king. The schools are trjring to teach both men
and women to think and the vast power which women have
been storing up in the years of their repression is going to be
used to help the men to govern the country. The Pocumtuck
Yalley Memorial Association, she declared in closing, is one of
our helpful institutions because it is exerting an ennobling and
dignifying influence upon our lives, and women share equally
with men in it. The institutions which the fathers handed down
to us are better understood by its help, and these institutions
must be preserved with unceasing vigilance if our country is to
be what it should be.
Mr. Sheldon's response and Dr. Whiting's address followed.
These, with a song by Miss Annie Temple, "The Deserted
Homestead," which was pleasingly sung, and a poem written
by Miss Sadie Maxwell and read by Mrs. C. H. Leavitt, com-
pleted the morning's programme.
On the opening in the afternoon, with the seats of the grand-
stand well filled. President Sheldon turned the task of presiding
over to H. C. Parsons of Greenfield. He spoke for about ten
minutes upon the duty Americans owe to the men and women
who laid the foundations of the nation. It is not possible to
add glory to their deeds ; in building monuments to them we
must feel as Lincoln said in the cemetery at Gettysburg. " In
a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we can-
not hallow this ground. The brave men who struggled here have
consecrated it far above our power to add or to detract." We
can, in the spirit of that address, dedicate ourselves to the task of
perpetuating the institutions they founded and applying the
principles which marked their sturdy lives to the tasks of our
citizenship. Mr. Parsons referred to a letter of regret received
Fidd Meeting— 1S99. 68
from Oongressman Lawrenoe, who spoke of the Oolrain day of
last year with enthusiasm ; he also regretted the absence of
Jndge Thompson, the vice-president of the Association. After
some story-telling he introduced the succession of speakers
whom he declared constituted the most notable display of
grandstand attractions ever presented even on this notable fair
ground.
Mrs. Lucy Cutler Kellogg of Greenfield, whose address was
the one formal feature of the afternoon, introduced it with a little
genealogical talk and referred to the presence in the audience of
four generations of her family. Mrs. Kellogg's speech was
well received.
Then came the informal speaking. Samuel O. Lamb of
Greenfield made a delightful reminiscent talk, with reference
to his early Charlemont acquaintance and especially to the
Leavitt family. 0. H. McClellan of Troy, N. Y., who was the
historian of the Colrain meeting, paid a fitting tribute to the
early settlers. Arthur A. Smith of Colrain made a charac-
teristic, rousing speech, winding up with the declaration that the
nation had started on the right track and would keep right on
even if it took in the Philippine Islands. This was followed by
Charles E. Ward of Buckland, who, after some bright and taking
comments on the proceedings of the day, scored that other re-
cent meeting at Ashfield as unpatriotic and argued for uphold-
ing the government in its Philippine undertaking. The same
arguments now used by the Anti-Imperialists would have ap-
plied in our early days to prevent killing the Indians or taking
this country without their consent and would have made King
Philip another G^rge Washington. Mr. Ward spoke vigor-
ously and well and was roundly applauded. The cballenge of
his speech to a discussion of modem political questions was not
taken up.
Mrs. Kate Upson Clark gave a bright five-minute speech and
was followed by Mrs. Dawes of Boston, the author of child his-
tories, who gave an interesting story of her ancestor's expe-
riences at Bennington and Bunker Hill. John M. Smith of
Sunderland spoke interestingly on the value of local history to
the people who live on the soil which their fathers defended.
H. A. Howard, the Charlemont superintendent of schools, made
a well-rounded speech on the value of history in schools and
commended the Association's work. Mutual votes of thanks
64 Fidd MeOing— 1899.
were passed and the meeting adjourned to the Kice Fort monu-
ment for the unveiling.
Mr. Sheldon having exhausted his strength the task of presi-
ding here again fell to Mr. Parsons. Dr. Whiting told the
story of the forts and of the effort to mark their sites. Mr.
Bice read the deed which reserves to the public the ground
where stands the monument over the grave of Capt. Moses
Bice. Then the Fort Bice marker was unveiled^ Mrs. A. M.
D. Alexander of Northfield, who gave the five memorial stones
that have been placed on the historic spots there, and Mrs.
Goodrich of North Adams, one of a delegation from the Fort
Massachusetts Historical Society, being appointed as proper
persons to lift the flag from the granite block it had covered.
Bev. Mr. Wriston made an eloquent dedicatory {nrayer. Bev.
Dr. Whiting pronounced the benediction.
MB. SHELDON'S BESPONSE TO THE WELCOME.
If I feel embarrassed on rising to respond to this royal wel-
come, it is not from youth or inexperience, nor is it because a
woman was your chosen vehicle for its presentation. It is that
the occasion brings back with a more vivid tone and color a
crowd of memories of bygone events, which come to the front
and demand recognition : — memories of departed friends and
oo-laborers who were a tower of strength to our infant Associa-
tion and gave us strong meat for sustenance.
I hope to be pardoned if my response takes on a somewhat
personal coloring, personal to myself and to yourselves.
When the historian of Franklin county comes to characterize
Charlemont, he will no doubt write her down as an enterprising
and progressive town. He will find her Alpigene population
has always been abreast of the rising tide of progress, and often
at the high water mark. But without waiting for the dictum
of the said historian, it may be well here and now to note one
evidence of her onward march, even though it be patent to you
all. Our Association in the course of our peregrinations has
been welcomed from the platform by the representatives of the
major part of the towns in Franklin county, but you, Madam
Upson Clark, are the first of your sex to fill that office ; and I
confidently call upon my fellows to witness if we have ever been
Mr. SkddorCs JSeaponse to the Wdoame. 65
the recipient of a more graceful, eloquent or more hearty greet-
ing. For all this, in behalf of tiie Pocumtuck Valley Memorial
Association, I thank, first, progressive Charlemont, and again,
you. Madam, her selected representative.
Your venerable historian will note, to-day, the steady push
of your ancestors up the valley of the Pocumtuck into the
wilderness, taking all chances against its perils and hardships
through wild beast and savage man. He will dwell upon the
tenacity with which they clung to the soil they had subdued,
and their abiding and sustaining faith in their Ood, in them-
selves, and in the forts erected for defense under the towering
Alps about them — those arks of refuge whose sites we to-day
mark and make sure for all time.
These men and women who came and tarried here seem to
have lifted up their eyes to the mountains, and from thence ob-
tained strength for the high resolve, that whatever woe betide,
to live and die in this valley of their choice. We find no signs
of their being quitters even in the face of the tomahawk and
bullet. Although the maternal arms of Deerfield were ever
open to receive her children home again, she was also ready to
encourage and back them in the plucky determination to re-
main and defy all adverse fortune. As years rolled on, both
Deerfield and Charlemont wrought together for their own weal
and their country's good. Together they pushed back the
northern avalanche put in motion by the powers of France.
Together, defying the power of England, shoulder to shoulder
their patriotic sons toiled the livelong night with pick and
spade, and when the dawn brought about their heads the plung-
ing shot and screaming shell, they faltered not one whit, and
when their task was done fought to the finish the glorious day
of Bunker Hill. Such were our ancestors. You, the descend-
ants of CoL Hugh Maxwell, and we, the descendants of Col.
Joseph Stebbins, may rival each other in honor and fame and
every good work, but we must see to it, and never forget our
common obligation to keep free from stain the blood of those
heroes of the 16th and 17tii of June, 1775.
As I have said, my position here to-day must of necessity
lead to personal reminiscence. My first visit to Charlemont as
an antiquary was with a plan of Fort Taylor in my hand which
I had found in the State Archives in Boston ; my mission was,
in company with CoL Leavitt and Deacon Field, to connect this
5
66 Fidd Mee^ff—1899.
plan with the face of the earth in this valley^to discover the
very spot on which the fort was planted by the pioneer settlers.
In this effort we were successful at all points, excepting in lo-
cating the well. In this we failed. I understand since coming
here that your present committee has been more fortunate.
The second visit to your town is encircled with a radiance
that surrounds no other public event of my experience, and I
should be recreant to my opportunity did I fail in speaking to
you of some of the glories thereof, inasmuch as it was a reflec-
tion of your generous enthusiasm.
I have said Charlemont was a progressive town. Proof of
this is found all along her career. If I modestly, but filially
put the mother town first, the daughter was very sure to be a
second in all things. Accordingly Charlemont followed the ex-
ample set by Deerfield in the Lothrop monument at Bloody
Brook, and set up in 1871 a memorial in memory of your slain
of June 11, 1755. Discerning Charlemont had recognized the
mission of our Association, and the yearling Pocumtuck Yalley
Memorial Association was honored and exalted by an invitation
to take charge of the services of dedication. We gladly re-
sponded to the call and set about the preparations with the con-
fidence born of appreciation. So much confidence, indeed, that
we surprised ourselves by the number of extra cars we engaged
to carry the Connecticut valley people up the valley of the Po-
cumtuck. But not too soon or too many, for the cry of " On to
Charlemont " filled the air. A second call for cars could not
be fully filled, and in consequence the train that bore us up the
valley was so overfilled that even standing room in the aisles
was at a premium, and the platforms were black with the cling-
ing crowds from the upper stations who would not be left be-
hind. They were willing to risk their lives, but not willing to
miss our Field Meeting at Charlemont, which was a new thing
under the sun. On to Charlemont at all hazards I On to Charle-
mont!
The same cry went up at Deerfield one June day in 1755
when her bold rough riders urged their panting steeds to the
reUef of your stricken settlers. On to Charlemont ! On to the
rescue of our kindred who may be even now at the last gasp,
and only sustained against the beleaguering savages by the
hope of our coming. We ride with them today, and cry, " Spur
on, heroic men t Your horses like yourselves are inured to
Mr. SheldorCs JSesponae to the Wdcome, 67
hardness. Lay your compass due northwest and ride straight
through the wilderness to the goal I On to the rescue I "
To their intense relief the end of their ride showed no added
disaster. The savages satisfied with their first success had
retreated to their lair, the home of their French masters in
Canada.
It was also to our intense relief that our dangerous trip in
1871 ended with no saddening disaster. We also found no
enemy but an unexpected multitude of friends who welcomed
us with music and banners and cheers. Who can tell of the
satisfaction as well as the anxiety of our officers, all unused to
such an experience at this great awakening of the people.
But when the speakers and the officers were seated upon the
platform the crisis came. In the hush of silence which followed
the blare of sounding trumpets and the rolling drums ; before
the gathered thousands with all eyes upon him, how shaU the
President of the Day meet his untried duties. He was now for
the first time to face an audience and make his maiden address.
How shall he pass the ordeal ? He will now for the first time
confess, — however lamentable the shortcomings and crude the
performance appears in the retrospect — not Edward Everett at
Bloody Brook, not Daniel Webster at Bunker Hill, not Abra-
ham Lincoln at Gettysburg could have felt more confidence in
his cause, his audience or himself. He had been thinking of
the crowded cars, the stirring enthusiasm shown on the arrival,
the impressive ceremonial at the monimient, the imposing pro-
cession to the grove, the earnest faces of the waiting men and
women before him, and his heart became filled and his hands
upheld with a spirit of inspiration and of prophecy. He saw as
in a vision a new force arise in the land, new reapers in a ripen*
ing field, and fair before him in the sunshine gleamed the golden
shocks of the first harvest As the chosen official leader of the
new movement he felt the responsibility and realized the op-
portunity. He became then and there filled to the brim with
faith in the mission of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Associa-
tion. Then and there was engendered in him that belief in its
success which has never since faltered for one moment.
Men and women of Charlemont, speaking broadly for myself
and my fellows, whatever measure of usefulness has attended
our labors ; whatever we have done to preserve the memories
and embalm the deeds of heroic sires, it is largely due to your
68 Field JUeetinff— 1899.
judgment of our infant Association and your generous enthu-
siasm on the occasion of our Field Day with you, August 2,
1871. I feel that I shall be excused if, with my present knowl-
edge, I single out three of your citizens, officers of our organiza-
tion, as the leading movers in the arrangements for that notaUe
meeting, and the insurers of its triumphant success. You will
respond when I namo Hon. Joseph White, Hon. Boger H. Lea-
vitt and Deacon Phinehas Field. May you and may we ever
hold them in respectful and honorable memory.
The invitation to our Association to assist in the dedication
of a monument at the graves of Moses Bice and Phineas Arms
seems to have set the pace and pointed out our mission. The
next year we were called upon to perform the same service at
Northfield, Potter of New York having inspired Dickinson of
Fitchburg to follow his example, and place a memorial on the
spot where his ancestor, Nathaniel Dickinson, with Asahel
Burt, his companion, was shot from a savage ambush.
A quarter of a century passed and Northfield stole a march
on Charlemont. Through the persistent patriotism of Mrs.
Alexander, Northfield opened up a new field for our action. We
were called upon to dedicate memorial stones to mark the sites
of her ancient strongholds and other historical places. West-
ward the contagion spread, Colrain first in 1898, and next
Charlemont in 1899 caught the patriotic fever.
Charlemont, enterprising as she is, should not expect to be
first in everything. She ought to be content in being the first
to establish an Old Folk's Association ; the first to have a cattle
show all to itself ; the first to have an Old Oak Tree Association ;
the first in the monument renaissance ; the first with a woman
representative to grace its platform ; and, if I may be allowed
the fancy, the first town to establish a Bice plantation in the
Valley of the Pocumtuck ; and last but not least she has the
honor of being the first town to discover the merits and the
mission of our august body. What more can Charlemont ask ?
JButarioal Address. 69
mSTORIOAL ADDRESS.
BY BSV. LYMAN WUlTIEra, D. D., OF BAST OHAKLKMORT.
Cover these hills with forests, sheathe these brooks with thick
bushes, give to the river and its tributary streams fuller, swifter
currents than now they have ; blot out all roadways, leaving
only a few winding paths marked by blazed trees ; tiien spread
over all a silence broken only by some wild beast or by the
screech of as wild a fowl ; then plant here and there a rude cabin,
^^ with at least seven stud and eighteen feet square," — ^as said
the law — ^and spread between these few lone homes a wilderness
20 miles deep to the nearest settlement — Deerfield — and un-
imaginable spaces westward, and you have reason for setting
up timbers and sharpened logs, making a kind of pen around a
few houses, called a fort. No, not all the reasons. In those
lone homes are men, women and children, poorly fed, poorly
clad, careworn, toilwom, silent as to talk, with seldom a strain
of song or a gleeful laugh, and often and anxious listening with
startled look this way and that, and, at times the swift lisp —
" What's that ? " — at some unusual noise in the dark woods, and
then paleness upon many faces, for there's one dreadful, fright-
ful foe ever hovering near. The tremulously spoken word —
Indian — ^told it alL
The hideous stories which had come down from a hundred
years of the tomahawk and scalping knife and the sight now
and then of one of those wild, bloody men, were reasons enough
for that quick alarm. Fathers, husbands and sons, going a little
way from the door for wood or water, to plow or plant or har-
vest, taking the loaded gun with the tools, the women and chil-
dren knowing that meant danger of ambush or of deadly fight
— Ah ! did not such days and nights of dread and of sore peril
upon the lone dwellers along these valleys and up the ravines
make needful strong refuges into which they could fly from the
swift arrow and merciless tomahawk of the savage. Forts they
called them ; log or timber inclosures with battened doors and
sentry boxes on the comers from which the men could watch
and give the alarm, or fire upon the foe creeping toward them.
It is now 1754 — one hundred and thirty-four years since the
70 Fidd Mee(mg—1%99.
pilgrims got to Plymouth, and 8 or 10 years sinoe Moses Bioe
and after him Othniel and Jonathan Taylor, then G^rshom,
Joshua and Seth Hawks, and probably others, thinking that the
new town upon the Deerfield was safe for settlers, had brought
their families and built homes here. In 1748 the peace of ^' Aix
la Chapelle " pretended to end the French and Indian war be-
gun in 1744 or four years before this time. But, says the ven-
erable annalist of this valley in his history of Deerfield, ^^ The
ink with which this treaty was signed was hardly dry before
it became evident to close observers that the design of the French
was to keep the peace only so long as their interests required.
France never for a moment ceased encroaching on territory
claimed by the English, nor for a moment forgot her subtle
policy of aiding and abetting the border Indians in making
forays on the English frontiers."
So they began a chain of fortresses from the St. Lawrence by
the Oreat Lakes to the Mississippi which would pen the Eng-
lish between these and the Atlantic coast and with the help of
the Indians drive them from the continent, and so blot the
Protestants from the land and make it as was Canada, a Eoman
Catholic country. It was a grand Jesuit scheme, with France
to carry it out. So Crown Point, Oswego, Niagara and Du-
quesne were quietly seized and made fortresses in the face of
tiie solemn treaties of 1748.
The colonies soon saw the perfidious plan. The French won
the Indians from their friendships with the English by basest
allurements and soon the settlers got startling hints of coming
dangers from the alienated savages, whose greed for war and
the glory of bloody trophies soon changed them from friends to
deadly foes. Their memories of King Philip's war 75 years
before and of the French and English struggle only 10 years
before, roused their savage lusts to frenzy. Massachusetts fore-
saw the dread breach this treacherous plotting was bringing on.
Already raids and murders terrified the frontiers. As local de-
fenses, a line of forts was planned from the Connecticut river
along the northwestern border of the State. The blockhouses
in Falltown and Colrain and the Forts Dummer and Massachu-
setts were repaired and garrisoned. The families in the Deer-
field valley were advised to build stockades around their houses
or to join them close together for mutual defense. G^rshom,
Seth and Joshua Hawks so moved their houses and built pickets
historical Addre&a. 71
of logs around them. That made the Hawks fort on Tea street.
The well with its stone cover and round hole, 22 inches across,
IS yet there. We place the stone marker on a line with the well.
Under the hill by the old cottonwood tree Moses Rice and
sons fortified their house which was the Rice fort of the mas-
sacre, but after that bloody day it was moved into the meadow
near the river, for, from the hill above where it first stood, the
savages could shoot down into it. The site of the latter fort is
shown to-day by a staff and fiag 25 rods south of the stone we
set to mark it. Othniel and Jonathan Taylor joined their houses
and built a stockade around them, down the river about five
miles from Rice's fort, and that was the Taylor fort. This
work was mostly done in the summer of 1754 and so on Char-
lemont soil upon a Une of about seven miles stood three so-called
forts whose positions we hope so to certify to-day that those
who come siter us may not only knpw that they were, but
where they were.
The early summer of 1755 brought to these settlers a sorrow-
ful use for them. All through the spring after the snow was
melted, rumors and signs kept the inhabitants through the valley
in dread alarm. Alast reason for it soon came. June 11,
Wednesday forenoon, Capt. Moses Rice, his son Artemas, his
grandson, Asa Rice, a boy of nine years, Titus King, Phineas
Arms and others, with plow, hoes and guns, went into the com
field (the quite exact boundaries of which Mr. Hart Rice will
by and by point out to us) to hoe the com.
One man, Phineas Arms, gun in hand walked up and down
as sentinel, between the two brooks along the edge of the field,
next to the present road. Mr. Rice plowed, the boy Asa riding
the horse. Strangely as it seems to us, their loaded guns were
left by a pile of logs on the east corner of the field. Six Indians
crept to the top of the hill above the field and after watching
the men until they were farthest away from their guns, stole
down the brook, seizM their guns, fired them and mshed upon
the unarmed, helpless men. Phineas Arms was shot dead, Capt.
Rice wounded in the thigh and Titus King, a young relative of
Capt. Rice, were seized as prisoners. The horse, frightened by
the shooting, ran, and the boy Asa hid but the Indians found
him and took him, with the others named, prisoners to the up-
land back of the present hotel. Artemas Rice fled, chased by
the Indians, down the river to Taylor's fort, which he reached
73 Vidd Meeting— VHHi.
about noon ; of course all the women and children hearing the
firing and whoops fled into the fort
The Indians did not stop to do more. They knew they were
between Hawks's fort jnst above them and Taylor's just below
them. They left the womided Capt. Rice with an Indian, by
whom after a terrible straggle he was tomahawked, scalped and
left to die. Toward evening he was found yet alive and carried
to the house of his son where he soon expired. The Indians
with their captives, King and the lad Asa, went back to Canada.
Asa returned after six years, a ransomed captive. King was
taken to France and to England and came at last to Korthamp-
ton, his native place. As said, Artemas Eice got to Tayloi^s
fort at noon. Mr. Taylor at once by a swift run went to Deer-
field and returned with 25 men the same night The next
morning they came up to the Kice fort. Think friends ; of that
Thursday morning over by yon cotton wood tree 144 years ago ;
the two dead men in the fort with the terrified, weary, weeping
women and children. Capt. Kioe, the venerated father, l^ider
and chief stay of the settlement, mangled, scalped and dead !
Phineas Arms, a young man of 25 years, and much is told of
him in the account that five weeks before he had publicly con-
fessed Christ by joining the church in Deerfield. What a morn-
ing was this t What a first funeral t with no minister to con-
sole or pray ; none to sing a hynm, two of their number carried
away if not already slain by their captors. Oh I that first funeral
in Charlemont I Think of the two first graves upon yon hill-
side ; of the sorrowing procession, the 25 soldiers carrying the
shattered corpses up the steep, and of the gloom the stoutest
heart must have felt as they looked in each other's faces and told
one another of the awful shooting and whoops and yells of the
Indians, and cries of the men in the field and shrieks of the
women and children and then the question ^' What shall be done
now ? Who can dare to stay or to live here now t " This sim-
ple stone we unveil to-day, recalls a mourning no tongue or pen
can fully portray.
We would Unger as if to comfort these stricken ones, but
other duties calL
Of the Hawks Fort there are no traditions of tragedies or of
special events. It no doubt served as an outpost for protection
to all the valley this side of the tunnel mountain. The French
with their Indian allies were so pressed by the English forces in
Historical Addreis. 78
Canada, that this was their last stroke upon the settlement in this
valley. The Bice Fort under the hill as before said, was so ex-
posed that the General Court promised a garrison of eight sol-
diers to Mr. Samuel, son of Capt. Bice, if he would build a fort
in the meadow. This was built during the summer after the
father's death. After the June massacre 25 men were kept in
Charlemont, but none of them was at the Bice Fort because of
its exposure from the hill above it. These soldiers were there-
fore in the two other forts.
Although the Taylor Fort as the Hawks garrison has no
legend of bloody fray or heroic siege yet it has one tender tra-
dition and four little stones to verify it In the gloomy days
of that summer when the ever bodeful shadow upon woman-
hood—childbirth— was near, Mrs. Donelson of Colrain sought
refuge in the shielded house for the hour of nature's pangs.
List a moment at the barred door. The soft wail of a babe
steals through the grim timbers, an unwonted sound there !
And again you listen, for it seems a twofold cry. Yes, it is so,
— ^for the joyful mother hears one cry answering to another.
Test twins are hers and every one of the few inhabitants
hastens to joy in it, for two more lives are added to the little
company they count We can but rejoice with them, for an
added l^e among them was increase of help to live and of com-
fort in Uving.
But as in so many human joys tears mingle with and often
change them to griefs and the song turns to sighing. Have you
ever noticed the two pairs of low, dark stones upon a little ridge
a few paces from the roadway just beyond the site of the Tay-
lor Fort? They are only rude stones of 12x9 or 12 inches but
they lisp to you that they are there to mark and guard the dust
of the twin babes bom in the dark days when a stem timber
wall was needed to give safety to the mother in her pains and
to the babes in their helpless birth hours.
So this trinity of little fortresses which spread their sheltering
arms around our fathers and mothers and their little ones, which
hide the bloody tragedy of the Patriarch pioneer's death in one ;
and the tender scenes of birth and burial of babes in another,
are now to be happily rescued from ungrateful oblivion by en-
during sculptures. The identity of the places and the remem-
brance of the sorrows endured therein are thus united by these
simple erections.
74 Fidd Meetinff— 1899.
So ended for this settlement the bloody days of the Indian
and the French and Indian wars. But nntil the capture of
Canada by Great Britain in 1760, in Cohuin, Korthfield and
other border towns, the implacable foe from time to time struck
down or captured persons and families.
One hundred and twenty-four years had passed since the first
settlement at Springfield ; years in which ceaseless fears, dan-
gers and deaths in appalling forms, had been the lot of the in-
habitants of the old Hampshire county. Children had been bom
and had grown to old age and passed all their lives under the
dread and danger from the treacherous foe. Hundreds of men,
women and children had been slain or dragged into captivity.
Says the historian of Western Massachusetts, ^^ There is hardly
a square acre, certainly not a square mile in the Connecticut
valley that has not been tracked by the flying feet of fear or
drunk the blood of the dead or served as the scene of toils
made doubly toilsome by an apprehension of danger that never
slept"
To the God of our fathers who led them through that century
and more of sorrows and sacrifices in this to them ^^ great and
terrible wilderness" we owe the thanksgiving of grateful chil-
dren who possess as a heritage the lands and homes bought for
us at such woeful cost.
And as Joshua to the children of Israel in Gilgal, we may
say, ^^ When your children shall ask their fathers in time to
come, saying, What mean these stones t Then ye shall let your
children know. That all the peoples of the earth may know the
hand of the Lord, that it is mighty and that they may fear the
Lord your Gkxi forever.'*
MRS. LUCY CUTLER KELLOGG'S UNVEILING
SPEECH.
Dug from the quarries of the earth, the white and spotless
marble or the huge granite bowlders have been taken by the
hand of man, shaped in accordance with his designs and placed
in enduring strength, as monuments to those gone before, men —
aye and women — who lived, loved and died, for it is a recognized
truism that, in this, the pages of the present read much the
same as the pages of the past. The book lies before us, the
1£t%. Lucy OuUer KeUogg^B Uwoeilvng Speech. 75
seals are broken, and for ns it remains to open and read. And
as we read, give we heed to the injunction of Holy Writ, " Re-
member the days of old, consider the days of many generations ;
ask thy Father and He will show thee, thy elders and they will
tell thee." Having gained our knowledge, comes to ns a second
scriptoral message, franght with earnestness of purpose, and
which is so often borne upon a close student of history with an
overwhelming sense of its utmost importance. ^' Tell ye your
children of it, and let your children tell their children, and their
children another generation." Had this been done, easy would
have been the yoke, light the burden of the historian of to^lay,
and the mists which now and then shroud the scenes have been
rolled away. But it is ever thus, '^ The great eventful present
hides the past, but thro' the din of its loud life, hints and echoes
of the Ufe behind steal in."
This day marks an important event in the records of this
town's annals. As you, citizens of Charlemont, have dug with
no uncertain hand, from the quarries of history, as with hearts
filled with loving tenderness, you have placed here these appro-
priate markers, as you have caused the knowledge of this hidden,
I might almost say lost life, to be brought forward and diffused,
so upon that spotless page of history which you are now causing
to be written, will the homage you thus render those ^^not dead
but gone before " stand forth preeminently, and the saying of
Joel be fulfilled that future generations be possessed with a
knowledge of this past.
It has been said that History is the great looking-glass through
which we may behold not merely the deeds of past ages but the
different types of man. Little did Moses Rice, on that spring
day in 1743, wot of what was before him, or think for an in-
stant of the important part he was to be in the settlement of
the then wild wood. Still more incomprehensible would have
been the fact that one hundred and fifty-six years later the
citizens of this Pocumtuck Valley, many descendants from him
and his neighbors, would meet to do honor to him and them,
and rehearse the valorous deeds which they, in the daily routine
of duty, then performed.
We are told that after their arduous journey from the far
distant township of Rutland, Mass., Captain Rice and his sons
found their first shelter beneath the spreading sycamore tree,
and from thence we may presume them to have surveyed their
76 Fidd Meeting— 1S99.
pofisesdons. Their eyes may— doubtless did — ^rest upon limit-
less forest land stretching away in unbroken solitude. Tall
oaks, spreading elms, luxuriant maples, tough hickories and
sturdy pines, through whose interwoven branches the music of
the wind breathed ^^ a song from the beautiful trees, a song for
the forest grand, the garden of God's own hand, the pride of
His centuries." Surely no more perfect garden of God could
have been found for the true lover of Nature, and these men of
old were in many ways — unknown or unthought of by us —
** near to Nature's heart." Theirs was a daily communion with
Nature and her handiworks. No harsh notes were sounded on
that spring morning of long ago. No minor chord wailed
through the forest, filling the heart with dismal forebodings of
the swiftly approaching tragedy. Eather Hope whispered of
the longed-for prosperity, the home built and the happy, united,
family life, and the realization of the day-dreams which we may
safely suppose to have been Captain Eice's ; that of the early
completion of his first home in Charlemont, rude in construction,
crude in its appointments, yet the home for which he had ex-
pended so much time and energy, and regarded with all the
sacred tenderness of a deeply impressible nature.
All the details and incidents of this picture of the long ago
have been ably presented to you to-day. How the savage war-
fare waged caused the settlers to flee to more protected locali-
ties, the subsequent destruction of the home of Capt. Bice, and
his rebuilding, for a second, and yet a third time his house,
which then partook of the character of a fort, and the strategy
by which the Indians finally lured him to his death, to all of
these things you have already listened. Yet here on the spot
of their occurrence it is but fitting that they should once more
be brought to mind.
And these stones here to-day unveiled I What are they?
Not mere dumb pieces of granite. To the members of the
Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, and, because of the
work which that Association has for nearly 30 years been striv-
ing to do, to you, friends and citizens of Charlemont, they
will henceforth prove themselves mute, sacred reminders of the
life that has been, the more eloquent because of their silence.
Hereafter those who have been present with us to-day, will, as
they pass, gaze upon these stones and read, not that which is
apparent to the superficial observer, but that page in history
Poem. 77
which reoords the tragedy of those early mhabitants of this
place. And with us it rests a sacred duty, that we each and
all do what we can to perpetuate this knowledge, to instill into
the minds of the children the love of ancestral lore. While all
may not seek to become perpetual gleaners in this especial field
of research, the truly golden harvest will only be reached when
the tiny grains of Imowledge scattered throughout the length
and br^idth of the land have been garnered. It is to those of
coming generations that we must look for this result.
Whether as citizens of Charlemont, as members of this Memo-
rial Association, or as friends from far away, do we not all
rejoice together that this day's record has been such that these
enduring memorials will hereafter have the power to thus turn
our thoughts to those brave men who sternly faithful to duty,
in peril and suffering and denial, wrought out the noblest of
historical epics on the rough soil of New England.
POEM.
BT SADIB B. MAXWXLL.
Hifltcnio vale! So pure, bo fresh, so fairl
So richly set, it seems with special care
That nature's sculpturing hand both carved and wrought,
Till perfect in rdief stood what she sought.
Girt 'round by rugged, wood-crowned, granite hillSy
Midway the Deerfield, fed by brooks and rills.
To west the gateway of the sunset light;
AU these, — grand gifts of a Creator's might.
Primeval forest covered hill and dale;
Primeval forest weathered many a gale;
Course upon course of wild beast life was run,
Ere ringing axe exposed the soil to sun.
Here, 'neath this sun which shines for you to-day.
The Indian hunter sped upon his way.
'Neath the same moon which sheds her beams so wide.
The Indian lover wooed his dusky bride.
Full many a tribe the path of war pursued.
Full many a chief with eloquence imbued.
Swayed at his will those 'round the council-fire.
Soothed into peace, or roused to savage ire.
78 Fidd Meetifig—lS99.
Ere to this vale came daring pioneers,
Undaunted by remoteness, dangers, fears;
Cleared the wild woodland for a space, and laid
Foundation for the fort, and strong stockade.
Th^ worked by day with flintlocks dose at hand;
By night the sentry overlooked the land:
Lest prowling savage should marauding be.
To torture, kill, and scalp in fiendish glee.
Their nimibers grew, their strength and sway increased;
But long y^ars passed ere yet the warfare ceased.
For y^ars the red-men raided, harassed, fought: —
To guard sweet life, the pioneers' chief thought.
Yet near, and ever nearer drew the hour
Of victory, won by steady growing power;
When savage tribes, so crafty, treacherous, wild,
Must flee, before the Anglo-Saxon child.
Back were they pressed, back toward the setting sun;
Their prestige lost, extinguishment begim.
Now "reservation'' is the red-men's home.
Whose fathers o'er a continent could roam.
Life made secure, land waiting to be tilled.
Ere long the vale with willing hands was filled.
Grateful to God, the edifice they raised
Wherein they met for worship— prayer and praise.
few years of tranquil life had pioneer.
Before the drum-beat fell upon his ear;
A summons to the men of iron will.
Who labored, fought, and died at Bunker Hill.
From Lexington to Yorktown — ^weaiy years!
Years of defeat, of victory, tears and cheers.
Outnumbered by the foe, still staunch and true.
They served the Fabius who brought them through,
Made weakness prove their strength, proved to the king.
How futile his attempts such men to bring
To any terms of settlement or peace.
Except from his control a full release.
A few decades, — then war again held sway;
Two armies of one soil, — the Blue, the Gray.
The pioneers long since were laid to rest.
But sons and grandsons to the service pressed.
Poem. 79
The same strong will, bent to a different cause,
Bent to enforce the oonsiitution's laws.
Bent to retrieve, to free the task-bound slave,
For these the South is seamed with soldiers' graves.
No need again to tell the well-known tale
Again no need to say they did not fail.
To these— our heroes — ^men so true and tried,
All hcmor give, they were our country's pride.
The ''Old Bay State" may weU extol each scm
Those of the century past, and those of '61.
Seek where you will, all history has to give,
No nobler sons than hers can ever live.
Her eariy sons — to history often turn,
Breathe heartfelt thanks — those men of virtues stem.
Who ne'er turned back, to ideals ever true,
Who bought with blood sweet liberty for you.
Recorded history gives not all the tale
Not men alone did strive that right prevail.
Frail, tender women acted well their part:
Yield them true reverence from the grateful heart.
Ye of to-day, just pass the ideal on
In wellHspent lives. As generations gone
Gave of their best to hew a broader way,
So give of yours, give toward a future day.
Forget not midst the business ebb and flow.
The lives spent here so many jrears ago.
Revere this soil, 3rour fathers' feet have trod,
RevOTe their toil, for their success thank God.
ANNUAL MEETING— 1900.
KEPOKT.
The annual meeting of the Pocamtuok Valley Memorial As-
sociation, held at Deerfield Tuesday, Feb. 27, was marked by
the reading of particularly interesting papers by Mrs. Mary P.
Wells Smith, Charles Jones, George Sheldon and Judge F. M.
Thompson. The annual meeting was held in the quaint old
kitchen in which the furnishings provide an admirable back-
ground for the transaction of the business of the Association.
The pilgrims to the old Memorial Hall were more than ever
impressed with the crowded condition of the building, and the
need that more room be provided. The constant increase of
the treasures of the Association will make some kind of provi-
sion for the growth of the coUections imperative in the near
future. Members hope that some generous friend may be in-
clined some day to provide money for a fireproof addition, in
which the more valuable parts of the collection may be stored,
leaving more room in the present building.
The Association is expected to go to Biverside in Qill this
year for its field day, to mark the site of the battle between
Capt Turner and the Indians. There has been some informal
talk with T. M. Stoughton of Gill and others about this matter,
and it is believed that money can be raised to place a monument
there. It is planned to use an old bowlder that has recently been
exhumed. This committee on the field day was named : Judge
F. M. Thompson, Mary P. Wells Smith, Greenfield; T. M.
Stoughton, Gill ; Rev. G. W. SoUey and E. A. Hawks, of Deer-
field. This spot, perhaps of the most historic interest in the
valley, is as yet unmarked.
In the absence of President George Sheldon and Vice-Presi-
dent F. M. Thompson, the business meeting was presided over
by Vice-President John M. Smith, of Sunderland. John Shel-
don was secretary pro tern. The thirtieth annual report of Sec-
retary Nathaniel Hitchcock said that the prosperity of the As-
An/muU Meeting — 1900. 81
sodation is shown by the many visitors and the gifts of books.
Three members have died, Frederick Hawks, of Greenfield, who
was a descendant of Col. Hawks, the old Indian hunter of Deer-
field, and who was the owner of the Colonel's old sword and
the source of much information regarding old Indian days;
WiUiam A. Hawks, his son, and Miss Avice S. Arms. Five new
members have joined. S. O. Lamb gave reminiscences of Fred-
erick Hawks. The latter and he used to have some discussion
as to who delivered an address at Deerfield in 1832, at the cen-
tennial anniversary of the birth of Washington. Mr. Hawks
maintained it was George Bancroft, but Judge Aiken and others
said Benjamin B. Curtis delivered it, and his printed address
found in the library of this Association proves that Judge Aiken
was correct. Mr. Lamb referred to Mr. Hawks as a character-
istic Puritan, positive, but very intelligent. He then offered
these resolutions, which were adopted : Reaohed^ that we place
on onr record an expression of our high appreciation of onr late
associates and life members, Frederick Hawks of Greenfield,
and his son, William A. Hawks of Boston, of their devotion to
and services in behalf of the Association and of our respect for
their memory.
A letter was then read from Nathaniel Hitchcock resigning
his offices of secretary and treasurer, which he has held for
thirty years. Bev. G. W. Solley suggested that some way should
be devised whereby he might still retain connection with the
work of the Association, and suggested that he be elected as
secretary only. This suggestion was afterward acted upon, with
the understanding that Mr. Sheldon, as secretary pro tem^ would
be practically assistant secretary, to help Mr. Hitchcock as far
as should be necessary. These officers were then chosen :
President, George Sheldon, of Deerfield; vice-presidents,
Francis M. Thompson, of Greenfield, John M. Smidi, of Sun-
derland; recording secretary, Nathaniel Hitchcock, of Deer-
field ; corresponding secretary, Herbert C. Parsons, of Green-
field ; treasurer, John Sheldon, of Greenfield ; members of the
council, Charles Jones, Mary P. Wentworth, Bobert Childs,
Charles E. Williams, Zeri Smith, George W. Solley, of Deer-
field; Eugene A. Newcomb, P. Voorhees Finch, Samuel O.
Lamb, Ellen L. Sheldon, Caroline Furbush, of Greenfield;
George W. Horr, of Athol ; George D. Crittenden, of Buck-
land, and James M. Crafts, of Orange.
6
82 Annual Meeting— 1900.
A letter was read from George W. Hon*, of Athol, express-
ing regret that he could not be present, and speaking of a paper
that he had prepared which could be read at some future meet-
ing. This letter was read from Mrs. A. M. D. Alexander, of
Northfield, presenting some photographs of the monuments that
the Association assisted in dedicating in 1897 :
^^ I do not forget that on one pleasant day in September, 1897,
many of you journeyed to Northfield, and by your personal
presence, united with historic narratives of great inter^ aided
the village improvement society to dedicate memorial stones.
As on that day it was not convenient to see them I venture to
send pictures to the Memorial Hall, trusting they will be ac-
cepted as mementos to yourselves of your own kindness and also
of our gratitude to you for interest shown in our efforts to pre-
serve the early history of the town. The very name of Deer-
field rings with history, but after her trials and victories North-
field became the ground coveted by the white men. Striving,
losing, and for the third time returning, her people secured their
desired home, which to their descendants proved a rich heritage.
Your society has done a noble work, the influence of which
will not be confined to this narrow valley in New England. I
think the^ study of early history is increasing, and that 100 years
from now the question. What mean ye by these stones scattered
here and there ? will not be asked. Instead a new generation
will arise and be glad that friends, by the erection of memorial
haUs, Ubraries and even simple boulders, have striven to preserve
the history of loved and honored towns from oblivion."
Eev. G. W. SoUey suggested that a committee be appointed
to draw up resolutions of appreciation of Secretary Hitchcock's
work. He and S. O. Lamb were appointed and drew up reso-
lutions, which were adopted, expressing appreciation of Mr.
Hitchcock's work, and asking that he continue as secretary.
The report of the treasurer showed the funds of the Association
to be $1,912.
The following is the report of George Sheldon as curator :
" I would report a year of advance in the condition of our
library and general collection, more largely in the former.
There have been added 360 books and pamphlets, one of which is
another volume of the ' Soldiers and Sailors of the Bevolution.'
This is the fifth volume, and it brings the alphabet of names
only down to Foy. Those looking up revolutionary ancestors
Anmud Meeting— 1900. 83
whose names come before Foy, can find here all that there is
known about them at the State Hoase in Boston. There has
been a suspicion that the work at the State House is not hur-
ried, because certificates to inquiries all over the Union bring
the Secretaiy of State quite a little income in official fees which
is lessened as the book is laid before the public. I mention this
only to give my judgment that the rumor is false. One thing
I am sure of, tiiat the antiquaries will rejoice when they can
refer correspondents to Ubraries instead of hunting up answers
to their queries.
Several valuable genealogies have been added in way of ex-
change for our publications, and I am in negotiation for others.
I have made arrangements for publishing the material of the
Field genealogy, contained in the manuscript volume of Eodney
B. Field, in accordance with the conditions of the gift, with a
gentleman of Chicago who will embody it in a larger work of
the Field family. We shall be furnished with fifty copies of
the book for exchange ; I suppose it will be out within six
months.
The library is already crowded and I see no room to place
shelves for the steady stream of books that is sure to continue.
The library contains a vast amount of valuable matter relating
to our early history. It would, of course, be of greater use to
students with a limited knowledge of book-lore if we had a card
catalogue. That, however, would be a very expensive luxury,
I fancy. Your curator spent considerable time last summer in
cataloging, arranging, imd, to some extent, rearranging the
pamphlets, and in making a more complete classification. The
pictures in the memorial room were put in a better condition.
We are also cramped here by the abundance of our treasures.
We have had applications for wall-room for two marble tablets,
one of which, that to Sergt. John PUmpton, I expected to see
in place before now.
I am receiving inquiries from all over the land for old books
and pamphlets. Even Boston collectors are asking for some of
their own city publications. I have been able to supply to the
congressional library at Washington, to the New York Histor-
ical Society, and the great Union Library of New York city,
some of their wants. Of course, I have sold nothing but dupli-
cates and books not deposited here for safe keeping, but from
my own loose pickings from garret and closet. There seems to
84 Annual Meeting— \9Q0.
be a widespread impression that here is the place to look for
anything strange and rare. A man from London wrote to know
if I had a Horn-book.
Congressman Lawrence has promised to send us the reports
of the American Historical Society, which may be looked for
at any time. You may be glad to know that our society was
represented on the reception committee when this distinguished
body visited Boston last December. I only mention these things
to show that we are not hidden in a comer.
The amount received from entrance fees appears in the report
of the treasurer. I have received for books sold, $54.69 ; from
contributions, $2.70. I have paid for small, miscellaneous ex-
penses, $8.92. Among the visitors at the hall this year have
been many organized bodies, societies, schools, and the like.
The Palmer Historical Society voted and arranged to spend
Washington's birthday here, but I discouraged the visit, as I do
all winter visiting, and they postponed the trip until warmer
weather. A contract has been made for publishing YoL III of
our proceedings, preparations for which have been delayed by
an unexpected obstacle — the difficulty of procuring copy."
The Deerfield women served as usual an excellent supper in
the town hall, and at 6:30 the literary exercises began. They
consisted of papers by Mrs. Mary P. Wells Smith on Mehitable
Hinsdale, her foremother and the first white woman in Deer-
field ; by Charles Jones, of Deerfield, on the broom com in-
dustry ; by George Sheldon, giving reminiscences on the same
subject; and by Judge F. M. Thompson, on Capt. Agrippa
Wells, of Greenfield, who went with his company the day
after the battle of Lexington. Eev. H. E. Morrow offered
prayer. A choir led by Charles H. Ashley sang some of the old
fugue tunes to the great enjoyment of the audience. The sing-
ers were dressed in old-fashioned costumes drawn from the
heirlooms of Deerfield. Miss Julia Whiting sang an old ballad,
accompanying herself on the old piano that stands in the hall.
She explained that this old ballad had been sung at the funeral
of a young man, by six young women dressed in white, of whom
her grandmother was one. An interesting poem was read by
Mrs. Lucius Nims, written by Mrs. Sophia P. Snow, of Meriden,
Conn. Judge Thompson gave some interesting reminiscences
of Mehuman Hinsdale, to whom Mrs. Smith referred at length.
Mr. Hinsdale was a great land getter, he said, and kept applying
A Puritcm Foremoiher. 86
for grants until he owned more than anyone else in these parts.
Finally, when he applied to the town for one more such grant,
some one made the motion that he be given the land provided
he would never ask for any more.
A PURITAN FOREMOTHER
BY HABY P. WBLUB SMITH OF GBBBNFIBLD.
It is but proper to preface this paper with some expression
of my indebtedness to your venerable president, the Hon.
Oeorge Sheldon, to whose patient research and untiring la-
bors, as embodied in his excellent history of Deerfield, so
abounding in the materials for romance, I am largely indebted
for the facts here brought together.
The virtues of our Puritan forefathers have not lacked chron-
iclers. Their praises are familiar to us in song and story, as
well as in history's solid pages. But it sometimes seems that
justice has hardly been done to the worth of the Puritan fore-
mothers. What would the forefathers have done, pray, but
for the staunch English helpmeets who said to them, like Ruth,
" Whither thou goest, I wiU go ; and where thou lodgest, I will
lodge ; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God ;
where thou diest, will I die, and there will I be buried ; the
Lord do so to me and more also, if aught but death part thee
and me ; " the women who cheerfully, for conscience sake, but
also for love sake, renounced the home of youth, and native
land, even civilization itself, often with a tiny brood of children
clinging to them, to face the weary months of voyage over
stormy seas, the discomforts and perils of founding a new home
in the savage wilderness ? The women who were wives and
mothers, and manufacturers, too ; who not only cooked and
brewed and nursed, but who also made and mended, wove and
knit and spun, and, if need were, moulded the bullets and loaded
the guns, were a power in the early history of this country not
to be ignored. Privations severe for men to bear were doubly
hard for women. When, to all the inevitable hardships of their
lot, we add the strain of anxiety and terror often suffered, we
wonder at their endurance and fortitude. They seem made of
stronger stuff than the human beings of to-day.
86 Anntuxl MeeUng— 1900.
Occasionally we get a glimpse of one of these foremothers
in the old records, as in SewaU's touching tribate to his aged
mother at her grave, given in his diary.
^^ When, about four p. m., Kathl. Brackett taking in hand the
filling of the grave, I said :
^ Forbear a little, and suffer me to say that amidst our be-
reaving sorrows we have the comfort of beholding this Saint
put into the rightful possession of that Happiness of Living de-
sired and dying Lamented. She lived commendably Four and
Fifty years with her dear Husband, my dear Father. And she
could not well brook the being divided from him at her death ;
which is the cause of our taking leave of her at this place. She
was a true and constant Lover of God's Word, Worship, and
Saints. And she always, with a patient cheerfulness, submit-
ted to the Decree of providing Bread for herself and others in
the sweat of her brows. And now her infinitely Gracious and
Bountiful Master has promoted her, to the honor of higher em-
ployments, fully and absolutely discharged from all manner of
Toil and Sweat. My honored and beloved Friends and Neigh-
bors! My dear Mother never thought much of doing the
most frequent and homely offices of love for me ; and lavished
away many Thousands of Words upon me, before I could return
one word in answer ; and therefore I ask and hope that none
will be offended that I have now ventured to speak one word
in her behalf when she herself is become speechless.'
" Made a motion with my hand for the filling of the Grave.
J^ote. I could hardly speak for passion and Tears."
Have we not known other New England mothers of whom
these words were true ?
Rev. John Norton of Hingham, in his " Dirge for the Tenth
Muse," says of Anne Bradstreet, wife of Gov. Bradstreet, mar-
ried at sixteen and the mother of eight children, but who wrote
the first volume of verse published in New England :
Her breast was a brave palace, a Broad-street,
Where all heroic thoughts did meet,
Where nature such a tenement had ta'en,
That our souls, to hers, dwelt in a lane.
But in this mention of their virtues, Mistresses Bradstreet
and Sewall were almost the exceptions. History takes little
note of the faithful lives of the everyday wives and mothers.
Mehitable Johnson, wife of Samuel Hinsdale, has been chosen
A Pttritan Faremother. 87
as the subject of this paper for these reasons : she seems to have
been the first white woman living in Deerfield ; I cherish for
her the personal interest one feels in an ancestress, even of two
hundred years ago ; and hers may fairly be considered a typi-
cal woman's life of her period. Not exceptional, for many
women were called to undergo even greater hardships than hers ;
but simply a typical life of one among the Puritan f oremothers.
To briefly consider its incidents will perhaps make real to us
their day.
Mehitable Johnson came from good Puritan stock, being
probably daughter of Humphrey Johnson of Koxbury. Her
grandfather was John Johnson, who is supposed to have come
from England in the fleet with Gov. Winthrop in 1630. We
are told that the little fleet which sailed with the Arbella, was
nine weeks crossing the Atlantic, but the devout passengers be-
guiled the tedium of the voyage by ^^ preaching and catechiz-
ing, fasting and thanksgiving." No doubt Humphrey, Mehita-
ble's father, then a young boy, was one of the victims of the
^^ catechizing." Palfrey, in a note, quotes the learned English
antiquary, Hunter, as saying of the emigration which foUowed
Winthrop from England, that it " consisted very much of per-
sons who, though not of the very first rank, were yet men of
substance and good alliances, — will-making families, families
high in the subsidy books, while some of them, as the Win-
throps, were among the principal gentry of the country." This
honorable description seems true of John Johnson, for Savage
says he was '^ a man of estate and distinction," a representa-
tive to the first General Court in 1634, and for many years fol-
lowing ; ako a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery
Company, and surveyor general of arms and ammunition.
John's oldest son, Mehitable's uncle, Isaac Johnson, was a
captain in the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, and
was killed by the Indians at the head of his men, during the
great fight at the Narragansett Fort, December 19, 1675. Pal-
frey says of this skillfully constructed fort, in the heart of a
hideous swamp, that its only entrance was " over a rude bridge
consisting of a feUed tree, four or five feet from the ground,
the bridge being protected by a block house." Over this treach-
erous bridge, slippery with ice and snow, rushed the English
troops to the attack, after a march of eighteen miles in deep
snow through the pathless forest. Palfrey says, " The foremost
88 Anntud Meetmff — 1900.
of the assailants were received with a well-directed fire. Cap-
tain Johnson of Boxbury was shot dead on the bridge, as he was
rushing over it at the head of his company." Well may Sav-
age allude to him as " the brave Captain Johnson of Eoxbury."
Humphrey, second son of John, although he lived for a time
at Scituate and Hingham, made Boxbury his chief home. Here
he married March 20, 1643, Ellen Cheney, and here their eldest
child, Mehitable, was bom in September, 1644. On October 31,
1660, when only sixteen years old, she married Samuel Hinsdale
of Dedham, he being aged about eighteen.
We know nothing of Mehitable's personal appearance. Fancy
is therefore free to make its own picture of her. We are safe
in ascribing to her more than usual attractiveness of person, and
many sterling qualities of character. A woman who married
three times, twice when a widow with a large family of young
children, was certainly not devoid of fascinations. I picture
her large, strong, vigorous, her face radiant with the combined
charms of good health and good sense. She was not only fair
to look upon, but of the sturdy stuff in mind and body fit for
a pioneer's wife, or she could not long have borne up under the
hardships of her life. We may imagine her to resemble the
second wife of Cotton Mather, of whom his son Samuel wrote :
" She was one of finished Piety and Probity, and of an un-
spotted Reputation, one of good sense, and blessed with a com-
pleat Discretion in ordering a Household ; one of singular Good
Humor and incomparable Sweetness of Temper ; one with a
very handsome, engaging Countenance;" and no doubt it could
be said of Samuel Hinsdale, as his son adds of Cotton Mather :
^^ He rejoiced in her as having great spoil, and in finding her
found great Favour of the Lord." Certainly Mehitable's life
furnished opportunity for the use of all these virtues. And the
forceful Samuel Hinsdale probably knew what he was about,
when he selected a life partner for pioneer wilderness life.
The HinsdaJes were a family of good birth, having a coat of
arms, as we learn by the will of the widow of Col. Ebenezer
Hinsdale, who is buried in Hinsdale, N. H. She left by will to
her niece " a silver cup with Coat of Arms of Hinsdale family
engraved upon it ; " and to the church in Hinsdale " my great
Silver Tankard with Hinsdale Coat of Arms."
Great energy, what in modem phrase is called ^^ push," seems
to have characterized the EUnsdales. Bobert, father of Sam-
A Puritan Foremother. 89
uel, came from England in 1638^ as one of the first settlers of
Dedbam, and was one of the eight men who founded the Ded-
ham church ; he moved thence to Medfield as a pioneer, being
one of the founders of the Medfield church in 1650, and in 1673
we find him, with four stalwart sons, again a pioneer, this time
in the remote wilderness settlement at Pocumtuck. But his
son Samuel, apparently endowed with more than his share of
the family energy and courage, had preceded his father to the
Connecticut Valley several years, going first to Hadley. How
little can we imagine what this journey of several days on
horseback, through primeval forest whose only denizens were
wild beasts and still more savage Indians, with three or four
little children on the pillions behind the parents or in their
arms, must have been for the young vrife and mother ; what
high-hearted courage, what strong common sense, above all,
what firm trust in God and his leading must have been hers,
to carry her through it.
In May, 1669, Dedham records tell us " Samuel Hinsdale of
Hadley in the County of Hampshire ^ appeared before the se-
lectmen of Dedham, stating that having ^^ purchased some
propriety in Pocumtucke," and made improvement " by plough-
ing land there," he demanded " the laying out " of the rights
so purchased '^ that he might settle himself upon it, .... or if
it could not yet be layed out, that then some parcell of upland
might be granted and laid out to build a house upon." Alone
had he come up here into the wilderness, twelve miles north of
any habitation, and his ploughshare was the first to turn up the
virgin soil of Deerfield meadows.
The town street and highways were not laid out until two years
later, in 1671, when the conmiittee in charge of the work al-
lowed Samuel Hinsdale to " injoy the peroell of land — on which
at present he is resident." Hence we may assume that some
sort of house was already built cm said ^^ perceU of land," that
his family were here vnth him, and that, consequently, Mehita-
ble Hinsdale was the first woman living under the shadow of
old Pocumtuck, a worthy forerunner of all the many " desira-
ble " women who have, since her day, walked Old Deerfield
Street, and borne conspicuous and honorable share in her history.
She had at this time four children ; three little girls, Mehita-
ble, about seven, Mary five, Sarah about three, and a baby boy,
Samuel. The site of the first land occupied by Samuel Hins-
90 Annual MeeHnff— 1900.
dale is unknown. The Dedham records say the pieoe of land
thus taken up not being over three or four acres, and not
" prejudicing any man's lott or lotts/* he was allowed to " In-
joy it, — considering his expense on the same," probably in the
erection of his house and other improvements. A little later,
by some trade, doubtless, Samuel Hinsdale became owner of
Lot 14. Moving his family hither, here he was residing at the
time of his death.
Lot 14 is that now owned and occupied by Mrs. Whiting and
daughters.
How priceless would be one letter from Mehitable EQnsdale's
quill, giving us a glimpse of her life in the solitary little cabin,
around whose doors played the sturdy children, while the young
mother, alert and cheerful, stepped briskly to and fro at her
spinning wheel, or plied the flying shuttle at her loom. We
can see the little ones scampering to the safe shelter of mother's
linsey-woolsey gown, when dusky Mashilisk or her son Wuttaw-
waluncksin, or Masseamet came striding out of the forest on
the mountain side, coming to the cabin perhaps to barter In-
dian brooms for a taste of Mehitable's savory bean porridge.
But as Mehitable, like most women of her period, probably
could not write, we can only infer her life from the conditions
then prevailing.
Samuel Hinsdale was a large proprietor, in 1670, owning one-
twelfth of the original 8,000 acre grant. With his indomitable
energy, he would no doubt have been eminent in the settle-
ment's early history, but for his untimely death. Several
times during these earliest years of settlement, from 1670 to
1678, he was sent as a deputy to Dedham with petitions from
^'tbe inhabitants at Pecomtick." What anxiety Mehitable
must have suffered, during her husband's absence on these
long, hazardous journeys to the Bay ! He was also appointed
on a committee with such leading men as Lieut. Samuel Smith
and Peter Tilton of Hadley, and Lieut. Wm. Allis of Hatfield,
to supervise the affairs of the new settlement, to have charge
of the sale of lands, the admission of new settlers, and the pro-
curing ^^an orthodox Minister to dispone the word of Ood
among them."
In the fall of 1673, Samuel's father and three brothers cast
in their lot with the promising settlement at Pocum'tuck. In
this year, too, was bom Mehitable's fifth child, and the first
A Pwritcm Foremother. 91
white child bom in Deerfield, Mehnman Hinsdale. Deerfield,
as the settlement began to be called, had now about one hun-
dred and twenty-five inhabitants, thirty of whom were men.
All was happy and prosperous in the little plantation until
the outbreak of King Philip's war. The events of that war
are too familiar to need recapitulation here. Even the most
vivid fancy must fail to depict the constant anxiety and terror
filling the hearts of the women in this isolated frontier settle-
ment during the summer of 1675, the marching to and fro of
soldiers, the discomfort of living, inhabitants and soldiers being
huddled within the few palisaded houses, the Indians in Septem-
ber having burned all houses outside the stockade. Then came
the morning of the fatal 18th of September, when Captain
Lothrop and his gallant soldiers marched out of Deerfield escort-
ing a train of loaded wheat carts to Hadley. Samuel Hinsdale
was one of the seventeen Deerfield men chosen by lot to drive
these carts. Elsewhere I have thus pictured his adieu to his wife.
^' Mehitable Hinsdale stood there holding little Mehuman by
the hand, smiling bravely through the tears shining in her eyes,
tears stoatly held back, as her husband, after lifting little Mehu-
man and kissing him with unwonted tenderness, turned to her,
and taking her hand, said :
"*6ood-by, Mehitable. Keep up thy courage, good wife.
Thou hast soldiers here in plenty to guard thee. And it be Gkxl's
will, I trust soon to come safely back.'
'^^God be with thee, Samuel,' said Mehitable, from a full
heart.' "
No doubt she stood in front of her house, so near where we
are to-night assembled, her little brood around her, watching
her husband and father go down the hill and out upon the mea-
dow till the long train disappeared to the south.
Her eyes never again rested on the husband of her youth.
Samuel Hinsdale, his father and three brothers, slain that bloody
day by the Indians, not, we may believe, without the stout re-
sistance of brave men fighting for their lives, were buried
by Moseley's and Treat's soldiers in the huge grave under the
shadow of Mt. Wequamps. A few days more, and Mehitable vnth
her little ones, mounted behind Major Treat's troopers, with
wet eyes looked her last on what had been her happy home,
and rode with grief unutterable over the still bloody battle
ground, past the dreadful mound, to take refuge with kind
92 Anntuil Meeting — 1900.
relatives, probably in Hatfield. Deerfield was abandoned to
Indian ravage and destruction, and was soon burned. A few
blackened cellar holes and ravaged and trampled fields, and one
melancholy frame, left unbumed, through whose bare timbers
the desolate winds howled mockingly, were all the traces left of
the settlement. ^^ The small remnant that were left of Deer-
field's poor inhabitants " scattered through several towns below,
pathetically said, in a petition to the General Court for aid (in
1678), ^^ our houses have been rifled and burnt, our estates
wasted, our flocks and herds consumed, the ablest of our in-
habitants killed ; our plantation has become a wildemesse, a
dwelling for owls."
Mehitable, now thirty-one years old, was left a widow with
five little children, the oldest a girl of barely twelve. Samud
Hinsdale's personal estate of forty-five pounds, a much larger
sum relatively then than now, was by his will " given his widow
to bring up lieir children," while " the Land at Deerfield alias
Pocuratuck, not being valued in regard to the present Indian
war rendering it at present of little worth, but being hopeful to
prove a Beal Estate hereafter," was given to his sons, Samuel
and Mehuman, ^^ the Eldest to have a double share."
In those days of war, death, uncertainty, there was little time
for mourning. Broken families and lives must be patched up
somehow, and the duties and business of life must go on.
Mehitable with her little flock needing a father's care, soon
married John Eoot of Northampton, aged thirty-one, son of
Thomas Root, one of the founders of Northampton, one of the
** eight pillars of the church " there, a selectman, etc. The rec-
ords give John Eoot but one child. Thankful, bom in February,
1677. He probably married Mehitable in the spring of 1676,
and Thankful Eoot was her sixth child, perhaps so named from
the sense of gratitude to God filling the mother's heart that
life, which had looked so dreary, began to smile again with love
and hope.
The General Court, in answer to Mehitable's petition, had
given her as her own. Lot 14, and in the spring of 1677 John
Eoot, with Quintin Stockwell and a few others, returned to Deer-
field full of hope and courage, to begin rebuilding the ruined
settlement, feeling themselves entirely safe now that Philip
was slain, and the war ended, while no hostilities had recently
beeii committed. Eoot was building a house for Mehitable
A PttrUan JFbremother. 93
and her fiunily on Lot 14 when on the evening of September
19, 1677, exactly one day over two years since the slaughter at
Bloody Brook, a band of 26 Indians from Canada, led by Ash-
pelon, fell upon the workers. All were taken captive, and Boot
soon slain, perhaps because of his desperate resistance. Again
was Mehitable widowed by the cruel hands of Indians. Truly
could she echo the words of Deerfield's desolate ^^ remnant " to
the G^eral Court, ^^ We find it hard work to live in this Iron
age.'' She was probably living either with her father-in-law,
Thomas Boot at Northampton, or with Hatfield friends. Her
first husband's fourth brother, Ephraim Hinsdale, had settled at
Hatfield after King PhiUp's war, and there were other relations
living there. Among these various friends the family were
doubtless scattered. Hearts were warm and hospitable in those
troubled days, and those as yet uninjured shared freely with
their suffering friends.
A prominent man in Hatfield was Deacon John Coleman, son
of Thomas Coleman from Wethersfield, Ct, one of the ^^en-
gagers " who settled Hadley . Deacon Coleman married Hannah
Porter of Windsor, and by her had six children. This family
were living on a lot in the heart of the present village of Hat-
field, just north of the stockade. Ashpelon and his Indians
suddenly fell upon peaceful Hatfield about eleven o'clock in the
forenoon of Sept. 19, 1677, killing twelve persons, wounding
four, burning several buildings, then retreating northward in
haste, bearing seventeen captives. Those captives were con-
cealed in the woods east of Mt. Pocumtuck until dusk, when the
deadly assault already described was made upon the men re-
building at Deerfield.
Deacon John Coleman's house, as has been stated, was with-
out the stockade. He himself, with most of the men of the
settlement, was at work on the meadows when this unexpected
blow fell He left home in the morning, everything seeming
serene and secure. He returned ere noon to find his wife and
baby Bethiah slain, another child wounded, his bam with all
his summer's crops burned, and two children carried off into
captivity, one being Sarah Coleman, but four years old, whose
little shoe worn during her eight months of captivity, now rests
in Memorial HalL The same day Mehitable Boot had lost her
second husband.
It is not strange that these two fellow-sufferers, probably old
94 Annual Meetmg— 1900.
acqnaintances and fellow charoh members, were drawn to each
other by their common sorrow and common need. We can
fancy good Deacon Coleman seated in the " fore room " with
the comely and capable Widow Root, pleading his suit some-
thing in this wise, while the firelight shone out on his earnest
face, on Mehitable's, still pleasmg, thoagh the shocks of sadden
sorrows had somewhat dimmed its girlhood beauty.
" Good wife Root, the hand of the Lord hath verily been laid
heavily upon us twain. In the same dread day, thou didst lose
thy staff and stay, and I my sweet and comfortable spouse, by
the hands of the same murderous savages, whom, doubtless be-
cause our sins called down His just wrath, the Lord suffered to
fall upon us to desolate our pleasant places and destroy our
goodly heritage. In this bereavement so strangely befalling us,
methinks I discern a leading of the Lord, that we widowed ones
who are left desolate to mourn shall comfort each other under
these sore distresses. Thy little flock needeth a father's protec-
tion and guidance, and my poor desolate children a loving
mother's care. Shall we not join hands in the sweet estate of
wedlock, and walk together, comforting each other, during the
days that remain of our earthly pilgrimage ? "
And so, eighteen months after the deaths of Hannah Coleman
and John Root, on March 11, 1679, Mehitable, now thirty-five
years old, became the second wife of Deacon John Coleman of
Hatfield. The deacon moved within the palisade soon after the
assault. Mehitable bore him two sons, Ebenezer and Nathaniel.
At the time of the marriage. Deacon Coleman had five children
living, the oldest a boy of thirteen. The two little captives
had returned in safety early in June, 1678, thanks to the heroic
efforts of Benjamin Waite and Stephen Jennings. Mehitable
had six children, the eldest a girl of 16. With the two sons
born to Deacon Coleman, she was thus the maternal head of a
household of thirteen young children. Did she not need all the
virtues I have ascribed to her and would she have been chosen
to fill so difficult a position by a '^ grave, judicious " elder of the
church, had she not possessed the rare qualities of head and
heart enabling her to fulfill its duties faithfully and wisely t
She lived ten years with Deacon John Coleman, probably years
of domestic peace, though there was still a constant apprehen-
sion of Indian raids, not baseless as was shown by the assault
on Northfield in August, 1688, when six persons were slain. A
A Puritan Foremoiher. 95
year after this raid on Northfield, when her yonngest child,
Nathaniel, was bat five years old, August 4th, 1689, she died,
at the early age of 45.
She had borne eight children, had lost two husbands as well
as relatives, neighbors and friends innumerable by the sudden
and horrible shock of Indian butchery, and, in addition to the
care and toil inevitable to the mother of so large a family amid
the hardships and privations of the period, she had lived most
of her life under such a nervous strain and apprehension as are
inconceivable to us more fortunate ones, — the impending dread
of Indian assaults. Small wonder is it that her vitality was
exhausted, and that she early laid down the life so full of use-
fulness, but also of turmoil and sorrow.
She was undoubtedly buried in the old burying ground at
Hatfield, beautiful for situation then as now, where the clear
waters of Mill Biver glide by under the bank to-day as peace-
fully as when mourning husband and children lowered to quiet
rest at last the worn body which had housed Mehitsible Cole-
man's brave soul. But I find there no gravestone, or even trace
of an unmarked grave near her husband's. Perhaps this is not
strange, after the lapse of two hundred and eleven years* At
the time she died, few graves were marked with stones. The
mound has long since sunk down into a grassy hollow, and the
body Mehitable wore has blossomed again in grass and flowers.
Little it all troubles Mehitable now ! A stone, large for the
time, in fact probably erected later, marks her husband's grave,
its partly effaced inscription stating, ^^ Deacon John Coleman
dyed on Jan. 21, 1711, Aged 76 years, and here byred."
Through her children Mehitable was still further connected
with the Indian troubles. Indeed, her early death seems merci*
ful, in view of the agony she was thus spared, for the sorrows of
one's children are more grievous to a mother's heart than her
own. Her oldest daughter, Mehitable, became the second wife
of Obadiah Dickinson, who, with his child was carried away
captive to Canada from Hatfield in the assault of 1677. Her
third daughter, Sarah, married Samuel Janes, son of Elder
William Janes of Northfield, who during the firat settlement at
Korthfield preached to the settlers under the spreading branches
of a huge oak tree. Samuel returned to Northfield at the time
of the second settlement, taking up his father's lot. Samuel
Janes seems to have been a brave man, for it was he who with
96 Annual Meeting— 1900.
•
one garrison soldier went to Springfield the day after the
assault bearing a letter with the news to Major Fynchon.
When the settlers were again obliged by the Indian assault in
1688 to abandon Korthfield, Samuel, with his brother Benjamin
and three other families^ settled on a fertile tract in North-
ampton, at the northeast foot of Mt. Tom, called Pascommuck.
Here they no doubt felt themselves entirely safe, in the heart
of the old settlements. But in May, 1704, a party of French
and Indians feU on Pascommuck. Thirty-three persons were
killed or captured. Samuel Janes, his wife, Sarah, and three
children were slain (daughter and grandchildren of Mehitable),
and two young sons of Samuel Janes were knocked on the head
and left for dead, but were found alive and recovered. Mehita-
ble's son, Af ehuman Hinsdale, was twice taken captive. In 1704
he was living on his mother's old lot in Deerfield, No. 14, when,
in that terrible night in February, which we are here met to
commemojrate, he and his wife were captured, and taken to
Canada, and their only child (another grandchild of Mehitable)
was slain before the parents' eyes. On the passage back from
Oanada in 1706, another son, Ebenezer, was bom to the Hins-
dales. Mehuman returned to Deerfield to live, but in 1709,
when driving an ox cart from Northampton, he was again cap-
tured, and carried to Oanada, returning only after three years'
absence, by way of France and England. Would he had kept
a diary of his experiences daring these three years 1
Mehitable's grandson, Ebenezer Hinsdale, born almost in
captivity, was prominent in the settlement of Southern Ver-
mont and New Hampshire, founding the town of Hinsdale,
N. H. Mehitable's second daughter, Mary, married Deacon
Thomas Sheldon of Northampton, brother of Ensign John Shel-
don, so prominent in Deerfield's early history. Deacon Thomas
gave the first church in Northampton a communion service of
massive silver, still in use, says Sheldon's genealogy. So we
may infer that Mary, as the phrase goes, "married welL"
Thankful Boot married Thomas Wells of Wethersfield, Ct.
Ebenezer Ooleman also settled in Connecticut, in Colchester.
The ties with Connecticut, where many of the families in this
region had originated, and where many relatives still lived,
were strong in those days. Samuel Hinsdale settled in Medf ord.
Mehitable's youngest child, Captain Nathaniel Coleman, lived
and died in Hatfield, as did his son Elijah. His grandson,
A Puritan JFbremotAer. 97
EUjahy Mehitable's greatrgrandson, married Tabitha Meekins, a
descendant of Ooodman Thomas Meekins, the miller of Hat*
field, and of his son, Thomas, Jr., slain by the Indians in King
Philip's war, when out as a scout north of Hatfield, Oct. 19,
1675. Through her mother, Martha Smith, Tabitha Meeldns
was also directly descended from Lieutenant Samuel Smith of
Hadley. Soon after the Bevolutionary War, Elijah Coleman
moved from Hatfield to Greenfield, purchasing a part of the old
Allen farm in the upper meadows, confiscated and sold, as
family tradition has always recounted, because the owners were
Tories, the farm now called " Clover Nook Farm." I remember
as a child of four, going into this old house, a black frame house
with a long roof sloping to the ground in the rear, then used as
a store and tool house. Elijah was my mother's grandfather.
Had he lived a few years longer, it pleases fancy to believe he
might have told my mother family stories or traditions about
the momentous experiences of his great-grandmother, Mehitable,
and so I should have had, as it were, personal touch SLcross the
centuries with this Puritan foremother. But he died in 1818,
when my mother was two years old, and his body was taken
back to the old burying ground in Hatfield, and laid beside his
ancestors. Captain Nathaniel and Deacon John. His stone
bears the familiar words :
Preaent useful. Absent wanted,
lived desiied, Died lamented.
An obituary in the Greenfield paper of the period says of
him that he was ^^ a worthy and respectable citizen, and dear
to his circle of friends, who cannot but reflect with the high-
est satisfaction upon his Christian resignation under the infirm-
ities he has long endured, and particularly upon the almost un-
paralleled consolations he enjoyed during his last illness, nor
fail to indulge the joyful assurance that with him death is
swallowed up in victory."
Most of the audience here assembled are descended from
Puritan ancestors who helped bear the brunt of the old Indian
wars. While we may hope that we have inherited from them
some touch at least, of high-hearted faith, of devotion to duty, of
interest in religion, of patriotic love of country, is it wholly fancy
which causes us to believe that some mark also of the terrible
nervous strain they bore, the shocks they endured, stiU rests
7
98 Amvual Meeting— 1900.
upon us t When we shudder in the dark at nameless, sense-
less terrors, we know not what ; when, in spite of reason, we
would rather not go down cellar in the dark, feel that a vague,
lurking Something is about to pounoe upon us from the shad-
ows, when we prefer to shut out the blackness of the night by
drawing close the curtains, lest a dreadful unknown Something
peer in at us ; are not these vague, nervous apprehensions which
we despise, but still feel, deep down in the subconscious self relics
of the impress left by Indian horrors on oar ancestors, so inef-
faceable as still to be transmitted to their descendants !
POEM.
BT BOPmA P. SNOW.
Loved Deerfield; Franklin's oldest child.
What memories round thee cling,
What daring deeds of pioneers
Adown the oenturies ring.
This peaceful vale was once the home
Of a relentless foe
Who ranged, at will, in these retreats.
Back in the long ago.
They roamed Connecticut's fair banks.
And loved its waters too,
Upon its crystal bosom fished.
Borne by the birch canoe.
But when the white man came to tiU
The long neglected soil,
Tliey saw in him a rival, who
Their hunting ground, would spdL
And then a savage war began
That lasted many 3rears;
A bloody age on history's page
Bedewed with scalding tears.
Bold Sugar Loaf was Philip's throne,*
Where he his sieges planned.
And then went forth to execute,
Assisted by his band.
Near by there flows a little stream
Of which historians tell.
Where in a struggle, short but fierce,
"The flower of Essex" fell.
* A mere poetic fancy. — Ed.
Poem. 99
For what the early settlers bore
At cruel, Indian hands,
Allied with the Canadian French^
The name of "Williams" standsl
Around the dwelling's midnight blan
The savage danced and screamed.
And here the deadly tomahawk
Above the captive gleamed.
Then came the long and dreary march
O'er drifted N<nthem snows;
No pen, tho' dipped in ink of Uood,
Its suffering could disclose.
How many deeds could be rehearsed
At which the heart would quail,
But with the softening hand of time.
O'er them, we draw a veil.
To-day, peace o'er this valley broods.
The white man reigns supreme.
Instead of war whoops, can be heard
Resoimding blasts of steam.
The tiller of the soil works not
In fear of danger now, —
One hand upon the musket laid,
The other, on the plow.
AH traces of the dusky foe
Have vanished with the years,
And children immoleeted play
Where died the pioneers.
Where the untutored savage dwelt.
Now, halls of learning rise.
And churches with their tapering Q>ireB
Point upward to the skies.
These things are possible to you
Because your fathers fought
To win for their descendants homes,
Whose soil with blood was bou^t.
No crumbling stone can ever tell
The debt to them you owe.
But generations yet to come.
Through you tiieir deeds shall know.
With growing zeal, you meet each year,
Around the festal board,
To trace some hero's brave career,
In history's pages stored.
100 Annual Meetmg — 1900.
Your fathers toiled for you with gun.
You toil for them with pen.
And delve in records old and dim,
To show their deeds to men.
Memorial Hall — Old Deerfield's pride —
Was christened at your hands.
Erected first as learning's seat,
For learning still it stands.
Tis filled with heirlooms of the past.
With relics old and rare.
And eveiy room within it shows
A guardian's faithful care.
P. V. M. A., performs a work
Praise-worthy and sublime,
Whose good effects will reach far down
The corridors of time.
The names of Sheldon, Hitchcock, Arms,
Of Crawford, Wells and Wright,
With Thompson, Baker, Lincoln, Smith,
Blaze with a brilliant light.
Ere long the silver cord will break.
The thread of life be spun.
And you will leave to other hands
The work that you've b^un.
And when dear, faithful, Mother Earth,
Your sleeping dust shall claim.
Your children's children will revere
Each member's honored namel
CAPTAIN AGEIPPA WELLS.
BY J17DGS F. M. THOMPSON.
Among all the names of the old patriots of the Bevolation-
ary period, who resided in Greenfield, none stands out in bolder
letters, or in stronger light, than the name of that sturdy old
hero. Captain Agrippa Wells.
Captain '' Grip," as he was familiarly called by om* grand-
fathers, seemed to have a firm hold upon the affections of those
who were children about the time of the close of the Eevolu-
tionary War. Three generations ago, whatever other afflictions
the people suffered, they were not troubled with a daily paper
Capkdn Agrijppa WetU. 101
with its scare-head news columns, filled with disgnsting twad-
dle about " Imperialism^'' " Goebelism," and other " isms," fur-
nished by paid reporters, serving to distract the public mind,
and occupy the time and attention of the people ; and when in
the long winter evenings the rural family had gathered about
the light-stand upon which stood the tallow dip, shedding its
soft light upon the sweet and placid face of the good wife, as
with the yam carefully wound around her little finger she
knitted the woolen mitten for the youngster who nestled on the
hearth at her feet, putting up his hand now and then to ^ try
it on," while he teased his grandfather, who sat by the glowing
fire, for a story ; the stirring events of the life and times of
" Oaptain Grip," often became the thread of that evening's story.
Agrippa Wells was born in Deerfield, November 27, 1738.
He was the son of Thomas Wells, a doctor, and his mother was
Sarah, daughter of Deacon Eliezer Hawks, who was with Oap-
tain Turner at the ^' Falls fight," and sister of Sergeant John
Hawks, the ^' Hero of Fort Massachusetts." His grandfather,
Ebenezer Wells, was one of the first to receive a grant of land
" on Green river," and his grandmother was Mary, a daughter
of fighting old Sergeant Ben Waite, who laid down his life in
the " Meadow fight." Very many of the descendants of Hugh
Wells, the emigrant, bom in Essex County, England, and who
was settled in Hartford in 1636, had become celebrated and re-
nowned as men of note and influence in Colony affairs, and by
their brave deeds in Indian warfare. Jonathan Wells, the boy
hero of the Turners Falls fight, was of this blood ; also Captain
Thomas Wells, a renowned partisan in the Indian wars, as well
as Colonel David Wells of Shelbume, of Revolutionary fame.
A large oak ^^ chest and dmws," now in our Memorial Hall, was
a portion of "the setting out" of Agrippa's mother, Sarah
Hawks. The marriage of her father and mother, Eliezer
Hawks and Judith, daughter of William Smead, is the first
recorded in the Deerfield records, April 30th, 1689.
Inheriting such blood, bom when the people were in the
midst of the turmoil of Indian warfare, and raised to manhood
during the exciting years of the old French war, it is not strange
that we find Agrippa Wells, before he is twenty years old, a
member of Captain Burk's company of Massachusetts Bangers,
under the command of that celebrated border chief. Major Eog-
ers, scouting upon the borders of Lake Champlain.
102 Annual Meeting— 1900.
On the 35ih of June, 1757, while on a soont near Sabbath
Day Point, he, with Martin and Matthew Severanoe of Deer-
field, and William Clark, of Colrain, were made prisoners by the
Indians, and taken to Canada. As was customary with the
savages, the prisoners upon their arrival at the Indian villages,
were compelled to run the gauntlet.
All the Indians of the village, forming in two rows, armed
with dubs, whips, and other weapons, stand ready, and the
prisoner is compdled to run between the lines and receive
such punishment as he is unable to escape. Wells was greatly
enraged because the Indians stripped him of his own dothes,
and compelled him to wear the cast-ofF chemise of an old
squaw, and being an athletic and robust youth, he deter-
mined to do his best, and with a jump and a whoop, started
down the line with such a bold dash that he so much surprised
the mob that before they knew it he had nearly reached the
goal, without receiving much punishment, but nearing the end
an old squaw gave him a terrible blow, which Wells returned
with such a vigorous kick in the stomach, that she was sent
sprawling, much to the edification of the Indians, who thought
it a fine show of pluck, and Wells was at once taken into favor.
He was redeemed from the Indians, taken to France as a pris-
oner of war, and after some delay exchanged, and reached
home by the way of England. He became a resident of 8hel-
bume, at one time owning the ^^ Wells farm " and selling it to
that CoL David Wells who came from Connecticut in 1770.
He was one of the selectmen of Shelbume in 1770-'71, and was
captain of a company of minutemen formed from men resid-
ing in Shelbume, Greenfield and Bemardston. He soon after
removed to Greenfield, his house being upon the lot where now
stands the Franklin County Bank building, and his blacksmith
shop stood upon the lot now occupied by Sanborn's block.
There were two military companies in Greenfield in 1775, one
with its headquarters in the village, the other located at the
meetinghouse, now known as " The Four Corners." When " the
shot heard round the world " was fired at Lexington, April 19th,
the news reached Worcester before night, and early on the fol-
lowing day the excited messenger, on foaming horse, rode
through Greenfield, shouting ^^ to arms," ^^ to arms," ^ meet in
Cambridge," as he urged his jaded steed onward to other
towns.
CaptcMn Agrippa Welle. lOS
The setting son saw Oaptain Wells and fifty men hastUy
gathered from Greenfield, Bemardston and Deerfield, on their
way to Cambridge, their sools fall of revenge for the death of
their fellow patriots.
In his roll call for Angost Ist, 1775, Captain Wells gives the
names of 28 men from Greenfield, 22 from Shelbume, 17 from
Bemardston, three from If orthfield and one eaoh from Haver-
hill and Hampton Falls.
Attached to this roU is a memorandum, that Noah Wells of
Shelbome, died May 21st, 1775, and in a letter written home
he mentions that ^^Noah Wells was bnried with regimental
honors." His roU also says that Tobe Porter of Shelburne,
died Jane 16th. Coald it be that the date given is an error, and
that he was one of the victims of the battle of Banker Hill, the
17th.
It is not known whether this company was engaged at the
battle of Banker Hill or not, bat it is certain that the command
was in the immediate vicinity that day and with faU ranks.
The second Greenfield company ander the command of Captain
Timothy Childs, a prominent citizen of the town, then living
on the farm now owned by Timothy M. Stoaghton, Esq., near
Biverside, marched for Cambridge a few days later. Both
Captain Wells and Captain Childs received their commissions
from the Provincial government May 8d, 1776.
While Captain Wells was with hk company at the siege of
Boston, he received a farloagh for a visit home. Bev. Boger
Kewton, the minister of the town at that time, was not con*
sidered a zealoas patriot, to say the least, and men of the stamp
of Captain Wells were not well satisfied with his position in re-
gard to pabhc affairs. When it came to Mr. Newton's ears
that Captain Wells had arrived, he walked over to get the news
from Boston. He foand the Captain at tea and during the
conversation which followed, he asked, "What do they in-
tend to do with the Tories i '' " Do with 'em, do with 'em,"
said the pagnacions Captain, bringing his fist down apon the
table so hard as to make the parson jump; "do with 'em,
damn 'em, we intend to hang the devils." Calling apon an
old friend in the western part of the town he was invited to
drink tea ; " No," he said, " I wonld as soon drink my chil-
dren's blood."
Captain Wells and his command were present at the battle
104 Anmud MeeHng— 1900.
of Bennington andalso at the surrender of Bnrgoyne. He was
a bold, blnff man, bat an intense patriot, and he rendered most
▼aloable service to his coontry, in the '^ time which tried men's
souls " to the utmost.
After his return from the war he removed to that part of
Bemardston soon established as the District of Leyden, where
were settled so many of his old command. He was select-
man of Bemardston for several years between 1784 and 1791
and was also a member of the Constitutional Convention in
1788. At the close of the Bevolutionary War, great distress
and actual want existed in the country, especially in Western
Itfassachusetts, and the people complained bitterly of taxes, the
refusal of the government to issue paper money, the high salary
of the governor, and especially the specific taxes levied to pay
the interest upon the state debt.
After years of unrest and vain appeals to the government for
relief, provoked beyond measure, a large number of the returned
soldiers of the Bevolutionary army and younger men assem-
bled in arms and, placing themselves under the leadership of
Daniel Shays, a distinguished officer and patriot, gathered at
the places fixed for holding sessions of the courts, and by threats
prevented their sitting, thus delaying the collection of taxes
and other debts. With hundreds of others of his old compa-
triots in arms. Captain Wells was convinced that he was called
upon to fight a second war tot independence. When the
rebel army assembled before the United States Arsenal, on
Springfield Hill, it is not at all strange to find the command of
Captain Wells in the front ranks. When after all efforts by
the government officers to prevent slaughter had failed, and
the rebels dared the government forces to fire. General Lin-
coln gave the word and one volley burst forth in the faces of the
rebel ranks, as the smoke of battle cleared away, there stood
Captain ^^ Grip," almost alone, waving his sword and in a voice
of thunder, cursing his men — who had run away — for their
cowardice and shama
It speaks loudly for the popularity of the rebel cause in this
vicinity, that there was also in the rebel ranks that day upon
the hill, another company from Oreenfield, under the command
of Captain Moses Arms, composed of many of the very best
men of the town. It is a singular fact that all of the four men
killed that day, and Challoner, the man who lost both his arms.
The Broom Com Industry. 105
were from Greenfield, Leyden, Shelbnme and Oolrain, and they
were all thought to be members of Captain Wells's company.
The writer is in no position to criticise the rebel position, as
one of his grandfathers was with General Lincoln and one with
Daniel Shays.
In 1793, Captain Wells again became a citizen of Greenfield,
living for a time upon the farm now the homestead of Mr.
Charles W. Smead, where he had a blacksmith 3hop. He
married, September 17th, 1761, Mehitable, daughter of Jona-
than Smead, of Greenfield, and eleven children were bom to
them.
Captain Wells died in Greenfield, March 24th, 1809, and was,
it is supposed, buried in Greenfield, but where sleeps the dust
of this brave old patriot, no man knoweth.
THE BEOOM COEN INDUSTRY.
IN THB 00UNTIB8 OF FBANKUN AND HAMPSHIBE, AND IN THB TOWN
OF DBBBFIBLD IN PABTIOULAB.
BY OHABLSS JONBS.
The Franklin Herald and Public Advertiser says in its issue
of January 2d, 1827, that in 1827 seventeen hundred acres of
broom com were raised in Hampshire County, of which fifteen
hundred acres were raised in Hatfield and Hadley. The price
of broom com at this time varied from three and a half to six
cents per pound. According to the Hampshire Gfizette, Samuel
Hopkins of Hadley was the first to raise broom com in this vi-
cinity, about 1778. It became a staple crop about 1825 in these
river towns, and the amount raised increased steadily until
about 1842, after which time it became unprofitable, and since
1855 but little has been raised in Deerfield. It was at one
time a leading crop in the towns of Deerfield, Whately, Hatfield,
Hadley, North Hadley, Sunderland, and to some extent raised
in Northfield and Montague, and was largely depended upon as
a ready money crop.
The brush was manufactured into brooms and brushes, and
sold in the Boston and New York markets. But the enter-
prising farmers often peddled the brooms in the neighboring
106 Annual MeeUng— 1900.
towns, in New Hampshire and Yermont, some even taking their
products so far as Canada, and Cheny Yalley in the state of
New York.
Ahnost every farmer raised more or less of the crop, and very-
many manufactured the brooms. It was grown upon the very
best meadow land, and produced from six hundred to one
thousand pounds of brush to the acre, and sometimes even ex-
ceeded the half ton to the acre. When the seed was allowed to
fully ripen, from forty to eighty bushels were produced to
the acre— or eight bushels of seed to every hundred pounds of
cleaned brush.
In order to raise a good crop of broom com it was necessary
that the land be in a high state of cultivation, well plowed and
pulverized, then holed out in hills about twenty inches apart,
in rows three feet distant from each other, manured in the hill
with about seven cart-loads of good manure to the acre, usually
compost, which when loaded into the cart — ^for all farm work
was then done with cattle — was taken to the field and much
care taken to avoid driving across the rows, one or two men
distributing the compost with shovels from the tail end of the
cart, to the hills, taking six rows at each crossing of the field,
as being a more convenient number of rows, each shovelful be-
ing sufficient for two or three hills. When the field was ma-
nured, men foUowed with hoes and planting bags filled with
seed, and with the hoe covering with earth the compost and
smoothing down the earth, scattered thereon fifteen or twenty
seeds and covering the same about one-half inch in depth with
fine earth free from grass or weeds, leaving the result with
nature.
It took a good smart man to plant one acre of broom com in
a day. When the young plants were about two inches high,
hoeing began. The horse and small harrow went back and
forward between the rows of tender com, and " the man with
the hoe " followed cutting out all weeds and putting a little
fine dirt among the small blades of com, but not at this time
thinning the number very much. This work was in ordinary
seasons done about the first of June, and about the middle of
the month came the second hoeing. Sometimes an old-fashioned
cultivator was now used between the rows, and the number of
stalks left in the hill were not more than seven to ten, and the
earth was slightly hilled about the com. Early in July the
The Broom Com Indvstry. 107
onltiyator was again put through the field, and the dirt hilled
aboat the now fast-growing com, which by the first of Septem-
ber had reached an average height of nine or ten feet, each
stalk crowned with its long tassel of brash richly laden with
seed, a most beantifnl sight. If the seed ripens before the frost
comes, it is ready to be harvested, bnt this must be done before
frost touches it, whether the cane is ripe or not, or its virtues
have departed.
A field of broom com is harvested by breaking down the
stalks of each hill about three feet from the ground, and laying
the tops diagonally across upon the opposite row about tiiree
hills in the rear, thus making a continuous table of each two
rows. This is called ^^ tabling," and the next operation in the
harvest is cutting off the brush, which is accomplished by hold-
ing the brush in one hand and with a knife in the other giving
just the right drawing cut, severing the brush and leaving the
husk upon the stalk, a part of the table. About ten inches of
the stalk is left on the brush, and it is spread evenly, the butts
all one way, upon the table to dry. If good weather prevails,
the brush will be ready to cart in three or four days, and is
then bound in small bundles, or piled loosely upon the cart and
taken to the sheds where it is spread upon poles, or piled upon
some open scaffold about ten inches thick, where if in proper
condition when brought from the field, it will cure without
further trouble or care, except perhaps a turning now and then
to keep it from moalding in case of muggy weather.
When the crop is thoroughly dry, the brush is hetcheled or
scraped to remove the seed, which operation is sometimes done
by hand and sometimes by a machine, and the brush bound in
bundles of about ten or twelve pounds in weight, and is then
ready for market, or to manufacture into brooms or brushes.
If destined for shipment, the bundles are made up into suitable
large bales, and sometimes sewed up in sacking, to prevent loss
in transportation and waste.
After the seed is removed it is a slippery mass fuU of chaff
and dirt, and is usually threshed with a flail, and run through a
fanning mill, to make it clean and marketable. If the seed is
ripe and good it should weigh from thirty-five to forty-two
pounds to the bushel, and under those conditions is thought by
some farmers to be about equal in value to oats, for feeding
purposes. I well remember William Boss, who then lived in
108 Annual Meeting— 1900.
what was known as ^^ Little Hope '' but which locality is now
known by the dignified name of West Deerfield, as always
having large, fat hogs, and they were always fed on broom
seed ; this was nearly seventy years ago, and men differed much
as to the value of broom seed for feeding purposes. Uncle Seth
Sheldon, David Sheldon, Uncle Balph and hosts of the best
cattle feeders of Deerfield Street would not permit its being fed
in their barns, and Uncle Seth would not even let the miller
grind his grist of provender the first after he had ground in the
mill a grist of broom seed. Horatio Hoyt, Sr., experimented
with broom seed as food for hogs and neat stock without satis-
factory results. He said he fed broom seed to his hens until
they ever after grew their feathers pointing toward their heads.
The market price of broom brush has like every other crop
produced upon our farms, had its ups and downs, and seasons of
speculation. In 1835 the crops were many of them sold stand-
ing in the field for from seventy to one hundred dollars an acre,
and as the frost came early that year, the crop was nearly
ruined and consequently large amounts of money were lost in
the speculation.
When the brush is to be manufactured into brooms and
brushes, it is usual to bleach it with brimstone. This is done
by preparing a box about eight feet long by five feet in width
and five feet in depth, inside of which is a rack about fif-
teen inches above the ground. Each bundle of brush is then
soaked in a tub of water and then set in the box upon the rack
and unbound, with the butts downward, the box lid shut down
as nearly air-tight as is possible, when an old fashioned skillet
is heated red-hot and introduced under the rack through a hole
in the side of the box, and a roll of brimstone dropped into the
skillet, immediately stopping the hole. After remaining in this
sulphur bath for twenty-four hours, the box is opened and the
brush removed and it is now ready for use. Taken to the
broom shop, the brush is assorted, the long fine colored brush
selected for the outside of the broom, and the short and crooked
brush used for filling.
It was considered a day's work to bleach and prepare the
brush and tie and sew twenty pound and three-quarter brooms,
twenty-five pound and a half brooms, thirty pound or pound
and a quarter brooms, or fifty clothes brushes, or fifteen half
handle fancy brushes.
The Broom Com lnd/u9try. 109
Wire was generally used for tying the brooms, but a cheaper
quality was tied with twine. While being tied the broom is
nearly round or oval, but is pressed into shape by a strong
screw, and made flat by pressing them in a screwing machine
where the broom is sewed with twine, first winding two different
strands around the brush and sewing with a needle and twine
through and through with stitches about an inch apart.
The broom is then trimmed by cutting the brush evenly to
complete its shape, and any remaining seed is removed with a
comb. The ordinary broom is now ready for market, but a
few of the very best are selected, the handles polished with
sandpaper, varnished and fancy striped, and are for sale to
those who can afford to pay the extra expense.
Sixty years ago there were a good many expert broom makers
in Deerfield, among others, a colored man, deaf and dumb,
named Calvin Salisbury, who lived with Ifajor Stebbins, a
wonderful broom maker who could make a thousand brooms
which all seemed just alike, and No. 1 brooms. Clet Leverage
was another, who could tie two day's work in one day, and kept
it up for months. Philander Dickinson was one of the best
broom makers I ever knew. Most farmers raising broom com
had shops, and the brooms made here went into all the large
markets, and were sold all over the country. Many went to
Canada ; I took a load of brooms myself to Canada in 1834^
which I sold on Stanstead Plains, near the home of that Mr.
Allen who married the daughter of C. T. Arms of this town
and was proprietor of a brick shoe-shop located there. I have
also taken brooms to Springfield and Palmer, before the rail-
roads came nearer to us, for shipment to the city markets.
Nearly all the brooms manufactured in Deerfield found a
market in New York City, and were generally sent to commis-
sion houses for sale for the benefit of the shippers.
It was the custom in those days for the villagers to meet at the
tavern and talk over the beef and broom markets, settle to their
own satisfaction all national questions troubling the public mind,
and incidentally take a little flip before retiring to their homes.
Among others there was Elisha Wells, living in the Street,
who was a large raiser of broom com and manufacturer of
brooms. He had at one time sent a large lot of brooms to New
York for sale on commission, and the trade being dull, the
agent wrote to Mr. Wells that he thought that if he would have
110 Annual MeeUng— 1900.
his brooms overhanled and stain and varnish the handles, that
he wonld get a quicker sale at better prices. Mr. Wells con-
cluded to go down to the city and do the job himself, although
it was unusual to put any finish upon the broom handles. When
he reached the city, he found his brooms stored in a large ware-
house on the top of a large number of hogsheads of molasses.
He procured his sandpaper and varnish, mounted upon the bead
of a molasses hogshead and commenced his work, moving along
on the hogsheads as his work proceeded. One day while busy at
work, his foundation gave way and he found himself up to his
neck in West India molasses. Getting cleaned up, he wrote to
Major Stebbins ^^ that he had been in a sweet pickle " and giv-
ing him a graphic account of the affair, and asked him to call
up all who were at the hotel meeting ^' to take something " and
he would pay the bill when he got home.
The manufacture of brooms stimulated other business, and
especially the manufacturing of broom handles. Almost every
day loads of broom handles would pass through the lower towns
to supply the demands, much to the benefit of Ashfield, Col-
rain, Wilmington and other towns. Broom wire was manufac-
tured at Hadley Mills as early as 1825, and the industry con-
tinued until about 1850, this being the only wire mill in the
valley of which I have any knowledge. There was a wire used
more largely than that made in Hadley, which was I think of
English make, and worked well. Sewing machines, pounders
and needles for use m broom making were made in Hadley, and
sold all through the valley.
The Shakers at Enfield, Oonnecticut, began broom making as
early as 1830 and continued until about 1855, making a broom
tied with twine and with narrow shoulders, which has always
been known as ^^ the Shaker broom."
About 1850 the farmers upon the western prairies began the
raising of broom com, exclusively for the brush. It was of
larger growth, long and straight, cut while green, and kiln-
dried, and was much better than the brush raised in this valley,
and soon occupied the market. The brooms made from the
western brush were of handsome color, the brush having been
cut before ripening, they were a stronger and a better broom
in every way, the outside being covered with the hurls of the
brush and no broom made from native brush could compete
with them.
Reminisoenoe : Oeorge Sheldon. Ill
Sixty years has made a great ohange ; the broom com indus-
try has left the Connecticut Yalley, never to return, and the
raising of tobacco and onions seems to have taken the place of
broom com, as the crops relied upon by the farmer for bringing
him ready money.
Whether the changes during the next sixty years relating to
the industries of this valley shall equal or exceed those of the
last period, time alone will determine.
KEMINISOENCE : GEORGE SHELDON.
Mr. President : — In the reports which our friends of the press
always give of our annual meetings a statement is found to this
effect — that after the heavy guns had been discharged there
followed a fusillade of small arms in the shape of short speeches,
stories, sharp shooting at short range, or comments on the
papers of the evening given by Messrs. ^^ Jones, Smith and Rob-
inson." These performances are usually characterized as bright
and witty.
Among these postprandial speakers we all recall that young,
jovial octogenarian of blessed memory. Deacon Phinehas Field.
He was the right-hand sta£F of the presiding officer, to whom
he unconditionally gave his services to fill any pause or acci-
dental gap, from five minutes to an hour on demand. Drafts
were often made upon him at such times, and they were al-
ways honored and were always received with satisfaction. His
reservoir of local lore and anecdote seemed inexhaustible. He
usually brought down the house with some funny story which
we all saw twinkling in his eye long before the climax.
Then there were the sallies and stories of Brother Finch, grave
and serious as befitted his cloth, whose remarks were always
received with a corresponding gravity. Sometimes pointed re-
marks or detestable puns from the chair brought stirring re-
sults. There was one man whom it became the fashion to
roast by allusion to the innocent little emblem of peace occupy-
ing the same bed with the king of beasts, varied occasionally
by the introduction of a wolf ; until the persecuted man in spite
of his Lamb-like disposition, called a halt and declared that if
this was not stopped he would leave the fold, no, the field ; no,
I mean the hall. A final stop was made, and it was found that
112 AnmMl MeeHnff—^^QOO.
he had other qualifications than his name on which to be
called up.
There were a score of others in the same class — Judge Conant,
Buckingham, Crawford, Crafts, Crittenden, Childs, Hawks,
Hazen, Hosmer, Hall, Leavitt, Barney, Wells, Felton, Field,
Stebbins, Porter, Phillips, Bryant, Delano, Tilton, Champney,
Bartlett.
Alas, how many of these names are now marked with a star,
and on the mounds of some the brown has not yet turned to
green. Do not let us here to-night forget the faces of those of
our band who have passed the screen, but keep their memory
green in the true spirit of the occasion.
Mr. President, I have at length reached the point for which
I set out. I do not see here " Bobinson ; " " Smith '* will be
commented on by others ; so I devote my remarks to ^' Jones,"
and reminisce a while on things called to mind by the clear and
practical account of the rise, progress and culmination of the
Broom to which we have listened with so much interest. The
broom shop especially wakens memories of the long, long ago.
There were, some three score and ten years since, about half a
dozen of these shops on the Street To some of these I was a
constant visitor. There were several strong attractions : One
was a fine market for the molasses candy, of home manufac-
ture, which was sold at one cent a roll, with a piece of the
newspaper in which the rolls were wrapped thrown in for a
handle. This paper, by the way, was taken from old files in
the garret which would now be worth many times its weight
in candy.
Another attraction, far stronger, which outlived the candy
season, and held me fast, was the singing which generally
accompanied the various manipulations of the broom tyers.
Hour after hour the stifling brimstone atmosphere peculiar to
the broom shop would be cheerfully endured while drinking in
the old songs and ballads poured forth by the tuneful workmen.
In that school I acquired a love for the ballad which still domi-
nates all other kinds of music, albeit the drum and fife is a
strong rival. John Trask, some of whose descendants I hope
now hear me, I considered the very embodiment of vocal musia
Beethoven, Mozart, etc., of whom I have heard later, have
never in my mind been able to hold a candle to John Trask.
It must be confessed that the selections were not all of the
Reminiscence: Oeorge Sheldon. 113
highest order — ^not all would be tolerated in the modem conoert
— and some would be tolerated only in the last stages of a
Greenfield dub banquet or a stag supper.
The main charm to me was the plidntive melodies which told
the affecting tales of the woes and sorrows of the forlorn maidens
and lovelorn youths ; the hair-raising lays of love and murder,
the songs of war and the rollicking songs of the sea. Another
phase was the medley of joke and fun when parts of the songs
were ^^ spoken." Some that I recall are : A Life on the Ocean
Wave, AU in the Downs, The Battle of Lake Erie, The Peacock
and Hornet, Exile of Erin, Poor Susan, Crazy Jane, Billy Boy,
Lord Lovell, Poor Old Horse, Dame Derden, Betsy Baker, Over
the Water to Charlie, The Blue Bonnets are Over the Border,
Cease Bude Boreas, The Bride's Farewell, The Isle of St. Helena,
and so on.
This shop was on the home lot of ^^ Uncle Baxter," in these
later years my own delightful home. At the shop of '^ Uncle
Dennis," the chief attraction besides the profit on candy, was
to watch the deft workmanship and the mimicry of deaf and
dumb black ^^ Cab." * His manual dexterity in fitting on the
^^ outside " of a broom seemed marvelous. The lightning-like
stroke of his sharp broom-knife with which he trimmed a hand-
ful of the stalks for the fine braiding on the handle, three cuts
to a stalk, each one of which it seemed must take off a finger,
then a swift turn of the wrist, and the whole was in place under
the binding wire in a trice. Of this we never tired. His talk
with his fingers and his work with his fingers were alike
fascinating.
I recall another attractive scene in another department of the
business, the process of separating the seed from the husk, or
hetcheling. It was rather a rude parting, and a sort of subtle,
plaintive fragrance arose from the bruised haulms, and filled
the bam as with incense. The pungent broom-dust also per-
vaded the air with its itch-provoking sensation, but this did not
bar us out.
Lance Loveridge and Nels Bumham made a business of
hetcheling broom com in its season, and they were a curiously
assorted firm. Lance wore no hat and his dark, bushy hair was
always covered with a coat of gray dust. Nels wore a hat of
coarse braided rye straw, the top usually gone and the brim in
* Calvin Salisbury. See ante p. 109.
8
114 Annual MeeUnff— 1900.
tatteors. No dost ever settled on that— his head was never
still enough. His motions were as quick as a oat's, and as
jerl^ as — ^well, more jerl^ than anything I can think of, unless
it be an old-fashioned fanning mill or Charles Jones driving his
team. The seed flew to the rafters, and his tongue kept pace
with his motions; he talked incessantly the livelong day.
Lance, on the contrary, was the personification of moderation ;
his strokes were as regular as the swing of the pendulum, every
pull told, and the seed fell gently on the pile. His motions
never varied except to turn his head occasionally to discharge
a jiU or two of tobacco juice from his mouth. As for the rest.
Lance rarely spoke a single word from sun to sun, and took no
more notice of his chattering companion than if he had been in
the moon. When enough brush was cleaned to make a bundle
it was bound tightly with brush that had grown crooked. I
can hear the chuck when the bundle was dropped on the bam
floor to even the butts.
Thinking of the broom era always brings up another picture.
It is of the wide area of the growing plant in North Meadows.
A bird's-eye view in August showed broad expanses of waving
green turning to a reddish brown with here and there dark,
narrow ditches. These ditches were highways. We cultivated
the land by general consent dear up to the wheel ruts. If
teams met care was taken to pass with as little damage as
possible.
The particular event that comes uppermost is the carting of
rowen from the Neck and Pogues Hole through Great Bottom
where the serried rows of this com were in their prime. The
driver of the ox team must walk beside the yoke in the rat or
be tripped, while the load of hay brushed the caps of the tall
grenadier-like ranks on either side. While riding on the ten-
foot high loads your President has often pulled up a stalk with
with which to brush flies from the oxen.
But I must stop this stream of talk for fear you may compare
it to Tennyson's Brook and wish it might be dammed.
FIELD MEETING— 1900.
FIELD MEETING
OF THB
POOUMTUOK VALLEY MEMORIAL ASSOCLA.TION,
AT BIYBBSIDB, GILL, MA88., WEDNB8DAT, 8BPTBMBBJB 12, 1900.
MosjsnNo Pboosammb, 10 ▲. m.
1. Pbaybb. Rev. L3nman Whiting
2. Music. Turners Falls Quartette
8. Addbsss of Wsloomb, and Presentation of Title Deed.
Timothy M. Stoughton, of GiU
4. Rbsponsb, and Aoobptanob of Gift. Hon. George Shel-
don, President of P. V. M. A.
5. Papbb. By Miss Rowena Buell, of Marietta, Ohio ; read
by Mrs. Laura B. Wells, of Deerfield.
6. HisTOBioAL Addbess. Ralph M. Stoughton, of Riverside
7. Collation — Basket picnic style. Coffee furnished.
Aftbbnoon Pboobaiocb, 2 p. m«
8. Music. Turners Falls Quartette
9. Addbbss. Hon. George P. Lawrence, M. C, of North
Adams.
10. Music.
11. Addbbss. Hon. Herbert C. Parsons, of Greenfield
12. Spbakino by M^xibers of the Association and others.
13. Smemo of Ambbica. All join.
115
116 Field MeeUnff—1900.
KEPOET.
The &moii8 old ground of the battle between Captain Wil-
liam Tomer and the Indians, 224 years ago, has been the soene
to-day of a most interesting historical meeting, under the di-
rection of the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association* The
special occasion is the dedication of a monument built under
the encouragement of the Association to mark the scene of the
battle, and the delivery and acceptance of land given by Timo>
thy M. Stoughton, which has the same historic value.
To the activity and enthusiasm of Mr. Stoughton we largely
owe the placing of this massive memorial The inscription is
also his.
The monument is a rectangular shaft of granite three feet
square and five feet high, cut only on the comers and on the
ftice, which bears the inscription. It stands in a triangle formed
by crossing roads, and it is a fitting and enduring mark of the
scene of a most tragic event in Indian days. The inscription
reads as follows :
" Captain William Turner, with 145 men, surprised and de-
stroyed over 300 Indians, encamped at this place, May 19,
1676."
The land on which the monument stands has become by to-
day's formal presentation and acceptance, a reservation forever.
It is given the Association by Mr. Stoughton, being a part
of the large tract of land owned by him. Mr. Stoughton
has had a lifelong interest in the development of the early his-
tory of the region, and this contribution to the public, as repre-
sented by the Association, is regarded as generous and appreda-
tive of the society's work.
The exercises began shortly after 10 this morning. The
physical comfort of the people attending was marred some-
what by the terrific wind, carrying a burden of dust as it
swept over the plain. The picturesqueness of the place suffered
somewhat, too, by the river having ceased to flow over the falls
where it carried the helpless Indians, frightened to their death
by Captain Turner's onslaught. The bed of the river is dry,
only pools of lifeless water relieving the stretch of ragged
rocks. But these conditions did not destroy interest in the ex-
ercises.
Field Meeting— 1900. 117
A temporary platform had been erected on land near tiie
monument, and it was draped with bunting. Here were seated
the speakers, and from this rostram they addressed the audi-
ence, which numbered about 300 at the opening, and steadily
increased through the morning. The venerable president, Hon.
Oeorge Sheldon, was present and able to direct the morning
proceedings, but at noon turned over the presiding task for
the rest of the day to Hon. F. M. Thompson, the Association's
vice-president. Mr. Sheldon made a short opening speech.
Then there was music, a quartette consisting of Mrs. F. E.
Briggs, Mrs. Leal Fales, Miss Esther Gilmore and Miss Jose-
phine Coyne, singing ^^ Kerry Dance " in opening and other
songs at times during the exercises.
T. M. Stoughton, in presenting the deed of the land, made an
interesting address, enriched by anecdote and the dry humor
of which he is a master. Mr. Stoughton expressed great pleas-
ure in turning over to the Association the land which had a
value chiefly in its connection with the early history of the
valley frontier. Mr. Sheldon accepted the gift for die Asso-
ciation and read an extended paper, going over the historical
bearings of the event of 1676.
A valuable paper by Miss Eowena Buell of Marietta, Ohio,
was read by Mrs. Laura B. Wells of Deerfield. Then followed
the historical address by the orator of the day, Kalph M.
Stoughton, a grandson of the donor of the land. Mr. Stoughton
proved himself a thorough student of the history of the Indian
war, which the event commemorated, and presented the story
in a most attractive form.
The people who attended brought their lunch baskets after the
established fashion of the Pocumtuck field days, but the women
of Biverside displayed their hospitality by providing an attrac-
tive hall for the dhiers and adding hot coffee to their refresh-
ment.
After the luncheon, at 2 o'clock, the historic exercises were
resumed. Judge Thompson presiding.
Congressman George P. Lawrence of North Adams delivered
the principal address of the afternoon. He said in part :
^^ Such memorials as you are dedicating are an inspiration to
good citizenship. They commemorate the struggles of the
pioneer, the heroic devotion which makes the New England of
to-day a reality. There is one bright particular spot on the
118 Meld Meeting— 1900.
miiyerse to be bom in, and that is among the hills and valleys
of Massachusetts, and espeoiaUy that part of Massachusetts
which lies west of the Connecticut Biver.
^^A short time ago I visited the shores of the great lakes and
was impressed with the marvelous growth of that region from
Buffalo to Duluth. But what impressed me more than any-
thing else was the reverence in which the people of the West
hold New England and how proud they are to trace their
ancestry or birth to her soil. The pilgrim from the West when
he visits Massachusetts seeks out her historic places. He loves
to visit Faneuil Hall, Bunker Hill and Concord Bridge. He loves
to gaze upon the monuments which mark the spots where scenes
in the early history of America were enacted.
^^ It is a duty to mark with monuments these sacred places.
On such spots we pledge ourselves to be true to our great
heritage, that we will suffer if need be in the cause of citizen-
ship that the Stars and Stripes may never be lowered in dis-
honor."
Mr. Lawrence in his speech, which was particularly happy,
expressed his delight in renewing his Pocumtuck Yalley Memo-
rial Association acquaintance and referred to the pleasure given
him at previous field meetings. Following him, there was a suo-
cession of short speeches, with music interspersed.
Dr. Holton made an interesting address. He is gratefully
remembered by all the friends of the Association for his work
when the Association field day was held at Fort Dummer, near
Brattleboro, some years ago. Dr. Holton claims descent from
the fighting stock of Massachusetts pioneers. He said that we
live in an age when the young pay little attention to some of
the important matters of the past. This is to be greatly re-
gretted. It is wise to commemorate the virtues, courage and
deeds of our ancestors. Dr. Holton created considerable amuse-
ment by a story that he told at the expense of Judge Thompson,
the presiding officer of the afternoon.
Hon. H. C. Parsons said : " We stand on one of the places
where men displayed the valor that made possible our New
England life of to-day. The men who lay down their lives
in such a struggle as this, did it, not simply for the mere
immediate achievement, but to make possible the realization of
some great truth. They played a part in the great, tragic story
of the making of New England. In such deeds as this whidi
CofpUm/a WiUiam Turner. 119
we commemorate, the f omidations of New England were laid
gare and deep. The principle of free government was defended
here by these men, even if unconsciously. This Association re-
gards as a sacred trust every such memorial placed in its care,
and may many other historic spots in this section be also suitably
marked and may this Association frequently meet to pay its
tribute to such men as those commemorated here."
He told several stories which greatly pleased the audience.
He said that ^* the monument erected at Eiverside, like that at
Bunker Hill, marked a defeat. But it was a defeat which led
to grand results. It is because of the results which followed
that battle that it is worthy of being commemorated. On the
battlefields of colonial days, the struggles of the Revolution,
the conflicts of the Civil War made possible the American nation
of to^y. When the census tells us that 80 per cent of the
population of Massachusetts are of foreign birth, we do not
shudder ; we know that the people of Massachusetts will remain
true to her ideals, and that the heroic events of her early history
have stamped for all time the character of her people."
The exercises closed with the singing of " America."
CAPTAIN WILLIAM TURNER.
BY GBOBGB SHELDON.
Mr. Chairmcm and FeUow-Citizena of OiU : — As the repre-
sentative of the Focumtuck Valley Memorial Association, I
thank you for your invitation to join in the duties of this day,
and for your cordial welcome. We thank you for your kindly
mention of Deerfield, the grandmother of GilL It is in accord-
ance with nature and custom that the grandmother and grand-
daughter should be in closer connection than the mother and
daughter. There is more leisure in the extremes than in the
stress of life, and I hope the daughters of Deerfield, — Greenfield,
Conway and Shelburne, — will not feel slighted if the hospitalities
of OiU are more often accepted.
This is our fourth visit. I hope each has been as agreeable
to you as it has been profitable to us ; to you, sir, personally,
thimks are due for especial favors, and this deed is the culmina-
tion of many good acts.
130 Fidd Meeting— 1900.
Yea live on classic groand. Nowhere in New England was
there a more vital question of the seventeenth century finally
settled : — Should the Indian or the Englishman dominate the
valley of the Connecticut ? Two thoughts are naturally engen-
dered when one stands upon this spot. Your soil drank the
blood, and from it you turn up the bones and the belongings of
an extinct people ; and the name of Turner persistently smites
the ear from your thundering waters. The two ideas thus
brought to the front will find some brief expression in what I
shall say in introducing the exercises of the occasion.
First, I will touch upon the events which led up to the tragedy
enacted here in the dim light of a May morning, two and a
quarter centuries ago, the culminating point of the antagonistic
elements of the two races in contact ; the land seeking forces from
crowded Europe, and the native land holding forces, scattered
up and down the banks of this noble river.
Once planted on the soil of New England, the Pilgrim and
Puritan alike recognized the landed rights of the copper-colored
occupant and passed laws protecting him from encroachment.
