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FROM THE BBQUBST OF 

THOMAS WREN WARD 



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THE 



HISTORY 



BOROUGH, CASTLE. AND BARONY 



ALNWICK, 

BT GEOEaE TA.TE, F.G.S., 

Corresponding Member of the Society of Antiquaries for Scotland ; Local Secretary of the 

Anthropological Society, London; Secretary of the Berwickshire NaturaliBts* 

Club ; Honorary Meinl)er of the Hasting's Philosophical Society, &c. 



VOL. I. 







^ALNWICK: 
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HENRY HUNTER BLAIR. 



MDCCCXXTI. 



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/^..Ror,.;,^^^^ 




MAR 17 1891 




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CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 
INTRODUCTORY. 
Situation of Town and Parish — Physical Featiirea — Importance of its Old 
History ........ 1 

CHAPTER n. 
ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 
Etymology of Alnwick — Early Inhabitants — The Otadeni — Forts and Dwell- 
ings — Sepulchres — Urns — Stone Weapons and Instruments — Bronze 
Relics — Gold Ornaments — Standing Stone — Celtic Names— Remains in 
North Northumberland — Ethnology — Stone Circle — Inscribed Rocks 4 

CHAPTER ni. 
ROMANO-BRITISH PERIOD. * 
Itineraries — Alauna — Devil's Causeway — Roman Coins — Roman Altar 29 

CHAPTER IV. 
SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS, 
liegendary Accounts -of the Saxon Lords of Alnwick — Chronicle of Alnwick 
Abbey — The Tysons — ^Sazon Settlements in Alnwick — Bocklands and 
Folclands — Saxon Dwellings and Vills — Alnwick Subordinate to Lesbury 
— Saxon Churches— Alnmouth Saxon Cross — The Danes— Close of the 
Saxon Period ........ 32 

CHAPTER V. 
TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD, FROM 1066 TO 1297. 
Doomsday Book — Gislebert Tyson and His Descendants — Malcolm Caenmore 
Slain — Aialcolm's Cross — Yvo De Vescy — Eustace Fitz-John — Lands 
Granted to Him — Siege of Bamburgh Cas'Je — Battle of the Standard — 
Churches and Abbeys Founded— William De Vescy— Siege of Alnwick 
Castle — ^William the Lion taken Prisoner — GlanviUe- the Chief Justiciar 
— Gifts to the Church — Eustace De Vescy — War with Scotland — King 
John at Alnwick — His Attempt to Dishonour Eustace's Wife — He Bums 
Alnwick — WiUiam De Vescy — Testa De Neville — John De Vescy — Civil 
War — Montford — Alnwick Castle Besieged by Prince Edward — John De 
Vescy in Holy Land — William De Vescy Accused of Felony — Claims to 
the Kingdom of Scotland— Character of the De Vescys . . 43 

CHAPTER VI. 

CASTLE, BARONY, AND TOWN OF ALNWICK DURING THE 
DE VESCY PERIOD. 

Norman Castle — Norman Town — Royal Visits— Inquisition into the Value of 
the Barony — Knights' Fees— Demesne Lands— Bondmen and Cotiuon — 
Socage Freeholders — Deed of Conveyance of a House in Narrowgate — 
Dren^age — Royal Inquiry into Feudal Usages— Knights Templar — 
Knights of St. John of Jerusalem— Alnwick Charters — Borough ISeal — 
Bounder of Alnwick Moor — Alnwick a Corporate Town — Character of 
the Period ........ 83 



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IV COJITENTS. 

CHAPTER Vn. 
BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DE VESCY OF KILDARE FROM 

1296 TO 1309. 

Alnwick Barony given in Trust to Bek for William De Vescy of Kildare— 

Bek'B Breach of this TruBt— His Life— William De Vescy^ of Kildare— 

Conveyance of Alnwick Barony to Henry De Percy — Inqmsitions— Atons 

—Character of the Transfer ...... 106 

CHAPTER Ym. 
FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY— 1309 TO 1368. 
Descent of the Percys— The Lovaines — Henry, First Baron Percy of Aln- 
wick — ^Military "Career in Scotland — Oppontion to Edward n. — Tomb of 
His Wife — Percy Aims — Henry, Second Baron Percy— Grant of Beanley 
—Scottish Warfere— Alnwick Castle Besieged— Battle of Halidon Hill- 
Grant of Jedburgh — Battle of Neville's Cross— John Coupland — Pla^e — 
Grant of Warkworth — Henry Per cy's Will — Henry, Third Baron Percy 
of Alnwick — Character— Scottdsh Warfare — Burnt Candlemas — Wark- 
worth Hermitage ....... 110 

CHAPTER IX. 
CASTLE, TOWN, AND BARONY, FROM 1297 TO 1368. 
Alnwick Castle Rebuilt — Inquisition into the Property of the Town and 
Barony — Comparative Values — Feudal Charges — Did Alnwick Send 
Members to Parliament? — Condition of the District — Holders of Property 
in Alnwick — Middleton Family — Roddam— Charter of Market and Fair 
^-Pontage — ^Trade of Town— Churches — Alnmouth . . 134 

CHAPTER X. 
HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, AND 
HOTSPUR.. 
His Character— Engaged in the French Wars — Supports Wycliffe— Created 
Earl— Border Warfare— Hotspur— Battle of Otterbum— The Percys 
rebel against Richard II. and raise Henry* IV. to the Throne— Rich 
Rewards — Battle of Homildon —Rebel against Henry IV. — Cause of this 
Rebellion— Battle of Shrewsbury— Deatii of Hotspur- Earl Pardoned — 
Rebels Again— Northumbrian Castles Besieged— Earl Slain at Bramham 
— Lucy Eistat^ — Heraldry ...... 164 

CHAPTER XI. 

SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 

Henry Percy, Second Earl— Early Life — Restored to His Estates — Border 
Warfare — Alnwick Burnt — Connected with Disturbance in Yorkshire — 
Defeat at Sark — French Wars — Struggle between Houses of Lancaster 
and York— Earl Slain at St. Albans— Character— Heraldry — Henry, 
Third Earl— Early Life— Baronies of Poynings, Fitzpayne, and Brian — 
Succeeds to the Earldom— Border Warfare— Struggles of Ri'J-al Houses- 
Slain at Towton— Extent of His Estates— Attainted- John Neville, Earl 
of Northumberland— Striigprlcs in the North— Alnwick Castle taken— 
Alnwick, Bamburph, and Dunstanburgh Castles besieged — Battle of 
Hedgeley Cross— Bamburgh Castle taken— Sir Ralph Grey Executed— 
Henry, Fourth Earl — Estates and Earldom restored- Services on the 
Borders — Battle of Bosworth- Slain at Coxlodge — Burial — Heraldry — 
Will 176 



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CONTENTS. V 

CHAPTER Xn. 
FIFTH AND SIXTH EAEL PERCYS, FROM 1489 TO 1537. 
Fifth Earl Percy— His Love of Display— Attends Queen Margaret's Progress 
throngh Northmnberland — Siege of Turwin— Standard and Pennon- 
Battle of Flodden— Earl's Death— His Character— Household Book— 
Hmuldry— Henry Algernon, Sixth Earl — In Love with Anne Boleyn — 
Arrests Cardinal Wolsey— Letter Regarding Anne Boleyn— Raid into 
Scotland— Seeks to be Captain of Berwick— Sir Thomas Percy— Pilgrim- 
age of Grace— Earl's Death— Wresil Castle— Leckinfield Manor House- 
Heraldry 200 

CHAPTER Xm. 

MARCH LAWS AND STATE OF THE BORDERS IN THE SIX- 
TEENTH CENTURY. 

March Laws— Order of the Watches— Ward Musters- Defences of the Border 
— Men of Alnwick Mustered at Abberwick— Dacre's Raid— Surrey, 
Warden— Raid into Teviotdale— Sir William Lyle's Raids— Surrender 
and Execution— Horrible Forays— Lord Parr at Alnwick— Euro's Foray 
— The Protector Somerset at Alnwick — Letter from Alnwick Castle — 
Ten Towns of Glendale Burnt— Book of the Marches . .217 

CHAPTER XIV. 
THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY, FROM 1360 TO 1600. 
License to Wall the Town— Charter of Henry VI. — Bondgate Tower— Clay- 
port Tower— Streets — Population of the Town- Owners of Property — 
The Greys— Old Buildings— Names of the Inhabitants, 1474 — Trade- 
Exports — Alnmouth Port, Burgages, Church — Alnwick Castle^Baronial 
Officers— Courts — Survey of Alnwick in 1669 — Burgesses — Freeholders — 
Copyholders— Feudal Charges — Character of the Copyholders — Wills — 
Melville at Alnwick— William De Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln . 236 

CHAPTER XV. 

SE^^NTH, EIGHTH, NINTH, TENTH, AND ELEVENTH EARLS OF 
NORTHUMBERLAND— FROM 1567 TO 1670 

Thomas, the Seyenth Earl — A Roman Catholic — Restored to the Barony— In 
Disgrace and Rebels— Alnwick Castle in the hands of Rebels— Taken by 
Sir John Forster - Rebellion Crushed — Earl flees to Scotland — Betrayed 
and Executed — Heraldry —Henry the Eighth Earl— Becomes Protestant 
"—Falls under Suspicion — Charged with Treason and Imprisoned — 
Shoots himfdf— Henry, the Ninth Earl— Joins the Fleet against the 
Armada— Exiiavagant — Unhappy Marriage— Quarrel with Vere — 
Thomas Percy the Conspirator — Earl Convicted of Misprision of Treason 
—Fined and Imprisoned — HisLetters- Henry the Wizard and the Three 
Magi — Released and retires to Potworth— Algernon, the Tenth Earl^— 
Commander of the Fleet — Connected with the Parliamentary Party 
during the Civil War— Negotiates for Peace— Retires to Petworth- His 
Character— Josceline, the Eleventh Earl— The Last of His Family- 
Character of the Percy Lovaines ..... 276 

CHAPTEE XVI. 
SOMERSET FAMILY— FROM 1670 TO 1750. 
Descent of the Barony — Francis Percy, of Cambridge— Evidences of His 
Descent-^James Percy, the Trunk-Maker— Claim to be Earl — Legal 
Proceedings — His unsuccessful Struggle— Elizabeth Percy— Her Early 
Marriages — Her Marriage to the Duke of Somerset— His Descent and 
Character — Character of the Duchess — Algernon, Duke of Somerset and 
Earl of Northumberland— His Military Service— His Death— Distribu* 
tion of his Estates— Cliaracter of the Somersets . . . 300 



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VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVn. 
HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES OF THE TOWN— 

FROM 1600 TO 1750. 
Government of the Town— Public Property— Trade —Brereton's Vifiit to 
Alnwick — Alnwick during the Parliamentary Struggle— Train Bands — 
Ray in Alnwick in 1661— Rawdon in 1664— Kirke in 1677— The Castle— 
Corporation Rejoicings— Rebellion of 1716— Elarl of Derwentwater— The 
Rebellion of 1746— Distribution of Property — A Rental of the Borough^ 
1709 .309 

CHAPTEE XVIIL 
BARONIAL COURTS. 
Court Baron and Court Leet — Burgh Court — Officers Appointed and Cases 
Tried in Fifteenth Century — Records in Seventeenth Century — Scolds 
and Slanders — State of the Town— -The Platrue — Sanitary Measures — 
Admissions of Freeholders — Inquisitions into Heirships and Boundaries 
— Minutes of Surv^ and Court — Officers apx)ointed in Seventeenth 
Century — Knights' Courts— Tenants and Vills Bound to Appear — 
Admissions of Military Tenants — Encroachment on Commons — Cases 
Tried — Patrick Macklewyan — Decay of the Baronial Courts . 336 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE SMITHSONS—EARLS AND DUKES OF NORTHUMBERLAND 
FROM 1750 TO 1866. 

Distribution of the Somerset Estates — Descent of Sir Hugh Smithson — Grant 
of Arms — Married to Elizabeth the Percy Heiress— Renovates Alnwick 
Castle— Pennant's Description of it— Improvements around Alnwick — 
Walpole's Critique— Bout Rhymes by the Duchess — Hugh, Second Duke 
of Northumberland — Service in America — Family of Burrell — The Percy 
Tenantry and Column — Hospitality — Hugh, Third Duke— Rejoicings 
when Married— His Policy — Algernon, Fourth Duke— Service in the 
Navy — Foreign Travels— Improvements— Restoration of Alnwick Castle 
—Character— George, Fifth Duke . . . . .353 

CHAPTEE XX. 

ALNWICK CASTLE 372 

CHAPTEE XXI. 

THE PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY OF THE LORDS OF 

ALNWICK. 
Vescy Heraldry — Pedigrees of Tyson, Vescy, Aton, Bek, and Percy . 388 

CHAPTEE XXn. 
SPORTS AND PASTIMES. 
Lord of Misrule— Waits— Horse-Racing — Bull-Baiting — Cock-Fighting — 
Shrovetide- Keppie-Ball — Coban Tree — Soulum — Bon-Fires— Carlings 
—The Fairies ........ 422 

CHAPTEE XXIII. 

Markets —Fairs — Tolls— Bakehouses — Brewhouse— Salt — Crosses — Shambles 
—Pillory— Stocks— Com Exchange ..... 440 

CHAPTEE XXIV. 

Mills — Bridges — Roads — Pants — Correction House . . . 463 

CHAPTEE XXV. 
PUBLIC MOVEMENTS. 
Elections in 1734 and 1748— Richard Grieve— Election in 1774— George 
Griovo and CoUingwood Forster — Movements during the French Revolu- 
tion- Quopn Caroline— Address to Earl Grey — Reform Meeting — Voting 
in Alnwiik ... ..... 473 



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EXPLMATION OF THE PLATES. 

Plato 1,— Frontispiece, Alnwick from the South West. 
• VIbAjqII.— To Face Page ^. Pre-Roman Antiquities of Alnwick. 

Fi^. 1. — Earthenware Vessel from Sepulchral Cist, White House, 
page 11. 
„ 2. — Earthenware Vessel from Cist, HoUin^eugh, p. 11. 
3. — Earthenware Vessel from Cist, White House, p. 12. 
4. — ^Earthenware Vessel from Cist, Moor Lodge, p. 11. 
5. — Bronze Spear Head, p. 14. 
6. — Ornamented Bronze Implement, p. 15. 
7.— Bronze Socketed Celt, p. 14. 
8. — Leaf Shaped Bronze Sword, p. 14. 

9.— Flint Arrow Head from Sepulchral Cist, White House, p. 12. 
10.-StoneCclt,p. 13. 
11. — Standing Stone, p. 17. 
12. — Camp, Alnwick Moor, p. 10. 
13. — Camp, Brislaw, p. 9. 
14. -Stone Celt Sharpened, p. 13. 
' Plate m.— To Fa<^ Fage 39. Alnmouth Saxon Cross. 
.' Plate IV.— To Face Fage 97. 

Fig. 1. — Charter of William De Vesci to the Burgesses of Alnwick. 
„ 2. — Plan of Alnxvick Castle in 1650, shewing the portions 
remaining of the Norman Era, p. 85. — a. Outer Bailey, b. 
Inner Bailey, c. Inner Ward. a. Remains of the Norman 
Castle, 1. Barbican. 2.Gkm*et. 3.Abbot'sTower. 4. Armour- 
er's Tower. 5. Falconer's Tower. 6. Postern Tower. 7. Con- 
stable's Tower. 8. Kavine Tower. 9. Gkurdener's Tower. 
10. House with Horse-mill. 11. Middle Gateway, formerly 
a Porter's Lodge and Strong Prison. 12. Chapel. 13. 
Auditor's Tower. 14. Stables. 15. Comer Tower. 16. 
Stables. 17. Garret. 18. Chequer House. 19. Conduit. 20. 
Keep around Inner Ward. See from Fage 253 to 256. 
' Plate v.— To Face Fage 85. Portions of Alnwick Castle. 

Fig. 1.— Arch of the Norman Keep, erected about 1140, and the 
Percy Draw-well, about 1320. 
„ 2.— Octagon Towers of the Keep, erected about 1330. 
„ 3. — Prudhoe Tower, erected by Algernon, the Fourth Duke of 
Northumberland, 1855. 
opiate VI. -To Face Fage 367. Alnwick Castle from the North, from a 

Photograph by George Potter, 1865. 

>»' Plate Vn.— To Face Fage 241. Chantry House of St. Mary or Alnwick 
Grammar School, erected about 1450. Bondgate Tower, 
erected about 1450. 
"Opiate Vni.— To Face Fage 321.— Alnwick Castle in 1728, from a Drawing by 

Buck. 
< Plate IX.»7b Face Fage 377. Isometrical View of Alnwick Castle, 1866, 
Drawn by F. B. Wilson, Architect Alnwiok. 



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EXPLANATION OF WOODCUTS. 



Page 16.— Gold Penannulax Ornament, Ckraper's Hill, Alnmck; Fig. 1, 
Perspective View shewing the Ornamented Soiface; Fig. 2, 
Profile View. 

,, 22.— Fig. 3, Side View of Brachycephalic Skull from Tosson Cist ; 
Fig. 4, View of the Crown ; Fig. 5, Iron Weapon from Tosson 
Cist. 

„ 24.— Fig. 6, Plan of Stone Circle, Three Stone Bum. 

„ 25. — Fig. 7, Characteristic Forms of Northumbrian Bock Inscriptions. 

„ 27.— Fig. 8, Inscribed Stone at Old Bewick. 

„ 31.— Fig. 9, Roman Altar, Gloster Hill. 

„ 60.— Fig. 10, Malcolm's Cross, with remains of the Old Cross in the 
Background. 

„ 99.— Fig. 11, Alnwick Borough Seal. 

„ 104.— Fig. 12, Base of a Pillar of the Old Norman Church at Alnwick. 

„ 163. — Fig. 13, Old Percy Arms — Beverley Minster. 

„ 161.— Fig. 14, Otterbum Battle Stone. 

„ 170.^Figs. 16 and 16, Arms of Hotspur. 

„ 176.— Fig. 17, Shrievalty Seal of the First Earl of Northumberland. 

„ 182.— Fig. 18, Seal of the Second Earl, in 1436. 

„ 183.— Figs. 19 and 20, Signets of the Countess and Earl of Northumber- 
land. 

„ 188.— Fig. 21, Crest— Poyninge; Fig. 22, Badge— Poynings ; Fig. 23, 
Bfiidge — Fitz-Payne. 

„ 199.— Fig. 24, Badge for Herbert— a Bascule, Waikworth; Fig. 25, 
Bascule with Crescent, Beverley ; Fig. 26. Crescent and Locket, 
Beverley Chapel; Fig. 27. Locket between the Horns of a Crescent. 

„ 203.— Fi^. 28, Gidehohne or Small Standard of the Fifth Earl ; Fig. 29, 
His Pennoncelle. 

„ 207.— Fig. 30, Arms of the Fifth Earl. 

„ 208— Fig. 31, Signet of the Fifth Earl, 1616. 

„ 214.— Fig. 32, Standard of the Sixth Earl ; Fig. 33, His Pennon. 

„ 215.— Figs. 34, 35, 36, His Pennons ; Figs. 37, 38, His Pennoncelles. 

„ 216.— Fig. 39, His PennonceUe. 

„ 248. — Fig. 40, Heraldic Design, Crescent with Esperaunce, Lion Ramp- 
ant and Crosiers, on a house in Bondgate. 

„ 264.— Fig. 41, Barbican of Alnwick Castle. 

„ 276.— Percy Crests. 

„ 284.— Fig. 42, Arms and Badge of the Seventh Earl. 

„ 310.— Fig. 44, Percy Badges on Fonts in Ingram and Ainbam Church. 

„ 371.— Pennoncelles of Henry Algernon Percy, Sixth Earl of Northum- 
berland. 

„ 402.— Seal of the first William de Vesci 

„ 403.— Seal of Eustace de VescL 

„ 404. — Seals of Ames de Vesci 

„ 406.— Seal of John de Veecy. 

„ 412.— fieal of Bishop Bek. 

„ 414. — Old Percy Arms. 

„ 416.— Shrievalty Seal of the First Earl of Noxthumberland. 

„ 416.— Hotspur's Seal. 

„ 417.— Arms of the Fifth Earl— Percy Badge, Crescent and Locket, 
temp, Henry VIII. 

„ 421.— Badges— Fitz-Payne, temp, Eliz.; Poynings, 1357; Poynings, 
1416. 



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COEEECTIONS. 



Page 1, line 3, /or 62« 21' north read 65"* 24' 40" north. 
1« 42' west read 1*» 41' 40" wert. 
„ 6, „ 14 and line 4 from the bottom /or olxor read o/nor. 

„ 31, „ 6, for Solinina read Solonina. 

40, „ 13, for AEDVIjFES read 'EiADYLFEB, 
61, „ 21, for old read bold. 
148, „ 4, for Atticus read 'MjIob Lambert. 
»> » 7, /or his father reeui he. 

222, „ 9, for time r<r<wf some. 
)) M J 2, /or there read these. 

223, „ 2 from the bottom /or Col. read Cal., and /or Foreigh read 
Foreign. 

310, „ last, for in fonts r^arf on fonts. 
336, „ 9, for 43s. read 408. 

„ „ 39, for offerators read afferators. 
363, „ 6, for 1797 read 1792. 



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HISTOET OF ALNWICK. 



CHAPTEE I. 



INTBODXJOTOET. 
anTTATioar of town and parish — phybioal featubbs — ^dcpob^ 

TANOB OF rrS OLD HI8T0BY. 

Alnwick, the county town of Northumberland, is pleasantly 
situated on the south bank of the river Aln, in latitude 
52® 2r north, and in longitude 1® 42' west. From London 
it is distant, north by west, 305 miles by the old coach road, 
and 313 miles by railway. Being 33 miles north of New- 
castle and 30 miles south of Berwick, it is nearly midway 
between the south and north boundaries of the county ; from 
the German Ocean on the east it is 4 miles, and from the 
Tweed at Coldstream, which there divides England from 
Scotland, it is 30 miles distant. The North-Eastern Rail- 
way passes between it and the sea at the distance of 3 miles ; 
but Alnwick is connected with this trunk line by a branch, 
which joins it at Bilton. London, Edinburgh, Newcastle, 
Berwick, and all other towns diveiging from these centres, 
are therefore accessible from Alnwick by railway transit. 

The town forms part of the parish of Alnwick, which 
anciently was partly within Bamburgh Ward and partly 
within Coquetdale Ward, but which since 1832 has been 
entirely included in the East Division of Coquetdale Ward, 
for the purposes of petty sessions. The parish is in length 
from north to south about 8 miles, and in breadth from east 

B 



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2 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

to west about 4} miles ; but its form is irregular, and the 
area of the whole is 15,884 acres. It is bounded on the east 
and north-east by the parishes of Longhoughton and Emble- 
ton, on the south-east by Lesbury, on the south by Shil- 
bottle and Felton, on the west by Edlingham and Egling- 
ham, and on the north by the new parochial district of South 
Charlton. The surface presents great inequalities of eleva- 
tion ; a high sandstone ridge ranging through the county in 
a S.S.W. direction, forms upland moors on the western part, 
which reach to a height of 808 feet above the sea ; Highfar- 
law on the northern boundary is about 460 feet high ; on the 
east, the bold and lofty cliff of Ratcheugh Crag, which is 
896 feet above the sea level, intervenes between Alnwick and 
the sea ; more level ground stretches for a few miles south- 
ward, but the valley in which Alnwick lies, is bounded in 
that direction by the high hilly grounds of Newton-on-the- 
Moor and Shilbottle, which reach an elevation of 473 feet. 
The river Aln crosses the parish from west to east, running 
in a deep valley, generally with gently sloping sides, but 
where it cuts through the sandstone ridge, the banks are 
loftier, more rugged, and steep. 

The town and castle have a general elevation of 200 feet 
above the sea level ; some streets however, as Walkergate 
and the lower part of Canongate, are but little above the 
level of the river. Almost encompassed by hills of greater 
or less elevation, the town stands on a situation tolerably 
sheltered. 

Though now an unimportant town in the great empire of 
Britain, with a population of only 7,350 in the parish, with 
few manufactures, and no great extent of trade, the history 
of Alnwick nevertheless possesses more interest than its pre- 
sent condition would lead us to expect. It has not dimin- 
ished in population, or gone down, like some old boroughs, 
into obscurity and utter ruin; but it has lost its relative 
importance, and other towns, once more insignificant, having 
caught the improving spirit of modem times, have utilised 
their natural resources, and become the centres of manu- 
facturing, mining, and commercial industry. Alnwick derives 
its interest mainly, therefore, from its ancient history ; for 
when several of our great towns were mere villages or clusters 
of huts or shealings, Alnwick was a walled town, and en- 
joyed a corporate existence ; battles were fought before its 
gates; it was repeatedly besieged and burnt; kings were 
slain and captured within sight of its walls ; monarchs and 



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INTBODUCrOIlY. 8 

generals made it a place of rendezvous for armies and nego* 
tiations; warlike barons, wielding power little less than 
regal, resided within its great castle, ruled their vassals and 
hatched their plots against their sovereign, or devised schemes 
for public liberty; malefactors were executed there, and grisly 
and gory heads were exhibited over its gates ; mitred abbots 
and cowled monks lived hard by, and dispensed a magnifi- 
cent hospitality within their splendid abbeys ; and in later 
times, the commonalty rising out of feudal bondage, may be 
seen endowed with a limited amount of wealth and power^ 
now debating and quarrelling over the town's affairs, and 
now enjoying themselves with their canary, mulled claret, 
and music. Old customs lingered long here ; and there yet 
remains somewhat of the rac^ savour of olden times in the 
tastes, the habits, and associations of the inhabitants. A 
scientific gentleman from America recently strolled through 
Alnwick, examined its buildings and listened to accounts of 
its manners and customs ; with wonder did he gaze on the 
great Gothic castle — ^intently he scrutinised the old buildings 
as he passed along — the old gateway — the old housed with 
their balconies and quaint inscriptions — the old chantry — the 
old church I nor did Saint MichaePs Pant, with the archangel, 
the guardian of the town, on its top killing the dragon, nor 
did the bull ring, nor the site of the stocks escape his notice; 
but more than all, when the curfew bell tolled its clear notes 
in the evening, from the Town Hall tower, did he stop and 
listen with a delight almost childish. He felt, indeed, that 
his brief survey of Alnwick gave him a more distinct notion 
of the character of the old mother country, than he had 
gained from other sources. 

Perhaps the natural history of Alnwick may not be of so 
much special interest ; but as the zoology, the botany, and 
the geology, have been carefully examined during several 
years, the observations may be of some value and deserving 
of record. A section across the parish from the Cheviots to 
the sea shore, will exhibit almost every kind of igneous and 
stratified rock occurring within the county, and therefore a 
description of that section — of its mineral characters, of its 
physical conditions, of its organic contents, of its economic 
uses — ^will present an epitome of the geology of Northumber- 
land. Something there may be then in the history of Aln- 
wick, to instruct and please even those who live beyond its 
boundaries. 



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CHAPTEE n. 
AJSfOIENT BEinSH PERIOD. 

BTTXOLOOY OF ALNWICK— EABLY HrflABITAllTS— THB OTADENI — 
FOBTS A2n> DWSIiLIKGS — 8SFUIX3HBS8— TTBNB— BTONII WEAPONB 
Aim mSTBTTMEirrS — ^BBONZB BBUOS — GOU) OKETAMENTS — 8TANI>- 
INO STONE— CBLTIO NAMES — BEICAINS IN NOBTH NOBTHUMBBB- 
LAND— STBSrOLOOY — STONE OIBOLB — INSOBIBSD BOOKS. 

Though Alnwick may boast of a respectable antiquity^ yet 
of its existence as a tovm before the Norman Conquest, there 
is no documentary evidence. The name does not occur in 
Gildas, Beda, Nennius, the Saxon chronicle^ or indeed in 
any pre-Norman charter or history. In old histories and 
documents, subsequent to that period, the name is written in 
various forms, as appears in the foUovfing list :— 

Ahiawio— Bichard of Hexham, 12th century. 

Ahiewyk — ^In charters and inquisitioiis of the 12th, 13th, and 

14th centuries — Bromton — liber Niger — ^Act to embattile the 

town, 1434. 
Alnewyc — Charters 12ih and 13th centuries. 
Alnewyke — Inquisitions and charters 13ih aud 14th centuries — 

Chronicle of Alnwick Abbey. 
Alnewicke — Inquisitions 13th and 14th centuries — Petition of 

Burgesses, 1650. 
Alnewik — Kn;f^hton, 14th century — Lord Hertford, 1669. 
Alnewich — ^WiUiam of Newberry, 12th century. 
Alnewike— Borough SeaL 
Aunewike— Bot l2t Pat, 1213. 
Aunwyk— Pipe Boll, 1282. 
Aunewic — Testa de Neville. 
Awnewyke— Earl of Northumberland, 1528. 
Anwik — Earl of Northumberland, 1613. 
Anwick — Heraldic Visitation, circa, 1600. 

The spelling is arbitrary ; but all the forms excepting the 
six last, are essentially'the same as the modem ^' Alnwick." 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 5 

Mr. Ralph Carr of Hedgeley^ one of our ablest etymologists, 
considers that the old name would be in three syllables, 
Al-na-wick ; and this form indeed, is given by Richard of 
Hexham^ one of the earliest northern historians. At present 
howeyer, the name is pronounced Annick by all the native 
inhabitants of the town ; and indeed, as early as the 13th 
century, the pronunciation seems to have been similar to the 
broad nasal sound by Scotsmen, though in three syllables-^ 
Au-ne-foicke. Obviously Alnwick is compounded of Aln, 
the name of the river on which the town stands, and of wick, 
the Anglo-Saxon for a street, village, or dwelling place ; but 
this latter element is one of those peculiar terms, which 
evidence the affinity and common origin of several different 
languages ; for it appears in the Greek, ^^** in the Latin, 
vicus, in the Sanscrit, vie, and it has been traced in 
other Indo-European tongues. Aln, like the names of 
our rivers, hills, and mountains, is Celtic or Ancient British, 
and was given by one of the earliest tribes settling in 
Britain ; for in the Hibernico-Celtic we have Alain, signi- 
fying white, bright, or clear. Alnwick therefore is the town 
on the bright clear river. In one form or other, Aln is 
not an uncommon name of rivers. We have Altoyn a 
tributary of the Coquet, and AUan flowing into the South 
Tyne ; and the same name appears in Roxburghshire, in the 
Lothians, in other parts of Scotland, and also in Ireland. 
Westward of the town, the Aln is commonly spoken of as the 
Ale-toaier, and sometimes as the Yell. Alnham near its 
source is called Ale-dam, and occasionally YeU-dom; and 
Alnmouth, pronounced Alemouth, is not unfrequently called 
Yellmauth. 

Another name is applied to Alnwick in a chronicle of the 
Priory of St. Andrews— one of the most ancient and authentic 
of Scottish records — ^which states that Malcolm, son of Dun- 
can, was slain at Inner-alden, The name of the river is 
recognisable; but t^tner, which comes from the Gaelic inbhear, 
denotes the mouth of a river, and would rather apply to 
Alnmouth ; but as it is pretty certain that Malcolm fell near 
Alnwick^ the chronicler, as Professor Simpson supposes,! may 

• I am indebted^to my young friend Mr. Robert Busby for this note—" The 
Greek Wmt anciently had the diagamma, which is supposed to possess the 
power of a W ; and this makes the analogy between the Greek word and the 
Saxon wkk stronger," 

f Dr. Simpson's Cat-Stane, p. 25. 



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6 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

have erred for want of proper local knowledge. Fordun, 
when relating the same event, gives Murealden, as a synonym 
— ^^^Castrum de Alynewick, sive Murealden, quod idem est;"* 
and this may be descriptive of the wild moorish condition of 
the district around Alnwick at that period. 

When the far reaching ambition of Caesar made Britain 
known to the civilized world, it was peopled by the Celtic 
race, who, migrating many centuries before from the east, 
had passed by successive population-waves into the British 
Islands. From a careful and extensive comparison of the 
old names of rivers, mountains, and other great natural 
objects in all thej^e inlands, it has been proved, that the 
language of the whole was essentially the same ; but that 
different tribes had their own dialectic peculiarities. The 
distribution of the same peculiar sjrmbolical sculptures over 
the British Islands corroborates the conclusion. Though of 
a common origin, the clans or tribes were numerous, and to 
a great extent independent of each other. While the southern 
part of England was occupied by the Belgae, the most civilized 
tribe, the north was peopled bv the rude and warlike Bxig- 
antes ; and these were divided into several distinct branches ; 
Gadeni dwelt in the western part of Northumberland and in 
Koxburghshire ; but the eastern part of Northumberland 
and Berwickshire were occupied by the Otadeni ; and to this 
tribe belonged the people, who, for many generations prior 
to the Christian era, dwelt in the valley of the Aln. Of this 
primitive race there are few written records ; and what we 
do know of them has been gathered, not so much from books 
or manuscripts, as from their sepulchres, their ruined forts 
and dwellings, and from their language, either at intermingled 
in our common speech, or impressed as it were upon our 
rivers, mountains, hills, and other great objects in nature. 

It is remarkable how many remains there are of this Pre- 
Koman period even within the limits of Alnwick parish — 
there are forts, traces of dwellings, barrows and sepulchres, 
urns, stone and bronze weapons and instruments, golden and 
other ornaments, which though telhng us nothing of the 
names of individual chiefs or of particular events, yet raise 
up the general form and character of evanished tribes and 
peoples. Of these various remains I shall give an account. 
It may be premised, that almost all earthworks in the district, 
were at one period, without discrimination, referred to Danish 



* Forduni Scotichronicon. 



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▲KCIEMT BRITISH PEBIOD. 7 

origin. One principle of easy application seems to have 
guided a certain class of antiquaries in their exposition of 
early remains — ^whatever was rude was Danish^ and what- 
ever shewed marks of skill and art was Roman. A more 
critical age cannot adopt this crude method. As the geolo* 
gist examines the fossil contents of a rock to determine its 
age and ascertain its history^ so must the antiquary dig into 
fortlets^ dwellings, and barrows, and by the relics he finds^ 
and the structural peculiarities he observes, determine their 
age and read the character and history of ,the people who 
erected them. Excavations have recently been maide into 
old antiquities in the valley of the Breamish, and on and 
around Yevering Bell; and the facts, which the spade and 
pick-axe have revealed in these places, will be useful guides 
in our examination of those which have not yet been ex- 
plored in a similar manner. 

CAMPS. 

To determine in all cases with certainty the age of camps 
is impossible, on account of their imperfect condition ; but 
as a general rule it may be laid down, that camps or fortlets 
of a rounded form, and associated with small circular founda- 
tions of hut dwellings, and not far distant from barrows 
containing Ancient British relics, may without much doubt 
be referred to the Ancient British period. Supplementary 
defences either on one, or on two opposite sides, enclosing 
small crescent shaped areas, are also I think characteristic 
of the same age. 

A remarkable group of antiquities is clus- 
HiGHFABLAW. tcred on the high grounds sloping southward 
from the summit of Highfarlaw, three miles 
north of Alnwick. Besides the mediaeval tower, there are 
three camps, and there existed some years ago, a barrow and 
traces of hut dwellings. On the crest of the hiH is a strong- 
hold, now overgrown with trees which form an ornamental 
clump ; it has two rampiers* with a ditch between them, and 
is of an oval shape, in diameter from north to south sixty 
yards, and from east to west seventy-one yards; the area 
enclosed is about four-fifths of an acre. The rampart on the 
south side appears to have been regularly built with large 
stones. Entrances or gateways are on the east and west 

• The tenn rampier I apply to a lude wall fiDrmed of earth and stonei. 

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8 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

sides, nine feet in width. The interior is divided by other 
rampiers into several compartments ; three large enclosures 
are traceable, and the remains of several sm^ler ones are 
visible, which most probably had been circular hut dwellings. 
The position is commanding ; the great hills of the district 
are seen from it — ^the Cheviots, Ros Castle, Alnwick Moor, 
and Shilbottle Law ; and along the coast the view ranges a . 
distance of thirty miles. 

Another camp there was, only two or three hundred yards 
to the southward, on the slope of the hill in a field called the 
*' Camp Field.'' This was large, enclosing an area of nearly 
two acres; there was but one rampier, which however, is 
now almost obliterated, the field halving for several years 
been under cultivation. 

To the eastward of the Holywell camp, not more than one 
hundred yards, a rude flagged floor was exposed a few years 
ago by tne plough, one foot below the surface. The flags 
were of unhewn sandstone, and were roughly fitted in to 
each other, forming a circle of thirteen feet in diameter. 
From better preserved remains of a similar kind among the 
Cheviots, we are able to determine this to have been the floor 
of an Ancient British hut ; the fire had been in the centre, 
for after having been quenched for many centuries, the ashes 
were found on the blackened hearth-stone. 

At a short distance, west-south-west of this camp, a barrow 
or small artificial hill formed of earth and stones, covered an 
ancient interment. This was removed forty years ago, and 
beneath it, an urn, such as occurs in Ancient British graves, 
was found placed within a circle of stones. 

The association of these camps with the Ancient British 
barrow and the hut floor, enables us to determine pretty 
certainly, that Highfarlaw was the site of an Ancient British 
settlement. 

Lower down the same hill, about a mile 
Chesters. southward, yet stiU upon high ground, over- 
looking the valley of the Aln, is the camp of 
Black Chesters, wluch is now overgrown with trees. It is 
of a circular form and strongly fortified bjr two rampiers and 
a deep ditch. The circumference of the inner circle is 180 
yards, and of the outer 880 yards, the area of the whole being 
near to two acres. The entrance is obscure, and appears to 
have been on the east. A small iron ball was found a few 
years ago, among stones on the surface ; but this could not 
belong to the period when the camp was made ; it may have 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. tf 

been left when the Scottish armies passed through the county 
in the 17 th century. 

Near Brislaw there are two camps; one on the 
Brislaw.* western slope of the high rugged sandstone hill 
on which Brislaw Tower stands, about half-a-mile 
eastward of Moor-laws. This is circular, and has only one 
rampier, with a ditch outside, the circumference being 190 
yards. There are two entrances, one on the north and the 
other on the west side. A hollow way proceeds from it down 
the hill, similar to the roads connected with other Ancient 
British fortlets— P/a^« U.,fig, 13. 

Distant from this about half-a-mile N.N.W., is the other 
camp on Catheugh, lower and more level ground, by the side 
of a little bum, whose steep banks add to the defences of the 
stronghold. It is much obscured by trees and the rank 
growth of underwood with which it is covered ; part of it 
has been destroyed near the burn for the sake of a road, so 
that what remains is only the segment of a circle. The place 
had been very strong, for there are two rampieis and two 
ditches; and even now, after the destructive influence of 
many centuries, the rampier remains in some parts as high 
as fifteen feet. Entrances appear on the north-east side. 

The remains of a camp are traceable on 
Stoney Hills. Camp-hill on the Swansfield estate, near 
the edge of Alnwick Moor, less than a mile 
south-westward of the town. It is much obliterated, except- 
ing on the south side ; the form is oval, being 120 yards 
in diameter from east to west, and 104 yards from north 
to south. There is little to mark it except its rounded 
shape. 

On Rugley Moor-house farm, there was a camp; 
BuoLET. but now owing to cultivation, it is barely traceable. 
It was of a squarish form, rounded at the corners, 
and contained an area of one acre and one-eighth ; it had a 
rampier and a ditch. Close to it, but on the outside of the 
wall, an ancient quern or hand-mUl was found. Such primi- 
tive mills for* grinding corn are not uncommon in and near 
forts and dwellings of the Ancient British people ; we 
have found them in the Celtic town of Greaves Ash, in the 

* " Brislaw, in Holn Park, a very lofty eminence commanding the whole 
district about it, is vulgarly called BrUieff, as if it were mere ordinary lea-land;** 
R. Can OQ Composite Names of Places ; Trans, of Tyneside Club, YoU I., 
p. 84i. Law from the Anglo-Saxon Maw is applied to a hill, generally high 
and oonieal. 



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10 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

Chesters camp on the Breamish, and even within the great 
fort on the summit of Yevering Bell. 

One other camp remains to be noticed, 
Alnwick Moor, which is situated on Alnwick Outer Moor, 

little more than two miles westward of 
the town, on the slope of the hill. Though small, the in- 
terior area not exceeding half-an-acre, this is an interesting 
camp, as some portions are in good preservation, and its form 
and arrangements are easily seen. The form is rounded ; 
and it has two rampiers and a ditch, with an entrance on the 
south-east. This has been pronounced a Danish camp ; but 
without any evidence or even probability. Its external 
characters are similar to Ancient British camps — Plate IL, 
Jiff. 12. 

8EPULCHEE8. 

Besides the barrow at Holywell already 
Alnwick Moor, referred to, others have been observed in 

the parish. Perhaps the most interesting 
are two, which have been opened near to each other, probably 
part of a group, on the hill side northward of Alnwick Moor 
Burn, and near to the Forest Lodge. One of them in Aln- 
wick Moor was discovered in 1820, and a cist-vaen * was 
exposed, made of slaty sandstone slabs, and within it was an 
entire skeleton doubled up, with the head laid to the south- 
west. The other, only about fifty yards distant, is within 
the park, and was exposed in 1861, while excavations were 
made along the hill side for a new road. Three feet below 
the surface a cist-vaen was found, which was covered over 
with stones of various kinds and sizes, piled up above the 
interment to form a barrow or little hill, but which, through 
the lapse of time and other causes, had been reduced almost 
to the ordinary level of the ground. The cist-vaen was 
placed in a fine sand overlying the boulder clay ; it is formed 
of slabs of a slaty sandstone common in the district, set on 
edge so as to form a small coffin 17 inches in depth, 3 feet 
Scinches long on the north side, and 3 feet 9J inches on the 
south side ; and in breadth 2 feet 3 inches. A flag lay at 
the bottom, and the top was entirely covered by a large slab. 
This cist is a good type of the stone coffins in which the 
Ancient British people interred their dead and placed memo- 
rials of their lost friends. No bones nor evidences of burning 
were discovered ; but within the cist was placed a fine urn 
or earthenware vessel, of a simple bowl shape, 6 inches in 

* Stone chest or etone coffin. 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 11 

• 

height and 7| inehes in dianiieter at the top — Plate IL^fig. 4. 
Zigzag lines are incised on the rim^ a mode of ornamentrog 
characteristic of Celtic fictile art ; but the body of the urn 
was incised with figures of an uncommon description^ con- 
sisting of lozenge forms arranged in a kind of quincunx. 
Urns of the same bowl shape have been obtained from sim^ai^ 
sepulchres at Chatton and Wandylaw — that firom the latter 
being beautifully ornamented^ and associated with an entire 
skeleton and a flint arrow head. Probably the Forest Lodge 
sepulchre also contained a corpse which^ through the access 
of water and air, may have been entirely decomposed. 

On the ridge of a field called Willow Close, 

Si70LEY. west of Bugley Moor-house, a barrow was opened 

which covered a cist-vaen, similar to that already 

described, and in this was found a bead of a yellow colour, 

which appeared to be amber. 

In a field not far from the limestone 
Denwick Lane, quarry, a cist-vaen was exposed by the 

plough; in which there was a skeleton 
with the body bent and the face looking upward ; the hair 
was still in preservation, lying beneath the head '^ like a 
bird's nest;'' along with this interment was an urn of the 
ordinary Celtic character. In a field not far distant, another 
cist-vaen was found, but it contained no relics. 

In the northern part of the parish, from 
HoLLiNGHEUGH. White House Folly down the hill towards 

the river there had been many interments. 
On high ground called Hollingheugh there was a cairn, 
which was removed in 18M, and beneath it was a cist-vaen 
containing an urn or vase of peculiar character ; for besides 
being ornamented with zigzag scorines, it had four projecting 
kno^, which are interesting, as eany and rude attempts to 
fiumish vessels with handles — Plate IL,fig. 2. 

On the White House grounds, now form- 
Whitb HotJSE. ing the north-west comer of Holn* Park, 
three other sepulchres have been discovered. 
One was opened in 1818 and contained a skeleton, by the 
side of which stood an elegant shaped drinking cup, covered 
with zigzag scorings ; it is said to have contained ashes — 
Plate ILyfig, 1. This is the shape most usually met with 
in Ancient British interments in North Northumberland; 
elegant in form and in ornamentation, they exhibit no small 

* The Dame is thai spelt in early charters. 



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12 HISTORY OF ALNMTICK. 

degree of artistic taste. Another dst-yaen in this locality 
was found in 1833 ; but of this we have no definite informa- 
tion j beyond the fact that the direction of the grave was from 
north to south. Of the third sepulchre, however, which was 
opened in 1863, we have more particular knowledge. The 
dst-vaen was as usual formed of sandstone slabs, the length 
being 2 feet 9 inches, the width 1 foot 10 inches, and the 
direction from N.E. to S.W. ; within was laid a skeleton with 
the head towards the south-west end, the body bent, the 
knees being drawn up towards the head ; and nearly in the 
centre stood an urn or vase, which is 5 inches in height, with 
four knobs at the side, and ornamented with characteristic 
zigzag scorings — Plate ILyfig, 3. The skeleton was that of 
a young person, about 12 years of age ; for the temporary 
canine teeth had disappeared, and the permanent canine 
teeth were making their appearance; while also the 
sutures of the skull were very distinct. Unfortunately the 
cranium was broken and incomplete ; but so much remained 
as to admit of its general characters being determined ; it 
was a short, broad, and compact head; the longitudinal 
diameter being 6*3 inches and the parietal diameter 5 inches, 
giving a proportion of nearly 10 to 8, which marks the 
cranium of the Brachy-cephalic type. The form is well 
rounded, but there is a peculiar flattening from the occipital 
protuberance to the foramen magnum, probably due to arti- 
ficial compression ; for Dr. Barnard Davis, the distinguished 
author of the '^ Crania Britannica,'' has shewn that some 
ancient tribes modified by artificial means the natural form 
of the skull. Even now some of the American Indians 
distort the heads of their children by the use of a cradle board. 
Singular is it, that in the sepulchre of so young a person, 
there was a rude flint arrow head about one inch in length, 
and of the same character as one found in a similar interment 
at Wandylaw — Plate IL, jig, 9.* Other vases of the same 
kind from the district, preserved in the Alnwick Castle 
Museum, shew a gradual advance in Ancient British fictile 
art ; one from Warkworth has, in place of mere knobs, small 
but well shaped perforated handles. 

About twenty years ago, another interment was discovered 
in the Parks, within a plantation cresting the hill to the 
westward of Holn Abbey ; this also contained a skeleton, 
which, however, has not been preserved. 

* F\g, 14 in PlaU IL ii the sharpened stone celt icferred to in page IS. 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 18 

A few Other relics belonging to the Celtic period have been 
found in the parish of Alnwick. 

STONE CELTS. 

To instmments made of stone with sharp edges at one 
or both ends, the name celt has been applied, which in 
the Cambro-Celtic, means a flint stone. One of these 
was discovered in 1862 by Mr. George Armstrong, one foot 
below the surface, while cutting through a hill on the 
south side of the road between Alnwick and Denwick, 
nearly opposite to the spot on which old Denwick cross 
stands. It is well made and quite smooth, and more 
artistically finished than the rudely chipped flint weapons 
of Abbeville ; it is somewhat broken at the ends, but when 
perfect would be 7 inches long, and 2 inches wide at the one 
end and one inch at the other ; the sides are blunt, but like 
other celts of similar character, it was sharp at both ends ; it 
is made of a dark grey metamorphic shale, hard enough to 
scratch glass — Plate ILy Jiff. 10. Three other stone celts I 
have, which were found in fields near the borders of the 
parish. All are similar in shape, and formed of indurated 
slate ; two of them are 4 inches and the other 6 inches long. 
One of them is especially interesting, because shewing an 
alteration from its original form by being repeatedly sharp- 
ened. These are small in size compared with another 
from the valley of the Reed, which is nearly 12 inches long 
and finely finished. Such instruments were used as chisels 
or wedges, to cut or split wood and other substances softer 
than themselves ; and they have even been found inserted like 
a wedge, into cavities of large stones ; but as weapons also 
they would be formidable, especially those of a large size, 
fastened like an axe at the head of a pole. Flint arrow heads, 
as we have seen, also occur. 

BRONZE RELICS. 

Gale has given an account of bronze weapons and tools 
found in 1726 within the Old Park, about a mile north- 
west of Alnwick. A mason was clearing away the earth 
from a sandstone rock, in order to obtain building stones, 
when, at the depth of 18 inches, he found lying upon the 
rock twenty bronze swords and sixteen spear heads; and 
near to these, only a foot further down the hill, forty-two 
bronze instruments usually called celts. Fortunately some 
of these relics were obtained by Gale, otherwise we should 
have known nothing of them, for the remainder were seized 



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14 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

by the Steward of the Lord of the Manor, and they were 
never afterwards seen. The swords were leaf-shaped and 
only 18 inches long in the blade, double edged and pointed, 
being more adapted for thrusting than cutting. The handles 
were remarkably small, being usually only 8 inches in length, 
and indicating that the race who wielded these weapons had 
small hands — Plate IL, fig, 8. The spear heads had a 
socket for the insertion of a wooden pole ; some were long 
and narrow, with a small wing or flange on each side — Plate 
ILy fig. 5 ; but in others, the flange was wider and cut 
through or eyed, a form common in Scotland and Ireland, 
but rare in England. Similar swords and spear heads were 
found in a bog at Thrunton, near Whittingham, in this 
county in 1847 ; and three of the bronze leaf-shaped swords 
were discovered in 1857,near toa Celtic fortleton Brandon hill. 

The celts or chisels, as they are sometimes called — Plate 
ILyfig, 7 — have one end with a broad sharp edge, and the 
other is narrower and thicker, and hollowed so as to admit a 
wooden shaft ; they have a loop or ear attached to one side. 
Such instruments, the most common of bronze relics, were 
cast in stone moulds; one of these moulds found near Wal- 
lington, is in the Museum of Sir Walter Trevelyan, Bart. 
There was great difference in the shape and artistic finish of 
these celts, from the simple form of a stone celt to those 
complicated with flanges, sockets, loops, and mouldings. 
Though they may have been applied to warlike purposes, 
yet I think they were chiefly used as chisels or wedges. 

The number of the bronze relics found in the "Old Park" 
is remarkable ; and the association of the celts with the other 
weapons, aids in determining the age of the leaf-shaped 
swords, regarding which there has been considerable contro- 
versy. As these swords are of a graceful shape, beautifully 
finished, and well tempered, they must, according to some, 
have been the production of Roman art. Here however, 
they have been found with celts, which without any doubt 
may be referred to the Ancient British people. Bronze 
weapons moreover, are not known to have been used by the 
Bomans when they conquered Britain, nor do we find any 
types among the weapons or instruments of the Romans 
corresponding with these bronze relics ; while on the other 
hand, the presence of bronze da^ers* and sometimes 

* At North Cbwlton « l>ro]i£e dagger wu in one of theie gntTes along with a 
glass bead. 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 15 

bronze swords in Ancient British graves prores that they 
were pre-Roman. True it is, the Caledonian sword described 
by Tacitus in the first century, was long, blunt, and adapted 
for striking; these however, were made of iron, a metal which 
for some time previously had been in use. It is reasonable 
therefore, to infer that the bronze weapons belonged to a 
more distant period, when the Ancient Britons had risen 
above the feeble and barbarous state indicated by the general 
use of flint tipped arrows and javelins, and stone battle axes, 
and had acquired sufficient metallurgic skill to produce bronze 
weapons ; for that bronze objects are of native manufacture 
is evidenced by the discovery in Britain, not only of moulds 
in which these objects were cast, but also of lumps of the 
crude unfashioned metal itself. 

In the Alnwick Castle Museum there are a bronze celt, 
with a socket and ring, which was found in the North 
Demesne in 18S4, and a bronze spear head, with a socket for 
a handle, obtained from Den wick in 18S2— Plate IL,Jig. 6. 
These are of the same shape as the Old Park relics. 

Another very curious bronze implement is also there, found 
somewhere in Holn Park ; it is remarkable, as being orna- 
mented by incised figures, considered to be of a Celtic 
character, somewhat resembling the outline of a dog's face. 
These figures are similar to some on Celtic antiquities found 
near to Stanwick in Yorkshire. This implement is flat and 
shaped like a heater; but of its use I can form no rational 
conjecture — Plate IL^fig, 6. 

GOLD OENAMENTS. 

Gold occurring generally in a native state, frequently in 
superficial deposits, and being moreover easily smelted and 
worked, was one of the earliest metals discovered and applied 
to use. By the Ancient British people, it was fashioned into 
various ornaments — ^into torques which adorned the necks of 
their chiefs, into armlets, fibulae, and rings. Two golden 
penannular ornaments were found in 1860, in Cooper's Hill, 
near to the Alnwick Railway Station, when this hill was cut 
through during the formation of the branch line. Unfortu- 
nately, these very rare and valuable relics were broken by 
the workmen ana sold to an ironmonger ; but Dr, Charlton 
of Newcastle, bought the fragments and placed them in the 
Museum of the Newcastle Antiquarian Society. The frag- 
ments consist of thin ringed pktes, 1^ and If inches m 



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16 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



diameter, a narrow plate J of an inch wide and 2 J inches 
long, and fine golden wire. A restored figure of one of these 
rings will shew its peculiar shape ; it is ornamented with 
very delicate and well formed impressions of concentric 
circles which had heeu made by a stamp, each series consisting 
of twelve, and being about ^ of an inch in diameter. The 
golden wire had been used along the outer edge of the ring, 
where the plates join, to give strength to the ornament and 
keep it in shape. 

na 2 na I 




Fig, 1. — Perspective View shewing the ornaraeivted surface. 
Fig, 2.— Profile View. 

The other ring was of the same form, but plain. Made with 
so much skill, as to rival the most artistic work of modern 
goldsmiths, they must have been highly valued personal 
ornaments ; but in what manner applied it is difficult to say. 

One of the same character, weighing 71 grains, now in the 
Museum of the Rev. William Greenwell, Durham, was found 
near Cheeseburn Grange in Northumberland. No others 
have been discovered in England; but these penannular 
ornaments have been found in Anglesey along with golden 
armlets ; and a few have been discovered in Ireland. Dr. 
Daniel Wilson in his Pre-historic Annals of Scotland,* gives 
a figure of one from the West Highlands, and describes it as 
" a curious hollow penannular gold capsule." 

Scandinavian archaeologists would refer the Alnwick rings 
to the Northmen, some of whom settled in Northumberland, 
because concentric circles ornament some Scandinavian relics; 
but the premises do not warrant the conclusion, for concentric 
circles are on relics of various ages ; we have them on the 

* Second Edition, p. 458, fig. 88. 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 17 

Ancient British sculptured rocks of Northumberland ; they 
occur on Koman objects^ and I have seen them on ancient 
Babylonian pottery. The association however^ of these 
golden ornaments with other relics proves their age; for 
they were found at Alnwick along with a socketed and 
ringed bronze celt, within an urn, having the zigzag scorings 
characteristic of Aacient British pottery. 

It has been suggested that such rings may have been used 
as money ; in Africa at the present day, golden rings are so 
applied. For such a purpose however, our Alnwick orna- 
ments are too light and fragile, and their exquisite artistic 
finish indicate a higher object ; but it is not improbable, that 
six other rings formed of solid twisted gold bars, weighing 
602'S grains, found in the parish of Ford in 1856, and now 
in Mr. Greenwell*s Museum, may have been Ancient British 
ring money. 

STANDING STONE. 

No stone circle is within the parish; but one ancient 
monolith still stands on high ground in a plantation, about 
a mile westward of Holn Abbey, and not far distant from 
Ancient British sepulchres. It is a rude unhewn pillar of 
sandstone, 5 feet 4 inches high above ground, somewhat 
square, the sides being from 2S inches to 25 inches broad. 
Deeply guttered and worn by time, it has the aspect of great 
antiquity ; and it is referred to in a charter dated A.D. 128S, 
as '* the great standing stone on the height.** — Plate 11.^ fig. 
11. For what object it was placed there, is now a mystery ; 
some of these stones were hoar or boundary stones — others 
were memorial stones to commemorate important events — 
others were cat stones to mark the site of a battle, and others 
were connected with sepulchres. Such stones were long held 
in veneration and associated with romantic legends. 

LANGUAGE. 

Many Celtic words derived from this olden time are in 
daily use, intermingled with our common Anglo-Saxon 
speech ; but as these are not peculiar to the district, they 
need not detain us. The names of many hills, rivers, and 
other prominent objects in Northumberland are Celtic. A 
few of these are impressed on our district. Aln the name of 
the river is, as we have seen, Celtic. We have 2V?y», 
(Celtic,) an eminence or tuft of wood in Twinlaw, a high 

D 



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18 HIBTOKT OF ALNWICK. 

hill on the western boundary of Alnwick Moor^ where the 
Lord of the Manor called over the names of the burgesses 
on the day when the boundaries of the Common were per- 
ambulated ; Law is an Anglo-Saxon addition, meaning a hill. 
Traces of the Celtic we have in Pennywelk, the name of 
fields on high ground north of the Aln, which may come 
from Pen-y-ffwal — the rampart on the head or point. The 
^'Firth/' on the south side of the parish, is from JPHdd, 
(Celtic,) a forest or wood ; and in Katcheugh, we have a 
word compounded of the Celtic Mhach, that which is forced 
out, descriptive of the outbreak of pillared rock forming the 
cliff; and of the Saxon heugh, which has a similar meaning. 
In Dunsheugh, which is hard by, there is the same Saxon 
termination, with the Hibemico-Celtic Dun^ a fortress. 

The old remains in Alnwick Parish, though not numerous, 
yet include representatives of most kinds of relics belonging 
to the Ancient British Period; they prove that a Celtic popu- 
lation was scattered over the district, and that probably 
Alnwick itself was originally a Celtic settlement. 

Of this distant and obscure period, better illustrations have 
been gathered from the wild uncultivated hills and moor- 
lands in the district westward of Alnwick. At Holywell we 
found traces of a single hut ; but among the Cheviots and 
undisturbed hill lands, there are groups of such dwellings ; 
and there too we can see the relation which the great forts, 
the fortified towns and houses, the hut dwellings, the sepul- 
chres, and the temples bear to each other. 

At Greaves Ash, on high ground near Linhope in the 
valley of the Breamish, and among the porphyritic hills of 
the Cheviot range, one of these primitive fortified towns has 
been examined by means of excavations. This wonderful 
though ruined structure, consists of three principal parts, 
all defended by encircling walls ; on the highest ground is 
the stronghold or citadel ; at a little distance is the middle 
fort, which may have been the residence of the chief; and 
lower down is the principal town, which is circular, having 
a circumference of 1000 feet, and defended by two encircling 
walls from 5 feet to IS feet in thickness, built without lime, 
of unhewn porphyry blocks. The great outer wall may have 
been 10 feet in height. Within these defences are numbers 
of hut circles from 8 feet to SO feet in diameter, which when 
complete had walls, similarly built, some four or five feet in 
height, surmounted by wattle work, with a tapering roof 



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ANCIEDT BRITISH PERIOD. 19 

covered by sods or heather or rashes. These huts are roughly 
flagged with flat porphyry stones ; and in one, a low stone 
bench about S incnes above the level of the floor and 5 feet 
in breadth extends round the wall of the hut, probably the 
place whereon the inmates slept. The fire was in the centre, 
and the entrances, generally on the eastward, were closed with 
a door, which opened towards the interior, as we still find a 
raised row of flags across the entrance forming a check to a 
door. Though the principal parts are somewhat detached 
from each other, they nevertheless form one assemblage of 
dwellings and fortifications, for they are connected by enclo- 
sures, hollow roads, and a general defensive rampart on the 
south. They constitute a primeeval fortified town — an 
Ancient British oppidum — constructed according to a different 
type from any modern city ; for here there are no rectangular 
houses, straight streets, or towering chimneys, but simply a 
collection of rude huts, irregularly grouped, and with winding 
trackways between. While the arrangements evince a low 
state of civilization, they prove moreover, from the skilful 
manner in which the defences are planned, that the rude 
inhabitants had at least studied the art of war.* 

The primseval antiquities around Yevering are also highly 
instructive. Yevering Bell, a truncated cone some 1500 feet 
in height, has its summit, containing an area of twelve acres, 
encircled by a great wall of unhewn stones 8 feet in thick- 
ness ; within this are remains of several hut circles, and at 
the eastern end is a small fort, formerly regarded as a 
Druidical place of sacrifice. Almost every hill in the district 
is crested with a fort ; but among these rolling hills, there 
are dry and sheltered valleys, scattered over which are num- 
bers of hut circles, sometimes detached, but more frequently 
in groups. Planted in the midst of these huts, are several 
small forts — ^the strongholds of the Ancient British chiefe, in 
which the inhabitants of the huts would find refuge on sudden 
emergencies ; resembling in this respect, the Border bastiles 
and pele towers of the middle ages, which were places of 
refriffe and defence for the inhabitants of the cottages and 
ha^ets, when Northumberland was exposed to Scottish 
raids. The great forts, such as Yevering, were the castles of 
the period; on high elevations exposed to the frill play of 
stormy winds 4ind inclement weather, they were not smted 
for permanent residence ; but when the district was invaded 

• Hktonr of the Berwiduhire Naturalitts* Clab, YoL lY., p. 29S. 



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W HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

by a powerful foe^ they would be secure places of refuge ; 
and from the natural strength of their position and the 
massiveness of their ramparts^ they would be impr^i;nable^ if 
defended by brave hearts and stout arms.* 

Excavations made into these structures, brought to light 
some relics illustrating the history of the period. Querns of 
a rude character were found at Greaves Ash, the Chesters 
Camp on the Prendwick Estate, and even on the summit of 
Yevering ; and as one of these querns in a broken state was 
applied as a flag in a hut floor, we have evidence that the 
Ancient Britons at an early period, not only lived on the 
produce of the chase and of pasturage, but also cultivated 
land and ground their com; and this is corroborated by 
remains of ancient cultivation, seen in horizontal furrows, 
high up among the hills in the neighbourhood of these 
settlements. Pottery of a rude description, hand made, of 
coarse clay and ill burnt, was discovered in considerable 
quantity. But more interesting were the ornaments obtained ; 
armlets made of polished oak were found in hut circles on 
the top of Yevering, and one of a white opalised glass, and 
another of variously coloured glass with wavy lines of white 
enamel, were discovered in huts at Greaves Ash and Swint 
Law near Yevering. A beautiful green glass bead occurred 
at the Chesters, but this probably was used more as an 
amulet than an ornament; they are traditionally called 
Druid's Beads. A copper pin — ^part of a fibula — ^was dug cut 
of the fort on the highest point of Yevering Bell. Almost 
all the weapons and instruments were of stone, and are 
referable to a very early period ; a flint javelin head was 
found at Chesters ; and flint arrow heads, flint knives and 
saw, and also unfashioned pieces of flint, the raw material 
out of which weapons and instruments were manufactured, 
around Yevering. An exceedingly rude spear head of iron, 
was taken out of a hut on Swint Law, belonging however, 
probably, to the later periods of Celtic occupation. 

From the sepulchres opened in the district around Alnwick, 
we gather some additional information. Vessels made of 
coarse clay were usually placed in the small stone chamber, 
either with the body entire, or with the ashes remaining 
after having been burnt. The pottery of this period is 
readily distinguishable, from the shape of the vessels, from 
the material of which it was made, and from the zigzag or 

• History of the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, Vol IV., p. 481. 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PSBIOD. 21 

herring bone scorings with which it was ornamented. In 
Northumberland the forms were chiefly two— one like an 
ordinary jar, coarsely made ; and the other of a more elegant 
tulip-shape, more carefdlly manufactured and more elabor- 
ately incised. Fanciful names have been given to them from 
their supposed uses — such as incense cups, urns, drinking 
cups, and vases ; but I am disposed to think, that most, iS 
not all of them, were the domestic vessels of the period ; and 
as his weapons, his ornaments, his amulets, were placed in the 
tomb of the departed hero, so was also his drinking cup, that 
he might be fiiUy equipped for his career in ayjother world. 

Interesting forms of urns were found in a group of cist- 
Taens on Hawkhill estate near to Lesbury ; in one at North 
Charlton, there was laid by the side of a warrior, his bronze 
dagger along with his amulet — ^a glass bead ; and in another 
near Humbleton, a necklace, composed of flat rhomboidal 
beads made of cannel coal or jet, some of which were studded 
with gold points, was hung around the neck of a female 
skeleton. A group of four cist-vaens opened at Tosson near 
Rothbury, gives more important information ; each contained 
an entire skeleton doubled up, and three of them, character- 
istic Ancient British urns ; in one or other of them were 
found an iron weapon, a bronze buckle, and circular orna- 
ments made of cannel coal or jet, about the size of a crown 
piece, convex on the upper surface and flat on the lower, 
which had a loop by which the ornament could be attached 
to the dress either as a button or fibula. These sepulchres 
are especially interesting, because one of the skulls has been 
preserved; it was described by the author in the Proceedings 
of the Society of Antiquaries for Scotland, and furnished the 
first information as to the crania of the Otadeni, the tribe 
who peopled the eastern parts of Northumberland and Ber- 
wickshire prior to the Roman invasion. By permission of 
that Society, I am able to give figures of this cranium and of 
the iron weapon with which it was associated. 

Dr. Barnard Davis, one of our most accomplished ethnolo- 
gists, has since figured and described this cranium in his mag- 
nificent work Crania Britannica, as ^^one of the typical series 
of Ancient British crania." It is a capacious skull of a man 
beyond the prime of life, for the sutures, save the squamous, 
are obliterated, and the crown of the teeth are much worn. 
The face is flat and broad, the chin prominent, and the fore- 
head high, but square. It is short and broad, and hence the 
name ''Brachy-cephalic;" its length is 7'1 inches and breadth 



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22 HI8T0BT OF ALNWICK. 

6-1 inches, shewing a proportion of 1000 in length to 859 in 
breadth. 

RQ. 3 no. 4- 




no. 5 

Pig, S.;>-Side View of the Tonon tkulL 
Fig, 4.— View of the crown of this ftknlL 
Fig. 5.— lion weapon. 

During the last five years researches have been made with 
some success into the etnnology of the Ancient Britons inhabit- 
ing the Eastern Borders; and it may now be affirmed that the 
Tosson cranium is typical of the race. Above a dozen skulls 
have been critically examined, and all prove to be of the Brachy- 
cephalic type. One as we have seen, was found in Hoin 
Park ; another, that of a female, at North Sunderland ; one 
at Grundstone Law ; another at Ilderton — the skull of a man 
between forty and fifty years of age, indicating considerable 
intelligence ; one near Dunse ; and seven near to Cockbums- 
path in Berwickshire. 

Such crania of the Otadeni of the Eastern Borders differ 
not only from the elongated skulls (the Dolico-cephalic) of 
Englishmen, but it is supposed too, from the modem Celts — 
the Welsh, Irish, and Gaelic ; they correspond with those of 
the stone age men of Scandinavia. Some antiquaries, guided 
by ethnology, would infer from this, that these Ancient 
British people belonged to a Pre-Celtic race— of feeble organ- 
isation. Ignorant of metals and using weapons and tools made 
of stone, wood, or bone. The premises however, would be 
too narrow for this conclusion ; other lines of research must 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. US 

throw Ught upon the question. We have evidence that 
metals were in use both as tools and weapons among these 
Ancient Britons^ bronze certainly, and, towards the latter 
period, iron. Indeed it is doubtM whether a knowledge of 
uron was absent from any period of Northumbrian historjr of 
which we have remains ; for in a barrow near to Yevering 
where several flint weapons, instruments, and flakes were 
found, there were also lumps of iron slag. Nor do the facts 
warrant the conclusion, that in Northumberland there was a 
stone age, followed in succession by a bronze age and an iron 
age ; it is rather to be inferred, that the materials used for 
weapons and instruments were distinctive of class; for while 
the chieftain from his superior power and means could com- 
mand an iron or a bronze weapon, the commonalty had to 
content themselves with weapons fashioned out of the more 
accessible and tractable materials, of wood, bone, or stone. 
Something would depend on the local position of a tribe ; 
and probably too, some tribes less civilized and less advanced 
in art, had fewer metallic products than other tribes living 
at the same period. The era of our Northumbrian pre- 
Soman remains would, I think, correspond more nearly with 
what has been called the bronze age than with the others ; 
not that other metals were absent, but because bronze was 
more used for the fabrication of weapons and instruments. 
Language aids in the determination of the question as to 
race; for the names of hills, rivers, and other prominent 
objects in Northumberland — ^names given by the aboriginal 
inhabitants and which survive oftentimes the revolutions of 
race — ^are Celtic. A people so numerous as the Celts were, 
when Caesar invaded Britain — ^he calls them an infinite mul- 
titude — ^would surely leave some traces of their occupancy of 
the island; but if the forts, oppida, barrows, and stone circles, 
which we have in Northumberland, are not their remains, it 
may be asked, where are they to be found ? For if we attribute 
these remains to an earlier race, we would blot out the 
records of many centuries from our annals. Taking, there- 
fore, into accoimt various kinds of evidence, we may conclude 
that the old remains in Northumberland belong to the Celtic 
race, though they may tell the history of many centuries 
prior to the Christian era. The apparent discrepant evidence 
^om ethnology is suggestive of inquiry; may not the type of 
cranium gradually change through long ages of advancing 
civilization, or may not this effect be produced even by a 
slight admixture of a new and dominating race ? 