No white man could take possession of any tract of land with-
out the written consent of the native owner. And, more, a
heavy penalty was imposed upon any who should buy, or even
accept as a gift any territory without the consent of the colonial
authorities. Even long leases were forbidden, thus guarding
against the well known tendency of civilized men to acquire
land without too closely scrutinizing the method. These laws
were by no means a dead letter. We nowhere find, before the
Indian wars any colony settling a new plantation without ex-
tinguishing the Indian title. To be sure in our eyes the con-
sideration was small, and we have the right to think the native
did not fully realize the result of his act. That the Indian knew
the general effect of the bargain is proved by the simple fact
that the Sachem who made the sale claimed the tract conveyed
as his own against all others of his race. The right of conquest
was also fully understood and acted upon.
When we come to consider then how came about the bloody
conflict of arms, we must seek other causes than landed ag-
gression. But we can point to no one event, no one act, no par-
ticular time and say here lies the cause. The inevitable colli-
sion came from the contact of the unsophisticated native with
the avaricious, unscrupulous frontiersman, half scout and half
Cafiaw WWAamh Tu/mer. 121
trader. The entioing Are-water was exchanged for the furs of
the native hunter, and the more befaddled the Indian, the bet-
ter the bargain for the white man. The simple child of nature
could not retain his manhood before the temptations and vices
of the so-called civilization, and he became debased in his own
eyes. The contempt of the dominant race for these ^^ children
of the devil" was but thinly veiled, and the thousand and one
acts by which it was manifested, were felt by the recipients,
and they were galled by their own acknowledged inferiority
until the fires of enmity began to take the place of the feeling
of awe and admiration with which the stranger was first
greeted.
The blundering attempt to enforce the civil laws of the
colony upon the f reebom child of the wild-woods, even to the
keeping of the Puritan Sabbath, was sadly out of place, and
only added little by little fuel to the concealed volcano. The
feeling of hatred for the white man kept pace with their own
degradation, and as the years went by, the desire for vengeance
on the intruder gradually became a smoldering fire, awaiting
but an opportunity to become a withering flame. As you all
know, the far-sighted Philip of Pokanoket grasped the situation
and applied the incendiary torch to this fuel of discontent, and
the fires of vengeance burst forth at Swansea in June, 1675.
The dreadful scenes enacted in the Connecticut valley later in
that year are familiar to you all. The spring campaign of 1676
was opened by the Nipmucks at Lancaster, February 10. The
fire of destruction blazed aU along the towns circling about Bos-
ton, and its light reflected consternation if not despair from the
faces of our rulers, — the Indians fairly terrorized that region.
A panic seized Boston, and active measures were taken to save
the head of the colony, though it be at the sacrifice of its west-
em towns. — ^But I anticipate.
Philip from his winter quarters, "towards Albany," had
crossed the Green Mountains, and was at Northfield before the
flrst of March, 1676. Hostilities in the Connecticut valley be-
gan March 14, with a fruitless attempt on Northampton and
Hatfield, by a force from the camp of Philip. As the spring
advanced, insulting positions were occupied by the boastful
Indians on the Pocumtuck at Cheapside, and at this place.
Hundreds of acres of com were planted on the meadows, and a
year's stock of salmon and shad was being cured and stored in
122 Mdd Meetinff^lQOO.
convenient underground bams. When their spring work was
done, the hated white man was to be swept from the valley,
and as we shall see the governor and council, were practically,
if unwittingly, aiding and abetting Philip in his plans. A dark
shadow loomed over the settlements below.
It was at this juncture that Capt. William Turner appeared
on the scene as commander-in-chief of the forces in this part of
the colony to frustrate the well laid plans of the enemy, save
the settlements, and impress his name on the spot we this day
commemorate so long as grass grows and water runs.
Who was this Capt. Turner who gave his life to save our
fathers with their wives and children from the tomahawk and
scalping knife { This is a fit question to be asked, and I will
hastily outline such answer as I may, oonoeming this true pa.
triot and soldier, this man of the hour !
Capt. Turner is first heard of at Dartmouth, England. His
name does not appear in Drake's or Bouton's lists of inmii-
grants ; he was doubtless in the great rush of the thousands
who crowded the west-bound ships from 1630 to 1640. He is
found at Dorchester in 1642; was freeman and of course a
member of the Puritan Church there, in 1643 ; he is in 1646 a
landowner in a certain inclosed meadow and in a dispute con-
cerning lines and fences he is one of those who agree to leave
its settlement to arbitration ; in 1652 he was elected on a board
of town officers with Major General Humphrey Atherton.
This connection with the Atherton family was continued when
Bev. Hope, son of Humphrey, minister of Hatfield, was made
chaplain of the expedition to this place. You will recall the
pathetic story of the chaplain, relating to the disasters and suf-
ferings which befell him on the retreat. In 1661 Turner was
chosen " Bayliflfe," an office answering, I suppose, to our deputy
sheriff, and reelected in 1662. It appears from the offices he
held that Turner was a man of some note in Dorchester ; by
his submission of a dispute to arbitration he seems to be a man
of peace ; judging from subsequent events we conclude he was
active in military affairs. A large number of Turners appear
early in the colony but I do not connect our subject with any
of theuL He married after 1647, Mary, widow of John Pratt of
Dorchester ; in 1671 he had a wife named Frances ; a third wife
was the young widow of Key Alsop, of Boston, who is named in
his will of February 16, 1676. In this will he also mentions sons
Captain WWAwin Turner. 123
and daughters, but we have a meager aoooiint of his children.
His son William was with him in the army, but was not in the
action here. A grandson, William Turner, inherited his share
of the grant at Falltown. No reason appears for the removal
of Capt. Turner from Dorchester, but he is found in Boston in
1665, where a few years later he is put on trial in the courts, is
convicted, fined and for many long months he languished in
Boston jail. As we are not in the habit of thinking of our hero
as a ^' jail bird," let us take some time to consider the circum-
stances of his imprisonment.
AU agree that our fathers were driven from England because
they insisted on thinking for themselves, and they established
themselves where they could worship God after the dictates of
their own consciences. But —
Aye, call it holy ground,
The spot where first they trod.
They left unstidned what there they found,
Freedom to worship Qod: —
was not, alas, written of the Puritan at Boston, but of the Pil-
grim at Plymouth. The Puritan was for freedom of thought,
with only this proviso, that all thoughts and acts must be in
exact accord with the established creed and the ecclesiastical
laws which were the work of the ministers. To state it broadly,
but truly, John Cotton ruled the ministers, the ministers ruled
the magistrates and the magistrates made and enforced the law,
ecclesiastical as well as civiL
Now it happened that some men, who did their own think-
ing and saw things not seen through the spectacles of, say, John
Cotton, came to the front with the question of the true form of
baptism. All agreed upon the necessity of the rite, but the
form of it, there was the rub ! Should it be sprinkling or dip-
ping ? The Puritans said sprinkling for all, infants and adults.
Others said dipping, and for adults only ; both finding sufficient
Scripture warrant to back them. On this thin, watery line the
battle raged. According to the regulars the newborn babe
must be carried to the fireless meetinghouse the first Sunday of
its earthly career, be it summer or winter, to receive the seal
of salvation. The protestant stood up and turned his back
when the rite was administered or walked quietly out of the
house. This was the extent of the protest. They did not, like
some Quakers, appear in the broad aisle clothed in sackcloth
124 Fidd Mee^—1900.
and ashes, or in no cloth at all, to denounoe tiie minister to hk
face ; but their acts were called a " prophane trick," " unrever-
ent carriage," a " disturbance of wordiip," and Capt. Turner
and the others were called to account therefor. To settle the
matter quietly the dissenters concluded to not only walk out of
the meetinghouse but out of the church communion. From
bad to worse, they were summoned before the church and
solemnly ^^ admonished." This being ineffectual to deter them
from their purpose the offenders were haled before a civil court
and fined for nonattendance on divine service. The fines were
paid, but they found their attempted secession easier to contem-
plate than to execute. They were not allowed to live quietly
in the church or peaceably withdraw from it.
However, May 25, 1665, Thomas Gould, William Turner,
Edward Drinker and six others organized a Baptist church in
Charlestown.
They were not disturbed while the King's commissioners were
in Boston, ready to hear any complaints against the civil or ec-
clesiastical authorities ; but it became noised about that the Bap-
tists had organized a church, and ^^ Set up a Lecture at Edward
Drinker's house once a fortnight." August 21, the constable
was ordered to search out the place where these people met,
and order them to attend the established worship, although
they had already been excommunicated from the church in
Charlestown. These measures having no effect, in September,
1665, they were brought before the Court of Assistants. They
offered in their defense, a passage from a letter written by
Bev. John Robinson, pastor of the famous church of Leyden,
— who gave chapter and verse — as the charge of Christ to the
Apostles : — ^^ The Sacrement of Baptism is to be administered
by Christ's appointment, and the apostles example, only to such
as are, externally, so far as men can judge, taught and made
dedples ; do receive the word gladly ; believe and so profess. —
Baptism administered to any other is so far from investing
them with any saintship in that estate, that it makes guilty
both the giver and receiver of sacrilidge and is the taking of
God's name in vain." — This hard "nut" from the Pilgrim
armory was cracked at a blow by declaring them guilty " of a
schismaticall rending from the communion of the churches
heere & setting up a public meeting in opposition to the ordi-
nances of Christ here publicly exercised " and the magistrates
Ocyptwin William Tamer. 125
« solemly " charged ^^ tiie aoonsed " not to persist in sndi ^^per-
nitious practices " ^^ as they would answer the contrary at their
perilL"
Disregarding this admonition the wicked distorbers of the
peace were called before the great and general court at its
session, October 11, 1665, ^^ and by their owne acknowledgment
doe stand convicted of non observance & submission unto the
sentence & charge of the Court of Assistants," and further de-
clared their determination to continue the same course. ^^ The
Court doe judge it meet to declare that said Gould & company
are no orderly church assembly, and that they stand justly con-
ments, as also the peace of this government" Sentence was
therefore pronounced, that ^^ such of them as are free men, to
be disfranchised & all of them vpon conviction before any one
magistrate or court of their further proceeding herein, to be
committed to prison vntil the General Court shall take further
order w^ them." Their assertions of a right to free thought
and free practice in religion fell upon deaf ears. One ^^ Zecka*
ryah Boads," evidently a sympathizer with Capt. Turner, being
present, said : " The Court had not to doe wtb matters of re-
ligion." This was bearding the lion in his den, and Zachary was
promptly clapped into jail for his pains.
The Church, the Court of Assistants, and the General Court
had each tried its haad upon the dissenters in vain ; they wonld
not bend and had not yet been broken ; and April 17, 1666, the
civil court took a fourth hand, and they were presented to the
County Court at Cambridge, for ^^ absenting tiiemselves from
public worship." To their plea that they did attend public wor-
ship regularly, they were answered that the Gleneral Court had
declared their assembly unlawful in its edict of October, 1665,
and each was fined £4 and ordered to give bail in the sum of
£20. Bef using to do either they were sent to jail. An appeal
was made to the Court of Assistants ; after a hearing the jury
brought in a verdict in favor of the accused. The court would
not accept the verdict, but sent them out again for their further
consideration, with proper instructions. Even under this stress,
the honest jury found only a special, conditional verdict which
the court interpreted to its own taste, and of course the lower
court was sustained.
This persecution of the Baptists was not> let us be thankful*
126 Field Meetmg—19W>.
a popular movement, and the authorities though hard and firm
in their aotion, were anxious and troubled at the possible out-
come. A special session of the General Court was called for
September 11, 1666. The acting governor, at the opening, gave
the deputies the grounds for calling them together, and the next
action was to order '^ that some of the reverend elders that are
or may be in towne be desired to be present with the Generall
Court on the morrow morning & to beginn the Court & spend
the fomoone in prayer." Doubtless this was for effect on the
popular branch. It was a troublous matter and for fear that
opportunity would be lost by delay, it was :
^^ Ordered that the Elders now in towne be desired to be
present wth the Court presently after the lecture to afford their
advice in the weighty matter now in hand."
This call upon the ministers for advice was no new thing for
the General Court. A few years before when the question of
baptism was up, but in a less acute form, the Elders were called
to assemble in Boston — ^^ Then and there to discourse & declare
what they shall judge to be the mind of God " on the subject
What they reported as to the preference of the Deity, may be
evidenced, I suppose, in the proceeding we are now narrating.
Even if the results did not manifest it, there can be no doubt
what the ministers would advise when their supremacy was
threatened. The only comfort Gould and the others got from
the General Court was, that if they would pay their fines ac-
cording to the sentence and the costs of courts they should be
let out of jaiL
This persecution, continued in varying forms, had no effect in
reducing Capt Turner and other advocates of free thought to
subjugation, so another grand scheme was devised in which the
biggest guns of the established order were trained on the here-
tics, and the largest doses of the true doctrine were to be forced
down their throats, all out of the good grace and mercy of the
General Court. They say, March, 1668, " Being willing by all
Christian candor to endeavour the reducing of the said persons
from the error of their way, and their return to the Lord and
the communion of his people, from whence they are fallen, do
judge meete to grant — an opportunity of a fuU and free debate of
their grounds for their practice— in the meetinghouse in Boston
—on April 11th." Six of the ablest orthodox ministers were
selected to meet with the governor and magistrates — ^^ before
Ca/ptain William Turner. 127
whom — with any other reverend £lders and ministers as shall
there assemble/' the free and full debate was to be had, and
** Thomas Qtold & Company were ordered in his majesty's name
to appear and, in an orderly debate to answer the question,
whether what they are doing is justifiable by the word of God,
and whether sach a practice is to be allowed by the govern-
ment." Upon these abstmse questions in debate, all the p6-
lemio talent of the colony was arrayed against half a dozen
men spoken of as a few ^^ honest mechanics," and these ^^ plow-
men & taylors." Oapt. Turner was a tailor.
The official report of this meeting in the court records, says
it ^^ was held here in Boston with a great concourse of people,
the effect whereof hath not been prevalent with them as wee
could have desired." The authorities profess to be disappointed.
I doubt if they expected other result ; I doubt if tiiie whole
spectacular performance was not intended to produce an effect
on the popular mind, rather than on that of Turner and his
party. If another report of this meeting be true, these ^^ honest
mechanics," these advocates for free thought, received anything
but fair and Christian treatment in this debate. From first to
last they were looked upon as ^^ vile persons," who ^^ stood con-
demned by the court." They were denounced as ^^ obstinate
and turbulent Annabaptists," ^^ combined in a pretended church
state," ^^ in contempt of our civil order and the authority here
established," ^^ to the great grief and offence of the Godly
orthodox."
To find out from themselves what effect this gentle and per-
suasive ^^ debate " had upon the callow minds of the culprits,
they were ordered to appear before the General Court, May 27,
1668. ^^ That the court might understand what effect the en-
deavours of the Elders had with them." It did not take long
to find out. ^^ The said persons did in open Court assert their
former practice to have been according to the mind of God, and
that nothing they had heard had convinced them to the con-
trary." They did also declare their purpose to continue their
own course regardless of consequences.
The next action of the Goneial Court was to pass an act of
banishment, and the grand result was an increase of the number
of dissenters. The court say to allow this ** would be the setting
up a free school for seduction into wayes of error & casting off
the government of Christ Jesus in his owne appointments w^
128 Fidd Meeting— ViW^.
a high hand, and threaten the disolution & roine both of the
peace & order of the Churches & the authority of this govern-
ment." To prevent all this desolation, three of the leaders —
Gould, Turner and Farnum, were banished, ^' and if found after
the 20th of July in any part of this jurisdiction," they shall be
committed to prison — without bayle or majne-prise." As the
offenders refused to budge they were lodged in jail.
November 7, 1668, Capt. Edward Hutchinson, Capt. James Oli-
ver and 65 others, citizens of Boston and Charlestown, presented
the General Court a petition "asking the Courts fevor" to
Turner and others. Instead of granting the petition the prin-
cipal signers were ordered to appear before the Court to give
account for this " scandalous " action. Some made a retraction,
others with more pluck, were fined. Our good forefathers must
have been utterly lost to a sense of humor when they gravely
passed the following order, allowing the prisoners three days of
grace, in which to learn the error of their ways.
March 2, 1669, the governor and council ordered that Thomas
Gould and William Turner may have " libberty for three days
to visit their families, as also to apply themselves to any that
are able and orthodox for the further convincment of their
many irregularities in those practices for which they were
condemed."
It does not appear when this order took effect, but, unless I
misjudge these men, they were of those who attended the
" schismaticaU assembly of Annabaptists at Thomas Gould's
house on the Lord's day the 7th of March," at any rate, Edward
Drinker, Turner's lieutenant in 1676, was there, and for the
offense was shut up in jail.
Capt. Turner was feeling seriously the effects of his prison
life. Drinker writes, " Brother Turner's family is very weakly,
and himself too. I fear he will not trouble them long." It
was in this condition of affairs that Turner sent the following
petition to the General Court. This shows the situation and
the man.
^^ To the honored General Court now sitting at boston the
humble address of Will : Turner now prisoner at boston humbly
sheweth.
That whereas it hath pleased some of the honored magistrates
to issue out a warrant for the apprehending of my body and Com-
Captain William Twmer. 129
mitting mee to prison, and there to remayne aocording to a sen-
tence of a General Court the 29th of April 1668 your poore peti-
tioner doth therefore humbly beseech you to consider that by
virtue of that sentence I have already suffered about thirty
weekes imprisonment and that a whole winter season which was
a greate prejudice to my health and distraction to my poore
family & which I hope this honored Court will consider with
the weakness of my body and the extremity of lying in prison
in a cold winter which may be to the utter mine of my headless
family.
^*And Withal to Consider my readiness to serve this Country
to the uttermost of my ability in all Civill things : The maine
difference being only in faith and order, of which God only can
satisfie a poore soul : Thus hoping this honored Court will take
it into their Serious Consideration and extend their mercy as
becomes the Servants of Christ I shal leave both my state and
condition and honored Court to the wise disposing of the
Almighty, remaining Yours to Serve you in all faithfulness to
my power, boston prison this 27th of 8th Mo. 1670.
" Will : Ttjbnbb.''
Capt. Turner had yet to learn that an appeal for justice or
mercy to the man or body of men who set themselves up as the
standard of all right opinion and all excellence must be in vain,
in such a case as this. The popular branch voted almost unan-
imously in favor of the petitioner, but they were overruled by
the Governor and Council. This condition in the law-making
power continued until the death of Gov. Bellingham.
The next great attempt to subdue these sturdy independents
was a public appeal to tihe Lord. June 16, 1670, was appointed
'^ as a day of humiliation and fasting to find out the cause of
God's displeasure against the country." We may be sure the
ministers took the occasion to make the people understand that
the principal cause was the breaking away from the established
churches, and the advancement of free thought. At any rate
this was a great cause of anger with them, if not with the Deity.
May 16, 1671, fifteen of them write in a long address to the
General Court lauding the magistrates, and complaining of the
deputies as not showing them proper respect ; the result was
that the court apologized for this ^^ anti ministerial spirit, and
that the papers by the deputies referred to in the Complaint are
9
130 Fidd MeeUng— 1900.
to be considered vslesse." The ministers oame ont ahead as
nsnaL
Some of the difficulties and inconsistencies of the General
Court may be seen in its action May 17, 1672. They say
^^ Although no human power be Lord over the faith and con-
sciences of Men — ^yet any who shall openly oppose the baptizing
of infants, or shall purposely depart from the congregation at
the administration of that ordinance — ^after due means of Cor-
rection shall be sentenced to banishment."
Lest I should unwittingly, my friends, give the impression
that the spirit of persecution was confined to the bigoted clergy
in and about Boston, I will say that this was the one thing they
held in common with the ecclesiastics in England. I do not
know that young William Turner was driven from his Dart-
mouth home by ecclesiastical persecution. Probably he was.
The new power grown up in the West only did what ecclesi-
astical power has always been prone to do. Are we sure that
no form of it is to be found among us to-day ? But to go back
to England. A pamphlet, the title of which would put to blush
the yellowist of our dime novels, was issued under the patron-
age of the Archbishop of England. His name was Sheldon,
and I am sorry to say he is said to belong to my ancestral line.
This was the delectable thing :
" Mr. Baxter baptized in blood : or, a sad history of the un-
parrelled cruelty of the Annabaptists in New England ; faith-
f uUy relating the cruel, barberous, and bloody murder of Mr.
Josiah Baxter, an orthodox minister who was killed by the
Annabaptists, and his skin most cruelly flead off from his body.
Published by his mournful brother, Benjamin Baxter."
This was hawked about the streets of London and a second
edition was issued in a few weeks.
It may have been unwise to dwell so long upon this miserable
business, but perhaps it will not be altogether bootless to trace
the same spirit in another line, where it again touches the man
we to-day commemorate. Capt. Turner was accused amongst
his other frailties of " disobedience to government and especially
in the point of a defensive war." On the breaking out of Philip's
war he bestirred himself to prove the falsity of this charge. He
at once raised a company for the service of the colony, but be-
cause many of the men were Baptists his offer was refused.
This sets the bigotry of the magistrates in a notable contrast
Captain WUUam Twmer. 181
with the patriotism of Capt Turner. Bat the war had reached
that stage to which I earlier called your attention, and the au-
thorities so far humbled themselves as to beg the service of
Capt. Turner and his men. After demurring awhile because
his company had scattered, Turner offered the remains of his
prison-weakened body to the service of his imperilled country-
men. He was commissioned captain with his fellow sufferer,
Edward Drinker, as bis lieutenant. This action gives evidence
that Turner must have had military experience, but no record
of such service has been found. One says of him, ^^ He was a
very worthy man for soldiery,*' and I find him called " ser-
geant " in 1665. February 21, 1676, Turner, with 63 men, in-
cluding his son, William, and two servants or apprentices,
marched out of Boston.
A foot company under lieut. Gilman and a troop of horse
under Capt. Whipple were in company, all under Major Thomas
Savage. In due time Turner was in ^Northampton, in season to
repel the attack on that town by a band from Philip's camp at
Northfield. With the force under Savage and the Connecticut
troops under Major Treat, the valley towns were now safe from
any emergency. But trouble increased in the eastern towns
and the alarm in Boston became almost, if not quite, a panic.
Orders were posted to Savage to give over Northampton and
Hatfield to the Indians, concentrate the inhabitants at Hadley
and Springfield, leave them small garrisons and move his
forces eastward. Nothing but an* indignant storm of protest
from the doomed towns saved the colony from that humilia-
tion ; a step which would have insured tiie success of Philip's
plans.
April 1, 1676, the council wrote Major Savage : " Wee re-
ceved your letter [of Mch 28] and perceve .... that the Con-
eticut forces are drawne of & that by the numerousnes of the
enimy (according to yo' information) you are not in a capacity
to persue y™, also you intimate y fears of the people of those
towns y* in case you bee drawne of w**^ yo' forces, y they wilbe
in danger to be destroyed by the enimy." They complain that
the towns do not heed the directions to concentrate. The lan-
guage of the council appears to show that they had little or no
hopes of saving the west side of the Connecticut valley. To
remain in such a scattered state they say, ^^ is no less than tempt-
ing divine providence." To remove tUs temptation the council
132 Meld MeeUnff—1900.
insists on oonoentrating and fortifying on the east side, ^ or all
wiU be lost 1 ''
As I have said, the order was not obeyed, and thanks to Capt
Turner, all was not lost. The council continue : " Wee are willing
for the present that you leave .... not exceeding 150 men, all
single men, leaving Capt. Turner in Capt. Poole's place ; with
the Rest of the Army we expressly command you to draw home-
ward.'* They then speak of the sad condition of Lancaster, Gro-
ton, Chelmsford, Medfield, etc., '^ these things considered you
may see the Necessity of having o' Army nearer to us .... to
kepe the heart in any competent Safety." In other words, we
must look out for ourselves, and the devil take the hindermost.
In obedience to his orders Major Savage marched away with
the army, April 7, 1676, even taking the company of Capt.
Turner under his Ueutenant, Edward Drinker, who was his right
arm, leaving only 15 of the boys and " single men," three from
his own family, with 136 of the same class picked from the
other companies, with no officer above a sergeant to assist him.
And so Capt. Turner, the contemned heretic, was left to com-
mand in the Connecticut valley, evidently considered by the
authorities a forlorn hope. Is it possible that the magistrates
had a method not appearing on the surface in thus honoring
Capt. Turner ? Nine valiant captains had fallen in the war.
Could they have reasoned that : If another is to be sacrificed,
whom can we spare better than this arch-disturber of our peace t
Deserted by the government the men of the valley rallied
around their commander-in-chief. He had already earned their
confidence and he nerved them to action. They shook off their
apathy and fears and gave themselves up to his guidance.
Turner had been ordered to act strictly on the defensive, that
possibly some of the towns might be saved, but as we have seen
he had little awe of the governor and council, and less faith in
their wisdom. He now took counsel of his own judgment and
being backed by sturdy John Russell and perhaps — who knows
— ^by Gten. Gtotle himself, certainly by the elders and chief men,
he took the responsibility of disobejdng orders. Ton all know
the result. His bold action saved the towns and practically
closed the war in the Connecticut valley.
One more point and I am done. Each of three eminent
ministers wrote a history of Philip's war. In neither of them
do we find a hint of the circumstances under which Turner ap-
Captain WiOiam Turner. 133
peared in it The scantiest notice is found of the part he played,
and not one iota of credit is given for his great service in the
valley. Hubbard's first mention of the name of Turner in any
way, was to indirectly charge him with mismanagement and
want of foresight, in the attack of May 19, and that he was
responsible for the principal loss on the retreat. Capt. Holyoke
is given full notice and the praise justly his due. Cotton Ma-
ther's only mention of Oapt. Turner's name is a four- word notice
of his death. Increase Mather in describing the battle also
charges lack of foresight on the part of Turner, whose name
appears in his history for the first time in the following passage.
He is speaking of the retreat : ^^ In this disorder, he that was
at this time chief Captain, whose name was Turner, lost his life
.... within a few days after, Capt. Turner's dead Corps was
found a short distance from the Biver." This, and nothing
more, from beginning to end of his book, save a quotation from
another writer.
Can it be only accident that these three reverend authors,
contemporaries of the dead patriot, give him such slight and
contemptuous notice, or did bigotry still blind their eyes to
honor and justice 1 Who shall say ! A lay writer, also a con-
temporary, sees things differently. He says of him : ^^ Capt.
Turner by Trade a Taylor, but one that for his Valour, hath
left behinde him an Honorable Memory."
Capt. Turner was physically unfit for the task of leading the
expedition from Hatfield on tiie night of May 18. He was well
on in years and was enfeebled by his persecutions and prison
life in Boston. He writes to the council April 25, 1676, modestly
suggesting that another be appointed to take his place. '' For
I much doubt," he says, " my weakness of body and my often
infirmaties will hardly Suffer mee to doe my duty as I ought
in this imployment : And it would grieve me to be negligent
in anything that might be for the good of this Country in this
day of their distress." Here spoke the man and the patriot,
regardless of what he had suffered at the hands of the rulers,
and he gave his life as the last sacrifice, that our fathers' lives
and our heritage might be preserved.
And so to-day we reverently gather to dedicate a monument
to the Honored Memory of the Champion of Free Thought, the
Christian Patriot, the wise and brave Soldier, Captain William
Turner.
134 Fidd MeeUng— 1900.
INDIAN WAB CONDITIONS.
BT MIB8 BOWBNA BUBLL OF OHIO.
So soon after the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers as the spring
of 1621, Governor Carver made a treaty with the great Indian
chief Massasoit, which endured, broadly speaking, for 50 years.
It was Philip, the son of Massasoit, you will remember, who
instigated and fostered the first general Indian war in New
England. For us who are to-day gathered to consider only
one of the most important battles in that war, the fight at
Turner's Falls, it is not necessary to recall Philip's initiatory
steps toward open hostilities. It is sufficient for us to know that
after six weeks of skirmishing in the east, and of skulking am-
buscades, Philip, in the early summer of 1675, was forced to
fiee to the interior, to the country of the Nipmucks. This tribe,
though nominally friendly to the English, had murderously
fallen upon an official messenger from the colonists and had also
burned the town of Brookfield. Having gone thus far in their
depredations, they needed scant encouragement from Philip to
join his notoriously hostile band. The news of this alliance
caused widespread alarm throughout New England. As yet no
general uprising of the Indians had been feared but now the ap-
prehensive colonists lost no time in sending troops to the new
field of action.
From the headquarters at Hadley numerous parties went forth
on extended scouts only to return without tidings of Philip and
his Nipmuck allies, and with grave doubts of the fidelity of a
motley gathering of Indians on the west bank of the Connecti-
cut River at Hatfield. That their fears were well grounded these
Indians soon proved by attacking a party marching to treat with
them concerning the relinquishment of their arms.
Convinced that a war of races had now begun in earnest, the
frontier colonists in this valley had no time to ponder upon their
perilous situation. Just one week after this first armed conflict
in the west, the Indians made a vigorous attack upon the stock-
ades of Deerfield, retiring only after they had burned and de-
stroyed all perishable property outside of the forts. A similar
attack upon Northfield, followed by the almost total extermina-
tion of the rescuing party, resulted in the abandonment of that
Indian War Conditions. 185
settlement and in the withdrawal of the troops from field opera-
tions to strengthen the garrisons of the towns. This fruitless
policy soon caused the concentration in the valley of a larger
force for the carrying on of a more vigorous campaign. The
second attack upon Deerfield and its subsequent abandonment,
the terrible massacre of Lothrop and his men at Bloody Brook,
and the burning of Brookfleld, Swampfield and Northfield were
all disheartening reverses which crowded the frontier line south
as far as Hatfield and Hadley. Emboldened by such success,
the Indians now attacked Springfield so openly and insolently
as to force upon the Connecticut council of war the tardy con-
viction that it was ^^ high time for New England to stir up all
their strength and make war their trade .... to suppress the
enemy before they grow too much for us." The subsequent in-
creased efforts of both colonies resulted in the south in the de-
struction of the Narragansett stronghold, while in the west a
fierce attack of 800 Indians upon Hatfield was repulsed and the
assailants driven into winter quarters on the Hoosick Eiver.
Early in the following March the English began the new
campaign by an expedition against the Indian rendezvous at
Wenimisset whence winter war parties had rallied to spread
destruction and death among the Bay towns. The eastern tribes
warily retreating toward their allies in the western wilderness,
the English hastily garrisoned the Connecticut valley. As was
expected, the Indians promptly attacked Northampton and Hat-
field, only to be gallantly repulsed. They succeeded, however,
in raiding Windsor and Longmeadow, in burning Simsbury and
Marlboro, and in destroying a force of 60 men on the Pawtucket
Eiver, an accumulation of disasters for the English which filled
them with despair in that they all occurred upon one fatal day.
The weeks that followed were indecisive ones for both sides.
The recent deluge of reverses caused the recall of the main body
of the Massachusetts troops from the frontier for the better
protection of the constantly ravaged Bay towns, while the re-
maining troops under a strictly defensive policy, were ordered
upon garrison duty in the valley. Meanwhile, in the shifting
body of 3000 Indians gathered on Pocumtuck and Squakheag
territory a peace party had sprung into being ; the repulse at
Northampton, a scarcity of food and ammunition, the strong de-
fenses of the valley towns, together with tribal jealousies had
resulted in a desire upon the part of the less hostile Nipmucks
186 Mdd MeeUnff— 1900.
and PocomtQoks to oonsider the overtures of peaoe made by the
colonists of Conneoticat. Even the untimely death of the great
Karragansett chief, Canonchet, and with him 40 sachems, might
have gone unavenged had not the near approach of summer with
its abundance of food strengthened their courage by allaying
their anxieties for daily sustenance.
Under the leadership of the provident Pessacus a fort to be
used in case of retreat was established by them 40 miles up the
river, and camps were placed at the best fishing places, the
principal one being at these falls on the right bank. While the
fishermen were engaged in storing their barns with dried salmon
and shad for the campaign, other Indians were hopefully sow-
ing the fertile meadows of Pocumtuck and Squakheag with com
that was to be garnered long after the white encroachers had
been driven from the valley. With fears lulled by continued
non-interference, the Indians ventured as far south as the Hat-
field meadows where they procured 80 head of cattle to add to
their already abundant supplies. Men far less savage than these
Indians would have given themselves up to a gluttonous cele-
bration of such a success ; small wonder is it that these half-
starved confederates, men, women and children, fell recklessly
upon the unwonted abundance of fish, beef and milk. On the
night of the 18th of May, having gorged themselves to repletion,
they sank into a heavy sleep so forgetful of their enemies that
no sentinel was posted to guard their slumbers. A better hour
could not have been chosen by the English for a sudden attack
upon the Indian camp.
The quiet of the month following the withdrawal of the
Massachusetts and Connecticut forces did not deceive the set-
tlers ; the small garrisons left in the valley towns gave them
cause for fear, and a petition was sent to Boston asking for more
men with an offer to pay and ration them. The appeal was
vain. Left more to their own resources, and knowing full well
that the Indians' present devotion to the gathering of supplies
presaged a second vigorous campaign, their inherent bravery
manifested itself in a ^^ growing spirit to be out against the
enemy." To the General Court, the citizens of Hadley wrote :
^^ A great part of the inhabitants here, would our committees
of militia but permitt, would be going forth. . . . The enemy
is now come so near us, that we count we might goe forth in
the evening, and come upon them in the darknesse of the samie
Indian War CondiUana. 137
night. ... It is the general! voyce of the people here, now is
the time to distresse the enemy, and that could we drive them
from thair fishing, and keep out though but lesser parties agamst
them, famine would subdue them."
Though the authorities cautiously withheld action in the hope
that certain peace overtures with Pessacus might yet bear fruit,
the settlers only needed the news of the raid upon the Hatfield
cattle to spur them into a decisive move. On May 18 there
gathered at Hatfield, a zealous force of 141 men, 85 of them
being volunteers from Hadley, Hatfield, Northampton, Spring-
field and Westfield ; the remainder, soldiers from tiie garrisons,
all under the command of Captain William Turner of Boston.
No pen can so well describe the night advance of these brave
men as that of your tireless historian, the Hon. G^rge Sheldon.
^' After sunset, Thursday," he says, ^^ this little army set out
on a memorable march — memorable for its material, for its
good and bad fortune, and for the results achieved. After a fer-
vent prayer by the chaplain, and a tearful Godspeed from their
friends, the cavalcade passed out from Hatfield street with high
hopes and determined hearts. Crossing the meadows to the
north, vowing vengeance for the stolen cattle, they wended their
way slowly up the Pocumtuck path. Tall Wequamps loomed
up before them like a pillar of cloud against the dim northern
sky. They followed the exact route which had led Beers and
Lothrop into an ambush nine months before. Thoughtful eyes
peered mto the fatal swamp as they passed. Over the Wee-
quioannuck and through the hushed woods as darkness was
closing down, to Bloody Brook. Guided by Hinsdell, the
troops floundered through the black morass, which drank the
blood of his father and three brothers eight months before ;
they passed with bated breath and clinched firelock, the mound
under which slept Lothrop and his three score men. As they
left this gloomy spot and marched up the road, down which the
heedless Lothrop had led his men into the fatal snare, the stout-
est must have quailed at the uncertainty beyond. Was their
own leader wise ? Did he consider the danger t Did not they all
know that if Towcanchasson was treacherous or any swift footed
friend of Pessacus had revealed to him their plans, that they
were marching to sure destruction ) Was it prudent to neglect
precautions against surprise ? What if the information of Beed
should prove incorrect? Burdened with thoughts like these,
138 Fidd Meefmg—\W^.
the command made its way to Poomntuok, guarding with closed
ranks against the gaping cellars of our rained village. More
than one of these men, by toil and frugality, had there built their
homes and gathered their families. As they passed the deso-
late hearthstones, what but faith in the Most High could raise
their sinking hearts t Onward across North Meadows, where
one of the guides, Benjamin Waite, was later to end his event-
ful life in the brave attempt to rescue the captives of 1704, and
where the boy hero of this expedition, famous later as Captain
Jonathan Wells, tried vainly to temper his rash zeal. Over the
Pocumtuck Biver, at the mouth of Sheldon's brook, to avoid the
ford guarded by an Indian fort, and up the steep side hill to
Petty's Plain. Even with this precaution, the wading of the
horses was heard, and the Indian sentinel gave the alarm.
With lighted torches the party examined the crossing-place, but
finding no track, concluded that the noise was made by moose
crossing the river. So narrowly did the party escape discovery.
Following the Indian trail at the foot of Shelbume hills, the
adventurers entered the mysterious and unexplored wilderness
stretching away to Canada. Full of boding fancies, they
marched on under the fi:loomy arches of a primeval forest, the
a.rk.e«,n«ie more in^nse iy the gl«» of lightning, »d toe
silence occasionally broken by a peal of thunder, the bark of
the startled wolf, or raccoon, the ghostly flitting of the won-
dering owl. What wonder if these brave men and boys, super-
stitious as they were, and worn by fatigue and excitement, lost
their self-possession a few hours later. Marching two miles
northward, then crossing Green Biver at the mouth of MiU
brook, to the eastward, skirting the great swamp, Turner
reached the plateau south of Mount Adams before the break of
day, tired and drenched with the shower.
Leaving their horses with a small guard, the main party
forded Fall Biver, ascended a steep incline and came out in
the rear of the slumbering Indian camp. As day broke, the
English stole down among the wigwams, and at a given signal
poured a deadly fire upon the stupefied inhabitants. The wild-
est confusion followed. The Indians who survived the first
volley, supposing that their old Mohawk enemies were upon
them, rushed for their canoes, but only to be shot or upset and
drowned. So slight was the resistance that only one of the
assailants was wounded. On the other hand, the Indian loss
Indicm Wa^ Conditions. 139
was estimated to be between 300 and 400 ; the English also
destroyed their provisions and ammunition, thus giving a death
blow to their plans for a summer campaign."
One oannot read the story of this fight without wishing that
it ended here. The sequel is by no means so fuU of the joy of
victory. By delaying too long upon the battlefield the English
gave time to their aroused enemies from the adjacent camps
to gather about them in an avenging horde. Wearied by their
long march and the heat of conflict, they must now retreat
through the dense forest, their every step dogged by Indians,
until they had passed through Deerfield Street and reached the
Bars. In their frantic retreat the men became so separated
that at sundown there was a mournful mustering of but two-
thirds of the command at Hatfield. Captain Turner himself
had fallen and 41 of his men.
A terrible loss was this when the life of every man that could
bear arms was incalculably precious, but these men, unlike the
64 so fruitlessly sacrificed at Bloody Brook, had helped to secure
the safety of hundreds. The brave attack upon the camp at
Peskeompskut, quickly followed as it was by a vigorous repulse
of the Indians at Hatfield, convinced the councils of war of the
efficacy of an aggressive policy. From the east and south troops
simultaneously advanced, killing and capturing detached parties
of Indians, and finaUy combining at Hadley to make a formida-
ble army of 1000 men. A band of 700 Indians having been
driven back from Hadley two days before the union of the
troops, the main body of savages withdrew to such a distance
that scouts searched the woods for them in vain. Disheartened
by their reverses, the western tribes became further convinced,
by a sudden attack from the hostile Mohawks, that the Connect-
icut valley was no longer tenable, and finally withdrew to the
protection of their Mohican allies on the Hudson.
The story of the movements of the eastern tribes during that
summer of 1676 is similar. In spite of Philip's insidious plans
for the prolongation of the war. Governor Leverett's friendly
negotiations for the redemption of captives, being followed by
an aggressive raiding of the enemies' camps, resulted in Indian
disorganization and dispute. The death, in August, of Philip,
slain by the hand of one of his own tribe, removed the chief
advocate of further hostilities, the other leaders being apparently
quite ready for peace.
140 Field Meeting— 1900.
So ended a war whioh, insignificant though it may seem to
us, had terrorized the New England settlements for 14 months ;
600 colonists had lost their lives, 13 towns were totally and 11
partially destroyed. A heavy debt had been incurred. Surely
in the face of these facts no one can fail to do honor to Captain
Turner and his brave men who, on this spot, did so much to
end the conflict.
ADDRESS OF RALPH M. STOUGHTON.
We have assembled here to-day upon historic ground. We
have come to dedicate a lasting monument to the men who sur-
prised and destroyed the Indians encamped at this place on
May 19, 1676. It is with many misgivings and with a con-
sciousness of my own inexperience, that I undertake a task like
the historical address for such an occasion, especially since I
know how complete have been the historical investigations of
Mr. Sheldon and his colleagues of the Pocumtuck Association.
Montaigne, in speaking of his own writings, said : ^^ I have
gathered me a posie of other men's flowers, and naught but the
cord that binds them is mine own." So if I also to a large de-
gree have been necessarily dependent upon the fruits of other
men's investigations, the cord that binds them into one, at least,
is mine.
Less than 300 years have elapsed since the time when the
red man held undisputed sway over this great valley. Here by
the river below us, the Norwottuck, the Agawam and the
Squakheag, the Indian of the Pocumtuck pitched his wigwam
while from the depth of the stream he drew his store of fish ;
in the wilderness along its banks were his hunting grounds, and
below in the fertile fields his harvest of com and beans was
planted. But all this has changed. Soon, as a historian says,
^^ across the ocean came a pilgrim bark bewlng the seeds of life
and death. The former were sown for us, while the latter
sprang up in the path of the native." The result, however, did
not take place at once, but came about gradually. The idea we
generally derive from the reading of history, through our con-
fusion of dates, leads us to suppose that our ancestors spent
their time unintermittently in bloody wars with the Indian.
Such was not the case. For the most part the early colonists
lived at peace with the savage.
Address of Rol/ph M. 8ta%igkton. 141
Soon after the Pilgrims laoded at Pljrmoath in the fall of
1620, an Indian chief, Samoset by name, came to them with
words of hearty welcome. Later they were visited by Massa-
soit, the great chief of the Wampanoags, who readily entered
into a treaty of friendship with the English and a promise of
perpetaal peace ; this leagae of ^^ friendship, commerce and
mutual defence " was kept inviolate for more than half a cen-
tury. During this period from 1620 to 1675, the red man and
the white man lived side by side. Hoyt in his Indian Wars
remarks : " On a review of the incidents connected with the
first settlement of Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies, it can
not but appear on the first view extraordinary that the planters
met with so little interruption from the natives. For the na-
tives generally evinced a peaceable disposition and admitted the
English among them with apparent satisfaction."
There were several causes which gave rise to this state of
affairs. One of the principal reasons was the small number of
Indians in the vicinity of the colonies. Shortly before the arri-
val of the settlers, a fatal plague had stricken the natives, deso-
lating the coast and nearly extirpating the tribes of that region.
Thus, as it were, had been prepared a way for the Pilgrims to
settle on land claimed by no owner, and thus had they been
shielded from attacks of the savage. Soon afterward, small-
pox broke out among them, still further decreasing their people,
until the Indian population, never very large, was reduced to a
small number. Another important factor in the peace of this
period, was the great pains which the English took to conciliate
the natives. Express instructions regarding this had been given
to the colonists by the English company. The pioneers acquired
all their land by fair purchase from the rightful claimants, and
though the price paid was often small, it was equal to the value
of the land at that time. The Indian, retaining the rights of
hunting and fishing, was satisfied that the best of the bargain
was his.
In this manner the colonists passed their first 60 years ; and
during these years of fostering ^and prosperityf the Un.
of emigrants from England to New England was great. New
villages were constantly springing up. The enterprising settlers
threaded their way inland, reclaimed the wilderness to the use
of agriculture, and founded their settlements. Haverhill was a
northern frontier town on the Merrimao ; Lancaster and Brook-
142 Fidd MeeUng— 1900.
field were isolated villages, while Springfield, Deerfield and
Westfield were settlements farthest to the west. In the first
25 years after the Pilgrims landed, the colonists had settled 50
towns and villages, had reared 40 chorohes, several forts and
prisons, and the Massachusetts colony had established Harvard
College. The Connecticut valley with its rich alluvial intervals
at an early time attracted the pioneer, and the towns of North-
ampton, Hadley and Deerfield sprang up.
For 50 years the English lived peacefully in these scattered
villages, and then came that darker chapter in our colonial his-
tory, when the red man with all the unique savagery of his
Indian nature brought death and destruction upon the settle-
ments. The time when the war whoop of the merciless savage,
and the shrieks of defenseless families, arose to heaven together,
amid the smoke and flames of burning villapfes and towns : when
desolation everywhere. Yet out of the carnage of battle and
massacre, out of the heavy trials of captivity, appeare many a
scene picturesque amid the surrounding horror.
King Philip's War, as this sanguinary struggle is called in
history, broke out in 1675. Philip was the son of Massasoit,
the firm ally of the English, and after the brief reign of his elder
brother, succeeded to the supreme control of that powerful
tribe, the Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, as they are also called.
Philip possessed an innate hostility to the white man and from
the very beginning of his power, his conduct was such as to ex-
cite the English to suspicion. How well founded these suspi-
cions were, was proved later only too thoroughly.
The omnipresent sentimentalist has idealized Philip as a mag-
nificent example of Indian leadership, and has endowed him
with all the qualities of a romance hero. Early historians have
given him credit for a grand scheme, conceived with the deep
foresight of a discerning statesman, and carried out with the
cunning of a skilled strategist ; a brilliant scheme to allay the
fears of the English by a continuous show of friendship, until
at a given time all the Indian tribes should unite in a simultane-
ous attack upon the settiers and thus annihilate them at a
single blow. In reality there was probably no such systematic
plotting, for later historians like Palfrey and Bancroft, found
^' no evidence of a deliberate conspiracy on the part of all the
Indian tribes." Kor can we attribute the war to injustice on
Address qf RaipK M, SUmghtan. 143
the part of the settler. It cannot be said that they drove the
Indian from his inherited possessions and thus goaded them on
to a war of revenge. It is not tme. When almost the first of
the colonists arrived, they came with instructions '^ to do no
harm to the heathen people. If they pretend any right of in-
heritance to any part of the land, to purchase their title." These
instructions were obeyed, and at the time of the war, Governor
Winslow, in a letter dated Marshfield, May 1, 1676, declared
that '^ before the present troubles broke out, the English did
not possess one foot of land but what was fairly obtained by
honest purchase from the Indian proprietors." That the set-
tlers had their faults and that they probably made hard bar-
gains with the simple savage is not to be denied ; but I do deny
that they were cruel and unjust to the Indian to such an extent
that he was compelled to war in order to free himself from the
oppressor's yoke.
The trouble lay far deeper. It was a gradual development,
an inevitable necessity. For that a war must ultimately arise
between the two peoples, is to be conceded by every student of
our early history. A deep gulf separated the Indian from the
stranger, an irreconcilable difference which the Indian year
by year more strongly realized. The missionary and the teacher
who went forth to enlighten the ignorant native, made him see
only the more clearly the vast contrast between the white man
and the red man, and the Indian's proud heart burned within
him. Kor was he so blind as not to see how the English were
yearly increasing in strength and number, while the power of
his own people decreased. The hunting ground of the savage
became the fertile field of the indefatigable farmer ; his fishing
grounds were invaded and his favorite resorts were reclaimed
to civilized cultivation. This still more forcibly contrasted the
idle savage with the progressive settler. The Indian felt the
antagonism and a frenzy seized him. The strife was not for
the possession of land ; it was for supremacy. With the knowl-
edge that he was the weaker party, the savage, irascible, vindic-
tive, and impetuous, went to war without hope and fought without
mercy. It was this war, which grew out of pure antagonism, the
antagonism between civilization and barbarism, a war which
raged with all the revolting horror and fury of a warfare only
waged by a desperate savage ; it was this war which for more than
a year threatened destruction to New England, and which abated
144 mdd MeelAng—WM.
neither beneath the blaze of sommer nor amid the snow of win-
ter,— ^it was this war, I say, which was King Philip's war.
The threatening cloud suddenly broke upon the colonists in
an attack by Philip's men on Swansea the 24th of June, 1675.
The dormant passions of the savage had been awakened and
the war went on. With amazing rapidity it spread throughout
the colony. Hardly had Swansea and Taunton been attacked,
and Dartmouth and Brookfield been burned, when the war was
turned toward this region. Deerfield was assailed and was
soon after the scene of a memorable slaughter. The awful
story of Bloody Brook is too well known to need recounting.
No part of western Massachusetts is so fraught with the brutish
atrocities of Indian warfare as the valley of the Connecticut
from Korthfield to Springfield. It became the theater of a
fiendish drama unique in barbarity. Nowhere have the con-
flicts between the native and the settler of this valley been ex-
ceeded for the relentless brutality of the one and the indomitable
fortitude of the other ; and some of the bloodiest struggles that
crimson this period were fought along the banks of this river.
The winter of 1675-76 was a sad and gloomy one for the
colonists. So far victory for the most part had been on the
side of the Indian. Dark indeed was the prospect. Many of
the settlers had been killed and their villages burned, and this
only tended to increase the danger of the solitary settlements
in the interior. Their enemy was an enemy whose only war-
fare was one of stealth and ambuscades ; who never met them
in the open, but lurking in secret fired upon them with fatal
effect. As the Indian in peace was an idler, so in war he was
a marauder. Divided into innumerable prowling bands, he at-
tacked the lonely farmhouses and distant settlements, disap-
pearing as suddenly as he came, yet leaving murder, fire and
desolation behind. Under cover of the night he furtively crept
upon his victims. Often he concealed himself before their very
doors, and the first warning of his presence was the ring of
musketry, as the settler dropped dead upon his own threshold ;
the house was then fired, the mother and her children scalped,
and the work of destruction was accomplished. While the
English pursued in one direction, he burned and plundered in
another. " His mode of warfare," writes an historian, " was
secret and terrible. He seemed like the demon of destruction,
hurling his bolts in darkness. Shrouded by the deep shade of
Address of Ralph M. Stoughtan. 146
the midnight, he stole apon the villages and settlements of New
England, like the pestilence, unseen and unheard. His pathway
could be traced by the horrible desolation of its progress, by
its crimson prints upon the sands and snows, by smoke and fire,
by the shrieks of women, the wailing of infants and the groans
of the wounded and dying."
During this winter occurred the " Swamp Fight," terrible in
its disaster for the Indian. The colonists, regarding the Narra-
gansetts, who were the most powerful of the New England
tribes, as their most dangerous enemy, invaded the winter
quarters of the Indians with a force 1000 strong. In a stealthy
march they approached the Narragansetts, stormed their forti-
fications, set fire to their wigwams, and in the confusion a scene
of awful carnage ensued, in which the Indians, irrespective of
age or sex, perished by hundreds. Though the English can
hardly be commended for this cruel massacre, equal in barbarity
to any Indian slaughter, it must be remembered that the war
was now to the death ; a war of extermination for the one or
the other. Mercy could not be shown to a merciless foe ; he
must be met with the weapons of his own warfare. The
^^ Swamp Fight " excited the Indians to new violence and in the
spring the war was renewed with redoubled ferocity. Lancaster,
Medfield, Weymouth and Oroton were laid in ruins ; then early
in the spring the war was again transferred to this valley, and
we come at length to the incident which to-day claims our in-
terest.
In those early days when first our ancestors explored this
valley, no liver in all New England afforded a greater abundance
of fish than the Connecticut, and no spot along its banks pre-
sented a more favorable station for their capture than this very
spot In the spring of the year, immense qaantities of shad
and salmon came up the river until the rapids and the falls close
by obstructed their course. Here the river narrowed by the
girting hills, furnished a place remarkably adapted by nature
for a fishing ground. Such was the case in the spring of 1676.
A large camp of several hundred Indians was situated on this
side of the liver, a smaller camp was on the opposite bank, and
a third on what is known as ^' Smead's Island," some distance
below here. The Indians, fearing no danger from the valley
settlements, camped here in careless security ; the daytime they
spent in catching and drying fish to fill their bams for the win-
10
146 Fidd Meeting— 1900.
tor's stock, and the night-time was passed in feasting and rev-
elry, while no military vigilance was kept.
This state of affairs in the Indian camp was reported by two
boys, Gilbert and Stebbins, who had been held as captives, but
who on account of the negligence of the Indians, escaped and
found their way to Hatfield. Soon after, Thomas Reed, a sol-
dier who had been taken prisoner m the April previous, made
his escape and came to Hadley. He, too, informed the English
of the Indians' carelessness and neglect of precautions against
surprise; and how, secure and scornful, they boasted of the
great things they had done aud would do. When all this was
known, the English, urged on by the beginning of renewed in-
cursions upon them, decided that the time had come when a
decisive blow must be dealt for the masterdom of this great
valley. No longer could the red man and white man live here
as neighbors. One must yield to the other; one must pass
away while the other remained.
In accordance with this resolution, a force of about 145 men
gathered at Hatfield for an expedition against the Indian camp.
Rev. Hope Atherton, ^^ who was a courageous man and willing
to expose himself for the public good," was the chaplain ; Ben-
jamin Waite and Experience HinsdeU were the guides, and the
whole was under the command of Captain William Turner of
Boston. Each man was furnished with provisions for three
meals and nearly all were mounted men. Just after sunset on
Thursday, May 18, after a " fervent prayer by the chaplain and
a tearful Godspeed from their friends," the little army with
stout hearts and set purpose, passed out from Hatfield for a
memorable night march of more than 20 miles. Across the
meadows to Sugar Loaf, up the Pocumtuck path, past Bloody
Brook, where on that very day eight months before, the heed-
less Lothrop and his three score men had dyed red the ground
with the best blood of Essex ; past Deerfield in ruins, recently
burned ; onward across North Meadows, over the Deerfield and
up the steep hillside to Betty's Plain. Then turning to the east,
following the Indian trail at the foot of Shelbume hills, cross-
ing Green River and skirting the swamp, the party finally
reached the plateau just northwest of Factory Village. Leaving
the horses here under a small guard, Turner led his men noise-
lessly down into the " hoUow," forded Fall River above the upper
bridge, scaled the steep ascent of the opposite bank and came
Address of Balph M, Stoughtan. 147
out on the sommit just above us. On the slope he drew up his
men mto line ; his objective point, the Indian oamp, was spread
out before him.
Save for the monotonous roar of the cataract, silence reigned in
the camp by the river side. Not a sentinel was posted ; the
dusky warrior was wrapped in profound slumber. At the very
time when Turner and his adventurous men were making their
stealthy advance, a grand feast was being held here at Feske-
ompskut. Warrior and squaw, the young and the old alike,
gorged themselves with the salmon drawn from the river and
with beef gained by a recent raid on the valley settlements,
and then filled to repletion the whole camp slept in unguarded,
unsuspecting security. Little did the Indian dream of danger,
yet the end was near at hand.
Impatiently the soldiers awaited the lights and in the gray
of the early dawn, they stole silently down among the un-
guarded foe ; the word of command was given, and a crash of
musketry aroused the stupefied sleepers. Many were killed at
the first fire, while the terrified survivors, believing their furious
enemy, the Mohawks, were upon them, rushed madly to the
river, and pushed off in paddleless canoes, only to be engulfed
in the tumultuous waters of the cataract. Others, hiding about
the banks, were hunted out and slain, and we read that Captain
Holyoke with his own sword, killed five under a bank. Be-
sistance was slight, and only one of the assailants was wounded
by the enemy. The camp and wigwams were immediately set
on fire, and all was entirely destroyed. As to the number of
Indians that perished in this slaughter, no intelligent estimate
can be made as contemporary accounts differ widely. It must
have been, however, at least 300, for Indians themselves after-
ward admitted that loss ; whatever the number was, doubtless
many were women and children, for we know there was no dis-
tinction of age or sex.
The firing quickly aroused the camp on the shore opposite,
and a party soon crossed to bring assistance. About 20 of
Turner's men volunteered to meet these, while the main body
returned to their horses and began to march back. The small
detachment that had gone to attack the Indians from the other
camp, proved insufficient ; they were forced to retreat and with
great difficulty reached their horses, only to meet with attacks
from all sides. One of the number, Jonathan Wells, a boy of
148 Fidd MeeMnff— 1900.
16, though wounded, managed to reaoh Tnmer and begged him
to return to the relief ; but Turner, believing that it was " bet-
ter to save some than lose all," pushed on.
Unfortunately for Captain Turner, he was very feeble, scarcely
able to sustain the excitement and fatigue of such service.
As the sun came up and the day grew warm and sultry. Cap-
tain Turner's weakness increased until it became evident to his
troops that he must soon be unable to guide them. At this un-
fortunate time, attacks from various quarters and the baseless
rumor that Philip was approaching with a thousand warriors,
caused a sudden panic among the troops. Order and discipline
were lost and the retreat became a rout. The force divided
into separate squads, each bent only on self-preservation, and
during the passage through the dense morass, one party was
captured and the tradition is that they met death at the
stake. The main body at length reached Oreen Eiver,
and there Captain Turner fell beneath the enemy's fatal
fire. Captain Holyoke, upon whom the command now
devolved, was a man equal to the emergency. Exposing him-
self to every danger, his own dauntless courage was infused into
the spirits of his men and he incited them to redoubled exer-
tions. Hour by hour they struggled on harassed continually
by the infuriated foe, until at length, exhausted, wounded and
bleeding, the survivors of the shattered troop arrived at Hat-
field, with a loss of 41 men killed.
The panic that assailed the troops in the early part of the
retreat gave rise to several instances of individual experience
and suffering worthy of being again recounted. Jonathan
Wells of Hatfield, the youth whom I have already mentioned,
was among the first to be wounded. Barely able to keep seat
upon his horse, he soon became separated from the others ;
and bewildered in the woods, he turned to the north instead of
the south, and followed Green River up above what is known
as the Country Farms. There he fell from his horse exhausted,
and soon fell into a sound sleep. And while he slept, be dreamed
that his grandfather came to him and told him he was lost be-
cause he was traveling in the wrong direction. In the morning
his horse was gone, and with his gun as a staff, weak and faint
from loss of blood and from hunger, he followed the direction
of his dream and started homeward. With great difficulty on
account of his wound and because of the swiftness of the current^
Address of Ralph M. Stoughtan. 149
he forded the Deerfield, and while lying down to rest, he fiaw an
Indian approaching him in a canoe. Leveling his gun at him, the
Indian fled, and Wells knowing that others must be near at hand,
thought how to elude, them. Finding two logs near together
that projected out over the river nearly level with the stream,
he waded out and stood between them. In this way he escaped
the Indians, who, as he anticipated, soon came to hunt for him.
When they had departed. Wells slowly pursued his journey,
sometimes giving up in despair, often overcome by fatigue and
all the time racked with pain. Finally he reached Hatfield on
Sunday, at noon, 48 hours after the retreat from these grounds.
The Eev. Hope Atherton, first pastor of the Hatfield church
and the chaplain of the expedition, on his return gave an ac-
count of his experiences in a sermon to his people on Sunday the
28th of May, in which he said : " When I was separated from
the army, none pursued me. The night following I wandered
up and down, but none discovered me. The next day I tend-
ered myself to the enemy as a prisoner, for no way of escape
appeared and I had long been without food, but notwithstanding
I offered myself to them, they accepted not my offer ; when I
spoke, they answered not ; when I moved toward them they
fled. Finding they would not accept me as a prisoner, I de-
termined, if possible, to find my way home, and after several
days of hunger, fatigue and danger, I reached Hatfield." Some
historical commentators have been inclined to think that the
Bev. Atherton's mind became bewildered by his exposures, and
that the incidents of his story were merely the fancies of a dis-
ordered imagination. More likely, however, there was some-
thing in the appearance of the chaplain by which the Indians
recognized him as a minister, and with superstitious fear, left
him unmolested
The ^' Falls Fight" has ever been memorable among the
events of that Indian war. It was more than merely a bloody
slaughter ; here, about this very ground upon which we now
stand, took place the final struggle between the Indian and the
settler of this valley, and here the Indian lost forever his tribal
power over this region. Here beside the waters of the river
below us, the men of Hatfield, the men of Hadley, the men of the
Pocumtuck valley, wrote in bloody characters the concluding
chapter in the history of the Pocumtucks as a nation. Save for
feeble and ineffectual attacks on Hadley and Hatfield a few days
160 Fidd Meettnff—1900.
later, the Indian as a tribal power, never after beset these settle-
ments. All their later depredations were made at the instigation
of the French, and nnder their leadership for the most part. From
this time and place the Pocumtuck tribes pass into oblivion.
The fight here on the 19th of May, 1676, was a serious blow
to Philip, for it destroyed the fisheries on which he so largely
depended for supplies. His power soon ebbed away ; hunted
backward and forward the monarch of the Wampanoags be-
came a fugitive, abandoned by most of his confederates, and
he finally fell by one of his own people. It is probable that
you would gladly doubt, if you could, the recorded fact that
Philip's head was sent to Plymouth and was there long exposed
on a gibbet. Before you too harshly condemn this act of shock-
ing barbarity recollect that in London, nearly a century later,
the heads of the Scotch rebels were exhibited on Temple Bar.
Few characters in history have had such conflicting judg-
ments passed upon them as the Indian warrior, Philip. Early
chroniclers were wont to heap upon him the most opprobrious
epithets, while later he was looked upon as a true patriot,
whose enmity was national, not individual, an heroic — ^martyr.
Modem historians, however, agree in representing him with all
the vices and instincts of his race. ^^ The title of King," says
Palfrey, " disguises and transfigures to the view, the form of a
squalid savage whose royal robe was a coarse blanket alive
with vermin ; whose nature possessed what might be expected
from such a race and such habits of life. To royalty belong as-
sociations of dignity and magnificence. The Indian King
Philip is at all events a mythical character."
My task is done ; the sad and fearful story is told, — the story
of King Philip's War. But the men who met the brunt of
those fierce conflicts, who were they ? We are rather wont to
look with scorn and ridicule upon our Puritan ancestors, for
their austere manners, their rigorous principles of stem piety,
and their antipathy to the diversions of society. But study, I
ask you, the history of the colonies from 1620 to 1675, and then
scoff at the men and women who endured the hardships and ex-
posures of that early time. Our Puritan forefathers may have
been harsh and severe, but their code of laws was the law di-
rected by their own conscience ; they may have detested mer-
riment and festivity ; the pioneer looks not for a life of ease and
amusement : they doubtless had their faults and failings, but
Address of Ralph M. SUmgkton. 151
that they were selfish, that they were deliberately oroel,
that they were intentionally unjust to the Indian, I find
no proof. I little accord with the sentimentalist who
portrays the Indian as a noble being, endowed with vir-
tues unnatural to his race, while he decries the Puritan as harsh
and uncompromising, narrow and arrogant. I read of the un-
tiring efforts of Eliot and the May hews ; I read how the Eng-
lish ministered to the plague-stricken Indian when his own
people forsook him ; I read of countless instances of magna-
nimity to the perfidious native. There are exceptions in all
things but as a whole the Indian was defective both mentally
and morally, incapable of the larger instincts of humanity, as
inspired by Christian influences. Amid all the uplifting as-
sociations of civilization, the Indian was an Indian still.
Bead the convincing facts of history and your sympathies
will be with the early settlers. They were plain men of com-
mon sense and strong convictions, full of courage and patient
in toil ; men as stanch and upright as the primeval pines they
felled to clear their farm. They were men of action who real-
ized the supreme importance of seizing the hour. They were
men in voluntary exile for the sake of religious and civil
liberty. They knew only that it was theirs to labor with pa-
tience and hope, to hand down the heritage finally purchased
with their own blood. Search the pages of history and tell me
where you find nobler examples of manly virtues. And when
you have seen the unfaltering fortitude of the men of 1676, look
at the calm courage and marvellous hardihood of the farmer
soldier a century later at Bunker Hill, at Concord and Lexing-
ton, at Bennington and Saratoga, and tell me whence came the
spirit of 1776. From whom but those early settlers, to whose
blood and traditions the American patriots were heirs t ^^ Four
score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation," said Lincoln at Gettysburg. To-day
I say two centuries and more ago, the men of 1676 laid the
foundations for the very principles of that new nation. And so
I claim that it is highly fitting that we to-day honor the mem-
ory of the men of that early day, who over 200 years ago came
with shot and sword and fire, and from this very ground, swept
the Indians to the river below, ground their cabins to the dust
and sent their wigwams to the clouds above, and freed forever
our valley from the thraldom of barbarism.
ANNUAL MEETING— 1901.
REPORT.
The annual meeting of the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial As-
sociation, which was held in the old kitchen at Memorial Hall
yesterday afternoon, was of peculiar interest for the members
of the society and others interested in antiquarian pursuits. A
noteworthy feature of the meeting was the quality of the
papers prepared for the occasion. In the afternoon there were
short sketches of the well known members who had passed
away in the year. S. O. Lamb spoke briefly on James S. Grin-
nell and submitted the following resolution which was adopted :
Resolved, That the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association deeply feels
the great loss which it has suffered in the death of the Hon. James S.
Giinnell, late of Greenfield, and hereby places upon its records an expres-
sion of its cordial appreciation of his constant friendship and faithful devo-
tion to the interests and work of the Association; also an expression of its
sincere sympathy with the bereaved family and friends of the deceased.
Mr. Lamb confined himself principally to Mr. GriDnell as a
young man at the time of his admission to the bar in 1846, and
incidentally alluded to some of his contemporaries. Mrs. Lucius
Nims read a sketch of Eben A. Hall, which was prepared by
Judge Fessenden ; a tribute to Charles H. McClellan was given
by Frank J. Hosmer ; Rev. P. V. Finch contributed a sketch on
Deacon Hitchcock, and Mrs. Charles Stebbins one on Mrs.
Mary P. Wentworth.
Judge F. M. Thompson, vice-president of the Association,
presided. It was voted to hold the next field meeting at Deer^
field, July 81. The president, vice-presidents and Treasurer,
with William L. Harris, E. A. Newcomb, Mrs. Samuel Childs,
Augustus Y. Tack and Miss A. C. Putnam, were authorized
to act in conjunction with the committee on the " Old Home
Week" chosen by the citizens of the town last October.
Some of the historic places in town will be marked by suitable
monuments. The committee on memorials are : Mr. and Mrs.
George Sheldon, Judge F. M. Thompson and George A. Shel-
don. These officers were elected : —
President, George Sheldon of Deerfield ; vice-presidents,
Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, C. Alice Baker of Cam-
bridge ; recording secretary, Margaret Miller of Deerfield ; cor-
ArmualL Meeting — 1901. 163
responding seoretaiy, Mary Elizabeth Stebbins of Deerfteld ;
treasurer, John Sheldon of Greenfield ; members of the council,
Charles Jones, Bobert Childs, Edward A. Hawks, Samuel Childs,
Frances W. Ball, Madeline T. Wynne, George W. SoUey, Laura
B. Wells, and Edward J. Everett of Deerfield ; P. Voorhees
Finch, Samuel O. Lamb, Herbert 0. Parsons, Caroline C. Fur-
bush, Ellen L. Sheldon and Eugene A. Newcomb of Greenfield.
John Sheldon, treasurer of the committee on the publication
of the History of Deerfield, submitted the following report :
" Your committee would report that during the past year they
have sold fourteen sets of the History of Deerfield for $127.
There was an edition of 600 bound copies and in addition we
have 300 unbound sets. A few complimentary copies have
been given away at the request of the author. Two sets were
sent to Washington to secure the copyright, some have been
used in exchange for other books to the advantage of the Asso-
ciation. There have been sold 385 sets, and we have now some-
thing over 100 sets on hand. The sales have extended over a
large part of the United States, and a few copies have gone
abroad. The price has been collected for all books sent out
to date, with the exception of one copy of Volume I sent to
Philadelphia. We have paid all costs of publishing, delivering
and all other expenses. You now own what books we have on
hand clear, and we have paid to your treasurer $1067."
The report from George Sheldon, chairman of the publishing
committee, was submitted.
" The Committee on the Publication of our Proceedings would
report, that Yol. Ill has been issued from the press of T. Morey
& Son, in an acceptable form and satisfactory manner ; although
unfortunate circumstances caused unexpected delays. It is
herewith submitted. Experience has demonstrated that the cash
demand for these volumes hajs been much smaller than was an-
ticipated, therefore the edition has been limited to 300 copies.
^' The work is useful as a medium of exchange, making our As-
sociation better known, and bringing valuable additions to our
library. Our field in this direction is enlarging as the years
go by, and I would recommend the continuance of the series."
For the labor of editing, proofreading, and for the incidental
expenses of getting the volume through the press, there has
been no charge to the Association. This has been a labor, in-
deed, but a labor of love, by the Ohairman of the Committee.
154 Anmuxl Meeting — 1901.
OURATOK'S REPOET.
Your curator would repeat his words of last year, that the
future of our Association never looked brighter. We are estab-
lished in our place, and are acknowledged by all to hold a char-
acteristic collection unequalled in our broad land.
One of the state commissioners for the Pan-American Expo-
sition at Buffalo told me a few weeks ago that he had traveled
far and wide, visiting museums in this and other states without
finding anything to compare with ours. We may certainly con-
gratulate ourselves on what we have accomplished when such
men give us such a rank.
Our collection is gradually enlarging, but as our schedules
year by year fill up, our accretions are materially less than in
the full tide of our earlier growth. Still the past year has
brought us large additions, chiefiy, however, to our hbrary. To
this 45 books, 180 pamphlets and other papers have been added
since our last report, and our shelves have become uncomfort-
ably crowded. To our miscellaneous collection 158 articles
have been added.
Owing to ciroumstances the work in the Ubrary has faUen
behind for a year or two past, but last summer with an active
assistant I spent considerable time in cataloguing and arranging
accumulated material Much, however, remains to be done.
We have a large number of old manuscripts, historic and family
papers, which should be catalogued and arranged to be available
to the public. This work was well begun by Mrs. Wentworth,
when through weakness, she was obliged to give it up. We
have devoted a box to each family name, and all manuscript
papers relating to this name are deposited therein ; when these
are catalogued and numbered they become available for public
use. Another and better way to preserve family papers is to
secure them in large scrapbooks, prepared for the purpose.
When arranged chronologically and indexed any paper is easily
found. If any family will provide such a book we will under^
take to arrange the papers. The Sheldon family papers already
so arranged can now be shown. I commend this scheme to all
old families and hope for fruitful results.
For consultation in historic Unes there is nothing in the Oon-
necticut valley to compare with this library. The question now
is. How shall we increase its capacity ? It is a question how
Ov/rato^B Report. 155
mach more the floor will sustain. The original eonstmction of
this story has been changed and perhaps an expert examination
should be made to determine its condition.
Death has been busy among our fellows during the past
year, coming very near to us in taking Nathaniel Hitchcock, a
charter member of our Association and our faithful secretary
and treasurer from the first. He was one of the noted twenty-
four babies bom here in 1812, and at his death, March 3, was
nearly eighty-eight.
Jonathan Johnson, to whom we must credit the first idea of
associated action in local fields of history, out of which our As-
sociation ultimately grew, was an invaluable member. In our
early years it was to him, more than to all others, that our
field meetings were such great successes. He had a genius for
initiating such affairs.
The faithful, able and earnest assistant curator, MraMary P.
Wentworth, who so satisfactorily filled the office for sixteen
years, is another who will be sorely missed by us and the visit-
ing public. She so closely identified herself with the place, that
in our correspondence the burden of her hope was that some
arrangement might be made whereby her last days might be
spent within the walls she loved so well. However strongly I
strove for this it was not to be. She survived her removal but
a few weeks, dying January 25, 1901.
It may be esteemed fortunate for the Association that I have
secured for her successor, Mrs. Mary Elizabeth Stebbins, who
will be herself in evidence to-day.
Others who have fallen by the way, this fateful year, are
James S. Orinnell and Eben A. Hall of Greenfield, Miss Maria
Marshall of Weston, Franklin J. Pratt of Greenfield, Chauncey
B. Tilton of South Deerfield, Deacon Almon C. Williams and
Mrs. Oatherine B. Yale of Deerfield.
While the places made vacant may not be filled, there have
been good accessions to the ranks of our membership: one
life Councilor, Mrs. J. M. Arms Sheldon of Deerfield, four
Life Members, Mr. Charles Herbert Watson of Boston, Mr.
George Arms Sheldon, and Mrs. Jennie Edith Sheldon of
Greenfield, and twenty yearly members.
The flow of visitors to the hall has not ebbed. Our register
shows the names of 2198 visitors from all over the country.
Little has been done in the way of repairs on the tenement in
156 Annual Meeting— IWi.
late years, and this year it became necessary to do something
towards its renovation. The sum of $58.70 has been spent in
paper and paint under the supervision of your treasurer, which
was money well laid out.
If I have in this report spoken on matters not strictly within
my province as curator it is because Miss Miller, our secretary
pro terriy could not be expected to cover the field this year.
In the absence of President Sheldon, Yice-President Judge
F. M. Thompson presided at the evening exercises, which began
by a selection of old-time music by the Deerfield choir dressed
in ancient costumes. The singers were: Charles H. Ashley,
conductor; Mrs. Ashley, Mrs. Edward WeUs, Mrs. George
Everett, Miss Julia Brown, Miss Mary Stebbins, Miss Pomeroy,
Eev. Mr. Solley Mr. Sibley and Merrill Childs. Prayer was
offered by Mr. Howard.
Judge Thompson then introduced Miss H. Isabella Williams
of Deerfield, a teacher at Smith College, who read very interest-
ing extracts from the diary of General Epaphras Hoyt.
The principal paper of the evening was by Hon. Herbert C.
Parsons, upon " The History of the Hoosac Tunnel."
At the conclusion of Mr. Parsons' paper Judge Thompson told
how he as a boy had helped to draw part of the boring machine
over the hills to the place of operation. He also stated that he
saw the machine when it began work. He then called upon
Edwin Stratton and S. O. Lamb for personal reminiscences of
that time. Mr. Stratton said that the machine bored into the
rock about twenty feet at the bottom but only about six at the
top where the whole bigness of the drill cut. Mr. Lamb said he
could add but little to what had been said, but alluded to the
good work done in favor of the tunnel by Wendell T. Davis
and Horatio G. Packard, who were in the legislature at that
time. He also said that in politics a man's position on the tun-
nel question made a great difference in his chance of election to
legi^tive office. Many statesmen were made and unmade by
the tunnel question.
Judge Thompson called for a vote of thanks to the Deer-
field women and the singers, which was unanimously given.
He then asked the singers to render a touching ballad about a
young man who went out to mow and was bitten by a " pizen
sarpi-ent," which they did with much feeling. The meeting
Necrology. 157
closed by the singing of "Auld Lang Syne" by all. There
were abcmt forty present from Greenfield. The Pocumtuck Val-
ley Memorial Association is doing a grand work in marking his-
toric spots in our valley and otherwise commemorating events
of the past for the benefit of future generations, and the interest
taken in the meeting shows that their work is being appreciated
and new enthusiasm being aroused.
NECROLOGY.
JONATHAN Johnson's sbbviob as told by judgb Thompson.
The first meeting of the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Associa-
tion was held at the town house in Deerfield, May 26, 1870.
None of the officers elected at that meeting now survive, ex-
cepting our venerable president, vice-president James M. Crafts,
and Rev. P. Voorhees Finch, who was at that time elected a
member of the council.
Jonathan Johnson, then of Montague, was elected at that
meeting a member of the coundl, and his labors for the success
of the Association, thus early begun, only ended with his life,
August 16, 1900.
Mr. Johnson was well known throughout the length and
breadth of this county and the towns of southern Vermont and
New Hampshire. Almost his whole business life was spent in
traveling over the hills and valleys of this vicinity, and for the
last twenty years, at least, his journeying was mostly on foot, for
which mode of locomotion nature had peculiarly fitted him,
with his height of six feet five inches, and not an ounce of spare
flesh to overburden his long limbs.
He was by nature a most observant man, and there was no
nook or cranny of all this section, which he did not know, and
he had a personal acquaintance with a large majority of the
people of this county, who had reached the age of maturity.
He was born in Petersham, in 1826, and lived at times in Athol,
Montague, Sunderland, Deerfield, Whately and in Greenfield.
In early years he was by occupation a tin peddler, traveling
over the country, stopping at every house, and early began mak-
ing collections of Lidian relics, antiquarian papers and ancient
bric-a-brac ; and without doubt gathered more of these articles
than any other person in this county.
158 Anmud Meeting — ^1901.
Always harassed by poverty, he was f oroed to part with many
of his most precious coUections, in order to protect his family
from want. This Association has in its collection very many
precious articles which came to it through the ceaseless diligence
of Mr. Johnson, who was always so much interested in its
prosperity. In view of his many donations to the Association,
its members made him a life councilor in 1878 ; one of the high-
est honors within the gift of the society.
Mr. Johnson in his joumeyings about the county, was ever
on the lookout for details concerning each historic spot, and was
thus an invaluable member of the committees appointed by the
Association to look out places for the annual field meetings of
the society ; a duty which he faithfully performed for many
years. He had more knowledge of the Indian names of rivers,
mountains, meadows and streams, than any other member of
the Association, and used to talk interestingly and intelligently
upon these subjects at the meetings of the society.
Mr. Johnson took great satisfaction in having been a member
of the old free soil party, and was instrumental in the forming
of the association of the surviving members of that party, whose
meetings he always attended.
In later years he had been greatly weakened by an affection
of the heart, which caused a shortness of breath, and he was
reluctantly compelled to give up his business of canvassing for
newspapers, and consequently his gathering in of the ancient
specimens of an earlier civilization, and of the savages that once
inhabited this valley.
In the death of Mr. Johnson this Association has lost the serv-
ice of an intelligent and successful collector, and the constant
assistance of a person who had unusual means of helping the
society in its work, and these means were always used to their
fullest extent for its good.
MB. finch's BSmCATB OF DBAOON HnOHOOCK.
Since the last annual meeting of the Pocumtuck Yalley
Memorial Association, Deacon Nathaniel Hitchcock has been
gathered to his fathers. The mention of his name recalls the
man. He was a type of the sturdy New England Puritan
stock, loyal to the traditions and faith of his ancestors.
Bom in Deerfield, June 22, 1812, he always lived in the quiet
old village; and died in the same house in which he was
Necrology. 159
bom, and had passed the many years of his unobtrusive life.
This house was built by his grandfather in 1779, and had always
been occupied by a Hitchcock. He was the son of Deacon
Henry Hitchcock, who was son of Justin, and brother of Presi-
dent Edward Hitchcock of Amherst College. A sister, living in
Cleveland, Ohio, survives the deacon. He left no children, his
son having died in AndersonviUe in 1864.
Deacon Hitchcock was one of the original members of the
P. Y. M. A., and held the office of recording secretary and
treasurer from the date of its organization to the day of his
death. He discharged the duties which devolved upon him
with promptness and efficiency, and to the entire satis&ction of
his associates.
He was greatly interested in all that concerned the wel&re of
our institution, was always present on the occasions of its field
days, and annual and special meetings, and contributed largely
to the interest of the meeting held in this hall in the winter of
1887, by reading a paper describing his visit to Ridgeway,
N. Y., in the year 1834. The peculiar modes of traveling at
that time, by canal boats, stage coach, and by cars drawn by
horses, were graphically portrayed.
He died at the age of 88 years, on March 8, 1900, having
lived a just and upright life, loving the Lord his Gk>d, with
heart, soul, mind and strengtJi, and his neighbor as himself.
JTTDOE FESSBNDBN's BSTIMATB OF HON. BBBN A. HALL.
Judge Fessenden in his sketch of Eben A. Hall reviewed
his early life and paid high tribute to the sterling virtues of
the man.
Mr. Hall received his education in the district schools and
academy of Taunton. He did not have the advantages of a col-
lege education. This lack of collegiate training, however,
seemed to spur him on to greater effort. He had Franklin's
example in mind. By dint of painstaking study and practice,
he trained himself so that he acquired a plain and direct style
of writing, and an accurate estimation of the writings of others
which was of inestimable service to him later on.
While thus laboring in the preparation for his chosen profes-
sion, he was not forgetful that a knowledge of his fellow-men
was absolutely necessary to success. As a young man he min-
gled with others and became acquainted with their natures,
160 AnntuU Meeting— 1901.
ways and thoughts. He learned that a correct judgment of
men could only be had by patient observation ; that a quickly
formed opinion was often wrong. The men are few who knew
others as well as he ; and so we are not surprised that he was
able to have around him, when he was publishing his journal,
persons of skill and talent.
He studied public events, past and present ; could recognize
and appreciate great movements, and distinguish short-lived,
spasmodic disturbances, and was able to, and did, direct the
policy of his sheet accordingly. Its standard was high and
firmly maintained.
He came to Greenfield with his steadfast purpose and high
ideals. It was only a question of time when his merit should
be recognized. In less than three years he became a part owner
of the Gazette and Courier. In 1876 he became sole owner.
This paper is a lasting monument of his work.
Although he gave his greatest energies to his newspaper, we
should not lose sight of what he did in other ways. His train*
ing had given him good judgment. His nature was sincere and
honest. And so he was asked to give the benefit of his experi-
ence and judgment to many institutions and enterprises, private
and public, and was called to public and representative office.
The list is too long to give in detail It is enough to say that
he rendered valuable and unselfish service.
For this Association of ours he always had a feeling of fond
solicitude. One of the first members, for several terms a coun-
cilor, vice-president for two years, his labors were timely and
of assistance to us. The object of our organization appealed
most strongly to him. He was never found wanting when bis
help was needed.
It is a loss when such a man dies. But it is a gain that
such a man was given to be with us.
FRANKLIN J. PRATT'S LIFE 8KBT0HBD BY MRS. A. D. POTTER.
Franklin Josiah Pratt was for many years a member of our
Association. His genial, warm-hearted and stimulating person-
ality created for him a wide circle of friends, while his breadth
of view and degree of intelligence with a capacity for leadership
made him a prominent figure in any circle.
The son of Josiah and Catherine Hall Pratt he was bom in
East Charlemont in 1829. He removed with his family in 1843
Necrology. 161
to Shelbnme Falls where he attended the then f amoos school,
Franklm Academy. He was afterwards associated with his
father in the manuf actore of axes, then in the hardware business
in New York. Ever on the alert for active business enterprises,
his interests embraced a wide stretch of territory in the north,
south, east and west. His broadening interests in localities far
removed from New England never affected his affection for his
native heath and in Franklin county he always had a home.
In politics he was identified with the Democratic party and
at one time held the office of collector of internal revenue. He
was a Mason and instrumental in founding the Mountain Lodge
of Shelbume Falls and he was its first master.
The last six years of his life were years of patient suffering
during which his brave spirit overmastered the sublunary
things of life and it seemed as if his setting sun suffused his
spirit and all things around him with a beautiful radiance. In
the retirement of home, surrounded by those near to him, his
life wore gently to its close and he departed this earth on the
24th day of September, 1900.
SEBTOH OF MBS. IC. P. WBNTWOBTH, BY MBS. M. B. STEBBINS.
Mary P. Wentworth died at the home of her sister, Mrs.
Henry S. Childs, January 18, 1901. She was born in the town of
Hawley sixty-five years ago and was educated in the public
schools of that place and at the Deerfield Academy when By-
land Warriner was its principal. At the close of the Civil War,
while teaching in Maryland, she met and married Benjamin
Wentworth, who was a soldier there on duty. After her mar-
riage, she with her husband went to Bromfield, Maine, and from
there to Kansas, where they took up some government land.
This did not prove prosperous and soon they returned to South
Deerfield where they lived for a time before coming to Deer-
field.
For nearly sixteen years Mrs. Wentworth has had a home at
Memorial Hall as assistant curator, her labor and faithfulness
in this office, and as a member and coworker in the Pocum-
tuck Yalley Memorial Association will keep her in memory for
many years, to those who knew her love and devotion for its
every interest. Although for many years, her health has been
frail, her spirit of hope and patience often prevailed over
bodily weakness.
11
162 Aimual Meeting— 1901.
She was always a cordial, estimable woman with much
knowledge of the world, gained by her travels in early life, her
love of reading and a retentive memory — these combined to
make her an interesting and intelligent companion.
Since the death of her hnsband last October she has gradually
failed, and her last days were spent with her two sisters, who
ministered to her every comfort and attention that affection
and devotion could bestow.
JOITBNAL OF OBKEBAL EPAPHBAS HOYT, BY H. I8ABBLLB WILLIAMS.
Epaphras, son of David Hoy t, bom 1765 ; maj. gen. Mass. Mili-
tia, surveyor, student, antiquary, author, and man of affairs ;
postmaster, justice of the peace, reg. of deeds for Franklin Co.
1811-14, high sheriff 1814-31, member of the Constitutional
Convention 1820 ; was deeply interested in military science and
was offered by Washington an appointment in the U. S. Army;
he published in 1798 a " Treatise on the Military Art," for the
use of the army, which passed through several editions ; a more
elaborate work on the movement of armies in the field was pub-
lished in 1816 ; he was a student of natural science and con-
tributed papers to SUUmcm^a Jov/mal and other publications ;
in 1813 he published an elaborate paper on astronomy, of 100
pages, as an introduction to Dickinson's geography ; he is best
known, however, by his "Antiquarian Eesearches " ; he left an
unpublished work on Burgoyne's campaign, and copious notes
on the French and Indian wars, of which he made an especial
study. He died Feb. 8, 1850. He m. Nov. 4, 1792, Experi-
ence, dau. Simeon Harvey. Children. Fanny, May 29, 1794 ;
Adeline, b. Mch. 26, 1798 : Isabella, b. Nov. 10, 1804 ; Arthur
WeUesley, b. Oct. 6, 1812 ; the latter in the Little Brown House
on the Albany Boad.
Gen. Hoyt's manuscript runs : "A Journal of a voyage (by
Gk)d's permission) on board of Capt. Sweet's Fall-Boat begun
July 17th, 1790, Saturday 17th July 12 o'clock a. m."
"I entered on board Capt. Sweet's Boat at Cheapside in
company with my friend Mr. Solomon Williams. Wind N. E.
Sailed down Deerfield Eiver about 2 miles where it enters the
Connecticut Eiver. About 2 o'clock p. m. (having some busi-
ness with Mr. Bardwell of Montague) went on shore — ^had but
just got into quarters when we had a prodigeous Thunder storm
attended with Hail-stones as large as musquet-balls — the stones
Oen. HoyfB Jov/mal. 168
were in general nearly spherical, but some of them were Poly-
gones — the violent explosions of Thunder were equal to any I
ever heard — the rain having abated we set out for our Boat —
which to our great surprise we found had got loose and gone
adrift down the river with all our bagage — but drifting verry
near the shore her Mast fortunately catched in the top of a Tree
which secured it. We got on board, proceded down the River,
— ^f ound the wind against us from the South but soon lulld away
— the storm by this time had almost ceased but the violent ex-
plosions of thunder continued — We were now moving on slowly
— I happened to be looking at some trees on the E. side of the
Kiver — had the pleasure to see 1 of them sustain the electrical
shock of lightning not more than 80 rods from us — ^it struck off
some of longest limbs from the body of the tree but did not
shiver the body as it frequently does — We proceeded down the
River, arrived at Mr. Newtons Tavern at N. End of Hadley
when we put up for Lodgings about 12 o'clock at Night —
" Sunday 18th. Went on board our Boat about 6 o'clock sailed
round Hadley-meddows to the S. End of the Town — went on
shore and took breakfast at Mr. GkK)dmans — ^in this run round
Hadley meddows which is 5 miles we gained but 1 mile from
our lodgings — ^the turn of the River includes a pretty large
meddow in form of a Semicircle— on the E. its bounded by
Hadley Street which with [the ] River completely invelopes it
— After breakfast set sail — ^found the wind in the S. sailed very
slow — went on shore in Northampton meddows to see the crops
— ^f ound excellent long grass in old RaMvJ>ov) like to our Poges-
hole — proceeded on our voyage arrived at the head of Spring-
field falls about 9 o'clock — ^marched about 2 miles put up at Mr.
Millers Tavern.
" Monday 19th. Rainy Morning. Wind N. E. set out from
Mr. Millers marched to the Landing below the Falls took break-
fast at Days left Capt. Sweet to bring on the loading which ar-
rived at the landing about 3 o'clock p. m. Dined — set sail with
brisk gale which increased attended with rain — ^about six o'clock
rain ceased — had a very pleasant run from Springfield to the
head of Endfield-falls — put up at Abby's Tavern — ^We saw this
day a great Number of Sturgeon leaping out of the water — some
of them would project themselves a foot perpendicular into the
air then bring themselves into a horizontal direction and fall
into the water — they may be heard at a distance of 100 rods, we
164 Annual Meeting— 1901.
had more or less of these fish throughout oar ran from Cheap-
side to Hartford —
" Tuesday 20th. Secured a Pilot. Sailed over the falls with-
out any accident — these falls are called Endfield-falls from the
adjacent town of Endfield — are from the uppermost to the low-
ermost Bar about 6 miles in length — these falls are not very re-
markable for the rufness of the water but they are very singular
on account of a remarkable channel near the middle of the
river about 1^ rods in width which the Boats are to keep
within or they are immediately upon the breakers — ^the water
on each side of this Channel is very shallow not so deep but a
man might wade the greatest part of the way up the faJls — we
had a very quick passage from the falls to Hartford arrived about
11 o'clock with wind N. took breakfast at Mrs. Enoxes —
found a sloop for N. York Capt. Butler Commander. Agreed
for a passage to sail next day — spend the afternoon m visiting
the different parts of Hartford — the Cyty is a considerable
place of trade. — Vessels come up here in low water but above
the Cyty the water is too shallow to admit of any but flat bot-
tomed Boats — ^the main street is about 2 miles in length — it is
about half a mild from the river rising parrallel to it — ^lies on
the W. side, the soil is of a redish colour produces fine crops
the Houses are chiefly built of wood but there are some brick
— ^but 2 meeting-houses with spires — A little S. of the center of
the Cyty there is a fine small river running across the main
street at right L's. About 8 or 10 rods wide over which there
is a bridge at a considerable height from the water — they have
excellent Mills on the river which make it very convenient for
the inhabitants — there are some farmers in the Cyty but the
greatest part of the inhabitants follow trading — We put up at
Mr. Butlers over night — ^I had this day an extreme pain in my
head — ^but our quarters were so good that it quite cured my
head before I went to bed. This Tavern is just on the S. bank
of the little river above mentioned a few rods from the Bridge.
— ^We parted with Capt. Sweet this Day — which ends the Jour-
nal on board his Boat. —
" Wednesday 21st. Walking the city — ^paid a visit to Mr.
Bliss — took dinner with him — Afternoon wrote a letter to Mr.
John Russell — went on board our Sloop at 6 o'clock — fell down
the river — wind S. by W. sailed down as far as the town front
of Wetherfield. Capt. anchored till morning.
O^n. HoyiB Journal. 166
^^ The sloop we are aboard of is about 60 tons Burthem, an
excellent fine vessel — She has very good acoomidations for pas-
sengers, her cabbin is an elegant room completely painted in the
neatest manner — She has every convenience that could be
wanted — In her stem between her 4 cabbin windows there
hangs a looking glass — on each sid6 of the room are the beds
with small beautiful curtains — ^some Windsor Chairs, besides
sects — a small square table and Cupboard richly furnished with
Crockery — She is called the Hartford.
^^ Thursday 22nd. weighed anchor sailed slowly not much
wind passing over a shoal of sand our vessel struck which with
a little trouble we got off — met with old companion Capt
Sweet from Middletovni vdth his Boat loaded — ^got aboard our
Long-boat sailed out to him took some grog and parted — ^he
informed us that on Tuesday night a sailor belonging to an
English Brig lying at Middl** fell over board and was drowned.
We cast anchor off K Haddam about Sun set — went on
shore took in fresh water drank some punch &o. returned on
board — spent the Evening on Deck it being very warm — ^in
sailing down the River the scene was very romantick — when we
view'd the shores from the Cabbin windows sometimes whirl-
ing round with great velocity at other times seeming to be in
full chase up the river we in the Cabbin could percieve no mo-
tion of the vesselL
^^ Friday 23. the Mosquitoes drove us passengers out of the
Cabbin before Sun rise — ^found the ship 10 miles ahead from
where we anchored — ^the tide setting out the Capt. thought best
to tide it out of the river — sailed till we met it again cast anchor
waited till it was in our favor then with brisk gaJe set sail
again. About 1 o'clock p. h. got sight of Land — tide setting
very rapid came up with Capt. Bumham Sloop belonging to
Hartford bound for N. York — who set sail from Hartford
about 24 hours before us. Cast anchor along side of him —
here we had the long wished for sight of the ocean, it appeared
grand beyond description: Long Island was very plain to
be seen in some parts, in others, it was so low that we could
scarcely discern it appeared like a cloud at the very edge of the
Horizon. About 4 o'clock weighed anchor sailed over Sea-
brock bar into the Sound — ^here we saw a great Number of
Porpoises leaping out of the water or rather rolling out, they
made a similar appearance to a large wheel under water that
166 AnrnkU Meeting— 1901.
in its rotatknis diew'd its drcnmf eranoe now and ih^i — they
made a noise when on the sarfaoe like the snorting of a H<»rse
— Capt. Bomham kept company with as thoogh we rather oat-
sailed him in a brisk gale, the wind lalled away aboat 8
o'clock he came ap with as — ^the Evening was very pleasant
the Moon shone in fall laster the appearance was majestick
and solemn — ^nothing bat the wide extended Horizon aroand
OS. We kept on Deck till aboat 9 o'clock then retired to oar
hanmiocks to rock to sleep— the sailors kept the Deck.
^^ Satnrday 24th. Foggy Morning light wind — no land to be
seen. Wind diing away and tide against as. Cast anchor in
12 fathoms of water — About 2 o'clock wind sprang ap hoisted
anchor bore away S. W. in company with Capt. Barnham —
About Sun set we had like to have got on to a shole of sand —
this shole lies off Stratford point about the middle of the
Sound — not more than 3 feet at low water — ^it is conjectured
that formerly there was a small Island where this shole lies
and being of a Sandy Soil was worn away by the tides which
frequently run very rapid. We tack'd bore away to the S.
stood over to long Island tack'd a 2nd time passed by the shole
— we had about this time a small squall of rain with lighten-
ing and Thunder saw a couple of 2 mast Boats pass us — We
saw this day several shark swimming about our vessell and a
number of schools of sprats, the water appeared to be alive
with them.
" Sunday 25th. Foggy morning, light wind — about 7 o'clock
fog cleared off found ourselves close under Long Island tacked
stood away to the Northward — Saw Vessels on all sides of us
counted 18 sail — about Noon a fresh gale spnmgup from N. W.
bore down through the Sound very swift — about Sun set pas-
sed the Boston and Rhode Island Packets — ten o'clock took in
a Pilot sailed through the celebrated Hell-gate — saw a number
of fine Seats on shore — ^arrived at N. York about 2 o'clock.
Cast anchor — the Sea run so high this day that the water
dash'd over her bow carried her low so that the water came
into her scuttle holes but felt nothing of the sickness which
usually attends the rocking of a vesseU.
" Monday 26th. Hailed in alongside Tankey- wharf (as the
inhabitants call it) on the S. E. side of the Cyty — we now un-
dertook to visit the different parts of the Cyty travel'd all most
every part of it — the Houses are built Chiefly with Brick — ^it
Oen. HoyfB Jov/mal. 167
is surrounded by water on the S. E. and W. on the North of
the Cyty we find a beautiful country interspersed with Field
and groves — ^here are a great number of gentlemans Seats with
fine orchards of fruit trees — ^f rom a hill on the N. side of the
Cyty the scene is very pleasing, to the S. we have a full view
of the City with the shipping on the E. and S. side of it — to
the N. we have a prospect of the above described country
which at once excites in us admiration and delight — there are
to be f oimd here people of most all nations — On the S. side of
the City there are 13 Cannon upon a platform Completely
mounted — ^1 of them is a 24 pounder — the others are nines be-
side these there are great Numbers dismounted lying upon the
ground — ^the Old Battery's almost demolished (which stood on
the W. side of the City) there is a wharf a building along the
N. River the W. side of the City from the remains of the Bat-
tery— .Went about 11 oclock to the Federal Hall heard the
debates of Congress — ^Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Livermore, Mr. Maddi-
son, Mr. Smith S. C, Mr. Smith Abany, Mr. Jackson Georgia,
Mr. Bansler, Mr. Bloodworth a member from N. C. and others
spoke while we were there — About one third of the members
appear to be what I call Pretty Men the bigest part of them
sett with hats on their heads and canes in their hands. There
is generally a pretty large Number of spectators in the Gallery
— some of them females. I heard that McGiUivary [?] with the
Indian chiefs had been in the city a few days before we ar-
rived— ^that they had gone out a little way into the country
that they were to be back tomorrow, that the independent com-
panys of Militia would parade took a walk in the evening
with my friend and Capt. Butler, came acrost a gang of fel-
lows who after we had past them undertook to stone us, we
returned them the stones back again with as great velocity as
we were able. Whether we did any execution among them I
cannot determine — ^but they came after us and we got out of
their way & went on board our vessell.
Tuesday 27. determined to attend upon the parade to see the
troops — were told that they would be on it in the afternoon —
took Dinner sett out for the parade — to our great disappoint-
ment met the troops returning back into the city — the Presi-
dent, Governor and the Indian Chiefs had been upon the parade
to see the troops. We followed the troops into the Cyty where
we saw a company of Infantry preform the firings by platoon
168 Annual Me^mg—lWi.
and DiTision. The troops were dressed in a complete uniform
— ^their arms were also very neat — but in their Manoevres they
were not very exact — ^the Position of a Soldier on the parade
was very little attended to— looking about in every direction,
moving their feet, no attention to dressing the line, laughing
and talking (fee. After being dismissed they kept their Mus-
quets constantly a going amongst a numerous gang of specta-
tors— held them level when they discharged them — ^f or my own
part I thought myself in eminent danger of having my head
shot off — this in the County of Hampshire would be called very
unmilitary indeed — if our troops could be dressed in the same
manner that these were they would by military judges be called
disciplined troops when compared to these, the following is a
list of the corps that paraded — 1 Company of Artillery with 2
pieces, 1 Troop of Horse (these I did not see) 1 Company of
Light-infantry with hair caps 1 Company of Infantry with
round hats one side turned up, 1 Company of Granideers with
high Beaver skin Caps. After the troops had got through their
firings 7 of the Indians pass'd by toward the Presidents House.
I now was somewhat gratified in my desire— followed them till
they entered the Presidents House, they had a new suit of
Regimentals given them by Congress — blue with red facings,
hats with red feathers Indian trousers and shoes — returned to
our vessell very much disappointed at the luck of the Day.
Wednesday 28th. Entered on board of Sloop Julia of Hart-
ford Capt. Webb Commander sailed out of N. York about 11
o'clock for S. Amboy had a very quick passage arrived about
3 o'clock put up for ^NTight — ^this place lies on the S. side of
Baretan Eiver — at the Meritts is the place that the Stage from
N. York put in at where the Land stage mett them. On the
N. side of the River lies Perth Amboy very pleasantly situated
— ^from this place we have a fine prospect of the Ocean to the
E. with the Light House on Sandy Hook. Clams are caught
in the Bay which lies of this place in great plenty.
Thursday 29th. At 2 o'clock morning set out from Amboy
in the Bordington Stage, arrived atBonUngton about 11 o'clock
— this place lies on the E. side Delaware River, is the place
where the passengers go on board the Stage Boats, about 30
miles above Philadelphia — New Jersey is a very level country,
we never saw a mountain nor a hill promentory to Bordington
except now and then a little uneven ground not more than we
Qen. E<yiffB Journal. 169
find in paasdng through Deerfleld Stoeet though the distance
is not less than 60 miles — the soil is rich inclined to clay — ^the
roads are very hard (though free from stones) which made it
very uncomfortable riding in the stage — ^the traveller in passing
through this state on the Stage road meets with no large towns
built like ours compact but finds here and there a House sur-
rounded with large spacious Fields of Com and other crops^
excellent fruit trees — ^the Com was some of it excellent some
small — ^but with manure the Land produces fine crops — we had
a gentleman and Lady from Ireland with us in the stage besides
4 more women with 4 children and ourselves making in the
whole 12 souls exclusive of the Coachman — about 12 o'clock got
a board the Packet Boat sailed down the Delaware with little
wind which lulled away, cast anchor several times to prevent
being taken back by the Tide— our women passengers were
very uneasy on account of Delay, particularly 2 of them whose
Husbands were in Philadelphia — ^We saw 2 very fine built towns
in our passage down the Biver — 1 of them on the Jersey side
called Burlington very pleasantly situated. — ^I observed a great
Number of fine orchards at this place as well as in every other
part of Jersey — the other was on the Pensilvania side called
Bristol — One of our passengers an Irishman that entered at
Boardington having made to free use of a Bottle he had on
board grew very troublesome challenging every person on board
to takea bot [?] with him &c. we put him in the hole and bared
him down, which stiUed him awhile, but soon after being set at
liberty he began his old pranks, went so far as to strike a hand
belonging to the Packet — ^but we soon brot him to reason by
threatening to shut him up again — About four a breeze sprung
up our 2 women above mentioned began to feel themselves al-
most incWd in their Husbands arms but to their sad disap-
pointment had to lie on board the Packet till the next morning
— arrived at Philadelphia about 1 o'clock morning — ^the Houses
were all shut so that we could not have got in if we had at-
tempted it — ^besides the streets were full of Patroles crying the
time of night — they take up all straglers found at that time—'
the women kept the Cabbin as did the Europeans — ^hands went
into the forecastle. Mr. Williams and I waJked the wharf till
about 3 o'clock when we went on board rolled ourselves up in
the Main Sail upon the deck rather than go into a Cabbin that
had been crowded all most full for 18 hours.
170 Annual Meeting— 1901.
^' Friday 80th. Gtot out of our very uncomfortable beds about
4 o'clock, took breakfast at the Crooked-billet Tavern with our
2 Europeans — ^thej were going to Baltimore the Lady having a
husband there — ^They were 42 days in the passage from lime-
rick to N. York the lady appeared to be very polite indeed
waited on us at the tablo— when we had drunk a sufficiency the
woman insists upon our taking another dish — ^take her own
words " Sir shall I help you to another cup of coffee '' " Not any
more " '* Sir please to have another cup you had better." ^^ Suffi-
cient Marm" ^^ Take half a dish with you " &c. went on board of
the packet to see our trunk but no trunk was to be found — very
much surprised — concluded it stolen — but we were relieved in
our fears. One of the women passengers sent a man after her
trunk but he took ours by mistake. Soon found the House where
she was — ^rectified the mistake — ^this House is a Tavern it stands
in the L made by the intersection of Second and Bace streets E.
side Sign Franklins Head — i Stories high built with brick is
very handsomely furnished with furniture— owners name Ham-
burg— here we took lodgings while we tarried in the city.
Visited the different parts of the Cyty.
^^ Saturday Slst. got up very late in the morning — after
Breakfast visited the Market — fine one, everything that is
wanted may be had excepting fish which are not very plenty —
attended a Yendue — articles very Cheap — Calicoes that in Deer-
field are sold 4 & 5 shillings might be bought for 2 or 2/6 Pen-
sylvania currency — went to Mr. Prichards & Mr. Siddons Book-
stores in Market street between first and second streets S. side
— ^Mr. Prichard keeps a Circulating Library — has a very large
Collection of Books — ^there is as much as 2762 Yolumes — ^has
great numbers of second hand books which may be bought very
low. Mr. Prichard gave us a Catalogue of the whole — here a
man may have Books to read at anytime (if he is no subscriber)
by leaving a Deposit and paying sizpense (Pensilvania money)
for a Duodecimo, which may not be kept more than four Days,
a shilling for an Octavo not longer than 7 Days under penalty
of paying for the same. Yearly subscribers — ^before their
names can be inserted in the Library Book pay 20 shillings.
No Book or set of Books to be kept longer than 8 days. If a
transfer is desired the Librarian must be consulted. In the
edge of the evening we saw several Sky-rockets thrown in Bose
Street — they made a very beautiful appearance.
Chn. Hoyt^s Jowmdl. 171
Angusty Sunday Ist. Mr. Williams was very unwell, we spent
forenoon in our chamber which is the third story, observed the
different sects going to worship — ^the Quakers might be distin-
guished from the others by their manner of dressing which
is very plain — Old fashioned Bonnets of various colours some of
near white others black ones. A Capt. Green that was in this
Cy ty (with his wife) came to see us at our quarters — ^this gentle-
man we first got acquainted with at Amboy — ^he formerly be-
longed to N. York — was an Adjutant in the British Service in
Gtenl Burgoyne's army — ^he is an American bom, well ac-
quainted in the Northern States — ^knew Major Catlin, Mr.
Munn &c. — ^he informed us that a British vessell arrived at this
place last night who had been captured by a Spaniard — that
the Spaniard fired several shot at him before he struck — that
they put hands on board his vessell to take her into a Spanish
port but being a slow sailor could not keep up with the Spanish
Yessell and not having much value on board dismissed her to go
at her pleasure. Afternoon I went to Christ Church with Our
Betsy — took a book looked over at the Bishop rose up set down
with the rest, looked wise in short was a complete Churchman
— ^but amdst my zeal I could not withhold from making some
observations upon the many objects that surrounded me par-
ticularly a couple of Ladies Bonnets who sat in the gallery
opposite for the information of our Deerfield Ladies (who are
not backward in embracing the newest mode of dress) I shall
give as accurate a description of them as I am able. The
lower part of the Bonnet i. e. the rim is in form of the Lower
frustem of a Cone — the Diameter of the Base about = to the
Bonnets our Ladies wore when I left Deerfield, open behind,
above this was a piece of white silk with blue spots, somewhat
like my Cotton Stockings, in form of a Parabola except the lower
part which went almost or quite round the Bonnet, this was
made fast to the first piece, it represented the trap front piece
on our Helmets — from the Vertical point of this piece hung a
loose piece of Blue Sarsnet with wire to keep it up 5 or 6 inches
back on the level with the vertical point — After passing over
these wires it hung down loose behind fio wing gracefully in the
air — the trimming about the bottom was wide lace which hung
down over their eyes ; the appearance of the Bonnet was not
much xmlike the Bonnets worn by our ladies when 1 came away —
except the front piece which represented a Grenideers Cap. The
172 Annual Jfeeimg— 1901.
Leghorn hats are worn here trimed much like om^the rims not
quite so large— the other part of their dress which is most worn is
white— but their dress in gajness is by no means = to the N.
York Ladies, nor do the Men equal those of N. York. I this day
went to see the famous Steam Boat but had not an opportunity
of exammining it — enough to give a full description — ^the Machin-
ery is in the middle of the Boat — ^f rom which there is two small
Irin chains running back to her stem in loops where they go
round each end of an Iron crank like a band to which are fast-
ened 3 large paddles — ^this crank with one rotation dips the
paddle alternately into the water which after they are in are
carried back with a considerable force and shoves the Boat for-
ward— ^At the time one paddle comes out of the water another
enters so that 1 paddle is kept constantly in the water — I could
not see what the primary cause of this motion was but was told
it was produced by fire, the Boat was to sail down the river
in the morning — the Wind and tide was very strong down but
the machinery would not perform its office because of the wind
(as they told me).
Monday 2nd. This Day 3 independent Companies of Militia
were out upon the Common we attended upon them to see
their Maneuvres ; they performed tolarably well for Militia — 1
company practised the slow step kept very good time — In their
Manual Exercise the motions were middling well timed but
wanted that life and spirit in them which greatly contribute
to the beauty of the performance — ^their dress was neat and
convenient — ^the following were the corps that paraded 1 Com-
pany of Artilery 1 Company of Infantry with hair caps, 1 Com-
pany of Infantry with small round hats covered with Bear
Skin— one side turned up — ^the Artillery were dressed much
like Maj. Steven's each man carried a sword — the Infantry
were dressed in short Blue Coats turned up with read. 1
Company wore Cartridge Boxes and Bayonets — scabbards —
their belts white, the other Cartridge Boxes only — ^We returned
to our quarters with our old friend Green who had been to see
the troops — he thought 40 or 60 of the British Infantry would
clear the Field of them — This day heard of the death of Gov-
ernor Mifflin's Lady who is to be interred tomorrow morning.
Tuesday 3rd. Making preparations for our return home by
N. London — about noon took leave of our Landlady Mrs. Ham-
birg (Mr. H. being at Baltimore) and Family — went on board
Gen. Hoyfs Jowmal. 178
a Barlington Packet W. North — which is right down the river
— ^tide of flood in onr favor — sailed up to Burlington by tack-
ing arrived at 9 o'clock — ^this river is about = to Con. River for
Magnitude — ^the Banks very low — ^Land level the water seldom
overflows the land adjoining the river (as the Boatmen told
me) though they are not more than 5 or 6 feet above high
water mark which is a Demonstration that but little snow
falls in the country about the river — ^banks are interspersed
with fine crops of com — excellent orchards with beautiful
country seats belonging to gentlemen in Philaf. it appears
that there is but very little trade carried on up the river when
compared with Con. River — ^here we see but a very few ship-
ping in the river at Burlington was a vessel upon the stockEH-
the place is an town, has a market Houses good buildings. I
shall not undertake to describe the city of Philadelphia in full
for it would be needless to perform what is already done in so
many authors. The river where it passes by the City runs a
little E. of S. the streets running paraUel to it are numbered
from the river after Front street 1, 2, 8 &c the streets cross-
ing these have particular names, such as Market, Rose, Arch,
Chesnut, Walnut Streets &c. from the water there is an ad-
jacent ground back from the water the width of 1 street
They are paved very handsomely rising in the middle on each
side there is a row of Lamps which are kept running every
evening un till 11 d or later if it is very dark — a watch is kept
in every street from 11 tiU day who cry the time of night and
take up all straglers — ^it is very curious for a stranger to hear
the different cries.
^ Wednesday 5th. Gh>t on board the stage Waggon — set out
for S. Amboy arrived about 2 o'clock, here we had to wait for
the Boardington Stage which arrived about Sun half hour high
— ^while we lay here we had a number of religious disputes —
had a couple of Methodists and a Doct. — All of N. York with
one or two Philadelphian — ^the Methodists were against the
Doct. among many other topicks this dispute was introduced —
the Doct. thought a man had no right to give his assent to a
proposition that he could not comprehend, or could not see
anything to make it appear to be so— the Methodists thought
differently because there were many things contained in Scrip-
ture that we could not comprehend nor see any reason for
but because it was written in that Book we must believe it.
174 Anntud JfeeHng—lQOl.
the Doct urged that it oould not be said that we believed a
proposition that we oonld not see anything to make this be-
lief in OS, for it might or might not be so ; but was no belief
in us &c. A Man I think might believe a proposition that he
could not comprehend or tell why it was so, but then he would
believe it for the reason perhaps that the agent who asserted it
was capable of knowing whether it was so or not — A Man, for
instance, who never studied Mathematicks might believe that
the < s of a A were = to 2 L when a Mathematician who (he be-
lieved) understood geometry asserted it — ^but here he has a
reason to believe it because he supposes the asserter perfectly
understands the proposition but for him to believe it when he
knows nothing of the atribute of the asserter, nor has other
reason to believe it and understands nothing of the proposi-
tion, it all is absurd and no belief, to return from this Digres-
sion— we got on board the Amboy Packet, weighed anchor W.
Southerly stood out of the Bay — ^this Bay which lies at the
Mouth of the Raretan is famous for Clams and oysters — here
may be seen a great number of boats almost at any time fish-
ing for they use long rakes to take them — ^here also the ship-
ping from Connecticut River comes for clay to glaze their
Earthen wares which is excellent — we were pretty soon over-
taken by the dark evening there being no Moon — ^I now ob-
served that common though very singular appearance of the
water appearing luminous around the Yessell especially where
a swell broke against her bow — it appeared like potash when
ignited — ^I put out an oar which as soon as it struck the surface
of the water seemed to be all on fire — took up a Bucket of it
which when agitated appeared like small coals of fire — when
turned on the deck it had the same appearance — I took some of
it into my mouth which when spit out resembled Liquid fire —
this differs from rotten wood, for that shines when at rest, con-
stantly but there is no appearance of light in water unless it is
aggitated — ^what can be the cause of this I revolved in my
mind ? is it the electrical fluid which is known to exist in the
air, or owing to the particles of Salt which reflect the rays of
light from their several surfaces ? We arrived at N. York about
1 o'clock in the Morning.
" Thursday 6th. Went to Federal Hall— the House went into
a commiti of the whole upon several bills while I was present,
I believe 1/3 of the Members were absent when I first went
Oen, Hoyta Jovmal. 175
into the House but about 2 o'clock p. m. Numbers of them re-
turned and being soon very much fatigued I suppose by reason
of their very hard Labour Mr. Jackson moved that the House
adjourn till tomorrow which was 2nded and put to vote and
negatived — there was but 3 of the Members that had tired
themselves so badly. Mr. Eansler, Mr. Jackson and another
Southern Buck were for the adjournment, but the other part of
the House I suppose thought 6 Dollars were not earned in S
Hours therefore the above members were obliged to submit to
the disagreeable task of keeping their Seats, found the Lady
Washington Packet of Norwich lying at Cranes Wharf, to sdl
tomorrow about noon — agreed for a passage to give him 2 Dol-
lars for the passage 1 Dollar for Boarding — she has very good
accommodations for passingers, is a clean neat Yessell of 50
Tons Burthen, we lay aboard her this night —
"Friday 6th got up about 5 o'clock took a walk up into
Broadway in hopes of having a sight of the President who we
were informed commonly Eoad out in the Morning through the
Street (his House is in this street) We walked with a slow
pace expecting to come across him in the street. But finding
a Tavern we went in, placed ourselves by a front Window took
some sherry sling, almost dispared of seeing him, the Landlord
told us it was not likely he would be out so late as it was 6
o'clock — We determined to wait untill we were sure of his not
coming — ^had not set long before an old gentleman at the door
cry'd out " there he comes now." We now went very quick to
the Door to see the Great Washington — who was upon a white
Horse with Colo. Humphrey at his left hand — wore a Blue Coat
— ^they were a riding out of the Cyty to the N — ^We from
there walked down near the President's House, went into a
Tavern intended to get a nearer view of him when he returned,
in about an hour he came back. I had now got right against
his House when he dismounted — ^had a fair view of him — he is
of a tall and noble Stature, well proportioned, of a mild coun-
tenance, his body very slim, to give an adequate discription of
him is to say Tie is Genl Washington. I now felt as though I
could leave N. York contented, that my business in this city
was accomplished."
After this portrait the rest of the Journal seems almost an
anticlimax yet it is full of observation and incident. For in-
stance, next day after setting sail they drink ^' a bowl of Punch
176 Anntud Meeting— 1901.
made with Ice which a Mr. Yates^ a Passenger had took on
board " and he finds it ^' very oorions to see Ice at this season
of the year." They meet a little bad weather and one notices
the growth of the writer's nautical vocabulary in his descrip-
tions. At New London he saw ^' acquaintances and took some
letters for Cheapside." Entering the Thames he describes Fort
Trumbull which they passed. They then continued their jour-
ney to Norwich where they took lodgings at Mr. Leffingwells
and the next day ^^ went Huckleberrjring on the hill behind
Mr. Lefflngwell's House." From Norwich they sent their bag-
gage to Hartford by stage and continued on foot in order to
nudce a detour to visit friends. At Windsor they took the stage
but at W. Springfield " the stage," says the writer, " having
got to the Boad that left our course we took shanks Mare."
Traveling thus they reach Northampton, " our run this day
in the Stage and on foot was 65 miles." The following day,
Thursday, August 19th, after dining at Mr. Partridge's in Hat-
field, '^ about five o'clock got sight of the Steeple of the Meet*
ing House, sup'd at Capt Locks at the Bars arrived at My
Fathers about 7 o'clock, found my Friends welL"
To-day it takes less hours than it then took days to reach
New York and Philadelphia, but we descendants of these earlier
travelers still rejoice, returning from afar, when ^^ the Steeple
of the Meeting House " teUs us that we are nearing the* old
tovm.
THE HOOSAO TUNNEL.
BY HON. H. O. PASSONS.
The legislature of 1826 confronted what was regarded as a
serious situation. The western portion of the Conmionwealth
which had been bound to it by tiie closest ties of kindred was
thought to be losing something of that intimacy of relation
through trade which was essential as a foundation for continued
social and political peace. The development of lines of commu-
nication between Berkshire and New York was found to be
diverting the trade of the western county away from Boston.
Something of the same sort was true of the Connecticut valley.
The building of canals and locks had made possible the naviga-
The Hoosao Tunnd. 17T
tion of the river by rough boats of commeroe, which slow and
di£Bcalt as was their passage, were serious rivals of the stage
ooach lumbering over the hills that lay between the valley and
Boston. It was urged that something must be done to pre-
serve the unity of the state and to keep Boston from losing its
rightful trade. The same ambition which now leads Boston to
bid for the commerce of the Mississippi valley then saw its
limitation in that of the Hudson. But that it was regarded
with as great seriousness is evident by the sober turn the dis-
cussion in the legislature of this and the subsequent years took.
Let the Hall of Bepresentatives in the then new State House
be the first scene in our story. The time, 1826. A body of
more than five hundred members, the chosen representatives of
Massachusetts towns, is crowded into the chamber whose dimen-
sions are now considered no more than sufficient for forty mod-
em senators. Not only are they crowded like schoolboys on
the benches of the floor, but the galleries are packed, not a few
of the incipient statesmen being condemned to obscurity in
corners beyond the range of the Speaker's eye. A member of
the western portion of the state arises and offering a motion
that the legislature inquire into the means of better communica-
tion between the remote ends of the state, sets forth the possible
breaking away of the western towns because of the loss of trade
relationship. So moving is his speech that the House authorizes
the Governor of the Commonwealth to appoint a commission to
inquire into the public needs and to make reports as to how the
calamity may be avoided.
As a result of the legislature's action, its successor of 1828 has
laid before it the survey of the commission appointed, accom-
panied by a solemn message from Governor Levi Lincoln de-
livered January 29th. The dream which these commissioners
had strained their imaginations to produce was that of a horse
railroad extending all the way from Boston to the Hudson.
They submitted a survey of the southern of several proposed
routes. In making this they had discovered the two obstacles
to be the high ridge which crosses the state through the center
of Worcester county and the higher one between the Connecti-
cut and Hudson. The most favorable crossing point here they
found to be in the town of Washington where the elevation was
1440 feet above the Connecticut. The incline by which this
was to be reached would not exceed eighty feet in a mile. But
12
178 Anntial Mee^inff— 1901.
they did not regard this difficulty as overwhehning. Gh>vemor
Liiux>ln snmmarizes their conclusion in these words :
^^ The Commissioners are of the opinion that upon this degree
of elevation the power of two horses working the usual time in
a day and at the ordinary rate of travel will be equal to the
draft of eight tons' weight, and that on every other part of the
road, one horse will be fully competent to such load."
He added his own solemn conclusion that the commission
could be ^^ considered as fully establishing the practicability
within the reasonable application of means of the construction
of the road, strengthening every conviction and anticipation of
its vast utility."
This commission appears not to have gone deeply into the
question of construction. It mildly suggested the building of a
stone track, but left the elaboration of the scheme to its succes-
sors. It went deeply, however, into the question of motive
power. It made a scientific observation of the horse with the
thoroughness which suggests the preparation of the commis-
sioners in the school of Yankee horse trading. They say :
"The exploration and survey have been conducted exclu-
sively with reference to the use of animal power, which is
thought to be better adapted to the accommodation of the com-
munity in the transportation of that endless variety of loading
which a dense and industrious population required."
It foresaw that "the introduction of incHned planes with
mechanical power may hereafter present an important ques-
tion " and admitted that there were places where this device
might afford a great saving in distance and expense and per-
haps in time, where the location was favorable. But it laid
down as a rule for conduct in any progressive movement that
" While investigating the practicability of this project it was
thought best to proceed on the most simple system, and that
which in practice will be found to comport with the common
habits and opinions of the people." It was the horse that com<
ported with the common habits and opinions of the people. And
anything so revolutionary as an inclined plane would be too
violent an intrusion upon their mode of life.
The commission found that the weight of 11 pounds was
sufficient to overcome the friction of a ton weight on rails.
And that another 11 pounds would overcome the gravity on a
grade of 26 feet to the mile ; and that in moving the load in
The Hooaao Tunnel. 179
the downward direction the gravity of a ton on this grade will
be just sufficient to overcome the friction. The value of this
wise conclusion is to be found in the observation which follows
^^ that the only power necessary to be exerted by the horse at-
tached to the load will be to regulate its motion at the most
convenient pace to itself. What that most convenient pace for
the horse from the horse's standpoint was expected to be will
be revealed farther on. There was the most intricate calcula-
tion as to what the horse could do in the way of a draft, how
much he could endure to work in a day, how often he would
need to be relieved and how many would be required between
Boston and the Hudson. Then the commission swung off into
a learned discussion of the comparative value of canals and a
road built of rails as to cost and utility, and came to the con-
clusion that double the speed could be attained on a railroad
that was reached from the canaL*
What was hoped of the horse railroad is suggested in the
commission's discovery that the trade of the western counties
was going away from the state, and that in consequence ^^ Those
moral influences which give harmony and effect to all efforts
for the public welfare will be diminished." With the road built
it was hoped ^^ To place the whole commonwealth if possible in
a condition of more intimate and cordial union."
This tarrying with the commission of 1828 gives us the back-
ground for the development of the project which gave to Mass-
achusetts that achievement of engineering skill and persistent
enterprise, the Hoosac Tunnel. We are led in their report di-
rectly to the foot of the mountain which presented the great
obstacle to the western traffic. There were those who believed
that a more northern route was feasible, coming from Boston
on the course now occupied by the Massachusetts Central Bail-
road, crossing the Connecticut at Northampton, and turning
northerly to follow the valley of the Deerfield, or perhaps
reaching the Connecticut by the line of a proposed canal, the
survey for which had been made some years earlier. The
commission of 1828 spoke of the possibility of using for the rail-
road '^ The route of the canal survey by Millers and the Deer-
* It may be worth while to stick a pin in the commission's discovery of
raibroad dates: That wooden railways were first used in the 16th century,
the first iron rail in 1767; the first public railway opened in 1789; the first
plate nil made in 1799; the first malleable iron rail in 1811.
180 Annual Me$tmjh-1901.
field river on which it has been suggested the passage across
the mountain to Hoosac Biver might be affected by stationary
engines." But this appears not to have been regarded very
seriously.
What has later become the tunnel route was first drawn
upon the map of Massachusetts by Loammi Baldwin. It was
he who developed the idea of a canal running the length of the
state and to him appears to belong the credit of first suggesting
a tunnel under the Hoosac mountain. He was enthusiastic as
to its feasibility, and he estimated that the tunnel would cost a
million dollars. He was a high authority in engineering, had
traveled and studied engineering feats in Europe, and was in-
trusted by the government with the construction of its dry
docks. The sort of a man he was and the sort of cabinet offi-
cers we must have had in the early days is shown by the in-
structions which are recorded as having been given to him by
an early Secretary of the Navy of name and date unknown.
" We will furnish you," he said in answer to Baldwin's request
for instructions, " with sub-engineers, with men, with money to
the amount of millions, but we have no instructions to give you.
Use your own judgment." It is safe to say in passing, that
that method of awarding government contracts belonged to an-
other period and to another race of men than the present. It
may also be remarked that the legislature did well not to place
a million dollars in Engineer Baldwin's hands with expectation
that he would return a completed tunnel under Hoosac.
By another year, 1829, there had come into being a state
board of directors of internal improvements. Its report on the
proposed horse railway, is a fine specimen of elaboration of
English, possible only to officials whose literary productions are
printed at the expense of the government. First it discussed
the rails. It waved aside the suggestion of iron rails which it
found were in use in England on the ground that the high cost
of iron in this country and the great abundance and cheapness
of fine granite made a stone railroad the necessary kind for
America. It proposed parallel stone walls laid so deep as to be
below frost, surmounted by a rail of split granite of a foot
thickness and breadth with a thin bar of iron placed on the
top. These were to be laid five feet apart with a space filled
in with earth and gravel so as to form a path for horses.
Next, it took another view of the horse. By careful study it
The HooMG Tunnd. 181
waa found ^ that a steady and long oontinued exertion by a
horse is more fatiguing to him than even the greater exertion
occasionally remitted. And so it proposed to reward the mo-
tive power for a hard pnll up an incline by providing a platform
placed on small wheels on the long descents on which tiie horse
himself may ride. As a further economy^ it suggested that
with this provision, the horses might eat their provender while
returning to a point where their labor was resumed. To help
up the inclined planes stationary water or horse power might
be employed.
The conmiission was exact in its calculation as to cost Find-
ing that a mile of the stone road would cost $14,940.70 and
allowing 10^ for possible error, $16,434.77. From Boston to
the state line, the road would cost $2,638,628.64. To Albany,
$3,254,876.46. Ko calculation was made of land damages, and
it was apparently expected that a patriotic people would gladly
give the land to promote the scheme of rapid transit
Just how rapid the transit was to be, the commission investi-
gated and reached the conclusion that ^^ the most easy and con-
venient rate of travelling would perhaps average about three
miles an hour and the journey may be accomplished in
four days.'*
The cost of operating the railroad was accurately ascertained.
It was to include the wages and subsistence of a man to con-
duct the teams, one dollar a day. The horse, including inter-
est, depreciation, hay and keeping, 50c. The daily cost of a
carriage, six of which in a train were to carry sixteen tons, 75c.
Thus, the cost of carrying a ton of freight from Boston to the
Hudson was to be $1.59, provided some stationary powers were
to be used, or an unassisted haul, $1.97. The cost of carrying
a passenger from Boston to Albany, using the stationary
powers, was to be 82jc. Without the stationary powers, $1.05.
By this time, the suggestion had come of a steam locomotive.
But it appears not to have been harbored by the commissioners
longer than was necessary to demonstrate that this device
would be of no use in America. Their words on this point are
graphic. ^*0n railroads recentiy built and now building in
England and France it is proposed to make use almost exclu-
sively of locomotive engines ; or (by way of explanation) car-
riages moved by a steam engine placed within them, of a suffi-
cient force to draw after them without the aid of animal power
182 Annual Meetinff— 1900.
a successioii of 20 or 25 loaded wagons. These engines are in
operation with entire suooess on several railroads in England.
Where coal is abundant and cheap and where the subsistence
of horses is dear, steam power may be advantageously used for
many purposes in which it can not be economicaUy employed
in a country where coal is dear. For the purpose of determin-
ing whether locomotive engines can be advantageously employed
by Bail Eoads in this country, we have examined the cost of
maintaining these engines in England where [note this obser-
vation] they have been brought to a high degree of perfection.
And where the cost of coal for fuel which constitutes a fourth
part of the expense does not exceed a third part of its cost here.
We find that by the lowest of these estimates the cost of the
effective power of these engines is greater with the advantages
there possessed than that of maintaining horses to produce
the same power in this country. . . . The cost of oats and
other food for horses in England in general is nearly double its
cost in this country, and the cost of this description of animal
power must therefore be greater in nearly the same proportion."
By this circumlocution the commission reached the conclu-
sion which they evidently regarded as good for all time, that in
England, where coal was cheap and oats were high, coal was
the fuel for railroad purposes. But in America where oats
were cheap and coal was high, oats were the available base of
power.
Some additional surveys appear in this report. One takes
the course west of the Connecticut through Williamsburg to
the north branch of Mill Eiver to Conway, thence along a high
range of land through the southerly part of Ashfield and the
northerly part of Plainfield to the height of land in Savoy ;
thence to the Hoosic and the south village of Adams.
But Franklin county had its vigorous spokesman of this
period in General Hoyt who insisted that Deerfield should be
on the line of the proposed horse road. He had his scheme
well worked up. It was to cross the Connecticut at Wilson*s a
mile below the mouth of the Deerfield ; thence to the Deerfield
Biver at Stebbins' milldam ; thence to the head of Shelbume
Falls, to Cold Biver, to Gulf Stream ; then to the summit by
Haskins Tavern, near the old glass works on Hoosac Mountain,
a rise of 1886 feet
Here must fall the curtain on the first act of the Hoosao
The Hoosac Twnnd. 183
Tunnel story. It shows the infancy of the railroad idea, the
childish miscalculation of natural forces and the lack of any
grasp of the cost either of constructing or operating such a novel
institution as a raUroad.
Between scenes there is a lapse of 20 years. Meanwhile we
must imagine the decline of the horse railroad idea, the sub-
merging of the prejudice against so unnatural a thing as a steam
engine, and a demonstration that on the whole coal was a less
costly fuel than provender. Ko horse ever came to enjoy the
delights of coasting down the slopes of the Hoosac Bange on a
low-wheeled car in the quiet enjoyment of his meal at a cost of
two shillings a day, making up for what it lacked in enjoyment
of its placid scenery. No passenger ever experienced the thrill-
ing sensation of being transported at a speed somewhere be-
tween twice that obtained on a canal and three miles an hour.
Nor up to this time has living man found the draft upon his
purse for a trip from the capital of Massachusetts to the capital
of New York to fall within 82^. But in the pioneer calcu-
lations of these commissions, we find the first promise of over-
coming by some engineering undertaking, the barrier between
east and west on the border of Massachusetts. It was the pro-
jector of a two hundred mile canal who first rapped at the stony
gate of the Hoosac region, and if his calculation of the cost of
penetrating the great wall was woefully small, it was hardly
less than that of tihe later day promoters of the tunnel enterprise.
The time now is 1848. The curtain rises again upon the
legislature before whom appear as humble petitioners George
Grenell and others, praying for a charter to build a railroad
from Greenfield to the state line in Williamstown. They pro-
posed two routes, one of them tunneling Hoosac Mountahi, the
other turning northward at the base of the mountain and get-
ting around it through the towns of Monroe, Beedsboro, Stam-
ford, Clarksburg, Adams and Williamstown. The tunnel route
is estimated to cost $3,000,000, the other $2,585,000. The com-
mittee of the legislature sees no merit in the scheme, and to
appease the petitioners, reports the bill, giving them a right to
build a road from Greenfield to Shelbume Falls. The com-
mittee says it is unable to discover any exigency in the local
wants of Franklin county for undertaking the Herculean task
of piercing this barrier, while the gain of 20 miles in distance as
compared with the Western, now the Boston & Albany Bailroad,
184 Annual Jfe&Ung—lQOl.
was not worth considering when distance is so readily annihi-
lated by railroads. There was another serious reason; it
might be that the new road would have advantages over the
Western in point of grade, and if it did, reasoned the commit-
tee, it would take away all the through business of the Western
and two-thirds of the entire capital of that railroad would be
jeopardised and probably be rendered worthless. The legisla-
ture of 1848 had progressed far enough toward the modem view
of the uses of corporations to make its calculation on what was
for the advantage and security of the corporation, rather than
on the profit and convenience of the public.
Moreover, went on the committee, competition between the
two roads would not lower rates to maintain even a sickly ex-
istence for the two roads, the rates would have to be kept up.
These are the opening guns of the great tunnel debate. The
great talk was not confined to the legislature nor limited by
fewer than twenty years. It entered into the politics of the
state as a violent disturber. It made statesmen and wrought
their ruin. It developed ardent promoters into persuasive ora-
tors. It aroused contending factions in the town meetings. It
gave the newspapers a burning topic. Every citizen of ordi-
nary wit made his own calculation as to the cost of puncturing
the Hoosac Eange and the length of time the operation would
require. And as the scheme with its varied fortunes advanced
into reality, the incapacity for calculation as to the cost of an
engineering work was revealed the most strikingly in those who
undertook to look the wisest. Perhaps the earliest of the news-
papers to develop high heat in its editorial columns over this
topic, was the Boston Advertiser ^ although we must cautiously
give it precedence over the Springfield RepubUccmy which for a
quarter century fulminated with the most effective editorial
explosives against " the great bore." The phrase which passed
into common speech as descriptive of the tunnel and the discus-
sion over it, is credited to Samuel Bowles, and whether origi-
nated with him or not was kept standing in editorial type in
his office for use in every new combination of denunciatory Eng-
lish he could devise. The Advertiser in the early days under
discussion, showed its grasp of the problem by estimating on
the basis of English experience that the length of time neces-
sary to build the tunnel would be seventy-three and a half years.
The dramatis personam of the controversy is rich in interest-
The EooBOO Turmel. 186
ing figares and crowded with minor actors, induding in its last
line the whole body of the legislature, which on successive years
found diversion in the journey to the tunnel at the cost of the
admiring populace. Perhaps no figure stands out more in relief
than that of CoL Alvah Crocker. A boyhood recollection of
this man, heard rather than seen, when in a crowded hotel din-
ing room, his voice in ordinary conversation rose far above the
combined noises of others' talk and feasting, will go with me
through life. He was a strong, persistent character. The tun-
nel was his early dream and into bringing it to pass, he threw
all the energy of a most determined and invincible will.
The real legislative controversy began in 1851, with a petition
for state aid in the construction of the tunnel The Troy and
Gi*eenfield Sailroad had been incorporated. It had quickly
found itself unequal to the task of building the tunnel by private
enterprise and in 1851, it threw into the legislature the bomb
of Hoosac Tunnel dispute which might be more graphically
described as a mine of high explosives so arranged as to keep up
a recurring discharge. The discussion was violent at the outset.
The committee of the petitioners estimated the cost at $1,948,557,
and that the time for construction would be 1556 working days,
if no shaft were sunk, or 1054 days if a shaft were used. One
engineer, Mr. Parrett, estimated the cost at $2,856,000, and the
time of building at sixty-three and a half years, with the length
of time reduced and the cost increased on a regular schedule by
multiplying the number of shafts to divide the work. What
was asked was the loan of the state credit. It was proposed
that the money should all be returned to the treasury, even by
the time that the tunnel was completed. It was a new propo-
sition that the state should embark upon such a project and
nothing short of a revolution could have precipitated a more
flaming discussion in the newspapers. After fierce debate the
proposition was defeated by a vote of 108 to 237.
In 1853 the project reappeared. The newspapers reawoke.
The pamphleteers came to their aid with highly wrought argu-
ments, pro and con. A commission was appointed to investigate
the project and a bill giving the required loan at first passed,
but was later rejected.
The legislature of 1864 yielded to the petition, and $2,000,000
was voted to be loaned. Never was the interest of the lender
more thoroughly guarded in the terms of the contract. Before it
186 Anntutl Meeting— 1901.
could reoeive any of this money, the Boston and Troy Bailroad
was to seoure a stock subscription of $600,000. It was to con-
struct in one or two sections, seven miles of road. It was to
complete and make ready for single or double track one thous-
and lineal feet of tunnel. It could then have $100,000. For
each successive $100,000 up to $700,000, a like amount of work
was to be done, so that at this point the road would be completed
and the mountain pierced for 70,000 feet. The final payment
was to be made when the road and tunnel were completed and
in operation. Within three months after each payment, $10,000
was to be paid back to the state to constitute a sinking fund.
The entire property was to be mortgaged to the state for the
fulfillment of the contract.
This was regarded as a victory for the tunnel, but no sooner
was the legislation secured than signs appeared of anxiety on the
part of the promoters as to the elephant on their hands, and on the
part of the public as to the probable end of the money it had
invested. The public was given an opportunity to subscribe to
the stock, but stupidly declined to do so. Nevertheless, in 1855,
a contract was awarded to E. E. Sewell and Ciompany of Phil-
adelphia to build the tunnel and the railroad for three and a
half million dollars. The work was begun in 1855 and carried
on for a few months and until the treasury of the railroad was
depleted. The promoters again took the journey to Boston,
this time to ask the legislature of 1856 to subscribe $150,000
for stock, which was summarily refused. The Sewell contract
was broken and the lapse of time left to bring forth new prom-
ises and new funds. In July, 1856, there appears a man whose
name will remain long associated with the enterprise, Herman
Haupt. First, he comes in the rdle of a contractor, but later,
by a curious turn in affairs, he takes upon himself the task of
promoting the entire tunnel scheme. The contract binds him
to build the road and tunnel for $3,880,000, — the common-
wealth's $2,000,000, with but $382,000 in cash from the railroad
company. Haupt was to take 6000 shares of the stock. The
towns stolidly refused to subscribe for the stock, and the famil-
iar road to the State House was again traveled in pursuit of
money.
The year 1857 witnessed a tremendous struggle in the legis-
lature over the tunnel project. A special committee was sent
to inspect the work done, and reported the tunnel worked to a
Ths Hoo9ao Tunnel. 187
depth of 621 feet at the east and 185 feet at the west end.
After one of the stormiest experiences the State House ever went
through, the bill granting easier terms was passed, only to be
vetoed by Governor Gardner, whose message denounced the
whole projeot. The House was persuaded to pass the bill over
the governor's veto, but the Senate failed to do so by a single
vote. These were dark days for the tunnel and work was prac-
tically in suspense. It was due to the Haupts, father and son,
that it was given new life, they agreeing to a contract in which
the cost of completing the work was marked up to four millions,
but they were to receive no cash payment from the railroad
company. The contractors now assumed the novel responsibil-
ity of cajoling the towns into subscribing for the stock. Haupt,
Sr., engineer, contractor, builder, now became campaigner and
organized the line of attack upon the towns within the Hoosac
Tunnel region. The most extreme exertions brought but a few
of these to the subscription roll, their total promise being
$140,000.
The work was resumed in 1858, and enough of the tunnel dug
out and of the road built to win the first 1100,000 from the
state. A new ray of hope was created by the invention of a
rock-cutting machine to take the place of the hand-drilling.
The legislative committee looked upon this and approved it, but
the tough rock of Hoosac met it and proved it worthless.
The legislature of 1859 good naturedly modified the terms of
the state's grant, confidence returned and the belief became gen-
eral that the tunnel would be completed for the $2,000,000. It
occurred to the legislature of 1860, however, to investigate the
work. It was moved to do so by one stroke of Haupt's man-
agement, which was not regarded as altogether sound. It was
required that the stock should be paid for in cash, Haupt's six
thousand shares being no exception. One day in July, 1858,
Haupt borrowed $600,000 at a bank, handed it to the treasurer
of the railroad, received it back from his hand, and returned it
to the bank, all within the limits of a banking day, — common
practice now. Thus meeting the letter of the requirement as
to the stock subscription. The investigators found the road
built represented to be of so many miles' length, to be varied
by gaps between its several sections with rivers unbridged and
cuts and fills postponed in the attempt to draw out as many
miles as possible to meet the state's requirements with the least
188 AnmuU MeeHng— 1901.
possible outlay. The road was discredited and kept up a strug-
gling attempt only at continuing the work until July, 1861, when
the state engineer refused longer to certify to the contractors'
bill and the Troy and Greenfield Bailroad laid down its work.
The next period is that of the state's undertaking to build and
operate the road and tunnel on its own account. Induced by
Governor Andrews' favorable message, the legislature placed
the tunnel and road in the state's possession and committed the
commonwealth to its completion. The successive years give an
interesting picture of the state in the socialistic business of
carrying on the construction of a public work by the direct em-
ployment of men and the liberal appropriation of the people's
money. At the outset, it was found that serious mistakes had
been made in the tunnel construction. It is highly desirable, as
even the unprofessional in tunnel construction can appreciate,
that in tunneling from the two sides of the mountain tie work
should be directed to a common point, but it was found in this
case that the contractors had not paid heed to this requirement
The holes penetrating from the east and west ends were not
pointed toward each other. Their continuance would have re-
sulted in two tunnels under the mountain, and the trouble at-
tending the digging of one were quite sufficient. The western
entrance was being pushed at least ten feet north of the eastern.
In consequence, the western end was entirely abandoned and
the line of the eastern section corrected at no Uttle cost. Work
was begun on the shaft in December. The entire work thus far
had been done with only hand power and the state immediately
set about supplying a motive power. For this purpose the
Deerfield Biver was dammed and a fall of thirty feet secured
with a view to supplying compressed air for the drills. This
move aroused a new volume of ridicule and the critics set down
the commonwealth as incompetent in tunnel making. Events,
however, justified the proceeding and the working at the eastern
end was expedited greatly although the scheme to run the com-
pressed air in pipes over the mountain to be used at the western
end was never undertaken. Compressed air was not actually
used until June, 1866, but meanwhile the hand drilling had ac-
complished a considerable lengthening of the eastern entrance.
Nature, as if jealous of the attempt to break down its barrier,
now threw in a new obstacle. The drilling had struck the hid-
den fountains and a flood of water and mud put the work to a
The Hooaac Tunnd. 189
sadden end. The opponents who stood ready to hold their sides
at every new disoomfitore of the project, now enjoyed another
hearty langh at the state's expense. Their amusement was
farther aided by the action of the laborers at the western end,
who interrapted the work by a strike, and in their violence,
bamed the shaft hoase and destroyed machinery. Bat this was
by the discovery of a new explosive dynamite, first ased here
in 1866. It was in this year that the contract was made with
B. N. Farren who shouldered the task of carrying on the work
of the western section. Decided progress was made daring 1867,
bat the opponents of the scheme rallied in the legislature of
1868, and made an attempt to have the state entirely abandon
the work. Here occurred one of the most memorable of the
great debates in which George Walker of Springfield and Bich-
ard H. Dana, Jr., of Cambridge, led with great vigor the forces
of the opposition. Its upshot was only that the state gave up
its direct supervision, the governor and council being authorized
to make contracts for the completion of the entire work at a
cost not exoeediug $5,000,000. Under this provision the &mous
Shanly contract was made in December, 1868, and the work
again resumed, March 29, 1869. The central shaft had now
sunk to the level of the tunnel, and from it the arms were reached
out in the mountain depths to both east and west. The subse-
quent years are stories of the great progress of the work and
by December 12, 1872, the junction was made of the east end
and the workings from the central shaft. Yariation of only
5/16 of an inch was found to have occurred and the careful en-
gineering which had proceeded on entirely new Unes, was
grandly justified.
November 27, 1873, will remam one of the great historic
dates in the story of this undertaking. For a few days previous
it had been possible for the workers in approaching excavations
to hear through the intervening wall of rock, the tapping of the
drills on the other side. It was a dismal Sunday morning when
groups of newspaper men and others curious to witness the final
opening were lowered through the central shaft or pushed in on
flat cars from the eastern portal. A heavy charge of nitro-
glycerine, 150 pounds, had been placed in the drill holes and
the electrical connections only awaited the completion of a cir-
cuit for the final blast. It was at 8 : 20 in the afternoon that
the discharge was made. The observers rose from their position
190 Annual Meetmg— 1901.
lying flat in the tunnel's bed, to feel the first draft of air to find
its free course through the oompleted hole. As the smoke was
driven away, they rushed forward over the fallen rocks to ex-
change greetings through the aperture with their fellow ob-
servers from the other side. The first man privileged to pass
through the opening was Robert Johnson, who in his official
capacity as the chairman of the railroad committee of the legis-
lature, proclaimed that the great bore had come to its comple-
tion.
It was nearly two years after that the people entered into
the full enjoyment of the tunnel. Meanwhile there was avast
amount of work accomplished in perfecting the structure and
completing the approaching railroad.
Running aU through the history of the project, we find a
discussion of the use to be made of it when it should be com-
pleted if it ever was. Originally undertaken for public rea-
sons and such a profound public reason as the preservation of
a united commonwealth, it was constantly held out by its ad-
vocates as a public work, undertaken for the benefit of the
people of the state. For a season, after it entered into actual
use, the state undertook to employ it in accordance with this
idea. It was operated, tunnel and road, on the state's account
and by state officials. No particular encouragement is given
to the theory of state management of railroads by the results
of this experiment. On the other hand, the limitations in the
connections for its western freight business, were such as to
prevent a fair test of the policy of a railroad being run on pub-
lic account. The state, at all events, found it wise to dispose
of its property, receiving in return for it, the common stock of
the Fitchburg Railroad which for a series of years was regarded
as an interesting souvenir of the tunnel enterprise without any
particular cash value. The recent revival of value in this
scrap of paper under the business touch of the present governor
is familiar beyond need of more than a mention.
The great tunnel, the second longest in the world, has ceased
to have interest as a curiosity. It has come into the common
daily use of the millions who travel through it, and is accepted
with the calm indifference with which all great improvements
are accepted after the momentary gasp of surprise. It has ful-
filled the predictions of its most ardent promoters as a means
of giving commercial life to its neighborhood and furnishing
The Eooaac Turmd. 191
an avenue for the commerce of the west and the coast. That
it has passed into the ownership and control of a single cor-
poration, so defeating the promises that it shoold be an open
gateway for whatever competing lines should approach it from
the west, is perhaps an unavoidable consequence of the condi-
tions which for the present give to private control and private
enterprise the responsibility and the profits of public service.
But the tunnel is permanent Its usefulness is for all time,
and it must stand as a monument to the foresight and enterprise
and pluck of the men associated with its beginnings while it
also serves as a mausoleum of the departed millions of unwisely
spent money.
OLD HOME WEEK *
OF THB
POOUMTUCK VALLEY MEMORLiL ASSOCIATION,
AT DBERFIBLD, JULY 28 ^AUOUST 3, 1901.
DEDICATION OF MEMORIAL STONES.
PROGRAMME.
Old Home Week will open Sunday July 28, at 10 a. m. with
an Historical Service in the Old Brick Meetinghouse, to ded-
icate the Willard Memorial tablet.
At 4 p. M. Oeorge Sheldon will extend a hearty welcome
from the town, and will give briefly the pedigree of the old
meetinghouse. Other speakers are: Dr. Edward Hitchcock,
dean of Amherst College, on the life of his father. President
Hitchcock ; Prof. Henry H. Barber on New England General
History ; Rev. Gleorge "W. Solley on the Forefathers' Parish ;
Rev. Frank W. Pratt on Home Coming. It is hoped that
Bishop Huntington and Dr. Lyman Whiting will also be
present.
On Tuesday, July 30, at 2 p. m., there will be an historical
ride to the scene of the First Encounter between the Indians and
the whites in the Counecticut Yalley. The route will be that
taken by Capt. Lothrop in 1675, and by Joseph Barnard in
1695, leading both into fatal ambush. The scene of the Bars
Fight in 1746, will be noted. Near by is the memorial stone
to Joseph Barnard placed by a descendant, James M. Barnard
of Boston. Here a brief dedicatory service will be held. An
original poem vrill be read by Elizabeth W. Champney, and a
short address given by William Lambert Barnard of Boston,
the representative of his uncle, James M. Barnard.
Continuing, we pass the home of ^' The Last Indian," thence
to Bloody Brook, where stands the monument to the ^^ Flower
* The Old Home Week was planned and carried out by our Aasociation;
therefore, it \b fitting that all the proceedings of the week should be in-
cluded in this chapter.
Old H(yme Week. 198
of Essex." Here Dexter F. Hager will note some of the facts
connected with the massacre.
Onward again mider the guidance of James M. Crafts, past
Wequamps and over the Weekioannack to the place of the
First Encoonter, where incidents will be related concerning
this epoch in our history, and seed planted, we hope, for a mon-
ument to mark the site. This ride will be under the direction
of William L. Harris.
18
FIELD MEETING— 1901.
FIELD MEETING
OF THB
POCUMTUCK VALLEY MEMORLAX ASSOCLA.TION,
AT DBBBFIBLD) MASS., WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1901.
OBDEB OF EXEB0I8B8.
1. Musio. Dram and fife.
2. Invocation. Rev. Geobob W. Sollex, Ohaplain.
8. WoBDs OF Welcome. Geoboe Sheldon, Fbancis M. Thomp-
son.
4. SiNoiNo by the choir, under the direction of Chablbs H.
Ashley.
5. Rbpobt of Committee on Memorial Stones, J. M. Abmb
Sheldon.
6. Singing by the choir.
7. HisTOBioAL Addbbss. Db. a. E. Winship of Boston.
8. Intebmission — Basket Picnic Lunch.
9. March of the children to the Jonathan Wells MemoriaL
Ode, Geoboe Sheldon, sung by the children. Report,
Jonathan P. Ashley. Address, Maby P. Wells Smith.
Ballad, Eleanob M. Abms, sung by Maby Field Fulleb.
10. At 2:30 p. m. Remarks may be expected from Senatob
Gboboe F. Hoab, Db. Hbnby D. Holton, Pbbs. G. Stan-
ley Hall, Hon. H. 0. Pabsons, Pbof. Chablbs Eliot
Nobton, William Lambebt Babnabd, Esq., Sabcubl O.
Lamb, Esq., Geobgb P. Lawbbnob, M. C, and others.
Programme. 196
The exhibition of Deerfield Arts and Crafts will be held at
the Martha Pratt Memorial Boom every week day excepting
Wednesday from 10 to 12 in the morning, and from 2:30 to 6 in
the afternoon. This exhibit will include the work of Mrs.
Wynne and Miss Patnam in metals ; photographs by Miss Oole-
man and the Misses Allen ; the products of the badcet makers,
rug makers, and, most prominent of aU, of the Blue and White
Society, with some interesting pieces of furniture, and other ex-
amples of village handicraft.
On Wednesday evening at 8, Mrs. Elizabeth W. Champney
will give a reception at her home.
On Thursday evening, August 1, there will be a dance and song
party at the bam of President and Mrs. Sheldon from 7:30 to 11.
On Friday evening, August 2, Mr. and Mrs. Charles H. Ash-
ley will give a musical at their home beginning at 8 o'clock.
They will be assisted by Mrs. Bogers, Miss Orr and Miss Oowles.
A few rare paintings of George Fuller will be brought to his
old studio at the Bars, still kept as he left it by his family.
These wiU be exhibited on the afternoons of August 1, 2, 8.
At the studio of Augustus Vincent Tack will be shown dur-
ing the week a few of his recent portraits, with some good
specimens of the work of J. Wells Champney, Bruce Crane and
others who are identified with the Old Town.
During the week walks to historic and picturesque places will
be in charge of John Sheldon.
Committee of arrangements, Mr. and Mrs. George Sheldon,
Francis M. Thompson, C. Alice Baker, John Sheldon, Annie 0.
Putnam, M. Anna Y. Childs, Augustus Y. Tack, Eugene A.
Newcomb, Charles Jones, Edward J. Everett^ Mary K Aliens
William L. Harris.
196 Old Home Week— 1901.
WILLARD MEMORIAL.
REPORT.
Deerfield's Old Home Week had a fitting beginning in the serv-
ice Sunday morning at the old meetinghouse which was de-
voted to the unveiling of a memorial tablet and portrait of
Rev. Samuel WiUard, D. D., a minister of the church of hon-
ored memory. The tablet is a handsome one of mahogany, in
colonial style, conforming with the pulpit, with a (»*ayon por-
trait of Dr. WiUard which is a remarkable reproduction of the
face of the distinguished clergyman. The portrait is by Mrs.
Richard Hildreth, wife of the historiajo.
The tablet is designed by Clarence Hoyt. It is provided by
the Willard &mily, friends and citizens of Deerfield. There
have also been erected two tablets in the vestibule, designed by
Mr. Solley. One of these gives the list of ministers of the
church and some general facts relating to its organization.
The other gives the covenant of the church. These came from
wood in the old Boyden house, probably 100 years old, and the
pieces were too large to go into any wood plajier in Greenfield.
The Willard tablet was unveiled by Susan Barker Willard of
Hingham, a granddaughter of Dr. Willard. There was music
by the choir and the Sunday school. Mr. and Mrs. Winthrop
Rogers of New York, assisted in the musical service, Mrs.
Rogers singing a solo. The Fortieth Chapter of Isaiah was
read, this one being the last that Dr. Willard ever read in the
pulpit. The dosing hymn was one written by Dr. WiUard.
DEDICATION HYMN.
Composed by Rev. Samuel Willard, D. D., lot the laying of
the comer stone of the Unitarian Meetinghouse, June 1st, 1824 :
Tunb-Wbbb.
On this foundation, Lord, we raise
A house of prayer, — a house of praise;
Where hiunble Souls may seek their Qod,
And find with thee a blest abode.
AsGost us, Lord, with power divine;
Let Christian love and zeal combine
To rear a temple strong and fair.
To Him who makes the Church his care.
Samud WiUiPrd. 197
Ab Zion's hOl to Judah'fl race,
To U8 — ^be this a joyful place;
Our children's joy,— our children's home.
For years and ages long to come.
And while of wood and brick we build,
Let every mind with grace be filled.
Diviner temples thou oan'st rear.
OhI make each heart a house of prayer.
ADDRESS OF REV. GEORGE W. SOLLET.
It is very fitting that Deerfield should begin its Old Home
Week celebration, on that day which our New England fore-
fathers set apart as the first day of the week, and made sacred
to religion. It is also equally fitting that the services should
be held in the old parish meetinghouse, which was built
by the town. This house was erected during the ministry of
Rev. Samuel WiUard, D. D., in 1824, and was Hie fifth of the
five meetinghouses which have graced the Common, since the
settlement of the town, and was dedicated with religious cere-
monies. It is also particularly fitting that the services for this
morning, while conmiemorating all the other ministers of the
first parish, should center about the name of the great blind
preacher of Deerfield, who, more than all the ministers of the
past two hundred and thirteen years, is the best representative
of all that is sacred in Kew England life.
Dr. WiUard came to Deerfield as a young man, and threw
his whole soul into the work of the Christian ministry. He
was installed here by the town, and the whole town became
his parish, nay more, he was like one of the ancient MetropoU-
tan Bishops of the early church, for his ministrations reached
to other towns within a radius of fifteen or twenty miles from
the old parish church. Everything of interest to the fellow-
citizens of Deerfield became of deepest interest to him.
He found the public schools in a weak and unsettled condi-
tion ; this engaged his earnest attention. He not only saperin-
tended their work, and secured a better grade of teachers, but the
text-books in use being found unsuitable, he wrote new and
better ones. The influence of such a public spirit as Dr. Wil-
lard's could not be confined to any one town. Next, the schools
198 Old Home Week— 1901.
of Franklin oountj demanded his attention. He called together
all interested in education, and soon a revival of edacation
sprang up throaghoat the towns of the valley, as a result of the
work which he started here in Deerfield. It is said that Dr.
Willard, like other ministers of his time, was one of the most
prominent tutors of college lads. We are told that the third
story of the old " Manse " was always full of boys studjdng
under the old doctor ; and as in the story of the famous Master
of Drumtochty, the grass was never allowed to grow in the
pathway which led from the Deerfield ^^ Manse " to Harvard
College. During Dr. Willard's ministry, our famous old Acad-
emy was at the height of its power, and his son-in-law, Luther
B. Lincoln, became its most noted principal.
The church music of the day became of absorbing interest to
Dr. Willard. We are told it was in a very low state. He
began the movement for a more worshipful order of music in
the meetinghouses, and in 1830 published his collection of five
hundred and eighteen hynms, which were used here for twenty
years. To-day no collector of ancient church music considers
his library complete, without Dr. Willard's famous "Deer-
field Collection."
The first attempt to beautify " The Street ." of the town, is
connected with Dr. WiUard's name. There are those still liv-
ing who point out the magnificent maples at the " South End "
as having been planted under his direction. We are told that,
although he was blind, the grounds of the " Manse " were kept
in beautiful order by his own hands ; that its northern terrace
ornamented with shrubbery, and the fish pond were his own
design ; and to-day in front of the " Manse " may still be seena
little patch of mosaic walk of round stones, which he brought
from the river and laid himself in place.
Although Dr. Willard was the leader of the liberal forces of
religion in the western part of New England, the townspeople
stood by him, and the parish was not divided by theological
diflferences. The most conservative members were his warmest
friends and supporters. He himself knew neither friends nor
enemies; everyone was his parishioner. He took men and
women as they were, and ministered to their needs ; he looked
upon life with the same generous fatherly spirit as his Creator.
All mankind were children of God to him. And although the
period of his ministry from 1807 to 1829 was that of the most
Scmud WiUard. 199
heated theolc^oal oontroversy throughout New England, it
seems to have affected his own parish bat little. Here he was
respected, loved and followed by all ; and the day of his resig-
nation, September 23, 1829, was one of great solemnity and re-
gret for the town.
We are told of his long jonmeys, by night and by day,
throughout all the valley, to minister to the sick and dying ;
and even, when his blindness came upon him, we are told of
how he found his way across the ice of the turbulent Deerfield
Biver with its many dangerous holes, to visit families in the
western part of the town. Later he continued these ministra-
tions, led either by the hand of a friend or driven from place to
place. The epitaph of one of the country's most famous minis-
ters we can well apply to him : — " The whole city was his parish
and every one in need his parishioner."
Although Dr. WiUard moved his family from Deerfield to
Hingham, upon his resigning his ministry here in 1829, and be-
came very actively engaged in educational work there, still his
heart remained in Deerfield, and in 1836 he moved back here again.
The old ^^ Manse " became once more a center of power and in-
fluence for good. He lived to help select and install four other
ministers over this parish ; and for the remainder of his life
was moderator of the church and kept its records. It was not
until the ministry of the Bev. John Fessenden in 1839, that any
trouble arose relating to theology. Then twelve persons, men
and women, addressed a respectful letter to the church asking
that they be allowed to withdraw and form a separate orthodox
society. This movement was carried out in the same year, and
the orthodox society was formed.
The most perfect fellowship always prevailed between Dr.
WiUard and his successors in the old parish church. As long
as he lived he used to occupy a seat in this pulpit and frequently
took part in its services. When vacancies occurred, it was Dr.
WiUsid who fiUed the gap.
Dr. WiUard became the organizer and prime mover of the
FrankUn Evangelical Association in 1819, which was composed
of the Uberal or Unitarian ministers of this section of the countiy.
Here we find associated with him such noted leaders of his day
as Eev. Preserved Smith of Eowe, Alpheus Harding of New
Salem, Dan Huntington of Hadley, and Dr. Peabody of Spring-
field. He preached at Shelburne gratuitously for a year, and
200 Old Home Fie*— 1901.
then on every fourth Sunday until 1840. He also preached at
Heath, Leverett, Greenfield and Charlemont, where Unitarian
societies had been formed.
Each reform or forward moyement, as they followed each
other in torn down the century, received his attention and com-
manded his services. If it was temperance, he was at the front,
writing and speaking in behalf of a purer and better life. If it
was anti-slavery, he was joining hands, and voice, and pen
with the greatest leaders of his day. During the Kansas-Ke-
braska troubles, he had an illness caused by overwork and ex-
citement, which his wife called the ^' Nebraska Fever.'' One
of the most dramatic incidents in Dr. Willard's life was at the
famous Springfield meeting of the American Unitarian Associ-
ation in 1850, shortly after the passage by Congress of the Fu-
gitive Slave Act, when a resolution denouncing the act was
brought before the meeting. Excitement ran high, and as the
house was equally divided, an attempt was made to table the
resolutions. We are told that the aged minister passed a sleep-
less night, and on the first opportunity after the opening of the
morning session he was on his feet calling for a reconsideration
of the resolutions, and, after a speech of twenty or thirty min-
utes, he had the satisfaction of seeing it passed. We are told
that as the aged minister stood there in his bUndness, surrounded
by the young men of the Oonference, who all sympathized with
him as he pleaded for the slave and for his nation's honor, there
was scarcely a dry eye in the large assembly. This remarkable
scene has been preserved in some verses wrftten by Be v. George
Osgood for the " Christian RegisterP
Oh! when, amid the gathered throng,
We saw his aged form arise,
We thought that naught could ever dim
The truth, that lit his sightless eyes.
Like an old prophet in his might
His noble form arose sublime.
When in the cause of truth and right,
He dared denounce a nation's crime.
Dr. Willard's life is a record of accomplishment in the face
of obstacles. The charge of heresy, the severe trial, the ex-
communication which he underwent at the opening of his min-
istry here, would have killed a man less devoted to his ideal,
but this trial made him the leader of the Unitarian movement
Scmmd WiUard. 201
in Western New England. The blindness which came npon
him in 1818 would have incapacitated some men, but with Dr.
WiUard it only diversified and multiplied his employments.
His son, upon whom he leaned, became blind also early in his
life, and the noble doctor had to see his wife pass on to higher
things before himself ; but even with all these sorrows, in his
eightieth year, we find him writing that ^^ he still had ten years
of work laid out before him." One of the noblest tributes
which we can give to his life to^iay, after forty-two years, is
this ; hard things never daunted him.
Dr. Willard lives before us to-day, although his ashes rest in
the bosom of yonder hill, overlooking the town which he loved.
Ko such life can ever pass away. It remains ever a challenge
to future generations to choose the highest, and to live the
noblest. And this fine old meetinghouse, so symmetrical, so dig-
nified, one of the best in New England, built by his inspiration,
and dedicated with his prayer, with its white spire ever point-
ing upward, is an enduring memorial to him who, ^^ Being dead
yet speaketh."
The following letter from Miss Eliza Starr of Chicago was
read: —
"It is gratifying to be lemembered by our Deerfield friendB on oooasions
of special interest as if we still were among them, with the same grateful
sentiments toward those who have done, not only so much for the town but
for us individually as Rev. Samuel Willard.
No one who was bom in Deerfield during Dr. Willard's pastorate can dis-
claim an indebtedness to him; but while many works, like the church, the
pulpit, church music and hymns, the beautifying of the Street, as well as his
own grand personality are often spoken of, no one refers to his admirable set
of readers — ^The Fnmklin Primer, Improved Reader, General Class Book,
Popular Reader — ^no one could go through this set of readers without acquir-
ing a taste for pure literature, and I do not recall any instance in which he
was not historically, as I now realize, eminently candid. I have often spoken
of these readers, as having had a great deal to do with my own literary taste,
and have more than once expressed a wish that I had a fuU set of them, how-
ever worn or thumbed.
It was a happy thought, we all considered, to place BIrs. Hildreth's charao-
teristic portrait of him in the church which he built, presided over and embel-
lished by the wonderful pulpit, which I admired as a child, and which I have
since learned was of remarkable beauty. His portrait at its side was well
placed, and now the additional honor of an architectural frame by a son of
Old Deerfield is fuU of significance, as a proof of the veneration in which
' Dr. Willard' is held in this generation. To my own mind, it is, also, an honor
paid to a veritable work of art by my dear Mend, Mrs. Hildreth; thus, you
see yoiu" scheme has a daim, a token of good will to your fund with eveiy
best wish for my beloved friends in Old Deerfield."
202 Old Home Weeh— 1901.
The following is the inscription on the tablet : —
SAMUEL WILLARD
1776-1869.
Pioneer of the Unitarian Movement in
Western Massachusetts.
Minister of this Church 1807-1829.
Organizer of the Franklin Evangelical
Association 1819.
One of the Founders of the American
Unitarian Association 1825.
Harvard College 1803, A. A. S., D. D.
Scholar, Author, Patriot, and although blind, a Leader for fifty yean in Educa-
tional, Temperance, Peace and Anti-Slaveiy Reforms.
His life ever remains a challenge to future generations.
Li Memoriam, 1901.
The sketch of the life of Dr. Willard by Kev. Charles E.
Park spoke of him as a great man, his greatness not of the flag-
waving and horn-blowing sort, nor comparatively speaking, in
native talent and abilities, but the sort indigenous to the New
England country community, and peculiar to the old-school
New England country parson, a greatness compacted of diligence
and honesty, of sympathy and consecration, of fidelity and
impregnable serenity and greatness that does not seek to be
ministered unto but to minister. His mental power and
thoughtful temperament were the direct inheritance of at least
four generations. The first Willard of this line bom in this
country was Dr. Samuel Willard, great-great-grandfather of our
Samued Willard, a minister of the old South Church in Boston,
and virtually president of Harvard College. His grandfather,
another Samuel Willard, was minister of the church in Bidde-
ford. Me. His own uncle, one of the brothers of the Peter-
sham farmer, William Willard, was the Kev. Dr. Joseph Wil-
lard, also president of Harvard College.
The story of Samuel WiUard's education is a story familiar
enough in tJie farming towns of Massachusetts. He was one
of eleven children. His father's income depended upon the prod-
ucts of the farm. Surely these facts are sufficient to set the
imagination vividly at work picturing the perseverance, the
pinching struggle, the self-sacrifice and determination which
had to be exercised before that education was at last acquired.
How many a New England statesman, a prophet, a seer, of
whom the country is proud, has had to go Uirough that same
Samud Willard. 203
experience, and pay that same exorbitant price 1 On some ac-
counts it is a good thing that a liberal education should cost so
much and come so hard. It is a guarantee that none will get
it save those who really appreciate its worth and are determined
to have it, and use it, and make the most of it after it has been
acquired.
Samuel Willard, when a child of but five or six, began his at-
tendance at a school in Petersham taught by Ensign Mann,
Esq., who had graduated from Harvard in 1764. It was the
beginning of a boy's haphazard and desultory schooUng, contin-
ually interrupted by hard times and changing teachers and
the constant demand of farm chores. The Bible, Dilworth's
spelling book, and the New England Primer, were his text-
books until he was nine or ten years old. When about fourteen^
he ^^was exercised," as he himself states it, ^^in declamation
and arithmetic." He was the best speller in the school, and
very fine in arithmetic.
It was at about this age also that he began his education in
one of the branches of culture, in which he was destined later to
shine as an authority — that is, music. It is very evident that
he was a passionate lover of good music, and possessed nat-
urally of a very keen and discriminating taste.
After describing his struggle to secure an education and his
early supply of pulpits near Boston, the farthest away being at
Montague, the sketch took up his Deerfield life.
The invitation to assume charge of the church at Deerfield
came in March of 1807. After long and prayerful deliberation,
after visiting the church and preaching repeatedly on trial, he
decided to accept the call. The first council caUed to ordain
him, refused to do so on the ground that be did not admit the
divinity of Christ. But on September 22 a second council con-
vened and voted unanimously to ordain him, and after im-
pressive services held next day. Dr. Samuel Willard found him-
self a settled minister, settled in his first and only regular parish.
His career in Deerfield, with the persecutions he had to un-
dergo on the score of heresy, the years of hard labor and loving
service and vigorous growth, must be treated by another hand.
Upon one occasion he was obliged to take a journey by stage
from Deerfield to the eastern part of the state. The stage
reached New Salem very late, and a young man came out of
the hotel to embark, in a boiling rage at having been kept
204 Old Home Week— 1901.
waiting so long. Taming to the pix^nietor he ponred forth
a volley of oaths and abuse in his chagrin. But as he was
about to get into the stage, Dr. Willard called out to the pro-
prietor that if that profane young man got in he would get
out, for he would not ride witJi such a foul tongue. The result
was that the young man rode with the driver. How many
persons to-day would have suffered and said nothing ! Not so,
Dr. Wiilard. He would not countenance, even by a noncom-
mittal silence, what he considered wrong. It would have been
easy to turn a deaf ear to the young man's profanity. But by
doing this he would be giving tacit consent to it, and that he
could not do.
Dr. Wiilard was the kind of a man who not only would do
no wrong himself, he would not allow another to do it if he
could help it. His morality was of the aggressive sort, that re-
joices to pick out a foe and do him up. In a supine and eai^*
going generation, this kind of a man is most uncomfortable to
live with. But every bit of good work that was ever done in
this world of ours has been done by just such fighting Puritans
as Dr. Samuel Wiilard.
A EARE OLD TOWN.
The fine old-time interior of the brick meetinghouse in Deer-
field, an interior happily preserved in its architecture of a cen-
tury ago, gave an impressive setting for a service, Sunday after-
noon, in which the claims of a historic New England town upon
the affections of her sons and daughters was the central theme.
The succession of addresses then given presented with perfect
balance the historic and sentimental tie, and furnished the broad
foundation for the observance of the Old Home Week which runs
through the days that follow.
The services of that afternoon are not likely soon to fade from
the memory of those who shared in them. The service was not
religious in any exclusive sense. Neither was it alone historical
The historic past was not indeed neglected, nor was the rever-
ential tone missed. But there was room for the lighter vein
and ample play for the personal reminiscence.
Over it all there presided the representative historian of the
town, the man who more than any other or all others, has made
Old Meetmghouaee. 205
seoore the links of the old and the new. Mr. Sheldon's presence
and his characteristic treatment of a historical theme was the
essential to its completeness. But he was not alone. The broad
import of the New England history had a deeply thoughtful and
happy treatment at the hands of Bev. and Prof. Henry H. Bar-
ber. The personal reminiscence was furnished in a bright and
witty contribution by Br. Edward Hitchcock, who, speaking of
his father's notable career, kept clearly in view the impression of
the Deerfield formative influence upon him. The worth of the
historic background and the environment of natural beauty upon
the youth of the present generation was tenderly acknowledged
by a junior member of the household, Bev. Frank Pratt, now of
WoUaston. A word of historic interest on the Indian, who
stands for all that is evil in the Deerfield pioneer annals, was
added by Charles Barnard of New York, whose ancestor fell a
victim to the savage. And the final word for the church itself
was weU spoken by the present pastor of the old parish, Eev.
G. W. Solley.
The music of the afternoon kept in the same lines, with not
only the ancient hymn, accompanied by the organ in the loft,
but as well the secular songs, ^^Home Again," and ^^ The Break-
ing Waves Dashed High." Mrs. Charles H. Ashley and Miss
Susan B. Hawks, a granddaughter of G^rge Sheldon, gave a
pleasing organ and piano duet.
THE OLD MEETINGHOUSES OF DEERFIELD.
BY OSOBOB SHBLDON.
In the genesis of New England the earliest organizations,
after that of the colony, were bodies of men to whom were
granted authority to make settlements on certain tracts of land,
where the title was to be obtained by them from the native
owners. These organizations were known as "The Proprie-
tors ; " as the Proprietors of Hadley, the Proprietors of Pocum-
tuck, as the case might be. These settlements were merely
colonies under the direct care and guidance of the General
Court in all important matters. As a rule their earlier meet-
ings were held elsewhere than on the place of settlement^
as there would be on the spot no house in which to meet As
206 Old Home Week— 1901.
soon as such places were provided, frequent meetings were held
for the allotment of land and the ordering of their prudential
affairs.
Gradually, by successive steps, the colony was endowed with
authority to set up the machinery of a town organization, and
hold meetings to choose officers, lay out highways, raise money
by general tax, and make orders and rules necessary for the
well-being of the community.
The second organization in the settlement was the church.
This was usually enjoined by the power which granted the right
of settlement and made one of the conditions of the grant. In
perfecting this organization frequent meetings also became
necessary.
These meetings of the Proprietors, the church and the town,
were necessarily held in such of the cabins as were most avail-
able, and must have been a great tax on the householders. Add
to this the gathering of the whole population, young and old,
for public worship on Sundays and Lecture days, and the neces-
sity of a building for a common place of meeting is too obvious
to need mention. Out of this necessity grew the meetinghouse
in every town. The town and the church were practically one,
and the meetinghouse was built by a general tax, and it was
used alike for civil action and religious observances. It was
never dedicated to divine service, never considered a sacred edi-
fice. It was never called a " church " and never a town house.
It was, and should continue to be, written of and spoken of as
a meetinghouse. It is therefore advisedly, and in accordance
with the customs of the Fathers, that I have called you together
on this occasion, in the old meetinghouse of 1824, and it is with
no ordinary feeling of pleasure, that, as the representative of
the Old Home Week committee, I welcome you within its walls.
It is by name and in fact the fifth in lineal descent from the one
in which Parson Samuel Mather preached more than two and
three quarters of a century ago.
Come you as pilgrims come
Back to ancestral home,
To grove or plain,
Where memory's seed was sown.
Where brook and tree and stone
Bear fruitage all your own —
For joy or pain.
Meetmghcmae. 207
Or, where in olence deep,
What earth will ever keep,
A sacred trust;
What forms your fathers wore.
What sorrowing mothers bore
Were laid in anguish sore.
Alike now dust.
In 1668 the Worshipful Major John Pynohon of Springfield
was the owner of 38 cow commons of kmd at Poonmtack, and
in his aoooont book are entries giving the tax levied on it for
the support of public worship here. In December, 1675, he
enters the amounts of his rates. One item is :
" To ye httle house for a Meetinghouse y* ye Meet in."
This is aU that has yet been found referring to the first meeting-
house. A single scratch of a quill, a blot or crack in the time-
stained leaf, and every jot of evidence that this building had
ever existed would have been forever lost. During that year
Philip's war fiashed out, and not only this little meetinghouse,
but every dwelling of those for whom it was raised, went up in
fiames. All that was left of the prospering village were here
and there a bit of charcoal and a pile of ashes.
The evidence of the existence of the second meetinghouse is
not much more extended but is equally sure.
^^ March, 1693, the town voted that the Meetinghouse shall
be reseated : That Deacon David Hoy t and Deacon John Shel-
don shall be 2 of ye persons to doe it, and Benoni Stebbins be
with ym in s* work. "
At this date the town had been resettled about a dozen years,
and either the limited accommodations, or some discontent at
the new seating brought matters to a head. A new building
was thought necessary. It was doubtless a poor affair, but no
other word comes to enlighten us thereon. We must make the
most of that sbgle line.
The wonder of it all is that March 8, three days before this
vote on seating was discussed and settled, Capt. John Pynchon
had written a long and impassioned letter to Gov. Pbips, im-
ploring military aid for distressed Deerfield. He says provis-
ions are scant and can only be had from other towns, the com
last year being destroyed by worms. He had heard of plans
in Canada for pouncing upon poor Deerfield, and he ordered a
stockade to fortify Meetinghouse HilL June 3, 1693, the blow
fell upon the Broughton and Wells families at the north end of
the Street.
208 Old Home Week— 1901.
Two days before the vote upon seating the meetinghouse, the
(General Court of Connecticut had agreed to send soldiers for
the protection of Deerfield. The accession of William of Orange
to the throne of England had brought on a war with France
which was now raging in their colonies in America.
October 6, 1693, Capt. Jonathan Wells for the militia, Joseph
Barnard for the selectmen, and November 6, Bev. John Wil-
liams for the inhabitants, sent appeals to the General Court for
aid, ^^ without which we must of necessity forsake our habita-
tions and draw off to some neighboring town. " Capt Fynchon
indorses these appeals. But not danger, famine or death could
turn aside the demand for proper and orderly meetinghouse
aoconmiodations.
Of the next meetinghouse we shall be permitted to know
more. September 15, 1694, Baron Castine made an assault on
the fort with an army of French and Indians. He was driven
off with a loss to the settlers of one killed and two wounded.
At a legal meeting in Deerfield, October 80, only six weeks
after this assault, ^^ Ens. John Sheldon, Moderator, voted that
there shall be a meetinghouse Built in deerfield upon the Town
Charge," that David Hoyt, Sergt. John Hawkes, Henry White,
Thomas French and Ens. John Sheldon ^^ be a committee chosen
and empowered to agree with workmen to begin said building
forthwith and carry it on as may be." It was to be ^^ y^ bigness
of Hatfield Meeting House" [80x80].
^^ For carrying on s^ work there was chosen as a Committee
Ltt David Hoyt, Serg. John Hawks, Henry White, Thomas
French and Ens. John Sheldon. To supply means a Bate was
made of one hundred and forty pounds payable this present
year in pork and Indian com in equal porportions."
The committee were given '^ full power to Bargain with, and
let out unto particular persons y • severall parsalls of work for the
carrying out and completing sd Building as, y« falling, hewing,
framing, shingling, dobording, etc."
The contemplated building was then standing and growing
in Ood's great temple on East mountain, and even with this
provision for division of labor and contemporaneous action the
progress was slow. November 32, 1695, Godfrey Nims was
chosen to gather the meetinghouse rate laid the year before.
June 15, 1696, another meetinghouse rate was voted, payable
the next January in pork and Indian com. The seats were to
Meetinghouse. 909
be of plain pine boards, not wainsoot. The meetinghonse was
used in 1696, but was not fully finished before 1701. The seats
were long benches on each side of an aisle leading from the
entrance to the pulpit The men sat on one side of this aisle,
the women on the other. This house was one of the buildings
which escaped destruction February 29, 1704.
In 1709 a pew was built for the minister's family. Another
accident has given us all that is known concerning the form of
this meetinghouse of 1694. In 1729 two Harvard students left
Cambridge, after commencement, on a horseback tour to the far
West — Deerfield being the ultimatum. One of them kept a
journal of adventures and sights. The fly leaf of this journal
was covered with rough pen and ink sketches of various kinds,
the meetinghouses on the route being prominent. Only one is
located ; over that is written, ^* Deerfield Meetinghouse." It
appears square, as voted, two stories high, the four-sided roof
running up to a belfry surmounted by a turret. The picture is
a mere skeleton in straight lines, but it gives a clear idea of the
building. The myth of the ^Bell of St Begis" grew up
around a supposed bell in the steeple of this meetinghouse.
From time to time this house was repaired to ^^ make it some-
thing comfortable," but November 25,1728,a committee reported
it could not be made ** something comfortable " any longer, and
a vote was passed to build a new meetinghouse 40x50. Oapt
Thomas Wells, John Catlin, Sr., Deacon Samuel Childs and
Dr. Thomas Wells were chosen a committee to see it done sea-
sonably. It was voted to set the meetinghouse ^'on y^ highest
part of that nolo between y^ sine poet and Deacon ChUds, his
shop, y* east side of it to Bange with y« front of y* West teer
of home lots." The original minutes of this meeting have been
found in a fairly good condition. By these it is seen that pro-
vision was made for buying a bell for the steeple. These min-
utes are signed by the moderator. The action of this meeting
is a matter of record on the town book, but the part relating to
the bell is not found there. The last written word of the meet-
inghouse of 1694, is a vote November 20, 1730, " to sell y* old
meetinghouse this night to the highest bidder, reserving only
y^ benches and liberty to meet in it until next March." Its site
was discovered a few years ago, some six rods northwest of the
soldiers' monument.
Mr. Williams died in 1729, and his successor, Jonathan Ash-
14
210 Old Home Weeh—l^Ol.
ley, was installed in the new meetinghouse in 1732. This was
a fine building of two stories ; the belfry, over the center of the
roof, open, with eight pillars supporting a tall, graceful spire
above it. Its site covered the spot on which the soldiers' mon-
ument stands. It was never dedicated to religious service, and
for 94 years was the conmion meeting place for the Pro-
prietors, the town, the congregation, and lesser bodies of the
inhabitants.
In 1765, following the fashion of that period, the steeple was
removed from the roof and planted on the ground at the north
end of the building, copying the steeple at Northfield. Oapt.
Jonas Lodce, who 17 years later led the Deerfield minutemen
to Boston on the Lexington Alarm, was the architect. The old
weathercock was taken down, regilded, furnished with " new
globe eyes " by Shem Drowne of Boston, and returned to his
new perch, where until 1824, he kept faithful watch and ward
over the going and coming generations of men. On the grace-
ful spire crowning the edifice in which we are met, he still ful-
fills the duty assigned him in 1729.
February 17, 1828, the town voted to build a new meeting-
house on certain conditions. The site was bought for $530 by
people who wished the common might be open and clear;
$4,500 was raised for a building fund by interested townsmen.
The comer stone was laid with ceremony, June 1, 1824. The
work was pushed, and the new meetinghouse, the fifth in de-
scent, was dedicated December 22, 1824.
My friends, whatever brings you here to-day ; whether it be
the name or the fame of Deerfield's sons and daughters ; whether
you find here kith or kin, our hearts are open to welcome you
all to our fields and hills and waters. Whether you come the
arts and crafts to view, memorial stones, old or new ; our an-
cient trees and houses brown, you are welcome guests to our
dear old town.
Mr. Sheldon then turned the conduct of the afternoon serv-
ices over to Prof. Henry H. Barber of Meadville.
Prof. Barber speaking of the exercises of the morning, in dedi-
cation of the tablet to Eev. Dr. Willard, said that the talent in
the Willard family was by no means confined to the doctor,
and referred to the poems written by his daughter Mary. He
then introduced her niece, Susan Bsurker Willard, who read the
following unpublished lines : —
Poem hy Samud WiUard. 211
Lovely home of eariy 3rears,
Shrined in memory's jojrB and tearsy
Linked by many a tender tie
With the loved of days gone by.
Beauty, without stint or bound,
Glows above me and aroimd,
Breathes through all and every part.
Stamps its impress on my heart.
On the mountain's 'solenm graoe/
On the meadow's smiling face,
Broods a Presence, holier far,
Than these forms of nature are.
Dear and saintly ones, who made
Sunshine in life's joy and shade.
Sure they watch aroimd me yet; —
Loving hearts can ne'er forget.
I below and they above,
Interchanging love for love;
While my inmost being lies
Open to ihekt tender eyes.
In these paths their feet have trod,
Walked with man, and walked with Qod.
Peace that passeth words to tell
Falls upon me like a spell.
And I bow in faith and trust
That the Holy One and Just,
Calling home a child from earth
To the spirit's higher birth.
Purified and cleansed from sin,
Peace without and peace within,
Will the lost of earth restore
To my longing heart once more.
Prof. Barber then referred to the wide scientific reputation
acquired by President Edward Hitchcock, and introduced his
son, Dr. Edward Hitchcock, dean of Amherst College, to speak
of his father. Dr. Hitchcock said in part: The old hymn
'*Where, O Where are the Hebrew Children ? " has been running
in my mind ever since I struck the platform at Deerfield station,
and I have been asking myself " Where, O Where, are the good
Old Deerfield people ? " Where are the pretty Dickinson girls,
212 Old Some Weeh—1901.
where is Miss Pratt, where Ephraim Williams and his pretty
girls, and all the rest of the good people ? They are safe in the
promised land, I am glad to say, and do we not rejoice that they
are not here with us worrying over the infelicities of this life.
As to my father, I don't know much about him as a boy, for I was
not there. I think he was an ordinary boy, with some deviltry,
wide awake, with an ambition to learn. You know that big
tree not far from the old place ; well, my father put up some big
sticks in the crotch and there he would climb up in the early
evening to read until the stars came out. That showed his
studious disposition. He had other tricks, but I won't speak of
these, as it might bring our family into reproach.
My father was greatly indebted to G^n. Epaphras Hoyt, who
interested him particularly in astronomy and military affairs.
He had a commission as aid-de-camp from G^n. Hoyt. My
father took a deep interest in astronomy, and at a time when a
comet was to be seen knew all the facts about it, and had to
make his own instruments to make his observations. He had
literary tastes. That was the time when Napoleon was in his
glory, and he wrote a tragedy on the downfall of Napoleon, the
first book printed in Deerfield. He used to calculate eclipses.
These studies occupied three or four years, and for that time he
had made remarkable progress in astronomy. He made Deer-
field widely known by some errors he had found in a nautical
almanac, published by a Philadelphia man. Errors in such an
almanac might well be fatal to a ship in finding its reckoning.
My father got hold of this almanac, and with a boy-like desire
to punch some one between the ribs, he began to go over the
calculations and found some mistakes. He wrote to the pub-
lisher about it, who ridiculed the claim, and said he would give
$10 for every error found. My father went to work and found
thirty, and though he never got the $800 to which he was entitled,
the matter attracted a good deal of attention, and the publisher
had to admit that he was wrong. My father was very anxious
to go to college but the poverty of the family placed difficulties
in the way. He had however gotten nearly ready to go, when
his eyesight gave out, which proved a severe blow. He could
do nothing with his eyes for years. The result was to set him
out to work along another line of scientific study. He began
to study flowers and rocks, and became a geologist. Thus in
losing an ordinary minister, we gained a scientific mian. He
New England's Mstary. 213
disoovered the reptile tracks in the Connecticat valley, like
which nothing else in the world has ever been found, enormous
prehistoric reptiles, toads as big as an ox, and creatures at the
sight of which you would run for the house. Tracks of 130 to
140 different animals were found.
The religious feeling was very prominent with him. He
dared preach the harmony of science and religion at a time when
every scientific man was supposed to be in league with the deviL
He held that God was the author of both science and religion.
He tried to show nature in the cross, the cross in nature. He
saw the highest thing in everything ; saw some religious end in
reptile tracks and all else. And now all the scientific men are
coming around to his point of view. I am sure that a revival
of religion is coming ; not the old fashioned revival, not a revival
of man made theology, but the religious life, serving God and
serving man.
NEW ENGLAND'S HISTORY.
FBOF. BABBBb's 8T7HMABY OF FTS IMPOBT.
Prof. Barber then gave an address on the history of New
England, treating in a comprehensive way its relations to
American civilization. Treating the saying that ^^ history is
philosophy, teaching by example," Prof. Barber said it seemed
to him that in this old home and memorial week, history itself
was being taught by example. Something of the kindergarten
method is being followed, pleasure and science, — ^the science of
history, — ^being combined, and we shall find our minds and
hearts filled with the spirit of the old times. This is the best
way history can be taught. The human element in it is more
thsji the array of names and dates. Our best historians to-day
are writing histories of the people, and their work haa a new
power and inspiration. I wish you to join me, he continued,
in special thanks to Mr. Sheldon. It is by his laborious and
fruitful work in bringing forth the details of the early days
that we are made familiar with the heroism, sacrifice and God
fearing and man loving service of the pioneers of this valley.
There are two errors in the regard for history which should
be avoided. One is in making it the standard of life and truth,
our creed in thought and pattern in life. The other appearing
in the transcendentalism of the early part of the last century,
214 Old Home TTe^?*— 1901.
and in the rationalism of the century before, is the notion that
the individual is sufficient, so severing relationship with the
past. Both extremes are pernicious, the one giving us a Chinese
view of life, the other giving us a truncated manhood, without
foundation, and without continuity. New England history is
surely not to be subjected to either view, because it sets out
great principles, not to bind us to the past but as inspiration
and instruction for the Christian commonwealth.
Those who underrate the history of New England by dwell-
ing on the treatment of witchcraft, and the extermination of the
Indians, and religious intolerance, do it an absolute injustice. In
the hanging of the witches, — ^not the burning, for no witch was
ever burned in New England, — ^her people yielded to one of the
delusions of the time which spread over Europe and was actually
shorter lived here than there. It was only about half the time
of the Indian struggles that our fathers were combatting the
Indians ; for the rest they were feeling the effect of the hostile
interests of England and France. Nor was their intolerance so
marked a development.
They lived in an age of intolerance and yet there were many
among them who were most tolerant. They came here that
they might exercise their own religion, and they were not able
to get on with the man who said their church was no church.
Their treatment of Boger Williams was tolerant for its time.
It was a mild sentence when they said to him that he must go.
The same was true of the treatment of the Quakers ; it was only
after they had been sent away and come back, were implored
to go away in peace and refused, that they were hung. In our
day Mary Dyer and others like her, would have been put in a
lunatic asylum for such conduct, but there were no lunatic asy-
lums then. They believed the devil possessed them and only
so could they be rid of him. John Endicott and John Wilson
were the narrow men among them, but there was Sir Harry
Vane, and there were John Winthrop, John Cotton, and John
Eliot, peers in culture and tolerance of Cromwell and Milton.
They were tolerant as far as men could be by the circumstances
of their time. The Puritan clergymen were true leaders of the
people. Peter Bulkley went into the wilderness with his flock
and was a father to his people. Thomas Hooker, who led his
company from Newtown to Connecticut, was a father to his
people. John Williams, here in Deerfield was the father and
Neu) Englomd^s History. 215
helper of his people, guiding them through the years of dark-
ness in the history of this settlement and coming back from his
captivity to help plant anew the town as a Christian community.
We shall fail to understand them if we do not regard them as
forward-looking, energetic, earnest, progressive men. John
Bobinson spoke of greater light to come, and asked his people
not to follow him further than they saw he followed Gk)d.
In Massachusetts and Connecticut the rights of citizenship were
restricted to the church members, and here the halfway cove-
nant, extending these rights to men of upright conduct, followed,
later to give way to perfect freedom. There may have been
blots on the early history of New England, but we can only
think of the pioneers with profound reverence, and honor the
men whose ideal in the planting of the colony was the bringing
forth of a higher civilization.
Prof. Barber paid a high tribute to John Fiske for his service
in reconciling science and faith. There has been, he said, an
unbroken succession of men who have served this great end
from the earliest days down. We find in it the names of Ben-
jamin Franklin, the greatest embodiment of common sense;
Samuel Adams, the herald of liberty and lifelong crusader of
independence ; Jonathan Edwards, whom we are apt to think
of as the preacher of terrible sermons, but who was a scientific
thinker, a poet, a saint of the Lord, a Christian philosopher ;
William Ellery Channing, who corrected Edwards' error in ex-
alting God so high as to lose sight of man.
The Puritan spirit has been growing and broadening. The
history of New England is to be read large in the lives of these
men and their children. It is pervasive and permanent and it
will yet bring back the people from the new Napoleonism,
which has swept over Christendom, and developed the denial of
the old truths in South Africa and China and the Philippine
Islands, back to the ideals of John Bobinson and Samuel Adams.
The Pilgrim spirit is not fled;
It walks in noon's broad light;
And it watches the bed of the glorious dead
By the silent stars at night.
It watches the bed of the brave who have bled,
And shall guard this rock-bound shore,
Till the waves of the bay
Where the Mayflower lay
ShaU foam and freeze no more.
216 Old Home Week— 1901.
THE OLD HOME SPIKIT.
BBY. FRANK W. PBATT's TBIBUTB TO DBSBFIBLD, AS A BON.
We come as loyal children of Deerfield, gladly bringing oar
gratitude and love. At this time it is easy to awaJcen precious
memories, and to stir the fires of affection into a glowing flame.
We rejoice together in all that this old town of ours has been
to us, and during the coming week as we gather upon spots
made sacred by brave deeds done, and the blood of martyrs
spilled, we shall Uve in the consciousness of the larger and
deeper meaning of the life of a " frontier town."
I like that title — " a frontier town." It tells of energy and
push, and plenty of New England fortitude and perseverance.
It speaks of that progressive manhood which knows how to turn
forest trees into habitations and wildernesses into gardens.
We are not surprised that the same spirit which led Samuel
Hinsdale and his followers to come up the river and ^' beare the
venture of the place," also made them chafe under the govern-
ment of the Proprietors of the ^' Dedham Grant," and caused
them to hasten to petition for the rights of an independent town-
ship. Twice deserted and twice reclaimed ; those words tell of
the hardships endured and the price which was paid that our
town might take its place among the townships of old Mass-
achusetts.
But during our reunion and memorial week we would not re-
call only scenes of suffering and bloodshed and death, inspiring
as they are when consecrated by the greatest acts of heroism
and self-sacrifice. But we would also remember the many
peaceful periods — ^those months which immediately followed the
coming of Hinsdale, when our first cabins were built without
molestation, when the men tilled the virgin soil without fear
of the Indian war whoop, and our little village nestled among
the trees amidst all the peace and beauty of a Garden of Eden.
We have had within our borders many periods like this.
When the men raised their crops, and the women looked after
their household cares, and all the family gathered together after
supper — ^in the summer upon the steps, in the winter before the
great fire— illustrating a happy family Ufe. Bloody Brook did
The Old Home Spirit. 217
not always nm red with blood. The underbrush did not al-
ways conoeal red men. The hills did not always echo with the
sound of Indian warfare. There were times, although often in
earlier days they were brief, when the sun came over the moun-
tain and looked into our dear valley when it was as quiet and
peaceful as upon summer days we have known. We would re-
member these times, too, when between the rude shock of warfare
came the daily pursuits of village and family life, lighting up the
shadows by peaceful industries and happy companionships.
And yet we would not have those early days freed from hard-
ship and privation. I think we are all thankful that the Pil-
grims did not land upon a shore where all was balmy and at-
tractive. Tom Beed has said that he trembled to think what
the fate of this country would have been if the Pilgrim Fathers
had landed on the fertile soil of California, where the reward
of the husbandman comes without effort, instead of upon Ply.
mouth Kock, where the surroundings demanded the work that
develops the best that is in the man.
It was the meeting face to face of the sterner aspects of na-
ture and life which kept alive in our forefathers the same spirit
which fought the battles of Naseby and Marston Moor, and led
them to cross the water that their ideal Commonwealth should
be built, although it might cost suffering and death. And so
they braved the dangers of the new land, and planted com over
the bodies of their rapidly increasing dead that there should be
no tell-tale graves. It is manhood and womanhood like unto
this moulded in the very fire of adversity, which has been in-
carnated into the bone and fiber of our national life.
This nation of ours has had a stupendous task before it — the
turning of the immense stream of foreign blood which has flowed
across the water like a great ocean current — the turning of this
stream into something like the blood of our own land. There
has often been the danger, in some sections of our country, that
instead of that foreign element being transformed into the char-
acteristics of American citizens, that the foreign element should
transform our national life.
Here is where the great work of New England has been done.
Her influence has gone forth throughout the length and breadth
of our land, emphasizing the principles of civilization which have
always been dear to her heart. The experiences of New Eng-
land created a type of manhood so permanent that it refuses to
218 Old Home Week— 19QI.
be warped and changed by the influences of foreign immigra-
tion. Go out into the far west and you see by the census re-
turns that a large percentage of the population of some of the
states is of foreign birth. But when you investigate as to who
the men are who hold the positions of influence — who it is who
are interested in schools and good government and clean streets
you find that they are almost to a man Kew England bom or
closely related to New England stock.
Our old town of Deerfield has done her share in this great
work of spreading abroad that best American spirit which is
the native product of New England. Her boys and girls have
gone forth as living testimonies to the principles for which New
England has ever stood.
As we walk up and down our old Street, and feel its dignity
and peace creep into our souls, I think we are all filled with a
deep gratitude that we passed our youth in the country. The
early years of life are the most receptive ones, and there are
some things, which if we do not get when we are young, are
lost to us forever. There is a spirit of friendliness to nature,
which one learns best before the coming of the years of maturity.
Thus Deerfield gave us an education, not only by teaching us
reading and writing and the multiplication table, but she also
gave us a knowledge and appreciation of the varying moods of
€k)d's world.
Tint of mountain, gleam of sinuous river, the overarching
elms, the call of flicker and cry of whip-poor-will, the smell of
new mown hay, the view from old Pocumtuck — these are come
of the subtle influences which have become permanent factors
in our lives. They came to us as naturally as the sunlight
comes in the morning, but they became instilled into our very
natures and exist now as a perpetual inbred memory.
Thus we must gratefully recognize this education which Old
Deerfield gave to us almost unconsciously, but which perhaps
was the best education of alL
At this time the country and country life is being appreciated
as never before. Educators are beginning to understand its im-
portant influence upon child development. The bookstores of
our great cities are filled with books upon nature and outdoor
life. A great desire is springing up in our people to get closer
to this old earth of ours and into better sympathy with her in-
numerable moods and her innumerable children.
CJumtUs Ba/nukrd on the Indians. 219
The mad rash for the city is being partly equalized by a
growing love for the country. Every year abandoned farms in
Kew England are becoming fewer and as time goes on the city
will grow more and more to be a place, not to live in, but to
work in. And we may well imagine that before our opening
century draws to a close the problem of rapid transit will have
been so solved that it will be an easy matter for a man to live
here in Old Deerfield Street and go to his business in Boston
every morning. That indeed will be an ideal adjustment and
will help to give to a greater number the blessings of country
life which we have received.
But the depth of the springs of affection cannot be measured
by words. Our love for Old Deerfield is something too subtle
to be so easily explained. We only know we have as children
sat in her lap and felt her arms around us, and looked up into
her face and seen her smiles and her tears, and we love her.
And we come back to her from our wanderings and are glad.
And our thoughts turn to her in our absence and we wish her
well. In our greatest griefs we bring our dead and give them
into her keeping. And when our time shall come we too shall
be brought and laid to rest within her protecting care. All be-
cause we love her.
MR. BARNARD ON THE INDIANS.
Charles Barnard of Boston was the next speaker. After one
of Prof. Barber's felicitous introductions he spoke on the evo-
lution of modem transportation from the old Indian trails.
The Indian, he said, occupied too much land. It was neces-
sary to economy that he should go. But the Indian influence
stiU survives, and the teachers in our schools should impress
this fact upon their scholars. Matthew Arnold made fun of
the names of American cities and towns. The earliest explor-
ers gave names to their discoveries in their own language.
Lake George was discovered by a Frenchman who gave it the
name of the ^^ Lake of the Holy Spirit" and the speaker re-
gretted that this name had not been retained. French names
are found in the north and west, Dutch names in New York
and Spanish in the south. Those classical names in the Mo-
220 Old Home Weeh-1901.
hawk valley — Utica, Troy, Syraoose, Ilion and others — were
given by the surveyors, who were graduates of Harvard Col-
lege. Teachers should learn the meaning of the old Indian
names and teach them. Many of them have beautiful mean-
ings.
The Indians were great traders. They built the first roads.
One of their trails extended from Montreal to New Haven and
another from Massachusetts Bay to the headwaters of the
Hudson. These lines of travel avoided the mountains and ran
direct to the water courses, for the Indians took advantage of
every opportunity to use their canoes. The white man fol-
lowed Uie Indian trails. They became bridle paths, then fol-
lowed the cart, then came roads, highways and turnpikes, and
the railroad of to-day follows the old In(Uan trail.
Eev. Gteorge W. SoUey of Deerfield was then introduced as
one who had been faithful to the best ideals of New England
life. He spoke briefly of the old Puritan parish. The meet-
inghouse was the center of all that was holiest, the home of
all, from poorest to ridiest. The old Puritan parish, until we
came into the habit of thinking that because there were differ-
ences of opinion there must be division, meant the inclusion of
the whole community. Every man felt an obligation to the
parish, and the parish felt an obligation to every one that
needed help. Why should there not be room for people who
think differently in the same parish t There used to be 100
years ago. The old spirit is coming again, when the limits
of the town and the parish will be the same.
If anyone wants to believe Mohammedanism or any other 'ism,
why should he not have a place in the pews. We have wrongly
come to think that the church will never be filled again. But
there is more brain and muscle in these old towns than there
ever was. It is not an impossibility to fill these old hill town
meetinghouses, and they will be filled some day again, when
this broader conception of the parish is realized.
The exercises dosed with tiie benediction pronounced by
Bev. Mr. Solley.
Deerfidd 's Historical Ride. 221
DEEBFIELD'S HISTOEICAL EIDE.
The histcMric ride at Deerfield, Tuesday, was the most novel
feature of the Home Week, and in many ways the most pictur*
esque and interesting. Old Deerfield Street presented at 2
o'clock, the hour for the starting, a most unusual sight, the Street
being filled with carriages for a long distance. The turnout
was much larger than any one had expected, and about seventy
teams were counted, besides a number of bicyclists. A barge
from Nims's stable brought a party from Greenfield, and a score
of young women and girls from Deerfield made a pretty pic-
ture in a cart partly filled with hay. A general air of festiv-
ity pervaded the scene, children waved their little flags, and
at 2:15 the party started out ably marshaled by Spencer Ful-
ler, who was assisted by William P. Saxton, both on horse-
back.
The long procession took up its winding way to the Bars,
and it may be asserted as probable that Deerfield never saw
another such line of carriages. It reminded one who had lived
near the sea shore of the almost endless line of teams that go
to make up what is called a ^^ beach party," when all the in-
habitants of a town turn out to visit the ocean. Others com-
pared it to a cattle show crowd, but whatever one likened it
to, it is safe to say that no procession of Bamum's, Forepaugh's
and Eingliug's circuses combined could attract so much inter-
est among the dwellers along the line of the afternoon's traveL
The}"^ gazed long and earnestly at each carriage and wondered
what had gotten into the sober minded Franklin county people,
for the party, from the fun and jollity that prevailed was cer-
tainly not a funeral procession. The horses from that love of
comradeship which appeals to dumb animals as well as to hu-
mans, seemed to enter into the spirit of the afternoon, and
made the trip in what seemed a remarkably short time, consid-
ering the distance traveled and the exercises that were car-
ried out. Gtoorge Sheldon was in the van of the procession,
and the cavalcade followed on his trail in Indian file most
of the time, better than ever the Israelites followed their
Moses.
As a party passed the Barnard Monument, Spencer Fuller
222 Old Home Weeh-ASQl.
took up his stand by the side of the road, and pointed out to
every carriage load how the Indians hid in the bushes overgrow-
ing the banks of a brook, thus securing a very effective ambush.
A halt was made on the lawn in front of the late George Ful-
ler's studio, the carriages gathered in a compact mass. Mrs.
Champney read her poem, and William Lambert Barnard of Bos-
ton, grandnephew of James M. Barnard, the giver of the Bar-
nard Monument, made an able address on the Barnard mas-
sacre and its lessons. Mr. Barnard is quite a young man, but
he made a most creditable appearance.
ADDRESS BY WILLIAM LAMBERT BARNARD.
AT THE DEDICATION OF A MEMOBIAL STONE TO JOSEPH BAENABD
AT DEEBFIELD, MASS., JULY 80, 1901.
I am fortunate indeed in being able to be with you to-day
and to assist in these exercises commemorative of Deerfield's
past. But my good fortune is your loss, for Mr. James M.
Barnard, of Boston, the donor of this stone, which we have
come to dedicate, is unable to be here himself and to express to
you in person his interest in this occasion. I come, therefore,
as his representative, — as his substitute, I may say. The situa-
tion is very much akin to that in which an old lady, on being
asked by a neighbor to ^^ lend " a half-pound of well-seasoned
and valuable herbs, regretted her inability to do so, and prof-
fered as a substitute ^^ a small parcel of greens."
Joseph Barnard, to honor whose memory we are gathered
together, was bom in the year 1641, and moved to Deerfield
with his parents when but a mere lad. Deerfield was then in
the first days of its infancy.
Young Barnard grew up in the midst of its hard, character-
building life and became one of the foremost in the permanent
settlement of the town. He was, by turns, a tailor, a surveyor,
and a farmer. In those strenuous days one must needs be
something of a jack-of -all-trades or else fall by the wayside.
We are forced to assume that he was a man of some popularity,
and one to be trusted by his superiors, for he held at various
times the positions of Recorder for the Proprietors, Clerk of
Address by William Lambert Bama/rd. 228
the Writs, and Town Clerk. He was elected to this last office
soon after the b^inning of what we know as ^^ £ing William's
War."
The French, jealous of the snocesses of William of Orange,
were fighting tooth and nail to retain their supremacy in Europe
and to extend their dominion in America. In pursuit of the
latter, they strove to harass the English Colonies. As a means
toward tUs end, they did not hesitate to incite the Canadian
Indians against our sturdy forefathers, and thus turned upon
their devoted heads a terrible and relentless weapon.
Deerfield and the regions hereabout were peculiarly suscepti-
ble to these Indian attacks, owing to the ahnost unbroken chain
of waterways to the north of us, which made easy communica-
tion with Quebec and Montreal.
Beginning with the massacre at Schenectady in 1690, the
inhabitants of Deerfield, about sixty families in all, were con-
stantly exposed to calamity at the hands of the red men. At-
tacks were made in 1693 and 1694.
On a bright August morning in 1695, five Deerfield men
starts together for mutual protection, to go to the mill, three
miles away, at Mill River. They were all mounted on horses,
each with his gun on his saddle-bow and his bag of grain be-
neath or behind him.
By some mysterious and subtle influence, Capt. Wells, at that
time the Commander of the town, had the night previous felt
a premonition of impending disaster from the Indians, passing
in consequence a sleepless and watchful night. On seeing the
little cavalcade the next morning, he went out and stopped the
men to forbid their trip. But he could give no reason fordoing
so. Perhaps the cheering summer sun had weakened his noc-
turnal impression, and seeing Mr. Barnard, whom he deemed a
careful and prudent man, let the party proceed.
With Joseph Barnard were Henry White, Philip Mattoon,
Godfrey Nims and another whose name has not come down to
us. They rode on soberly enough until they reached the spot
where we now stand. Here their horses began to snuff and
became frightened. At this moment one of the party gave the
alarm — '^ Indians ! Indians ! " and at the same moment eight
Indians, who were ambushed in the underbrush on both sides
of the road, fired a volley.
Joseph Barnard was shot through the hand and his wrist
224 Old Home Weeh^liOl.
broken to bits. He was also dislodged from his horse. While
the others hastily returned the fire of their unseen foe, Nims
assisted Barnard to remount, all the time shouting lustily as if
calling up expected reinforcements. It may be that this ruse
deceived the Indians, — in any event they providentially re-
frained from rushing in on the little party.
The five men, however, had hardly begun a well-ordered
retreat before a second volley was fired upon them. Again
Joseph Barnard was the only one injured. He was shot through
the body and his horse was killed under him. But Nims helped
him to a seat on his own horse and all got back to Deerfield
without further misadventure.
Once back in the little town the usual precautions were taken
against an attack. Barnard, however, never recovered and
died from the effects of his wounds on the sixth of the follow-
ing month, — September, 1695.
The times in which he lived were hard and exacting. They
were days of strife, warfare, and mortal combat. No man could
safely till his fields unarmed, and he might rise any night to
see his neighbor's cabin in flames and to hear the dreaded war-
whoop at his own door. Not even five men, as we have seen,
could safely ride forth on that ordinarily most peaceful of mis-
sions,— to go to miU to have one's com ground. From sunrise
to sunset a gun was as much a part of a man's self as his very
hand, while from sunset to sunrise every door and window was
double barred and locked, — ^the settlers almost took their
weapons to bed with them.
Think then of the change wrought by three centuries ! We
live in a country that basks in the smile of peace. Over the
whole vast extent of these United States quiet and kindliness
reign omnipotent.
What may not the next three centuries bring forth ? Is it
not reasonable to hope, — to believe, — ^that another such period
of time may see univereal peace an actual fact t I feel assured
of it. I believe that future generations will reap, from the seed
now being sown, a harvest of peace ; that nations will no longer
consider war a means by which to settle their disputes, but that
international law will have so grown, and the principles of arbi-
tration become so extended, that the clash of arms will have
vanished forever from the face of the earth.
And the donor of this little monument has erected it not only
Address of Caleb AUm Sta/rr. 225
as a memorial of Joseph Barnard's life, but also as a lesson to
ns and our suocessors, that war is giving way to peace, and that
it may point out the path to a state of supreme and universal
brotherhood among all men.
The party then rode out on the edge of the bluff overlooking
the scene of the Bars Fight. Here Caleb Allen Starr of Illinois
spoke of the death of his great-grandfather Allen in the fight,
and he told how the bloody catastrophe occurred, how the
farmers had gone off haying, and were set upon by the savages,
how some of them escaped to secure the safety of the women
and children, and the rest, including Mr. Allen, stayed to en-
gage the savages.
ADDRESS OF CALEB ALLEN STARR,
OF DURAND, ILL.
Friends : You may think it strange that I should be called
upon to tell the story of any part of the early history of Deer-
field when the name of Starr does not appear in any of its early
annals. But my mother was an AUen and the Aliens were
among the early settlers. Samuel Allen, son of Edward — the
founder of the Allen family of Deerfield — ^built the house you
see and in front of which you listened to the eloquent paper by
Mr. Barnard — and which has sheltered five generations of
Aliens. It was transformed into a studio by my dear friend
and early schoolmate, George Fuller, and is now occupied by
his artist sons.
The scene of the fight which is the subject of this halt, is just
northwest of us on the flat below this bluff, on what in my
boyhood days was called The Island, but I note is now referred
to as Stebbins Meadow. The AUen family with some of their
Amsden neighbors were haying and were necessarily scattered
over the field, apart from their arms. The Indians were in
ambush in the forest to the southwest waiting for a favorable
opportunity to spring upon the workers. Eleizer Hawks, a
brother of Mrs. AUen, not feeling well enough to work had
taken his gun to hunt for game near the lair of the Indians ;
the discharge of his gun at a partridge was taken by the In-
15
226 Old Home Week— 1901.
dians to be an aLarm ; he was shot down, and they at once
charged upon the defenseless people, who fled in dismay, some
fighting as they retreated ; but Samuel Allen stood his ground
to hold the savages in check, while his children fled. He was
killed, scalped, and otherwise mutilated.^ One daughter,
Eunice, a child of thirteen, was overtaken by an Indian who
split her head with his hatchet and left her for dead, but did not
scalp her. She recovered, and lived to be 85 years old. The
later part of her life she was a living encyclopedia of Indian
lore. She was found just southwest of the place now owned
by Mr. Charles H. Stebbins, and west of the canal. The site
of the old road from the Meadow where it was cut through the
bluff was plain in my boyhood days. Towards this gap Eunice
was running ; and you must remember that instead of a canal
with its abrupt bank, it was only a brook which drained the Boggy
Meadow swamp south of the Stebbins' house. One son, Caleb,
nine years old and small for bis age, taking refuge in an adja-
cent cornfield, was not discovered by the Indians. One son
of eight, Samuel, Jr., was taken prisoner and carried to Canada.
He was afterward redeemed by his uncle, Colonel, then Sergeant
John Hawks. And thereby hangs a very interesting tale.
Just north of the Allen home which we see, on the edge of the
bluff lived in her wigwam, an Indian woman with her son
who was slowly fading away with consumption, and many
were the kindnesses bestowed upon the sick boy by the Allen
family. The son died, and was buried near the mother's wig-
wam. In the spring of 1746 the children of the Allen family
reported that the Indian mother had dug up the bones of her
son and was cleansing them, and drying them in the sun. One
morning soon after, she was missing without giving any warn,
ing or leaving any sign, and whither she went no one could
guess. While Col. John Hawks was in Canada, negotiating for
* Since that notable ^'Historical Ride/' July 30, 1901, a Bowlder Monu-
ment with suitable inscription has been placed by his descendants to mark
the site of the tragic death of Samuel Allen. [C. A. S.]
Others slain on the same occasion, were Adonijah Gillet, Oliver Amsden,
and his l»x>ther Simeon. The assailants were a smaU detachment from the
army of De Vaudreuil, who had captured Fort Massachusetts and its heroic
garrison five days before, and taken the commander, Sergt. John Hawks,
the ''Hero of Fort lilassachusetts,'' and his men to Canada. Here his poor
sister, Mrs. Allen, lost her husband and a nephew killed, had a brother and a
son captured, and a daughter apparently wounded unto death. [Editor.]
\\
Poem ly Mrs. Chwnypney. 227
the exohange or redemption of prisoners in 1748, he was unable
to get any traoe of little Sam Allen, and had almost despaired
of finding him. One morning an old squaw attracted his at-
tention by her singular behavior— peering into his door and
quickly disappearing; this she repeated several times, and
he finally addressed her, inquiring what she wanted. She said,
" You find Sammy Allen ? '' " No," said he, " I can't find him."
— She answered, " Indian know." She finally gave him all the
information he needed. The colonel procured his release and
returned him to his mother. A curious question arises here.
Did this old Indian woman know that this attack was contem-
plated? And if so would not all the kindness she had
received from the Allen family have prompted her to warn
them } But as has often been said, '^ blood is thicker than
water," and she must be true to her tribe. But when the op-
portunity came to do something directly for the family, she
was true to the Indian code, viz., reciprocity of favors.
The wife of Samuel Allen was the sister of Col. John Hawks,
who was an intrepid soldier and pioneer and a natural diplo-
mat. The attraction of the Aliens and Hawkses did not end
here, for I find that six times have the scions of the two fami-
lies been united in marriage.
The party made a picturesque sight as they gathered under
the magnificent maples that dignify the scene.
Mrs. Elizabeth W. Champney's poem :
Do you ask, Why this stone by the brookside,
Since with heroes your fame-roil is fiUed,
Why honor this plain Joseph Barnard
Who amply went out and was killed?
He was warned by the guard at the stockade,
He was certainly rash or self-willed,
It was worse than a crime, 'twas a blunder,
To go out, and to get himself killed.
Stout Jonathan Wells had a vision,
That leader unused to affright,
"The Indians skulk by the highway:
I saw them in dreams of the night."
Brave Barnard smiled at the warning,
"In danger our meadows were tilled.
Our loved ones would surely go hungiy
If their bread-winners feared to be killed.
328 Old HofM Weeh—\^^\.
"They are worth every risk, our good womeny
And our children's mouths we must fill,
So in spite of all possible danger
There is one grist will go to the milL"
The hand of the leader saluted,
The man was so cheerful and calm,
And as Barnard rode through the meadows
His heart was repeating a psalm:
"Thou leadest me by the still waters.
My home in green pastures is blest,
Tis a man's part to dare for his dearest.
And humUy trust God for the rest."
So we grave the brave name on this tablet.
For our hearts by the story are thriUed —
Of the hero who flinched not in danger,
But who loved, and who dared, and was killed.
After a brief stop during which the beautifol view into
the meadows was fully enjoyed, the party got into line again
and proceeded over the hill, enjoying as they went the lovely
prospect of Mt. Tom and the other hills to the southward. Ar-
rived at South Deerfield a halt was made at the Bloody Brook
monument. The carriages lined up two or three deep about
the little park, and Prof. Barber of Meadville introduced Dexter
F. Hager to tell the story of the famous fight. Mr. Hager re-
cited the facts of the heroic struggle made by the whites with
a band of Indians greatly outnumbering them. Prof. Barber
then referred to the number of historic speeches that had been
made at this place, and said it was not generally known that
about fifteen years ago, Edward Everett Hale when in Deerfield
had written a poem on the subject. This poem was then read
by Eev. Frank W. Pratt.
THE LAMENTABLE BALLAD OF BLOODY BEOOK*
BY EDWARD BVEBBTT HALB.
Come liften to the Story of brave Lathrop and his Men,
How they fought — how they died,
When th^ marched againft the Redfkins, in the Autumn Days, and then*
How they fell, — in their Pride,
By Pocumtuok Side.
* This ballad was written by Mr. Hale for the bi-oentennial of the founding
of the First Church of Deerfield, October 17, 1688.
Poem, hy JSdward Everett Hale. 229
"Who will go to Deerfield Meadows and bring the ripened QrainT"
Said old Mofdy to his men in array.
''Take the Wagons and the Horfes and bring it back again.
Be f ure that no Man f tray
All the Day,— on the way."
Then the Flower of Eilez ftarted, witii Lathrop at their head.
Wife and brave, bold and true.
He had fought the Pequote long ago, and now to Mofely faid,
"Be there many, be there few,
I wiU bring the Grain to you.''
They gathered all the Harveft, and th^ marched on the Way
Through the Woods which blazed like Fire.
No Soldier left the Line of march to wander or to f tray.
Till the Wagons were f tailed in the Mire,
And the Men began to tire.
The Wagons have all forded the Brook as it flows.
And then the Rear-Guard ftays
To pick the purple Grapes that are hanging from the Boughs,
When crack 1 — to their Amaze —
A hundred Ilrdocks blazel
Brave Lathrop he lay dyiog, but as he fell he cried,
"Each Man to his Tree," faid he,
"Let no one yield an Lich," and fo the Soldier died: —
And not a Man of all can fee
Where the Foe can be.
And Philip and his Devils pour in their Shot f o faft.
From behind and before,
That Man after Man is fhot down and breathes his laft:
Every Man lies dead in his Gore
To fight no more, — ^no more.
Oh, weep, ye Maids of ElTex, for the Lads who have died, —
The Flower of ElTez they!
The Bloody Brook ftiU ripples by the black Mountain-fide,
But never fhall they come again to fee the Ocean-tide,
And never fhall the Bridegroom return to his Bride
From that dark and cruel Day— cruel Dayl
The party then took the old road to East Whately, that rans
alongside the Boston & Maine tracks for some distance, and
then strikes ofF into the woods. This road runs for nearly a
half mile through sand so deep that one would imagine one's
self on some of the sand dunes near the seashore.
Great was the astonishment of a carriage load of people going
280 Old Borne WeeJh— 1901.
in the opposite direction, to have to torn out for a oavalcade of
people down in that apparently little nsed road. This road is
still a publio highway, and the Whately people say it used to
be called the Great Boad, because it was one of the old stage
routes. On the procession went, brushing up against bushes
and low growing trees, until they struck off to the left through
an old cart path by the side of a field of tall corn. Over a sand
bank they proceeded and off into a kind of clearing in pretty
rough ground, where the primroses came up above the wagon
shafts.
Here a stop was made at the scene of the first hostile encounter
between the whites and Indians in the valley. This has been
hitherto a little known spot and it is only recently that the precise
place has been definitely located. It lies just over the line in
Whately, and is on the old Indian path from Deerfield to Hat-
field. Here, on a bluff, in 1675, Capt. Lothrop and 100 men
were ambushed by Indians, losing six men on the field and
three dying later from their wounds. James M. Crafts of
Orange, formerly of Whately, whose age almost takes him back
to the time of the fight, was in charge of the trip from Bloody
Brook to this place. The Indians concealed themselves in the
swamp that borders on this bluff, now an almost impenetrable
thicket.
A large part of the excursionists alighted from their car-
riages and penetrated the thicket, clambered down the edge of
the bluff to an old spring of delightfully cool water, where the
thirst of the multitude was assuaged by means of a tin pail bor-
rowed from some member of the party. Afterward Hubbard
S. AUis of Whately spoke briefly upon the clearing as follows :
^' It gives me great pleasure, as a lineal descendant of CoL
Wm. AUis, one of the first 25 settlers and Proprietors of Hadley
Plantation, to welcome the officers and members of the Pocum-
tuck Valley Memorial Association, in their visit to the ground
in Whately where our ancestors fought their first battle with
the Indians in this valley. Their descendants owe much to the
indefatigable efforts of your society, and especially to Mr.
George Sheldon, your venerable president, for locating and re-
cording the trials of our fathers when this valley was a wilder-
ness 240 years ago, and now clothed with a landscape beauty
from Greenfield to Springfield, far exceeding any view I have
seen during a long life of 82 years.
Rema/rJcs of Hubba/rd S. AUU. 231
^^ History shows that our ancestors, who settled Hadley Plan-
tation in 1659, had resided there in peace with all the world
for 15 years (and the Indians too) until 1675. The settlers in
Hadley had erected no fortification and lived in peace with the
Indians surrounding them, who came and went as they pleased. '
It was upon this spot where the settiers of the Connecticut val-
ley had their first fight, which lasted three hours, with the In-
dians in 1675, fighting them from tree to tree, Indian fashion,
resulting in the defeat of the Indians, the settiers losing six men
killed, and three died of their wounds afterward. Blessed is
our lot in life that we do not exist in daily fear of the scalping
knife and tomahawk, but dwell here in peace and safety, sur-
rounded by all the comforts of life in this beautiful valley of
the Connecticut Eiver, where from the surrounding hills you
can view Mt. Holyoke, Mt. Toby, Sugar Loaf, and the towns of
Amherst, Shutesbury, Hadley, North Hadley, Hatfield, North-
ampton, Sunderland, South Deerfield, Deerfield and Greenfield.
These all can be seen from Whately Street where I now reside.
" It would give me great pleasure if on your route home, you
would visit my residence and partake of my hospitality, and
have a view of the valley, from Oreenfield to Mt. Holyoke, 20
miles, which is very grand to behold and appreciated by lovers
of rural scenery."
James M. Crafts was then introduced and spoke of the work
of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association. He hoped
that in the near future the Association would erect a suitable
marker for this spot. This was the " seed-planting " for a monu-
ment, referred to in the programme. This met with general ap-
proval, and it is rather to be expected that this task will be one
of the duties to be assumed by the Association in coming
years.
The party then resumed their carriages, went out to the old
road, and continued between fields of com and tobacco closely
bordering the highway, then turning eastward near the Maple-
wood house on the Eiver Koad they proceeded homeward, get-
ting a beautiful view of Sugar Loaf, much finer than that which
one has from any other point. A delightful afternoon had
passed, and the ride could not fail to make clearer to every one
the historical events which were commemorated.
232 Field MeeHng—ldOl.
REPOET.
The culmination of the Old Home Week at Deerfield came
to-day with the annual field meeting of the Pocnmtuck
Yalley Memorial Association. Ten memorial stones, marking
places of interest in the village, were dedicated. The exercises
through the week, beginning with Sunday, when a service was
held in the meetinghouse and continuing Tuesday with the his-
toric ride, have been of exceptional interest and value. Many
of the sons and daughters of the town have come back to help
make the week a success. Altogether it has been a great week
for the old town, one that will be long remembered and one
that will leave its impress.
HISTORIC SPOTS.
MABEED WITH PLAOABDS — 200 FLAGS BOB OLD S0LDIBB8.
A striking feature of the week's observances is the use of pla-
cards to indicate the historical events connected with the old
houses, and to mark other historic spots. Houses in which a
soldier or soldiers of the colonial wars lived, are marked also by
flags. Black flags indicate houses burned by Indians ; white
flags, soldiers in King Philip's war ; orange flags, soldiers in
King William's war ; red flags, soldiers in Queen Anne's war ;
yellow flags, soldiers in Father Basic's war ; blue flags, soldiers
in the French and Indian war ; United States flags, soldiers in
the Revolutionary war. These planted on the grassy lawns
and grouped in various colors gave to the Old Street a pecu-
liarly attractive appearance.
The following houses and other historic places are marked by
placards indicating historic events ; the dates after names indi-
cating, unless otherwise specified, the year of the first occupation
of the spot by the settler :
Beginning at the north end of the Old Street, on the
west side:
Amidon place — Thomas Weller killed at Bloody Brook, 1675.
Historic Spots. 233
ThomaB Broughton, wife and f oar children killed here by In-
dians, June 6, 1693.
Ashley place — ^Thomas Wells, commander of the fort, died
1690 ; widow and three children killed or wounded by Indians,
1693 ; home of the second minister, Mr. Ashley ; house fortified
in old French war.
Sheldon place — Sheldon homestead, 1708 ; longest holding in
one family of any estate in the county.
Henry Stebbins place — ^Ebenezer and Nathaniel Brooks ; house
burned 1704; David Dickinson, major in Bevolutionary War.
John Stebbins place— Gov. Belcher's treaty with Indians,
1735 ; Jonathan Hoyt captured 1704, commander of the gar-
rison in the old French war.
Charles Jones place — Joseph Barnard, first town clerk, 1685 ;
brother John killed at Bloody Brook ; Thomas WeUs, soldier
in Philip's war ; Thomas Wells, captain in Father Basle's war ;
Thomas Dickinson, captain in Bevolutionary War.
BiUings place — ^Barnabas Hinsdale, killed at Bloody Brook,
1675 ; Samuel Hinsdale, killed at Bloody Brook, 1675 ; Thomas
Williams, 1746; lieutenant colonel and surgeon in the last
French war.
Joseph Stebbins place— Daniel Belden, 1686 ; self, wife and
seven children killed, wounded or captured, 1696 ; Joseph Steb-
bins, captain at Bunker Hill, 1775.
Site of the third meetinghouse, 1696— (on the common).
Site of the fourth meetinghouse, 1729^near soldiers' monu-
ment.
Site of the fifth meetinghouse, 1824 ; weather vane, old roos-
ter, 1729.
Old Fort well, 1689 ; on the common.
Old Street laid out, 1671.
Laura Wells place — ensign John Sheldon, 1687 ; Old Indian
House, torn down, 1848.
Lincoln Wells place — ^Benoni Stebbins, 1677 ; house defended
by seven men and a few women against the French and Indians,
February 29, 1703-4.
Home lot Rev. John Williams, 1686.
Old corner store, military headquarters for Korthem Hamp*
shire county in French wars (on academy lot).
Old Hitchcock place — ^Birthplace of Edwwl Hitchcock, bom
1793 ; died 1864, a leading scientist of America.
234 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
Whiting place— Mehuman Hinsdale, bom 1673 ; first white
man bom in Deerfield ; Samuel Hinsdale killed with Lothrop,
1675.
Champney place— Timothy Childs, 1718, soldier in Queen
Anne's war, captain in Father Basle's war ; his son, Timothy,
captain in French war.
Fogg place— Jonathan Wells, 1686 ; boy hero of the Con-
necticut valley, 1676 ; commander of garrison, 1704 ; house
fortified and not captured, February 29, 1704.
Horatio Hoyt sen., place — Sergt. John Hawks, the hero of
Fort Massachusetts, 1746 ; lieutenant colonel in the last French
war.
Abercrombie place — Dedham church lot, 1671.
Arms corner — William Arms, 1698, head of Arms family
in America.
Barnard place — John Arms, 1712 ; house fortified, 1744.
Elizabeth Wells place — John Catlin, served in Father Basle's
war ; captain in French wars ; died in the service, 1758.
Cyrus Brown place — John Plympton, 1672, captured and
burned at the stake, 1677 ; son Jonathan killed with Loth-
rop, 1675.
Site of the old Smead place — William Smead, 1671, head of
the Smead family in America; son William killed with
Lothrop, 1676.
Miller place — Qodtrej Nims, 1692 ; founder of Nims family
in America. House burned 1694.
C. Alice Baker place— Samson Frary, 1686, killed, 1704 ; north
part of house standing, 1698 ; oldest house in Franklin county.
Site of Old Pocumtuck tavern opposite the common — ^William
Williams, 1743 ; lieutenant colonel at Louisburg, 1746 ; commis-
sary store for northern Hampshire, 1748.
Orthodox parsonage — Quintin Stock well, 1673, house forti-
fied, 1676 ; he was captured and carried to Canada, 1677.
Yale place — two original lots — Bobert Hinsdale, 1671 ; head of
Hinsdale family in America ; killed with three sons at Bloody
Brook, 1676 ; Joseph Gillett, 1672, killed with Lothrop, 1676 ;son
Joseph captured, 1696 ; Ethan Allen's father born here, 1708 ;
Samuel Barnard, 1711, captain in Father Basle's War.
Samuel Childs place — John Allen killed at Bloody Brook,
1676 ; David Field, colonel in the Bevolutionary War ; liberty
pole and headquarters of the Sons of Liberty, 1774.
Hutoric Spots. 235
William Sheldon place — Joshua Carter, killed at Bloody
Brook, 1675 ; Daniel Severance killed here, 1694 ; Martin and
Joseph Eellogg, captains in Father Basle's war, and Province
interpreters to the Indians.
Alien place — Hannah Beaman, 1687; first known school
dame; pupils attacked by Indians under Baron St. Oastine,
1694 ; left estate by will to publi6 schools.
Fort Hill, east of Unitarian parsonage — ^Bluff where stood
the stronghold of the Pocumtucks, which was stormed and taken
by the Mohawks, 1665.
Unitarian parsonage— Joseph Clesson, served in King Wil-
liam's and Queen Anne's wars ; lieutenant in Father Basle's
war ; captain in French war ; died in service, 1753 ; son Matthew
served in Father Basle's war ; lieutenant in last French war ;
died in service, 1756.
Cowles place— Ebenezer Hinsdale, 1738 ; chaplain and colonel
in French wars ; builder of Fort Hinsdale, and founder of the
town of Hinsdale N. H.
Lydia Stebbins place— Nathaniel Sutliffe, 1672; killed at
Turners Falls, 1676.
This is Deerfield's day, one of the great days in the history of
the most historic of western Massachusetts towns, and great
because it is devoted to the fitting establishment of permanent
memorials of the days of her trial and heroism. The work of
her venerable historian is rounded out in the placing of the stones
which shall indicate for time to come the exact sites of her most
notable places and events, which he has largely devoted
his life to making familiar to the present generation. Should
the Pocumtuck Association carry no further its work of arousing
an interest in the heroic deeds of the fathers, should it end to-
day its attempt to place these events and the brave actors in
them rightly and familiarly before the world, it would have
grandly served the purpose of its founder, and richly justified
all that has been expended of effort and money in its undertak-
ings. Fortunately, it is not to-day reaching its completion. As
town after town has felt the impulse of its memorializing and
preserving spirit, there has developed a widening field for such
endeavor. There are still memorials to be raised, and every
stone erected offers suggestions of the good yet to be wrought.
Of the significance of the memorials dedicated to-day in the
mother town of our region, there could be no better statement
236 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
than is contained in the report of the monument committee, in
which a devoted daughter of the old families has set forth in
remarkable comprehensiveness the signal facts of the tragic and
romantic story of the town. It is not Deerfield's fortune alone,
but that of every person everywhere, who has any care for the
preservation of the old Kew England character, that these
memorials are so fittingly presented. The sacrifices and the
personal quality of the pioneers could not be forgotten without
a positive loss to the present and the future. So it is that this
is to be reckoned among the great days in the annals of the
town and of Kew England.
The exercises began in the morning with fife and drum music
by Hiram Willard and Albert M. Thompson of Greenfield.
Prayer was offered by Rev. G. "W. Solley, the chaplain of the
day. George Sheldon, the venerable president of the Associa-
tion, whose idea it was to have an Old Home Week, made a
brief address of welcome, and turned the meeting over to Judge
Francis M. Thompson, vice-president.
ADDRESS BY JUDGE THOMPSON.
The commander-in-chief has bid you all welcome to the fes-
tivities of this " Old Home Week," in old Deerfield. I know
that the welcome is sincere, and tiiat ^' it is good to be here."