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jB4 HI8T0BT OF ALN^VICK. 

According to Caesar^ the Ancient British people had a 
religion which recognised superior powers ruling in the world, 
and inculcated the immortality of the soul and its passage 
at death into other bodies. Greatly superstitious they were; 
and says Pliny, " the magic arts were cultivated with such 
astonishing success and so many ceremonies, that the Britons 
seem capable of instructing even the Persians themselves in 
these arts.'' The Druids were not only the priests of this 
religion, but judges, philosophers, and schoolmasters. Where 
then were their temples, their places of meeting, their altars, 
and the apparatus by which they performed their supersti- 
tious and magical arts ? Enclosures on the top of high hills, 
such as Yevering, were regarded by antiquaries of a past 
generation as Druidical temples; but such places are now 
proved to have been strongholds. Small monolithic circles, 
such as one on Dod Law, were sepulchral ; but probably the 
larger stone circles were devoted to the administration of 
justice, to national assemblies, and to religious worship. 
The most important of these circles in Northumberland, 



Fig. 6.— Plan of stone circle, Three Stone Bum. 

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ANCIENT BBITISH PEBIOD. 



S5 



situated in a wild and lonely valley 0])ening eastward from 
the Cheviots, near to Three Stone Bum, has been thoroughly 
explored. It is of an oval shape, 840 feet in circumference, 
and formed of a single row of upright stones of syenite, from 
about 4 feet to d| feet in height ; thirteen of them still remain. 
Excavations through this circle exposed charcoal strewed 
over the original surface ; and a portion of a small grey flint 
knife was found, which we could readily imagine to have 
been used for some sacrificial purpose by a Druid. This 
circle was not sepulchral, for not a vestige of an interment 
was seen ; it was not a stronghold, for it is not fortified either 
by nature or art ; and it is not a town or dwelling, for there 
are neither walls nor interior arrangements. Such circles 
were held in veneration, and traditions of their sacredness 
are preserved in Scotland in the common Gaelic phrase^ 
Am bheU thu dol, **are you going to the stones?" when 
inquiry is made whether a person is going to the church. 

We may connect with this subject the mysterious inscrip- 
tions on rocks in Northumberland. Our account of the 
period would be incomplete without some notice of them; 
and besides this, they occur within the barony and but a 
short distance from the boundary of the parish. Forty years 
ago, Mr. John C. Langlands discovered defaced and old- 
world looking figures on sandstone blocks near the great 
Ancient British camp on the top of Old Bewick Hill ; but 
his discovery assumed greater significance, when in 1832 the 
Rev. William Gxeenwell found another rock at Routing Linn 
covered with the same kind of sculptures. The following 
figures will shew the characteristic forms. The typical form 




na7 



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86 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

— ^that which distinguishes these inscriptions from aU others 
— ^is a series of incomplete concentric circles around a central 
hollow or cup^ from which proceeds a groove or gutter through 
the series of circles— ^j'. 1. This radial groove often extends 
beyond the circles, is usually straight, but sometimes curved 
and wavy; in some cases the groove crosses the entire 
diameter— /£j^. 11; and in one case there are three radial 
grooves ; there are oval, horse shoe, and arched forms, as in 
Jigs. 9, 18, 7; two grooves issue from^. 6; a curious fringed 
or rayed form is presented hy Jig, 4 ; jigs, 8 and 12 are some- 
what abnonnal, as they deviate from the circular ; circles are 
united by a groove iuj^^. S; and inj(^. 10 we have a com- 
pound form resembling a plant with its stem, branches, and 
floral heads. In size the forms vary from two inches to thirty- 
nine inches in diameter, and one is composed of eight con- 
centric circles. On some rocks a number of figures are 
combined, forming a complicated and maze-like plan, as in 
^g. 8, page 27, from Old Bewick, the first inscribed stone 
d^overed in Northumberland. 

All have been incised on sandstone rocks by a bluntly 
pointed tool, probably of bronze ; but where sculptures have 
been exposed for centuries to the play of the elements^ 
nature has given an artistic finish to the original rude work- 
manship, and so rounded the jagged edges and smoothed the 
hollows, that the figures stand out like rings in the rock. 
They are not found on the hard intractable porphyry of the 
Cheviots, nor on the flanks of those hills ; but on one or 
other of the beds of thick sandstone which crops out on the 
high hills and elevated ridges in the central moor-lands of 
Northumberland. They have been found on Hunter's Moor 
near Ford, at Routing Linn, on Harelaw Crags, on Dodding- 
ton Law and Horton Moor, on Gledlaw, on Whitsunbank> 
on Chatton Law and Old Bewick Hill, on Eglingham^ 
Beanley, and Charlton Moors, on Cartington Cove, and in 
the parish of Stamfordham. 

Fifty-three of these sculptured stones have been discovered 
in Northumberland; and on these there are about three 
hundred and fifty figures, one hundred and fifty of which 
are distinguishably different from each other. All are con- 
nected with Ancient British remains ; four of them formed 
the covers of cist-vaens; two are within a few yards of 
sepulchral barrows ; five of them are within Ancient British 
camps ; eight of them are not more than one hundred yards 
distant from such camps ; most of the others are less distant 



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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 



27 



na a 




SCALE OF rEET. 

INSCRIBED STONE AT OLD BEWICK. 



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28 HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK. 

than half-a-mile^ and none fiirther away than a mile. Their 
relation however, to the camps, forts, and hut circles — ^the 
dwellings of the Ancient British people — is more apparent 
than to their sepulchres. 

These peculiar inscriptions have been discovered at Jed- 
burgh; in Kircudbrightshire ; in Ayrshire; on a cist cover 
near Edinburgh ; on standing stones as well as on rocks in 
situ in Argyleshire ; in Forfarshire ; as far north as Orkney, 
on the waU of a sepulchral chamber; on '^Long Meg," a 
standing stone near Penrith ; on a stone pillar at Shap ; in 
Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and on a cist cover as far south as 
Devonshire. Several have been found in Kerry in Ireland 
covered by bogs, and one on the top of a cromlech. 

If these inscriptions were merely ornamental, they would 
be of great interest, as being the earliest sculptures — the 
first efforts of infant art, in Britain ; but their wide dis- 
tribution, proves that the whole of Britain was at an early 
period peopled by tribes of one race, who were imbued with 
the same superstitions and expressed them by the same 
symbols. 

What indeed, could be sufficiently important to induce 
tribes living hundreds of miles apart and even separated by 
the sea, to use precisely the same symbols, save to express 
some religious sentiments or to aid in the performance of 
some superstitious rites, which were common to the whole 
race?* 

Such are some of the facts illustrative of the character and 
condition of the Ancient British people living in the valley 
of the Aln, at a period when the lower grounds were covered 
with woods and swamps, when the sites of towns and 
villages were on grounds of moderate elevation, when the 
hill tops were crowned with strong forts, and when many 
little independent tribes and clans were at war with each 
other. The arrangements breathe defiance, and indicate in- 
security, and tell of warfare and bloodshed. Brave though 
the race was, yet rent by divisions and intestine war, it was 
conquered and enslaved by a foreign foe. 

* This view was given by roe in my Address as President of the Berwickshire 
Naturalists' Club in 1858. See History of the Club, Vol. ITL, p. 129. For a 
full description of these inscriptions, with figures of all discovered in Northum- 
berland, and a disquisition as to their age and meaning, I refer to the History of 
the Club, Vol. IV., p. 187 ; and to ••The Ancient British Sculptured Rocks of 
Northumberland and the Eastern Borders, with Notices of the Remains Associ- 
ated with these Sculptures," by Geoi^e Tate, F.G.S., &c« 



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CHAPTEE m. 
BOMANO-BEinSH PEEIOD, 

ITIKEBAIUSS— ALAUirArHDEyiL'B 0AXX8EWAT-— BOJCAN COINS — ^BOMAN 

AIiTAB. 

Althougli Cffisar effected tlie conquest of the south of Eng* 
land in the 54th year before the Christian Era^ it was not 
till 183 years afterwards that the northern parts were brought 
under the dominion of Some. Agricola was both a statesman 
and a warrior ; what he had won by his military genius he 
retained by his administratiye skill; and by introducing 
among the conquered Britons the arts and knowledge of 
civilized life^ he endeayoured to moderate their fierce passions 
and reclaim them firom barbarism. The power of this great 
people continued to be exercised till A.D. 430^ when the 
Soman legions bid an eternal farewell to Britain. During 
this period^ the great barrier wall was built^ extending from 
near the mouth of the Tyne to the Solway, and the import* 
tant roads— Watling Street and the DeviFs Causeway — 
which pass through the county, were made. 

There is however, no sufficient evidence of any Roman 
station or town having been within the parish of Alnwick. 
The Itinerary of Antoninus, compiled in the fourth century, 
contains no reference to the district around Alnwick ; but m 
Ptolemy's Geography, composed as early as the second cen- 
tury, there are mentioned, as being on the north-east side of 
Britain — ^''Estuary Boderia; mouth of the river Alaunus, 
mouth of the river Vedra." Boderia is doubtless the Firth 
of Forth, but it is questionable to what river the Alaimus 
refers ; from the affinity of the names^ Camden conjectures it 
is the Aln, but Horsley supposes it to be the Tweed. The 
Bavenna Cosmography, a treatise on geographical science, 
compiled at Savenna in the seventh century, contains a more 
distinct reference to the river or to a station near to it; in 



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80 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

this list, besides the stations along the Roman Wall, we have 
** Bremenium, Cocuneda^ Alauna, Oleiolavis." Bremenium 
is Rochester by the side of Watling Street on the Reed ; and 
Cocuneda and Alauna may be identified as the Coquet and 
the Aln. Richard of Cirencester, a doubtful authority, in 
his IV. Iter, gives as beyond the Roman "Wall and within 
the Roman province of Valentia — " Alauna amne m. p. xxv., 
Tueda flumine m. p. xxx.*' The dii^nce of twenty-five 
thousand paces, corresponds however, with the distance be- 
tween the wall and the river Coquet. Upon such doubtful 
notices no sound conclusion can be drawn of Alnwick having 
been a Roman station, especially as it is not corroborated by 
archseological evidence; for no Roman camps or walls remain, 
no Roman relics have been found, and no Roman roads are 
traceable within the parish. If any station in this district 
is indicated in these itineraries, it would be somewhere in 
the neighbourood of Whittingham, not far from the Roman 
road, or probably on Craulaw, close to that road, where there 
are appearances of a Roman camp.* 

The most remarkable Roman work in the district is this 
road, which is called " the Devil's Causeway," and which is 
about seven miles westward of Alnwick. It branches firom 
Watling Street at Beweley, and going northward to Hart- 
bum and Brinkburn and through the moor-lands of Rimside, 
it crosses the Aln about a mile eastward of Whittingham, 
and thence onward to .Powbum and the Till, passing in 
succession Chillingham New Town, Hetton, Lowick, till 
traces of it are lost before it reaches the Tweed near to 
Tweedmouth. This road, which is now much destroyed, 
was 21 feet in breadth and paved with large stones. Near 
this road, at Glanton, Roman querns have been found. 

A camp more distinctly recognisable as Roman than that 
of Craulaw, is at Outchester, on the bend of Spindlestone 
Burn, whose steep banks defend it on two sides ; the form, 
like other Roman entrenchments is quadrangular, and it is 
so placed as to defend the pass and harbour of the river 
Warn. Not far from this camp on AdJterstone estate, the 
property of the late Dr. George Wilson of Allerbum House, 
Alnwick, a number of Roman brass coins, contained in a small 

« Craulaw, one of the earliest forms of the name, often degraded into Crawley, 
is derived from iaw, a hill, and Caer, ** the ordinary term applied by our Ancient 
British ancestors to Roman forts ;*' R. Carr of Hedgeley, TransactionB of Tyne- 
ride Club, Vol. I., p. «44. 



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EOMANO-BRITISH FBRIOD. 



81 



na Q 



cmk box, were discovered in 1856 in a bog. These coins 
represent a period of about 150 years, the earliest being about 
A.D. 117 and the latest A.D. 267; and belong to Hadrian, 
Lucius JElins, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Verus, 
Faustina the Younger wife of M. Aurelius, Commodus, 
Severus, Caracalla, Soliuina wife of Gallienus, and Postumus. 
Along with these, there were a brass beam 7f inches long, 
in good condition, and a small brass scale like those now 
used by apothecaries, some lead weights, and a portion of 
horse furniture made of lead* 

At Gloster Hill, near the mouth of the Coquet, a portion 
of a Roman altar was discovered in 1856. The following 
cut represents the fragment and shews the imperfect inscrip- 
tion. By comparing it with 
a more complete altar of the 
same kind from the Roman 
Wall at Benwell, which is 
dedicated to the Campestrial 
Mothers ( Matrihus Cam- 
pe8t.)y Mr William Dickson 
conjectures that the inscrip- 
tion when complete would be 

Matrihus Campestribus 
Cohors primay 
being an altar dedicated to 
the Sylvan Mothers by the 
Roman soldiers of the first 
cohort, who were at that time 
at the castrum or camp of 
that placet 

These are all the Roman remains occurring, as far as I 
know, within a moderate distance of Alnwick. North North- 
umberland lying many^ miles beyond the great wall, had 
indeed been but partially colonised by the Romans, and 
would be held by a very uncertain tenure ; for Roman settle- 
ments there, were exposed to attacks from the native tribes, 
who maintained a precarious independence among the hills, 
or from the warlike inhabitants of the more northern parts 
of the island. Whatever occupation there was of Northum- 
berland, would be within the defences of the wall or along 
the lines of the Roman roads. 

• Proceedings of the Berwickshire NBtoralists' Clubi Vol III., p. 262. 
t Idem, Vol. IV., p. 87. 




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CHAPTEE IV. 

SAXON AND DANISH PEEIODS. 

XBGKNDABY AOCJOTTHTS OF THE SAXON L0BD8 OP ALNWICK— CHEOK- 
lOLE OF AUSrWIOK ABBEY — THE TYSONS — SAXON SETTLEMENTS IN 
ALNWICK — ^BOCLANDS AND FOLCIANDS — SAXON BWELUNOS AND 
YILLS — ^ALNWICK SUBOBDINATB TO LESBUBY — SAXON OUUKCHES 
— ^ALNMOUTH SAXON CB03S — THE DANES — CLOSE OF THE SAXON 
PERIOD. 

Who was the Lord of Alnwick in Saxon times ? Dooms- 
day Book, the authentic record of the property of the country 
at the time of the conquest, did not extend to Northumber- 
land ; but the question has been answered by imaginative 
chroniclers and heralds, whose legends have been repeated 
by most of our popular historians. In the chronicle of Aln- 
wick Abbey we have the following account. 

'< Here begins the genealogy of the founders and patrons of the 
Abbey of Alnewyke, to wit, first, of Bichard Tisonne founder 
of the Chapel of Saint Wilfred of the nuns of Gisnis.* 

In the year of our Lord 1066. The arrival of the Normans in 
England. Duke Harald, son of Duke Qodwin, after the death 
of King Edward, occupied the kingdom of England, having 
broken the agreement which he coni^ted with William, Duke 
of the Normans, when he was taken in Ponthieu; whence it 
followed, that William, Duke of the Normans, called ike Bastard, 
having associated with him, Sirs Tvo de Vescy and Eustace 
Eitz-John, knights, with the people of the Norman and other 
tribes, assembled from all directions, passed over the sea with a 
fitronff band into England ; and battle being joined with Harald 
and his army, he obtained it and so was invested with the 
diadem of the kingdom. In this battle William Tisonne fell, 
whose brother, to wit, Bichard Tisonne was the founder of the 

* Ouysance : there axe BtiU remains of this chapel at Brainshangh on the 
Coquet 



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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 33 

ohapel of the nuns of Gysjns about A.D. 1000, whose father 
was called Gisbright Tisonne, founder, to wit, of the Abbeys of 
Malton, Walton, and Bridlington. This Gisbright gave to his 
son Bichard, the yill of Shilbottell, toother wiSi the church of 
Qisyng, &c. This Bichard begot Wilham Tisonne, and William 
begot German Tisonne, and German begot Dame Bone de Hilton, 
irho was the wife of WiHieun de Hilton. In this way was 
changed the surname Tisonnne into that of Hilton, and William 
de Hilton begot Alexander, and Alexander begot Sir Bobert de 
Hilton. 

But the aforesaid king gave to Yvo de Vescy his own knight, 
for his service, for wife, the only daughter of William Tisonne, 
filain in the aforesaid battle, with the baronies of Alnewyk and 
of Malton, which before that time belonged to Gisbright Tisonney 
the father of William and Eichard Tisonne." 

Though the narrative is circumstantial, yet much depend- 
ence cannot be placed on this monkish chronicle. The abbey 
was not founded till A.D. 1147, more than eighty years after 
the earliest events noticed. Lord Hailes, to whom Dr. Percy 
communicated this chronicle, does not consider its antiquity 
gpreat. It contains anachronisms and erroneous statements ; 
William Rufus, who died in 1100, is said to have given 
the daughter of William the Lion to Eustace de Vescy ; but 
Eustace was not Lord of Alnwick before 1185; and William 
the Lion is said to be the son of Malcolm, though Malcolm 
was slain 50 years before William was born. Such discrep- 
ancies detract from the authority of the chronicle. The 
original manuscript, formerly in the library of King's College, 
Cambridge, is now lost; and therefore its age cannot be 
critically tested ; it is now chiefly known from a manuscript 
copy preserved in the British Museum. Written therefore, 
probably, at least three centuries after the conquest, we may 
expect in the earlier periods, legends rather than facts. 

To this monkish statement, Dugdale, a learned and 
accurate writer, has given importance, for in his Baronage 
there is a similar account. "Among the valiant Normans " 
says he, *'that assisted Duke William in his conquest of 
England were Robert and Yvo de Vesci. On Yvo, the 
conqueror bestowed the daughter and sole heir of William 
Tyson, Lord of Alnewicke in Northumberland and of Malton 
in Yorkshire, two large baronies, both of them belonging to 
Grilbert Tyson, his father slain in battle on the part of King 
Harold."* As evidence of this, he refers in his Baronage to 

* Dugdale'fl Baronage, Vol I., p. 89. 



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84 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

a document^ 8th of Edward II., whicli he quotes at length in 
his Monasticon with the following reference — " Esc. 8 Edw. 
II., n. 6S, in sedula." As quoted by him it says — *' William 
called the Bastardy conquered the kingdom of England by 
the help of the Normans, among whom was a certain yaliant 
knight, by name Yvo Vescy, to whom King William the 
Conqueror gave the daughter of a certain William Tyson, 
Lord of the Baronies of Alnewyc and of Malton. That 
William Tyson was son and heir of a certain Gisbrit Tyson, 
who was slain in war with King Harold, and he left one 
daughter and heir given to the aforesaid Yvo by the king."* 

For this schedule I made enquiry at the Record Office in 
Jjondon, but it could not be found there ; it was probably 
nothing more than some monkish genealogy, which if un- 
supported by adequate evidence, would be of little value. 

The statements of Dugdale and the Alnwick Abbey chron- 
icle are discrepant in one point ; the former says the father 
Gisbrit was slain at Hastings with Harold ; the latter that 
the son William fell there. 

A different account is given in two manuscripts, one in the 
Harleian and the other in the Lansdown collection. They 
represent that Gilbright Tyson was Lord of Bridlington, 
Walton and Malton, and of Alnewyke, and that by his Nor- 
man wife Beatiix he had issue, William, Richard, and Agnes; 
that William, the eldest son, fell in the war against Harold; 
and left one daughter Alda, who was bestowed by the con- 
queror in marriage on Yvo de Vescy.f 

In another monkish chronicle preserved among the Har- 
leian manuscripts, recording events from A.D. 1066 to A.D. 
1422, Gisbright is named with his two sons William and 
Richard, as crossing the sea from Normandy with William 
the Bastard, and joining in the battle fought against Harold. 
Hugh de Gaunt, William de Percy, Yvo de Vescy, and the 
one-eyed Eustace Fitz-John, are mentioned as their associates 
in this undertaking ; and William Tyson is said to have been 
slain in this battle.^ 

In the old pedigrees of the Hiltons, compiled two or three 
centuries ago, the wife of William Tyson is said to have been 
daughter of Gilbert de Gaunt, earl of Lincoln, the herald 
adding to Queen Matilda's nephew, the title enjoyed by his 
grandson, Gilbert de Gaunt, in 1141. 

* Dagdale*9 Monaitioon, YI., p. 868. 
t Harlciu MS 8648, fol. 6. | Harkian MS 8648, fol. 9. 



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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 35 

Whatever thread of truth there may be in those discrepant 
statements^ this seems certain that the family of Tysons was 
not Saxon^ and that it did not hold the barony of Alnwick 
before the conquest. According to Doomsday fiook, Malton 
barony, instead of being in the possession of Yvo de Vescy, 
in right of his wife^ as the heir of the Tysons^ was in the 
hands of the king himself; and it was not till the early 
part of the twelfth century, that it became the property of 
the Lord of Alnwick by gift of King Henry I. Tyson 
indeed was a Norman family. Gislebert followed William 
from Normandy, along with the Percys, De Vescys, and 
other adventurers, to share in the plunder of a conquered 
nation ; he was the great standard bearer of William, and 
his name is thus subscribed to a charter between A.D. 1066 
and A.D. 1069, granting lands to the monks of Selby. 
Doomsday Book evidences that he was a feudatory under 
King William, and held numerous manors in the East and 
West Ridings of Yorkshire. Gislebert Tyson seems to have 
descended from the powerful house of Tesson, lords of a tract 
of country in the department Du Calvados, known as Le 
Cinglais, of which Thury-Harcourt is the capital. The 
name is neither Saxon nor Danish, but Norman — Taisson 
being a soubriquet given to the lords of Cinglais, signifying 
a badger.* 

We are therefore entirely ignorant of the lords of Alnwick 
before the conquest ; nor is there any evidence of the exist- 
ence of a castle there at that period. Glrose and others refer 
to the zigzag fretwork round the arch of the keep of the 
present castle, as "evidently of Saxon architecture;** this 
style of architecture, however, is certainly Norman ; and the 
arch is not earlier than the twelfth century. 

Notices we have of Warkworth, Whittingham, Edling- 
ham, and Eglingham with their churches, and of Bamburgh 
with its church and castle during Anglo-Saxon times ; but 
of Alnwick during that period there is no record. The 
names, however, of vills, farm houses, and hamlets within 
the district, shew that an Anglo-Saxon population settled 
there not long after the establishment of the kingdom of 
North-humberland by Ida in 647; and the name of Aln- 
wick itself being of true Anglo-Saxon formation, proves 

* Stapleton*8 Notes to the Plampton Correspondence, p. 10. Mr. W. H. D. 
Longstafie, F.8.A., also discusses the qnestion with Abiliiy in a paper on the 
Church of Guysance. 



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36 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

that a vill or town stood on the same site long before the 
conquest. Rude men the Angles were^ who wrested North- 
umberland from the Ancient Britons^ yet they brought with 
them the free institutions of the Teutonic race ; and this was 
seen in the tenures on which the lands were parcelled out 
among the early settlers. The smallest political division was 
the mark — the plot of land in some fruitful plain or valley 
by the side of a stream — of which a family or little commu- 
nity took possession. This corresponded somewhat with our 
modernjtownship; each freeman had his alod, or free estate of 
arable and pasture land, which he could alienate or transfer 
as he willed by charter, and hence it was called boc-land. 
But in the earlier times great forests and wastes surrounded 
the cleared land of the settlement ; and these, because form- 
ing the boundary, were called mark-lands ; they were not 
appropriated to individuals, but were reserved as the common 
property of the settlement, where all could depasture their 
cattle, and whence all could obtain wood and other products 
of the forest and moor-lands. They were the people's property 
and could not be alienated, and hence were called ybfc-fanrf«. 
Somewhat of sacredness and mystery hung round this land ; 
in the time of heathendom, it was under the protection of the 
gods ; and accursed were they who removed its land marks : 
after Christianity was introduced, portions of it were separ- 
ated to build and endow churches. To some peculiar burdens 
it was subject, such as the repair of royal vills, bridges, and 
other public works, the entertainment of kings and great 
men when progressing through the country, and the reward- 
ing of great public services.* Though much of this land was 
in Saxon times converted into boc-land — ^yet some portions 
survived the revolutionary sweep of the Norman conquest, 
and existed down to a recent period. The commons or 
moors, over which the inhabitants of several villages and 
towns had commonable rights, are remains of these folc-lands,t 
the people's inheritance, derived from their Saxon forefiithers. 
Several of such commons were in this neighbourhood ; they 
were at Shieldykes, Denwick, Rugley, Shilbottle, Charlton, 
Sennington, Bilton, Tuggall, Lucker, Longhoughton, Les- 
bury, Acklington, Alnham, Chatton, Rothbury ; and even now 
we have remains of them at Alnmouth, Wooler, and Alnwick. 
Kemble thinks that the ancient marks may still be traced 
by the names of places ending in den, holt, wood, hurst, and 

• Allen's Inquiry, p. 143. f Lappenberg, p. 826. 

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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 87 

faldi wbich denote forests and outlying pastures in woods;* 
and this to some extent we may do with Alnwick ; on the 
west we have the forest of Hay-6fe» and the moor of Hay- 
den^ now Alnwick Moor ; on the north we have Hin-c^ ; 
on the east^ 2>6n-wick ; on the south-east^ Scot-yb/e^-haugh, 
now Hesleyside ; and on the south 2>e»-moor. 

Small and insignificant, however, would the town itself 
be daring the Saxon period, for population then was not 
centralised ; it resembled more one of our old villages than 
a compact borough, and consisted of scattered home-steads or 
tofts, so called from tufts of trees overhanging them, built of 
wood and wattles and covered with thatch, and standing 
apart, each on its own little garth or croft. No great stone 
castle would be there looking coldly and sternly down on 
these humble dwellings ; the thane's mansio would be there, 
little different in structure, but larger than the other houses 
and probably defended by its stockade and ditch. The 
Saxons caring more for the pleasures of the table, for 
gluttonous eating and excessive drinking, than for artistic 
dwellings, were contented with houses which were frail 
and perishable. Beda in relating one of the wonderful 
miracles^ said to have been wrought by earth taken from 
the spot where Saint Oswald fell at Maserfield, incident- 
ally furnishes information of the character of their ordinary 
houses. A traveller passing over this spot observing how 
much more beautiful it was than the rest of the field, took 
some of the earth and tied it in a linen cloth, believing 
from the superior holiness of him who fell there, that it 
would be of use in curing diseases. At night he came to a 
village where the people were at supper, and hung the cloth 
on a post against the wall ; a great fire W(i9 in the middle of 
the room, from which after a time, the sparks flew upward 
and caught the top of the house, which being made of wattles 
and thatch was presently in a flame, and the whole house 
was burnt excepting the post on which the holy earth was 
hung. The whole structure must have been of wood, wattles, 
and thatch.f 

Early Norman charters and inquisitions reflect a light 
backward, and give us some glimpses of the general condition 
of the district during the Saxon period. The population was 
scattered in small vills and hamlets at some distance from 

• Kexnble*8 Saxons in England, Vol. I., p. 480. 
f Beda'fl Ecclesiastical History. 



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88 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

each other, standing on cleared and cultivated ground in the 
midst of moor-lands and forests. Every vill had at least ten 
families of freemen — ^proprietors of land — forming the ancient 
tithing. On the south side of the Aln, was the largest vill 
of Alnwick with its folc-land of Hayden; further southward 
was the vill of Rugley with it« moor or common land ; and 
beyond this were the Scheles * with the moor or common of 
Swinleys. Bertewellf had less than ten families and was but 
a hamlet and had no common of its own, but enjoyed rights 
over Hayden along with the men of Alnwick. Less informa- 
tion we nave of the north side of the Aln, for a considerable 
portion was granted at an early Norman period to abbeys ; 
but there we have the vill of Denwick with its moor or folc- 
land ; and the vill of Hincliff with its moor or common, and 
its wood extending from Hinden to the Aln. The popula- 
tion was agricultural and warlike ; every free-man who tilled 
his own grounds, was ready with his strong arm and bold 
spirit to defend the hearth, the home, and the land he held 
as his own, against agressors. 

Alnwick seems during this period to have been in some 
degree dependent on and subordinate to Lesbury. In the 
twelfth century, Alnwick Church, as well as those of Long- 
houghton and Alnmouth, was a chapelry under Lesbury; 
and it was also so returned in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica in 
the fourteenth century. May not Lesbuiy have been the 
principal town in the district, where the greatest Thane had 
his burh or fortified dwelling ? A situation with so genial a 
climate, such productive land, and so well sheltered, would 
be among the first occupied by the Angles. And here, where 
the lord lived, would rise the first Christian church, which 
for some time might serve for the district around; but as 
population increased, new chapels would be erected at Aln- 
wick and other places, which would be served by ministers 
sent from the parent church. The name Lesbury favours the 
pre-eminence of the place, for the termination byrigy modern- 
ised into huryy indicates a town of some importance. 

Saxon relics have not, so far as I know, been found within 
the parish of Alnwick. No sepulchres have been discovered, 
nor traces of Saxon habitations. Remains indeed of this 
period have seldom been observed in Northumberland; but 
probably, as our present towns, villages, and church-yards 
occupy the sites of those existing in Saxon times, the remains 

• Now Shieldykes. f Now Hobberlaw. 



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1^. 





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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 39 

of that period may have been obliterated by the frequent 
re-building of houses and repeated interments in the grave- 
yards, during the course of the last eight centuries. The 
Saxons however, were not great builders of castles or camps ; 
they relied more on their strong arms and warlike spirit. 

A few churches were built of stone. Hexham Church, 
erected by Wilfred, was the wonder of the age, with its 
pillars and arches and substantial masonry ; but this famous 
work was not the production of native workmen, but of arti- 
ficers brought from Rome. Churches of stone were, we 
know, at Warkworth and Whittingham ; of the former, the 
foundations were laid bare in 1859, revealing stones similar 
to a few built into the walls ; and the fragment of a cross, 
ornamented with knot or interlacing work, characteristic of 
the period, occurred. There still, however, is to be seen at 
Whittingham, the under part of the Saxon tower. Double 
windows divided by a rude balustre, existed in this tower as 
late as A.D. 1840; and even now the peculiar long and 
short work at the comers, and the rude, though durable 
rubble masonry of the walls, mark this as an interesting 
relic of the architecture of our Saxon forefathers. Frag- 
ments of Saxon crosses have also been found at Norham, 
Lindisfame, and at Rothbury. 

But the most interesting Saxon remain is the shaft of a 
cross which was found in 1789 near to the the ruins of the 
ancient church of Alnmouth;* and as that little ancient 
burgh town has been intimately connected with Alnwick as 
its seaport, and as moreover, the cross is preserved in Aln- 
wick Castle Museum, I shall give an illustrative drawing 
and description of this relic of the Saxon time — Plate III. 

This fragment consists of two slabs of sandstone, the 
faces and ends of which are entirely covered with sculptures 
and inscriptions ; the sculptures are in low relief, and the 
inscriptions are incised. The whole is 8 feet 10 inches 
in height ; 16 inches broad at the base and 14^ inches at 
the top ; and 7 inches in thickness at the base and 6 inches 

* It has been often repeated that this was called " Woden's Church" from the 
Saxon divinity, and that it was founded on the site of one of his temples ; this 
however, is but a modern and very groundless £uicy ; a Christian churoh would 
not bear the name of a heathen god ; and moreoTer, the present name of the 
village of Wooden which has been adduced in support of the fancy is compara- 
tively modem, though probably, having a similar meaning with the more ancient 
name* which in chatters and inquisitions appears in 1333 as WaUen, and in 1396 
as WoUen, from the Anglo-Saxon Weald, wood-land. 



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40 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

at the top. One fiEU^e represents the crucifixion ; our Lord 
is extended on the cross, and above him are the sun and 
moon ; the two thieves are at his side a little below ; and 
at the foot are two of his executioners. Above this represen- 
tation is an inscription now considerably obliterated; the 

letters . . . . VDW E. . , ,FE. . . . can be made out ; 

Mr. Haigh however, sees more than this, and reads the 
whole, "Hhludwyg me fixed." The other face is chiefly- 
filled with knot or interlacing work ; but there is the follow- 
ing inscription in one line which is in good preservation, 
''MYREDEH MEH WO;" that is ^^Myredeh me wrought;" 
being the name of the sculptor of the stone. On one of the 
sides there is an inscription m two lines, " AEDVLFES TH;" 
and on the other there is another much defaced, of which I 
can trace with distinctness . . . ,AV. . . . ; but Mr. Haigh has 
read it SAVL. The letters are mostly Roman, though a 
few are Saxon runes. The names of the artists are however, 
not Anglo-Saxon nor even Teutonic, but Celtic ; Mr. Haigh 
says undoubtedly Irish. The number of very fine crosses of 
a similar character in Ireland, would shew that the art of 
sculpture on stone had been cultivated there ; and possibly 
skilled men from that country may have travelled about 
England to execute similar works. The inscriptions are 
imperfect ; the workmen we know ; but it can only be con- 
jectured, for whom this cross was erected. Mr. Haigh 
thinks it probable, that when complete, the inscription 
would read '^This is King Eadulfs grave. Pray for his 
soul." It may have been erected to Eadulf, who, on the 
death of Alfired, king of Northumberland, in 705, usurped 
the throne; and who, after besieging Berchtfred, the guardian 
of the young King Osdred in Bamburgh, was repulsed, put 
to flight, and slain.* 

DANES. 

The inroads of the Northmen or Danish sea kings, intro- 
duced a new population into some parts of Britain, and for 
some time England was under Danish government. From 
the latter part of the eighth century down to the eleventh 
century, the coast of England was seldom free firom the 
ravages of these daring and ruthless pirates. Even to the 
present day there is a traditionary horror of their power and 
cruelty ; and it has been common to attribute to them, with- 
out any sufficient grounds, the camps and earth-works of this 

• Aiohsologift JBliana, I., pp. 178^ 180. 

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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 41 

district. No remains of an undoubted Danish character have 
been found. The Danes do not seem^ however, to have 
settled in any considerable numbers in this countv; they 
swept over it like a tempest in iitful gusts, and rather 
destroyed than occupied the land. Frequent references are 
made m history as to their settlement in Northumberland ; 
but we must distinguish between the ancient Saxon kingdom 
of North-humber-land and the modem county of that name ; 
for while the former always included the counties between 
the Humber and the Tweed, and sometimes the whole dis- 
trict between the Humber and the Forth, the modem North- 
umberland is limited to the eastern district between the Tyne 
and the Tweed. It was in the southern part of this kingdom, 
in the old province of Deira, that Danish settlements were 
made, rather than in the northern province of Bemicia. A 
dominant population leaves its impress on a country in the 
names of places ; but while in North Northumberland, the 
Anglo-Saxon terminations of harriy wick, ton, toorth, bottle, 
applied to towns and villages are common, the distinctive 
Danish names of by, thorpe, thtoaite, applied to towns, do 
not occur ; nor isfeli applied to mountains, and there is only 
one case of beck — ^in the river Wansbeck. Danish popula- 
tions were chiefly located in Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, West- 
moreland, and Cumberland. As we recede northward on 
the eastern side of the island, the traces of the Danes become 
fainter; in Lincolnshire there are 212 names of places ending 
in by and 63 in thorpe ; in Yorkshire there are 167 in by, 
87 in thorpe, and 9 in thwaite; but in Durham there are 
only 7 in fty and 7 in thorpe, and in Northumberland there 
is i in thorpe and none in by,* But while there is no 
evidence of extensive settlements of Danes in Northumber- 
land, the use of several words of Danish origin in the common 
speech of the district around Alnwick, proves that there was 
a sprinkling of Danes among the Anglo-Saxon population. 
I have strung together a few sentences in language used in 
the district, to show how mixed our common speech is with 
the Northmen's dialect, and I have put in italics those of 
Danish origin. 

Johnsen leived in a sma' farm-stead whuch he had /ra his/or«- 
elders; it wa(b a poor bit place covered wi' thack and had a steyan 
riggen. The stack-yar/A had a hedge roond it, whuch Johnsen 
had nicely clipped. He drove oot some stois and nowth beasts, 

• Wonaae's Danes in England. 



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42 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

and then set to wark to lift the mitck in, the midden wi' a grape 
into a cart whuch had Strang limmers. He then set off to the 
loft and stable and put hay into the heck, and com into the cribs. 
He went doon the toon geyt to the emxddyy where the smith was 
hammering away on his studdy wi' his eark sleeves rouled up, an 
speered if he minded to mend the door heap ; he said he had'nt. 
Well, said Johnsen, ye'll hev to^iV if ye dinna mind better ; last 
time aw was here — Cnm now, said the smith, dinna rip up and 
grievances; aw'll uphaud that yees hev the heap the mom's night, 
and when aw bring it to ye, ye'll stand a nip o' brandy. "W^en 
ganging hame, Johnsen heard the gowk crj ku-ku, and saw lots 
o' burds picking up worms wi' their nebe. His house he iand 
ftnred up, for his wife was but a eackless stumpy body ; she had 
her gown kilted up and was kerning butter ; the baime were dam- 
mering ane through other; yen who had been greeting because 
her frock had been rived wi' a slaw-ihomf was now glowering 
at the reek ganging up the chimley; another was playing with the 
kittlin on her knee. A bigger yen was redden another's hair wi' a 
redden-caym, and crying, when she was restless, sit still or aw'll 
gar ye ! Two frem-Jblke came in and speered their road ; the wife 
bid them sit down and bide a bit. They said they had oome 
through a field for nearness and were veny near nabbed for tres- 
paasin, and so had to run for it. The wife then gave them kirn- 
milk to elockken their drought ; but the wooden bicker was not 
tight and the milk was eiping out. They pleased the little baim 
by gieing her a neif-fuU of nuts. They could'nt bide lang as they 
had far to go, and it was likely they would hev a murky night. 

Towards the close of the Anglo-Saxon period^ when much 
of the folc-land was appropriated to individuals, when free- 
men's rights were curtailed and their condition depressed^ 
and when the estates of thanes or lords were greatly extended, 
the nation was weakened and became a prey to civil dissen- 
sion and foreign invasion. The results were disastrous, and 
teach a warning lesson to our own times. ** Nothing " says 
Kemble, ''can be more clear than that the universal breaking 
up of society in the time of ^thelred, had its source in the 
ruin of the old organisation of the country. The successes 
of Swegen and Cnut, and even of William the Norman, had 
much deeper causes than the mere gain or loss of one or more 
battles. A nation never falls till the citadel of its moral 
being has been betrayed and become untenable. Northern 
invasions will not account for the state of brigandage which 
jEthelred and his witan deplore in so many of their laws. 
The ruin of the free cultivators and the overgrowth of the 
lords are much more likely causes."* 

* Kemb]e*8 Saxons in England, p. 807. 



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CHAPTEE V. 

TYSON AND DE VE80T PEEIOD, FROM 1066 TO 1297. 

D001£SDA.Y BOOK — aiSLEBEBT TYSON AND HIS DESCENDANTS —MAL- 
COLM CAENMORE SLAIN — MALOOLM's CBOSS — YVO DB VE8CT — 
BtrSTACB FITZ-JOHN — LANDS GBANTED TO HIM — SIEGE OF BAM- 
BX7BOH CASTLE — BATTLE OF THE STANDARD — CHUECHES AND 
ABBEYS FOUNDED — ^WILLIAM DB VB8CY — SIEOE OF ALNWICK 
OASTLB — WILLIAM THE LION TAKEN PEI80NEB— OLANVTLLB 
THE CHIEF JT7STICIAB — GIFTS TO THE CHUBOH — EUSTACE DB 
VESCY — WAB WITH SOOTLAND— KING JOHN AT ALNWJGK — HIS 
ATTEMPT 'to DI8HON0UB EUSTACE* S WIFE — HE BUBNS ALNWICK 
— WILLL^LM DE VESCY — TESTA DB NEVILLE— JOHN DE VESCY — 
CIVIL WAB — MONTFOED — ALNWICK CASTLE BESIEGED BY PEINCB 
EDWABD — JOHN DE VESCY IN HOLY LAND— -WILLIAM DE VESCY 
ACCUSED OF FELONY— CLAIMS TO THE UNION OF SCOTLAND — 
CHABACTEB OF THE DE VESCYS — PEDIGBEB. 

The Norman conquest in A.D. 1066 effected a sudden 
change in the condition of England and in the distribution 
of property. A nation was trodden under foot ; most of her 
nobles were slain or driven into exile ; and her people were 
stript of their possessions and reduced to poverty or slavery. 
The lands wrested from the Anglo-Saxons were bestowed by 
"William the Conqueror on the needy adventurers, who for 
the hope of plimder, had followed his standard. One battle 
had the effect of founding a new dynasty and revolutionising 
property. Though stem, cruel, and unscrupulous, the Nor- 
man king was a statesman as well as a warrior, and he knew 
how to keep what he had conquered. For this purpose he 
established in England strict feudal law; and the great survey 
of the country, which he ordered, is supposed to have been 
made with a view to the full establishment of that system. 
"The king," says the Saxon chronicle, *'had a great consul- 
tation and spoke very deeply concerning the land, how it 
was held and what were its tenantry. He then sent his men 



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44 UISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

over all England into every shire^ and caused tbem to ascer- 
tain how many hundred hides it contained, and what lands 
the king possessed thereon, what cattle there were in the 
several counties, and how much revenue he ought to receive 
yearly from each. He also caused them to write down how 
much land belonged to his archbishops, to his bishops, his 
abbots, and his earls. What property every inhabitant 
possessed in land or in castle, and how much money this 
was worth. So very narrowly did he cause this survey to be 
made, that there was not a single hide nor a rood of land 
nor — it is shameful to relate that which he thought no shame 
to do — was there an ox, or a cow, or a pig passed by, and 
was not set down in the accounts." This was Doomsday 
Book, a valuable record giving information not only of the 
Norman feudatories and of the extent of their possessions, 
but in many cases of the previous Saxon proprietors. The 
survey however, did not include the northern counties, prob- 
ably on account of their wasted and unsettled condition. 
We do not, therefore, know from authentic authority, either 
what Saxon held Alnwick prior to the conquest, or what 
Norman was its first lord. 

The statement in the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, that 
Yvo de Vescy received from the conqueror the gift of the 
barony of Alnwick is certainly erroneous. His name does 
not occur amongst those who came with William from Nor- 
mandy ; and judging from the date of the decease of his son- 
in-law, Eustace Fitz-John, in 1157 — ^ninety-one years after 
the conquest — it is evident, that Yvo de Vescy must have 
been a mere child when that event took place. We cannot 
therefore suppose, that he was in possession of the barony 
earlier than 1096, thirty years after the conquest. Who 
during this interval was Lord of Alnwick ? This can only be 
conjectured. So much truth there may be in the legendary 
accounts as to give probability to the opinion that Gislebert 
Tyson was the first Norman lord ; and to him — ^his standard 
bearer, who was a great military officer — the Conqueror may 
have given manors north of the Tyne, especially as the 
district was turbulent and far from the seat of government. 
Mr. Stapleton suggests, that Robert de Mowbray the first 
Norman Earl of Northumberland may have influenced Tyson 
to share in his rebellion against the king in 1095, wnich 
ended in the expulsion, from their seignories, of many Nor- 
man barons whom the chroniclers omit to name.* We know 



^ Plumpton CormpondMiM, p. 1 1. 



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TTSON AND D£ VESCT PEBIOD. 45 

that Tyson's vast estates in Yorkshire, which he held in 
capite^ were forfeited about this period ; and most of them 
were granted to Nigel de Albini. Some time afterwards, 
Gislebert Tyson was restored to grace, and reinstated in the 
possession of Holme-upon-Spaldmgmore ; but the glory of 
the family had passed away ; they lost their original (Ugnified 
tenure, and occupied the humbler position of sub-feudatories 
under Nigel de Albini. Even this result was not attained 
without expense ; for Adam, the eldest son and heir of Gisle* 
bert, accounted in 1131 for his father's debts and for a fine 
to plead for his lands, imtU the son of Nigel de Albini, who 
assumed the name of Boger de Mowbray, was a knight. In 
the Liber Niger, we find that William Tyson, the son of 
Adam, held in 1168, fifteen knights' fees under Mowbray. 
Besides Adam, Gislebert Tyson had a younger son, Richard, 
to whom very probably, when he held the barony of Alnwick, 
were granted the vills of Shilbottle, Hazon, Newton, Ben- 
nington and Broxfield, and the church of Guyzance, as this 
Bichard and his descendants were in possession of these 
estates. Not only is this referred to in the chronicle of Aln- 
wick Abbey, but it is more fully stated in the charter of 
Eustace Fitz-John to Alnwick Abbey in 1147, which "con- 
firmed the churchof St. Wilfred of Gysnes, that Bichard Tysone 
gave to the canons of the abbey in perpetual alms, with one 
measure and two ox-gangs of land in the same vill, and with 
Halghe where the church is, with Bidlei, and with Morwick- 
halghe, as Bichard granted to them." To this confirmation 
Bichard himself was one of the witnesses. The manors held 
by Bichard imder the Alnwick barony were to the extent of 
two knights' fees, being the sixth part of that barony ; and 
these passed to his descendants. In the Liber Niger, Wil- 
liam his son is named as possessing them in A.D. 1168, as of 
ancient feoffinent, that is, granted before the year 1185« The 
descendants of Bichard were in possession of these estates in 
42nd Edward III., (1369,) when Bobert de Hilton, who was 
descended firom Tyson through Bone the grand-daughter of 
William, held the vills Schilbotell, Haysand, Gysens, and 
of Benyngton and five-tenth parts of the hamlet of Brokes- 
field of Henry Percy by service of two inights' fees and one- 
fourteenth of a fee. -There is no authentic record of Gislebert 
having a son called William, and therefore the statement, 
often repeated, that Alda, the daughter of this William, was 

* In ehkf, or directly from the king. 

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46 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

given in marriage by William the Bastard to Yvo de Veecy 
in reward of his services, must be regarded as a myth. 

Prior however to Mowbray's rebellion, Alnwick was the 
scene of a memorable event. Northumberland, being border 
land, has often been the battle field on which the prowess 
of England and Scotland was tried. The Roman wall, at 
an early period, cut it off from England ; the ancient Saxon 
kingdom of North-humberland had undefined limits, some- 
times extending into Scotland as far as the Forth ; while on 
the other hand, the Scots, at a later period, had claims both 
over it and Cumberland; it hence became debateable ground, 
and gave rise to complications which treaties could not un- 
loose, but which were rudely cut through by the sword. 

Malcolm Caenmore or Great Head, who was king of Scot- 
land when William conquered England, had married Mar- 
garet, the sister of Edgar Atheling, the true heir to the 
English throne; his sympathies were, therefore, with the 
oppressed Saxon nobles, many of whom found refuge with 
him in Scotland. Five times did Malcolm enter Northum- 
berland with an army and waste it with cruel pillage.* In 
one of these raids, in A.D. 1070, after desolating the land 
and destroying the weak and old, he carried away the robust 
and condemned them to slavery, in such numbers, that there 
was scarcely a house in Scotland but possessed an English 
male or female slave.f The king of liigland, employed at 
this time in crushing the brave efforts of the noble Hereward 
in behalf of national freedom in the isle of Ely, could not 
take his usual vigorous methods to check the Scottish king. 
As soon however, as he was in possession of Ely, he marched 
with an army into Scotland ; and at Abemethy was met by 
Malcolm with an army of equal strength: Since the victory 
at Hastily, which gave him a throne, William was unwilling 
to place his power on the hazard of a general engagement. 
He therefore, was more ready to negotiate than to fight ; and 
a treaty was concluded, by which Malcolm agreed to do 
homage for the lands he held in England; and William 
agreed to receive Edgar Atheling with favour and to grant 
him an honourable establishment. For a time the tide of 
war was rolled back from the Borders. 

Displeased with the usurpation of William Rufus, Mal- 
colm, after the conqueror's death, made another raid into the 
county and carried off great booty ; but when Rufus was 

• Simeon Danel ilist p. 21 S. f Knyghton, p. 2384. 



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TYSON AND DB VESCY PERIOD. 47 

prepared to avenge the wrong, peace was concluded through 
the mediation of Bobert, the brother of the king of England 
and Edgar Atheling ; it being agreed that Malcolm should 
hold the same lands in England as he held under the Con- 
queror, but that he should do homage for them to Bufus. 
When Malcolm however, according to agreement attended 
the king of England's court at Gloucester, he was treated 
with so much insolence and disdain by the haughty Rufiis, 
that he returned to Scotland breathing vengeance. Nor did 
he suffer his resentment long to sleep ; but summoning his 
men to arms, he, along with Edward his eldest son and heir 
to his throne, burst across the Borders in the winter of A.D. 
1093, and pillaged the northern parts of Northumberland 
and destroyed it by fire as far as Alnwick. But while he 
and his army lay on St. Brice's Day, the 18th of November, 
in fancied security, on high moor ground sloping to the river 
Aln, one mile northward of Alnwick,* the hour was drawing 
nigh when vengeance would overtake him on the scene which 
his ravages had made desolate. Bobert de Mowbray was at 
this time official earl of Northumberland and governor of 
Bamburgh Castle, and on him devolved the defence of the 
county. He raised as many forces as he could, and was 
aided by Morel, a courageous knight, his steward or sheriff 
and godfather of Malcolm himself. Finding, probably, that 
his little band could not cope in the open field with the huge 
army of the king of Scotland, Mowbray had recourse to 
stratagem ; and making a sudden attack, probably from an 

* From the waift of concurrence in ancient chronicles, douhta have heen enters 
tained both as regards the place where Malcolm fell and the manner of his death. 
The Saxon chronicle says that Robert, earl of Northumberland, with his men 
lay in wait for him; that he was slain anawares by Morsel the earl's steward and 
Malcolm's godfather, and Uiat his son Edward was hilled with him: Malmesbury, 
that he was despatched by the party of Robert, earl of Northumberland, rather 
through stratagem than force : Wendover, that he and his son were intercepted 
and slain. Simeon says he with his first-bom were slain near the rirer Aln ; 
both, according to Bromton, fell near Alnwick ; and Fordun says he was besieging 
Alnwick Castle when he was killed by stratagem and his son mortally wounded. 
Fordon's statement respecUog Alnwick Castle being besieged is not supported by 
authority and is improbable ; but I see no reason to doubt that Malcolm was slain 
near to Ahiwick, on the spot which tradition points out as the scene of this event ; 
not only does this accord with the account by Bromton, but it is confirmed by the 
luatorical extracts transmitted by the prior and convent of Cailisle to Edward 1. 1 
— "MXCIIL, Malcolm, king of the Scots, and his eldest son Edward were alaia 
at Alnewyc by the soldiers of Robert, earl of Northumberland.** 



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48 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

ambuscade, the Scottish army were thrown into confusion, 
Malcokn was slain by the hand of Morel, and Edward his 
son was mortally wounded. The Scottish army fled ; many 
were killed by the sword, but more perished by floods in the 
rivers, which were more swollen than usual by the heavy 
winter rains. "And thus it happened" says the pious 
chronicler, " that the justice of the judgment of God was 
openly manifested ; for where Malcolm had deprived many 
of life, goods, and liberty, he there by the judgment of God 
lost his life and property." 

Though wounded, Edward must have been carried off the 
field by some of the soldiers who escaped, for he died three 
days afterwards at Edward Isle in Jedwood Forest. The 
Scottish army having fled, and Mowbray*s soldiers having 
gone in pursuit of the enemy, the body of Malcolm lay 
neglected on the spot where he died. None of the thou- 
sands, whom he had governed, was there to give his corpse 
honourable sepulture ; but two natives of the district placed 
it on a cart and conveyed it to Tynemouth, where it was 
interred.* After resting there about thirty years, the body was 
removed by Alexander, the son of Malcolm, and re-interred 
at Dunfermline before the rude altar in the nave of the 
church; and there too, rest the remains of his two sons 
Edward and Ethelred, and of his sainted wife Margaret.t 
When this good queen heard of the death of her husband, 
she was suddenly seized with great infirmity and borne down 
with grief; after an illness of three days, **8he was released" 
says Simeon, '^ firom carnal chains and translated, as is be- 
lieved, to the joy of eternal safety." 

The chronicle of Alnwick Abbey gives the following 
account of this disaster. "Eustace de Vescy gave to the 
Abbey of Alnwick a certain country portion, which is called 
Quarelflat, for that land upon which he founded the Chapel of 
Saint Leonard for the soul of Malcolm, king of Scotland, and 
of his wife Saint Margaret, queen of the Scots ; who in the 
same place was slain with his eldest son Edward in the year 
of our Lord 1093, to wit, in the 7th year of King Wiluam 
Bufus, son of the Bastard. . . . Malcolm was there 

« Simeon, p. 219 ; Bromton, p. 990. 

t Fordun, Book Y., chap. 25. In " Notices of the Burial of King Malcolm 
III. in the monastery of Tynemouth and snhseqnent History of his Remains,** 
by /• Stuart, Esq., F.S.A., Scot, the subject is fully examined and much inter- 
esting information given ; Proceedings of Soe. of Antiq. of Scot 



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TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD. 49 

mortally wounded near a certain springs leaving his own 
name to that spring even for ever. Hence that spring is 
called in the native English tongue, Malcolmswell. This 
King Malcolm was wounded hy Hamund, then constable of 
the said Eustace de Yesey, with a certain lance, on the point 
of which he had placed the keys of the castle of Alnwick for 
a pledge, as if placing the castle with all its inhabitants in 
subjection to Malcolm, king of Scotland. This deed being 
done, Hamund returned with a quick step, sound, unhurt, 
and whole, passing over a ford of water immensely great, 
and then by the divine will overflowing above measure, 
and leaving his own name to this ford; whence the ford 
where he passed over is called, in the native English tongue, 
Hamund's Ford from that day and thenceforward." This 
story however, is but a clumsy monkish legend, written long 
after Malcolm's death ; it does not accord with the accounts 
in the earlier chronicles; and in one point at least, it is 
directly opposed to known historic fact. No constable of 
Eustace de Vescy could have slain Malcolm, for Eustace was 
not in possession of the barony of Alnwick till A.D. 1186, 
ninety-two years after Malcolm's death.* 

A cross stood, from an early period, on the spot which 
tradition pointed out as that where Malcolm was slain. 
Two fragments of this still remain, part of the base and 
the upper limb of the cross ; they are of rude workmanship ; 
but in 1774, Elizabeth, duchess of Northumberland, a de- 
scendant of Malcolm, replaced this with another, ornamented 
in the feeble style of the period, having the following in- 
scriptions on the west and east sides of the pedestal : — 

,,A^^,«. ,« K- Malcolm's ceoss, 

MALCOIiK TTT-- ' 

__~^^ ' DECAYED BT TIME, 

S3N0 OE SCOTLAND, ax«.«i 

J^Z^Z^ZT^ V^ EESTOBED BY 

BESIEOINO ^^^ Tx«o/««^*«,„ 

HIS DESCENDANT. 

ALNWICK CASTLE, ^~V , Tv^ZLlT I™ 

' ELIZ : DUCHESS OF 

WAS HEBE SLAIN, JTrZ-^-^^J^^ ^J-r. 

2. NOBTHUMBEBLAND. 

NOT. Xm., AN. MXOni. wT^«^t^T^ 

' MDOOLXXrV. 

* Pordim's aoeount is similar to that in this chTonic1e» and has evidently been 
eoaeocted <mt of monkish legends ; he is the only ancient historian who men- 
tions AinwSok Castle. According to him, the garrison having no hope of relief, 
one of them» more skilful, braye, and daring than the others, undertook to free 
his companions or to die in the attempt. He cautiously approached the king's 
itrmyf and in a pleasant manner enquired for the king, saying that he had 
come to deliver up to him the castle^ and as proof of his intention pointed to the 
keys of the eastle attached to the end of his spear. Malcolm having heard this, 

H 



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50 



HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 



na lo 



On the south face is the lion of Scotland on a shield, 
with Scottish thistles in the corners of the panel ; and on 

the north face the 
Scottish thistle is sur* 
mounted by a crown f 
both design and work- 
manship are poon 
This cross stands in a 
plantation close to the 
great north road one 
mile northward of 
Alnwick, and the frag- 
ments of the old cros9 
are near to it in the 
same wood. 

Malcolm was a 
heroic character, and 
he has been invested 
with imaginary vir- 
tues. Without suffi- 
cient reason, to him 
have been attributed 
the introduction, not 
only of feudal law, but 
also of representative 
government into Soot- 
MAL.COL.M'S CROSS- land. The Gaels de- 
ftBM AiNi OF THE OLD CROSS IN THE BACKGROUND, gcribc him as haviug a 

handsome person and 
cheerful mind. He undoubtedly displayed great vigour; 
and under trying circumstances maintained the indepen- 
dence of his kingdom against the Norman power. Like his 
co-temporaries, he was cruel ; but the influence of his wife^ 
the sainted Margaret, in some degree softened his character. 

TVO DE VE80T. 

Yvo de Vescy is the first Norman baron of Alnwick of 
whom we have certain information ; and yet of him not much 
is known ; for we have no record of his birth, marriage, time 

and apprehending no deceit, ineantioaily sprang from hn tent, and nnarmed met 
the Boidier* who, treacheroasly taking advantage of the defeneeless king, pierced 
him through, and immediately fleeing to the shelter of a wood escaped from the 
Seottish armj. Foidnn, Book lY., chap, 2& 




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TTSON AND DE YESCT PERIOD. 61 

of obtaining the barony, nor of his death. He became the 
baron of Alnwick probably a little after A.D. 1096 ; but the 
original charter is not in existence. He died prior to A.D. 
1135, as in that year his successor was in possession of the 
barony. His name first occurs in a charter granted to his 
grandson by Henry II., who reigned from A.D. 1154 to A.D. 
1189. To William de Vesci, by this charter, the king con- 
firms in fee and hekship, all the lands and tenures of Eustace 
Fitz-John his father, with all appurtenances of the same, 
which he held in chief of the king or howsoever held, to wit 
of his demesne fee, to hold of the king in chief, the castle of 
Alnewyk and the whole honour, which belonged to Ivo de 
Vesci his grandfather with all their appurtenances. The 
barony of Maltou was never held by Yvo. 

The Vcscy family came into England with William the 
Conqueror; and the name Robert de Vesci appears in Dooms- 
day Book as holding manors in Northamptonshire, Warwick- 
shire, lincolnsfaire, Leicestershire. To this family belonged 
Vassy, a commune in the department of Calvados in Nor- 
mandy, from which it took the name. 

Yvo de Vescy never rose to distinction ; his name appears 
not in history, and of his virtues and vices we are ignorant. 
With him, however, probably began the building of a great 
baronial stronghold, for in the charter referred to, he is named 
in connection with Alnwick Castle. He died about the year 
A.D. 11S4, leaving an only daughter Beatrix, but no male 
issue. 

EUSTACE FITZ-JOHN. 

Eustace Fitz-John obtained the barony of Alnwick, by 
marrying Beatrix the heiress of Yvo de Vescy, and was in 
possession of it in 1135. His descent as given by heraldists 
18 confused and contradictory ; he is said to have been the 
sob of John de Burgh, and nephew of Serlo de Burgh, lord 
of Knaresborough, who dying without issue, was succeeded 
in his possessions by his brother John, called Monoculus, 
because he had but one eye. All this, however, is more than 
doubtful ; for Eustace held Knaresborough not in heirship, 
but as a farmer under the crown. 

Eustace Fitz-John was an able man, and played a dis- 
tinguished, if not always an honourable part in public affairs. 
Aildred says of him, ^' He was one of the chief peers in Eng- 
land, and intimately acquainted with King Henry I., and 
of great wisdom and of singular judgment in counsels." He 



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63 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

seems^ however^ to have had a careful regard to his own 
aggrandisement^ for his possessions became largely increased 
by marriage and royal grants. Henry I. gave him by charter, 
'Hhe laud Archaristan which I have in my demesne in 
Baenburc,* to wit the land of Spileston^f and the mill of 
Warnet,^ which render to me yearly sixty shillings. And 
the land of Bolla§ with (appurtenances) which was wont to 
render me yearly forty shillings." Henry, son of the king 
of Scotland, granted him by charters the lands of Bertun and 
Pottun, Pathestun, Struechea, and also the fee and service of 
Bobert de Muntut of five knights' fees ; and also the fee of 
Toteham and other lands. He held fees too of the Arch- 
bishop of York and of the Bishop of Durham. From the 
confirmatory charter granted by Henry II. to William de 
Vescy, grandson of Eustace Fitz-John, we learn, that Henry I. 
gave to this Eustace the whole fee of Radulph Gaugi, to wit, 
Elingeham, and Dochesefibdam,|| and Osberwyc,^^ and Hac- 
ton, and Netferton, and also many lands in the counties of 
Durham and Yorkshire, among which was the barony of 
Malton. So high did he stand in the favour of his sovereign, 
that he was appointed sheriff of Northumberland, and in his 
official capacity, governor of Bamburgh Castle. His vast 
possessions and official position gave him the command of 
extensive military resources; and he had both the means 
and inclination to influence public movements. 

Eustace must, however, have been learned as well as brave, 
and much in advance of the rude, ilUterate barons of the 
period. We find him an itinerant justice of the northern 
counties in 1129, associated with Walter de Espec, one of 
the noblest men of the age. In the earliest Pipe Bolls 
preserved, of the reign of Henry I., his name repeatedly 
appears. 

'^ Hugh, the son of Odo, rendered an account of twenty 
shillings for the pleas of W. Espec and Eustace Fitz-John, 
and for livery of Walter Espec and Eustace Fitz-John, 
twelve shillings and sixpence. In pardon by writ of the 
king, Eustace Fitz-John seventy-two shillings. Six pounds 
are due by the sheriff, and this remains on the land of 
Eustace Fitz-John." He had the wardship of Blida, a place 
in Nottinghamshire, and for this he renders an account of 
£22 lis. lOd. 

* Bamburgb. f Spindleston. I Warn. § Budl«. 

II Doxfoid. ^ Elwick. 



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TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD. 58 

FoT some time after the accession of Stephen as king of 
England in 1135^ Eustace did not enjoy the favour of his 
sovereign. Though no defined principle of succession to the 
throne had been established, many of the barons regarded 
Stephen as a usurper ; and it would seem, that Eustace par- 
ticipating in this feeling, secretly favoured the cause of the 
Empress Maud.* He was therefore viewed with suspicion ; 
and the governorship of Bamburgh Castle — ^then the most 
important northern stronghold — ^was taken from him. He 
had, however, raised or completed strongholds of his own. 
Alnwick Castle is described at this period as '^ most strongly 
fortified ;" and he had erected Malton Castle in the midst of 
bis Yorkshire lands. At length he openly joined the enemies 
of King Stephen, and lent his aid, with all the forces he 
could assemble, to David king of the Scots, who, in the 
autumn of A.D. 1138, made a hostile expedition into Eng- 
land. Alnwick Castle was given up to the king of the Scots. 
The united forces marched to Bamburgh Castle, which they 
were not able to take; but the young men of the place rashly 
going before a rampart which was in front of the castle, so 
tormented the Scots with derisive shouts, that aroused by 
such insulting conduct, they fiercely attacked and broke 
down the wall, and rushing within, slew a hundred of these 
foolish youths. Unable to take the castle itself, the Scottish 
army, after destroying all the com in the neighbourhood, 
marched onward towards Yorkshire, leaving behind them a 
trackway of desolation and blood. Eustace Fitz-John pur- 
posed delivering up Malton Castle to King David ; but the 
progress of the army was arrested at Northallerton, where 
the famous battle of the Standard was fought, of which some 
account must be given, as a Yescy and a Percy fought on one 
side and a Percy on the other.f The Scottish army numbered 
26,000 men, and was composed of Scots, Picts, Gallowaymen, 
and Northumbrians. To resist this formidable array, the 
aged but vigorous minded Archbishop Thurstan and Walter 
de Espec the sheriff had summoned to the field, a small but 
determined body of brave warriors, consisting chiefly of the 
nobles and principal men of the province of York. In a 
wide field near AUerton, they assembled around a remark- 
able standard, (from which the battle took its name,) formed 
of the mast of a ship erected on the beam of a chariot ; on its 

• Hist Bic Hag., (Twisden,) p. 819. 
f AUn de Percy le Metchin fought on the side of the Scots. 



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54 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

top a large cross was displayed, having in its centre the con- 
secrated host ; and floating beneath were the banners of St. 
Peter and St. John of Beverly, and of St. Wilfrid of Ripon. 
William de Percy, Robert de Brus, and Bernard de Baliol, 
an experienced soldier, were with the English army ; and 
the two last, who held lands in Scotland as well in England, 
endeavouied to induce David to discontinue these inroads ; 
but the Scottish king refusing, they absolved themselves from 
their homage to him. 

Three days were spent by the little English army in reli- 
gious exercises, and to fortify their minds, absolution and 
benediction were given by the archbishop. Walter de Espec, 
the sheriff, a man of a noble form, venerable from his age, 
distinguished by the acuteness of his genius, by his wisdom, 
piety, and fidelity to the king, ascended the machine on 
which the standard was fixed, and delivered an oration, with 
a voice like a trumpet, calculated to rouse to the highest 
pitch the valour of the army. His description of the appal- 
ling atrocities committed by the Scottish army, presents a 
fearful picture of the barbarism of the period, and of the 
miserable and wasted condition of the border land. ^' Remem- 
ber," says he, " what they did in the parts beyond the Tyne, 
(that is in Northumberland,) nor hope gentler things if the 
Scots conquer. I say nothing of the slaughters, rapines, 
and burnings, which are exercised in a certain humane man- 
ner by enemies — I speak of such things as fiction never in- 
vented nor history narrated as done by the cruellest tyrants. 
They spared no age, no rank, no sex ; nobles as well as boys 
and girls were led into captivity. Chaste wives were defiled 
by the most incredible lust ; children tossed in the air and 
upon the points of the lances afforded a delightful spectacle 
to the Gallowaymen ; pregnant women were ripped up and 
the immature infants with impious hands dashed against 
stones ; entering a house, where many young persons were 
assembled, a Gallowayman seized one softer another by the 
feet, dashed their heads against a post, and piling up the 
dead and mangled bodies, laughingly exclaimed — 'behold 
how many Gauls I alone have killed this day.' Horrible to 
relate, they entered the temple of God, polluted his sanctu- 
ary, and trampled under foot the sacraments of salvation.'** 
More deeds of atrocity were laid to their charge, but we may 
hope for the honour of human nature, that the picture is too 

* Aildxed, p. MO. 



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TYSON AKB DS TB8GT PBBIOD. 55 

deeply shaded by the orator. After this appeal^ Espec gave 
his right hand to one of the leaders and said, *' I give my 
&ith either to conquer the Scots this day or be slain by 
them." All the nobles took a similar vow ; and that there 
might be no hope of flight, their horses were removed to a 
distance ; and they advanced on foot determined to conquer 
or die. 

Composed of discordant materials, the different races of the 
Scottish army were jealous of each other. The king wished 
the onset to be made with his men of arms, but the Gallo- 
waymen claimed the right to form the first rank; and fearing 
sedition, the king yielded to their demand, although from 
being almost naked and unarmed, they were not fit to combat 
with the English men of arms, who were protected by invul- 
nerable triangular breast-plates. The arrangement was fatal 
to the Scots ; for these unarmed men were pierced by the 
English arrows; and before the lapse of two hours, they 
were driven back with great slaughter, involving the whole 
army in confusion, in flight, and in ruin. Eustace Fitz-John 
fought in the second rank, which was led by Prince Henry, 
son of the Scottish king. The king and his band of knights 
attempted to stand, but they too were compelled to flee. 
Eleven thousand of the Scots are said to have fallen on the 
field ; and though the little English army did not pursue the 
routed enemy, many more of the Scots losing their way were 
slain by the country people, in revenge of the atrocities they 
had perpetrated. The king and his son escaped with difli- 
culty, and arriving three days afterwards at Carlisle, they 
lost no time in collecting the remains of their shattered army, 
and soon afterwards laid siege to Wark Castle. Eustace 
Fitz-John was wounded, and barely escaped with his life to 
his castle.* Peace, however, was concluded between the two 
countries, chiefly through the influence of the legate of the 
pope, and the queen of England. In consequence of this 
treaty, Henry, the son of David, received the earldom of 
Northumberland, excepting the towns of Bamburgh and 
Newcastle; and for several years afterwards this county was 
under the dominion of a Scottish prince.f 

Amid the desolation these dark scenes present, one green 
spot appears. Alberic, bishop of Ostia, the legate of the pope^ 
endeavoured not only to promote peace, but to mitigate the 

* Florence's Chronicle, p. 264. 
t AUdred, p. 838 to Zi6. Hist Jobn Hag., 260 to 282. 



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66 HI8T0&T OF AJMyriCK. 

horrors of war. He urged the Soots — ^who, although led by 
a king distinguished for building and endowing churches, 
abbeys^ and nunneries^ and even for fostering commerce^ yet 
acted more like demons than men-— to wage war with greater 
humanity ; and he prevailed on them to set free the women 
whom they had recently taken captive; through his per- 
suasions, the whole Scottish army engaged that in future 
they would abstain from violating churches, and would spare 
women and children. 

In these changing times, when the feeling of loyalty had 
scarcely an existence, Eustace was ere long reconciled to 
King Stephen; for we find him in the 5th year of Stephen's 
reign holding, in &vour of the king, the two great lordships 
of Burgh and Knaresborough. He was slain when with an 
expedition into Wales, in the year 1157, the Srd of the reign 
of Henry II. 

His charitable acts took the direction of the spirit of the 
age. Fierce men accustomed to slaughter and oppression, 
and unscrupulous in their aggressions on the property of 
others, trusted to the rites of the church for the absolution 
of their offences against law and morality ; it was the age of 
ecclesiastical endowments ; and hence churches, abbeys, and 
nunneries were built and richly endowed to atone for trans- 
gressions, and procure the prayers of the fiuihfril for the 
safety of their souls. Besides granting money and* lands to 
the monks of St. Peter's of Gloucester, to the churches of 
Flamborough, of Laton, and of Scalleby, and to the canons 
of Bridlington, Eustace founded the monasteries of Walton 
and Malton, and also of Alnwick, and amply endowed them 
with land and revenues.* 

He married twice: Beatrix, the heiress of Alnwick, is 
stated to have died in childbirth of William, who succeeded 
to her inheritance. Eustace's other wife, Agnes, daughter 
of the constable of Chester, mentions her sons Richard and 
Geffirey. From Richard the Lacys and Claverings traced 
their descent. 

WILLIAM (FTTZ-JOHN OE) DE VBSOT. 

William, the eldest son of Eustace and Beatrix, inherited 
the barony of Alnwick and other extensive possessions left 
by his fatner ; and as the larger portion came through his 

• Dugdale Bar., Vol, 1., p. 91. 



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TTSOK AND DB VBSCY PERIOD. 57 

mother^ he assumed the name of De Yescy. A charter was 
granted by Henry II., confirming to him in fee and heirship 
all the lands and tenures held by his father. HLs estates 
were very large, for he held no less than twenty knights' 
fees, and for these he, in 12th Henry II., paid £17 13s. Od. as 
an aid for marrying the king's daughter. In 18th Henry II. 
he paid £24 6s. 8d. for scutage* of Ireland, as he neither went 
in ]>erson nor sent soldiers to that war. Though neither 
eyinciDg the ability nor possessing the influence of his father, 
he for twelve years held the important office of sheriff of 
Northumberland ; and from 4th Henry II. to 15th Henry II. 
he accounted yearly in the great .pipe rolls for the farm of 
the county. In A.D. 1165 he accounts for forty marks, 
de proprio dono; in A.D. 1166 for lands which he held in 
Baemburc, (Bamburgh,) twenty-four shillings; and Reginald 
his steward accounts for £4 Ss. 4d. He ceased to be sheriff 
in A.D. 1170, 

Northumberland remained for some time under Scottish 

Smer; and the services which King David had rendered to 
enry Plantagenet, the son of Maud, laid upon him an 
obligation to view favourably the claims of the Scottish 
princes to the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland. 
Accordingly, when Henry was knighted by the old King 
David, he swore, that on becoming king of England, he 
would confirm to David and his heirs the lands held by them 
in England; but as soon as he was firmly seated on the 
throne, disregarding his oath, and considering these counties 
too valuable to be held by a foreign power, he in A.D. 1154 
demanded their restitution. The brave old King David and 
his promising son Henry were then dead; and the Scottish 
throne was filled by a feeble minor, Malcolm, the grandson 
of David; the demand therefore could not be resisted; and 
Northumberland again, without a struggle, came under the 
dominion of the Norman kings. Malcolm himself, during his 
short reign of twelve years, was under the influence of his 
potent neighbour, and peaceably acquiesced in the alienation 
of Cumberland and Northumberland ; but his people were 
not so quiescent; angry murmurs rose against their sovereign 
for his pusillanimous conduct, and the border warriors made 
frequent inroads; wasting and greatly injuring the district. 

• From Scutagium, or ServiHum ScuU, (Latin,) the service of the shield; in 
NonnaD- French, Eteuage, This was a fine in money paid by a military tenant 
in lien of bis personal service. 

I 



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68 HI8T0BT OF ALKWICK« 

Truces were made but ill kept, and the borders were in ft 
state of constant turmoil and warfare. 

William the Lion, who succeeded to the Scottish throne 
in A.D. 1165, was brave, and felt himibled by the loss of his 
Northumberland and Cumberland inheritance. He visited 
the kin^ of England in Brittany, to urge his claims for its 
restoration; and Henry II. being then at war with his 
rebellious vassals on the continent, soothed him with fair 
promises to end all disputes, as soon as he had leisure* 
Seven years elapsed, but William found no redress. 

Though a kind and indulgent father, Henry's sons rebelled 
against him ; and his eldest son, the head of the conspiracy, 
induced the king of Scotland to aid him in his unnatural 
attempt, by promising to restore the counties of Northumber* 
land and Cumberland to the Scottish king. Accordingly 
William entered Northumberland with a large army, com* 
posed partly of Scots and Flemings, but with a multitude of 
Gallowaymen, who were almost naked, but fleet and remark- 
ably bold, and armed with small knives at their left sides 
and javelins in their hands, which they could throw at a 
great distance.* Wark was first besieged, but unsuccessfully, 
being stoutly defended by R(^r de Estuteville. Then, 
says the chronicler, Fantosme, who was eye-witness of 
many of the scenes he describes, the great host of Albany 
went to Alnwick Castle, which was under the command 
of William de Vescy, the illegitimate son of the baron o£ 
Alnwick. William de Vescy proved himself a valorous 
knight, and ** much was the father joyous in heart to have 
such a son." Failing in their attempt on Alnwick, the 
Scottish army destroyed the land next to the sea; and 
"coming to Warkworth did not deign to stop there, for weak 
was the castle, the wall, and the trench.*' After a vain 
attempt to take Newcastle and Carlisle, they marched onward 
to Yorkshire, the warlike and turbulent Bishop Pudsey 
allowing them to pass unmolested; but an English army 
advancing to repel the invasion, the king of Scotland retired 
to his own country. The teacUngs of the good and humane 
legate had been cast into stony ground ; for the Scots, both 
in their advance and retreat, ravaged and destroyed,, and 
committed great atrocities. Berwick was burnt by them* 
The chronicler says : — 



« Ra. de Dioeto^ (Twiiden,} p. 675. 

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TTSON JUVB DE VE8CT PE&IOD. 59 

** He rides in the lead destroyed and wasted* 
That is NorthumberlaDd, which was already renowned ; 
From here to the passes of Spain, there was not saeh a eonntrj, 
Nor more faithf al, nor people more hononred $ 
Now it is in famine, becomes annihilated 
If by the king of England aid is not giyen." 

Embarrassed^ however, by an army of Flemings, who had 
landed in Suffolk, the king of England could not avenge this 
inroad, but concluded a truce with the Scots. 

Though foiled in their first attempt, the unnatural sons of 
Henry II. of England, resolved to make another, to dethrone 
their father ; and in their support, Wilham the Lion again 
crossed the border in the beginning of April, A.D. 1174, with 
a huge army composed of Flemish mercenaries as well as Scot- 
tish soldiers, estimated to be 80,000 strong. Wark was again 
assaulted, but though more vigorously than before, yet still 
without success. Part of the army was despatched at night 
to Bamburgh Castle, and surprised some poor people asleep 
in their beds. The chronicle gives a sad picture of the 
morning's march. 

** The town •£ BeUbrd was first attacked. 
Over all the country they scattered themselves ; 
Some mn to towns to commit their folly, 
Some go to take sheep in their folds, 
Some go to bum towns, I cannot tell von more ; 
Never will such great destruction be heard spoken of. 
Then might you see peasants and Flemings who tie them, 
And lead them in their cords like heathen people* 
Women fly to the minster, each was ravished. 
Naked wi&iout clothes, she forgets there her property ; 
Ah, Godl why did William de Vesci not know itf 
The booty were rescued, nor woald they have failed in it 
They bunt the eountry ; but God was a friend 
To &ooe gentle peasants who were defenceless, 
For the Scots were not their mortal enemies ; 
They would have beaten, slain, and ill*tteated them all*"* 

After suffering the loss of many men before Wark, William 
the Lion led his army towards '^ Carlisle the fair, the strong 
garrisoned city." He took the castles of Liddel, of Brougl^ 
and of Appleby ; but not being able speedily to reduce Car- 
lisle, he marched upon Prudhoe Castle, and attempted to 
take it by surprise ; but Odonel de Umfraville was prepared 
for the attack, and brayely repulsed it. Leaving his castle 
under the charge of its bold defenders, Odonel mounted his 
"good brown l»y, day and night always spurring," and 

* Fantoime, 1167. 



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60 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

gathered four hundred knights for the relief of Prudhoe. 
Three days the siege continued; but William, finding he 
could not master the castle, and that the army of the sheriff 
of York was advancing, abandoned the siege ; and on Friday 
morning, the 12th of July, his great host marched northward 
in two diyiaions; the Gallowaymen ravaged the lands of 
Odonel, and the Scots wasted and burnt the country along 
the sea coast. On the Friday evening. King William with 
the French and Flemings of his army began the siege of 
Alnwick Castle« He retained with him only five hundred 
knights, while the two divisions of his main army were 
ravaging the country around ; towns and villages were burnt 
and plundered. Earl Duncan with one division entered 
Warkworth and burnt it, and slew all whom he foujid^ men 
and women, great and small ; they broke into the church of 
Saint Laurence, and mutilated three priests and slew three 
hundred men, women, and children, who had taken refuge 
there. "Alas!" exclaims another chronicler,* "what sor- 
row ! then you might hear the shrieks of women, the lamen- 
tations of the old, the groans of the dying, and the despair of 
the young ; but the omnipotent God avenged on the same 
day, the injury and violence done to the church of the 
martyr." 

Wlien Odonel arrived at Newcastle in the evening of Fri- 
day, with the forces he had collected, he found that the king 
of the Scots had retired. Besides Odonel, there were, as 
leaders of the little band, Bandolph de Glanville the brave 
sheriff, Bernard de Baliol, William D'Estuteville, and Wil- 
liam de Yescy. Having been informed, probably by a mes- 
senger from Alnwick Castle, that the king of the Scots had 
around him only a small suit, the bulk of his army being 
engaged in plundering, it was resolved by these valiant men 
to attempt to relieve the castle ; but in accordance with the 
sage council of Glanville, a spy was sent before to ascertain 
the state of the Scottish force. The English troop, increased 
in number by sixty knights of the archbishc^ of York, after 
refreshing themselves by a little rest during the night, set 
forth from Newcastle at the break of dav with such speed, 
that though heavily armed, they in less than five hours had 
proceeded about thirty miles. For some time so dense a fog 
covered their march, that they scarcely knew whither they 
yveie going ; and the prudent or timid, fearing that danger 

« Benedietus Petr. 



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TYSON AMD DE VESCT PEEIOD. 61 

hung over them^ advised an immediate return to Newcastle ; 
bat Bernard de Baliol, a noble and courageous man, said*— 
** Let him go back who will; I will not stamp my name with 
everlasting disgrace ; evten though alone, I will go onward." 
Stimulated by this heroism, the march was resumed, and 
they had not proceeded &r, when suddenly the fog cleared 
away, and with joy they saw before them die battlements of 
Alnwick Castle lUmninated by the sunbeams — a, secure place 
of refuge should they be overpowered by numbers. They 
entered for concealment into a copse, and there received tte 
report of their spy. 

William the Lion at this hour was lying in a field about a 
quarter-of-a-mile westward of Alnwick Castle, on the borders 
of Alnwick Moor, with only siztv knights, waiting for the 
return of his army that he might assault the castle with 
great vigour. The day had become warm ; his helmet was 
laid aside, and with his barons he had sat dovni to dine. The 
English forces under the command of Randolph de Glanville 
advanced, and William at first supposed that they were some 
of his own troops returning from a marauding expedition. 

" The king of Scotland was brave, wonderfol, and old* 
Before Alnwick he stood unaimed. 
When these had once cried the war signal of Vesci, 
And ' Olanvilk knights I ' and • BaHol I ' Ukewise^ 
Odonel de UmfiravUle raised a cry of his own* 
And this of Estuteville, a bold knight; 
Then knew William that he was nearly betrayed, 
Quickly he stirred himself he was not disconcerted." 

Hastily armii^ himself, mounting his grey horse, shaking 
bis spear, and rousing the valour of his soldiers by exclaiming, 
** Now let it be seen who is a good knight ! " he gallantbr 
charged his foes, and struck dovni the first he encountered. 
A severe struggle ensued ; and, one who speaks from know- 
ledge says, all would have gone well with WilHam had not 
a sergeant vnth a lance killed his horse. The kin^ fell to 
the ground beneath his steed, and, being unable to nse, was 
drawn from beneath it ; and he surrendered himself prisoner 
to Bandolph de Glanville. Most of his attendants were 
taken prisoners; some even, who might have escaped, deemed 
it more hcmorable to share the fate of their king than to flee. 
Boger de Mowbray, an English baron fighting on the side 
of William, and Adam de Port, with a few others escaped 
into Scotland. Valorous deeds were performed by many of 
WOliam's knights before they were taken. Lord Alan de 



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62 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Lasoelles, an old knight of gigantic stature, long defended 
himself on his grey charger. William de Mortimer, raging 
through the ran^ like a mad hoar, gave and received many 
blows, till Lord Bernard de Baliol struck him down from his 
horse. Raoul le Bus fought well while attacked by a hun- 
dred foes. Richard Maluvel behaved himself gloriously ; at 
the head of his thirteen followers he accomplished as much 
as the whole of them ; but struck in the middle, he was at 
length compelled to surrender. The combat must have been 
continued some time after William had been taken pri- 
soner, by bands which had returned from plundering ; for the 
prisoners were numerous, William de Yescy alone having 
taken one hundred. No quarter was given to the Flemish, 
who were mercilessly slaughtered in revenge for the atrocities 
they had committed. 

The royal prisoner was mounted on a palfrey, and taken 
immediately by Randolph de Glanville to Newcastle, where 
he arrived on the same evening ; he was afterwards lodged 
in the strong castle of Richmond, till the king of England's 
J[>leasure should be known, to whom a messenger was sent 
with the news. 

The capture of the Scottish king was a great event — 
indeed, the most important in the reign of Henry II. ; it 
occurred at a critical crisis in our history, and it saved the 
nation from much calamity. Not content with natural 
causes for this issue, the chroniclers of the times bring in the 
supernatural, and attribute it to the miraculous agency of St. 
Dunstan. On the day when William the Lion was over- 
thrown, Henry II., king of England, submitted, as a penance, 
to be flogged by the monks of Christ Church, before the tomb 
of Thomas k Becket. ** At length,*' says the chronicler in 
swelling phrase,* ^' he who touches the mountains and they 
smoke, regarding the devotion of the burning mountain in 
Canterbury, on the very day in which it smoked, the king 
had overcome his cruellest enemy the king of the Scots at 
Alnwick." 

King Henry had returned to London and retired to rest 
full of melancholy thoughts, and his servant was gently 
scratching his feet while he slept during the silence of the 
night, when the messenger with tidings of the capture came 
to the door and softly called, ^' A messenger am I, sent by 
Randolph de GlanviUe to speak with the king." ^'The 

• BromtoD, (Twitden,) p. 1095. 



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TYSON AND DE TESCT PERIOD. 6S 

king is asleep^ I dare not allow you to enter," was the reply, 
light was the sleep of the king, like that of all troubled in 
mind; and he was awakened by the gentle whisperings. On 
learning that the messenger was from Glanville, he asked 
for him, fearing that Glanville wanted help. ''Your enemy 
the king of the Scots is taken," said the messenger. Struck 
with surprise and joy — " Tell you the truth ?" asked the 
king. " Yes sire," was the reply, " two private messengers 
will confirm the news to-morrow. For four days I have 
scarcely eaten, or drunk,or slept; at your pleasure recompense 
my service." Imbued with the superstitious feelings of the 
period, the king exclaimed, " Grod be thanked for it, and St. 
Thomas the martyr, and all the saints of Grod." Overjoyed, 
he leapt from his couch, and hastened to communicate the 
tidings to his barons. On the same evening, the bells of 
London told the tale to the citizens, and ere long, a joyful 
peal was rung from every parish church in England. 

A monument, erected in the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury within a plantation on the south side of Rotten B4>w, 
marked the spot where tradition says William was captured. 
It was in the pseudo-Gothic style, which prevailed at the time 
of its erection. Although not such as to ^tify a refined 
taste, it was not without beauty, and was interesttng as an 
illustration of the style of a period ; and it is to be. r^retted 
that it has recently been taken down, and replaced by 
another erection entirely devoid of taste. This is a large 
square smoothed block of sandstone, nearly three feet in 
height, resting on two steps. A polished granite tablet is 
inserted into the face of the sandstone block ; and on this 
is the following inscription, copied from the older monument, 
^ William the Lion, king of Scotland, besieging Alnwick 
Castle, was here taken prisoner, MCLXXIV."* 

Olanville t by orders of the king took his prisoner to Falaise 

• Fall aceoants are gireD of this important event, in ehronioles of Bromton, 
William of Newbury, Benedict of Peterborough, and Gerrase ; but several of th« 
minuter details I have taken from flie metrical cbioaicle of Jordan Fantosme, 

f Randolph de GlauTille was rewarded for his chivalrous eonduct by the Eng- 
lish king, who immediately promoted him to be one of the itinerant justiciars ; 
and in A.B. 1180 he was appointed chief justiciar, the most important office 
in the kingdom, requiring for its proper discharge both great military and l^gal 
ability. He waa one of the greatest men of his time» being a perfbct kolght^ 
skilled in the art of war, a good classical scholar, and a profound lawyer. He 
will be remembered throughout all time^ as the author of a *' Treatise on the Lawa 



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64 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

in Normandy^ where Henry had gone to quell insurrections 
of his continental subjects; and there the unfortunate lion- 
hearted king was kept in strict confinement for a year^ at 
the expiration of which, he obtained his liberty under 
arrangements which seriously affected the honour of Scot- 
land. This bondage continued till A.D. 1199, when Richard 
I. desirous, before his departure as a soldier of the cross to 
the Holy Land, of gaining the friendship of William and 
his Scottish subjects, restored to him by charter, the castles 
of Berwick and Roxburgh, and recognised only the feudal 
arrangements subsisting between their ancestors * For this 
great boon, ten thousand marks were paid by the Scots to 
the English king. 

William de Vescy, like his father, was liberal to the 
church. He confirmed to the canons and nuns of Walton, 
Malton, and Wintringham, the gift of his father Eustace of the 
church at Wintringham, with the manor-house and two mills 
there ; also of the hamlet of Langton, of the church and 
chapels of Walton and Malton ; and out of his own charity, 
he gave to them the church of Ancaster. To the knights 
Templars he gave the churches of Caithrop and Normanton, 
and to the canons of Semplingham and nuns of Ormesby the 
hermitage of Spaldingholme, with divers other lands. He 
gave to the monks of Alnwick Abbey, the churches of Chat- 
ton, Chillingham, and Alnham, his fishery of Lesbury, and 
land in Ru^ey. But he is chiefly memorable in this district, 
for his grant of Alnwick Moor to the burgesses of Alnwick. 

He was married to Burga, sister of Robert de Stuteville, 
Lord of Knaresborough, by whom he had two daughters and 
two SODS, Eustace, who succeeded him, and Warin, from 
whom descended the family of Aton. He died in the year 
1184 ;t and according to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey he 
^ became a monk there, when near his end, and was buried 
before the door of the chapter-house of the abbey, near to 
where his vnfe Burga was laid. 

EUSTACE DE TE8CY. 

Eustace was only fourteen years of age when his father 
died. On coming of age, A.D. 1191, he obtained from 

and Cnstoms of the Kingdom of Engluid," the first attempt to bring English law 
under fixed principles, and making him father of English jurisprudence. When 
an old man he became a soldier of the cross, and died in the Holy Land. 
* Rymer Feed., I., pp. 39, 64. f Dugdale*s Baronage, p. 92. 



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TTSON AND DB VE8GY PERIOD. 65 

Bichard I. livery* of his lands, and liberty to many whom 
he pleased, on payment of ten thousand marks. In the 
same year he paid £12 3s. 4d. for scutage of Wales ; but as 
he went in person with the king to Normandy four years 
afterwards, he was acquitted of the scutage then assessed for 
the king's redemption. For a second scutage of Normandy, 
he paid in the 8th Richard I., £24 6s. 8d. According to 
the Liber Niger ^ he held in A-D. 1212, of the king in chief, 
the barony of Alnwick by the service of twelve knights fees, 
and also the vills of Budle, Spindlestone, and Warn, nothing 
having been alienated by marriage or alms to the king's pre- 
judice. Bat large though these possessions were, they were 
only about one half of the property held by him, for we find 
he had in 13th John, a special discharge for twenty-four 
knights fees of scutage of Scotland ; the rest of his estates 
were in Yorkshire and elsewhere. 

Like his grandfather, Eustace was a distinguished man, 
and deeply engaged in the political movements of the period. 
These were, indeed, times of wild warfare and sudden revolu- 
tions, when men of energy and capacity could influence, in 
no small degree, the destinies of the nation, which was 
groaning under oppression and struggling for liberty. Under 
this distinguished baron, and with a strongly fortified castle, 
near the borders, Alnwick was the scene of many important 
events. John, the king of England, visited it no less than 
four times. 

During the short reign of Richard I., there was peace 
along the Borders ; but as soon as John ascended the Eng- 
lish throne, the friendly relations between England and Scot* 
land were disturbed. The conflicting claims of the two 
nations seemed to have been definitely settled ; the supremacy 
of England over Scotland had been abandoned ; the northern 
counties, Cumberland and Northumberland, had been incor- 
porated with England ; and the river Tweed, and the moun- 
tain range westward, formed the boundary of two independent 
nations. Well would it have been for England and Scotland, 
and especially for the border-land, if this settlement of hostile 
claims had remained imdisturbed. Ambition and the love 
of power were, however, for centuries to come, to find a 
battle-field in the border counties. The old lion-hearted 
king, looking with regret to the loss of the northern counties, 
was not slow in taking advantage of the dissatisfaction in 

* Livery of wisen is the delivery of lands, &c« 



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Gff HI8T0BT OF ALMWICK. 

England with John's usurpation of the English thtone^ to 
the prejudice of Arthur the legitimate heir; and he urged his 
claims for the restoration of these counties. John, being then 
engSLgei in continental afiairs and anxious to keep peace with 
Scotland, commissioned Eustace de Vescy, who had married 
the illegitimate daughter of the Scottish king, to assure him, 
that on his return from Normandy he would satisfy his 
claims. But John was faithless, and took no steps to redeem 
his promise; on the contrary he appointed William de Stute- 
Tille to be sheriff of the two counties, gave orders to strengthen 
the defences of the northern castles ; and reviving the claim 
to feudal superiority over Scotland, he repeatedly summoned 
William to appear before him to do homage. The Scottish 
king either bending for a while before a blast, which he 
could not then boldly face, or deluded by false flattery and 
promises, obeyed the summons, and on the 22nd November, 
A.D. 1200, he rendered homage to John, on a high hill out- 
side the city of Lincoln, in the presence of a great assembly 
of English and Scottish barons.* The terms of the homage 
are qualified with " Salvo jure suo," and must have been for 
Lothian at least, since at this time the northern counties 
were in possession of the English ; and William, after having 
performed this deed, demanded the restitution of Northum- 
berland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland. This, however, 
was not conceded. John, if not able, was artful, and he 
induced the Scottish king to agree to a truce till after the 
ensuing Whitsunday, to afford time for deliberation. 
. William next morning set off to his own dominions ; and 
John proceeded northwards, and visited Alnwick Castle for 
the first time on February 12th, 1201 ;t and while there, 
confirmed the charter of the burgesses of Newcastle; he 
afterwards went to Bamburgh, Rothbury, and Hexham. 
For several years little was done, to settle the conflicting 
claims of the two kings ; William was old and stricken down 
with sickness, while John was fully engaged in attempting 
to retrieve the disasters he had suffered on the, continent. 
The king of England made, however, one attempt to injure 
Scotland in 1204, by forti^ing a castle at Tweedmouth in 
order to destroy Berwick, and open a passage into Scotland. 
The old king rallied, attacked the place, and razed the 
work to its foundations^ A conference of the two kings 

• Hovedon. f Patent Bolb. Itinexaxy of King John. 

X Fordnn, L YIILi e. 04 



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TT80N AND DB VBSCY PERIOD. 87 

at Norliam in the same year led to no satisfactory results. 

Large armies were assembled by both kings, in 1209, to 
determine their differences by the sword ; but though they 
confronted each other at Norham, no battle ensued, for the 
nobles of both kingdoms interfered, and the armies were 
disbanded and a conference appointed to be held at New- 
castle. In his progress northward on this occasion, John 
rested at Mnwick on the ^th of April. Owing to the ill- 
ness of the old King William, the conference at Newcastle 
was not held. Armies were again assembled to decide the 
controversy ; and again the nobles induced a suspension of 
hostilities. The two kings met at Norham, and on the 7 th 
of August, concluded a treaty, which for a time put an end 
to WMfere. By this treaty, John agreed to desist from 
erecting a fortress at Tweedraouth, and William engaged to 
deliver his two daughters to John, to be married to John's 
two sons, and to pay within two years fifteen thousand 
marks.* Evidently the old king was wearing out, and 
desired to secure a peaceful succession for his young son. 
According to Fordun, Alexander, the son of William, rendered 
at Alnwick Castle the same homage and fealty to John, 
which had formerly been paid by his predecessors to the 
English kings.f 

Other darker clouds were now gathering around the faith- 
less king of England. He had quarrelled with the pope and 
involved himself and the kingdom in difficulty and disaster; 
and he had alienated the affections of his subjects by his 
oppressive exactions, by his avarice, lust, and cruelty. After 
infamously hanging twenty-eight sons of the Welsh nobility, 
who had been entrusted to him as hostages,} he was about 
to march into Wales with a numerous army to destroy it 
with fire and sword, when he was startled with the intelli- 
gence, that the pope had absolved his subjects from their 
allegiance, and that a conspiracy amongst his barons had 
been formed against him. In great alarm, he dismissed his 
forces and retired for safety to London. He thence despatched 
messengers to all suspected barons, commanding them to 
give to him their sons or relatives, as hostages for their 
fidelity. All dreading the cruel power of the tyrant com- 
plied, excepting Eustace de Vesey and Robert Fitz- Walter, 
who were accused as being principals in the conspiracy. 

• Rymer, Vol. I., pp. 155, 275. Wendover, A.D. 1209. 
t Fordnn, 1. VIII., c. 72. t Wendover, A.D. 1212. 



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68 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The perfidiousness^ tyranny, and cruelty of John were, of 
themselves, sufficient causes to induce high-minded nobles to 
seek the overthrow of his power; but Eustace de Vescy had 
also a private ground of quarrel. Knyghton, indeed, attri- 
butes to " this private offence the beginning and origin of 
the universal war and sedition;" according to him — that 
most notable knight Eustace de Vescy had a very fair and 
chaste wife, whom, by cunning, the king attempted to de- 
bauch. Sitting at table with Eustace, he seized a ring which 
was on his finger, and said he had a similar stone which he 
wished encircled by the same gold workmanship. Suspecting 
no evil, the ring was lent to the king, who immediately after- 
wards summoned a boy and sent him with the ring to the 
wife of Eustace, with a message that her lord was sick unto 
death, and desired her with all speed to hasten to London if 
she would see him alive. Her lord's ring was to the affec- 
tionate wife a guarantee of the truth of the message, and 
she immediately hastened to succour her lord. But the 
wicked design was frustrated, for Eustace while travelling 
met his wife by chance, on her way to London; and on 
being informed of the cause of her journey, he, knowing the 
treachery of the king, said — ** Craftily are you summoned, 
that the king may dishonour you." In revenge for the 
insult, he caused a woman of ill fame to be dressed up in his 
wife's vestments and to meet the king at the appointed place. 
John was wont to glory in his shame, and when at table, he 
upbraided Eustace with his supposed dishonour; but, on 
being informed of the trick played upon him, he became 
enraged, and with an oath threatened Eustace with death. 
Eustace, however, escaped from the licentious tyrant, and 
retired to his northern strongholds, where he was joined by 
other barons whom the vile king had also sought to dis- 
honour.* Eustace afterwards fled into Scotland. John 
demanded the Scottish king to give him up as a fugitive 
felon ; but the brave old King William was too chivalrous 
to betray a man — his son-in-law too — ^who had sought his 
protection, and who as yet had not been convicted of a crime. 
Emerie, archdeacon of Durham, and Philip de Ulecote the 
sheriff of the county, were on the 27th of May, 1218, com- 
manded by the king to destroy the castle of Alnwick, so 
that it would be useless to Eustace de Vescy ;t but this was 
not carried into effect, for what reason we are not informed ; 

« Knyghton, (Twiiden,) p. 2244w f Rot Lit Pat p. 99. 



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TTSOM AND DE VESCT PERIOD. 69 

perhaps the king may not hare wished to make Eustace an 
implacable foe^ or caprice may have led him to annul the 
command. 

The king visited Alnwick Castle again on January SGth, 
1213 ; and on February Snd^ he was at Warkworth. It is 
not easy to discover the reason of this capricious king's 
movements; posssibly^ he at this time visited the norths 
that he might endeavour by his personal influence to produce 
a favourable feeling towards him in the minds of the northern 
barons. Not long afterwards^ however, he was reconciled to 
Rome by becoming a vassal of the pope, and by engaging to 
restore to the barons, who had adhered to the pope, their 
estates. Respecting Eustace de Yescy we find it stated in 
one of the rolls dated Winton, 21 July, 1213, that unless the 
king restored to him all his hereditaments, he would again 
fall under the sentence of excommunication.* The sheriff, 
therefore, was commanded on July 19th, 1213, to give 
Eustace de Yescy full seisen of all his lands, fees, castles, and 
other liberties; and soon afterwards, the oxen and horses 
which had been taken from him, and his arms which were 
in Alnwick Castle were restored to him. A more kindly 
feeling to Eustace seems to have grown up in the king's 
mind ; for in 1215, he commanded the sheriff to give '^ to 
our beloved and faithful Eustace de Yescy" the liberties 
with his dogs in the forest of Northumberland, which he 
was formerly accustomed to enjoy. 

This courtesy, however, did not prevent Eustace de Yescy 
joining the great confederation of barons, who, in 1215, forced 
from the English king the celebrated Magna Charta ; and he 
was one of the twenty-five barons, who were appointed 
its conservators, and entrusted with extensive powers to 
enforce the observance of its conditions. After granting 
this charter, John became sullen and melancholy. Accus- 
tomed to tyrannise, he could not submit to fulfil his obliga- 
tions ; and he retired to the Isle of Wight, brooding over 
schemes for inflicting revenge and regaining power. He 
sought the aid of the pope, and hired foreign mercenaries ; 
and having subdued several strongholds in the south, he 
marched against the northern barons. 

The brave old King William had died on December 4th, 
1214, and his son Alexander, a youth only fifteen years of 
age, was on the Scottish throne. The northern barons 

* Cal Rot, 15 John, Mem. 10. 



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70 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK. 

sought his protection^ and did homage to him at Felton, on 
the 2&id of October^ 1215.* He had previously invested 
Norham ; but as that stout castle could not be taken after being 
assaulted forty days, the siege was raised. Enraged at these 
proceedings, John pursued his march with great expedition 
in the depth of winter. His mercenaries, as he advanced, 
committed horrible ravages, destrojring by fire and sword the 
houses, towns, and lands of the confederated barons. In the 
course of a week, he burnt Mitford, Morpeth, Wark, and 
Alnwick ;t and crossing into Scotland, Roxburgh and the 
villages around shared the same fate. The castle and town 
of Berwick he took; and a hired band of professional tormen- 
tors inflicted on the inhabitants the most horrible cruelties. 
He burnt Dunbar and Haddington, and laid waste the 
Lothians. Alexander, the Scottish king, encamped with a 
great army on the river Esk, near Pentland, with the design 
of intercepting him ; but John would not risk a battle ; the 
English lung was more in his element among scenes of rapine 
and among defenceless women and children, than on the 
battle-field. He returned the way he came, and his footsteps 
were marked with blood. Coldingham Abbey he plundered; 
Berwick he burnt down ; and so base was he, that he set fire 
with his own hands to the house in which he had lodged. 
Alexander, unable to impede the progress of the English 
king, too faithfully imitated his atrocities ; entering England 
on the western border, he ravaged Cumberland, and plun- 
dered the abbey of Holmcultram. j: 

The combined power of John and the pope proved too 
strong for the confederated barons and the Scottish king ; 
the Imrons, therefore, reduced to extremity and in despair, 
offered their allegiance to Philip, king of France, if he would 
deliver them from their detested sovereign. French aid, and 
the desertion of part of John's mercenary soldiers, enabled 
the barons to make Louis, the Dauphin, master of a great 
part of England. Alexander, on being summoned, marched 
again into England with a powerful army, committing depre- 
dations on the lands of the adherents of the English king. 
He was joined by the northern barons, among whom was 

* Chron. Mailroi. 

f Chron. Mailr. Abbey, p. 190, which layt, on the 1 1th of Jannary the Till of 
Wark was bomt ; on the 9th, Alnwick ; on the 7th, Mitford and Morpeth ; on 
the 16th» Roxburgh, with many little villagea. 

X Fordnn, 1. IX., e. 28. 



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TYSON AND DB VESCY PSBIOD. 71 

Eustace de Vescy. This army had advanced into Durham 
and invested Barnard Castle, which belonged to Hugh de 
Baliol ; and while reconnoitreing the defences of the place^ 
Eustace de Vescy was mortally wounded by the shot of a 
cross-bow from the walls of the castle,* which pierced his 
brain, and he died on the spot. His death was mourned by 
his brother-in-law, the Scottish king, and was felt as a heavy 
blow to the cause of the confederated barons. 

Not long after, on the 19th of October, 1216, England was 
delivered from her perilous condition by the death of John, 
unquestionably the most odious tyrant that ever filled the 
English throne. 

Eustace was only forty-five years of age when he died. 
He was married at Boxburgh, in 1193, to Margery, or Mar- 
garet, as she is called in one of the charters of Alnwick 
Abbey, the illegitimate daughter of William the Lion, king 
of Scotland, and by her he left one son, William de Vescy. 
In 1173, he paid to the sheiiff £6 18s. 5d. for purpresture, 
that is making an enclosure from the king's demesne or forest ; 
and, in 1S08, he obtained from King John a grant of a port 
at Auenemue (Alnmouth), of a market there on every Wed- 
nesday, and of a fair on St. Edmund's Day (the 20th of 
November,) and on the day foUowing.f 

Eustace passed his life actively engaged in political move- 
ments and incessant warfare; and slain when still in the 
prime of life, he had neither the time nor the repose, which 
might have led to the foundation of many religious or charit- 
able establishments. He, however, founded the chapel of 
St. Leonard's in the parish of Alnwick, for the soul of his 
wife's grandfather Malcolm and his son Edward. With his 
wife Margery, he obtained the manor of Sprouston ; and the 
monks there agreed that Eustace and his wife might build a 
chapel in the courts of Sprouston, where they might have 
divine service. Eustace confirmed to the monks all their 
possessions in Sprouston ; and granted to the monks of 
Kelso, in perpetual alms, an annuity of twenty shilUnss 
out of the mills at Sprouston to light their church, in 
lieu of the tithes of the mill, on condition of the monks 
receiving him and his wife into the society of their house, 
absolving the souls of his father and mother, and making 
them partakers for ever of all the spiritual privileges of the 
house. 

• ChioxL Dunstable. WendoTer. t Cal Rot Cart 



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7* HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

WILLIAM DE TESOT. 

Eustace de Vescy dying an enemy to his sovereign, his 
estates were forfeited. One half of his lands was bestowed 
by King John in the last year of his reign, on Philip de 
Ulecot, then sheriff of Northumberland, and the other half 
on William de Harecurt, his seneschal.* On the death of 
the king, the mother of William de Vescy sent her son, heir 
of Eustace and then a minor, to the earl of Pembroke, who 
was regent of England during the minority of Henry III. 
But in 1218, the king committed to William de Duston and 
Ralph de Norwich, the custody of Alnwick Castle and of the 
lands which belonged to Eustace de Vescy during the will of 
the king. In the following year, he granted to his uncle the 
earl of Salisbury, not only the custody of these lands, but 
also the wardship and marriage of the heir to the barony of 
Alnwick. And, in the exercise of this privilege, the earl 
gave his daughter in marriage to William de Vescy ,t the 
young heir. The castle, however, was retained for some 
time longer in the custody of Edward de Tyes. 

Though England was rent with factions during the feeble 
reign of Henry III., yet fortunately for Northumberland, 
there was peace along the Borders, which was due to the 
friendly feeling between the Scottish and English monarchs, 
arising from the marriage of Margaret, Henry's eldest daugh- 
ter, to Alexander, the king of Scotland. William de Vescy, 
however, seldom appears on the public stage ; he passed his 
life in obscurity, but he may nevertheless have been a good 
and useful man, devoted to the improvement of his estates 
and of the people who dwelt upon them; for history has 
been more busy in blazoning forth splendid crimes, than in 
recording the virtues of private life. With the king he seems 
to have been a favourite, for in 1244 he procured a grant of 
five bucks and ten does, to be taken out of the king's parks 
in Northumberland, to store his own park at Alnwick. In 
1251 he obtained a grant of a fair and market at Chatton, 
and a fair and market at Alnmouth.^ 

• Rot Lit. CUus. 

f A William de Vescy is in the list collected by Mr. Wi£^, of crosaders who 
accompanied Eichard I. to the Holy Land in 1191 ; but this mast be a different 
person from the baron of Alnwick, who was a minor in 1218. He may hare 
been the William de Vescy who witnesses a charter of the first baron William do 
Vescy, and who is designated ** meo fratre.*' 

X Cal Rot Lit 



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TTSON AND DB VESCY PE&IOD. 78 

He died in 1S52. His first wife Isabella^ who died before 
him and lefk no issue, was buried in Alnwick Abbey ; but by 
his second wife Agnes, the daughter of William de Ferrers, 
earl of Derby, he left issue two sons, John and William. 
He permitted the Carmelite monks to inhabit and possess 
the site of Holn Abbey ; and to Alnwick Abbey he gave 
Scurlwood and many other goods. To the burgesses of Aln- 
wick he granted a charter confirming their privileges. 

The *' Testa de Neville or Liber Feodorum," which con- 
tains the names of the vills, sergeantries, and knights fees, 
taken by inquisition in the time of Henry III. and Edward 
I., gives authentic information, not only of the Vescy pro- 
perty held under the king in chief at this period, but also 
of the subfeudations under the mesne lord.* The document 
being important, I give a translation of that portion which 
relates to the Northumberland possessions, retaining, how- 
ever, the original spelling of names. 

''babony of de vescy. 

William de Yesoy holds in chief of the lord the king, 

Aunewie, Auneimuwe, Denwye, Haukehall, Bylton, Letebyre, 
Bohipplingbothill, Neuton upon the Moor, Heysand, Gynis, 
Ruggeley, Morewyc, East Chivineton, Great Houtton, Little 
Houtton, Howyc, Benington, Bok, North Oharleton, South 
Gharleton, Falwedon, Bumeton, Batayll, Neuton on the Sea, 
Preston, Tughall, Swinhou, Neuham, Cumyn, Lukre with Hopum 
its member, Hetheriston, Spinlistan, Bodhill, Ewrth, Dodingtoif 
with Nesebit its member, Horton, Turbervill, Hesilrig, Leum, 
Chatton, Folebery, Wetwod, Caldemerton, Yherdhill, A^erham 
with Beveley and Hertishevid its members, Randon, Batayll, 
Prendewie, Alneham, Chirmundisden, Bidlisden, ClenhiU, Ned- 
deorton, Burweton, Alwemton, Hetton, Ambell, Scharberton, 
Thimum, Sc'nenwoodyf Hauekislawe, Ohevelingham, and Hib- 
bum. 

Of the same William, Bichard de HauekehiU holds Hauekehill 
by one fee of anoient feoffinent. 

Hervey de Bilton holds Bilton by one fee of ancient feoffinent. 

Bobert de Hilton holds Schiplingbehill, Neuton, Haysand, 
Ctynis, and Beniogton, by two fees of ancient feofiment. 

Beynerus Teutonicus holds Buggeley by a fourth of one fee of 
new feofi&nent. 

Hugh de Morewic holds Morewyc and East Ohivington by 
one fee and a half of anoient (feoffinent.) 

« In the next chapter some account will be given of these tenarei- 
I Screnwood. 



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74 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

John Harengs holds litile Houtton by one fee of ancient 
feoffinent. 

Adam Bjbaud holds Ho wye bv one fee of ancient feoffment. 

William de Eok holds Rok by half a fee of ancient feoffinent. 

Koger, son of Ralph, holds North Gharleton and Hetheriston 
by one fee of ancient feoffment. 

Simon de Lucre holds Luker with Hopnm its member, Suth 
Charleton, and Falwedon, by one fee of ancient feofiment. 

Walter BataiU holds Bumeton and Reston by one fee of 
ancient feoffment. 

John de Viscount holds Neuton on the Sea and Yherdhill by 
one fee of ancient feofi&nent. 

Roger Carbunel holds one fourth part of Swinhou by one 
fourth part of one fee of ancient feofl&nent. 

David Comyn holds Neuham by half a fee of ancient feoffinent. 

Philip de la Ley holds a moiety of Spinlistan and of Bodhill 
by half a fee of ancient feoffinent. 

William de Coleville holds the other moiety of the aforesaid 
vills by half a fee of ancient feoffinent. 

Ranulf Brun holds three parts of Ewrth by the third part of 
one fee of ancient feoffment. 

Hugo de Bolbec holds Dodington, Wetwood, and Nesebit, 
by one fee of ancient feoffment. 

William Turborrill holds Horton by half a fee of ancient 
feoflftnent. 

William de Folebyry holds Folebyry, Caldmerton, and Hesil- 
^gj by one fee of ancient feoffinent. 

Gilbert de Humframvill holds Alwenton, Bidlisden, denhill, 
dhirmundisden, Scharberton, Thirmum, Burwedon, Neddirton, 
Raudham, and Angerham, by two fees of ancient feoffinent, and 
by one gosshawk {austurcum swum,) 

Walter Bataill and Thomas Bunte hold Sc'nenwood by the 
third part of one fee of ancient feoffioaent. 

Robert de Clifford holds Hetton by half a fee of ancient 
feoffinent. 

Robert de Muschamp holds Chevelingham and Hibbum by 
free marriage. 

The heirs of Eustace de Manners hold Leum, excepting two 
oxgangs* of land, by the third part of one fee of ancient feoff- 
ment. 

Germanus de Leum holds two oxgangs of land in the same 
by the eighteenth part of one fee of ancient feoffinent." 

The seal of William de Yescy is appended to his grant to 
the burgesses of Alnwick. The arms are described in a 
heraldic roll as " Goules, a ung croix patonce d'argent"— 
Plate IV., Jiff. 1. 

« See note p. 78. 



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TYSON AND DB VB8CY PEBIOD. 75 

JOHN DE VESOY. 

John de Vescy, son and heir of William, was born on the 
15th of August, 1244; and being only eight years old when 
his father died, the custody of the lands to which he was 
heir, and of the castle and manor of Alnwick, was committed 
by the king to Peter de Savoy, ** until the legitimate heir 
was of age." His mother Agnes had for her dower Tuggal, 
in the county of Northumberland, and the lordships of Mal- 
ton and Langton, in Yorkshire, which after her decease, 
passed into the custody of the king. 

According to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, John de 
Vescy was twice married; first to Agnes, daughter of Manfred 
Saluz, *^who was nursed in the chamber of the queen of Eng- 
land, wife of the illustrious Henry III. ;" and next to Lady 
Isabella de Beaumont, allied to the queen of England, " and 
this Isabella survived him and did many good deeds." 

For some years, during the reign of Henry III., friendly 
feelings were maintained between England and Scotland; 
and in 1249, the first series of " border laws " providing for 
the administration of justice and regulating the intercourse 
of the inhabitants of the border-lands, were reduced to writ- 
ing.* So strong were these feelings, that when Scotland, 
during the minority of her king, was, through the turbulence 
of her lawless nobles reduced to a state of anarchy, Henry^ 
king of England, was requested to lend his friendly aid to 
restore order and confidence to the distracted nation. For 
this purpose he went to the Scottish border in 1255 ; and on 
his return, rested at Alnwick Castle on the 23rd of September 
in the same year, when he left full powers to the earl of 
Gloucester and John Maunsel to treat and conclude in his 
name with all manner of Scots persons. 

The feeble character, capricious temper, and arbitrary will 
of Henry III. roused the barons of England to rebellion. 
Headed by Simon de Montford, the great earl of Leicester, 
they wrested the power out of the king's hands, and under 
the regulations called *' the Oxford Provisions," established 
a council of twenty-four, to whom in effect was given the 
government of the kingdom. The indiscreet exercise of their 
enormous power led, however, to a reaction in the king's 
fiivour. Civil war ensued ; John de Vescy took part with 
the barons, and his name was subscribed to a letter sent in 
1263 from the barons, consenting to refer the dispute to tlie 

* Some account of these laws will be given in another chapter. 

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76 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

decision of the king of France. At the battle of Lewes , 
when the royalists were overthrown, and the king and his 
son the gallant Prince Edward were taken prisoners, a Percy 
fought for the king, and John de Vescy the lord of Alnwick 
on the side of the barons. The power of M ontford and of 
the council was brought to an end by the decisive and bloody 
battle of Evesham, fought on the 4tn of August, 1265, when 
the earl of Leicester and his son, and most of the barons 
associated with him, were slain ; but John de Vescy, who 
fought with them, was wounded and taken prisoner.* The 
fall of Montford was deeply mourned by the people of Eng- 
land, by whom he was regarded as the great champion of 
freedom, and as a martyr to liberty. Though his remains 
were brutally mutilated by the royalists, yet were they 
revered by the people as sacred relics. Long after his death, 
he was spoken of as '^ Sir Simon the Righteous." John de 
Vescy his friend brought with him, after his liberation from 
captivity, the foot of this sainted hero, and deposited it in 
Alnwick Abbey ; and there it was enclosed in a silver slipper, 
and regarded as a most valuable relic, endowed with the 
power of miraculously curing diseases. This distinguished 
statesman was connected by property with the district around 
Alnwick. He was possessed of the barony of Embleton, and 
in liS57, obtained a charter to hold a market and fair at 
^^Emeldon;" and in 1256, a charter to enclose Shipley 
wood, which was within the forest of Northumberland.f 

After this royal triumph, the estates of John de Vescy 
were confiscated, and he was ejected as a rebel from Alnwick 
Castle and barony, by an act of a parliament which met at 
Winchester. Enraged by this punishment, he entered into 
a new combination with other rebellious barons in the north, 
and by force seized on Alnwick Castle and barony; but 
Prince Edward advanced with a large army, laid siege to the 
castle, and soon reduced John de Vescy to such straits, that 
he was compelled to yield up the castle and to throw himself 
on the clemency of the prince.} In the pipe roll we find 

* ChroD. Rishanger, p. 47. f Cal Rot Cart 

I FoHun, 1. X., c. 20. Wicke*8 ChroD., p. 78. A reference to thia siege in 
one of the rolls presents a sad picture of the lawless condition of Northumberland. 
William de Duglaa was charged by Gilbert de Umfraville, lord of Redesdale, and 
John de Herlaw, of giving false intelligence to the prince in the siege of Alnwick 
Castle, and of being an enemy to the king. Duglaa held the manor of Fawdon 
as subfeudatory of Umfrayille, by service of half a knight's fee ; and UmfraviUe 



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TYSON AND DE VBSCY PEEIOT). 77 

that the king, by writ, ordered fifty-three marks to be paid 
to the prince towards his expenses, when in the north besieg- 
ing Alnwick Castle.* John de Yescy was pardoned ; and 
his accomplices, alarmed at the result, abandoned their 
rebellious attempt. In the following year, 1S66, the '^ Dic- 
tum de Kenilworth," sanctioned by the king and parliament 
was published, in which more lenient terms were offered to 
the rebellious barons. John de Yescy accepted the gracious 
offer; and on the payment of a fine, amounting to a few years 
rent, he was restored to his estates. 

Feeling possibly remorse for his turbulence and rebellion, 
or influenced hy the chivalrous character of Prince Edward, 
he went with him in 1270 to the Holy Land.t As a crusader 
John de Yescy held an honourable position. When Prince 
Edward was wounded by an assassin with a poisoned weapon, 
he stood by his side, as the skilful chirurgeon cut away the 
gangrened flesh from his arm.$ 

On his return to England John de Yescy was made 
goyemor of Scarborough Castle. In the 8th of Edward I. 
he rendered into the hands of the king, forty librates of 
lands in " Alnemue, of the value of £40 ; eleven librates and 
ninty-six acres in Swynhoe, value £11 8s. 8fd. ; eighty- 
seven librates and one hundred and eleven and a quarter 
acres in Hocton, value £87 9s. 3d. ; two hundred and 
twenty-nine acres in Seyton, value 19s. Id.; and eighty- 
six librates and one hundred and fourteen and thzee- 
qnarter acres in Lessebury, value £86 98. 6d." These were 
committed to the custody of William de Ippel, ''as long as 
the king pleased ;'' and they were afterwards granted again 
by charter from the king to John and his wife ; on the death 
of John they were resumed by the king and then again be- 
stowed by him on Isabella.^ These lands were part of her 
dower. This record shews that a librate expressed value, or 

■ought to have this manor to himself, which the prince granted, provided he could 
piove the charge. But after an investigation, Duglas was pronounced innocent, 
and the sheriff was ordered to restore to him the manor ; hut Umfiraville aod 
Herlaw sent one hundred enemies of the king from Redesdale, who carried off all 
the goods and chattels of Duglas, and nearly cut off his head with a sword. These 
lawless harons, however, escaped unpunished as sufficient legal evidence could 
not he produced to prove their complicity in this outrage. Abh. Plact. Rot 28, 
in dozso. 

* Pipe Roll, 58 Heory III. f Chron. Hemmgford, 1. III., cap. 85. 

X Knyghton, p. 2438. f CaL Rot Cart, &c. 



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78 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

as much land as was worth one pound yearly; and as it 
further appears^ that land in this district was then worth one 
penny per acre yearly, a librate must have contained two 
hundred and forty acres * 

In most of the military movements of the time John de 
Vescy took a part. Knyghton says, King Henry sustained 
great wars in Gascony twice, where the first war was moved 
by Bernard de Bleynes, and was indeed finished by JohnVaus 
and John de Vescy at that time.f John de Vescy's last 
campaign was in 1388, with Edward I. in France, who was 
engaged in hostilities with some of his French subjects ; and 
he died while there at Mount Pestulan in Gascony. Allan 
Abbot of Alnwick Abbey, caused his bones to be brought to 
England, and they were buried on the 26th February, 1288, 
with great honour in Alnwick Conventual Church. By 
charter he endowed Holu Abbey, and he confirmed all the 
gifts ^bestowed by his father on the monastery of Alnwick; 
*^ and many greater," charitably says the chronicler, *^ he 
would have bestowed on us had he survived a little time." 

Previous to his time the Vescys of Alnwick, were barons 
by tenure ; but he was also a baron by writ, as he was so 
summoned by the king to the parliament, held on the 14th 
of December, 1264, in the 49th of Henry III. 

WILLIAM DE VESCY. 

John de Vescy dying without issue, his brother William 
succeeded to the barony of Alnwick and his other possessions. 

* This confirms the accuracy of the rendering of Cowel and Blount ;*' with us" 
they say, '* a librate is so much land as is yearly worth twenty shillings." Skene 
says that a librate contains four oxgangs, and every oxgang thirteen acres; but this 
definition is not consistent with the ascertained acreage of a librate in the Alnwick 
district. In England the oxgang varies from eight to thirty acres; and unlike 
the librate, it cannot be considered dependant on value. In the the same district 
we find the oxgang differing 50 per cent., and rating by oxgang was abolished in 
South Durham for the very reason that the oxgang consisted of tlie same quantity 
of acres whether the land was good or bad. It has been suggested, that the 
customary number of oxen to the team has much to do with the matter ; where 
they were not alternate, the extent of the oxgang would be much less. It is here 
presumed, that while the carucate was what one plough could cultivate in the 
year, the oxgang was the supposed capability of each unit of the team. Sufficient 
pasture for the keep of the oxen was probably included in the computation. 
Kear Darlington certain meadows were divided into oxgang rights, 

t Knyghton, p. 2429. 



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TYSOU AND DE VESCY PEBIOD. 79 

He was bom on the ISth of October, 1245 ; and living only 
nine years after becoming lord of Alnwick, his history pre- 
sents few facts of much interest. He is chiefly memorable 
as a candidate for the Scottish throne ; as the last of his 
family connected with Alnwick ; and as the last baron who 
gave property and privileges to the burgesses of Alnwick. 
By his sovereign, however, he was held in great esteem ; in 
the 13th of Edward I., he was appointed justice of all the 
king's forests. Subsequently he was made a justice in Ire- 
land, where, through his mother, he inherited lands ; and on 
the death of his brother's wife Isabella, he succeeded to the 
government of Scarborough Castle. In the years 1294, 
1295, and 1296, he was employed by the king in the Gas- 
cony wars, and on one occasion, he was accompanied by his 
son John. 

The fierce manners and rude jurisprudence of the period 
are curiously illustrated by the proceedings in a law suit to 
which he was a party in 1293. While in the open court in 
the city of Dublin, (acting as I suppose as judge) he was 
accused by John Fitz-Thomas of felony. William de Vescy 
commenced a suit against his defamer at Dublin, before the 
chief justice and king's counsel, charging him with saying 
that William de Vescy had solicited Fitz-Thomas to join in 
a confederacy against the king. This, Fitz-Thomas denied, 
and after delivering into court a schedule of the words he 
had used, he challenged De Vescy to a judicial combat; and 
this challenge was accepted. The king, having been in- 
formed of these proceedings, commanded both the litigants 
to appear before him, prepared for combat. William de 
Vescy came at the appointed time, mounted on his great 
horse and completely armed with lance, dagger, coat of mail, 
and other military accoutrements, ready to enter the Hsts 
against his antagonist. Fitz-Thomas was called but did not 
appear ; and De Vescy then demanded judgment against his 
defamer. A decision, however, was not then given, but the 
hearing of the case was adjourned till the next meeting of 
parliament at Westminster. Both barons then appeared and 
the case was fully argued, and it being determined that no 
default was to be imputed to Fitz-Thomas for errors in the 
proceedings, both parties were at liberty to begin new actions. 
Fitz-Thomas declined to revive the quarrel and submitted 
himself to the king. What was further done is not known; 
but probably the king, wiser than these turbulent barons^ 
was unwilling that a trifling quarrel should cause bloodshed. 



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80 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK. 

01 that a dispute should be left to the uncertain and bar- 
barous arbitrement of a duel.* 

William de Vescy being a claimant of the Scottish throne, 
some brief notice of the events causing him to make that 
claim is required. The death of Alexander III., by a fall 
from his horse, in A.D. 1286, was followed by deep sorrow 
and disorder in Scotland, and led to a terrible effusion of 
both Scottish and English blood. All Alexander's children 
were dead, and his only descendant was Margaret, the infant 
daughter of Margaret his own daughter and of Eric king of 
Norway. The mother died soon after the birth of her 
child. There was, however, a happy prospect of the union 
of England and Scotland by the marriage of this infant 
queen, with Edward the s<rti of the English monarch. But, 
alas! Margaret died on one of the Orkney islands when on 
her way from Norway to Scotland. Edward I. had con- 
quered Wales and annexed it to his dominions, and it was 
the cherished wish of his heart to bring the whole island 
under his sway. This, however, he could not now effect by 
honest or honourable means ; the prize was glittering, and 
he could not resist the temptation — and to obtain possession 
he resorted to deception, finesse, and brute force. There 
was no near heir to the Scottish throne ; and in the unsettled 
state of the law of succession, it was doubtful who was the 
true heir. Scotland was weak and torn by factions; but 
Edward was able and had at his command the resources of a 
powerful kingdom — and he unscrupulously claimed, as lord 
paramount over Scotland, the right to decide who should 
sit as a vain pageant on the throne; for he was deter- 
mined, whoever might be nominal king, all real power should 
be exercised by himself. There were but three candidates 
for whose claims any reasonable grounds could be urged ; 
but through the secret management of Edward, the num- 
ber was increased to thirteen, with the intention of giving 
greater complication to the question at issue, and to exhibit 
the greater necessity of leferring the adjudication to him- 
self. One of these claimants was William de Yescy, the lord 
of Alnwick, who based his pretensions on being a descen- 
dant of Margaret an illegitimate daughter of William the 
Lion, king of Scotland. In Rymer's Foedera is the fol- 
lowing statement of his claim : — 

'^William, king of Scotland, was the fiAfher of King Alex- 
ander, who reignra alter him. 

• Dngdale's Bar., Vol. I., p. 9S. 



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TYSON AND VB YBSCT FSRIOD. 81 

And the same Alexander was the &iher of Alexander the 
Second, who reigned afterwards, and married Margaret, the 
daughter of the iUustrions Henxy, Hng of England, by whom he 
had a daughter Margaret, who was afterwa^s mairied to ike 
king of Norway. 

ijid the king Und qneen of Norway had a daughter, whom 
they called Margaret ; and she was heiress of Scotland, but she 
died without issue of her own body, being a minor at her decease. 

Now, the same William, king of Scotland, was the father of 
Margeiy, the sister of the already mentioned King Alexander. 

And Margeiy was married to Eustace de Yesoy, by whom he 
had William de Yesoy, who died in Gascony ; and the same Wil- 
liam was father of John de Yesoy, who died without heirs of his 
own body; and William de Yesoy, the brother of John, new 
petitions for the kingdom of Scotland, as being most nearly 
allied by blood to the already mentioned Margaret, who died 
without any heirs from himself, and by whose death the kingdom 
ought to revert to William, who now petitions for it in this 
manner." 

This claim, however, was frivolous, for Margery was ille- 
gitimate, and by no rule of succession could inherit the 
kingdom. The decision of Edward in favour of Baliol — 
the enslavement of Scotland for a time — the heroism of 
Wallace, and his infamous execution, belong to the general 
history of the kingdom. 

Alnwick, during the period, appears on one occasion in the 
page of history. A few weeks after the battle of Stirling in 
1297, the heroic Sir William Wallace led his forces across 
the borders ; his principal reason for this invasion is said to 
have been the extreme dearth and scarcity prevailing in 
Scotland, arising from inclement weather and the calamities 
of war. The head-quarters of his army was the forest of 
Bothbury, whence, as from a centre, the Scots spread them- 
selves over Northumberland, killing many of the inhabitants, 
and collecting great spoils. They trampled upon and wasted 
all Northumberland, even to Newcastle, and continued burn- 
ing and plundering from the feast of All Saints till Martin- 
mas, meeting with little opposition excepting in the neigh- 
bourhood of Alnwick Castle, and other fortresses, the gkrri- 
sons of which sent out parties to attack, and cut off the rear 
of the marauders.* 

William de Vescy died at Malton at the vigil of St. Mar- 
garet the Virgin, in the year 1297; he was married to 
Isabella Wells, daughter of Robert Perington, and widow of 

* Hemingford. Fordon, L XL, c 29. 



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as HISTORY or ALNWICK. 

Robert Lord Wells ; and by her he had one son John, who 
was born on the 14th of September, 1269, and who died in 
his father's lifetime at Conway, on the 27th of April, 1295. 
He left also an illegitmate son William. 

Though there may be much in the conduct of the De 
Vescys of which our modern civilisation may disapprove, yet 
judged by the general character of their own times, we can- 
not but admit that most of them were great men — ^historic 
personages — statesmen as well as warriors, playing prominent 
parts in important national movements, and leaving an im- 
press of their power on society. Grasping they were after 
great possessions — and they obtained them ; the crown was 
indeed, glad to confer large possessions for large military 
services, though royalty was sometimes chagrined when they 
were rendered in the cause of Uberty. The Vescvs were not 
miserly owners ; their gifts to the church were large ; they 
shewed respect to the ancient rights of the people, to their 
folc-lands, though, as in the case of Alnwick, confirming 
these rights under new feudal conditions; to their vassals 
they dealt out the lands, of which they had the primary 
seisen, in a liberal spirit, creating or confirming over the 
district a very numerous body of proprietors, holding lands 
varied in extent, under different tenures. This may have 
been a necessity of the times; yet it contrasts with the 
condition of the district in aftertimes, when we find the 
greater part of these proprietors had been swept away. 

The pedigree of the De Vescys will appear hereafter, along 
with that of the Percys. 



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CHAPTEE VI. 

CASTLE, BAEONT, AND TOWN OF ALNWICK DUEINa 
THE DE VESCY PERIOD. 

VOmCAK GAfiTTLE — VOBMAJST TOIVN — ROYAL VISITS— INQTHSITION INTO 
THE YALTJB OF THE BABOmT — KNIOHTS' FEES — ^DElfESNE LAKDS 
— BONDMEN AND COTMEN — SOCAGE FREEHOLDERS — DEED OF 
CONVEYANCE OF A H0T7SE IN NARBOWGATE— DREKOAGE — ROYAL 
INQUIRY INTO FEUDAL USAGES — KNIGHTS TEMPLAR — KSIQSTB 
OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM — ALNWICK CHARTERS — BOROUGH 
SEAL — BOUNDER OF ALNWICK MOOR — ALNWICK A CORPORATE 
TOWN — CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD. 

With William de Vesey the reign of the De Vescys over 
Alnwick came to an end, at the close of the thirteenth cen- 
tury. From the conquest to this time^ two hundred and 
twenty-three years had gone by — forming an important era 
in the history of the nation; but at its close the feudal system 
was breaking up, the commons were rising out of bondage ; 
the reform of law, initiated by the great barons in the reign 
of John, had been carried forward by Edward the English 
Justinian ; the different conflicting elements of which the 
nation was composed, had been nearly fused into one people; 
and the noble composite language, which the English now 
speak, had to & considerable extent assumed its peculiar form 
and character. We may, therefore, pause here in our general 
history, to notice the state of the castle of Alnwick, of the 
town, and of the people during that era. 

Undoubtedly the town existed from the earliest period of 
Norman history ; and from the phraseology of the charter of 
Henry II. to William de Vescy, it may be inferred that a 
castle was there when Yvo de Vescy was baroil of Alnwick.* 
Probably he began the work ; for we can scarcely suppose 

* " Ad tenendum de me in capite Castrum de Alnewyco et totum honorem 
qui fait Ivonis de Vesei.*' 



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84 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

that a barony so extensive as Alnwick, in the midst of a 
warlike and hostile population, and near to the borders, and 
exposed, therefore, to foreign aggression, would be long with- 
out the protection of a Norman stronghold. Eustace Fitz- 
John, however, completed the work ; for we find it described 
in 1135^ ''munitissimum castellum," a very strongly fortified 
castle. During the De Yescy period it attained its greatest 
massiveness and strength ; and covered as large an area of 
ground as the present castle. Formed according to the plan 
generally adopted by the Normans, it was one of the proudest 
and most important strongholds of the period — ^the dwelling, 
the fortress, the prison of a great baron. It was, however, 
not the earliest Norman castle in the north ; Durham Castle 
was built by the conqueror in 1072, Newcastle by his son 
Robert in 1080, Carlisle by Rufus in 1092; that of Norham 
was erected by Bishop Flambard in 1121. 

The principal part was the donjon or keep, which in most 
Norman castles in England, was a large massive square or 
oblong tower, of three or four stories height, with small 
narrow windows and walls of immense thickness. The keep 
at Alnwick stood on an elevated mound on the north side 
of a bailey, which was as large as that connected with the 
present castle, and was enclosed and defended by a wall 
strengthened at intervals by mural towers. The area of the 
whole was about five acres, and would afford sufficient 
space for military exercises. A ditch defended the donjon, 
and another ditch the encircling wall. As in the present 
castle, the old entrance would be on the west, carefully 
guarded by massive gates with portcullis, which could be 
dropped on any emergency; and this defence would be 
further strengthened by towers, having the various contriv- 
ances of the age for annoying an assailant. From the remains 
of a great Norman gateway, which seems to ha^re led into an 
inner court, and from discoveries made by Mr. F. R. Wilson 
while the castle was recently in course of restoration, it may 
be inferred, that the De Vescy keep was similar in extent 
and arrangement to that reconstructed by the Percys. A 
retaining wall of Norman masonry was found on the inner 
side of the ditch, circling round the keep; and the foundations 
too, of round. Norman towers were observed. This keep, 
therefore, differed in some respects from the common Nor- 
man type, and resembled those of a later age, in being com- 
posed of a series of rounded towers grouped around an inner 
court or ward. Here lived the great baron and his £GLmily, 



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ARCH OF TITR Tinvj-IAN lUEF EFJ-.CTEI; ABnUT AD 114^ 
km FEPXY np-AVv' WELL. 







^\''-'E]' 



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CASTLBy BARONY^ AND TOWN — ^DB VB8CY PERIOD. 86 

and his principal vassals ; and as being the strongest part of 
the fortress^ the garrison would here find refuge when other 
defences were taken. In the erection of such strongholds, 
security was the great object to be attained ; safe this castle 
may have been, yet it was a gloomy residence, a grim build- 
ing, looking stern and defiant, and boasting of few of the 
appliances of civilised life; yet within its great hall the 
music of the harp and the song of the minstrel would hush, 
for a while, the loud and boisterous revelry of the rude feudal 
soldiery. 

Standing on the south bank of the Aln, on a kind of 
peninsula formed by the junction of the Bow-bum with the 
river, the site of this great castle had some natural advan- 
tages. On the north, the river with its high steep bank was 
a strong defence; and along the south and east sides ran 
the Bow-bum, which though but a tiny stream, yet when 
swollen with rains from the hills, mshed down with a force 
which had hollowed out of the sand and gravel a deep 
channel, especially on the eastern side of the castle. This 
channel was converted into a moat or ditch; and the defences 
were completed by an artificial ditch cut between the Bow- 
bum and the steep bank of the river; and as this ran along 
the western side of the castle, it gave an additional protection 
to the gateway. 

This castle has been subject to so much destruction by 
war and by time, and to so many alterations and renova- 
tions, that we cannot expect to find much of the Norman 
work remaining. However, some portions of the present 
castle, marked by even courses of small stones, belong to 
this period ; the lower part of the wall between the Abbot's 
and Armourer's Towers is Norman;* the wall from the 
Postern to the Constable's Towers in its lower part is Nor- 
man ; and the greater part of the wall between the Chan- 
cellor's and Record Towers in its lower part is also Norman. 
Possibly some portions may be the work of Yvo de Vescy in 
the early part of the twelfth century. Of this period, how- 
ever, the most interesting remain is the archway of the donjon 
or keep, which is semicircular and ornamented with rich 
zigzag mouldings, characteristic of later Norman architecture; 
and indicating that this work had been done by Eustace 
de Vescy about the year 1140 — Plate V.yjig. 1. Distinct 

* The Axmourer'B and Falconer*! Towen, together with the Norman wall 
connecting thenii were polled down in 1860. 