I shall speak as a stranger, and not as an officer of this Associa-
tion. We, of Greenfield, know what a welcome to old Deer-
field means. It is a welcome to beautiful scenery, to happy
homes, to good society, highly appreciative of art and literature,
and to all the creature comforts which are good for man.
Deerfield has been welcoming some one to the enjoyment of
her garnered stores for many years. Before even the child
was named, she welcomed the agents of Pynchon, in 1637, when
they visited her to purchase succor for the starving settlers in
Connecticut, and the Pocumtuck chiefs sent fifty canoe loads of
corn to their relief. In 1666 she welcomed Lieutenant Fisher
and the land hunters of Dedham, who coveted her rich lands.
In 1707 she welcomed back Rev. John Williams, " The Re-
deemed Captive " upon " his return to Zion." In 1736 she wel-
comed Governor Belcher, the Colonial council, the committee
Address ly Judge Thompson. 237
of the L^islature, many other fine gentlemen, and several hun-
dred Indians of the Caoghnawaga, St. Francis, Moheag, Scauta-
cook and Honsatonic tribes while they held a seven days' con-
ference and negotiated a treaty of peace. From 1744 to 1760
when the strife was ended by the victory of Amherst at Mont-
real, she welcomed to this, the headquarters of the frontier, the
oiBcers and men who risked their lives in the straggle against
Canada. In 1746 she welcomed Dr. Thomas Williams and his
band of thirteen men who were sent out by John Hawks from Fort
Massachusetts, to bring relief to his brave Uttle garrison. Little
they dreamed that they had marched unmolested within a few
feet of the muzzles of the guns of seven hundred ambushed
French and Indians. In 1755, she welcomed and entertained
Col. Ephraim Williams, while he formed his regiment which
was decimated at Lake Gleorge on the morning of ^^ the bloody
scout." In 1767 she met and welcomed her trespassing children
from Greenfield, with pitchforks, rakes and cudgels, as they at-
tempted to remove the hay from the disputed sequestered lands.
But one hundred and fifty years later, Greenfield had her re-
venge, and perhaps Deerfield is not disconsolate. In 1775 she
welcomed Benedict Arnold and entertained him at Frary
house as he sped on his way hoping to surprise ^^ Old Ti."
For thirty years the good people of the town have been wel-
coming the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association, and freely
providing entertainment fit for the gods ; and now she bids all
her children, uncles and aunts, welcome to the festivities of this
happy occasion.
Let me take up a few minutes more of the precious hours of
this day, as I bear, by their special request, a message from the
women of Deerfield.
When I read the story of the many deeds of valor performed
by the sturdy men of this Pocumtuck Valley, in their struggle
for the possession of this beautiful land, I sometimes wonder if
there were any women in those days ; so little has been written
concerning them, and of their lives, and so little credit has been
given them for the important share they bore in laying broad
and deep the foundations of our beloved Commonwealth. The
..ritere in those early days seem not to have had the experience
of Lady Mary Wortley Montague, who, being asked upon her
return from a voyage around the world, " what kind of people
she had seen " replied, ^^ I met two kinds, Men and Women." I
238 Held Meeting— 1901.
think it better, on an oooasion like this, that the old Boman
maxim, ^^ say nothing bat good of the dead," should be para-
phrased to, '^ speak nothing but good of woman, or keep silence."
But happily, in this case silence is not needed, for had one the
eloquence of a Beecher, not half the due credit could be given
to those mothers of old, who, perhaps when the mind and con-
science were yet tender, moulded the thoughts of their sons to
high ideals, and implanted therein the seeds of upright life
which in after years made them strong to do a brave man's
work in the world, and be of service to their day and generation.
The constant guard, the ranging of the forest trails, done by
our fathers in summer's heat and winter's cold, the surprise and
the fight with the ambushed foe, were not the only battles
fought in this now happy valley, in those old days. By the
ancient hearthstones, in the humble home, went on a struggle
more fierce, more bitter, more heartrending than that known
upon the battlefield, from day to day and in the silent watches
of the night ; where women bereft of their protectors, bravely
did their work without complaint, even when loved ones were
brought home the bleeding victims of some ambushed foe.
The bravest battle that was ever fought,
Shall I teU you where and when?
On the maps of the world you will find it not,
Twas fought by the mothers of men.
The spirit of the generation in which they lived, is well ex-
pressed in Cromwell's declaration in regard to his army : " They
had the fear of God before them, and made conscience of what
they did." So with our New England mothers ; they drilled
and instilled into the minds of their sons and daughters the
principles of piety, industry and frugality, the result of which
has caused an able writer to say : ^^ History has given us no
record of a people so eminently intelligent, thrifty, energetic
and frugal, who have submitted these qualities so absolutely to
the control of a strong religious faith, and allowed the distinc-
tion between right and wrong, as they saw and felt it, to domi-
nate every interest in life."
It is said that the lot of the woman in the olden time was
hard, that ^' the woman's heart constantly longed for a kindlier
and tenderer civilization, and, turning away from the stern
days in which she lived, prayed that her children, in the years
Address by Judge Thompson. 239
to oome, might find a better life and a gentler lot ; " and a Bos-
ton woman has been cmel enough to say that the women of
those days ^^ not only had to endure the same trials and hard-
ships which the fathers did, but they also had to endure the
fathers to boot."
n those old mothers were anything, they were religious;
they believed the Bible; they had fuU faith that what was
written there meant what it said. They believed in the provi-
dences of God, and their faith gave them enduring courage.
One of the fathers departing one day on a journey to a dis-
tant field, took his long rifle from the rack, and starting for the
door, his wife said, " My dear, why do you take that gun when
you go out ; don't you know that the time and manner of
your taking oflf was fixed from the beginning of the world, and
that the rifle can 't vary the decree one hair's breadth ? " " That
is true, my dear wife ; I don 't take my rifle to vary^ but to
execute the decree. What if I should meet an Indian whose
time had come, according to the decree, and I didn't have my
rifle with me ? " The pious woman acknowledged her short-
sightedness.
Since my active connection with our beloved society, I have
had occasion to study the wonderful resources of the women of
Deerfield. The shelves of our libraries, the pages of our peri-
odicals and magazines, and our library tables, all attest the
merit of the daughters of the old town in art and literature.
The extensive and beautiful collection of handiwork now on
exhibition at the Pratt Memorial, is a most wonderful confir-
mation of the recognized merit of the ^^ Arts and Crafts " of the
town, while the building itself is not only a deserved monument
to a noble and beloved woman, but it is as well an enduring
token of the loyalty of the women of Deerfield, who caused
its erection. Neither can I forget the steady devotion of these
women to the interests of our Association. I can well say, that
the women of this generation are the worthy daughters of
noble mothers.
Long before Samuel Hinsdale had turned the first sod in
these fertile meadows, this had been the home of the Pocum-
tucks. Here their wily Sachems planned the subjugation of
the Pequots, which they would have accomplished but for the
intervention of the English. Near by stood their fort ; they
were swelled by their prowess and importance, and murdered
240 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
the embassy sent to them by the Mohawks. The Mohawks
planned revenge. Secreting a large body of warriors upon
Pine Hill, they made a furious attack upon the Pocumtuck
fort. Boutedy they withdrew across the meadow toward their
ambushed friends, closely followed by the eager Pocumtucks,
who fell into the trap set for them and suffered a crushing de-
feat Comparatively few were left at the time of the coming
of the English settlers.*
The story of the tragic events which took place on this ground
February 29, 1703-4 has often been told by abler pens than
mine. I have to do with one actor in that scene, John Sheldon,
a member of the first board of selectmen of Deerfield, and a
principal man of the town.
On that fearful night, his house stood within the palisaded
walls, and was one of the few so standing which was not de-
stroyed. This, ** The Old Indian House," being the largest
in town, together with the meetinghouse was used as a depot
for the collection of the captives, and their preparation for
the march to Canada. Three of John Sheldon's children and
his son's wife were captured, and his wife, Hannah, and one
child kiUed.
On the 20th of December, 1704, Capt. John Livingston of
Albany, John Sheldon and John Wells of Deerfield were com-
missioned by Gh>vemor Dudley to proceed to Canada and secure,
if possible, the release of the captives. Hannah Belding, the
mother of John Wells, was taken captive, but, unknown to her
son, she had been killed upon the march.
Armed with conciliatory letters to Yaudreuil, the Gk>vemor
of Canada, these brave men set forth in the middle of winter,
in their journey by unknown paths, over Hoosac mountain and
by the lakes, for Canada. Miss Baker has depicted in chaste
and glowing words, in a paper upon the life of this John Shel-
don, read before our society, the terrible hardships endured by
these daring men. Three times did this noble man make th^
terrible journey to the frozen north for the rescue of his fellow
townsmen, and he was instrumental in the return of Rev. John
Williams and one hundred and twelve others from their savage
bondage.
Through the blood of this old hero, mixed with the blood of
* The storj of the final catastrophe as read by some, differs slightly
from the abore. pSDrroB.]
Address by Judge Thompson. 241
Stebbins, Chapin, Arms and Hoyt, comes our honored president,
George Sheldon, and it is in his honor that I am invited to
speak. Like begets like. Deerfield owes great honor to the
memory of old Ensign John Sheldon, and his virtues have been
most charmingly inscribed upon the roU of fame. The people
of the Connecticut valley owe to Gteorge Sheldon a debt of
gratitude as deep as everlasting, for the great work he has
accomplished in rescuing from oblivion so much of the story of
the olden times. As the years roll on those who come after us
will more and more appreciate the work of his hands. Practi-
cally his life has been spent in this labor of love. He has
builded to himself a more enduring monument than granite,
and more worthy the praises of men. By his enthusiasm Mr.
Sheldon created a sentiment which demanded the publication
of a reliable history of the old mother town of Deerfield. He
instituted a systematic search for the necessary information;
family traditions were sifted and compared, the records of the
town, the courts, the churches, and the voluminous archives of
the state were examined and transcribed with wonderful fidelity.
The attics of old homesteads were searched, and old newspapers,
old diaries, family letters, account books of business men and
miscellaneous papers of all kinds sought out and examined ;
dates and statistics compared, and data from every conceivable
source which bore upon the early history of the town, were
made use of to complete the story of the upbuilding of Deerfield.
His history of Deerfield is a most wonderful work.
Having had occasion recently to examine the records and files
in the Massachusetts Archives, I was struck with the knowledge
of the faithful manner in which Mr. Sheldon had covered the
whole ground, leaving little for his successors to tell. None
but a master hand could do the work, and no master hand has
done better work in local history than George Sheldon. The
work of all these years has been a labor of love, for it has been
wholly without pecuniary reward, all the profits of the publica-
tion having been donated to the treasury of our Association.
The antiquarian collection in Memorial HaU is to a large ex-
tent the result of Mr. Sheldon's personal efforts.
When aided by others, it was work done under his inspira-
tion. The financial interests of our Association have been ad-
mirably managed, and although almost without endowment, it
is on solid ground, and well equipped for the work it is intended
16
242 Fidd MeeUnji— 1901.
to do. Mr. Sheldon has written many papers of great historic
value, and some, which have been published in the three volumes
of the Proceedings of our Association, have attracted the atten-
tion of celebrated antiquarians.
His work, and the success of his work, has added much to the
celebrity of the old town, and the unique antiquarian collection
at Memorial Hall, attracts the attention of many people from
afar, who are surprised at its extent and value.
With a vivid conception of the high honor conferred upon me
by the women of Deerfield, I take great pleasure in tendering
to you, Mr. President, in their name, their deepest and most
sincere thanks for the noble work which you have performed
for the enduring good of the people of this grand old town, and
to express for them, their love and devotion and the hope that
your years may yet be many, and that you may fully realize
that your labors have not been in vain, and that your work is
fully appreciated by your fellow townsmen.
At the conclusion of Judge Thompson's remarks, there was
singing by a choir under Charles H. Ashley. The report of the
committee on memorial stones was then presented.
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON MONUMENTS.
BY J. M. ASMS SHELDON.
It is fitting that this opening year of the twentieth century
should set an indelible seal upon the worthy deeds of our fathers.
We, as a people, are waking to the truth that it is our impera-
tive duty to preserve the history of early New England life.
And why is this duty imperative ? Because the history of our
forefathers, rightly interpreted is an inspiration to both young
and old ; because the present can be read clearly and intelligibly
only by the light of the past ; and, more than this, because it is
only by preserving all that is pure and heroic in the past and
the present that the future will be able to realize its largest and
best possibilities. Therefore, it is not a matter of sentiment
only, but it is the highest wisdom, in accordance with the most
far-reaching utilitarian policy that leads us to engrave on en-
during stone the annals of an earlier time.
Report of the OommUtee on JUontmhonts. 243
For these reasons, we, to-day, pledge ourselves anew to guard
well these ancient hearthstones, to protect these grand old trees,
and to treasure the homely implements of husbandry and the
household, the time-stained manuscripts, the relics of every kind
that tell us of Pocumtuck and the Deerfield of old.
When we contemplate the events occurring in this town dur-
ing the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a few pictures
stand out in bold relief. Let us look at these in the order of
their chronology that we may thus preserve the sequence of
events from 1676 to 1788.
The first picture is of a lad of 16 years who in Philip^s War
was a soldier under Captain Turner at the Falls of Peskeompskut.
Strong and clear-headed in battle, full of resources in extremest
peril, Jonathan WeUs may truly be called a " Boy Hero." No
one can read his story without noting his ^^ bravery and cool-
ness when attacked ; his knightly courtesy in stopping in his
flight to rescue Belding ; his thoughtfulness for those behind,
and judgment in pleading with Captain Turner to keep his
command in a body ; his humanity in releasing his horse ; his
resignation when lying down to die ; his forethought in putting
out of the reach of the foe his powder horn and bullets ; his
courage in preparing for one more shot; his expedient for
lighting a fire to keep off the insects; his self-possession in
building a fire to lie down by after his narrow escape from be-
ing burned to death .... his persistent care for his gun and
ammunition ; his ingenuity in saving himself when in the very
jaws of the enemy ; his fortitude under the discouragements by
the way, and his expedients for overcoming them ; his rever-
ence and care for the dead at Bloody Brook. Here stand clearly
revealed traits of the noblest character in a lad ripened to self-
reliance by the exigencies of frontier life." As we shall learn
later, the sequel of the boy's story was written in fire, Febru-
ary 29, 1703-4.
In 1695, nineteen years after the Falls Fight, Joseph Barnard,
a public-spirited citizen, was serving Deerfield as town clerk.
This was his eighth year in office. He had also been elected
townsman in 1689, and a representative to the General Court
in 1692 and 1693. Nineteen times he had acted as moderator in
town meeting. Other important duties had devolved upon him.
With Joshua Pomroy he had been sent to Ipswich in search of
a minister for the ^^ plantation," and his name appears on a pe-
244 Fitld Meeiinff— 1901.
tdtion to the Gleneral Oourt, ^' In y^ name & behalf of y^ In-
habitants of DearfcL"
On a summer morning in 1695, Barnard, with three compan-
ions, rode down the Street on horsebaok, sitting astride the
bags of com which was to be ground at Mill Biver, three miles
away. At the house of Captain Jonathan WeUs, whom as a
boy we ahready know, they halted, for the captain was already
out to greet them. ^^ By some subtle and mysterious influence,"
says our historian, ^^ Captain Wells, the commander of the town,
had the night before been warned of impending danger from
the Indians, and had passed a sleepless and watchful night in
consequence. On seeing the mill party riding down the Street,
he went out to stop them. He could give no substantial reason
for his order. The bright morning sunshine may have weak-
ened his nocturnal impressions, and seeing Mr. Barnard, whom
he thought to be a prudent man, he let them go on. The
stone at Indian Bridge, which we dedicate to-day tells the story
of the tragic event that followed :
Joseph Barnard,
Godfrey Nims, Henry White
and Philip Mattoon,
going to mill on horseback,
were here fired upon
by Indians in ambush
Aug. 21, 1696.
Barnard was mortally wotmded
and died Sept. 6.
He was the first Town Clerk and
"A veiy vseful & helpful man in y« place."
These words of appreciation are quoted from a letter of John
PynchoD, written September 13, seven days after the death of
Joseph Barnard.
It is in honor of good citizenship that this memorial stone is
erected by a descendant of Joseph Barnard, James M. Barnard
of Boston, a gentleman who takes keen delight in advancing
good causes.
In 1698, three years after Joseph Barnard was killed, Wil-
liam Arms, the first by the name in this country, came to Deer-
field and built a house on the east corner lot at the south end
of the Street. Here were born five sons (three of whom grew
to manhood) and four daughters. Excepting the years from
1828 to 1841 that part of this old homestead on which the house
Meport of the CommiUee on MowumenU. 245
stood has been in the hands of the descendants who hold it to-
day as a predoas heirloom. The memorial stone nutrlring this
home lot bears the inscription :
Homestead of William Arms
1698
Founder of the
Arms Family in America.
This stone is erected by Mrs. Ellen Arms Sheldon and Miss
Avice S. Arms, direct descendants of William Arms through his
son DanieL
We now come to the blackest page in the history of our old
town. We shudder at the horror of that awful night of Feb-
ruary 29, 1703-4. The tragic tale is well known to you all.
Those within our borders have heard it from childhood, and
strangers have learned it from their school books. You know
of the little settlement of about 300 souls ; of the stealthy ap-
proach of the barbarous French and Indians across the river
and meadows on our west ; of the ladder of drifted snow against
the palisades ; of the sleeping sentinel ; the fiendish carnage ;
the slaughter of infants ; the capture of 111 men, women and
children ; the burning houses and the 48 left dead.
Amidst this wreckage of human homes and human hearts the
sturdy house of Ensign John Sheldon stood firm — it would not
yidd, neither would it bum. A wave of sorrow sweeps over us
when we are forced to accept the unwelcome truth that this
resolute old veteran was ruthlessly laid low in 1848. But to-
day we do all that is left us to do— we honor its memory and
place a memorial with this inscription :
SiTB OF THB
Old Indian Houbb
Built by Ensign John Sheldon, 1008.
It stood for 144 yean
testifying to the tragedy of
Feb. 29, 1703-4.
Its stout door which kept at bay
the French and Indians
is now safe in Memorial Hall
where its hatchet-hewn face
still tells the tale of
that fateful ni^t.
346 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
Contributions to this stone have been received from Ellen
Chase, Margaret Marshall, Anna C. Kenyon, S. Willard Sax-
ton, Ellen L. Sheldon, John Sheldon and others.
Close by the Old Indian House on that dread night the mag-
nificent pluck of our forefathers and foremothers was proving
itself equal to the appalhng emergency. Proudly we dedicate
the stone which will tell to future generations liiis marvelous
tale of valor :
Feb. 29, 1703-4.
The unfortified house of Benoni Stebbiii8»
standing on this lot, was held by
"7 men, besides women and children"
for three hours
against the assault of 200 soldiers
and the wiles of 140 Indians
under a French officer of the line.
Stebbins was killed
Mary Hoyt and one man wounded.
When forced to draw off
The French had lost their lieutenant
and the Indians their chief.
How we exult in this gallant defense of a mere handful of
men and women against a horde of savages ! Less brave souls
would have said, ^' It is useless, it is folly to oppose Fate." Kot
so with our fathers. They were made of a different mettle, and
the ring of that mettle resounds through time, quickening us,
their descendants, to ceaseless and courageous action, as neces-
sary in times of peace as of war.
Already the home of Rev. John Williams, the beloved pastor,
" guide, counselor and friend," had been pillaged, two of his
little ones murdered, and he with his wife and five children cap-
tured. Through the heartrending agony of these scenes, and
of his long captivity in Canada, it may truly be said of John
Williams that " By faith he endured as seeing Him who is in-
visible." On his return to Deerfield his people built him an-
other house which — ^let us rejoice with exceeding great joy —
is still standing. The memorial on the Williams homestead
gives this interesting history :
Report of the OommitUe on Monutnenta. 817
This lot with a houBe 42 l^ 20
ma given by the settlers in 1686 to
Rev. John Williams
the first settled minister.
Family captured and house burned
l^ De RouviUe, 1704.
Present house built in 1707 for
"The Redeemed Captive."
Here he died, 1729.
Erected by the
Pocumtuok Valley Memorial Assodation
July 31, 1901.
Although ^^ The Great Fort " was in the hands of the French
and Indians, the fortified house or fort of Captain Jonathan
Wells towards the south end of the Street, was not taken, and
this served as a refuge for the survivors. The memorial stone
is erected by the children of Deerfield in honor of the ^^ Boj
Hero " of Philip's War, and also to mark the site of the fort
The inscription reads thus :
Here stood the palisaded house
of
Captain Jonathan Wells
to which those
esoi^ing the fury of the savages
fled for safety, Feb. 29, 1703-4.
Jonathan was the
**Boy Hero of the Connecticut VaUey''
1676 and
Commanded in the Meadow H^t,
1704.
Erected l^
The Children of Deerfield.
1901.
It is peculiarly fitting that the enthusiasm of the youth
of this old town which, be it said, reaches out beyond our
territorial limits, should find lasting expression in a memo-
rial stone ; and who can tell what inspirations shall be born this
day that shall lead to strong, efficient action in future years.
Only the silence that is too profound for spoken word can ad-
248 Fidd MeeHnff— 1901.
eqoately portray the soene when the beloved dead of that crael
massacre were laid to rest in yonder burial ground. Well nigh
200 years have passed since then. To-day the grassy monnd is
reared, and on its summit is placed the monumental stone, hewn
from the very foundation rock of our valley. On one of the
faces of this memorial are engraved the simple, impressive
words:
The Dead of 1704.
On the opposite face :
The Gnve of
48 Men Women and
Children, yiotini0
of the French and
Indian Raid on
Deerfield
February 29, 1704.
The list of the slain includes the names of families that were
prominent in the early history of New England, whose descend-
ants have filled places of trust and honor in the state and nation.
These names are Alexander, Boltwood, Carter, Catlin, Field,
Frary, French, Hawks, Hoy t, Hinsdale, Ingersol, Kellogg, Mat-
toon, Nims, Price, Boot, Sheldon, Smead, Smith, Stebbins,
Wells, Williams. This monument is erected by Miss 0. Alice
Baker of Deerfield and Cambridge, a descendant of Joseph Cat-
lin, one of the seven brave defenders of the Benoni Stebbins
house, who, pursuing the enemy, was killed in the Meadow
Fight^ and was buried with the 48 in the common grave.
Scenes of utter woe must change — Nature has so decreed.
The dauntless settlers in time picked up the broken threads of
their lives, and again they sowed and reaped. In 1708 Ensign
John Sheldon bought a home lot near the north end of the Street
for his son John. Before 1743 the house now standing was
built. It is indeed rare when a homestead remains in the pos-
session of a family for nearly 200 years, and such a homestead,
wherever found, deserves to be appropriately marked.
It is with the strong conviction that this memorial will help
on the good cause of the preservation of ancestral homes that
it is erected and engraved with this inscription :
Beport of the Committee on Monuments. 249
Sheldon Homestead.
Bought by John Sheldon, 1708.
Handed down from sire to son
to the present owner.
Longest holding of any estate in
Franklin County.
Erected 1901.
The pilgrim seeking historic landmarks, who pauses to read
this inscription, will feel a deeper love for the home of his fathers,
and a stronger desire to preserve that home from the hands of
the spoiler.
Of the pre-Eevolutionary families who occupied homesteads on
Old Deerfield Street six still hold their ancestral acres. Of the
21 pre-Kevolutionary houses now standing on the Street two are
owned and occupied by the descendants of the builders. These
are the homesteads of John Sheldon and Joseph Stebbins. Steb-
bins was a young man of twenty-five when Samuel Adams
breathed into this American people the breath of a new life.
It was a time when the question for prompt decision lay be-
tween righteous war and unrighteous peace. Though more
than a century has passed we have not yet reached a stage in
the evolutionary history of the race when arbitration, the
cherished ideal of individuals, has become a national realiza-
tion. The men of the Revolution knew that it is only by
granting the largest freedom that the fullest development is
possible. Therefore they fought till freedom was won for
themselves and for us, their descendants.
As we walk toward the north end of the Old Street we pass
on the right a bowlder upon which we read :
Liberty Pole
Planted here by the Patriots
July 29, 1774.
This appropriate bowlder was found and drawn to its present
position by Edward J. Everett.
Nearly opposite is the homestead of Joseph Stebbins, a leader
of the Patriots. His grand old house still stands in all its prim-
itive simplicity — a spacious and restful home. How the blood
250 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
quickens in my veins as I read this tribute to my great grand-
father :
Home of Joeeph Stebbins
bom 1749, died 1816.
A lover of liberty
and a servant of hia country.
Lieutenant of Minute Men
who marched on the Lexington alarm.
Captain at the battle of Bunker HilL
Fought at Stillwater and Bemis Heights.
He led a force of volunteers
across the Hudson
near Fort Bfiller and captured an outpost
in the rear of Buigoyne.
CommiBwioned Colonel of Bfilitia, 1788.
His descendants honor his memory
and cherish his old home.
Mr. President) it is with gladness I submit this report. It is
indeed fortnnate that yon who have lived, as you say, 200 years
in Deerfieldy who have written its history, and kept its b^t in-
terests close to your heart, should be able with the cooperation
of friends, of townspeople and 'Uhe children" to ere^^ these
memorial stones which shall hand down to generations yet un-
born the name and the fame of dear, historic Old Deerfield.
Prof. Henry H. Barber was introduced and said in part: The
Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association holds its Field Meet-
ing tliis year in this old town of its inception and central his-
toric interest. For several years past its summer meetings have
been held at points that mark the sites of Indian fights or mas-
sacres at Northfield, Charlemont, Colrain, Greenfield or Turners
Falls, where suitable memorial stones have from time to time
been erected and dedicated.
To-day, the wishes and labors of this Society, and of its founder
are fulfilled in the erection of monuments at points of special
interest in this vicinity. The descendants of those who had
part in the tragic scenes of the early days have loyally and gen-
erously joined to make this notable and permanent record, on
the spots made historic by the brave deeds and bitter sufferings
PocunUuck Valley in, the World ^8 Arena. 251
of their anoestors. Yesterday's beautiful ride took us to the
outlying places of early Indian fight or massacre, where we
dedicated memorial stones, or visited anew the spots already
dedicated to the memory of those who fell by slaughter or sur-
prise. Kow, we give a day in the midst of the delightful in-
tercourse and associations of Home Week to the memories and
inspirations connected with the monuments that have just been
erected in this Street and its neighborhood. Their story has
been adequately and beautifully told in our hearing this morn-
ing. As we dedicate these stones, we are summoned to the fel-
lowship of heroic worth, and strenuous deeds of courage and
sacrifice, and high service of our country and our time. These
memorial tablets stand here to speak to us of manful work and
womanly endurance in this valley long generations before we
came. They will stand to tell the story of old-time enterprise,
character and religious purpose to other generations after we
are gone. May the lessons they teach be well learned by us ;
and, joined with the later lessons the instructive centuries are
brining, of . larger )«.««. .mo« eoUghteoed Wth, . h,m»er
social and civic order, help to inspire us, and our posterity, for
a sweeter and purer home life, a nobler ideal of social and polit-
ical duty and a higher and truly Christian civilization.
After singing by the choir, the following eloquent historical
address was given by Dr. Albert £. Winship of Boston.
POOUMTUOK VALLEY IN THE WOELD'S AEENA.
BY DB. ALBERT B. WINSHIP.
Nearly seventy years ago Edward Everett delivered his most
oft-recited oration on such an occasion as this under the inspi-
ration of Sugar Loaf. Other historical addresses were de-
livered occasionally up to 1870, since which time one generation
has annually assembled in midsummer to kindle anew historic
pride and patriotic devotion at the embers which have been so
tenderly cherished by George Sheldon in his exhaustive and in-
teresting "History of Deerfield." Thirty men suspected of
being specialists or experts have fanned these embers in the
morning, and more than 100 more brilliant orators have swung
their flaming after-dinner torches, kindled by the morning
effort Thus, before and after the lunch baskets, for 80 years
252 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
some 200 men have talked upon the same subjeot, using the
same material, expecting the same audience to appear to won-
der and admire. These addresses have all been published and
more or less read by the same persons who heard them. It is
no enviable task assigned one to start a new generation of
speeches with the same old generation of listeners, thereby set-
ting the pace for a new century of celebrations with only one
advantage. I am not a native of the valley and have never
before attended these historical festivities.
A supreme demand which the twentieth century makes upon
those who were unfortunate enough to pass the meridian of life
in the nineteenth is that we shall appreciate the fact that every
important event is a part of the movement that is eternal as
well as universal. It took the Pocumtuck valley more than a
century to realize its citizens were being scalped, its houses
burned, and its crops laid waste for the amusement of kings
and queens, of weak men and bad women in European courts
who never so much as inquired whether there was such a val-
ley on the face of the globe. Then it took more than another
century for the valley to understand that it had any responsi-
bility for the starving of reconcentrados or for the massacres
by the Boxers. How can the century be more fittingly initi-
ated into Pocumtuck mysteries than by studying the eternal
and universal sweep of all important and local actions ? Where
can such a study be more appropriately suggested than in this
loveliest of valleys, where a larger percentage of the population
was killed or captured, and the homes and crops oftener de-
stroyed than in any equal area in the New World? What
people could famish as good an illustration as your fathers, who
were merely pawns for kings and queens, knights and bishops
of the Old World, being massacred or taken into captivity until
that noble hour in 1759, when they realized that their history
had not been written upon Sugar Loaf, but in the Pyrenees ;
that their battle ground was not in the Pocumtuck valley, but
on the Heights of Abraham. The world's progress is by the
majestic strides of great events, which are largely the result of
the impulse, the imitative spirit, or the purpose of peoples. Noth-
ing is more irresistible than the impulsiveness of a peerless
nation. From the time when the first Palm Sunday was soon
followed by the cracifixion, by the change of the impulse of an
intense people, to the day when the American Congress forgot
Pooumtuck VaJley in, the World ^8 Arena. 253
all partisan prejadioes and sectional strife in one wild unani-
mous vote for the Cuban war, impulse has been a prominent
factor in human history.
The imitative tendency of human nature is as uncontrollable
as impulse. At the Twentieth Century Club, recentiy, a schol-
arly gentieman argued, with exhaustless data, that the proposed
charter for Greater New York was all wrong because it intro-
duced features not provided for in the original charter of Lon-
don, granted by "William the Conqueror in 1067. And this is
but the exaggeration of what one finds continually in history
and in some who are not as yet historic characters.
Occasionally one discovers a people that has moved between
the dangers of impulse and the humiliation of imitators of the
fathers, and such we find in the history of the Pocumtuck val-
ley. The story of this people in 1670 and 1759 is one of the
noblest exemplifications of exalted purpose in distinction from
impulsive and imitative tendencies. The settiement of this
valley was one of the most interesting in the experiences of
American pioneers. The Connecticut valley was America's
first attempt at expansion. The motives which have always
actuated people in their expanding tendencies are rivalry, hope
of better material conditions, religious dissensions, or some
noble purpose. All of these in time inspired the English of
Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay to expand into the Connecti-
cut valley. Rivalry was the first cause of activity. There
was not the slightest desire to go from the bay to the valley
until, in 1633, some one brought word that the Dutch of New
York had erected a fort on the west bank of the river, and then
William Holmes of Plymouth could not sleep peacefully until
he had framed a building, loaded it upon a sloop and sailed de-
fiantly above the fort and established a trading post near Wind-
sor. Soon it was reported that the valley lands were in strik-
ing contrast with the sands of Cape Cod, and in 1635, there
were 60 men, women and children, with cattle and household
goods on the move to Windsor in search of better material con-
ditions for a home. It was only about 100 miles, and yet it
took them 14 days, three times as long as it now takes to go to
the Golden Gate. Of course their ideals of better condition
required navigation, and the charming, fertile valleys above
Holyoke had no interest for them. The church dissensions
came to the assistance of the valley. There was a popular pastor
254 Fidd MeeHng— 1901.
at Wethersfield who aroused much opposition in his own ohorch,
and possibly some jealousy in neighboring churches, so that in
1659 he had to leave his church, but many loyal men and more
loyal women went with him, and braved the non-commercial
conditions above navigation, and the beautiful valley was set-
tled as far as, and in Hadley. Even now the lovely Pocumtuck
valley had no charms. One man who had come into posses-
sion of 450 acres offered to sell it for six pence an acre, and
agreed to take two-fifths of his pay in com, and three-fifths in
cows, but even this was no temptation. It remained unim-
proved until through complications resulting from the philan-
thropic purpose of the apostle John Eliot, 8000 acres came into
the possession of the town of Dedham.
The friends who rallied about Eliot felt keenly the limitations
at Boxbury and moved to Nonantum (Newton), and even here
the conditions were not satisfactorjr and the Indian colony was
removed to Natick. After a time Dedham claimed this as a
part of their town and were unwilling that they should remain.
An appeal to state authorities was taken and the decision made
that Dedham should have in exchange 8000 acres iu the Pocum-
tuck valley ; an '^ artiste " was employed to come here and make
a plan of the town with streets and farms, after which Dedham
men drew lots for farms in the Pocumtuck valley, and, by 1675,
25 families had erected houses and barns and put in their crops.
Friendship for the Indians had dictated the home-makiug of
this people at Newton and Natick by the English, and now the
resultant events have brought the English to Deerfield. Two
hundred and fifty years have come and gone since those noble
men, women and children, and aU their belongings settied at
Pocumtuck, and time and again were the houses burned by the
merciless red man, and season after season were their crops
destroyed by this same foe just as they were ready for harvest^
leaving them more than once without seed for the next sowing,
and yet never in 230 years have these men, their children and
their children's children failed to maintain the beauty of Old
Deerfield Street or to have pride in the work of that " artiste *'
in 1670. Scarcely has one line laid out by him been changed
through eight generations.
Why should a settlement under such conditions have suffered
more at the hands of the Indians than any other in all this broad
land { Why could not these noble men and women have lived
Pooumtfuoh YaUey in the WorWs Arena. 256
as peacefully with the Indians they sought to befriend on the
banks of the Pooumtuck as did the followers of Penn on the
banks of the Delaware? Unfortunately Pooumtuck was the
skirmish line, was the point nearest the Mohawks on the west
and the French of Canada. The English unfortunately were
the only rivals of France's political power in Europe and the
French were the only rivals of England's commercial power in
the Old World and the New. France held the St Lawrence
and the Mississippi valleys and looked with envious eyes upon
every English colonist that dwelt in any valley near by.
In 1604, before either Jamestown or Pljnnouth was settled,
the French king had made a grant to one of his subjects from
the Atlantic to the farthest west of all lands between the points
now occupied by Montreal and Philadelphia, but failures to
settle it lost most of this region to the French and every new
English settlement towards the north was fresh cause for griev-
ance. The 25 families from Natick had not been in their new
homes five years before their intrusion was resented and nearly
half the families, all who had drawn lots on Old Deerfield
Street, and near the center, were either killed or captured, their
houses burned and their crops destroyed.
Two of the most significant Indian massacres must suffice to
illustrate the way Pooumtuck figured in the world's arena. Feb-
ruary 28, 1703-4, was one of those days which Whittier has
immortalized in " Snow Bound." Three feet of snow had fallen
the past few days and had gathered in great drifts about the
houses and the fort, for which they expected no further use as
they were at peace with all the Indians. Time and again in
80 years they had been forced from this beautiful valley and
each time peace had been made with the Indians, but this was
a permanent peace they thought. After a quiet evening in
their homes the families had retired leaving one of the citizens,
as was their wont, to patrol the streets more from habit than
necessity, and in the fort, as usual, a few men slept by their
muskets in case of need, a custom that they hoped soon to
abandon. The next morning the 17 houses in the heart of the
town were in ashes, 48 men and women were cold in death and
111 men, women and children were being marched through the
snows and forests to a long captivity in Canada. Look out
upon this lovely valley to-day, walk through beautiful Old
Deerfield Street, the " artiste " laid out 230 years ago, draw
256 FidA MeeHng— 1901.
a picture of those quiet firesides on the night of Febroary
28, 1703-4) and then as jour blood curdles at the view of
the scene at the dawning of another day ask yourselves why
it happened. For that answer we must go back a long
way, but first we may ask, Who did it t In that murderous
band were 200 French soldiers and 140 Canadian Indians who
were unacquainted with these colonists and without interest
in them. War between France and England was inevitable,
and as usual the French sought the assistance of the Indians,
who could send terror into the hearts of the English colonists
as no army of French soldiers could. The Indians wearied
of these wars and hesitated, giving as an excuse that the
French never joined them or did aught for them, but always
sought their aid in their own distress. As an evidence of the
fallacy of this the French offered to furnish the larger part
of an army for a march whose object should be the secur-
ing of captives in large numbers for the Canadian Indians.
Hardship t Yes, beyond description when we consider what
such captivity meant. The story of those 111 captives, or as
many of them as were not killed outright in that 32 days'
march, is too blood curdling for such an hour as this. It is
enough to say that the pastor of the Deerfield church, who,
with most of his family, was among the captives, not only had
his pet daughter separated from the family in captivity to rear
children for an Indian in Canada, but saw her so enamored
with that savage life that she positively refused to come back
to him or to civilization.
Another horror of that captivity was the determination of the
Indians to get a money ransom for these captives. The English
were inexorable. Not one cent would they pay or allow to be
paid. Take an incident, Mr. Arms, a respected citizen, was per-
mitted to come from his Canadian captivity to Deerfield to
secure the money for his ransom on condition that he should
return if he did not get it. He walked into Deerfield with mes-
sages from their loved ones with the privilege of freedom, home
and family if he could send back to them the price of his ran-
som, but his neighbors and nearest friends said " No," the town
and the state said ^^ No," and Mr. Arms, true to his word, bade
his friends a sad adieu and returned to captivity. What a pic-
ture for men and angels to look upon. " Pay one dollar ran-
som and no woman or child will be safe from that minute.
Poeumt'uck VdUey in the Wcrld^a Arena. 867
Eldnappiiig will be the chief emidoymeiit of the Indiaiuu Go
bock to your captivity." Fathers would not pay one dollar for
the ransom of a child. This eyentoally coded the Indian craze
t(x captives. England was easily the commercial mistress of
the world as France was as eacdly the political and military
master. Each denied the prestige of the other without sacrific-
ing aoght of its own. France commanded the valleys of the
St Lawrence and the Mississippi. This advantage promised
much commercially that was displeasing to England, but all
that she dared suggest in view of Louis XIY's military power
and political sagacity was that the Maritime Provinces were not
in the valley of the St. Lawrence, and that the Ohio valley was
Bot a part of the Mississippi.
While these issues were undetermined Charles II, the weak
and vicious ruler of Spain, was about to die childless. By a
move that was more brilliant than creditable Louis XIY at-
tached Spain to France with all the military and commercial
advantage which it carried with it. William, Prince of Orange,
as his dying bequest, provided for a war between the two nations
which should not end until the alliance between France and
Spain was broken. It took ten long years, and New England
was made to bleed incessantly all that time with everything to
lose and nothing to gain. When at length the death of Uie
claimant to the Spanish throne transferred Spain's alliance to
Austria^ the treaty of Utrecht was signed and the citizens of
Deerfield were allowed to come back to these pleasant &rms,
rebuild their homes and live at peace with the Indians because
the Pyrenees were once more a wall between France and Spain.
Incidentally it is interesting to note that apparently the term
^ John Bull " was bom at this time. A humorist drew a daz-
zling picture of Lord Strutt (Spain) being prepared for burial
by his ancient enemy, Lewis Baboon, France's tailor, while his
servant, Nick Frog (Holland and big foeman, John Bull) took
a lively interest in the proceedings.
After this, wars came and went until the treaty of Ait la
Chapelle (1748) was supposed to give permanent peace to the
world. Instead it merely gave England an opportunity to force
upon Louis XY, who was as weak as Louis XIY was strong, a
war which he did not desire and for which he was wholly un-
prepared. Without warning, without a pretext of cause, Eng-
land in 1761 captured more than 800 French vessels on the high
17
258 Field Meeting— 1901.
seas, confiscated more than $5,000,000 worth of cargoes and im-
prettied more than 10,000 sailors into the British naval service.
She vras having everything her own way nntil the women
mixed in the affair. Madame Pompadour, beaatiful and vile,
the evil genius of Louis XY, had long been enraged because
Frederick of Prussia — ^afterward " the Great *' had applied a
vile epithet to her, and she enlisted the friendship of Maria
Theresa and Elizabeth of Russia, which led to an alliance
against Frederick, whose sympathies were with England.
It is 150 years, almost to a day, since Joseph Pynchon,
Josiah D wight and John Ashley took dinner in Old Deerfield.
They were delegates from the General Court at Boston to the
Mohawk Indians to whom they were sent to insure peace in
case of war between England and France. They conferred
with the leading citizens as to what they should carry with
them as a peace offering and as a result of the conference de-
cided to purchase in the country store of Deerfield about $25
worth of calico and garlic. With these they went on their
way. The Indians accepted calico and garlic and shed no blood
until opportunity offered, which came all too soon.
In less than three years war was at their doors and Governor
William Shirley issued orders that a depot for military stores
for the Northwest frontier should be at Deerfield. North-
western frontier ? Think of it, ye much travelled people ! What
would the men of Oregon and Washington and Alaska think
should they hear us say, almost within sound of the waves of
the Atlantic, that this had been officially designated as the .
headquarters for the Northwest frontier ! The most cruel of
wars was developed. England soon saw that she had gone too
far. Montcalm had won a great victory at Fort William
Henry, and France, Bussia and Saxony had raised an army
large enough to paralyze even Pitt and Frederick. England
practically withdrew from her alliance with Prussia and Fred-
erick sought peace with France in 1757, but Madame Pompa-
dour was inexorable and Frederick was forced in very despera-
tion to hurl an army of 20,000 against one of 50,000, but he did
it with such fierceness that with a loss of less than 400 men he
slew 8,000, captured 7,000, together with much ordnance, and
the whole face of Europe was changed. Pitt exclaimed when
he heard of it : — " Yesterday I would have been content to see
France humbled, but now I will see her lying in the dust."
PootwUuok Valley in the World ^e Arena. 259
Now the oolonies suddenly awoke. Stung to the quick by
Montoalm's action at Fort William Henry and seeing that this
time the defeat of France must mean her expulsion from the
New World they rose in their might. That was an hour for
the gods to look upon when the men of Deerfield, as of all the
settlements of New England, decided to leave their wives and
children to the mercy of the Indians with the protection of the
youth, the aged and the invalids, and go to the very walls of
Quebec and deal a fatal blow to Montcalm and to the French
cause in America. Forty thousand strong they traversed the
forests of Northern New England, and you know the story of
that battle in 1759. It was the end.
America has made three moves on the chessboard of the ages.
The first was in 1620, the second in 1759, the third in 1898.
Beautiful indeed for situation is Old Deerfield Street with its
interlacing elms. The purple dawn has no cheerier welcome
for Cape Ann or Cape Norm than the sweet caress of Deerfield
waters. The angel of peace has no more tempting resting place
than at the foot of Sugar Loaf, and yet for almost one hundred
years she left the primeval forests and rich intervale to the god
of war and to unholy devastation. For about one hundred
years no man built a house or bam with assurance that it would
not be a bonfire for the Indians, none sowed in the spring time
without a suspicion that the red men would harvest it ; none
even went out of one door without a lurking dread that the foe
might enter the other with a scalping knife. It was a lovely
July morning that five men took sickle in one hand and musket
in the other and went out into yonder meadows to harvest fiax.
They leaned their muskets against a stack of fiax and went on
with their reaping. On yonder hillside some alert savages were
walking. They saw the situation, sped down to the meadow,
crept along until they were between the men and their muskets,
sprang out upon them, shot and scalped one and took the other
four captives, but as one of these was lame and could not go
fast enough to get beyond danger of recapture they shot and
scalped him in the view of the other three whom they rushed
off. All this at the general instigation of Montcalm, who in an
official report to the French government, said with a glow of
triumph, that he was making the Indians scatter the consterna-
tion and missives of war throughout the New England colonies.
What had the men who removed from Natick done to merit
260 FidA Meeting— \Wl.
ill this t Kothing. Absolutely nothing. This settlement was
merely a pawn upon the world's chessboard. The kings and
queens, knights and bishops were in European courts, and the
colonial pawns were moved forward lor defense or surrendw
according to some man or woman in European court circles.
Cromwell decided upon some policy and the tomahawk was the
response* The Stuart dynasty was set aside and the scalping
knife in the Pocumtuck valley was given a keener edge.
Charles II was about to die childless, and hundreds of mothers
in the colonies must live childless. Madame Pompadour was
living a disreputable life at the French court and virtuous girls
were taken into captivity by conscienceless savages. Even the
little country grocery store up yonder sold $25 worth of calico
and garlic 150 years ago because Pitt was goading the British
government to take advantage of the voluptuousness and weak-
ness of the French court.
All this changed in 1759, when literally every able bodied
man, who was not of the Catholic faith, left all for one great
effort against the French at Quebea From that hour the
eolonists prepared to say to England and to all the rest of
Europe, " Henceforth we make our own moves." Until that
hour America had been dominated by Europe, from that hour
she was practically independent, though it required the strenu-
ous war of the Revolution to convince Europe of the fact In-
cidentally it is interesting to note that f'rance that had been
her bane for a century became her ally, without whose timely
assistance the issues of war might have been doubtful. Such
is always the chance of war. From that day until 1898, America
maintained her entire independence of European affairs.
Suddenly, as if by magic, borne on the wings of impulse,
America entered the world's arena and there she will remain
for good or ill, and henceforth there will be no political, finan-
cial, industrial or commercial crisis on the globe in which
America will not be a prominent if not a controlling factor.
Far be it from me, who am neither a prophet nor the son of a
prophet, to venture to foretell the consequences to the United
States or to the world, of the new life upon which we have
entered, nor is this the occasion to venture a Yankee guess, but
it is interesting to trace the history of the Pocumtuck valley
from the day when the friends of John Eliot, moved on at the
]deaipire pf Pedham, hired an ^^ artiste " to lay out the village
Jonathan WMi MonuhieM Pedieated. 961
and draw lots for their houses, through th^ generation of mas-
saore and captivity to the hoar, when, with righteons indigna-
tion they ignored the Indians and struck a &ital blow at Mont-
calm and the French cause in Ammca ; interesting to follow
the celebrations accompanying the placing of tablets and
memorials to mark the cruel events for which Europe was re-
sponsible ; &scinating to look out upon and contemplate the
possibilities of the Pocumtuck valley in its relation to the in-
dustry and commerce, the civilization and Ohristianity from the
farthest east to the farthest west.
JONATHAN WELLS MONUMENT DEDICATED.
A pleasing feature of the afternoon was the procession of
about 100 children to the Jonathan Wells memorial, marching
to the music of a drum and fife and led by the marshall of the
day and his assistant on horseback. Hundreds of people fol-
lowed the procession. On arriving at the monument, the chil-
dren sang, to ^^ America,'' the following ode by George Sheldon :
Hero of tender age
High on historio page
Thy name we write.
Of did when through the land
Ran dread of torch and brand.
With Turner's valiant band
Dared thou the fight.
Wisdom beyond thy yean
On storied page appears
Attained by few.
In manhood's prime thy fame
Glows like a brilliant flame
And gilds a noble name
With honors due.
As slowly furled life's sails
Stood thou with balanced scales
To justice wed.
With civic h<mors crowned.
Rest at four-score was found
In our Old Burial Ground
With kindred dead.
262 Fidd Meeting— 1901.
We come to mark the site
Where on that fatal night
The helpless fled;
Home of a hero brave,
Strong were tl^ gates to save,
Thy name whidi here we grave
Fot aye be read.
The exercises in connection with the dedication of the memo-
rial stone erected to the memory of Jonathan Wells, were of
special interest, from the fact that the children of the town
raised the money for the stone, and one of their number, Jona-
than P. Ashley, gave a report, telling how the money was
provided. The monument cost $60.33. The sum of $55 was
secured by an entertainment, and $20.40 by subscription.
A ballad by Eleanor M. Arms was sung by Mary Field
Puller.
The following address was given by Mrs. Mary P. Wells
Smith : —
IN MEMOBIAM — JONATHAN WELLS.
As we stand here to-day, under Deerfield's grand old trees,
some of which shone red in the glare of the burning homes of
1704, their young branches quivering to Indian war whoop and
the screams of the terror-stricken settlers, whose brave remnant
fled to this spot for refuge, we may well believe that the little
company clustered around this stone stands not alone. The
summer breeze whispering in the elms has a certain solemn
significance as we feel about us the unseen presence of those
who here so bravely lived and died, and who, even amid the
joys that the heart of man has not imagined, cannot be wholly
unmindful of the pious reverence of their descendants.
Whv should the children of Deerfield erect a memorial stone
to Jonathan Wells t What do we know of this man whose
body so long ago returned to its native earth in Deerfield's old
burying ground, and why do we call him a hero ?
First, he unmistakably possessed in large measure that chief
essential of a hero's character, bravery. A boy of only sixteen,
lame from a partly healed wound, yet he volunteered with the
forces under Capt. Turner, marching 20 miles in the night
through an unknown, unbroken wilderness, to attack a superior
number of the much dreaded savage foe. Another quality of
Jonathan Wells. 263
the genuine hero was his, a great and tender heart that oonld
saorifioe itself for others. His impulses were noble. It is in
great emergencies that a man's true nature is revealed.
Wounded, fleeing, yet fighting as he fled, amid the panic-
stricken crowd he drew rein, risking his own slender chance of
escape, to take up on his wounded horse his boy friend, Stephen
Belding. It is pleasant to note in genealogical records, often
so rich in hints of romance, the marriage in after years of Ste-
phen to his friend's younger sister, Mary Wells. Jonathan's
tender thoughtfuhiess is shown when, despairing of regaining
home himself, he released his horse, hoping thus to save the
poor beast's life. We are glad to know that the wounded
horse found its way safely back to Hadley. Again, when half
fainting, suffering incredible torture, dragging himself painfully
along by inches, Jonathan yet stopped to bury the head which
some wild beast had dug out from the tragic mound under
Wequamp's shadow.
Another of our hero's traits must have been an indomitable
will and persistence; otherwise his body would have fallen
somewhere in the wilderness, unknown and uncared for, a prey
to ravages of wild beast and bird, and his name have been
simply one more in the list of the dead, slain at Turners Falls,
merely a name, with no savor of individuality or meaning, after
all these 226 years with their many happenings that have
passed since that battle day. Indeed, the almost incredible
story of the brave struggle of the sorely wounded boy to reach
home through an unknown ^region, still in all its primeval wild-
ness save for the blackened cellar holes marking the vain
attempt to settle this fertile Pocumtuck valley, is one of the
most striking among the many ^^ Tragedies of the Wilderness"
marking the early history of our country. Familiar to me
from earliest childhood, often recounted by my father, it
is not strange that a drive through the pleasant Greenfield
Meadows, when
I hie me away to the woodland scene.
Where wanders the stream with waters green.
is quite prone to bring Jonathan Wells to mind.
That fairy mnsio I never hear,
Nor gaze on those waters, so green and clear,
And mark them winding away from sight,
S64 Fidi Meetinff—lMl.
Darkened with shade or flashing with Uf^if
While o'er them the vine to its thicket dings,
And the sephyr stoops to freshen his wings,
without seeing in fancy the pathetic figure of the wounded bojr
struggling alone along the river's bank. Our Oreen Biver ii
not Bryant's Green Biver, as I loved to think in childhood ;
but it will be forever associated with this early story of the
heroic Puritan boy.
Especially as the road begins to descend the steep hillside to-
wardis the bridge near the Eunice Williams' monument, crossing
the river where that pitiful band of captives forded the wintry
stream in 1704, does Jonathan Wells come to mind, because
this must have been the critical turning point in his wanderings,
the scene of his remarkable dream, the spot where, as the quaint
old narrative recounts, he, having ** f oUowd y^ Green river up
to y* place called y* Country Farms & passd over Green river
& attemptd to go up y* mountain, as he assend'd the hill he
fainted & fell from his horse." — ^^ At length he grew so weak
y^ he c^ not get upon his horse & concluded he must dye there
himself & so pitying his horse he dismissd him." This is the
first point where the western mountain bends in towards the
river, becoming the river bank, and must have been the scene
of the dream, one of those wonderful visions beyond human ex-
planation, which makes us reali^ how close lies the surrounding
spirit world to this visible world of flesh and blood. As the
old narrative says — ^^ when asleep, he dreamt y^ his grandfather
came to him & told him he was lost, but y^ he must go down
y^ river till he came to the end of the mountain & then turn
away upon y* plain & y* was the way home." Following the
advice of this dream, he succeeded at last in reaching home.
Fancy brings before us the pathetic picture of the wounded^
famished boy as he slowly limped through the desolate ruins of
Focumtuck settlement. The sun had sunk behind the Shelbume
hills. In the gathering shadows of the silent evening the
densely wooded steep of Mt. Focumtuck loomed up above him
grand and wild, in the dim light seeming not unlike some huge
monster couched beside the way. Past blackened cellar holes,
where the scorched skeletons of trees stretched out their bare,
black arms threateningly above him, the pale, suffering boy
hobbled on, alone in this deserted, gloomy spot, alone in the
vast surrounding wilderness; the croaking of frogs in the
Jonathan WelU. B65
swampSy the gnsri of wild beast or moan of pined borne by the
erening wind from the mountain side only making more keen
his sense of utter desolation and forlornness.
His arrival at Hadley was followed by years of acutest suffer-
ingj which only a strong inherited store of vitality enabled him
to survive. The old narrative tells us, ^^ He lay lame under Dr.
Locke for some time, and was under Mrs. Allen and Mr. Buck-
ley [in Connecticut] four years and two montlis in all ; he lay at
one time half a year in one spot on a bed, without being turned
once, or once token out ; often dispared of his life." Hadley
had no resident physician. Dr. Locke, who had come with
Oapt. Lothrop and his troops, only remained one year. It was
probably at his departure, tiiat Jonathan was taken to Hartford,
Connecticut for the medical care so greatly needed. Mrs.
Allen was a forerunner of the women doctors of to-day. Judd
Hays, "At the close of Philip's War, the Council of Conn, al-
lowed Mrs. AUyn 20 lbs. for attending and curing sick and
wounded soldiers." Hadley's old town records give us glimpses
of Jonathan's history at this period. Li March 1677, it was
" voted that the Towne doe approve of what the Townsmen
Ingaged for Jonathan Wells as to the cure of his wound. Ll
case the Countrie do not paie the sama" In January 1681,
appears this record :
" Mr Jonathan Oilbert of Hartford claimed of this Town to
the value of 11 pounds odd moneys or thereabouts expended
upon maintaining of Jonathan Wells, a wounded man, in the
time of his cure of his wounds, the which the Towne considering
and concluding some care remains upon them about the said
matter, notwithstanding what is allowed by our Honored Gen-
eral Court " — ^it was voted that " the accounts of said debt be
viewed by Left Smith or Baml Partrigg, one or both, and
what they find legal and just to be paid said Gilbert." The
town had previously voted that in case any person ^^ goeing up
to the fall fight against the enemie should come to real damage
& expence in person & estate, he should, if the Countrye fail of
paiment, be paid by the Towne." Jonathan's expenses in ill-
ness were a just due from the town in return for his valiant
service.
Little did Jonathan dream, as, in despair, he hobbled dovni
the grassy Indian trail where now runs Deerfield Street, that
seven years later, restored once more to life and activity, he
266 Field Meeting— 1901.
was to return here with the permanent settlement, here to live
an honored, useful and prominent citizen for fif ty-seven years,
serving the town in both civil and military affairs, notably as
Captain of the militia. All through those troubled times, the
name of Captain Jonathan Wells constantly appears on the
town records, prominent in all the alarms so often befolling this be-
leaguered frontier settlement. In February, 1704, as military com-
mander of the town, he led in pursuit the remnant of Deerfield
men, and the thirty who had hurried up from Hadley and Hat-
field when the smoke and blaze of burning buildings to the
north gave notice of Deerfield's calamity. To his picketed
house, standing on this spot marked by this stone to-day, fled
the women and children escaped from Benoni Stebbins' house
and other survivors, as out of the palisade's north gate marched
the little band of 45 men led by Capt. Wells, to make one
desperate effort in face of overwhelmingly superior numbers of
the enemy, to rescue their wives, children, pastor and friends.
They gave hot chase to the French and Indians, slajdng many.
When about a mile and a half above Deerfield, Capt. Wells,
who had not forgotten the reverses following the battle of
Turners Falls, knowing the vast superiority of the enemy's
forces, ordered a retreat The excited men did not heed Uie
order, but pressed on, to be ambushed by a fresh body of Indians
lying in wait for them on the river bank. The men, though
spent and breathless from the ardor of their pursuit, showed
that courage in face of superior numbers, which indicates a cool,
brave leader, retreating in good order, facing about and firing
as they went.
In spite of his early wound and prolonged suffering, his fre-
quent exposure in later years in Indian battle and skirmish, his
many journeys through the wilderness as representative to the
General Court at Boston, Capt. Wells lived to the ripe age of
eighty, his body resting peacefully at last in the old burying
ground, his memory and story an abiding influence all up and
down the Connecticut valley, but especially here in his old
Deerfield home. To-day we have striking evidence of the
reverence for his memory here, where he would especially love
to be remembered, when the children of Deerfield proudly
dedicate this stone erected by their own efforts, to the boy hero
of long ago. To-day, children, you are not called upon like
young Jonathan Wells to serve in the train band, to walk the
Jonathan Wells Monument Dedicated. 267
Street under the stars in the night-watch, to fight Indians, or
risk your lives in battle. But there is still room and need to-
day for all the qualities that adorned his character. You can
still be, like him, ^^ tender and trusty and true." If, like him,
you cherish high ideals, if you are filled with a spirit of heroic
courage, of helpfulness, of self-sacrifice and devotion, this twen-
tieth century will furnish you ample opportunity for the exer-
cise of all these high qualities. There are still giants and
dragons to be slain, — ^^The cause that needs assistance, the
wrongs that need resistance," still cry aloud for the hero spirit.
In erecting this stone, you have done a most fitting and beauti-
ful act, giving us strong reason to hope that when those — shall
I not rather say, when he, who has done so much to preserve
the history of Deerfield and all this region, the priceless tradi-
tions, customs and memories, of the olden time, shall rest from
his labors, others will arise from among the children of his loved
Deerfield to continue those labors and preserve their fruits.
In this audience must be many descendants from the old
Wells family, collateral relatives of Jonathan. His father,
Thomas WeUs, one of the engagers who settled Hadley, had thir-
teen children, of whom ten were sons. From him are descended
most of the Wellses not only in our vicinity or in Massachu-
setts, but largely the Wellses scattered all over our land.
Wellses have played an honourable part in the country's history,
from the time of Jonathan down. The old Puritan stock was
good stock, none better, and it has left a deep and lasting im-
press on our nation. Proud of our Puritan ancestors, let us,
as in years to come we gaze upon the memorial stones here
erected to-day in memory of their worthy deeds and lives, hope
to be not unworthy of these brave, faithful forefathers and fore-
mothers. Let these stones be perpetual reminders pointing to
the upward path, the higher life.
Read, sweet, how others strove,
TUl we are stouter;
What they renounced.
Till we are lees afraid;
How many times they bore
The faithful witness,
Till we are helped,
As if a kingdom caredl
Read then of faith
* ^^
That shone above the fagot;
266 Fidd Meetmg— 1901.
dear strains of hjmn.
The river could not drowH;
Brave names of men
And celestial women.
Passed out of record
Into renownl
President Sheldon, in opening the afternoon ezercises on the
village green, said he had rashly promised in the morning to
be here 25 years hence, and therefore he found it necessary to
save himself and rely on the help of others. He then introduced
H. C. Parsons as the presiding officer. Mr. Parsons, in taking
the chair, said that the usual fortune in regard to the failure c^
speakers to be present had been experienced. Letters of regret
at inability to be present were read by Prof. Barber from
two men of national reputation, Senator George F. Hoar and
Oen. Bufus Saxton.
''Committee on the Judidaiy,
United States Senate,
Washington, D. C.
Mar. 15, 1001.
Mj dear Mr. Sheldon:
I cannot think of anylliing in this world miom attractive than the thought
of visiting Old Deerfield Street, and seeing the elms and the old houses, and
more especially and above all of seeing the Deerfield people and hearing the
old stories. I cannot now say what my engagements will be at the time.
So I must ask you to permit me to postpone an answer imtU the time draws
I am faithfully yours,
Geo. F. Hoar.»'
''Worcester, Mass., July 17, 1901.
My dear Mr. Sheldon:
1 am very sorry that it is unlikely that I can attaul the fidd meeting of
your Association. You may be quite sure that, if I can, I shall do so, without
money and without price, and be abundantly compensated by the delight <rf
seeing the people in the old town. I have made in my lifetime a good many
pilgrimages there, simply for the pleasure of going through Deerfield Street,
and generally taking in Hadley <m the way.
But I have been laid up in bed for about a week, and am still imder the
doctor's care. He is quite peremptory in his orders that I keep absolutely
quiet. There is not much tibe matter with me, but I have had no vacation
since the autimm of 1899, and during that time I have been through a great
deal of hard work and a great deal of anxiety, which for me is worse than hard
work. So I have been obliged to refuse some very attractive invitations for
the next two or three weeks, and have given up pretty much everything
that can be called woik.
If, when the time approaches, it should turn out that I can go iq> and
Letters: Senaior Moor— Gen. Saaton. 269
Baton to wk»H ntfaer paop^ a^y, I dMMild likf yeiy mueh to 4o i^ fyit J cimo-
not uAdertake to Q)eak,
I am, with high regard, faithfully touts,
Geo. F. Hoar."
''Intenrale, N. H., July 16.
My dear Mr. Sheldon:
Thank you for your kind and thoughtful note which with its enclosures
brings to mind coimtless memories of boyhood in the fair fields of Deerfield,
where I toiled and grew to manhood, where mountains, hill, valley, wood-
land, meadow, brook and bird were photographed on my brain.
The lists of names too, contains those who were comrades, friends, and
sweethearts. I was christened in the old brick church where Dr. Willard
preached a pure and liberal gospel, and I was present when Edward Everett
dedicated the monument at Bloody Brook to the "Flower of Essex," in an
oration of matchless power, eloquence and beauty.
I regret extremely that circumstances prevent my wife and I from aocq>t-
ing the hoq)italities of Mrs. Sheldon and yourself. If I could consult my own
inclinations, nothing would give me more satisfaction than to make a pious
pilgrimage to my old home, reviving there dear and hallowed memories.
But especially would it bring an exaltal^on of the spirit to recall the heroic
days of the early settiera— the sturdy men and the t^ider women, who not
only braved the hardships and perils of the untrodden wilderness but also
conquered in the c<mflicts of the soul with loneliness, homesickness, exile,
disease, and death.
Yet from all this what grand results were achieved — fertile valley redeemed
from stem nature, a community of settlers, self reliant, resourceful, coura-
geous, who laid the foimdations of a broad and intelligent civilisation.
Fit themes, these men and women for song and stoiy, and their deeds to
be 'gathered into Hiatoiy'a Sacred Urn.'
Cordially your friend,
Rufua Saxton."
A letter from Joseph Stebbina, written from the constitutional
convention of Virginia^ expressed his wish that he might be
present to meet the descendants of those who at great peril had
planted the settlements. Dr. Henry D. Holton of Brattleboro
was called upon for a short speech. Rev. Frank Pratt followed
Dr. Holton. He obeyed the injunction of Mr. Parsons not to
be dull or uninteresting. Prof. Barber responded briefly. Dr.
Edward Hitchcock of Amherst made a rattling speech in the
first part, and then paid a grateful tribute to the memory of
Luther B. Lincoln, an old-time principal of Deerfield Academy.
Dr. A. £. Winship was introduced as being at his best in after-
dinner speeches. Rev. Dr. George E. Piper of North field was
called upon as a representative of the historical enthusiasm of
his town. Rev. E. P. Pressey of Montague contributed a few
270 Mdd Me^Hnff— 1901.
words, and then called oat Oharles Barnard of Kew York, a
desoendant of Joseph Barnard of colonial days, who said that
the motto of the Bamards is ^^ The truth without fear," and he
said he would proceed to illustrate it by reporting some things he
had heard that morning of great historical importance. He was
at the Memorial Hall, looking at the old door of the Indian house,
when a young man and young woman came in, and the fellow
told the girl that he was in the old house when the Indians made
their attack on it. Mr. Barnard questioned the young man, who
said that he was upstairs when the attack began, that he rushed
downstairs with a kodak, and saw an Indian's gun muzzle com-
ing through the door. He pulled on the muzzle, and the Indian
came in, all but his moccasins. He went out and saw the cap-
tain of the French forces, who was about to kill him. The
yonng man took a snap shot of the Frenchman, with the
consequence that the latter fell dead. He telephoned the
Springfield RepubUoan to send up a reporter to write up
a story, but instead the New York Journal was called
up by mistake, which sent up a full force of writers and
artists and had the thing in print before it had happened.
He picked up a frog out of a bog, and put it on the head of a
wounded man, who immediately got well on being treated with
Pond's Extract. The Indians rode oflf in their automobiles for
Montreal. But the Frenchmen stayed to bury the man killed
by the snap shot. They talked French with the Journal re-
porter, who talked back so rank that they all fell dead in ranks.
Thereupon the brass cockerel crowed three times, and has been
crowing for Deerfield ever since. This valuable bit of history,
overlooked by Mr. Sheldon in the mass of historical material
which he has had to sift, was received with great applause.
Kev. Lyndon A. Crawford spoke first in a jovial vein, and then
urged the gathering together of the splendid spirit of the fathers,
and that it be poured into the coming years. Let us believe
that Deerfield has a future as well as a past. He had been very
much pleased to see a baby in Deerfield, for he had been afraid
there were not going to be any more, and he was still afraid it
might prove by accident to have been bom in New York or
Chicago. We want to see more energetic life here, he said.
These monuments will mean a great deal in the instruction of
the rising generation.
Prof. Grosvenor of Amherst College made one of the best
Dt. O-roBvenof^s Bema/rka. 271
speeches of the afternoon. He claimed some relationship with
Deerfield, for his first ancestor in this coantry had been tpma-
hawked, and one of his daughters married one of the sons of
Deerfleld. He paid a fine tribute to Mr. Sheldon for his work
as an historian. He said it had been his privilege to stady many
histories of New England towns, all instinct with battle and
struggle of the early years. But he did not know one that
showed the broad, comprehensive research that characterized
the work of Mr. Sheldon. If I was a member of the school
committee here I would make it my study to see that the young
people of Deerfield knew about this history. There was some-
thing grand about the way the settlers came into this vnlderness.
They heard the voice of long ago saying, "Prepare ye the
way of the Lord," and they did prepare the way of civilization,
of a broader religion at a time when men were bound by iron
creeds ; they prepared the way of modern knowledge and free-
dom. I wonder what some of these great men of old would
say could they come back and look down on us. I believe that
the splendid vine of years ago has brought forth good fruit.
As I reverence the past I reverence the present. The men of
to-day are true to their lineage.
Eev. George W. SoUey of Deerfield was the last speaker. He
spoke in an optimistic vein of the future of Deerfield. The work
is going on, and will go on in Deerfield for the next 25 centuries.
Babies ? Yes, there will be thousands of them. We have got
the best possible sort of young people here to-day. These com-
memorations are having their impression on our children. My
little boy was disappointed down in the thicket yesterday be-
cause the Indians did not come out. I am glad I came to Deer-
field. It has been a delightful place to live in. I shall be glad
to be near our historian, Mr. Sheldon, and thus have the Pocum-
tuck Yalley Memorial Association with me for six months in
the year. What Deerfield sets out to do she always accom-
plishes.
The meeting closed by three cheers for Mr. Sheldon, led by
Mr. Saxton.
S79 Old JBbme Week— 1901.
THE EXHTBITIOHS OF PAINTINGa
One who knows Deerfleld is quite used to the habit of the
place of doing original and attractive things sooiallyi and the
saooess of Home Week has been no sort of surprise. It has
been a picturesque occasion all the way ; with its processions
of the historic ride and of the children, with its speaking on the
Tillage green beneath the elms and button woods ; with its ram-
bling people, women without hats and in gay, light summer
gowns, nrnking lively the wide, shaded streets, the green, the
yards and the fields. The treasures of Memorial Hall have been
visited and there have been sundry social features.
The special art exhibit at the studio of Augustus Vincent
Tack on the Whiting place, is of much interest and value be-
cause of several of Mr. Tack's recent portraits, and landscapes
by George Spencer Fuller, son of the great artist Gteorge Fuller,
and some others. Mr. Tack, whose two portraits of George
Sheld(»i the historian, have made his power in portraiture
known, this year exhibits his painting of Cardinal Gibbons, one
of CoL Thomas W. Higginson, one of Elizabeth, the little
daughter of Spencer Fuller, a sketch of a young girl, Betty,
some drawings and his remarkable portrait of his wife, G^rge
Fuller's daughter, besides a ^^ Moonrise " and another landscape.
The portrait of Mrs. Tack is one of extraordinary charm, the
unusual and poetic beauty of the countenance being rendered
not merely with skill of technic, which Mr. Tack possesses in
high degree, but with an imaginative thought which gives the
canvas a place with that work which lasts — with the work of
Reynolds and Lawrence and Bomney. The whole treatment
of the accessories, the tone of the gown, the lace, the background,
these make a simple and serious harmony which satisfies the
eye. The portraits of CoL Higginson and Cardinal Gibbons
have each their own interest, but the delightful picture of little
Elizabeth is one that the visitor dwells on longest It is a really
ideal picture of childhood, ^^ moving about in worlds not real-
ized," as Wordsworth says in his great ideal poem of the child.
Spencer Fuller, like his father, is both farmer and painter,
and also like him, he is working out in his own way his own
mode of expression. It was on the farm at The Bars that
Gtoorge Fuller found himself. The schools had failed him, and
JSMbUion i(f PiUntings. 373
yet he had a restless genius whioh deioanded expression. Here
he found it by oommunion with Natnrey and developed those
marvelous veiled idealizations which have placed him at the
head of American art as our greatest painter. No one can pos-
sibly imitate or copy his unique work. It would have be^i
impossible to gather here for Deerfield's Home Week even a few
of the great paintings which have placed him among the im-
mortals. The "Nydia," "The Romany Girl," "Lorette,"
** Winifred Dysart," "And She Was a Witch 1'^ "The Herb
Gatherer,'* " The Turkey Pasture," " The Girl With a Calf "—
these and others are treasures of public or private galleries.
But in the studio at Tbe Bars are grouped some family por-
traits which were opened to the public to-day, and wbich in-
clude a lovely portrait of his wife— who to-day retains the
beauty which distinguished her when she was Agnes Higgin-
son ; and other family portraits. Besides, there were to be seen
photographic reproductions of several of his paintings. The
old house whose north side he transformed into a lofty studio
is in itself of much interest, and his palettes hanging on the
walls, the ancient clock and the great fireplace, the easels, and
all those appurtenances of the artist's occupation, give to ttus
room a fascination which belongs to the home of a great
genius.
To return to the exhibit at Mr. Tack's studio, and to Spencer
Fuller's beautiful winter landscape, which would undoubtedly
make a serious impression if shown in New York or in Boston.
The son's work in no respect recalls his father's, and he can
stand upon his own merits in this fine rendering of tbe winter
day, as one looks upon a winding country road in a young for-
est,— surveying from a higher plain the long, sinuous trail, seen
in the tender roseate-golden light of the sun. The scene is in-
fused with delicate and subtle magic, and the sky lifts from
the woodland in that gentle beauty which belongs to the mo*
ment. This landscape, showing him in his character as lover
of and familiar with Nature, as well as painter, warrants Mr.
Fuller's calling of artist. Besides, one should notice in this
exhibit the excellent pastels of J. Wells Champney. His copy
of Giovanni Bellini's portrait of a young Venetian noble is one
of the most competent interpretations that have been made of
the very spirit of the renaissance artist. The treatment of the
high patrician features and the curiously dressed hair could not
18
874 Old Home Fi^*— 1901.
beexoelled in technioal exoellenoe. Hisoopyof the '^ Daughter
of Louis XIY " is very genial and clever. Besides these, there
are still life pictures by Miss Lane, a landscape by Miss Eleanor
M. Arms and some others. There should also be mentioned an
agreeable example of the skill as miniaturist of Mrs. Marie
Champney Humphreys, in the portrait of her father in the vil-
lage room, with the arts and crafts exhibit.
The picture of the meetinghouse in Deerfield, built in
the early days, is from a photograph by the Misses Allen of a
painting by Mrs. Eels, elaborated from the sketch of some un-
known artist. The old meetinghouse stood on the village green,
and behind it may be seen the so-called ^^ Indian House," which,
built about 1698, was torn down in 1848, the town then losing
an inestimable historic monument. There are now but few who
remember the house, but its door, with the marks of the Indian
tomahawks which cut the hole through which the shot was
fired that killed the wife of Ensign John Sheldon in the de-
structive assault of 1704, is in the museum of Memorial Hall,
and as Josiah D. Canning wrote in his poem other towns may
boast of various treasures, but as for Deerfield :
She has the Door of History, — here's the One.
EXHIBITION OF THE ARTS AND CRAFTS IN THE
MARTHA PRATT MEMORIAL.
Deerfield once again exemplified her claim as an art center
to be a serious one by the brilliant show of local handicrafts in
the Village Room. Here are gathered a display of objects of
decorative art that a much larger community might feel a pride
in showing ; all products of the village people, and all made in
the year that has passed since the last exhibit of work. In
standard of merit it ranks favorably with the large shows of
city Arts and Grafts societies, which draw upon large areas for
contributions, and in variety, also, it is equally noteworthy.
To bring together such excellent examples of the use of wood,
iron, metals, enamels and semi-precious stones, of basketry, of
embroidery and kindred materials, is an achievement that
marks the movement toward a wider artistic appreciation and
ATt8 and OraftB. 275
capacity that has lately become evident in America. It is not
too much to say that Deerfield has become a considerable fac-
tor in the progress of art in this country. The spirit of fellow-
ship in aim, which only makes such results possible, is shown
in the fact that these yearly exhibitions in the town are under
no formal management. Deerfield has no organized '^ society
of arts and crafts " to control and encumber the individuality
of the craftsmen, but with mutual helpfulness the producers
unite to display their best, animated with a single desire to
keep the standard high.
The work of Mrs. Madeline Yale Wynne and Miss Annie C.
Putnam in metals is as different as possible from that shown
by them last year, but since such is what they have taught the
public to expect of their work, it occasions no surprise. Mrs.
Wynne has taken to setting stones,— opals, moonstones and
common pebbles, — with unique success. Here are brooches and
clasps, made of silver, with pendants of milky opals and clear
moonstones forming strange and unexpected designs ; a buckle
with blue and green enamels surrounding an opal which shows
those iridescent hues ; another of red-bronze copper, holding a
pebble from Monterey beach ; one of gray-toned copper and
pink enamel that defines a charming design of single tur-
quoises ; a brooch of silver, with orange and ruby-colored opals
from Mexico, hanging on little silver chains, and still another,
whose pendant is formed of a single water-stone. There are
but two bowls in Mrs. Wynne's collection this year, one of sil-
ver, of a very pleasing shape, and the other, made of copper,
mottled and streaked with darker color, like a strange shell, is
supported upon three legs. The most original example of Mrs.
Wynne's work is a small box, dull blue and green and bronze
in color, bearing on its lid an inset ornament of silver, the de-
sign being a rabbit, in the moon, surrounded by flowers, set
with moonstones ; the comer pieces of the box are oxidized
metal, set with dull green pebbles. On the inside of the lid
the legend which the device illustrates is carved. Miss Put-
nam's work, very different in style, light and fantastic in design
often, is equally interesting. She shows a hairpin of silver
enameled with delicate turquoise hues that run into ruby by a
delicate gradation, fashioned in a flower form ; a charming
stock-fastener, with hanging pendants, ornamented with many-
colored enamels ; a large silver belt buckle bearing a design of
276 OU Mame W$eh^l901.
coyotes against a suggested landsoape that is a beautifal har-
mony of blae and green enamels^ and a belt and bag oi wine-
colored leather, ornamented by many devices of highly decorar
tive fishes done in copper.
The bride's chest of oak and soft wood made by Edwin C.
Thorn and Caleb Allen, and decorated in low rcdief by Dr.
Thorn, with old iron hinges matched by the village blacksmith
with iron draw-handles and key-plate, ocoapies the place of
honor in front of the chimney. It is a beantif ul specimen of
true craft, made in the same spirit of honest thoroughness that
belonged to the maker of the chest now in the Memorial Hall
of Deerfield, in the style of which this chest is made ; standing
squarely on its strong supports, with a drawer that slides as
though it were on oiled runners, with a heavy lid, and admiral
ble ornamentation it is one of the most successful specimens oi
work in the exhibit Close beside it are a splint-bottomed chair
and small square stand, both made of cherry, the latter article
showing how bits of several broken pieces of old furniture may
be remodeled into pleasing shape, and these are also the work
of Dr. Thorn. In the same class is a hanging smoker's cabinet
of two drawers admirably made of cherry, which is sent by
Caleb Allen. Over the chest, depending from the ceiling, is a
wrought-iron lantern designed and made by the blacksmith,
Cornelius Eelley. This is boldly simple in form, without omar
ment, but so well proportioned and excellently true in workman*
ship that it is satisfactory to the eye.
In quite another sort of material, but kindred in aim, is the
work of the basket-makers, the associated gronp who work in
palm leaf. With them perfection is not too high a goal, and
the exquisite nicety of their plaiting is worth study, while the
shapes they evolve in their little and big baskets, trays and
cases, from the simple material, is testimony to their ingenuity.
With them this year are shown for the first time some ex-
periments in other basket materials; reed baskets in the old-
&shioned shapes that are associated in our minds with mending
stockings or doing patchwork ; flat flower baskets copied from
those peculiar to the Fayal islanders, made by Miss Sarah and
Miss Catherine Wells, and raflSa baskets, strong in color, dar-
ing in shape and altogether interesting, which are contributed
by Mrs. Wynne, Miss Miller, Miss Whiting and Miss Brown.
The rugs this year are of considerable variety and show whafc
Arts and Orqfta. 277
ddll and a sMte of color can make oat of the ordinary rag-
carpeting of oar f oremothers ; it is a large exhibit The d»
play of the Blae and White Society is varied and fresh. A
bedspread in blaes is a carefal reprodnction of one worked by
Eetarah Baldwin of Dorset, Yt, about 1750, which was burned
last year ; the society possessed a drawing of it and as an act
of picas duty has made this copy, lest so beaatifal a design
shoold cease to exist. A bold excursion into colors is shown in
a three-fold screen loaned by its owner, Mrs. 0. C. Furbush of
Greenfield, which shows the tree of life springing on the cen-
tral panel from a grassy field of fiowers, which with its spread-
ing floral branches forms the top and bottom decoration of the
side panels ; this is executed in blues and greens, so combined
as often to produce a peacock hue, pink and orange colors with
a great variety of textures produced by the different stitches
employed. For the bookcase is shown a set of curtains on coarse
gray crash, decorated with flower baskets in several colors. A
table square with a blue design of bachelor's buttons according
to the curious conventions of the colonial period, another of
shells in colors, a ^^ bleeding heart " design for a sofa pillow, a
good variety of center-pieces and doilies, a number of quaint
sampler designs in cross*stitch, complete a large show of this
society. Each worker of the society is represented by a piece
of embroidery bearing her name, to show how even is the ex-
cellence of the several craftswomen.
Closely allied to both art and craftsmanship, as photography
now is, the work of Miss Frances Allen and Miss Mary Allen
and of Miss Coleman would be equaUy at home in this room or
next door to the small gallery of paintings which Mr. Tack has
hung in his studio. The Misses Allen use their camera in the
same spirit with which a painter uses his brush, and their sense
of composition, of the drwiatic moment, is as eminent a qual-
ification for their art as for his. How greatly they improve in
their craft is shown by their present exhibit of new work Here
are groups of portraits which are character studies, of figure
compositions that are pictures, and of landscapes that are poetia
The extraordinary piotare of a coming ^^ Storm on the North
Meadows," where the black sky throws a row of comstacks into
almost tragic relief ; the fortunate fiower studies, particularly
of blooming laurel bushes in the fresh early sunlight of spring;
the single figure of a little girl sewing in a porch comer,
278 Old Home Weeh-1901.
which is fall of old-fashioned sobriety ; the remarkable series of
character pictures which they call ^^ Miss Fidelia's Story,^ that
is fall of New England humor ; the portrait of a woman in her
grandmother's wedding gown, and that head of a little dark-
skinned boy in profile, are all brilliant examples of the variety
of their artistic perceptions. Miss Emma L. Coleman, exhibits
only a small number of her photographs, but these are of high
quality. The subjects are chosen in the South, except for two
views of the Niagara Bapids, which are remarkable pictures and
beautiful studies of light and shade ; the negro pictures are also
full of character, particularly that of an old woman in a turban
walking over plowed ground ; another is of a single figure of a
woman hoeing; there are two groups of pickaninnies that are
delightfully conceived. One seldom sees photographs of negroes
that are so dignified, one may even say respectful, in treatment ;
this trait, so conspicuous in Miss Ooleman's pictures, forms a very
component part of the merit of her work as art Best of sdl
her contribution is the magnificent portrait of a turkey gobbler,
with every feather spread to the sun ; it is full of color and life.
Clarence Hoyt, the Boston architect, has sent in as a con-
tribution from a son of Deerfield, three drawings of buildings he
has lately designed, the most important being a handsome high
school for Georgetown, Mass., recently finished. This exhibit
is particularly appropriate to the village room, which Mr. Hoyt
designed, and which was built by his father, Horatio Hoyt, a
lifelong resident of the Street.
In one of the showcases is placed a miniature by Mrs. Marie
Champney Humphreys — an admirable portrait of her artist
father, J. Wells Champney. It is the one which has attracted
much &.vorable comment in larger exhibitions, and would have
been put in Mr. Tack's studio if the delicate nature of the paint-
ing had not made protection necessary.
By way of these interesting pictures the distance between
handiwork and literature is deftly bridged. Thus we find a
reason beyond that of commendable pride in two books by
Deerfield authors which have been printed since the exhibit two
years ago, when a dozen volumes were shown. These
books are Mrs. Elizabeth W. Champney 's beautifully il-
lustrated ^^ Bomance of the Feudal Chateaux," which was re-
cently published by the Putnams; and the monograph on
^^ Claystones," which Mrs. Jennie Arms Sheldon brought out
Three Dewfidd Ihemnffs. 279
last winter. In conneotion with the latter volnme a showcase
displays a small collection of Mrs. Sheldon's concretions to
show what Deerfield itself, unaided by the arts or crafts of man,
can produce.
REPORT OF THREE DEERFIELD EVENINGS.
One evening Mr. and Mrs. Charles H. Ashley opened their
pleasant home for a musical. They were assisted by Mrs.
Rogers, Miss Orr and Miss Cowles. The following programme
was rendered :
BoLBBo, Moszkowski
Mrs. Ashley, Miss Orr.
SOKO,
Mrs. Rogers.
Duo, Andante from 0 major Concerto, . . Beethoven
Miss Orr, Mrs. Ashley.
Song,
Mrs. Rogers.
" Tannhabusbb " overture, .... Wagner
Mrs. Rogers, Mrs. Ashley, Miss Orr, Miss Cowles.
Among the pleasant occasions of the most delightful week
that ever has come to Old Deerfield was the reception given by
Mrs. Elizabeth Williams Champney to all Deerfield and its
many guests. The avenues to this charming home, where
Judge Williams lived, were lighted by many Chinese lanterns.
The gracious hostess received her guests at the door, while the
daughter of artistic fame, Mrs. Marie Humphreys, had a kindly
greeting for all within.
The charm of the evening was when Mrs. Madeline Yaii^
Wynne was asked by Mrs. Champney to say a few words.
With great grace of nmnner and wonderful clearness of voice
and enunciation she said :
^^ Nature is very subtle and clever at the Crafts, but when she
made the laurel leaf she herself was surprised at its beauty.
Never before had such a satis&ctory green come from her dye-
pot, — a color that would not fade in summer's heat or winter's
380 Old Home Week— 1901.
snow. And the texture of the leaf was to her liking. She
said : ^ This bush must be dedicated to the hi^est of purposes.
It shall not grow tall enough to yield mast for ship, or beam for
house, or frame for church ; neither shall the limbs so spread as
to become a shade for the street ; nor shall the verdure serve as
food for cattle. The blossoms shall be of exquisite shape, and in
their abundance shall be as a torrent of pink down the moun-
tain side, and its leaves shaU be woven into wreaths for the
hero.' In Deerfield, Nature waited long for a hero to her mind.
She was not willing to crown the Bed man, for she liked not
his ways, nor would she give the crown to our ancestors, whose
praises we have sung to-day, for their ways were not the wajrs
of Peace. She waited for one to come who was to be a link be-
tween the Past and the Future, who should select all that was
admirable from out the Past, that it might become an inspira-
tion to the Future. And so it is that I stand here to-night
with this laurel wreath in my hand, with which to crown the
hero of this day — the Hon. George Sheldon. In his absence I
give it to Mrs. Sheldon, who not only represents him here to-
night, but who in all his honorable work is his most able and
loving coadjutor.'' The receptions in Deerfield are charming
in their novelty, and this was no exception.
The hum of many voices, like the waves of a singing sea,
ceased when Mrs. Champney announced that her guest, Mr.
Charles Barnard of New York, would repeat a story he told
her once, and it was the funniest she ever heard. With a very
severe manner Mr. Barnard, who called everybody cousin that
spent that week in Deerfield, told the story of a man, retired
from business with a fortune, who promised his wife that she
should have anything she wished. The model husband heard
her request, made with great simplicity, for she asked a seeming
impossibility. She wished a bouse vdth the sun in every room,
morning and afternoon. Architects of renown were sought,
but all failed to satisfy this grasping woman. The amiable
husband at last evolved a plan for her gratification. He saw
a house near a railroad which had failed and was no longer
used. He took his wife to see the prize, and he told her he had
evolved a solar system so novel but unique that at last she
oould have the sun in every room. With the trust of woman,
she simply believed her lord and master, and the house was
bought. Time fails to tell how this man accomplished the
Boftn Pwrty. 281
hnpofisible, but Mr. Barnard told us how this genius of a maa
gratified his wife. It is a connndram which the reader may
gaess. If this man had only been bom in Deerfield, a stone
would have been erected to his memory by the aspiring wives
of to-day, who would worship his character.
The festivities of Deerfield's ^^ Home Week " culminated with
the ^^ Bam Party '' of Hon. and Mrs. Gtoorge Sheldon on Thurs-
day evening. Everybody between the ages of 17 and 9Y was
invited to " come promptly vnthout frills or trains," and every-
body came. The long bam floor was swept, and garnished
with forest greens ; the long scaffold and hay terraced bay were
transformed into balconies, locomotive headlights and Japanese
lanterns lit up the scene ; and Deerfield's old and young, with
multitudes of her returned children and visitors, crowded this
new Sheldonian theatre, or overflowed the lawn where music
and moonlight lent enchantment to the perfect night.
Various old-time songs were announced during the evening,
" The Old Oaken Bucket" and " Auld Lang Syne" were well
rendered by a quartette under the charge of Mr. Ashley. Then
came a charming Scotch ballad, sung by Mrs. George Spencer
Fuller, so sweet in word and tone it was entrancing.
The singing of " The Sword of Bunker Hill " by the sympa-
thetic voice of Mr. Hough roused the whole audience and made
the hero blood tingle as the notes rolled up through the loft
to heaven.
Soon after eight o'clock the familiar strains of Si Ball's violin
were heard. The floor was soon cleared for dancing, and Mrs.
Sheldon led off in the Virginia reeL Hull's Victory, Money
Musk, Speed the Plow, etc., followed, and in contra dances, in-
spired by the music of the violins, the merry feet flew :
The pastor, the deacon, the proud one, the meek one,
All merrily joined in the brisk promenade, —
Then the big barn doors at the back opened, and martial
music was heard ; down the long aisle, thickly fringed with
evergreen and vine, swept a column in scarlet and gold, marched
out under the lanterns and the moon to the iQuminated orchard.
Our minds were filled with wonder, what surprise could come
next ! Then came surprise number two, in the shape of a most
grateful entertainment of refreshing nature, and young men
and maidens brought it to the elders seated in the loft, who
were served first, — a relic of ancient day custom.
282 Old Home WeekH-1901.
The music on the lawn, and the full moon above the noble
trees, joined with the many delightful associations of the week
to make the occasion one to be long remembered. Mr. and
Mrs. Sheldon were happy with their guests in the unbroken
success of the social and historical function they so laigely
planned, and have been unwearied in carrying out ; and when
at eleven o'clock, ^^Home, Sweet Home" was sung, all present
joined in it with a deep sense that something very beautiful and
inspiring had come into their Uves.
B ut pleasures must end, and vrith the singing of ^^ Home, Sweet
Home," adieus were said to the host and hostess. We walked
down the shaded streets by the light of the glorious moon, and
entered into dreamland with visions and memories that time
can never efface. Who will not say after this week of weeks,
that Old Deerfield is a paradise t
ANNUAL MEETING— 1902.
REPORT.
The annaal meeting of the Pocumtack Valley If emorial As-
sociation was held at Deerfield yesterday afternoon and even-
ing. The business meeting was held in the old kitchen in
Memorial Hall. Yice-president F. M. Thompson presided in the
absence of the president, George Sheldon. After the business
meeting there were short papers read on Rev. P. Y. Finch and
Solon L. Newton by Rev. J. D. Reid and S. O. Lamb of Green-
field. The exercises of the evening were held in the town halL
Rev. R. E. Birks offered the invocation and the old fashioned
choir, under the lead of Oharles H. Ashley, sang old-time tunes
and songs. Miss 0. Alice Baker of Boston read the first paper
on " The Story of Joseph Fry, a Kittery captive, carried to
Oanada in 1694-5.'' These officers were elected at the business
meeting :
President, George Sheldon of Deerfield.
Yice-presidents, Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield ; 0. Alice
Baker of Boston.
Recording secretary, Margaret Miller of Deerfield.
Corresponding secretary, Mary Elizabeth Stebbins of Deer-
field.
Treasurer, John Sheldon of Greenfield.
Councilors, Charles Jones, Robert Childs, Edward A. Hawks,
Samuel Childs, Laura B. Wells, Madeline Yale Wynne, Spencer
Fuller, all of Deerfield ; Emma L. Coleman, and Herbert C. Wat-
son, of Boston ; Rev. G. W. SoUey of Dorchester ; Samuel O.
Lamb, H. C. Parsons, Caroline C. Furbush, E. A. Newcomb
and Mrs. Ellen L. Sheldon, all of Greenfield.
The report of the curator, George Sheldon, showed receipts
from admission to the hall, sale of books and pictures, $273.
The register shows that 2366 persons visited the hall during the
year, coming from all over the United States, from the British
Isles, most of the European countries, and even from China.
283
284 Annual Meetinff— 1902.
^ It is not supposed^" says the report, ^^that cUl the visitors left
home with the purpose of visiting the collections in the mnseom."
There have been added during the year 160 titles to the library,
among them being valuable town and family histories. The
library shelves are overcrowded, and it is recommended that
provision be made for securing additional quarters. The report
pays a tribute to Solon L. Newton of Greenfield, who, although
not a member of the Association, had taken an interest in its
work and left a large share of his collection to the Association.
It speaks feelingly of the death of Bev. P. Y. Finch, who was
<< one of us from the start," and on the list of the first five
councilors. Appreciative mention is made of a set of broom-
making machinery given to the Association by the late Albert
Smith of Biverside. In closing, Mr. Sheldon alludes to the
crowded condition of the hall and expresses the hope that some-
thing will be done to relieve the congested condition.
The report of John Sheldon, treasurer, showed that the total
receipts had been $544 for the year and expenses $228. The
balance on hand is $2103.
A committee was appointed to make provision for the exten-
sion of the collections, and to provide quarters for the caretaker,
who has always occupied a part of the building. It is likely
that a house will be built east of the Hall for the caretaker.
Then the northwest wing of the present building can be devoted
to displaying the collections. One room will probably be set
apart for the collection given to the Association by Solon L.
Newton of Greenfield. The committee consists of the presi-
dent, vice-presidents, secretary, treasurer, and S. O. Lamb.
A committee consisting of Judge Thompson, E. A. Newcombi
Spencer Fuller, and W. L. Harris with power to enlarge their
number, was chosen to plan for a field day. No arrangements
have yet been made as to where the field meeting shall be held.
S. O. Lamb read the following tribute to the late S. L.
Newton:
SKETCH OF SOLON L. NEWTON.
Solon L. Newton was bom in Greenfield, March 9, 1841.
With the exception of several years in the city of Holyoke, in
the service of his brother as bookkeeper, he lived all his life in
Greenfield. He died June 27, 1901. In his last will and testa*
Skeioh of Solan L. Newton. 285
ment he remembered the Pocamtuek Valley Memorial Asaoeiar
tion in a manner whioh deserves something more than a mere
passing acknowledgment
He was the youngest of seven sons of the late James Newton,
a man of estimable character and sterling worth. His brothersi
except one who died at the age of 16, have occapied various
positions, all responsible and many of more than ordinary im-
portance and responsibility in social, economic and business
circles. I do not propose to speak further of them on this oc-
casion.
My acquaintance with Solon L. Newton began in the days of
his boyhood and continued to the day of his death. His char>
acter as a youth was marked by that regard for precision, ac-
curacy and dignity which distinguished it in later years. When
asked his age, he invariably with the same accent and emphasis
gave bis full name with a statement of his age. He retained
this habit of full, accurate and dignified expression in all the
social relations and business transactions of life.
It was my fortune to take part with him at different times in
matters, some of them of much importance, including the man-
agement and settlement of the estate of his &ther and mother,
in all of which he displayed the most careful attention to de>
tails, regard for method and fullness and accuracy of statement,
with entire dignity of deportment.
He was not an ambitious man, he was not an enterprising
man, he never sought position or preferment He was a quiet,
self-possessed, conscientious man, seeking for no great thing to
do, but aiming to do faithfully and well such work as came to
his bands.
Two prominent features in the character of Mr. Newton, both
arising from the same source, deserve particular mention. One
was his passion, I think it may be properly styled passion, for
and his industry in the collection of old fadiioned furniture and
domestic utensQs of every description. In this respect his zeal
and enthusiasm show a feeling near akin to devotion in the best
sense of the term. And his taste, judgment and success are well
attested by the generous bequest above mentioned, to the Pocum-
tnck Yalley Memorial Association.
Another, and perhaps the most distinguishing feature of the
character of Mr. Newton was his intense and undeviating devo-
tion to the Second Congregational Church and Society of Green-
286 Armtial Meetinff— 1902.
field. This sprang partly no doubt from his early training, bat
mainly from his own deep and strong religions convictions. He
devoutly believed in the doctrines of the church and gave freely
of his time, labor and substance to promote its interest and ex-
tend its influence. The bequest in his will shows that his care
for the church did not cease with this mortal life. For some
years he served the church as its clerk, and his name will ever
retain its place in the list of its most faithful, competent and
worthy members.
The legacies given by Mr. Newton to the American Board of
Commissioners of Foreign Missions, the Home Missionary
Society and the Seaman's Friend Society, show that his inter-
est in and sympathy with Christian work were not confined
within narrow limits, but extended to all the world.
Kev. J. D. Beid of Greenfield than gave a study of the life
of the late P. V. Finch.
THE REV. P. VOORHEES FINCH.
In the death of the Rev. Peter Yoorhees Finch which took
place the 3d of May, 1901, the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial As-
sociation lost one of its first members, whose name has been
associated with its history since the earliest days of its organiza-
tion.
Mr. Finch was bom the 19th of March, 1836, at Shrewsbury,
New Jersey. He graduated from Burlington College, New
Jersey, in 1854, when he had the honor of making the Greek
oration. From the same institution, in 1858, he received his
master's degree. In 1860, he was further honored by Trinity
College. In the years 1855, 1866, he was a clerk in the Metro-
politan Bank of New York City. He then entered the General
Theological Seminary, from which he was graduated in 1859.
On the 4tb of July of that year, he took the order of deacon,
being ordained to that ofSce in Trinity Church, New York, by
the Right Rev. Horatio Potter, then Bishop of New York. He
received ordination to the priesthood at the hands of Bishop
Williams of Connecticut, on the 3d of July, 1860. His residence
for the following three years and a half was in Connecticut,
but for part of that time he was chaplain of the 16th Connecti-
cut Yolunteers, and saw much real service in the field and
under fire. He was present at the battles of Antietam and
Memoir of Reo. P. V. Finch. 287
Frederioksburg. He came to Greenfield in late December^ 1868,
and supplied the pulpit of St James Church from Christmas
until Easter of the following spring, when he became rector of
the parish. Here he stayed until October, 1871. He then went
to Pittsburg to become rector of St. John's Church in that city.
In 1873 he made another remove, this time to Denver, and for
the next six years he was rector of St. John's Church there.
The year 1879 saw him back in Oreenfield, once more installed
as rector of St. James, and here he stayed until the end. The
renewal of an old pastorate is an experiment seldom made ;
and still more seldom does it prove successful when made. But
in this case the unexpected happened. That the result was so
entirely fortunate is highly creditable to both rector and parish.
By this record it appears that for a period of over forty
years, including an absence of eight years, Mr. Finch made his
home in New England. As we have seen, he was not a New
Englander by birth. But there can be no doubt that he be-
came one by adoption and aflbiity. That is a very good plan
to foUow. Better late than never. I have seen a young man
of unimpeachable New England antecedents, who himself had
been educated in Boston and was thoroughly imbued with the
New England spirit, refused membership in the New England
Society of a far western state, because he happened to have
been bom in Ohio. To his huge disgust he had to stand by
and see the coveted privilege to which he had thus been de-
clared ineligible, bestowed on a youth of French-Canadian par-
entage, who knew no more of New England traditions than he
did of the Elgin Marbles, for the very suflScient reason that his
parents had migrated to New Hampshire shortly before his
birth, so that he bad first opened his eyes among the hiUs of
that indubitably New England state.
By long years of endearing association Mr. Finch made this
beautiful region of the Connecticut and Deerfield valleys his
home. Here the most enthusiastic and vigorous years of his
still youthful manhood were passed. And hither he returned
to gamer the full sheaf of his matured wisdom and experi-
ence.
Mr. Finch married Miss Harriet Bronson of Hartford, in that
city, the 38th of April, 1864. Mrs. Finch is now living in
Oreenfield. Of the three children bom of this marriage, one
survives : Dr. Edward Bronson Finch of New York city.
388 AnntuU Meeting— 1902.
To his aotiTities as rector of St. James, Mr. Finoh added
those of a public spirited citizen and of a nature that included a
wide range of interests. In 1866 he was chosen as one of the
school committee, and for twelve consecutive years, beginning
in 1880, he held tlie same position. He was a Mason and in the
circles of that order he held honorable and influential posts.
He was P. M. E. High Priest of Franklin B. A. Chapter ; Past
Thrice Illustrious Master of Titos Strong Council, B. & S.
Masters ; Past Eminent Commander of the Connecticut Yalloy
Commandery; Grand Prelate of the Grand Commanderj of
Knights Templars of Massachusetts and Bhode Island ; and at
the time of his death he was Worshipful Master in Bepublican
Lodge, A. F. and A. M., Greenfield.
He was an interested member of the Fortnightly Club of
Greenfield, and in the last year of his life he was the presi-
dent of that society.
His bent for historical matters appears in his connection with
the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association. He was one of
its first councilors, an oflSoe to which he was elected many
times. At different times he served as vice-president. At
field meetings he occasionally acted as president of the day.
On various occasions he read papers and gave addresses before
the Association. These contributions were always welcome, and
always interesting.
like the poet, the after-dinner speaker is bom, not made.
Mr. Finch had this gift, and his good nature in accepting the
invitations that frequently came to him to exercise it, made it a
source of great pleasure to those who had the good fortune to
hear him. He was exceedingly happy and entertaining as a
public speaker, and on occasions when speaking was the order
of the day he was sure to be in demand.
Looked on as a whole this life that we are considering was
a very even Ufe, and a very transparent one. Such a life, I
take it, is worth more than the generality of those that present
more striking contrasts and conspicuous traits. It means so
much as a quiet, unobtrusive influence for good ; an influence
imperceptibly diffused, as it were, throughout the circle of its
acquaintance. It is not a slight achievement just to live for
over a generation in one village and win and hold the respect
and affection of the community. Another country parson who
had lived in and near Greenfield a matter of forty years, was
Memoir of Rev. P. V. Finch. 289
driving alcmg one of our beautiful roads one day with a friend
from another place, who was visiting him. A party of pio-
niokers at a little distance to one side of the road, recc^ized
the minister as he passed, and hats were raised and handker-
chiefs waved in salute. The greeting was returned, and as
they left the party behind, this minister turned to his guest and
said : ^^ I can't tell who those people were, but it seems they all
know me. I teU you it's a dreadful thing to live forty years in
one place. You can't be wicked, if you want to."
Now in the guise of a jest, that expresses a bit of shrewd and
profound wisdom. The test of the years is a test of character,
and it is the most searching test to which one can be put. He
who stands it is as gold tried by the fire. And how revealing
of the true measure of human and spiritual values is such a test
It shows as dear as noonday how infinitely worth more than
anything that a man does or can do is the man himself. In
himself, and not in any performance of his, is summed up both
his inherent worth and his worth as an influence on the lives
he has touched.
It was Mr. Finch's distinction that he met this supreme test
and that it set upon him the ineffaceable stamp of a worth
and genuineness which cannot be counterfeited.
In all the relations of his life and of his calling he bore him-
Belf with credit. He was the good shepherd of his flock, and
the good friend of all who came in contact with him. To be
good and do good was as natural for him as it is for the grass
to grow. He knew how to rejoice with them that rejoice, and
to weep with them that weep. He was a man of large public
spirit, sterling common sense and broadly tolerant vision and
attitude. He believed thoroughly that his way was for him
the right way, but he never sought to impose his way on others
against their will and judgment. He was a man of moderate
and sensible views, absolutely devoid of fanaticism. He had an
ample flow of good spirits, and an unfailing sense of humor
which, properly balanced, as it was in him, is a sure mark of
mental and moral soundness. His exhaustless fund of anec-
dotes and pleasantry made him at all times an entertaining
converser and a congenial companion.
It was in his personal bearing that the true quality of the
man was revealed. In his case surely the style was the man.
It has been said of him that he was ^^ a gentleman of the old
19
290 Armual Meeting— 190%
school." As that expression is usually meant, it fitted him very
welL But to speak precisely, it was not an apt characterization.
A gentleman of the old school, and especially a clergyman of
the old school, was a personage to be dreaded. He did not
bring joy with him, but rather clouds of darkness. His bearing
and conversation were such as to cause an immediate drop of
the barometer in the atmosphere surcharged with his porten-
tous presence. Were a clergyman strictly of the old school to
appear among us to-day, doubtless we should hail him as an ob-
ject of curious interest. But as far as the ordinary intercourse
of life is concerned, we should presently find it expedient to
avoid him as much as possible. Quite the reverse of this awe-
inspiring type was Mr. Finch. He had none of that stiffness,
that preternatural gravity, that demeanor as of a peripatetic
judgment-day. He met dl alike with quiet dignity, a tact that
disarmed suspicion, and unaffected sincerity that put one at
one's ease, a gentleness that had nothing of the effeminate in it,
a kindliness that was not forced, and a grace of self-possession
at the farthest remove from assurance, that would instantly
have made him at home in any circle, from the humblest to
the most exalted.
Equally was he removed from all the various sorts of attitud-
inizing, mannerisms, and professional airs that characterize cer-
tain modem types of clergymen. He was not fiippant. He
did not belittle himself or his office. He indulged in none of
the kinds of familiarity that breed contempt. The ingratiating
manner was utterly foreign to his nature. He did not stoop to
make bids for a cheap popularity. As Eipling says of Lord
Eoberts, ^^ He did not advertise." His greeting had in it no
taint of artificiality, no pompousness, no supernal gush. You
did not have to be on your guard with him against that abom-
inable mixture of condescending amiability and pious palavering
which comes from, I know not where, and serves, I know not
what purpose, save to make the now happily diminishing num-
ber of those who affect it, the shiny objects of a kind of regard
that no right-minded person in his senses would for a moment
tolerate.
He kept always the golden mean. He neither protested too
much, nor was he of the churlish manner of those who are so
fearful lest their dignity be called in question, that, watch-dog
fashion, they mount perpetual guard over it. He was natural.
JItemoir of JR&o. P. V. Finch. 291
easy, cordial. He met you in frank, hnman fashion, and on a
worthy level of humanity. In a word, his bearing was always
that of a man and a gentleman ; and this did not belie his in-
most nature.
^^ The place thereof shall know it no more," is not a true
word concerning any human life that has had real meaning,
that has been a real life. There are men, it may be, who come
and go like shadows. They have no substance, no presence, no
personality, no vital human touch. They are apparitions, phe-
nomena, not warm living personalities. No mere brilliance of
achievement can save them from their fate.
But of such as these was not our friend. Eather was he of
the company of those who, whether they be widely known or
not, yet wherever they are known are known. We feel the
presence while it is in our midst. We miss the presence with-
drawn. And then again we do not miss it ; for in a finer, truer
sense it cannot be withdrawn.
Ko one, susceptible to a great personal influence, can visit Mt.
Yemon and not feel that somehow the mighty dead still inhabits
there. A great spirit broods over the place and hallows it.
You go there and you speak with hushed voice and walk as in a
waking dream. Thus potent is a real human presence to perpet-
uate itself. And lesser lives, so they too be real, do in their meas-
ure share this potentiality. And so every community becomes
in a sense a shrine of the departed. We speak of the burying-
ground as the " city of the dead." But the true earthly city of
those we call dead is the place where they lived and wrought
and loved and sufiFered and achieved. I went to Concord and
visited the tomb of Emerson. But he was not there. He never
had been there. Then I was permitted to visit his home, his
library ; and there I found him. They who have wrought them-
selves into the life of a community, live on in that life.
There are those whose forms grow to seem as truly land-
marks as the rocks and hills. To call to mind the scenes amid
which they lived is to call them to mind. They are as much a
part of the landscape, as really help to make it, as the elms
that gave them shade. Those out of whom virtue went while
they walked the village streets do not, cannot so pass away,
but that they still walk those streets with us who remain.
To the many who knew and loved him our friend is not dead ;
he is not even away. Being dead, he yet speaketh.
292 Ami^uxl MeeHnff— 1902.
And for our own speaking, we may best end it so :
His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixed in him that Nature mig^t stand up
And say to all the worid, '"This was a manl"
JOSEPH FRY OF KITTEET, MAINE.
BY O. ALIOS BAKSB.
That this story may have its proper setting, we most go back
for a moment, to Devonshire in old England. There, on the
records of Dartmouth* Mr. Alexander Shapleigh appears, as a
merchant of Eingsweare, a town on the river Dart, directly
opposite Dartmouth.
In that part of Kingsweare known as Eittery Point, there still
stands, as it stood in 1620, the manor house of the Shapleigh
family. At that period, Alexander Shapleigh was profitably
cUspatching ships with merchandise to Lisbon, to Newfoundland
and a little later to New England.
In 1635, James Treworgy, as agent for his father-in-law,
Alexander Shapleigh, bought a large tract of land in the
Province of Maine extending half way from Piscataquaf to
Agamenticus river. :f
In 1642, this whole estate was conveyed to Treworgy, wh6
b^ore 1650 made it over to his brother-in-law, Nicholas
Shapleigh, the third son of Alexander.
This tract of land the Shapleighs named Kittery Point, in
memory of their home in Kingsweare ; and a deposition is extant,
to the effect that Alexander himself came over ^^ and did peace-
ably enjoy his domain at Kittery Point, except the farthest
point of all, which as long as his father lived, (and after his
death), was possessed by his son Major Nicholas Shapleigh,
w%o built the warehouse at the point, and sold several lots of
land.^ §
Nicholas Shapleigh held many ofllces of trust and honor in
♦ N. E. -Gen. lUg., Vol. 60, p. 210.
t Portsmouth, N. H.
t York, Me.
{ Gen. Reg., Vol 50, p. 219.
Jo^h ^ of Kituvy^ aea
Eitterj. The glimpses of him that we get through the old
records, warrant our belief that he was a man of strong char-
acter and liberal opinions. A rare old volame concerning the
early Quakers in K. £. entitled ^^ New England Judged," gives
us the following :
" In the year 1662, Mary Tomkins and Alice Ambrose, who
came from Old England with Gleorge Preston, and Edward
Wharton of Salem, came to Piscataqua Biver and landed at the
town of Dover, whither to go, it was with them from the Lord,
— ^where they had a good opportunity in the Inn with the
People that resorted to them, who reasoned with them concern-
ing their Faith and Hope which to the People being made
manifest, some to the Truth thereof Confessed, and others not
able to gainsay the Truth, ran to Bayner their Priest, and told
him that such a People were come to town, and that they had
much Discourse with them about their Beligion, and were not
able to contradict what they said, and therefore desired him to
come forth and help them, ^ or else ' said they ^ we are like to
be run on ground.' "
At this the Priest chafed and fretted, and asked his people
why they went among them. To which they answered, " Sir
it is so, we have been amongst them, and if you come not forth
to help us we are on ground." And said the Priest's wife,
" Which do you like best, my Husband, or the Quakers ? "
Said one of them, ^' We shall tell you that after your Husband
hath been with them." Whereupon in a fretting and forward
manner, Bayner came among them, saying ^^What came ye
here for ? seeing the Laws of the Country are against such as
you are ? "
^^What hast thou against us?" replied Mary Tomkins.
^ You deny Majesties and Ministers and Churches of Christ."
** Thou sayst so," said Mary. " And you deny the three Per-
sons in the Trinity," said the Priest. To which Mary answered,
— " Take notice People, this man falsely accuses us, — ^for godly
Magistrates, and the Ministers of Christ we own, and the churches
of Christ we own, and there are three that bear Becord in
Heaven, which three are the Father, Word and Spirit, —
that we own, but for the Three Persons in the Trinity that's
for thee to prove." " I will prove it " said Bayner. " Thou
sayst so," said George Preston, ^^but prove it by the Scrip-
ture."
394 Annual MeeUnjf— 1902.
^^ I will prove it,'' said Bayner, ^^ where it is said he is the ex-
press Image of his Father's Person." *^ That is falsely trans-
lated " said one.
<< Yes " replied the learned man in the aadience, ^^ for in the
Greek it is not Person, bat substance." ^^ But " said the Priest
^^ It is a Person."
" Thou sayst so," said Gteorge, " but prove the other two if
thou canst." ^^ There are three Somethings," cried the Priest,
and in a rs^ flung away, calling to his people at the window to
go from amongst them ; but Mary soon got after him, and spake
to him to come back and not leave his people, amongst them he
called wolves. But away packt the Priest, whereupon she said
unto the people, ** Is not this the Hireling that flees and leaves
the Flock ? So truth came over them all ... . and many were
oonvinc'd that Day."
We may imagine that it was long before Parson Bayner heard
the last of his ^^ three Somethings." ^^ When they had had this
good meeting at Dover for the Lord, they passed into the Prov-
ince of Maine, being invited to Major Shapleigh's who was
magistrate for that part of the country, who kept a Priest in
his house, and allowed him and the people a room in his house
to do their worship ; and being an inquiring man after the
truth, desired the Priest that he and the Quakers might have
some Dispute together, unto which the Priest seemed willing,
but soon after that he got away by which his Deceit was mani-
fest."
Shapleigh turned the Priest and his meetings out of his house.
. . . . " He and his wife were convinced of the Truth," says the
chronicler, " and in great measitre of obedience game up to itP
The sympathy of Nicholas Shapleigh with the Quakers at this
time cannot be gainsaid. The Massachusetts authorities believed
him to be a Quaker ; he was accused of harboring them, and
the constable of Kittery was ordered to go to his house on
successive Sundays to prevent their meeting there.
In 1669, on the charge of being a Quaker, he was deposed
from his office as selectman ; but in 1677 his Quakerism did not
prevent his fellow citizens from giving him the command of the
militia in time of danger from the Indians, — nor did it overrule
his common sense in accepting the commission. With the name
of Nicholas Shapleigh that of Adrian Fry, appears often on
Eittery records. He also was a Quaker. His mark often with
Jowph Fry of KUtery, 296
that of his wife Sarah, (both in rude initials) is aflbed to many
legal papers from 1664 to 1692 inolosive.
In 1664, Adrian witnesses a receipt given by one EUingham
to his father, for ^^ a Negro Boy named Mingoe, and a Sorrell
Horse." July 15, 1690, " At a Court of Sessions held at York,
Adrian Fry and family were p'sented for not Comeing to Hit-
ting." During this period he appears as grantor and grantee of
various tracts of land in old Kittery. In one of these deeds, he
is called Adrian Fry Planter.*
About 1680, Nicholas Shapleigh and Adrian Fry with 116
others whose names are well known to students of early New
England history, signed a petitionf to Charles II for protection
against the intrusion of the Massachusetts government upon the
Province of Maine. It is a dignified statement of facts. They
say that ^^ Upon the invitations and incouradgements, granted to
Sir Ferdinando Grorges, the petitioners had settled in the said
Province, and had increased to several townships .... having
general courts of judicature .... and were for several yeares,
governed by laws made by the Commissioners of Sir Ferdinando
.... but the Bostoners, under pretence of an imaginary patent
had invaded their rights and privileges, and later, Walderne
and Major Leverett .... with force of arms entered upon the
Province and disturbed the Inhabitants then at a Court holden*
at Yorke .... in His Majesty's Province of Maine, command-
ing all Proceedings for the future to be managed by their own
authority .... since which time " they say " notwithstanding
the greate loss sustained by the late Indian war, we are still op-
pressed with heavy rates and taxes." They beg his Majesty to
reestablish them under His Royal authority.