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86 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Norman work in the walls at three points^ distant from each 
other^ prove that the old Norman castle had the same general 
outline as the present one. In the ground plan — Plate IV., 
Jiff. 2.— of the castle as renovated by the Percys, those por- 
tions which are of the Norman period are marked a. 

If Alnwick had not existed in the Saxon times^ the 
erection of this huge castle would have caused a town to 
spring up. Numerous artisans would be required to carry 
on the works; houses would be built for their occupation; 
and a trading community located to supply to them the 
necessaries of life; while again the cultivators of the soil 
would raise their humble dwellings under the protection of 
the stronghold. Doubtless, however, the collection of house- 
steads forming the Saxon vill became now very consider- 
ably-increased in number, and raised Alnwick to the dignity 
of a town. It was still an open town without defences of its 
own; we know it was burnt down by the heartless King 
John ; and very probably it suffered many calamities which 
are not recorded, during the fitful warfare along the borders. 
Of one trade, we obtain a glimpse from the public records, 
which indicates that the town had become important; in 
1181, in the 27th of Henry II., Yvo Cut of Alnwick paid 
the sheriff of the county half a mark for selling wine contrary 
to the assize ; and John, son of Robert de Lahil, was guilty 
of the same offence and paid the same penalty. Two wine 
merchants at least supplied the burgesses of this early period 
with the fruit of the vine.* We learn too from an inquisition, 
that there was in 1296 an iron foundry or forge in Alnwick 
held by Thomas Bolt, who paid for it to Laurence de Sey- 
mour a yearly rent of twelvepence.f 

* King John in 1199 enacted that no Poiton wine be sold at more than 4d. 
and no white wine at more than 6d. per gallon, and that inspectors be appointed 
in every city and borough in which wine was sold. Any vinter selling contrary 
to the assize was arrested by the sheriff and hb goods sold on behalf of the king. 
The merchants, however, could not bear up against this ordinance ; and leave was 
given to sell a gallon of white wine at 8d. and red wine at 6d. The effect of this 
legislation is thus quaintly stated by Hovedon — ** and so the land was filled with 
drink and drinkers." 

t Inquisition, 25 Edw. I. no. 13. *' Inquisito facta apud Neuton per piaecep- 
tum Domini Regis, coram Johanne de Lythegraynes, die Mercurii proximo ante 
Dominic am Palmarum anno regni Regis E. xxv.** •••••••• 

**Item Thomas Bolt tenuit de proefato Lauren tio [de Sancto Mauro] unam for- 
giam in Alnewyke, et reddit pet annum zlj denarios. Item operationes cotariomm 
valent per annum xijd." 



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CASTLB, BABONY^ AND TOWN — ^DB VE8CY PERIOD. 87 

Of the houses of this early period in AlnWick we have 
no remains There were several ecclesiastical structures ; a 
chapel was within the castle, which was served hy a resident 
chaplain, who in the year 1189, 1st of Richard I., was paid by 
the sheriff of the county thirty shillings and fivepence for his 
fee. Alnwick Church was in existence in 1147, for in that 
year it was granted to Alnwick Abbey by Eustace Fitz-John. 
Basements of pillars with Norman mouldings, and part of the 
chancel arch with lozenge ornaments, belonging to this ancient 
church, have been recently discovered. The two great abbeys 
of Alnwick and Holn, and the hospital of St. Leonard's, were 
all founded during this period, chiefly by the piety and muni- 
ficence of the De Vescys. 

Alnwick was visited four times by King John — on the 
12th of February, 1201 ; on the 24th of April, (Friday,) 
1209; on the 26th of January, 1213; and on the 11th of 
January, 1216 ;* Henry III. was at Alnwick on the 23rd of 
September, 1256 ; Edward I., on his way from Scotland in 
1291, was at Chatton on the 14th and 15th of August, and at 
Alnwick on the two following days, when he issued orders 
for payment to be made to the custodiers of the kingdom of 
Scotland, and granted a protection to the earl of Athol ; he 
was again at Chatton on the 13th of December, 1292, and at 
Alnwick on the same day, where he issued orders for pay- 
ment of the farm of the mills of Selkirk, Peebles, and at 
Traquair ; and on the 16th he was at Tughalle.f 

To shew the character of the property held in Alnwick 
and in the barony, and the names of the principal owners at 
successive periods, I shall give accounts, more or less com- 

Slete, of various inquisitions made by royal authority on the 
eath of the baron, or on the forfeiture of his lands by treason. 
A lury in such cases, under the direction of the king's 
escheator, investigated what lands the baron possessed, by 
what tenures held and their value, and what the true 
value of the knights' fees and of the advowson of churches. 
After the death of John de Vescy, two of these inquisitions 
were made at Alnwick in 1289 by Thomas de Normanville, 
the king's escheator beyond the Trent, before the following 
jurors, most of whom attended both inquisitions : — t 

• Pat. Rolls Itin. of King John. f Rot Scot, Vol. I. 

t As these hare been printed in Hartshorn's Feudal Castles, I do not giro the 
etiginala. I hare retained the original spelling of the names of persons and 
plaees. 



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88 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

^^Bobert de Gleintedone, William de Elwicke, Nicholas de 
Haukhille, Thomas de Bocke, Huffh de Tynedelye, Bobert de 
Tridingtoney John Fitz-Payn, John de la Gbene, Bobert de Falu- 
done, William de Doxforde, William Bibaud, Thomas de Hay- 
sande, John del Claye, Adam de Schipilbodille, &c. These 
jurors being sworn, said that John de Yescj died seized* of 
The castle of Alnewicke and appurtenances, viz. : 
129 acres 1 rood of land m demesne,* worth 

yearly, 6 18 4t 

20 bondmen in Alnewicke and Denewicke, each of 
whom holds 24 acres of land on bondage tenure 
and renders yearly 2 mares, f-nram, . . 26 13 4 

Of the same bondmen for the inmrovement of their 

lands, with the exchange of Gynfen, . .2150 

Of 7 ootmen yearly, 9 

Of the &rm of a certain mower of Alnewicke and 

Denewicke, 5 

Of the fjGums of free tenants in Alnewicke and of the 

burgesses of this town, with three water mills, 61 12 
Of the rents of Hola, to wit, of arable land, mea- 
dows, and pastures, yearly, . . . . 11 19 6^ 
Of Swynleys with appurtenances, in all, . .1119 1 

The sum of this panel is £122 3f . 
Of the Till of Houton, 'cum quadam frnssura quae 
vocatnr le Merum,' pertaining to the said vill, 
to wit, demesne landB, bondagia, cottagia, mills, 
meadows and pastures, and rents, yearly, . 92 7 4^ 
Of the tOI of Lessebiry, to wit, of demesne lands, 
bondagia, cottagia, mills, meadows and pastures, 

and rents, yearly, 82 14 3 

Of Alnemue, to wit, of the rents of the same vill, 

and of toll and prisage,:^ aHA rents, yearly, • 30 
Of Swynhow and of rents, yearly, in all, . .968 

Sum of the second panel £214 8 3^. 
Of Ohatton, to wit, of the demesne lands, farms of 
free tenants, of bondagia, cottagia, and of mills 

and rents, yearly, 68 16 1^ 

Of Alneham with uiealings of this vill, and of a 
capital messuage, demesne lands, &iins of free 
tenants, of bondmen, cotmen, and of mills, and 

of rents, yearly, 61 7 6 

OflandinthevillofWlloure, . . . 4 17 4 

Sum ofthe third panel £125 IH. 

* The i7<Mfiliilafm or dememe, that part of a manor which tha lord held In hia 
own handf and which waa in part cultirated hy his hondmen and cotmen. 
f A mare wis of the ralne uf thirteen shilUnge and fourpence. 
Fringe^ the ihare belonging to the king oat of prizei taken at lea. 



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CASTLE^ BARONY, AND TOWN — ^DE VESCY PERIOD. 89 

'Annual rent of his own forest of Alnewicke, and of 

herbage, pannage,* and agistment, f . . 10 
Perquisites of the courts in common years, . .400 

Sum of this last panel £14. 

Sum of the whole £475 9 6^. 

The following given in an inquisition made on the 7th of 
May, 1289, is the account of the true value of the knights' 
fees and ecclesiastical advowsons : — 

Gilbert de Umframvill holds of Lord John de Vescy 10 vills 
by service of two knights' fees, rendering yearly 26s. 8d., and 
they are worth yearly 300 marks, and are assigned to Lady Agnes 
de Yescy as her dower. John Comyn, holding lands in No^olk 
and Suffolk in chief of the lord king, holds Neuham of Lord de 
Vescy by service of half a knight's fee, and renders yearly 
66. 8d. ; and it is worth £40 per annum, and is assigned to 
Lady Agnes de Vescy. The heirs of Momwicke, tenants in chief 
of the king, hold Momwicke and Chyvingtone by service of one 
knight's fee and a half^ and render yearly 20s. ; and they are 
wo^ yearly £20, and are assigned to Lady A^es de Vescy. 
The heirs of Folbiry hold Follebiry, Heselrige, Ccddmartone, by 
one knight's fee, and render Ids. 4d. ; and tiliey are worth £40^ 
and are assigned to Lady Agnes. Thomas de Eocke holds Eocke 
by half a knight's fee, and renders 6s. 8d. ; it is worth £20 per 
annnni, and is assigned to Lady Agnes de Vescy. The heirs of 
Bolbeke, holding of the king, hold Dodington with its members, 
and render 13s. 4d. yearly ; and it is worth 100 marks yearly. 
Balph Eitz-£oger holding in chief of the king, holds Chareltone 
and Edderstone by one koight's fee, and renders yearly 13s. 4d. ; 
and they are wor3i yearly £40. Bobert de Hilton holds Schipil- 
bodille with its members by s'ervice^of two knights' fees, and 
renders 26s. 8d. yearly, and from increment of a tenement of 
Hugh Bibaud in Brokefield, 11^.; and they are worth 100 marks 
yearly. The heirs of William de Middletone hold Bumetone, 
Irrestone, Scranwode, by service of one knight's fee and one 
quarter, and render yearly 17s. 9^. ; and they are worth £40. 
Bobert de Locre holds Locre, Chareltone, Faludone, Hoping, by 
one knight's fee, and renders 13s. 4d. ; and they are worth £12 
per annum. Nicholas de HauckiUe holds Hauckille by one 
knight's fee, and renders 13s. 4d. yearly; and it is worth £12 
yearly. Hervens de Biltone holds Biltone by one knight's fee, 
and renders yearly Ids. 4d. ; and it is worth £13. William 
Bibaud and Bobezt Mantalaunt hold Howicke by one knight's 

* PannagUtmj firom paiaon (French)| pasture, a payment for the right of 
feeding swine in the lord's forest 



f Agiitamentumj a payment for the feeding or depasturing of cattle. 

N 



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90 HISTORY OF ALNWICK* 

fee, and render 13s. 4d. ; and it is worUi £20 yearly. Peter 
Harrang holds Little Houghtone by one knight's fee, and ren* 
ders yearly 13s. 4d. ; and it is worth £13 yearly. Laurence de 
Saint Maurus holds Neutone on the Sea and Yerdille by one 
knight's fee, and renders yearly 13s. 4d. ; and they are worth 
£40. William de Ooleville and Philip de lay Leye hold Bodel 
(and Spinnelstan) by service of one knight's fee, and render 
138. 4d. ; and they are worth yearly £30. Morice de Eworthe 
holds Eworthe by service of a quarter of a knight's fee, and 
renders yearly 4s. 5^. ; and it is worth £20. John de Cambou 
holds Hortone by heJf a knight's fee, and renders 68. 8d. ; and it 
is worth yearly £10. The heirs of Hettone hold Hettone by 
service of half a knight's fee, and render 6s. 8d. ; and it is worth 
£12 yearly. Hugo de (Strother?) holds Lyhum by one quarter 
of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 4s. 5^d. ; and it is worth 
£12. Bichard de Lyhum holds 40 acres of land in the same by 
one eighth of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 9d. ; and they 
are worth 40s. yearly. Philip Fitz-Martin holds BerteweUe* for 
an eighth of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 23d. ; and it is 
worth 20s. yearly. Also, (Henry de Swinho ?) holds 24 acres of 

land in Sn^mho, and renders ; and they are worth yearly 

24s. Also, the jurors said on their oath, that John de Yescy had 
no advowson of any chiirch in the coxmty of Northumberland. 

These inquisitions and the Testa de Neville shew the 
great extent of the barony possessed by the family of De 
Vescy. It consisted of sixty manors^ chiefly lying in the 
neighbourhood of Alnwick ; but though held directly from 
the king, they were burdened with heavy charges. There 
was no militia nor standing army ; and those who possessed 
the land, were bound to defend it and attend the king when 
at war ; for every knight's fee of which they held possession, 
they had to equip and maintain during war a man-at-arms for 
forty days.f And besides obligations of fealty and service to 
the king, they were subject to reliefs, fines, forfeiture, aids, 
and wardships.^: No inconsiderable portion of the barony 

* Hobberlaw. 

f According to Horedon, in A.D. 1181, there had to be kept for e?eij knight's 
fee, a cuirass, helmet, shield, and lance ; for e?ery free layman having in chattels 
or rental sixteen marks yearly, a hauberk, an iron head piece, and lance ; and for 
a burgess, an iron head piece and lance ; and these arms were neither to be sold 
nor pledged. 

t Belief, a sum of money paid on taking possession of land ; the amount at 
first arbitrary, but fixed by Magna Charta at about one fourth of its yearly value ; 
Jlne», paid on alienating lands ; forfcituret for treason or other crime ; aidi, paid 



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CASTLS^ BAKONY, AND TOWN — DB VBSCY PERIOD. 01 

however, had been granted by the lord to mlUtary vassals, 
who rendered for their lands similar services to the baron, 
as he did to the king. In the reign of Edward I. there 
were twenty-six of these sub-feudatories in the barony, 
who held lands varying in extent from one eighth part of 
a knight's fee to two knights* fees; the smallest being 
Bertewell (Hobberlaw), and the largest Shilbottle, held 
by the heirs of WilUam Tyson. There was a wide dif- 
ference both in the extent and value of these several knights* 
fees. Forty acres at Lyham were equivalent to one eigh- 
teenth of a knight's fee, and were of the yearly value of £2, 
so that according to this, a whole knight's fee would be 
seven hundred and twenty acres, and of the yearly value 
of £36; Bertewell, containing two hundred acres of land, 
makes a knight's fee sixteen hundred acres, and only £8 
yearly in value ; Rock, containing two thousand acres was 
half a knight's fee, and valued at £20 ; Bilton, with one 
thousand three hundred and forty-five acres was a whole 
knight's fee, and valued at £13; and Hawkhill, with seven 
hundred and twenty-three acres was also a whole knight's 
fee, and valued at £13. The value of a knight's fee at Budle, 
Newton, Brunton, Fowberry, and Charlton, was £40 ; in two 
cases, those of Newham and Eworth, the value was £80. We 
find that it was not beneath the dignity of a baron holding 
lands in capite from the king, to become the subfeudatory or 
vassal of another baron; John Comyn, a tenant in chief in Nor- 
folk and Suffolk, was subfeudatory of the Vescys for Newham. 
As the king retained for himself numerous manors to 
support his dignity and power, so did the baron of Aln- 
wick retain in his own hands demesne lands, chiefly 
around his baronial residence; and he also parcelled out 
lands to various persons of low degree, on tenures not clogged 
by military service. In Alnwick, one hundred and twenty- 
nine acres and one rood constituted the demesne land of the 
baron; but similar lands were in his own possession at 
Houton, Lesbury, Chatton, and Alnham. There were only 
two military tenures in the parish of Alnwick, one at Berte- 
well or Hobberlaw, and the other at Rugley ; the other lands, 
not in the lord's own hands, were either on free socage, on 
bondage, or on theinage and drengage tenures. 

for yarions objects, such as on the marriage of the king's sons and daughters and 
eTen of his sisters, or for the king's ransom ; wardships of heirs, a source of 
great profit to the king, as he enjoyed the revenues of the lands, and could obtain 
advantage firom the marriage of an heir or heiress. 



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9S. HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

We obtain no glimpse in Alnwick of serfs — the true slaves • 
of the period^ who had no interest in the land^ and who could 
be sold like goods and chattels. Twenty bondmen were in 
Alnwick and Denwick, and there were several in all the 
various vills held by the baron. Their bondage^ however, 
even at the earlier Norman period, was but of a modified 
kind. They held lands, on what is called bondagium or 
bondage tenure, sufficient in extent to maintain them and 
their families ; in Alnwick and Denwick each had twenty- 
four acres of land. Their tenancy was subject to servUe 
conditions ; they were originally bound to plough, reap, cart 
dung, and perform other agricultural operations on the lord's 
demesne lands. At first the impositions were arbitrary, 
depending on the will of the lord ; but in course of time, the 
amount and kind of labour became settled and defined ; and 
ultimately most of the services were converted into a money 
rent, amounting to about Is. and Is. 6d. per acre. These 
bondmen could not leave the barony ; but on the other hand, 
the lord could not remove them ; they were in fact attached 
to the land, and had a claim on it for support. At the end of 
the De Vescy period, not only arbitrary exactions, but forced 
labour had to come to an end. Doubtless, the Alnwick bond- 
men lived in Bondgate Street, to which they gave a name and 
the field of Bondgate, mentioned in an early charter, would 
be their land. From this class sprung our copyholders. 

Besides these, there was a better class of proprietors 
descended from the Saxons and surviving the conquest, 
holding lands on free socage — a term probably derived from 
SoCf (Saxon,) a fianchise — with full power to dispose of their 
possessions. They were subject to a small fixed rent pay- 
able to the lord of the manor, which is still collected yearly 
under the name of quit rent, from burgage houses and lands 
within the bardny. " The farms of the free tenants of Aln- 
wick and of the burgesses of the town, with three water 
mills, amounted yearly to £61 Is. Od." According to the 
Testa de Neville, the following held lands in free socage 
tenure in " Aunewyc ;*' Simon de Horseley half a carucate,* 

• A caracate or a plonghland, was as much land as could be ploughed and 
worked with one plough in a year ; it varied in extent According to Boldon 
Buke, it contained at Famacres one hundred and twenty acres. In 1198, five 
shillings were levied on every carucate or hide of land ; Hoveden says that the 
surveyors set down one hundred acres of land for each carucate of land in cultiva- 
tion. See also note p. 78. 



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CASTLE, BABONY, AND TOWN — ^DB VBSCY PEBIOD. 98 

for half a marc ; German de Brockesfeld one carucate and a 
half, for half a marc ; Simon the Hunter half a carucate, for 
half a marc ; Stephen Fitz-Robert half a carucate ; Walter 
de Prendwick eleven acres, for the third part of one pound of 
cinnamon ; the abbot of Alnwick the Grange of Hecclive, 
(Heckley) ; Robert de Chilton held half a carucate in Den- 
wye, for half a marc ; and William the Falconer held half a 
carucate in Leterbir (Lesbury), for one sparrow hawk. 

A conveyance of one of the messuages in Alnwick of the 
date of about 1290, is preserved in the Durham Library. Of 
this interesting old deed, which is much shorter than a 
modem conveyance, the following is a translation : — 

" To all to whom the present writing may come, Walter de 
Owytill greeting in the Lord, know that I have given, granted, 
and by my present charter have confirmed to Thomas de Oharle- 
ton, fuller, that messuage with appurtenances in Alnwick, which 
I formerly bought from the said Thomas, as it lies in the Naru- 
gate, between the land of William Batman on both parts, to 
have and hold to the same Thomas and his heirs and assigns of 
the chief lord of the fee, as freely, quietly, and fully, weU and in 
peace, as I for some time have held the said messuage, so that 
neither I nor my heirs, nor any one in my name may be able to 
establish right or claim for ever in the said messuage with appur- 
tenances. In testimony of which thing, I have put to the present 
writing my seal, these being witnesses, the lord abbot of Alnewyk, 
William of Qt)Bewick, Benedict, constable of Alnewyk, John del 
Gxen, William Batman, and others." 

Of another old tenure drengage and theinage we have also 
traces in Alnwick. In the great Pipe Roll for 1187, 34th of 
Henry III., the sheriff, under the head "De teinis et drengis" 
accounts for £23 IBs. 4d. de dono of Alnwick and other lands 
of William de Vescy ; in the following year, £12 10s. Od. are 
said to be due for the same ; and in 1191, under " Tallagium 
de Drengis et Teinis," we have — ^** the men of Alnwick and 
other lands of William de Vescy in Northumberland owe 
£12 10s. de dono." . This tenure was confined to the limits of 
the old Saxon kingdom of Northumberland; teinage and dren- 
gage being essentially the same and differing only in degree, 
the latter term being applied to the holding of one property, 
and the former to the holding of more than one ; imder it, 
the person was free, but the conditions of the holding were 
servile; the services were of the same kind as those of 
bondagium though less in amount, and not necessarily per- 
formed by the drengh or one of his family. The word is of 



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94 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Danish origin, from dreogan, to do, to work ; the Norwegian 
cabin-boy is still called the cahin-drengh ; and we owe to it 
the English term drudge, which is applied to one who per- 
forms the meanest kind of labour. Yetlington, Callaly, and 
the half of Whittingham were held under this tenure. Such 
lands were not subject to military service, but to tallages 
(crown revenue paid by the king's own demesnes and of 
boroughs and towns) ; to heriota (payments in lieu of the 
best chattel on the death of the tenant) ; and mercketa (fines 
for liberty to give a daughter in marriage). 

On the return of Edward I. from the Holy Land, he found 
that during the feeble reign of his father, the revenues of the 
crown had been diminished by tenants alienating property 
without license, by churchmen as well as laymen usurping 
the power of holding courts, of exacting fines and oppressing 
the common people, and claiming rights of free chase, warren, 
fishing, and demanding unreasonable tolls. He appointed 
commissioners to inquire into these abuses ; and their returns 
called Jtotuli Hundredorunty give curious information as to 
the power and privileges of the baron of Alnwick. The 
Alnwick inquiry was made in the 20th of Edward I. before 
the justices in Eyre. 

William de Yesci was brought forward that he mi^ht on this 
day, here shew, by what warrant he claimed to have the chattels 
of felons condemned in his own court of Alnewyk, gallows* 
in Alnewyk, market and fair, tumbrell,t pillory, toll, correction 
of the assize of bread and ale broken in Alnewyk, Chatone, and 
Alnemuthe, free chase in Alnewyk, Alneham, and Chatone, and 
free warren in all his demesne landis in the viUs aforesaid, and in 
Houton, Lestebyrye, and Thurghale, and infangenthef through 
the whole barony of Alnewyk, which belong to the crown and 
dignity of the lord the king, without the license and consent of 
the lord king himseK and his progenitors, &c. 

And William, by his attorney, came and produced a certain 
charter made under the name of lord Henry king, fetther of the 
present lord king, to a certain William de Vesd father of William 
himself, whose heir he is, by which the same lord Henry king 
grants to the aforesaid William his father, that he and his heirs 
should have for ever one market at his own manor of Chattone 
in the county of Northmnberland, weekly on Wednesday, and 
one fair yearly, to continue for eight days, to wit, on the vigil 

« Furea etfouCt in English, pit and gallows, the power of putting to death 
convicted thieves ; men by suspension, and women by drowning. 

f TuwlbreUum, a cuclcing stool to immerse scolding women in water. 

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CASTLE^ BARONY^ AND TOWN — ^DE VB8CY PERIOD. 95 

and on the day and on the morrow of the beheading of Saint 
John the Baptist^ and for five days following. And in like man- 
ner one market at Alnemuthe on Tuesday, and one fair in the 
same place for eight days, to wit, on the vigil and on the day and 
on the morrow of the beheading of Saint John the Baptist, and 
for five days following ; and so he claimed the liberties in the 
aforesaid charter ; and the other hberties contained in the brief, 
he claimed from antiquity. And he said that he and all his 
ancestors from time immemorial used them uninterruptedly, ex- 
cepting in about two hundred acres of wood and moor in Chattone, 
which were within the forest, but afterwards by the present lord 
king were disafforested, and in these he claimed not chase and 
warren. 

And William Inge, who followed for the lord the king, asked 
that the aforesaid William de Vesci should say by whom and 
when he was authorised to take possession of the chattels of felons 
condemned in his court &c. And William de Yesci said that he 
and all his ancestors from time immemorial, always were wont 
to take possession of such chattels and so claimed them. And in 
respect to the claim for market and fair, tumbrell, pillory, and 
toll, William de Yesci asks that inquiry be made by the lord the 
king what the custom has been &c. And in respect to the claim 
for the correction of the assize of bread and ale broken, William 
de Yesci says tJiat he punished not judicially, but by amercia- 
ments.* And this he was prepared to prove by the lord king 
himseK &c. 

The jurors said upon their oath, that the aforesaid William 
and all his ancestors, from the date of the aforesaid charters, had 
reasonably used the markets, fairs, and warrens, &c. And as to 
the other liberties, they say that William and all his ancestors 
frt>m time immemorial, had without interruption used them in 
the manner the same William claims them. They say also, that 
the same William did not judge any felons in his court, except 
those taken in his own fee, for felonies committed in the same 
fee &c. And as to the question in what manner he punishes 
breaches of the assize of bread and ale, they say that it was 
always by amerciament and not judicially.! 

The master of the Knights Templars in England exercised simi- 
lar privileges in Alnwick, and he was summoned before the same 
tribunal to shew his warrant for claiming infangthief, outgang- 
^ef :( and gallows in Alnwick, Wooler, and oSier places, and 

* An amerciament was nroilai to a fine, a pecuniary punishment for an offence; 
but its amount was moderated bj aflerators or jurors sworn for this purpose. 

t Placit de Quo Warranto, p. 587. 
X Infangthief, power of a lord to judge a thief taken within his own manors. 
OuigangthUf^ power of a lord to apprehend on oUier manors a thief who had 
eommitted iht erime on the lord's own manon 



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96 HISTOET OP ALNWICK. 

for himself and men being quit in those Tills of fines, amercia- 
ments, tallage, lestage, stallage, and all tolls, and passages of ways, 
bridges, and sea, and for haying waifes, fugitives, and felons' 
goods, and assize of bread and beer in these viUs. He claimed 
the assize of bread and beer from antiquity, and the other liberties 
from a charter 37th of Henry m. confirmed by 9<h of Edward I, 
The jury, however, found that since these charters, the Templars 
had not purchased any lands in these towns, and were not seized 
of waife and inganthief, and that felons' and fugitives' goods had 
not been allowed in the Exchequer ; but they gave verdict that 
the Templars had enjoyed the assize of ale from antiquity, and 
the other liberties from the date of the charter.* 

Property in Alnwick was held at this time by the Knights 
Templars ; but after the dissolution of that military order in 
1311, this property passed into the hands of the knights of 
St. John of Jerusalem. From the bounder of Alnwick Moor, 
it appears to have been to the west of the town, for the 
bounder begins '* at the head of Clayport on the south side 
at the west nook or comer of the dike, being late the lands, 
parcell of the possessions of the late dissolved house of St. 
John of Jerusalem." Swansfield is described, as these pos- 
sessions, in one of the. court rolls for 1704. The prior of this 
order claimed, in the time of Edward I. the same privileges 
as the Templars claimed for Alnwick, in a number of towns 
in Northumberland, some of which, as Edlingham, Abber- 
wick, and Bolton, are in the immediate neighbourhood of 
this town. A chartei?*and prescription were pleaded for these 
privileges, most of which were allowed by the jurors. f 

The most interesting and curious relics of this period are 
the three charters from the D^ Ycscys to the burgesses of 
Alnwick. Of these I shall here give literal translations. 
The originals, beautifully written on parchment, are preserved 
among the muniments of the corporation of Alnwick. The 
earliest was granted by the first William de Yescy, and is 
without a date, but must have been made between the years 
1157 and 1185. 

'' Be it known to all men present and to come seeing or hear- 
ing this charter, that I WilUam dQ Yesci have granted and by 
this mj charter have confirmed to the men, my burgesses of 
Alnewic, to hold of me and of my heirs, they and their heirs, as 
freely and quietly as the burgesses of New-Castle hold of the 
lord the king of England, and also to have common pasture in 
hayden and in the moor of hayden. These being witnesses, 

• PUcita de Quo Warranto, p. 596. f Ibid, p. 688. 

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TLATE W. 



CHARTER OF WILLIAM PEVESCI TO ALNWICK BD^CESSEIS 
Fi^ 1 




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CASTLB, BABOMT, AND TOWN — ^DB VE8CY PEBIOD. 97 

Walter de bolebeo, Eoger de Stuteville, John the aherif^ Bainald 
de Kynebel, and many others." 

After the lapse of more than half a century, the second 
William de Vescy, the grandson of the former, confirmed 
this grant, but gave no additional privileges. This also is 
without a date ; but it must have been made between the 
years 1226 and 1253 ; for at the former date, William ob- 
tained livery of his lands, and at the latter date he died. 

*^ Let those present and to oome know that I William de Yesd, 
son and heir or Lord Eustace de Yesci, have granted and by this 
my present charter have confirmed to my burgesses of Alnewio 
all the liberties and free customs, to be held and had of me and 
my heirs to them and their heirs, quietly and peacefully for ever, 
which the lord the king of England has granted to his burgesses 
of Newcastle, and which they ^ely use. And abo the common 
pasture in Haydene and in the moor of Haydene, descending 
and ascending by Goliergate, as fi^eely, quieUy, and peacefully 
in all thin^ as the charter of Lord WiUiam de Yesci my grand- 
father, which they have from him, witnesseth. Jxl testimony of 
this thing I have to the present writing put my seal. These 
being witnesses, the lord H. abbot of Ahiewic, WiUiam de Yesci 
my brother, William de Fumival, William le Latimer, Boger 
Fitz-Balph, William de Bosco, Eudone le Latimer, Simon de 
Horseley, and others." 

In Plats IV,, Jig. 1, is given a copy of this charter with 
the De Vescy seal, from a photograph taken for me by Mr* 
George Potter. 

The third charter was granted by the third William de 
Vescy, the son of the second William, on the Sunday after 
Michaelmas in the year 1290; it confirms the former charters 
and gives additional privileges. 

** Let those present and to come know that we WiUiam de 
Vescy, brother and heir of John de Vescy, have given and 
granted, and by our present charter have confirmed to our bur- 
gesses of Alnewyke all liberties and free customs in aU things, as 
Sie charter of WiUiam de Vescy our father, which they have 
frt>m him, fuUy testifies. We have also given and granted 
to the same our burgesses, certain pieces of land in the 
field of Bondegate, whic^ are caUed Stottefaldhalch * and 

* This may be read either as StoftefaWidlch or SecitefaWuUch, for the t and e 
are very mnch alike ; the former reading is adopted, as more probable, because 
giving a better meaning to the compoond word ; which comes from Stud, (Dan- 
ish,) Stui, (ancient Swedish,) an ox or young bull ; faked, fdld^ (Anglo-Saxon,) 
a fold, an enclosure for sheep or cattle ; hakh, a haugh, a northern word applied 
to low lying lands bordering on a river ; it is the haugh whereon was the oxen 
fold ; it is now called Hesleyside, from the hazel bushes which grew there^ 

O 



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98 HI8T0BT OF ALKWICK. 

Baawellestrother * with all their appurtenanoesi with the common 
in Hayden, and with all privileges in HajdenoKKMr in mardies, 
meadowi^ and pastiiresy petaries, turbariesi and heaths, and with 
all their other appurtenanoes, libertLes, and privileges, which they 
were wont to use in the times of our ancesfcors, as well in the 
forbidden month as in others. And be it known that in the 
northern part of the way from Bonlton, which is called Botdton- 
strete, even unto the path which is called Coliergate, cultivation 
flhaU by no means be made by any one before it is pre-arranged 
by us and the said bureesses, which cultivation within the afore- 
said bounds ought to be made fbr ovr advantage, and tor the 
advantage of tlu9 burgesses themselves, by mutual oonsent. And 
the whole pasture there shall remain tar us and the burgessee 
tibiemselves jointly in common. In testimony of tiiis thing we 
have put to this writing our seal. And to another writing, 
containing a counteipart of this, remaining with us, the said 
burgesses have put their own common seal. And be it known 
that the same bui^esses and their heirs for the liberty they are 
to have in Hayden in the forbidden month with their animals, 
shall give to us and our heirs yearly two shillings, one half at 
the feast of Saint Martin and the other half at Penteoost lor 
ever. The witnesses being, brother Alan de Staunibrd, at tiiat 
time abbot of Alnewyke; Sirs Balph Fitz-Boger, Robert de 
Hilton, Alexander his son, Walter de Oamhou, at that time 
seneschal, knights; Nicholas de HauckiU, Hervy de Bilton, 
Bobert Harang, Thomas de Eok, John de Middelton, William 
le Messager, and others. GKven at Catth(»rp, on the Lord's Day, 
next before the feast of Saint Michael, in the year of our Lord 
OB/d thousand two hundred and ninety." 

At the time of the last grant, 1290, the burgesses of 
Alnwick were a corporate body, for their common seal was 
attached to the counterpart of the charter retained by the 
lord. The fine old seal, used to give corporate authority to 
important documents^ is, I believe, the same as that which 
the burgesses attached to the De 'Vescy charter. It is made 
of brass, and the figures are very deeply engraven. St. 
Michael the guardian saint of Alnwick is represented killing 
the dragon; he stands in a stiff attitude with his wings 
extended; in his right hand is a spear with which he is 
piercing the dragon beneath him ; and in his left is a shield 
on which is the cross patonce belonging to the De Yescy 
arms. This proves that the de»gn had been formed during 

• EanveOeiirother, •£ Anglo-Sftzoii ozigin, from rem, a irild goat or deer } 
weatt, a well ; and itrotheft a marsh ; tlie well in the manh or bc^, frequented 
by wild goata or deer ; it ia ealled the bog, and fermi ^art of Bog Hill Farm* 



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CASTLE, BABONY, AHD TOWN — ^DB VB8CY PERIOD. 



99 



the De Yescy period ; and the legend around the seal^ '^ Ahi- 
wike S: Comnne Burgi de,** The common seal of the borough 
of Alnemcke, is in letters of a form used during the thir- 
teenth or fourteenth centuries. To letters patent to gather 
a collection for building the town wall against the Scots, 
the same seal was appended in 147S; it is now entirely 
broken, but in 1754 so much was remaininff of the figure 
and legend, as to prove, that it was identical with the one 
now in use; it is also attached to a petition presented to 
Lord Burleigh xespecting the Grammar School in IdSS. 

na II 




ALNWICK BOROUGH SEAL. 



The property belonging to the corporation of Alnwick was, 
at this period, extensive. Besides Stottefaldhalch or Hesley- 
side, and other lands eastward of the town, there was Hayden 
or Alnwick Moor, which contained three thousand three 
hundred and twenty-nine acres. An old document, preserved 
among the corporate archives, gives the boundary of this 
moor ; it is entitled " A Copy of the Boundary of the Forrest 
of Hayden,** which seems to have been made in 1647, for in 
that year one shilling and fourpence were paid "for the copy 
of the bounder of the moor.'* Reference is made to it in 
1669, when the four-and-twenty of the borough ordered 
^^ Cuthbert Chessman, John Falder, and Matthew Alnwicke, 
to repair to counsell to advise in our townes interest as to our 
moor and other privileges, and that the towne shall bee at 
the charge of such suit as shall be necessary and advised for 
the maintaining our bounder according to a court of survey 
that is in the towne's box.'* 



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100 HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

"A COPY OF THB BOUNDARY 

' OF THB Forrest of 

Hayden. 

AXNWICE, — 

Tlie Burgesses or Buirowmen of the Towne of Alnwicke liave 
by grante of one of the lords of Alnwicke, called William Lord 
Yessy, Common of pasture and fireboot, yiz: — mooreleave of 
Turfe, Peate, and hather or heath in a large wast ground called 
the Forrest of Hayden, lying ni^h and aioyning on the west of 
the said borrow and towen of Alnwicke, the metes and bounders 
is as foUoweth, viz. : — ^beginning at the head of Olayporte on the 
soutii side at the west nooke or comer of the dike, being late the 
lands, parceU of the possessions of the late dissolved house of St. 
John's of Jerusalem, and from thence goeing southward along 
the same dike which goeth about Bobert Greene's land untill 
you com to the waU or palle of Grenesfield, now parcell of Gaw- 
ledge Parke, and soe aLonge the said pale till you come to a 
kerne of stones at Cadmacrooke gate, and soe up the dike west- 
wards to Heberlaw to the comer of the house theird from thence 
along the dike to Kugley loning end, and up the within at the 
foote of the longing end, and soe &re as the groimd of the dike of 
the Hallgarth of Bugley goeth, and then oyer at the stre loneing 
end to the south dike nook, and thence along the said dike to 
St. Margaret's, from thence as the dike and wall goeth to the 
goeing down to Snepehouse and soe downe the said dike untill 
you come to mention of an old dike, along that old mention to 
ane old house sted, from thence right out southward to a well 
called Hesley Well, as the old mencion of a dike goeth from 
thence right southward to Swinalee foarde in the boome, from 
thence southwest by the forkings of the boome right up to an 
ancient kerne of stones at Bowten Strete, from thence right up 
to another kerne of stones, from thence to another kerne of 
stones, from thence north west to a great round hill, from 
thence by kerne and kerne to the south side of a hill where a 
great thorn tree grew between two great cragges, from thence 
to ike top of the hill, and soe to the kerne by West Bowten 
Streate, and soe kerne to kerne along Bowten Streat, and from 
kerne to kerne eastward along the edge of the hill and as the 
water falleth from thence northwards to a kerne on the east side 
of Oxen Heughe, and from thence partly northeast to one kerne 
above Lamden foote roode, from thence right on to a great 
kerne on the west nooke of the Twinlaw hill, from thence north- 
ward as the water falleth from the top of the hilla along the 
Beedside to the far beacon, from thence as the water fuleth 
along the top of the hiU to the west wicket at the west end of the 
parke, and from thence eaBtward as the pale and wall goeth by 
north of Coliergate to Freeman Gap, and soe along the said 



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CASTLE^ BABONT, AND TOWN — ^DE VE8CT PEBIOD. 101 

parke wall to the cvrestparke gate, tram thence as the wall 
leadeth to the QuarreU Ejlk, to Wykes Well, and from th^use 
upon the west side of the said hills to Stocken dike, and soe 
along the said dike to Oanogate longing, and from southwards 
to the head of the said dike, and from thence down the dike to 
Hie west end of ratten row to the north end of the house which 
standeth southwest and northwest in ratten row, and from thence 
to the boome." 

Though this extensive moor was granted and confirmed 
by charters from the De Yescys, it by no means follows, that 
the town or vill of Alnwick had not possession of it from 
Saxon times. We have seen that these moors were the 
remains of the Saxon folc-lands — ^the common property and 
inheritance of the people. Such lands for long after the 
conquest were of no great value ; and no extraordinary gen- 
erosity was exercised, when after being ruthlessly seized, 
they were granted back to their original and proper owners. 
A mere handful of rude soldiers could not use all the vast 
possessions they had conquered ; and it was indeed necessary, 
in order that food might be raised for themselves, that others 
should be permitted to cultivate the soil and send their cattle 
over the wild moor-lands. The native population, continuing 
to hold lands under the old free tenures, were almost com- 
pelled to vield them up, to secure the protection of these 
powerful K^orman barons ; who, however, in many cases, 
re-granted them on modified conditions, assimilating more or 
less with the feudal tenures. For the same object, confirma- 
tion of grants was sought and obtained from successive 
lords. 

Alnwick, possessed of a common seal and holding common 
property, had become during the De Yescy period a compact 
borough town with several distinct streets. In one of the 
charters there is mention of Bondffate, and in the deed 
already quoted, of the Narugate — which are the Bond-Street 
and the Narrow-Street ; for gate is here used in the sense 
of street, from the Danish gaet, which has that meaning ; 
and it is still so applied in country villages, where we hear 
such phrases as " Aw saw him in the toon geyt." Probably 
too, the trading and mechanical community were, towards 
the end of the period, associated in distinct guilds or com- 
panies, for the regulation and protection of their different in- 
terests. We find wine merchants, a fuller, and an iron founder 
in the town ; and, if not at this period, at least not long after- 
wards, the fixUers or walkers occupied the Walkergate, or the 



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102 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Fullers Street^ near the river. Tradition sajs that King John 
gave a charter to Alnwick, with the condition that every new 
burgess should plunge through a pool in Hayden Forest, in 
which royalty had been bogged on St. Mark's Day. From 
time immemorial till 1853, this extraordinary custom was 
kept up ; and its traditionary origin is strengthened by the 
record of his progresses northward, which states that he rested 
at Alnwick on the 24th of April 1209 ; and he may therefore, 
at this time, have been hunting in the forest of Hayden and 
bogged in a marsh. It is possible that the other part of the 
tradition may also be founded on fact, though there is no 
such charter among the corporate muuiments, or among 
the public records. Some slight confirmation is given to the 
idea of the town having been at one time a royal borough by 
payment of tallage in 1191 ; for such taxes were imposed on 
royal lands and boroughs. 

We have seen the great baron living in rude magnificence 
in his gloomy castle, attended by warlike vassals ; we have seen 
the town tenanted by persons of various mechanical or trad- 
ing occupations, and the different grades of people, living in 
clusters and cultivating the soil, scattered over the district ; 
and we have seen too rich abbeys, and church and chapel, for 
the religious instruction of the district ; but with all this 
external glare, what was the general condition of the people ? 
A weak sentimentalism, illumining the past with reflected 
lights from the present, fondly imagines that these were the 

f;ood old times, when there were plenty and happiness in the 
and. History tells a sadder tale. The baron nursed amid 
scenes of rapine and bloodshed, was generally rude and un- 
educated, and too often rapacious and cruel ; and his armed 
vassals, worse than himself, were the tools of his oppressions. 
The soldier alone was held in respect; mechanical arts, 
trade, commerce, and law too, were viewed with so much 
contempt, that even a judge was denied the character of a 
gentlemen, till he had proved his descent firom a soldier. 
Castles which now, either as hoary ruins or renovated 
palaces, are picturesque objects in our English scenery, were 
then but dens of robbers ; they were raised, not for national 
defence, but to overcome and oppress the native population. 
The learned Madox says " The castle was usually the head 
of the barony ; it was the honorary part, the town was a 
plebeian or inferior part. The castle might be compared to 
the grand hall of the barony, the town to the stare-^room. 
Constables, knights, and sergeants, which were in castleB, 



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CA8TLB, BAROirr, AHD TOWN— •IIB VBSGY PERIOD. lOS 

did nse in Conner ages to exercise ^eat superiority over the 
towns which were near them, and hkewise over the adjacent 
country. No wonder men who were covered with steel 
should domineer over hiurgesses and peasants — ^the armed 
over the unarmed/'* The reign of Stephen was the great 
era of castle building, when every baron sought to be inde- 
pendent^ and raised Us stronghold and maintained his band of 
armed men ; before Stephen's death, one thousand one hundred 
and fifteen castles had been built. Whatever may have been 
the ultimate effect of the Norman conquest on the character 
and progress of the nation, it was for centuries the box of 
Pandora from which many evils were let loose over the 
country. The habits of warfare, which the feudal system 
fostered, spread abroad misery and checked the progress of 
improvement ; and Northumberland, from its position near 
the border, was especially unfortimate ; for besides sharing 
in those evils, it was exposed to the wild sweep of Scottish 
inroads. The picture of the period drawn by the Saxon 
chronicler is dark and revolting. 

« They had done homage to the king, and sworn oaths, but 
they no faith k^t. AU became forsworn, and broke their aJlegi- 
ance, for every nch man built his castle and defended it against 
him; and they fiQed the land full of castles. They greatly 
oppressed the wretdied people by TnaVing them work at these 
castles, and when the casues were finished^ they filled them with 
devils and evil men. There they took those whom they suspected 
to have any goods by ni^ht and by day, and they put them in 
prison for their gold and silver, and tortured them with pains 
unspeakable, for never were any mariyrs tormented as these 
were. They hung some by the feet, and smoked them with foul 
smoke ; some by their thiunbs or by their head ; and they hung 
burning things on their feet. They put a knotted stiin^ about 
their heads, and twisted it, tUl it went into the brain. Tney put 
them into dungeons, wherein were adders and snakes and toads, 
and thus they wore them out. Some they put into a crucet- 
house, that is, into a chest which was short and narrow, and not 
deep, and they put sharp stones into it and crushed the men 
therein, so that tney broke all their limbs. There were hatefiil 
and arim thin^ called Saohenteges in many of the castles, and 
whi(m two or three men had enough to do to cany. The Sachen- 
tege was made thus : — ^it was fastened to a beam having a sharp 
iron to go round a man's throat and neck, so that he might no 
ways sit nor lie nor sleep, but he must bear all the iron. Many 
thousands were exhausted with himger. 



• Madox HU. Ezchaq., p. 18. 



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104 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



They were oonfitantly levjing an exaction from the towns, 
which they called Tenserie, (a payment to the superior lord for 
protection,) and when the miserable inhabitants had no more to 
give, then plundered they and burnt aU the towns, so that well 
mightest thou walk a whole day's journey nor ever shouldest 
thou find a man seated in a town or its lands tilled. 

Then was com dear and flesh and cheese and butter, for there 
was none in the land — wretched men starved with hunger—some 
lived on alms, who had been erewhile rich; some fled the country 
— never was there more misery, and never acted heathens worse 
than these. At length they spared neither church nor church- 
yard, but they took all that was valuable therein, and they 
burned the church and all together." 



Fia 12 




Baae of a pillar of tbe old Norman Church at ALiwicIl See page 87. 



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CHAPTER VII. 

BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DE VESOT OP KlLDAEE. 
EEOM 1295 TO 1309. 

AurwioK BABomr given m tbust to bek fob wiixiam de vescy 

OP KILDARB — BEK's BBEACH OP THIS TBTJST — HIS UPE — WIL- 
LIAM DB VESCY OF KILDABE — CONVEYANCE OP ALNWICK BABONY 
TO HKNBY DE PEBCY — INQUISITIONS — ^ATONS — CHABACTEB OP 
THE TBANSPEB. 

William de Vescy died without legitimate issue ; but he 
left one natural son, a minor ; who, from having been bom 
in Ireland, was usually called William de Vescy of Kildare. 
The father designed that this son should, at a proper time, 
inherit all his honours and estates ; and in his own lifetime, 
he absolutely settled upon him and his heirs the manor of 
Hoton Bussell in Yorkshire, in which was included the 
barony of Malton ; and appointed Thomas Flaiz and Geffi-ey 
Gyppesmere as his guardians ; but with respect to his great 
Northumberland estates, " he did," says Dugdale, " by the 
king's license infeoff that great prelate Anthony Beke, bishop 
of Durham and patriarch of Jerusalem, in the castle of Aln- 
wicke and other lands, with trust and special confidence, 
that he should retain them for the behoof of William de 
Vesci his bastard son (begotten in Ireland,) at that time 
young, until he came of age.'** The unprincipled bishop 
basely violated this trust, and kept possession of the barony 
of Alnwick for twelve years; and irritated by some slanderous 
words which he had heard, that William de Vescy of Kildare 
had spoken against him, he sold on the 19th of November, 
1809, the castle and barony of Alnwick to Henry de Percy.f 
Bad men perpetrating unjust deeds, like the wolf when 

• Dugdale'8 Baronage, II., p. 95. 
t Scala Chronica, Leland, I., p. 539. 



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106 HISTOBT OF ALIillFICK. 

seiadng on the lamb^ have always some excuse for their 
iniquity. 

Bek while he held the barony was seldom, if ever, at Aln- 
wick ; and there is little in the public records to connect his 
name with our history. He, however, obtained a charter in 
the 25th of Edward I. to hold a market and £ur at Alnwick, 
to have a free warren there and at Alnham and Tughall.* Of 
this baron of Alnwick therefore, little account need be given* 
He was the son of Walter Bek, baron of Eresby in Lincoln- 
shire. After being archdeacon, he was enthroned bishop of 
Durham on Christmas Eve, 1285. More, however, a soldier 
and politician than an ecclesiastic, he spent most of his life 
in the midst of courts and camps. By King Edward I., he 
was employed both in Scottish and French transactions. 
B^presenting royalty, he addressed the states of Scotland, at 
Norham in 1292 ; and according to Fordun, Edward, through 
his advice, pronounced in favour of BaUol's claim to the 
Scottish throne. This bishop militant led the second line of 
the English army at the battle of Falkiik. 

His grasping ambition brought him into conflict with both 
the pope and the king; his temporalities were seized by 
Edward I. ; but he obtained restitution of his estates from 
Edward II., with the additional dignities of sovereign of the 
Isle of Man and titular patriarch of Jerusalem. More tem- 
poral power he possessed than even Wolsey ; and he lived in 
a style of as great magnificence as that great cardinal. His 
court simulated royalty ; nobles knelt before him when they 
preferred petitions, and knights waited on him bareheaded 
and standing. Unscrupulous and ambitious he was ; but 
his liberality was profuse, and the public works, which 
he raised, attest his munificence. He died in 1S60, leaving 
behind him immense treasures.f 

William de Vescy of Kildare, though stript of his North- 
umberland inheritance, was still, on account of his other 
estates, an important personage ; he was summoned to par- 
liament among the barons of tibe realm, in the sixth, seventh, 
and eighth years of the reign of Edward II. In 1300, he 
was returned from the county of Lincoln, as holding lands 
and rents in capitSy or otherwise, to the amount of £40 and 
upwards; and as such, he was summoned to perform military 

• Cart 2, 25 Edw. I^ m, 8. 

t Fall accounts of this singular prelate aie given in Hutchinion's and in 
Surtees' Hiitories of Daibam. 



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BISHOP BEK ASD WILLIAM DB VESCY OF KILDABE. 107 

service against the Scots.* He did not, however, enjoy 
his estates long; for he attended his sovereign at the battle 
of Bannockbum, so fatal to l&iglishmen, and was slain 
there in the year 1314. Leaving no issue, Malton and his 
other manors in Yorkshire passed to Gilbert Aton, who was 
Ae nearest heir, not only «f WilUam de Yescy of Eildare, 
but also of William, the last De Vescy, baron of Alnwick. 
Such was the verdict of juries at an inquisition held at York 
on the Sod of June in 8th of Edward II., and at another 
held at Lincoln. Gilbert Aton was descended from Warin, 
the brother of Eustace de Yescy. Margaret, the only daugh* 
ter and heiress of Warin, had married Gilbert de Aton of 
Aton in Pickering, from whom descended William Aton, 
who had two sons Gilbert and William; the former died 
without issue, and the latter succeeded to the estates and 
had a son Gilbert de Aton, who was thus the heir of the De 
Yescys ; he was twenty-six years of age when the inquisition 
was made. S«r William de Aten appears in 1376 as a 
witness to one of the Alnwick Abbey charters, and in the 
same year, along with Lord Henry de Percy and many other 
knights, he dined in the refectory of Alnwick Abbey, when 
the abbot, Walter de Heppescotes, gave a grand entertain- 
ment to the nobles and commonalty of the country.f The 
Atons assumed the name and arms of De Yescy, and one 
of them afterwards intermarried with a Percy. For many 
generations they enjoyed their Yorkshire inheritance; but 
ultimately, Malton by purchase came into the possession of 
the frimily of Fitz-WilKam. 

The transferenoe of the barony of Alnwick from the De 
Yescys to the Percys presents but an unpleasant picture, and 
to lighten its darker colouring, doubts; by some modem 
writers, have been thrown on some of the facts. The deed 
by which William de Yescy infeoffed Bek, seems now not to 
be in existence. The facts of the case, however, appear in the 
Se&la Ckr&nieaf which is pretty nearly a cotemporary record ; 
and the statements are repeated in subsequent inquisitions as 
unquestioned truths. The deed of conveyance by Bek and a 
confirmation of the same by Edward 11. are printed in Rymer's 
Foedera. The bishop, by charter made at Kenyton on the 19th 
of November, 1S09, grants to Henry de Percy, the barony, 
castle, manor, and vill of Alnwick, with vills, hamlets, mem* 
bers, advowsons of churches, abbeys, priories, hospitals, and 

• Alphabetical Digest^ p. 887. f Chronicle of Alnwick Abbey. 

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108 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

eluipels^ together with millB, meadows^ woods, lorddups, 
demesue lands, yillenages, yUlans with their fiEumlies and 
chattels, knights' fees, homages, rents, services of free men, 
wards, reliefs, escheats, hundreds, wapentakes, and courts ; 
together with fairs, markets, warrens, chases, wreck of sea; 
and in addition, all lands and tenements, which Isabella, the 
wife of John de Vescy, and Isabella, wife of William de 
Yescy, held in dower of the said barony, and which were on 
their deaths to revert to Henry de Percy. King Edward II. 
at Shene, on the SSrd of January, 1310, confirmed by charter 
this conveyance. 

After the death of Isabella, wife of William de Vescy, two 
inquisitions were held in 8th of Edward II. ; the first found 
that she died seized of estates, which she held in dower, of the 
inheritance of Gilbert de Aton, next heir to William de Vescy ; 
but the next inquisition found that she held in dower in the 
county when she died, the manor of Tughall and Swynhou 
and the vill of Alnwick, with the mill of North Charlton, of 
the heirship of Henry, son of Henry de Percy, who is under 
age and in custody of the king, and that these lands and 
tenements were of the value of £120 yearly, and held in 
capite by service of one knight's fee ; the jurors also said that 
John, son of Amald de Percy, was the nearer and legitimate 
heir of William de Vescy.* In 1323, Henry de Percy paid 
a fine of one hundred marks that he might, after Isabella's 
death, enter on the fees she had in Catton, Wooler, and 
other places.f 

Strange it may seem to us, that this disposal of a great 
barony should have been permitted ; but we must remember, 
that law as yet, held no supreme dominion over great men, 
especially when the throne was weak. '* Norman govern- 
ment," says the philosophical historian Hallam, '^ rather 
resembled a scramble of wild beasts, where the strongest 
takes the best share, than a system founded upon principles 
of common utility.":^ Edward II. was a feeble monarch, and 
he had been humbled by his defeat at Bannockbum ; while 
on the other hand, Bek had almost princely power within 
his palatinate, and Percy was one of the greatest of northern 
barons. Probably enough, Edward would be glad of their 
support on any terms ; possessed of such power, and with but 
lax notions of justice and honour, these northern magnates 

• Inq. 8 Edw. II., n. 68. f Originalia, 17 Edw. II. 

X Hallun's Middle Ages, III., p. 219. 



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BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DS VS8CY OF KILDARE. 109 

would^ if their proceedings were questioned even by royal 
authority, more readily appeal, like the earl of Warenne, to 
their swords as evidence of their rights, than to the principles 
of reason and justice. There must, however, notwithstand* 
ing the bishop's conveyance and the king's confirmation, 
have been a consciousness of wrong committed, and of a 
defect in the title to the barony; for in IS^, the son of 
Henry de Percy obtained a release from Sir William Aton, 
the heir of the De Yescys, of his rights to the barony of 
Alnwick on payment to him of seven hundred marks sterlmg. 



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CHAPTER VIIL 

FmST, SECOND, AND TTTTRD BAEONS PERCY— 
1309 TO 1368. 

DE80BNT OF TBR PSBCHTS — THE LOYAIinSS — HENBY| FIRST BABON 
PEB07 OF ALirWlGK — ^lOLITABY OABSEB IN SOOTLAIO)— OPPOSI- 
TION TO SDWASD n. — TOMB OF HIS WIFE — PERCY ARMS — 
HENBTy SB00ia> BARON PERCY — GRANT OP BEANLEY — SCOTTISH 
WARFARE — AUmOK CASTLE BESDiaED — BATTLE OF HALIDON 
HIIj;i— GRANT OF JEDBURGH -*- BATTLE OF NEVILLE's CROSS — 
JOHN OOUPEAND — PLAG^TE — GRANT OF irAR3rWORTH<^ HENRY 

Perot's will— -HENBYy third baron psroy of alhwick— - 

GEARA0ZER— SOOTTISH WARFARE — BITRNT GANDXJDCAS ^WARE- 
WORTH HZRacrrAGE. 

A new dynasty in 1S09 began to reign over Alnwick; and 
naturally we inquire--*who were the new lords and whence 
came they ? Properly speaking these lords were Lovaines ; 
but descending through a female from a Percy^ they had 
assumed that name. The early history of Percy has shared 
the £Eite of other families which have risen to distinetion ; 
and it has been encumbered with marvels and myths. Both 
ancient and illustrious is the descent ; and it needs not to be 
exaggerated by the false glitter derived from the fictions of 
the poet^ the legends of the monk^ or the fanciful blazonry 
of the herald.* 

Little is known of the house oi Percy prior to the conquest; 
yet Peeris^ a kind of poet laureate to the fifth Earl Percy, 
gives a romantic and high sounding history before that 
period, in a metrical chronicle written by him for the earl in 
the sixteenth century. He says or sings, that the fiunily is 

• Hartihom takes a difibrent Tiew : ^ Little short*' says he, "of the inspir- 
ation of the poet can set (its history) forth in langoai^ it desenres." I prefer the 
Tiews of D'Israeli — " it is not requisite for poets to be historians, but historians 
ahonld not be so frequently poets.** 



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FIB8T, SECOND^ AND THIBD BARONS PEBCY. Ill 

descended from Mainfr^d de Percy^ who went from Denmark 
to Normandy prior to Rollo's conquest of it; and that his son 
Geffrey joined RoUo in his expedition of 911. William^ a 
son of Geffirey, was made earl of Caux and governor of 
Normandy, and was slain by Hugh Capet, king of France. 
Gre£Erey, his son, succeeded him ; and in the next generation, 
the honours of the family were increased ; for William, the 
son of Geffirey, was created earl of Poictiers. Gefl&rey suc- 
jceedei him, and had issue two sons, William and Serlo de 
Percy, who came with William the Conqueror into England. 
All this is very magnificent ; but it is entirely a romance, 
concocted by imaginative heraldists, and unsupported by 
evidence. We know little more than this, that William 
de Percy — ^who was probably a younger son — came from 
Percy, a Seigneurie of the Paynells in Normandy, into 
England along with the duke of Normandy in 1066. For 
his services in the field and his devotion to the conqueror, 
he was richly rewarded ; as in Doomsday Book we find that 
besides manors in Hampshire, he received from the king no 
less than thirty-two lordships in Lincolnshire and eighty- 
six in Yorkshire; from Hugh Lupins, earl of Chester, he 
obtained the lordship of Whitby. His baronial possessions 
amounted to thirty knights' fees ; and the chief seats of the 
family were Topcuff and Spofford in Yorkshire. 

He was distinguished by the cognomen Le Oemons, As- 
gemonSy one Algernon^ meaning the whiskers. An abbey of 
Benedictine monks at Whitby was founded by him on the 
site of the ancient monastery of Strenshale, which had been 
destroyed by Inguar and Hubba the Danes. While in the 
Holy Land fighting for the cross, he died in 1086 at Mount- 
joy near Jerusalem, where he was honourably interred ; but 
according to Peeris : — 

'* The said Percy's heart was brought to England, 
According to his request ; 
Por in the abbey of his foundation at Whidiy, 
He had willed it to rest.** 

The pretty fancy of Bishop Percy as to the origin of the 
crescent, one of the Percy's badges, is not accordant with 
known heraldic facts. Of this first William Percy, the 
bishop in his ballad of the hermit of Warkworth, says : — 

" Then jonmeying to the Holy Land, 
There bravely fi>nght and died i 
But first the silyer crescent wan. 
Some Paynim soldan's piid^.** 



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112 HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK. 

The crescent^ however, does not appear among the early 
Percy badges ; it is first seen decking the pennon of the first 
Earl Percy's seal in 1400 ; and probably, as Mr. Longstaffe 
suggests, it had reference to the earldom of Northumberland. 
The old Percy arms ard given in the Harleian Manuscript, 
69i— "Field azure Jive mUpyke^ &r.*' This heraldic device 
fi>rmerly considered mill-picks, to pick or pierce with, ^^a 
mere pun perhaps on Percy or Pichot," are now regarded as 
fusils or spindels.** 

William de Percy is said to have married Emma de Port, 
whose lands he had seisEed-'-^^' which Emma was lady of Semer 
besides of Scarburg afore the conquest and of other landes, 
William gave Syr William Percy for hys good service; and 
he wedded hyr that was very heire to them, in discharging 
his conscience, "t By her he had issue three sons, ilian, 
Geoffirey, and Richard. 

Of Alan de Percy his eldest son who succeeded, little is 
known ; his name occurs as one of the witnesses to a charter 
granted by Henry I. to Bardney Abbey, and he confirmed 
the gifts of his father to Whitby Abbey and added other 
donations. He married Emma Gaunt, grand-daughter of 
the earl of Flanders, by whom he had five sons. He had 
also an illegitimate son Alan, who fought on the side of the 
Scots at the battle of the Standard ; and adhering to David, 
the king of Scotland, obtained from King David grants of 
the honours of Oxenham and Heton in Teviotdale, where 
the family flourished for two generations and then died out. 
The pedigree at this point is obscure. According to the 
Harleian MSS., 8648, 69S, &c., Alan was succeeded by his 
son William, who was married to Alice, daughter of Everard 
de Boos ; and William was succeeded by Richard, who had 
for wife Jane, daughter of William Brewers ; from Richard 
and Jane descended the last of the Percys, William, who 
married Adelides de Tunbridge, by whom he had six children, 
all of whom died before him, excepting A^es the youngest. 
He founded the abbey of Hampole for Cistercian monks in 
1133, and Salley Abbey in 1147. He fought on the side of 
King Stephen in the battle of the Standard ; and died about 

* Longstafie's Old Henldiy of the Percys, p. 164— one of the ablest of her- 
aldic diaiertationi, narked not only by learning and acateness, bat by a manly 
independent tone. My heraldio DoCioet are chiefly guided by this yaluable con- 
tribution to Northumbrian history. 

t Harleian MSS^ No. 692. 



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FIRST^ SECOND^ AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 113 

the year 1166. Thus, one hundred years after the family 
had settled in England, the male line of the Percys became 
extinct, and their vast possessions descended to a female. 

Agnes, the great Percy heiress, in about two years after 
her father's death, married Joceline de Lovaine. Connected 
with this union, there is another pretty fiction ; before her 
nuptials she is said to have covenanted with Lovaine, that 
he should either bear the Percy arms and omit his own, or 
keep his own arms and take the surname of Percy to himself 
and his posterity for ever. The following lines, under her 
picture in the pedigree at Sioa House, record his decision : — 

" Lord Percy's heir I was, whose noble name 
By me sarviTes unto his lasting fame, 
Brabant's duke's sou I wed, who for my sake 
Retain'd his arms and Percy's name did take." 

Joceline Lovaine, however, did not take for himself the name 
of Percy ; nor did the Brabant blue lion appear in the Percy 
arms till the time of Edward I.* 

Lovaine had a distinguished ancestry ; he claimed to be 
descended from Charlemagne ; and was second son of God- 
frey with the beard, duke of Brabant and count of Lovaine, 
and half brother to Adelicia, the second wife of Henry I., 
king of England. Before his marriage, he was styled the 
brother of the queen and castellan of Arundel. The queen, 
on whom had been settled the county of Sussex as her dower, 
gave to him the barony of Petwortu — ^no insignificant gift, 
for it was estimated at twenty-two knights' fees ; and this 
gift was confirmed by Henry XL, in the year 1168. Joceline 
died some little time before 1191, and was interred at Pet- 
worth. His wife Agnes died in 1195 ; and of her the Percy 
laureate thus sings : — " Lady Agnes among her elders lieth 
at Whitby. Upon the marble stone of her tomb in the said 
Whitby, under which buried was the body of this lady, two 
verses in Latin be, which I shall English as I can or I tarther 
pass : — ' In the feast of Saint Agnes, Agnes Percy lieth here 
engraved: and they both agree in kind, name, and life.' 
Tlus is a great commendation, and a token that this lady 
was of virtuous life and conversation." 

Henry, his eldest son, took his mother's name of Percy ; 
but he succeeded to part only of the estates held by his 
fietther. In 6th of John, he had livery, on the death of his 

* Longfitaffe's Percy Heraldry, p. 162. 



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114 HISTOET OF ▲LNWICS. 

mother, of all the lands of which she was seized ; and in the 
13th of John, he paid scutage on fifteen knights' fees, which, 
however, did not amount to half of what his father died 
possessed. A great part of the estates, including the manor 
of Whithy, bad passed to Richard, the third son of Joceline 
Lovaine, who was a man of energy, and more highly dis- 
tinguished in public affairs than bis elder brother ; as, how* 
ever, his issue became extinct in the second generation, his 
estates reverted to the direct line of the Percy family. Henry 
Percy married Isabella, daughter of Adam de Brus, and 
with her obtained the manor of Lekinfield near Beverley in 
Yorkshire, which for a long period was one of the most 
important of the Percy residences ; it was held by a peculiar 
tenure — he and his heirs were to repair to Skelton Castle 
every Christmas Day, and lead the lady of the castle from 
her chamber to the chapel to mass, and thence to her chamber 
again ; and after dining with her to depart.* 

William de Percy, son of Henry, succeeded, on the death 
of his father and of his grandmother Agnes, to a great part of 
their possessions; the extent of these is shewn by the scutage 
paid in 1222, when he was by special writ acquitted for fifteen 
knights' fees in Yorkshire and twenty-ei^ht in the honour 
of Petworth ; and these possessions were increased in 1244, 
when he had livery of the lands of his uncle Richard. He 
was married first to Helena, daughter of Lord Bardolph, by 
whom came the lordship of Dalton; and next, to Joan, 
daughter of William de Brewer. He had issue, seven sons 
and four daughters, and died in 1245, and was buried at 
Salley. 

He was succeeded by his eldest son Henry, who in SSrd 
x>f Henry III., paid a fine of nine hundred pounds for livery 
of his lands, and that he might marry whom he pleased. 
He wat* busily engaged in the stirring events of this period. 
He took part in the wars in Wales and Scotland ; he sup- 
ported King Henry III. against the barons ; and fighting 
stoutly for his sovereign in 1264 at the battle of Lewes, 
he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner ; he, however, 
soon regained his liberty. He died in 1272, and was 
interred at Salley near his father — ^the last Percy who was 
buried there. By his wife Eleanor he had three sons ; but, 
William and John dying without issue, his great inheritance 
devolved on Henry, the youngest, as heir to his brother 

• CoUinc, y., p. S21. 



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FIRST^ SECOND^ AND THIBD BAROKS PERCY. 119 

John; and this Henry first links the history of Alnwick 
wi& the Percys.* 

HENEY, PTRST BAEON PEEOT OF ALNWICK, 

Before obtaining the barony of Alnwick, Henry de Percy 
was lord of Topcliffe and Spoford, and possessed estates of 
enormous extent in Yorkshire, Sussex, and Lincolnshire; but 
when Alnwick barony was united to these, he stood in the 
ftremost rank of territorial barons. He was a minor at the 
time of his father's death; and he obtained livery of his 
lands in 1294, when he came of age, so that he must have 
been bom about the year 1273. Soon after his majority he 
accompanied the king, '^ well fitted with horse and arms," in 
his wars in Gascony. In 1296 he was publicly honoured 
with knighthood by King Edward I., in presence of his 
army which was drawn up in an extensive field gently 
sloping towards the Tweed, within a mile from Berwick ; and 
in April of the same year he fought under the leadership of 
his uncle. Earl Warenne, at the battle of Dunbar, when the 
Scottish army under Baliol was signally defeated. Scotland 
then falling under the English yoke, Edward constituted 
Henry de Percy governor of Galloway and Ayr. Sir William 
Wallace soon, however, began to awaken the patriotism of 
fais countrymen and to obtain advantages over the English* 
The earl <rf Warenne was ordered to suppress these popular 
risings ; and he sent his nephew (Henry de Percy), and Lord 
Clifford with an army into the west of Scotland; and they 
Game up with the Scottish host near to Irwin. Inferior in 
numbers to the English and weakened by internal dissension, 
the Scottish army surrendered without a battle to Percy and 
Clifford, on the condition of safety to their lives and estates. 
The heroic Wallace, however, was not a party to this sub- 
mission. Rewards were showered upon Henry de Percy ; in 
consideration of his great and faithful services a grant was 
made to him, by the king, of all the lands in England as well 
as in Scotland which belonged to Ingelram de Baliol, and 
which had descended to his heir Ingelram de Umfraville, 
then in rebellion against the king. After this he was 

* The pedigrees given of tbe Percys between the conquest and the acquisition 
6f AUiwiek barony are confused and e?en contradictory. I have endeaTonred 
to give a clear and correct account of the succession ; though a very brief one, 
as not immediately hextfag on our history. 