On the 12th of October, 1692, Adrian Fry executed the
following paper.:( ^^Know all men by these presents, that
I, Adrian flfry of Kittery in y* County of York and
Province of y^ Massachusetts bay in New England, planter,
for many good Causes and Considerations me moving here
unto. Especially for the Naturall love and affection I bear
unto my loving son William ffry, as also for y* Comfort-
able provision for my self and my wife Sarah during our Nat-
urall lives, have granted. Demised and do farm letten unto
* The word Planter so used, means a first settler,
t CoU. Me. Hist. Soc., Vol. I, p. 400.
X Book VI, Folio 87, York Deeds.
396 Anmud Meetmg—190i.
mj foresaid loving son William ff ry a certain tract of land lying
in Kittery aforsd joyning to Creek's mouth on y« south side of
8^ Creek, containing about nine acres .... with y^ Orchard
upon it And twenty-seven acres more of land lying on or near
horsidown hilL" .... This land William Fry and his heirs
are to have and hold during the lives of his father and mother,
on certain conditions, and after their death, William is to have
absolute ownership of the said property.
As rent for the same during the life of his parents, William
is to keep up good fences, and well improve the land, and to give
to Adrian, half of the grain grown thereon and ^^ one halfe of
the Cyder and Perry that the orchard shall yield." Adrian is
also to have the use of an acre of ^^ land lying next the great
river," and in case Sarah outlives Adrian, son William is to pay
her the same rent. Adrian and Sarah or the ^' longest liver," is to
have '^ the free use of the now Dwelling house, and a quarter of
an acre of land for a garden, with libertie to cutt and carry off,
such firewood or building timber as they shall have occation for
.... and when their abilities shall fail, and need be, William
shall help his father and mother, or either of them, in cutting and
carrying s^ timber and firewood and shall pay both or either \ of
whatsoever grain the land shall yield."
William shall have two cows from his father, and keep them
till they with their increase amount to six, when he shall divide
with his father or mother, always allowing them all the milk of
two cows, and after this division William shall ^' carefully keep
4 neate Cattle .... with sufficient winter meat for his father
and mother .... and if they shall procure any sheep, William
shall always keep ten, summer and winter for half y^ increase
of y® lambs and wool .... If any controversie arises between
William and his parents as to these conditions, it shall be deter-
mined by Indifferent men, mutually chosen." The old couple
set their hands and Seals to this paper, and a little less than
three years later, Bobert Allen made oath before Justice Frost
that he saw Adrian sign and seal the above said Instrument.
From this paper it would seem that Adrian Fry, though still
strong in mind and body, was yet so far advanced in years, as
to feel the need of making due provision for himself and wife,
when the weakness of age should overtake them. At this
point Adrian Fry planter and wife Sarah, disappear from Kit-
tery records.
J(mph Fry of Eiiimy. 297
June 8, 17QS, an Adrian Fry married Mercy Chapman.
From that date to 1714 their names appear on varions legal
papers. In these records this Adrian is called ^^ weaver '' and
<< glazer." He is not mentioned as Adrian Fry, junior. In 1724
he is spoken of as ^^ late of Eittery.'^ If this Adrian were the
son of Adrian the ^^ planter," the latter most have died before
1705. In the paper quoted above, he mentions no child bat
William. He made no will.
It does not seem probable that Adrian the ^^ planter " would
after 1692 become Adrian the " weaver " and " glazer," — ^marry
a second wife and live thirty-two years after he had made over
his property to his son WiUiam. Nevertheless stranger things
have happened. Suppose Adrian the planter to have been at
least twenty-one in 1664, when he first appears on the records
a witness to a deed, — ^then in 1724 when an Adrian is spoken
of as " late of Kittery," he would have been about eighty-one.
His wife Sarah may have died before 1705. His son William's
wife may not have been kind to her father-in-law, and he may
have yielded to the charms of Mercy Chapman. Some facts
point this way, but I leave this for future study .^
William Fry was also a Quaker.
From 1688 to the peace of Ryswick, our frontier suffered ter-
ribly from frequent and unprovoked attacks by the Indians.
Kittery, then including Eliot, Berwick, Spruce Creek and
Sturgeon Creek, was more than once attacked, buildings burned,
cattle killed and the frightened people, unable to cultivate their
fields, fled to the garrison houses. In 1694-1695 many in this vi-
cinity were killed or captured. April 8, 1697, the selectmen of
Eittery petitioned for abatement of taxes, saying that they ^^ are
overcome and discouraged by the tediousness of the war."
The strait to which the Ejttery people had been reduced
appears in a later petitionf from their selectmen. ^ They say
. . . . ^^ We have tried to raise it by all lawful means, but the
People are utterly unable to pay it in money .... we have
* Rev. £. S. Staokpole of Bradford, who is writing the history of Eittery,
and has been very hdpful to me in my searoh for the Fry family, sends me
the names of Adrian's children as follows:— Vniliam, Elisabeth, Sarah,
Joanna and perhaps Thomas.
t Mass. Archives, Deo. 28, 1704.
I William Peppmll, John Shapleigh, John Leighton, John Hill and Charles
Frost.
298 Annual Jieeeinff—1902.
offered their GKx)ds and Chattels at an outcry* aooording to di-
rections in the Treasurer's warrant, but find none of abilitie
to buy .... Considering the seat of Warr is with us, and y^
Burden exceeding heavy as we are a poor Scattering People
Kessesitated to watch, ward Scout build Garrisons and fortifica-
tions, and one half e of us to be furnished with Snowshoos and
Mogginsons and all at our own Charge .... and at every
alarm Driven from our Imployment.*'
This appeal signed by the foremost men of Kittery, was
heeded by the Government at Boston.t " June 80, 1705. The
following Eesolve passed in the House upon the Petition of the
Representatives of Kittery for abatement of the Arrearages of
their Taxes, and was sent up for Concurrence." "Resolved,
that the Sum of Thirty-eight pounds be abated to the poor of
the town of Kittery, according to the Disposition of y^ Select-
men and Representatives of s^ Town — ^they being most capable
to relieve such as they Know have met with most sufferings by
the Heathen. Provided that the names of P'sons, and Sums
respectively abated to them, be by the Selectmen and Represen-
tatives laid before this Court at their next Session."
Among the names is that of William Fry, whose abatement
was 8s.
In 1711, on a list of freeholders of Kittery, the value of the
year's income of William Fry's estate is 7£
The youngest child of William Fry and his wife Hannah Hill
was Joseph, bom March 12, 1704. Whatever he may have been
to his parents, this Joseph Fry, has made me no end of trouble.
Just fourteen years ago, shortly after the publication in the
Gazette and Cotiriery of my paper called " My Hunt for the
Captives," a pleasant notice of it appeared in the Montreal Go-
zeUe written, as I learned, by an Irish Roman Catholic gentle-
man of Montreal. Soon after this I received a letter from a
Catholic lady of high position in Canada, demanding rather im-
periously, why in my account of the Deerfield captives, I had
omitted the name of Andr£, son of Deacon Thomas French,
who had remained and married in Canada and whose descen-
dants could still be easily found there.
The facts which I had stated concerning Deacon French and
his family, being well authenticated, both by Deerfield and Ca-
* Public Auction.
t Mass. Archives, Vol. 3, p. 416.
Joseph Fry of Kittery. 299
nadian reoords, I felt perfeotlj seoure in my position, — ^bnt what
of that ? Was I to follow my impulse and reiterate my state-
ments with proof of their correctness, thereby to incur the in-
dignation of my correspondent ? I remember to have reflected
that it was a pretty serious business to cut ofF the parent stock
of six generations, and to have felt i^dX I should hardly endure
to have anyone make a similar attempt upon my family tree.
So I wrote politely to my correspondent, asking for proof of her
statement, giving her Deacon French's connection with my own
family, and assuring her of my wish to make honorable amends
if I had erred. My letter was as politely answered by another,
my reply, by stiU another, and after some months of the most
interesting experience on my part, a direct correspondence was
opened with this supposed descendant of Andr6 French. She
told me that French was her family name, and that her direct
ancestor was the youngest son of Deacon Thomas French of
Deerfield, named Andr6, carried captive in 1704 and remaining
in Canada.
From January 1882 to 1894 my new relative, a bom anti-
quary and historian, left no stone unturned to prove her kin-
ship to me, whom she affectionately called cousin. We wrote
frequently to each other, she in French and in the most beauti-
ful handwriting, — I in bald English. During those years I
went often to Canada to see her.
My first visit was in the autumn of 1889. Early in the after-
noon of a beautiful September day, we presented ourselves at
the door of the convent, a massive pile of granite, crowning the
summit of a lofty hill about two miles out of the city. It was
evident from the air and manner of the nun who admitted us,
and of those who were passing hither and thither about the
halls, that there was a flutter of excitement in the community,
relative to the visit of these Boston heretics. We were ushered
into the ^^ parloir," simply a ^^ speaking place " as the name im-
plies, an enormous room chilly but well lighted, a row of wooden
chairs against the wall, bare floors as scrupulously white as pen-
itent nuns on their hands and knees could scrub them, — and
scantily adorned with rag rugs made by the sisters.
After some delay, in which we spoke in awed whispers, — my
correspondent entered, walking with difficulty, and supported
by two nuns. After mutual introductions she courteously dis-
missed her attendants, and taking our hands, welcomed us with
300 Annual Meeting— 1902.
a grace possible only to a French woman, but scarcely to be ex-
pected from a recluse. She was a well proportioned woman of
more than medium height, erect in carriage. A face of ineffabkt
sadness, whose deathly pallor was enhanced by the stiff white
cornet enveloping the forehead, cheeks, and throat; — sur-
mounted by the long black veil. Large, dark eyes, a beautiful
smile, the whole face quickly responsive in expression from grave
to gay, according to the subject of conversation. She talked in
French, which I could understand, my friend translating my
English into French for her. As we all became more at our
ease, many were her arch side glances, many her hearty laughs
and witty sallies, as quickly followed by tears, when our con-
versation turned on serious themes. Once when she dropped
an expression in English, having declared that she could not
speak our language, my companion laughingly called her a
" humbug." Turning to me she asked deprecatingly " what is
a humbug } " Now and then when we talked English together,
the nun's expressive eyes glanced from one to the other, with a
half -suspicious intensity, quickly relieved by our translation. So
the afternoon glided too quickly away. My new cousin insisted
on accompanying us to the outer door where, repeatedly kissing
us ^^ au revoir," she turned with the air of a queen, summoning
the lay sister in waiting to take her back in her wheeled chair
to her room. With mingled emotions of pity and admiration,
we turned away, smiling through tears, and walked briskly back
to our hotel. All these years I had been trying my best to find
among our unredeemed captives an ancestor for her, in place of
that Andr6 French she held so dear, but who never had a real
existence.
Just before we met, she had sent me some ^^ Notes sur la
f amille French," given her many years before, by an ecclesiastic
then and now justly regarded as a historical authority. Ac-
cording to these notes Andr6 was married in 1713, at Pointe
Claire, on the Island of Montreal, as Andr6 Laframboise of Bos-
ton, son of Andr6 Laframboise and Marie Fraim, both of Bos-
ton. My common sense showed me that here was a muddle of
names at the start. I found by these notes that in due time
there were bom to Andr6 Laframboise and his wife, Marie
Louise Bigras, twelve children. In the records of these births,
the father is mentioned successively as Andr6 Laframboise,
Andr6 Piret dit Laframboise, And[r6 Fray dit Laframboisa,
Joseph Fry of Mttery. 801
Andr6 Fraye, Andr6 Frem French dit Laf ramboise, and finally
seven times in snooession as Andr6 Fraye.
In the marriages of these children, and the births of grand-
children they are designated as Frinche dit Laframboise, Frem
dit Laframboise, Frte dite Laframboise, Frange, Franche, La-
framboise, Frey dit Laframboise, making in all ten varia-
tions. My absolute knowledge that my nan was not descended
from a Deerfield French ; these ten variations in Andre's sor-
name, and the fact that of all the variations Andr6 Fray or
Fraye was the most constant, led me to believe that Andr6 lSray>
anglicized Andrew Fry, was the captive ancestor, of her whd
had become my friend and helper.
Together we worked : she in her seclusion miles away, and I
nearly twenty years younger than I am to-day, poring over
Archives in the State House at Boston, faring in queer convey-
ances up and down the St. Lawrence river, in winter cold and
summer heat, studying the records of many a hamlet, until bit
by bit we had collected the disjointed fragments I bring you
to-night
A family tradition confirming their belief in their Deerfield
descent is still cherished by my nun's relatives. It runs as fol-
lows : — Andr6 French, a young son of Deacon Thomas French
was playing on the sandy shore by the river near his father's
house, when he was seized and carried off by savages. They
treated him with great cruelty cutting ten strips of flesh from
the fattest part of his body. A squaw of the tribe, moved by
compassion on hearing his cries under torture, offered his cap-
tors a sheep in exchange for the boy. They gave her the child.
She fed him on wild raspberries, and thanks to her care, he re-
covered from his terrible wounds. When full grown, he married
and settled at Pointe Claire. A year after his marriage two of
his uncles visited him, urging him to return with them to New
England. At last he consented on condition that he might re-
turn to Canada after seeing his relatives, and receiving his in-
lieritance.
Embarking with his uncles in a sloop, they were not out of
hailing distance, when Andre's young wife standing on the shore,
and holding their baby aloft in her arms cried " Andr6, Andr6,
you are abandoning your wife, but can you desert your own
child." Unable to withstand this appeal, the poor fellow threw
himself into the water and swam quickly to shore. His uncles,
302 Annual MeeHng— 1902.
convinced that farther attempts to induce him to return would
be useless, continued their homeward voyage.
The incongruity of this tradition with the theory of Andr6's
descent from Deacon Thomas French is evident. It, however,
gives us the clew to the name Za Framboise under which Andr6
so often appears. Whether this name which means '^ the rasp-
herry " was given him because of the tradition, or the tradition
was made to fit the name, I cannot say. I do know that up to
recent times such nicknames have been so common in Canada,
as often to supplant the original name, and sometimes to make
the task of the genealogist hopeless.
A family still lives near Montreal named French-Laframboise,
a strange mingling of fact and fancy, wrongly applied to the
actual descendants of Andr6 Fry. Having decided that my
friend's family name was Fry, the next thing to do was to find
an unredeemed captive by that name !
In 1888, in hunting for the captive Samuel Gill, I had found
the following petition : *
"May 29, 1701.
To the right honorable the Leftenant Qovemor, with the Reet of His
Majeetie's Council of this Provinoe of the Massajuciks by (bay) in New Eng-
land the humble petition of Samuel Gill of Salsbeiy and of benieman hutchins
of the town of Citterie, sheweth that whereas it pleased the Honorable the
great and generall assembly in May 1700, to grant that ther should be ussed
to recover the captives from the French and Indins at Canida and left it with
your honouers to be put in execution: we humbly entreat that it may be put
in execution with all speed which will much obUdg your poor pettitioners
Samuel Gill
BENJEMIN HUCHINS
Here is an account of captives tacken from Salsbeiy newberj
Amesbery Kittery yorck which are not returned.
Samuel gill taken from sabbry jun 10th, 1697 agged nine
yeres. John or Joseph goodaridg taken from newbery about
October in : 92 about eight yeares old.
ann white takene from amesbery at the same time.
Jonathan hutchins taken from Kettery May 9th 1698 agged
about fifteen yeres.
Charles Traffton taken from york about 1695 agged about IS
yeres, and one Bobert Winchester about July in : 96 agged about
14 years and Joseph Frey of Kittery taken about 1695 agged
about 15 or 16 yeres."
* Biaas. Archives, Vol. 70, p. 626.
Joseph Fry of Exttery. 803
All these captives except the last two I later traced and ac-
counted for. Could not this Joseph Frey of Ejtterj be the
Andr6 Fry I wanted, — the missing link in my friend's ancestry ?
Clearly this Joseph was neither the Joseph, son of William
Fry born as we have seen March 12, 1704 ; nor of Adrian and
Mercy Chapman, married in 1705. As there was no other
family named Fry in Elittery or in that region, nearer than
Andover, Mass., except that of Adrian Fry the ^^pUmter^^ I as-
sume that Joseph the Captive was Adrian's son, a younger
brother of William.
During the period from 1705 to 1712, strenuous efforts were
made by both the French and English governments, for an ex-
change of captives. Among others we had ^^ JBapUste " and
Beauvenire de Yerchdres, whom the French were most anxious
to recover. They had Eunice Williams and John Arms of
Deerfield, the Hills from Maine, Esther Wheelwright and many
more from New England.
Samuel Hill, bringing the first news of the Wells captives
was in Kittery May 10th, 1705, having been sent down on parole
as Interpreter, with an embassy concerning exchange, returning
to Canada with Courtemanche who had escorted Ensign Shel-
don home.
In February 1709-10, Messieurs de la Peridre and Dupuis,
with six men were sent to Albany with John Arms and Barent
Staats.*
To demand Beauvenire (or Boveney) as he is known in our
archives, and Le Feorcf The name of Joseph Fry, is neither in
a " List of captives brot home in the Province Galley," nor
of " those yett in the Indians Hands y* 24 January 1698-9 " X
though there are Kittery captives in both. Hutchings and
Gill are in the latter list as already carried to Canada ; also
'^an Eastard Boy, his name is Bobart, cannot speak one word
of English, is att the Fort cald Norrockeomegog." §
* Lieut. Barent Staats married Peter Schuyler's niece and John Schuyler
married B. S.'s aunt so ''he is connected in 2 ways/' captured Oct. 12, 1709,
N. Y. CoL Doc, Vol IX, 1838.
t Beauvenire de Verch^ree, youngest brother of the heroine Madefleine de
Verch^res, captured at Haverhill, had been held in the hopes of getting
Eunice Williams in exchange.
I Vol. 70, p. 398, Mass. Archives.
S This is doubtless the Robert Winchester mentioned in Qill's petition. The
fort is Noirridgewock.
804 Afmfual Meeting— 190^.
From this I judge tkat Joseph Fry was beyond the ken of
the French authorities, held by his savage captors, in some In-
dian village, in the hope of obtaining money for his release.
Mean while, in the early autunm of 1710, Port Boyal was taken
by the English fleet. Its captors were jubilant. Major Philip
livingston, who had served in the expedition, was sent at onoe
with St Castine the younger, who had been one of the garrison
at Port Boyal, to De Yaudreuil the news of the surrender,
and the terms agreed upon by Nicholson and Subercase, the
late Governor of Acadia. It was about the middle of October.
They stopped at Biguyduoe at the mouth of the Penobscot*
to see Castine's family, who treated Livingstone kindly. After
resting there, they went as far as Indian Old Town. There,
but for Castine, Livingston would have been killed by a sav-
age, maddened by the theft of his boat by some English cap-
tives.
After some delay, they started again, but their canoes were
so broken by the ice, that they had to finish their journey on
foot
Six days, they travelled by compass, over hiU and dale,
through dense and almost impenetrable forests.
Before they reached a French settlement their {nrovisions
gave out, and they lived on such leaves, roots and berries as
they could find.f Arriving at Quebec on the 16th of Decem-
ber, 1710, they delivered the following letter from Nicholson
to De Vaudreuil.:|:
"Annapoub, Rotalb, 11, Oct 1710.
Sir:
It having pleaaed God to bless with success the just and royal enterprise
of Her Majesty Anne, by the grace of God Queen of England, France and
Ireland, ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ by reducing to her obedience the Fort of Port Rojral,
and the adjacent country, as the articles of capitulation wiU inform you in
detail, * * * * we deem it proper to inform you that as you have made
many incursions on several of her majesty's frontiers ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ your
cruel and barbarous savages and French having inhumanly killed many poor
people and children, we warn you, that in case the French, after this reaches
you, continue these atrocities, on the first information we have, we wiU im>
mediately retaliate upon your principal people of Acadia, now at our mercy.
But, as we abhor the cruelty of your savages in war, we hope that you wiU
give us no occasion to imitate it; and as we are correctly informed that you
have under your command, a great nimiber of prisoners, and especially a
♦ Now Castine.
t N. Y. Col. Doc., W6L vi., p. 60.
X 2 Doc. Rel. It la Nouvdle, France, Vol. n., p. 524.
Joseph Fry of EUtery. 305
young girl, daughter of the Rever^id Mr. WiUiams, minister of Dearfield,
we expect you to have all the said captives ready to be delivered to the first
flag of truce which will be sent for that purpose next May. Otherwise you
must expect the same number of the inhabitants of this country will be put
in bondage among our savages, until there is complete restitution of Her
Majesty's subjects under your domination, whether in the possession of the
French or the Savages.
But if you agree to our just and reasonable demand, we assure you that
your pec^le wUl be treated with all the civility that the laws of war permit.
« * « «
Signed.) F. Nicholbon,
Samuel Vetch and 6 others."
Mr. Livingston on his retam, escorted by Hertel de Bonville,
and the Sieur Dupuis, arrived in Boston, Friday, Feb. 23,
1710-11,* with De Vaudreuil's answer.f
They went to the Sun Tavern, kept by Samuel Mears, in
Com Court, near Dock Square. The next day, Gk>vemor
Dudley sent Mr. Commissary General, and Mr. Sheriff Dyer,
to help them settle there, to tell them that he '^ will take care
that they be not imposed upon by excessive rates for their ex-
pences," and that he will receive them with their credentials,
in Council the following Monday.
It would be worth one's while to stand to-day in the Council
Chamber of the old State House at the head of State street
in Boston, and picture the session of the Council on the day ap-
pointed, just 192 years ago to-morrow. The governor in his
robes of state ; the councillors on his left hand, Sewall jotting
down his records, Colonel Vetch, Mr. Livingston, the French
ambassadors, Mr. Secretary and Mr. Commissary General at
his right. A somewhat stormy session, according to SewaU's
private record of it.X Mr. Weaver, the interpreter, reads the
Credentials of the Frenchmen ; Antony Oliver is reprimanded
for visiting them at Mears' and made to take the oaths and
subscribe to the Declaration. § The Governor ^^ told the mcEh
sengers that they should depart that day sennight, as he had
told the Council with some spirit last Satterday."
* Council Records, vol. 5, pp. 350 to 355.
t In his report to the French minister of this whole affair, De Vaudreuil says
that he "sent these two officers in order that they might spy out the land,
and obtain information of the movements of the enemy."
X Sewall's Diary, Vol. 11., p. 301.
§ Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, Declaration against Transubstantii^
tion.
20
306 Anwaal Meeting— 1902.
There were, however, the usual delays, and it was the 17th
of March, when they left Boston for New London on their
homeward way, arriving at Chambly, the 15th of April.* They
carried a ^' Boll of English Prisoners in the Hands of the French
and Indians at Canada." On the back of the list is the follow-
ing letter to Colonel Schuyler :
"Boston, 5th Maroh, 1710. t
Sir:
This comes to your hand by MesBn. DHouviUe and Dupuis, MeoBengera
from Mr. D'Voucbiiille. I have to thank your kind Discreation in wwiding
them the Round Way, that they might not Know our Albany Road, upon
the Same Consideration I have Returned them the same way, and am (^ad
we have had no News from Europe dureing their stay here and hope to have
them Dispatch before anything Arrive. They have shewed themselves good
men here, have signed articles with me for the Rendition of all Prisoners in
June next, I pray you to speed them away as soon as possiUe.
I am sir your very
humble Serv't
J. DtJDUBT."
A duplicate of the list carried by De Rouville and Dupuis is
in our Archiyes.:^ ^^ bears the names of 113 New England
captives, with a few repetitions. Among them, the minister's
daughter of Deerfield, Johnson Harmon of York, Maine, and
Joseph Fry of Kittery. This is his last appearance in our Ar-
chives : indeed his last as Joseph anywhere. During this pe-
riod of exchange between the two goyernments, an epidemic
of baptism and naturalization was raging among the English
captives in Canada.
I have formerly described my first encounter with a list of
English captives in Canada, — a scrap of paper, (evidently the
first draft) containing the names of a few English, Dutch, and
Flemish boys and girk who ^^ besought His Majesty Louis XIV.,
to be pleased to grant them naturalization in Canada, they be-
ing already established there."§
The tug of war came later, when I was seeking such Usts in
Canadian archives. Here and there, among scores of other
* Letter from De Vaudreuil to the MiniBter, dated Quebec, 25th April, 1711.
t Evidently this should be 1710-11.
t Vol. 71, p. 765.
S Among theee names were Andr6 fray, Matthiew Claude Famet, Pierre
Augustin Letrefills, Louis Marie Strafton, which prop^y read would stand
as follows: Joseph Fry, Matthew Famsworth, Aaron Littlefield, Charles
Trafton.
Joseph Fry of KUtery. 307
doouments, with no sequence, written in old French, in gran-
diloquent phrase, and encumbered with formalities, I found
them. Made by those who had no knowledge of English
names or places, and no interest in the sabject, they were
Greek to me. I copied them mechanically from the huge vol-
umes in which they were bound, written on paper yellowed by
time, with no margins, no capitals and no punctuation. To-day
there is hardly a captive on those lists whose story I do not
know.
The name of Joseph Frye is not on these lists.
On that date. May, 1710, the period of the embassies, is
Andr6 Fray, with no comment.
As no captive was naturalized without re-baptism in Canada,
and as the original Christian name was often omitted in the
new baptism, I believe that Andr6 Fray was our Joseph Fry
of Kittery, and that sometime his baptism will be foand on the
records of some Indian mission far from Quebec or Montreal.
If this Andr6 were our Joseph, he would have been about
thirty years old when naturalized. As baptism was the first
step towards naturalization, so marriage soon followed natural-
ization among the captives.
One beautiful afternoon, about the middle of October, 1713,
Fran9ois Bigras and his wife, Marie Brunet, with their daughter,
Marie Louise, all in holiday attire, wended their way to Mon-
treal, where the betrothal of Andr6 Fray and Marie Louise
Bigras was to take place. There at the house of Jacques La-
Celle, master carpenter, they found Andr6 with another friend,
Etienne Gibault, also a carpenter, and Michel Brunet, uncle of
the bride's mother, waiting for them, with other friends of
both parties. Soon came Le Pailleur the notary.
Bent like a laboring oar that toils in the surf of the ocean, —
Bent, but not broken by age was the form of the Notaiy public;
Shocks of yellow hair like the silken floss of the maize, hung
Over his shoulders, his forehead was high, and glasses with horn bows
Sat astride on his nose with a look of wisdom supernal.
Father of twenty children was he, and more than a hundred
Children's children rode on his knee and heard his great watch tick.
***********
Then from his pocket the notaiy drew his papers and inkhom;
Wrote with a steady hand the date and the age of the parties: —
Andr6, aged about thirty-six, Marie Louise about nineteen. The
friends and relatives of the bride and groom agreeing for them,
308 Aimual Meeting!— 1902.
and they reoiprooally promising that they will take each other
for husband and wife under the name and laws of marriage^
hereafter as soon as possible ; the said marriage ^' to be solem-
nized according to the rites of our Holy Mother Church." Mut-
ually they promise, from their wedding day, to hold in common
all the goods and chattels, all their property real and personal^
of which they are now possessed, or which they shall hereafter
acquire, ^ according to the Custom of Paris, followed in Canada,"
with this saving clause for Marie, ^^even though they may
hereafter dwell and acquire property in a country where the
Mstoms are different." Neither can be held for the debts of
the other contracted before marriage. The future husband en-
dows the future wife with the customary marriage portion of
500 livres* to be paid at her option without her being obliged
to sue him for it Upon the death of either, the survivor is to
have 200 livres of their common property after an inventory
and an estimate made of the whole.
They take each other with all the rights they now have, and
which may fall to them or become due them either by gift or
inheritance, and for the affection they bear to each other, they
make, while yet living, this present reciprocal gift to each other,
of all and several of their goods and chattels, both what they
now have, and what they may acquire, to be enjoyed by the
survivor in full ownership as his or her lawful possession, pro-
vided always that no children are bom of this marriage. And
if this marriage be dissolved by the death of said husband, it
shall be lawful for the said wife to reject or accept the said
community of goods herein agreed upon and to reclaim and
take back freely without mortgage for the payment of debts,
all that she may have brought as her said dowry, — such as her
household goods, her wearing apparel, her jewels and orna-
ments, her bed and bedding, and in general all that may have
fallen to her by gift or inheritance ; without her being held for
the debts of said community, even though she may have said
that she was so bound. Thus it is agreed and stipulated ; with-
out which agreement the said marriage could not be consum-
mated. Done in the city of Yille Marie at the house of Jacques
La Celle, on the afternoon of the 12th of October, 1718, in
the presence of Messrs. Jean Petit, royal bailiff, and Pierre
* $83.33.
I
Ja8y>h Fry of KiMery. 309
Cresp6 as witnesses ; who with Messrs. Bigras, La Celle and
Oibaolt have signed : the said future bridegroom and bride, and
her mother and uncle, declaring that they could not sign thm
contract
Orderly all things proceeded and duly and well were completed;
And the great seal of the law was set like a sun in the maigin.
And the notaiy rising and blessing the bride and the bridegroom.
Lifted aloft a tankard of ale, and drank to their welfare,
Wiping the foam from his lips he sotonmly bowed and departed.
Four days later on the 16th of October, 1713, at the parish
church of St. Joachim, at Pointe Claire, Andr6 Fray and Marie
Louise Bigras were married. Theirs is the first marriage on the
register. On this record, the couple appear as Andr6 Lafram-
boise of Boston, son of Andr6 Laf ramboise and Marie Fraim of
the same town ; and Marie Louise Bigras, daughter of Frangois
Bigras of La Bochelle, France, and Marie Brunet of Montreal,
living in this parish. Elizabeth, their first child, was born Au-
gust 28 th, 1714. Others followed in rapid succession.
The epidemic of exchange having somewhat abated at this
period, it was thought best to establish Andr6 Fry more firmly
in Canada. Accordingly, Monsieur de Belmont, the Superior
of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, who were then the feudal
lords of the island of Montreal, granted him land in the island.
By this deed, dated April 14, 1716, under the usual conditions
of the Canadian feudal system, Andr6 became the nominal
owner of a strip of land three arpents front, by twenty arpents
deep at Grande Anse au haut de Cetis ide.*
The Seigneurs thus parcelled out their domain to their feudal
tenants, in long narrow strips adjoining each other, with a front-
age on the river, and sloping back for a mile or more to a high
horizon line. This gave the tenant both tillage and woodland.
Naturally, he built his house on the front of his lot, the river
being then his only highway. This single row of dwellings not
very far apart, formed what to this day is called a c6te.
There is no more interesting study than that of the old regime
in Canada. ^^ Canadian feudalism," says Mr. Parkman, ^^ was
an offshoot of the feudalism of France, modified by the lapse
* One arpent is 180 feet. Qnnde Anse is between Pointe CSaire and La
Chine.
810 Afmual Meetrng-^liQi.
of centaries and further modified by the royal will.'' . . . .
^^ It was Bicheliea who first planted feudalism in Canada. The
King would preserve it there, because with its teeth drawn, he
was fond of it. He continued as Bichelieu had begun, and
moulded it to the form that pleased him. Nothing was left
which could threaten his absolute and undivided authority over
the colony. Thus retrenched, Canadian feudalism was made to
serve a double end ; to produce a harmless reflection of French
aristocracy, and to supply agencies for distributing the land
among the settlers.'' Its distinctive feature was the condition
imposed upon the Seigneur of clearing his land within a lim-
ited time on pain of forfeiture. The often penniless Seigneur
could not afford to clear the whole of a tract " three or four feet
wide and proportionably deep." His title forbade him to sell
any uncleared portion. He was therefore compelled to grant
it without price, "on condition of a small perpetual rent."
This brings us to the Censitaire as he is called in the law.*
Briefly summed up, Louis XIY gave the land directly and
gratuitously to the Seigneur. He in turn granted it in smaller
lots to bis tenants. The habitant Cenaitairey or tenant, held his
land in perpetuity of the Seigneur en oensivdy — that is, he
bound himself to pay annually a nominal rent in money, or
produce, or both, besides other obligations. In the case we are
considering, the Seminary Priests of Montreal were the Seign-
eurs of the island ; Andr6 Fray, one of their many Censitadres
or perpetual tenants.
The deed of land at Orand Anse, given him in 1716, was can-
celled by a later one, that of the 16th of November, 1718, from
which I cannot forbear quoting, as it contains all the interesting
features of Canadian feudalism.
" Monsieur Fran9ois Yachon de Belmont, priest of the Semi-
nary of Saint-Sulpice at Paris, acting Superior of the same or-
der in Yille-Marie, who are the Seigneurs of the island of Mon-
treal and of other places in Canada, hereby acknowledges that
he has granted by a title jt cens,t from now henceforth and for-
* Cenaiiaire: A tenant, holding under a Seigneur, by virtue of payment of
Cens,
Cens: An annual payment by a tenant to the Sdgneur in recognition of the
latter's feudal Buperiority.
t Tide d cens: A legal title, on condition of certain annual pajrments by the
tenant.
Joseph Fry of Kittery. 811
ever to Andr^ Freincb, English by nation now habitant, and
accepting this title as lessee, for himself, his heirs and as-
signs, a domain, situated at the Cote St. B6my, in this island, of
four arpents front, by twenty-three arpents deep to be enjoyed,
improved and laid out by the lessee, his heirs and assigns, on the
following conditions, namely : He is to pay every year to my
said Messieurs Seigneurs, at theu* Seigniorial mansion, or wher-
ever they receive it in the said Yille Marie, ten sous, and a half
minot * of the finest, whitest wheat, clean, marketable and law-
ful weight, for every twenty arpents of the superficial contents
of the said domain.
" The first year for payment shall expire on the 11th of No-
vember, 1719. The said cens f bearing the right of loda et ventesj
seizmj etc."
Andr6's annual rent was therefore about fifty cents and two
bushels and a half of wheat.
^^ He is to sow the said land, to build and have a house and
home upon it within a year from to-day at the latest, to clear
the adjacent wilderness as shall be necessary, to grind his
grain at the mill of said Messieurs Seigneurs and nowhere else,
on pain of confiscation of the said grain, an arbitrary fine, and
of payment for the right to transport the grain which he has
had ground elsewhere. He is to permit such roads as Mes-
sieurs les Seigneurs shall think necessary, and among others a
cart road, which the said lessee, his heirs and assigns shall make
and keep in good order.:^ Messieurs les Seigneurs shall have the
right to take on the said land, all the timber which they may
need for their buildings and fences ; with an arpent of standing
wood, the nearest, to the cultivated land, where the woods
* Minot: An old measure vaiying according to the commodity. In grain
a minot equals 39 litres. A litre is a little less than one quart. Therefore a
half a minot eqiials a little less than 19 qts. or 2^ pks. or \ bushel.
t The ceru, or title h cens, reserved to the grantor many rights such as:
Lod8 et ventes, or mutations fines by which if the grantee sold any part of
his grant, one twelfth of the purchase money must go to the Seigneur.
Saisines or Seinn, the right of the Seigneur to seize the land in case the
tenant fails to comply with the conditions of the deed or grant.
Deffauia et Amendes: Fines to which the tenant was liaUe if he failed to
comply with the conditions of his deed or grant.
Qutn<: A fifth.
Requint: A twenty-fifth of the purchase money mutation fines which the
Seigneur had to pay to his feudal superior if he sold his Seignisfiy.
t N^ect to do this rendered him UaUe to forfeiture.
312 Annual Meeting— 1902.
shall not have been conva * to all, which wood my said Seigneurs
shall cut and carry off, whenever they shall see fit withoat pay-
ing anything for it ... "
'^ And my said Sieur de Belmont reserves for my said Seig-
neurs the right to withdraw the said land from the purchaser
by preference by reimbursing [indemnifying] the holder at tiie
time of the withdrawal, with the sum paid for the same and
legal costs, the said lessee, his heirs and assigns being precluded
from selling, bartering, giving, or otherwise alienating the same
to any mmn morUj or community f in so far as such bargaining
may injure, or prejudice the rights of my said Seigneurs.
^^ To all which clauses and conditions, liabilities and reserva-
tions, the said lessee submits and is bound, for himself, his heixs
and assigns, and has promised to observe and perform them alL
In case of failure to keep his agreement, the said lands conceded
by these presents, shall return of right to the Domain of the
said Messieurs Seigneurs, to dispose of at their pleasure, with-
out any legal formalities. Given at the said Yille Marie at the
office of the said Notary, on the 15th of November, of the year
1718, in the presence of Messieurs Ignace Gamelin, and Jean
Baptiste Hervieux, merchants; The lessee being duly called
upon after the reading of this enqtdte declares that he cannot
sign and Andre Friench as the deed names him, departs with
it."
A year passes.
It is Martinmas day, the 11th of November, 1719, the day
named in the deed for Andre's first payment. A noisy crowd
of habitants tenants, each laden with his annual tribute to the
Seigneurs, is gathering in the great barnyard of the Gentlemen
of the Seminary at Montreal, awaiting their turn for payment.
Some with grain, some with eggs, and some with live poultry,
ducks, fat capons, hens and chickens, tied together by the legs
and slung over their shoulders. Geese quacking, turkeys gob-
bling, cocks crowing lustily ; — the habitants chattering volubly
between theirs puffs of rank tobacco.
In his boots of untanned deerskin, his blue homespun belted
with a scarlet sash, his long red woollen cap with its tasseUed
peak, his bag of the best wheat across his shoulder, and his big
* /. e., shall not have been tramped over or beaten for game,
t Main marte. No F^nglmH equivalent. It means here a religious com-
munity whose hands are dead to give back whatever they have once acquired.
Peter a/nd John Schuyler. 813
copper coins jingling in his hand ; — Andrg is easily distingoished
bj his English face, and stolid manner.
In a few hours it is all over and the crowd disperses. One
by one they drop in at the church door to say their evening
prayer. Then Andr6 unties his boat at the river side, and
slowly paddles homeward in the early twilight of St. Martin's
day.
How far, far away he seems from his childhood's home among
the staid Quakers of old Kittery. With a sense of relief from
debt, and of real ownership, he draws near his thatched cottage
where his wife and children are watching for his return. His
little four-year-old Elizabeth, hearing the splash of the big stone
that serves him for an anchor, runs down to the shore to meet
him. He takes her by the band, and with a pail of water in
the other, enters his humble dwelling.
Does he then for a moment remember his father and mother,
Adrian and Sarah Frye, and his boyhood among his brothers
and sisters in New England ? The door closes and we see him
no more. We only know that he was living, when his little
Elizabeth married in 1785, at the age of twenty-one, — and that
he was dead, when his tenth child Jacques was married, in 1757.
His great-great-granddaughter, third in descent from this
Jacques, was my friend and co-worker, the dear nun, Marie
Philomene Claire French.
MASSACHUSETTS COLONY AND PETER AND JOHN
SCHUYLER.
BT FJEtANOIS M. THOMPSON.
Jamestown, the first English settlement in North America,
had been in existence two years, when in 1609, Hendrick Hud-
son, in the little Dutch ship, Half Moon, had made his way up
the great river which now bears his name, to the vicinity of the
present city of Albany, in his vain search for a north-west pas-
sage. Almost at the same time, within twenty leagues of the
Hudson, that illustrious Frenchman, Samuel de Champlain, at
the solicitations of the Canadian Algonquins, was upon the shore
of the beautiful lake which now bears hie name, giving aid to
814 Annual Meeting — 1901.
sixty red savages in their attack upon two hundred Iroquois,
and giving these famous warriors their first lesson in the use of
fire arms ; the volleys from the French muskets causing them
to fiee in terror and dismay. But in after years the French
paid dearly for this attack, as the haughty Iroquois never for-
got their wrong, and held a Frenchman to be their natural
enemy. Who knows but that the whole destiny of North
America hinged upon the shots which echoed across the waters
of the beautiful lake on that fall day of 1609 ?
The English settlement at Jamestown ; the forlorn attempt
to establish a colony near the mouth of the Kennebec; the
building of the Dutch trading house, called Beverwyc, on the
upper Hudson ; and the permanent occupation of the St. Law-
rence by the French, all took place at about the same time ;
and from this seed, planted by three distinct nations came about
the fierce and bloody struggle which continued for one hundred
and fifty years, for the control of the North American continent.
In 1664 the English by the capture of New Netherlands, suc-
ceeded to the quarrel of the Dutch settlements. Year after
year expeditions were sent out by the Dutch and their succes-
sors, the English, in aid of the Indians of the Six Nations,
against their enemies in Canada ; the object of the Dutch and
English being the control of the trade of the Six Nations, and
to prevent the interference of the French therein.
When Hendrick Hudson returned to Holland, the Dutch were
not in condition to colonize the newly discovered territory, but
the East India Company under whose auspices he made the
voyage, immediately established three trading posts, and opened
trade with the river Indians ; taking possession of an old fort built
by the French in 1540 [?] on an island just below the present
site of Albany. Here they were flooded out in 1617, and moved
down the river about four miles to " Tawasentha Grove," where
they built Fort Nashua, where was held the great treaty be-
tween the Dutch and the Five Nations, which continued un-
broken until the Revolutionary war, when the Mohawks, under
the leadership of Brant, sided with the British, and at its close
removed to Canada. In 1728 the Dutch moved up the river,
and built Fort Orange, where Albany now stands. Great ri-
valry grew up between the French and the Dutch and their
English successors, for the control of the fur trade of the Five
Nations and their western allies. The Dutch, secure in their
Peter and John Schuyler. 316
alliance with the Five Kations, supplied them with fire arms
and ammunition and every article necessary to enable them to
maintain an unrelenting warfare against all tribes which were
under French influence. The willing savages yearly poured
forth their swarms upon the Hurons and Algonquins dwelling
in the St. Lawrence and Ottawa valleys, nearly wiping out the
great Huron nation, killing men, women and children, not even
sparing the resident Jesuit priests. A small remnant of the
Hurons escaped to an island lying in the great lake which mem-
orizes their name, but their power was forever broken.
All those savages who would bring their barter to the Hud-
son, were to the Iroquois, friends and brothers ; all others were
their enemies, and were made to feel the weight of their en-
mity.
The Dutch, and their successors the English, gave better
prices for furs than the French, and furnished better goods in
return, which together with the great fear with which the
neighboring tribes held the domineering Iroquois, greatly in-
jured the trade of the French ; and as a consequence their hatred
of these heretics, and their allies, the Iroquois was very strong
and deep. Long before the arrival of the French in New France,
or the Dutch in New Netherlands, war had existed between
the Five Nations and the Huron and Algonquin tribes inhabit-
ing the valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa, and the
rivers and the lakes lying between New York and Canada
had been the scene of many bloody battles ere the muskets
of Champlain and his two companions awoke the echoes in
1609.
Large numbers of Canadian captives taken by the Iroquois,
and held by them as slaves, were converts of the Jesuit priests,
who, seemingly denying themselves of all the comforts of civil-
ized life, for the hope of a glorious martyrdom, daily put their
lives in jeopardy in their efforts to save souls. The world's his-
tory contains no record to compare with the zeal, heroism and
devotion of these Jesuit priests. The lives of several of these
brave and devoted men were sacrificed in their persistent efforts
to extend their religion among the people of the Five Nations,
and by 1670 they had succeeded in establishing several missions
among the Onondagas, and had converted a large portion of the
Mohawks, as many as seven hundred catholic converts having
taken up their residence in Canada. This increase of the French
816 Annual Meetinff— 1902.
influence was miKdi feared by the Dutch at Scheneotadj and
Fort Orange.
In 1664 the goTemment of New Netherlands fell mto the
hands of the English, and their policy was to retain the trade
of the great Iroquois nation, and constant effort was made to
keep the chain of their friendship, bright and shining, so that
the Five Nations might remain a solid bulwark between the
English and the ever pushing and aggressive French. The pol-
icy of the French was to dominate the Five Nations, and by
their commanding influence control the trade and barter of idl
the western tribes, so that they might safely erect forts and
trading stations along the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, as they
laid claim to all the country west of the Appalachian chain of
mountains, including the great lakes and all the country east of
the Kennebec.
As for the English,
The soil they demanded, or threatened the worst.
Insisting that Cabot, had looked on it first.
The Indian policy was to receive all the presents offered by
either party, their habit being to dally with the French when
they seemed to be in the ascendency, to call them their ^^ fathers,"
and in turn pledge themselves to " Corlear ^' their " brother," as
they called the English governors, if they were temporarily the
more successful. But the French, notwithstanding the secret
influence of the subtile Jesuit priests, never obtained more than
a passive neutrality from the proud and crafty Iroquois, and the
Five Nations were upon the whole fairly loyal to the Englidi
interests.
Such, at a glance, was the real situation of affairs between
New France and New Netherland, at the commencement of
my story.
In the family records of Philip Peterse Schuyler, of Bens-
selaerswyc, written in good black Dutch, will be found these
entries :
Bom ; September 17, 1657, Peter Von Schuyler ; and April
5, 1668, Johannes Yon Schuyler ; and written after the name
of each, these words : May tiie good Lord God let him grow
up in virtues to his salvation ; Amen !
But little is known of the early life of these Schuylers, who^
when they arrived to manhood's estate, each bore so conspico^
Peter and John Schuyler. 817
oQsa part in the management of the affairs of their native state,
and gained prominence to the family name. But it so hap-
pened, in the providence of God, that for nearly sixty years
these two brothers, or the sorvivor, were of the utmost service
to the pioneers of the Connecticut valley, and the remainder of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay. Deerfield, being for the
greater period, the nearest frontier town to their home, was the
recipient of many favors, and it is well that their services
should not be forgotten.
At the time of Peter Schuyler's entrance in public life,
Albany was but a frontier town. No other Dutch settlement
existed to the west but Schenectady, where a few burghers had
purchased lands in order to escape the serfdom of the Patroons^
these being under the guidance of Aren Yan Corlear, in whom
the Indians had the utmost confidence, and because of their
love for him, they called all the governors of New York
« Corlear.''
To the north of Albany stretched the great wilderness ; the
lakes, George and Champlain ; and beyond, the wicked French.
On the east the nearest settlements were Springfield and Deer-
field, and no town but Kingston existed between Albany and
New York. The Mohawks, a strong and warlike people in-
habited the lower valley of the Mohawk river and the country
about Albany.
Remnants of the scattered tribes who had been dispersed
from the Connecticut valley when King Philip's war ended,
were gathered about the mouth of the Hoosick river, and collec-
tively called Schaghticookes. The Mohawks kept up constant
communication with their relatives at Caughnawaga, where the
Jesuit priests had gathered their converts. Peter Schuyler, by
virtue of his oflSce as Mayor of Albany, and commander of the
fort, became chief commissioner of Indian affairs for the Colony.
To him the Indians of the Five Nations had become greatly
attached, and he was known and beloved by all the tribes who
called him " Quidor," (Keedor, the Indians' friend,) that word
being the nearest approach the Indians could make to pro-
nouncing " Peter."
By means of his great influence with the savages, and their
boundless love and respect for him, no act of the French govern-
ment in Canada which became at all public ; no secret move-
ment of war parties against the English frontiers by instigation
318 Annual Meeti/ng—lWi.
of the French, or by ambitioos chiefs and no covert embassy
could be sent ont to the Iroquois, without some inkling or
knowledge of these things soon reaching the ^' Quidor's " ears.
In the fall of 1689, it became known to the people of Albany,
through these friends of ^' Quidor," that Frontenac was organ-
izing an expedition to attack the town ; so its garrison was
strengthened and all available means used to make Fort Orange
impregnable. Men and money were scarce, but an arrange-
ment was made to keep upon the frontiers a scout of forty Mo-
hawk warriors, who should carefully watch every avenue by
which the French and Indians could approach, and give imme-
diate alarm. But the red warriors having already drawn their
allowances, found it much more comfortable and far less dan-
gerous to hang around the outskirts of Schenectady, trusting
to the great depth of snow and the severe winter weather, as
preventive to the advance of the enemy.
As the French commander approached the English settle-
ments, his Indian allies began to fear to attack so strong a place
as Albany, and finally prevailed upon him to turn his attack
upon Schenectady, which appeared to offer much more certain
success.
Upon reaching the settlement, late upon a stormy night, they
found it unguarded, with gates wide open ; and setting fire to
the houses, the inhabitants were murdered as they rushed from
their beds. Peter Schuyler teUs the horrid story in a letter
addressed to the Massachusetts government.
" Albany the 15th. day of Feb. 1689-90. Honoured Gentle-
men : To our Great Greefe and Sorrow, we must acquaint you
with our deplorable condition, there having never the like
massacre and murthur been Committed in these parts of Amer-
ica, as hath been acted by the French and their Indians at
Schenectady, 20 miles from Albanie, betwixt Saturday and
Sunday last at 11 a clock at night. A companie of Two hun-
dred French and Indians fell upon said village and murthured
sixty men women and children most barbarously ; burning the
Place and carried 27 along with them Prisoners, among which
leftenant of Capt. Bull ; Enos Tallmadge : and 4 more of said
companie were killed and 5 taken prisoners, the rest being In-
habitants; and above 25 persons their limbs frozen in the
flight. The cruelties committed at said Place no Penn can
write or tongue express."
Peter and John Schuyler. 319
His letter was long and enters into the fullest details of the
horrible story, and with all his power he urges the Massachu-
setts government to aid in the invasion of Canada during the
coming season, and concludes in these words : ^^ We have writ to
CoL Pjnchon to warn the upper towns to be on their guarde,
fearing that some French and Indians might be out and Destroy
them."
During the next season, Peter Schuyler received notice from
his agents, that an embassy had arrived from Frontenao to the
Onondagas, but that the Indians would not receive or hear them
until a full council should be called. Schuyler, with some others
named by the city council, taking with them two resident
Frenchmen as interpreters, attended at the long house of the
Onondagas, being full of indignation that these French spies
should steal into English territory, and offer presents to their
friends and allies. After long parleying, the French derived no
satisfaction from this council.
The Indians remained firm in their friendship for ^^ Quidor "
and his people. As soon as the following spring opened an-
other and larger delegation was sent from Quebec, and again
runners summoned '^ Quidor " and his friends to an Onondaga
council ; the result being that the French emissaries were seized
and distributed among the several sachems, some doubtless to
suffer death, but the chief of the embassy, Chevalier D' Auz,
was given to Schuyler, who took him to Albany and sent him
home.
Schuyler immediately collected a force of Mohawk warriors,
and marching them to Wood creek, at the head of Lake Cham-
plain, set them at work building bark canoes, which he felt
would be needed in a campaign against Canada during the com-
ing season. The next season a campaign was organized to in-
vade Canada, but General Winthrop and his army got no far-
ther than the head of the lakes, his soldiers suffering from small-
pox, and having no suflScient commissary organized, it proved
fruitless. Sir William Phipps attacked Quebec with a fleet of
thirty vessels, but without effect. Schuyler's Mohawks were
much chagrined at the failure of the expedition, and a party of
forty Dutch and English and one hundred Indians placed them-
selves under the command of Capt. Johannes Schuyler, (the
young brother of Peter), then 22 years old, and set out down
the lake, to show themselves to the enemy. The young captain
320 Annual Jieetinff—ldOi.
kept a diary during this expedition (which may be found in
YoL 2, page 285 of the Documentary History of York) which
ift interesting, bat too long for this paper. They entered the
Bichelien or ^^Ohambly" river, and came near the fort La
Prairie, within fifteen miles of Montreal Captain Schayler
says ^^ We christians resolved to fall upon the fort ; bat could
not move the savages to give their consent to help us to attack
the fort ; the fort fired alarms when Montryal and Ghamble
answered, so we resolved to depart with the prisoners to Al-
bany," where they arrived after an absence of seventeen days,
bringing nineteen prisoners and six scalps.
The failure of the Winslow expedition was largely due to the
anomalous condition of affairs, caused by the usurpation of the
Colonial government of New York, by Jacob Leisler, to whom
Albany would not submit. Leisler was the sworn enemy of
Schuyler, and when he obtained control of the dty, he removed
him from oflSce, and appointed more pliable men as agents.
Upon the arrival in New York of the Royal governor, Slough-
ter, Leisler and bis son-in-law, Jacob Milbourne bis right hand
man, were arrested and tried on a charge of treason, condemned,
and were hanged. The hasty action of the new governor has
always been heartily condemned by unprejudiced historians.
Peter Schuyler was at once restored to his office of Mayor, made
a member of the Colonial Council, and a justice of the Court of
Common Pleas.
In 1692, a Great Council consisting of forty sachems, the gov-
ernor of the Colony, his Council, the Mayor, alderman, and the
chief military officers of the Province, was held at Albany, and
an agreement entered into with the Five Nations to undertake
another expedition against Canada. Governor Sloughter wrote
the other Colonies urging them to aid in this movement, using
the sound argument, that, ^^ all the Colonies would be endangered
by the loss of Albany."
Major Peter Schuyler was given the conmiand of the expe-
dition, which was to consist of two hundred Dutch and English,
and three hundred Mohawk and Biver Indians. The Seneca
sachems agreed to send five hundred warriors to join and aid
them, as they reached the St. Lawrence river.
June 22nd, 1691, Schuyler began his march, with only one
hundred whites, eighty Mohawks and sixty Biver Indians.
With this little army he made a spirited attack upon the French
Peter and John Sehuyler. 321
fort, La Prairie, sitaate within fifteen miles of Montreal, and de-
fended by four hundred and sixty men. During the attack he
learned from some prisoners, that the French had plaoed three
hundred French and forty Indians between his men and their
canoes, which they had concealed upon the Ohambly or Sorel
river ; so he drew off from the fort and marching eight miles,
attacked this ambuscading party, which made a most desperate
resistance, but were at last compelled to retire ; and Schuyler
laconically says in his report, ^^ to say the truth, we were all
glad to see them retreate." In his report to Gov. Sloughter, he
says, ^^ We lost in this expedition twenty one christians, sixteen
Mohauges, six River Indians & the wounded, in all twenty-five,"
and afterwards adds ; ^^ Memorandum : since the first date of
this journal, six christians and Indians, thought to be killed
have returned." The historian, Colden, always an enemy of
Schuyler, in his history of the Five Nations, says, " The French
by their own account lost six lieutenants, five ensigns, and three
hundred men ; so that the slain were more in number than Major
Schuyler had with him."
This expedition resulted in giving the Indians the greatest
confidence in the English ; it renewed their war spirit and they
kept the French in constant alarm, killing, burning and capturing
all along the St. Lawrence, between Montreal and Quebec ; so
that few French soldiers could be spared for attacking the Five
Nations ; but small parties under French officers raided the New
England frontiers from Maine to New York.
In every emergency " Quidor " was called upon by the In-
dians, and long journeys had to be taken, without regard to
weather or means of transportation, to aid the Indians in devis-
ing means to repel the invading hordes from Canada. Golden
says that Schuyler told him that at one time he was invited by
some Indians to eat broth with them, which they had already
cooked, which he did with a relish, until dipping in the ladle to
take out more, he fished out a Frenchman's hand, which put an
end to his appetite.
Oouncil after council was held, at which Schuyler was the
chief agent of the Colony, endeavouring by all the means in his
power to encourage and retain the wavering loyalty of the
frightened Iroquois. February 14th, 1704, he writes to Gover-
nor Fletcher, ^^ I have struggled with the sachems of the Five
Nations for ten days ; they are awed and weary of war and dis-
21
322 AnntKU Meetinff— 1902.
trust oar ability to support them against the French. I would
not for anything, I had gone to Onondaga to have been there
at their meeting ; that I should have quite despaired of ever ef-
fecting what I have done now ; for I never found them speak
with more hesitation ; yet I have gained that point, to win time
until your Excellency comes up, when they all engage to be
here, and Dekanissora in person, who is the man the governor
of Canada so much longs for."
But in spite of all the efforts of Schuyler, and the presents
and blandishments of the governor, Dekanissora and his sachems
went to Quebec, where Frontenac received him with the great-
est honors, and a great exhibition of the power and strength of
the Canadian forces. Dekanissora with great eloquence sued
for a treaty of peace which should include the governor of New
York, and Peter Schuyler, ^^ Mayor and Commandant of Al-
bany."
The ensuing May the council which the Indians had agreed
to with Schuyler was held at Albany, and there Dekanissora
reported that Frontenac would ms^e peace with the Five
Nations, but would not include the governor of New York,
and he declared that the Indians must have peace at all
events.
Governor Fletcher was at last compelled to permit the Five
Nations to conclude a treaty of peace with Frontenac, always
provided they kept their covenant with the English. Unfor-
tunately for the French, before the treaty had been fully con-
cluded, the Indians learned that Frontenac was making prepa-
rations to rebuild his fort at Cadaraquie, which the IndiaoB
refused to permit upon any terms, and they rejected all his prop-
ositions. One of the chiefs said to Frontenac, ^^ You call us
* children * what father are you ? You deal with us whom you
call ^ children ' as with hogs, which are called home from the
woods by Indian com, and then put in prison until they are
killed."
But the conclusion of the Five Nations was not final, and
after much negotiation a peace was agreed upon with the French,
in spite of all the influence which the English could bring to
bear upon them, to keep up the fight.
In 1693 a large party of French and Indians came down and
attacked the Mohawks, destroying their castles, killing many
and taking some three hundred captives, with whom they started
i
Peter and John Schuyler. 323
on their return to Oanada. Major Peter Schuyler hastily
gathered three hundred whites and as many savages, and being
joined by Major Ingoldsby from Albany with quite a force,
they entrenched themselves near Mt. McGregor, on the ^^ old
trail " intending to rescue the prisoners. The French discovered
their presence and made a furious attack upon their position in
the night, but being beaten off three times, they retreated and
continued their flight. The battle place is known as ^^ the old
Indian burying ground."
Queen Anne in 1709 issued letters to the governors of New
York, Pennsylvania and the New England provinces, inviting
them to unite with the home government in the invasion of
Canada, with an overwhelming force. Fifteen hundred men
were to march by way of Ohamplain, while five regiments of
regulars and twelve hundred Massachusetts men were to sail in
ships to attack Quebec. Ool. Nicholson was placed in command
of the forces which were to attack Montreal, with CoL Peter
Schuyler as his chief officer, and he was to have command of
the Indian allies.
As usual, preparations were delayed, but in June, Major Jo-
hannes Schuyler was pushed forward with 228 English and In-
dians, down the lake to Otter Creek, in order to intercept a war
party of French and Indians who were known to have started
for the Connecticut river. At the same time fifteen hundred
men had been gathered by the French to surprise and capture
the English forts and stores at Wood Creek, at the south end
of Lake Champlain.
Major Schuyler discovered the enemy at Crown Point, and
after a lively skirmish, the French retreated. CoL Nicholson
returned to Albany leaving the army under the conmiand of
CoL Peter Schuyler, who waited for some report from the Que-
bec forces (which in fact never sailed) until the season was so
far spent, that the expedition, much to Schuyler's disgost, had
to be abandoned.
In order to keep the Mohawk chie& from dwelling upon their
disappointment, and to create an interest in the fate of the Five
Nations in Europe, Major Schuyler selected five Mohawk chiefs,
and with Captain Abram Schuyler, a relative, as interpreter, at
his own expense, took the whole party to England, where they
spent several months in impressing upon the minds of these un-
tutored savages the great strength and power of the English
824 Annual Meeting— 190^.
government One chief died upon the voyage, bat the othen
safely returned in December, 1710.
The Queen, in acknowledgment of the generosity and great
services of CoL Schuyler, offered to confer knighthood upon
him, but he modestly declined the distinction, and she then
ordered his portrait painted and presented to him, which picture
his descendants still possess.
Col. Schuyler was acting governor of New York from 1719
to 1720. Time and your patience will not permit the following
of the personal history of Peter and John Schuyler, or further
illustrate the honorable parts they performed in the building
up of the Empire State, or to give any sketch of the life of
General Philip Schuyler, a grandson of John, who was a trusted
lieutenant of Washington.
During the raids of the French and Indians in King Wil-
liam's war, many prisoners had been taken by them and car-
ried away to Canada. Among others were John Gillett, MaJ^
tin Smith, and Daniel Belding and several of his children, from
Deerfield. In 1697, CoL Peter Schuyler, taking with him the
Dutch Dominie and others, went to Canada, and after much
negotiation they succeeded in obtaining the release of these
prisoners and about twenty others, whom they took to Albany,
where they were treated with the greatest kindness, and later
dispatched homeward by the way of New York city and the
Sound. John Gillett returned by the way of France and Eng-
land. From 1697 to 1702 there was an interval of peace, and
then commenced Queen Anne's war, and once more the gov-
ernor of Canada turned loose his savages to wage cruel warfare
against the English borders. In 1703 Governor Yaudreuil
writes to the French king that his armies had laid waste more
than fifteen leagues of territory, and that they had taken or
killed more than three hundred people.
This year Schuyler sent word that his Mohawk spies reported
that a large expedition was setting out for Deerfield. Once
when sending warning words, he wrote, " Do be on your guard,
to prevent your people from falling into the hands of these
bloody savages ; but I cannot enlarge for I will have the mes-
senger ride this night, and it is now ten o'clock." Thus faithful
was he to forward the news of any movement of the common
enemy.
The Council allowed Deerfield a guard of twenty men, two
P^ter and John Sohuyler. 8S6
1 of whom were quartered in the house of Ber. Mr. Williams ;
and those people who had settled in the more remote and ex-
1 posed places were gathered into the palisades ; but the garri-
I son grew weary of watching, the sentinel slept, and we, this
I night, meet in memory of their neglect.
! During the season Zebediah Williams and John Mms, while
in the meadows looking after cattle, were ambushed by Indians
) lying in the ditch just beyond Frary's bridge, captured and taken
I to Canada. Williams died in captivity, but Nims, Joseph Petty,
Thomas Baker and Martin Eellogg escaped, and after great suf-
fering reached Deerfield. Peter and John Schuyler were most
earnest and active in warning the frontier settlers of approach-
ing danger, and so far as possible aided in preventing surprises
of the scattered settlers upon the Massachusetts frontiers. They
were well known and honored and respected by the French gov-
ernors, and their influence went very far in procuring the re-
lease of captives from their Indian masters, and they protested
in strong language against every effort made by the French to
induce the Five Nations to depart from the strict rule of neu-
trality which had been agreed upon, and without doubt pre-
vented in several instances the invasion of the territory of the
Five Nations by the Indians under French controL They aided
in every possible way in the efforts of Ensign Sheldon and his
oompanions in their endeavors to secure the return of the Deer-
field captives. Major John wrote to Col. Partridge that he saw
Deacon Sheldon at Montreal, ^^ who had liberty to walk the
streets, but was detained, and had not liberty to go home."
In all the efforts of Kev. John Williams for the recovery of
his children the Schuylers were most energetic and deeply sym-
pathetic in their aid. The father's discouraging and unsuccess-
ful work for the recovery of little Eunice, was ably seconded by
the Schuylers. Major John, in a letter to Gk>vemor Dudley,
dated December 12th, 1712, says :
" As to what your Excellency mentions relating to Mr. Wil-
liams, his daughter and the squaw, she is not come here yet, nor
have I heard anything of her coming, although I shall be very
glad to see them and to advise your Excellency if they come
together, or the squaw alone. I shall use all possible means to
get the child exchanged, either as your Excellency or what
other way the squaw will be most willing to comply with.
<< Meanwhile I shall inform myself by all opportunities,
326 Annual Meetinff— 1902.
whether the said squaw and child be coming here, or if tiiey be
anywhere nearby. Your Excellency may depend that whatever
I can do, for ye obtaining y^ said child, shall at no time be
wanting, and so I shall take leave to subscribe myself ; Your
Excellency's most humble servant ; John Schuyler.''
Under date of June 13th, 1713, John Schuyler wrote Gov.
Dudley, of his journey to Montreal, and of his failure, after a
personal interview with Eunice Williams, (then married to an
Indian) to induce her to return to her Deei^eld relatives. His
story of his interview with the historic Eunice, the Jesuit priest
and the Indian relatives. Miss Baker, in her story of Eunice
Williams, declares the most touching state paper which she ever
read. Rev. Mr. Williams was for a considerable time the guest
of Col. Schuyler at Albany, and, during his stay, he caused hia
portrait to be painted.
In 1707, CoL Schuyler writes to Col. Partridge that he has
rescued from the Indians, Ebenezer Carter, ^^ and when his friends
come to redeem him, shall be delivered up." Under date of
August lltb, the same year, he writes to Col. Partridge that his
spies report that twenty-seven French and Indians were at the
mouth of Otter Creek on the 6th bound for the New England
frontiers. In February, 1708, the Schuylers reported that a
large war party had left Canada about the middle of January,
and when the raiders reached the frontier they found the settlers
on their guard, and the party broke up into small detachments,
which hovered around the settlements all summer, surprising
and killing two sons of Capt. John Parsons and some others,
and capturing several prisoners at Chicopee.
The next August Schuyler informed Governor Dudley that
eight hundred French and Indians had marched for New Eng-
land. In order to conceal his movements as much as possible
as to his destination, De Eouville, the French commande'r, di-
vided his forces, marching one party by the St. Francis river,
and sending the other by Lake Champlain. The latter party
was made up from the Canadian Mohawks, over whom Schuyler
had much influence ; he caused his messengers to meet them
on the lake, and under plea of danger from small-pox, induced
the Indians to turn back, thus saving our frontiers from
their depredations. The main body under De Rouville laid
HaverhUl in waste, and killed forty persons and took many
prisoners.
t
Peter and John Schuyler. 827
July ISth, 1712, twenty Indians under Graylook, left Canada,
V intending to attack oar settlements ; Schuyler heard of it the
s 28thy and immediately sent an express to Col. Partridge ; but
I he was too late ; the Indians captured men belonging to Spring-
field, Deerfield, Sunderland and Hartford, escaping with their
prisoners to Canada, this being the last raid during Queen
Anne's war.
The Massachusetts government fully trusted the Schuylers,
and relied upon their faithful services, as will appear by the fol-
lowing letter :
^^ Gentlemen : This encloses a vote of the General Assembly
of this Province, desiring that one of you gentlemen, as will best
suit your convenience, will please favor us with a visit, that we
may confer with you upon the Present situation of our Capital
affairs respecting the Maquois & the Eastern Indians ; which
will also oblige; Gentlemen, Yr. Most Humble Serv't Wm.
Dummer. Boston, Aug. 13th. 1723. To the Hon. ColL Peter
& ColL John Skiler."
In September of the same year the Schuylers sent word that
fifty Indians were then on their way, at Otter Creek, to attack
our settlements ; and Governor Dummer writes the Schuylers
under date of September 13th, ^^ Gentlemen ; I have received
yr. advice in a Letter Directed to Coll. Partridge, of a party of
fifty Indians come over the lake to attack our frontiers. I hope
the seasonable arrival of this Intelligence will be the means to
disappoint the Enemy. I do for myself & in Behalf and at the
desire of his Majesties Council of this Province, give you thanks
for your good offices to this Gov't from Time to Time ; espe-
cially in advising us so opportunely of the Motions of the Enemy
& other matters that so nearly conceam this Province, and pray
the continuance of yo'r. care & Friendship to us in this respect ;
and we shall punctually pay y'r expenses."
CoL John attended the conference in Boston, and in a letter
announcing his safe arrival at Albany, he says ; ^^ On the 2nd.
day of this inst. I sent my son and two others towards Can-
ada, with instructions y* if they met vnth any news of any par-
ties of Ind's designed for New England, they would dispatch
an express directly, and also to enquire respecting Captives &
any other news which may be servicable."
The Schuylers were instrumental in enlisting several Mo-
hawks and Schaghticooke Indians for service scouts for the
338 Annual Meetmf^l902.
Oolony^ at Fort Dammer, bat they only proved of use when
drawing their pay and sabsistence. The next Aagast he sends
word to CoL Stoddard, ^' There is now again fourty Indians
Gk>ne Against your Gk>v't.; but I know not where they will
make their attempt"
Col. John Schuyler with oommissioners sent from New Hamp-
shire and Massachusetts arrived in Montreal, March Sd, 1725,
diarged with the endeavor to make peace with the Eastern In-
dians, but their efforts were vrithout avaiL
Col. John Schuyler was also charged by Governor Belcher
to summon the Kew York Indians to hold the Great Council at
Deerfield in 1736, but the official journal does not mention his
presence at that celebrated Conference.
Peter Schuyler died February 19th, 1724, and John Schuyler
died in February 1747, neither of them being spared to see the
humbling of the French, against whom they both had spent
their lives in contention.
At the decease of CoL John Schuyler the control of Indian
affairs passed into the hands of Sir William Johnson, whose
great tact and ability in this respect made him their acknowl-
edged leader. He was the commanding officer at Lake George,
upon the day when CoL Ephraim WiUiams led forth his little
army to slaughter ; an occasion long remembered in this valley,
as the " Bloody Morning Scout." In the battle which followed
the same day, Johnson was wounded and CoL Lyman of Mas-
sachusetts the second in command gained a victory, taking
Baron Dieskau, the French commander, prisoner ; but Johnson
got all the glory and the honor of knighthood.
On the 25th of November, 1758, Gteorge Washington, a young
lieutenant of Gen. Forbes, planted the British banners upon the
Walls of Fort DuQuesne, and in honor of William Pitt, named
it Pittsburg. Gen. Amherst, on the 26th of July, received the
surrender of the great fortress of Louisbourg, and Isle BoyaL
and St. John became British possessions. Lord Abercrombie
swept up the lakes, with a flotiUa of a thousand boats, but made
an ill advised attack upon the walls of old Ticonderoga, losing
two thousand men in front of the fortification. Massachusetts
raised seven thousand men for the ensuing campaign, and the
other colonies put forth their best efforts. By the 25th of July,
1769, Sir William Johnson had possession of all the French
posts as far west as Erie ; and upon the 1st of August, G^en.
■I
Peter and John Sohvyler. 329
Amherst had taken Crown Point and Tioonderoga^ which had
been abandoned by die French, who fled to the lower end of
the lake. At the same time Gen. Wolfe was hammering at
the gates of Quebec, and on the 13th of September, 1759, at the
great battle upon the Plains of Abraham, Uie victor Wolfe, and
the vanquished Montcalm, had proved ^^ the path to glory a
short one to the grave."
England and the Colonies were wild with delight.
Sept. 9, 1760, Lord Amherst received the surrender of Mont-
real, and with it went the submission of Canada, henceforward
to be a British Province.
ANNUAL MEETING— 1903.
REPORT.
The annual meeting of the Pocnmtnck Yalley Memorial As-
sociation was held in Memorial Hall at Deerfield yesterday
afternoon and evening. Instead of the business meeting being
held in the old kitchen, where it has been held for many years,
the Association met in an adjoining room, formerly a part of the
tenement occupied by the caretaker, and which will henceforth
be used for exhibition purposes, since a handsome colonial cot-
tage has been erected for the caretaker just east of the hall,
within the past year. Judge F. M. Thompson of Greenfield,
vice-president of the Association, presided, in the absence of Mr.
Sheldon, who is wintering in Boston. By the report of the
treasurer, John Sheldon of Greenfield, it appears that the
number of paid admissions to the hall was largely increased
over that of preceding years, the receipts from that source
being $332.80. Other items of income are : Sales of History
of Deerfield, $1 14 ; sales of photographs, pamphlets, etc., $55.93 ;
annual dues, $21, and new members, $9. In the expense ac-
count the heaviest item, $414.88, is for repairs on the L formerly
used as a dwelling. The balance on deposit is $2072.
George Sheldon, the curator, in his report says that the chief
event of the year, and indeed of our history since acquiring
Memorial Hall, has been the erection of the beautiful cottage
on the grounds, a structure in perfect harmony with the place
where it is located, and the purpose for which it was built. The
cottage was the gift of Mrs. Sheldon, although the report does
not mention her by name. " On the very evening of the day
on which we organized under our charter," says Curator Shel-
don, ^' the great and wise Agassiz invited me to his room in the
Pocumtuck house, where he was an invalid. He was greatly
interested in the movement, and he impressed upon me the im-
portance of distinguishing in our collections, between the relics,
and the setting in which they are to be exhibited. He could
Annual Meetinff—IQOS. 331
speak only in a whisper, bat the whole matter was summed up
in his last intensely emphasized words, ^ Mr. Sheldon, put yonr
money on the inside.' This advice has been the keynote from
the first start. Ton all know that not a dollar of your slowly
gathered money has been spent for mere show. Our horizontal
cases were made from lumber picked up about the building ;
the Ubrary fixtures were mostly improvised in the same way,
or obtained by gift, all old and second-hand. In utilizing our
added quarters, great judgment will be required in the expan-
sion, that the result be a harmonious whole. As Peter Sprague
used to say, ^ There's a thousand things to everything.' " Mr.
Sheldon refers to the repairs in the north wing. ^^ It follows,
of course, that a new catalogue for the library will be necessary.
This means large expense. It will be at once seen that with any
considerable change in the location of our relics our old cata-
logue wiU become useless. Probably a printed book, with blank
leaves, or additions would be better than a card catalogue."
Mr. Sheldon roughly estimates the cost at about $900.
Mrs. M. E. Stebbins gave the assistant's report, which showed
that the number of visitors for the year had been 3,432. There
had been many requests for Sunday opening, but it had been
thought best not to take this step. Visitors come from remote
sections of the country and from foreign lands. One California
man said he would like to spend the summer in Deerfield and
visit the collection every day.
Brief sketches were read of Albert C. Parsons and Jarvis B.
Bardwell, written by Herbert C. Parsons, and of Charles Jones
and Luther Joshua Barker Lincoln, written by George Sheldon,
all being members who have died within the year. Of Mr.
Parsons it was said that he was closely identified with the
affairs of the town of Northfield, that he was attached to the
town and believed it to have been very specially favored. He
was interested in the movement for the preservation of historical
traditions, and gave the project of publishing the town history
his cordial support. He was an early member and councillor
of the P. Y. M. A. He stoutly defended the old boundary line
of Deerfield in the Legislature of '61, arguing against what he
believed to be an injustice to the old town. He was an early
free soiler, a Republican at the formation of the party, and af tear
the nomination of Blaine a political dissenter. He showed
moral fearlessness, unselfishness in every good cause.
882 Annual J£eetinji—190S.
The sketch of Janris B. Bardwell briefly reviewed the life of
tiie oentenarian, speaking of his life as one of activity, publio
spirit and unfailing good nature, and with a precious store of
memories of the olden days.
The sketch of Charles Jones spoke of his response to all calls
for services for the Association and the town. He was a hard
worker in early life, beginning for the wages of $15 a month.
He steadily made his way, showing sturdy industry, and through
this industry came to possess one of the finest old provincial
homes in the Street He was opposed to idleness, and a man
for youth to pattern after.
Regarding Mr. Lincoln it was recalled that he was employed
in 1886 in making a catalogue for the Association, a task for
which he was admirably equipped. While engaged in this
work he considered the feasibility of having a local history
class in connection with the library. His fertile brain evolved
the idea of a summer school of history and romance, which
drew to Deerfield a brilliant galaxy of men and women of the
front ranks of American literature. Mr. Lincoln was a brilliant
after-dinner speaker and writer.
Samuel O. Lamb was then asked to speak concerning these
men. He recalled some legal business in which he had been
concerned with Mr. Parsons and remembered him well as a
man of high character and public spirit. Regarding Mr. Bard-
well, Mr. Lamb gave a reminiscence of the old log cabin and
hard cider campaign. Democrats were scarce in Shelburne
at that time, but the few there were enterprising. They had a
public meeting which Mr. Lamb attended, addressed by two of
that faith. A group of young men made considerable distur-
bance, and Mr. Bardwell rebuked them, speaking of the im-
propriety of interrupting a public meeting. He said that
they could afford to hear these remarks, that they did them no
harm, even if they did not believe them. Mr. Lamb did not
remember Mr. Lincoln well, but knew him as being talented
and possessing public spirit He paid a high tribute to Mr.
Jones. Mr. Lamb told of litigation with the old Cheapside
bridge corporation. A judgment was secured after a good
while, but it was then found that the corporation had quietly
dissolved and disposed of its property. Mr. Jones consulted
him to learn if they could not recover from the stockholders.
Mr. Lamb said not. The selectmen of Deerfield decided to
AnniuU Meeting— 1908. 333
parsae the matter farther^ bat were finally beaten in the Su-
preme Court Mr. Jones was a man of good, sonnd judgment,
safe to follow. Mr. Lamb remarked that he was of the same
elass politicallj as himself, marohing in the same troop and to
the same musia A. L. Wing spoke of Mr. Jones' unquestioned
honesty, and spoke of Mr. Bardwell's sociability. Judge
Thompson recalled a controversy between Mr. Bardwell and
D. O. Fisk of Shelbume.
The fascinating subject of the old Deerfield cannon was
brought up by Spencer Fuller, who was recalling Mr. Jones'
sympathy with young people. He said that in 1876 Mr. Jones
had given the boys liberty to use the cannon, which had been
hidden in his cellar. The South Deerfield boys made up their
minds to steal it. The Deerfield boys got it up Fort hill, but
were in consternation when they heard that the South Deer-
field boys were after it. They called in Mr. Jones to help
them. The latter started out heading a company of boys
but when they came in sight of their opponents, many turned
faint-hearted and fied. But Mr. Jones was not daunted, grab-
bed a fence stake, and scattered the South Deerfield invaders.
E. A. Newcomb then told of his experiences with the cannon.
He remembered how the boys dug it up at the time of the fall
of Richmond, and how they fired it all night. Lacking amuse-
ment one day, he had fiUed it up with earth, and the South
Deerfield boys who afterward stole it had a hard job to clean
it out.
Spencer Fuller told of the difficulty the boys had in han-
dling the cannon and transporting it between the two villages.
They got it on a car, but could not get it off the track. An
express train was due at about that time, and he said that
John Sheldon, who was left in charge, went to sleep in the
bushes when he should have been watching for the train. This
was denied by Mr. Sheldon. A. W. Root of Wapping told of
the troubles over the draft in Greenfield, and said that fears
were expressed lest some disorderly element get hold of the
cannon and make trouble. It was then buried to keep it out
of sight.
Mr. Sheldon recollected how at the time of a dinner at the
Pocumtuck tavern the cannon was fired. The wadding fell
short, and some one stole a bale of dried codfish from the
grocery store for that purpose. The cannon was once taken up
334 Annual Meeti/ng—lWZ.
to the oemeterjy and it was decided to salute a coming train.
It was decided to fire ahead of the train, bat the gan held fire,
and almost blew off the end of the rear car. The boys who
were firing it scattered in all directions, two jumping into a new-
made grave, and others dodging behind tombstones and one
went to Shutesbury and staid eight months.
The talk then drifted back to Mr. Jones. His industry was
spoken of, and it was recalled that he generally got to work
dX 3 o'clock. His acquaintance with Gk>T. Andrew was men-
tioned.
The chairman here called attention to the fact that the sesqui-
centennial of Greenfield is to be celebrated June 9, and it was
understood that the society would be invited to join in a celebra-
tion. Provision was made for the appointment of a com-
mittee to act with the town.
These ofScers were elected ; Pres., George Sheldon of Deer-
field ; vice-pres., Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, 0. Alice
Baker of Boston ; rec. sec., Margaret Miller of Deerfield ; cor.
sec. Mary Elizabeth Stebbins of Deerfield ; treasurer, John Shel-
don of Greenfield ; councilors Robert Childs, Frances S. Ball,
Edward A. Hawks, Rev. Richard E. Birks, Laura B. Wells,
Spencer Fuller, Edward J. Everett, all of Deerfield, Emma L.
Coleman and Annie C. Putnam of Boston, Herbert C. Parsons,
Charles R. Lowell, Samuel O. Lamb, Ellen L. Sheldon, Caro-
line C. Furbush, Eugene A. Newcomb, all of Greenfield.
The evening session was held in the town haU and was pre-
ceded by a supper served by the women of the village in ai^ of
the lighting fund. The papers were of interest, especially the
one on Rev. Jonathan Leavitt of Charlemont and Heath, which
was prepared by his great-grandson, William H. Leavitt of
Minneapolis, Minn. In this Mr. Leavitt takes up the cudgels in
defense of the memory of his ancestor and challenges, if he does
not wholly succeed in refuting, some of the stories concerning
the doughty old minister that have been handed down to pos-
terity. This was read by Rev. Richard E. Birks of Deerfield. *
The other paperis were on the adventures of Baptiste, by Miss
C. Alice Baker, and a review of the journal of Capt. Nathaniel
Dwigbt, by George Sheldon, read by John Sheldon. The ex-
ercises began with prayer by Rev. Richard E. Birks. Music
was furnished by a quartet consisting of A. J. Mealand, C. J.
Day, W. S. Allen and Jacob H. Sauter of Greenfield.
Parwn Zeavitt Vindicated. 886
The journal of Capt Nathaniel Dwight of Belchertown
during the Grown Point expedition, 1775, which was reviewed
by Mr. Sheldon, was printed last year in Kew York, and through
the courtesy of Kev. M. E. Dwight of New York the library of
the Association at Deerfield was supplied with a copy.
Dr. Henry D. Holton and C. F. B. Jennie of Brattleboro at-
tended the evening meeting.
PARSON LEAVITT VINDICATED.
BOMB OLD OALUMKIBS BBFUTED BT A DB80ENDAKT,
WILLIAM H. LEAVITT, OF MINNEAPOLIS.
Mr. Sheldon, our honored president, has said, ^^ No human
action is too trivial to be interesting." Who will say that the
lives of our ancestors, the pioneers of our New England hiUs
and valleys, who, in the performance of their duties uncon-
sciously builded the foundations of a mighty nation, are not
better worth our study than the bloody deeds of the profligate
rulers of the old world.
The subject of this paper is the life and character of the first
minister of Oharlemont, his one daughter and eleven sons.
Jonathan Leavitt was bom in Suffield, Ot., in 1731. Before
he was two years old his father, a brother and a sister, all died
within three consecutive days. The character of the family is
best inferred from the fact that three of the sons were educated
at Yale. Two of them became ministers and a daughter be-
came the mother of Chief Justice Ellsworth of the United
States Supreme Court. Jonathan was graduated from Yale
and ordained at Walpole, N. H., in 1761, (his brother Freegrace,
of Somers, Ct., preaching the ordination sermon, an apprecia-
tive and interesting discourse worthy the care with which it
has been preserved).
The custom of the New England fathers, to plant first the
home, then the schoolhouse, and later the church, was carried
out by the people of Charlemont, but for the first 25 years
their efforts to form a church were unavailing because of the
oontinuoas Indian warfare. In March, 1767, David White was
chosen by the town to go to Walpole and invite Mr. Leavitt to
386 Annual Meetmg—l^QZ.
preach as a candidate. Negotiations were not completed until
September first, when the town voted ^^ to accept the proposals
of Mr. Leavitt to become their minister," and a committee was
iq>pointed to prepare for the installation.
The installation, however, was postponed nntil October of the
fdlowing year, (1768), probably for lack of a soitable place for
the exercises.
Mr. Leavitt was living in Oharlemont in November, 1767.
Although no records of the organization of the church have
been found it is probable, from the best evidence obtainable,
that during the year the church was organized, the meeting-
house constructed, and Mr. Leavitt's residence built for him by
the town, as agreed upon the terms of the settlement. For 135
years this house has withstood the gales which swept over the
top of Greylock and Hoosac mountains, and at the present
time is connected with the outside world by that modem in-
vention the telephone. The timbers of the frame are very
large, and including the studs and braces, were hewn from the
primeval forest. The clapboards are split and shaved and are
less than six feet in length. The boards used in the floors are
very wide, some of them measuring three feet across.
The amount of labor represented by the construction in the
wilderness of two such substantial buildings in one season by a
small handful of men well illustrates the intelligent industry and
determination characteristic of the New England pioneer.
It is said of Mr. Leavitt that ^^ be was endowed with good
talents, a gentleman in his manner, hospitable and very social
in his ample home, and a Christian in his deportment at home
and abroad.
^' He dressed in the costume of the day, wearing a powdered
wig and cocked hat, and made a dignified appearance. The
congregation were accustomed to rise and salute their minister
upon his entrance to the meetinghouse for the Sabbath service.
^^ His sermons are sound in theology and manifest a mind able
to work with profound subjects."
Since the death of Mr. Leavitt, a hundred years ago, a tradi-
tion has prevailed that he favored the mother country during
the Revolutionary period, but the following incident would seem
to disprove such a theory, and establish beyond question the
fact that bis sympathies were with the patriots in their strag-
gle for independence.
Penrsan Leamtt Vindicated. 387
On Thanksgiving day in 1777 Mr. Leavitt prrached a sermon
to his congregation in Oharlemont whioh bears on the title
page, in his own handwriting, the following inscription : ^^ A
Thanksgiving anniversary discourse in commemoration of the
glorious victory of the American troops over a whole British
army under General Burgoyne, resulting in the surrender of
the whole army to the Americans under General Gates on Oc-
tober 17th, 1777/' Eighty-eight years later Eev. William S.
Leavitt, (then a pastor at Hudson, N. Y., a great-grandson of
Bev. Jonathan Leavitt), preached a Thanksgiving sermon in
commemoration of the close of the war of the Rebellion. At
the beginning of his discourse he held up to the view of his
audience this ancient manuscript, read to them the title page,
and used the same text as the subject of his sermon.
In common with other ministers of the period, Mr. Leavitt
found it difficult to collect his salary. The tradition that he
personally took from two of his poorer parishioners (without
their consent) their only cow in payment for taxes due the
town for his salary, is doubtless another fabrication. It was no
part of the duties of the minister to collect taxes. Mr. Leavitt
was a man of more than common business sagacity, and certainly
would not have been guilty of so gross a violation of the rights
of an individual and the laws of the Commonwealth, nor is it
reasonable to suppose that such an outrage would have been
tolerated in a New England community.
Eev. Moses Miller, who was pastor of the church in Heath
for 40 years closely following the death of Mr. Leavitt, has left
the following references to these reports. ^' In Oharlemont in
former days there existed something of the spirit of mobocracy,
especially in reference to their first minister, Rev. Mr. Leavitt.
With this spirit very few of the inhabitants of Heath sympa-
thized, though they had the same grounds of dissatisfaction.
^^ How much provocation there was to this state of feeling and
action (for some of it was quite outrageous), I am not able to
state, but whether more or less, it did not justify the course
pursued.^'
A life-long resident of Heath and Oharlemont, and a careful
student of these times, gives it as his opinion that these calum-
nies originated with the patrons of the two rum taverns that
wrecked the fortunes and character of a large class of other-
wise useful citizens of Oharlemont. Some of these men were
22
388 Annual MeeUnff—190Z.
of more than usual intelligenoe and gained a reputation as nar-
rators of marvelous stories. One acquainted with the localities
and customs of the times will detect in these tales such ele-
ments of untruthf uhiess as lead to the conviction that they were
originated for the entertainment of bar-room companions, with
no expectation that they would be taken seriously. The theory
is weU illustrated by the story recently published in the Green-
field Gazette that Mr. Leavitt's farm was included in Heath be-
cause of the enmity of the people of Charlemont. Whatever
may have been the reason, the north boundary line of Oharle-
mont its entire length of 14 miles is perfectly natural, con-
forming to the topography of the country, with special refer-
ence to the convenience of people living north or south of the
line in their attendance at school and meetings. Two reasons
may be assigned for the two farms adjoining Mr. Leavitt's on
the south remaining in Charlemont First, the town at this
point is only about one mile wide; with these farms in
Heath the width would be reduced to half a mile. The second
reason is probably the correct one, viz. : These families were
closely related to a number of other Charlemont families and
for that reason doubtless preferred to remain in the old town.
The legend that Mr. Giles refused to assist Mr. Leavitt to
rescue his horse, which had fallen through the ice in crossing
the Deerfield river, and the conversation reported to have taken
place as Mr. Giles stood at the door of his residence and Mr.
Leavitt on the ice, is refuted by the fact that the river could not
be seen from Mr. Giles' home, and the conversation as related
could not have taken place at so great a distance.
Mr. Leavitt's pastorate in Charlemont covered a period of
18 years, and terminated with the organization of the new town
of Heath (which included Mr. Leavitt's residence,) in 1785.
At the same time a new church was formed in Heath, but for
five years they had no settled pastor. A part of this time Mr.
Leavitt officiated as their minister.
But few newspapers were taken in Heath at that time and
consequently the voters were not weU informed on political
subjects. The following incident illustrates the confidence Mr.
Leavitt's townsmen placed in his judgment.
At a town meeting in Heath the people voted for Samuel
Adams for governor. Mr. Leavitt arrived at the meeting after
the vote had been taken, and informed the voters that Mr.
Pa/raon Leavitt Vindicated. 839
Adams was a Democrat and that they should have voted for
the Whig candidate. The people became excited at this in-
formation and decided to ballot a second time, with the result
that the Whig candidate received the vote of the town.
That he possessed the confidence and esteem of his ministerial
associates is illustrated in too many ways to mention in detail
in this paper.
He was active in business affairs and acquired considerable
property. His home from the time of his settlement in Charle-
mont in 1768 until his death in 1802 was the house built for him
at the time of his settlement.
Mr. Leavitt married in 1761 Sarah Hooker, a great-grand-
daughter of Bev. Samuel Hooker, a noted New England divine.
She died in 1791, and Rev. John Emerson of Conway in the
funeral sermon says : ^^ In addition to good natural talents Mrs.
Leavitt possessed an unaffected and most engaging temper and
deportment, which gave a luster to the beauty of her person far
superior to what it could have derived from the most brilliant
ornaments of art."
Mr. Leavitt has said of the oldest child : ^^ My dear and only
daughter Clarissa died in 1798. She was a professor of the
faith and in the judgment of charity died in the Lord."
Jonathan, the oldest son, was graduated from Yale and be-
came a successful lawyer at Greenfield. He was appointed
judge of the Court of Common Pleas in 1812, and judge of
Probate in 1814, which office he held until 1821.
The family home in Greenfield is now known as the Hovey
residence and is still a prominent feature in Greenfield archi-
tecture. The west wing was used as a business office. His
wife was a daughter of President Stiles of Yale, and his family
of daughters were conspicuous in the social life of the period in
Greenfield,
Hart, the second son, was also a resident of Greenfield. He
kept an old-fashioned store of general merchandise located just
west of the residence of his brother Jonathan. His home was
on the same side of Main Street a little farther east. The follow-
ing account of his marriage is taken from the ^^ Boston Gazette
and Centwry Magazine^^ dated Feb. 11, 1793. "Marriages at
Deerfield, Mass., Capt. Joshua Clapp of Burlington, Vt., to Miss
Abigal Barnard of Deerfield. Mr. Hart Leavitt of Greenfield
to Miss Rachael Barnard. Dr. Stone of Greenfield to Miss
340 Annual Meetinff—190i.
Sally Barnard." It is worthy of remark that the three brides
were sisters and one matrimonial eve made wives of them all.
Joshua^ the third son, left Kew England for the West Indies
in 1791. The ship was wrecked on a desert island, where he
Hved for several years, subsisting principaUy upon crawfish.
After his rescae he established a business in Charleston, S. C,
but did not communicate with his New England friends.
In the summer of 1802 some bales of cotton were seen on a
wharf in New York marked ^^ Joshua Leavitt." In Augast
Mt. Leavitt made a journey on horseback to New York to
trace this clue. The fatigue and excitement of the journey
resulted in his death soon after his return and before tidings
had been received from the absent son. A few weeks later a
letter was received from him dated at Charleston, S. C, express-
ing pleasure at hearing again from his relatives at home and his
sorrow at the death of his parents and sister. His letters show
a genial and loving character. The reason of his absence is
not known, although tradition has it that it was a love affair.
At his invitation four of his brothers settled at various points in
the South. They seem to have succeeded fairly well in business,
but the average length of life of the five brothers who settled
in the South was less by eighteen years than of the six who
remained in their native climate.
David, the fourth son, lived for a series of years in Putney,
Yt., and kept a general store. He was active in church and
military affairs. His last years were spent in Boston, and his
last Sabbath in teaching (as was his usual custom) a Bible class
in the state's prison at Charlestown.
Boger, the fifth son, lived on the homestead in Heath. He
removed to Charlemont in 1835, which was his home until his
death in 1840. He acquired a large fortune for the period and
locaUty. His intelligence, integrity and uprightness commanded
the confidence of his associates. He held perhaps every ofBice
in the gift of the town, and was active in church and military
affairs, holding the several grades of office in the local militia,
including the command of a regiment noted for its superior
drill and equipment. He was also active in educational and
political reforms of the period, and in company with Miss Lyon
canvassed the town of Heath and raised $1200 for the first sem-
inary building at South Hadley. ^ A remarkable record of
benevolence for a small agricultural town.
PoTBon Lsamtt YindicaUd. 841
He helped to locate and btdld the new county boildingfli at
Greenfield at the organization of the new coanty, and on tli^
day before his death, June 1, 1840, was nominated by the new
Liberty party of Massachusetts as their candidate for Ueutenant^
governor.
His wife was a daughter of CoL Hugh Maxwell of Heath.
The oldest son, Joshua, was graduated from Yale, and so far as
known was the only man who ever ventured to open a law
office in Heath. Later he became a minister, and active in the
temperance and anti-slavery movements, but is better known as
editor of the Emancipator and New York Independent.
In the early anti-slavery period he spent several winters in
Washington reporting the proceedings of Congress for his
paper. He was present when John Quincy Adams presented a
petition from the people of his district for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. The Southern members
were opposing the reception of petitions upon the subject of
slavery. Mr. Adams, in his defense of the right of petition,
requested the clerk to read the constitution.
The clerk read a few sentences and stopped. Mr. Adams
said, ^^ read on.'' The clerk read again and stopped. After
several repetitions Mr. Adams said : ^^ Bead on until I tell you
to stop." When he reached the words, ^^ Congress shall make
no law abridging the right of the people to petition the govern-
ment for a redress of grievances," Mr. Adams said, ^^ that will
do." And without previous special preparation spoke for three
days in defense of the right of petition. Mr. Leavitt reported
the speech in full, but by some means the Southern sympathizers
obtained possession of it and in consequence it has never been
printed. Mr. Leavitt often said it was the most eloquent
speech he ever heard from the lips of the ^^old mim elo-
quent."
Boswell was a successful physician and a respected and useful
citizen of Cornish, K H. !ffis wife was a granddaughter of
Bev. Jonathan Ashley, the second minister of Deerfield, and a
daughter of Tirzah (Field) Ashley, the second wife of Rev.
Jonathan Leavitt. Their first son, Jonathan, was for twenty-
five years pastor of the Richmond Street church of Providence,
R. I. A daughter was the wife of Rev. Aaron Foster, for
twenty years the honored pastor of the little church in East
Gharlemont. Mrs. Foster lived a beautiful and quiet life. She
842 Annual MeeUng— 1903.
had a lively interest in each individoality and her influence
became a power in the community.
Hooker, the youngest of the eleven sons, was a resident of
Greenfield, an attorney, and held the offices of county treasurer
and clerk of the court from 1815 until his death in 1842.
This family received the usual excellent New England social
and religious training, and also did their full share of the work
of clearing the wilderness of the native forest and reducing to
ashes the magnificent growth of timber at the time on the soiL
Beoalling these youthful experiences, a brother in Charleston,
S. 0., wrote to the brother on the homestead in Heath as follows :
^^ I rejoice in your prosperity and successful pursuit of agricnl-
ture on the soil which gave the most of us birth and all of us a
happy subsistence. Our pleasures were many and great The
refiection is highly animating, but our labors and fatigues were
extreme and excessive and would strike a Oarolinian with hor-
ror.'*
This in brief is the history of one of a multitude of New Eng-
land families which, by industry, thrift, and above all a con-
scientious performance of life's daily duties, have helped to build
the Bepublic.
THE ADVENTURES OF BAPTISTE.
BY 0. ALIOS BAKER.
In the stories of the captives carried to Canada during the
old wars, both the reader and the writer have a sort of personal
interest. These captives were the friends and neighbors of our
forbears. They went from surroundings with which we our-
selves are familiar. Snatched from homes desolated by their
loss, they have naturally a claim on our sympathy. Their kins-
men and townsfolk, in great peril of their own lives, sought
their redemption. They found them scattered up and down the
beautiful Canadian rivers, and by unwearied perseverance res- !
cued many. The writer of these stories of heroism and endur- |
ance has all the help that local color can give. He can tread I
the paths they trod, can live the lives they lived. He can go j
with them to their betrothals and their buriaL
He may pore over the very records to which, with trembling
TJi6 AdverUurea of Baptiste. 343
hands, they signed their names or made their mark ; and writer
and reader must be doll indeed who does not make it or find it
of intense interest.
But when it comes to writing and reading the story of a
renegade Acadian Frenchman, whose life under ordinary circum-
stances would be scarcely worth considering, it becomes quite
a different thing, and one would feel almost like apologizing for
wasting words on a daredevil, without honor, and without
patriotism, except that his career involved the lives and liber-
ties of so many better people, and that he was the prisoner for
whose retention or deliverance the diplomatists of two govern-
ments intrigued and contended.
For many years I have been trying to run to cover that sly
fox who figures in New England and Canadian annals as
" Baptiste." While I have been now following the scent, anon
losing the trail, the years have sped, until I can no longer delay
giving you the fruits of my chase.
From the beginning of my research in the archives of New
France and New England I have not believed Baptiste to be
the surname of the individual in question, and I hope to be able
to justify my unbelief. I must, however, frankly admit that in
the official correspondence between the two governments he is
rarely mentioned by any other name. Governor Dudley invari-
ably speaking of him as Baptiste, and De Yaudreuil almost as
persistently naming him as Captain Baptiste, or more cautiously
as " the one called Baptiste." We all know, however, that a
man may be known, and ordinarily spoken of among his fellows
by another name than his true surname. One who for any
reason is prominent in a community often goes down to pos-
terity witJiout his surname. Of this Deerfield gives us many
examples : Captain Dave, Colonel Jo., Uncle Ep., are familiar
to us all as household words, not to speak of Uncle Bob, Colonel
Scope, and others. The name Baptiste does not appear as a
surname on old Canadian records. John the Baptist is a saint
in the Bomish calendar for whom children of Roman Catholics
have been, and to this day are, frequently named. In some in-
stances Jean Baptiste appears as Saint Baptiste, which latter
more than once occurs in New England history, corrupted by
our captives to Sabatis.
Different and contemporaneous French accounts mention
Dion-D'Young-Guyon and Baptiste each as a noted pilot. A
844 Aimual MeeHng—lWZ.
oai6M oompariion of facts and dates shows me timt in several in-
stances one and the same act at one and the same date is attrib-
uted by different authors of the two nationalities to Dion, to
D' Young, to Gujon and to Baptiste, the logical sequence bdng
that no matter under which of these names the hero appears^
he must have been one and the same man.
Thus having found Guyon as a well known surname in Can-
ada— not finding Baptiste ever used as a surname — and finally
finding Guyon and Baptiste used synonymously as the hero of
the same exploit, and assuming that Jean Baptiste was simply
the Christian name of the one called Baptiste, I have sought in
Tanguay's Genealogical Dictionary* for a Jean Baptiste Guyon
or Dion. I find there one Michel de Bouvray Guion, a ship car-
penter, with son, Jean Baptiste Guion, bom 1673. It will be for
you to decide upon the evidence adduced whether this is he
whom we have hitherto known as Baptiste. The careful stud^it
must, however, honestly admit that other Guyons appear in our
archives, but there is ample proof that certain experiences of our
Baptiste are credited to Guion, the two names being more than
once used indiscriminately. His career is most romantic, and
one of its most interesting episodes is his introduction to us in
Boston two hundred years ago.
The General Court adjourned on Friday, the 21st of Febru-
ary, 1689-90. Towards six o'clock in the afternoon of the follow-
ing Monday f guests began to arrive at the hospitable mansion
of Judge Samuel Sewall, then one of the governor's council, and
the richest man in Boston. On foot, on pillions, in sedan chairs^
— Governor Bradstreet and his wife in their great hackney coach
— ^tbey came. The house was at the north end of 'what is now
Pemberton Square, fronting on what is now Treraont Kow, " dis-
tant from other buildings and standing very bleak, '' says Sew-
all, j: there was a keen east wind, and the guests as they alighted
were grateful for the shelter of the " smale porch of wood,
which the General Court had given Sewall liberty to build '' to
^^ breake of the winde from the fore doore." It was a notable
assembly that gathered there.
^^ Governor Bradstreet and Lady, Mr. Stoughton, Major
Hutchinson and wife, Mrs Mather, Maria, Mr. Allen and wi£e^
* Tanguay is to Canada what Savage is to New England,
t Sewall'0 Diary, Vol. 1, p. 311.
X Diary, Vol. 1, p. 60.
The Adventures of Baptiste. 345
Oonsin Dnmer and wife, Ooas. Quinsy and wife, Mr. Ootton
Mather, Mr. Thomas Brattle, who with Mother, Wife and Self,
made Twenty. Sat all weU at the Table. Marshall Green
waited."
We cannot doubt that the dinner was equal to the occasion.
^^The bitterness in our Oup," continues Sewall, ^^was the
massacre at Schenectady by the French : the amazing news
on't was by Post brought to town this Day : Gov' Bradstreet
brought the papers and read them before Dinner.
Dinner being over, Mr. Cotton Mather returned thanks in
an Excellent manner : Sung part of the Six and Fiftieth Psalm
in Mr. Miles Smith's Version .... Mr. Mather was minded
to have that .... I set it to Windsor Tune." ....
While the Governor again read the papers sent post haste
from Albany, and the guests discussed the dreadful news,
Mrs. Sewall, as was her custom, was doubtless sending
^^ tastes " of her sumptuous dinner to her friends in the neigh-
borhood.
^^ At last Mr. Danf orth. Major Bichards, Major General Win-
throp, Col. Shrimpton, Mr. Addington came in, and dispatcht
Orders to the Majors to stand upon their Guard." ....
Just about dinner time Mr. Kelson* had come in, and got
Sewall ^^ to subscribe 100 to the Proposals against the French. I
thought 'twas time to Doe something, now we're thus destroy'd
by Land too. Mr. Danforth looks very sorrowfully. Mr.
Stoughton thinks best to prosecute vigorously the business
against the Eastern French." ....
After this exciting»evening the guests took their leave punc-
tually at nine of the clock.
News of the attack at Salmon Falls reached Boston the 21st
of March, 1689-90, and the following day Sir William Phips
offered to lead the expedition against Port Royal. Sewall says,
^ The Governor sends for me and tells me of it. I tell the
Court ; they send for Sir William who accepts to goe .... Sir
William had been sent to at first ; but some feared he would
not goe ; others thought his Lady could not consent."
Drums were beaten through the streets for volunteers, and
on the 28th of April a fleet of seven or eight vessels, with about
* John Nelaon of Boston, nephew and heir to Sir William Temple, in
whose right he claimed the proprietorship of Acadia under ah old grant from
Cromwell.
346 Annual Meeting— 1903.
seyen hundred men, sailed from Nantasket Gov. Bradstreet's
instniotions to Phips were to ** take care that the worship of
God be duly observed on board all the vessels : to offer the
enemy fair terms upon summons to surrender, which if they obey
the said terms are to be duly observed. If not, you are to gain
the best advantage you may, to assault Kill and utterly extirpate
the common £nemy, and to bum aud demolish their fortifica-
tions and shipping."
In the library of Harvard College there is a MS. journal of
this expedition against Port Boyal. We have also, in various
forms, De Meneval's own account of his surrender, written in
French on the spot and immediately after. The following is a
free translation. See for the original. Doc. BeL & Fhistoire de
la Nouvelle France, Vol. 2, p. 6.
<< On the 19tb of May 1690, the coastguard at the mouth of
the river ran to inform Monsieur de Meneval, Governor of
Acadia, that an English fleet of three large and five or six smal-
ler ships, filled with soldiers, was preparing to enter the river.
The next day at dawn, the ships anchored a half league from
here and a boat was at once dispatched to the town. It was
received by ten French musketeers, who, bandaging the eyes of
the messenger, led him to the (Governor to whom he presented
a written summons from the Commander of the fleet, for the
immediate surrender of Port Boyal, with a promise of quarter,
provided no defence of the place were attempted.
Under pretext of answering this letter, the Governor had
the messenger put under guard, and for lack of a suitable mili-
tary ofScer to act as his envoy, sent Father Petit, cur6 of Port
Boyal, with a letter to the English Commander, with orders to
acquaint him with the Governor's intention to defend himself,
but also with discretionary power to negotiate, if need be, the
best possible conditions for a surrender.
Father Petit, too well aware of the Governor's helpless con-
dition, disabled as he was, with gout in both legs, with no prom-
ise of support from the inhabitants, three only offering him
help at this crisis, with no fortifications whatever, and less than
seventy wretched, badly armed and worse-intentioned soldiers, —
as soon as. he saw that the enemy could land in a half-hour
more than eight hundred soldiers concluded discretion to be the
better part of valor, and after long discussion, the following
terms'were agreed upon :
The AcheffUxurea of Baptiste. 947
That De Meneyal and the garrison should march out as sol-
diers with all their arms, accoutrements and belongings, and be
safely transported to Quebec by the shortest route, in a vessel
provided by Phips : The people of Port Koyal should be left
in peaceable possession of their property, without pillage, or
harm to the women and children: that liberty of conscience
should be left them, the free exercise of the Boman Catholic
religion, and the preservation of their church edifice.
To Father Petit's request that this should be put in writing
and signed by the English commander, Phips replied that there
was no need of that, — that his word was as good as his bond,
and in fact worth more than all the writing^ in the world.
The cur6 returned with this answer. The Governor, un-
able to do otherwise, accepted the conditions, and the next day
went on board the English ship where the terms were ratified
in presence of the priest and others. Promising to return the
Governor and his garrison to Quebec, or to France as he might
prefer, the English commander disembarked his troops and re-
turned to Port Boyal with De Meneval, who surrendered as
agreed upon.
On reaching the town and seeing its defenceless condition,
Phips was much chagrined, and through some quibble declaring
himself not bound to abide by the terms agreed upon, he dis-
armed the little garrison, shut them ap in the church as prison-
ers of war, confined De Meneval under guard in his own house,
taking away his clothes and his money ; allowed his troops to
pillage the inhabitants and finally to ruin the church and the
priest's house. In short, it may be said that except they killed
nobody, they behaved as if the place had been taken by assault,
without regard to the capitulation."
This is the story as it stands on the French records,* certi-
fied by the principal sufferers as
" the just and true statement of things that happened within our Knowledge
from the arrival of the English at Port Royal up to to-day May 27th, 1690.
fPETIT.^
Q.^^ J TROUVE.
Signed^ IJUBREUIL.
,Dh MENEVAL."
Then Phips sailed away to Boston with much booty and 59
prisoners, 49 of whom were received into custody by John
* Doc. Rel., VoL 2,p,7et aeq.
348 AnMMl Mee^—1908.
Arnold, the jailer in Boston, on the 30th of May, 1690.* Thej
were not all regular soldiers, bat a rabble of the yoong men of
the town, acting at the time as a sort of home gaard. Side
by side on the list of these prisoners are the names Baptiste and
Jasmin, boon companions, whom we shaU meet later in on
annals as famous pilots and privateers. This is our introduc-
tion to Baptiste, then about 17 years old.
The names of De Meneval, those who signed the above
^^ Belation '' with him, and others do not appear on the jail lists.
They were not imprisoned with the rank and file, but were
carefully guarded in the houses of Boston citizens. Later,
Monsieur de Meneval lodged with Mr. Nelson, ^^ where he had
great freedom, and saw and examined everything." f Immedi-
ately after Phips' return from Port Eoyal a conmiittee was ap>
pointed by the Oouncil to sell all the plunder to pay the ex-
penses of the expedition, the surplus to be divided between the
colony and soldiers, and Sewall tells us:|: that ^^on Monday,
June 16, 1690, notice was given by beat of drum of the sale of
the soldiers' part of the plunder taken at Port Eoyal, to be
made next Wednesday between 3 and 4 p. m.''
In vain did De Meneval represent to the authorities at Boston
the injustice done him by Phips, and demand reparation. In-
flated by success, they were too busy in preparing for an attack
upon Quebec to heed these complaints. A little money and the
poorest of his clothes were the only personal result of his im-
portunities. At length, after nearly seven months' detention,
upon Phips' return from his fruitless invasion of Canada, Be
Meneval obtained a hearing before the Oouncil.§ As to the
money he had entrusted to Phips for safe keeping at the time
of his surrender, Sewall says there were
"veiy fierie words between Sir William and Mr. Nelson. When Sir William
went out, seemed to say would never come there more, had been so abus'd
by said NeLson, and if Council would not right him, he would right himself."
Just a week later the following order was issued :§§
"These may Certify any whom it may concern, that monsr De Meneval
* Acts and Reedves of the province of Mass. Bay, V<^. VII, p. 628.
t Plan of enterprise against Boston and N. Y. l^ M. de Lagny, Doe. Rel.,
Vol. II, p. 263; also N. Y. Col. Doc., Vol. EX, p. 659j.
X SewaU's Diary Vol. I, p. 323.
i Nov. 29, 1690.
{{ Mass. Archives, Vol. XXXVI, p. 233.
The Advenl/urea of BaptUte. 849
Iftte Got. of Port Royml in Lacada or Nova Sootia, who was brought hither
to Boston hj Sir William Phippe the last Spring when those Pts were sub-
dued and surrendered to their Maties of great Brittaine, hath free liberty to
transport himselfe with two servts and other necessar^rs to En^and or any
other pt of Europe, without any Lett or interruption of any of his liaties
Subjects of this Colony ^diatsoever. In Testimony whereof I have hereunto
Sett my hand and Seal this 6th of Deobr 1600.
Sim Bradstreet Govt."
Phips' anger on this oooadon probably found vent in the fol-
"To the Keeper of their Maties Qoale of Boston.
These are in their Maties name to will and require you to take into yor
Custody the Body, which I do herewith send you, of Monsieur Demeneval
late Qovemor of Port Ro3raI, who is now Prisoner of Warre taken by their
Maties forces under my Command in the late Expedition agt the ffrench
King's Subjects at Port Royal aforesd. for that he the sd Monsieur Do-
meneval hath acted contemptuously agt our Soveraigne Lord and Lady the
King and Queens Matys, and broken the Articles of Treaty by him agreed to,
and for several other high misdemeanors, by him ye same Prisoner of Warre
Comitted and done. You are therefore his Body in sure and safe Custody to
keep, until he shall be tiyed by ft Council of Warre or Delivered by myselfe
or other lawful authority according to Law; and for yor so doing this shall
be your Warrant. Given under my hand and Scale this 25th day of Do-
eembr Anno Domini 1690 Annoque RRs of Ra Gul. et Marie Secunda
William Phips."
The Ooonoil evidently considering this too great an outrage,
after they had given the French governor liberty to return to
any European port, issued an order for the immediate delivery to
him of his chest and clothes in Phips' custody. This order being
disregarded, after another week's delay Governor Bradstreet
wrote personally to Phips as following :*
''The Council, at their meeting upon the SOth of Deoembr ult made an
Order for the delivering of Mons de Meneval's chest and cloths that were
taken into custody by yor order when he was brought up from on board the
vessel, and that they should be delivered without charge to him, which Mr.
Deputy and Major Phillips were desired to Acquaint yor Selfe with that
Evening and suppose ihay accordin^y did. But being yesterday informed
that he had not as yet received Ins dothing dec of which he is in great want,
I have given you the trouble of these lines to signify the same unto you, and
hope upon receipt hereof, you will take effectual care for the speedy execu-
tion of the Council order in that behalfe with the tender of my Service I am
8r
Yor Humble Servt
(Signed) S. B.
Boskm January 1600."
♦ Mass. Archives, V<rf. XXXVI, p. 262.
850 Annual Meetmg—19QZ.
Although for reasons of his own Phips still continued to pat
obstacles in the way of his departure, De Meneval was probably
released not long after this. I find him in Paris the 6th of
April, 1691, issuing a '^memorial" to the minister concerning
his capture and the details of his imprisonment.* As to his
soldiers, the following is on the Council records, June 14, 1690.t
"Whereas the French soldiers lately brou^t .... from Port Royal,
did surrender on capitulation, liberty is granted them to diepoee themadves
in such families as shall be willing to receive them, until there be opportunity
to transport themselves to some of the French King's dominions in Europe
. . . . to demean themselves peaceably and orderly keeping themadves
within the limits appointed unto them by the Committee chosen for this pur-
pose, and not to depart from those limits."
In pursuance of this order the French soldiers were distrib-
uted among the citizens of Boston and vicinity to work for
their own support. Baptiste, after three weeks and one day in
jail, wai3 allotted to Henry Mare of Boston ; Jasmin after three
weeks and three days, to Jno. Gordale of Dorchester.^:
The date of the return of the Port Boyal soldiers is uncertain.
Much correspondence in relation to it may be found in the
archives of both nations.
When or how Baptiste got back to Port Boyal I have not
learned. Probably by way of France, the order of the council
above mentioned being explicit that the soldiers should ^^ trans-
port themselves to some of the French King's dominions in
Europe." Aside from the fact that the habitant takes to the
water ais naturally as a duck, if his father were Guyon the ship
builder, the son would be quite familiar with the handling of a
boat, and the somewhat venturesome youth might easily be-
come a sea-rover.
Be this as it may, Baptiste's first appearance in French annals
is at the age of twenty-one, when he is given command of a frig-
ate to engage in privateering in New England waters.
After Phips' expedition against Quebec, Canada wais in a state
of constant apprehension. To forestall an expected attack,
France prepared to take the offensive.
In the spring of 1694 the ship Bretonne was fitted out, under
♦ Doc. Rel., Vol. n, p. 40, et neq,
t Vol. VI, p. 192.
X See list in Mass. Acts and Resolves, Vol. VII, p. 628.
The AdverUtires of Bctptiite. 851
the oommand of the Sienr Bonaventure, whose avowed purpose
was:
^' To carry aid to Acadia, and all that M. de Yillebon has
asked for the defence and maintenance of Fort Maxonat [M]*
and to make war on the English." ^^ Captain Baptiste having
obtained a corvette f from his Majesty, armed to make war on
the enemy, particularly in Acadian and New England waters,
pledges himself to be at the places indicated to him by the said
Sieur Yillebon at the time ordered.
Aside from proceeding to the river St. John with the Bre-
tonne shoold the Sieur de Bonaventure need him at Pentagoet,
his Majesty has given M. de Bonaventure permission to take
him with him under his orders to scout and act as guard while he
[i. e. Bonaventure] is obliged to anchor there ; — after which,
and when the said Sieur de Bonaventure shall have left Penta-
goet, the said Sieur Baptiste will do what he shall think best for
the carrying out his own private designs against the enemy, of
which he will inform the said Sieur de Yillebon in order that
he, Yillebon, may render an account of it to his Majesty." X
The following extract from a letter to Frontenac shows that
the former had recommended Baptiste to the King.
"Vereailles, Hay 8, 1092.
Beoauae of your good report of Captain Baptiste, his Majesty has given
him a brigantine armed and equipped with which he permits him to do much
damage to the English on the Acadian and New England coasts, and after-
wards to winter in Flaisanoe, thence to make war on the English of New-
foundland."
Here is Baptiste's own account of his adventures :§ from
which it appears that our hero soon found an excuse to cast loose
from his superior in command.
^^ I, Captain Baptiste commanding the King's corvette, named
the Bonne, set out from La Kochelle the 8th of April, 1694, with
M. de Bonaventure conmianding the ^ Bretonne ' for Acadia,
from whom I was separated the 16th of the said month, by bad
weather and fog, and continued my voyage to Acadia, which
* Naxouat, a fort built by Yillebon on the St. John's riyer.
t A wooden ship-of-war, frigate rigged with one tier of guns.
t Doc. Rel., Vol. II, p. 146. Instruction to ViUebon 13th Bfaroh. 1004.
i Doc. Rel., Vol. II, p. 151 ei seq. Relation des combats entre le Oap-
itaine Baptiste, et les Bostonnais.
852 Annual JHeeUng—190S.
land I toaolied the first of June, of the said year abreast of
Gape Sable, where I encountered several English ships fishing,
to which I gave chase and captured five of them and took them
to the St. John's river, and drove the others off the coast The
25th of the said month I careened my boat, in order to continue
my course, and went out of the said river the 8th of the month
of July, to cruise about Boston, when I fell in with a small
fishing boat, and sunk her, so as not to be discovered, she not
being of great consequence.
The 12th of July at 10 o'clock in the morning I took a Eetch
sailing from Boston with provisions for the Isbinds of America.*
Then about 8 o'clock in the afternoon I encountered another
ship coming from the Islands loaded with sugar and molasses,
which I also took. The same afternoon I fell in with another
vessel coming from old England to Boston, loaded with stuffs
and salt, which I took. The next morning about 8 o'clock hav-
ing fallen in with a fishing Eetch, I took her also, and as I was
convoying my prizes to the St. John's river I met quite near
the said river, an English frigate of 44 guns that took from me
the Ketch laden with provisions of which I have before spoken
and also the Ketch, so that I could take but two prizes to the St.
John's river.f
The 29th of July I left the river St. John to go to Minas for
provisions in order to continue my cruise, but as the summer
was very dry this year I had much difficulty in procuring even
fifteen barrels of flour.
From there I ventured to the St. John's river to get bread
baked so that it was the 2d of October when I put out of the
said river to return to my cruising, and after having reoonnoi-
tered for three weeks without meeting anything, I finally fell
in with a ship from the Islands laden with sugar for Boston,
which I took. As my corvette leaked badly, I was forced to
make sail for the St. John's river, and being unable to enter be-
cause of the ice, I was obliged to put into another harbor called
Nisgascorf three leagues from the St. John's, where the corvette
wintered from the 24th of December, 1694 to the 20th of April,
♦ The West Indies.
t Baptiste's first 5 priies he had left in the St. John's river. Sailing thence
tofwards Boston he had taken 5 more, of which he had sunk 1, and the frigate
of 44 guns had taken 2 more from him, so that he oould take but 2 prises to
the St. John's river.
The Adoentwres of Ba/piAsie. 353
1695, when I set out to omise along Kew England. The 7th
of May I met a small boat coming oat from Boston laden with
provisions for the Islands, whioh I took and carried to Nisgascorf .
I was ready to leave the said port on the 24th of the said
month to go back to my croising, bat as I was setting sail to go
out, I encountered an English frigate named the Sorlings,* carry-
ing 32 guns with a Brigantine of 4 guns, and being unable either
to go out or to go back I was forced to run aground. Having
landed three cannon, I defended myself from eight o'clock in
the morning till six in the evemng, when in spite of my resist-
ance my ship was taken from me. Having put all of the
King's property that I could save into the hands of his secre-
tary, Sieur de Saint Goutin, I embarked the 22d of July on the
vessel, L'Envieux, to go to France to render an account of my
King's ship. Arriving at Plaisance on the 12th of August and
finding that the L'Envieux, which was ordered to convoy the
fishing fieet, f usually stayed there till the end of September I
embarked on a frigate of St. Jean de Luz % of 20 guns, named
La Charmante, Captain Durachoux, which I took to cruise during
this time near Boston. We took two prizes ; one a ship of 8
guns carrying provisions to St. Johns in Newfoundland, the
other a Brigantine with the same cargo for Saint John, both
from Boston. By these we learned that two vessels of 40 and 32
guns § had gone 15 days ago to seek the ship L'Envieux at the
St. John's river, and that the new Governor had arrived at
Boston in a frigate of 50 guns, which was to remain there.
We then returned to Plaisance and I embarked on L' En-
vieux, and proceeded to Versailles to report to Monseigneur and
await his orders.
Monseigneur will have the goodness to remember that I in-
formed him last year that this corvette was so old, and that I
had run so great a risk while taking her to Acadia, that it would
* The Newport and the Sorling, two Engliah frigates, constantly occupied
in protecting New England merchant vessels from French privateers that in-
fested our coast. These being too bulky to pursue small crafts into the shoal
water of our bays and inlets, an appropriation was made by our general court
for building and equipping a small vessel mounting 10 guns. This is known
in our annab as the Province Galley.
t From Newfoundland to France.
X Formerly an important port 11 m. S. W. of Bayonne. Dept. of Baaso-
S The Newport and the Soriings.
23
354 Annual Meeting— 190Z.
be endangering a crew to tryto take her back to France: and
in fact 12 hoars after she was taken from me she sank with eight
Englishmen who had been put aboard her to take her to Bos-
ton."
In the above we have Baptiste's own account of his exploits
from April 1694 to October 1695.
In addition to this diffuse account which, though written in
the first person is not signed by Baptiste, but seems to be a jour-
nal kept by him, we have his " Proces- Verbal " or official re-
port to the government, a shorter, and more formal document
signed by himself and his second mate. The latter paper is
most interesting, inasmuch as it is a f ao-simile of the original,
which is in the French archives in Paris.
While Baptiste was thus engaged the Sieur de Yillieu, captain
of a detachment of the marines, had been sent to supersede
Portneuf, a brother of Villebon, with orders to raise a war
party against the English.
We have his journal of his achievements, during that memor-
able summer so disastrous to New England both on land and
sea.*
" It was the end of June," says Mr. Parkman, who follows
exactly Villieu's account, " when Villieu and Father Thury
with one Frenchman and a hundred and five Indians began
their long canoe voyage to the English border. The savages
were directed to give no quarter."
The party, reinforced later by Father Bigot's Indians,
amounting in all to 230, held a council to decide on the point
of attack.
On the 23d of July, Yillieu and others who were exhausted
by hunger and fatigue, determined to strike at the nearest set-
tlement, that of Oyster river, now Durham, N. H. Scouts re-
ported the little settlement unguarded. You know the rest
The village of farmhouses scattered along the stream — the silver
moon wending silent to her setting — the calm, still air — ^the
sleeping people— the savages in separate squads creeping stealth-
ily nearer — the sudden dash, the yell, the shrieks, the anguish and
horrible carnage. One hundred and four (mostly women and
children) slaughtered, and twenty-seven captives. But the lit-
tle settlement was not lacking in heroes. At the lower end of
the village, Thomas Bickford, roused by the firing, hurried his
♦ Doc. Rd., Vd. n, p. 135.
TTie Adventures of Bofptivte. 355
wife and children to his boat in the stream behind his house
sent them down the river and went back alone to defend his
hard-earned home. Mad with viotory the savage crew ap-
proached. Undaunted, he fired at them, now from one loophole,
then from another, shouting commands as if to a garrison, and
fearlessly showing himself in a different hat, cap or coat success-
ively in different parts of his house, in this way saving his fam-
ily and his home. Some of the attaddng psurty, not yet satis-
fied, set out on another ^^ excursion."
" They mean," says Villieu in his relation, " to divide into
bands of four or five, and knock people in the head by surprise,
which cannot fail to produce a good effect."
In the massacre of forty people at Groton they had their sat-
isfaction. Yillieu, after what Mr. Parkman calls his detestable
exploit, hastened to Quebec to warn Frontenao of a probable at-
tack on that place.
Thus we have from the principal actors, Baptiste and Yillieu,
an account of their achievements by sea and land against Kew
England at the same period — ^namdy from the spring of 1694
through the summer of 1695.
This success made Yillebon urge upon the home government
an expedition against Pemaquid, under command of Bonaven-
ture. He goes so far as to make a list of presents for the In-
dians who may be employed in this service. Among them are
^' 200 tufts of white feathers to designate them during the night
in case of attack, and which will cost at most only 6 or 7 cen-
times : to be selected in Paris by M. de Bonaventure." One
smiles at the picture of that amiable gentleman selecting them
in Paris at the Bon March6 of the period. Yillieu goes on to
say that Pemaquid being captured, attacks could be made along
the coast, and Baptiste and others could pilot the ship safely
within sight of Boston. Commenting later on the massacre at
Oyster river.*
"This blow is very advantageous, because it breaks up all peace parleys,
and we can count upon there being no end of resentment between our Indians
and the English, who are in despair because they have slain even infants in
the cradle. . . . The captures of the Sieur Baptiste are not only in them-
selves advantageous, but they occupy nearly four hundred of the enemy in
different boats to guard the coast, and as they are obliged to have a much
larger number on land, because of the savages, they must succumb if the court
will make any efforts to that end."
* Doo. Rel., Yd. H, p. 158, letter of VOlebcm 19 Sept 1604.
866 Annual Meeting— 190S.
As to BonaveDtore's adventures after parting company with
Baptiste, I know nothing. A letter from Champigny to the
minister* states that the Bretonne did not touch at Pentagoet,
much to the distress of the savages who thus failed of their im-
mediate supplies, and that next year one may be sent who
will better execute the king's orders. That the minister him-
self was satisfied is proved by his appointing Bonaventure the
next year to the command of the Envieux dispatched on similar
service to Pentagoet and the river St John with orders to cruise
later at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, to keep it clear of priva-
teers for vessels bound for Quebec.
In his instructions to Bonaventure the minister expresses
the hope that the Sieur Baptiste will this time be more fortu-
nate in keeping the prizes he may take, especially if Bonaven-
ture has been able to set him right with his crew, which should
be his duty. He also enquires whether Baptiste's corvette,
given him last year by the king, is actually unfit to cross the
ocean to France, as Baptiste has informed him, and finally he
orders Bonaventure to continue to watch Baptiste, and inform
him whether he is worthy of confidence, so that he may decide
upon a proposition which those interested in the company have
made to give Baptiste a frigate of 16 or 18 guns, and to share
the expense. This was done.
It would seem that about this time his fellow countrymen
were beginning to observe Mr. Baptiste. Frontenac, vmting
to M. de Lagny in November, 1695, says:
"In former years on the testimony of M. de Vfllebon, I recommended the
Sieur Baptiste to you. But within two or three months I have heard of some
discourse of his a little before he pased into France which show his bad inten-
lions. Moreover, I have been told that he has wives in several places in France
and in HoUand, besides the one he has now in Port Royal. M. de Vaudreuil
has assured me that he is acquainted with the one whom he married in France
who is near his home in Languedoc."
In the interval between his return to France after his release
from Boston jail, and his appointment to the command of the
Corvette, it is probable that Baptiste married the wife whom
Vaudreuil knew in Languedoo. He must have left her in France
when he sailed from La Kochelle, in the springtime of the year
and of his life, to seek his fortune as a filibuster.
* Doc. Rel. p. 162, Quebec, 24 Oct. 1694.
J
Tht Adv&fitfures of Baptiste. 357
Whether, as Frontenao declared, he married another wife in
Port Boyal, thus verifying the adage that the sailor has a wife
in every port, I cannot say.
About to return to Acadia after reporting in France the loss
of his ship ^^ Captain Baptiste, Acadian corsair, is granted his
passage on one of His Majesty's vessels, with his wife, his
daughter and two servants." *
The Envieux and the Profond, on one of which Baptiste re-
turned to Acadia in 1696, were a part of the fleet against Fort
Pemaquid under the command of D'Iberville, one of the brav-
est of the French commanders. On their way, D'Iberville and
Bonaventure encountered the two English warships, the New-
port, Capt. Paxton, and the Sorlings, Capt. Eames.
Baptiste may have had a hand in this sea fight, in which the
Newport was captured, — the Sorlings escaping in a fog.
At Pentagoet [now Castine] they added to their forces Cas-
tine and 240 of his Indians, together with the Sieur Yillieu, his
lieutenant Montigny and twenty-five soldiers. With them and
their prize, the Newport, they proceeded to Pemaquid, of which
fort Yillieu had secretly made a plan on his memorable expe-
dition ending in the tragedy at Oyster River.
Immediately after the surrender of Pemaquid, D'Iberville
sent a sloop to Boston to carry some of the soldiers of the fort,
with Capt. Paxton and the sick men of his crew, under charge
of seven of his own men, who were ordered not to stay over
two days in Boston, Yillieu being left at Pentagoet with sixteen
of the captured garrison, to attend to the expected exchange.
As his messengers did not return, D'Iberville wrote to our
governor, reproaching him for theu- detention.
"I might have gone into your roads with my vessel and near 400 Indians,
and had satisfaction for this injury, to the cost and Ruin of your colonies, but
for the future, the slowness of your Council in determining affairs, shall be
a reason for the French to take different measures. I have left Mr. Yillieu
with 16 of your men, of whom Shute is one, as surety for the others. I have
hastened this way for them to get out of prison, that soe they might not goe
to Canada, .... and to give you roome to repair the injuries you have
done yourself in delaying my men. It lyes only on you to doe it which is to
lett them and the Guyons depart from you forthwith. I have ordered the
Captain not to wait for your answer longer than the 17th of this month, after
which they will be given to the Indians, who I do not doubt will treat them
better than the English treat their prisoners.'' ....
* Doc. Eel. II, p. 202, letter of the minister to M. de Begon, 22 Feb. 1606.
358 Annual Meeting— 190S.
While awaiting the return of D'lberville^s envoys, Villieu M
in with Cyprian Sonthack with the Province Galley, to whom
he wrote some spicy letters concerning the exchange. The first,
dated the 7th of September (1696) and addressed to, —
"M. Ciprien Comm
La proyinoe de QaDe
a son bold.
Sir.
I am veiy sony that we oamiot midentand one another, for I am permiaded
that as we have returned to you fifty-five or six prisoners first I ought not to
go any further to return the others, before you send back to me all the French-
men that are on board your ships and this is my Resolution. But you may
be assured that .... I shall not faile sending you your Englishmen
as I promised Mr. Sayre. I also pray you to give a passport for Mr. Guyon
and his ketch, that so he may go safely to some place belonging to the general
government of Canada at his own choice.
Be persuaded that I am your veiy humble and obedient servant,
VILLIEU
7th Sept 1096. At the Mount deserts."
Southack's terms in reply, not being satisfactory to Yillieu, he
writes again during the day, and again at 7 o'clock in the even-
ing giving his vltimatum.
He demands a passport for 40 days at least for Mr. Guyon to
go with his ketch to the General Government of Canada, to
any place he chooses. He demands also a man of Southack's
crew named Louis, the restitution of some provisions, some can-
dles and an hour-glass.
The matter ended by the seizure of Yillieu and his men,
among whom was one Pr^mond.
The following statement made to the Gheneral Court by
Caleb Ray, keeper of Boston Gaol, Nov. 28, 1696, explains
itself.*
"Among the said Prisoners there is one Capn Value a person of note con-
cerning whose treatment the said Ray had a verball ordr from some of yor
Honors that it should be very handsom and in a Generous way, which hithcoio
has been accordingly attended with such Entertainement as cannot be af-
forded und' Eight Shillings per weeke. The other of y« prisoners of warr
-TT^ are more closely Confined then y® sd Valew, makes their Complaint that
they want some fireing in this hard Season to render their Lives Comfortable
amidst the hardships of prison Entertainment. . . . Ray in their behalf
humbly desires that their Condition may be considered .... and that
their weekly allowance may be stated .... woh the said Ray humbly
conceives .... that in this Deare season of provisions it cannot in
* Acts and Resolves, Mass. Bay, Vol. Vn, p. 546^
The AdverUi^es of Bo/pUste. 859
any Tolerable way be done under f oure shillings per weeke for y^ meanest of
ye prisoners and Eight shillings per wk for ye Captain."
It appears that the Boston government remembering perhaps
ViUieu's exploits at Oyster Eiver, was not inclined to treat him
with undue distinction. Five shillings a week was allowed for
his maintenance and 4 shillings for the French and Indian sol-
diers.
The French account of Villieu's experiences is that " the Com-
mander of the frigate .... made himself master of Sieurs
Yillieu .... who is not to be accused of being taken by his
own fault; for though he should have accepted the English
Commander's offer of a passport for eight days, he would
have required many more to go coastwise .... to the river
St. John .... his passport would be useless to him after the
expiration of that term .... they have detained him in a very
confined prison, allowing him no communication with anyone.
.... Pr6mond says that his prison was narrower and ruder
than could be imagined ; in fact Pr6mond brought from him a
sort of letter of credit written on a wretched scrap of paper with
blood for want of ink."
While these things were being done, our Major Church, then
on his fourth expedition to the eastward was superseded by Colo-
nel John Hathorne and ordered to assist E[athorne in attacking
Villebon's fort at Nachouak* on the river St. John. An amusing
and minute account of the siege of Naxouat, written by Ville-
bon is among the Paris documents. He began his prepara-
tions to receive the enemy on the 4th of October, 1696. On
the 16th our whaleboats having proceeded up the river as far
as Jemsec, he strengthens his defences, removes his powder
magazine, and plies his men with plenty of food, and wine and
brandy. On the morning of the 17th, he says, " I found we
had nothing more to do but to enjoy ourselves and await the
attack." At evening, while he was addressing his men, Bap-
tiste appeared, and putting himself under Villebon's orders,
was told to take command of the savages, and keep them at
whatever points the English should attempt an attack, — not
failing to send daily to headquarters for fresh orders.
* Naxouat, opposite the present city of Fredericton. Villebon in the be-
ginning of his government of Acadia built a fort at Naxouat, thinking that
Port Royal might be retaken by the English and he might have there a re-
treat inaccessible to the ''Boetonnais."
360 Annttal Mee^in^— 1903.
The attack began about 9 o'clock on the morning of the 18th,
when Hathome's men landed on the opposite side of the liver,
shouting "Long live our King" in answer to the " Vive le Eoi "
of the French. A little way down the river Baptiste and his
savages were fiercely fighting the English and their Indian allies.
Though the night of the 18th was bitterly cold, the English raked
by merciless grape-shot, were forced to put out their fires. The
French began cannonading again at daybreak, the English lamely
returning their fire at eight or nine o'clock. About seven
o'clock that evening Yillebon heard them loading their boats,
and if Baptiste could have made his Indians cross the river
with him above Naxouat a complete victory would have resulted
for the French. The English fled down the river, destroying
scattered dwellings as they went, and the wind being in their
favor, they took to their ships, and sailed out to the bay.
We hear nothing more of Baptiste till his name appears on
a list of men who at one time or another have been at Boston.
A great attack on Canada was expected in the summer of 1697
and the Minister warns Yillebon to be on his guard and ordered
him " to keep Baptiste with him till further orders." This let-
ter from Tibierge, the company's agent at Naxouat, gives us our
last glimpse of Baptiste for the present.
"Fort St Jean,
Hay 5, 1697.
Madame Baptiste arrived home yesterday evening. She came from down
the river, where she had been to see her husband and this morning she brought
letters to M. de Yillebon. . . . Sieur Baptiste set out from the mouth of
the river the first of this mcmth to go privateering. He has one of the fishing
boats which he formeriy took, and a crew of twenty-five men.''
THE JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN NATHANIEL DWIGHT
AND ITS LEADINGS.
BY GBOBaB SHELDON.
That I may not be wholly absent from yon, my friends, on
this, to me, day of days, I have found this Journal a convenient
peg on which to hang a little free and easy, and, it may turn
out, a personal converse with old companions assembled to cele-
brate the anniversary we call Memorial Day. On such occar
Dwighfs Journal a/nd Its Leadings, 361
sions we are wont to gather ap scattered threads of experienoe
or discovery, dark with sadness or bright with cheer; the
tragic tale of witch or wizard ; the tradition or evidence of
Indian inroad ; the early trials and sufferings of the widows
and the fatherless, and their strong trust through it all in the
God of Isaac and Jacob. And withal the lighter shades, the
laughter and wit, the games and gayeties of blithesome youth,
careless and free ; the common every-day incidents of home life,
and every-day industries. These tiiousand and one things in
the lives of our forbears are the very material needed for the
pattern of the woof, as we are weaving the web of history —
not yet adequately portrayed— of the heroes and heroines of
the Connecticut valley.
It is with such thoughts in mind that I come to you to-night.
I shall have no definite theme or thesis other than the before-
mentioned peg, but shall wander at will in highway or by-way,
where any chance thread may appear to lead. The start will
be from Memorial Hall, that storehouse wherein we gather the
fruits of our industry for the benefit of our children and our
children's children ; — for it is no selfish labor in which we are
engaged.
Through the thoughtful kindness of the Eeverend Melatiah
E. Dwight, of New York, our library is the richer for the pos-
session of a copy of Dwight's Journal. Mr. Dwight has rev-
erently preserved this journal of his anoeetor in a fine quarto
edition of twenty-five numbered copies, of which ours is the
fifth. It was printed last year in New York. The value of
this book to students in Provincial history may be guessed at
from its published title : —
" The Journal of Captain Nathaniel Dwight, of Belchertown,
Mass., during the Crown Point Expedition, 1755.
Containing an Account of the Battle of Lake Oeorge and of
the Crown Point Expedition, of his Journey to Lake Greorge,
and his services while stationed there, the men of his Company,
the building of Fort William Henry and its dimensions; to
which has been added a New Plan of that Fort."
A large portico, you may say, for a small structure of only
twenty-one pages. It is ; but, in addition, we will on this occa-
sion read between the lines. Fort William Henry, on the dark
debatable ground at the head of Lake George, every rood of
which has witnessed a conflict between civilization and savagery,
862 Annual Meeting— \90Z.
if not actually planned and laid out by Oaptain Dwight, was
certainly built with the assistance of himself and company, in
October and November, 1755. Besides its historical importance
as a military post, Fort William Henry will always be sur-
rounded with the glamour of romance, which was thrown over
it by the fascinating pen of J. Fenimore Cooper. Who that
has read ^^ The Last of the Mohicans," in his Leather StockiDg
Series, can ever forget the scenes at this fort, notably the
truthfully told tragedy which befell the occupants, August 9,
1757. It was an event which shocked the civilized world. How
many Deerfield men were involved cannot be certainly told.
At least eight were in the jaws of death in that ferocious
butchery by the Indian allies of France, which followed the
surrender of the fort. Honorable terms had been given, after
a gallant defence against a superior power ; the massacre was
in base violation of these terms. Sad stories long lingered
around many a New England hearthstone concerning the hor-
rors of that barbarous massacre, perpetrated under the very
eyes of Montcalm and his French army. Not even the heroic
death of Montcalm on the Heights of Abraham can wipe out
this red stain upon his escutcheon.
Captain Nathaniel D wight, like his father and grandfather,
was a civil engineer. His name is often met with on old plans
as the surveyor, and he was on occasions employed by Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut in making official surveys and maps.
In this journal Captain Dwight gives full field notes, all tiie
metes and bounds from which the plan of the fortification here
given was plotted, and also all the details of the interior works.
Have we not, therefore, good reason to suppose that the fort
was originally designed and laid out by our journalist ? He
was at work upon it as early as October 9, and he says : ^^ Sun-
day, November 9, 1 still work at the fort." Would a captain
and an experienced engineer be set to work on the fort of a
Sunday unless in some official capacity ? I doubt if the editor
of this journal makes this claim in behalf of his ancestor as
strongly as the facts warrant.
Captain Dwight had in his make-up not only the blood of
the engineer, but also that of the soldier. His grandfather,
Captain Timothy Dwight, was comet of the " Three County
Troop," at the Bay, and later a captain of foot, serving in
Philip's war. On ten occasions he was out against the enemy,
DwigMa Jowmal wad lU Leadings. 363
and if tradition be trae, he killed or captured nine of the In-
dians in that war. Captain Timothy was also prominent in
civil life , ho ™ per«.Ly ^^U with Kl»| PhiUp, h...
ing been twice commissioned by the town of Dedham to nego-
tiate with him for the purchase of land ; he was also, as we
shall see, prominently employed by Dedham in the settlement
of Pocumtuck.
Captain Nathaniel Dwight was bom and brought up in a
family of military men ; his brother Timothy was a colonel ;
Samuel, another brother, was a captain. Among the sons of
his uncle Henry Dwight, were Brigadier-General Joseph;
Colonel Josiah ; Colonel Simeon and Captain Edward. Their
sister Lydia was the wife of Major Elijah Williams, the com-
missary at Deerfield, when Captain Nathaniel Dwight marched
there in September, 1765. Of Captain Dwight's children,
Justice became a captain and Elijah a colonel His maternal
grandfather. Colonel Samuel Partridge, was also of a distin-
guished Massachusetts family. Through him Nathaniel in-
herited the blood of the Rev. John Williams family.
We learn by the journal that Captain Nathaniel Dwight left
his home in Belchertown, September 22, 1755, with his com-
pany, raised in Eastern Hampshire County, in order to rein-
force the army under Sir William Johnson at Lake Gleorge.
He marched " with a Desine to Dearefleld that Day, but went
to Hatfield, there being some Difficulties by reason of some
News from the Army."
A few words about the war then in progress. In 1755 three
grand movements were made against the enemy ; one to Pitts-
burg, under Oeneral Braddock, with an army from England.
Braddock was killed with most of his command. One to Os-
wego, under Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, which ended
in disaster. The third was against Crown Point, under Sir
William Johnson. Late in August, Johnson learned from spies
that a large army was on the march from Canada, and he
called for reinforcements. September 6, the Massachusetts
government responded, and ordered a levy of two thousand
men for Johnson's army. The companies under Captain
Dwight, and Captain William Lyman, were the quota from the
regiment of Colonel Israel Williams, of Hampshire County.
But the French did not wait for this reinforcement. They
were heard from as marching on Fort Edward ; and September
364 Annual Meeting— 190S.
8, Johnson sent Colonel Ephndm Williams to find oat what
they were about. He foond out. His ^lumn of one thousand
men marched into an ambush, where the colonel fell, and his
regiment was cut to pieces by the French and Indians under
Bsuron de Dieakau. This was the ^^ Bloody Morning Scout"
Dieskau, over-elated, pushed on against Johnson, attacked his
camp at Lake George, was defeated, and was himself wounded
and captured. Johnson was also wounded. September 25,
Governor Shirley writes Johnson from Osw^o, urging him to
push on to Crown Point ; if unable, by reason of his wound, to
put Brigadier-General Phineas Lyman at the head of the army.
This was the condition of affairs when Captain Dwight was
diverted from his march to Deerfield, and went, as he says, to
Hatfield on account of ^^ Difficulties by reason of some News
from the Army.'* This difficulty may be inferred by the fol-
lowing letter from Colonel Williams to Acting-Go vemor Phips:
"Hathbld, Sept. 23, 1756.
Sm, — Pursuant to y' Honors Orders, I have raised the Number of men
appointed me to raise out of my Regiment to reinf oice the Army destined for
Crown Point, who are ready, and here, would have been a Day forward on
their March, had not some unexpected Difficulties appeared. Notwithstand-
ing which, they will be on their March to-morrow. I am well assured from
the Army that their provision is very short, some sorts entirely ap^it, and of
those not quite gone, they have only from Hand to Mouth.
Their Enemies are very numerous at Crown Point, and I nmke no Doubt
will be well prepared for their Reception. The Event of these things, I leave
to the Wise Govemour of the World.
I am, in utmost Distress,
Your Hcmor's most humble servt
!«• WnuAMB."
P. S. Some of the Officers in the County now going in the Exped ag*
Crown Pt are very desirous y' Honour would appoint Mess" Moses Graves
&.Elisha Pomroy, to aid and assist in getting Provisions from Albany, to
Lake George. '^
I have fonnd a copy of a letter which was undoubtedly ex-
pressed to Colonel WUliams, and it explains his assurance :
''Manor LnrmasTONB, Sept. 22, 1755.
Mr. Em [m^ble].
Sir, — I just received a letter from Colo Wendell, desiring me to supi^
you with a peroell of Bread for your Forces & with other necessaries you might
want for them that your Government was sending 2,000 men. This I would
willingly do, but at present not in my power, having sent all my Bread to
Gov. Shirley & 320 head of Cattle, & am to send him 130 head more, w^ will
be very difficult for me to git, so that I can neither assist you with Bread or
DwighVs J(ywrnal and Its Leadmgs. 365
Beef at this time, but sh^ you want Bread next spring I would supply you
with a Quantity of it, on timely notice.
I heartily wish our troops all the desired success, but I fear its too late
in the season to do any great matters this year. I remain with reepect, sir.
Your most humble ser^,
ROBT. LiVINGSTONB, Jr."
Bat even with this supply, Governor Shirley writes from
Oswego September 24, that he is ^^ hindered by want of provi-
sions."
The distress of Colonel Williams, expressed in his letter, was
shared by the community. The French were working with
energy and success for the conquest of the country. A dark
cloud was settling over New England ; the only bright spot on
the horizon this year was the success of Sir William Johnson at
Lake George, September 8. This, however, was in eclipse here
by reason of the great local loss. Fear rather than hope con-
trolled, as a new consignment of our young men went forth to
the bloody arena.
After a day's delay at Hatfield, Captain D wight and his men
marched to Deerfield, September 24. They had passed through
Hadley, but the myth of the repulse of the Indians by the regi-
cide Gk>ffe had not then been invented. They had been shown
the scenes of the Indian attacks on Hatfield, and had looked
upon the swelling mounds over many a victim. With varying
emotions they traversed the line of Lothrop's fatal march, and
the scene of the First Encounter ; they passed at Bloody Brook
a monument marking the site of the Lothrop massacre ; and at
the Bars, the field where ten years before Samuel Allen died
the death of a hero in the defense of his young children against
savage ferocity. When they reached Deerfield in the gloaming,
the air was tUck with stories of the horrors of February 29,
1704. This was a day of experience to daunt the weak and
nerve the daring.
At Deerfield four men, at least, joined the company of Cap-
tain Dwight, raising the number to sixty-five. One of them.
Sergeant John Hawks, the hero of Fort Massachusetts, was
his lieutenant. Dwight's company was billeted in Deerfield
Street ; the captain lodged that night with Major Elijah Wil-
liams, a son of the "Redeemed Captive," in the house now
standing on the Old Albany Boad. Here supplies awaited
them, powder, lead, and flints, which had been carted
from Boston; blankets, knapsacks, bullet bags, worms and
866 Annual Meeting— 190Z.
wires, tin oamp kettles and hatchets, which came np the Con-
necticut by boat. These were landed at Sunderland, and were
forwarded to Deerfield, September 23. On the 25th, the soldiers
drew their marching outfit from the commissary at the ^' Old
Comer Store " which stood on the southeast comer of the old
Parson Williams lot. Captain Dwight drew for himself five
extra kettles.
In the meantime, Captain William Lyman, of Northampton,
with a company raised in western Hampshire, had arrived to
join Captain Dwight in the same service. He was supplied by
the commissary at the same time and place. Fourteen men
were here added to this company by Major Williams, from his
own command, raising it to fifty-nine men. The names of these
fourteen men are : Samuel Smith, Daniel Kellogg, John East-
man, John Clary, Elisha Hubbard, Joseph Lyman, Jr., Jonathan
Russell, Charles Wright, David Smith, Nathaniel Coleman, Eben-
ezer Marsh, Jr., Jonathan Warner, John MiUer, Peter Smith.
At the close of a busy day. Captain Dwight went over to Green-
field and spent the night with his old Belchertown pastor, Bev.
Edward Billings, who had recently been settled there in the
ministry. In the morning Mr. Billings rode over to Deerfield
with his guest, to bid him godspeed on his perilous way.
Thereby hangs a tale.
September 26, 1755, was a day of high excitement in Deer-
field. Early in the morning 124 men in marching order, armed
and equipped for conflict with the French and Indians, were
paraded on the Street near the meetinghouse. Captain Dwight
makes record that " after prayer to almighty God for preserva-
tion in our journeying through the wilderness and success and
victory over the Enemies, and a Safe return. Performed by
Mr. Billings in Deerfield Street, I marched out of Deerfield.''
Dwight does not tell us why this service of prayer was not held
in the meetinghouse instead of the Street, and why it was not
conducted by Mr. Ashley, the minister of Deerfield, as we might
naturally expect. But that is a story which must be read be-
tween the lines.
The imminent danger from the united French and Indians
did not weld the community, as it should have done, into
a solid harmonious whole. There was another war raging
in the Province. The foreign war ended with the conquest of
Canada ; the other conflict, like the poor, we have always with
IhoigkPB Jowmal a/nd Its Zeadmga. 867
us. It was a theological war. There were intrioate, fine-drawn,
metaphysical knots to be tied, or untied ; time-hallowed super-
stitions to be cherished or combated. The fire and sword of the
enemy was to many of comparatively small importance, being
but temporary ; while in the other matter consequences of eter-
nal import were supposed to be involved. At this time the
storm center was at Northampton ; the Jonathan Edwards con-
troversy was at its height. Mr. Ashley was a leader in the
ranks of those opposing Mr. Edwards, and he had even dared,
not long before, to preach a sermon against him in his own pulpit
in Northampton. This sermon was published and can be found
in our library. On the other hand, Eev. Mr. Billings had been
all along a warm defender of Edwards. Captain Dwight had
joined the church of Mr. Edwards at the age of twenty-one.
When Dwight removed from Northampton to Belchertown, he
was transferred to the fold of Mr. Billings, with whom he was
in full sympathy. Here, then, is the explanation of the im-
ported chaplain and the service in the Street.
Mr. Ashley was at that time comparatively popular in Deer-
field, and a guard of three soldiers had recently been detailed
to garrison his house. On the occasion in question, the pastor
was doubtless conspicuous by his absence, and we may imagine
Deacon Childs and Deacon Field, aghast at the boldness of
Captain Dwight in bearding the lion at the very mouth of his
den, standing aloof, or perchance prolonging their morning
prayers beyond the hour for the march, to testify against the
affront put upon their pastor. If tradition may be trusted,
we may think of Major Williams as secretly enjoying the
situation.
Aside from all this, however, we may be sure that many
another petition for Divine protection, beside that of Mr. Bil-
Ungs, must have gone up as these young men, of the choicest
blood of the valley, went forth into the wilderness to meet and
drive back an enemy then drenching the frontiers with the
blood of men, women, and children. Many had gathered to
bid a tearful farewell — it may be a last one — ^to sons, brothers,
or lovers. Captain Dwight cannot look unmoved upon these
partings. He must call to mind his wife and family of young
children, — the youngest a boy of two years, — and a feeble
mother of eighty. We see lieutenant H^wks passing from
group to group bidding them be hopeful and of good cheer.
368 Aminal MeeUnff— 1908.
He had met the savage hordes face to face, aye, and the French-
men, too, and is eager to do the same agam and pay off old
scores, as he eventually does. His cousin, Zadock Hawks,
whose sister Submit was torn from her home three months be-
fore and is now a captive in savage hands, bravely responds, is
erect, alert, manly, while young Mary Bardwell turns timor-
ously away to hide her emotions and her maidenly tears. Abi-
gail Bardwell, her cousin, is taking a tender and solemn farewell
of Samuel llAttoon, the young surgeon, whose bride fortune
wiUs her to be within the year. But Dorothy Stebbins openly
clings with convulsive sobs to Lawrence Kemp, until her father,
who had himself borne for years the bitterness of an Indian
captivity, takes her away and comforts her as best he can, when
the drum beats the march. Abner Arms is the center of an-
other group. Phineas Arms, his cousin and daily companion
from infancy, had fallen by a bullet from an Indian ambush at
Charlemont three months before. We see William and Doro-
thy Arms look upon Abner with yearning eyes and pained
hearts, as they commend him to the care of the Most High,
praying that he may be spared the fate of their lost one whose
grave he will pass before the setting sun.
Light sketches like these shed but a faint gleam upon the
reality of scenes enacted all along the frontiers by our fore-
fathers and foremothers during the days and years of French
and Indian warfare-— scenes which will wring the heart and
blanch the cheek of woman so long as hell-bom war poUutes
God's earth.
Captain Dwight calls, " Attention I " The resounding drum-
beat stirs the air ; the piercing note of the fife stirs the blood.
" March 1 " and the two companies file past the Old Comer
Store, down the Albany Boad, and wade the Pocumtuck River
at the " Old Ford." The measured throb of the drum grows
fainter and more faint, and is lost on the listening ear as the
soldiers climb the hill and disappear on the heights beyond
"Little Hope." With these ominous words on their hearts,
those who had followed to the river for a very last word joined
those who had lingered about the Comer Store, and all soon
scattered to attend, as best they could, the imperative call of
duty to labor and to wait.
Meanwhile Captain Dwight pushed rapidly on through the
woods northwest by the compass, and striking the Pocumtuck
Dwighiffs Jottmal wnd Its Lecbdings. 869
at the Falls, the soldiers receive a cheering welcome from its
dashing waters, with a promise to guide them on their winding
way. So with the gleaming river on their left they march up
the valley ; greet Deerfield friends at Taylor's Fort, but do not
bide ; pass Rice's Fort, and the not yet grass-grown graves of
Moses Rice and Phineas Arms ; onward, until darkness falls
upon them at Hawks's Fort, where more Deerfield friends gladly
welcome the weary soldiers, and, as best they may, entertain
them for the night. The second day's march takes the band
over the Hoosac Mountain to Fort Massachusetts, where nine
years before, that man of heroic mold, John Hawks their
lieutenant, had won an imperishable fame.
A word of this in passing. In August, 1746, Sergeant
Hawks was in charge of the fort with twenty-one men, three
women, and six children. Eleven of the men were on the sick
list, and, writes Chaplain John !(Torton, '^ scarcely one of us in
perfect health." With this force and thus handicapped the
brave and resourceful sergeant defied and fought seven hundred
and fifty French and Indians — ^more than thirty against one —
repelling all assaults of the infuriated foe for twenty-eight
hours, and until their ammunition gave out. They then capitu-
lated on honorable terms. This was also familiar ground to
Captain Lyman, for he had been in command here after the
fort had been rebuilt in 1748.
As this talk is largely of Deerfield and the D wights, we will
turn the leaves backward, and we shall see that Captain Na-
thaniel was by no means the first of his name to make connec-
tion between the two. In the spring of 1664, one Dwight,
Henry by name, was sent out by Dedham to find a place where
she could locate her " 8,000- Acre Grant." He reported
nothing satisfactory, but he was the first Dwight connecting
Deerfield with the Dedham Grant. In September of the same
year a party of four men was despatched on the same errand.
Timothy Dwight was one of the four. They came to the
Pocumtuck valley, returned with a favorable report, and were
sent back with a compass and chain. In May, 1665, they re-
port the Grant located, and present a plan of the same to the
General Court. So early was Surveyor Dwight, the grandsire
of Captain Nathaniel, linked with our town. As you know.
Major John Pynchon bought the tract so laid out, of the In-
dians who laid claim to it, in 1666. The deeds to show this
24
370 Annual Meeting— 1908.
transaction are in onr library. The pay waa almost equal to
the real estate price current among the English. Of this tract
Timothy Dwight was granted 150 acres in payment for his
services in the preliminary work of the settlement of Pocum-
tuck. Here I beg your indulgence in introducing a personal
matter, — my interest in this grant. Captain Timothy Dwight
sold this land to Rev. John Russell, the fearless and true-hearted
protector of the regicides Gk>ffe, Whalley and Dix well at Hadley.
From Mr. Russell it passed to one of my ancestors two hundred
years ago, and I take pride in saying that a part of it has never
been alienated from the blood, and is now in my hands. But I
have even a more lively sense of connection with Captain
Dwight. By virtue of his being a citizen of Dedham he drew a
homestead on the town plot in 1671. This he sold, with the
above-mentioned 150-acre grant, to Mr. Russell, and it has come
down to me in the same line as the above. It is the old Shel-
don lot at the North End, where I was bom and lived for more
than threescore years and ten. Captain Timothy also owned
another home lot with which I have personal interest. It is that
where my very great-grandfather, David Hoyt, lived on that
disastrous day in Feb., 1704, and whence he was led to a death
by starvation in the wilderness. I hope you will consider these
associations a fair excuse for bringing in this personal equation.
In July, 1698, there was in Deerfield another Henry Dwi^t,
a brother of Captain Timothy, and later himself a captain. He
was one of the troopers who made the night march from Deer-
field to Pomroy's Island, and rescued Samuel Dickinson from
his Indian captors.
When Father Rasle's war broke out, Deerfield was on the
exposed northwest frontier, and a just sense of fear pervaded the
air; it was a glad sight when another Captain Timothy Dwight
marched into the Street, February 8, 1724, with a party of sol-
diers, and workmen with teams. He was on his way to build
a fortification for the protection of the frontier, right in the
path of northern invasion. This was later named Fort Dam-
mer. Captain Dwight, while in command of this fort, was in
close touch with our town. Part of his stores were kept here
by Captain Jonathan Wells — the same, by the way, to whom
the children of Deerfield placed a granite monument in the
memorable Old Home Week of 1901, thus linking themselves
to the historic past.
Dwigh£% Journal and Its Leadmga. 871
Captain Nathaniel Dwight was not the first of his name to
visit the Old Comer Store on official business. Three years
before, his ooasin, Colonel Josiah Dwight, of Northampton, com-
missioned by the governor, called upon his brother-in-law. Major
Williams, ^e commissary. He was a messenger sent to make
a friendly visit to the Mohawks and bear them a present He
and his fellow commissioner here bought a large bill of calico,
garlic, and other dry goods to bestow upon their dusky allies to
keep them neutral, during the impending war. Largess flowed
lavishly from either side, and the shrewd Mohawks valued the
friend^p of their English or French '^brothers" according to
which had the longest purse. Finding they could get more
goods by deceiving both sides, they remained neutral through
the war. So the calico and the garUc from the Old Comer Store
served for a good end.
The first wife of Major Elijah Williams was Lydia Dwight, a
cousin germain to Captain Nathaniel. The Mrs. Williams by
whom he was entertained September 24, 1755, was a sister-in-law
to his cousin Joseph Dwight. The wife of Captain Jonas Locke,
who led the Deerfield Minute Men to Boston on the Lexington
alarm, April 20, 1775, was Mary, the daughter of Colonel Joseph
Dwight of Brookfield. Captain Locke lived at the Bars, in tike
house later the home of one whom Deerfield delights to honor,
George Fuller, the artist. We may think of Jonas, not yet
Captain, and Mary, his wife, as going up to the Street to greet
cousin Nathaniel, and talk over family matters and the military
affairs of the country.
As Captain Dwight and his men, with faces set sternly west-
ward, marched down the Albany Eoad, they were watched by
Anna Williams, a Deerfield lass of twelve years, with more
than general interest. They were bound to the very field where
her uncle. Colonel Ephraim Williams, had fallen in the Bloody
Morning Scout, eighteen days before. Her father, who was a
surgeon in the ill-fated regiment of his brother, escaped unhurt,
and it was he who had dressed the wounds of the captured French
general. Baron de Dieskau. Zadock Hawks, a neighbor across
the way, was doubtless burdened with messages of affection and
solicitude from the wife and daughter. Anna's interest would
have been more intense had she known that Elijah Dwight, a
kinsman of the stalwart leader, would become her husband, and
that the twain would found a distinguished family in the very
872 Annual Meeting— 190B.
region towards which he was then faring, and that in the ooorse
of events, she, as Madam Dwight, would have the satisfaction
of entertaining the captive General Burgoyne, while on his
march over the Berkshire hills from Saratoga^ where he had been
intercepted by General Gates.
Diana Hinsdale, another young girl whose home overlooked
the Common, saw the departure of the soldiers. Can it be that
the bearing of the gallant leader impressed her young head with
the idea that he would make an ideal father-in-law ? Hardly,
at her age ; but her fortune was so shaped that she became the
the wife of his son, another Elijah D wight, of Belchertown.
The bride was a granddaughter of Mehuman Hinsdell, the
first white man bom in Deerfield. The ring which was the
pledge of their union is now back in the home of her childhood.
That, and her father's silver watch, are among our choice treas-
ures in Memorial Hall.
In the years following the date of this journal, the name of
Dwight, borne by men and women, is often met with in the
social circles of Deerfield. In one of the strenuous events of
the Eevolution, the dismission of the Tory parson, William
Dwight, appears on the council Within two or three years a
young Timothy Dwight was engaged to preach in the South
precinct. Later he was evolved into the distinguished theo-
logian, author, and president of Tale College. He was of the
same Northampton stock as Captain Nathaniel, the journalist.
Thomas Asa Gates, a minuteman under Captain Jonas Locke,
married Margaret Dwight, of Belchertown, probably daughter
of Captain Nathaniel, although she may have been a sister of
Mary Dwight, wife of Captain Locke.
In the revival of business that followed the dose of the
Eevolutionary War, when Conway was the largest town in
Western Massachusetts, Deerfield was in the fore front of bus-
iness for the Connecticut valley. A deep felt want was for better
facilities for transportation, and a movement was here started
for an improvement in the navigation of the Connecticut River,
the main channel of communication with the commercial world.
John Williams, a son of Major Elijah the commissary, and
Jonathan Dwight, a kinsman of Captain Nathaniel, were two
of a commission of three men who built two of the earliest canals
in the country — those at South Hadley and Turners Falls.
In another important and lasting enterprise, Deerfield was
Dwighfa Jov/mal and lU Leadinga. 873
agaiii in tonoh with the Dwights. In 1824, the town voted
that the new meetinghouse to be erected should be patterned
after that ^^ recently built at Springfield by Jonathan D wight,
Esq. " Among the judicial officers of Franklin County, in 1853,
is found the name of William Dwight of Deerfield. Last, but
not least, we note that William Dwight, M. D., of Amherst, be-
comes a member of our Association in 1889. And so at last)
the peg on which I have hung my line of Dwights to-night, is
driven home in Memorial Hall.
^^ But there are others," and there is another word to be said
about the soldiers mustered on Deerfield Street, September 26,
1755, for the march to Lake George. I have before said that
Captain William Lyman, a brother-in-law of Captain Dwight,
with his conmiand, was of that force. Like Captain Dwight,
he, too, was of a fighting stock. And no more than Captain
Dwight was Captain Lyman, the first to connect his name with
Deerfield, or the first of his name to walk Deerfield Street in
martial array. On the memorable night of May 18, 1676, his
grandfather, John Lyman, led a company of volunteers from
Northampton over the very ground where Captain William
paraded. He was under Captain William Turner on that seem-
ingly reckless enterprise when the fated leader resolutely
marched through the black woods and the midnight storm,
and in the dawning light snatched victory out of danger at
Turners Falls. Eighteen years later Richard Lyman, a garrison
soldier, another ancestor, was wounded in repelling an assault
made on this very acre, by Baron Castine and his Canadian
horde.
About the 6th of June, 1704, while Deerfield Street was still
clothed in garments of sackcloth and ashes, Caleb Lyman, of
Northampton, uncle of Captain William, followed the trail his
father John made through Deerfield, twenty-eight years be-
fore, and out into the lone forest still stretching away to
Canada.
He was on that famous scout to Cowass with his Mohegans,
which created such a sensation in Canada, and which was such
a prominent factor in shaping for years the events of the frontier
warfare. Caleb tarried in desolate Deerfield only long enough
to receive the blessings of Captain Jonathan Wells, and his ensign
John Sheldon, and to draw marching rations of raw salt pork
at the fort. The scout had hardly disappeared in the north
874 Annual Jieeting— 1908.
when Wells learned that the woods were fall of Indian war par-
ties, and he feared that Lyman was sorel J marohing to his doom.
Lyman learned it, too, but thanks to his knowledge of wood-
craft and to his trusty aUies, his mission was executed and he
returned in safety. At Oowass, Lyman might have seen the
bleaching bones of my great-great-grandfather, David Hoy t, a
victim of February 29, who had died there of starvation, a
month before.
Here I again beg once more to introduce the personal element
Brave Caleb Lyman was connected by marriage with the
Sheldons; the ^e of his oldest brother, John Lyman, was
Mindwell, sister to Ensign John Sheldon. Moses Lyman, his
nephew, married another Mindwell Sheldon, a niece of Ensign
John, all of Northampton. At the time of this scout. Ensign
Sheldon was meditating a journey through the wilderness to
Canada in the coming winter, in search of his captive children,
and it is easy to imagine his eager inquiries of Caleb, on his
return, concerning woodcraft and the wiles of the Indians,
gaining from him information which was soon to be of vitally
practical importance in his knightly quest.
I like to think of these two hard-headed, hard-working
farmers, talking over the chances of life or death on sach an
adventurous journey. Caleb had barely escaped starvation in
summer weather ; what were the odds against John in the cold
and snow of winter I But as they sat by the desolate hearth
stone in the Old Indian house, and only silence answered the
listening ear, the bereaved husband and father felt that no odds
were too great to be attempted in the effort to bring back his
scattered, motherless children. He could but lose that whidi
was of little value to him else, and his purpose held him fast.
You all know the results.
During Father Basle's war, Joseph Lyman, an older brother
of Captain William, was employed by the government as a Post
Bider. This occupation, if less conspicuous and less blazoned
than that of the soldier, was not less hazardous. While on his
lonely trips over the long trails stretching through the dark
forests and bosky swamps, to and from the Bay, with news of
the latest Indian raid, or orders from the governor to the fron-
tier posts, he was liable at any time to meet a band of prowling
savages. It happened in September, 1725, just thirty years
before the advent of his brother, he rode through De^eld
DwighPs Journal cmd It$ Leadings. 375
Street with 800 pounds in bis custody^ sent by tbe governor to
Captain Timotby Dwight at Fort Dammer to pay off bis men.
Josepb doubtless stopped to bait his horse and see his cousins
at the Old Indian house. He executed his trust and returned
to its shelter in safety.
Joseph Lyman, Jr., who enlisted at Deerfield and marched
under Captain William Lyman, in 1755, was doubtless son of
tbe post rider. Whatever of romance may have attended this
affair is hopelessly lost.
Captain William Lyman of the journal was a nephew of one
Mind well Sheldon, mentioned above, and cousin to the other.
His wife, Jemima Sheldon, was connected with both. Un-
doubtedly Captain Lyman, while waiting for supplies at Deer-
field, called to see his relatives in the Old Indian house. One of
these was my grandmother Sheldon. Seventy-four years ago
she might have told me about this visit, seventy-four years before
that, and the impression made on her young life by the appear-
ance of Captains Lyman and Dwight and their men. She was
then eight years old. So near do I come in contact with the
special event round which my remarks are revolving. She may
have seen her grandfather, lieutenant Jonathan Hoyt, shoulder
his crutch and tell how fields were won, or, in more homely
phrase, give the boys points about fighting the Indians, amongst
whom he had been a captive for years.
Captain William Lyman, bom in 1715, was son of lieuten-
ant Benjamin, of Northampton. His mother was Thankful
Pomroy, of the family of Medad Pomroy, the first recorder of
Pocumtuck. One of his sisters, Hannah Lyman, was the wife of
his comrade, Captain Nathaniel Dwight The Lymans,
Dwights, Pomroys, and Sheldons of the Connecticut valley are
mixed up in almost innumerable marriages. I will notice only
the issue of Captain William.
Captain Dwight says in his journal that at the end of the
campaign the Massachusetts forces marched home under Major-
Gen. Phineas Lyman, — a second cousin of Captain William, — i
and that they left Fort William Henry Nov. 27, and reached
Deerfield Dec. 8, at noon. So this march from the head of
Lake George to Deerfield was made in six and a half days ; the
half day was from Taylor's fort in Charlemont. Dwight says
of one day : " It was the worst of all traviling." The next
day he says : ** We came Down to Saritogo Eiver Striped and
876 Atmual JUeeUng— 1908.
waded throagh in Ice and Water." Nine miles more and they
were in the midst of a winter rain. Dec. 1 was a ^' cold Sower
Snowblast Day/' '^ anker Ice in the river and Brooks, " and
more of the like. But what recked these hardy men for cold,
or ice, or snow 1 They were homeward bonnd. We find no
delay at Deerfield, and so Captain Lyman would be at home
the same night, and his steps would grow lighter at the end of
each of the sixteen miles. We must imagine how welcome he
was to the eyes of Jemima, who within the week gave birth
to William, their first boy.
Captain William Lyman and Jemima Sheldon raised a notable
family. Their first son became prominent in both the military
and the civil life of the country. He was a general in the
United States army and was a member of Congress. He was
also in the United States diplomatic service in England.
He died in London about 1810, and was buried in Gloucester
Cathedral
Cornelius, the second son, ranked high among his f ellovTs and
was a captain in the Continental line, or the United States army,
or both.
Samuel, another son, also bore the title of captain, but in
what service I cannot say. He married Mary, the only child
of General Joseph Warren, of Bunker Hill renown and lament
Captain Samuel Lyman was living in Greenfield at the time of
his death, but his grave is in Northampton. His widow mar-
ried Judge Bichard £. Newcomb, a predecessor of Judge
Thompson. Their only child was Joseph Warren Newcomb,
who married Sarah Wells Alvord, of Greenfield. Their only
son bore the name of his father. A few years ago the news-
papers were telling the romantic story of his marriage to a
great-granddaughter of General Israel Putnam, the commander
at Bunker HUL
As all roads lead to Bome, so, as you know, all roads that I
travel, like this among the Lymans and the D wights are very
apt to lead to our Memorial HalL It will therefore be no sur*
prise to hear that among our treasures are several pieces of In-
dia china that were a part of the household goods of Captain
Samuel and Mary Warren Lyman. And I may here note that
from our collection can be grouped, in pleasant association
with the above china, a carving knife and fork which belonged
to Captain Seth Lyman of Bevolutionary fame, and a punch
D\mgh£% Journal wad lU Leadings. 877
bowl from the family of Caleb Lyman, out of the oapacious
depth of which many a Eevolutionary veteran has been re-
freshed. Seth and Caleb were both cousins of Captain SamneL
November 3, 1774, in the times when men were tried as in a
famaoe, a Fast was ordered by the Massachusetts ^^Committee of
safety.'' Parson Ashley, of Deerfield, would have none of it,
and another Joseph Lyman, a true Whig, appeared in the meet-
inghouse on the old Common and conducted the service of that
day. Six years later he was again in Deerfield; he was then
concerned in the council called to dismiss Parson Ashley, in
May, 1780. Ashley died before the matter came to a conclusion,
and Parson John Taylor was installed in his place.
Deerfield Academy had been organized, a building erected,
and January 1, 1799, it was dedicated; the same Joseph Lyman
preached the dedication sermon and the academy was formally
opened. And here we are again at home. The preacher was
one of the trustees, and later Benjamin Lyman was made precep-
tor.
In 1806 Parson Taylor asked a dismissal on account of fail-
ing health, and Dr. Lyman was called to take part in the ofBicial
action for dissolving his connection with the church. Once
more, when Samuel Willard was called to fill the vacant pulpit,
Dr. Lyman was one of the council for ordination.
Other Lymans also have their names connected with Deerfield.
When Cheapside was the head of river navigation for this
region, and John Williams, son of Major Elijah the commissary^
with David Saxton, General Epaphras Hoyt, Captain Elisha
Mack, Captain Jonas Locke, and other Deerfield men, were
struggling to increase the traffic on the Connecticut by dams
and canals, Elias Lyman and his brother, Justice Lyman of the
Northampton tribe, just in the nick of time, were active in send-
ing fall boats to trade at Cheapside, the Deerfield port of entry,
exchanging foreign goods for the productions of our farms and
shops, one of the latter being that of Augustus Lyman, the
blacksmith, on the Dr. Porter lot.
On our beautiful and historic Common stands an impressive
pile. It is elegant in design, artistic in execution, fitting for its
purpose. It is eloquent in its teaching — a memorial for service
and sacrifice erected by a grateful people. Upon its sides are
emblazoned, as upon their country's shield, the names of those
from Deerfield who fell in the late Civil War.
378 Annual MeeHng— 1903.
Standing where Oaptain Lyman stood when calling the roD
of his sturdy men in line, awaiting the order to march for the
defense of threatened New England, September 26, 1755, one
might read the names and call the roll of those sons of Deerfield
who died that the Union might live, one and indivisible.
Among the unheard voices responding to the call would be
that of young Henry Lyman.
The grave of Oaptain William Lyman is at Northampton.
On the gray slab at its head one may read : —
The wife and the Just, the pious and the braTe»
Lire in their death, and flourieh in the grave.
FIELD MEETING— 1903.
FIELD MEETING
OF THB
FOOUMTUCK VALLEY MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION,
WITHIN THX OLD fiTTOOKADB AT DBBBFIBLD, WSDNXSDAY, JULY 29,
1903, 9.80 A. M.
Servioes in oommemoration of the Bi-Centennial of the Mas-
sacre at Deerfield by the French and Indians, Febroary 29th,
1703-4.
DEDICATION OF HBMOBIAL 8TONB8.
President of the Day, Hon. Obobob Shbldon.
Assistant, Judob F&anois M. Thompson.
Chief Marshal, Euobnb A. Nbwcomb.
Assistant Marshal, William P. Saxton.
Chairman Entertainment Committee, John H. Stbbbinb.
Obdbb of Exbboisbs.
1. Mnsio.
2. Ebynotb of THB Dat. Hon. Gtoorge Sheldon
3. Invocation. Bev. Bichard E. Birks
4. Addbbss of Wbloomx. Hon. Herbert C. Parsons
5. Singing under the direction of Charles H. Ashley.
6. Historical Addbbss — The Colonial Conquest. Dr. Edwin A*
Grosvenor.
879
880 Fidd Meeting— 190S.
7. Dedioatioh of Memorials. Lyman Whiting, D. D.
Tablets in Memorial Hall ;
to Zbohariah Fibld, by Marshall Field of Chicago
to Nathaniel Sutoliffe, by B. H. Sutliflfe of Conn.
to Godfrey Nims, by Franklin A. Nims of Colo.
to Sampson Feaey, by Levi P. Morton of New Tort
Bowlder at the Bars
to Samuel Allen, by his descendants.
8. CoBNET Solo. Maj. Frank Hntchins
Intermission.
Basket Picnic. Coffee provided for alL
9. The Deerfield members of the Grand Army will lead the
march to the Old Burying Ground, where, at the grave
of The Dead of 1704, there will be music and an address
by Miss C. Alice Baker.
Betum to the stockade and assemble at the roll of the
drum.
10. Addresses by Hon. Alfred S. Koe of Worcester.
John B. White, Pres. Ohio Historical Society.
Arthur Lord, Pres. Pilgrim Society of Plymouth.
11. Music.
12. Addresses by Gen. Francis H. Appleton, Boston, Yice-
Pres. Essex Institute.
Dr. Henry D. Holton, Brattleboro, Yt.
Dr. Edward Hitchcock, Dean of Amherst College.
Prof. Francis B. Denio, Bangor, Me.
Frederick G. Bauer, Old South Historical Society.
Hon. Kittredge Haskins, M. C, Brattleboro, Yt
Dr. Frederic Corss, Kingston, Pa.
B. H. Sutliffe, Plymouth, Conn., and members of the As-
sociation.
The Martha Pratt Memorial Building will be open for the use
of visitors.
Committbe of Asrangements :
Mb. and Mbs. George Sheldon, Mbs. Madeline Y. Wynne,
Mb. John J. Gbeenouoh, Mb. John Sheldon, Mb. William
L. Habbis.
Mdd Meeting— 190S. 381
REPORT.
To^ay, Deerfield has had a worthy exposition of its history
and its hospitality, each of the typical New England sort The
historic event celebrated was one of the few which in the
long range are sure of permanence in the common mind, for
the Deerfield massacre will never be forgotten so long as the
story of the New England frontier has interest. To-day's hos-
pitality was a part of the observance of Old Home Week, and
no town has better claim upon widely scattered sons and
daughters.
The celebration may be said to have begnn with the first
hours of the week, as the Sunday services in the old church,
with its much older weather cock and its still more ancient
traditions, took on a special character. To-day the Pocumtuck
Yalley Memorial Association in its annual field day commemo-
rating the sacking of the town in 1703-4, brought an array of
speakers of even unusual number and quality.
The center of the site of the old stockade was the scene of
the principal exercises, with an interesting departure from it to
the old burying ground, where the mound that marks the
graves of the victims of the massacre was the center of impres-
sive services. There might have been other pilgrimages to
Memorial Hall, for the dedication of the tablets recently placed
there, and to the Bars to see the bowlder just now taken there
and inscribed to the memory of Samuel Allen by his descend-
ants, but the dedicatory journey was taken only in imagina-
tion, the service of blessing the stones being made a part of the
exercises on the common with Dr. Lyman Whiting very fit-
tingly filling the place of dedicator.
The sound of the fife and drum called the people together
around the speakers' stand which had been erected on the com-
mon. Here near a fiag raised for the day was a placard an-
nouncing that it stood at about the center of the palisaded fort
of 1703-4 and that the inclosure was about 60 rods north and
south and 40 rods wide. With this to guide them and the
speaking of the day to portray the conditions and events of the
day commemorated, the people were both physically and in
spirit at the very heart of Deerfield's most tragic event.
382 Meld
The ^^ keynote of the day " was straok by George Sheldon,
who proveB that he has no small measore left to sapport him
in carrying out the designs his mind is still fertile in, by mak-
ing the arrangements for the day in detail, and then presiding
over a considerable part of the exercises. Mr. Sheldon did not
venture far into the history of the day but with the mastery of
it which he above all others possesses gave it its proper setting in
the wide sweep of the period's events.
Mr. Sheldon continued to preside throughout the morning,
turning the task over to Judge F. M. Thompson for the Httm-
noon. After his ^^ keynote " he called upon Bev. R K Birks,
the present minister of the old church, to make the invoca-
tion. It was a prayer for the continued interest of the
people in the days and deeds of the fathers and the blessing of
Ood on the town whose beginnings were so costly and so
fateful.
The formal address of welcome was given by H. 0. Parsons
of Oreenfield, one of the councilors of the Association. He con-
trasted the conditions in Deerfield on the most tragic night in
New England history and at the present time, and assured a
hearty welcome to all who had come through the open gates
of the palisades to-day. He sketched the Association's work
and paid a tribute to Mr. Sheldon.
Following this a choir under the direction of Charles H.
Ashley sang with spirit, Longfellow's ^' Ship of State."
The address by Prof. Edwin A. Orosvenor of Amherst, the
principal one of the day, was a stirring speech on the Colonial
Conquest, a subject which he treated with strength and elo-
quence.
Then followed the dedication of the new memorials. Dr.
Whiting speaking eloquently of their teaching. They included
four tablets in MemorLekl Hall, one presented by Ez-Yioe Presi-
dent Morton in memory of his ancestor, Samson Frary; one
from Marshall Field of Chicago, to Zechariah Field; one to
Nathaniel Sutcliffe, by B. H. Sutliffe (as now spelled) of Con-
necticut, and one to Gk)dfrey Kims, by Franklin A. Nims of
Colorado. A bowlder at the Bars, erected to honor Samuel
Allen was included in the dedication. The audience was made
up in very large part by visitors from the towns up and down
the valley.
The comet playing by Major Frank Hutchins was a feature
JPiOd MeeHng—190S. 888
of the morning. He played patriotic airs from an upper win-
dow of the academy building, at the back of the common and
they were very effective and romidly cheered.
After loncheon, served under the trees, the line of march was
formed to the old burying ground, where there was music and
brief exercises. Miss C. Alice Baker's paper was a r6sum6 of
the lives of some of the eariy planters, buried there, the his-
toric events that led to the sacking of Deerfield, and of the
persons killed or captured February 29, 1703-4. She described
in her graphic style the old Street and its inhabitants and the
massacre and succeeding days. In closing she made a stirring
plea for peace, in town and church and state.
Thb Aftbbnoon'b Spbakino.
The rain which began soon after noon turned the audience
into a congregation — ^from the open air to the pews of the old
brick meetinghouse. Here Judge F. M. Thompson presided
and called from an unusually rich list of speakers ; among these
was Hon. Alfred S. Eoe of Worcester.
Arthur Lord, president of the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth,
gave a deeply impressive address. He pictured the scene in the
" common house " at Plymouth when Governor Carver and
Massasoit met there for treaty-making and noted that from
that time until King Philip's War, 54 years later, the English
did not possess a foot of land in the colony that was not fairly
obtained. Mr. Lord linked the Plymouth days with the early
days of Deerfield.
Bev. Francis B. Denio of the Bangor Theological Seminary,
and a descendant of Aaron Denio of Oreenfield, then spoke. He
asked permission to speak for the many descendants of Deerfield,
who had never seen the place or its people, and whose knowl-
edge of it is confined to second-hand information. He was
proud of his ancestry, and he brought a message of gratitude
jbo the historical workers of Deerfield for their preservation of
all this mass of historic information, which enabled many de-
scendants like himself to learn their own &mily traditions. He
was thankful for the work that had kept bright and glowing
the memory of the early heroism and tragedy.
Judge Thompson then introduced General Francis Appleton
of the State Board of Agriculture as a representative of the
^^ Flower of Essex " and a descendant of the Capt Samuel Apple-
884 Fidd MeetixLg—\WiZ.
ton who came up to the Deerfield valley as a oommander of the
pioneer forces. Gten. Appleton spoke of the rnral surroundings
of historic places and paid an eloquent tribute to President
Sheldon. He brought the greeting of the old Essex Institute,
which is engaged in much the same w<H*k as the P. Y. M. A.
Dr. H. D. Holton of Brattleboro, who has been a frequent
attendant at the field meetings, was called upon to speak for
Yermont. He spoke of his home town as the base of opera-
tions of the French and Indians against Deerfield. The prin-
ciples of our fathers sometimes leave an impression of bigotry,
but in reality their lives were founded on llie teachings of the
great Master. Children were brought up to obey God and
their parents, to be useful and to perform the duties of life. He
referred to the Smith charities as a fine example of the Puritan
spirit manifested by a descendant of the Puritans. He thought
modem life has so many distractions as to interfere with true
home life. There is too much reading of newspapers, too little
time for instruction of the children. He spoke of the boy
who said that when he was bom his mother had gone to the
club, and there was no one at home but grandmother.
Dr. Edward Hitchcock made a characteristic address in which
he proved himself a loyal grandson of Deerfield, and a true son
of his father, Edward Hitchcock, the eminent scientist and Presi-
dent of Amherst college.
B H. Sutlifle, who gave one of the memorial tablets, was
on the platform, but declined to speak.
Frederick G. Bauer of the Old South Historical Society paid
a tribute to the Puritans. He disliked the patronizing tone com-
mon to-day of those who say that the Puritans must be judged
in the light of their own times, and he declared that the Puri-
tans need no apology and will stand high judged by the stand-
ards of any time. The notion that they ill-treated the Indians
had been shown to be so thoroughly false by the speakers of
the morning, that he need not refer to it. It is also charged
that the Puritans were intolerant. One has said that the schis-
matics whom they expelled sought the overthrow of the colony
and were only expelled because they had been guilty of seditious
utterances. Mr. Bauer urged the study of history, not merely
because it is a pleasant and instmctive avocation, but because
history is the chart and compass of life and enables us to
breathe in the spirit of the pioneers. He eulogized the Puri-
Keynote of the Day. 385
tans of Cromwell's time, showing that a large part of the prog-
ress in English political life for the past 200 years had been
merely the realizing in permanent constitutional form the prin-
ciples laid down by Cromwell and his followers.
Col. Kittredge Haskins of Brattleboro spoke of the changes
since he had passed through Old Deerfield Street, and expressed
his pleasure in visiting the old historic spots. He then spoke
of the spirit of enterprise and discovery that had been charac
teristic of the Anglo-Saxon race. Had they been content to
stay in Deerfield there would have never been the nation of
to^y. But they pushed on conquering the West, spreading to
the Pacific, acquiring Hawaii, freeing Cuba from Spain's yoke,
and lastly spreading to the Philippines, where they would give
the people a freer government than they had ever known before.
Dr. Frederic Corss of Kingston, Pa., then spoke briefly. A
telegram was read from Franklin Asa Nims of Greeley, Colo.
Among the many visitors to Deerfield, special mention may
be made of Mrs. Taft, mother of Judge Taf t, the president of
the Philippines Commission. Her home is now in Millbury and
she accompanied Mrs. Grosvenor, her cousin, to Deerfield for
the day. Bev. Thomas A. Emerson of the Wakefield Histori-
cal society. Miss Ellen Chase of Brookline, one of the Founders
of the association known as the Trustees of Public Besarva-
tions of Massachusetts, Mrs. Kittredge Haskins of Brattleboro
and Mrs. Gk)odrich of Korth Adams of the Fort Massachusetts
Historical Society.
J. H. Burdaldn of the Dedham Historical Society and
Sheriff Capen of Norfolk county were companion visitors.
ADDRESS OF GEORGE SHELDON.
Ladiee and gentlemen^ friends a/iid ei/rangere^ fellow memhera
of the Pocumtuch VaUey Memorial Association : — We meet
this day in the valley from which we take our name, and upon
the very rood where occurred, two centuries ago, the tragic
event upon which was founded our Memorial Association. Just
ono-third of a century ago we adopted measures to give this
Association a habitation and a name. Our declared object was
the keeping in remembrance the lives and the deeds of our fore-
fathers and our foremothers. The day fixed for our annual
25
886 Fidd Meeting— 190Z.
meeting was the anniversaiy of the most memorable event ever
enacted in the Pocumtuck valley, the fateful day of February 29,
1703--4 which has now become familiar to us all as Memc»rial
Day, and the bi-oentennial of which we now conmiemorate.
This is not a day for rejoicing, and, save for our heritage, we
do not rejoice. It is not a day for sadness. Time has softened
the horrors of that terrible day, and we are not sad.
We gather quietly in the shade of these beautiful trees, know-
ing that their roots penetrate the blood-soaked soil, and try to
recall dimly the shocking scenes of 200 years ago, contrasting
then and now, while we draw lessons for our own guidance.
The founders of Pocumtuck were of the second and third
generation from the Puritan. Spreading westward over the
vast extent of virgin soil and interminable forest it was inevit^
able that their minds should expand. They were less austere
than the emigrants. They were an honest yeomanry who came
to this fertile valley to better their estate and to found a church
in the wilderness. Ko glamour of romance shines about their
coming. They claimed to wear no crown of martyrdom. They
were 6od-f earing men, filled with a faith and a trust that never
&iled them. When the hour of trial came, their manliness was
put to the test and was not found wanting.
We honor our ancestors for their bravery and steadfastness ;
we sympathize with them in their sufferings, and are grateful to
them for the results — which are ours. They filled that measure
which the world of to-day demands as the price of its homage
— ^they were successful.
We meet here to-day in vain if we are not stronger for their
strength, and more faithful, persevering, industrious and eco-
nomical for their example.
Say that the Pilgrim and Puritan were bigots, bound in
chains of superstition, seeking expansion for themselves only,
and intolerant of others. This cannot be denied. But speak-
ing broadly in the perspective of the centuries, this otber fact
remains : we see in them a people sifted out from the deeper
darkness and despotism which they left behind them in Old
England : we see them as the pioneers and the vanguard of
civil and religious freedom for the nations.
It is no less trite than true to say they planted better than
they knew ; that for them the harvest never ripened. It is
eqtially true that :
Address of Welcome. 887
But for the woes and tolls our fathers bore
In the stem, sad centuries gone before,
not for us would the tree of liberty be growing broadcast in the
land, not for us would the clouds of superstition have become
so thin, not for us the horizon be so bright with the promise of
free speech and untrammeled thought.
I welcome you all to this historic spot, but the formal wel-
come of the hour will be given by another.
ADDRESS OF WELCOME.
BY HON. HEHBBRT 0. PABSONS OF OBBBNFIBLD.
Human fancy can picture no more unwelcome visitor than he
whose tomahawk beat upon the stout door of the Sheldon house
on the night of February 29, 1703-4. It would be daring, in
even this hospitable moment, to say that the guest who passes
through the open gate of the palisades we rebuild in memory
to-day, were welcome in the same measure that the savage in-
truder was abhorrent.
But this is a day of tremendous contrasts. Against the darkest
background the history of New England frontier can furnish
we assemble to-day, a group of people whose faces tell the story
of content and joy in the blessed conditions of our modem life.
The choice of this fair midsummer day for the study and com-
memoration of the occurrences of the night when the severities
of deep winter were to add to the torture of its hateful business
itself deepens the lines of contrast. To another and master hand
is left the task of drawing the picture of that hideous night and
placing against it the calm, the peace, the security and the hap-
piness of this bright day. But let me use the sombre back-
ground for the cordial greeting to Deerfield.
For more than thirty years the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial
Association has been going about its annual visits to the towns
of the old frontier and receiving the salutations of the people.
Its procedure has kept singularly close to the programme of its
first open-air meeting, but there is one change which has a clear
significance. For years the form was adhered to of impressing
into the act of extending a welcome some resident of the neigh-
borhood visited. To his always cordial words, a chosen official
888 Udd Meeting— 190i.
of the society would respond. It was always a cheering and
edifying spectacle.
But now the Association has been so many times assured of
its w^comeness that it takes it for granted and commits to one
speaker both the extending of the cordial hand and the return-
ing grasp of gratefulness. The dialogue has become a soliloquy.
In one voice is spoken the ^^Come in, we are glad to see you "
of the old Kew England style of greeting and the ^^ Thank you,
we will ; how kind and how good you are.'' It is the Associa-
tion taking itself by the hand or, not waiting for the flattering
word of approval it has learned to expect, patting itself on the
back as altogether the worthiest guest to pull the municipal
latchstring.
Ko one will arise, I am sure, to deny that this self -pride
is warranted. The Association has come to be regarded as the
conservator of the history and traditions of this fruitful portion
of New England. In the first year of its being it went to the
field where Capt. Turner gave the Indians their historic sur-
prise. Presently it raised its first memorial on a spot closely
associated with the event we recall to-day, the scene of the
death of Eunice Williams. It nobly celebrated the valor of
Capt. Lothrop and his men and their fall at Bloody Brook. It
helped Northfield to celebrate fittingly her two hundredth birth-
day. And so, in annual pilgrimages, it has visited one after an-
other the scenes of memorable frontier events. It has touched
the soil of the earlier towns and left its impress — perhaps in
memorials of stone, always in a revival of interest in their his-
tory, and, best of all, in the permanent form of the printed page
bearing liie researches of the students it has raised up. Shel-
bume and Charlemont, Montague, Sunderland, Erving, Bernards-
ton, Ashfield, Gill, Leverett, Whately and Oolerain have felt its
awakening presence. It has ventured once over the border into
Vermont to help define the bounds of Fort Dummer, and it has
gone down into Hampshire to link the history of Hatfield with
that of the towns in younger Franklin. Its path is marked
by the memorial stones it has raised. It has inspired the his-
toric pen and noble histories of the towns that have come forth
to testify to its work.
And now it returns to Old Deerfield. This is its home. Here
is its treasure house. Here it gathers by the hearthstone of the
man who was its founder, has been its strong inspiring, oft-
Addre$B of Weloome. 889
times oorreotiiig bat always leading and enoonraging guide. It
has a right to welcome itself and its gaests here, if anywhere.
If the Association owes a debt to Mr. Sheldon — ^the debt for its
very existence — ^it owes a greater one as trustee for the people,
to whom he has given priceless work.
Looking back to the beginnings of the Association's life we find
that of the men who constituted its numerous first corps of offi-
cers, but two survive, — ^Mr. Sheldon and James M. Crafts. Mr.
Sheldon, we insist, is not older now than then. The proof !
Let it be found in the fact that this celebration to-day is his
work. He planned it, he framed its programme, he carried on
the correspondence which has brought here such an array of
gifted men laden with gems which they shall presently display
for your delight, as perhaps, never before gathered at his call,
and he is here presiding, directing and inspiring.
When the worthy president reaches his one hundredth birth-
day and proves by his alertness and soundness that he belongs
to that minority of this earth's being which Dr. Holmes de-
scribed as
Little we have and value here
Wakes on the mom of its hundredth year
Without looking and feeling queer, —
when Mr. Sheldon reaches that point, and concludes that the
remainder of his Uf e must be free from the burden of making
plans for field days for himself to execute, I can imagine that
the presidency of the P. V. M. A. will be so generally recog-
nized as the assurance of longevity that there will be nothing
less than a stupendous struggle for the distinction — and the ad-
vantage— of being his successor. The campaign is not now
open — we have our ever young president for years of service
yet.
The Association has wrought richly. It has wrought perma-
nently. It has illumined the fading pages of the past and re-
written them with truth. It has taught the youth of the pres-
ent a lesson of humility and gratitude. It has put a new value
on citizenship in these towns of painful birth. It has held up
the sturdy manhood of the early days as both a lesson and an
inspiration. And it is impossible that it shall not have taught
a sounder patriotism.
Visitors to Old Deerfield, from near and far, you are heartily
390 FiOd Meeting— 19QZ.
weloome here to-day, to this historic ground, to the aocamih
lated stores of the Association's work, to the evidences of Deer-
field's new birth of industry and enterprise. For you, [taming
now to Mr. Sheldon] yon will grant me the privilege of extend-
ing our congratulations upon your achievements and your per-
manent youth.
ADDEE8S OF DE. EDWIN A. GROSVENOR OF
AMHERST.
The Old Home Week is the most precious period in the life of
a historic town. In the decking of a Thanksgiving board the
brightest ornaments are the faces of children and children's
children. The mother counts no flowers fairer than her chil-
dren's forms ; she knows no music sweeter than their voices.
Those whose daily life is cast in other scenes, and those who
still abide beneath the &mily roof-tree, are alike dear and weir
come in her sight.
From widely sundered fields of thought and action, the sons
and daughters of Deerfield gather here to-day at their mother's
call. Many of them bear the old names, f aniiliar in the records
of the town and of New England. In the veins of all of them
courses blood, transmitted from pioneers and builders of the
state and nation. Nor do they come as merely passive heirs of
a proud inheritance. The old, homebred virtues of industry,
of honesty, of integrity, were well taught here, have been since
transmitted, and are still maintained. In philanthropy, in art,
in poetry, in belles lettres, in romance, in the noblest spheres of
human culture and activity, in the home life and the life outside
the home, the children of Deerfield are doing their work as
faithfully and as well as their grandfathers and grandmothers
performed theirs in the battle and the siege. Fidelity of service
on the part of descendants is the grandest and most eloquent
monument to the character and influence of progenitors.
Deerfield, moreover, has given birth to towns. Greenfield,
celebrating a few weeks since its hundred and fifty years of
prosperous maturity, is her child. So too are Conway and Shel-
bume. Deerfield, Greenfield, Conway and Sbelburne, animated
by the same initial spirit and united in the tradition of many
ties, are partakers in a common renown. Still at the center of
Address of Edwin A. Chosvenor. 891
the four, Deerfield sits as queen. On the soil she still retains,
she was working out her immortality during the eighty-four
years before any of her township offspring were bom.
It is not my purpose to extol or even to name the living. Or-
dinary words of praise, however well deserved, for the men and
women on whose faces we are gazing, would be inappropriate
on this occasion. Yet there is one, without whose presence—
though all the rest of us were here — ^this memorial celebration
would be incomplete. Upon the Honorable George Sheldon
this company looks with admiring gratitude and reverent affec-
tion. As long as the name of Deerfield lasts, so long will his
fame and the memory of his services endure. By book and pen,
preserver and custodian of the past ; author of a monumental
history ; himself adding new lustre to his illustrious ancestral
line; venerable in learning, vigorous in intellect, warm and
youthful in heart ; we hail him as patriot and sage, as the
teacher and inspirer of us alL
We commemorate to-day the most tragic event in the history
of Kew England. Yet for one hundred and fifty years that
history was one continuous tragedy. It differed from and sur-
passed any tragedy ever presented upon the stage.
The tn^gedy of New England began before 1620. It went
on until 1760. It ceased only when the last Indian within its
borders had been rendered powerless for harm, and when the
last Canadian foe had been subdued. It was limited to no sin-
gle hamlet or river or shore. Let some one of the schoolgirls
or schoolboys hang up here before us a large map of New Eng-
land. At each point, wherever in the early days there was
famine or outrage or distress, wherever there was midnight as-
sault or massacre, wherever smoke arose from burning homes
or moaning of captured survivors was heard over butchered
dead, wherever in forest or harvest field, at spring or hearth-
stone, man, woman or child was stricken down remorseless —
let him mark a star. Beginning from the east and proceeding
westward, those marks will crowd upon one another, grow co-
terminous, and the map itself become one eloquent, appealing
blur. Let those marks be made in red. The lakes and the
ponds will be crimsoned. The Penobscot, the Kennebec, the
Merrimac, the Nashua, the Quaboag, the Westfield, the Deer-
field rivers, all of them will seem like larger Bloody Brooks,
carrying ensanguined waters toward the sea.
398 Fidd Meetimg—VWl.
Our bmti giov eoid:
We tigjid^ hold
Ths ri^itB wliieli bn^e moi cfiod to
The Aze, the evonl.
The eteke, the eavd,
Qrim mueee a4 the birth of pern.
We flit here t<Hlay in elegant ease. The rustle of benigmiift
trees^ the note of gladsome birds, the whir of the electiic car
— ^its rush procdaiming that the most titanic of Natore's f ovoeB
has been harnessed for oar coQTenience and comfort — alone
disturb the stillness. No danger Inrics in the woods or threat-
ens from the hills. Onr streams ^de crystal and clear. Xo
fOTeign enemy desires to make the trial of oor ma jestic strength.
O^er OS stretches the shield of equal and universal law. In
a bounteous land, which the children of the East call ^ God^
country,^ we dwell serena
The overflowing price of it all was paid in that tragedy
of one hundred and forty years. The Bevolutionary War bat
affixed the seal to what was already won. The myths and
legends, wrapped around the founding of other states — Athens,
Carthage, Bome — ^fade to insignificance in comparison. The
wide earth over, there has been no fairy tale of any political
birth since time began, to rival the authentic record of the
birth of New England.
The story of Deerfield is at once typical and unique. Typi-
cal, in that it represents every politick phase in the planting
and establishment of an early New England town. Typical,
in that its founders endured every experience of self-sacri-
fice, hardship, suffering, agony, that hallows the memory of
onr colonial settlements and makes their names holy. Typical,
in that those founders, living or dying, were faithful and tri-
umphant, alike in life or death, and have built the principles
for which they lived and died into the permanent fabric of our
national estate. Typical, in that we may turn to old, heroic
Deerfield and ask and receive an answer as to why the Ameri-
can people are strong and Ood-fearing to-day.
But, while typical, the story is no less unique.
Unique, because the tale of that one town, which was thrust
farthest into the unknown, wild territory of the northwest and
which was more exposed than any other in Massachusetts in
the warpath of the Indian and the Frenchman. Unique, in
Address of £dwin A. Gfrosvenor. 393
that during more than fifty years it was the often desolated,
the sometimes destroyed, and yet the always resurrected, the
always enduring bulwark of the Commonwealth. Unique, in
the intensity and long continuance of its people's suffering and
of their dauntless endurance. Unique, in the quenchless reso-
lution of the survivors, that, however their numbers shrank and
however the death-roll lengthened, they, the living, would not
desert the spot which their fellow-colonists and God had trusted
them to guard.
The history of Massachusetts has always been packed full of
heroisms. All over her tormented soil.
Great deeds and feelings find a home,
That put in shadow ail the golden lore
Of classic Greece and Rome.
The Old Home Week in Deerfield in 1901, whoever was pres-
ent never can forget. Nature conspired with man to render
the scene both memorable and beautiful. One might roam over
the world in vain for a spectacle more entrancing than the
spacious street, over which the giant elms bent their outstretched
arms in blessing. At the formal exercises there were glowing
utterances from orators and poets but the spirit of the occasion
in its unspoken eloquence transcended words.
In the funeral hymn of a dead American president, a Oala-
had in virtue and a Launcelot in valor, who never fought save
in a righteous cause, occurs the line. ^^ Let him pass with his
sword to the presence of God." And so from the lonely grave
at Bloody Brook and from the swelling mound in the graveyard,
but a few rods away, their long-rusted weapons in their still
clutching fingers, may our colonist soldiers who fought the
savage pass to the presence of God. For nowhere on the
earth's surface did men ever strive harder to act justly and to
do right than, during the first 100 years of Massachusetts his-
tory, did the colonists of Massachusetts by the Indian.
Their scrupulous, even excessive care, to treat the savage as a
man, to avoid an infringement upon his rights, or a shock to
his prejudices, or a wound to his pride, often provokes a smile
as one reads the early colonial records.
Beligious fervor spurred the Puritans on. Apostles no less
than pioneers, they deemed it their mission to Christianize the
native tribes. Even where they could not convert they sought
394 FiOd Meeting— 1903.
to foroe the oatward life of the Indian into conformity with
their own rigid code of morals and Ufa In the mind of the
nnregenerate savage, each proselyte to Christianity was a
traitor to his people. Often, when about to sign a treaty, he
begged for the insertion of a promise that all further effort at
his conversion should be renounced. The iron conscience of the
time could answer only with a relentless ^^ No". Statecraft would
have prompted a different reply. Having regard solely to their
own temporal advantage and perhaps to the temporal advantage
of the savage, it would have been better for the colonists had
they left the primitive forest faith unassailed.
However honestly and kindly treated, in the savage breast
there was certain to rankle suspicion of the stranger and jeal-
ousy at bis growing strength. Distrust and aversion might
smoulder for a time. At last they were sure to burst into those
consuming flames, which we call Indian wars. Perfect justice,
forbearance, long endurance on the part of the colonist^ could
not have prevented or even have delayed the explosion.
And after all, the colonists were but men, highminded yet
human.
One cannot too strongly emphasize the fact that the early
colonists respected the territorial claims of the Indian, dealt
justly with him, and sought what they believed his good.
We must always lament that self-preservation forced the
earlier colonists into treaties, not merely of peace but of alli-
ance, offensive and defensive, with certain native tribes.
Little less repulsive was the Indian as an ally than as an
enemy. Fellowship with him in fight must have seemed as
odious then as it now seems to us. Indian warfare meant all
that is cowardly and treacherous and merciless. It mattered
not whether the scalps, his proudest badges of honor, were torn
from the head of the babe or the maiden or from a festering
corpse or from a still resisting warrior. A scalp from whatever
source was equally token of Indian nature and trophy of
Indian prowess. In the darkness, with the creep of a panther
rather than the step of a man, he stole to the attack. In vic-
tory he submitted to no restraint. No bounds could be set to
his inhuman ferocity.
Yet with such aid Captain Mason crushed the Pequods and
secured partial peace for a generation. With such aid Edward
Winslow and l^jor Appleton and Major Treat broke the might
Address of Edvsin A. Orosvenor. 396
of the Narragansetts and blotted the Indian as an independent
factor from the life of New England.
Necessity knows no law. Alliance with the Indian against
the Indian was at the start an absolute bat a most deplorable
necessity of the tuna Between snch alliance and extermina-
tion the choice lay. Oar fathers chose as in their places we
woald choose oarselves.
Bat the practice no less to be lamented becaase inevitable,
was afterward continued for the sake of mere advantage. In
subsequent wars in America the odious help of the savage was
sought and employed without reserve by the Europeans against
one another. This was done by all, by the English and French
colonists, by the English and Americans after 1776, by each
no more, no less, according as opportunity permitted.
At the beginning of the eighteenth century, between the 41st
and 50th parallels of north latitude, beside the Atlantic coast,
two political figures stood forth distinct. These were New
England and New France. They were the protagonists in the
combat, which was to decide whether English or French ideas
should dominate North America. Both had been set up by men
of high ideals and lofty purposes. Upon the fathers of Quebec
and Montreal rests a halo no less saintly than gilds the fathers
of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Lsuiguage, creed, outward
sign — minor distinctions— differed, but in each there was the
same sincerity and intensity of conviction and the same devotion
to duty.
Yet in the character of the two colonies the first 100 years
had already developed an essential difference. Favorites of the
mother country, in entire sympathy with its government and
national church, under their direct control, the initiative and
dependence of the French colonist was in the court at Ver-
sailles. Self-government he had never undertaken or desired.
The initiative of the English colonist was in himself. Upon
himself alone was his actual dependence. The real government,
that which concerned and touched him, was of his own mak-
ing.
In 1700 the accession of a Bourbon king to the throne of
Spain and the arrogant folly of Louis XIY convulsed the Old
World with war. The leading European states took part.
William III of England and Louis XIY of France headed the
respective sides. This conflict is known in Europe as the War
896 Field Mee^g—19QZ.
of the Spanish Suooession, aud in Amerioa aa the Old French
and Indian war. It lasted a dozen years. It drew into ito
Yortez New England and Kew France and hurled them against
each other.
We come now to February 28, 1704, 200 years ago. The
darkness gathering as the sun of that winter day goes down is
to shroud the most tragic event in the history of Kew England.
Yet the two-score and one houses, which make up the village
of Deerfield, are tranquil and stilL Ominous sounds, a few
days before, had been imagined in the night. A sort of tramp-
ling noise seemed heard, as if the stockade were beset by In-
dians. But the fancied omens may well be forgotten. The
stealthy foe has given no sign of possible approach. Montreal,
whence alone danger may be apprehended, is almost 300 miles
away and there are no hostile posts between.
Moreover, Deerfield, bulwark of the northwest, is strongly
fortified and easy of defense. The 26 houses outside the stock-
ade are fortresses no less than dwellings. The stockade itself
is well-nigh impregnable to any conceivable attack. The in-
habitants are veterans, versed in all manner of Indian warfare.
Meanwhile for weeks 200 French soldiers and 140 Indians
have been pushing their laborious march against every natural
obstacle toward the village.
On the watch at Deerfield, surely faithful in the ceaseless
vigil, hang all the issues of this night. Nearer and nearer creep
the sinuous forms, and yet no warning gun is fired, no warning
shout rings out. Over the drifted snow the palisade is scaled.
The sudden hideous yell startles the night Two hours before
morning breaks the foe has reached the center of the town.
No resistance could be more hopeless or more heroic than that
in which the suddenly wakened men and women engaged.
Everywhere there was the same determined stand but almost
nowhere else the same success. For three hours the savage
reaped his demoniac harvest of captives and scalps. Then the
victors turned to their triumphant homeward way. At sunset,
February 28, Deerfield sheltered 291 souls beneath her roof-
trees. When the next sun went down, 44 of that little com-
pany were lying slain, 111 being dragged in captivity to Can-
ada—19 of them to be butchered along the way — while only
136 remained to ransom the living and bewail and bury the
dead.
Address of DedicoiUon. 397
It has been my purpose to attempt only tbe bare outline of a
heartrending story. Nor have I sought to describe the pursuit
of the enemy by a handful of desperate survivors, nor to trace
the various after-fate of the captives, nor to set forth the gallant
efforts at their rescue.
The sack of Deerfield, with its attendant and subsequent
horrors, looms in lurid preeminence above all kindred events in
the life of Massachusetts. Here the utmost limit of human
capacity for suffering was reached. Imagination can conceive
no agony which was not endured here. Nowhere else in New
England in such acme of pain and anguish were so many human
beings involved.
It is that event, in accumulated tragedy without peer, which
we commemorate. No words of any living speaker can do
justice to the spirit of this occasion. What I have said is uttered
with a sense of diffidence and awe which I cannot express. One
may well hesitate attempting in the presence of children to touch
upon the crowning event in the life^3tory of their parents. Ton
are the living representatives, the lineal descendants of those
who died, or were led into captivity, or remained in bereave-
ment here. On your faces, in the strange heredity of human
nature, exist the lineaments of your distant sires.
Over this spot hover now and to all time will hover figures
we call departed. Feet in silence shod glide over this consecrated
soil. Unseen hands are stretched to us in blessing and welcome.
Invisible listeners in the viewless air catch the words we utter.
Tread lightly ; speak softly. Our feet are pressing ground that
quivers still. In the heart of the old stockade we are in the very
presence of the living dead.
ADDRESS OF DEDICATION.
BY BBV. DB. LTHAK WHrTINO OF BAST OHARLEMTOHT.
Mr. President^ Members of the Poaamtuck Valley Memorial
Association, and Friends: — We to-day assemble to trace a
few sentences of our tragic history in a form unused be-
fore in our varied memorials. Back from first historic times,
memorial tablets have had a place. They are a simple, brief
lettering upon disks or plates of clay, of stone or metal, mov
able or fastened upon walls, for keeping in the knowledge of
398 FiM MeeUnff— 1908.
men those who have done something worth remembering, or
of precepts or events which deserve record. The two tables
given upon Mt. Sinai are an early example. To the prophet
Habakkuky 600 b. o., Jehovah directs — ^^ Write the vision and
make it plain upon tablets that he may run that readeth
it." They are thus keepsake epitomes of lives and of deeds,
which are the initials of human history. When aflBb^ed to a
building, as are these, they are termed ^^ mural tablets?^
Three special forms of service may be found in them : First,
they give to living generations a reality of the persons and events
named upon them. The hazy, empty spaces between the living
and the long departed become peopled with fellow beings in
the realities of life, through them. And not this alone. They
transmit something of the life forces they tell of, into the souk of
those who preserve and peruse them. The poet's line, " They
in example live," is verified through them.
Second, they thus enlarge and enrich the lives of those who cher-
ish them by recalling the virtues and worth of those they keep in
mind. Our lives are fuller and stronger when the story of those
gone before us comes into our conversation, and we recount the
benefits their lives and deeds have won for us. The traditions
and history they have left us are a schooling for us in the annals
and records of our homes and customs which it is a disgrace not
to know. These four Tablets and yon stones in the town are
so many primers, or school books, if you choose, out of which
the rudiments of our valley history are to be learned. Boys
and girls through years to come will take from them names and
dates, and go to search behind them for the fuller and contem-
porary history to which they point and which make up the
thrilling chronicles of these valley towns.
Upon the four TcMets and yon Bowlder^ to-day dedicated, are
the names of above a score of men, women and locations, and
of year dates a like number, and let us remember, each one of
these is in itself historic and will ever guide in any search for
lines of kindred and for homes of early settlers. And how know
we but some gifted soul may have birth here, who shall frame
a Deerfield lUad, which will match the marvelous thesaurus
of the times and lives in our iN'estor's town history I
Third, these memorial erections affirm a lasting merit to
those who bestow them and to those giving them honorable
place in the Memorial HaU. These donors prove by their gifts
Address of Dedication, 399
a true descent from their worthy anoestry, which in torn ap-
proves them worthy of the esteem of a grateful posterity. They
do a service to those now living, as before shown, and to those
who come after us, by keepmg in memory the men and women
whose courage, virtues and sacrifices are united in a priceless in-
heritance to us and to those who may follow in the possession.
The occasion neither caUs nor permits me to recite one by one
the heroic names and deeds traced upon these stones. That
would be a task for hours, while we have only minutes. Other
observances and other eulogists will in future time make the
fitting tributes.
And now, Mr. President and Associate Members of the
Pocumtuck Memorial Association and friends ; with gratitude to
the God of our fathers for an ancestry so brave in peril, so
faithful in trusts, so blameless in life and so true to God and to
each other, and also for a piety in these their descendants which
has moved them to set here these impressive sculptured Tablets
and yonder Stone for the durable commemoration of their pro-
genitors, we do now declare them dedicated as memorials of
worthy exemplars to this and to generations to come.
The inscriptions for the tablets are as follows :
Zechariah Field
1645-1674.
A settler at Pocumtuck
Before Philip's War.
remains lie in an imknown grave
In the old burying ground.
Many of his descendants
Have attained international fame.
In his honor
This tablet is placed in 1903
by
Marshall Field of
Chicago.
In honor of
Nathaniel Sutdifife,
of Dedham before 1661,
Medfield in 1663,
A settler at Pocimituck in 1673
"With his wife, Hannah Hympton,
A soldier in Philip's War,
Killed with Capt. Turner
May 19, 1676.
Erected by B. H. Sutliffe
Of Hymouth, Conn.,
1903.
400 Fidd Meeting— 190S.
SftmsoQ Fniy
Son of John of Medfidd,
Married there Maiy Danid.
He was at Hatfield in 1668.
Was one of two {danters at Deei^d in 1670.
Driven off by the savages, he came back
At the final settlement,
And was slain at the sacking of the town
Feb. 29, 1703-4.
Bdd, brave, persistent.
Line of descent, from Samaon Fraiy.
Nathaniel Fraiy 1675,
Nathan Frary 1719-1794,
Electa Frary Parsons, 1759-1824,
Lucretia Parsons Morton 1789-1862,
Levi Parsons Morton, by whom
This stone is placed.
(Godfrey Nims
Ancestor of the Nims family in America,
Settler at Pocumtuck before Philip's War,
A soldier under Capt. Turner at the FsiUa Fight 1676,
Prominent in the civil affairs of Deerfidd.
In 1692 he bought the home lot
Where his life's tragedies were enacted.
And upon which stands this Memorial Hall.
In honor of Godfrey Nims and Mary Miller his wife.
This marble Ls jdaoed here by Franklin Asa Nims,
Gredey, Colcnrado,
1903.
ADDRESS OF 0. ALICE BAKER
Every foot of this old burial ground is sacred to ns from a
thousand tender recollections. All about us lie the graves of
our ancestry, who by their fortitude, courage and endurance,
earned for us the heritage we here enjoy. Here lie buried
Mehuman Hinsdell, the first male child bom in Deerfield,
" twice captivated by the Indian salvages ; " Mrs. Eunice Wil-
liams, killed on the second day of the retreat to Canada and rev-
erently buried here by loving neighbors ; Rev. John Williams,
with his son Samuel, Deacon Thomas French and his son
Thomas, — all redeemed captives. Nor can we to-day forget,
those here sleeping who in later days, stood bravely for lib-
erty and a united country.
Address of C. AUce Baker. 401
Standing on this hallowed spot, we cannot help reoaUing the
events that led up to the tragedy at Deerfield.
After the horrible carnage at Oyster Kiver,* under the lead-
ership of YiUieu and Father Thory, mass having been said, the
victors retreated in a body to the river bank where their canoes
were hidden. " Here," says Villieu in his diary, the savages
of Pentagoetf under Taxous and Madockawando, piqued at the
little booty, and the few captives they had taken, resolved to
strike another blow. Some of the bravest of the Kennebec In-
dians joined them to go above Boston, " where" contmues Villieu
^^ they mean to divide into bands of four or five and knock
people on the head, which cannot fail of having a good effect."
A few days later they fell upon the settlements near Groton
and killed some forty persons ; Yillebon writing to the French
minister September 19, of that year (1694), speaks of this party
under Taxous and Madockawando, as ^' important because of the
blows they will strike, but they have not yet been heard from."
Let us go back to Deerfield as it was four days before the date
of Yillebon's letter. The old street lay basking in the sunshine
of a warm September day. The people were doubtless busy
about their fall work. On the soft air came the droning voices
of the children in Hannah Seaman's school, where is now the
home of the Misses Allen. Unseen by the scouts who were
ranging the woods, a party of savages led by Castine came
down from the ravine east of the William Sheldon home lot,
stealthily creeping towards the rear of what is now our village
store. Prematurely discovered by the son of Joseph Severance,
who lived on this lot, they fired, killing him, thus giving the
alarm. Then Hannah Beaman fled with her flock for the north
gate of the fort, at the foot of meetinghouse hill. ^^ It was a
race for life," says Mr. Sheldon, ^^ the dame with her charge
up the street," the enemy up the swamp, " expecting to cut her
off before she should reach the gate." Inside the fort, well
trained for such a surprise, each man snatched his firelock, and
rushed towards the gate ready to sally out to the rescue of the
children, — ^but they amid a shower of bullets reached the fort
in safety and the gate was shut. As Castine, who commanded
this attack, was the son-in-law of Madockawando, why may
not this have been the very blow struck by Taxous and
♦ Now Durham, N. H.
t Now Castine.
26
402 Field Meeting— IWZ.
Madockawando, foretold by Yillebon in his letter above
quoted?
There are petitions in our urohives for allowances for ex-
pense of chirargeons by Zebediah Williams and John Beaman
wounded, — the former ^^ having lately come of age, having
little to begin with all.^ The latter exhibited his wounds in the
House of Bepresentatives, and ^^ cals .... for a due considera-
tion of his hurt, — .... besides y^ misery and Paine hath dis-
abled him from Labor for now neire eight months .... whei^e-
f ore he prays for Oompashun and speedy ordering of just re-
lief e, that he may not stay in Boston where it is too expensive
for him y* hath noe Money."
The repulse of Oastine gave the people fresh courage. In
1695, GK>vernor Stoughton asks Oonnecticut for men and pro-
visions. He says, ^^ Our interests cannot be divided. It is a
common Enemy, we are engaged agt, and tho y« Seat of War
dos prudentially lye nearer to our doors, yet it is y« over
Turning and Exterpation of y« whole y^ is sought and En-
deavoured and if we be necessitated to give way and draw in
you may not expect to stand." Sharp correspondence (be-
tween the two colonies) follows.
While no serious attack was made on our frontiers this year,
small bands of Indians prowled about the English towns keep-
ing the settlers in continual alarm. A party of friendly
Indians, under one Strawberry, was surprised near the mouth
of the Ashuelot Biver. Strawberry's son, severely wounded,
escaped to Deerfield, bringing the news. Captain Wells sent
to f^nchon for help. He was called out of bed an hour before
day on August 12, and summoned Captain Colton, who had
24 troopers ^^ well mounted and fixed " by eight o'clock who
left Springfield for the north, a little after the first bell rang
for meeting. Before Colton had got up the river, the enemy
was well up towards Canada. The danger to Deerfield, averted
for a while, still threatened. March 1,1694-5, Joseph Barnard
was chosen town clerk for the year ensuing. Six months later,
Thomas French was elected to the same office. Between these
two dates one may read the tragedy known in the annals of
Deerfield as the massacre at Indian Bridge. On the morning
of August 21st, Joseph Barnard, living on the Charles Jones
lot, mounted his horse to go to mill, three miles below. His
bag of grain was slung over his horse and his gun lay across
Address of C. Mice Baker. 403
his saddle. As he rode on, he was joined by Henry White,
Gkxlfrey Nims and Philip Mattoon. Captain Wells, having
been warned of impending danger, came out of his stockade at
the foot of the street to stop them, but trusting to Barnard's
prudence, let them go on. They had jogged on about a mile,
when one of them cried out ^^ Indians, Indians," and they turned
about. Barnard's arm was shattered, his body pierced by a
bullet and his horse was shot under him. Godfrey Nims ^^ took
him up, but his horse was shot down and then he was mounted
behind Mattoon and came of home." He died Sept. 6, ^^a
humbling providence," says the chronicler, " he being a very
vseful and helpful man in y^ place." His gravestone bears
the earliest date in this old burial ground. After Barnard's
death the garrison was reenforced, but the year 1696 was one
of great anxiety. September 16, John Smead and John Gillett
being in the woods tracking bees, were beset by French Mo-
hawks; Smead escaped. Gillett being taken, was left in charge
of three savages, while the rest ^^ hastened towards the town."
It being Lecture Day the people had left the meadows ^^ so that
y^ enemy came as far as Mr. Daniel Belding's house within
gun-shot of the fort and captured Belding and some of his
family." When Belding and company came to the fort called
Oso,* they were forced to run the gauntlet. Belding being a
very nimble or light-footed man received but few blows. The
next summer he was sold to the Seminary priests to ^^ wait upon
them, cutt wood, make fires and tend the garden." He ac-
counted himself favorably dealt with. The 27th of December
1698, the town ^^ voted that Daniel Belding and Martin Smith
being new returned out of captivity, their heads, together with
what Eatable estate was on their hands, were freed from Town
Taxes."
The peace of Byswick was of short duration. When in 1702
Dudley left England to become governor of Massachusetts, it
was evident that war between England and France was immi-
nent. As ever since the peace of 1698, the Canadian government
had lost no opportunity to excite the eastern Indians to hostility
under the pretext of protecting them from the encroachments
of the English, it was inevitable that war between the two nations
in the Old World, must be followed by a renewal of atrocities
in New England. As a precautionary measure, Dudley ap.
*Au Sault or Sault au RecoUet near Montreal.
404 Field MeeUng— 1908.
pointed a conferenoe with the sachems at Casoo in Jane, 1703.
There, after brilliant oratory on both sides, the &roe was en-
acted of heaping fresh stones on the pillar called The Two
Brothers, set up at the last treaty. Tmly did Penhallow say,
^^ Their voice was like the voice of Jacob, but their hands like
those of Esao,'' for six weeks after, they with their Canadian
allies set the whole country in flames. In the antmnn follow-
ing, Zebediah Williams and his half-brother, John Nims, look-
ing for their cows in the North Meadows were seized and carried
to Canada. The alarm at Deerfield increased, and the people
began to make ready to meet the impending tempest from the
north. The fort was righted up. The schoolmaster, Mr.
Bichards, was asked to help the selectmen in wording a petitioa
to the governor for help. Such was the alarm and distress of
the people that they besought their minister to write to the gov-
ernment in their behalf. His letter is a credit to pastor and
people. ** Strangers tell us,'* he says, " that they would not
live where we do for twenty times as much, — ^the enemy have
such an advantage of the river to come down upon us. Several
say they would freely leave all they have, and go away were
it not disobedience to authority, and a discouraging their
brethren." He asks for help in repairing the palisade. He
says, ^^ we have mended it, it is in vain to mend. We must
make it all new and fetch timber for 206 rods, three or four
miles if we get oak. . . . The sorrowful parents and distressed
widows of the poor captives taken from us request your Excel-
lency to Endeavour that there maybe an exchange of prisoners
to their release. The blessings of y™ y* are ready to perish
will surely come upon you in Endeavours of this kind." Later,
Mr. Williams set apart a day of prayer to ask Qod " either to
spare and save us from the hands of our enemies, or prepare us
to sanctify and honor Him in what way soever He should
come forth towards us."
Let us rebuild the little hamlet as it was at that time. North
of Meeting House hill on the west side of the Street, lived Dan-
iel Belding, in the old Stebbins place ; Deacon David Hoyt, on
the John Stebbins lot ; Ebenezer Brooks then held the home-
stead of our Antiquary. John Stebbins and his wife Dorothy
dwelt where Mr. Samuel Childs now lives ; Martin Kellogg next
north, and Hannah Beaman next. The fortification inclosed
the whole of Meeting House hill, including the sites of both
Address of O. AUce Baker. 406
meetinghoTises. Towards the northwest comer of the palisade
was the well-built house of Ensign John Sheldon, and at a right
angle south, Benoni Stebbins. iN'ext south the home of Parson
Williams. The well that stood in his yard is still in use. From
the minister's to Mehuman HinsdelPs now Miss Whiting's, there
were no houses except a few temporary structures for those who
in time of danger fled for shelter within the palisades. Next
south of Hinsdell lived the schoolmaster, opposite was Godfrey
Nims, and next north Samson Frary in 1698 built the house
which is still standing. Still to the north within the palisade
Mr. John Catlin, then Thomas French, and in the Willard
house Samuel Carter. A little to the northwest of our Sol-
diers' Monument stood the meetinghouse, a square two-story
bailding with pyramidal roof surmounted by a turret, tipped
with a weather-cock. At the south end of the street were
Jonathan Wells' stockade, Philip Mattoon and the Widow
Smead.
Notwithstanding the general uneasiness, private affairs went
on as usual Birth, marriage, death, like time and tide, stay
for naught. Winter wore to spring. Soldiers were still billeted
in the homes of the people. The minds of all were tense with
anxiety. The air was thick with omens, March came in like a
lion. The village lay buried in snow, — the people in sleep. In
that hour before dawn when night is darkest and slumber deep-
est, the long-dreaded storm burst, unexpected at the last, like
all long-expected events. '^ Not long before break of day, the
enemy came in like a flood." Pouring over the palisade, the
frightful tide swept on, overwhelming with destruction all that
lay in its path. On what a wreck the morning broke ! The
meetinghouse that so lately had echoed with psalm and prayer
now resounded with groans of anguish. There lay the captives,
ignorant of the fate of friends and kindred. There too, stretched
upon the hard benches, were the enemies' wounded. There
Hertel de Bouville himself, smarting under his hurt, rushed in
for a moment to cheer his wounded brother. There were those
whom we saw but late so happy. Hannah Chapin listening
eagerly for every sound while her husband, young John Shel-
don, to whom love lent wings, was flying for aid to Hatfield.
Elizabeth Price, mute with woe, for Andrew had been slain at
her side. Abigail Stebbins not utterly cast down, for De Noyon,
her father and mother and brothers and sisters were all with
406 Fidd Meetinff—1908.
her, aitd De Noyon had told her that his home was near Mon-
treal and they wonld soon be released.
A few hours completed the devastation. The sun as it rose
above the mountain, looked down on a dreadful sight. Benoni
Stebbins, after fighting for hours like a tiger at bay, lay dead
in his house while his valiant comrades, supported by the cour-
age of women as brave, still fought on. Godfrey Nims' house
was still burning, three of his little girls somewhere dead among
the embers, his daughter Bebecca Mattoon and her baby slain,
with his wife and other of his children, — and little Abi^dl, the
darling of his heart, among the captives. His opposite neigh-
bor, Mehimian Hinsdell, bereft of wife and child, — also a cap-
tive with his little cousin, Josiah Rising. John Catlin with his
son Jonathan dead among the ashes of their ruined home.
Boused by the hoarse cries of young John Sheldon as he sped
on bare and bleeding feet through the hamlets below, thirty
men guided by the light of our burning village were riding fast
to the rescue. As they entered the stockade the foe fled pre-
cipitately from the north gate across the frozen meadows reach-
ing the river at the Bed Bocks. Captain Wells at once took
command of the rescuing party, reinforced by fifteen of his
neighbors and five garrison soldiers ^^ pursued the enemy vigor-
ously, causing many to fall .... but p'rsued to farr impru-
dently .... not for want of conduct, for Captain Wells caJled
for a retreate which they Litle mynded .... hotly pursuing
the Enemy for a mile." Then ambushed, eleven of our men
fell, fiercely fighting. The enemy went six miles that nighty
camping in Greenfield meadows.
Then the scanty remnant of the townsfolk cautiously creep
from their hiding places and gather in groups asking for tidings.
As the dreadful tale is told, they know not whether most to re-
joice or lament that they have been left behind. Among them
is Mary Baldwin Catlin. While waiting with her children and
children's children, the order to march into captivity, she had
ministered to the needs and soothed the sorrows of her friends
and neighbors. Nor had she turned a deaf ear to the cry of
her enemy for help. She had held the cup of cold water to the
parched lips of the wounded French oflicer, craving it with pit-
eous appeal. In the hurry of the retreat none had claimed her
as his captive. Her neighbors look upon her as one risen from
the dead. They go with her to the ruins of her home, where
Address of C. AUoe Baker, 407
t she learns the fate of her husband and seoond son. They find
her little grandson dead on the threshold of his father's empty
i: house. Then some one says that Captain Wells has been re-
i pulsed and that Joseph, her eldest son, has fallen in the meadow
\ fight, — and her heart breaks.
I Meantime, men eager to pursue the foe were coming in by
squads from the towns below until about midnight.^ I quote
• from one of them, '^ were gathered neer about 80 men which
had thought with that number to have assaulted the Enemy
that night, but y^ snow being at least three foot deep and
impassable without snow-shoes we being in a oapacitie to
follow y°^ but in their path they in a capacitie to flank
us ... . being fitted with snow-shoes and with treble our
number and some were much concerned for the captives
.... whome y« Enemy would kill if we come on, it was con-
cluded we should too much Expose our men. The next day
.... Coniticut men began to come in, and by parties till
within night, at w<^ tyme we were Baised to 250 men in
Deref d, but the aforesd objections and the weather very Warme
.... we judge it impossible to travill but .... to utter-
most disadvantage .... we judge we should Expose o'rselves
to y^ loss of men and not be able .... to offend the Enemy
or Rescue our Captives which was y^ End we aimed at in all,
therefore desisted."
Nothing was now left but to bury the dead, which was done.
Here, in one grave, equal in death, they lie together. Infants
and children of tender years, young men and maidens. An-
drew, the Indian, Parthena, the slave, faithful unto death to her
charge, Martin Smith freed from the sorrow and shame that
beset his life, Benoni Stebbins, the hero, Samson Frary, the
pioneer, the dauntless nine slain in the Meadow fight, and the
rest of the 48 as if named, who fell that day all victims of hor-
rid war.
It was the greed of territory, on both sides, backed by reli-
gious bigotry, that desolated our frontier 200 years ago. Con-
trasting the storm and stress of that February morning with
the calm and peace of this midsummer day, it behooves us to
consider whether we have really progressed in a true civilization
as far as we are apt to believe ; to resolve to cultivate hence-
forth the things that make for peace, — ^peace in town and church
* L e., March 1.