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116 UISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

repeatedly engaged in the Scottish wars. Robert Bruce had 
been crowned at Scone in 1306^ and had again roused the 
valour of the Scots^ when Edward^ though feeling the decay 
of age, summoned Henry de Percy, and other barons, to enter 
Scotland with all the forces of the northern counties in the 
beginning of summer; but before the time of rendezvous 
arrived, Robert Bruce was defeated by Aymer de Valence at 
Methven. Bruce, however, did not lose heart, though most 
of his supporters were slain or scattered ; but about Michael- 
mas, appeared in Cantire with a band of hardy followers, 
whence he sent some of his own people to collect the rent of 
his lands in Carrick. Henry de Percy hastened to defend 
these estates, which had been granted to him by Edward ; 
but Bruce, passing the Frith from Cantire, surprised Percy at 
night, slew some of his men, seized his war horses and plate, 
and compelled him to seek refuge in Tumberry Castle, where 
he was besieged by Bruce. Edward, receiving inteUigence 
of the danger to which Percy was exposed, sent forces to his 
relief; and Bruce being unable to cope witili them, retired to 
fastnesses in the highlands. This was one of the last acts of 
the infirm king of England, who was then afflicted with an 
incurable disease, under which he sunk at Burgh-on-the- 
Sands, on the 5th of July, 1307, when making another 
attempt on the liberties of Scotland. 

For some time Henry de Percy appears to have enjoyed 
the favour of his new sovereign Edward II., from whom he 
received several grants. In 1311, he obtained from the king 
the custody of the bishoprick of Durham, with the castles, 
lands, and tenements belonging to it ; and in the same year 
he had the custody of the manor of Temple-Wereby, belong- 
ing to the Knights Templars, who were charged by Pope 
Clement V. with being guilty of apostacy, idoktry, heresy, 
and other sins.* He was made governor of both Scarborough 
and Bamburgh Castles in 1312. For a time, however, he 
was arrayed against his sovereign. The extravagant attach- 
ment of the king to his favourite. Piers Gaveston the Gascon, 
the honours and estates he heaped upon him, conjoined with 
the rapacity and insolence of this worthless minion, roused 
the hostility of the barons of England ; and they insisted 
that Gaveston should be banished from the kingdom. The 
weak king clung to his favourite ; but the barons, among 
whom was Henry de Percy, raised an army and advanced 



• Rym. Feed., Vol. II., pp. 181, 168. 

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FIBSTj SECOND^ AND THIBB BABONS PERCT. 117 

against the royal party^ who retired^ first to Newcastle and 
then to Tynemouth, where the king and Gaveston embarked 
with a small retinue and proceeded to Scarborough Castle. 
The favourite remained there, believing himself safe, until 
the king, who went to York, should return with an army for 
his relief The earl of Pembroke and Henry de Percy 
laid siege to the castle, and Gaveston surrendered on capitu- 
lation, Pembroke and Percy pledging their faith that no 
harm should happen to him. The barons, however, regard- 
less of this pledge, doomed him to be beheaded on Blacklow 
Hill, near to Warwick Castle. Enraged with Percy for this 
treatment of his favourite, the king ordered his escheator to 
seize on all the lands, tenements, goods, and chattels of 
Henry de Percy. The storm, however, was for a while 
calmed; a pacification was concluded between the barons 
and the king; the barons on humbling themselves before 
him were fully pardoned, and the property of Henry de Percy 
which had been seized by the king was restored. 

Besides adding" Alnwick barony to his possessions, Henry 
de Percy purchased the lordship of Corbridge in Northumber- 
land. Alnwick Castle, which had fallen into a ruined state, 
was almost rebuilt by him in the style of the period. After 
spending a bustling Ufe in warfare and in the accumulation of 
property, he died, at a comparatively early age, in 1315 (being 
then only about 42 or 43 years of age), and was buried in 
Foimtains Abbey. "In Fountains Abbey lieth he before 
the sacrament, which abbey he endowed with great lands.'' 

He was married to Eleanor Fitz-Alan, whom he appointed 
guardian of his estates, and who survived till 1328; her 
shrine in Beverley Minster is one of the most beautiful 
and highly finished of the period — " a peerless gem of flowii^ 
decorated work." Henry de Percy's charitable deeds were not 
notable; he founded a chantry for two priests in the chapel 
of Semar for the health of the soul of Eleanor his wife, and all 
her ancestors ; and he gave to the monks of Salley lands, and 
the advowson of the church of Gairgrave.* The chronicle 
of Alnwick Abbey says of him, that " he was a magnanimous 
man, because he would not suffer injury from one without a 
heavy revenge, and so strenuously governed his servants, 
that they were feared in the whole realm of England." In 
this eulogy we see only the dark stem warrior. He left 
two sons, Henry and William ; but the heir being a minor, 

• Dug. Mon., I., p. 842. 



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lis HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

the king, on the 30th July, 1S12, took possession of his 
lands. 

Arms. — Oold, a blue lion rampant — Blue, Jive golden fusils. 
Crest. — A sort of fan, not peculiar to Percy.* 

Here we first meet with the blue lion rampant as a Percy 
device. ''It is possible/' says Mr. Longstaffe, ''that the lion 
was assumed in remembrance of Joceline of Lovaine, differ-* 
enced from the cinctures of the later dukes of Brabant, or it 
might be only indirectly allusive to the ducal house through 
the lords of Arundel, who descended from Queen Adelicia 
and perhaps used a lion in reference to her descent." 

HENBT, SECOND BAEON PEHOT OF ALNWICK. 

Henry de Percy was only sixteen years of age when his 
father died. His career was distinguished ; and he appears 
to have been a man of greater ability and h^her accomplish- 
ments than his father. " This Henry," says the chronicle of 
Alnwick Abbey, "was, beyond all his ancestors, the most 
famous and powerful." He in his youth always displayed 
BO much power in tournaments and exercises with the lance 
as to attain the highest honour. Being a minor when his 
£a,ther died, the custody of Alnwick Castle, with the manor 
and vills of Alnwick, Swynhou, Tughall, Alnham, Denwick, 
and Swynelocheles, were committed to John de Felton, who 
was constituted constable of the castle; and who had to 
maintain forty men of arms and forty hobelars in the castle, 
against Scottish enemies and rebels.f 

Henry de Percy, even when a minor, was highly favoured 
by the king. One year after the decease of his father, he 
received a grant of the lands in Northumberland which 
belonged to Patrick Dunbar, earl of March ;t this included 
Beanley, which was held under great sergeantry — ^a tenure 
which was not subject to the ordinary feudal conditions, but 
required the service of Inborg and Hutborg, or, as otherwise 
expressed, of inborough and outborough between England 

• LoDgstBfie'a Percy Henldjpj. 

f AblK Rot Orig., S Edw. IT., Ro. 6. Hobeltn wen light hone toldien^ 
the cATahy of the herder Ud4 ; the origm of the mraae it douhtfol ; aome derive 
it flmn hobUk (Fnnch), m coat of quilted stuff; hat it ii men prohahly Izom 
kehin (Fnnch), a little ahort-maned hone. 

I Bot Lit Giant., 8 Edw. II., p. 1. m. 



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FIBST, SECOND^ AND THIBD BARONS PEBCT. 119 

and Scotland. Seyeral explanations of this service have 
been ^ven, but the most probable is, that the baron was 
obliged to bear or convey the royal conintunications between 
the two kingdoms. While still under age, the king gave to 
him, in 1318, the custody of the castle and manor of Alnwick, 
with appurtenances, for the defence of the castle against 
Scots enemies and rebels, without anything being thence 
rendered to the king. In this year, all men capable of bear* 
ing arms, from twenty years of age to sixty, in the country 
north of the Trent were summoned to resist the Scottish 
invasion* 

Henry de Percy obtained livery of his lands in 1322 ; and 
in the same year he was made governor of Pickering Castle, 
and of the town and castle of Scarborough. At York, in 
1S£4, he received the honour of knighthood ; and for this 
imposing ceremony he was supplied with apparel out of the 
king's own wardrobe. 

From an early period of his life to its close he was fre- 
quently engaged in the wars with Scotland. Repeated 
inroads had been made by the Scots into England, and all 
attempts to bring about peace having failed, Edward 11. 
made large preparations to repel and avenge an expedition 
led by Robert Bruce in 1322 ; the warden of the marches 
was ordered to arm all the horse and foot of the border 
district, and an English army marched without resistance 
as far as Edinburgh; but finding no adequate supply of 
provisions, they returned, and in their route spoiled Holyrood 
and Melrose, and burnt Dryburgh, in revenge of similar 
atrocities committed by the Scots in England.! David, earl 
of Athol, was afterwards appointed by the king of England 
head warden over Northumberland, and Henry Percy was 
required to be obedient to him, and to keep a sufficient 
garrison in Alnwick Castle. Wearied out with these inces- 
sant wars, Edward endeavoured to bring them to an end ; 
and in 1323, in effect acknowledged the independence of 
Scotland, and agreed with Bruce to a truce for two years. 
But neither kings nor truces could quell the turbulence of 
the border insurgents; and to such extreme distress and 
fear were many of the inhabitants of Northumberland reduced 
at this time, that they entered into engagements with the 
Scottish marauders to pay a kind of black mail to be free 
from aggression. 

• Bot Scot, YoL h, p. 190. t Fordon. 



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120 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

Henry Percy gave important aid to the queen of England 
and Prince Edward, when in 1826 they sought the destruction 
of Spenser, the rapacious favourite by whom the king was 
led. Percy, with his forces, joined the queen at Gloucester ; 
and this seryice bringing him into favour with her party, he 
obtained the custody of Skipton Castle ; and was afterwards 
appointed one of the regency, " to have the rtde and govern- 
ment of the kingdom during the minority of Edward III." 

War broke out in 1326 between England and Scotland. 
The Scots enemies and rebels, at nignt having surprised 
some castles and fortalices in Northumberland, the king 
commanded Henry de Percy to fortify and provision Alnwick 
Castle, and the bishop of Durham to do the same to other 
castles in Northumberland. Henry de Percy undertook to 
keep the march towards the northern part from the 14th of 
February to Whitsunday with one hundred men-at-arms and 
one hundred hobelars, and with his own men as many 
beyond as he pleased; and in payment of this service he 
received one thousand marks.* Percy, however, soon found 
that this force was insufficient for the defence of the borders ; 
for frequent raids were made into England which he could 
not resist. To meet one of these invasions in 1327, the 
young king, Edward III., led a large army into the north ; 
but the Scots, under experienced generals, passed through 
desert and ru^ed paths, so that the English, who attempted 
to follow, were exhausted with toil, hunger, and watching. 
Crossing, imder the skilful guidance of Doi^las, what was 
deemed an impassable bog, two miles in length, the Scots 
escaped, on a dark moonless night, to their own country, laden 
with plunder. Disheartened by their want of success, the 
English army was disbanded. Ever on the alert to take 
advantage of the carelessness of their foes, the Scots soon 
after laid siege to the castles of Norham and of Alnwick; the 
former was taken, but the latter made a successful resistance, 
and three Scotch knights, William de Montalt, John de 
Clapham, and Malis de Dobery, with some others, were slain 
before its walls.f 

All attempts for a lasting peace had proved abortive, 
mainly because the king of England was unwilling distinctly 
to admit the independence of Scotland; but after the murder 
of the weak and unfortunate sovereign Edward II., the queen 
dowager and her paramour Mortimer, who governed England 

• Rym. Foed., II., p. 688. f Fordun, 1. XIII., c 12. 

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FIRST, SECOND, AND THIBD BARONS PERCY. 121 

in the name of the young king, became so odious to the 
people of England, that they found it necessary to obtain 
peace with Scotland on any terms. Powers were therefore 
given in 1327 to Henry Percy and William de Zousehe to 
negotiate a lasting peace; and the result was a treaty 
between the two kingdoms, which was sanctioned by the 
parliament held at Northampton, and ratified by Edward on 
the 4th of May, 1328; the claim of sovereignty over Scotland 
was given up by England ; and to cement a cordial union^ it 
was agreed that Joan, the sister of Edward, should be married 
to David, the son and heir of Robert Bruce. The interests 
of Henry Percy were not neglected ; for in accordance with 
this treaty, he had restored to him the lands and possessions 
he formerly held in Scotland, and of which he had been 
deprived during the wars. He was appointed one of the 
justiciaries and commissioners for causing the peace to be 
kept along the borders of Northumberland ; and it was part 
of his dutv to perambulate the ancient boundaries ; and, in 
concert with men from Scotland, to revise them whensoever 
this was deemed needful. Not long after this, on the 7th of 
June, 1829, died Robert Bruce — a great man, who will be 
held in honour throughout all time, for the valour, the 
wisdom, and indomitable fortitude which he evinced in de- 
livering his country from foreign bondage. . 

The time, however, had not yet come for a cordial and 
lasting peace between the two countries ; and a cause was 
soon found, after the death of Robert Bruce, to open again 
the flood-gates of war. Percy*s estates in Scotland had been 
restored to him; but those of Henry de Beaumont, Lord 
Wake, and others, had not been delivered up. These power- 
ful barons sought redress by endeavouring to change the 
dynasty of Scotland. An expedition headed by Lord Beau- 
mont, a man of ability and experience, sailed from Ravenspur 
near the Humber, to the Frith of Forth, with the avowed 
object of placing Edward Baliol on the throne of Scotland. 
The English forces landed at Kinghom, and achieved over 
the Scots a victory so marvellous, that it appears like a 
romance intruded into history. A little English army of 
three thousand men overthrew a great Scottish host, and 
slew thirteen thousand on the battle field at Duplin.* Baliol 
was crowned at Perth on the 24th of September^ but his 
triumph was short ; his throne like an unsubstantial dream 

* Heming£>rd. 



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122 HISTOKT OP ALNWICK. 

rapidly feded away before the end of the year. While at 
Annan in supposed security, he was suddenly attacked at 
the dead of night by Randolph, Douglas, and Frazer, with a 
chosen band of a thousand men, and he was compelled to flee 
half naked on a horse without a saddle, across the Solway 
Sands to seek refuge in England^ leaving his brother Henry 
dead behind him. 

Secretly had the king of England countenanced this aggres- 
sion upcm Scotland; and its partial success awakened his 
ambition, to achieve what his grandfather nearly accomplidied 
— ^the supremacy of England over Scotland. Some Scottish 
raids across the borders gave a colourable pretext to his 
leading a powerful army into Scotland. In 1333 he besieged 
Berwick, but a Scottish army came to its relief. A battle 
was fought at Halidon Hill near Berwick, where the Scots 
were signally defeated; Boece says they lost fourteen thousand 
men. Berwick in consequence surrendered ; and Balid with 
an army of twenty-six thousand men advanced into Scotland, 
and reduced nearly the whole under his power. Henry 
Percy was present at the battle of Halidon Hill ; and on the 
S3rd of July was made governor of Berwick and one of the 
guardians of the eastern side of Scotland.* Along with 
Ralph Neville, William de Shareshall, and Thomas de Bam- 
burgh, he attended, as deputy of the king of England, two 
meetings of the Scottish parliament, to seek confirmation of 
the convention between him and Baliol, wherein Baliol had 
bartered away the independence of his country. At the 
parliament held at Perth, there were granted to Henry Percy 
by Edward Baliol, the pele of Lockmaben with the valleys 
of Allendale and Moffatdale, which had formed part of the 
estate of Randolph, earl of Murray. This gift, however, he 
did not long enjoy ; but King Edward III., on September 
4th, 1334, gave to him, in compensation for its loss, the 
castle and town of Jedburgh, the towns of Bon-Jedburgh 
and Hassyden, and the forest of Jedburgh; and he also 
granted to him fifty marks yearly out of the customs of 
Berwick, and the custody of the castle there, for which, one 
hundred marks had to be paid to him in time of peace, and 
£200 in time of war. Annandale was given to Edward de 
Bohiui.t 

Notwithstanding the success of Edward, the feelings of 
independence and heroism, which the brave Robert Bruce 

• KnyghtOD, 2564. Rot Scot, I., p. 256^ f I^t Scot, I., p. 280. 

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FIBST^ SECOND, AND THIBD BASONS PBBCT. 123 

had kindled in the minds of the Scots, could not be extin- 
guished. To the poor tool of the EngUsh king they would 
not submit ; and a fonnidable confederacy was soon formed, 
which compelled Baliol to seek refuge in England* Edward 
was again in Scotland, in 1335, with an army to regain his 
lost authority. On his return to England, he halted at 
Doddington on the Ist of November, and he was at Alnwick 
firom the 3rd to the 9th of the same month; and while there 
agreed to a truce with Sir Andrew Murray, one of the 
guardians for Scotland. Notwithstanding this, England 
waged incessant war with Scotland during the succeeding 
seven years; Edward fighting for dominion, and Scotland 
ioT independence. Frequently was Henry de Percy engaged 
in these movements; and we find that for his services he 
received, in 1336, two hundred marks firom the exchequer. 

To repel an invasion made in 1337, the various holders of 
baronies and manors were summoned to assemble at New- 
castle accompanied by a number of their vassals ; Grilbert de 
Um&aville had to bring with him thirty men-at-arms and 
fifty hobdass ; Henry de Percy sixty men-at-arms, twenty 
hobelars, and twenty archers ; Ralph de Neville the same 
number ; John de Groy twenty men-at-arms ; John de Acton 
two men-at-arms.* 

Henry Percv in 1340 undertook, in conjunction with Gil- 
bert Umfiraville, Ralph Neville, and- Anthony Lucy, to set 
forth at their own costs, two hundred and ten men-at-arms 
and two hundred and twenty archers to serve against the 
Scots. All these efforts, however, could not crush the spirit 
of Scotland; for in 1342, a little before the return of the 
young King David Bruce from France, the English had 
been driven out of every part of Scotland except Berwick ; 
and now when their own country was freed from their foes, the 
Scots began again to ravage the English border; while Edward 
engaged in his ambitious attempts in France, could not, for a 
time, repel the ag^essors. A truce, however, was made to 
last for three years, but it was ill-observed by both parties-f 

The year 1346 was disastrous both to France and Scotland; 
the former was overcome at Cressy, and the latter at Neville's 

* Rot Scot, I., p. 506, where the names of oAen are given. 

f In ** Botali Scods," Vol. X., there are copies of the several appointments of 
Henry de Perey to he keeper of the marches of Berwick, &c. ; and orders to the 
collectors of the cnstoms in Berwick to pay him salaries due out of the customs 
on wool, leather, and wool-fells. 



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124 HISTORY OF ALKWJCK. 

Cross. Urged by his ally the king of France^ David Bruce 
invaded England M^ith a large army of thirty thousand men, 
with which he ravaged the country, and advanced as far as 
Durham. Edward, king of England, was in France; but 
according to the romantic history of Froissart, Queen Phillipa 
manifested the spirit of a heroine ; and, to drive back the 
invasion, summoned the peers and prelates of the realm with 
their followers to meet at York. An army of sixteen thousand 
valiant men rose in reply to her call. She is said to have 
led this army as far as the battle-field, and before leaving to 
have addressed them — entreating them to do their duty well 
in defending the honour of the king, and for the love of God. 
She then retired to Newcastle to await the issue.* It is 
doubtful, however, whether the queen took so prominent a 
part in these events. 

The Scottish army was arrayed on the moor-lands westward 
of Durham, in three divisions ; the right wing being led by 
the earl of Moray and Sir William Douglas ; the IdBt wing 
by Robert the high steward of Scotland ; and the centre by 
the king himself. The English army in four divisions 
marched past Neville's Cross to attack the enemy ; the right 
wing being led by Lord Percy, Gilbert de Umfraville, and 
other northern barons ; the left wing by Sir Thomas Rokeby, 
sheriff of Yorkshire; the centre by Ralph Lord Neville, 
along with his son, the archbishop of York, and Lord Hast- 
ings ; and the reserve, consistii^ chiefly of horsemen, were 
under the charge of William Ross, Thomas de Grey, Robert 
de Ogle, John de Coupland, and others; the whole was 
commanded by Lord Neville. 

The church lent her aid to the English army; a large 
crucifix was carried before the ranks; and the prior and 
monks of Durham bore the holy corporax cloth of Saint 
Cuthbert, elevated on the point of a spear, from the convent 
to a little hill adjoining the battle-field ; and around it they 
knelt, praying heaven to aid the English host. 

On an autumn morning at nine o'clock, on the 17th of 
October^ 1346, the trumpets sounded on both sides and the 
battle began. For some time it was fought with varying 
success. The archers of the English left wing carried death 
into the division of the Scots led by Moray and Douglas — 
the former was killed and the latter captured. But the right 
wing of the English, commanded by Percy, was broken by 

• Froissart's Chronicles, Book I., Chap. 137. 



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TlSL&Ty SECOND^ AND THIBD BABONS PEBCT. 126 

tlie assault of the Scots division led by the high steward ; 
it was saved from total defeat by the aid of the reserve 
division. The central divisions of the two armies gallantly 
fought against each other ; and though the victorious archers^ 
under Sir Thomas B.okeby, attacked the right flank of the 
Scottish battalion^ the brave Scottish king still maintained 
his ground ; but, at this critical moment, the high steward 
and the earl of March led their division from the field ; and 
it is feared that they perfidiously deserted their king in this 
hour of peril, for no attempt was made by Lord Percy's 
forces to pursue them. Percy's division then attacked the 
right flank of the king of Scotland's centre, which being now 
hemmed in on all sides, nothing was left for them but death 
or captivity. Gallantly did King. David defend himself 
against his numerous foes ; his nobles bravely rallied round 
him, till most of them were slain ; of escape there was no 
hope, yet still the king fought manfully, though badly 
wounded by an arrow in his leg and by another in his face, 
till John Coupland, a Northumbrian squire and famous war- 
rior, struck the weapon out of the king's hand, and in this 
defenceless condition he was taken ; before, however, being 
captured, he struck Coupland's face with his gauntlet with 
so much force as to knock out two of the squire's teeth. The 
battle lasted but three hours; the Scots were completely 
defeated and pursued as for as the Tyne. Their loss was 
great ; it has been estimated at fifteen thousand, but this is 
doubtless an exaggeration.* 

The king elated with this victory, lost no time in forward- 
ing to the barons of the northern parts of England a letter of 
thanks for the successful display of their " most excellent 
fidelity and valour;" and along with this, he indulges 
in strong expressions of pious thanksgivings — to the Lord 
Jesus Christ, who disposes of events throughout the heavens 
and the earth, gracing him and his lieges with high honours; 
and praises and thanks he offers in the language of himxility 
and fervid devotion. Such are the sentiments uttered on 
contemplating the result of a fearful slaughter scene ! Lord 
Grilbert de Umfraville, Henry de Percy, Balph de Neville, 
John de Mowbray, Thomas de Lucy, Thomas de Rokeby, 
Thomas de Grey, Robert de Ogle, John de Coupland, Robert 

* Bobert White, who has done much as a poet and historian to illustrate the 
bordera, has given a full and critical account of this battle in a remarkably able 
memoir in the ** Archaeologia ^liana." 



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126 HISTORY OF ALNAVICK. 

Bertram^ and William D'Eyncourt are thus thanked by their 
king.* The character of the English heroes in this battle is 
drawn by the chronicler of Lanercost. 

The Northumberland squire having secured so rich a prize^ 
lingered not on the battle-field; but^ forcing his way through 
the crowds rode off with the captive king, and never halted 
till he reached Ogle Castle on the river Blyth in Northum- 
berland. The queen^ it is said, displeased at this, demanded 
him to bring to her the king of the Scots ; but Goupland 
declared that he would give his captive to no man or woman, 
excepting to his own lord the king of England.f His valour 
and loyal service were, however, appreciated and richly 
rewarded by his sovereign. His chivalry gained him wealth 
and fame ; he was created a knight banneret, and received a 
grant of £400 a year out of the customs of London, and 
£100 a year out of the customs of Berwick, until other 
equivalent lands were granted to him. Ultimately to him 
was given by the king, one moiety of the barony of Wooler 
along with other fees. He was sdso made sheriff of North- 
umberland, and retained for six vears that office, which was 
then profitable as well as dignified. For some time too^ he 
was governor of Roxburgh Castle, and along with Henry de 
Percy, warden of the marches. The pipe rolls evidence that 
he was connected with Alnwick ; for in 18th Edward III.^ 
to John Couplcmd was committed for his good services, the 
custody of three messuages and eight acres of land in Aln- 
wick, and also of other lands in Prendwidk, Great Kyle, 
and Reaveley, which belonged to William de Rodam, senior, 
who was an enemy among the Scots.} 

The loss of this battle and the capture of the king was a 
heavy blow to Scotland, which was soon afterwards invaded 
by the English. Lord Percy was^ on the SOth of March, 

• Rot Scot 

t The Scots magnates as well as the king were sent to the tower of London 
in Beeemher, 1846 ; hut the ransom of these prisoners had to he paid to their 
xespectiye captors. A list of them is given in Rot Scot, I., p. 678, 

X John Coupland married Joan, sister of Henry del Strother, of Kirknewton. 
Knyghton says he was mnrdered in 1862 hy his own countrymen. From an 
inquisition made in 1368 concerning those who slew him, it appears that he was 
slain at Bolton Moor hy John de Cliflbrd, whose lands in consequence were granted 
to John de Coupland in fee in 1866 s the county of Northumberland had, in the 
•ame year, to pay one thousand marks to obtain a pardon £or his death— *so highly 
▼alued was this warrior by his sovereign. 



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TIBST^ SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 127 

1S47, sumnMmed to repair to Scotland with his quota of 
men— one hundred men-at-arms and as many archers on 
horseback ; he was allowed as pay, six shillings and eight- 
pence; for his knights, two shillings; his squires, one 
shilling; and his archers, fourpence per day. John de 
Conpland supplied twenty men-at-arms and twenty archers. 
BaUol entered Scotland with ten thousand men on its western 
side ; and Henry Percy and Neville with an army of the 
same number invaded it by way of Berwick. These hostili- 
ties were, however, brought to a close ; for a truce was agreed 
to between France and England, in which Scotland was 
included ; and this truce lasted nearly eight years, though it 
was often infringed by the turbulent men of the borders. 
But before the renewal of active hostilities with Scotland, 
Henry de Percy had ceased to be an actor on the stage of 
life. The ferocity of border warfare was somewhat tamed 
by a fearful plague, which in 1348 and 1349 swept over 
England and Scotland like a destroying angel. This visita- 
tion was the most appalling on record ; along the borders it 
destroyed one third of the inhabitants. Not a little of its 
virulence must be attributed to the incessant warfare, which 
destroyed the means of subsistence and burnt down dwellings, 
leaving the miserable inhabitants not slain by the sword, to 
become the victims of fear, anxiety, exposure, and &mine. 

Henry de Percy was occasionally engaged in the conti- 
nental wars; in 1340, he was in the great sea fight between 
the English and French before Sluys in Flanders, and in- 
consideration of his expenses, £500 were assigned to him 
out of the public taxes ; two years afterwards, he was present 
at the siege of Nantes in Brittany ; and he was again in 
France with the Black Prince in 1347. 

Like his father he seems to have had a keen regard to his 
own aggrandisement, and he not unfrequently was the reci- 
pient of public money and grants of lands. At the early part 
of his career, he must have kept around him a large band of 
military retainers ; and it would even appear, that, like the 
leaders of the free companies on the continent, he in a 
modified way sold the services of his vassals. The contracts 
made by him for the defence of the borders are ciuious. In 
1327, he bound himself, on the condition of being paid 
£830 3s. 4d., to keep in his own county in the marches to- 
wards Scotland, an army of fifty-nine men-at-arms and two 
hundred hobelars for twenty-five days ; and for payment he 
had granted to him £150 out of the debts which the prior of 



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128 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Lincoln owed^ and the residue of £\80 3s. out of the port of 
Newcastle * By indenture in 1328^ he engaged to serve the 
king with a certain number of men-at-arms^ both in time of 
peace and war^ during the term of his life ; and for this he 
was to receive a yearly salary of five hundred marks. This 
strange contract led to a more strange issue, for it was the 
means of bringing into the possession of the Percys extensive 
estates. First, in lieu of this salary of five hundred marks, 
the king granted to him the castle of Warkworth ; and next 
in 1328, after an act had been passed, making '^ all retainers 
in time of peace to be void/* the king taking notice in what 
sort he had retained him, did therefore grant to him and his 
heirs in recompense thereof, the castle and manor of Wark- 
worth, the manors of Rothbury, Corbridge, and Newbum, 
which had belonged to Sir John de Clavering, but which on 
his death without issue devolved on the crown.t Marvellous 
times these were, when large estates could be tossed about 
like tennis balls I Another instance may be given : when a 
banneret in 1326, he represented to the king that there were 
wages due to him, the sum of £851 14s. 4d. for his service 
in Scotland ; and he obtained an assignation of £200, to be 
paid out of the tenths due to the crown from the archdeaconry 
of Cleveland. We hear of one of his retainers, and of the 
manner in which they served .and were remunerated. Wil- 
liam, the son of John de Rodhum, was retained to serve him 
both in peace and war, with one companion, until the full 
age of John, the son of John de Rodhum; and for this 
service, in time of war, William de Rodhum had to have 
apparel as his other yeomen, and hay, oats, horse shoes and 
nails for six horses, with waggons for six grooms, and recom- 
pense for such horses as should be lost in the wars ; and in 
consideration of this service, Percy, who was the feudal 
superior of Houghton, granted to William the wardship of 
the lands of John de Rodhum, lying in Houghton, imtil the 
full age of the said John. 

Henry Percy, in 1327, received from the king the custody 
of the manor and castle of Skipton. He founded, in 1329, a 
chantry for two priests in the chapel of Semar to celebrate 
divine service, for his own soul and the soul of his mother 
and all their ancestors, endowing it with one messuage, 
twenty oxgangs of land, and six acres of meadow in W^e 

• Cal. Rot, 1 £dw. II., B*li8 25, 26. 
t Cal. Rot, 2 Edw. IIL, Ro. 18. 



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FIRST^ SECOND, AKD THIRD BARONS PERCY. 120 

within the lordship of Semar. We hear now of few grants 
to religious houses. The enormous acquisition of lands by 
bishops^ chapters, and monasteries had been an increasing 
evil, and excited the jealousy and hostility of the sovereigns ; 
it was restrained by acts passed in the reign of Edward I., 
8o that land could not afterwards be alienated to religious 
bodies without license from the king. 

Henry de Percy died on February 26th, 1362. ''He, 
when near his end," says the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, 
*'had a great affection to this abbey, but alas! when detained 
by a slight infirmity in the castle of Warkworth he died 
unexpectedly, and was honourably buried in Alnwick Abbey." 
The events of his life shew that he was an active warrior, and 
especially pre-eminent in the north from the large number of 
vassals in his service. He married Imania* de Clifford, who 
died in 1865 ; Peeris says : — 

** Lady Ydonye \m wife, whick wu cirenmspeet and wise. 
In Beverlye Minster is tombed in right-costly wise." 

According to Leland, this tomb was of white alabaster ; but 
it cannot now be identified. 

Arms. — A lion rampant — Slue, golden fusib in f ess. 
Cbest. — On a chapeau, a Uon passant 

His will made on the 13th of September, 1349, which has 
been printed in the Teatamenta Eboracensia, is remarkable 
as illustrating not his own character only, but the sentiments 
and habits of the period. Some of the bequests I shall briefly 
give. He left fifty marcs for wax to be burnt around his body, 
and to poor ecclesiastics for the good of his soul ; twenty 
shillings to two hundred priests saying psalms for his soul ; 
one hundred marcs for distribution among the poor, and one 
hundred shillings for oblations on the day of his interment ; 
one hundred shillings for the expenses of his hostelry even to 
the day after his interment ; £20 to be distributed to the 
poor, on the way, while his corpse was carried to the place 
of sepulture; £16 to be divided^ in equal portions among the 
parish churches of Semar, Nafferton, Lekyngfeld, Catton, 
Spofford, Topcliff, Petteworth, and Alnewyk; £20 to the 
chaplains of Semar, and thirty shillings to the church of 

* Win of Henry Percy, Test. Ebor., p. 57 ; oAer anthorities give the nain« 
Idonea. 

S 



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130 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

Fosceton; because formerly he had resolved to go to the 
Holy Land^ and for this journey had set aside one thousand 
marcs^ he willed, that if his son Henry would go this journey 
in his name, he should have this one thousand marcs ; to the 
abbot of Alnewyk he gave ten marcs; to the preaching 
monks of Bamburgh twenty shillings; to the Carmelite 
monks of Alnewyk forty shillings; to twenty chaplains 
singing for his soul for one year, one hundred marcs; 
and to thirty-six other churches or ecclesiastical bodies he 
bequeathed about £80. There are bequests to a great 
number of persons ; to his wife Imania, to his sons Henry, 
Thomas, Boger, to his daughters Margaret and Isabella, to 
William de Aton, Gilbert de Aton, Ralph de Neville, and to 
above sixty others. One very singular bequest occurs ; he 
leaves £200 to satisfy any one in those parts of England 
through which he had passed either in time of peace or of 
war, who might complain, that anything had been taken 
from him by the testator or his people against his will. 

HENRY, THIRD BARON PEROT OP ALNWICK 

Henry, the third Baron Percy of Alnwick, was thirty years 
of age when his father died, and immediately afterwards, he 
obtained possession of his lands, excepting those which his 
mother Imania had for her dower. Though not so distin- 
guished as his predecessors, Henry seems to have been a 
more amiable and better man than any of them ; less of the 
mere warrior, less grasping in his ambition, and more humane 
in his disposition. ^^He was" says the chronicle of Alnwick 
Abbey, *^ a man of little stature, but brave, faithful, and 
grateful ; and, contented with the lordship left by his father, 
he desired to obtain the lands and possessions of no one." 
We look with the more pleasure on the character of this 
kind-hearted little man, as it contrasts strongly with the 
character of those who had gone before him. 

Before his father's death, he was present at the famous 
battle of Cressy ; and during the fifteen years he enjoyed the 
barony, he filled several honourable appointments. In 1353, 
he was one of the commissioners to receive David Bruce, 
king of Scotland, from Sir John de Coupland, the sheriflf of 
Northumberland, and to set him free according to treaty ; 
but five years elapsed before the unfortunate king regained 
his liberty. In 1355, King Edward constituted Henry de 
Percy keeper of the castle of Roxburgh, and sheriff of the 



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FIBST^ SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 181 

county for two years, with the farms and profits thence 
arising.* 

Meantime the brave little kingdom of Scotland, despite of 
the captivity of her sovereign, would not submit to a foreign 
yoke. By a daring attempt on a dark night, a party of Scots 
scaled the walls and took the town of Berwick m 1355 ; but 
the castle was unsuccessfully assaulted. Edward was then 
in France, but on hearing of this and. other inroads of the 
Scots, he hsLStened home; and in January, 1356, arrived 
before Berwick, which he soon recovered. Henry de Percy 
was with him, and also witnessed at Roxburgh a few days 
afterwards, the formal surrender by Baliol to Edward of all 
his rights to the Scottish throne. Edward, determined to 
conquer this kingdom and bring to an end the harassing 
Scottish warfare, marched through the Lothians and burnt 
Haddington and Edinburgh and other open towns, and laid 
waste the country around ; but distressed for want of provi- 
sions, he was compelled to retrace his steps, while the Scots 
hung in his rear and wreaked a fearful vengeance on all 
stragglers or parties that came within their power. As these 
devastations occurred about Candlemas, this English raid 
was long known as the ^' Burnt Candlemas ;" and many a 
smoking village in Northumberland afterwards told of the 
bitter revenge of the Scots. For eleven years David their 
king had been a captive. Never did England — proud, 
powerful, generous England — appear more mean than in her 
treatment of Scotland's kings. Hard terms were wrung 
from David; he was released in November 1357, on condi- 
tion of paying to Edward one hundred thousand marks ; but 
although a part of this large sum was discharged, so exhausted 
was the nation with the English aggressions, that the greater 
portion was never paid. 

Henry de Percy was in 1859 made governor of Berwick ; 
and he was repeatedly one of the commissioners for guarding 
the Northumberland marches ; in 1356, and again in 1365, 
he was commanded by the king to reside on his own lands 
on the marches, for the better defence of those parts against 
the Scots. 

He was first married to Mary Plantagenet, the daughter 
of the earl of Lancaster, who died on the 1st of September, 
1362, and was buried in Alnwick Abbey. ''Her arms, those 
of England with a label of five points, are on the inner 

• Rot Scot, I., p. 781. 



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18S HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

entrance of Alnwick Castle."* His second wife was Jane^ 
heir of John de Orby. Henry died on Ascension Day, 1368^ 
and was buried in Alnwick Abbey by the side of his first 
wife. By her he had two sons, Henry and Thomas, and one 
daughter, who married one of the heirs of the De Yescys ; 
by his second wife he left one daughter, who was only two 
years old when he died. He gave to Alnwick Abbey £100> 
and '^frequently" says the chronicle^ '^ bestowed on las many 
other kindnesses." 

Arms. — A lion rampant 

Supporters. — Two herons are looking from the shield. They 
are scarcely true supporters. 

To the time of this lord, we may attribute the construction 
of the hermitage of Warkworth, one of the most interesting of 
medieeval antiquities, and over which the charm of romance 
has been thrown by Bishop Percy in his beautiAil ballad of 
the hermit of Warkworth. 

'* There scoop'd within the aoKd rock» 

Three sacred yanlts he shows ; 

The chief a chapel, neatly arch'd, 

Oo hranching colamns rose." 

Of its original foundation there is no record; but the style of 
architecture indicates the period when it was hewn out. The 
confessional window, the moulding, and some of the orna- 
ments belong to that age of decorated Qothic which prevailed 
somewhat later than the middle of the fourteenth century. 
Hartshorn, who according to his theory of history is sometimes 
imaginative, fancies that this hermitage was founded by 
Henry Percy, the third lord of Alnvrick, in memory of his 
wife Mary Plantagenet ; but of this there is neither evidence 
nor probability. Mary died in 186^, and her lord in 1368 ; 
but m the meantime he married again, and had a son and 
daughter. The Rev. J. W. Dunn, in an able paper on 
Warkworth, remarks that this Lord Percy " does not seem 
to have lamented his loss for any lengthened period, certainly 
not long enough for the hewing of this hermitage out of a 
rock.'' It seems to me too, a £ital objection to the fancy, 
that there is no Percy device or badge sculptured on any 
part of the hermitage. Rather with Mr. Dunn would we 
believe in the tradition embodied in the poem : — *^ Let that 

• Long8tafie*s Perey Heraldsy, p. 172. 



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PIB8T^ SECOND^ AND THIRD BABONS PERCY. 183 

battered figure be indeed the hermit Bertram^ symbolizing, 
until the very stones shall perish, a bootless bene, a sorrow 
too deep for tears — ^and let that recumbe 

North Charleton 

Lttcker and Soath Charlton 

Littlehottghton 

Biltoa 



Howick 



Fowherry and Coldmartin 
Hetton 
Lyham 

Hamlet of Bartewell(Hob. \ 
herlaw) / 

One tenth of Swynhoe 

Rngley 

Chillingham, Manor and\ 
Castle of / 

Roek 





fi 


Valne. 


Robert de Hilton 


^ 




Sir Thomas Grey 


1 


lOOa. 


Jobn de Coupland 


1 


100s. 


John, son and heir o{\ 






Marmaduke de Lumley, > 


u 


^120 


and David de Grey J 






Sir John de Stryvelyne 


} 


€20 


John de Stry?clyne 


1 


20 marks 


David de Grey 


1 


£10 


William de Balden «nd\ 
William de Colville j 


1 


£20 


Thomas de Gray 


li 


£20 


A lie. Chartres 


I 


lOOs. 


David de Lokre 


II 


100s. 


1 


100s. 


William de Rodum 


1 


100s. 


Robert de Umfravyle 


1 


20 marks 


Sir Thomas de Gray 






Nicholus Martoks 






William del Hall 


1 


100s. 


John, son of David de 












William de Follehery 


1 


£20 


Richard Tempest 


1 


£10 


Alanns de Slrother 


1 


£10 


John de Sokpeth 


i 


100s. 


Walter de Swynhoweand 1 
Alaonus de Heton j 


♦ 


100s. 


Gido Tias 


1 


£20 


Alanus de Heton 


1 


£20 


Robert de Tnghale 


1 





casite 
Wazd. 



s. d. 
29 4 

19 4 
6 8 

20 

17 9 

18 4 
6 8 

13 4 

17 9 
6 8 
6 8 
13 4 
13 4 
13 4 

13 4 

13 4 
6 8 
5 21 

29 

2 

5 

13 4 

13 4 



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140 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The whole of these sub-feudatories held their estates by homage 
and fidelity to the chief baron, by service of certain proportions 
of knights' fees adcording to the extent of the property, by sitit 
of court at Alnwick held from three weeks to tiiree weeks, and 
by payment on the 15th of July, of a sum for the ward or defence 
of Alnwick Castle. These particulars are given in the preceding 
table, which shews also the value of each estate, and ^e names 
of the owners according to the original spelling. 

Henry also received a rent of £8 out of the manor of Beanley,* 
which was in the hands of free tenants ; sixty-eight shillings and 
eightpence out of the manor of South Middleton '< under Ghevyot 
in Glendale," also by the hands of tenants ; he had five ox^angs 
of land in the town of Wooler, which were in the hands of ten- 
ants at will, each oxgang paying ten shillings yearly. 

Henry also held of the king in chief Hie c€istle and manor of 
Warkworth, with the vills of Birling, Acklington, Hothbury, 
Newton, Thropton, and Snitter, pertaining to this manor, by 
service of two knights' fees; the castle and manor are of no 
yearly value beyond repairs, but the herbage of the mote of the 
castle renders twelvepence; three hundred and three acres of 
land sixpence per acre; and a "several pasture called Wolemere" 
thirteen shillings and fburpence ; rents of divers burgages in the 
town produce one hundrea and one shillings ; out of the vill of 
High^uston {OverboHlstoti) a rent of fifty shillings was payable, 
and another rent of forty slullings out of the vills of High Buston 
and Togston; a water mill renders £10; and a fishery in the 
Coquet is worth £13 6s. 8d. ; the herbage of a wood called Sun- 
derland renders five shillings ; and the perquisites of the court 
there are worth six shillings and eightpence. At Birling, ten 
bondagia in the hands of tenants at wlU, render thirteen shillings 
and fouipence each. At Acklington, the site of a manor renders 
four shillings ; and seventy acres of land in the hands of tenants 
at will sixpence per acre ; there are twenty-six bondagia in the 
hands of tenants at will, each rendering thirteen shiUings and 
fourpence, but nine others lying waste render in herbage twenty 
shiUmgs ; a wind mill thirty shillings ; the herbage of a park 
beyond maintaining the wild animals is worth thirteen shillings 
and fourpence ; ancT the perquisites of thef Halmote court three 
shillings and fourpence. At Bothbury, the site of a dwelling 
house renders in herbage three shillings and fourpence; one 
hundred and forty-nine acres of land in the hands of tenants at 
will render tenpence per acre, and ten acres of meadow with a 
pasture fifty-one shillings and ninepence ; three water mills with 
tolls and firrnage of one bakehouse £8 6s. 8d. ; twenty shealings 
in tiie forest of Bothbury with herbage £21 ; rents of divers 

* This bdng held on a great sergeantry tenure, did not render the ordinaiy 
mtUtarj service. 



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CASTtfi^ TOWN, ANB BARONY. 141 

burgages anunmt to £4 Os. 12d. ; an annual rent called FenailTer 
to thirteen shillingB ; the peiqnisites of the ooort are worth nine 
BhillingB. At Le Newton, eight bondagia in the hands of ten- 
ants at will render twelrepence per acre ; land called Storland 
thirteen shillings and fourpence ; two ootagia six shillings; and 
a fnUing mill thirty shillings ; At Thropton, ninety-four acres of 
land and sixteen acres of meadow in the hands of tenants at will 
render twelvepence per acre ; eight bondagia in the hands of 
tenants at will forty-two shillings and eightpence, and work in 
autumn due by these bondmen to the lord renders eleven shillings ; 
another bondagium renders eightpence, and there are three cota- 
gia, each of wmch renders three abiUings and fivepence farthing, 
three parts of one cotagium twelvepence, and the tenants of the 
said cotagia by divers works four shilling and sixpence. Near 
to Snitter, there are fifty-three acres of land in the hands of 
tenants at will rendering twelvepence per acre ; a pasture called 
Bradmedowe twenty-one shillings; eighteen bondi^g;ia render 
sevenfy-four shillings, and by work twenty shillings; there is 
also a rent in the same place of six shilHngs; three cotagia 
render three shillings and fivepence fiirthing each, and by work 
eighteenpence ; a piece of land called Thirhmd renders six shil- 
liiqzB and eightpence. 

Henry held of the king in chief the burg of Oorbridge, on a 
&rm rent of £40 paid to ^e king's exchequer, with increment of 
the same, by service of ten shillings to the king, by the hands of 
the sheriff of the county ; there are in the same place two hun- 
dred and fifty-three acres of land in the hands of tenants at will 
rendering fourteenpence per acre ; one manor renders nothing 
beyond repairs ; a piece of land called Waldfleis, with forty acres 
of meadow renders threepence per acre; rents of divers bur- 
gages amotmt to £4; the herbage of a wood called Lynnels 
renders forty-two shillings and twopence ; a piece of land called 
Fresdestretland, £6 4s. Od. ; the Tolbothe six shillings and eight- 
pence ; a waste called Aldhall in herbage twelve shillings ; the 
rent of the miU of Develston is ten sMllings ; two water mills 
with toll and one bakehouse render £18 ; and the perquisites of 
the court are worth 6s. 8d. 

He held also of the king in chief the manor of Newbum by 
service of one knight's fee as parcel of the manor of Warkworth; 
a capital messuage with a dove-cote in the hands of tenants at 
will renders twenty-two shillings ; two carucates of lands in the 
hands of tenants at will £10 ; forty acres of meadow in the hands 
of tenants at will, with hearth silver {focagium) £9; twenty-four 
husbandlands in the hands of tenants at will £8 ; eighteen cota- 
gia in the hands of tenants at will eighteen shillings ; and one 
cotagium ruined renders nothing; two water mills in the hands of 
tenants at will, with a malt-house render ten marks; one fisheiy in 
the TjEL<d in the hands of tenants at will £10; a coal mine in the 



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142 HISTOST OF ALNWICK. 

hands of tenants at will forty sbilUngg; the hamlet Botlawe 
in the hands of tenants at will forty shillings, and Deflawe in 
herbage fourteen shillings ; in the hajnlet Wiolbottle are sixteen 
husbandlands in the hands of tenants at will rendering £7> and 
three parts of one husbandland in the hands of tenants at will 
six shillings and eightpence; a rent called Flasolver of eighteen- 
pence is collected yearly ; and a free iaam of fifteen shillings and 
seyenpence comes out of the vill of Throcklaw. 

Pertaining to the castle and manor of Alnwick are the advow- 
sons of the aobey of Alnwick, the temporalitieB of which are worth 
d£lO; of the house of '^Holne," worth twenty marcs; of the 
chapel of Mary of Warkworth, worth forty shillings; of the 
chapel of Ohatton, worth sixty shillings. 

£ B. d. 
The sum of the worth of the manor and castle of 

Alnwick with the members yearly is . . 176 11 5J 
The sum of the worth of the manors of Warkworth 

and Bothbuiy with the members yearly is . 158 5 6)- 
The sum of the demesne of Gorbridge yearly is . 49 14 8 
The sum of the manor of Newbum with the mem- 
bers yearly is 59 13 

Sum total £450 3s. 1^ 

Comparing this inquisition with that made nearly seventy 
years before, in 1289, at the close of the De Vescy period, 
we must be struck with the depreciation in the value of the 
estate. Taking that portion which had not been granted to 
sub-feudatories, but which was partly retained in the hands of 
the baron, partly granted to free tenants, and partly granted on 
servile conditions, we find the change very great. The value 
in 1289 was £475 9s. 6Jd.; but in 1368 only £180 3s. lid. 
Land had not much altered in value ; arable land was six- 
pence per acre annually in the last period, in the latter seven- 
pence ; meadow land in the first period was fifteenpence per 
acre, in the latter twelvepence. We cannot compare all the 
particulars, for the details are not given in the earlier in- 
quisition ; but bondagia in the first period were twenty-six 
shillings and eightpence, and in the last thirteen shillings 
and fourpence yearly. Mills had not much depreciated ; the 
mills at North Charlton yielded £6 in 1289, and £5 in 1368. 
The falling off must have been chiefly in the rental of lands 
let to tenants. Taking the gross sums, Alnwick Manor in 
the first period is valued at £122 Os. 3|d., but in the latter 
at £52 16s. 8d. ; Chatton, at £68 16s. l^d. in the former, 
and £85 2s. 4d. in the latter; Alnmouth reaches £30 in 
the former/ and only £5 10s. 5d. in the latter; Lesbury, 



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CASTLS, TOWN, AND BARONY. 14S 

£82 14s. 8d. in the fonner and £83 Os. lid. in the latter; 
Longhoughton, £98 Ts. 4id. in the former, and £84 7s. Od. 
in the latter; and Alnham £19 Ss. 7d. in the former, and 
£51 7s. 6d. in the latter period. The value also of the estates 
of the sub-feudatories had diminished. Chillingham was 
valued in 1368 at £20, but in 1289 at £40; Horton, which 
was £40 in 1289, was only valued at £10 in 1368; and it is 
similar with other estates. But these relative sums do not 
fully give the amount of depreciation ; for betwen the two 
periods, the English pound had been reduced in weight, so 
that while the pound in 1300 was equal to 2*871 of the 
present pound sterling, it was only equal to 2*353 in 1353^ 
shewing a diminution in weight of twenty per cent. Money 
at the former period was equivalent to above twenty-five 
times the present value, but in 1350 it was reduced to less 
than twenty times ; so that in 1289 the manor of Alnwick 
was worth £11,886 18s. 6|d., but in 1362 it was worth 
only £3^663 48. 8d., or less than one third. I know not 
how to account for this change ; possibly the incessant war, 
which raged in the district during this interval, may have 
desolated it, and rendered the produce of industry uncertain 
and of little value. The great pestilence, which destroyed 
from one third to one half of the population, may have left 
many lands untilled and many herds untended. 

Large rents, it will be observed, were derived from mills ; 
for at this period and long afterwards, barons monopolised 
the trade of millers. In the olden time, querns or hand mills 
formed of two stones, which could be worked by one or two 
persons, were in general use, so that each householder ground 
his com within his own dwelling ; but when barons built 
either water or wind mills (of both of which we have ex- 
amples), all the inhabitants of the barony were compelled to 
take their com to the lord's mill and to pay a multure or 
toll for its use. People, however, still persisted in grinding 
com with their own hand mills ; and therefore, these arbi- 
trary lords sent agents around the barony to destroy the 
querns; the upper stone, being thinner, was usually broken, 
80 that though many of these primitive mills have been dis- 
covered in this district, it is rare to find a perfect upper 
quern stone.* This monopoly was profitable to the lord, but 
oppressive to the people. Barons too, monopolised the trade 

* It was different in London, where it was ordained '' that every one who uses 
two hushels of com per week, shall have a hand mill in his house." Liber 
AOmt, p. 691. 



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144 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

of baker ; they built ovens^ in which people were compelled 
to bake their breads and pay fumage or toll for their use. 
The value of one water mill with the fumage of one bake^ 
house in Bothbury amounted to £8 Gs. 8d. The manorial 
bakehouse of Alnwick was situated between Bondgate Street 
and the north side of the Market. 

Other peculiar feudal charges appear in this inquisition. 
Fensilver was paid at Rothbury; both its origin and 
object are doubtful ; by some it has been considered as a 
remnant of head-pence, which was formerly collected by the 
sheriff; it seems, however, to have been a baronial imposition 
and not a national tax ; probably a payment to the lord in 
lieu of personal service against the Scots, and hence called 
fen or fence silver. Focagium or hearth silver, paid at Wark- 
worth, was a tribute for fire, the object and origin of which 
are also obscure. Castle Ward was chargeable on military 
tenants, who were bound to defend the stronghold of their 
lord. Every tenant owing this service to the castle of New- 
castle, was originally obliged to send for its defence one man 
for each knight's fee held by him. But afler a while, personal 
service was commuted into a money payment, which in the 
case of Alnwick Castle ranged from two shillings to twenty- 
nine shillings and fourpence yearly; the lowest being for 
Swinhoe, and the highest for Sbilbottle. This feudal service 
was extinguished in the reign of Charles II. Though bond 
labour does not appear at Alnwick, it was still performed at 
Rothbury, where eight bondmen and three cotmen worked 
for the lord in autumn; and their labour was valued at 
fifteen shillings and sixpence yearly. 

The question whether Alnwick ever sent members to par- 
liament may be considered here ; for although representative 
parliaments were summoned in 1264, in the 49th of Henry 
III., through the influence of Simon de Montford, yet parlia- 
mentary representation did not become an established fact 
till the time of Edward I. Repeatedly has it been said that 
Alnwick was summoned to send members; and Willis Brown 
has been quoted as authority for the assertion, but he makes 
no such statement ; he merely includes Alnwick along with 
Alnmouth, Harbottle, and Wammouth, in a list of boroughs, 
which were never summoned to send members. That Aln- 
wick, which at this period was greatly more important than 
many other places which enjoyed representation, should have 
been passed by, appears strange enough ; but individual 
towns were not summoned by royal authority; the writs sent 



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CASTLE, TOWN, AND BABONT, 145 

to sheri^b in the 23rd of Edward I. directs them ^' to cause 
deputies to be elected to a general council from every city, 
borough, and trading town." Sheriffs therefore determined 
what towns should exercise the electoral privilege. The 
sheriff of Wiltshire, in the 12th of Edward III., endorsed 
the return of two members for Salisbury with these words — 
" there are no other cities or boroughs within my bailiwick," 
although eight other towns had in previous years sent mem- 
bers to parliament. In the 1st of Edward III., the sheriff of 
Northumberland returned to the writ of summons, that they 
were too much ravaged to send any members to parliament ; 
and in the 6th of Edward III., that all the knights were not 
sufficient to protect the country.* 

Towns frequently were desirous of escaping the expensive 
distinction of sending members to parliament ; for they had 
to pay their deputies not only travelling expenses, but two 
shillings per day wages, equivalent to at least forty shillings of 
our money. Through such causes Alnwick may have been 
excluded in early times from taking part in representative 
government. 

Neither general history nor the public records yield much 
information of the state of the town at this period. The 
achievements of kings, even their itineraries, the march of 
armies, and the deeds of great barons are abundantly told, 
but it is only incidentally that we catch a view of the condi- 
tion, the character, and the progress of the great body of the 
people. 

In the early part of this period the district appears to have 
been in a most wretched condition. The battle of Bannock- 
bum turned the tide of war against England; and the 
destructive waves which had swept over Scotland surged 
back against the English border. Robert Bruce in 1315, 
ravaged the open coimtry as &r as Carlisle ; and in the 
following year, the Scots penetrated as far as Richmond, and 
then directing their course westward, wasted the country 
sixty miles around and carried off many prisoners. Scarcity 
and Amine followed those ravages ; wheat rose to the price 

* John de Vallibafl and Roger Corbet were retnmed u Icnigbta for Korthum- 
berland, on the 5th of April, 1306; bat their residence bang required in the 
ooonty on account of the war, John de Budden and William de Devon appeared 
in tfa^ place ; on the 8rd of November, of the same year, John de Yallibus and 
Bichard de Horseleye were returned knights for the county. — Parliamentary 
Beeordiy I., pp. 172 and 187. 

U 



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146 HISTOBY OP ALNWICK. 

of sixty shillings per quarter^ about eight timea its averagjer 
price ; and the Northmnbrians were compelled, by want, to 
live on the flesh of horses, dogs, and unclean things. Bands 
of lawless banditti, prowling in the district^ ad!ded to the 
horrors of the scene. 

A gang led in 1317 by Gilbert de Middleton, constable of 
Mitford Castle, committed great excesses, and did not even 
spare churchmen. Support was given tahim by some border 
men of inffuence, irritated it is said by the imprisonment of 
Adam de Swinbum, the sheriff of the county, who had ven- 
tured to address a remonstrance to- the king, complaining of 
the inadequacy of the measures for preserving order in the 
border land. With the conduct, however, of the men of the 
north generally, the king appears to have been satisfied, for 
on the 30th of May, 1316, in a letter of credenee addressed 
to the earls, barons, kui^ts, and free men (liberi homines)^ 
and all others in the county, he thanks them for their fidelity 
and valour m resisting the Scots, and in defending his here- 
ditary right and their own personal liberty ; he is greatly 
grieved at the hardships and troubles which they had sus- 
tained from the enemy ; and when he shall have assembled 
his army, he intends to proceed speedily with sufficient force 
to defend them against hostile incorsicms ; John de Felton^ 
constable of the castle of Alnwick, to whom they were to 
give full faith in all matters relating to the king's intended 
movements, is well able, he adds, to explain his intentions to 
them.* 

Whatever may have been the cause of the disaffection, the 
malcontents under Gilbert de Middleton ravaged, plundered, 
and destroyed. In one of his predatory excursions, issuing 
from a wood at Rusheyfbrd — ^betvreen Ferry Hill and Wood- 
ham — he seized upon the bishop of Durham and his 
brother Lord Henry de Beaumont, and upon two cardinals, 
who had been sent by the pope to ordain the bishop and 
endeavour to mediate a peace between England and Scotland* 
After robbing the party of their goods, money, and horses, he 
dismissed the cardinals, but imprisoned the bishop at Morpeth 
and his brother at MitJfbrd ; heavy ransoms were paid before 
they were released. All the castles of Northumberland, ex- 
cepting Norham, Bamburgh,and Alnwick, were taken by these 
freebooters. Short, however, was the guilty career of Gilbert 
de Middleton; he was, through the treachery of some of his 

* Records, Chronological Abttrtct, IT* 



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CASTLXi TOWN^ AND BABONT. 147 

own men, captured in his own castle of Mitford, by William 
Felton, Thomas Heton, and Robert Homecliffy and was sent 
to London, where he was tried, condemned, and executed.* 
Part of his band escaped to Horton Castle and joined the 
gang of Walter Selby , another noted freebooter. " It were 
a wonderful process '^ says the Sc€^ Chronica, ^ to declare 
what mischiefs came by hunger and asseges by the space of 
xi yeares in Northumberland. For the Scots became to 
be so jNTOud after they had got Berwick, that they nothing 
esteemed the Englishman." 

By the possession of property in Alnwick at this period, 
the very old Northumbrian family of Middleton was con- 
nected with the town. As early as 1263, we find John de 
Middleton possessed of ^Belsowe," now Belsay ; but John, his 
grandson, who inherited it, had joined his kinsman Gilbert in 
his rebellion, and suffered the forfeiture of his property, which 
was in 1318 granted by the king first to John de Crumbewell, 
and next to Sir John de Strivelyn, a distinguished warrior 
high in the king^s favour. This knight commanded the 
English forces at the siege of the castle of Loch Leven, in 
1335, when they attempted, by erecting a strong wall, to 
obstruct the flow of the water and overwhelm the castle ; but 
the attempt failed. He was a busy man in the affairs of the 
north, and by the favour of the king and by prudent marri- 
ages, accumulated large possessions. He was first married 
to Barbara, one of the co-heirs of Adam de Swinburne ; and 
next to Jane, daughter of Richard de Emeldon, by whom it 
seems he came into possession of property in Alnwick and 
the neighbourhood. Richard de Emeldon had besides other 
possessions when he died in 1333, lands in Alnewyke, Rug- 
geley, AInemuth, Walden (Wooden), Wooler, Coldmartin, 
Abberwick, Newton-on-the-Moor, Tyndeley, Sheepeham, 
Broxfield, Emeldon, Dunstan. 

Through his marriages. Sir John Strivelyn became allied 
to the family of Middleton, as well as of Swinburn; and 
when he died, many of his possessions passed by virtue of a 
settlement to John de Middleton and his wife Christiana ; 
and hence we find that John de Middleton, who died in 
August, 1896, was possessed of the half of Belshowe (Belsay) 
and many other lands, among which were four tenements 
and fifty-two acres of land and a meadow with appurtenances 
in Alnewyk, held on free burgage tenure, and which were 

• <« ScaU Chionica," p. 548. Pakyngton's ChxoDiqae, p. 462. 



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148 HISTOKT OP ALKWICK. 

worth eighty shillings yearly ; one burgage in Alnemouth on 
free burgage tenure worth nothing.* 

These estates were in the possession of Christiana his wife 
in 1421. The present Sir Charles Atticus Monck^ Bart., is 
a lineal descendant of the Middletons ; though disconnected 
with Alnwick, he holds Belsay and other Northumberland 
estates; his father in 1799 took the surname of Monck 
in compliance with the will of his maternal grandfather. 
Honourably is the family known to fame for the heroism 
displayed in the eighteenth century by Sir William Middleton, 
Bart., in bravely and successfully battling for the political 
independence of the county. He was five times returned a 
knight of the shire during the reign of George II. 

A few other scraps may be taken from the public records 
relating to property in Alnwick. 

The sheriff, m 1296 and 1297, accounts for ten shillings 
owing by William, son of Ralph de Alnewic, for encroach- 
ment on a pasture. 

In 1329, the king granted for ten years to Robert de 
Newerk the custody of the lands and tenements which be- 
longed to William de Rodam and Robert de Paxton, lately 
enemies, at the yearly rent of twenty-four shillings and four- 
pence, in Alnewyk, Rodom, and Aiburwyk. i^dam's pro- 
perty in Prendewyk, consisting of one toft, four cottages, 
and one hundred and two acres of land were committed to 
the custody of William de Emeldon for seven years at the 
yearly rent of thirteen shillings and fourpence.f The 
Kodams, at this period, were a powerfrd family ; but most of 
them were rebels; in 1334, the properties of Adam de Rodom 
and Henry de Rodum, both rebels, were placed in custody ;J 

* He held also one tenement and the third part of a tenement, and forty aczes 
of land and meadow in Wolden (Wooden) on socage tenure worth yearly twenty 
ahillinga ; twelve acres of land in Sonderland-flat near Lesbery, in socage, worth 
yearly twelve shillings ; four tenements and fifty- two acres of land in Emildon 
and Dnnstane held of the duke of Lancaster by knight* s service, and worth yearly 
twenty-two shillings ; the manor of Newton-on-the-Sea and a water mill held of 
the earl of Northumberland on knighfs service, and worth yearly iS20; the 
manor of Burnton with a mill by knight's service of the earl, and worth £10 ; the 
third part of Tyndeley worth ten shillings in socage, from the lord of Elyngham; 
one burgage on free burgage tenure from the king, worth yearly five shillings; 
a pasnue called Black Middyngmore, near Wameforde, on socage from the earl, 
and worth yearly two shillings ; one wood called Elwaldsyde on knight's service 
from the earl, worth five shillings* 

t 9 Edw. III., B«t. 12, I S Edw. lU^ Bot 0. 



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CASTLE^ TOWN, AKD BABONY. 149 

and In 18S6, the king granted to John de Banning^ of Alne- 
wyk, for his good service, to hold during his whole Ufe, three 
messuages and eight acres of land in Alnewyk, which be- 
longed to William de Rodum, senior^ lately an enemy, at the 
yearly rent of six shillings and eightpence ; two years later, 
they were granted on the same conditions to Galfred de 
Wandesford; and in 1370, these lands of William de Rodum, 
''lately an adherent of the Scots,'^ were committed to Thomas 
de Motherly. Robert de Manners, Thomas de Hoton, John 
de Hebbum, John Wendout^ and John de Alnwyk had at 
this period property in Alnwick. In 1834, Robert de Top- 
cliffe was appointed forest bailiff of Alnwick.* 

From the judicial inquiry in 1S91, it appears that a market 
and fair were held in Alnwick according to immemorial usage, 
probably going backward to Saxon times. Bishop Bek, for 
what reason does not appear, obtained a charter from Edward 
L in 1297, to hold a market in Alnwick weekly on Saturday, 
and a &ir on the 17th of March and the six following days. 
The following is a literal translation of this charter : — 

" For the bishop of Durham. 

The king to the archbishops, bishopsi &c. Enow that 
we have granted, and by this charter have confirmed to the 
venerable father Anthony Bek, bishop of Durham, that he and 
his heirs for ever may have one market weekly on Saturday at 
his manor of Alnewyk in the county of Northumberland, and 
one fJEur there yearly continuing for seven days, to wit, on the 
eve and on the day of Saint Patrick and for five days following, 
unless that market and that fJEur be to the injury of neighbouring 
markets and neighbouring fEurs ; and that he may have a free 
warren in all his demesnes of Alnewyk, Alneham, and Tughale, 
in the oounty aforesaid ; provided these lands be not within the 
boimds of our forest; so that no one may enter those lands to 

* Be balliTA foxcttuis \ Bex omnibiis ad qnos, &c., sslatem. Sciatis quod 
Forests de Alnewyk con- > concessimiiB dilecto nobis Roberto de Topclyre baUi- 

laa. / yam forestaris forests de Alnewyk, qu» fnit Henrici 

de Percy, defunct!, qui de nobis tenuit in capite, et 
[* So on rott,"] qus, ratione, minoris setatis . •* bsredis ipiius 

Henrici, in manu nostra existit; custodienda quamdiu 
nobis placuerit; percipiendo per annum in balli?a 
prsdicta tantnm quantum idem Robertus tempore 
dicti Henrici percepit pro custodia supradicta. In 
cujus, &o. Teste Rege apud Tbomeye, xxxix die 
Octobris, per breve de Pri?ato Sigillo.— Patent Roll, 
8 Edw, IL, Part 1, nu 11. 



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150 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

hunt in them or to take any thing that pertainB to warren, with- 
out the license and will of the same Anthony or his heirs, under 
a penalty to us of ten pounds. Wherefore we will and firmly 
command for ourselves and our heirs, that the aforesaid Anthony 
and his heirs shall have for ever the aforesaid market and fiEur 
at his manor aforesaid, with all liberties and free customs per- 
taining to this kind of market and fair ; unless that market and 
that fair be to the hurt of the neighbouring markets and neigh- 
bouring fairs : and that they may have free warren in all their 
aforesaid lands ; provided these lands be not within the bounds 
of our forest ; so that no one may enter those lands to hunt in 
them or to take any thing that pertains to warren, without the 
license and will of the same Anthony or his heirs, under penalty 
to us of ten pounds as is aforesaid. These bein^ witnesses, the 
venerable falhers W., of Ely, and B., of London, bishops ; Hugh 
le Despenser, QreoSrey de Geynevill, Thomas de Berklaye, Wal- 
ter de Beauchamp steward of our household, John Buteturte, 
John de Merk, and others. Given under our hand at Winchelsea 
the 20th day of August in the year of our reign the 25th, 
[1297]."— Charter Edl, 25 Bdw. I., m. 1. 

Another document among the public records tells of the 
ruined state of an ancient bridge which spanned the Aln in 
1847, near the. place where the Lion Bridge now stands. 
Edward III. granted the tolls of this bridge for three years 
to the men of Alnwick, to enable them to repair it and to 
pave tbe town. Especially interesting is this charter^ because 
specifying the amount of toll chargeable on various commo- 
dities, it shews the character of the trade of the town at this 
early period. The town had become important and its trade 
was considerable; for the charter assumes that the traffic 
was so great as to yield tolls in the course of three years 
sufficient in amount, not merely to repair and probably re- 
build the bridge, but also to pave the streets. The country 
extending many miles around Alnwick would then be sup- 
plied with merchandise at its markets and fairs, where too the 
surplus produce of the country would be disposed of. The 
trades of tanner, skinner, weaver, dyer, fuller, tinner, brazier, 
and smith were then carried on in the town, as materials 
necessary for such employments were brought to the markets. 
The following is a literal translation of this document : — 

<< Oonoeming Pontage. 

The king to the bailifSs and good men of the town of 
Alnewyk in the county of Northumberkuid greeting. Know ye 
that in aid as well of the bridge of the town aforesaid which is 
rained and broken to the serious loss of the men passing by that 



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CASTLB, TOWN^ AND BABONY. 151 

bridge, as of the paving of your town aforesaid, we grant to jon, 
that from the day of me making of these presents, even to the 
end of three years next following fully completed, yon may take 
by the hands of those in whom you have confidence, and for 
whom you are willing to be answerable, the customs underwritten 
on things for sale coming to the scdd town and passing by the 
said bridge, &c., as above. Witness, the king, at Westminster, 
18thday of April. 