408 Meld Meeting— 1908.
and state; to do our best to check the desire for expaDsion of
territory regardless of the rights of others, and cease to be domi-
nated, either as individuals or a nation, by the lost of power.
Let us remember that ^^ War is utterly and irreconcilably in-
consistent with true greatness," and that ^^ Peace is the longing
and aspiration of the noblest souls, whether for themselves (h*
for country."!
AFTERNOON EXERCISES IN THE BRICK MEETINQw
HOUSE.
▲DDBBSS OF HON. ALFSBD S. BOB OF WOBOBSTEB.
While we regret the weather exigency which drives us from
the platform reared beneath yonder trees, we do enjoy the com-
pensation of a view of the interior of this ancient edifice, next
to the site of the Stockade itself, the most fitting place for the
continuation of these exercises, and it becomes my fortune to
open the afternoon proceedings from this lofty and circum-
scribed pulpit, so far away from the people that I fear that my
friend, the Pastor, will some day here freeze to death.
I know of no reason why I should have a part in the observ-
ance of this day, save the invitation of your revered President,
Mr. Sheldon, whose presence is a continued benediction, for I
have no Deerfield affiliations. I am not Massachusetts bom,
nor even a native of New England, for just one half the way
back to the events commemorated today or one hundred years
ago, my ancestors were driving ox teams from this eastern
country by the aid of blazed trees to that, then, remote West,
known as the Genesee country of New York, given to them for
services in the Revolutionary War, whose refluent waves had
not even then altogether subsided. That journey took more
time and caused vastly more discomfort than would be required
to^y for a trip to the Philippines.
I would that other than the lineal descendants of the ear-
liest settlers were here to at least witness the exercises of this
day. We are daily taking into our body politic a vast array of
humanity that has little or no notion of the sacrifices made in
the long ago that this might truly be the *^ Land of the Free,"
t Charles Sumner, True Grandeur of Nations, and other Addresses.
Address of Alfred S. Hoe. 409
and the address under the trees this morning and that in the
burial ground this afternoon would do much to waken in them
a proper appreciation of what the fathers did and suffered. I
would have them hear the strains as they came from the bugle
in the schoolhouse window, strains which recalled other and
later days, patriotic airs we call them, every one, laden with
suggestions of times when the lives of men were lost in the
grand struggles for national independence. In a way these les-
sons are being imparted all through this glorious New England
of ours. Foreign born are taught to speak plain the word coun-
try, and they learn it early. Why only last winter, in one of
our evening schools, where in addition to the common branches
of school, are taught the songs of our land, I heard a class re-
peat the words of ^^ America," and when the recitation was
over a young man, not yet nine months this side the sea, said
with childish self-consciousness, " I can sing that," " Sing it then "
came the response, and in his broken English, this man bom in
Poland of the nationality that furnished the assassin of mar-
tyred McEinley, as well as Washington's friend, Kosciusko, sang :
Land where my fathers died,
Land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From eveiy mountain side,
Let Freedom ring.
When I saw the rapt attention given by swarthy Italians,
dark-browed Jews, Bussian bom. Frenchmen, Syrians and
Turks, and marked their evident appreciation, however fierce
the storms that may break upon us, I will not despair of the
Bepublic.
I had hoped and expected that certain of the members and
officers of our Worcester local society would accompany me on
this excursion, so well worth the time of all interested, but
other engagements seem to have held them, hence I find myself
the only representative of the heart of the Commonwealth on
this significant occasion. Worcester has a story to tell of Indian
depredations, of her settlements broken up and of her early set-
tlers killed, but nothing like the misfortunes which befell this
sentinel hamlet along the western borders of two centuries since.
Those were sad days for the fathers, when leaving behind
them their ruined homes they started on the long and trying
joumey to Oanada, but what unlimited material for subsequent
410 mdd MeeUng—190Z.
story they thus left to their children. In both local and gen-
eral history, the privations and snfferings of the pioneers have
been told o'er and o'er, yet never does the ear weary at the re-
cital. This hamlet by the waters of the Connecticut has beeai
specially fortunate in her story tellers. From ^' The Eedeemed
Oaptive " of the Eev. John Williams to the " History of Deer-
field/' by Gtoorge Sheldon, reciters of fact and tradition pertain-
ing to this ancient township, have been such as to merit and
receive the highest praise from every direction.
Little did I think in my boyhood that it would ever be my
lot to view the scenes which in legend and story were presented
to my childish mind of the devastation wrought in this beauti-
ful valley by the hands of the savage. Hundreds of miles to
the westward we read the heartrending tales of hardship
and death ; in fancy we saw the blazing homes and heard the
screams of slaughtered innocence as depicted in the books of
adventure which the migrants bore with them to the newer
homes in the unsettled regions of western New York. The
greater number of those who thus read and dreamed have taken
up their line of march to stiU remoter lands in the illimitable
West ; a few, a very few, have reversed the advice of Horace
Greeley, " Go West, young man. Go West,*' and as a conse-
quence one of their ranks appears here with you in this village
so fragrant with history and rich in associations.
As Achilles was happy in his Homer, so may we congratu-
late Deerfield on having a historian whose work, appreciated
though it be to-day, will grow brighter and brighter as the
years advance. For many a day the antiquarian and genealo-
gist have sought Bond's Watertown, Paige's Hardwick and
Oambridge, Coffin's Newbury, Barry's Framingham, Jackson's
Newton as veritable treasure houses. To them and others of
equal note, ever since its publication, has been added Mr. Shel-
don's labor of love, his result of a lifetime of devotion and work.
Raleigh, BoUins, Bidpath and the many who have essayed
to write the history of the world undertook a task far too great
for any one mortal and too far away from the individual to be
really entertaining. The nearer we keep our story to the per-
sonality and the place the greater will be the interest excited.
Hence it is that we welcome the biography of the good man,
even if his deeds were not so glorious, the pen-pictures of places
though they are not battlefields. We doze over the pages of
Address of Alfred S. Jioe. 411
a general writer whose figures are nameless, but we follow with
breathless zeal the steps of a poor captive whose fortunes really
have little or no bearing on the sequence of events.
For such reasons we gather here to-day to recall an incident
in the early existence of a settlement, then remote from the
older portions of the colony. Thanks to the painstaking dili-
gence of Mr. Sheldon and those who wrought before him, we
may draw a mental picture of each and every one who suffered
in those far away days. Indeed, as I have read the story it
required no great stretch of the imagination, especially, here
where so many memorials continue, to hear the ydl of the sav-
age and to see the gleam of his tomahawk.
When in yonder cemetery, where rest the mortal remains
of so many who fell in defending their homes, I esteemed it a
great privilege to hear the words of one who has given many
years of her life to the unearthing of facts pertaining to those
far-away days. So real have the faces and forms of those
ancient worthies become to her that I fancied, as she was read-
ing, there was a tremulousness in her voice as in fancy she
came back to the burning house and there found on the thresh-
old the dead forms of loved ones ; to her it was not history,
the story of far-off penl, but an actual, dread reality of the
present. The near by mound seems to give up its dead of these
twice one hundred years and they teem with life in our very
midst.
After all, had there been no detennined, tireless enthusiasts
to seek out and to mark these suggestive spots there would be
no gathering here to-day, no society devoted to the mainte-
nance of legend and story, no museum filled with the choicest
relics of interesting and tempestuous past. Deerfield has sent
forth from her homes, Kichard Hildreth, the historian of the
nation, John Williams, the bishop of Connecticut, Hitchcock,
the college president and Saxton, the soldier, but her giving has
not impoverished her. She still retains her ineradicable history,
her unrivaled scenery, her heirlooms whose price is above rubies.
Fortunate the people who rise equal to their privileges and hav-
ing a pardonable pride in themselves are not averse to giving
the world the reasons for the faith that is in them.
Justiy proud may the dweUers in this village be over their
antiquity and its incidents. Happy too should they be that the
fathers also had an adequate sense of the value of the part they
412 Fidd Meeting— 1903.
and their posseBsions bore in the trying time of long aga
Happily they allowed to remain so many of the stractores oon-
neoted with the stirring history of Deerfield till to-day it would
seem that the average citizen of this hamlet would be ashamed
to live in a house less than a hundred and fifty years old and
so ancient do many of your residences look. We should not
say you "Kay" did you aver that all of them had survived
that terrible night of two hundred years since ? Every one has
a deep interest in your museum where you have gathered the
reminders of a sad yet precious past, relics that, in all this wide
world, cannot be duplicated, constituting wonderful illustrations
on the pages of a history too vivid for other portrayal
Kor did your story end when the deeds of 1704 were done.
To them you have piously added those of the Bevolutionary
struggle and that sturdy soldier in freestone, on the site of your
early church, teUs us how you remember the dark Bebellion
days and whatever perils coming years may bring, such care
as you manifest to-day and have ever shown, will make sure
the record of Deerfield.
ADDRESS OF HON. AETHUE LORD OF PLYMOUTH.
Among the stirring scenes of Pilgrim History there is no
more striking picture than that in the Common House of Plym-
outh when the treaty between the Pilgrims and Massassoit
was made. On the morning of that March day, in 1621, from
out the woods upon the slope of the hill and separated from the
little settlement by a narrow stream, known as Town Brook^
comes Massassoit with his train of sixty warriors. In person
the Indian chief was ^^ a very lusty man, in his best years, an
able body, grave of countenance, spare of speech." In dress he
differs slightly from the warriors who gather round him ; bis
face was painted with a dark red, while the faces of his follow-
ers were painted, some yellow, some red, or black, or white. A
great chain of white bone beads seems the only insignia of the
chieftain's rank. With the aid of Squanto, the interpreter, who
spoke English and who was familiar not only with the woods
and shores of Plymouth Bay, but with the streets of London, an
interchange of hostages was arranged, and also that Massassoit
with twenty of his braves should meet the governor and the
Add/reBB of Arihv/r Lord. 413
leaders of the little colony, whose nmnbers had been so sadly
redaoed by the deaths in the first winter.
Massassoit and his twenty followers, all strong men in ap-
pearance, cross the brook and are met by Captain Miles Stand-
ish with his musketeers behind him, and in formal order they
march down the first street to the house then building where
Carver, the first governor, whose early death the Pilgrim Com-
pany are soon to mourn, appears with drum and trumpet and
escorted by guards. And now in the Common House they
assemble, on one side the painted savages, armed only with
bows and arrows and dressed in skins ; on the other side the
little band of Englishmen, armed with sword and gun, and
still wearing pieces of ancient armor. In the center stand
forth the two leaders, the Pilgrim Governor and the Indian
Chief, fit types of the two races who in the future and for long
years to come were to contend in deadly rivalry for the posses-
sion of the soil of the new world. The treaty was concluded.
It was a compact of offense and defense. The Pilgrims were
to receive his support and assistance, and were in turn to render
aid to him in case of unjust war. It secured that protection to
the Pilgrim Company which was vital to its safety, and enabled
it to acquire peaceful possession and title to the lands to be
occupied by the Plymouth Colony. For more than half a cen-
tury the provisions of the treaty were faithfully kept. It is a
significant fact that until the breaking out of King Philip's War,
fifty-four years later, it could be fairly said by Governor Wins-
low that ^^ the English did not possess one foot of land in this
colony but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the
Indian proprietors. We first made a law that none should pur-
chase or receive of gift any land of the Indian without the
knowledge of our Court.'*
King Philip's War, though begun in plain violation of recent
treaty stipulations, was the inevitable result of an irrepressible
conflict for race supremacy which was to determine the fate of
the English settlements and the right of the aboriginal owner
to remain in secure and undisputed possession of the soil over
which he and his ancestors had roamed and hunted and fought
for countless generations. The immediate causes of the out-
break are no longer important. The details of the conflict,
which only ended when the head of Philip was carried in tri-
umph through the streets of Plymouth, need not now be re-
414 Fidd MeeUnff— 1903.
corded. The whole frontier was in a blaze, from Plymoath
on the southeast, where, in March, 1676, a garrison house was
attacked on the Sabbath when most of the men had gone to
church and eleven persons were killed and the house con-
sumed, to the then distant western line on the banks of the
Connecticut. The attacks on Deerfield are a part of the history
of New England, and Bloody Brook, where the flower of Elssex
was carelessly led into that fatal ambush, flows on forever,
eloquent with the story of the tragedy, the anguish and the
despair of that disastrous day. The resistless tide of emigration
sweeps ever on, delayed for a brief moment at this point or
that, it is only to gain a fresh impetus for its onward flow.
The Border wars of New England hereafter are not the vain
and fruitless efforts of a weaker race to resist the tide of emi-
gration, but are to be inspired, directed and aided by the wily
agents of a foreign foe. King William's War, or the Lamenta-
ble Decade, as C!otton Mather terms it, marks the closing years
of the seventeenth century, and Queen Anne's War, proclaimed
at Westminster, May, 1702, brings into the quarrel over the
Spanish succession French and English settlers in the new
world.
It is said there were a hundred and twenty thousand persons
of all ages in New England at the beginning of the war of the
Spanish succession. Differing widely in temperament and train-
ing from the French Canadian, they were citizens by choice
and soldiers by necessity, they lacked leaders of military edu-
cation, though they were not without men qualified by expe-
rience in border warfare to command the small detachments.
The alarm gun and the beacon's blaze called them reluctantly
from peaceful pursuits. A standing army always in readings
for possible wars, was not only impracticable in these scattered
and distant colonies, but was one of the dangers which they
deemed it important to avoid, a burden alike perilous and un-
necessary. The forays along the frontier line of New Hamp-
shire and Maine were soon followed by attacks on the settle-
ments of Western Massachusetts.
The French Canadian hunters and trappers with their Indian
allies, undismayed by the winter's cold and snow, passed rap-
idly over the border. The attack on Deerfield was typical of
these incursions. It would be unnecessary in this company,
even if the limits of time permitted, to repeat the minute de-
Address of Arthwr Lard. 416
tails of that fatal night in February, 1704. But to the atten-
tive ear and listening mind the scene which greets us to-day for
a moment disappears. The stillness of a summer's noon becomes
the silence of a winter's night The soft summer's breeze
changes into an icy blast These well-tilled fields, green with
the summer's bounty, are covered with snow. The street,
where arching trees furnish a grateful shade and happy homes
extend their hospitable welcome, changes into an inclosed
stockade. Within are the simple houses of a frontier town,
and without, like a winding sheet, the snowdrifts pile up to
the level of the rude palisade. Two miles away De Bouville
with his French soldiers and their Indian allies are waiting for
the moment of attack. Here the peaceful villagers are sleep-
ing soundly and the unsuspicious sentinel neglects his post. In
the hour before daybreak, so often in history the chosen time
of attack, the invading force sweeps over the palisades and
through the street. The silence is broken by the rattle of
musketry and the blood-curdling war-whoop, the darkness is
dispelled by the light of burning homes. Resistance seems
impossible, so complete the surprise, yet the story of the gal-
lant defense of Sergt. Stebbins' house by seven determined
men and a few brave women against the main force of French
and Indians will long live in the annals of New England, illus-
trative of those stirring qualities of fortitude and valor which
have made New England strong. Where has the morning sun
looked down upon a sadder sight . Smouldering heaps mark
the spots where yesterday's sun beheld the happy homes. The
wounded and the dead lie on every hand ; and there the long
line of weary and saddened captives, men, women and children
are taking up their toilsome march to distant Canada.
I saw in the naked forest
Our scattered remnant cast
A screen of shivering branches
Between them and the blast.
The snow was falling round them.
The dying feU as fast,
I looked to see them perish,
When, lol the vision passed.
It is a scene which has too often marked our frontier line.
Whether that frontier was on the seaboard, or on its western
way the blazing homes of the sturdy emigrant have been a pil-
416 Fidd MeeUng—190S.
lar of smoke by day and of fire by night to mark its steady and
resistless advance. What stories of valor, of suffering and of eor
terprise have been inseparably woven into this nation's history
from the day of the landing at Plymouth in 1620 till
From Eastern Rock to sunset wave
The continent is ours.
In grateful recognition of those brave days of old, in loviog
memory of those early settlers whose names you bear and
whose blood runs in your veins you gather on ^ese recurring
anniversaries to pay your tribute of admiration and respect to
their indomitable courage, their unfailing fortitude and their
sublime faith.
I noticed a fine inscription as I passed along your street :
His descendants honor his memory, and cherish his old Home.
It is here and in towns like this, these ancient towns, either
upon the shores of some bay, no longer whitened by the sails of
commerce, or upon some quiet hillside, or on the banks of some
winding river, where wealth, nor power, nor fame among the
cities of the earth has ever come, that men will most sorely
find the ideal home. The word ^^home" has no equivalent
and no synonym in our language, and no single line can define
it. It has a deeper and broader meaning than that merely of
the place where one lives or dwells. The student who lives at
Amherst during his entire four years' course still keeps his
home on the distant shores of the Pa:cific ; there need even be
no continuous occupancy of a place and yet still it is defined as
a home. The sailor pursuing adventurous voyages in distant
seas may never dwell for more than a few months in a long
life on that wind-swept hillside on Cape Cod which he calls his
home. Judge Bradley, late of the Supreme Court of the
United States, sought to define the word ^^home" in these
words : " The house where a family permanently dwells, col-
lects its comforts and forms its attachments and memories."
The stronger these attachments and memories the clearer and
more perfect the meaning to its possessors of the word home.
Here, in the valley of the Connecticut, in those homes which
for generations the same family has kept, where men still till
the same fields that their fathers have tilled, and pass along the
same streets, scarcely changed in the lapse of time, which their
Address of Francis B. Denio. 417
ancestors have trod before them, and especially where the
memories of heroic deeds still linger, and the traditions of
valor and suffering and enterprise are tenderly cherished,
there is found the true significance and the real meaning of
the word home. Thrice fortunate that community whose
history and traditions, whose associations and memories are
indissolubly bound with great events and heroic deeds.
ADDRESS OF PROF. FRANCIS B. DENIO OF
BANGOR, ME.
Mr. President wad Members of Hie Pocumtuck Valley Associa-
tion:— At this time I shall venture to take it upon myself to repre-
sent the many and widely scattered sons and daughters of Deer-
field who have never seen this home of ancestors, and most of
whom will never see it. On their behalf I wish to thank you
for what you have done and are still doing to keep alive the
memory of the courage, the endurance and the worth of our
common ancestors.
It is very fitting that I represent these unknown children of
Deerfield. Few can have so good a right to do so. Nowhere
have I found so many ancestral roots as here in old Deerfield.
Not only do I count among my forbears John Stebbins whose
daughter Abigail was the wife of James Denoyon and the
mother of Ren6 Denoyon, better known as Aaron Denio, but
also I derive descent from Godfrey Nims and Edward Allen
among the first settlers of Deerfield.
We should know little of the worth, and scarcely the names,
of our Deerfield ancestors but for your labors. My own imme-
diate branch of our family was widely sundered from Deerfield
more than a century ago. Communication was difficult, letter-
writing an unpracticed art. A vague tradition of descent from
Deerfield, of connection with the events commemorated to-day
was a part of my childhood inheritance. As I came to ma-
turity I wondered and questioned about our family, its name,
its origin, in short, about the race from which I sprang. To
your President, Hon. George Sheldon, and to Miss Baker I
owe the fact that for me the vague tradition has been replaced
by a measure of definite knowledge. The debt which I owe
to you, officers and members, is a debt which a great many
27
418 FMd Meeti/ng—XWZ.
others share with me. The pages of Sheldon's History of
Deerfield contain records which must have made known to
many others, as to me, the lineage to which they might trace
their origin. For the means of attaining this knowledge we
thank the writer of this history, and all those whose support
made possible the publication of these invaluable volumes.
This debt we owe has been recognized in some degree in the
past, and future generations will gladly recognize it in increas-
ing measure. They, as I, your kin, whom you know not, who
will never know you, will learn more and more to take pride
in our common ancestry. This power to trace our ancestry so
as to connect ourselves with the early life of Deerfield is but
one part of our debt. We owe it to you that we are able in
some degree to realize properly the courage and heroism of our
Deerfield forbears. This realization comes to us while we read
the History of Deerfield and the narratives given us by Miss
Baker. To-day as I heard her story of the years in whioh
Deerfield's most famous tragedy occurred, a story with epic
simplicity and vividness, I felt more deeply than ever before the
meaning of the life in this town two hundred years ago. It is
by means of Deerfield's history thus given to us that we learn
to honor our ancestors more and more for the days and weeks
and months and years of steadfast endurance of the privations
and incessant perils of this frontier life. This steadfastness
seems to me even more worthy of honor than the successful
endurance of the tragedy of the night of February 29th, 1703-4,
prolonged as it was into months and years.
For myseU I thank Gkxi that I may number myself among
the descendants of such men and women. So must also the
numerous and increasing circle of your kin and mine.
To you in this beautiful valley the task of perpetuating the
memory of our common ancestors, by the printed page and by
the erection of local memorials has been a work of filial piety,
and the fruit of an imagination kindled by the constant pres*
ence of scenes and reminders of a past rich in historic fact and
discipline of worthy character. For these works by which you
have made a multitude of remote kin your debtors, and for
which I feel sure many fed indebted to you from whom you
have received no message of thanks, and from whom you will
receive none in person — I on their behalf now express to you
our hearty and sincere gratitude.
AddreM of Francis H. Ajppletan. 419
ADDRESS OF GEN. FRANCIS H. APPLETON OF
PEABODY.
Mr. Chmvman: — ^First of all I wish to thank my fellow
Trustee and our honored Yioe-President, of the Board of Trus-
tees of Public Reservations, Hon. George Sheldon, for having
invited me to participate in these interesting exercises, and to
meet your people here ; at a place where an ancestor of mine,
Captain, and later Major, Samuel Appleton, led brave and true
men from Essex County — ^my beloved county — ^in defense of the
principle of establishing a stable form of government, under
which life and property might be respected, and be safe against
savage or lawless attack.
The incentive of your invitation led me to collect a few books
upon the subjects that to-day engage our attention, more than
I have been able to fully read, including Mr. Sheldon's complete
work, but with great interest to myself so far as I have done
so ; and to learn of your brave ancestry. And I have been quite
at a loss as to what I should select, to refer to now, relating to
those early days.
I knew, with your programme before me, that the historic
ground would be admirably covered by scholarly addresses,
such as I have been privileged to listen to already, and which
we shall hear this afternoon.
I shall ask your attention very briefly to a few matters bear-
ing more upon our natural surroundings of the present time,
which are the same lands as of those early days.
A word only, before doing so, of that man of action from
whom I am descended, and through whose acts I am enabled
to wear the button of the Society of Colonial Wars of Massa-
chusetts ; which society, by its winter monthly lectures, by its
excursions to historic spots, and by its memorial markings is
doing much towards bringing to the front unfamiliar and his-
toric facts of the colonial period, that redound to the glory of
our ancestry, and intensify the interest throughout our Nation,
in this old Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
Captain Samuel Appleton appears to have been a participant
in civil as well as military duties. He died at Ipswich, and was
a brave and true man, like his men, worthy of coming under
that honorable phrase '^ The Flower of Essex."
420 Fidd JTM^tn^— 1903.
It has been my agreeable duty to have been more or less oon-
nected with the promotion of agricoltoral interests in our state
for many years — as our lives mn — in several of its branohee.
And I wonld remind you that arboriculture, f orestiy, farming,
horticulture, good roads, etc., come under that heading.
I would appeal, to such an audience as is now preset, for all
such encouragement (wherever may be their homes) on these
lines, as shall make all parts of the sur&ce of this state of to-
day to flourish, and increase in productiveness and beauty;
towards which ends Mr. Sheldon has contributed so mucdi en-
couragement so that the cultivated part of our landscape, and
the natural beauty, shall be continued, a beautiful frameworic
to glorious deeds.
In this quiet valley, with its surrounding hills of grandeur,
where near-by scenes of bloodiest strife have been vividly recalled
to us to-day, let those branches of agriculture, that will best
suit its soil and climate, be encouraged by the application of
scientific knowledge to prevail, and, in the state at large, may
such intelligent care be fully applied on those lines of arbori-
culture, and the proper development of Public Beservations,
that you, Mr. Sheldon, so much love to promote and care for,
in the interest of the state and her people.
May the locations of the heroic deeds that especially mark
the stepping-stones in the gradual founding of this, now power-
ful Nation, be preserved as object lessons, and as places of
healthful recreation and rest for present and future generations.
While we sacredly strive to preserve the grand old trees that
our ancestors so thoughtfully planted to make prominent and
comfortable many a Massachusetts and New England village,
town or city, let us not forget that tree life is prolonged and
promoted by the wise use of saw and pruning hatchet, but only
under most expert guidance.
Let the wounds made by limbs torn off during storms be
early mended by proper filling, and may the insect pest be kept
at a minimum.
May such beautiful towns as this be perpetuated.
I bring to you and the citizens of this beautiful inland terri-
tory of Deenfield, the greetings of the descendants of ^^the
Flower of Essex."
We of the seacoast, and of a denser population, are endeav-
oring to promote conditions to favor business on land and 8ea»
Memarka of Hen/ry D. HoUon. 421
which are promoting markets for inland products ; while for re-
freshment from the wear and tear of city toil, the more quiet
and restful beauty of such inland lands as you have here, are
what are essential to the well-being in mind and body of hu-
manity.
May this valuable work of building up collections of historic
things grow, and may the bond of union among such societies
increase to their mutual good ; and may the village improve-
ment idea be alive within their membership, as has been found
a useful combination.
I assure you that I fully appreciate your courtesy in asking
me here from old Essex County to old Deerfield's County and
Township, as a descendant of one who so long ago aided your
people for the public good.
WORDS BY DR. FREDERIC CORSS OF
KINGSTON, PA.
Mr. Chai/rmcm^ Friends and Neighbors: — ^Although we now
meet for the first time, I may be permitted to say that I feel
very much at home here. My father was bom near by a little
more than a hundred years ago and spent his boyhood here.
Many of my kindred are buried in the cemeteries hereabout.
My boyhood's ears were delighted with stories of the fish caught
in Deerfield River which were much larger and finer than any
found in the streams of Pennsylvania ; and there was the bee
tree on Shelburne hills where they shot the bear.
An occasion such as this does much to promote patriotism
especially among the young people, who are so numerous on the
grounds to-day. All this helps to confirm our early motto, B
FluriJyue Tlrmra^ which really meant but little until it had been
established in a fearful struggle, many of whose heroes are here
to-day.
REMARKS BY DR. HENRY D. HOLTON OF
BRATTLEBORO, VT.
It gives me pleasure to unite with you to-day, oflfering an
obligation to the memory of the sturdy, Gk)d-fearing patriots
who first pushed into the then primeval wilderness and founded
422 Mdd I£eetwg—\^^Z.
a town endowed with civil and religions liberty. It is perhaps
espeoially appropriate that I should do this as onr own town of
Brattleboro, then unknown, was made the base of the invading
army of the French and Indians when they made their cnielly
morderons assault upon this settlement. They left their dogs
and sledges in the care of some of their number at the mouth
of West River where they cut on the rocks various sym-
bols which remain to this day, undoubtedly intended to be a
record of their expedition.
It is not only a duty but a privilege for all the people of
this valley to meet from time to time and keep fragrant the
memory of the victims who gave their lives or endured suffe^
ings, privations and tortures worse than death itself. Pos-
sessed of courage, fortitude and unfailing faith in God, by perse-
verance, industry and economy they subdued the wild soil and
their savage foes and left a heritage of productive beauty, a
government in which each of us are sovereigns, only so circum-
scribed and bound, that while we engage in what ever legiti-
mate pursuit we vnll, we shall not in any way interfere with
the same right of our neighbors.
They wrought out this glorious legacy by the exhibition of
certain traits of character which grew and expanded in suc-
ceeding generations, becoming the broad foundations upon
which this nation was founded. First was the strong religions
faith, which from a cursory view might to-day seem narrow
bigotry, but which, when we carefully analyze, we find con-
tained the true teachings of the Oreat Master, which have
gradually broadened out into a catholicity of spirit as the gene-
rations have studied the principles expounded in the valleys of
Judea twenty centuries ago.
Second to this was the home, the most sacred place in all
the world, where the children were taught to love God, respect
their elders, obey implicitly their parents, and industriously
use their time in useful pursuits ; in fact to perform the duties of
life because those duties were for them and could only be
performed by them ; this duty,
By the bedside, on the stair,
Waited for them everywhere;
At the threshold, near the gates,
With its menace or its prayer.
Like a mendicant it waits.
Rema/rkB of Henry D. HoUon. 428
In the home they were taught all the great moral principles
which were the especial foundations of the New England
character, which has moulded the character of the nation.
Next came the common school, free to all, where were
taught the rudiments of an education, which were to be ex-
panded into the highest accomplishments of human intellect^
as circumstances and subsequent environment might permit
What is to be said of the great debt of gratitude, a debt ever
increasing, which descended to the inhabitants of this vallej ;
aye, to the people of this country, by reason of provisions made
by descendants of one of the captives (not of this town but all
the same of kindred spirit in this valley), the offspring of
Canada Wait in the establishment of the Smith's charities.
Human language cannot adequately express the infinite bless-
ings which are constantly flowing from the wonderful bene-
faction :
A kind act is a kernel sown.
That wiU grow to a goodly tree,
Shedding its fruit when time has flown
Down the gulf of eternity.
The question which comes home to us to-day is, are these
trusts which have come to us from these forbears of two
centuries receiving the nurture, care and all the force which
will conserve and perpetuate them* Especially, are we keeping
the home the center of purity and influence, and fostering the
habit of devotion to duty simply as one paramount trait of
character that should never be supplanted by anything else ?
In the strenuous life into which these days have launched
our lives, let us not neglect the fundamental precepts that
governed the lives of those who lived two hundred years ago,
whom we honor to-day; precepts which have come to us
through all these years laden with blessings of such incal-
culable value.
434 Anmud Meeting— 190^
ANNUAL MEETING— 1904.
REPORT.
Old Deerfield waa yesterday oDe of the most interestiiig towns
in the country. There was celebrated the two hundredth anni-
versary of one of the most tragic events in the history of the
Massachosetts colony, the saddng of the place and the massacre
or capture of most of its inhabitants by the French and Indians.
The people of Deerfield have long famished a shining example
to otiier towns of the best way to keep alive interest in their
local history, as the Pocumtnc^ Yalley Memorial Associatd<HL
has for many years been gathering records and relics of the
past until hardly any other town bulks so large in self-knowledge
from the first settlement until the present day. As Mr. Sheldon
well said in his curator's report, when the organization was
formed interest in such matters was confined to a few elderly
people ; now it is constantly more widespread.
Mr. Sheldon, the president, not being able to come to Deer-
field, and Judge F. M. Thompson, first vice-president, being ill,
Samuel O. Lamb presided. Mr. Lamb piloted the meeting
through the rocks of parliamentary procedure with all the
courtly grace which is his second nature. When frisky colts
attempted expedition at peril of unseemly haste, by such modem
methods as electing all the ofScers by casting one ballot, Mr.
Lamb sternly held them to the path of dignity, by showing the
course already marked out by the Association. Mr. Lamb's
methods of presiding include some dignified forms not often
heard by the younger generation. For instance, in announcing
the results of the vote upon a motion, he would say ^^ The ayes
appear to have it, — ^the ayes have it, and it is a vote."
The business of the Association was disposed of at the after-
noon session in the council chamber, which has taken the place
of the kitchen as the gathering place. The reports were highly
satisfactory, that of the treasurer, John Sheldon, showing a cash
balance of $3,312. The receipts from admission to Memorial
AnniuU Meeting — 1904. 425
Hall, $659, the fee being 10 cents, indicated the popularity of
the collection as a place for popular resort.
The report of the curator, G^rge Sheldon, showed that there
had been 5,396 visitors the past year, representing nearly every
state in the union, also France, England, Wales, Ireland, Scot-
land, Finland, Canada, Kova Scotia, Australia, India, Turkey,
Russia, Japan. Mr. Sheldon spoke of the overflowing condition
of the library, and of the readiness of a finely lighted room for
the overflow from the old room. One alcove is to be devoted
to literary products by native and adopted citizens of Deerfield.
For this, contributions of such literary work, including books,
pamphlets, magazine articles, newspaper clippings, essays, ad-
dresses, and personal correspondence of Deerfield people are
asked. One of the rooms newly thrown open is guarded by the
old Pocumtuck cannon, and has relics of colonial fortifications,
and this had been christened ^' The Fort." Miss C. Alice Baker
had offered to re^tablish the bedroom in the large room over
the library annex. In the past it had been necessary to decline
many articles of interest, because there was no room to show
them. Now there is room enough, and the Association is in a
receptive mood again. Mr. Sheldon speaks of the interesting
group of articles given by Mrs. Elizabeth W. Champney, and
collected by her husband.
It was voted to proceed with the publication of Yolume IV
of the Proceedings and George Sheldon and Mrs. Sheldon were
made the committee to have it in charge. The election of offi-
cers resulted as follows :
President : George Sheldon.
Yice-Presidents : Francis M. Thompson, Samuel O. Lamb.
Becording Secretary : Miss Margaret Miller.
Corresponding Secretary : Mrs. M. E. Stebbins.
Treasurer : John Sheldon.
Councillors : Miss C. Alice Baker, Bobert Childs, Charles E.
"Williams, Edward A. Hawks, Bichard R Birks, G. Spencer
Fuller, Frances E. Ball, William L. Harris, James K. Hosmer,
Anna C. Putnam, Ellen L. Sheldon, John A. Aiken, Eugene A.
Newcomb, Herbert C. Parsons, George D. Crittenden.
An historic association which not only pays its way, but accu-
mulates a reserve may be something of an anomaly, but such a
one is the Pocumtuck Yalley Memorial Association. Aside
from its considerable revenue from the smaU fee charged for
426 Annual Meetmg—lWH.
the admission to the Memorial EEall, with its nmrivaled cot
lectioD of antiquities, it is in constant receipt of generoos and
anonymous gifts.
Its recently bnilt custodian's house was the gift of ^' a friend."
Its addition to the old building, giving fine quarters for the
Solon Newton collection and other accretions, is shown by the
treasurer's report just now completed to have been entirely paid
for by an unknown contributor. The enthusiasm of almost
chance visitors finds substantial expression.
An instance of spontaneous giving was that of a woman from
Germany, who one day last summer visited the museum and
expressed her delight in it and the work of the Association to
Mr. Sheldon. She wanted to show her appreciation and asked
how she might do it. Mr. Sheldon suggested membership and
acting under an impulse made bold to mention that life mem-
bership was a matter of $25.
The next day the woman called again on the president and
caused him almost to faint by handing him a hundred dollar
bill, saying she had concluded to become ^^ life councillor."
The Association has improved buildings, no debt and a cash
balance of over $3,000. All its revenue is devoted to the work
of preserving local history and its publications are evidence of
its enterprise and good use of whatever comes its way in the
form of money.
The memorial addresses were the feature of the afternoon
and consisted of appreciative sketches of John £. Bussell, J. W.
Champney, J. M. Crafts, Zeri Smith, Baxter Stebbins and John
M. Smith.
The sketch of the life of John £. Bussell was written by
George Sheldon and read by his son, John Sheldon of Green-
field. It was chiefly a setting forth of the main facts of Mr.
Bussell's life, but it had its note of appreciation of bis services
as a public man and naturally gave particular attention to his
interest in local historic work.
Miss C. Alice Baker read Miss Coleman's feeling tribute to
the artist, James Wells Champney. Mr. Champney was one of
the earliest members of the Association and became a life mem-
ber in 1879, always holding its interests as one of the good ob-
jects which profited by his enthusiastic aid.
H. C. Haskell sent an interesting sketch of Zeri Smith, a
model and progressive farmer and citizen. S. B. Crafts read
Annual Meeting— 1904. 427
that on James M. Crafts who was one of the Association's first
ofScers, a trae antiquary and a faithful town historian. The
sketch of John M. Smith was by Miss Abby Montague and
treated of his public services and his thorough historical service
as the editor of Sunderland's history.
Mrs. M. E. Stebbins read an account of A. B. Stebbins, and
spoke of him as a man of decision who could not be swerved
from the path of duty.
When tiie papers were finished Mr. Lamb volunteered some
recollections of Mr. Bussell, Mr. Grafts and Mr. Smith and
branched out in a particularly interesting talk about William
C. Whitney and Joseph Mason, the two sons of Franklin county
who had filled a large place in affairs. While Mr. Lamb spoke
off-hand his contribution was methodical and comprehensive
and added greatly to the interest of the proceedings.
The admission of Deerfield schools to Memorial Hall without
charge was briefly considered and referred by the council to
President Sheldon.
Supper was served in the townhall and there was such a
crowd that the tables were twice filled.
The conclusion of supper was the signal for the opening of
the evening session, the first half of which was occupied by
Miss Baker in her continued account of the adventures of Bap-
tiste, and the essays of the Greenfield boys, Fred Amidon and
William Jones, the former upon Greenfield taverns, and the lat-
ter upon ^^ Long Tavern." Mias Baker's recital of the adventures
of the French privateersman, Baptiste Guyon, was as interest-
ing in its second installment as in the first, and she was given
the closest attention.
Kev. G. Glenn Atkins of Burlington, Vt., followed.
It was the exact two hundredth anniversary of the massacre,
an event which had special consideration in the field meeting of
last sunmier and now gave Mr. Atkins his fruitful theme. He
made no attempt to take the rdle of historian, as a mere narra-
tor of the dramatic events, making a striking departure from
the traditions of the Pocumtuck Association, in bds address on
the massacre of 1703-4. It is not the habit of historic associa-
tions to make applications. This has been farthest from the prac-
tice and intent of the P. Y. M. A. It has been content to delve in
the secrets of the past, preferably the remote past, and leave to
the hearer or the student the drawing of lessons in patriotism
428 Annual Meeting— 190^
and the proper condnot of himself in his public relatdons. But
Mr. Atkhis dwells in the present. He is of the present tenae^ with
a strong outlook towards the future. He is far from indifferent
to the claim of the past to investigation. But he brings the
reading of history alongside the problems of society which at-
tract him most and lets them, or better makes them, enforce a
lesson. This is what he did at DeerfteljL It was a variation
that was pleasing to a popular audience and of the highest in-
fluence. Whether it is such a one as could safely be made per-
manent in the proceedings is debatable, but for the onoe at
least it was welcome. Not every man could venture on a con-
troversial ground with such courage and at the same moment
such prudence.
It was an obvious lesson Mr. Atkins drew. The logic is irre-
sistible and it is a needed antidote to the perversions of men
like Lyman Abbott whose misreading of American destiny
needs just this historical correction. The marvel is that audi
words as these are necessary. But they are. It would not be
surprising if some comphiint should be heard that this earnest
speech was ^^ politics " and so out of place, but it is politics ia
no other sense than the teaching of certain truths that have im-
mediate application to political conditions.
REPORT OF CURATOR, GEORGE SHELDON.
We are at the close of another prosperous year. Our Hall
has been more attractive than ever before. More people have
called upon us and from more distant parts of the earth. I
quote from the report of the Assistant : —
^' Another year of unusual activity. The amount of business
transacted far exceeds that of any previous year. The Register
shows the names of 5,396 visitors, and they represent nearly
every State in the Union, two Territories, and the following
countries : — ^France, England, Wales, Ireland, Scotland, Finland,
Canada, Nova Scotia, Australia, India, Turkey, Prussia and
Japan. The spirit of historical research is notably increasing.
Teachers and students from the higher institutions of learning
make a large figure among our visitors."
With the expansion of space has come considerable change
Report of Curator. 429
in the arrangement of our belongings, partioolarly in the Me-
morial Boom. That had become terribly congested with no
means for relief until the new wing was available. All our
Civil War relics were bestowed here. These have been trans-
ferred to the northeast room on the second floor which is oc-
cupied as the Military Boom. There were in the Memorial
Boom some large pieces of furniture dropped there temporarily,
but which remained there of necessity for lack of room else-
where. These have been taken to the Council Boom, as have
also some pictures, not of a memorial character.
Notable additions to the Memorial Boom are four mural
tablets, given by descendants of early settlers of Deerfield : —
to Sampson Frary, by Vice-President Levi Parsons Morton, of
New York ; to Zechariah Field, by Marshall Field, of Chicago ;
to Godfrey Nims, by Franklin Asa Nims, of Greeley, Colorado ;
to Nathaniel Sutdiffe, by B. H. Sutliffe, of Plymouth, Conn.
These are fitting memorial tributes ; we may also say that they
are tokens of the widespread and growing interest in our As-
sociation and its work.
It may not be generally known that one of our directors is a
subject of the German Emperor, but such is the fact. One day
last summer, I met at the Hall Mrs. Elizabeth Marvin Kanff-
mann, of Berlin, who came to see. She was so well pleased
that she concluded to stay, so far as an hundred dollar entrance
fee would allow.
Special mention should be made of two portraits in oil by a
skilful but unknown artist, presented by Miss Philomela Arms
Williams of Bloody Brook. They are of Capt. Elijah Arms,
born at the South End, in 1727 ; and his second wife, Naomi
Lyman of Northampton, married 1774. These portraits have
descended to Miss Williams through Capt. Elijah Arms, Jr., the
oldest child ; his oldest child, Amelia Arms, who married Arte-
mus Williams, to their oldest living child, the donor.
As you all know our Library has been overflowing for years.
Now a finely-lighted room opening from it, filled up with cases
covered with glass is nearly ready for occupancy. The capacity
for books will be nearly doubled. One alcove will be devoted
to the literary work of native and adopted citizens of Deerfield.
A circular relating to this alcove is herewith transmitted. The
additions to the Library this year are 120 books and pam-
phlets.
430 Annual Meetmg—190^.
With the expansion and rearrangement of the Library oomeB
the obvious necessity of a new oatalogae. The modem cud
catalogue is the most expensive at the first, but it is indefinitely
expansive and eminently satisfactory. I recommend its adop-
tion.
A new catalogue for the reUc department will also be a nec-
essity for the best results in its use by the public. Here a
printed book will be more desirable. Ite sale will in some de-
gree be a source of income. Some considerable portion of oar
present catalogue can be made use of.
The west entry will be utilized for an overflow from the
kitchen.
As to the Council Boom I invite you to look about you. Note
particularly the desk from Mrs. Stephen Higginson of which
for years I have had the conditional use ; and also the new loca-
tion of the Boston Harbor.
In 1901 we received under the will of Solon L. Newton of
Greenfield a large collection of pewter, crockery, brass, iron
ware and some furniture — ^rare articles lovingly gathered by
Mr. Newton through years of labor. This gift remained un-
packed for many months, as we then had absolutely no room
for its exhibition. Now the large northwest room on the sec-
ond floor is wholly devoted to this fine exhibit, and it is called
the Newton BoonL £xperts have stated that the display of
pewter here is the best in the country.
•^In a, «« of ft, T«,abal, i, . Zm o<»t«M,^ a« ™e W
fied collection. After considerable search no generic name for
this miscellany could be found. But a name was necessary,
and this has come to pass. The entrance to the room is guarded
by the old Pocumtudc cannon, and the first objects seen on
entering are relics of old colonial fortifications. I have there-
fore cut the knot by calling this room The Fort.
It has been proposed to reestablish the bedroom in the large
room over the Library Annex. Miss C. Alice Baker has of-
fered to carry out this scheme. The whole east end of the
Main Hall will then be the Agricultural and Mechanical depart-
ment, now in an absolute jam.
The machinery for making brooms, now set up in the Fort
was given in his lifetime by ^^ Oommodore '' Albert Smith of
Riverside. Only now have we found room for it.
In the past we have been obliged to decline many offerings.
Report of Cvrator. 431
Now we shall he obliged, to have the stream turn our way again,
for we have plenty of room.
I hardly need call attention to the handsome new signs over
the doors indicating the several departments. I do this only
to say that for these we are indebted to the generous heart and
skilful hand of Bev. Eichard £. Birks.
For a gift to cover all the bills of expense for the permanent
repairs to the Memorial Hall, and the premises, we are indebted
to a generous, but anonjrmous contributor.
The ancient clock now in the Vestibule was given by Samuel
Willard who died at Hingham in 1885. The gift was encum-
bered by a life tenure to me ; this lease is hereby cancelled.
The history of the old family clock goes so far back that it
is lost in the dim past. It is simply the '^ Old Willard Clock."
It is an excellent timepiece, and I suggest that the Curator be
directed to keep it on time.
We have received from Mrs. Elizabeth W. Champney an in-
teresting group of articles collected by her lamented husband.
This includes a sheaf of Indian arrows gathered on a trip to
the Indian Territory in company with the late G^n. Armstrong.
Mrs. Stebbins, our Assistant, is an active and earnest worker,
and meets the public need. She is the right person in the right
place. I am glad to say that I see no present signs of a divorce.
When our Association was formed in 1870, the interest in
our object was generally confined to elderly people ; few others
became members. Naturally, as will sadly appear in the pro-
ceedings of to-day our ranks are fast growing thin. Times have
changed, however ; in the present generation there is a growing
interest in the past which promises much for the future, and
new workers must be harnessed to our car.
Respectfully Submitted
Gbobob Sheldon,
Curator.
Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1904.
432 Annual Meeting— 190^
HONORABLE JOHN K BUSSELL
BY GEOBGB SHELDON.
Mr. President: — As a fitting introduction to my subject, I
quote the following from Vol. Ill of oar Proceedings^ page
409.
^^ I appear to-night at the request of your Society, which de*
sires to have on its records some memorial of one who was
connected by blood with the makers of Deerfield." These are
the words of John E. Bussell, spoken of his father at our
Annual Meeting in 1897.
Hon. John Edwards Bussell was a life member of our Asso-
ciation. He was a man of more than ordinary note. He filled a
large space among the sons of men in our day and generaticm.
He attained not only a local but a national reputation. Not a
graduate of any collegiate institution, he was untrammeled by
any traditionary academic bonds. He was an original thinker,
a man of decided opinions, a forceful writer and fluent speaker ;
intense in utterance, as a man of his mold must be, yet so kindly
was his nature that I do not think his sharpest philippics ever
left a sting. He was a delightful companion and a warm-
hearted friend.
Mr. Bussell died at his home in Leicester, October 28, 1903.
His funeral seryice, which was attended by many distinguished
men and women, was held in the Cremation Society Chapel at
Forest Hills, Boxbury, October 31. His ashes are deposited in
the Pine Grove Cemetery at Leicester.
In the address from which I have quoted, John E. Bussell
traces his line of ancestry to the emigrant, John Bussell, who
came over in the ship Globe of London, in 1634 ; he was of
Cambridge with sons John and Philip in 1636, and he seems to
have been a man of affairs. He was surveyor of arms in 1638 ;
selectman, 1642 ; constable, 1643 ; and clerk of the writs in 1645.
He was by trade a glazier. Philip followed his father's calling.
John was sent to college and was graduated in the third class
of Harvard College, in 1645, the seventeenth student on her
catalogue. In a class of seven he was the fourth ; so holding
a medium social status in the community.
June 25, 1649, John Bussell, Jr., married Mary Talcott.
John Edma/rds Ru%%dl. 433
She was the daughter of John Talcott, who was an emigrant
from London to Cambridge in 1632, was the founder of the
distinguished Talcott family in Connecticut^ whither he re-
moved in 1636. Mary Talcott was doubtless the magnet which
attracted young John Bussell to Wethersfield. Eev. Henry
Smith died in 1648, and John was chosen his successor. John
Bussell, senior, also succeeded Mr. Smith, by marrying Dorothy,
his widow, in 1649. His son Philip in due time married a
daughter, Joanna Smith.
On account of some senseless contention in the church at
Wethersfield, there was a schism, and in 1659 John, with a
large part of his congregation, including his father and brother,
removed to the wilderness at Hadley, where he could have a
free field for his particular 'ism.
It was at Hadley that John Bussell proved his daring and
his nobility, by taking the proscribed regicides, Whalley and
Goffe, into his own house for concealment. It was a pious
but a difficult and dangerous act. Discovery by the prowling
minions of Charles II. meant destruction to himself and his
confederates. There were in the Bussell family, while the
judges were concealed at Hadley, the two Johns and Philip
with their wives, who, it seems, must have been in the secret,
and how could the inquisitive eyes of the growing children of
John and Philip be possibly kept in the dark. However that
may be, all in the secret kept it bravely and well. It is from
this group of Hadley BusseUs that John E., the subject of this
notice claims descent He found a general family tradition
that their Connecticut ancestors were from Hadley without
designating any particular Une. After a long and careful
search I have picked up a few items on which I base a proba-
ble line of descent — ^but this is not proven — ^I oflfer this for
the clues it may contain for further investigation.
[Since writing this paper I have (1905) established the line
between the Hadley and Connecticut BusseUs. I shall, there-
fore, omit the details of my speculations and insert in place of
it the ascertained facts and give a skeleton line of the ancestors
of Mr. Bussell from John of Cambridge, 1636, to John of
Deerfield, 1756, although it will involve some little repetition.]
I. John Bussell, who came over in the ship Globe of Lon-
don in 1634, was of Cambridge, with sons John and Philip in
1636. He appears to have been prominent in the municipal
28
434 Annual Meeting— 19M.
affairs of the town, holding various offioes of honor and re-
sponsibility. By trade he was a glazier. The diamond-shaped
window panes of the day gave added importance to the craft
Kothing is known of his wife. When his son John was called
to Wethersfield he went also ; there he married Dorothy, the
widow of Bev. Henry Smith. He thence followed his son
John to Hadley in 1659, where he died May 8, 1680, aged 83,
and widow Dorothy died in 1694.
II. Philip, son of John,(l) came with his father from England,
followed him to Wethersfield and to Hadley ; settled eyentaally
in Hatfield ; d. May 19, 1693. He m. Feb 4, 1664, Joanna, dan.
of Eev. Henry Smith. She died Deo. 29, 1664. (2) Jany. 10,
1666, Elizabeth, dau. of Stephen Terry. She was killed in the
Ashpelon raid on Hatfield, Sept. 19, 1677. (3) Dec. 25, 1679,
Mary, dan. Edward Church, of Hadley, whose brother John
had been killed at the Falls Fight, May 19, 1676. She d. in
Sunderland, May 1, 1743, aged 87.
CM. : Joanna, Oct 31, 1664, d. Dec. 29, 1664.
John, Jany. 2, 1667, (3).
Samuel, 1669. Oaptured by Ashpelon at Deerfield, Sept. 19,
1677, and died on the march to Camula.
Philip, Jany. 24, 1671.
Stephen, Oct. 12, 1674 ; killed by Indians Sept 19, 1677.
Samuel, Dec. 31, 1680 ; was of New York, 1720.
Thomas, February 12, 1683, was one of the Hatfield men
who rode to the rescue of Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1704, and was in
the Meadow Fight ; was a soldier at Deerfield, and killed while
out on a scout Aug., 1704.
Mary, Feb. 10, 1685 ; d. an infant.
Mary, May 21, 1686 ; m. Feb. 16th, 1710, Joseph Root, of
Sunderland. She died Jany. 23, 1738.
Daniel, Oct. 8, 1691 ; m. Nov. 18, 1713, Jerusha Dickinson,
dau. John of Hatfield, b. 1693. He d. June 28, 1737. She
m. (2) Oct 25, 1744, Simon Oooley.
III. John, 8. of Philip (II), b. 1667. Sett in Wethersfield,
Conn., where he d. Jany. 10, 1746. He m. April 9, 1691, Martha,
dau. of Nathaniel Graves of Wethersfield ; d. July 16, 1740, (2)
Nov. 20, 1740, Susanna Nichols.
Cfhil. : Abigail, Dec. 8, 1692.
Elizabeth, May 12, 1695 ; m. Feb. (?) 24, 1714, Ephraim Wil-
liams.
John EdAD<urd% HusaeU. 4S5
John, Oct. 8, 1698, (4).
Martiia, Maroh 2, 1701 ; m. David Deming.
Jonathan, March 7, 1707 ; d. Aug. 21, 1826.
Stephen, Oct 20, 1710; m. May 17, 1734, Ruth Morton.
Sett, in Wethersfield. She d. Nov. 14, 1747. (2) Sept. 14,
1749, Abigaa Wright He d. 1761. Abigail died, Oct 4, 1805.
IV. John, 8. of John (III), b. 1698. Sett in Wethersfield,
where he d. Aug. 16, 1773, aged 74. His son Timothy was
administrator on the estate; m. Dec. 1, 1725, Elizabeth, dau.
of Israel Orane. She d. Nov. 10, 1745, aged 41; m. (2)
Abigail She d. Sept 8, 1756, aged 38 ; m. (3) Elizabeth Petti-
bone of Simsbury, Conn.
ChU. : David, Aug. 29, 1726.
Elizabeth, May 17, 1729.
John, Sept 8, 1731, O. S., bapt Sept 14. Settled in Deer^
field, 1756, (5).
Hezekiah, Feb. 13, 1739.
William, June 29, 1741.
Timothy, Dec. 31, 1744 ; d. Jany. 27, 1832, aged 87.
Elizabeth, his wife ; d. July 6, 1808, aged 50.
V. John, s. of John (IV). See Hist of Deerfield II, p. 275.
With the John Eussell who came to Deerfield in 1756 we are
on solid ground. After having served an apprenticeship of
seven years with a tailor, he went out into the world to seek
his fortune. In his account book, now preserved in our Ar-
chives, we find upon a fly leaf the following statement : —
" Early in July, 1756, I cum first to live at Deerfield at
Mr. John Sheldon's House and Began to work att my trade
and was taken sick." His brother, Hezekiah, hearing of his
sickness, wrote John, August 2: ^^ Brother I expect to
hear every day when Mother is Dead and you in a Strange
Land, but I will Come and live with you, if you grow
wors." Hezekiah settled in Northampton. There was an-
other brother, Timothy, who remained in Connecticut.
Although Hezekiah writes that his brother John was ^*sick
and in a Strange Land," John was not comfortless. His
lines had fallen in the House of Mercy. True to the name
and attribute. Mistress Mercy Arms Sheldon had opened her
heart to the forlorn stranger; he was nursed and mothered
and restored to health. Then there was Hannah, that daughter
of Mercy, whose gentle ministrations cheered and perhaps
436 Anmud Meeting— 190^
prolonged his oonvalesoenoe. The ^' Strange Land " blossomed
like the rose. John continued to ^' work at his trade," meaQ-
while working himself into the heart of Hannah. December
22, 1758, they celebrated the landing of the Pilgrims by tak'
ing ship on the connubial seas. ^^ Hence," says John K
Russell, ^^all their descendants are as much Sheldon as Bos-
sell and are proud of a stock which goes back to the begin-
nings of Deerfield." This stock includes Stebbins, Arms,
Chapin, Nash, Hawks, Edwards. On his maternal side John
E. was descended from the settlers of Pennsylvania, but not
one drop of sluggish Dutch blood appeared in his make-up.
John Sheldon, the father of Hannah, lost his father when
nine years old. His mother married second, in 1719, Capt
Timothy Ohilds, who lived on the lot now called the Champ-
ney place, where she died. Probably, on the death of her
grandmother in 1765, Hannah and John Russell, her husband,
went to live with the bereaved Oapt Childs in the house
where her father was brought up; and they bought the
place in 1767. Here a shop was built for John by Benja-
min Munn, and here he ^^ worked at his trade," adding inn-
holding and storekeeping. Here another John Russell was
born, July 30, 1767. Other children were Hannah, 1760 ; Wil-
liam, 1762 ; Elijah, 1765 ; Lemuel, 1769. Lieut. John Russell
seems to have taken a place among the foremost. He was
constable, 1771 ; was one of those who combined in 1772 to
establish a post route between Deerfield and Boston, that they
might keep in closer touch with the Patriots at the Bay ; he
was lieutenant in the train band ; and January 23, 1775, he was
chosen one of the Committee of Inspection, " to see y* y® Re-
solves of y® Continental Congress be strictly adhered to in this
Town " ; he was one of the selectmen the same year ; but the
Whigs were soon fated to lose his strong support; he died
August 17, 1775. His widow brought up the children and
successfully continued the business, paying off the last mort-
gage on the estate in 1787. Her son John was too young to
take part in the Revolution ; he was indentured to Isaac Parker
of Deerfield, to learn the ^^ art and mystery " of the goldsmith
and watchmaker, at his shop on the Old Albany Road. John
set up a shop, probably on the old homestead, but about 1794
his mother sold the place and John removed to N orthampton«
There he married, tfuly 8, 1796, Electa, daughter of Nathaniel
Johm, Edwa/rda B%L8seU. 437
and Bath (Strong) Edwards, and soon after removed to Green-
field, where he established himself in bosiness. His advertise-
ments were for many years a familiar feature in the Greenfield
newspapers. He was generally known as Major BnsselL About
1832 he made for my mother six silver teaspoons from six silver
dollars ; five of these are of my choicest possessions. Major
Bussell died, October 30, 1839. His children, all of whom
survived him, were John, born March 30, 1797; Kathaniel
Edwards, born 1799; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 1801;
Buth Strong, 1804; Francis, 1806; Hannah Sheldon, 1809;
and Mary Clapp, 1811.
John, his firstborn, was taken into the shop to learn the
business of his father, but for unknown reasons about 1816,
he left Greenfield and went to Georgia. There he dealt in
cotton for a dozen years and accumulated what he consid-
ered a fortune. There he met Juliana, daughter of Abram
Witmer, and Ann Catharine Burg, of Lancaster, Pa., whom he
married in 1830. Following the example of his father,
John Bussell brought his young wife back to Greenfield in
1832. Soon after, he engaged in his great life work at Cheap-
side, where he established the first fine cutlery works in Ameri-
ca. In spite of English obstruction and competition, he made
a name and acquired a fortune. The Green Biver Works of
John Bussell soon became known all over the civilized world
and its products found a ready sale. John Bussell, the third, —
and probably the fifth, — of that name in succession, died De-
cember 27, 1874. His children were : Ann Katherine, bom
October, 1831 ; John Edwards, bom January 20, 1834; Charles
Witmer, born November, 1836; and Francis Burg, born De-
cember, 1838. It may be worth nothing, that, such was the
respect shown to motherhood, out of the eleven children of
John, and Major John, the names of eight of them perpetuate
those of maternal ancestors.
Just why John Bussell sent his son John Edwards away
from Greenfield for his early training, does not appear ; but he
was educated under the care of Henry Jones of Bridgeport.
John E. left Jones with a thorough knowledge of French and
Spanish, which soon came in play. At the age of twenty-two
came the most important event in the life of John E. Bussell ;
March 18, 1856, he was married to Caroline, the adopted
daughter of Bev. Dr. John, and Zibian Nelson of Leicester.
488 Annual Meeting— 1904:.
Soon aft^ this marriage the young couple went to C^itral
America in search of material for a history of that interesting
r^on. But that history was not to be written. The young
man came under the observation of men who discovered his
worthy and he was soon employed by the Panama Bailroad and
by the Pacific Mail and Steamship Company as diplomatic agent,
with a salary of $25,000. He spent seven years in this serv-
ice in Central America, having intimate diplomatic relations
with several South American States, and was also more or
less in the diplomatic service of England. He came back
about the close of the Civil War and spent three years in
Washington, coming freely in contact with the leading m^i
of the nation. He was on the staff of the New York Trib-
une and correspondent of the Springfield BepubUcan; he
also wrote papers upon agricultural and scientific topics.
Later he was in the office of the John Bussell Cutlery Com-
pany at New York. In 1867 he settled down on a farm in
Leicester where he lived the life of a ^^ gentleman farmer,^
breeding fine horses and sheep, and cultivating his acres on a
scientific basis. Meanwhile he was gathering about him a
library of 5,000 rare books and hundreds of paintings and works
of art. Mr. Bussell was not especially interested in local
history, but on seeing some indications of interest in our As-
sociation he was invited to join us and at once became a Life
Member; he lightly complained at not being called upon
sooner, '^ for," said he, ^^ I am one of your family, and take a
great interest in my Deerfield ancestry."
In 1880 Mr. Bussell was chosen secretary of the Massachu-
setts Agricultural Society and occupied the post six years,
doing most effective work among tiie farmers. He visited
every town in the state, making public addresses and organi-
zing eflforts to improve agricultural methods.
In 1886, Mr. Bussell, a Democrat, was elected as a Bep-
resentative to Congress from the Worcester district. A split
in the BepubUcan party favored him, and his own popular
stump speeches carried him through. He was a Free Trader
first and last, and his eloquent speeches in Congress on the
tariff question brought him into a prominent position, unu-
sual for a new member. He served on the Committees for
Foreign Affairs and Pensions. Congressional strife, however,
was not to his taste, and he declined a renomination. In 1889-
John Edwao'ds Buasell. 489
90, with his wife^ who was always his good angel, at his side,
he visited Egypt and traveled much in the East. He declined
the Democratic nomination for governor, in 1890, recommend-
ing and supporting ^' that other Bussell," William E., who was
elected.
In 1893 Mr. Bnssell traveled in Spain; on his return he
accepted a nomination for governor, as he did also in 1894,
but failed of an election. About this time President Cleveland
offered him a seat in his Oabinet, the CoUectorship of the Port
of Boston, to appoint him Minister to Italy, or Minister to
Spain. All these tempting offers he declined, saying, ^^ I can-
not take office, it would chill my influence with the people."
Here was an exemplary politician who would sacrifice himself
to what he considered the good of his party, and of course the
good of his country.
In 1895, Mr. Bussell was one of three Commissioners appointed
by the President under an Act of Congress, to join with others,
of England's selection, to examine the waterways from the
Great Lakes to the Atlantic, with reference to constructing a
ship canaL He was secretary of the Commission, and made
the Beport to Congress, which favored the scheme. Compli-
cations on the Canadian border occurred soon after, and no
action on its behalf could be secured. In a delightful account
of his Canadian experiences, Mr. BusseU assured me of his strong
faith that the two countries would, sometime, not far distant,
unite in carrying out this great enterprise. I believe this was
his last great public service ; his heidth failing, he spent two
years in quiet travel about Europe, returning in 1901 without
improvement ; from that time he remained in seclusion at his
home in Leicester. Although he had given up all hopes of
recovery, he retained to the end his customary cheerfulness.
In his last letter, written October 22, to Frank B. Sanborn, he
says: —
^^ You are very kind to think of me and send me your letter.
You did not know how much I was in want of comfort, I have
been in bed of late with Angina, and sick. There is a Spanish
saying, ^ Who takes a cat to bed must not complain of claws.'
So in the Spanish way I mean to be respectful to Angina ;
indeed I pay her no attention, I merely keep quiet. To-day I
have been up since noon and begin to live again. Your two
letters a wedc are my delight, I wish I lived in Concord, bat
440 AnntkU Meeting— 190^
we can't have ^ oar drothers,' and then I fear yon would get
tired of me for I grow old. Even immortals most be yoang to
be agreeabla This was some time a paradox, but without
connting the experience of Aurora (which was not a case of
esteem) we have the high authority of Dean Swift . . .
Eemember me to Mrs. Sanborn — also to the agreeable Mrs.
Dutton, and the stately Mrs. Sherman Hoar. The death of
Monroe is a blow to ns, the line of oar generation wanes to
extreme thinness."
This line became farther attenuated when John Edwards
Bussell died four days later.
JAMES WELLS CHAMPNET.
BT EMMA L. COLEMAN.
Oar Association has lost by death this year Mr. James Wells
Ohampney, of New York and Deerfleld. He joined us in our
earliest days, and became a life member in 1879. Several times
he was chosen councillor and he was always ready to hdp us
whether in making the Seal of the Society or in any trifling
service with his pencil.
The name of Champney is not common, I think, in England,
nor in America. Indeed, a letter addressed to ^' Mr. Champney,
New York," would have been delivered to our friend.
It is easy to believe that he inherited his vivacity and charm
of manner from those remote French ancestors, who gave him
his name, which is derived from ^4e Champagnois" (an immi-
grant from the province of Champagne).
When one listened to his delightful reading of the ^ habitant "
dialect, he surely seemed nearer ^^ le Champagnois " than to bis
earliest American ancestor, the Buling Elder of the Cambridge
Church, " Mr." Eichard Champney, one of those " most dear
saints " of whom Mr. Shepard wrote in his autobiography as
having embarked with him in 1635.
Later generations of Champneys made their home in Box-
bury (at the comer of Parker and Tremont streets) where also
lived that maternal ancestor, James Howe, the baker who sup-
plied bread all winter without charge to the American soldiers
on ^^ the Boxbury line " daring the siege of Boston. [From
Jamies W. Champney, 441
James Howe's bakehouse down the New Lane, now Warren
street, Colonel Learned daily formed his regiment.]
James Wells Ohampney was bom in Boston, the son of James
H. and Sarah (Wells) Ohampney.
His art education began when, as a boy of sixteen, he was
taught wood-engraving.
In 1863 the young artist became a soldier, serving as corporal
in the Forty-fifth Massachusetts. This Boston regiment, which
enlisted for nine months, was held a longer time because of the
battle of Gettysburg.
After the war Mr. Ohampney studied in Europe for several
years with Edouard Fr6re in Paris, in the Academy of Fine
Arts at Antwerp and in Rome.
He married at Manhattan, E^nsas, Elizabeth, daughter of
Judge Samuel Williams. Soon after the marriage Judge Wil-
liams left his Kansas home, which he and his wife had sought
for conscience sake, to dwell in his father's old house in Deer-
field, and here Mr. and Mrs. Ohampney have ever since made
their summer home.
Here Mr. Ohampney sometimes had sketching classes, and
for seven years was Professor of Art in Smith OoUege.
In the early years of his artist life Mr. Ohampney traveled
much through the Southern States, making sketches for Ed-
ward King's "The New South,'' in Brazil, — ^and during the
Oarlist war he worked in Spain ; — ^in his later life he usually
spent his summers in Europe, traveling and working in the
galleries.
He was a member of the American Society of Painters in
Water Oolors and an associate member of the Academy of
Design.
No one enjoyed Uvi/ng more than Mr. Ohampney ; his indus-
try was marvelous ; he loved his work, he loved his play ; there
were no duU hours for him.
The custodians of foreign galleries where he worked were
surprised by his remarkable rapidity and by the accuracy of his
copies or translations, as he preferred to call some of them. Of
Mr. Ohampney as a painter I will let his fellow-artists speak,
quoting from the very appreciative and sympathetic notices of
Mr. Shirlaw and Mr. La Farge.
Mr. Shirlaw writes that " he found his special felicity in the
fascinating pastel," " he was alive to what was best in art,"
442 Annual Meeting— 190i.
** bringing to his and oar gain the beautifal copies he made ci
the work of the great masters," — ^^ that it would be a good ob-
ject lesson and deserved tribute if the best of his copies could
be held together and placed in a museum." Of some original
work Mr. Shirlaw says ^' the technique was distinctly refined
and seemed to qualify him especially to understand the work of
the French masters."
May not this, too, have been an inheritance from those dwel-
lers of ^^ la Ohampagne t"
Of his ^^ translations " Mr. La Farge writes : ^^ They have the
merit and the quality of the originals," — ^^ the appearance of
personal work, the last thing we get from the usual copies, be-
longing to the manner of copy of which the great masters were
so fond." ^^ Even Bembrandt himself has been followed by Mr.
Champney with a perception of the manner and a rendering of
the appearance, that I have been able to gauge myself with the
original alongside of it" ^^ There have been none such before
and any repetition of the like must be extremely rare." ^ Mr.
Champney was given to continuous study — everything interested
him."
In the exhibition lately held in New York, while most of the
pictures shown were pastels, there were a few oils and some
water colors, which Mr. La Farge describes as " very beautiful "
with such a note of sincerity '^ and quality of truthfulness " ^^ as
to give the time of day, the weather, even the very different
kind of light in France or England."
It is more difficult, because more intimate, to speak of Mr.
Champney as our own friend. We knew him as the genial
host and charming guest. As the kind neighbor, not one
has been more considerate nor more generous to those less tor-
tunate.
He identified himself with the best interests of our village ;
with its past history and its future progress. By his effort the
site of the fort weU was marked. His latest interest here was
in a union of the two churches.
We thought of him as husband, father, neighbor, soldier and
painter, as the little group of veterans walked with fife and
drum on Memorial Day to our old bury ing-ground, where among
the graves of those who were killed in the devastation of tiie
town two hundred years ago this night, and the Soldiers of the
Revolution who fought to make a nation, they laid their laurels —
James M. Crafts. 448
flower and leaf— on the new grave of the only one there bnried
who served in the war that saved the nation.
This spot chosen years before by himself is marked by a sim-
ple slate stone inscribed :
JAMES WELLS CHAMPNEY
bom July 16th, 1843
died May Ist, 1903
JAMES M. CRAFTS.
BY 8BTH B. 0BAFT8.
James Monroe Crafts was bom at Whately, Mass., February
26, 1817. His opportunities for education as with most men of
his time were quite limited. On arriving at manhood he learned
the potter's trade and with his farming he carried on the pot-
tery business with his father, the firm known as Thomas Crafts
& Son. They sold the pottery in 1851, he continued forming
to which he added the business of buying, assorting and selling
seed-leaf tobacco.
In 1873 he removed to Shelbume Falls and engaged in the
manufacture of cigars and run a tobacco store. In 1876 he re-
turned to Whately and took up farming. He held most of the
various town offices, selectman, assessor, treasurer ; was on the
board of school committee many years, was special county com-
missioner, president of the Franldin County Agricultural Soci-
ety, was an officer of the Pocumtuck Memorial Association.
He helped J. H. Temple compile a history of Whately in 1871,
and in 1893 with William F. Crafts compiled a Genealogical
and Biographical History of the descendants of Griffin and
Alice Crafts, from 1630, the time when they came from Eng-
land and settled in Boxbury, Mass., to 1893. AU the Crafts
families in this State trace back to these common ancestors.
He has written a History of the Sanderson and the Bardwell
Families. He helped in compiling a History of the Graves
Family. He was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 1851,
holding an appointment at the time of his death. He was a
member of the Fraternal Orders of Odd Fellows and Masons.
In 1899 the town of Whately voted to ask Mr. Crafts to pre-
pare a EQstory of the Town, recognizing that records are perish-
444 Annual Meeting— 190^.
able, and are always incomplete ; thej are at best bnt the OQi-
lines, the filling-ap must come from personal reminiscences of
character and actions, and those items of civil and social afTairs
which are transmitted by tradition, but with enough of truth
to explain the records, and enough of reality to help the practi-
cal historian in giving a life-like picture of the time of which he
treats. Mr. Crafts' knowledge of the genealogy of the Whately
Families, his memory of the days gone by, being an eye witness
of the events transpiring for nearly 80 years, gave to him a
peculiar fitness for the work. He was a man well posted on
all current topics of the day, pleasing in conversation and man-
ner, large hearted, ever thoughtful for others and very liberal
in his religious views.
His death occurred, September 18, 1903.
SKETCH OF ZERI SMITH.
BY HBNBT O. HASKELL.
Zeri Smith, an original member of this Association, passed
away on May 13, 1903, after a short illness.
He was born on June 17, 1814 (Bunker Hill day), upon what
is called ^^ Grindstone Hill," about one and one half miles from
the farm that he afterward purchased.
He remained with his parents until twenty years of age.
He then went to North Hadley, and learned the broom busi-
ness, working there some three years ; a certain number of
brooms being a day's work. One year he did not lose a day
and made one and one half day's work in one, thus doing one
and one half years' work in one.
Again, at the age of 87, he grew five acres of tobacco, and
plucked the tops from the whole of it himself, rather than to
trust the job to the help.
In 1837 he purchased the farm upon which he afterwards
spent his life, commencing farming at that time. He also be-
gan the manufacture of brooms, in which he continued for six
years when he abandoned it and went into the lumber business,
but still cultivated his farm.
He furnished the lumber for the first public aqueduct f(»
supplying the City of Springfield with v^ater.
Alfred B. Stebbms. 445
In 1852 he engaged in the growing of tobacco, being one of
the first to grow the weed in the Connecticut valley, a business
which he followed during the remainder of his life.
In 1860 he began to buy tobacco for New York parties, in
which he continued for a number of years.
He was married three times, outliving his third wife several
years.
He had by his first marriage three children : One, a daughter,
died in infancy. His two sons survive him.
In his younger days he experienced much sickness in his
family, and this with some business reverses would have dis^
couraged many, but with pluck and perseverance he after-
ward achieved success in his undertakings.
He was a man who must be known to be appreciated.
ALFRED BAXTER STEBBINS.
BT MART ELIZABETH 8TEBBINS.
Alfred Baxter Stebbins, born in Deerfleld, February 4, 1829;
died in Deerfield, January 31, 1904.
He was one of ten children of Zebina and Ruby Graves Steb-
bins, and was born and lived on the farm now known as the
^' Ely Place,'' until he was fourteen years old. He was edu-
cated in the district school and the Deerfield Academy.
In April, 1844, he removed with his parents to the Meadow
Mill district, his father purchasing the property there, and en-
gaged in the gristmill business. The ^^ Stebbins Mill " was a
noted one in those days, and here he worked for some years,
with his father and brothers. He was an expert in making
flour, that being his specialty. Thoroughness and honesty
were characteristic of him all his Hfe.
He was a man of dedsion, with no equivocation, and he
could not be swerved from the path of duty and right, as he
saw it, after he had made up his mind. He was of a retiring
disposition, even to difi&dence, but his friendships were loyal
and permanent.
Remaining unmarried, he made his home with his parents
until their death.
The memory of his mother was ever sacred to him, and his
446 Annual Meetmg—190^.
love and reverence for her were the crowning affections of his
life.
From 1882 until 1898 he was engaged in business at Black
Biver Falls, Wisconsin. But a longing for the old scenes and
old friends called him back to his native town, and the last
years of his life were passed in Greenfield and Deerfidd
amid the old haunts and memories, and '^ having won "
The bound of man's appointed yean at last,
Life's blessings all enjoyed, life's labors done,
Serenely to his final rest he passed.
This is a brief record of one of the early members of this
Association who has recently passed away. One by one they
leave us as the years glide by, and the world moves on seem-
ingly forgetful ; but the memory of a life of integrity is never
wholly lost, for the record of individual good citzenship is the
standard by which the character of a community is judged.
JOHN MONTAGUE SMITH.
BY ABBIB S. MONTAOUB OF SUKDEBLAin).
A brief sketch written during his lifetime opens with the
statement, which probably no one would question, that no resi-
dent of Sunderland of his generation was more widely known
within and without the town than was he.
Should we ask why he was so well known, we should not
find our answer in the circumstances attending his early years,
for his advantages were not very different from those usually
enjoyed by the young people of his day in that town, and his
education was not more liberal than that afforded by the pri-
vate academy of the middle of the last century. We should
judge rather, that it was because of native ability joined with
a willingness to respond wherever and whenever he was needed,
and a desire to give to the world the very best which it was
in his power to bestow.
He was of unmixed Connecticut valley ancestry ; every one
of the more than 100 of his American ancestors of whom we
have trace, lived at some time in his or her life in a town bor-
dering on the Connecticut Biver. We have not time to speak
of all of whom we might speak, to show that his ancestors were
John M. Smith. 447
men and women of much worth, but on this day of all others
we must not fail to mention Benjamin Waite.
From him he descended through his daughter, Oanada, who
was bom in captivity.
He was a descendant, in the 9th generation, of Lieut. Sam-
uel Smith who sailed with his wife Elizabeth and four children
from Ipswich, England in 1634, who settled in Wethersfield,
removed to Hadley in 1659 and became one of the founders of
the latter town.
He was, in both Wethersfield and Hadley, one of the most
prominent citizens. Among other honors, he was chosen dep-
uty to the General Court, about twenty-five times. The links
connecting lieut. Samuel and John Montague Smith are Philip
of Hadley, Jonathan of Hatfield, Elisha of Whately, Benja-
min of Whately, Elihu of Hadley and Austin of Sunderland.
We can also trace his descent from Lieut. Samuel in three other
lines.
He was a son of Austin and Sally (Montague) Smith. Has
mother was the youngest daughter of Dea. John Montague,
one of the prominent men of Sunderland, who was for many
years clerk of both town and church, who held all of the im-
portant town offices, who was for a long time teacher of the
town school, and who established a social library in the eight-
eenth century.
Dea. Montague's wife died when his daughter Sally was two
years old, and the latter was adopted by a childless man, Na-
thaniel Smith, Esq., who became an associate in various suc-
cessful business ventures, and was held to be Sunderland's
wealthiest citizen. He was a man of great liberality ; was one
of the founders of Amherst College.
After this daughter was married to Austin Smith of North
Hadley, they shared in common the then fine house which is
now Sunderland's only hotel. Here John M. Smith was bom,
July 6, 1825, and here the family lived until the deaths of
the foster parents, which occurred only a few days apart, in
1833.
Nathaniel Smith was, eminently, a trader, but he owned
farm property. Austin Smith was eminently a former, and
after the death of Nathaniel the latter moved to a place farther
down street, the land of which joined a large tract which
Nathaniel owned, and which was thus rendered by far the
448 Annual Meeting— 190^.
largest and most valaable &urm in the village, and which was
ever after the home of both Austin and John M. Smith.
Mr. Smith was married, January 9, 1850, to Eliza Hubbard,
daughter of Horace Lyman, Esq. She died September 30, 1S98.
Their only children, two daughters, died at early ages. Their
adopted daughter, Mrs. Charles E. Smith, shared his home from
early childhood.
His lifelong occupation was farming. He was thoroughly
conversant with agriculture and was considered an authority
on any branch of the subject. Although on a larger scale, like
other Sunderland farmers he engaged in the cultivation of a
variety of crops, but unlike most of them he carried on largely
the business of raising and dealing in beef cattle, notwith-
standing the Western competition of later years. While a
member of the State Board of Agriculture 1865-68, it is evi-
dent, from the reports, that his opinions on the subject of beef
raising were considered authoritative, and it is equally evi-
dent that his was a high standing in the councils of die Board.
If we study thoroughly his connection with agricultural or-
ganizations, we must go backward 66 years. A number of
young men banded themselves together in an organization
which existed for many years, for the twofold object of co-
operative farming and practical benevolence. The youngest
subscriber by far, was John M. Smith, then twelve years old.
When 25, he was largely instrumental in establishing the Sun-
derland Farmers' Club. For over 30 years he was a member of
the Franklin Harvest Club, and at the time when it was do-
ing its best work as an agricultural society. From 1872-76,
he was its secretary. He was president of the Franklin County
Agricultural Society 1862-65 and was helpful in institute woA
and in other ways, and, as we have said, a member of the
State Board of Agriculture from 1865 to 1868.
In politics he was a Eepublican, and very loyal to his party.
He was frequently chosen to important town offices, serving
as town clerk for 35 years. He was one of the committee ap-
pointed by the town for building the present townhall and
school building, and he was largely instrumental in rendering
the Sunderland bridge free to tJie public. He served two
terms as special county commissioner and two terms as com-
missioner. When elected to the latter office in 1873 he re-
ceived in Sunderland 162 of the 169 votes cast, and in 1876,
John M. Smith. 449
167 out of 176, the Democratic vote for governor being in
those respective years, 30 and 43. In 1875 he was one of a
commission to build the suspension bridge at Turners Falls.
There was very much opposition to the chosen location but
the judgment of the commissioners has since been vindicated.
He was a member of the Congregational Church from boy-
hood, and he was as ready to give his best service to the
church, as to the public, whether as Sunday School superintend-
ent or teacher, as a frequently appointed delegate or committee
or as a participant in its prayer services. He was a promi-
nent member of the Congregational club during most of the
years since its organization.
He became a member of the P. Y. M. A., in 1873 and he
always had at heart its interests. For nine years he was coun-
cillor, and for three years vice-president, and he did efficient
work on committees of arrangement. He presided at the after-
noon session of the annual meeting of 1900, which was the last
meeting that he was able to attend. He thoroughly enjoyed
his connection with this organization, as he was thoroughly in
sympathy with its objects. The same motive which impelled
his loyalty to this society impelled him to the work of editing
the History of Sunderland, which was largely written by his
cousin, Henry W. Taf t, Esq., but which was laid down on account
of physical infirmity. Mr. Smith spent two years in adding to
Mr. Taft's work and in bringing the whole into shape for publi-
cation. After an illness of two years, he died of pulmonary
tuberculosis, July 3, 1902. The offices which he filled so faith-
fully and so well have long since been taken by others, but
as no history of Sunderland will ever be written which will
wholly displace his, this book will ever be a monument of his
love of the study of local history, and of the faithful work
which characterized his life.
2<)
460 AnntKU Meeting — 1904.
THE ADVENTURES OF BAPTISTK
BT O. ALIOS BAKBB.
Pabt IL
Oar last glimpse of our hero was in May, 1697, when, aoooid-
ing to letters carried by his wife to Yillebon, Baptiste had set
out from the month of the river St. John to go privateering
^^ with one of the fishing boats which he formerly took and a crew
of twenty five men." * Baptiste's holiday was short ! About a
month later a stop was put to his sport. On the 6th of June,
1697, he and 21 of his crew were committed to Boston jaO,
where as we have seen, Captain Yillieu and his men had abeady
been sentf Side by side on the lists of Caleb Ray, jailer, are the
names of Yillieu and his men, with Baptiste and his crew up to
December 4th, 1697, when " Yillieu went to Salem In order to
goe to OTorto." X
The treaty of Ryswiok was signed September 20th, 1697.
Rumors of this must have reached the authorities at Boston, and
probably influenced them to release Yillieu, that he might sail
from Salem at the earliest date after the formal proclamation in
New England, thereby saving the government further expense
for his maintenance.
The Thursday lecture had been in such a state of decline that
Mr. Cotton Mather in April had reproved the Boston people
for their small attendance, and had given notice that there-
after it would begin at eleven of the clock, an hour earlier
than formerly .§ It was probably very well attended on the 9th
of December, 1697, and Sewall with his dinner guests doubtless
discussed the prospect of peace. That afternoon at 3 o'clock
Captain Gillam sailed into Marblehead harbor after " a *very
extraordinary Passage' of 3 months and 1 day from Cowes." I
Captain Balston, a passenger, went up to Boston that night,
and early in the morning of the lOtii, Captain Clark told
Sewall of the arrival of the ship.
It was a day of great excitement in Boston. The Post room
* Doc. Rd. k THist. de la NouveUe France, Vol. 11, p. 284, Tlbierge to
Frontenac.
t March 23, 1696-97.
t GoodeU Acts and Resolves, Vol. VII, p. 586.
I Sewall's Diary, Vol. 1, p. 464.
II Sewall's Diary, Vol. I, p. 465.
Adventures of Ba^pUate. 461
in the old State House was thronged with people, and some
were merry and some were sad, as they opened their letters
from old England. Among the ship's passengers was John
Willard. He had fled to England to escape persecution for
aiding Mrs. Gary to escape from Cambridge jail, where she was
confined under the charge of witchcraft.
"Willard came up from Salem that morning bearing dispatches
to the Boston government, including an order for the proclama-
tion of the peace between England and France.* Between 3
and 4 o'clock that afternoon, two heralds with trumpets pro-
claimed the glad tidings of Peace from the balcony of the old
State House, which was followed by the beating of ten or
twelve drums, and received by the people in the street below
with loud acclamations.
The beautiful Council Chamber had been lately fitted up with
new ceiling, painting and glazing, a new floor, and hearthstone
built up to its level.
There the Lieutenant Gtovemor (Stoughton) with his Council,
all in their robes of state, and many of the principal gentle-
men of Boston, exchanged congratulations upon the important
event. Afar in the southwest, the sun was sinking in a golden
glory, when " the prison doors were opened, and the French
prisoners cheered with wine, but more with Liberty." f The
jailer's last charge for keeping Baptiste is as follows : —
" To Keeping of Captain Baptiste from 13th of 8 ber to y*
18th December Is 9 wks 3 Days at 6 sh per wk." The auditors
of this account ^^ judging 4 sh per wk to be a sufficient allow-
ance for Keeping the within named Captain Baptiste, (who is
not kept better than y^ ordinary prisoner), ^ subduct ' accord-
ingly in settling with Eay. "
Little cared the North American savage for treaties signed
across the sea. The subsequent pillage, murder and captures
at Haverhill, Spruce Creek and Hatfleld, made it apparent
that the Eastern Indians must be treated with as an independent
nation, bound by their former treaties to recognize the sover-
eignty of England. Our retention in Boston jail, after the
peace of Bomazeen, one of their most cruel sagamores, being
their excuse for renewed atrocities, it was decided after much
discussion, to set him free. In the jail keeper's account^
* Council Records, Vol. 2, p. 510.
t Sewall's Letter Book, Vol. I, p. 194.
462 Annual JUeeUng— 1904.
the last date of his imprisonment is the 18th of November,
1698.
Nothing more is said of Baptiste after the 18th of December,
1697, to which date as we have seen, his board is charged. He
probably escaped with some late squad at the general release.
Be this as it may, he was in Canada before the date of a letter
written the 16th of April, 1699, by the French Minister at Ver-
sailles to Yillebon, in which he says :
^^ His Majesty is very glad to hear of Captain Baptiste's re-
turn, and will bear him in mind when he has an opportonily to
do him a favor." *
Baptiste was soon at his old tricks again, as we learn from
^^ The humble Petition of John Harraden Mariner, late oom-
mandr and owner of the Sloop Blackthorn which Sheweth
That on the tenth day of May Anno Domi 1702, before the
war was proclaimedf y o' Petitioner being bound with his s*^ Slo(^
on a ffishing voyage to Cape-Sables was met by the Jean Bap-
tiste who took yo' Petitioner, and sent him and his Company
into Port Boyall, and in about two months time yo' Peti-
tioner being discharged and his Company brought home with
him two Ketches which the ffrench had taken from us, and de-
livered them to the owners at Salem, and presently waited upon
his Excellency, and gave him an acc^ of what had happened,
who was pleased to grant yo^ Petitioner his Commission to go
in search after recover and retake his s4 sloop dk c^ " [cai^].
When Harraden met Baptiste, it was Oreek meeting Greek,
for the former was as famous a privateer as the Frenchman,
and as he goes on to say,
** The said Baptiste being notoriously known to have been
a most mischievous enemy to this Country last warr, having
taken a great number of vessells from the Merchts: of
this Province Several Merchts: and Gentlemen of good
worth promis'd yo' Petitioner, he should be very well re-
warded if he could take efi Baptiste. But now so it is may it
please yo^ Excellency and Honors, that yo' Petitioner did
pursuant to his s^ Commission find out & take s^ Baptiste
and bring him Prisoner to Boston, but in our way home met
with a flfrench man of War of seaventy-five men who were
fitted out from Port Boyal on purpose to take yo^ Petitioner
* Doo. Rel. k VBiBt. de la NouveUe France, Vol m, p. 316.
t /. e., Queen Anne's War.
Adventures of BapHete, 468
(as the Capt. himself boasted when we hailed him), but we
killed the Captain and 13 or 14 of his men (as the ffrenoh
themselves reported) and sent her back to Port Eoyal, Mon-
sieur Baptiste having had the satisfaccon to be a spectator of
the action whereby (as he humbly conceives,) he did a very con-
siderable service for his Country, the Satisfaccon whereof he
looks upon to be a sufficient reward for all the Pains and haz-
ard he has sustained in the enterprize. But his particular per-
sonal Loss has been very great for besides that the Sloop ffur-
niture &c: cost him near four hundred pounds which is aU
lost. ^ ... he is moreover by the Loss of his Sloop put out
of all employment, & all means to support himself and ffamily
taken away from him whereby he is reduced to great straits."
Thus the fortunes of war brought Baptiste for the third
time to Boston jail, from which he was not soon again to
escape.
The jail being overcrowded, some of the principal French
prisoners of this period were sent down to the Castle in the
harbor, f
December 2, 1703, the Representatives in asking the Governor
^' for the Redressing of several things," and evidently feeling
that Baptiste is not well guarded,
" pray that John Battiste prisoner at y* Castle be Removed
into, and kept in y* Roome there formerly prepared for him."
Doubtless the matter was promptly investigated, as I find
that at the next ^^ meeting of the Council, Dec. 13, the Hon.
Thomas Povey, Commander of the Castle, made answer * As
to the keeping of Battiste, he is kept in the same place where
he always has been.' "
The news of his capture made a great stir in Acadia, as is
proved by the following letters. The first is from Tibierge,
the Company's agent at Naxouat, to Mr. John Nelson at
Boston :
Port Royal, 22nd, Aug. 1702.
Sir.
The advices reodved here, that Mr. Baptiste has been taken by one of yo*
veesells armed for war by order of yo* Govt, gives me opertunity of writing
you these lines to pray you that if y« S<1 Mr Baptiste has need of your Suc-
cour as far as the sum of fiFifty of sixty livres, to furnish him with it and take
his receit for it. I wiU satisfy you with honour for the said Summ, In re-
* Goodell, Acts and Resolves, Vol. Vm, p. 278.
fNow Fort Independence.
464 Annual Meeting — 1904.
paying it to yo* Order where you please. I diaU be vefymueh obliged to jtn
for this favour which I expect from you Bdng most trudy
S^ yo* moet humble and meet obedt Servt
TiBIBROB.
Do Brouillant writes to Dudley and to the Council at the
same date.
Sir.
I had reason to brieve that after I had sent jrou one of my offioere to ad-
vise you of the honor that the King had done me in giving me the Govern-
ment of this Province .... you would have honoured me Sir with answer-
ing and advising me what you oould doe on those overtures I made you;
but very far from that under pretence of some vessels taken by the Indians,
you have sent on our coast Privateers to take our French fishermen, althou^
those taken [by the Indians] were returned to you, which in rigour, bad been
good prizes, not only respecting the declaration of warr but alsoe because
you have noe right to come a fishing on our lands; I doe not believe that
you would demand that veesell taken by Mr. Baptiste which was found
without Passeport or Commission trading in the harbours of our coast for
peltry feathers and other effects .... which is directly contraiy to the
Treaty .... soe that I believe myselfe to be well grounded in demand-
ing the restitution of the French vessells taken on our coasts, with the Ef-
fects of the men taken .... and by name Mr. Baptiste whom I Hftmm^fMl
as a subject of the King, and protest in reprisal of the violence and ill treat-
ment that shall be done him. I expect that you will the more readily reflect
aa the vertue of my demand, in that I did not deferr one moment in send-
ing you the vessells which I took out of the Indians' hands, at the time yon
demanded them and was just about .... to advise you of my design to
return them to you .... that soe I might correspond faithfully with the
engagement which the gentlemen of the Boston Council had made with me
in engaging me in a neutrality .... in Letters which they wrote me.
.... where you may remark that they assure me that they are obliged that
those of your nation shall not begin any irruption. You cannot suspect me
of any, since as I have already said, I have sent back to you your vessells
with their Effects, and the men belonging to their crews without standing
on my good right to retain them by reason of the warr. . . .
I am Sir, your moet obedient and faithful Ser^
Bbouillant.
De Broaillant also wrote to Baptiste who had written him
after his capture :
I have received your letter, and am very sorry for your accident. I have
not been wanting in my care to get your liberty, but the courser went too
well. I have sent to Boston to reclame the vesseUs, you and the crews, by
virtue of the word which the Gentlemen of the Council of Boston gave me,
that they would not make any irruption on their side; I have done as much
on ours, since I have returned them the vesseUs taken from them, exo^t
that which contraiy to the treatys of the Crownes of England and ours
Adventures of JSaptiste. 455
traded with our Frenchmen and Indians without any commiaBJon or paswport
I hope they will give me a reason for that.
Be at quiet expecting your destiny which can't be bad, once you have done
nothing but by my orders. Ebcpect that I will interest the King in your
retention, and that I will take soe just measures to have you again, that
the English gentlemen shall find them agreeable.
Your family is in health. Do not disturbe yourself about it, yo* wife
writes you. LeF^vre will deliver you two Louis d'ors, and I have caused
Mr. Nelson to be wrote to, to furnish your wants. I hope he will doe it.
I am always, with all my heart Sir, Yours.
Brouillant.
Port Royal 25th Aug. 1702.
In Dudley's reply to Be Brouillant's letter he says :
I have by your Messenger, Mr. LeFebore, received two letters, one for my-
self and the other for the gentlemen of her Majesty's Council of this Prov-
ince but you have reserved the date of both of them so as they may be pre-
tended to be written before the commencement of the warr and thus might
have been the .... for the restoring the sloopes and men lately taken
from the subjects of the French King, but as the matter now stands I have
nothing further to say to it. ... In the meantime I must desire that the
subjects of her Majesty the Queen .... may have the good fortune to
keep themselves out of the Inconveniences of a captivity, tiiough never so
easy and short. This is in answer to yours Received the fifteenth of Sep-
tember instant.*
All this was dated in the summer of 1702, as is proved by a
letter from Be Brouillant to the French Minister dated Octo-
ber 30, 1702.t
The Acadian Governor b evidently in a great rage. He says that he is
"so piqued by the bad treatment of the Acadian French by the English that
if his Majesty wiU give him a large enough force, he will wager his head that
he will make a successful enterprise against Boston. He had engaged the
Acadians in fishing the length of the coast, and this year, would have had
at least 15 or 20 barks employed there, if an English corsair t had not seized
those who had begun to do it.§ He had at once armed a barque, under the
command of Lieutenant Neuvillette H to try to overtake this corsair. That
officer was killed in the conflict. . . . Having been informed that an arma-
ment was fitting out at Boston for an attack on Acadia, he has made his
people work hdidays and Sundays, to put Port Royal in a state of de-
fence, and sent a man T overland to Boston, under pretext of reclaiming
the fishermen that have been taken, but really to fimd out exactly what
* AU the above letters may be found in Mass. Archives, Vol. 11, pp. 603
to 612.
t Doc. Rel. k THistoire de la Nouvelle France, Vol. n, p. 995.
t Harraden's vessel.
§ /. e., Baptiste, see Harraden's petition above.
II Brother of Portneuf .
TLeFfevre.
456 Annual Meeting— 190^
preparations are makiiig. He has ohaiged this man to redaim l^ nanie the
Sieur Baptiste, (who thoroughly knows the Acadian coast, and who waa
seised on a vessel that he had put out to fish in order to induce others to do
the same,) on information he had received that the Boston gov^mxKent
intended to hang him because he had formerly been with the EngJish.
A later letter to the French Minister, from the Gk>Temor and
Intendant at Qaebec, between whom and the Acadian Gov-
ernor there was jealousy,* notes the return of LeF^vre, " who
had been sent to Boston to negotiate the return of the vesseb
and prisoners that the English had taken from Acadia," and
says that ^^ the Boston governor had laughed at Brouillant's of-
fer to return as many to him when he should catch thenoL"
The letter also notes that ^^ LeFdvre had been shut up while
he stayed in Boston to prevent his finding out what was going
on."
On the night of William's death. Queen Anne had told the
Privy Council that she should carry on the war for which he
had been preparing which was accordingly declared on the 4th
of May, 1702. [O. S.] It was in the autunm of that year that
LeF^vre was sent to Boston, as we have seen.
Next in the sequence of events is the tragedy we commemo-
rate to-day : a tragedy perpetrated in retaliation for the seizure
of Baptiste.t Mr. Williams reached Montreal towards the last
of April, 1704.
^^ At my first coming to Montreal," says the Bedeemed Cap-
tive, '^the Governor told me I should be sent home as soon as
Captain Battis was returned, and not before ; and that I was
taken in order to his redemption."
^^ The miserable devastations made on Deerfield," and other
atrocities of which he had been a witness, caused the impetuous
Capt. Church to say that if he were commander-in-chief of
these provinces he '^ would soon put an end to these barbarities,
.... making it his whole business to fight and destroy the
savages^ as they did our poor neighbors. . . . His blood boiled
within him, making such impulses on his mind, that he forgot
all former treatments, which were enough to hinder any man,
especially the said Major Church, from doing any further service.
Notwithstanding which, having a mind to take some satisfac-
* Doo. Rel. k PHist. de la NouveQe France, Vol. n, p. 402.
t Other reasons for the attack may be found, ante, pp. 12, 13 — and
po&t pp. 477, 478. [EDrroB.]
Ad/oenture% of Baptiste. 457
tion on the enemy, his heart being full, he took his horse and
rode from his own habitation,* seventy miles, to wait npon
his Excellency, and offered his services to the Queen, the Gov-
ernor and the country, which the Governor readily accepted,
and desired Major Church to draw up a plan of action."
Church's commission made him ^^ Colonel of all the forces raised,
.... and Captain of the First Company of the said forces."
Among the forces, was a company under our old acquain-
tance, Capt. John Harraden.
The expedition sailed about the middle of May and ^^ got safe
into Montinicus, undiscovered by the Enemy ."f
It is not my purpose to give the details of the Fifth and
Last Expedition of Capt. Church, — except as they throw light
upon persons and places we meet in connection with this story
of Baptiste.
The next morning after their arrival at Matinicus, Church
sent two whaleboats to Green Island, one to one part, and
the other to the other, so that they might miss nothing. Here
they met with one whom Church calls LaFav/re and Penhal-
low, LaFebure^ whom I beUeve to be none other than our old
friend LeFhvre.
He with his two sons, Thomas and Timothy, and a Canada
Indian, were gathering ducks and eggs. They at once threw
down their eggs, and running for their boats, put out to sea.
Soon overtaken, they were quickly captured, kept apart, and
carried to Church, who finding papa LeFivre " very surly and
cross, so that he could gain no intelligence from Mm," set up
two stakes at some distance apart, surrounded by larire heaps
of wood, and ordering his InLn^ to put on their wlr pain^
he had Thomas and Timothy bound to the stakes, and pro-
ceeded to examine them separately.
Taking Timothy first. Church promised to spare his life and
take him into his service, if he would tell the truth, to which
Timothy agreed. After some questions. Church asked Tim-
othy whether his brother did not know more than he did,
when he divulged the fact, that Thomas had a commission from
the Governor of Canada, to command the Indians gathered at
a place where some French officers, lately arrived from Canada,
were to take command of those that were going to fight the
♦ TiTertofn, R. I.
t Montinious Idand about 20 miles south of Fox Island, Penobscot Bay.
458 Annual Meeting— 190^.
English, and that a quantity of ammunition and stores had been
sent to his father, and brother Tom, for that army ; and that
the Canada gentlemen were Monsieur Qourdeau and Mr. Shar-
kee, who were at Passamaquoddy, building a fort Tom being
questioned, and told that the savages should roast him if he
did not tell all he knew, solemnly promised that he would, and
would pilot Church to everything he knew. This melodrama
being played out, Church ordered the whaleboats to be got
ready, and went directly and seized the stores. At dusk, pi-
loted by Tom and Timothy, Church's men paddled to the main
land at the mouth of the Penobscot, and visited every habita-
tion thereabouts both of French and Indians.
In this they were assisted " by one De Young whom they
carried out of Boston jail for the same purpose, and he was
serviceable to them." Penhallow writes this name D'Young.
It has been printed D. Young — I have no hesitation in saying
that the name is Dion, formerly Ouion.
Two Acadian brothers, Joseph and Francois Guyon, well-
known pilots and filibusters of that period had been captured
with their crew and committed to Bo^n jail at about the same
time as the seizure of Baptiste by Harraden.* Their surname
being the same as that of Baptiste, their exploits similar and
cotemporaneous, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between
them.
At Penobscot, Church killed or took every one, both French
and Indians. Among the captives was Castine's daughter.
The prisoners all corroborated the statement of Tom and Tim-
othy, that there were no more Indians thereabouts, but " enough
of them " at Passamaquoddy. Paddling at night and resting
by day. Church scoured the coast with his whaleboats.
On June 7, 1704, they entered the west harbor at Passama-
quoddy. •
On an island there they seized a French woman and her chil-
dren (who evidently knew more than she would tell); and
what other prisoners they could, including ^^ old Lotrell and his
family."
Leaving Col. Gorham to guard these prisoners. Church
moved up the river in the darkness of the night, with diffi-
culty by reason of the fierceness of the current. The two pilots,
* See Mass. Arohives for statement, petitions and list of the crew of the
brothers Quion.
Adventures of Baptiste. 459
Ouion and Fellows, to discourage him, told him that a part of
Lottrell's family had been drowned there.
I^othing daunted, Churoh went on, and at daybreak Le
Fdvre's son directed them to Gourdean's hut, who came out
and was granted quarter for himself and &mily.* From Gour-
deau. Church learned that '^ Monsieur Sharkey " (eio)^ lived
several leagues up the river, but was coming down that day
to advise with him, about the Indian army that was to go west-
ward. Church, knowing that delays are dangerous, left Otowr-
deau under guard, and pushed on in search of Sharkee, whom
they took with his family. Then with a store of fish and
beaver, and the other prisoners, they sailed away in the trans-
ports for Minas. On June 20, Church demanded the sur-
render of Minas,
^^ because of many cruelties .... you and the Indians have
been guilty of towards us ... . particularly the horrid action
at Deerfield this last winter, in killing .... and scalping,
without giving any notice at all, or opportunity to ask quarter
.... and carrying the remainder into captivity in the height
of winter of which they killed many in the journey ; and ex-
posed the rest to the hardships of cold and famine worse than
death itself.''
The pilot. Fellows, after lying about the depth of the creek,
gave Church the slip, and while waiting for the tide to serve, he
was attacked, — but finally fired the town, and digging down the
dams, " let the tide in " and flooded the fields. Cruising among
the islands on his way back to Mount Desert, Church found the
wife of one Dubois, whom he had formerly carried captive to
Boston. She was glad to see him, and with her two sons, told
him that there were no Indians left there.
In his speech to the General Court, August 16, 1704, Dudley
thus summarizes Church's last expedition : ^
" Gentlemen,
Since your Last recess the forces eastward under Colonel
* Jacques Gourdeau Seigneur de Beaulieu. He and his family, with
much peltiy, seized by Church.
fRen^ Louis Chartier Sieur de Lotbiniere. He and his shallop were
carried to Boston by Church. Also his family, and a store of fish and beaver.
He had been commissioned to form an expedition against the English.
IMass. Archives, Vol. 108, p. 21.
460 AfMual JUeeiinff—lQOi.
Cbaroh, with the Assistance of her Majestyes ships have past
thro' all the Eastern parts of Laoadie & Nova 8ootia & have
burnt and Destroyed all the frenoh settlements exoept The
Town of port Koyall & Killed their Cattle & broken their dames
& have brought home about 100 prisoners & a good plunder so
that I am not sensible there are five houses left in any part of
the f rench settlements out of sight of the fort, nor any maner
of support for the Inhabitants which was what we projected in
the spring, and the forces are returned & Disbanded without
the Loss of any more than six men for which we have all reason
to render thanks to Almighty god."
Even before Church's return, our Qovemment had began ne-
gotiations for the return of our captives.
April 10th and again August 21st, Dudley sent letters by way
of Albany to the Canadian Governor, remonstrating against
his unlawful and unchristian method of carrying on war ; de-
manding the withdrawal of these Christian captives from the
hands of the savages ; offering an equal exchange of prisoners ;
and threatening reprisals if he does not receive a guarantee of
better treatment for his people.
Impatient at receiving no answer to these letters, Dudley on
the 25th of September (1704) proposes to his Council to send
*• Arthur Jeffrey, attended with two French prisoners of War
by way of St. John's river to Quebec .... to concert a
method of exchange."*
In many papers read before this society, I have quoted at
length the correspondence of the two governments in relation
to the exchange of prisoners of war. I shall, therefore, on this
occasion, omit the repetition of this correspondence, quoting
only that which relates to Baptiste.
Dudley's plan of sending Arthur Jeffrey to Canada was frus-
trated by the appearance in Boston of John Sheldon and John
Wells of Deerfield. " Very urgent to have License to travail
thither." f
Fortunately for them, within the week. Captain John Living-
ston arrived in Boston, and arrangements were made with him
to conduct Mr. Sheldon and Wells.
Duplicates of Dudley's letters of April and August being pre.
* CouncU Records, 1703-1708, p. 70.
t CouncQ Records, 1703-1708, p. 125.
Adventures of Bapiiete. 461
pared, and a third written December 20tby 1704, Sheldon and
Wells took the Bay Path for Deerfield, and the last of the
month, strode bravely down the Albany road, to push on over
Hoosac mountain to Albany.
Panse a moment to think of it, — ^you who amid all the com-
forts of modem civilization have found it just now difl9cult to
endure the rigor of a Deerfield winter. We have a glimpse of
them at Albany before they plunged into the pathless forest, in
a scrap of paper containing an account on which is indorsed in
Sheldon's handwriting, ^^ what i paid to captain levenston at
hotsoen river.'*
The governor of Canada received the envoys with the cour-
tesy of a Frenchman but, ^^ knowing Mr. Dudley's resolution
not to set up an Algiers trade, by the purchase of prisoners
of the Indians, he dares not take the responsibility. As to ex-
changing those in the hands of the French, he hardly sees
on what basis that can be arranged .... Moreover, there is
Baptiste."
In closing a letter written April 2d, 1705, to his son John in
Deerfield, Mr. Sheldon says, ^^ i may let you noe i haint sene
none of my children but here they are gone a hunten."
This letter was sent with others, April 7th; by Samuel Hills,
a Wells captive, who gladly gave his parole for this chance to
visit his friends in New England. He was escorted by two
Frenchmen named Dubois. De Yaudreuil's letter is an irrita-
ting pretense in excuse for his delay in sending back our cap-
tives. Early in May, however, escorted by the Sieur de Courte-
manche, a distinguished officer, with eight French soldiers,
Sheldon and his companion with five redeemed captives, one of
his own children, his son John's wife, Esther Williams and two
others unknown, set out on their journey home.
By his artful selection of a few captives for release, De Yau-
dreidl had quieted Mr. Williams, and rid himself of John Shel-
don for a time. His instructions to Oourtemanche were pri-
marily to ^^ demand absolutely the return of Baptiste vnthotU
which there could he no exchcmge^'* .... and finally, " to protest
against the retention of one Allain, who went with a passport
from Sieur de Brouillant to effect an exchange, and is ille^dly
held."
In his letter to Dudley, sent by Oonrtemanohe, De Yaodreuil
says.
462 Animal Meeting— 190^.
'' The Sieor Brouillant in giving me an account of his deal-
ings with you, tells me that for 17 English that he has sent
back to you, you have returned him only 10 French ; and be-
sides you will not give up the man named Baptiste, whom yoa
took even before war was declared, because under De Bronil-
lant's order he had seized one of your boats which was
without permission, within our limits. As he did only his
duty I am sorry to tell you that it is useless to talk about
exchange if Baptiste is not in it."
On the 14th of June, 1705, '^ His Excellency acquainted the
Council with the advances he had made in his proposals to
Mr. Courtemanche relating to the exchange, .... and that
the whole affair stuck at Baptiste, which Mr. Courtemanche
insisted on as a particular article in his instructions and de-
clined to do anything unless Baptiste was included."
The governor asks advice of his council and desires that
" certain of them with the Representatives take the matter into
consideration, without speaking of the same without doors."
The next day the Representatives sent a message to Dudley
^^ That he should use his utmost endeavors to obtain the exchange
without releasing of Baptiste. But if finally it cannot be ob-
tained without, that Baptiste be exchanged Rather than our
Captives be retained in the hands of the Enemy." *
Notwithstanding the injunction of secrecy, it was noised
abroad that the Governor intended to give up Baptiste. Wher^
upon a strong remonstrance against his release was sent in by
the leading "Merchants, Traders and Sailers in y* Town of
Boston and other's in y* Province of the Massachusetts Bay."t
The petitioners say,
** Whereas by the Providence of God, Wee of these parts have
beene hitherto Signally Preserv'd from any Attacks or Insults
on our Sea-Coasts by the French, Which we cheifly Attribute
unto the Good Success Wee have had in taking and Since by the
due retention of One Baptiste A pretended ffrenchman Whose
former Piracies Murder's and Villanies, have been Notorious,
which together with his Circumstances, readdiness and Capaccity
of further raischeif to her majesties good Subjects In these Parts,
the sence of which Constrains from us this our humble Appli-
cation To prevent as fan* as in us lies the Dangerous Conse*
* Council Recordsi Yd. 91, p. 145.
t liaas. Archives, Vol. 71, p. 152.
Advenhires of Baptiste. 463
quence which will unavoidably attend his Belease, Whereof wee
are (to our Great Surprise & Greif) inform'd That your honours
have in a manner Concluded : Which doubtless must arise for
want of Due knowledg of these following Circumstances relat-
ing to y« Prisoner Which Wee here humbly Offer. 1st that
said Baptist is not by birth a Subject to y« French King,
therefore cannott, as such be reclaimed by any of his Gov-
emours.
2dly That in y^ Late Warr he submitted himself under the
Obedience of the Crown of England, and as a Protestant was
here received by the French Chh ; and as such was Imploy'd in
Divers Sea Services Whereby he's becom knowing in ail our
Coasts, harbours, and Circumstances.
3dly That after having remain'd with us a Considerable Time
upon some disgust or rather his own Wicked Inclination Did
Confederate himself With some of the ffrench Prisoners With
whome he Took and Surprised Diver's Vessells without any com-
mission and having hereby Effectually recommended himself
unto the French (to whom other waies by his former Thefts and
Piracies he Stood a criminal) he was by the Governor of St.
Johns recommended unto the cheif Ministers of State in France
who finding him Proper to Anoy us, was Immediately preferr'd
to a small ship of Warr in which (thro the Goodness of God) he
miscarried, was by us taken before he cou'd do anything Notable
upon us on which the Peace then Immediately Ensuing Wee
neglectfully omitted the due Inquiry & Punishment of his
crimes, and at the Generall release of the ffrench prisoners, he
made his escape amongst them.
4th That his Braggs and Threats even before and since the
breaking out of this P'sent Warr, have been verry frequent and
Notorious.
5tly That, Whether in Sincerity or otherwaies itt matters not,
but so itt is, that sometime since in the last winter, he did be-
fore severaU Witnesses, as also by writeing under his own hand
Signify to the Govemr his Solem'n repentance and Greif for
what he had formerly Don against our Nation & that could he
be but reconsiled he was willing and readdy to enter into the
English Service, and as a mark of his faithfulness Did then give
Memoirs on Divers heads, relating to y* Warr, offering to Prose-
cute them to Effect in his own Person.
6tly That besides what the Nature of the thing in respect of
464 Atmual Meeting— IWA.
our own Preseryation does require: The ffrenoh have given
Yerry Notable & recent examples of the Method for Detaining
such Prisoners of Warr who shall have the misfortune to &1I
under their suspicions .... and by only changing this Stile of
a Prisoner of Warr into that of a Prisoner of State, and then
without rendr'ing or assigning any other reason, keep them
During their Pleasure which Seldom Terminates until the end
of the Warr as was Lately acted with Mr. Nelson.*
7tbly The foregoing Circumstances being Duley Oonsidered
Wee humbly Conceive that it is Inconsistent with the Honour
of Her Majtes and of this Government, as well as the safety
thereof, to give up into the Enemies hands a Pson so circum-
stanced, especially Since with his own Consent, Wee might Im-
prove him in our Service and happily if Prudent Measures were
taken he himself would Chuse to remaine, Which Wee presume
Cannott be Deny'd him
Sly Were there nothing else but the manner and the Urgency
of the French Demanding off him is a verry Sufficient reason
why wee shou'd Pserve him to ourselves
91y All the objections that Wee can Conceive reasonably to be
made, are either the release of o' Prisoners with them or the
charge of theirs with us. To which we humbly answer : . . . •
that y^ Same Instant demand was prest upon us the Last year,
by Monsieur de Brouillant Govemr of Port Royall, but when
he saw that his Arguments could work no Effect, he then de-
sisted and So Submitted to a totall exchange without any fur-
ther mention off him. And if our Impatience do not prevent
the same with better reason may be expected from Canada,
For that wee have in our Possession more men ; and those of
Better Consideration, than they have of ours (except Mr. Wil-
liams for whom may be some especiall provision made towards
his Subsistence). And as to the charge of maintaining the French
pr'oners here Doubtless Methods might be found out by Imr
* John Nelson, a gentleman of high social position in Boston, and a political
leader. Being sent by Phips to induct the English governor into office at
Port Royal, he was seized, while returning, by a French vessel and carried
to Villebon and later to Quebec. During his captivity there he sent im-
portant information to the Boston Government for which those whom he
employed were executed in his presence, and he was sent to the Bastile
in Paris and imprisoned over four years as a "Prisoner of State.'' Nelson
was one of the signers of this Petition of the Merchants, and possibly framed
this clause of the Petition.
Ad/oenVwteB of Bwptiste. 465
ploying & Settdng of them To work, as they do to ours, So that
the most of this Charge will thereby be taken off."
After much fruitless discussion, Dudley in his torn drew up
proposals for the exchange, making generous conoessions. His
letter to De Vaudreuil is most conciliatory. Beplying, point by
point, he says,
** As to Baptiste, I believe that the Sieur de Courtemanche
has learned so many things about him and his infamous deeds,
that all things considered, you will agree that he is a rascal who
does not deserve that you should want him back, and perhaps
you will think that he is not worth my Keeping. This is why
I have resolved to send him back. ... So if my terms are
accepted and the exchange takes place, I will have him taken
with the others, and that will be the end of that matter."
These were harassing days for Dudley.
Meanwhile Courtemanche was making himself agreeable in
Boston where he was dined and wined. We may imagine him
going out to Cambridge to commencement, seven miles by
way of Brighton, with the Gk>vemor in his state carriage, es-
corted by six halberdiers with swords.
Courtemanche falling iU, or perhaps indisposed to return on
foot to Canada, Capt. Yetch, with an eye to trade, offers to con-
vey him in his vessel to Quebec. Courtemanche orders Sam-
uel Hill to accompany him by sea. The two Dubois are sent
home by land. Young William Dudley sails too, as the guest
of Courtemanche, the Governor not doubting that his terms
will be accepted.
But '^the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft
agley."
The negotiation of the exchange was unsuccessful. Young
Dudley returned crestfallen to his father on the 21st day of
I^ovember, with Stephen Williams, Jonathan Hoit and a few
other Deerfield captives.
He brought new proposals from the French government
These were rejected by our Legislature as " not consistent with
Her Majesty's honor," and again it was left to Dudley to answer
De Yaudreuil.