To wit, for eveiy horse-load of com for sale, one farthing ; for 
every cart load of com for sale, one hali^nny ; for every horse, 
mare, bull, or cow for sale, one fiEurthing; for every skin of a 
horse or mare for sale, one farthing ; for every hundred of skins 
of goats, stags, hinds, fallow deer for sale, one halfpenny ; for 
every hundred of skins of lambs, kids, hares, rabbits, foxes, 
cats, and squirrels for sale, one &rthing ; for every horse-load of 
cloths for sale, one halfpenny ; for every entire doth for sale, one 
farthing ; for every hundred of webs of linen, canvas, cloths of 
Ireland, Gkdloway, and Worsted for sale, one hali^enny; for 
every hogshead of wine or ale for sale, one penny ; for every 
cart load of honey for sale, one halfpenny ; for every bundle of 
cloths for sale brought by a cart, twopence ; for every cart load 
of lead for sale, one penny; for merchandise sold by weight 

Soverio de pondere)^ to wit for a hundred weight, one penny ; 
or every poise of tallow and fat for sale, one farthing; 
for every quarter of woad for sale, one halfyenny; for every 
hundred weight of alum, copperas, cream of tartar ?aryat7), and 
verdigrease for sale, one penny; for two thousana onions for 
sale, one farthing ; for ten sheaves {shavis) of garlic for sale, one 
^Birthing; for every thousand herrings for sale, one farthing ; for 
every cart load of sea-fish for sale, one feurthing ; for every hun- 
dred boards for sale, one farthing ; for every mill-stone for sale, 
one farthing ; for every thousand fsiggots for sale, one penny ; 
for every quarter of salt for sale, one flEurthing ; for every poise 
of cheese or butter for sale, one ietxiMng ; for every cart load of 
wood and coals for sale by the week, one haL^enny ; for every 
quarter of oak bark for »Ede, one farthing ; for every hundred 
weight of tin, brass, and copper for sale, one haU^enny ; for 
every bundle of mercAiandise of whatever kind for sale and every 
other thing for sale of the value of five shillings not here speci- 
fied, coming to the said town and passing through that town, 
excepting wool, wool feUs, hides of bulls and cows, and iron, one 
farthing?'— Patent EoU, 61 Edw. HI., m. 19, 

Some idea of the relative value of different commodities 
may be gathered from the tolls charged. The general ratio 
between the toll and the value of an article was one penny 
to a pound ; though this doubtless was modified in its appli* 
cation to particul^ commodities. A horse load of com paid 



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152 HISTOEY OP ALNWICIC. 

the same toll as a horse^ bull, or cow ; their carcasses, how^ 
ever, were not of high value, for the toll on the hide was as 
much as that on the live animal. Mill-stones were of 
great value, as their toll was as much as that of a load of 
com. Though apparently small in amount, these tolls were 
a tolerably heavy tax ; for money then was worth twenty 
times its present value. Wheat was four shillings a quarter ; 
a sheep sold for a shilling; in 1361, two hides sold for fifteen- 
pence, a cow brought six shillings, a heifer five shillings, and 
a bull seven shillings ; the wages of skilled workmen were 
about threepence a day. 

The old Norman church, as well as the castle, had become 
ruinous ; for in the middle of the fourteenth century it was 
renovated and enlarged. Windows and mouldings in the 
north wall, in the later decorated style of architecture, are 
remains of this period. Some other information is afforded 
by the records of taxation on ecclesiastical property. Aln- 
wick Church was still a chapelry connected with Lesbury ; 
in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica, about 1291, Lesceby (Lesbury) 
with the chapels of Houghton, Alnewyk, and Alnmuth, are 
valued at £70 ; the abbey of Alnewyc at £30. But such 
had been the desolating effect of Scottish inroads, that, in the 
taxation of 1316, two years after the battle of Bannockbum, 
the ecclesiastical benefices in the deanery of Alnwick are said 
to be waste and entirely destroyed. Churches and church 
property were, however, in a better condition in the reign of 
Edward III. ; for in the Nonarum Inquisitionea made in 
1346, while Yorkshire and Lancashire are returned as deteri- 
orated by Scotch ravages, Corsenside and Holystone are the 
only Northumbrian parishes in that condition. The parish 
of Lesbury including the chapels of Houghton, Alnwick, and 
AJnmouth, was assessed at £76 13s. 4d. for the ninths of 
corn, wool, and lambs. It may not be uninteresting to add 
the value of a few other churches in the neighbourhood: 
— Shiplinbotel was £17 2s., Howick £16, Werkeworth 
£100, Emeldon £120, Edlyngham £36 13s. 4d., Eg- 
lingham £100, Wytingeham £100, Alneham £37 13s. 4d., 
Angerham (Ingram) £63 6s. 8d., Felton £46 13s. 4d., 
Routhebery £133 6s. 8d., Alwenton £86 13s. 4d., Haliston 
formerly £8, was altogether wasted by Scottish enemies. 

The little seaports near Alnwick were at this period greatly 
more important than at the present time. When the infamous 
Queen Isabella was preparing to make a descent from France 
on England to dethrone her husband, all ships carrying thirty 



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CASTLE, TOWN, AND BARONY. 153 

tons and more, were in 1326 commanded to be at Erewell in 
Suffolk, sufficiently armed and victualled for the defence of 
the kingdom ; and Ralph de Neville, Thomas de Grey, John 
de Fenwyk, and John de Lillebum were appointed super- 
visors for this purpose of the ports and viUs of Alemuth, 
Werkworth, Dunstanburgh, and other northern ports.* In 
1333, similar commands were addressed to the bailiffs of the 
vills of Alnmouth, Warkworth, Emildon, and Bamburgh, to 
detain all the ships in these ports carrying fifty tuns of wine 
and upwards, and with aU speed to equip them with muni- 
tions of war that thejr might be ready to go forth in defence 
of the kingdom. Similar commands were given in 1334; 
and in 1316, the bailiff of the vill of Alemuth was ordered to 
send such ships of that port sufficiently munitioned and 
victualled to go to Gascony.f 

I may add here that the ancient name of Alnmouth was 
Saint Waleric; for in the foundation charter of Alnwick 
Abbey, Eustace de Vescy granted to it in 1147, one measure 
of land in the burg of St. Waleric, to whom the church had 
been dedicated. Newbigging-by-the-Sea, in Northumber- 
land, bore the same name at an early period ; William, the 
illustrious earl of Northumberland, before he became king of 
Scotland as William the Lion, granted to William de Vescy 
a charter to hold a market at Saint Waleric, which was then 
called Newbigging. J 

• Bymer'8 Foed., II., p. 639. f RoU Soot, I., and Rym Feed. 

X Raine's Memorials of Hexham Priory, I., p. zi^. 



Fia 13 




Old Percy Arms— Be?erley Minster. See page 112. 



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CHAPTER X. 



HENET PEEOY FIRST EAEL OF NOETHTJMBEELAND, 
AND HOTSPUE. 

HIS CHABAOTEE — EKOAGED UX THB rEENOH "WASA — SUPPOETS WY- 

CLIFFB OEEATED EARL — BOEDEE WARFAEE — HOTSPUE — 

BATTLE OF OTTERBURN — THB PEECYS EEBEL AOADTST EICHAED 
n. AND EAI8B HENEY IV. TO THB THEONE — RICH EEWAEDS — 
BATTLE OP HOMILDON — EEBEL AGAINST HENEY IV. — CAT7SE OP 
THIS EEBELLION — BATTLE OF SHEEWSBTTEY — DEATH OF HOTSPUE 
— EAEL PARDONED — REBELS AGAIN — NOETHUMBEIAN CASTLES 
BESIEGED — EAEL SLAIN AT BBAMHAM — LUOY ESTATES — ^HEEAL- 
DEY. 

Henry de Percy, the third haron of Alnwick, was, accord- 
ing to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, brought up in his 
youth, partly at the king's court and partly with his uncle, 
the duke of Lancaster. He is represented as eloquent, 
learned, and watchful ; in his father's lifetime, he was feared 
by the Scots, and, by reason of his eloquence in treaties, was 
somewhat beloved, for he was well learned and watched well, 
and wisely and maturely and eloquently answered to the 
things proposed. This eulogy is probably just ; for though 
his actions prove him to have been ambitious, selfish, and 
turbulent, he was certainly one of the ablest and most dis- 
tinguished of his family. 

He was twenty-six years of age when his father died ; but 
before that time, he had been twice engaged in the French 
wars in the years 1359 and 1363. To the barony of Alnwick 
he succeeded in 1368 ; and, in the course of that year, he 
was with King Edward III. at Calais ; and was afterwards 
sent into Poitou with an army to the relief of the marches 
there. He was again in the French wars in 1369, having 
with him a retinue of eleven knights, forty-eight men-at-arms, 
forty-seven esquires, and one hundred archers on horse-back. 



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HENBY FIRST SARL^ AMD HOTSPUR. 155 

Being seized with sickness he soon returned. After this, 
he was in France again for some time, along with the 
earl of Lancaster, till a truce was concluded in 1376. In 
that year he was advanced to the dignity of marshal of Eng- 
land ; and in 1377, he was made general of the forces sent 
to the places in France under English dominion. Such was 
his magnificence, that he had, as his own retinue, one hun- 
dred men-at-arms and one hundred archers, and a ready 
supply of two hundred men-at-arms and two hundred archers, 
all mounted on horseback.* 

At this period, his name becomes associated with the early 
struggles to obtain religious reformation — one of the few acts 
of his busy life with which we can sympathise. Wycliffe, 
the precursor of Huss, Luther, and Calvin, who a century 
later shook the spiritual domination of Rome, had for some 
time been preaching and writing against the abuses of the 
Koman Catholic clergy ; and several noblemen had become 
his supporters, either from conviction of the truth of his 
doctrines, or for political purposes. When Wycliffe was 
summoned in 1377 before the convocation, he was accom- 
panied h% John of Gaunt, the king's son, and Lord Percy, 
the marshal of England. Courtenay, the presiding bishop, 
irritated at this daring step, exclaimed, ^^Lord Percy, if I had 
known what masteries you kept in the church, I would have 
stopped you from coming hither." '^He shall keep such 
masteries " replied the duke of Lancaster, ^' though you say 
nay." While the venerable reformer stood before the pre- 
lates, who were seated, Percy considerately desired Wycliffe 
to sit down, as he had many things to answer for and would 
need repose ; but the bishop insisting that Wycliffe should 
stand, a warm altercation arose, which caused the meeting to 
be broken up, and the reformer retired under the protection 
of the two lords. A mob of Londoners, who were hostile to 
the duke, assembled next day to revenge what they considered 
the insult offered to their bishop, and broke open Percy's 
house and killed a priest, whom they mistook for him, and 
afterwards gutted the duke's palace of Savoy. Fortunately 
for both lords, they were dining at the time of this riot with 
John of Ipres, a Flemish merchant. 

As marshal of England, Henry de Percy officiated at the 
coronation of Richard II., in 1377 ; and he was then created 
earl of Northumberland, being the first of his family who 

• Dug, Bar., I., 276. 



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156 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK. 

enjoyed that dignity. By a special grant, he was privileged 
to hold all the lands of which he was then seized or which 
he might afterwards purchase. Sub Honore Comitatus, and 
as parcel of his earldom. Soon after this, he resigned his 
marshal's rod; and proceeding to his northern estates he 
engaged with energy in the affairs of the border land. 

Henry Percy, however, had for years previously been 
occasionally engaged in border warfare, for in 1368, he had 
been appointed one of the wardens of the marches towards 
Scotland. There is some confusion in the records of the 
engagements of that period, between the English and the 
Scots ; events of a similar nature are narrated by Scottish 
historians as taking *place in 137S, but by English historians 
four or five years later. Though a truce had been concluded 
in 1857 to last for ten years, the turbulent borderers could 
not refrain from aggressions. Some serious differences had 
arisen between the two border chieftains, Percy and Douglas; 
and we find from the rolls of Scotland, that in 1373 and 
again in 1374, commissioners were appointed to endeavour 
to settle the dispute and bring about peace with these 
haughty men ;* but the effort seems to have been fruitless. 
A small cause involved the countries in war. One of the 
followers of the earl of Dunbar was killed by the English at 
Roxburgh fair, and the earl demanded redress from the 
English wardens, but they returning a scornful answer, 
he dissimulated for a time ; on the recurrence of the fair, 
however, in the following year, he secretly collected his fol- 
lowers, attacked the town, slew every Englishman in it from 
the least to the greatest, set it on fire, and plundered it. 
Mutual ravages followed, but the English suffered most. 
Deeply grieved at these insults and losses. Lord Percy in the 
following year entered Scotland with seven thousand men to 
waste and pillage the domains of George, the earl of Dunbar; 
and passing through the merse of Berwickshire, he encamped 
by a wood at Dunse. This invasion, if we are to give credit 
to Fordim, had a ridiculous issue. While the English army 
were quietly and as they thought securely slumbering in their 
camps, a few of the peasants and shepherds of the neigh- 
bourhood approached to the English encampment stealthily 
during the night, armed only with rattles made of dried 
skins filled with pebbles and fixed to the end of long poles, 
and which were used to frighten away deer and wild cattle 

• Hot. Scot, I., p. 965. 



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ttEKRY PIEST EABL, AND HOTSPUR. 167 

from the com. These thejr shook vigourously, and the horrid 
noise produced, so terrified the English horses, that they 
broke from their keepers and ran away wildly among the 
hills. Awakened and alarmed by the noise, the English 
army finding themselves deprived of their war horses and 
beasts of burden, fled on foot in disorder towards England, 
leaving their baggage behind them * This strange story may 
be an exaggerated version of events which occurred in 1377 
according to English historians; for we are told, that to 
revenge the burning of Roxburgh, the earl of Northumber- 
land, with an army of ten thousand men, ravaged the lands 
of the earl of March.f 

The siege of Berwick by the earl of Northumberland, in 
1378, is interesting as bringing prominently before us the 
most popular soldier of his age, Henry, the eldest son of the 
earl. Seven powerful natives of the Scottish border had, a 
little previously, by a daring attack surprised and taken the 
castle of Berwick. J The earl besieged it with seven thousand 
archery and three thousand horse, and though defended by 
only forty-eight determined men, it held out for eight days ; 
on the ninth it was taken and the whole of the brave garri- 
son, excepting the governor, were cruelly put to the sword. 
Young Percy, then little more than twelve years of age, dis- 
played on this occasion so much intrepidity and courage, 
that he received the sobriquet of Hotspur. Knyghton says 
" that this Henry is by the French and Scots called Harre 
Hatesporrey because in the silence of the stormy night, others 
being unoccupied and in quiet sleep, he laboured unwearied, 
as if his spur was hot, which we call Hate8porre."§ 

The duke of Lancaster had become obnoxious to the Eng- 
lish, and in 1381 sought a temporary asylimi in Scotland. 
Forgetful of his old friendship, the earl of Northumberland 
treated the duke, in his distress, with disrespect; and on the 
duke's return from Scotland gave him fresh provocation by 
refusing, as lord warden, to permit him entering into Ber- 
wick. The duke complained to the king, but the earl defended 
himself with boldness; so feeble, however, was the throne 
and so powerful these barons, that both of them attended 
parliament, with numbers of armed retainers; and it was 
with difficulty that the king composed the quarrel, by induc- 
ing the earl to ask pardon of the duke of Lancaster. 

• Fordun, II., Lib. XIV., Cap. 28. f Walsing, p 211. 

X Fordun, II., p. 391. § Knyghton, p. 2696. 



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168 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

A few years of quiet ensued till tlie expiration of the truce 
in 1384, when the Scots renewed hostilities. The duke of 
Lancaster invaded Scotland, but bad weather and scarcity of 
provisions compelled him to return without achieving much; 
on his way homeward, he made an agreement with the earl 
of Northumberland, that the eail should reside on the marches 
for their government and defence, with authority to levy forces 
to repel invasion. For these services he had to be paid ; and 
he received £4000 for maintaining garrisons in Berwick, 
Carlisle, and Roxburgh, for six weeks.* A truce, however, 
ended for a time, hostilities. During this truce, the earl's 
deputy governor of Berwick, corrupted by a bribe, delivered 
up Berwick to the Scots. The quarrel between the earl and 
Lancaster still smouldered, and this event blew it into a 
flame. The earl was, in his absence, accused of treason 
before parliament by Lancaster, and sentence of death and of 
loss of estates was pronounced against him. When sum- 
moned to meet his accuser, he refused to obey, assigning 
as a reason, that his presence was required near the marches. 
His vigorous and successful defence of the borders on this 
emergency, wiped off the stain which had been cast on his 
fidelity. He assembled a great force and attempted to 
regain Berwick; but, finding the weather unpropitious for 
a regular siege, he resorted to bribery ; and by the same 
corrupt means as those by which it was lost, gained posses- 
sion of the place. The charge against him was groundless ; 
and the king, after this achievement, pardoned him and 
restored his honours and possessions. 

Short truces, though ill kept, gave a little repose to the 
two countries ; but in 1387 hostihties were renewed, which 
led to one of the most romantic of border battles. Two 
Scottish armies crossed the border ; the larger body, led by ' 
Earls Fife and Strathearn, ravaged Cumberland; and the 
smaller body consisting of three hundred picked lances and 
two thousand stout infantry and archers, led by the earls of 
March, Murray, and Douglas, invaded Northumberland, and 
wasted and burnt the country as far as Durham. Little 
opposition was made to these inroads, as Richard XL was 
then quarrelling with his parliament. The smoke of burning 
villages gave the first intelligence of this invasion to the barons 
and knights of the county. The earl of Northumberland sent 
his two sons. Sir Henry and Sir Ralph Percy, to Newcastle, 

• Froissart Chron., I., Chap. 79. 



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HENEY FIE8T EARL, AND HOTSPUR. 169 

with all hie vassals capable of bearing arms ; and he ordered 
every one to repair thither, but the earl himself remained in 
security at Alnwick Castle. A large army was soon assem- 
bled at Newcastle, consisting of the knights and squires of 
the county with their followers. Having completed the object 
of their expedition, the Scots began their return home laden 
with booty, and lay before Newcastle-on-Tyne for three days. 
The valour of the border land was displayed in frequent 
skirmishes, which took place between the Scots and English. 
From their great courage, the two Percys were always the 
first at the barriers, where many valiant deeds were per- 
formed. The two great border warriors engaged in hand to 
hand combat ; and Sir Henry Percy was overthrown by the 
gallantry in arms of the Earl Douglas, who won Percy's 
pennon, the silken streamer fastened near the head of his 
lance and bearing his insignia, and who in triumph exclaimed 
— ^^ I will carry this token of your prowess with me to Scot- 
land, and place it on the tower of my castle at Dalkeith, that 
it may be seen from afar." " By God, earl of Douglas,** 
replied Sir Henry, *' you shall not even bear it out of North- 
umberland ; be assured you shall never have this pennon to 
boast of." *' You must come then," answered Douglas, ^'this 
night and seek for it. I will fix your pennon before my tent, 
and shall see if you will venture to take it away/** Somewhat 
of braggarts were both these warriors. 

Early in the following morning, the Scottish army began 
their march homeward ; and on the same evening encamped 
at Otterbum in Bedesdale. Here, contrary to the opinion 
of most of the Scottish chiefe. Earl Douglas, from chivalrous 
feeling, determined to remain for a few days ^'to see if within 
.that time Sir Henry Percy would come for his pennon.'* 
The Percys greatly mortified with their loss, strongly urged 
immediate pursuit ; but the other English chieftains suppos- 
ing that Douglas' force was only the van of the Scottish 
army, objected to this proposal. Intelligence, however, 
having been brought that the Scottish army was certainly 
not more than three thousand strong. Sir Henry Percy, 
greatly rqoiced, called out — ^' To horse ! to horse I for by 
3ie faith I owe my God, and to my lord and father, I wiu 
seek to recover my pennon, and to beat up their quarters 
this night." On the 19th of August, after dinner, he 
led an army of six hundred spears of knights and squires, 

• Froiusrt'8 Choniclet, III., Chap. 125. 

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160 HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

and upwards of eight thousand infantry from Newcastle; 
and in the evening of the same day arrived at Otterbum. 
Douglas had expected no attack that night; some of his 
army were supping, others had gone to sleep, for they had 
been wearied by an unsuccessful attack on Otterbum Castle. 
Fortunately for the Scots, the first attack of the English 
was on the huts of their servants; and the battle cry 
of ^' Percy ! Percy ! " gave the alarm and roused the Scottish 
warriors. The resistance made in the servants' camp, gave 
time for the Scottish knights and soldiery to arm and arrange 
themselves ; and skirting the side of a mountain, hard by, 
the Scots quite unexpectedly fell on the English flank and 
threw them for a while into disorder. The full moon shone 
brightly over the battle-field, so that friend could be dis- 
tinguished from foe. Heroes fought there, and great bravery 
was displayed on both sides; each party being urged to deeia 
of valour by their leaders — " Now a Douglas was the cry ; 
now a Percy rent the sky." None was more valiant than 
Douglas; seeing his men repulsed, he seized with both hands 
a battle axe, dashed into the midst of his enemies, and struck 
all down before him ; but advancing too far, he was over- 
powered by numbers ; pierced by three spears, he was bonie 
to the ground and his head was cleft by a battle axe. His 
fall was kept secret from his army ; but when djring, he bid 
his friends avenge his death, raise his banner which had fallen 
to the ground, and still shout the battle cry of ^^ Douglas ! " 
The Scots renewed the contest with increased vigour, and 
defeated the English. Sir Ralph Percy having advanced too 
far, was surrounded and severely wounded ; and he surren- 
dered to Sir John Maxwell. A similar fate befel the rash, 
but gallant Sir Henry Percy ; in the last attack made after 
the death of Douglas, he encountered Sir John Montgomery, 
a valiant Scottish knight ; long they fought hand to hand 
with much valour, without hindrance from any one, for all 
the other knights and squires were engaged in similar ren- 
counters; but Montgomery proved himself the better knight, 
and Sir Henry Percy was made prisoner. The English lost 
in killed one thousand eight hundred and forty men, upwards 
of a thousand were wounded, and more than a thousand were 
taken prisoners; indeed, almost every Englishman of dis- 
tinction present was captured. This battle was lost through 
ihe rashness of Sir Henry Percy ; for his army, though three 
times as numerous as the Scots, were unable, after a fatiguing 
march of thirty-two miles, to contend successfully with the 



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HENRY FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR. 



161 



Scottish forces, which were comparatively unexhausted and 
vigorous. The loss of the Scots was only about one hundred 
slain, and two hundred taken prisoners ; but the joy of the 
Scots was sadly overcast by the death of Douglas. Soon after 
the battle. Sir Henry Percy obtained his liberty on paying 
a ransom, which was so large, as to enable Sir Henry Mont- 
gomery to build his castle of Penoon, in Ayrshire.* 

A stone marked, from an ancient time, the site of this 
battle. 

Rai4- 




OTTEBBTJBN BATTLE STONE. 

But this was removed in 1777, and another rude memo- 
rial was raised about one hundred and eighty yards westward 
of the old stone. This poor structure consists of a stone 
pillar, which had done service as the architrave of a fire-place 
m Otterburn Castle, resting on the worn socketed base of the 
old stone; and these are placed on a circular pedestal of rude 
masonry tapering to the top. 

Some two or three of the finest of our border ballads are 
founded partly on the incidents which occurred ixx this battle. 
In the ballad of ^^ The battle of Otterbouine," the whole 
struggle is described with much graphic power and pathos, 
which must have stirred the hearts of Northumbrians when 

* Sir Ralph Percy remained in captivity about two years. He seems to haTo 
been ransomed by Robert III., king of Scotland, who granted to Sir Henry 
Preston for his redemption a charter of towns and lands. He was slain by the 
Saracens in 1400. — White's Otterburn, pp. 74, 110. The account of this battle 
is derived chiefly from Froissart, with references to Hardyng, Fordun, Barbour, 
and other ancient writers. An admirable history of it, with memoirs of the 
warriors engaged in it, has been given by Mr. Robert White ; to whom I am 
indebted for the illustration of the battle stone, and of one of Hotspur's arms — 

Y 



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162 HISTOEY OP ALNWICK. 

the wandering minstrel sung these strains. Though id 
" Chevy Chase^" the most popular of all old ballads^ it is 
said — 

" This wu the hantynge off the Cbeviat, 
The tear hegane this spam ; 
Old men that knowen the grownde well yenoughe. 
Call it the BatUeof Otterburn,'^— 

yet the occasion of this conflict, the place where it occurred, 
and the incidents described, do not correspond with the 
historical account of the battle of Otterburn. Probably the 
bard had no personal knowledge of the scene and the events 
described in the *'f|^ttntfnfl a tjfte dfteWat/' and merely gave 
poetic form to floating traditions of the affray which took 
place at Piperden, forty-nine years after the battle of Otter- 
bum, and which he confounded with this better known and 
more important battle. 

Some relics of this battle are in the possession of the 
family of Douglas, of Cavers, who are Imeally descended 
from Archibald Douglas, the hero of the conflict. Different 
opinions have been given of these relics j but the recent 
examination of them by my friend, Mr. J. A. H. Murray, 
has cleared away the mystery. The flag preserved is a stan- 
dard thirteen feet in length, bearing the Douglas arms — ^most 
probably the banner of Douglas, brought home by his illegiti- 
mate son ; but there is also a relic of Percy, a pair of lady's 
gauntlets, bearing the white lion of the Percys in pearls, and 
fringed with silver filigree work ; and it is probably the love 
pledge, which Hotspur carried hanging from his spear, and 
which was won from him by Douglas before the barriers at 
Newcastle.* 

For some years after this, little that is memorable occurs 
on the borders. A disposition was shewn on both sides to 
repress inroads ; and commissioners met in 1398 at Hawden 
Spike, when it was determined to set free all prisoners; strin- 
gent regulations were passed to prevent inroads, and meetings 
were appointed to be held monthly by the wardens, to take 
cognizance of injuries; and, in accordance with march law, 
to inflict exemplary punishment on the guilty. Harry de 
Percy, as English warden, and the earl of March, as Scotch 
warden, mutually boimd themselves by letters to observe 
these conditions. 

* Proceedings of the Hawick Arch»ologioal Society. 



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HENRY FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR. 163 

The reign of the imbecile Richard 11.^ was drawing to a 
close. He had in 1399 suspicions of the fidelity both of the 
earl of Northumberland and of his son Hotspur ; they had 
«poken, he was told, words derogatory to his majesty ; and 
in consequence, he summoned the earl to appear before him; 
but the earl was refractory, and for this disobedience and 
other disloyalty, he was proclaimed a traitor and banished 
from the kingdom.* The king having gone to Ireland, a 
favourable opportunity occurred for attempting to carry out 
the treasonaUe designs, which had been formed, for the 
subversion of the throne. 

The earl. Hotspur, and Ralph Neville earl of Westmore- 
land, raised the standard of rebellion, and assembled their 
forces; and with the aid of other powerful barons, they 
succeeded in deposing Richard and placing the duke of Lan- 
caster on the throne as Henry IV. Richly was the earl of 
Northumberland rewarded for his services ; he was advanced 
to the great office of constable of England ; he was made 
justice of Chester, constable of the castles of Chester, Con- 
way, Flint, and Carnarvon, general warden of the east 
marches, governor of the town and castle of Carlisle ; and 
to him and his heirs was given the Isle of Man, which he 
held by carrying the Lancaster sword on the day of the 
king's coronation. Four years afterwards, the king ^' consi- 
dering the extraordinary labours and fruitful obedience of 
Henry de Percy, earl of Northumberland," granted to him 
and his heirs the whole county of Douglas ; the vales of 
Eskedale, Lydesdale, and Lawderdale ; the lordship of Sel- 
keryk and forest of Etteryck ; and all the lordships of the 
earl of Douglas, with a few exceptions.f On Hotspur too, 
royal gifts were showered ; he was constituted warden of the 
western marches, sheriff of Northumberland, governor of 
Berwick and of the castle of Rokesburgh, justice of Chester, 
North Wales, and Flintshire; to him were granted the castle 
and lordship of Bamburgh, with the fee-farm of that town 
for life; he was made constable of the castles of Chester, 
Flint, Conway, and Carnarvon, and sheriff of Flintshire for 
life ; the whole county and dominion of Anglesey, and the 
castle, the manors, lands, fee-farms, and rents of Beaumarys 

• Frois. ChroiL, IV., Chap. 105. 

f Rot Scot, II.| p. 164; where is giTen a full list of these Scottish posses- 
sions. 



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164 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

were also granted to him for life.* How extravagant and 
rapacious were the men of that time ! 

Soon after Henry lY . had assumed the throne, the relations 
between England and Scotland were disturbed by the treach- 
erous conduct of the earl of March, who renounced his 
allegiance to his sovereign, and agreed to yield up his castles, 
troops, and services to the king of England. The abbot of 
Alnwick Abbey and the earl of Westmoreland were appointed 
to treat with him for this purpose. The earl of March along 
with Lord Percy, at the head of two thousand men, made 
inroads into the territories of Douglas and penetrated as far 
as Haddington ; but being suddenly attacked by Douglas at 
Linton, they abandoned their plunder and luggage and fled 
with precipitation to Bewick. King Henry afterwards in- 
vaded Scotland with an immense army, but though achieving 
little, yet was he remarkable for the leniency with which he 
treated his enemies. While he was in Scotland, inroads 
were made into Northumberland by the Scots, who wasted 
and burnt Bamburghshire. 

After a short truce, hostilities recommenced in 1402. One 
party under Hepburn returning laden with English spoil, 
was suddenly attacked by the earl of March and his son, at 
West Nesbit in the Merse ; and Hepburn and the flower of 
the Lothian youth were slain. To revenge this loss. Earl 
Douglas, in the month of August, 1402, entered England at 
the head of an army ten or twelve thousand strong, and 
destroyed and plundered the country as far as Newcastle. 

Henry IV. was then engaged with Glendower in Wales ; 
but the earl of Northumberland, Hotspur, and the earl of 
March collected an army and intercepted, near to Millfield, 
the Scottish army returning to their country laden with 
plunder. Douglas, on reaching Wooler and perceiving the 
enemy, seized on Homildon Hill, a strong position about one 
mile westward of Wooler. The English advanced to the 
attack, and Hotspur, eager to reach the foe, was with his 
usual rashness about to lead his men up the hill, when 
March, seeing the danger of such an attempt, seized hold of 
the bridle of his horse and advised him to halt, and to send 
among the enemy a flight of arrows. Arranged on the hill side, 
the Scots presented a good mark; and almost every arrow be- 
came a messenger of death. The Scots falling thickly around 
and unavenged, Swinton, a biave knight, exclaimed aloud — 

• RoU Lit Claus., 1 Hen. IV., p. 4, m. 7. 



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HEKBY FIBST BARL^ AND H0TSPT7B. 165 

"What fascination has seized you my brave countrymen, 
that ye stand to be shot down Uke deer, instead of calling 
forth your ancient valour and meeting your enemies hand to 
hand. Descend with me to conquer, or fall like men/' 
Accompanied by Adam Gordon and one hundred men, he 
rushed down the hill; but too few in number, their desperate 
valour only led them to death. Though brave, Douglas had 
few of the qualifications of a general ; at length he attempted 
to lead his army down the hill ; but the movement was too 
late ; the English archers retired a little and then poured in 
another flight of arrows so strong, that they pierced through 
armour ; and even Douglas, notwithstanding his well tem- 
pered mail, was wounded in five places, though not mortally. 
The English bowmen here, as in many other battles, won 
the day ; the Scots were completely routed ; numbers were 
slain m the field, and five hundred were in their flight 
drowned in the Tweed. A field at the base of Homildon, 
bears, in remembrance of this battle, the name of ** The Red 
Higgs."* 

Hotspur, though distinguished by his headlong valour, had 
the fiiults of his age ; but we may regret, that our northern 
hero here stained his name by an act of ruthless cruelty. Sir 
William Stuart, of Forest, was taken prisoner at Homildon, 
and Hotspur, contrary to the recognised rules of honourable 
warfare, insisted that he should be tried as a traitor, because 
he was a native of Teviotdale when it was under English 
power. Stuart was eloquent and wise, and having a good 
cause, defended himself so well, that he was acquitted by 
several juries; yet Hotspur, instead of honouring a brave man, 
hunted him down with so much keenness, that he dragged 
him before a jury of his own retainers. Stuart was, of course, 
condemned, executed, drawn, and quartered, amid the indig- 
nant murmurs of the rest of the English.! 

The Percys had rendered to King Henry the most impor- 
tant services ; and the rewards showered upon them were so 
abundant and valuable, that their sovereign might reasonably 
have calculated on their gratitude and fidelity; but they 
were too powerful as subjects, and too unbounded in their 
expectations; and their vaulting ambition led them to concoct 
other traitorous designs. One king they had pulled down, 
another they had set up ; and they now determined to drag 
from his throne, the king of their own making. The defection 

* Pinkerton gives' a good account of this ongagemeDt f Bower, p. 431. 



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166 HISTOEY OF ALKWICK. 

of the Percys has been attributed by some historians and 
by Shakespeare to resentment at the king's order, not to put 
to ransom or liberate the prisoners taken at Homildon with- 
out his permission ; but though this might irritate haughty 
men, it could scarcely lead to the overthrow of kingdoms, for 
such orders had not been unusual ; and we know, that after 
this battle, the Percys had no scruple in accepting rich 
rewards. Doubtless, however, they felt as a grievance the 
refusal of the king to allow the friends of Sir Edmund Morti- 
mer to ransom him from Owen Glendower, with whom he 
was a prisoner. The public records disclose another ground 
of dissatisfaction. Four letters of the renowned Hotspur, 
and two of the earl his father, are printed in the Proceedings 
and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England. These 
letters are interesting as reUcs of a historic name, and as 
exhibiting the haughty, captious, and uncompromising cha- 
racter of Hotspur, and the keen rapaciousness of the earl. 
In one letter, dated 10th April, 1401, from Denbigh, in reply 
to an injunction of the Privy Council, that he should properly 
execute his duties on pain of forfeiture. Hotspur exhibits 
soreness that his loyalty should be suspected. His second 
letter from Denbigh, of which he was constable, presses for 
payment of the king's soldiers at Berwick ; and in another, 
on 17th March from Denbigh, he tells of his heavy labour 
and expense, " which were in truth so unbearable, that he 
could support them no longer than the end of the month or 
three or four days afterwards." His fifth letter is the most 
characteristic ; he reminds the council of his repeated appli- 
cation for money due to him as warden ; and alludes to sums 
owing to his father and himself, and to promises made by the 
treasurer to him, when he was last in London, that if agree- 
able to the council, two thousand marks should be paid to 
him before February; he is astonished that £5000 due to his 
father for the marches could not be paid in good faith ; and 
he thought, that the council either attached too little consi- 
deration to the marches, or were dissatisfied with the services 
of himself and his father ; he begged the council not to be 
displeased, because he wrote ignorantly in his rude and feeble 
manner. 

These letters are in French ; but neither the letters them- 
selves nor the signatures appear to be Hotspur's autograph. 
Probably he could not write. 

Two letters were sent bjr the earl of Northumberland in 
May and June, 1403, pressing for payment of money due to 



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HENRY FIRST EARL, AND HOTSPUR. 167 

himself and his son. If the money were not paid, he tells 
the council, they could not meet the king at Ormeston ; and 
such was the lofty estimate he formed of himself and of 
Hotspur, that he thought it probahle, the fair renown of the 
chivalry of the nation would not be maintained in that place, 
to the utter dishonour and grief of himself and his son ; " if 
we had been paid " he continues, *' the £60,000 since your 
coronation, then we could better support such a charge ; but 
to this day, there is clearly due to us £20,000 and more ;" 
he then entreats for payment of a large sum. 

Four weeks afterwards, the Percys were rebels. Of their 
treasonable design the king had no suspicion, for when he 
first heard of their rebellion, he was in route to visit the earl 
to assist him in opposing the Scots.* While on his march 
northward, the king in a letter to his Privjr Council, says 
that the object of his march was to support his very dear and 
loyal cousin, the earl of Northumberland and his son Henry, 
in the expedition which they had undertaken for him and 
the realm against his enemies the Scots. Whatever may have 
been the faults of King Henry, his treatment of the Percys 
was generous and lenient; indeed, he had no interest in 
driving such powerful men to revolt ; his own circumstances 
at this time were exceedingly embarassed, and the nonpay- 
ment of the enormous claims put forth by them, arose from 
inability. By a certain class of writers, these letters are 
represented as a justification of this rebellion ; to me, how- 
ever, they seem to strip the subject of much of its romance. 
In a rebellion occasioned by a personal money squabble 
there is no dignity and no patriotism. These overgrown 
men, notwithstanding the rich rewards they had received, 
were boundless in their cravings for more ; and being pos- 
sessed of enormous power, they appear, moreover, to have 
had the ambition of gaining sovereignty in England. A 
superstitious credulity is said also to have misled them; 
according to Grafton : — ^^ Owen Glendower and the earl of 
March and the Percys were greatly abused and deceived by 
a Welsh prophecy, which made them believe that King 
Henry was the moldewarpe cursed of God's own mouth, and 
that they three were the dragon, the lyon, and the wolfe, 
which should divide this realm between them, by the prophecy 
of M awmot Marlyn." In passing judgment on these men^ 
allowance, however, must be made for the state of the times. 

• Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, I., p. 207. 

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168 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The English principle of loyalty was but little developed ; 
great barons had been struggling for plunder^ power, and 
supremacy; and the king himself was viewed as a baron^ 
but greater than the rest. ^* The divinity which doth hedge 
round a king " had not yet been seen ; and the principles of 
royal succession were far from being established. Loyalty^ 
indeed^ as a rational principle actuating free men, is the 
result of long experience of the blessings of constitutional 
government. 

In carrying out this plot the main actors were unscrupu- 
lous^ and they did not hesitate to league themselves with the 
enemies of their country. Douglas the Scot was set free, 
and Berwick was promised to him, on condition of his joining 
them with his followers ; Owen Glendower, who was en- 
deavouring to set up an independent kingdom in Wales, was 
admitted into the confederacy ; and the king of France was 
applied to for help. The plot was well designed, and if it 
had been as skilfully carried out, the king might have been 
hurled from his throne ; but the earl of Northumberland was 
sluggish, if not timid, and Hotspur shewed only the rashness 
and valour of the soldier. His father being *' sore sick ^' at 
his castle. Hotspur took the command of the army, and being 
joined by his uncle, the earl of Worcester, and by Douglas, 
marched southwards to form a junction with Glendower. 
But the king was equally active, and more skilful ; he hast- 
ened to the Welsh borders, and reached Shrewsbury in time 
to prevent a union between the insurgents and the Welsh. 
Although Hotspur was enraged because the Welsh forces had 
not come up, he yet determined to hazard a battle. A paper 
was first distributed, emanating from the Percys, charging 
the king with perjury, oppression, and murder ; but of this 
the king took little notice, as the issue had to be determined, 
not by the pen but by the sword. At an early hour on the 
Slst of July, 1403, Hotspur drew up his men on Hateley 
Field, near Shrewsbury, in front of the king's army ; and 
fourteen thousand men on each side, the best troops in 
Europe, stood ready for the charge. The tnmipets sounded 
and both rushed to the encounter, Eaperance^ Percy ! being 
Hotspur's battle cry, and Saint George, for us ! the battle 
cry of the king. An irresistible charge was made ^y Hotspur 
and Douglas, the two most famous warriors of the period ; 
but they were not well supported, and thev were hemmed in 
by the royal troops. The king himself possessed valour 
as a soldier and wisdom as a general, and supported by his 



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HENBY FIB8T BA&L^ AND HOTSPVB. 169 

cliiTalrous son^ his star was in the ascendant. Hotspur and 
Douglas did all that mere valour and skill of arms could 
accomplish^ but from the effects of their rashness they could 
not escape ; Hotspur was pierced through the brain^ by an 
arrow from an unknown hand^ and '' his spur became cold ;" 
Douglas was taken prisoner ; and their troops^ dispirited by 
the loss of their leaders^ fled^ leaving more than half of their 
companions dead upon the field. 

Fortunate it was for England^ that this confederacy was 
defeated ; for^ if it had been successful^ England might have 
been divided into three kingdoms ; or a puppet of a king 
might have been set up^ and the nation rent by lawless 
factions. 

The body of Hotspur was interred^ with the consent of the 
Ving j by Lord Fumival at Whitchurch, but it was afterwards 
exhumed. For this very barbarous act, the chronicle of 
London assigns a political reason; ''forasmuch as some 
people said, that Sir Harry Percy was alive, he was taken 
up again out of his grave and bound upright between 
mill stones, that all might see he was dead." This, indeed, 
was a tribute to his valour, his daring, and popularity. In 
accordance with the brutal usage of the times, the body was 
afterwards drawn and quartered, and the mangled remains 
were exhibited at Shrewsbury, London, Newcastle, York, 
and Chester. Four months afterwards, his widow, with 
pious care, gathered the severed members and interred them 
m York Minster. Thus waned and disappeared the crescent 
of a heroic personage, whom the genius of Shakespeare, more 
than the historian, has immortahsed. His character drawn 
by the poet is true to nature. Referring to it, the sagacious 
Dr. Johnson says — ^" Percy is a rugged soldier, choleric and 
quarrelsome, and has only the soldier's virtues, generosity, and 
courage.'' Brave he was undoubtedly, and highly skilled in 
the use of arms ; he panted for distinction, and thought it an 
easy task to pluck bright honour from the pale-faced moon ; 
notwithstanding he had few of the higher qualifications of a 
general, though his dashing valour fitted him as a guerilla 
chief to carry on border warfare. His boldness and daring, 
however, captivated the taste of an age when physical force 
was in the ascendant. 

** He waa, indeed, tbe glass 
Wherein fhe noble youth did dress themselres 
In militaxy rules, humours of blood i 
He waa the mark and glaas, copy and booh, 

Tit At ffloKlmiM nfTiAM.'* 



That iaahion'd others." 



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170 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



And even in our more civilised times, there are many who, 
while they would not exalt his faults into virtues, yet follow 
his heroic career with breathless interest, and admire his 
undaunted courage, and lament that one endowed with some 
noble qualities, should have fallen so soon and so sadly. 

He married Elizabeth, daughter of Edmund Mortimer, earl 
of March, and by her he had one son and one daughter.* 

Two illustrations I am enabled to give of the heraldry of 
this renowned warrior. 

na 16 



Fia 15 





Fig. 15. 

Arms. — Ovy a lion rampant azure ^ differenced by a laid of 

three points gules ; occurs between 1392 and 1897. 

Fig, 16. 

Arms. — Percy and Lucy quarterly y differenced by a label of 
three points ; occurs between 1899 and 1408. 

Supporters. — Ikco lions guardant. 

Badge. — A locket, from which hangs the shield. "The 
absence of the crescent" as Mr. Longstaffe remarks, 
" strongly indicates its connection with the earldom." 

* Hotspur at the time of his death was in possession of the Talbot lands in 
Tjndale, which consisted of the manor of Walwykgrange, &c. ; and included 
within them, what is now called Kielder. But how they came into his possession 
is a mystery. These lands were part of fees, held in 1315 by John Comyn de 
Badenach, which descended to his two daughters, Johanna, who married David 
Strathbogie, earl of Athol, and Elizabeth, who married Richard Talbot Half of 
these fees passed to Athol and the other half to Talbot David, earl of Athol, left 
two daughters, Elizabeth and Philippa ; and in 1874, Henry, the first earl of 



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HENRY FIEST EABL^ AND HOTSPUB. 171 

llie earl of Northumberland, recovered from his real or 
pretended sickness^ was marching to join his son, when he 
first heard the sad tidings of the death of Hotspur and defeat 
of his army. Despairing now of success in his schemes, he 
disbanded his forces and retired to his castle of Warkworth. 
On being summoned, he deemed it politic to surrender him- 
self to the king at York, where, to save his life, he acknow- 
ledged his treason, and meanly excused himself by asserting 
that his son — the gallant Hotspur — ^had acted contrary to his 
wishes and commands. He was pardoned, though he had 
to be kept in custody till the commotions subsided. Soon 
after his arrest, reports having been spread abroad that the 
king was dead and the earl at liberty, his northern retainers 
assembled in great force and attempted to hold the castles of 
Alnwick, Berwick, Warkworth, and other fortresses against 
the king. Alnwick Castle was held by Sir William Worth- 
ington, constable. Sir John Wydale, chaplain, William 
Bodom, John Middelham, Thomas, clerk of Alnwick, and 
Kichard Bonde, who were required to surrender it to Gerard 
Heron ; Warkworth Castle was held by Henry Percy, with 
John Cresswell, the constable, and Richard Aske, who were 
required to surrender it to John de Mitford.* The earl of 
Westmoreland, however, threatening to assault these strong- 
holds with cannon, they were surrendered to the king, m 
accordance with the agreement entered into by the earl of 
Northumberland. 

Early in 1404 the earl was liberated, and received lenient, 
if not generous, treatment from the king ; his estates were 
restored to him, excepting the Isle of Man, and the revenue 
of five hundred marks yearly out of the customs of Berwick; 
but other lands of equal value were to be given to him ; he 
was, however, deprived of the castle of Berwick, and of the 
castle and forest of Jedburgh, with their dependencies.f This 
exceedingly lenient treatment probably arose from a desire 

Northumberland, paid to the king £760 to have the custody of these heiresses ; 
and forthwith he caused them to be married to two of his sons — Elizabeth to Sir 
Thomas Percy, and Fhilippa to Ralph Percy, both brothers of Hotspur ; but by 
what process Hotspur came into the possession of the Talbot lands is not known ; 
Hartshorne supposes by purchase, but adduces no eyidence. — Hartshorne's Feudal 
and liilitary Antiquities, p. 260. 

• Proc and Ord. of Privy Council, II., p. 211. 

f The castles of Berwick and Jedburgh were, however, restored to him on the 
16th of November, 1404. Rot Scot., II., p. 172. 



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172 HISTORY OF ALNWICK, 

to prevent his vassals joining the Scots^ and delivering up to 
them the strongholds held by the earl. On being pardoned 
and restored to his estates^ parliament gave great thanks to 
the king for these favours; and, at their request and by 
command of the king, the earl of Northumberland and Ralpn 
Neville, earl of Westmoreland, in token of perfect amity, 
kissed each other, and took each other by the hand thrice in 
open parliament ; and on a subsequent day, the same cere- 
mony was gone through by the earls of Northumberland and 
Dunbar. 

Notwithstanding the oaths of fidelitv he had taken, and 
the leniency and generosity of the King, discontent still 
lurked in the bosom of the earl of Northumberland. His 
son had been slain, his brother executed, of some high offices 
and of castles had he been deprived, and commissioners had 
been appointed to compound with his retainers for their share 
in the rebellion. Such supposed indignities fired his haughty 
spirit, and it broke forth with volcanic energy. Madly he 
plunged into another rebellion, and tried again to act the 
dangerous ^art of a king-maker. In the summer of 1405, 
he joined with the archbishop of York, Mowbray, and Bar- 
dolf, in a conspiracy to depose King Henry, and raise the 
earl of March to the throne. The archbishop of York assem- 
bled an army of fifteen thousand men near to Shipton Moor; 
but the earl of Northumberland was again too late to take 
part in the affray. The earl of Westmoreland, with a small 
army came sudde ily upon the enemy, and, by a dishonour- 
able and treacherous scheme, contrived to scatter their army 
and seize upon the leaders, who were immediately executed. 
For his treasonable conduct, the lands and possessions of 
the earl of Northumberland were again confiscated; but 
with his followers he escaped to Berwick, whence they made 
inroads into Northumberland. The military force of York- 
shire was summoned to act against these rebels ; and with 
an army of thirty-seven thousand men, the king proceeded 
northward to reduce the castles of the earl. Prudhoe Castle 
immediately surrendered; Wark worth Castle, which was well 
garrisoned and provisioned, refusing to yield, and the captain 
declaring he would defend it for the earl, artiUery was brought 
to bear against it, and with so much skill, that at the seventh 
discharge the besieged implored for mercy ; and on the Ist 
of July the castle was delivered up.* Alnwick Castle was 

* Froc. aud Ord. of Privy Council, I. 



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HEKBY FIEST EA&L^ AND HOTSPtJR. 178 

summoned by the king^ but the captains^ Henry Percy^ of 
Atholj and William CUflFord, replied — ** Wynne Berwick 
ones and you shall have your entent."* The king passed on 
to Berwick^ which Sir William Grraystock attempted to hold, 
but the first shot from a cannon of large bore demolished 
part of a tower, and caused such consternation, that the gar- 
rison surrendered. Before this was accomplished, the earl 
of Northumberland and Bardolf, taking with them the son 
of Hotspur, had fled for refuge into Scotland. The king 
proceeded no further northward, but, on his return, Alnwick 
Castle was yielded to him without resistance, the garrison 
being allowed to depart with their horses and harness. 

Anxious to lay hold of so troublesome an enemy as North- 
umberland, the king offered to restore to liberty the prisoners 
taken at Homildon, if their friends would seize and deliver 
to him Northumberland and Bardolf; but both of them 
escaped into Wales, where for a time, they joined Owen 
Glendower, who was still struggling for the independence of 
Wales. Northumberland afterwards appears to have spent 
an unsettled life, always hoping for some event favourable 
to his rebellious purposes. He crossed over to France and 
thence to Flanders to seek support ; but his principal haunts 
were along the borders. For the last time, in 1409, the 
aged earl, along with his friend Bardolf, accompanied by 
a few Scots and many of his own retainers, raised the standard 
of rebellion, and penetrated as far southward as Knares- 
borough. At Thirsk he published a proclamation somewhat 
in a royal style — "That he came to relieve the English 
nation from many unjust oppressions, and required all per- 
sons that loved the liberty of their country to resort to him 
immediately with their weapons and armour to assist him.** 
This was a rash and foolish enterprise, and Fordun accounts 
for it by stating, that Sir Thomas Rokesby, one of his vassals, 
lured him to destruction by advising him to enter Northum- 
berland with a few men, for such numbers would join him 
as to enable him to dethrone the king ; meanwhile Rokesby 
as sheriff of Yorkshire was secretly collecting forces to oppose 
him. This account, though not confirmed by English histo- 
rians, may be correct. However, it is a fact, that Rokesby 
attacked the earl's forces at Bramham Moor, and after a 
sharp conflict slew the earl, mortally wounded Bardolf, and 
dispersed their army. The earl's head, whitened with age, 

• Harding, p. 203. 



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174 HISTOEY OF ALKV^ICK. 

was struck ofiF and stuck on a pole^ sent to London and set on 
London Bridge ; wkile his mangled members were exposed 
at London^ Lincoln^ Berwick^ and Newcastle ; after remain- 
ing suspended there for more than two months^ they were 
taken down by special precept of the king^ and interred 
by the earl's mends in consecrated ground. According to 
Peeris: — 

" The body of the said earle of Northumberland in Yorke Minster doth lie, 
At the right hand of the high altar, right honourably." 

Of Hotspur he says : — 

*' In Yorke Minster this most honourable knight 
By the first earle his &ther lyeth openly in sight" 

The earl was thrice married ; first to Elizabeth, daughter 
and heir of the earl of Angus; and through her he came into 
possession of the lordship of Prudhoe; she died without 
issue. Peeris says : — 

" But or these marriages were made completely^ 
£lif abeth departed a virgin to God's mercy." 

His second wife was Margaret, daughter of Ralph Lord 
Neville, and by her he had issue three sons Henry Hotspur, 
Sir Thomas, and Sir Balph. For his third wife, he took 
Maud, sister and heir to Anthony Lord Lucy, widow of 
Gilbert de XJmfraville, earl of Angus, and mother of Eliza- 
beth, his first wife ; by her he had no issue. Through a 
very extraordinary settlement, he became lord of Cocker- 
mouth, and possessor of the estates of the Lucys. This 
settlement is recorded on the Fine Roll, 8 Richard II., 1384; 
and with this agrees Peeris* account : — 

** And by the said Maud forthwithall 
The lord Lucy lands by her guift came to him all. 
The said Lady Maud Lucy as I understand. 

Married herself conditionally to the aforesaid 
Seaventh Henry, first earle of Korthumbarland, 
As to say that the Lord Pearcy should beare continually 
The blew lion and the Lucies silver in his armes quarterly, 
Her name hee might not take, issue none had shee ; 
Therefore she did bind him to bear her armes, as in his armes yee may see. 
The honour of Cockermouth came by her, shee gaye it freely 

To him and to his heires as by the lawe shee might, 
Bearinge the foresaid armes of her in memory, 
With the blew lyon, the Biaband armes quarterly." 

The Percy and Lucy arms after this were combined, viz. : — 
Or, a lion rampant, azure quarterly with those of Lucy, 



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HENRT FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR. 



176 



viz. : — OuleSy three lucies, argent, or pike fish ; these appear 
in Hotspur's seal — Fig. 16, p. 170. 

In this earl's time, we first meet with the Percy motto 
Esperance, which was used as a war cry at the battle of 
Shrewsbury, where Hotspur was slain. Here too, first 
appear the two Percy badges, the crescent and the locket, 
which are usually combined. *'It seems probable" Mr, 
Longstaffe remarks, " that the crescent has a reference to the 
earldom of Northumberland. The other badge has been 
firequently named fetterlocks, gyves, shackles, and manacles; 
but it more correctly designate a locket. A crescent nearly 
surrounding a castle^ appears on the earl's shrievalty seal in 
lS96.'f—(Capheaton Archives). 

SHRIEVALTY SEAL OF THE EARL. 




• Longstaflb's Old Heraldry of the Percys, pp. 178, 180. 



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CHAPTEE XI. 

SECOND, THIED, AND FOURTH EAELS OP NOETHUM- 
BERLAND. 

HXXntY PBBOYi SECOND SABL — EABLT UFB — BESTOBSD TO HIS 
ESTATES — BOBDEB WABFABE — ALN WIOJC BUJtNT — OOIVNECTED 
WITH DI8TUBBAN0B IN YOBESHIBE — ^DEPEAT AT SABX — ^FBENOH 
WABS — BTBTJOGLE BETWEEN HOUSES OF LANOASTEB AND YOBK 
— EABL SLAIN AT ST. AI.BANS — OHABAOTEB — HEBALDBY — 
HENBYy THIBD EABL — ^EABLY UFB— BABONIES OF POYNINOSy 
FIT2SPAYNE| AND BBIAN — ^SUOOEEDS TO THE EABLDOM — ^BOBDEB 
WABFABE — STBU0GLE8 OF BIVAL HOUSES — ^SLAIN AT TOWTON — 
EXTENT OF HIS ESTATES — ATTAINTED — JOHN NEVILLE, EABL 
OF NOBTHUHBEBLAND — STBUOOLES IN THE NOBTH — ALNWICK 
OASTLE TAKEN — ALNWICK, BAKBUBOH, AND DUNSTANBUBGH 
CASTLES BESIEOED — ^BATTLE OF HEDQELEY CBOSS — BAMBUBQH 
GASTLE TAKEN— -^UQt BALPH QBEY EXECUTED'— HENBY, FOUBTH 
EABL— ESTATES AND EABLDOM BBSTOBED — SEBYECES ON THE 
BOBDEBS — BATTLE OF BOSWOBTH — SLAIN AT OOXLODQE — 
BUBIAL— HEBALDBY— WILL. 

The vast estates of the first earl of Northumberland, were 
in consequence of his rebellion, confiscated, and bestowed 
by the lung on his son, John of Lancaster, the duke of 
Bedford, with the exception of Spofibrd, which was given to 
Bokeby, the sheriff of Yorkshire.* 

Henry Percy, the son of Hotspur, who, but for this con- 
fiscation, would have been heir to tibe barony of Alnwick, 
was bom on the Srd of February, 1898. His mother was 
Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edmund Mortimer, earl of 
March — she whose deep affection for her husband Shakespeare 
has immortalised : — 

" So came I a widow. 
And never thall have length of life enough 
To lain upon lemembnnce with mine eyes, 
That it may grow and sprout as high as heaT'n, 
For recordation to my noble husband." 

• CaL Rot, 6 Hen. IV., m. 10. 

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SECOND, THIBB, AKD FOURTH EABLS. 177 

When only twelre yean of age, young Henry was taken 
by his grandmther into Scotland, where he was placed under 
the care of Henry Wardlaw, the hospitable bishop of St. 
Andrew's, along with James, the son of the king of Scotland.* 
Collins says, that when Henry was sailing with James to 
France to be educated at the French court, storms drore 
the vessel ashore at Flamborough Head; the Scottish prince 
being recognised, both were made prisoners and conveyed to 
the king of England at Windsor ; and so favourably was the 
prince of Wales impressed with Henry Percy, that it led to 
the restoration of his honours and estates. If, however, 

Joong Percy was at this time at the English court, he must 
ave returned to Scotland; for on bemg restored to his 
estates he came -to England as a liberated captive. Much 
there is to admire in the character of Henry Y.; besides being 
a great warrior, he was chivalrous and kind, and in his treat- 
ment of Percy we see both wisdom and generosity ; for he 
secured by this a faithful subject, and firml]^ attached the 
house of Percy to the interests of his own family. 

In 1414, the king, even while Henry was a captive in 
Scotland, restored to him the dignity of earl of Northumber- 
land. Ailer this, in the same year, a humble petition was 
presented to parliament by Henry Percy, setting forth — 

** That bein^ within age and a prisoner in Scotland, the king 
had enabled him to be earl of Nordiumberland, notwithstanding 
any the forfeiture of Henry, his flftther, or Henry, hii^ grand- 
fa&er; he therefore prayem a general restitution to tl^m in 
blood, and to all their hereditaments, which were entailed, with 
free eotiy into all the same ; saving to the king all the lands in 
fee simple. Thereupon the king granted him all he requested, 
so as he the said Henry, before lus entry into any of the said 
lands do first, by matter of record prove in the chanoeiy the lands 
entailed saving as befbre."f 

Henry, however, still remained prisoner in Scotland till 
1415, when he was liberated in exchange for Murdock 
Stewart, who had* been taken prisoner at Homildon. The 
duke of Bedford yielded up the Percv estates of which he 
had possession; but the king to reconcile him to this generous 
act, granted to him an annuity of three thousana marks, 
until lands of equivalent value should be settled upon him. 
At the parliament held in March, Henry Percy did homage 
to the king in presence of the peers and commons ; and to 

• Fordan, 1. XT., c 18, 19. f Collina, V., p. 385. 

8a 



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178 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

confirm his dignity as earl^ the king granted a formal charter 
of creation and a fee of £20 per annum^ Nomine Cbmitis, 
out of the profits of the county. 

The new earl, now warmly attached to his king, entered 
with zeal into border warfare ; for Northumberland was still 
the chief barrier which arrested the surgings of Scottish 
hostility. The famous battle of Agincourt had been won by 
English valour ; and Henry Y. was using all his efforts to 
gain the crown of France. Before setting out on his second 
expedition, such was his confidence in Earl Percy, that he 
made him general warden of the marches of Scotland, and 
empowered him to conclude a truce with the Scots, who 
notwithstanding this endeavoured to take advantage of the 
king's absence, and imder the duke of Albany, advanced 
towards Jedburgh and defeated a body of EngUsh troops. 
Great aimies were in consequence marshalled ; but no gen- 
eral engagement took place, though the coimtry on both 
sides of the border was ravaged and destroyed. When the 
king set forth on his last expedition to France, the earl was 
again entrusted with the defence of the borders and the cus- 
tody of Berwick ; and for the latter duty he had to receive 
£5000 annually in time of war, but half that sum in time of 
peace or truce. After the death of Henry V. the earl con- 
tinued to be engaged in these services and was paid for them; 
in 1422, it was agreed in a full parliament, that the earl of 
Northumberland should be paid one thousand marks for the 
custody of Berwick and the East March, and Sir Richard 
Neville five hundred marks for the custodv of the West 
March toward Scotland.* In 1428, out of ten thousand 
pounds, the ransom paid by the king of Scotland, two thou- 
sand pounds were given to the earl of Northumberland, 
warden of the East March and captain of the castle and town 
of Berwick, for the wages of himself and his men.f 

In the course of the mutual agressions which were made 
in the border-land, the town of Alnwick suffered severely, 
and was burnt by the Scots, to whose ravages it was exposed 
from being without walls and defences of its own, and '^ open 
to the marches and frontiers of Scotland." A truce, how- 
ever, was made in 1424 ; two of the English commissioners 
negotiating it, being the earl of Northumberland and William 
Alnwick, keeper of the privy seal. 

• Pro. and Ord. of Privy Council, III., p. 8. 
t Ibid., p. 802. 



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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 179 

Comparative quiet reigned along the borders till 1436, 
when war broke out again. With a body of four thousand 
men, the earl of Northumberland advanced towards Scot- 
land ; but he was met, on the 7th of September, by William 
Douglas, earl of Angus, with a Scottish army of about the 
same number, at Piperden,* on the Breamish, among the 
Cheviot hills. A fierce battle was fought, and the English 
were signally defeated. Alexander Elphinston, a distin- 
guished warrior, fell on the Scotch side, with about two 
hundred more; but the English loss was more serious, fifteen 
hundred being slain, among whom were Sir Richard Percy 
and Henry Clennel. Fordun is the only ancient author who 
mentions this battle; which, however, derives interest, as 
probably being the conflict, of which floating traditions sup- 
plied the materials to the minstrel, who sung the romantic 
ballad of Chevy Chace — ^a story which has oftentimes roused 
the Northumbrian heart as " with the sound of a trumpet." 
The heroes in both are the Percy and the Douglas, and the 
scene lies among the Cheviots. 

During the years 1442 and 1448, there were serious riots 
in Yorkshire and other counties, dangerous to the govern- 
nient, arising out of popular discontent with the war in 
France, which had drained the country of its wealth and 
population. Great numbers had assembled in Yorkshire, 
pulling down houses, breaking into parks, destroying water 
mills, assaulting servants, and even threatening to attack 
the residence of the archbishop, who had issued processes 
against the laity for spiritual offences. The earl of Northum- 
berland was charged with having caused these Yorkshire 
riots by a letter written by him to his officers in the north, 
and the archbishop desired that the earl might be examined 
in this matter before the Privy Council. The charge was 
referred to the arbitration of certain peers, who decided that 
all damage which had been done to the archbishop's property* 
should be repaired by the earlf — ^thus casting reproach upon 
bim. 

Shortly after the death of Robert II., king of Scotland, a 
truce was concluded, which lasted till 1448, when through 
the ambition and turbulence of the border chieftains, war 
recommenced. Scottish historians throw the blame on the 
English for this breach. The earl of Northumberland in- 
vaded Scotland on the east side and burnt Dumfries. Alnwick 

• Fordun, 1. XVI., c. 25, p. 500. 
t Proc. and Ord. of Prity Council, V., pp. 27S-276 ; 30». 



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180 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

sufEered for tlus aggression ; walls and towers had not 
yet been raised for its defence. James Douglas^ lord of 
belveny^ '^not willing to be in ane Englisch mane's commoun* 
for ane erill turne^ gathered ane companie and brunt Annick'; 
out of the quhilk he gathered ane great prey both of men 
and guides."t Alnwick Castle seems to have escaped Scot- 
tish vengeance, probably on account of its strength; for it had 
been embattled by the earl, with the king's authority, in 14M. 

When attempting to revenge these injuries, the earl of 
Northumberland suffered a serious defeat. With a numerous 
army he invaded Scotland, but was met at the river Sark in 
Annandale, by a Scottish array led by Hugh, earl of Ormand ; 
a bloody battle was fought, and the English were completely 
routed. Six hundred Scots fell ; but the loss of the English 
was three thousand men, many of whom, in attempting to 
escape, were drowned in the Solway. The earl of Northum- 
berland was in great danger of being slain or captured ; but 
his son, Lord Percy, hastened to his support, and gallantly 
rescued his father, though he himself was taken prisoner. 
This warfEure was soon brought to a close, as it was agreeable 
neither to the king of England nor the king of Scotland; 
and a peace was established, of which the earl was one of 
the conservators. 

Besides being engaged in all the more important affairs of 
the borders, the earl at intervals performed other public 
duties. In 1417 he accompanied his sovereign to the French 
wars ; in 1419 he was commissioned to array the northern 
forces to resist a threatened invasion of England by the king 
of Castile. For his good services in Scotland, the king 
granted him £100 per annum during his life, payable out 
of the lordship of Bradwell in Essex ; in 1428, he had the 
honourable appointment of ambassador to the general council 
at Paris, and for this service, the treasurer of the Exchequer 
- was ordered to pay him in advance £606 13s. 4d., being a 
year's salary at sixty-six shillings and eightpence per diem ; 
and later in life he was appointed constable of England. 

The early part of 1453 witnessed the commencement of 
the long and destructive struggle between the houses of 
Lancaster and York, for the possession of the English throne; 
Before it was ended, most of the barons and leading men of 
the kingdom perished either on the battle field or on the 
scaffold. Honourable it is to the earl of Northumberland, 

< To he in one^t comnum^ to be obliged to one. Scotcb — Jamietoiu 
f PitBcottie*s Cbron., p. 63, 



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SECOND^ THIRD5 AKD F0t7BTH EABL9. 181 

that he forgot not his obligations to Heniy Y.^ bat remained 
fiuthful throughout his whole life^ and at last died in defence 
of his son. So faithful and diligent had he been in defending 
the borders, that Henry VI. in 1455, in a letter, thanked 
the earl "for the effectual devoir, diligence, labour, and payn 
yat ye have put you in aswel in vitailling oure towne and 
castell of Berwyk, as resisting the malice of our enemies."* 

Gentle and pious was Henry VI., but undoubtedly of weak 
intellect, and utterly incapable of ruling a turbulent people. 
During his feeble government, Normandy and Guienne were 
lost to England ; a result sufficient in itself to create dis- 
satisfaction among a people fond of warlike triumphs ; but 
the arbitrary and violent measures of the queen and her 
favourites, who, indeed, held the reins of real power, brought 
odium and distrust on the government. The duke of York, 
according to the principles of succession, as defined in modern 
times, had claims on the throne, and the prevailing discon- 
tent encouraged in him the desire to become the king of 
England. He was, however, a cautious and moderate man 
in action ; and his first steps, in the way of rebellion, were 
professedly to remove the queen and the duke of Somerset 
from the administration of public affairs. In 1455 the first 
blood was drawn in this great contest. The duke of York 
led an army against the king, who had marched from West- 
minster with his forces, and was occupying St. Alban's. On 
the morning of the 22nd of May a great battle was fought, 
and the Lancastrians were defeated. The king was wounded 
and taken ; and among the slain was the earl of Northum- 
berland. Thus sings Peeris — 

" In his (mid age at St Alban's, intendinge his prince to save, 
Henry the sixt, alas I hee was slain, and there lyeth in his grave." 

He was buried in the Chapel of Our Ladv, in the Abbey 
Church of St. Alban's, along with several otlier noblemen of 
the Lancastrian party, who fell in that battle. His effigy, robed 
in the mantle of a peer, is on the tower of Beverley Minster. 

He was a noble man ; his character stands out in bold 
relief, distingpuished for honour and faithfulness ; and by men 
in these civilised times, he will be* held in high respect for 
his patronage of learning. In 1442, he gave the advowson 
of the church of Hamcliffe and three acres of land lying 
within the precincts of that manor to the master and scholars 
of the University College, Oxford. 

• Pro. and Ord. of Privy Council, VI., p. 298. 



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182 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



He was married to Eleanor, daughter of Halpli Neville, earl 
of Westmoreland, and widow of Lord Spencer ; and by her he 
had nine sons and three daughters. Three of his sons died 
during his lifetime ; his fourth son, Henry, succeeded to the earl- 
dom ; his fifth son. Sir Thomas Percy, bom at Leckenfield, was 
created earl of Effremont, and was slain at the battle of North- 
ampton in 1460; his sixth son, George Percy, became prebendary 
of fieverley and rector of Eothbury and Coldebeck ; his seventh 
son, Sir Ealph Percy, bom on the 11th of August, 1425, was 
slain in 1464 at Hedgeley Moor ; Sir Bichard, his eighth son, 
fell on Towton field in 1461 ; and William, the ninth son, became 
bishop of Carlisle, and died in 1462. 

Arms. — Percy and Lucy quarterly. 

Crest. — On a chapeau, a lion statant tail drooping. 

Supporters. — Two lions rampant. 

Seal of Henry, earl of Northumberland and lord of the 
honour of Cockermouth, in 1435. 

Fia IS 




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SECOND, THIED, AND FOURTH EARLS. 18S 

Badges. — A lion rampant ^ on the keep of Warkworth Castle; 
a lion rampant between the horns of a crescent y with the 
motto EsperancCy on a house in Bondgate, Alnwick. To 
the time of this earl may prohahly be referred the cres- 
cent and lockets on one of the capitals in the chancel of 
Alnwick Church. 

na iQ na 20 





Fig. 19. 
A crescent enclosing a sprig of leaves in flowery with the 
motto Pesperance; the signet of the countess of Northumber- 
land to a letter from Warkworth. 

Fig, 20. 
A lion sejant guardanty gorged with the crescenty with the 
motto Je espoyr ; the signet of the earl. 

HENET PEEOY, THIED EAEL OF NOETHUMBEELAND. 

Henry Percy, who was bom at Leckenfield on the 25th of 
July, 1421, was above thirty-three years of age at the time of 
his father's death. When a child of about two years old, he 
was knighted by the duke of Bedford, the same cUgnity being 
then conferred on the young king Henry VI. In the year 
1441, he was made governor of the town and castle of 
Berwick and warden of the East Marches; and for this 
service it was agreed that he should be paid in time of war 
£5000 yearly, and in time of peace £2500; and for the 
custody of the castle £500 yearly in time of war, and one 
hundred marks in time of truce or peace. Eleven years 
afterwards the terms were altered ; and it was agreed that 
for this charge he should receive £2566 ISs. 4d., both in time 
of peace and war. 

He married, in the year 1446, Eleanor, the daughter and 
sole heir of Eichard, who was son and heir of Eobert Lord 
Poynings. Eichard having died before his father. Sir Henry 
Percy on the death of Eobert Lord Poynin^, in right of his 
wife, succeeded to the three baronies of r oynings, Fitz-Payne, 



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184 HI8T0BT OF ALH^ICK. 

and Bryan ; and in the same year had special livery of the 
castles^ manors^ and lands belonging to these baronies. He 
was summoned to parliament on December 14thy 1446^ as 
Baron Poynings, Bryan, and Fitz-Payne, being styled in the 
writ, Henricus Percy de Poynings, chevalier ; and with this 
title he continued to attend other parliaments, till he suc- 
ceeded in 1455 to the earldom of Northumberland. 

As these titles are still affected by the Percy family, a 
brief notice of the descent may be given. 

Adam de Poyning, in the reign of Henry II., was inpos- 
session of Poynings in Suffolk ; and according to the Testa 
de Neville, Thomas de Poynings held ten kmghts' fees in 
Poynings. Richard, who in succession held the barony in 
the time of. Bichard II., married Isabella, daughter bf Sir 
Richard de Grey — then called Fitz-Payne ; and through her 
added the Fitz-Payne and part of the Bryan estates to his 
own. 

The family of Fitz-Payne originated with Payne Fitz- John, 
the brother of Eustace Fitz-John, who held the barony of 
Alnwick; and so extensive were the estates, that in the reigns 
of John and Henry III. they paid scutage on fifteen knights' 
fees. But Robert Fitz-Payne, to whom they descended^ 
having no male issue, entailed his estates in about 1323 on 
Robert de Grey of Codnor, who took the name and arms of 
Fitz-Payne, and was the husband of Elizabeth Bryan. 

The Bryan &mily first appear as having estates on the 
Welsh borders ; and one of them. Sir Guy Bryan, was a 
distinguished warrior, being standard bearer to Edward III. 
in the notable fight with the French at Calais. Elizabeth, 
his daughter, married Sir Robert Fitz-Payne, and was the 
ancestress of Eleanor, the wife of Sir Henry Percy. 

There appears, therefore, no inheritance of blood by the 
Percys from the old Fitz-Paynes, but there is a blood descent 
both firom the Bryans and Poynings. At a subsequent 
period, there appeared four different claimants to the Bryan 
estates; and after a legal contest of thirty years, it was 
agreed that all the claimants should have some of the estates, 
but that ^' the earl of Northumberland is, and ought to be 
taken and reputed as heir general to Sir Guy de Brien." 
'' This would give him," says Mr. Longstaffe, " an exclusive 
right to bear the Bryan arms."* 

* S«e documents nUtive to tbeoe fiimilies, CoU. Top. and Gen., p. 250; and 
tm a saceinot statement, Longstaift's Old Hetaldry» p. 189. 



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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 185 

Two y«ars after Ms succession, he obtained livery of all 
land, without any inquisition taken for proof of age ; and he 
was discharged of his relief in consideration of his good ser- 
vices on the borders. During his brief career after this, he 
not only actively engaged in border warfare, but most ener- 
getically supported the king in the great conflict between 
the rival Lancastrian and York parties. 

Through the influence of the earl of Douglas, who was 
plotting against his own country, the peace between England 
eind Scotland was at this time broken. Dreading invasion, 
the Scots adopted vigorous measures; watchmen were placed 
at the fords and at other places between Roxburgh and Ber- 
wick, to give warning of the approach of enemies ; and fires 
were ready to be kindled on the hills to spread the alarm, 
and summon forces to meet the foe. Despite of these and 
other preparations, Earl Douglas, assisted by the earl of 
Northumberland, made an incursion in 1456 with a consider- 
able body of Englishmen into the merse of Berwickshire, 
and plundered and destroyed wherever they went. While, 
however, their forces were scattered over the district, engaged 
in this horrid work, the earl of Angus and Sir James Murray 
suddenly appeared with an army ; the English were totally 
defeated; numbers were slain, and seven hundred were taken 
prisoners ; many, however, escaped to England laden with 
plunder.* 

Though victory crowned the arms of the duke of York at 
St. Alban's he yet acted with moderation, and seemed con- 
tented with being made protector of the kingdom. Through 
the art of the queen, however, his commission was revoked 
by the peers ; and chagrined with this treatment he assumed 
a hostile attitude, and as no reconciliation could be eflected, 
appeal was again made to the sword. Faithful to his party, 
the earl of Northumberland fought by the side of the king 
at the battle of Northampton in 1460, when the Lancastrians 
were defeated and the king was taken prisoner. Boldly now 
the duke of York claimed the crown ; but after long argu- 
ments were heard befofe parliament in favour of and against 
the claim, a compromise was adopted — that Henry should 
continue king during his life, and that the duke of York or 
his heir should after Henry's death succeed to the crown, 
Margaret, the heroic queen, was, however, free; and she 
would not sacrifice the rights of her son, but actively excited 

* HoliDgshead. 

2b 



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186 . " HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

her friends to take up arms in support of her family. PubKc 
feeling ran strongly m favour of one or the other party ; and 
the whole nation^ interested in the struggle, was arrayed in 
two divisions, one distinguished by the red rose — the badge 
of the house of Lancaster, and the other by the white rose — 
the badge of the house of York. 

Around the standard of the queen gathered the men of the 
north ; the earl of Northumberland with all his vassals was 
there ; and a royal army numbering twenty thousand men 
marched southward. To meet this formidable array, the 
duke of York set off from London with only five thousand 
men. Near to Wakefield a battle was fought in 1461, when 
the Yorkists were defeated, the duke himself and two thous- 
and eight hundred of Ids men slain, and almost all the rest 
taken prisoners. While indebted to the valour of the northern 
troops, the royal cause suffered from their lawless conduct. 
They brought with them their border character ; and as they 
advanced they plundered and burnt churches, monasteries, 
and private houses without distinction, ** made the wealth of 
London look pale," and alarmed the people of the southern 
counties, who appear to have been less barbarous than the 
border men. In the same year the Lancastrians triumphed 
again at St. Alban*s, when the king was rescued firom his 
enemies ; but they were sorely beaten at Mortimer's Cross — 
such was the fickle fortune of war. 

The strength of the Yorkists was in London and in the 
southern and western counties ; and when the remains of the 
scattered troops had been gathered in St. John's Fields, a 
prodigious multitude of citizens came to view the scene. 
Edward, the son of the late duke of York, taking advantage 
of this favourable opportunity, obtained a call from this great 
assemblage of people to assume the government of the king- 
dom ; and with the consent of a great council of prelates, 
nobles, and others about London, he, in 1461, ascended the 
throne of England as Edward IV. 

Irreconcilable was now the difference between the two 
parties, and both nerved themselves for a decisive struggle. 
King Henry and his friends retired northward, where their 
chief strength lay. Eager to avenge the loss of many friends, 
the earl of Northumberland put forth his energies, and, when 
all were assembled at York, their army numbered sixty thous- 
and men. Similar activity was shewn by King Edward j and 
by the time he arrived at Pomfret, he had under him a gal- 
lant army of forty-eight thousand six hundred and sixty men. 



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SECOND^ THIRD, AlTB tOVtTU BARLS. 18T 

The duke of Somerset^ commander of the Lancastrian army^ 
marched forth on the 28th of March, 146 1, to meet the 
enemy, and some bloody skirmishes were fought at the pass 
of Ferrybridge ; but the great conflict took place on the next 
Palm Sunday. Never were so many Englishmen marshalled 
against each other in hostile array. Early in the morning 
the two armies were drawn up in order of battle, on the 
fields between Saxon and Towton, about ten miles south of 
York. The earl of Northumberland, who was in lusty youth 
and of frank courage, led the van-guard; but when the battle 
begun, a heavy storm of snow blew wildly in the face of his 
troops and prevented them seeing the enemy distinctly and 
taking proper aim with their arrows ; but the enemy, betng 
under no such disadvantage, poured in their arrows with 
fatal effect and compelled the earl, to save his meo from 
being stricken down like deer, to order them to charge with 
their swords, spears, and battle-axes. A fierce hand to hand 
conflict ensued ; and both parties, inflamed with the bitterest 
animosity, fought for six hours, when towards evening the 
Lancastrians were totally defeated and pursued with great 
slaughter.* The earl of Northumberland **on this evil Palm 
Sunday " was among the slain. This battle-field was satur- 
ated with the blood of thirty-eight thousand Englishmen. 

By his wife Eleanor he had issue one son and three daugh- 
ters. A large blue marble with two effigies on it, and an 
inscription in brass now erased, in the north choir of St. 
Denys' Church, Toxk, are supposed to have been His tomb. 

Arms prior to his father's death were Percy and Lucy quar- 
terly, with a label of three points gules for difference. 
Crest. — A golden crescent. 

His marriage introduced new coats into his heraldry ; for 
Poynings — Six pieces lartoays or and vert, a lendlet gtdes ; 
for Fitz-Payne — Gules, a bentlet azure upon three lions argent 
passant y guar dant ; and for Bryan — Gold, three blue piles, 
conjoined at the base; owing, however, to litigation, the 
Bryan are not assumed till the next generation. 

Fig. 21. 
Crest for Poynings. — A black dragorCs head between its 
wings. 

Fig. 22. 
Badge for Poynings. — A key erect, handle uppermost, 
crowned. Also a white unicorn. 

• Hall's Chronicles. 



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188 



HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 



Fig. 28. 
Badge for Fitz-Payne. — A black curved falchion or scimi' 
tar, kilted and tipped gold. 



na22 



na2( 





na23 




•^%%:^^"^r<^'i^^ 



Under tUs earl, the Percy estates attained their maximnm 
of territorial extent; and probably presented as large an area 
of productive lands as was ever held by a British subject. It 
included the baronies^ honours^ and manors held by his ances- 
tors — the baronies of Alnwick and of Prudhoe ; the manors 
of Warkworth, Corbridge, and Newbum ; the sergeantry of 
Beanley and other properties in Northumberland; the manors 
of Topcliffe and Spofford, and eleven other manors in York- 
shire; the honour of Cockermouth and eight and a half 
manors, and the fourth part of the barony of Egremont in 
Cumberland ; fifty-eight manors in Lincolnshire ; the manor 
of Toston in Leicestershire ; two manors in Essex ; the hon- 
our of Petworth in Sussex ; the advowson of several churches 
and abbeys; and besides these, part of the estates of Poynings, 
Fitz-Payne, and Bryan, including three manors in Sussex, 
one in Suffolk, one in Norfolk, seven in Somerset with the 
hundred of Canyngton, sixteen in Kent with the hundred of 
Folkestone. 



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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOrHTH EARLS. 189 

JOHN NEVILLE, EAEL OP NOETHUMBEELAND. 

After the death of Henry Percy, the third earl of North- 
umberland, he was attainted by the parliament which met 
on NoTcmber 4th, 1461, and all his estates were confiscated ; 
and on May 28th, 1464, the earldom was conferred by the 
king on John Neville—Lord Montague. 

King Henry YL and his queen, accompanied by the dukes 
of Exeter and Somerset, took refuge in Scotland after the 
battle of Towton. In the month of July, 1461, Alnwick 
Castle was yielded up by capitulation to Lord Hasting and 
the garrison were suffered to go at their liberty.* 

Though defeated in the field, the bold spirit of Queen 
Margaret was unconquered. She passed over to France in 
the following spring and sought help from Louis YL ; but 
all she gained was a loan of twenty thousand livres, and 
liberty to levy a small body of troops, of which Sir Peter de 
Breze, seneschal of Normandy — ^^ the best warrior of all that 
time" — took the command. She sailed in October, 146S, 
with a little band of five hundred men and landed at Tyne- 
mouth ; " but whether afraid of her own shadow or that the 
Frenchmen cast too many doubts," the whole re-embarked. 
Her fleet was suddenly overtaken by a tempest ; the queen 
with difficulty escaped in a coracle to Berwick, and the other 
vessels were driven ashore by the " stormy blasts " at Bam- 
burgh. The soldiers set fire to the ships, and sought refuge 
in Holy Island; but there they were assailed by "the Bastard 
Ogle and an esquire called John Manners, with other of the 
king's retinue;" and many were slain, and near to three 
hundred taken prisoners. Breze with a few others escaped 
to Berwick in a fisher's boat.f 

These misfortunes did not "in anything abate the haughty 
courage" of the queen. Leaving her son Edward in Berwick, 
she entered Northumberland with a great company of Scots 
and other friends, hoping the Northumbrians would rise in 
her favour; but few joined her standard. She, however, 
laid siege to Alnwick Castle, which was under the command 
of Sir Kalph Grey ; and she obtained possession of it, either 
through tjbie treachery of the commander or from want of 
provisions. Bamburgh, Dunstanburgh, and Warkworth also 
fell into her hands. Garrisons were placed by her in all 
these castles. "They were victualled and stuffed" says 

« Chronicles of Fabian. f Hall's Chronicles, p. 259, 



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190 RISTOBT OF ALKWIOK. 

Warkworth, "with EngKshmen, Frenchmen, and Scots- 
men."* 

Aroused hy these movements. King Edward and his coun- 
cil raised a large army in the south of England ; and in thei 
month of December, 1463, commenced the siege of these 
castles. Alnwick Castle was defended by a son of Breze and 
Lord Hungerford, with a garrison of three hundred men ; 
Bamburgh had also a garrison of three hundred men, headed 
by the duke of Somerset, the earl of Pembroke, Lord Ross, 
and Sir Ralph Percy ; and Dunstanburgh had a garrison of 
one hundred and twenty men. Lord Falconbridge, the earl 
of Kent, and Lord Scales conducted the siege of Alnwick ; 
the earl of Worcester and Sir Ralph Grey headed the besiegers 
at Dunstanburgh, and Lord Montague and Lord Ogle headed 
the aamy at Bamburgh. The earl of Warwick commanded 
the whole, and his head quarters were at Wark worth Castle; 
but he rode daily to all the castles to oversee the sieges. 
Provisions for the army and ordnance for carrying on the 
siege, were sent from Newcastle.f While these operations 
were going on. King Edward remained at Durham ; whence 
he issued a mandate on the last day of December to the arch'- 
bishop of York, charging him to array all the clergy of the 
province to resist the Scots, who entered his land to the 
intent, not only of rescuing his enemies of France closed 
within his castle of Alnwick, but also of giving him battle, 
'^ presuming of their customable pride to have dominacion 
upon our land."J 

Sir Peter Breze with an army of twenty thousand Scotsmen 
hastened to the relief of these castles; but when he advanced 
towards Alnwick Castle, both armies were afraid to meet 
each other; the English vdthdrew from the siege and the 
Scots had not the courage to pursue them ; perceiving this, 
the garrison came out from the castle and retired to Scotland 
with the Scottish host ;§ and on the 8th of January, 1463, 
the earl of Warwick took possession of the castle on behalf 
of Edward IV. Bamburgh was given up to Edward by 
Henry, duke of Somerset, in accordance with treaty. The 
duke and Sir Ralph Percy were received into fevour by 
Edward, and both gave him their allegiance; to the duke was 

♦ Waxkworth's Chronicle^ p. 2. f P«ton Letters, L, p. 273. 

% Raxne*8 Memorials of Hexham, I., p. cvii. 

I Warkfrorth's Chionicle, p. 2. 



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SSCOND> THtRT), AlH) FOTTHTH EARLS. 191 

granted by the king one thousand marks yearly^ which, how^ 
ever, were never paid. ** And so King Edward was possessed 
of all England except a castle in North Wales called Har- 
lake.*** Sir John Astley was appointed governor of both 
Alnwick and Bamburgh Castles — an honour which Sir Ralph 
Grey is said to have expected ; and so mortified was he at 
being passed over, that he deserted the cause of King Edward, 
and, attaching himself to the Lancastrian party, gave up 
Alnwick Castle in May, 146S, to Henry VI. 

Margaret, the queen, with all her faults, was a heroic 
woman ; and when her adherents were ready to give up her 
husband's cause in despair, she bravely made one more 
attempt to regain power. In the spring of 1464 she led into 
Northumberland a numerous army of Scotsmen, who had 
been induced, by the license she gave of plundering, to join 
her standard. Sir Ralph Grey took the castle of Bamburgh 
by surprise ; Alnwick Castle too, fell into the hands of the 
queen ; and the duke of Somerset and Sir Ralph Percy, led 
away by reports of her success, deserted Edward and joined 
the queen with all their forces. King Henry VI. was at 
Bamburgh Castle on this occasion, for he, while there on the 
9th of April, 1464, granted a charter to the biu>gesses of 
Alnwick.f 

Sir John Neville, Lord Montague, who had been appointed 
warden of the Eastern Marches, displayed at this crisis great 
vigilance and bravery. On the 2Srd of April, 1464, he en- 
countered a party of Henry's forces, led by Sir Ralph Percy 
and the Lords Hungerford and Ross, on Hedgeley Moor, at 
the eastern base of the Cheviots, about ten miles westward 
of Alnwick. Either from treachery or fear, Hungerford and 
Ross deserted at the onset of the battle. Bravely, however, 
did Sir Ralph Percy meet his opponents ; but his little army 
weakened by this desertion was defeated ; he himself was 
slain, and while dying exclaimed — ^' I have saved the bird 
in my bosom ;" meaning says Hall, that he had kept his 
promise and oath to King Henry VI. ; forgetting that he in 
King Henry's most necessity abandoned him and submitted 
to King Edward. 

A writer in the Arch^Bologia ^liana contends that this 
exclamation had reference to the queen's safety, and not to 
his own loyalty ; for as Hall intimates he could not boast of 

♦ Warkworth'B Chronicle, p. 2. 
t This Charter is among the CoiiK>ntioii MmumentB. ^ 



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192 HISTOKT OF ALIJWICK. 

his faithfulness. Prohahly, however^ the expression was partly 
allusive to the craven desertion of Hungerford and Ross ; 
and mingled with this might be regret for his own temporary 
unfaithfulness ; and as he fell bravely fighting, while his 
colleagues had disgracefully fled, he might feel, in his last 
moments, that the sacrifice of his life vindicated his honour. 

Percy's Cross commemorating his fall stands, though worn 
by time, on the battle field, about fifty yards eastward of the 
turnpike road between Whittingham and Wooler. It is a 
square sandstone pillar with the edges cut off. On the four 
principal sides are sculptured crescents, lucies, and fusils, 
differently arranged on each ; and on the truncated corners 
are lockets ; all these are badges of the house of Percy. 
** This cross" says a writer in the "Antiquarian Repository," 
" was erected on the spot where he fell to remind passengers 
to pray for his soul, and has been much distinguished by the 
Northumbrians of the circumjacent villages. Here they were 
accustomed to assemble annually to play at foot-ball, cudgels, 
and other rustic games; and they have invented circum- 
stances that particularize everything near it. Thus a spring 
of water that issues not far from the cross, is still called 
Percy's Well, at which this chieftain is said to have drunk 
in the heat of the battle. At some distance to the north-west 
stood two large stones, (one of which was broken to furnish 
materials when the turnpike road was made); these, although 
they are several yards asunder, were called Percy's Leap." 

Lord Montague, after the battle of Hedgeley Moor, having 
received reinforcements, attacked on the 15th of May, 1464, 
the army 'of the Lancastrians encamped on the Linnels near 
Hexham, and after a long and bloody struggle totally defeated 
them. He had been rewarded for his great services by the 
earldom of Northumberland and the forfeited estates of Percy. 
All rebels, who submitted, he was authorised to pardon ex- 
cepting Sir Humphrey Neville and Sir Ralph Grey. Neville 
was taken and executed at York ; but Grey resisted to 
the last, and defended himself bravely in Bamburgh Castle 
till the end of July. On the 13th of June, 1464, the earl 
of Warwick, " with the puissance came before the castle of 
Alnwick and had it delivered to him by appointment ; and 
also the castle of Dunstanburgh, where my said lord kept the 
feast of Saint John the Baptist."* Warwick and his brother, 
the earl of Northumberland, on the 27th of June, laid siege 

* MS. CoU^e of Anns, L. 9, in Warkworth Chioniele. 



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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 193 

to Bamburgli Castle, and summoned Sir Ralph Grey to sur- 
render. On his refusal, *^all the king's great guns were 
charged at once to shoot into the castle. Newcastel, the 
king s great gun, and London, the second gun of iron ; the 
which betide the place, that stones of the walls flew into the 
sea ; Dysyon, a brazen gun of the king's, smote through Sir 
Balph Grey's chamber oftentimes.*^* A tower was beaten 
down, and the castle was taken by assault. Grey was so 
crushed by the fall of the wall, that he was taken up for 
dead ; but recovering, he was sent prisoner to York, where 
he was condemned and executed as a traitor. According to 
his sentence, he should have been degraded from knighthood; 
and the master cook was ready with his apron and knife to 
strike off his spurs close to his heels ; but this part of the 
sentence was remitted " in consideration of his noble grand- 
father, who suffered trouble for the king's most noble prede- 
cessors." This was the commuted sentence — " Sir Ralph 
Grey this shall be thy penance ; thou shalt go on thy feet 
unto the townsend, and there shalt be laid down and drawn 
to a scaffold made for thee, and that there shalt have thine 
head smite of the body, to be buried in the friars ; the head 
where it pleased the king."t Mercy even in those evil days 
was refined cruelty. 

The Lancastrian party was now effectually subdued, and a 
long truce of fifteen years having been concluded with Scot- 
land, Edward might have expected to rest in quietude on the 
throne, to which he had waded through blood ; his roairiage, 
however, with Elizabeth Widville, involved him in trouble ; 
and led to the estrangement of the great family of Nevilles, 
who possessed immense power in the north. Suspicious of 
their fidelity, and desirous of raising a counterpoise to their 
power, Edward incited, it is said, the people of the north to 
petition for the restoration of young Percy to royal favour. J 

HENRY, FOURTH EARL PERCY OF NORTHUMBER- 
LAND. 

Henry Percy, the son of the third earl of Northumberland, 
a minor when his father was slain, had been kept by authority 
of the king in the tower of London ; but Edward carried out 

* MS. College of Arms, L. 9, printed in Warkworth's Chronicle. 

t Ibid. 

J "Warkworth's Chronicle, p. 4. 

2c 

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194 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

his politic design ; and on the 27th of October, 1469, Henry 
Percy was restored to liberty, and appeared at Westminster 
Palace, where, in the presence of several prelates, peers, and 
knights, he swore to be faithful to King Edward. He was 
restored to the earldom o( Northumberland, and to the estates 
of his family; and was appointed warden of the East and 
Middle Marches in the following year. On Lord Montague, 
the king conferred the higher dignity of marquis> in order to 
allay his irritation when he lost the more substantial benefits 
accruing from the earldom; but he complained that the king 
had given him " a pye's nest to maintain his estate.'** 

Soon afterwards, the Nevilles were at the head of a rebel- 
lion to depose Edward ; and so successful were they at first, 
that he was compelled to seek refuge in Burgundy. The 
triumph of the Lancastrians was short, for Edward sooo 
returned to England, invited back by Henry, earl of North- 
umberland ; and on the 14th of April, 1471, he gained the 
battle of Bamet, where the earl of Warwick, the king-maker, 
was slain. The marquis of Montague shared the same fete ; 
but it is said, that he fell by the hand of one of his own 
party, in revenge for apparent treachery, in giving a feeble 
support to his brother. The battle of Shrewsbury, fought on 
the following May the 4th, decided, during the lifetime of 
Edward, the fortunes of the rival factions. 

The earl of Northumberland, at this time, was highly 
popular in the north. In the *'Plumpton Correspondence'^* 
It is said in 1471 — ^**for great part of the noble men and 
commons in the northern parts were towards the earl, and 
would not stir with any lord or noble man, other than with 
him or at least by his commandment, "f He rose high in 
favour with the king, who in the parliament held at West- 
minster on the 6th of October, 1472, sitting in the chair of 
state in the painted chamlier, commanded that he should be 
restored in blood, and that the attainder of his father should 
be void. In that vear, he was appointed warden of the East 
March, and one of the commissioners for redressing wrongs 
between the subjects of the two kingdoms; justiciary of 
the forests beyond the Trent ; and constable of Bamburgh 
Castle. 

In the border transactions of this period, the earl appears 
to have rendered good service to his country. In the month 

* Warkworth'B Chronicle, p. 10. 
f Plampton Conespondence, p. txt. 



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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 195 

of September, 1471, a meeting of commissioners of both 
nations was held at Alnwick, for mutual redress of wrongs 
committed on the borders, when preliminary arrangements 
were made. But more important meetings were held at 
Alnwick during nine days in September, 1473, when more 
complete regulations were adopted to prevent inroads and 
punish aggressors. For his service as warden, the earl had 
to receive two thousand marks yearly in time of peace, and 
six thousand marks in time of war. In 1474, he was created 
knight of the Garter ; and in the same year, he accompanied 
the king in an expedition to France ; and for this he was 
paid £1^9 14s. 8d., as his first quarter's wages for himself 
and the forces he had raised. 

While civil war raged in England, the disturbances along 
the borders were not of serious importance. Much was due 
to the wisdom and benevolent disposition of Bishop Kennedy, 
for preserving the peaceful relation between the two coun- 
tries, during the earlier part of the period. Domestic feuds 
in Scotland and the influence of France led, however, James 
the king of Scotland to resolve, in 1480, to invade England, 
even without the formality of a declaration of war; and, 
though a legate of the papal see, by enjoining a cessation of 
arms, caused James to dismiss his army, hostilities soon after- 
wards recommenced, and the summer was spent in mutual 
depredations. Edward, in 1482, sent a large army to take 
revenge on Scotland; it consisted of twenty-two thousand 
five hundred men, and in the beginning of July, it was 
marshalled at Alnwick. This formidable force was under 
the chief command of the duke of Gloucester. The van, 
numbering six thousand seven hundred men, led by Henry 
Percy, earl of Northumberland, suddenly crossed the Tweed 
and entered the town of Berwick ; but Lord Hales, the com- 
mander of the castle, refusing to surrender and resolutely 
defending it, four thousand troops were left under the com- 
mand of Lord Stanley, while the rest of the army marched 
towards Edinburgh. Scottish affairs were in a state of great 
confusion from the weakness of the crown and the lawlessness 
of the nobility, and a truce was agreed to containing condi- 
tions unfavourable to Scotland; on the 24th of August, 
Berwick was given up to the English, after it had been under 
the dominion of Scotland for twenty-one years. Pleased with 
this acquisition, the English parliament recommended the 
duke of Gloucester, the earl of Northumberland, and Lord 
Stanley to the king, for their services in the Scottish wars. 



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196 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The earl was engaged again in 1483, witli other commis- 
sioners, in endeavouring to adjust differences which had 
arisen between the two countries; but the death of Edward 
IV. and the usurpation of Richard III., rendered these efforts 
of no avail. 

The earl of Northumberland attached himself to the cause 
of the usurper, and accepted from him the office of lord high 
chamberlain of England. When Henry Tudor, the earl of 
Bichmond, landed in England, in 1485, to combat for the 
crown, Richard sent for the earl of Northumberland, who 
joined him with all the forces he could raise. The battle of 
Bosworth Field was fought on the 22nd of August, when 
Richard was slain, and the war of the Roses brought to an 
end ; and this fatal issue to Richard, seems to have been 
due partly to the treachery of the earl. Richard, it is said, 
had information that he intended to forsake him ; be this as 
it may, the earl stood neutral with his men when the battle 
was raging; and this bad example affected others. To pierce 
the secret motives of men in power is always difficult, and 
sometimes impossible ; but the suspicion attached to the 
conduct of the earl, is strengthened by his being received 
into favour by Henry VII. soon after the battle of Bosworth 
Field. 

In the first year of Henry's reign, the earl was constituted 
warden of the West and Middle Marches and conservator of 
a truce ; and two years afterwards, he was one of the com- 
missioners to negotiate for peace with Scotland; but his 
appointment as lieutenant of Yorkshire embroiled him with 
the populace and led to his death. The king had engaged 
in war with France, and to carry it on vigorously, parliament 
had granted a liberal aid. But this tax, though readily 
granted, was not cheerfully paid; especially in Yorkshire 
and Durham, where the popular feeling ran still in favour of 
Richard III. The commissioners for gathering the subsidy, 
finding the people mutinous, complained to the earl of 
Northumberland, whom Bacon calls the chief ruler of the 
northern parts. Informed of this disaffection by the earl, 
the king issued peremptory commands, that not one penny 
be abated of that which nad been granted by parliament. 
The haughty manner in which the earl delivered the king's 
message to the principal justices and others of the country, 
brought odium upon himself; he was regarded as the 
author of an oppression ; the people became fiirious and 
ungovernable, and broke into his house, and slew him and 



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SECOND^ THIRD^ AND FOTTHTH BABLS. 197 

several of his seryants. This took place at Coxlodge near 
Thirsk, on the 28th of April, 1489. Peeris exclaims — 

O horrible mischiefei O most cruell cryine, 
In our dayei hath not been seene soe destestable a thinge. 
Their awne naturall lords, the commons, so mnrtheringe. 

At Beverley Minster hee lyeth and alsoe Lady Mawd his wife, 
In the which minster five priests bee found 

Dayly to singe and masses to say 

For Lord Henry and Mawd*s soule as they bee bound. 

And for theire ancestors deceased devoutly to pray, 

At an altar by his tombe they singe every day ; 

And three bead men hee founded there alsoe to continue and pray alway, 
Which now the fifth earle and the twelfthe Henry doth maintaine and uphold 
Right devoutly, for hee reputeth holy prayer more then treasure or gold. 

His burial in the College Church of Beverley was in 
accordance with his will. His funeral must have been 
magnificent^ as it cost upwards of £1^510^ equivalent to 
about £15,000 of the present money. " A standart for this 
solemn occasion cost £4 ; a baner £3 6s. 8d. ; his cote armer 
of Seynet, betyn with his armys £5." The funeral had been 
arranged by members of the Herald's Collie, for there is 
entered — ^^^The reward to two officers of armys for their helpe 
and payne in ordering the said buriall at £10 the pece, for 
coming from London, their costs and rewards £S0." Thirteen 
thousand three hundred and forty poor folks that came on 
the day of the burial received twopence each ; five hundred 
priests twelvepence each; and one thousand clerks fourpence 
each. 

The grave of Maud, his wife, was opened in September, 
1678, and her body was found in a fair coffin of stone, em- 
balmed and covered with cloth of gold, and on her feet sUp- 
pers embroidered with silk, and therewith a wax lamp, a 
candle, and plate candlestick. The stately altar tomb of 
this earl is still in a good state of preservation in Beverley 
Minster. 

By his wife Maud, daughter of William Herbert, earl of 
Pembroke, he left four sons and three daughters; Henry, 
who succeeded him ; Sir William Percy, who fought at Flod- 
den ; Alan, a priest ; and Joceline, ancestor of the Percys of 
Beverley, Cambridge, and Rochester. 

The win of this earl, which was made on the 27th of July, 
1485, presents a fSavourable view of his character as a religious 
man, kindly disposed, and eenerous to his friends, servants, and 
to the poor; for those who had served him while living, he 
wills that they should be bountifrilly deiJt with after his death. 
His body he desires to be buried* within the College Ghurch of 



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198 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

fit. Jolm of BeYorley — **i£ hit fortnne me to d^arte £rome this 
presente lyve withyne the oountie of Yorke." He bequeaths to 
the prior and convent of the Mars in Hohi Park £40 ; to the 
white Mars of Doncaster £20, and of York £20 ; to the abbot 
and convent of Alnwick one hundred marcs ; all these priors and 
convents are within a month of his decease to say two trentals 
for him, and yearly keep an obit on the day of his death ; to the 
prioress and convent of Wilberfosse £10, to the abbey of St. 
Alban's £20, to the abbey of St. Mary next York ten marcs, 
" to pray for ye saules of my graunte-modirs, my lorde my fadir 
Boule, my graunte-fadirs, all myne auntcestres saules, and all 
cristen saules;" to the parsons of Lel^gfeld five marcs, of St. 
Anne Ohurch London £5, to the vicars of Werkeworth five 
marcs and of Wresill a himdred shillings, '* for my tithes and 
oblations by me to fore this tyme forgeten." " Also I well that 
by ye discrecions of myne executors, to dispose for my saule and 
ye saules aforesaid, ye some of thre houndreth markes." He 
wills that Sir Bobert Constable, Sir Thomas Meteham, Sir Wil- 
liam Eure, and Sir Ghiy Fairfax be paid their fees during their 
lives, they doing service to his heirs as they have done to him. 
All that have offices of his grant are to retain them being true to 
his heirs. *^ Also I woU that my gossep Mr William foteman 
(who was archdeacon of the East Biding,) have a tonne of wyne 
of Gasooigne yerelie duryng my lyve and his, to be delyvred at 
ye porte of HuU to hyme or to his deputy ; and after my discess 
during his lyve two tonnes of Qascoigne wyne." To eight per- 
sons now his headmen he willed that they be found during their 
lives in meat, drink, and clothing, and that each have yearly 
thirteen shillings and fourpence in money. He makes provision 
for his daughters Alianor and Anne, and for his sons Henry, 
William, Aleyne, Gessilyne; for his nephews Sir Balph and 
C^rge Percy, and for the children of Sir Henry another nephew.* 
Many other bequests are made in this thoughtful wilLf 

On his tomb are displayed his heraldic insignia — the Percy 
fiisils^ the Percy lion, the locket, the crescent, the lucies, 
Poynings and Bryan. Belonging to his time are also a lion 
statanty guardant, gorged with a crescent^ inscribed with 
esperance, supporting what appears to be a banner charged 
with the Percy and Lucy arms quartered, on the Lion Tower 
of Warkworth Castle ; on the same tower is the crest — a lion 
passant y the tail lashed, on a chapeau ermine ; and here too, 
occurs a badge used only by this earl — a basctdeXfor Herbert ^ 

* They were descendants of Sir Ralph Percy, who was killed at Hedgeley Moor, 
t Test Ebor. III., p. 810 

X A bascule was the counterpoise which helped to lift a drawbridge. Refer- 
ence must be made to Mr. Longstaffe's Percy Heraldry for an account of this 
curious badge. 



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SECOND, THIBT), AND FOUKTH EARLS. 



199 



the family of his wife Maud^ with the motto ma comfort — 
Fig. 24 ; the same badge, with a crescent is on a window of 
Beverley Church— JFty. 25. 

na25 
na 24- 




WABEWOBTH. 




BEVXBLET* 



A lion rampant was on the barbican of Alnwick Castle ; 
and on the old cornice above, were the crescent and locket 
with a crowned lion supporter on the left side, and the motto 
Esperance Ma Comforte* The crescent and locket are on the 
head of a buttress of Warkworth Church; a crescent enclosing 
a locket on the north window of Beverley Chapel — Fig, 26 ; 
on Hedgeley Cross ; and on Highfarlaw (Heohforlaw) Pole. 



na26 




na27 




BEVXBLET. 

Fig.9n. 
Locket between the horns of a crescent; from Vincent's MS. 

* This was restored, but not correctly, a century ago; the ozigioal scalptoret 
are presenred in the Castle Museum. 



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CHAPTER XII, 

FIFTH AND SIXTH EAEL PEEOTS, 
FROM 1489 TO 1637. 

PIFTH BAKTi PEKOT-^HIS LOVE OF DISPLAY — ^ATTENDS QTTBJSS ICAB- 
GASET's PBOGEESS THBOUOH W0BTHT7MBBELAK1) — SIEGE OP 
TUKWUN — fflANDABD AND PENNON — BATTLE OF FLODDEN — 
EABL's death — HIS OHABAOTEB — HOUSEHOLD BOOK — HEBALD- 
KY — HENBT ALGBBNON, SIXTH EABL — IN LOVE WITH ANNE 
BOLEYN — ABBESTS GABDINAL WOLSEY — LETTEB BEGABDING 
ANNE BOLEYN — BAID INTO SCOTLAND— SEEKS TO BE CAPTAIN 
OP BEBWIOK — SIB THOMAS PEBOY — PILGBIMAOE OF GBACE — 
EABL's death — WBESn. CASTLE — LEGKINFIELD ICANOB HOUSE — 
HEBALDBY. 

HENET ALGEENON, FIFTH EAEL. 

Henry Algernon, who, as eldest son and heir, succeeded 
to the barony of Alnwick and other possessions, was bom 
on the 18th of January, 1478 ; in 1488, he was created a 
knight of Bath along with Arthur, prince of Wales; and 
sometime prior to 1498, he was made a knight of the Garter. 

He was a Percy-Lovaine of a new type. His predecessors, 
with rare exceptions, were brave warriors, ready at the head 
of attached vassals to fight their own or their country's 
battles; but the spirit of the old heroism seems never to 
have kindled in his bosom ; he was more at home in gaudy 
shows than in battle-fields ; and he stands pre-eminent for 
his stately magnificence, which he displayed not only in the 
grandeur of his military equipment, but also in the semi- 
regal order of his household. 

I{e had a favourable opportunity of indulging in his taste 
for display when he attended the princess royal into Scotland. 
A happy historical event was the marriage of Margaret, Henry 
the Seventh's eldest daughter, to James the Fourth, of Scot- 
land; for it brought about the union of the crowns of England 



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FIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 201 

and Scotland, -which powerful kings, large armies, and tor- 
rents of blood had failed to achieve. 

This marriage was celebrated by proxy on January the 
25th, 1503, and proclaimed at Saint Paul's Cross, where the 
Te Deum was sung. The peal of beUs and blaze of bonfires 
testified the joy of the citizens. Young, the herald, has left 
a curious account of the bride's progress through England to 
the Scottish border. 

The Mng, her father, accompanied her as far as Collyweston, 
lihe residence of her grandmother. Afterwards, richly dressed, 
mounted on a fair palfrey, she was attended throughout her 
journey, by the chief noblemen of the district through which she 
passed, all the good towns and villages in her route ringing their 
bells, and the inhabitants of the country around comiog to see 
the noble company, bringing great vessels fuU of drink for the 
use of those wno had ne^ of it. At two miles frt)m the city of 
Tadcaster, the queen was Joined by the earl of Northumberland 
"well horst upon a fayr Cforser, with a foot cloth to the Qrounde 
of Cramsyn Velvett, all horded of Orflavery ; his Armes vary rich 
in maay Places upon his Saddle and Harnys, his Sterrops gylt, 
himself arayd of a Qowne of the same Cramsyn. At the opnyngs 
of the Slyves and the Coller, a grett Bordeur of Stones. His 
Boutts of Yelvett blak, his Spours gylt ; and in many places he 
maid Gambads, plaisant for to see. AHwayes nigh to him wer 
two Fotemen. Ther Jackets of that sain as before to his devyses. 
Before him he had 3 Hensmen xychly drest and mounted upon 
fayr Horsys, their short Jakets of Orfavery, and the Harnys of 
the sayd Horsys of the same. After them rode the Maister of 
the Horse, arayd of his Livery of Velvyt, mounted upon a gentyll 
Horse, and Campanes of Silver and gylt." Many noble fiiights 
were in his company; "also ther was hys Officer of Armes named 
Norhumberland Herault, arayed of his liveray of Velvet, herring 
his Cotte." The earl accompanied the queen through the re- 
mainder of Yorkshire, through Durham and Northimiberland, 
and as fu* as Lammerton Kirk in Scotland. 

When entering into the city of Durham, the earl " wore a 
goodly gown of Tynsel furred with Ermines, mounted on a fair 
courser, with harness of Goldsmith Work, through which were 
inserted small bells that made a m^odious noise." 

Three days the queen sojourned in Newcastle, and on leaving, 
was escorted hj the mayor ; half-a-mile from the town she was 
received by Sir Humphrey lisle, of Felton, and the prior of 
Brinkbum, with twenty horsemen ; and a little further on by 
Sir Ealph Evers, sheriff of the county, " with many honest folks 
of the countrie with spears and bows, in Jackets, to the number 
of 200 horsemen." Aitor resting a night at Morpeth, she recom- 
menced her journey, and, between Morpeth and Alnwick was joined 



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SOS HI8T0BT 07 ALKWICK. 

by ''Maister Heniy Qraj, Esqxder^ -with one hilndr^ hoitoe." 
Her route to Alnwick was through OaWledge Park| hi whieh 
** she kjrlde a Buck with her bow. Two days she remained at 
Alnwick, as the gaest of the earl of Northumberland, who ''maid 
hyr varey good Chore." On the 28th of July, she left Alnwick 
and dined at BeKord, where Sir Thomas Darcy, captain of 
Berwick^ " had made ready her dinner very well and honestly.*' 
Balph Widdrington joined her here with one hitadj^ed horse ; 
and at the entrance of Islandshire, Henry Grey^ who was sheriff 
of that part of Northumberland, took charge c^ her. On the let 
of August, she was received at Lammerton Kirk, on the part 
of the king of Scots, by the archbishop of Glasgow and other 
noblemen, and about one thousand persons | and here the earl 
of Northumberland made " his Devor at Departynge (d Gambads 
and Leaps."* 

GDhe Scottish king and his nobles were also richly appareled ; 
but for splendouri the earl of Northumberland outshone them 
all ; '' in the richness of his coat being goldsmith's work, gar- 
nished with pearl and stones ; and for the costiv apparel of his 
henzmen, and gallant trappers of his horses, besides 400 tall 
men well horsedj and appareled in his collars, he was esteemed 
both of the Scots and liinglishmen more like a prince than a 
subject." 

He had another opportunity of indulging h{« taste for dis- 
play, when, in 1513, he with six thousand men, accompanied 
a warlike expedition to France, where he took patt in the 
sieges of Therovene and ToUmay ; and was present at ** The 
Battle of the Spurs ^^ where the French cavalry using their 
spurs instead of their swords galloped away from the Eng- 
lish, leaving their general and officers in the hands of theiir 
enemies4 A curious account is presen-ed of "The order and 
hole preparation and carriage of the Bight honorable Henry^ 
Earle of Northumberland, when he went to the siege of 
Turwin in France, in the fifth ycare of the taigne of King 
Henry the Eighth."! 

Extraordinarily magnificent was his display j arrayed he 
was in the utmost splendour, with doublets, coats, gaberdines, 
and cloaks of crimson and green satin, ornamented with gold; 
even his garters were of goldsmith work of gold of Venice 
with buckles and pendants of gold and enamel. His own 
pursuivants, herald, standard and banner bearers attended 

• Lelandi Collectanea, IV., pp. 371-1&81. 

f Thia Tery earions aoooant ia printed in the Antiquarian Repoaitor]r> IV»» 
p. 346. 



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FIFTH AND SIXTH BARLS. 



908 



him ; aod his whole arms were beaten on their coats in oil 
colours and gold ; Mfperatmce, my lord's pursuivant, had a 
green damask coat, and threes chaplains had red gowns, with 
three bends of white sarsenet and green, with six crosses, six 
roses, and six crescents. 

On his gideholmefi, or small standards, were my lord's 
device and word with sundry beasts, and sundry powderings. 
In JFV^. 28, the beast is the blue lion of Percy, the device is 
the cresoent enclosing the locket, the powderings are lockets» 
a^nd the word, E»perance en JHeu; the colours are the gold 
and gre^n of Poynii»gs. 



FlftSS 




The pennofUfeUe, or diminutive pennon, for his d^ni-lance, 
was painted red and black, with livery colours of my lord, 
with the crescent upon it. 




The war which the king of England was carrying on against 
France in 151S, broke the friendly relations between England 
and Scotland. From France, Scotland had often received 
aid when her more powerful neighbour sought to oppress 
her, nor was she ungrateful when her friend needed help* 
There was no difficulty in trumping up an excuse for breaking 



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204 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

the truce. Andrew Barton,* a famous Scottish sea captain, 
called by the English a pirate, had been killed by the Eng- 
lish and his ships seized, when he was acting under the 
authority of the king of Scotland; Heron the Bastard, 
brother of Lord Ford, and the murderer of the Scottish 
warden, was protected by the English ; and the jewels be- 
longing to the queen of Scotland were detained in England. 
These, though trivial enough in themselves, were deemed 
sufficient grounds by a warlike people to seek vengeance on 
England. Soon did the turbulent borderers begin their raids 
and devastations on both sides of the border. Lord Home 
at the head of three thousand horsemen, in revenge of the 
ravages of the English, entered Northumberland, and after 
burning seven villages was retiring with great booty, when 
he was way-laid by Sir William Bulmer with one thousand 
archers and men-of-arms on horseback. These he had con- 
cealed among the tall broom on Millfield Plain ; and as the 
Scots were returning, he suddenly attacked them. Bravely 
the Scot« resisted ; but being encumbered with spoil, they 
were shot down by the archers and totally defeated, with 
a loss of five or six hundred killed and four hundred 
taken prisoners. This, however, was but the prelude to a 
more disastrous defeat, which is to be deplored, not only for 
the sorrow it brought to Scotland, but for the sad check it 
gave to the progress of its social improvement ; for James 
IV., the king of Scotland, aimed at noble objects; he repaired 
and adorned many palaces and castles, improved the admin- 
istration of justice, brought law and order to bear on wild 
and uncultivated districts that had previously been beyond 
the range of civilising influences ; his navy he had strength- 
ened ; and with vigour he had attempted to repress the 
excesses and lawlessness of the borders. Alas ! that such 
noble movements should have been so soon arrested. With 
all his generosity he had his faults ; led astray by his own 
chivalrous feeling, he kindled up the excitable war-spirit of 
his people and entered England with a numerous army. 

In the absence of King Henry, who was on the continent, 
the earl of Surrey advanced to meet the Scots with an army 
of twenty-six thousand men ; and to arouse their religious 
enthusiasm, he obtained at Durham, the banner of Saint 

• About thirty yean ago, a heavy aea washed away the loose sand coTering a 
sandstone rock, near low tide mark on the sea shore at Embleton, and there was 
found cut upon this rock in Roman capitals, ANDRA BARTON. 



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FIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 205 

Cuthbert, the popular saint of Northumberland. This army 
arrived at Alnwick on the 3rd of September, 1513 ; and as 
heavy rains had broken up the roads they remained all the 
next day, and Surrey while there was joined by his son, 
Thomas, the lord admiral, with a considerable body of good 
forces. From Alnwick, on Sunday the 4th of the month, 
Surrey sent a herald (Rouge Croix; challenging the king of 
Scotland to join battle with him on the Friday following. 
On the 5th, the English army encamped at Bolton, five miles 
westward of Alnwick, and on the 6th and 7th at Wooler 
Haugh Head. The two armies joined issue on Flodden 
Field on the 9th, between four and five o'clock in the after- 
noon ; and when the dark shadows of night fell, the Scots 
were signally defeated, their chivalrous kmg slain, and most 
of his nobles with nearly ten thousand of his soldiers left 
dead on this fatal battle-field.* This disaster fiUed the heart 
of Scotland with sorrow, which found utterance in plaintive 
songs, in memory of the " Flowers of the Forest that had a* 
wede away."t 

The earl of Northumberland was not engaged in this battle, 
being then with the king in France ; but two Percys were 
there. Sir William, his brother, and Sir Lionel Percy. 

Though the earl had been, on the accession of Henry 
VIII., appointed warden of the marches, he never distin- 
guished himself in border warfare ; but when an invasion 
from Scotland was dreaded in 1522, he was again entrusted 
with this important office, from which he is said soon 
after, by repeated suits to the king, to have obtained a 
dischai^e. For this sorry conduct he suffered greatly in 
reputation, even incurring the contempt of his own ten- 
ants. Probably, however, the new regulations introduced 
by the sagacity of Wolsey, to make the office of warden 
efficient in the maintenance of order and administration 
of law, did not harmonise with the lofty notions the earl 
entertained of his own dignity; and to some border men, 
indeed, these regulations were especially distasteful, because 
preventing indolent and unscrupulous wardens and sub- 
wardens making a profit out of the lawlessness and misery 

* Two Tery able and full accounts of this battle have been lecently given ; one 
by Robert V^hite in Arcbseologia ^liana, III^ New Series; and the other by 
the Rev. Robert Jones, vicar of Brankston, in the Proceedings of the Berwick- 
shire Naturalists* Club, IV., pp. 365-389. This has since been reprinted in a 
separate Tolomei 

t Hall. 



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806 HISTORY OF AtKWXCK. 

of the border land. Something the earl attempted in 1527 ; 
when by command of the king, his dearest son and heir Lord 
Percy lay and abode at bis castle of Alnwick for defence of 
the borders against the Scots, he then issued a commission, 
in royal style '^for taking of musters'* to George Swinboume, 
constable of Alnwick Castle, Thomas Horseley, constable of 
Warkworth Castle, to his steward of Spofford and Topcliffe, 
to his constable of Prudhoe Casde, and to his feodary of 
York, commanding them to view all his officers, servants, 
tenants, farmers, homagers, freeholders, and inhabitants of 
Northumberland, " according to the custome of old tyme used," 
who are charged to wait upon his son to serve the king.* 

Boon after this, on the 19th of May, 16^7, the earl died 
and was buried in Beverley Cathedral. 

He was married to Catherine, daughter and co-heiress of 
Sir Robert Spence, of Spencer Combe, in Devonshire, by 
whom he had two daughters and three sons ; Henry, who 
succeeded him, and Sir Thomas and Sir Ingelram or Ingram, 
both of whom took part in Ashe's rebellion. 

Vain and excessively fond of pomp and display and having 
no great share of the bravery of the older Percys, he seems 
to have been more literate than the barons generally of the 
period. Skelton he patronised ; a coarse satirical poet, then 
held in esteem, although a priest of malicious disposition and 
of doubtful moral character, and who wrote a long elegy on 
the death of the oarPs father. The earl left a curious collec- 
tion of poems engrossed on vellum, chiefly those of Lydgate, 
the elegy of Skelton, and the history, in a kind of verse, 
of the Percy family by Peeris, one of his chaplains. He 
indulged in an odd fancy, in having the walls and ceilings of 
the principal apartments in Wressu Castle and Leckingfield 
great manor house covered with a series of moral inscriptions 
in verse. These verses are like the compositions of the 
period, affected and strewed with conceits, but they inculcate 
some good moral lessona ; one example may be given :*— 

A. He that slepithe in somer in winter sufferithe payne^ 

And he that in youthe is ydyll in age muste nedii complayne^ 
And he that in yonthe withe nrtu roakithe adyaunce 
In age of all grace shall have plenteus habundaunee. 

B. An olde proverhc it is mesne it is a treasure 

Why sholde not youthe at tymes enjiye his pleasure. 

Affecting the state of a sovereign, his commands were 
expressed in a royal style ; his household was like a regal 

• Ant Rep., IV., p. 851. 



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nrtn Atti) ^txfm sa^ls. 



!B07 



establishment ; officers he kept to record his doings^ and a 
poet laureate to sing the praises and dignity of himself and 
family ; and hence there have been handed down curious 
and Toluminous records exhibiting his manner of life. His 
household book, which was given to the world by Bishop 
Percy, presents a striking picture of a singular combination 
of the feudal grandeur of the olden time, with the stately 
magnificence of the sixteenth century. He had a council^ 
composed of his principal officers, to establish laws for the 
government of his household ; the constable and bailiffs of 
his castles waited upon him in succession, and these offices 
were filled by the younger branches of his family and by 
gentlemen of dignified descent ; they formed, along with the 
other chief officers the Knight's Board; there were controller, 
clerk of the kitchen, chamberlain, treasurer, secretary and 
clerk of the signet, survisor, heralds, ushers, almoner, a 
schoolmaster for teaching grammar^ minstrels, eleven priests 
presided over bv a doctor of Divinity as dean of the chapel, 
and a band of choristers. The household numbered two 
hundred and twenty-three persons.* 

Aems. — Percy and Lucy quarterly. The earl's MS., prob- 
ably a copy from his bannerole at the Turwin siege ; in 
the corners are silver crescents and golden lockets ; and 
between the shield and garter are H. P. 

na 30 




* The wbole of fhis Bousehold Book is printed in the Antiquarian Repertory, 
rV., p. 9, &e. The detailt of the mode of lifing ttB highly instrttCtiTe; 



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HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



Arms. — Quarterly of five, I., Percy and Lucy quarterly. 

II., Old Percy, III., Poynings. IV., Fitzpaine. V., 

Bryan. Garter plate. 
In the earl's signet, there are a lion rampant and a locket 
between every letter of the motto. 1616. 



Fia 31 




HENET ALGEENON PEECY, SIXTH EAEL. 

Henry Algernon Percy, the eldest son of the fifth earl, was 
educated in the house of Cardinal Wolsey; and as one of the 
train of that powerful minister, whom, indeed, he attended 
in ordinary, he was in the habit of repairing to the royal 
court, and there met the beautiful and unfortunate Anne 
Boleyn. Before the king himself had looked on her with 
loving eyes, Henry Percy was smitten with her charms, and so 
far progressed in her aflFections, that he obtained her goodwill 
to marriage ; and they became little less than contracted to 
each other. The king, having heard of this, and afraid of 
losing this beautiful woman, on whom he had for some time 
contemplated with affection, acquainted Cardinal Wolsey 
with his love, and desired him to dissuade Percy from pro- 
secuting his suit. The cardinal used his endeavours, both 
with Percy and Anne Boleyn, to break off their engagement; 
but Anne seems to have been so much attached to her lover, 
as to be displeased with the cardinal's interference ; whose 
influence, however, not being sufficient to disunite the lovers, 
the king sent for the earl of Northumberland to come to 
court ; and so afraid was he of the king's displeasure, that 
he insisted on his son renouncing Anne Boleyn; and to 



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PIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 209 

pravent the Tecurrence of danger^ he induced him to many 
the daughter of the earl of Shrewsbury. Even when Anne 
became the wife of the king, she retained a strong hatred of 
the cardinal for blighting her early love * 

On his father's death in 15^, Henry Algernon, as heir^ 
succeeded to all his lands. Notwithstanding his early 
obligations to the cardinal, he, in the same year^ signed the 
articles impeaching his old master, who was now tottering 
on his lofty elevation, chiefly because of his opposition to 
the divorce of Queen Catherine. The earl too, signed the 
famous letter from the peers of the realm to Pope Clement, 
in 1530, informing his holiness, that if he did not concur in 
a sentence of divorce they would seek a remedy elsewhere. 
This was the first bold decisive blow which severed England 
from the Papal dominion. The great cardinal had been in 
disgrace and banished from the court since October, 15^ ; 
but his enemies, afraid that he might regain the king's 
favour, sought his destruction. The earl of Northumberland^ 
who was now warden of the Marches, went by command of 
the king, along with others, to arrest the cardinal, with such 
diligence and secrecy, that the cardinal^ receiving him as a 
guest, was startled when the earl in a feultering voice said 
'* I arrest you of treason." Dismayed and pensive, the 
cardinal paused before he replied; and feeling grieved, 
apparently not so much on account of the arrest itself, but 
because it was made by one who had served in his own 
household, he at first refused to obey, until he saw the 
king's commission. This, however, was not shewn to him ; 
but as he had no remedy, he at length yielded ;' not to the 
earl, but to Sir William Welsh as the king's servant.f The 
fiiU of this great minister^ as told in the pages of Shakespeare, 
gives a most impressive and touching lesson on the instability 
Zt human greatness. 

When the brutal Henry VIII., enamoured with another 
Jbeauty, caused his wife Anne Boleyn to be condemned, he 
sought also to deprive her of the honour of being his lawful 
wife, by endeavouring to persuade the earl of Northumber- 
land to admit that she was under a pre-contract and promise 
of marriage to him. Honourable it is to the earl^ that he 
was not awed by the cruel tyrant^ to heap degradation on 
a persecuted woman. In a letter to Cromwell^ the king's 

« T]iM6 interettiDg partieuUn are giTen in Herbert's Life of Henry YIIL, 
HistofEng., 11.^1708. 

t Herbert, II., p. 14S. 

2e 



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210 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

secretary, he says — ^^ I perceive there is supposed a Precon- 
tract between the Queen and me. Whereupon I was not 
only heretofore examin'd upon mine Oath before the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury and York; but also received the blessed 
Sacrament upon the same, before the Earl of Norfolk and 
others of the king's council learned in the spiritual law; 
assuring you by the said Oath and blessed body, which afore 
I received, and hereafter intend to receive, that the same 
may be to my Damnation, if ever there were any contract or 
promise of Marriage between her and me.*'* 

Soon after his accession to the earldom, Henry Algernon 
Percy must have been appointed warden of the Eastern and 
Middle Marches ; for we find him acting in that capacity on 
the 28th of January, 1528. He met with the Scottish war- 
dens on the Marches to redress grievances, and presided over 
warden courts to try and punish o£fenders ; but he seldom 
engaged in the warfare, which despite of truces, was still 
carried on. In one raid across the borders he took part; 
and of this he gives an account in a letter to Henry YIII. 

"According" he says, "to your most dread commandment, for 
me to invade the realm of Scotiand, and there to destroy, -waste, 
and bimi com and towns to their most annoyances," he took 
upon him an enterprise into Teviotdale and Merse. On the 1 1th 
of December, 1532, at eleven o'clock, he invaded Scotland accom- 
panied with the whole garrison of ? and other Northum- 
brians ; on the following day he sent forth two forays, and at 
day-break they raised the fire in Douglas in the Lothians, and 
bimit and wasted the town and the com there; and also the 
town and com of Aldhamstokes, Oobbirspeth, the two towns of 
Hoprygg, Old Gamers, and the towns of Eeidtlewes. He also 
burnt " a town and com being in his way called Eaynton." 
" Thankes be to Ood the forreys fleynge stale and batall savely, 
without loss or hurt did mete at the howre of 12 of the doke, 
not being one pele, gentlemans house, nor grange, imbrynt and 
destroyed; and so recaled towardes England, and in our retoume 
forreyed aU the contrey toward Berwyk, and did bryn, wast, and 
distroye the townes of Conwodd, Honwodd, 2 Eustayns, Blak 
Hill, and Hill End, 2 Atons, and wan the barmkyn there ; which 
townes was within the Merse. At which invasion there ys taken 
many Scottesmen prisoners, there was seaced 2000 noyte and 
above, 4000 shepe and above, with all the insight, coyn, imploy- 
ments of houshold, estemed to a great somme." How revolting 
to thank Gbd for the safe performance of these horrible deeds If 

• Herbert, II., p. 195. 
t State Papers, IV., p. 627. 



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FIFTH AND SIXTH EABLS. Sll 

• 

He must have had somewhat of the love of display for 
which his father stood pre-eminent ; for we find, that Crom- 
well not only informed him of complaints having been made of 
his not duly executing justice on the Marches, but also of his 
having had a sword borne before him from TopcliflF to York. 
He admits that a sword was borne before him, and says — 
*' Good Master Secretary, if that same were taken by the 
King's Majesty of me to be done in pomp and pride of myself, 
without his most "gracious authority, which I have for the 
same, it should be un&inedly to my discomfort, for so much 
as neither duty nor reason can give me a most poor and true 
subject, to have a sword borne, but only by the honorable 
authority of his Majesty to me granted, most unworthy."* 

This, however, was but a trivial affair ; another of his 
letters presents him in a less favourable aspect. This great 
earl complains of poverty, and as the captain of Berwick was 
not expected to recover from illness, he asks for his place and 
offers a bribe of one thousand marks to Cromwell, if he would 
procure it for him. 

"Of a truth" says he, "the Captain of Berwick, Sir Thomas 
dyfford had laid speach, and never likely to recover ; to which 
rome,f good Mr. Secretary, I pray you help me, whereby ye 
shall not only recover a poor noble man being in decay, but also 
get yourself much worship, that by your means so poor a man 
shall be recovered, as I am, and bind me, my friends, and them 
that shall come after me, ever, (as never the less I am most 
bounden afore) next the king our Maister, to be toward you and 
all yours during our lives. And good Mr. Secretary, I shall not 
fail to give you a 1000 marks for the same, bringing it to pass. 
And good Mr. Secretary as my trust is in you, do for me now. 
And Our Lord have you in His keeping. In hast, at Toplyff 
the 6 Nov. (1535), witti the rude and ragged hand of your own 
ever bounden, most assuredly H. Nobthumberlaio)."} 

The earl appears to have been attached to the reformed 
religion; but his brothers. Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram Percy, 
clung to the old faith, and took part in insurrectionary 
movements which influenced for a time the fortunes of the 
Percy family. The smaller monasteries were dissolved in 
1536, and nearly ten thousand monks and nuns were set 
loose, to inflame the passions of the ignorant and stir up 
rebellion. One of the larger monasteries in the north, Hex- 
ham, resisted by force of arms the admission of his majesty's 
commissioners into the abbey. The walls were bristling with 

* SUte Papers, V., p. 16. f Office. t State Papers, V., p. 84. 

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212 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

artillery^ and numbers of the tenants of the abbey and of the 
outlawed Redesdale men, who had been summoned both 
by the common bell and the great fray bell, assembled 
around the abbey armed ''with bills, halberts, and other 
defenceable wapons, like men ready to defend a town of 
war."* Sir Thomas Percy was at Hexham at this time 
abetting this resistance. 

But be was more directly concerned in a more formidable 
outbreak, which was headed by Robert Aske, a man of 
courage and prudence, and who gave to the undertaking the 
name of " The Pilgramage of Grace." Sir Thomas Percy 
was actuated by interested motives, as well as by a regard to 
the old religion ; for, having sought to be declared heir to 
the earl and been obstructed by the king in the attainment 
of his object, he out of revenge joined this rebellion.f He 
raised as many men as he could in the East Riding of 
Yorkshire, and passed with his followers through York " in 
complete harness, with feathers trimmed as well as he might 
deck himself at that time, shewing he did nothing constrained 
but of a willing malicious stomack against his most natural 
and dread lord." He circulated writings, placards, and 
precepts ; and then betook himself to Northumberland and 
called to his aid the notable offenders of Tindale and 
Hexhamshire — the Herons, the Charltons, the Robsons, and 
others, famous freebooters. He and his brother, Sir Ingram, 
summoned meetings of the gentlemen of the county at divers 
places, under the pretence of making arrangements to defend 
the country against freebooters ; one of these meetings was 
at Alnwick Castle, whence he would not allow the gentlemen 
to depart till they swore to aid him in his designs ; but all 
this was done without the authority of the earl, while he was 
lying sick at Wressil. One man, Edward Bradeforthe, Sir 
Raynold Carnaby's servant, resisted the authority of these 
lawless men, and would not pay to Sir Ingram the rents of 
his master's lands; but he was seized by eighteen men whom 
Sir Ingram laid in wait for him ; and he was taken by force 
to Alnwick Castle, laid in the stocks there for two nights and 
a day, and kept in prison for three days longer4 

Sir Thomas Percy led the first division of the rebel army, 
which, numbering five thousand men, encamped near Don- 
caster; but promises of pardon and of inquiry into the 

* Raine*! Memorials of Hexham, I., cxxviii. 
t Froude*8 Appendix to the Pilgrim, p. 116. 
I Baine'f Memorials of Hexham, I., cxxxvii. 



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FIFTH AXD SIXTH BARLS. j218 

grievances complained of haying been made, this fonnidable 
body disbanded. No inquiry following^ other plots were 
formed with which these Percys were connected; and Sir 
Thomas was seized, tried, condemned as a traitor, at- 
tainted, and in 1537 executed at Tyburn. The Ufe of Sir 
Ingram Percy was spared ; but he died soon after in 1538. 
Seventy-four persons were hung on gibbets in chains in 
Westmoreland and Cumberland. ''The flame" says Froude, 
" was trampled out ; and a touch of pathos hangs over its 
close — the bodies were cut down and buried by women.** 

The loss of the object of his early love a£fected the character 
of the earl of Northumberland; he became reckless and 
extravagant and plunged so deeply into debt, that he bore 
the sobriquet of " Henry the Unthrifty," and was obliged to 
sell Poynings estate and other lands. With his wife he lived 
nnhappily; and he separated from her. The fate of his 
brother he laid deeply to heart ; and as he had no issue of 
his own, and his brother's children could not inherit in 
consequence of their father's attainture, '* he " says Dugdale, 
" gave away part of his lands to the king and to others."* 
On February the 3rd, 1535, he alienated to the king his 
house of Petworth and other lands in Sussex, his lands in 
Hackney, and large estates in Lincolnshire and other coun- 
ties ; and his other lands, by another act, were settled on his 
own male issue, and then upon the king and his heirs in 
augmentation of the imperial crown; some provision was 
reserved for his brothers and nephews. He died on the SOth 
of June, 1537, at his house in Hackney, and was buried in 
the choir of Hackney Church. 

*' Arms. — Quarterly of Jive, — I., Grand quarter of I, Percy, 
2, Beaufort, 3, Lucy, 4, Spenser, (Black two ermine 
bars neoulee). II., Old Percy. III., Poynings. IV., 
Fitz-Payne. V., Bryan. 

Crest. — A lion passant, the tail extended, on a chapeau. 

Supporters. — A lion rampant croumed, and an unicorn 
ducally gorged and chained. 
Motto, on a scroll, *' JEsperance.** Mr. Way in Proceedings 

of Arch. Inst., Newcastle, p. 305. 

Of the heraldry of this earl, ample illustrations occur in 
the Herald's College, taken from standards and pennons ; 
and through the kind permission of Mr. Longstaffe, I am 
able to present several examples, which will be especially 

• Dugdale Bar. I., p. 283. 



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214 



HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 



interesting, because giving not only the Percy badges, but 
also those of Poynings and Bryan. And here too, I express 
my obligations to my friend Mr. Longsta£fe, for the liberal 
use he has given me of the valuable wood cuts which illustrate 
the Percy heraldry. 



no. 32 




Standard. — "Paly of thre pesses of thys colters^ Rosset, 
yeloWy and tawny y* powdered with silver crescents and lockets 
separately, a blue lion passant. Above Am, a silver key, 
crowned with gold (for Poynings), behind him, a blue bugle- 
horn unstringed, garnished with gold (for Bryan). Between 
the motto-bends, a black falchion sheathed, garnished, pomel- 
led and hilted with gold (for Fitz-Payne). MS. Her. Coll., 
I., 2. There is no motto filled into the original. 



FIQ. 33 



^iyCtAUffW 




Pennons. — The same MS. "Algernons." Red, gold, 
and rosset, a blue lion passant between three silver crescents. 



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FIFTH AND SIXTH EABLS. 



215 



Fia 84 




''Ponynges." Bos- 
sety gold, and tatony, 
a silver unicorn pas- 
santy ducally gorged 
and chained in gold, 
between three silver 
crescents. 



Itosset, gold, and 
tawny y a silver hoar 
statanty ducally gorged 
and chained in gold, 
between three silver 
crescents. 



*' Percy." Rosset, 
goldy and tawny, a 
silver panther statant, 
powdered with red 
and Hue spots, and 
crowned in gold, be- 
tween three stiver cres- 
cents. 



Pennon CELLES. — 
The same MS. 

"Ponjmges." Hos- 
sefj gold, and tawny, 
the silver key as be- 
fore. 



" Bryan." Rosset, 
gold, and tawny, the 
bugle-horn as before. 

Bed, rosset, red, 
and rosset, a silver 
crescent. 



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816 HISTOET OF ALNWICK. 