To set an example of generosity, and to avoid their subsis-
tence during the winter, Dudley sent home early in Decem-
ber, 57 Port Boyal captives, retaining Baptiste and others of
importance. Then, on the 25th of January 1706, he sent
30
466 Annual Meeting— IW^
»
John Sheldon as envoj on another dreary winter jonmej to
Oanada.
Though the despatches carried by Sheldon were not satu-
factory to Yaadreaii^ he felt himself in honor boond to release
some English captives in return for those sent by Dudley.
At last, reluctantly, he sent forty-three* with Mr. Sheldon in
the Barque Marie to Port Eoyal, with orders to the GK>vemor
to retain them there till all the French prisoners without dis-
tinction should be returned there ; Mr. Williams being left be-
hind in Canada, until the fact of Baptiste's release should be as-
sured. The Intendant threatened ^^if Captain Maure should
bring back word that Battis was in prison he would put him in
prison and lay him in irons.'*
Leaving the prisoners at Fort Boyal, Maure was to proceed
at once to Boston with Mr. Sheldon and his attendants, the
two Frenchmenf, also returning to Boston with De Yaudrenil's
ultimatum. The date of the sailing of the Marie is not given.
It was probably soon after De Yaudreuil's letter to Dudley was
written, " At Quebec, June 2, 1706." % ^^ ^^ letter he says
he has not said anything about exchange, because Vetx^h and
yoang Dudley simply made proposals of peace.
^^ However, Sir, considering what you have done in sending
fifty-seven prisoners to Port BoyaJ .... of which I ha ve no in-
formation except through you, .... although no formal ex-
change has been signed on either side, I send by the Marie,
commanded by Thomas Maure, forty-three of your prisoners
to Port Boyal, with orders to the Sieur de Brouillant, to send
them to you I also send orders to Sieur de Brouillant^
to send you the Marie with Mr. Sheldon, and to keep your pris-
oners that I sent to him, and to send them back to yon only
when you shall have sent back all the French prisoners with-
out distinction. Messieurs Marchand and Eartier, whom yoa
sent me, have offered themselves for this journey.
I will inform you in regard to the treaty of exchange that
I will change nothing in it, and if you choose to accept it as
it is, you will keep the copy of it which I have signed, and
will send me back the other, signed by yourself. The two
copies have been given to M. Marchand, who vrill have the
* Bir. Sheldon says 44, Penhallow 45.
t Cbartier and Marchand.
t Doo. Rel. k I'Histoiie de la Nouvelle France, VoL n, p. 462.
Adventurer of Baptieie. 467
honor of presenting them to yon. In it I demand of jon (M
onr oaptivee, and I absolutely will not send hack yoursj unM
mine shall have arrived at Port Royal.
I have been very mnch surprised, sir, not to learn of the
sending back of Mr. Baptiste to Acadia, relying on what yon
had written me, that you would send him back to Fort Boyal.
I learn on the contrary, that he is still in prison, — and also
that you treat with the same severity, the man named Fenoe
[Le Fdvre], and it is said still worse, since his children have
not yet been allowed to see him. If yon continue. Sir, to
keep Messieurs Baptiste and Le Fevre in prison, and do not
treat my prisoners without distinction, I shall be obliged to
change my conduct in regard to yours, and I warn yon that
they shall answer to me, for your treatment of mine. . . .
I confess that the manner in which you treat Messieurs Baptiste
and le Fevre, seems to me the more severe, compared with the
kindness shown to your prisoners in this country, — ^the pains I
have taken to get them out of the hands of the savages and the
humanity shown by my people in buying them out of slavery.
I send you back two named James Adams and Timbulectoo
Fletcher.*
As to the Frenchmen who you say have escaped from Bos-
ton we will not talk about them, since four Englishmen f have
escaped from us, for whom I demand no reparation."
De Yaudreuil then goes on to demand the return by the
Marie of all the French prisoners and by name,
['^ le Sieur Gordeau, and his family, Dion and Pierreottiere
Le Fevere and his children and De Ohaufour."]:^
The Marie was detained a long time at Port EoyaL Whether
De Brouillant, notwithstanding the strict instructions he had
received to the contrary, took the responsibility of forwarding
the captives with Mr. Sheldon, we know not ; but they arrived
with him in the Marie at Boston on the 1st day of August^
1706.§
* James Adams and Pendleton Fletoher of Wells, Me.
t Nims, Petty, Kellogg and Baker.
I Louis d'Amours desChaufotirs, Sieur de Jemsee, brother of De Vaudreufl's
wife.
I Bir. Sheldon in his Hist, of Deerfield says Aug. 2d, following the date
given in John Sheldon's petition. Sewall in his letter to Rev. John Williams,
Aug. 22, says they arrived on the 2d. [Airived Aug. Ist, landed Aug. 2d. —
Editor.]
468 AnntMl Meeting— 190i.
On the 2d Dudley infonned his oooncil of the letters ^'
ceived yesterday by a Flag of Trace with 40 odd English
prisoners."
A week after the arrival of the Marie, the Council advised
Dudley to reject the proposals brought by her, ^^ and yet s^id
away the French prisoners without exception to Port Royal
and Quebeck, and demand ours in return."
A guard was put on board the Marie, the prisoners, some of
whom were scattered in other towns, were collected in Cam*
bridge, also under guard. Captain Bonner and his vessel were
taken up. Mr. Samuel Appleton of the Council was appointed
as bearer of dispatches. Mr. Appleton also carried a letter to
the Bev. John Williams from his friend Samuel Sewall, which I
cannot forbear quoting :
Boston, Aug. 22, 1706.
Sir:
The reodving Mr. Sheldon and your Letters, and not you; the Receiving
many of the captives and not you,— caused in me a mixture of joy and sos^
row. ... It puts me in mind of the Poet's description of our mortal State
NuUa eH stncera volupUu. . . . Weill God's times are best, and I endeavcx'
to wait and hope that your merciful Return will be a plain Instance of it.
As you prayed earnestly for those that returned last; so you will be g^ad
to hear that they Landed wdl here the 2d inst. I took the Widow Hoit
into my House.
It was a great pleasure to see Mr. Willard baptize Ebenezer Hinsdal and
Seaborn Burt, two little sons bom in the passage. The captives most of
them began their journey homeward the 12th inst. I spake with one to-day
who met them well at Flainfield .... I have sent you a new Psalm Book
with a plain cover, of which I ask your acceptance. The Perils to be gone
through by Sea and Land hindered my Sending one more costly. Inwardly
'tis as Golden as any.
Towards the last of the month, the Brigantine Hope, con-
voyed the Marie, with Baptiste and all but one of the French
prisoners, out of Boston harbor. Who this one was, appears
in the following letter from the Governor and Intendant of
Canada to the French minister :
Quebec, Nov. 3, 1706.
The Sieur Dudley having sent a part of the prisoners to Port Royal
they * had sent a boat to Boston with a part of the English captives. This
boat [i. e.f The Marie] arrived a few days ago in this port with an Englifih
brigantine [i. e., The Hope] that comes for the rest of the captives, the Sieur
Dudley having sent to Port Royal all the French he had, except Mr. Guion,
who has taken service with the English and will not return to this oountiy,
* /. e., De Vaudreuil & Raudot.
Adventures of Baptiete. 469
fearing the penalty that his treason merits, sinoe it was he who piloted the
English to Port Rojral two years ago, and as eveiy one knows, caused the
destruction by them of Minas, Beaubassin and many private dwellings.
Messieurs De Vaudreuil and Raudot have sent home by this brigantine, all
the English here who wished to return." *
Replying to the above letter, the minister says that ^' His
Majesty desires De Yaudreuil to do all in his power to get back
this man in order to punish him for leading the English to Port
EoyaL" t
In December, 1706, Daniel Auger de Suberoase succeeded De
Brouillant, as Governor of Acadia. I^ot long after, he des-
patched a sloop with Captain Du Forillon to Boston under flag
of truce, with 34 or 35 English prisoners. Detained at Ogun-
quit, Maine, to give an account of himself, Du Forillon X arrived
in Boston on the 18th.
He was delayed there while the French captives were being
collected, that had been taken by our cruisers since the sailing
of the Marie, and accounts adjusted.
The French Minister writing to Mr. Suberoase that he ap-
proves of his sending Du Forillon with the English prisoners
taken at Newfoundland, adds §
^^ I am very glad that the Boston Qovemor has sent back the
man named Baptiste, who has been a captive there for four
years.
You might employ him in teaching navigation to the youth
of the country since they prefer this trade to the cultivation of
the soil."
One smiles at Baptiste as an instructor of youth, — ^but
as we shall see he soon found work better suited to his
talents.
Even while Du Forillon was in Boston, Dudley wrote to
Gov. John Winthrop of Connecticut, urging his cooperation in
fitting out an expedition against Port EoyaL Although Con-
necticut declined, the expedition sailed. The list of officers is
most interesting, containing Massachusetts names, then as now
distinguished. |
* Doc. Rel. k PHistoire de la Nouvdle Franoe, Vol. n, p. 462.
t/Wd,p.471.
t Louis Aubert de la Chenuye du Forillon.
I Doc. Rel. k THist. de la Nouvelle France, Vol. 11, p. 475.
II Among the captains are an Appleton, a Wainwright, Otb and Putnam;
a Jackson and an Ellis as surgeons; a Moody and Barnard as chaplains.
470 Annval Meeting— 190^
Among the ^^pylots good for Nova Sootia is one
Browne, a prattling old fellow, chiefly knowing on y land,
amongst y* habitations at Port BoyaL"
The fleet sailed from Nantasket on May 13, 1707, anchoring
in Port Boyal Basin on the 26th. The story is one of bad man-
agement and want of harmony among the officers, and distrost
and insubordination among the soldiers, which could not fiul
of an ignoble ending.
The fleet broke up, and one by one the ships made their way
home. The Province Galley, awaiting further orders at Caaoo
Bay, sent three messengers to Dudley. They were met cm
landing at Scarlett's wharf by a crowd of women who cried,
*^ Welcome soldiers Shame on you I Pull ofF those iron spitts
that hang at your sides. Wooden ones is y* fashion now.^ A
mob with wooden daggers followed them to the town-house.
By afternoon, hundreds of boys, with wooden swords, a red
rag for a flag, and a little drum, marched out to the Neck
and waited for them to come in from the GK>vemor's in Box-
bury, escorting them back to the town-house, shouting ^^ Pwt
Eoyall Port Royal 1"*
English and French accounts agree that the English mi^t
have had an easy victory.
Subercase says that his men fled at the first encounter with
the enemy. He then sent the Sieur Baptiste with about fifty
men, who unfortunately fell into an ambuscade near a little
stream, — but held their ground bravely, firing repeatedly and
killing several English. Then seeing that about three hundred
of the English were attempting to cut him off, Baptiste beat a
retreat, and Subercase sent a shallop to take him off. Later on,
Subercase with two hundred and fifty men, accompanied by
De La Tour, De La Bonde, Faillant and Baptiste undertook to
prevent the English from crossing the Gaspereau, but his horse
being killed under him, and being unable to rally his panic-
struck men, — ^the English crossed the river.f
A French deserter said in Boston that ^' the English might
have taken the fort if they had stayed there, for there were
but two mortars, and one of those broken : and that Subercase
and Battis said they had but so many days' provision and
must have surrendered. There was a break in the Fort
* Qoodell, Mass. Acts & Resolves, Vol. Vm, p. 727.
t Doc. Rd. k lUistoire de la Nouvelle France, VoL 11, p. 478.
AdverUures qf Baptute. 471
walls which was mended while the English were considering
whether thej should go home or not."
Sunday October 1, 1710, was a memorable day. Then Port
Boyal was delivered into English hands.
One almost pities the Grande Monarque, old and feeble,
writing to his plenipotentiaries who were arranging the terms
at Utrechty
^' the King will give up both Acadia and Cape Breton if nec-
essary .... but by this double cession, Canada will become
useless, as access to it will be closed ; the fisheries will come to
an end, and the French marine be utterly destroyed."
Then he goes on to ofFer this and that concession, if the English
will only give Acadia back to him. But the best terms his minis-
ters could make for him were that he might keep Cape Breton.
Its best harbor, then known as Port a 1' Anglois, was later
chosen as the site of a mighty fortress, named in honor of the
French King, and ever memorable in New England annals as
Louisburg. In 1714, by his order, the French of Newfound-
land were sent back to what he calls ^^ my Isle Boyale, vul-
garly called Cape Breton."
Notwithstanding many efforts made by him to induce the
Acadian French also to remove to his Isle Boyale, most of
them preferred to remain in Acadia, and, says Mr. Parkman,
^' while declaring with sincerity their devotion to their ^ invin-
cible monarch,' as they called the King who had just been com-
pelled to surrender their country, they clung tenaciously to the
abodes of their fathers."
With a few exceptions they were free to go or stay,— enjoy-
ing under the Treaty of Utrecht " the free exercise of their
religion, according to the usage of the Church of Bome ; " and
they stayed until the political intrigues of their priests, who
labored to keep them in the interest of France, finally led to
their expulsion.
I cannot doubt that Baptiste remained in Acadia, and with
his usual adaptability to circumstances, served the English or
the French, according to his own interest. Bemembering that
at the time of his release, the French Minister had written to
M. Snbercase that the Acadian young men appeared to prefer
a sailor's life to that of a farmer, we cannot for a moment sup-
pose that Baptiste spent the rest of his life in haying, picking
apples and digging dykes.
472 Annual Mee(n/ng—19(A.
Piracy, as it is baldly called in our archives, had become
alarmingly common in New England waters and the pirates of
this early day were by no means from over seas, but from Bos-
ton and other New England seaports.
Indeed as early as 1632, one Dixey Bull, '^ a man of note
upon the coast, had turned pirate, and inducing sixteen others
to join him, took several vessels off Pemaquid."
In 1686 piracy flamed up again, and two crews of desperate
young men under Thomas Hawkins and William Coward (a
strange misnomer) were seized and tried before Judge Sewall
in Boston.
The next year Sewall's brother's sloop was taken by the
French, and Sewall wrote " to Mr. Nelson to see if Brother
might have his ketch again." In 1691 William Eidd was com-
missioned by Governor Bradstreet " to suppress an Enemy pri-
vateer now on this coast." The later career of Captain Eidd
as he sailed, will never be forgotten in New England.
May 1, 1724, Sewall writes in his diary : *
" After Lecture I heard the good news of Andrew Harraden
and others, rising up and subjugating Phillips the Pirate."
Briefly, the story as told in the Boston News Letter of that
week, is that on the 14th of April, 1724, Andrew Harraden in a
sloop off Cape Ann, was boarded by John Phillips, a notorious
pirate. Four days later, Harraden and John Fillmore f with six
others before seized by Phillips, overpowered the pirate crew
and took them to Boston jail. They were tried and " Ten of
the crew being forced men were acquitted by the Honorable
Court," Two were hung, and two reprieved for a year. A
John Baptiste was one of the ^' forced men " acquitted.
Whether this was our Baptiste, I can not say. He was doubt-
less roving the sea at that period, and it is a striking fact that a
John Baptiste should again have been captured by a Harraden.
You may find it hard to believe that our Baptiste, if again in
Boston jail could have got out on the plea of being ^^ forced "
into the pirates' service. To this it might be said, that our gov-
ernment had had enough trouble on his account and might not
have cared to re-open the subject with the French.
In our archives % there is ^^ A Petition of Samuel Doty,
♦ Sewall's Diary, Vol. Ill, p. 335.
t Great-grandfather of Millard Fillmore of our day.
X Council Records, Xm, p. 241, & House Joiunal, p. 30.
Adventures of Bwptiate. 473
ner, Master of the Sloop Tryal and his Oompany, Shewing that
in August last They were taken in the harbor of Marlagash to
the Eastward of Cape Sables by one JoJm Baptist and others
a Piratical Crew, that Some Time after the Petitioners were
taken, they rose upon the Pirates, And by the good Providence
of God they Overcame them, and brought Eight French and
Indians to Boston, And delivered them up to Justice, where
five of them were tried and Convicted of Piracy, and have Suf-
fered the Pains of Death . . . ."
Circumstances indicate that this was our Jean Baptiste. If
so, he again escaped the halter, and I believe he helped to pilot
the English fleet to the siege of Louisburg. The very name of
Louisburg brings up such a picture of New England character,
such a superb example of New England pluck that I must beg
pardon for yielding just here to my pedagogical instinct to urge
the Deerfield Academy girls and boys to study the siege of
Louisburg. As Mr. Parkman tells the story, it is more thrilling
than any romance. He says,
^*' Perhaps there was not one officer among them, whose ex-
perience of war extended beyond a drill on muster day, and the
sham fight that closed the performance."
A gentlemen then living in Boston wrote that ^^ the Louis-
burg expedition had a lawyer for contriver, a merchant for
general, and farmers, fishermen and mechanics for soldiers."
Stephen Williams, a Deerfield born boy, was in it as chap-
lain to one of the regiments, and '^ though sorely smitten with
homesickness, he sturdily kept his post." He wrote in his diary
that an English officer told him ^^ tiiat he had tho't y^ New Eng-
land men were Cowards, but now he tho't that if they had
a pick axe and spade, they w'd dig y^ way to Hell, and storm
it."
Seth Pomeroy, gunsmith of Northampton, then seventy years
old was there, desperately seasick day and night on the pass-
age, but doing grand work after landing.
lieut-Oolonel William Williams of Old Deerfield stock, raised
a company for Louisburg, was too late for the siege but did gar-
rison duty there that winter. And there was the redoubtable
Parson Moody of York, Maine, as Pepperell's chaplain the old-
est man in the army, who, according to a tradition in York to this
day, carried an axe with him and was actually seen hacking
and hewing at the altar and images of the French church. I
474 Annual Msetinj^l90L
wonder if it were he that brought home as a trophy the small
iron oross from that church, which long surmounted a porch of
the college library at Cambridge. At the dinner which Pep-
perell gave bis officers in celebration of the victory, it fell of
course to Parson Moody to ask the blessing. Oontrary to the
expectation of those who knew his habitual long-windedness, he
simply said,
^ Otood Lord we have so much to thank thee for, that time
will be too short, and we must leave it for eternity. Bless our
food and fellowship on this joyful occasion, for the sake of
Christ our Lord, Amen."
From an '^ abstract, in journal form, of various news since the
sailing of the ships for France in December 1745.* We learn that
one Mr. Dou ville of the island of St. John, scared by the rumors
that the English were soon coming, had removed with his family
to Quebec ; that in the summer he had learned from two of his
neighbors at St. John, much news about affairs at Louisburg.
Among other things that the English had several French pilots,
to wit : Jasmin an Acadian, f Brisson, a native of Nantes, who
is with his family at Louisburg, and some others."
This Brisson, a little later, was captured at Port La Joie. X
He was piloting two ships with English soldiers, who were col-
lecting cattle for the proposed expedition against Canada. Being
carried before De Bamezay at Beaubassin, Pierre Brisson re-
ported English gunships with regulars collecting at Louisburg.
He said also that ^' they were expecting there, fourteen ships and
three bomb ketches for Quebec, and that Admiral Warren had
gone to New York to collect the militia of that quarter for the
same place."
'^That the Frenchman named BaptUte Dion bad told him
that he was to have 2,000 Uvres for piloting the English fleet
to Quebec, and that the man named Jcumin^ also a Frenchman,
1,000 livres for the same business. He said also that he was
expected to take the cattle to Louisburg on the 24th of July."
De Bamezay sent Brisson and seven English taken with him to
Quebec, where they told the same story, adding that they had
paid cash for the cattle to the settlers on the Island. There is
good reason for believing that Brisson was at this time in the
* Doc. Rd. k I'Histoire de la NouveUe France, VoL m, p. 281.
t Frimid and comrade of Baptiste.
t Now Charlotte Town, P. E. Island.
Adventiwes of Baptiste. 475
service of Capt. John Boose, then attached to Admiral Town-
send's fleet, and doing duty near Annapolis and Minas.
After the capture of Louisburg, small parties of French and
Indians continually harassed our frontier. Their captives re-
ported that a great expedition was fitting out in New England
against Canada. John Beaman, taken at Yemon told his
captors that active preparations were making for an attack on
Canada, that warships and men were all ready, that bounties
in addition to their regular pay as soldiers were offered to the
farmers.
French documents of the period show that Canada was panic-
smitten, but pushed her preparations for defense with energy.
It was a needless alarm, for though it was true that Shirley,
flushed with the success of the Louisburg expedition, and sup-
ported by the English ministry, was collecting an armament
for an invasion of Canada, the Duke of Newcastle after long
delay, wrote him that the Canadian expedition was '^ impracti-
cable and that he must stand on the defensive and attempt no
further conquest." Massachusetts thus rudely awakened from
her dream of victory, was further disturbed by the rumor of a
French fleet on its way to recapture Louisburg and Acadia,
and burn Boston. It behooved us to be ready. Our harbor
defenses were strengthened ; our militia encamped on Boston
common, and as usual a Fast Day was appointed. Thomas
Prince in the Old South Meeting House, held forth on that
solenm occasion, and prayed fervently and long, for the destruc-
tion of the hostile fleet.
The result is grandly told by Mr. Longfellow in his ^^ Ballad
of the French Fleet."
I
A fleet with flags arrayed
Sailed from the port of Brest,
And the Admiral's ship displayed
The signal: ''Steer south-west."
For this Admiral d'Anville
Had sworn by cross and crown
To ravage with fire and steel
Our helpless Boston town.
n
There were rumors in the street.
In the houses there was fear
Of the coming of the fleet,
And the danger hovering near;
476 Aimual MeeHng—lQOL
And iHifle fr(»n mouth to mootli
Spread the ttdm^B of dttmay,
I stood in the Old South
Saying humbly: "Let us pray."
m
"OIx»dI we would not adyise;
But if in thy providenoey
A tempest should arise
To drive the French fleet henoe»
And scatter it far and wide.
Or sink it in the sea,
We should be satisfied.
And Thine the g^oiy be."
IV
This was the prayer I made.
For my soul was all on flame;
And even as I prayed
The answering tempest came.
It came with a mighty power,
Shaking the windows and walls.
And tolling the bell in the tower
As it tolls at funerals.
V
The lightning suddenly
Unsheathed its fl«ttning sword,
And I cried: "Stand still and see
The salvation of the LordI"
The heavens were black with cloud.
The sea was white with hail.
And ever more fierce and loud
Blew the October gale.
VI
The fleet it overtook.
And the broad sails in the van
Like the tents of Cushan shook.
Or the curtains of Biidian.
Down on the reeling decks
Crashed the overwhelming seas;
Oh, never were there wrecks
So pitiful as these.
vn
Like a potter's vessel broke
The great ships of the line;
They were carried away as a smoka,
Or sank like lead in the brine.
The AcboevUure qf Liberty. 477
O Lord I before thy path
They vanished and ceased to be.
When thou didst walk in wrath
With thine horses through the sea.
It is said that on a olear day with a smooth sea, one may see
the ships as they lie rotting there ; the diflSoolty being, as it
seems to me, to find a clear day and smooth sea in that place.
The rumor of this great fleet, the largest that had ever
crossed the Atlantic raised false hopes among the Acadians,
that they were to come again under French ru]e, — ^and SO of
them offered themselves at Ohibuctou, to pilot the fleet to
Annapolis.
What more probable than that Jasmin and Baptiste should
have been among the number?
THE ADVENTURE OF LIBERTY.
BY O. OLENN ATKINS OF BUBLINGTON, VT.
Mr. Atkins began by contrasting the conditions under which
the people of Deerfield were met with the conditions holding
exactly two hundred years ago. He spoke of having retraced
in his coming from Burlington the route which John Williams
and his captors followed in their long and heart-breaking jour-
ney to Canada. He also spoke of the scene which they must
have faced, if , as is quite likely, they came out onto Lake
Champlain from the Winooski as a winter's sun set red in the
western sky and glowed behind the serried summits of the Adi-
rondacks.
He went on to say that the attempt to retell the story of the
tragic night two hundred years ago with any fullness of detail
would, in such a presence and such a time, be sheer presumption ;
he would therefore consider the larger aspect of the greater
historical movement of which the Deerfield massacre was but
a single tragic incident.
He said in part that the Deerfield massacre was but a play
of pawns in the great game between the English and the French
for the supremacy of a continent. Hertel de Rouville and his
Indians moved against Deerfield, not because Deerfield could
ever be a menace to the French or because there would be any
military profit in its destruction. The aim of the enterprise
478 Annual Meeting— 190^
was not military bat political ^^ I have sent no warriors to-
ward Albany," writes Y audreuil, ^^ because we most do noth-
ing that might cause a rupture between us and the Iroquois,
but we must keep things astir in the direction of Boston or else
the Abenakis will declare for the English." The object of the
expedition was to fully commit the Abenakis to hostility
against England and to convince them that the French would
back their quarrel
We are able now to see the full significance of the long strife
which constituJ;es so largely the heroic charm of a hundred years
of the life of New England and New France, a strife fought to
its end, upon the most splendid stage upon which any historic
drama was ever played out, a stage bounded on the one side
by the broken Atlantic coast, on another by the whitenesses of
the far north, on another by the mystery of the unexplored
heart of a continent, and on another still by a semi-tropic
Gulf of Mexico ; a stage traversed by the noblest rivers whidi
Aqw toward any sea; broken by hoary, archaic mountain
ranges ; gemmed with sleeping lakes, enriched by inland seas
and clothed with the primeval forests as with a seamless robe.
Upon this stage were grouped in hostile and long-continued
combinations Indian and Jesuit, the French courtier, the cour-
iers of the woods, English regulars, New England militiamen,
New England farmers, women of the French court and the
mothers of the New England hamlets.
The end of the drama was something more than the posses-
sion of an imperial domain ; it was the question of racial suprem-
acy, and now upon land, now upon sea, now with the sword,
now with the crucifix, now by soldier, now by diplomat, the
momentous question was being fought to an issue whether the
new world should be French or English, Latin or Anglo-Saxon,
autocratic or democratic, imperial or free, and freedom won
because it was freedom ; in other words, the French and Indian
wars were in the full current of that great human adventure
whose sources are to be sought in the reformation, and whose
widening tides have flowed through all the centuries since, the
adventure of liberty. For liberty is an adventure not alone in
the literal, but in the wider and nobler meaning of the word.
The Englishmen who dared, for conscience sake, the track-
less sea, the unexplored forest, were adventurers not only in the
sense that they were willing to cut themselves loose from safe
The AdverUt^re of Ltbertjf. 479
and established oonditions and ohance the dangers of the wave
and the forest^ but they were adventurers in the far nobler
sense that they were willing to detach themselves from ancient
order and well-grounded precedent in the profound conviction
that they were equal to their own destiny, could manage their
own affairs. The men who pushed up into Deerfield were ad-
venturers in this double sense ; they were equal not only to the
adventures of the frontier and the Indian, the untitled mead-
ows and uncleared hills, but they were equal to the adven-
ture of untried social conditions and the establishment of a
state. The men whom they fought were adventurers, but never
in the same sense, for they loved the adventure of license, of
quick gain, the boundless freedom and the chances of the battle-
field ; the Englishman subordinated his adventure to law and
bore within himself the daring and the love of liberty which
was always to be held in subjection to the cause of humanity
and the stability of the state.
Not only the pioneer work, therefore, out of which the con-
flict between the French and English sprang, but the very
spirit which led the English to the Kew World and set them
to the building of a new state was that noblest adventure, the
adventure of freedom, in which they were willing to take
chances, run risks, undergo hardships and break with precedent
in the hope of establishing after the impulses of their own free
spirit a social order in which the state should be for men and
men for freedom, for service, and for the kingdom of God.
And one may pass on to say that the whole French and Indian
war, which was in itself a war waged and won by a people
profoundly committed to the great adventure of freedom, was
only the beginning of two centuries of history whose whole
issue has been in the same direction, facing the same ultimates.
Scarcely had the English pioneers won, as against the French,
room and right to shape their lives and their statutes in ac-
cordance with their profounder impulses, when the colonists
found themselves driven by the same spirit to challenge the
mother coimtry. It was impossible that a New England com-
pletely hemmed in by a French empire should ever work out
its rightful destiny, equally impossible that the thirteen colonies
checked by English caprice and held down by English stupid-
ity could ever be true to those same permanent impulses, or
rightly found a state. The Bevolutionary War was a part of
480 Annual Meeting— 1904u
the great adventure of liberty ; Englishmen qnestioning Eng-
lish precedent, separating themselves from the English consti-
tutional fabric and hewing oat for themselves a new road not
only of national life but of constitutional procedure, and all this
for the sake of a nobler and fuller liberty.
The echoes of the French and Indian wars were hardly
dead before the unsettled farmers fired the shot which was
heard around the world, and before the guns of the American
Bevolution had reverberated for the last time and become silent
the stupendous clamor of the French Bevolution began and the
French Eevolution was only another stage in the adventure of
liberty. Kow the French people break with their past, chal-
lenge precedent, overthrow kings, take their own fortune in
their own hands, face the future, and walk new and shining
roads. Napoleon and the Kapoleonic wars were only an inter-
lude in the drama. The great service of Napoleon was that he
kept France from being ground under the heel of reactionary
Europe, and when he himself was overthrown at Waterloo all
the real gains of the French Bevolution were permanently as-
sured not only for France, but for Europe. No reactionaries
could check the rising tide ; no unworthy kings could be kept
permanently upon any throne. In England liberty had her
way through constitutional procedure and great reaches of
change and reform. In Europe liberty came riding successive
waves of revolution, but always liberty did come, always more
and more the elemental humanities, sheer human right and the
worth of men triumphed as against caste, tradition, or any ar-
tificial distinction which tried to introduce or preserve any
classification of men except the divine classification of wisdom
and folly, sin and righteousness.
In America slavery was an attempt of the fathers to make
exception to the wide principle of the humanities and to defend
the fortress of caste washed on every side by the waves of free-
dom and that attempt was vain ; freedom had her way. Our
own Civil War was just one more chapter in the tremendous
story, one more stand of caste as against humanity, and privi-
lege as against manhood. All the amendments which sprang
out of the time of reconstruction were simply an attempt on
the part of the white men to include the black within the terms
of the great adventure and to stake for the sake of the negro
all the possibility of travail of strife which the white man had
The Achenture of liberty. 481
been for 200 jean laying down as a condition of his own free-
dom.
And now that the 200 years are ronnded out and democracy
everywhere has become a regnant fact in modern life the voice
of the reactionary is beginning to be heard in the land, and for
the first time in 200 years we are getting men in America who
are beginning to be aifraid of freedom. The reason for this is
not far to seek. We are beginning to see very clearly how tre-
mendoos are the responsibilities and problems of freedom ; we
are beginninir to see as never before the risks and uncertainties ;
^e ^ begging to see by what ceaseless vigilance liberty
must be maintained ; and we are beguming above all to see
that liberty and law are inseparable, that these old princi-
ples of obedience and subordination must run through a free
state as through any state which ever has, or ever can, endure ;
and because we see all this so clearly, because it bulks so big,
and because we are paying the penalty of misadventure in
lynchings, in mobs, in anarchy, in the great unassimilated mas-
ses of population, in debauched cities, and most of all in the un-
settled social conditions of the south some of us are beginning
to cry "halt," are beginning to question whether Uberty is
worth while and are wondering whether there is not some
safer and easier road to the gates of the kingdom of God.
Now I think that we are first of all to recognize, there-
fore, the positive element of adventure in every kind of lib-
erty. Liberty cannot be the safest way, the easiest thing, but
liberty is and ought to be incomparably the best thing. In
church life, for example, an unfallible authority is safer and
easier. In all the ferment of question and doubt and specu-
lation which to-day makes Protestantism a lumpy and storm*
swept sea, one does not wonder that people are constantly
turning back from a sea which they fear to navigate, or
constantly seeking the safe harbors of authority, and are
crying out against freedom of thought as an unsettler of the
sanctities of life ; but there are certainly goals which cannot
be reached save as one sails stormy seas. No one can for a
moment doubt that a free faith, based upon its own convictions,
armored in its own strength and getting its power from first-
hand contact with truth, is so unspeakably better than any
peace which comes through surrender or in safety which
comes through cowardice, that all the restlessness and even
31
482 Annual Meeting— 1904:.
shipwreck of the centuries since the Protestant Beformation
have not been too great a price to pay for the great essen-
tial body of faith into whidi, after all, we have come.
Bepublics are worth revolutions ; democracy is worth the
possibility of lawlessness ; and a state in which men serenely
and effectually govern themselves is so unspeakably higher
than a state in which men are placidly governed that I, for
my part) do not regret one drop of blood, or one fire signal,
or one travail pain, or all the vast waste and strife through
which men have come even to that nobler measure of free
and regnant manhood which now holds ; and we have, to one
man's way of thinking, no option but the option of fighting
to the end ; and because thi^ is true, there is laid upon us the
obligation of being true to those obligations upon which, as
upon a rock, the American state is based and I believe there is
laid upon us an obligation of contending for the veracity of those
principles forever where ever they are challenged.
Dr. Lyman Abbott said, in Boston the other night, that the
qualifications which the southern states are framing about
the suffrage are not the denial of the right of suffrage and
that the negro is not being disfranchised, but Dr. Abbott knows
and every sane man knows that behind all this ia the settled
determination to remove the negro as a factor in the south-
em political life, not because he is ignorant but because he
is black, and any man who defends the detail of that proce-
dure without assailing the principle, stands by and consents.
Suffrage ought to be saved from ignorance, from shif tlessness
and from crime, black or white, bond or free, north or south,
east or west, but the contention that any body of men be-
cause their skins are black are to be debarred under any con-
ditions from participation in our national life is an un-Amer-
ican contention. We have no alternative but to take the risks
dean through and raise the negro to a vrise and efficient
manhood ; and I do not believe that we shall ever come to
that without holding before him as a perpetual incentive the
one right of manhood, the participation in the state. We
have taken the risks of freedom and citizenship for the negro.
We cannot turn back. We cannot deny. We must fight tiie bat-
tle to the end.
The same thing holds true in our cities. We have taken
the risk in Boston, in New York, in Chicago, in San Francis-
The AchenPare of Liberty 483
CO, of self-government. It involves waste, crime, partial fail-
ure, yet a self-governed city is so incomparably nobler than a
city of other government that the end is worth the cost.
One seeks, therefore, on this historic spot and in this historic
event the reaffirmation of those convictions and impulses
which have rewritten in two centuries the story of humanity
in lifting men above the clay. Liberty, whidi is the inner
obedience to the inner law, is the divinest thing in life because
it is the life of God in the lives of men. It can be attained
only by the discipline of experience and by the risk of set-
ting men free to work it out. In the lat^ of these great
adventures we find ourselves. Its problems, its perplexities,
and its dangers surround us on every side; its great shining
goals lift themselves into the light ahead of us. By the grace
of all that courage which upon the battle-field of successive gene-
rations has won fuller and fuller advance for humanity let us,
good soldiers of liberty, commit ourselves anew to that adven-
ture, and at whatever cost fight till men are free.
OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE
ASSOCIATION,
1870-1905.
[The date following the name is that of first election; the succeeding numerals
the term of service. * Deceased.]
PreeiderU,
GEORGE SHELDON, Deerfield, 1870; 36.
V%c&-Pre8ident8,
C. ALICE BAKER, Boston, 1901: 3.
ROBERT R. BISHOP, Newton, 1891.
*EDGAR BUCKINGHAM, Deerfield, 1881.
♦JOSL^H D. CANNING, GiD, 1870.
♦SAMUEL CARTER, Brooklyn, N. Y., 1883: 2.
*HENRY CHILDS, Buffalo, N. Y., 1881 : 2.
*JAMES M. CRAFTS, Whately, 1870: 4.
♦AUSTIN DEWOLF. Greenfield, 1877.
♦Joseph p. FELTON, Greenfield, 1885.
♦P. VOORHEES FINCH, Greenfield, 1880: 2.
♦JAMES S. GRINNELL, Greenfield, 1887.
♦EBEN A. HALL, Greenfield, 1893: 3.
♦ALLEN HAZEN, Deerfield, 1887: 3.
♦SILAS G. HUBBARD, Hatfield, 1890.
SAMUEL O. LAMB, Greenfield, 1873: 11.
♦ROGER HOOKER LEAVITT, Charlemont, 1871 : 4.
♦JAMES SMITH REED, Marion, Ohio, 1885: 4.
♦HARRIET CLAPP RICE, Leverett, 1874: 2.
JOHN SHELDON, Greenfield, 1897.
♦JOHN MONTAGUE SMITH, Sunderland, 1879: 4.
FRANCIS M. THOMPSON, Greenfield, 1886: 16.
♦JOHN P. WATSON,_Leverett, 1877: 3.
♦JOSEPH WHITE, Williamstown, 1882.
Recording Secretary,
♦NATHANIEL HITCHCOCK, Deerfield, 1870: 31.
MARGARET MILLER, Deerfield, 1901 : 5.
Corresponding Secretary,
♦EDGAR BUCKINGHAM, Deerfield, 1883: 11.
♦ROBERT CRAWFORD, Deerfield, 1870: 13.
HERBERT C. PARSONS, Greenfield, 1895: 6.
BIARY ELIZABETH STEBBINS, Deerfield, 1901 : 6.
♦CATHERINE BROOKS YALE, Devfield, 1894.
486
486
Officers cmd Members of the Aeeociaidon.
TreasureTf
♦NATHANIEL HITCHCOCK, Deerfidd, 1870: 31.
JOHN SHELDON, Greenfield, 1901: 5.
Life CounciUora,
♦FREDERICK L. AMES, Boeton, 1892.
♦GEORGE ALBERT ARMS, Greenfield, 1882.
C. ALICE BAKER, Cambridge, 1876.
♦HENRY CHILDS, Buflfalo, N. Y., 1870.
♦MARY HEMENWAY, Boston, 1885.
♦JONATHAN JOHNSON. Greenfield, 1878.
ELIZABETH MARVIN KAUFFMANN, Berlin, Prussia, 1903.
MARY ANN SAWYER, St. Albans, Vt., 1883.
ELLEN LOUISA SHELDON, Greenfield, 1905.
GEORGE SHELDON, Deerfidd, 1883.
JENNIE MARIA ARMS SHELDON, Deerfield, 1901.
♦LYDIA CUTLER 8TEBBINS, Deerfield, 1872.
CounciUorSf
Aiken, John A., Greenfield, 1893: 3.
♦Allen, Julia A., Deerfield, 1877: 2.
♦Arms, Aaron, Bellows Falls, Vt.,
1872: 2.
♦AviceS., Greenfield, 1899.
♦Frances W., Greenfield, 1880.
♦George A., Greenfield, 1877: 6.
Jennie M^ Greenfield, 1896.
Obed S., Deerfield, 1873: 2.
♦Otis B., Bellows Falls, Vt.,
1882: 2.
Winthrop T., Deerfield, 1889.
♦Avery, Walter T., New York, N. Y.,
1879: 4.
Baker, C. Alice, Cambrid^. 1871: 7.
♦Catharine C, Cambridge, 1879.
Ball, Frances W., Deerfield, 1901: 4.
♦Bardwell, Jarvis B., Shelbume,
1873: 3.
Barrett, Geoi*ge P., Portland, Me.,
1897.
♦Bartlett, Geoi^ B., Concord, 1886.
Billings, Henry W., Conway, 1893.
Birks, Richard E., Deerfield, 1903: 3.
Bishop, Robert R., Newton, 1894: 2.
♦Brooks, Silas N., Chicago, 111., 1871.
♦Brown, Lorenzo, Vernon, Vt., 1873:
2.
Bryant, Chauncey, GTd, 1881: 2.
♦Buckingham, Edmr, D'fd 1870: 10.
♦Canning, Josiah D., Gill, 1871: 4.
♦Carter, Samuel, Brooklyn, N. Y.,
1880: 4.
♦Champney, James Wells, Deerfidd,
1880:6.
Chase. Ellen, Brookline, 1894: 2.
♦Childs, Dexter, Deerfield, 1873: 3.
♦Henry, Buffalo, N. Y., 1883: 2.
♦Robert, Deerfield, 1870: 26.
Samuel, Deerfield, 1901: 2.
Coleman, Emma L., Boston, 1883: 3.
♦Corss, Charies, Lock Haven, Pa.,
1888: 2.
♦Cowing, Julia A., Deerfield, 1874: 2.
♦Crafts, Chester G., Whately, 1880: 6.
♦James M.. Whately, 1876: 3.
♦Crawford, Robert, Deerfield, 1882:
14.
Crittenden, George D., Shelbume,
1871: 5.
Cutler. Nahum S., Greenfield, 1893: 4.
♦DeWolf, Austin, Greenfield, 1873: 4.
Everett, Edward J., Deerfield, 1901 :2.
Farren, Barney N., Montague, 1885:2.
♦Felton, Joseph P., Greenfield, 1896.
Fessenden, Franklin G., Greenfield,
1896.
♦Fidd, Phinehas, Charlemont, 1870:4.
Putnam, Greenfield, 1883: 3.
♦Reuben W., Shelbume, 1887: 3.
♦Finch, P. Voorhees, Greenfield, 1870:
14.
♦Fisk, D. Orlando, Shelbume, 1870: Z.
Fuller, George Spencer, Deerfield,
1902: 1.
Furbush, Caroline C, Greenfield,
1900: 4.
♦Grinnell, James S., Greenfield, 1892:
3.
Griswold, Freeman C, Greenfield,
1889: 2.
♦Hwrer, Charles, Deerfield, 1875: 2.
♦HaD, Eben A., Greenfield, 1873: 8.
Hammond, George W., Boston, 1889:
3.
Harris, William L., Deerfieid. 1904: 2.
Hawks, Edward Allen, Deerfield,
1901 : 6.
♦Frederick, Greenfield, 1871: 6.
♦Susan Belle, Deerfield, 1872.
Winfield S., South Hadl^, 1881:
3.
Officers and Members of ike AssooiaHon.
48T
♦Hazen. Allen, Deerfield, 1885: 2.
Hildretn, John L., Cambridge, 1895:
2.
^Hitchcock, Heniy, Galeebuig, HI.,
1879: 2.
'CHollister, Joseph H., Greenfield,
1876: 3.
*Holton, Ezra L., N'f'd, 1873: 2.
Horr, Georee W., Athol, 1895: 4.
*Ho6mer, George H., Bridgewater,
1880: 2.
James Kendall, St. Louis, Mo.,
1879: 6.
Hoyt, John Wilson, Cincinnati, Ohio,
1892: 3.
*Hubbard, Silas G., Hatfield. 1882: 2.
Huntington, Eunice K., Cleveland,
Ohio, 1880: 4.
♦Hyde, William, Ware, 1883: 2.
♦Johnson, Jonathan, G'f'd, 1870: 8.
♦Jones, Charles, Deerfield, 1877: 26.
♦Kimball, Delancy C, Lev^ett,
1887: 2.
Kingslev, Elbridge, Hatfield, 1896.
Lainb, Samuel O., GTd, 1874: 13.
♦Leavitt, Roger Hooker, Charle-
mont, 1873: 2.
♦Lincoln, Luther J. B., Hingham,
1879: 6.
Lowell, Charles R., Greenfield, 1903.
♦Marshall, James F. B., Weston, 1892.
Moors, John F., Gre^ifield, 1880.
♦Munn, Asa B., Chicago, 1890.
♦Philo, Deerfield, 1882: 3.
Newcomb, Eugene A., Greenfield,
1894: 10.
♦Parsons, AJbert C, Northfield, 1872:
4.
Herbert C, Greenfield, 1891: 7.
PhiUips, Henry M., Sp'gfield, 1883: 5.
♦Simeon, Greenfield, 1880: 4.
♦Smith R., S'f'd, 1874.
Plimpton Henry R., Boston, 1893: 2.
♦Porter, Ransom N., DTd. 1873: 3.
♦Pratt, Frank J., Greenfidd, 1881 : 4.
♦Martha Goulding, Deerfield,
1876: 6.
Putnam, Annie Cabot, Boston, 1903:
3.
♦Reed, James Smith, Biarion, O.,
1882: 2.
♦Rice, David, Leverett, 1877: 2.
♦Rice, Harriet C, Leverett, 1872: 2.
♦Levi W., Greenfield, 1870: 3.
♦Sarah C, Greenfield, 1882.
Rumrill. AnnaC, Springfield, 1893: 2.
♦Russell, John Edwards, Leicester,
1898: 2.
Ryerson, Julia Newton, New York,
N. Y., 1882.
Sawyer, Maiy Ann, St. Albans, Vt.
1879.
Sheldon, Ellen L.. Greenfield, 1890: 5.
John, Greenfield, 1881 : 4.
♦William, Deerfeld, 1876: 4.
Smead, Elihu, Newtonville, 1884.
♦Smith, James, Whately, 1881.
♦John M., Sunderland, 1874: 9.
♦Zeri, Deerfield, 1874: 11.
♦Snow, Newell, Greenfield, 1880: 4.
Solley, George W., Deerfield, 1900: 3.
Stebbins, Albert. Deerfield, 1879: 10.
♦Lydia Cutler, Deerfield, 1872.
♦Moses, Deerfield, 1870: 3.
Stratton, Mary Turner, Northfield,
1876.
♦Taft, Henry Walbridge, Pittsfield,
1877: 8.
Thompson, Francis M., Greenfield,
1877: 5.
♦Thornton, R. S., Montague, 1897.
♦Tilton, Chaunc^ B., Deerfield,
1875: 6.
♦Warner, Whitn^ L., Sunderiand,
1887: 2.
Watson, Charles Herbert, Boston,
1902.
♦John P., Leverett, 1876.
♦Wells, Elisha, Deerfield, 1881 : 6.
♦Henry. Shelbume, 1883: 2.
Laura B., 1901 : 3.
♦Wentworth, Mary P., Deerfield,
1896:5.
♦White, Joseph, Williamstown, 1885.
♦Williams, Ahnon C, DTd, 1899: 2.
Arthur, Brookline, 1885: 2.
Charles E., Deerfield, 1879: 8.
♦Electa Lucilla, Deerfield, 1888:
2.
♦Wright, William Westwood, Geneva,
N. Y., 1883: 2.
Wynne, Madeline Yale, Deerfield,
1901: 2.
♦Yale, Catherine B., D'f'd, 1890: 9.
Corresponding Members,
♦Hon. Charles C. Baldwin, LL. D.,
Cleveland, Ohio.
Hubert Howe Bancroft, Historian,
California.
♦Hon. Benjamin H. HaU, Troy, N. Y.
~ " - g^^ Worces-
ter, Mass.
President G. Stanley
Hon. Stephen A. Hubbard, Hart-
Btepi
ford.
Conn.
Hon. Edward Y. Jones, Binghamp-
ton, N. Y.
Daniel Sc^tgrave, Esq., Worcester,
Mass.
♦Hon. Henry Wyllys Taylor, Can-
andaigua, N. Y.
Henry F. Waters, A. M., Salem. Mass.
♦Justm Winsor, LL. D., CamDridgBy
Mass.
488
Qfficef and Meniben of ike As$oci<aUm.
Life Members,
^AJkn, Catherine E., Deerfield, 1874.
^Anna, Geom A., Greenfield, 1870.
Jennie Maria, Gf 'd, 1880.
*Otis Bardwell, BdlowB FaHs,
Vt., 1882.
♦Seneca, Troy, N. Y., 1871.
♦Aveiy, Walter T., New Yoric, 1871.
Baker, C. Alice, Cambridge, 1870.
♦Catharine C^ 1872.
Barrett, George r., Portland, Me.,
1803.
♦Bartlett, George B., Conccml, 1871.
Bishop, Kobert R.. Newton, 1890.
Catlin, Geoige, Chicago, Bl., 1899.
♦Champnev, Jamee 'WelLs, Deerfidd,
1879.
Chaae, Ellen, Brookline, 1890.
Childs, Alfred Heniy, Deerfield, 1870.
♦Robert, Deerfidd, 1870.
Rodolphns, Dover, Bl., 1873.
♦Comstock, Cornelia C, New Canaan,
Conn., 1886.
♦Corss, Charles, Lock Haven, Pa.,
1887.
Creosoy, Noah. Amherst, 1870.
Delano, Elinbeth Reed, 1882.
♦Doggett, George N., Chicago, 1872.
Farren, Bam^ N., Montague, 1884.
Fessenden, Franklm G., Greenfield,
1895.
♦Fithian, Eliza Barnard, St. Louis,
M!o., 1884.
Fuller, Agnes Gordon, Deerfield,
1905.
Furbush, Caroline C, Greenfield,
1895.
♦Hawks, Belle Sheldon, DTd, 1880.
♦Frederick, Greenfidd, 1879.
♦William H., Greenfield, 1879.
♦Hitchcock, Heniy, Galesbuig, Bl.,
1872.
♦Nathaniel, Deerfield, 1870.
Horr, Geoive W., Athd, 1893.
Hoemer, James Kendall, Yellow
Springs, Ohio, 1871.
♦H<^, Cattorine Wells, Deerfield,
1876.
♦Henry. Boston, 1870.
John W., Cincinnati, O., 1887.
♦Hyde, William, Ware, 1884.
♦Kimball, Delan^ D., Leverett, 1877.
Lamb, Samud O., Greenfield, 1880.
Leavitt, John H., Waterioo, Iowa,
1903.
♦Lmcoln, Luther J. B., Deeifield.
1879.
♦Mary Agnes, Deerfield, 1879.
♦Marshall, James F. B., Weston,
1888.
Morton, Levi E., New Ycvk. 1903.
Phillips, Heniy M., I^rin^d, 1882.
♦Smith KobinBon, Springfield,
1871.
♦Pkatt, Franklm Josiah, Cheenfield,
1880.
♦Martha Goulding, Deerfield,
1872.
♦Reed, James Smith, Marion, O^
1872.
♦Richards<m, John J., G'fd, 1879.
♦Russell, J(^ Edwards, Leioeflter,
1897.
Sawyer, Mary Ann, St. Albans, Vt.,
1879.
Sheldon, Ellen Anns, Greenfield, 188a
Ge(»ge, Deerfieki, 1870.
Georse Arms, Greenfield, 1900.
Jenme Edith, Greenfield, 1900.
John, Greenfiekl, 1880.
ifiusan Stewart. Deerfield, 1870.
♦Smith, Cornelia Allen, Fhila., Pk,
1892.
♦James, Whately, 1879.
♦Snow, Newell, Greenfidd, 1879.
♦Stebbins, Evander G., Deeifield.
1870.
♦Stone, Mary Lowdl, Cambridge,
1888.
♦Taft, Heniy Walbridge, Httsfield,
1873.
Thompson, Francis M., Greenfield,
1882.
•Thornton, R. S., Montague, 1896.
Watson, Charles Herbert, Boston,
1900.
♦Wells, Heniy. Shelbume, 1880.
♦White, Joseph, Williamstown, 1880.
Salome Elizabeth, New Yoik,
N. Y., 1880.
♦Whitn^, James S., Brookline, 1872.
Laurinda C, Brookline, 1872.
♦Williams, Ahnon C. Deerfield, 1886.
Sophronia Reea, Chicago, BL,
1882.
♦Wright, William Westwood, Geneva,
N. Y., 1880.
♦Yale, Catherine Brooks, Deerfield,
1888.
FuU Membership,
Aberorombie, Elizabeth, Brookline, ♦Alien, Catherine Eliaabeth, Deer-
1900. field. 1874.
T^^lliamHvslop, Brookline, 1900. Orin Pierre, Palmer, 1892.
Aiken, John Adiams, Greenfield, 1891. ♦Ames, FrederidiL L., Boston, 1892.
Officers and Members of the Association.
489
AnderaQn. Lafayette. Shelburne, 1872.
^Anns, Aaron, BeUowB Falls, Vt.,
1870.
'^Avice StebbinB, G'f'd, 1871.
^FranoesWaid, Greenfield, 1871.
'KSeorge Albert, Greenfield, 1870.
Jennie Maria, Greenfield, 1889.
Lillie J., Bellows Falls, Vt., 1872.
Obed S., Deerfield. 1871.
*Otb Bardwell, Bellows Falls,
Vt. 1882.
•Seneca, Troy, N. Y., 1871.
Winthrop Tyler, Deerfield, 1885.
♦Aveiy, Walter Titus, N. Y.. 1871.
Baker, Charlotte Alice, Cambridge,
1870.
•Catharine Catlin, Cambridge,
1872.
Ball, Frances Williams. D'f'd, 1900.
•Barber, H. H., Meadville, Pa., 1905.
Hervey, Warwick, 1873.
•Bardwell, Jarvis B., Sbelbume, 1870.
•Barnard, Lemuel, Canandaigua, N.
Y.,1875.
Barney, Edward, Deerfield, 1870.
Barrett, George P., Portland, Me.,
1893.
•Bartlett, Geor^ B^ Concord, 1871.
Bemis, Itobert £., Cnicopee, 1891.
Billing, Henry William, Conway,
1892.
Birks, Richard E., Deerfield, 1903.
Bishop, Robert K., Newton, 1890.
Boyden, Frank D^ Deerfield, 1885.
•Brooks, Silas N., Bemardston, 1870.
•Brown, Lorenzo, Vernon, Vt., 1872.
Mrs. N. H., Dorchester, 1888.
Br3rant, Chauncev, Greenfield. 1872.
•Buckingham, Edgar, Deerfield, 1870.
Buddin^n, Heniy A., Grecnifield,
1872.
•Canning, Josiah D., Gill, 1870.
•Carter, Samuel, Brooklyn, N. Y.,
1878.
Catlin, George, Chioaso. Bl., 1899.
•Champney, James Wells, D'f'd,
1879.
Chase, Ellen, Brookline, 1890.
Childs, Alfred H., Deerfield, 1877.
•Dexter, Deerfield, 1870.
•Henry, Buflfalq. N. Y., 1870.
M. Anna V., Deerfield, 1900.
•Robert, Deerfidd, 1870.
Rodolphus, Dover, Bl., 1873.
Samuel, Deerfield, 1900.
Cdeman, Emma Lewis, Boston, 1881.
•Comstock, Cornelia Carter, New
Canaan, Conn., 1886.
•Corss, Charles, Lock Haven, P^.,
1887.
•Cowing, Julia A., Deerfield, 1871.
•Crafts, Chester G., Whately, 1872.
•James Munroe, Whately, 1870.
Crafts, Seth B., Whately, 1872.
•Crawford, Robert, Deerfield, 1870.
Cressey, Noah, Amherst, 1876.
Crittenden, George D., Shelbumey
1870.
Cutler, Nahum S., Greenfield, 1892.
Delano, Mizabetii Reed, New Bed-
ford, 1882.
Denio. Herbert W., Westfield, 1905.
•DeWolf, Austin, Greenfield. 1870.
•Doggett, George Newell, Chicago,
111. 1872.
•Dwight, Villiam, Bemardston, 1870.
•EasUnan, Samuel Sheldon, Green-
field, 1870.
Everett, Edward J., Deerfield, 1901.
Farren, Barney N., Montague, 1884.
•Felton, Jofi»ph P.^ Greenfield, 1870.
Fessenden, Iranklm G., Greenfield,
1895.
•Held, Phmehas, Chariemont, 1871.
Putnam, Greenfield, 1875.
•Reuben W., Buckland, 1886.
•Finch, Peter Voorhees, Greenfield,
1870.
•Fisk, David Orlando, Shelbume,
1870.
•Fiske, Mrs. Georro I., Boston, 1888.
•Geom S., Boston, 1888.
•Fithian, Misa Barnard, St Louis,
Mo. 1883.
Forbes, IVank P., Greenfield, 1905.
Freeman, Hattie E., Boston, 1891.
Fuller, Agnes Gordon, Deerfidd, 1905.
•George, Deerfield, 1871.
George Spencer, Deerfield, 1901.
Furbush, Caroline C, Greenfield,
1895.
•Goes, Elbridge H., Mehx)se, 1871.
Gray, O. W., Bemardston, 1891.
•Gnnnell, George, Greenfidd, 1875.
•James Seymour, G'f'd, 1886.
Griswold, Fre^cnan C., Greenfield,
1888.
•Whiting, Greenfield. 1874.
•Hager, Charles, Deerfield, 1872.
•Hall, Eben A., Greenfield, 1870.
Hammond, Ellen L., Boston, 1887.
George W.. Boston, 1887.
•Harding, WHbur F., Greenfield,
1870.
Harris, William L., Deerfield, 1899.
Hawks. Edward Allen, D'f'd, 1900.
•Frederick. Greenfidd. 1870.
•Susan Belle, Deerfield, 1880.
Susan Belle, Jr., Deerfield, 1900.
•William H., Greenfield, 1879.
Winfield S., South Hadley, 1878.
•Hazen, Allen, Deerfield, 1885.
•Hemenw^. Maiy, Boston, 1885.
Hildreth, Jonn L., Cambridge, 1891.
•Hitchcock, Heniy, Galesbuig, DL,
1872.
490
Officers and Members of the Association.
♦Hitchcock Nathaniel, DTd, 1870.
♦Hollister, Joseph Harvey, Green-
field. 1870.
♦Holton, Enra L., Northfield, 1872.
Horr, Georae W., Athol, 1803.
♦Hosmer, George Herbert, Bridge-
water, 1871.
James Kendall, Yellow Springs,
O., 1871.
*H<^, Catherine Wells, Deerfield,
1870.
♦Henry, Boston, 1870.
John Wilson, Cincinnati, Ohio,
1887.
♦Hubbard, Silas G., Hatfield, 1882.
Huntington, Eunice Kimberiey,
Cleveland, Ohio, 1870.
♦Hyde, William. Ware, 1884.
♦Johnson, Jonathan, Montague, 1870.
♦Jones, Charles, Deerfield, 1876.
Kauffmann, Elizabeth Marvin, Ber-
lin, Prussia, 1903.
♦Kimball, Delancy C, Leverett, 1877.
Kingsley, Elbrioge, Northampton,
1876.
Lamb, Samuel O., Greenfield, 1870.
Leavitt, John H., Waterloo, Iowa,
1903.
♦Roger Hooker, Charlemont,
1871.
Leavitte, Helen A. R., , 1881.
Lee, Samuel H., Greeoifield, 1871.
♦Lincoln, Luther J. B., Hingham,
1872.
♦Mary Anies, Hingham, 1879.
♦Marv Wfllard, Hingham, 1884.
Lowell, Charies R., Greenfield, 1902.
♦Luey, Lester L., Greenfield, 1902.
♦Lyman, Daniel, Mendota, 111., 1878.
♦mrk, GeorKe W., Greenfield, 1870.
♦Marshall, James F. B., Weston,
1888.
Merriano, Edwin D., Greenfield, 1870.
Miller, Ellen, Deerfield, 1904.
Margaret, Deerfield, 1900.
Simeon, Deerfield, 1870.
Montague, Abbie T., Sunderland,
1904.
♦Moors, John Farwell, Greenfield,
1871.
Morton, Levi K., New York, 1903.
Munger, Orett L., Chicago, 111., 1895.
♦Munn, Asa B., Chicago, 111., 1887.
♦Charles H., Greenfield, 1871.
George A., Holyoke, 1893.
♦John, New York, N. Y., 1871.
♦Philo, Deerfield, 1870.
Newcomb, Eugene A., Greenfield,
1893.
Nims, E. D., RofiP, Indian Terri-
tory, 1903.
Franklin Asa., Greel^, Cal.,
1903.
Orr, Mary Moore, Deerfield, 1904.
♦Parsons, Albert C, Northfield, 1870.
Herbert C, Greenfield, 1890.
Phillips, Henry M., Springfidd, 1882.
''Simeon, Greenfield, 1872.
♦Smith Robinson, Springfidd,
1871.
♦Herce, William, Chariestown, 1872.
Plimpton, Henry R., Boston, 1891.
♦Porter, Ransom N., Deerfield, 1870.
♦Potter, George W., Greenfield, 1871.
♦Pratt, Franklin Josiah, Greenfidd,
1880.
♦Martha Goulding, Deerfidd,
1870.
Putnam, Annie Cabot, Boston, 1900.
♦Reed, James Smith, Marion, Ohio,
1882.
♦Rice, David, Leverett, 1873.
♦Harriet Clapp, Leverett, 1871.
♦Levi W., Greenfield, 1870.
♦Sarah C, Greenfield, 1880.
♦Richardson, John J., Greenfidd,
1873.
Root, Asabd Wright, Deerfield, 1903.
♦Hiram, Deerfidd, 1873.
Rumrill, Anna Chapin, Springfidd,
1889.
♦Russell, Edmund W., Greenfidd,
1871.
♦John Edwards, Ldoester, 1897.
Ryerson, Julia Newton, New York,
N. Y., 1881.
♦Sanderson, George W., Amherst,
1871.
Sawyer, Maiy Ann, St. Albans, Vt.,
1871.
♦Severance, Harv^, Deerfidd, 1870.
Martha L., Greenfidd, 1905.
WUliam S., Greenfidd. 1905.
Shddon, Ellen Louisa, Greenfidd,
1880.
George, Deerfidd, 1870.
Geor^ Arms, Greenfidd, 1900.
Jenme Edith, Greenfidd, 1900.
Jennie Maria Arms, Deerfidd,
1901.
John, Greenfidd, 1870.
♦Susan Bdle, Deerfidd, 1870.
♦Susan Stewart, Deerfidd, 1870.
♦William, Deerfidd, 1870.
Smead, AmeUa, Newtonville, 1881.
Elihu, Newtonville, 1881.
♦Smith, Albert, Gill, 1900.
♦Comdia Allen, Philaddphia,
Pa., 1892.
♦James, Whatdy, 1879.
♦John Montague, Sunderland,
1873.
♦Zeri, Deerfidd, 1870.
♦Snow, Newell, Greenfidd, 1879.
Solley. Georse W., Deerfidd, 1898.
Stebbms, Albert, Deerfidd, 1878.
Officers and Members of the Aseoeiation,
491
^Stebbins, Alfred Baxter, Deerfidd,
1878.
Charles Heniy, Deerfield, 1900.
♦Evander G., Deerfield, 1870.
Joseph, South Boston, Va., 1899.
*Lydia Cutler. Deerfield. 1872.
Maiy Elizabeth, Deerfield, 1900.
'^Moses, Deerfield, 1870.
^Stevens, Humphrey, Greenfield,
1872.
*Stockbridffe, Levi, Hadlev, 1873.
*Stone, Blaiy Lowdl, Cambridge,
1888.
Stratton, Mary Turner, Northfield,
1874.
*Taft, Heniy Walbridge, Httsfield,
1873.
Thompson. Francis MoGee, Green-
field, 1871.
^Thornton, R. S., Montague. 1896.
*Taton, Chaunoey B., Deerfield, 1874.
♦Wait. Thomas, Greenfield, 1870.
♦Ware, Frances Stebbins, Deerfield,
1870.
♦Warner, Whitn^ L., Sunderland,
1873.
Watson, Chaiies Herbert, Boston,
1900.
♦John P., Leverett, 1872.
♦Wells, Curtis B., Springfidd, 1871.
♦Elisha, Deofield, 1871.
♦Well8.George M., Deerfield, 1870.
♦Henry, Shelbume, 1880.
Laura Baicer, Dewfidd, 1900.
♦Samuel F.. Deerfield, 1870.
♦Wentworth, Mary P., Dewfield,
1896.
♦White, Joseph, Williamstown, 1880.
Salome Minbeth, Brooklyn, N.
Y., 1886.
Wluting, Julia Draper, Deerfield,
1901.
Maigaret Christine, Deerfield,
1904.
♦Whitney, James S., Brookline, 1872.
Laurinda C, Brookline, 1872.
♦Williams, Almon C, Deerfield, 1885.
Arthur, Brookline, 1881.
Charies E., Deerfield, 1878.
♦Electa Lucilla, Deerfield, 1885.
Philomela Arms, Deerfield, 1903
Sophronia Reed, Chicago, SI.,
1882.
Wing, Albert L^ Greenfield, 1904.
♦WrW^^ Luke, Deerfield. 1870.
♦William Westwooa, Geneva,
N. Y, 1880.
Wynne, Madeline Yale, Deerfield,
1900.
♦Yale, Catherine Brooks, Deerfield,
1888.
INDEX.
Abbott, Lyman, 428,
82.
Abercrombie, Eluukbeth,
488.
Williain Hyslop. 488.
ActLdemy. Deerfiela, 377.
Adams, Abi^ul, 34, 36.
James, 467.
John Quincy, 341.
Samuel, 38, 339.
Addresses,
Lyndon S. Crawford,
4.
Francis M. Thomp-
son, 9, 100, 236,
313.
George Shddon, 11,
64, 111, 19, 206,
360, 86, 432.
C. Ahce Baker, 28,
292, 342, 400.
Kate Upson Clark, 61.
Lyman Whiting, 69.
Lucy C. KelloflK, 74.
Maiy P. Wdls^nith,
86.
Charies Jones, 106.
Geoive P. Lawrence,
117.
Herbert C. Parsons,
118, 76. 387.
Rowena Buell, 134.
Ralph M. Stoughton,
Isabdla H. Williams,
162.
George W. Solley, 197.
Charies £. Park, 202.
Edward Hitchcock,
211.
Hennr H. Barber, 213.
Frank W. Pratt, 216.
Charies Barnard, 219.
William L. Banmrd,
222.
Caleb Allen Starr, 226.
Elisabeth W. Champ-
ney, 227.
Hubbard S.Allis, 230.
J. M. Arms Sheldon,
242.
Addresses,
Albert E. Winship,
261.
William H. Leavitt,
336.
F. B. Denio, 383, 417.
Hennr D.Holton, 384,
420.
Frederick G. Bauer,
384.
Kttredge Haskins,
386.
Edwin A. Grosvenor,
390.
Alfred S. Roe, 408.
Arthur Lord. 412.
Francis H. Apideton,
419.
Frederic Corss, 421.
Adventure of Liberty,
477.
Aflassis, Louis, 330.
Aiken, David, 81.
John A., 426.
Albany Road, 368, 71,
461.
Alexander, Adeline M.
D., 64, 68, 82.
Alien, John, 234.
Joseph, 2S.
Julia A., 486, 8.
Mary E., 193-6,
274-7.
Mercy, 28.
Ndiemiah, 28.
Orin P., 488.
Robert, 296.
Samud, 28.
Samuel, 28.
Samuel, 226; monu-
ment, 226; killed,
226; 380, 1.
Samuel, 226, 7.
William S., 334.
Allis, Hubbard, 230, 1.
William, 90, 230.
Alsop K^, 122.
Alvord, Sarah W., 376.
Ambrose, Alice, 293.
Ames, Frederick L., 486,
8.
Amherst, Jeffery, 828y
9.
Amidon, Fred, 427.
Amsden, Oliver, 226.
Simeon, 226.
Anderson, Lafayette,
489.
"Andrew, y* Indian,"
407.
Appleton, Francis H.,
380, 3, 4, 419.
Samud, 383, 94, 419,
68, 69.
Arms, Aaron, 486, 89.
Abner, 368.
Amelia, 429.
Avice S., 2, 81, 246,
4oO, v.
Daniel, 246.
Dorothy, 368.
Eleanor M., 193, 262,
74.
Ellen L., 246.
Eliiah, 429.
Mijah, 429.
Frances W., 486, 9.
Georae A., 486, 8, 9.
Jennie M., 486, 8, 9.
John, 234, 66, 303.
Lillie J., 489.
Moses, 104.
Obed S., 486, 89,
Otis B., 486, 88, 89.
Phineas, 68, 71, 72,
368, 69.
Seneca, 488,89.
William, 234, 46, 368.
Winthrop T., 486, 89.
Armstrong, Samuel C,
431.
Arnold, Benedict, 39, 42,
237.
John. 348.
Matthew. 219.
Arts and Crafts, 193-6,
272-9.
Ashley, Charies H., 3,
84, 166, 193-6, 242,
79, 281, 83, 379, 82.
Gertrude P., 3, 166,
96, 205, 79.
(493)
494
Index.
Ashley, John, 258.
Jonathan, 209, 33,
341. 66, 67, 77.
Jonathan P., 193, 262.
Tirza Field, 341.
Ashpelon's Raid, 93,
434.
Atherton, Hope, 122,
46-49.
Humphrey, 122.
AtkinB, G. Glenn, 427,
28,77.
Avery, Walter T., 486,
88,89.
Baker, C. Alice, 3, 11,
13, 28, 39, 152, 94,
95, 234, 240, 48, 83,
326, 34, 42, 80, 83,
400, 17. 18, 25, 27,
30, 50, 85, 86, 88,
89.
CatharineC.,486,8,9.
Mary, 28.
Remember, 32, 33, 37.
Thomas, 325.
Baldwin, Charles C, 487.
Keturah, 277.
Loammi, 180.
Balwin, Cyrus, 34.
Ball, Frances W., 153,
334, 425, 486, 9.
Ballad of the French
Fleet, 475.
Bancroft, George, 81.
Herbert H., 487.
Baptism, 123-30.
Baptiste, 14, 26. 27;
Adventures of, 342,
450.
Barber, Henry H., 192,
205, 10, 11; Ad-
dress, 213, 19, 228,
50, 69.
Herv^, 489.
Parson 54.
Bardwell' Abigafl, 368.
Jarvis B., 331-3, 486,
9.
Maiy, 368.
Bam Party, 281.
Barnard, Abigail, 339.
Charies, 205, 19, 70,
80, 81.
James M., 192, 222,
44.
Joseph, 192; Monu-
ment, 221; 222-25,
27, 33, 43, 44, 70,
402.
Lemuel, 489.
Rachael, 339
Sally, 340.
Barnard, Samud, 234.
William L., 192, 93,
222.
Barney, Edward, 112,
^9.
Barrett, George P., 486,
8 9.
Bars Fight, 225.
Bartlett, George B., 112,
486, 88, 89.
Bauer, Frederick G.,
380, 4.
Baxter, Benjamin, 130.
JosiaJi, skmned, 130.
Beaman, Hannah, 235,
401, 404.
John, 402.
John, 473.
Belcher, Jonathan, 233,
36.
Belding, Daniel, 233,
324, 403, 64.
Hannah, 240.
BeUingham, Richard,
129.
Bell of St. Re@s, 209.
Bemis, Robert £., 489.
Bickford, Thomas, 355.
Billings, Edward, 366,
Henry Williain, 489.
Birks, Richard E., 283,
334, 79, 82, 425, 31,
486, 89.
Bishop, Robert R., 485,
86, 88, 89.
Bloody Brook, 91-93,
135, 37, 46, 216, 28,
32-35, 365, 88, 414.
Bloody Morning Scout,
9, 328, 63, 71.
Blue and White Society,
194, 277.
Bonner, Capt., 468.
Bowles, Samuel, 184.
Boyden, Frank D., 489.
Brackett, Nathaniel, 86.
Braddock, Gen., 363.
Bradley, Judge, 416.
Bradstreet, Anne, 86.
Simon^, 344-6, 49.
Brattle, Thomas, 345.
Breckenridge^James, 32.
Briggs, Mrs. F. E., 117.
Bronson, Harriet, 287.
Mary, 29.
Brooks, Ebeneser, 233,
404.
Nathanid, 233.
Silas N., 486; 89.
Broom com mdustry,
105.
Handles, 110.
Broom Shops, 112.
Wire, 110.
Brown, Cyrus, 234.
John, 39, 45.
Julia, 15i9.
Lorenzo, 486, 89.
Mrs. N. H., 489.
Browne, Chiistopber,
470.
Broughton,Thoma8, 233.
Brush Crean, 30-34; es-
cape, 35; death, 36;
37, 38, 51.
Bryant, Chaunoey, 112,
486, 89.
Buchanan, Capt., 36.
Buckinghsim, Edgar,
112, 485, 86-89.
Buckley, John, 265.
Buddington, Henry A.,
489.
Buell, Rowena, 155, 17;
address, 134.
Bulkley, Gersham, 14.
Peter, 214.
Burdakin, John H., 385.
Burg, Ann Catherine,
437.
Burgoyne, John, 371.
Bumham, Nelson, 113.
Burt, Asahel, 68.
Calli^res, M. de, 13.
Camp, breaking
up, 52d Regi-
ment, 7.
Campbell, Andrew, 3.
Archibald, 48.
Canals, 372.
Canning, Josiah D., 274,
485, 86, 89.
Capen, Samuel H., 385.
Carlton, Gov., 44-47.
Carter, Ebenezer, 326.
Joshua, 235.
Samuel, 405.
Samuel, 2, 485, 86, 89.
Carver, John, 383, 413.
Castine, Baron, 208, 35,
304, 73, 401, 2, 68.
Catlm, George, 488, 89.
John, 405, 406.
John, 209.
John, 234.
Jonathan, 406.
Joseph, killed, 248,
Mary Baldwin, 406.
Samuel, 234.
Seth, 171.
C^loron, Mother, 56.
Challoner, John, 104.
Champlain, Samuel, 313.
Index.
495
Champney, Elizabeth
Williams, 192, 94,
95, 222; poem, 227;
31, 7g-80, 425.
James Wells, 112, 94,
95,273,78,426,31;
memoir, 440; 86,
88, 89.
Richard, 440.
Sarah Wells, 441.
Chapin, Hamiah, 405.
Chapman, Mercy, 297,
303.
Charlemont, 58.
Charies U., 257, 433.
Chase, Ellen, 246, 385,
486, 88, 89.
Chenery, Ellen, 88.
Childs, Alfred Henry,
488, 89.
Dexter, 486, 89.
Henry, 485, 86, 89.
Lucy E., 161.
M. Anna V., 152, 94,
95, 489.
MerriU F., 156.
Robert, 2, 112, 53,
283, 334, 425, 86,
88 89.
Rodolphns, 488, 89.
Samuel, 209.
Samuel, 367.
Samuel, 153, 404, 86,
89.
Timothy, 103, 234,
436.
Church, Benjamin, 359,
456-60.
Edward, 434.
John, 434.
Mary. 434.
Qapp, Joshua, 339.
Clark, Kate Upson, 2,
58, 60, 62-65.
William, 102.
Clary, John, 366.
Clesson, Joseph, 235.
Matthew, 235.
Cleveland, Grover. 439.
Colden, Cadwallaaer, 31,
321.
Coleman, Bethiah, 93.
Ebenezer, 94, 96.
Elijah, 96, 97.
Elijah, 97.
Emma L., 193, 277,
78, 83, 334, 426, 40,
86, 89.
Hannah, 93, 94.
John, 93; his wooing,
94; 95, 97.
Mehitable, 94-97.
Nathaniel, 94-97.
Coleman, Nathaniel, 366.
Sarah, 93, 95.
Thomas, 93.
Cdton, Capt., 402.
Conmion House at Fly-
mouth, 412, 13.
Comstock, Cornelia C,
488,89.
Conant, Chester C, 112.
Cooley, Simon, 434.
Cooper, J. Fenimore,
362.
Comer Store, 258.
Corss, Charles, 2, 486,
88, 89.
Frederic, 380, 85, 421.
Cotton, John, 123, 214.
Courtemanche, Sieur de,
461, 62j 65.
Cowing, Julia A., 486,
89.
Cowles, Mary, 194, 95,
279.
Coyne, Josephine, 117.
Crafts, Alice, 443.
Chester G., 486.
Griffin, 443.
JamesM., 81,112, 57,
93, 230, 31, 89, 426,
27; obituary, 443;
485, 86, 89.
Seth B., 426, 43, 89,
Thomas, 443.
William F., 443.
Crane, Bruce, 194, 95.
Elizabeth, 435.
Israel, 435.
Crawford, James, 4.
Jane Kennedy, 4.
Lvndon S., 3, 4, 270.
Marian, 4.
Robert, 3; memoir, 4;
112, 485, 86, 89.
Cressey, Noah, 488, 89.
Crittenden, Geoige D.,
81,112.425,86,89.
Crocker, Alvah, 185.
Cromwell, Oliver, 385.
Curator's Report, 154.
Curtis, Benjamin R., 81.
Cutler, Nahum S., 486,^9.
Dana, Richard H.,
189.
Daniels^Mary, 400.
Davis, Wenddl T., 156.
Dawes. Mrs., 63.
Day^ Charles J., 334.
Dedication of Memorial
Stones, 192, 222,
41, 61, 399.
Deed of Site for Turner
Monument, 117.
Deerfield, 1, 2, 6, 12, 15,
66, 89-92, 103, 105,
19, 39, 62, 92, 97,
98, 204, 207, 32-37,
42-56, 58, 59, 72,
74, 82, 333, 91, 93,
418.
Attacks on:
In Philip's War, 134,
228, 30, 31^38, 43.
In King William's
War, 207, 208, 23,
27, 43, 401-3.
Queen Anne's War, 9,
12-18, 225, 245-48,
55, 56, 325, 386, 87,
91, 96, 405-7, 15,
34 77.
Old French War, 225.
Bam Party. 281; Bi-
centennial, 1903,
379; Historic Ride,
221; Old Cannon,
333; port of Entry,
377; Soldiers' Mon-
ument, 377; treaty
with Indians, 23/.
Delano, Elizabeth R.,
488, 89.
Jesse, 112.
De Meneval, €rov., 346
-50.
Deming, David, 435.
Denio, Aaron, 383, 417.
Francis B., 380, 83,
417.
Herbert W., 489.
De Noyan, James, 405,
406, 17.
Ren^, 417.
De Rouville, Hertel, 415,
77.
Dewey, Jedediah, 36.
DeWolf, Austin, 485,
86, 89.
Dickinson, Consider, 40.
David, 233.
Elijah M., 68.
Jerusha, 434.
Nathaniel, 168.
Obediah, 95.
Philander, 109.
Samuel, 370.
Thomas, 333.
Thomas, 233.
Thomas W., 39, 40.
Dieskau, Baron, 328, 64,
71.
Doggett, George Newell,
488, 89.
Doty, Samuel, 472.
Drinker, Ed¥wd, 124,
28, 31.
49G
Index.
Drowne, Shem, 210.
Dudley, Joseph, 13, S05,
06, 25-2nr, 43, 403,
54, 55, 59-62, 65, 68
-70.
William, 465.
Dummer, Fort, 328.
William, 327.
Dutch settle New Yoric,
314, 15.
Dutton, Mrs., 440.
Dwight, Edward, 363.
EXjah, 372.
Elijah, 363, 71, 72.
Hemy, 363-9.
Hemy, 370.
Jonathan, 372.
Joseph, 363, 71.
Joeiah, 363, 70.
Josiah, 258.
Justice, 363.
Lydia, 363, 71.
Margaret, 372.
Mary, 371, 72.
Melatiah £., 335, 61.
Nathaniel, 334; Jour-
nal of , 335, 360, 362;
Nathaniel, 362.
Samuel, 363.
Simeon, 363.
Timothy, 362, 70.
Timothy, 363, 69, 70,
74.
Timothy, 372.
William, 373.
William, 489.
Dyer, Maiy, 274.
Eastman, John, 366.
Samud S., 489.
Easton, James, 39, 42.
Edwards, Electa, 436.
Jonathan. 215, 357.
Nathaniel, 436.
Ruth, 437.
Eels, Lucretia W., 274.
Eliot, John, 214, 15, 54,
60.
Emerson, John, 339.
Thomas A.. 385.
Endioott, Jonn, 214.
Enfield Falls, 164.
Evacuation of Boston,
34.
Everett, Edward, 67,
251, 69.
Edward J., 153, 94,
95, 249, 334, 486, 9.
Mn. Qeorge, 156.
F
ales, Mrs. Leal, 117.
FaUs Fight, 137-
50.
Famswotth, MatHivw,
306.
Farren, Barney N., 189,
486, 88, 89.
Fay, Jonas, 37.
Stephen, 37.
Felton, Joseph, 112,
4od, oO, oV.
Fessenden, John, 199.
Franklin G., 152, 59,
486, 88, 89.
Field, David, 234.
Marshall, 380, 82, 99,
429.
Phineas, 65, 68, 112,
486, 89.
Putnam, 486, 89.
Reuben W., 486, 89.
Rodney B., 83.
Samuel, 367.
Zechariah, 380, 82,
99,429.
Fillmore, John, 472.
Millard, 472.
Finch, P. v., 58, 81, 152,
53, 57, 58, 283, 84,
life of, 286; 485, 86,
89.
Edward B., 287.
First Encounter, 230,
365.
Fisher, Daniel, 236.
Fisk, D. Oriando, 486,89.
Fiske, John, 215.
George I., 489.
Mrs.Geoige, 489.
Fithian, Elisa B., 488,
89.
Five Nations (Six), 314
-25.
Fletcher, Benjamin, 321,
22.
Timbulectoo, 467.
Flower of Essex, 383,
419, 20.
Forbes, Frank P., 489.
Forts, Deerfield, 381,
401, 404-6.
Dummer, 370, 88.
Hawks, 60, 71-73,
3o9*
Massachusetts, 369.
Oso (Au Sault), 403.
Rice, 60, 64, 71-73,
76, 368.
Taj^or, 60, 65, 71-73,
367.
William Henry, 258,
59; buUt, 361.
Foster, Aaron, 341.
Electa, 400.
Frary, John, 400.
Nathan, 400.
FWtfy, Nathaniel, 400.
Samson, 334, 80, 82,
400, 405, 407, 29.
Freeman, HatUe £., 489.
French, Thomas, 208,
98-302, 400, 402,
405.
Thomas, Jr., 400.
Fr^re, Edouard, 441.
Frothingham, Richard,
34 38
Fiy, Andr^, 300, 302,
307, 309, 10, 13.
Adrian, 294-7,
300-3.
Joseph, 283; story of,
292.
Sarah, 295, 96, 313.
William, 295-7, 303.
Fuller, Agnes G., 488,
89.
Elizabeth, 272.
George, 194, 95, 222,
72,73,371,486,89.
Mary F., 193, 281.
Spencer, 221, 72, 73,
83, 84, 333, 34, 425,
89.
Furbush, Caroline, 81,
153, 277, 83, 334,
486, Sc-, 89.
Gage, Gen., 34.
Gardner, Heniy
J., 187.
Gates, Horatio, 49, 372.
Thomas A., 372.
General Court asks ad-
vice, 125, 26.
GUbert, John, 146.
Jonathan, 265.
GUes, Mr., 338.
Gill, Samud, 302.
Gillett, Adonijah, 226.
John, 324, 403.
Joseph, 234.
Gilmore, Esther, 117.
Goffe, William, 132, 365,
70, 433.
Goodrich, Jennie P., 64,
385.
Gordon, Thomas, 5.
Goss, Elbridge H., 489.
Gould, Thomas, 124-8.
Graves, Martha, 434.
Moses, 364.
Nathanid, 434.
Gray, O. W., 489.
Greeley, Horace, 410.
Green Mountain Boys,
32, 33, 37-40, 43.
Greenoufl^. John J., 880.
Griffin, Men, 6.
Index.
497
Qdrinnell, Geoige, 183,
489.
JameB 8., 162, 55, 485,
86.89.
Griswold, Freeman C,
486.
Whiting, 3, 486.
Groeyenor, Edwin A.,
270, 71, 379, 82, 90.
Mrs. Edwin A., 385.
Hager, CharioB, 486,
89.
Dexter F., 193, 228.
Hale, Edward E., 229.
Hall, Benjamin H., 487,
89.
Eben A., 2, 112, 52,
55, 485, 86, 89.
G. Stanley^93, 487.
Hammond, Ellen L.,
489.
George W., 486, 89.
Harding, Alpheus, 199.
WUbur F.. 489.
Harmon, Jonnson, 306.
Harraden, Andrew, 472.
John, 452, 58.
Harris, William L., 2,
59, 152, 93, 95, 284,
380, 425, 86, 89.
Harvev, Simeon, 162.
HaskeU, Henry C, 426,
44.
Haskins, Kittredge, 380,
85.
Mrs. Esther M.. 385.
Hatfield attacked, 135,
50.
Hathome, Jdm, 359.
Haupt, Herman, 186, 87.
Hawks, Belle Sheldon,
488.
Edward A., 80, 153,
283, 334, 425, 486,
89.
Eleiaw killed, 225.
Elieier. 101.
Frederick, 81, 112,
486, 88, 89.
G^rsham, 70.
John, 208.
John, 17, 81, 101, 226,
27, 34, 37, 365, 67,
69.
Joshua, 70.
Sarah, 101.
Seth, 70.
Susan Belle, 486, 80.
Susan Belle, 205, 489.
Submit, 367.
William H., 81, 488,
89.
32
Hawks. Winfiflld S., 486
9.
Zadock. 367, 71.
Haaen, Allen, 112, 485
87, 89.
Hemenway, Abl^ M.
56.
Maiy. 486.
Hertel oe Rouville, 9, 17
18, 20, 405.
Hertel de Shambly, 26
HijKginson, Agnes, 273
Stephen, 430.
Thomas W., 272.
Hildreth, Jdm L., 487
89.
Mrs. Ridiard, 196, 9
Richard, 411.
Hill, Hannah, 298.
HiUs, Samuel, 303, 461
Hinman, Col., 43.
Hinsdale, Barnabas, 233
Coat of Arms, 88.
Diana, 372.
Ebeneaer, 88, 96, 235
468.
Ephndm, 93.
Ebcperience, 137, 46
Mary, 89, 96.
MemtaUe, 84, 86, 88
90-93, 96.
Mehitabie, 89.
Mehiunan, 84, 90-92
96, 234, 372, 400
405, 406.
Robert, 88, 234.
Samuel, 88, 233, 34, 39
Samuel, 96.
Samuel, 286, 88-92.
Sarah, 89.
Hitchcock, Edward, 3
159, 97, 211, 33
384 411.
Edward, 193, 205,211
69, 380, 84.
Henry, 159, 487, 88
89.
Justin, 159.
Nathanid, 1, 2, 80-
82, 152, 55, 485, 86
88, 90.
Hoar, George F., 193
268, 69.
Sherman, 440.
Hollister, Joseph H.
487 90.
Hohnes, OUver W., 389
William, 253.
Holton, Enra L., 487
90.
Henry D., 118, 93
269, 335, 80, 84
421.
Hdiydce, Samuel, 133,
47, 48.
Hooker, Samuel, 339.
Sarah, 339.
Thomas, 214.
Hoosac Tunnel, 150, 76.
Horr, George W., 2, 3,
81, 82, 487, 88, 90.
Hosmer, Geoige H., 487,
90.
James K., 7, 112, 425,
87, 88, 90.
Hough, William, 281.
Howard, H. A., 63.
Howe, James, 440, 41.
Lord, 34.
Hoyt, Adeline, 162.
Arthur W» 162.
Catherine W., 488, 90.
Clarence P., 196, 278.
David, 207, 208, 370,
404.
David, 162.
Epaphras, 10, 156, 62,
212, 377.
Fanny, 162.
Henry, 488, 90.
Horatio, 108, 284.
Horatio, 278.
Isabella, 162.
John W., 2, 487, 88,
90.
Jonathan, 233, 375,
465.
Hubbard, Elisha, 366.
Silas G., 485, 87, 90.
Stephen A., 487.
Hudson, Hendrick, 313,
14.
Hull, John, 30.
Humphreys, Marie
Ohampney, 274, 78,
79.
Huntington, Dan, 192,
99.
Eunice K., 2, 487, 90.
Hutchins, Benjamin,
302.
Frank, 380, 82.
Jonathan, 302.
Hutchinson, Edward,
IJ^.
Hyde, William, 487, 88,
90.
Indian Bridge, 244,
402,403.
Indian House Door, 274.
Indians, 143; supplied
with arms, 315;
treatment of, 393,
94j character, 394;
alliance, 394.
r
498
Index.
Indianfl. Qraylock, 327.
Maahiliak, 90.
Manaeamet, 90.
Peeicus, 137.
Sagmore George, 15,
Samoset, 141.
Towcanchasson, 137.
Wattanamon, 15, 26.
Wuttawwaluno k a i n ,
90.
Indian Trails, 220.
Indian Treaties, 13, 237.
Irving, Washington, 39,
42, 49.
Janes, Benjamin, 96.
Massacre, 96.
Samud, 95, 96.
Sarah, 96.
Jeffrey, Arthur, 460.
Jennie, C. F. R., 335.
Johnson, Humphrey, 87,
88.
Isaac, 87; kiUed, 88.
John, 87, 88.
Jonathan, 2, 59, 155,
57, 486, 87, 90.
Mehitable, 86-88.
Robert. 190.
Sir WiUiam, 328, 63-
65.
Jones, Charies, 2, 80, 81,
84, 105, 12, 13, 53,
94, 95, 233, 83, 331
-4,402, 87, 90.
Edward F., 487.
Henry, 437.
Journal of Qen. Epaph-
ras Hoyt, 162.
Gapt. Nathaniel
Dwight, 360.
Kauffman, Elizabeth
M. 426, 29, 86, 90.
Kelley, Cornelius, 276.
Kellogg. Danid, 366.
Joseph. 235.
Lucv C., 2, 58-60, 63,
Martin, 235, 325, 404.
Kemp, Lawrence, 368.
Kennedy, Douglas, 4.
James, 4.
Jane, 4.
Kenyon, Anna C, 246.
Kimball, Delancy C,
487. 88, 90.
King FhUip's War, 85,
87, 88, 91-93, 120-
40, 151-7, 228,
267-77, 413.
Eng, Titus, 71. 72.
Kingsley, Elbridge, 487,
90.
Kosciusko, 409.
La Far^e, 441, 42.
La Fayette, 49.
Lamb, Samuel O., 58,
63, 81, 82, 152, 53,
56, 93, 283, 84, 332-
34, 424, 25, 27, 85,
87, 88, 90.
Lane, Susan M., 274.
Lawrence, Qeorge P.,
63, 84, 115, 17,
93.
Leavitt, Clarissa, 389.
Freegrace, 335.
Hart, 339.
Hooker, 342.
John H., 488, 90.
Jonathan vindicated,
Jonathan, 339, 41.
Joshua, 340, 41.
Mrs. C. H., 62.
Roger, 340.
Roger H., 65, 68, 112,
485, 87, 90.
Roswell, 341.
William^334, 35.
Leavitte, Hel^ A. R.,
490.
Lee. Samuel H., 490.
Lemngwell, Hesekiah,
176.
Leisler, Jacob, 320.
Leverett, John. 139.
Lincoln, Abranam, 67,
151.
Benjamin, 105.
Levi, 177.
Luther B., 198,
269.
Luther, J. B., 331, 32,
487, 88, 90.
Mary A., 488, 90.
Mary W., 490.
Littleneld, Aaron, 306.
Tabitha, 57.
Livingston, John, 240.
Phflip, 304, 305.
Robert, 364.
Locke, Jonas, 176, 210,
371, 72, 77.
Mary, 371.
Wilfiam, 265.
Longfellow, Henry W.,
30.
Lonffley, Lydia, 57.
Lord, Arthur, 380, 83,
412.
James, 48.
Lothrop, Thomas, 91,
135, 37, 46, 230, 34,
65. 365, 88.
Loverioge, Alanscm, 113.
Clet, 109.
Lowell, Charles R., 334,
487,90.
Luey, Lester L., 490.
Lyman, Augustus, 377.
Benjamin, 375.
Benmmin, 377.
Caleb, 373, 74, 76.
Cornelius, 376.
Danid, 490.
Edward, B., 3.
Elias, 377.
EUsa H., 448.
Hannah, 375.
Henry, 378.
Horace, 448.
J^nima, 376.
John, 373.
John, 374.
Joseph, 377.
Joseph, 374.
Joseph, 366, 75.
Justice j377.
Maiy W., 376.
MoseSj 374.
Naomi, 429.
Phineas, 328, 64, 76.
Richard, 373.
Samuel, 376.
Seth, 376.
William, 363, 66, 69,
73-78
Mack, Elisha, 377.
Manly, John, 35.
Mann, Ensign, 203.
Maouas, 15-25.
Mark, George W., 490.
Marsh, Ebenezer, 366.
Marshall, James F. B.,
478, 88, 90.
Maria, 155, 246.
Martha Pratt Memorial,
193, 95, 239, 74.
Mason, John, 394.
Joseph, 427.
Massasoit, 383, 412, 13.
Mather, Cotton, 88, 345,
414, 50.
Samuel, 206.
Mattoon, PhiUp, 223,
403,405.
Rebecca, 406.
Samud, 368.
Maxwell, Hugh, 65, 341.
Sadie, 58,^, 77.
Moaellan, Charles H.,
63.
MoCloud, Capt., 45.
Index.
499
McKensie, Alexander, 5.
McTaggart, Archibald, 4.
Meadow Fight, 406, 407.
Mealand, A. J., 334.
Mears, Samuel. 305.
Meekins, Tabitna, 97.
Thomas, 97.
Meetinghouses, 205-10,
33, 74, 372, 405.
Milboume, Jacob, 320.
Memorial Hall, 270-3,
361, 72, 73, 81, 82,
85, 98, 400, 26-31.
Memorials dedicated,
379, 97-400.
Merriam, Edwin D., 490.
Messengers of War and
Peace 9.
MiUer, Ellen, 490.
John, 366.
Margaret, 152, 56,
283, 334, 425, 85,
90.
Mary, 400.
Simeon, 490.
Miner, C. P. C, 59, 60.
Montague, Abby S., 427,
46, 490.
John, 447.
Lady Maiy, 237.
Montcalm, 258, 59, 61,
329, 62.
Montgomery, Richard,
44.
Montrdsor, Frances, 30,
36, 51.
Margaret, 30, 36.
Monuments; Allen
Bowlder, 398.
Arms, 245.
Barnard, 222.
Charlemont, 58, 60,
64.
Liberty Pole, 249.
Sheldon, 249.
Sheldon, 245.
Stebbins, 250.
Stebbins, 246.
The Dead of 1704,
248.
Wells,' 247, 61; paid
for by children, 62.
Williams, 247.
Report on, 242.
Moody, Parson, 474.
Moors, John F., 6, 487,
90.
Morey, Thomas, 153.
Morrow, H. E., 84.
Morton, Levi P., 380.
82, 400, 29, 88, 90.
Lucretia P., 400.
Ruth, 435.
Moseley, Samuel, 91.
Mott, Edward, 39, 40.
Munger, Orett L., 490.
Munn, Asa B., 487, 90.
Benjamin, 436.
Charles H., 490.
George A., 490.
John, 490.
Philo, 487, 90.
Navigation on the
Connecticut Riv-
er, 162, 377.
Nelson, Caroline, 437.
John, 453.
John, 345, 48, 464.
John, 437.
Zibian. 437.
Newcomo, Eugene A.,
2, 59, 81, 162, 53,
94, 95, 283, 84, 333,
34, 79, 425, 87, 90.
Joseph W., 376.
Richard E.^ 376.
New Hampshire Grants,
31-33.
Newton, James, 285.
Roger, 103.
Solon L., 283: life of,
284; 426, bequest,
430; Newton Room,
430.
New Tracks in an Old
TraU, 11.
New York Militia, 167,
68.
Nichols, Susanna, 434.
Nicholson F., 305, 23.
Nims, Abigail, 406.
E. D., 490.
Fanny B., 84, 162.
Franklin A., 380, 82,
86. 400, 29, 90.
Godfrey, 208, 23, 24,
34,380,82,400,403,
405, 406, 17, 29.
John, 325, 404.
Northampton attacked,
135.
Northfield attacked, 134,
35.
Northwest Frontierj258.
Norton, Charles Eliot,
193.
John, 369.
Obituaries —
Jarvis B. Bard-
well,331.
James Wells Champ-
ney, 440.
James Monroe Crafts,
443.
Obituaries — Confd,
Peter Voorfaees Finch,
286.
Eben A. HaU, 159.
Nathaniel Hitchcock,
158.
Jonathan Johnson,
158.
Charles Jones, 331.
Luther Joshua Bar-
ker Lincoln, 331.
Solon L. Newton,
284.
Albert C. Parsons,
331.
Franklin J. Pratt,
160.
John Edwards Rus-
sell, 432.
John Montague Smith,
446.
Zen Smith, 444.
Alfred Baxter Steb-
bins, 445.
Mary JP. Wentworth,
161.
Officers and members,
485.
Old Albany Road, 365,
68, 71, 436.
Old Buiying Ground,
380, 81, 83, 442,
43.
Old Comer Store, 365,
68, 70, 71.
Old Home Week, 192,
96, 97, 204, 206, 16,
36, 379, 81, 90.
Old Indian House, 240,
45, 374.
Old Lidian House Door,
6, 17, 245.
Old Songs. 113.
Old Weathercock, 210,
33, 81.
Oliver, Anthony, 305.
James, 128.
Orr, Maiy M., 194, 95,
279, 490.
Osgood, George, 200.
Packard, Horatio G.
[See Parker.]
Palfrey. John G., 87.
Park, Charles E., 202.
Parker, Horatio G. [not
Packard], 156.
Isaac, 436.
Parkman, Francis, 54,
471, 73.
George, 3.
Parsons, Albert C, 331.
32, 487, 90.
fiOO
Inde».
PttfBODB, Eleola Franr,
400.
Herbert C, 2, 58, 62-
64, 81, 115, 18, 53,
56, 76, 93, 268, 83,
331, 34, 79, 82, 87,
425, 485, 87, 490.
John, 326.
Samuel H., 38, 39.
Parthena, 407.
Partridge, Samuel, 265.
Samuel, 326. 27, 63.
Ftebody, W. B., 199.
Penhallow, Samuel, 404,
66.
Penniman, Jazeb, 52,
56.
Pepperell, William, 473,
74.
Bettibone, Elizabeth,
435.
Ptotty, Joseph, 325.
Philadelphia fae^ons,
171; Bteamhoats,
172; miUtia, 172;
streets, 172.
Phihp's War, 70, 92,
120, 30-34, 39, 50.
Phillips, Heniy M., 2,
487, 88, 90.
John, 472.
Simeon, 112, 487, 90.
Smith R., 487, 88, 90.
Phips, William, 207, 319,
45-50. 64.
Pierce, William, 490.
Pilgrim's trea^ with
Indians, 412, 13.
Piper, George E., 269.
Piracy, 472, 73.
Rtt, William, 328.
Race, Capt. de la, 41.
Plimpton, Hannah, 399.
Heniy R., 487, 90.
John, 83, 234.
Jonathan, 234.
Pocumtucks, 135 - 50,
205, 207, 39, 40, 52-
54, 60, 61, 69.
Pompadour, Madame,
258 60.
Pomroy,' Elisha, 364.
Medad, 375.
MiB0, 156.
Seth, 473.
Thankful, 375.
Poole, Jonathan, 132.
Porter, Ransom R., 112,
377, 487, 90.
Potter, George W., 490.
Horatio, 286.
Mrs. A. D., 160.
Orlando B., 68.
Povey, Tlioinas, 453.
Pratt, Catharine HaU,
160.
Franklin J., 155, 60,
487, 88, 90.
Frank W., 192, 205;
address, 216; 28,
69.
John. 122.
Josian, 160.
Martha G., 193, 95,
212, 39, 74, 487, 88,
90.
Mary, 122.
Prescott, Gen., 45, 46,
49.
Pressey, E. P., 269.
Preston, George, 293, 94,
Price, Andrew, 405.
Elisabeth, 405.
PuUic Reservations,
419, 20.
Puritan Spirit, 215, 67,
384, 86, 93.
Putnam, Annie C, 152,
94, 95, 275, 334,
425, 87, 90.
Israd, 376.
Rufus, 49.
Pynchon , John, 207, 208,
36, 319, 69.
Joseph, 258.
Q
uakers, 123, 293-5.
Queen Aime, 456.
Railways, wooden,
179.
Ray. Caleb, 450.
Reed, James S., 485, 87,
88, 90.
. Thomas, 137, 46.
Thomas, 217.
Reid, J. D., 283, 86.
Rice, Artemas, 71, 72.
Asa, 71, 72.
David, 487,90.
Dinah, 62.
Harriet C, 485^ 87,
90.
Hart, 71.
Leonard B., 59, 60, 64.
Levi W., 487, 90.
Moses, 59, 60, 64, 68,
70-73. 75, 76, 369.
Sarah C., 487, 90.
Richards, John, 404.
Richardson, John J.,
488,90.
Roads, Zeckaryah, 125.
Robinson, E. A., 58, 61.
John, 124, 25.
Judge, 51.
Roe, Alfred 8., 380, 8S.
Roem, Robert, 101.
Mrs. Wmthrop, 194,
95, 96, 279.
Winthiop, 96.
Root, Asahel W., 333,
490.
Hiram, 490.
John, 92, 93.
Joseph, 434.
Mehitable, 92-94.
Thankful, 92-96.
Thomas. 92, 93.
Ross, William, 107.
Rouse, John, 475.
RumrQl, Anna C, 487,
90.
Running the gauntlet,
102.
Russell, Ann Katharine,
437.
CharioB C. P., 437.
Charles W^ 437.
Edmund W., 490.
Elijah L., 436.
Francis, 437.
Francis B., 437.
Hannah, 436.
Hannah, 436.
Hannah S., 437.
Hesekiah, 435.
John, 432-4.
John, 132, 370, 48»-
6.
Jdm, 164, 430-7.
John, 433, 35; char-
acter of, 436.
John, 437, 38.
John E., 2, 426, 27;
memoir, 432; 437,
87, 88, 90.
Jonathan, 366.
Lemuel, 436.
Maiy C, 437.
Nathanid E., 437.
PhiHp, 432-4.
Ruth S., 437.
Timothy,435.
William E., 439.
William, 436.
Genealogy. 433, 34.
Ryerson, Juha N., 487,
90.
Sagamore, George, 15,
26.
Salisbuiy, Calvin, 109;
"Cab," 113.
Samoset, 141.
Sanborn, Frank B., 439,
40.
Sanderson, Geoige W.,
490.
Index.
501
Sauter, Jacob H., 334.
Savage, Thomas, 131.
Sawyer, Mary A., 486-
88,90.
Saxton, David, 377.
Rufus, 268,69, 411.
S. WiUard, 246.
WiUiam P., 221, 71,
379.
Savward, Mary, 67.
Schuyler, Abraham, 322.
fjien., 44, 4o.
John, 313, 16, 19, 20,
23-27, 28.
Peter, 313, 16-27.
Philip, 324.
Seagrave, Daniel, 487,
90.
Severance, Daniel, 235.
Harvey, 490.
Joseph, 401.
Martha L., 490.
Martin, 102.
Matthew, 102.
William S., 490.
Sewall, Samuel, 86, 305,
44, 450, 67, 68. 72.
Seward, William H., 3.
Sewell, E. E., 186.
Shapleigh, Alexander,
292.
Nicholas, 292, 94, 95.
Shay's Rebellion, 104,
105.
Sheldon, David, 108.
EUen L., 81, 153, 246,
334, 425, 86-88, 90.
George, 1-3, 11, 38,
39, 58, 61-63, 80,
81; Curator's re-
port, 82-84 ; 1 1 1 , 1 5,
17-19, 37, 40, 52;
report, 154-56; 92
-95; address on
meetinghouses, 205;
208, 13, 36, 40^2,
45, 51, 61, 68-71,
80, 81^«4, 330, 31,
34, 35, 79, 80, 82,
85, 89-91, 401, 408,
10, 11, 17-20, 24-
28, 31, 32, 66, 67,
85, 86, 88, 90.
Qeorge Arms, 152, 55,
488,90.
Hannah, 240, 401.
Hannah, 435, 36.
Jemima, 375, 76.
Jennie Edilii, 155.
Jennie M. A., 152, 55,
93-95, 242, 78-80,
82, 330, 80, 425,
86, 88, 90.
Sheldon, John, 9, 96,
207, 208, 33, 40, 41,
48, 49, 373, 405, 60,
61,66-68.
John, 61, 405, 406.
John, 435, 36.
John, 2, 3,80,81,153,
95, 246, 83, 84, 330,
33, 34, 80, 424-6,
85-88, 91.
Mercy, 435.
Mindwell, 374.
Persis, 375.
Seth, 108.
Susan Belle, 490.
Susan Stuart, 488, 90.
Thomas, 96.
William, 235, 40, 41,
87,90.
Sheldon Homestead,
233
Shiriey, ' William, 258,
363-5.
Sibley, Mr., 156.
Silver, Adelaide, 57.
Sloughter, Gov., 320, 21.
Smead, Amelia, 490.
Charles W., 105.
EUhu. 487, 90.
Elisabeth, 405.
John, 403.
Jonathan, 105.
Judith, 101.
MehitaUe, 105.
William, 101, 234.
William. 234.
Smith, Albert, 430, 90.
Arthur A., 63.
Austin, 447, 48.
Benjamin, 447.
Charles K., 448.
Cornelia A., 488, 90.
David, 366.
Elihu, 447.
Elisha, 447.
EUzabeth, 447.
Henry, 433, 34.
James, 487, 88, 90.
Joanna, 433, 34.
John M., 2, 63, 80, 81,
426, 27; life of, 46;
485. 87, 90.
Jonatnan, 447.
Martha, 97.
Martin, 324, 403, 407.
Mary P. Wells, 80, 84,
85, 193, 262.
Nathaniel, 447.
Peter, 366.
PhiUp, 447.
Philip H., 38.
Preserved, 199.
Sally M., 447.
Smith, Samuel, 90, 265,
447.
Samuel, 366.
Zeri, 81, 426, 44, 487,
90.
Snow, Newell, 487, 88,
90.
Sophia P., 84, 98.
SoUey, George W., 80-
82, 153, 92, 93, 96,
97, 202, 20, 36, 71,
83, 487, 90.
Southaok, Cyprian, 357,
58.
Sprague, Peter, 331.
Standii^, Miles, 413.
Starr, Caleb A., 225.
EUza A., 3, 8, 201.
Stebbins, Abig^, 405«
417.
Albert, 487, 90.
Alfred B., 426, 27, 45,
91.
Benoni, 17, 18; house
defended, 19; 233,
48, 405-7, 15.
Charles H., 226, 491.
Dennis, 109, 10, 13.
Dorothy, 404.
Dorothy, 368.
Edward, 146.
Evander G., 488, 91.
Henry, 233.
John, 404, 17.
John H., 2, 233, 379.
Joseph, 65, 233, 49.
homestead, 50.
Joseph, 269, 491.
Lyd& C, 235, 486,
87, 91.
Mary, 156.
Mary E., 152, 53, 66,
61,283,331,34,425,
27,31,46,485,91.
Moses, 487, 91.
Ruby G., 445.
Zebina, 445.
Stevens, Humphrey,
491.
Stiles, Ezra, 339.
Stockbridge, Levi, 491.
Stockwell, Quintin, 92,
234.
Stoddard, John, 17, 328.
Stone, Mary L., 488, 91.
John, 339.
Stoughton, Ralph M.,
115, 17, 40.
Timothy M., 80, 103,
15-17.
William, 344; 402, 51.
Stratton, Edwin, 156.
Biary T., 487, 91.
502
Index.
Stuben, Baron, 49.
Sumner, Charles, 408.
Sutcliffe, Nathaniel, 235,
80, 82, 99, 429.
Sutliffe, B. H., 380, 82,
84, 90, 429.
Swamp Fight, 145.
Swansea, attack on, 144.
Sweet, Capt., 162, 64.
Tablets dedicated,
379, 97, 98.
Tack, Augustus V., 152,
94, 95, 272, 73, 77,
78.
Taft, Henry W., 2, 449,
87, 88, 91.
WUIiam, 385.
Mrs., 385.
Talcott, John, 433.
Mary, 432, 33.
Taylor, Henry W., 487,
91.
John, 377.
Jonathan, 70.
Othniel, 70.
Temple, Annie, 58, 62.
Sir William, 345, 48.
Terry, Elizabeth, 434.
Stephen, 434.
The Dead of 1704, 407.
Theological War, 366.
Thompson, Albert M.,
236.
Francis M., 1-3, 9, 60,
63, 80, 81, 84, 100,
17, 18, 52, 56, 57, 93
-95, 236, 42, 83, 84,
313, 30, 33, 34, 79,
82,83,424, 25, 85,
87, 88, 91.
Thorn, Edwm C, 276.
Thornton, R.S., 487, 91.
Ticonderoga, 38-40;
capture of, 41; 42.
Tilton, Chauncey Bi,
112, 487, 91.
Peter, 90.
Tomkins, Afary, 293.
Trafton, Charles, 302,
306.
Trask, John, 112.
Treat, Robert, 91, 131,
394.
Troy and Greenfield
Railroad, 183, 88.
Trumbull, Jonathan, 43.
Tryon, Gov., 33, 36, 48,
51.
Turner, William, 116,
19. 24-33, 46-48,
62, 373, 88, 99.
William, 123, 31.
Turners Falb. 115.
Turners Falls Fight,
146-9.
Turner's Monument, 1 33.
Two Brothers, The, 404.
Tjder, Major H., 3.
Unitarian Meeting-
house, 196, 97,
202, 10.
Vane, Sir Harry,
214.
Vaudreuil, Philip de Ri-
gaud, 9, 13, 14, 24-
28, 240, 304-6, 24,
43, 461, 65, 67-69.
Vetch, Samuel, 305, 465.
Waite, Benjamin,
101, 46.
Mary, 101.
Thomas, 491.
WaU, Patrick, 36.
Walker, George, 189.
War, King Philip's, 70,
92, 120, 30-34, 39,
50, 373.
King William's, 96,
223, 401-7, 14.
Queen Anne's, 9, 12-
28, 99, 375, 85, 87,
91, 96, 400, 15.
Father Rasle's, 370,
374.
French and Indian,
370-7, 94, 95.
Revolutionary, 34, 38
-50, 100, 392.
Ward, Charles E., 58,
60-63.
Ware, Frances S., 491.
Warner, Seth, 32, 37, 40
-43.
Whitney L., 487.
Warren, Charies Dud-
ley, 61.
Jonathan, 366.
Joseph, 38, 376.
Mary, 376.
Warriner, Ryland, 161.
Washington, George, 49,
167, 75, 328.
Waterloo^480.
Waters, Heniy F., 487,
91.
Watson, Brook, 46.
Charles H., 155, 283,
487, 88, 91.
JohnP., 485, 87,91.
Wattanamon (Stephen
Williams' Master),
15, 26.
Weathercock, 210, 33,
381.
Webster) John W., 3.
Dani^ 67.
Weller, Thomas, 232.
Wells, Agrippa. 84, 100
-105.
Curtis B., 491.
David. 101, 102.
Ebenezer, 101.
Elisha, 109, 10.
Elisha, 112, 487, 491,
Elizabeth; 234.
George Ml, 491.
Henry, 487, 88, 91.
Hugh, 101.
John, 9, 240, 460,
61.
Jonathan, 101, 47, 48,
208, 23, 27, 34;
Boy Hero, 247; 61-
67, 370, 73, 402-
407.
Katherine, 276.
Laura B., 115, 17, 53,
56, 233, 83, 334,
487. 91.
Lincoln B., 233.
Noah, 103.
Samuel, F., 491.
Sarah, 276.
Thomas, 96, 267.
Thomas, 233.
Thomas, 101, 209.
Thomas, 101, 209,
233.
Wentworth, Benjamin,
161.
Benning, 30-32, 35.
Mary P., 2, 81, 152,
54, 55, 61, 487, 91.
Whalley, Edward, 370,
433.
Wharton, Edward, 293.
Wheelwright, EstJier,
303
Whipple, John, 131.
White, David, 335.
Henry, 208, 23, 403.
John B., 380.
Joseph, 68, 485, 87,
88, 91.
Salome E., 488, 91.
Whitfield, Geoi^, 29.
Whiting, Julia D., 84,
405, 91.
Lyman, 2, 58-62, 64,
69, 115, 92, 380-82.
Margaret C, 491.
James S., 488, 91.
Whitney, Laurinda, 488,
91.
William C, 427.
Index.
603
Willard, Hiram, 236.
Joseph, 202.
Mary, 202, 10.
Samuel, 202, 468.
Samuel, 192; hymn,
196; settled as min-
ister at Deerfield,
197; Deerfield col-
lection of music,
198; sets out shade
trees, 198; blind.
199; organized
Franklin Evangeli-
cal Association, 1 99 ;
political speech,
200, 201; inscrip-
tion tablet to, 202;
sketch of life, 202;
school-da^, 203;
minister in Deer-
field, 203; 204, 10,
69; ordained, 377.
Samuel, 431.
Samuel, 202.
Susan B., 196, 210.
William, 202.
Willard Memorial, 192,
96.
William of Orange, 208,
67.
Williams, Almon C, 2,
156, 487, 88, 91.
Anna, 371.
Artemusy 429.
Williams, Arthur, 191.
Charies £., 81, 426,
487 91.
Electa L., 487, 91.
Elijah, 363, 66-67,
71, 72. 77.
Elizabeth, 441.
Ephraim, 237, 328,
63; kiUed, 371.
Ephraim, 212.
Esther, 461.
Eunice, 26, 26, 303,
26, 26.
Eunice. 388, 400.
H. Isabella, 166, 62.
Israel, 363-66.
John, 12, 14, 21; try-
ing march, 22; 23-
28, 208, 209, 14, 33,
36, 46, 47, 306, 26,
26, 63, 400, 404,
406, 10, 66, 64-68,
77.
John, 372, 77.
John, 286, 411.
Philomela A., 429, 91.
Ralph, 108.
Roger, 214,
Samuel, 279, 441.
Solomon, 162, 69, 71.
Sophronia R., 488, 91.
Stephen, 12, 20, 26,
466, 73.
Thomas, 233, 37.
Williams, William, 234,
473.
Zebediah, 326, 402,
404.
Wilson, John, 214.
Winchester, Robert, 302,
303.
Wing, Albert L., 333,
491.
Winship, Albert E., 193,
261.
Winslow, Edward, 143,
394, 413.
Winsor, Justin, 387.
Winthrop, John, 17, 87,
469.
John, 214.
Witmer, Abram, 437.
Juliana, 437.
Wolfe, Gen., 329.
Wright. Charies, 366.
Judah, 28.
Luke, 491.
Mercy, 28.
William W., 487, 88,
91.
Wriston, Rev., 68, 64.
Wynne, Madeline Y.,
163, 93, 276, 83,
380, 487, 91.
Yale, Catherine B.,
166, 486, 87, 88,
91.