"^'®^ ''Percy." Red and 

blacky a silver crescent. 
Exactly ''like the pen- 
celes of buckram" used 
by the previous earl 
"painted of red and 
black, with crescents 
upon them." 

The chief residence of the earls of Northumberland at 
this period was not at Alnwick, but at Wressil Castle in 
Yorkshire. Leland, who saw it in 1538, says — ^''The House 
is one of the most propre beyound Trente and Semeth newly 
made ;" yet it was built in the time of Richard II. It was 
a splendid building ; but during the great civil war it was, 
in 1650, to a great exfent demolished by an order of the 
Council of State * Lekinfield Manor House, another prin- 
cipal residence, is now entirely destroyed. Leland says, " it 
is a large House, and Stondith within a great mote, yn one 
very spacious courte." Though not so magnificent as Wressil, 
it afforded more accommodation, for there were in it eighty- 
three apartments. 

* In a lettar to Hngh Potter, kept ttill in memory finom his bequest to the 
Alnwick poor, there is an accoont of the manner in which it was destroyed. See 
Ant Rep., IV., p. S34^ where there is also a picture of its remains in 1770. 



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CHAPTEE XIII. 

MABCH LAWS AND STATE OF THE BOEDEES IN THE 
SIXTEENTH CENTUEY. 

1CA.BCH IAW8— ORDER OF THE VAT0HE8 — WARD MUSTERS — ^DEPENOES 
OF THE BORDER — MEN OF ALNVIOK MUSTERED AT ABBERVIGK — 
DACRE's raid — SURREY, WARDEN — RAID INTO TEVIOTDALB — 
SIR WILLIAM LYLE's RAIDS — SURRENDER AND EXECUTION — 
HORRIBLE FORAYS — LORD PARR AT ALNWICK — EURE's FORAY — 
THE PROTECTOR — SOMERSET AT ALNWICK — ^LETTER FROM ALN- 
WICK CASTLE-— TEN TOWNS OF GLENDALB BURNT—- BOOK OF THE 
MARCHES. 

Henry Algernon Percy, the sixth earl of Northumberland, 
dying without issue, and the family of his brother being 
corrupted in blood by the attainder of their father and 
incapable of succession, the Percy crescent was for a time 
eclipsed, and the earldom became extinct. By his will, the 
chief portion of the earl's estates passed to the king ; and 
twenty years went by before this old border family was 
restored to its dignities and estates. 

During the greater part of this interval, Alnwick and 
Warkworth Castles belonged to the king, and were occupied 
by one or other of the deputy wardens of the Marches. The 
border land was then the scene of frequent inroads ; indeed, 
from this time till James I. succeeded to the English throne, 
there was almost incessant warfare, which was fearfully 
destructive to both sides of the border. 

From their geographical position, and from the wild and 
lawless character of their inhabitants, the borders were in an 
abnormal condition ; it was only by extraordinary laws and 
regulations, that even the semblance of order and justice 
could be maintained. We should have but an imperfect 
notion of the state of our town and district, without some 
slight knowledge, at least, of March laws and usages ; as they 
reveal a state of society strangely disorganised. As early as 
1249 a series of border laws was agreed to by both nations ; 

2f 



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218 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

more particular regulations were made in the reigns of Henry 
VI. and Edward lY. ; and fresh arrangements were entered 
into^ as circumstauces demanded^ in subsequent reigns^ until 
the two nations were united under one king. 

Wardens were appointed^ both by the Scottish and English 
kings, and invested with great powers to defend the borders 
against aggression, and to administer justice in their Warden 
Courts. Along the borders at conyenient places, the principal 
of which were Redden Burn and Campaspeth, wardens of 
both sides met to judge offences committed by the subjects of 
either realm against the other; these meeting were called days 
of Trewes ; and punishments were awarded m accordance with 
old established usage, or with written law. Offenders who 
fled, were by the warden chased or pursued in Hot Trodd, 
with hound and horn, and with hue and cry ; and it was 
lawful to continue the chase into the opposite borders, and 
to bring the offender, when caught, withm the warden's own 
jurisdiction for trial and punishment. 

On the English side there were a warden general, a deputy 
warden general, and three deputy wardens, one each for the 
East, West, and Middle Marches. In time of war their 
duties were important ; and as they had to contend with an 
enemy always on the alert and practised in surprisals and 
ambuscades, a complicated system of watching both by night 
and by day was adopted. In the smallest March, the eastern, 
in which was Alnwick, two hundred and three watchers were 
engaged at night and seventeen by day. The total number 
thus occupied throughout the whole of the eastern border 
cannot be precisely ascertained; but I do not think they 
would amount to less than two thousand men. The order 
of the watches made in October, 1552, by Lord Wharton, 
Lord Deputy General of all the three Marches, under my 
Lord of Northumberland's Grace, has been preserved ; and 
as it is not only curious in itself, but gives information of the 
names of the inhabitants of the borders, I shall give those 
portions which refer to Alnwick and the district around it. 

" The Watch to be kept from Hodgecroft to Eung-hole (Eoug- 
hell *) to be watched nightly with Ten Men of the Inhabitors of 
Whyttell, ShelbotteU, Bylton, Over-boston, Woddon, Nether- 
boston-grange, and Berling ; Setters and Seardiers, Bughle and 
Snepe house. 

• Ruglcy. 



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STATE OF THE BOBBEES. S19 

From Mozy-fopd xmto Birk liill or Kirk-hill* of Alnwyck-more, 
to be Watehed nightly with Six men in the watdi of the 
Inhabitors of Alnwyck-more. 

From Ohryatofer Armorers to Sheplegate yaite to be watched 
xughtly with Fourteen men of the Inhabitors of Longhoutton, 
Ekiouthe, Lesberry, Ankle, f Denyke, Broxfeld, Ekle,J Berne- 
yardes, Belvzate, Cany-gate, and Walker-gate; Setters and 
Searchers of these Watches the Keepers of the West Parkes, 
Anwyke and Hull-park. 

Overseers of the said Watches, Sir Robert EUerker, Benight, 
Geoi^e Mede^lfe, William Harrysone, and Geo. Carre. 

The Passages to be kept betwixt GDherslehaughe and the New- 
ton, with several watches nightly, and thereto is appointed the 
Inhabitants of the Towns and Hamlets from Felton-briggend 
to Caldiche-park, by west the Streyte'; Setters and Searchers, 
William Johnstone, Thomas Bobinson, John Meele, and Eobert 
Browne. 

From the Newton to Liersheld to be watched by two Men 
nightly, and thereto is appointed the Town of Edlingtone and 
the Newtone. 

From Liersheld to Bawtonne § to be watched with two Men 
nightly, and thereto is appointed the Town of Lemeden, and the 
Broome-Parke; Searchers and Setters of these two Watches, 
Bobert Manners, and Bobert Killingworthe. 

Qyerseers of this Watch Bobert Lysle and Thomas Swinburne. 

From Bowton to Tetlington to be watched with two Men 
nightiy, and thereto ia appointed Bowton, Aberwyke, and Hhe 
Woddhall. 

From Tetlin^n to Haroppeswyer by North the Hill, to be 
watched with eight Men nigntly of the Inhabitors of Tetlingtone, 
Basden,|{ Sheplay, Est-Ditchbume, West Ditchbume, Egling- 
ham, and Haropp ; Setters and Searchers of these two watches 
Cathbert Mowe, John Wethered and the Qreeve of Tetlingtone. 
Overseers, Edward Bednell, John Bellingham, Luke Ogle, and 
Bauf Collingwood. 

The watch to be set from Bauf Lillies House to Cokkett, with 
Four Men nightly of the Inhabitors of West Chevingtone, Eshott, 
Therstone and Bokenfield ; George Matroke and William Hud- 
8one to be Setters and Searchers of these two Watches. 

Overseers, John Heron and Anthony Heron. 

The Watch to be kept from Wetherington-Park-nook to 
Ookket, with Fourteen Men nightly, and thereto is appointed 
Inhabitors of Wetherington, Dreredge, Est Chevingtone, Had- 
ston, AiokHngton, Toxden, Haxlaye, Warkworthe, Ambell, 

* Both names are given, but Birk hill is the more probable, ns the place was 
on Alnwick Moor ; K has been mistaken for B. 

f Hawkhill. I Hecklej. ) Bolton. || Bassington. 



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220 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

Qloster-hill and Moryke: Betters and SearcherSi John Eenwyke, 
Edward Tremble, John Harford, Edward CHerk, John Wilson, 
and Persevall Wylkynsone. 

Overseers of these Watches, Ser John Wethermeton, Knight, 
John Heron, John Wetherington and [Oiomas Finc^e. 

The names of the Watch Places and number of the Towns 
thereimto appointed by Edward Bradford, Bayllif^ of Emylton 
and So to South-Charlton. 

The Town of South Charlton and Bennington to Keep Watch 
with three Men nightly at the (Mlow. 

The Town of Stanford and Eoke to keep watch with three 
Men nightly at the Scotts CJlose-nooke. 

The TowTi of North Charlton and Eock to keep watch with 
three Men nightly at the binding rate. 

The Town of Howicke and Craister to keep watch with three 
Men nightly, at the Kamelaw. 

The Towns of Dunstane and Newton to keep watch with three 
Men nightly at Archeford. 

The Town of Emylton to keep watch nightly with three Men 
at Pyethe-nook. 

Edward Bradforthe and the Bayliff of North Charlton to be 
Setters and Searchers of the said Watches. 

The night watchers were set at the day-going, and con- 
tinued at their stations until the day was light; the day 
watchers begun their duty at day light, and continued until 
the day was gone. It was the duty of every watch, on 
observing the approach of an enemy or suspected person, to 
give the alarm by blowing of horn, by shout or outcry, and 
all men were bound, on pain of death, to arise and follow 
the fray with hue and cry on horse or on foot. Whoever 
captured offenders was rewarded; and goods rescued from 
thieves were restored to the owners on paying for their rescue. 
No man could harbour or help any rebel, fugitive, felon, 
murderer, whether Englishman or Scotsman, upon pain of 
death ; and no subject could even speak with a Scotsman 
without license from the warden. All persons coming within 
the limits of the watch were examined ; and those, who were 
not known, were brought before the bailiffs and constables, 
and if suspected, they were sent to gaol till tried by the 
warden. It will be observed, that the regulations of the 
watch were stringent; men were appointed to set on the 
watchmen, others as searchers to visit the stations to see that 
the watchmen were wakeful and vigilant, and above these 
again were overseers, who were the chief men of the county, 
and it was their place to see that the watch duty was 
efficiently performed, and to report from time to time, the 



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STATE OF THE BORDEBS. 

state of their Thatches to the deputy warden. The following 

letter from Lord Wharton to these gentlemen searchers is 

interesting : — 

*' I require and will you, in the Kings Majesties Name, that ye make due 
search throughout all the said Watches, upon Sonday Night next, the 15th of 
this Instant : And wherein you shall find any default, that you give charge 
to the Officers where such Defaults are, to bring unto me to AJnowyke, 
immediately the Offenders, with Declaration in Writing from you, in what 
order you do find the said Watches ; and also, that from time to time, so 
often as your discretion shall think requisite, you make substantial search 
throughout your Limits, sending the Offenders unto me in form as before ; 
and upon Saturday, which shall be the Twenty eight Day of this present 
Month of January, that you certifie me by your Letters to be sent to Alne- 
wyke, how the same Watches are continued and kept, and so every Saturday 
monthly, fr^om the said 28th to make your Certificate to Alnewyke, 

where the same shall be received : And that you give knowledge to aU the 
Officers and Subjects within your Circuit of Watch, That whosoever doth not 
observe and keep the said Watch, and ryse to Fray and following, shall be 
punished accordmg to the Laws of the Bealm, and Commandments given for 
the same : Fail you not hereof, as ye tender the Kings Majesties Heasure, 
the common wealth of the Countrey, and will answer at your periU. And 
heartily fare you well. — At the Castile of Alnewyke, the 11th of January." 

As a further protection against inroads, measures were 
adopted to give artificial defences to the country. " Con- 
sidering that help lyeth in strengthening the Country with 
Inclosures^ Hedges, and Ditches," the wardens order, that 
portions of land convenient for tillage, meadows, or grassing, 
should be enclosed with ditches five quarters in breadth, and 
six in depth, double set with quickwood, and hedged above 
three quarters high. Commissioners were appointed, to 
direct where the enclosures should be made, and also to 
cause unnecessary fords and passages by water and land to 
be stopped up. The following are those appointed for the 
district around Alnwick : — 

" Between the Waters of Cokett and Ayll from Lierchd-bume 
to the Sea. Robert Lisle of Felton, Thomas Swinburne of 
Edlingham, John BedneU of Lematone, George Fen wyke of 
Brenk-bum, George Metcalfe of Alnewyke, Henry Heron of 
Alnewycke. 

From Wamebrigg to the Water of the Aill as Bambrough- 
shere goeth. Sir John Horgley, Knight, Sir John Foster, 
Knight, Francis Armorer of Belforth, Bowland Bradforth of 
Tuggill, Ge orge Carr of Lesbury, Edward Bradforth of Emylton. 

From Ihe Watet of Aill to Hetton-bume, on the East side of 
Tyll, imto Bambrough-shere, Eauf Grey, Deputy Warden, Sir 
Eobert Ellerker Knight, Tho. Hebbume of Hebbume, Rob. 
CoUingwood of Bewyke, Thomas Carlisle of Haslerigg, Luke 
Ogle of Eglingham."* 

* Legea Marchianim, by Nicholson. 



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HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

Great baronial and royal castles there were for the defence 
of the borders, such as Alnwick^ Dunstanburgh, Bamburgh, 
Warkworth, Chillingham, and Edlingham ; but, in addition, 
the whole district was studded over with peles, or fortified 
houses, which were square or oblong towers — similar to the 
keep of a small castle — ^with stone walls of great thickness^ 
and with the lower storey vaulted, from which a narrow 
winding stone stair led to the dwelling rooms above. But 
in time the entrance door to these rooms was on the second 
storey, which was reached by a ladder or wooden stair which 
could easily be removed ; a communication could be made 
from there to the under room, as at Akeld Pele, through a 
square opening in the centre of the vault. Scattered around 
these peles and protected by them were the cottages, forming 
the vill or little town ; and when a raid swept across the 
borders, the people took refuge in these strongholds, and 
cattle and moveable goods were placed for safety in the 
vaulted chamber. Without such defences the border land 
would have been uninhabitable. In Alnwick parish, besides 
the embattled abbeys, there were peles at Highfarlaw, at 
Rugley, at St. Margarets, and at Hobberlaw. There were 
larger towers— or small castles at Preston and Rock ; pele 
towers there were at Bilton, Shilbottle, Howick, Craster, 
Little Houghton, Abberwick, Lemmington, Whittingham, 
Bewick ; and indeed wherever a military vassal resided on 
his own land : church towers, too, as at Longhoughton and 
other places, were fortified peles. 

The whole county was converted, indeed, into a great 
military camp. The vastness of the precautionary plans 
indicates the extent of the danger, and shews how insecure 
both life and property were at this period. When so much 
time and energy were spent on military preparations and 
defences, and when, moreover, inroads were so frequent and 
destructive, not only the cultivation of the soil, but all the 
productive industries of the county must have been in a low 
condition. Fortunate it was fox Alnwick, that she was now 
defended by strong embattled walls and towers. 

By law every free man was bound to bear his share in 
public burdens, to defend his country and keep watch and 
ward ; and this duty especially devolved on the men of the 
borders. The whole able bodied population were therefore 
trained to the use of arms; and bound to assemble on the muster 
days of the respective wards, when summoned by the king's 
commission. A muster day was greatly more important than 



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STATE OF THE BOBBEBS. 



228 



a review day of the present time. " There is never a plough 
going in Norhamshire nor Bamhurghshire that dav; it is 
their principal feast. Every plough has his crown for mus- 
tering that day."* The land at that time^ especially near 
the borders, lay in small holdings of five marks each ; and 
every such tenant was bound to appear with horse and armour. f 
Yet some endeavoured to shirk this duty ; fraud had been 
practised at these musters ; they were not fiiU ; and hence a 
command was given in 1558 to the earl of Northumberland^ 
then warden, to cause discreet gentlemen, who were neither 
Northumbrian nor border men, to go in a secret manner to 
take the numbers, and see how many were wanting, how 
many were Northumberland men, ana how many were in- 
land men. And this was done, for the warden is afterwards 
commended for his diligence. 

A muster of the men of Coquetdale and a part of Hamburgh 
Ward was held in 1538 on Abberwick Moor ; and the record 
of it, among the public muniments, tells us of the men of 
Alnwick who appeared there. Some were on foot armed 
with a helmet, coat and plate, bow or bill ; others had horse 
and harness. On this occasion, six hundred and forty horse- 
men and eight hundred and eighty footmen mustered on the 
moor. The following is a list of the men from Alnwick 
Parish, j; Some few of the present inhabitants of the district 
may find the names of their ancestors there — the Thews, 
the Stamps, the Strothers, the Rennisons ; the Bustons and 
Wilkinsons of Buston were there too; the Tyndales and 
Douglas from Chatton ; the Elders from Longhoughton. 

" The avewe of nmsters takyn by Sir Cuthbt. Radclffe, Enight Constable 
Kin^ Castell of Allnwyke and Bobt. CoUingwode, Eaquyere, the zvii and 
xviii day of Apryle, the xxxti yere of our Souerayne Lorae Kizige Henry the 
Eight, takyn on Abberwyk More, &c. 



ALLNWYKE 



Sni Cuthbt. 

Radgliffb 

and his hote^ 

hond ScruanU 



Edwazde Baddyffe 
Antomr Macheu 
John Cartington 

theyonger 
John Cartington 

the Elder 
Evchert HowcaateU 
Tnomas BobynBon 
JohnMarcam 
Bobt. Chessman 
Bobt. G(rayes 



Gylbt. Byrk 
Bauf e Gi^e 
Henry Jakson 
John Harbottell 
Bog. Smythe 
(>eorg Erington 
John Ayden 
SadeU mm in horse and harness, 
Thomas Marcam 
Patryke Hopkyrk 
Ahle men not horsid. 



« Col. of State Ptpen. Foreigh Bliz., 1558. f Ibid* 

X Archteologia ^liana, lY., p« 159. 



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234 



HISTORY OF ALKWTCfK. 



The Abbot of Perscevall GkJlon 
Allnwtks John Gkdlon 
SeruanU, Alleyne SchafiEto 

Gheorg Bedlande 
Robt. Porster 
Thomas Hudson 
John Thomson 
MabU in horu and hornet. 

The Esbpbbs of thb Kinds Pabks 
Colleg Farke 



Hew© Gallon 
Willme Clennell 
Edward Harbottell 
Herry Staruder 
Adam Vrpethe 
Edwarde Henyson 
Willme Herryson 
John Sawghelld 
Willme Armerer 
John Carr, bailey 
of Bowmer 
Able mm with horse and hernes. 



EuU Parke 



The West 
Parke 



The TowMB of Charles Heslope 
Allnwykb John Wyllson the 
Elder 
Thomas Stampe 
John Willson 
Thomas Ayre 
Thomas Ley 
John Anderson 
Rychert Benet 
Edward Thomson 
Rye Taller 
John Selle 
Charles Stampe 
Thomas Herryson 
John Atkinson 
Thomas Edster 
George Carslay 
John Herryson 
Edwarde I^adyman 
John Taller 
Bobt. Herde 
John NychoUson 
Bobt. Bert 
Nycholas Chaneler 
Hewe Bennet 
Thomas Hatte 
John Atkinson 
Wellme Bednell 
Nycholas Bobynson 
Georg. Clarkson 
Percevalle Gallon 
Alk men with horse and harness. 



Al-wtxb 



Willme Rede 
Edward Carsley 
The nefw cuy'd 



AxwTKB Walker 

James Yonge 
Nycholas Arkley 
John Hume 
John Dawffles 
Thomas Thyrkeld 
Thomas Anwvke 
Edward GrycUey 
Hdnry Watson 
Thomas Cutter 
Bane Sadler 
Henry Jobson 
Willme Horton 
Willme Newton 
Thomas Kethe 
Willme Bower 
Thomas Charson 
Willme Swayne 
(Jeoi^ Humley 
John Clay 
Thomas Claude 
John Clay 
Lenard Stell 
Cuthbt. Myllner 
Robert Clay 
James Scott 
Rye Elando 
Rye Clay 
Geoiv Person 
Charles Hall 
Thomas Taller 
Rolande Browne 
James Tyndell 
Edmonde Stroder 
John Davson 
John Nellson 
Willme Dobe 
Vswolde Staimger 
Rye Browell 
Robt. Clarke 
Rynvone Stroder 
Nycholas Smythe 
Rye Taller the elder 
Nycholas Watson 
Gteorge HuUe 
Edwarde Awgoode 
Willme Robynson 
Lyonell Borell 
Willme Wobbe 
Wilkne Tayller 
James Halle 
Rog. Herryson 
WiUme Watson 
Henry Spumell 
John Archeer 
George Masson 
Rye. Browne 
George Gvbson 
John Tayller 



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8TATB OF THE B0RDEB8. 



225 



Ajxwtkm HemyLang 

Thomas D^aon 
Bobt. Store 
Weim the taller 
Bobt. Mason 
Cathbt. BeU 
Willme Thomson 
G^Tge Passe 
Leonard Fazyley 
John Watson 
Henry Watson 
Thomas Eawerd 

ANe mm wimtyng korse and hameu, 

Bbnnxk Bye. GySing 

belonging to Bobt. Anderson 

AxrwTE, Willme Makson 

Boland Dobynson 
John Gibson 
Bye. Qibson 
Henry Boddene 
John Clarke 
John Thewe 
AN^ men with hone and hamee* 



Dbmnik John Newis 

belonging to Willme MyUs 
AirwYK Wilhne I^hton 

Thomas Gybson 
Georg. Foster 
Willme Waller 
Able men wanting horte and hamee. 

ScHBLLDYK Thomas Stotte 

belonging to Wyllme Bobson 
Anwyk John Btdl 

G^rg Herryson 
Bobt. Dykenson 
John Dykenson 
Ed. Blythe 
Ed. Bobson 
Thomas Bobson 
John Watson 
Able men wanting horse and homes, 

BuoLBT Bobi Banalldson 

Bobt Stanton 
John Stanton 
Thomas Fattonson 
'Thomas Slenes 
Bye. Browne 
Bobt Stelle 

AUe mm wanting horse and hamesJ*- 

This muster may be regarded as the militia of the period ; 
and at this time^ Alnwick Parish furnished 171 soldiers^ of 
whom 75 were cavalry and 96 footmen ; from the number of 
the horsemen^ it is evident that there were many landowners 
in the parish. 

These musters shew that many towns in the district had 
then a larger population than at present — ^Alnham furnished 
22 men, Bolton 25, Abberwyk 16, Lemmington 22, Effling- 
ham and Bewick 110, West Lilbum 35, Bamburgh 46, 
Beadnel 70, Fowberry 37, Bock 19, Stamford 23, Boseden 
86, Haaaildon 80, Doddington 47. 

Alnwick was the head quarters of all this complicated 
organisation for the defence of the borders; and there a 
Warden Court was held with all the solemn formalities 
observed in the superior courts of the realm, for the trial of 
offenders against March law; and often, indeed, criminals 
condemned in this court were executed at Alnwick. 

A few other illustrations of border movements, taken chiefly 
from the public records, besides contributing to the historv 
of Alnwick with which they are more or less connected, will 
throw a broad light on the character of the period. 

The marquis of Dorset was warden of the East and Middle 
Marches in 1523 ; and Lord Dacre the other warden, made a 

2q 



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226 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

raid into Teviotdale and burnt Beveral villages, rettmiing 
with a booty of four thousand head of cattle. Writing from 
Alnwick on the 15th of April to the king, Dorset sent a list 
of the gentlemen who went with Lord Dacre on this raid. 

** Humbly beseeching his Grace to write letters of thanks to 
these gentlemen, which letters shall be so comfortable, that 
remembering your goodness, they shall be encouraged from time 
to time to serve your Highness.^' '* These be the names of the 
gentlemen that went with my Lord Dacre thelast Bode : my Lord 
Dacre himself ; Sir Will. Percy; Sir Henry Clifford ; Biereton 
with 100 of my Lord lieutenant's men ; 100 men of Sir William 
Oompton with certain captains with them ; William Heron the 
senior ; the bastard Qrey ; John Gfrey of Chipdbiase with all the 
name of the Herons and their kin ; Sir William Lisle ; Balph 
Fenwick with all his name and friends and men of l^edale ; 
Philip Dacres with all Eedesdale men : Bobert Oollm^ood with 
all his servants and kinsmen ; the Lord Ogle with all his name 
and friends. " ** These gentlemen were omitted in my last letters 
and accompanied me in tilie said Bode : Sir WilHam Kynson with 

30 with him ; Sir Balph who continually lyes with me 

here in Alnwick whom I might not well spare ; my brother John 
who took the gowte in the said Bode and never came out of his 
bed since ; my brother Leonard."* 

The Earl of Surrey, who had led the van of the English 
army at Flodden, was appointed to the chief command of the 
war against Scotland in 15^3 ; and he made another raid 
into Mers and Teviotdale, burnt Jedburgh and reduced to 
ruins the Abbey, one of the most beautiful examples of 
Gothic architecture in Scotland. Vigorous measures he took 
also for the defence of the borders. To deprive the Scots 
of forage on the English side, he caused all the corn 
within five or six miles of the borders to be thrashed and 
carried further into the country; he gave warning to all 
towns and villages, that if they were besieged by the Scots, 
they should be burnt ; and he fortified and furnished Wark 
and Norham Castles to enable them to stand a si^e. 
Beacons were made to warn the country of coming 
danger ; and he summoned all the gentlemen of the county 
to meet him at Alnwick to advise them where their men 
should assemble. Berwick, which was in the greatest 
danger, he fortified, as far as he could, and increased its 
garrison. The fords in the rivers were destroyed, to prevent 
the Scots doing hurt, by stealth, to Islandshire, Norhamshire, 



• CottODian MSS. C»l. B. VI. 



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STATE OF THB BOBDE&S. 227 

Bambui^hshire, and Glendale ; many times previously this 
had been attempted, but the English borderers themselves 
were hostile to it^ because the want of these fords would 
restrain them from making raids into Scotland.* Siu'rey 
was at Alnwick on May 4^ 1523; and to encourage the 
patriotism of the people, he said he would pay sixpence a 
day to those in the bishoprick who had done good service.f 

Wark Castle was besieged by the Scots without success, 
Surrey, in a letter to Wolsey, says — "At the assault of 
Wark the captain of the first band of French footmen, that 
came to Scotland, was slain and 9 more with him, and the 
same night died 22 more, and 8 score sore hurt. Never did 
men better than they within the castle did, which were but 
one hundred, and there was within the bas Court about 
1,000 men and 500 Scots."} 

A large army was marshalled at Alnwick in November 
1523 to oppose the Duke of Albany's attempt to take Wark 
Castle. Surrey was there on the 5th, and was joined by the 
earl of Northumberland and other nobles. The advance of 
these forces towards Scotland, which had for some time been 
deluged by ''marvellous rainy weather,"§ caused the siege 
of Wark to be abandoned; and as the winter advanced 
active hostilities were suspended. In 1525 a treaty of peace 
between the two nations was concluded. The vigorous 
measures taken, by James Y. after he assumed the reins of 
government in Scotland, helped much to bring the border 
land under the government of law ; border chieftains, who 
had been guilty of excesses he brought to justice ; some of 
the more notorious, such as Adam Scot, the King of the 
Thieves, and the famous John Armstrong, were beheaded or 
hung on growing trees; others were imprisoned. These 
remedies were severe ; but the deeply seated disease required 
sharp remedies. || 

The constant state of warfare along the borders nursed 
among border men a lawlessness which led them to set at 
defiance even the rulers of their own country ; of this, the 
conduct of Sir William Lisle, of Felton, is a remarkable 
example. Sir William EUerker, the sheriff, sent his servants 
in 1526 to execute a replevin against him, for an unlawful 
distress which he had made. This turbulent knight 

• State Papers, Vol IV., p. 41-43. f Cal. Scot State Papers, Vol. L 

t Cott MSB. CaL B. YI. { State Papers, Vol IV, p. 52. 

II Ellis's original letter. Vol I. 



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228 HISTORY OF AXITVTICK. 

Tiewed this as an affront, and accompanied by a hundred 
persons, he riotously took away from the sheriff's estate 
'^40 hede of noote;" and he told the sheriff, that neither 
the king nor any of his officers should meddle within his 
lordship. A fearless man was Sir William ; for while Roger 
Heron was supporting the sheriff, lisle told him — "What? 
meanes thowe to strive with me ? woU thowe wynne any 
thing at my handes ? I have ruffelde with the warden and 
also with the Cardinall, and I trust to pluck him by the 
nose." For these lawless deeds Lisle along with his son 
were committed for trial to Pomfret Castle, whence they 
were removed to the jail of the Castle of Newcastle. Soon, 
however, they broke the prison, and not only escaped, but 
also released many rebels, outlaws, heinous felons, and 
murderers; they then feloniously stole from Widdrington, 
which belonged to the sheriff, nigh to forty horses, and con- 
veyed them into Scotland; next, accompanied by Scotsmen, 
they burnt, spoiled, and robbed a town belonging to the 
sheriff. The whole country seems to have been alarmed by 
those lawless proceedings. At the assizes both Sir William and 
his son were indicted of treason and proclaimed traitors ; Sir 
William Clifford was especially charged to apprehend and 
take them, and the king of Scotland and earl of Angus were 
requested by letter from the King's Council to aid in their 
capture. The Lisles, however, had taken refuge in the de- 
bateable land, and joined with the broken men of the border, 
particularly with a band of thieves called the Armstrongs. 
Sundry times they entered Northumberland and burnt, 
spoiled, robbed, rieved, and harried many of the king's sub- 
jects. The people of Northumberland appearing to use no 
diligence in resisting these agressions, the King's Council 
ordered Sir William Eure, one of the vice-wardens, to lye at 
Felton with thirty horsemen from the garrison of Berwick, 
along with sixty of his own men, that he might be able to 
- seize on the Lisles should they resort there ; and certain 
woods and houses were destroyed, which might afford shelter 
to these outlaws. By these vigorous measures the Lisles 
were soon brought to bay. The earl of Northumberland, in 
a letter to the king, dated Alnwick, 28th January, 1527, 
tells the result : — 

« The 2lBt day of January on Edward Horslay my Lord 
Legattes servant, and Thomas Emngton, my servant, wim other 
of my Lord Legatte's tenants and mine made affiray upon 
William Gharleton, otherwise called Wylliam of Shotelyngton, 



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8TATB OF THE BOBBBBS. S29 

the head rebel of all the outlawsi and on Haire Noble, Archbold 
Dood, and Boger Axmestran^ ; which foresaid rebellions person- 
ages had been in the Bishoprick of Durham, and robbed diyers 
persons, and taken away a priest then a prisoner ; and in their 
return and conflict was slain the foresaid Oharlton and Noble, 
and Dood and Armestrang taken. Which two were condemned 
at a Warden Court, by me holden for the same the 27 of Janu- 
ary; and for the outrageous crimes by the said Armestrang 
oommitted and done about NewcasteU, I caused him to be 
hanged there in ohabis, and Archbald Dood in like case at 
Awnewyke where he had most offended and WyUiam Ohaileton 
at Hexsam, and Harre Noble at Heyddon Bryge, where the said 
conflict was done. Upon which discomflture, as I suppose, and 
that it was feared among the other rebels that I would have 
made a raid upon them in short space. WyUiam Lysle and Hum- 
fray his son, with fifteen other of the rebellious personages, as I 
was conung from mass on Sunday last, they met me in their 
shirts with halters about their necks, and submitted themselyes 
without any manner of condition xmto Your most gracious mercy, 
they most humble and lowly beseeching Your most gracious 
Highness of your tender and jnteous mercy, or else they were 
zefldy to bide tiie execution of Your Grace's most dreadM laws, 
according to their demerits. Which persons I straightwinr com- 
mitted unto prisons within my poor castle of Alnewyk ror safe 
keeping of them unto such time as I may know farther of your 
most gracious pleasure." 

Besides Humphrey, there was a younger son with William 
Lisle, for whose pardon Tuke in a letter to Wolsey pleads, 
because he was not past 12 or 13 years old, and had not as 
it is said offended, ^^ but that he hath been out with his 
father, peradventure fearing lest he should lack bread at 
home." 

The fate of these outlaws is stated in another letter from 
the earl of Northumberland on 2nd April, 1528 ; all the 
lands of the late William Lisle were to Ue to the king's use, 
** and for the terrible example of all the inhabitants in these 
parts, William Lysle, Humphrey Lisle his son, John Ogle 
William Christowe, and Thomas Fenwick, gentlemen ut 
name, chief leaders and most heinous offenders of all the said 
rebels were, according to their demerits, attainted of high 
treason, and by me had judgment given to be hanged, drawn, 
and quartered. The execution whereof was accomplished 
upon them accordingly, only reprieving Humphrey Lysle 
according to the pleasure of his highness. The head and 
quarters of them that were executed for high treason, I have 
caused to be set up upon the donjon of the castle of New- 



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280 HISTORY 0^ ALNWICK. 

castle^ and sundry other convenient and open places most 
apparent to the view and sight of the people, to the high 
contentment of all the true inhabitants in these parts, and 
extreme terror of all the said rebels."* 

Sir William Lisle merited his fate; for his son Humphrey 
in a deposition sworn, on the 6th June 15^, disclosed 
twenty-five different offences of murder, robbery, prison- 
breach, and arson committed by his father, himself, and 
their adherents, sometimes accompanied by Scots, at other 
times by Englishmen only. 

Humphrey Lisle was recommended by the earl of North- 
umberland to the mercy of the king, because he did manfully 
venture himself and apprehend the notorious offender Hob 
Elwold. He was pardoned, but not reformed ; for in the 
year 1535, Sir Humphrey Lisle of Felton, Knight, and 
A^lexander Shafto, of Scremerston, were indicted at a Warden 
Court for divers march treasons; conscious of their guilt 
they fled, and the earl issued a proclamation against them.f 

Some forays both by the Scots and the English in 1532, 
described by the Earl of Northumberland to the king, give a 
wild picture of the period. To spite the earl, Launce Carr, 
with 300 of the Scotts of Teviotdale, on the 10th October, 
burnt a town of his called Alenam, with all the corn, hay, 
and household stuff in the town, and also a woman ; on the 
12th they burnt Newstead, another of his towns, took 200 
head of cattle, 26 prisoners, and shamefully miirdered two 
young spryngaldes4 Mark Carre promised to the earl of 
Murray openly before the king of Scotland, that within five 
days afterwards he would burn a town of the earl of 
Northumberland, ''within three miles," says the Earl, 
''of my poor house of Warkworth, where I lie, and 
give me light to put on my clothes at midnight. 
Upon Thursday at night last, came thirty light horse- 
men into a little village of mine called Whitell, having 
not past six houses in it, lying toward Byddisdaill, upon 
Shilbotell Moor ; and there they would have fired the said 
houses, but there was no fire to get there, and they forgat 
to bring any with them ; and took a wife being great with 
child in the said town and said to her, ' Where we cannot 
give the Lord light, yet we shall do this in spite of him,* 
and gave her three mortal wounds upon the head and another 

• Cottonian MSS. Cal, B. III. 

t SUte Papers, Vol. IV, p. 477, 599 ; Vol. V. p. 81. 

X A stripling— A yonng person. 



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STATE OP THE BORBEES. 231 

in the side with a dagger ; whereupon the said wife is dead^ 
and the child in her belly is lost." The inhabitants of the 
district were roused^ to revenge this cruel murder; the 
beacons were lighted to warn the country and the murderers 
were pursued with hot trod; nevertheless they escaped. 
The cruel wrong however was not allowed to pass unavenged. 
'* Upon Friday at night last, 500 of the best horsemen of Glen- 
dale were let slip along with men from Berwick to join with 
George Douglas, who came again into England in the 
dawning of the day; and before they returned they did 
damage the provisions of the Earl of Murray at Coldingham, 
and did burn the town of Coldingham, with all the corn 
thereto belonging worth 1000 marks sterling ; and did also 
bum two towns near called Branerdergest and the Black 
Hill, and took 80 prisoners, 60 horse, and 200 head of cattle.'' 
A terrible vengeance this; and yet the earl devised that 
within four nights, God toilling ! Kelso should be burnt 
with all the com in that town. 

Lord Parr was warden of the Marches in 1543, and in his 
letter to the council with the king, dated May 24, he gives 
information of the state of the town and castle at that time. 
He says — 

" I caused also the castles of Alnwick and Morpeth to be 
viewed and seen, of intent to have made my demore* in one of 
the same, according to the tenour of the king's majesty's instruc- 
tions in tiliat behalf. And as for the castle of Morpeth, was so 
far out of reparation, and so tmsweet and unwholesomely kept, 
that I could not conveniently have lodged therein without great 
danger of infections and infirmities ; and the town of Ahiwick 
is and hath been already soo infected, by the space of these two 
months past and more, with a hot and dangeroiU9 ague, whereof 
there be many dead, and divers others lying sick therein at this 
present, that I considered it to be a great peril to draw thither 
unto me a great resort of the country whereby both the number 
resident in my house, and other of the country repairing unto 
me should be in danger of the said infection. Wherefore, as the 
place most wholesome and dear from all infections, I am deter- 
mined for a time to make mine abode at the king's majesty's 
castle of Warkworth, but four miles at the most from Alnwick, 
the which being something decayed and out of reparation, I have 
partly caused to be appardled and put in readiness, and my pre- 
parations to be conveyed thither, which I doubt not shall be frilly 
performed, and famished within these eight days. "Which done, 
I intend to repair thither and there to reside, and from thenoe 

» Stay. 

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ess HISTOBY OF ALKWtCK. 

to remove to the oastle of Alnirick, as the infeotioiiB or infinnities 
there ahall ceasOi and the occasions occaxrexit shall require."* 

Sir Ralph Eure, a distinguished soldier^ had possession of 
Alnwick and Warkworth Castles for the king in 1545. In 
the preceding year he had made an inroad into Scotland^ and 
in the most ruthless manner plundered and burnt Jedburgh^ 
Kelso, and manj other places. The State Papers tell us^ 
that in this raid 19S towns^ towers, stedes, bamekyns, 
parish-churches, bastel-houses, were siezed and destroyed, 
that 400 Scots were slain and 816 taken prisoners, and that 
3386 nolto, 12,492 sheep, 1S96 nags and geldings, 200 gayts, 
850 boUs of com, and a great quantity of insight gear were 
carried off. These devastations were committed chiefly in 
Teviotdale and in the Merse of Berwickshire. A more 
extensive enterprise was made in 1545, under the command 
of Sir Ralph Eure and Sir Brian Laiton ; but a small body 
of Scots, under the command of the earl of Angus, signally 
defeated the English at Ancrum Moor, slaying both of the 
English leaders and 800 men, and taking 1000 prisoners. 

The protector of the realm the duke of Somerset^ in his 
route northward to war against the Scots, '*lay on the night 
of the 29th of August, 1547, in Alnwyke Castle," then held 
by Sir Robert Bowes, lord warden of the Middle Marches ; 
** good cheer welcomed him there ; in the provision whereof 
a man might note great cost and diligence and the spending 
of a liberal heart.'* The English army would pass through 
Alnwick two days afterwards. On the 10th of the following 
month the battle of Pinkie was fought, when the Scots were 
signally defeated, their loss being estimated &om ten to four- 
teen thousand men.f The hero of the day was the earl of 
Warwick, lieutenant-general of the English forces, who dis- 
played great courage and skill. Not long afterwards, he 
became connected with Alnwick as warden general of the 
Marches; and on the 11th of Octol>er, 1551, he was, by 
Edward VI, created duke of Northumberland, the first who 
bore that title; an ambitious, unscrupulous, and unprincipled 
man he was, but yet able and courageous. His powers as 
warden were great, and he vigorously exercised them to 
remedy the ews which afflicted the liorders. He made a 
careful survey of the Marches, and personally presided over 
the Warden Courts held at Alnwick, Newcastle, and Car- 
lisle. Many new and stringent regulations were introduced 

• State Paper, YoL Y, p. 299. f Patten^ Expedition, p. 28. 

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STATE OF THIS BOBBEllS. SS5 

« 

to redress disorders^ and a complete system of watch and 
ward was adopted for the more effectual defence of the 
borders. He appointed as his deputy Lord Wharton, who 
was experienced in border affairs, and whose residence at 
this period was usually at Alnwick Castle. 

In the reign of Queen Mary, Thomas Percy, the seventh 
earl was warden-general, jointly with Lord Wharton. In a 
letter from Alnwick Castle, on 6th August, 1557, Sir Henry 
Percy describes a raid into Scotland to avenge a Scottish 
inroad by Lord James Murray. 

^' It may please," he says, " your good lordship to understand 
that upon my repair to Alnwick, sundry gentlemen of this 
country, with many honest men of the same, repaired thiiher 
unto me, with whom I travelled till Wednesday at night last, in 
such sort, as we were suffered to take very little rest either by 
night or day ; but by the more part of nights and days on horse- 
back attended the invasion of the enemy. And for the better 
resistance lihereof^ placed myself, and my company, nigh to the 
frontiers, as at Eshngtone and other places uiereabouts ; and 
yesterday, being the 5th of this instant, about five of the dock 
in the morning, Lord James and others of Scotland, with all the 
poww they could make in three days assembly of men from 
Edinburgh hitherward, and with certain pieces of ordnance, did 
invade on the East March of this realm ; minded, as I learned by 
credible intelligence, to have attempted to win the castle of 
Ford, and have burnt sundry towns mereabouts, called the Ten 
Towns of OlendaU ; which their purpose, upon my repab towards 
them, with a ^ood number of gentlemen, and others of this 
country, they did quite alter and change. And after they had 
burnt a house or two, in the town of Fenton, where was taken 
and wounded to death, as is supposed, one of their best borderers 
and ffoides, Bichard Davyson, with great haste and more fear 
(as by plucking off and leaving a great number of white 
crosses, and the smaU spoil, or prey of cattle by them seized, 
did appear) departed home into Scotland before we could in order 
eome to them ; which considered, by the discreet advice of the 
^^entlemen, I did enterprise to invade the countiy of the Marched 
in Scotland, where we burnt sixteen towns, ana won a booty or 
spoil of 280 neat and 1000 sheep, besides many hotses, and some 
pdsoners." 

During the remainder of the reign of Mary queen of Eng'' 
land, border warfare never ceased. The earl of Noi'thiim-' 
berland was repeatedly engaged in it ; but Sir Henry Percy 
his brother achieved great distinction, by his activity and 
courage, rivalling in some degree the fame of his ancestor, 
the renowned Hotspur. 

2h 



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284 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Robert Cary^ earl of Monmouth ^ warden of the Middle 
Marches during the latter days of Queen Elizabeth, removed 
his wife, children, and household to Alnwick Abbey — the 
house in which Sir John Forster lived when he was warden. 
He kept in his own stable forty good horse and good men 
able to ride them. 

Alnwick in 1567 witnessed many bloody executions. Mr. 
William Drury writes to Sir Nicholas Throgmorton on the 
Srd of November, 1567 : — ^^ A secret journey by the regent 
against the thieves of Liddesdale, which was put into execu- 
tion at Alnwick last market day ; he took 36, whereof 13 
were presently hanged, 9 drowned, and 14 taken prisoners, 
but the laird of Ormiston and John of the Park escaped."* 

A few extracts relating to the district around Alnwick 
from ^'A Booke of the Losses of the Middle Marches of 
England by the Scotts Theeves, presented at Alnwick 16 
April, 1586," still further illustrate the miserable condition 
of the borders at this period. 

'' The names of those towns and villages that have been most 
spoiled in this time of Peace ; and all or the most part of them 
are within six miles of Sir John Forster's dwelling house^ and 
within his office: — ^Lowicke, New Bewicke, Estlill^me, Wener- 
don, Bosden, Elderton, Ingaram, Brandon, Benelye, Fawdon, 
Glanton, Grange, Lurchild, Lamedon, Awberwick, Tingle, Shil- 
bottle, Shelldikes, Glantles, Whyttle, Buston, Br^ewioke, 
Ouisons, Horslye, Scranwoode, Noralhurse, Netherton, Trughett, 
Warton, Wrefi^hille, Alname, Felton, Alnwiohe Park, CoUedge 
Park, lUdsdaue and Tindaile, Bothbuiy, and all the Country 
besides." " Goodfl taken out of the lordship of Bewick by the 
Soots. East lilbome, 16 horse and mares, 42 kyne and oxen, 
840 sheep, twenty marks worth of household stuff. Old Bewicke, 
18 horse and mares, 42 oxen and kyne, 800 sheep, and twenty 
marks worth of insight. New Bewicke, 18 horse and mares, 30 
oxen and kyne, 260 sheep, and insight worth twenty marks. 
Waperden, 23 horse and mares, 71 kyne and oxen, 340 sheep. 
Eglmgham, 15 kyne and oxen, 6 horse and mares, 40 sheep, 
insight woiih £5.^' Similar losses were sustained at Branton, 
Hedgelye, and other places. But not only were the people 
robbed and snoiled by the Scots, but also by their own land- 
lords ; the following is a singular case : — ''In most lamentable 
wise complaining, John Neale, of Elderton, hath dwelt two years 
by past in Eldeiton, upon lands there in the government and 
rule of one Bobert Bodhame, of little Howghton, gentleman, 
and his rent and service for his tenement paid, yet so it is, that 

• CaL of State Papers, Vol. XIV, No. 92 B. 



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STATE OF THB BORDERS. 235 

the wife of the said Eodhame came with two servants and eight 
Scotsmen, presently come forth of Scotland for that purpose, and 
then and there has forceablj and violently cast your poor sup- 
pliant, his wife and children, and goods out of door, and hath 
imprisoned two of the children in the Tower, and hath put in 
and planted five Scotsmen in Elderton." Whether redress was 
given does not appear. 

We close our illustrations of this abnormal condition of 
the borders with some statements from a letter of Sir William 
Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, dated January, 1596. The distressed 
people are represented as in despair and the country miserable 
from the horrible murders committed and the incorrigible 
pride and disobedience of the ravenous malefactors ; touch- 
ing murders^ he cannot yet come to the certain number — ^but 
they be great — the manner horrible, killing men in their 
beds ; he takes it Bucklughe will be found guilty of murders 
above twenty, Sir Robert Carre about sixteen ; the Bournes 
and Younges, followers of Carre, in revenge of their feud for 
one of their name chanceably slain by Sir Cuthbert CoUing- 
wood's man rescuing from him a poor man's goods, have 
since murdered thirty-five Collingwoods.* The value of the 
spoils committed in the marches by the Scots since 1587 
amounted to £92,989 16s. Id.f And yet these enormities 
occurred in the days of the " Good Queen Bess ;" wonder 
it is, that, amid such fiery eruptions and destructive lava 
streams, there should have been anv population or cultivation 
of soil, or other industrial pursuit in the border land. 

The Warden Courts were abolished, by act of parliament, 
after the two nations were under one king, in the 5th year 
of the reign of James I. ; and criminals on both sides of the 
borders were afterwards to be dealt with by the counties in 
which they resided. This act was strongly opposed by the 
people of Northumberland and Cumberland. Great, indeed, 
was the benefit resulting from the cessation of border war- 
fare ; before the accession of James I., the estates of Lord 
Grey, of Wark, produced only £1000 yearly; but not long 
after that event, their annual value increased to £7000. 

« From Lamidown MSS. 
t BaiDe'B North DorLam, p. xxxti, zUi 



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CHAPTER XIV. 

THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONT, 
FEOM 1360 TO 1600. 

UOBZraE TO WALL THE TOWN— CHABTEE OP HENKY VI. — ^BONBGATB 
TOWER— OLATPOET TOWEE — STEEETS — POPULATION OP THE 
TOWN— OWNERS OP PEOPEETT — THE QEBTS— OLD BXJILDINOS^ 
HAHB8 OP THE INHABITANTS, 1474 — ^TEADB — EXPORTS — ALN- 
XOXTTH POET, BUEGAQES, OHXTEOH — ^ALNWIOK CASTLE — BARONIAL 
OPFI0EE8 — OOURTS — SVEYET OP ALNWICK IN 1 569 — BTJEOBS8E8— 
PBEEHOLDBBS — 00PYH0LDER8 — ^PBUDAL 0HAEQB8— KIHARAOTEB 
OP THE 00PTH0LDBR8 — WILLS — MELVILLE AT ALNWICK — 
WILLIAK DE ALNWICK, BISHOP OP LINCOLN. 

Some little time before the death of the sixth Earl Percy, 
Henry the YIII. had severed the connection of England 
with the pope of Rome. This formed an era in the history 
of the nation even greater than those arising from changes 
of dynasty or constitution. Our last chapter on border law 
and its results presented pictures of the state of the district ; 
but before entering on the history of the seventh earl, we 
may gather up other fragments, more particularly illustrative 
ot the condition of the town, the castle, and the barony from 
1S60 to 1600. 

Prior to the middle of the fifteenth century, Alnwick waa 
an unwalled town, open to the attacks of enemies, from 
which it often suffered. However sufficient the strong 
defences of the castle may have been for the protection of 
those sheltered within its walls, they could not adequately 
protect the town itself, which bad been ransacked and burnt 
in 1420 and at other times by the Scots. An open town, 
however, could not be fortified without royal authority; but, 
on account of the danger to which Alnwick was exposed 
from the Scots, Henry VI., in 1433, granted a license to 
enclose, wall, and embattle it ; the following is a translation 
of this license : — 



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THB TOWN, CASTIiB^ AND BARONY. 837 

''For enoloiring, walling, and embailiing tlie town of Alnswyk. 
Tho kkig to all to vrhom ftc., greeting, know ye that we^ in oonaiderationy 
tliat the town of Alnewvk, in the oonnty of Northnmberlancl, ixpoa the 
majTchee and frontiers of »x>tland, lies open and so dangerously, tiiat & g^Mt 
pait of the same town has been very lately burnt by our enemies the Soots, 
naye, by the adTioe and consent of our council, granted license to our right 
dear oousin, Henry, earl of Northumberland, lord of the said town and of the 
castle there, and to the Burgesses of the same town, their heirs and snccessorSy 
that the aforesaid may be authorised lawfully to enclose the said town of 
Alnewyk and wall around the whole of the aforesaid town, and embattle and 
macfaiolate the walls of the same town, and also make and order any other 
de&nces whatsoever around or upon those walls, free from any hixidrance 
whatsoever towards tbe said earl or burgesses, tbeir heirs or executors, by us 
our heirs or any of our ministers or officers, being made for the future. In 
testimony whereof witness the king at Westminster on the first of June. 

By writ of Privy Seal." 

Patent Bdls, Hen. YI., p. 1 n 6. 

It has been commonly represented that^ soon afterwards^ 
the earl of Northumberland erected the walls of the town ; 
this, however, is a myth, for little indeed he seems to have 
contributed to a work so important to the safety of the 
inhabitants, when border warfare was raging. The burden 
fell mainly on the burgesses and commonalty, who were 
poor enough in tbese evil times; hence for want of means the 
fortifying of the town made slow progress, and half a century 
elapsed before it was completed. Still unwalled was the 
town in 1448, when it was again burnt by the Scots. Three 
documents, preserved in the corporation archives, throw light 
on the means used to accomplish the work. 

One is a petition to the king from the burgesses and 
commonalty, stating that the walling of the town has been 
begun, but for want of funds could not be finished, and 
»raying that a license might be granted without a fee. The 
ibllowing is a copy of this petition : — 

" To the Icing our Sovereign Lord, 
Humble beseecheth your highnesse, your humble and trew liM^emen, the 
Burges and comynalte of the Towne of Alnewik in the Counte ofNorthum- 
breland ; foraamuche as the said towne is adjoynant to the marches of Scot- 
land, and no towne is betwene the said marches and the New Castell upon 
Tyne, by the wiche your liege people, inhabitants in thocs partyes, may be 
releved or sooowred in tyme of dist^sse made by the Scotts, and likely daily 
to be made herafter, for their resistance ia that behalf not onely to their grete 
hurts and losses, but also to the grete prejudise of this your Bcaume ; for 
i^uoh causes it hath late pleased your saide highnesse to license the said 
towne to be dosed, walled and embattled ; the wiche werke by force thereof 
your said liegemen have late begun, and the which without grete and notable 
somes of money cannot be fimsshed ; And impossable for them to bare with- 
outen your goode graic be shewed unto them in that behalve, please it therfore 
the same your hygnesse, of your moste bounteous graic in tender consideration 
of the premisses, to grante to theym, by way of your moste plenteful almee, 
your said Ucense under your grete seal, m due fourme to be mayd and 
delivBrod to theym, withouten any fee or fees therfore in eny wise to be 



I 



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238 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

yonen or yolden, and that this bille, signed with your moste gracienx hande, 
may he asewel sufficient warant unto your chancellor of luigland for the 
making up and ensealing of the said license, as unto the clerc of your 
hanapier for the delivering unto theym of the same ; and they all shall ever 
pray for the prosperous confirmation of your moste noble and royal estate." 

To this petition there is no date, and even the name of the 
king to whom it was presented is not mentioned. From 
another document, it appears that Edward IV. as well as 
Henry VI. granted a license to wall the town ; and, there- 
fore, the petition may have been presented to either of these 
sovereigns ; the date would be between the years 1440 and 
and 1470. 

The second corporate muniment, entitled " Letters Patent 
from Henry VI. ;" besides referring to the walling of the 
town, contains other information, even of more interest, 
respecting the state of the town. This charter was granted 
at Bamburgh, on the 9th of April, in the forty-second year 
of his reign, and attached to it is his great seal. At this 
time, Henry VI. had been brought into Northumberland to 
join his adherents, who were again endeavouring to restore 
him to power ; but the battles of Hedgeley Moor and Hex- 
ham, fought on the 25th of April and 15th of May, 1452, 
blighted and withered the red rose of England. This charter 
sets forth, that the burgesses of Alnwick had shewn to the 
king, that they had within the preceding three years been 
robbed and spoiled by rebels, and their goods, houses, and 
mansions burnt and destroyed ; he grants to them a free 
port at Alnmouth, and the privilege of shipping and sending 
away wool, wool-fels, hides, fish, and coals to other ports, 
both in and beyond the kingdom ; and he further grants to 
them, for thirty years, £20 out of the customs and subsidies, 
payable on account of the wool, wool-fels, hides, coals, and 
fish, in relief of the depredation which the burgesses had 
suffered ; and also to make the port of Alnmouth and toaU 
the toum of Alnwick and repair the parish church there ; 
he grants further, that officers of the customs, controllers, 
searchers, and weighers of wool shall be continually in the 
town and port ; and that two fairs shall be held yearly in 
Alnwick, one at the feast of the Saints Philip and James, 
for eight days, and the other at the feast of Saint Lucy, for 
eight days, and a weekly market on Wednesday, and freedom 
from all tolls or other charges. 

The following is a translation of this charter : — 

'' Henry,' by the grace of God, King of England and France and Lord of 
Ireland, To all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting, Enow ye, 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 

that wlieieas our humble and &ithful lieges, the BurgeflseB of Alnewyk have 
represented to ns, how they, within the laist three Tears past, have by our 
rebels, at different times, been robbed and spoiled of all their moveable goods, 
and their houses and mansions have been burnt, broken down and wasted, to 
their final destruction, unless we give them relief in this behalf. Wherefore 
they have besought us, that we would vouchsafe to grant to them the privi- 
leffes, Hoenses and franchises underwritten for their relief. ^ 

We, considering the premises and their petition aforesaid, and on'^this 
behalf &Yourably inclined, have, of our special grace, granted to the aforesaid 
Burg^esses and their successors to make and establish for ever a free port, in 
such place or places in Alnemouthe in the county of Northumberland, as to 
them and to every of them may be most expedient and available ; and that 
the said port may be to them and to every of them, as free in all conditions 
rules and government, as any other iport within our realm of England. And 
further, the said burgesses and their successors may have, by the tenor of 
these presents, Hcense at all convenient and suitable times, to ship, load and 
unload, in Ihe said port of Alnemouthe, wools, skins, wool-fels and hides 
accruing between the Blithe and the Twede, and coals and fish. And the 
said Burgesses or any of them, or their successors, their agents, or^ attorneys, 
the said wools, skins, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish so uippeid and loaded, 
may carry beyond the said port of Alnemouthe to such port or ports in district 
or districts, country or foreign countries, or any other land or country beyond 
our kingdom, and out as weU beyond our jurisdiction as within it ; and with 
the said wooIIb, skins, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish, they may pass, without 
any restriction, arr^ trouble, or impediment from us any of our officers 
whomsoever, provided always, that the said Burgesses and their successors, 
agents or atbomeys may not carry any merchandise beyond the said port 
to any of our rebels or enemies, without our Hcense^ under penalty of forfeiture 
of the same. 

And besides, of our special grace, we have granted to the said Burgesses 
and their successors, for the term of thirty vears next following, to pay onlv 
for the custom and subsidies of one sack of wool, shipped in the said port, 
thirteen shilling and fourpence sterling, and of one hundred skins of wool-fels 
shipped there six shillings and eightpence sterling, and of one last* of hides 
of the said growth shipped there six shillings ana eightpence sterling : And 
that the said Burgesses and their successors may have power by the tenor of 
these presents to ship and load, within the said port annually, as many wools, 
sldns, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish, whereof the customs and subsidies thence 
due may reach the sum of twenty pounds, without paying anything in respect 
thereof to us or our heirs, during the said term of thirty years, in relief of Uie 
depredations suffered by the said Burgesses, and to the town of Alnewick 
above specified, and towards the expenses of making the said port, and of the 
walling of the same town, and towards the making and repair of the parish 
church in the same place. 

And further, of our special grace, we have granted to the said Burgesses, 
that they and their successors may have within the said town of Alnewick 
customers, comptrollers, searchers, and weighers for our use, and for the use 
of the said port, there dwelling continually in manner and form, as the town 
and Burgesses of Berwick lately had by our grant. 

And further, of our special grace, we have granted to the aforesaid Burgesses 
and their successors for ever to hold and keep two fairs annually in the said 
town of Alnewick, at two different times of the year, to wit, the first of the 
said two fairs to begin on the feast of the Saints Philip and James, and so to 
last and continue for eight davs then next following ; and the other of the 
said two furs to bejgin on the feast of Saint Lucy thence next following, and 
BO to last and continue for eight days thence next following ; so that these 
fiurs be not to the injury of the neighbouring fairs ; And that our Uoges of 

* A last consists of ten dosen. 



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240 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

every kind, of irbateoever condition or oonditioiis tiiey maybe or eny of tliam 
may be, may freely oome to both of the aforesaid fidrs, ana abide there dnxin^ 
the term above specified for both of the aforesaid ism ; And that our siad 
lieges and every one of them may have a free retam and passage to snoh place 
or plaMS, ooimtry or countries, as they intend and propose going or nding 
to, without any arrest, imprisonment, or disturbance, unpediment or vexa- 
tion bcnng made towards or npon them or any of them by mayors, aheriifli^ 
escheators, constables, bailifb or any of them or any other officer, or officers 
for dealing with all manner of actions or demands of whatsoever nature or 
conditions they may be ; Bioters or disturbers of the said two fiurs, or any 
person or persons coming to these fEuzs and dwelling there, and returning hem. 
both of them excepted. 

And- besides, of our special grace, we have panted to the aforesaid B u r ge ss e s 
and their successors for ever a free market, m the said town of Alnewrk on 
Wednesday weekly, to hold and to keep, for ever^ description of our lieges, 
to have ana to carry there every kind of merohandue and victuals, according 
to the manner and custom of any of the best and freest maiket within the 
county of Northumberland, to be used or begun so, that this market be not 
to the hurt of the neighbouring markets. 

And fro^er, of our abundant grace, we grant to the aforesaid Burgeasee 
and their sUocessors and to every ot them for ever, that they be quit and free 
from the payment of all kinds of tolls, or of other customs, used in any 
market, frir, passage, or an^ other place within our realm of England, as well 
within liberties and frandnses as beyond. In testimony whereof, we have 
oansed these our letters to be made patent, witness myself at our castle of 
Bambuxirh, the ninth day of April in the 4^id year of our reign. 

NAYLER 
by the King himself and the afooresaid date by auAhoiity of Parliament." 

William de Alnwick, bishop of Norwich, who seems to 
haye looked with kindness on his native town, gaye help to 
the burgesses at this critical period ; for in his will, which 
was proved at Lambeth in 1449, he left ten pounds for the 
walling of the town, and ten pounds for the building (or 
restoration) of the church. Still, however, as appears from 
the third corporate document, the walling of the town was 
not completed even in 1473. '^ Letters Patent to gather a 
collection for building the town wall against the Scots," 
dated February, 1478, were addressed by the burgesses 
and commonalty of the town of Alnwick to all the sonn 
of the Holy Mother Church ; they state that Edward IV. 
had granted a license to embattle the town, that the 
work had been begun, but could not be completed without 
aid from others, and that John Faterson and Thomas Cirswell 
had been by them appointed to collect alms and assistance 
for the work. The following is a translation of this docu- 
ment: — 

«To an the sons of onr holy mother Chnch to whom and to whose know- 
ledge the present letters shall come. The Burgesses and commonalty of the 
town of Alnewyk, in the^ connty of Northmnberland, Greeting, in Hiim by 
whom kings reign and princes role ; Whereas Uie proTinoe of Northmnber- 
land, by the loss of the town of Benrick-on-Tweed and of the Castle of 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE^ AND BARONT. S41 

Bokeeborgh, is greatly impoverished and weakened; and no walled town or 
BoTOugli from the town of Newcastle upon Tyne to Scotland, for the safe 
custody and defence of the said proTince, now remains or exists ; The most 
excellent and Clmstian prince Edward the fourth b^ the grace of God King 
of England and France and Lord of Ireland, in consideration of the premiBee, 
for the advantage of his realm of England, and the i)reservation oi the pro- 
vince aforesaid, and for safe guard and defence of its inhabitants of the same 
hath given and granted license to wall, fortify, and embattle the said town of 
Alnewy k ; whi(£. work indeed is now begun, but cannot be completed without 
great and notable sums, which we the aforesaid Burgesses and Commonalty 
are not able to bear nor are worth, unless we are helped in this matter by l^e 
luthAil of Christ and the devoted to God of their chari^ to us : Know there- 
fore, that we the aforesaid Burgesses and Commonalty, by a unanimous assent 
and consent have ordained, constituted, and in our place put, our beloved in 
Christ, John Paterson and Thomas CirseweU, our true and lawful procten 
and special messengers, jointly and severaJly, to collect and receive the alms, 
snbsi^es, and other charitable gifts of the faithful of Christ, through tfa^ 
whole realm of England, for the public good of the same, and for the preser- 
vation of the said province by the same work, given or to be given, bequeathed 
or to be bequeathed, assigned or to be assigned, in places exempted and not 
exempted, and to do all other things in this afiair as we ourselves might have 
done had we personally been present. Holding ratified confirmed and allowed 
all and everything the aforesaid John Paterson and Thomas shall in our name 
do, or either of t^em shall do, in the premises. In testimony whereof, the 
Common Seal of the aforesaid town of Alnewyk is put to these presents. 
Given the first day of the month of Febniarv in the thirteenth year of the 
reign of the aforesaid Lord King Edward the fourth, after the Conquest of 
England.'' 

No reference, it will be observed, is made in any of the 
documents to help received from the earls of Northumberland. 
Soon after this, however, the town was surrounded by a wall; 
and the four entrances were defended by strong towers ; one 
was on the south at Bondgate, another on the south-west at 
Clayport, another on the west at Potterffate, and the fourth 
on the north at Narrowgate. One only of these ancient 
towers remains, that of Bondgate, which has erroneously 
been called Hotspur's Tower ; for while no part of the walls 
or towers could have been erected before 1488, Hotspur was 
slain in the year 1403. 

This well-built tower is still in a pretty eood state of preser- 
vation. It has three stories, with an arched gateway, above 
which, on the outside, was the Brabant lion sculptured in 
relief on a recessed panel, but now so worn and defaced by 
time, as to be scarcely traceable. Semi-octagonal towers 
project on each side of the gateway, to give it additional 
protection ; and on the top of the tower are three corbels to 
support wooden erections, from which to annoy besieging 
enemies. All the windows in the outside wall looking south- 
ward are long narrow openings ; but the upper windows in 
the Borth wall, looking into the town, are larger and divided 
by muUions. Erected not earlier than 1450, it is possible 

2i 



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S42 HISTOBT OF ALKWJCK. 

that this tower may be the work of the second Earl Percy, 
because impressed with one of his badges. In 1557 it is 
described ^' of thre houshe height besyd the batilment and 
fftire turrett ; yt ys covered with leade which ys in greate 
decaye as also the roof of woode ;" it was then in charge of 
the bailiff of the borough^ who, under colour of keeping it 
for prisoners, used it as a granary for com. Some forty years 
ago, there were portions of the walls 'on both sides of the 
tower, through which were narrow portals for foot passengers. 
It seems to have been in the possession of the corporation in 
the seventeenth and part of the eighteenth century; they 
occasionally repaired it ; and as a prison it was sometimes 
used ; but it now belongs to the duke of Northumberland.* 

Utilitarians complain that this ancient gatewav is a nuis- 
ance, and would have it taken down, because it is not large 
enough to allow a free passage to large vehicles, such as 
caravans; this. However, is but a trifling inconvenience, 
which might be remedied at no great cost, by widening for 
a short distance, the road leading firom Bondgate to Clayport. 
Earnestly do we hope that this brave old tower may be care- 
fully preserved ; it is the last important relic of the ancient 
fortifications of the town ; and though grim and weather- 
worn, it is nevertheless a picturesque object, stirring up 
ancient memories of brave men and heroic deeds, which 
throw a glory around the town, and possessing an interest, 
not only to the inhabitants but to strangers who come from a 
distance. "Look at the tint upon the tower'* says Mr. F. R, 
Wilson in his Poetry of English Masonry y "as deep sombre 
threatening as that of a thunder cloud. Then look at the 
stones. Hu^e blocks they are, with the jointings deeply 
recessed, leaving the edges standing out in rough lines of 
li^hxr— Plate VII. 

Clayport Tower, which defended the western entrance of the 
town, was larger than that of Bondgate, but similar in form, 
style, and masonry. It belonged to the corporation ; indeed, 
it is reasonable to suppose, that most part, if not all, of the 
towers and walls belonged to the town, since they had been 

* On Angatt the 2iid, 1728, there were paid Is. for a warrant against Gilbert 
Carr, Ss. 6d. for the constable to carry him to goal, and Is. for a lock to Bondgate 
Tower ; next year, lOd. is paid for another lock ; in 1740, 2s. 4d. for a stock 
lock ; in 1752, some of Bland's dragoons were kept prisoners in Bondgate Tower^ 
and payments are made for straw and a strong hang-lock ; and in 1755, straw 
was again supplied to six deserters who were confined there. — Cbf^poro^iofi 
Aficomtt. 



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THB TOWN^ GASTLB^ AND BAEONT. 248 

chiefly erected under the direction of the burgesses and by 
funds collected by them. On the 13th of January^ 16S3, it 
was " ordered and agreed upon by the Chamberlaynes the 
xxiiij and the Comon Guild that every freeman of the Towne 
shall pay iiij^ a yeare towards the repayreing of Pottergate 
towre and Claporte towre." There were several chambers 
in this tower^ in which the companies or incorporated trades 
held their meetings. In 1709, ^4t was agreed by the Cham- 
berlains and four and Twenty that the Taylors is to have the 
new chamber in Clayport Tower, they haviog paid 40s. for 
making of itt, and that there shall be Liberty for any other 
Trade to goe in and through the same room to any other 
room that shall happen to be built or made." After the 
erection of the Tolbooth in the market, this tower ceased to 
be used as a place of meeting. Subsequently the lower part 
was a work or poor house ; but falling into a state of decay, 
the paupers were removed from it in 1786. The upper 
rooms were occupied by weavers. There was a narrow outlet 
through the wall on the south side ; but the portal on the 
north was so wide as to admit the passage of a cart, which, 
however, was prevented by a turn-stile. On the south side 
of the gateway was an arched recess over the Tower Well. 
To improve the western entrance of the town, this tower was 
entirely removed in 1804, and the old materials, which were 
sold for £43, were applied to the building of the Union 
Court in Clayport Street. The site of the tower is indicated 
by four squared stones marked with the letter T. 

Close to the tower on the north side, stood " The Little 
House," or " House on the Wall," as it was called, which 
belonged to the corporation, and was let in 1736 for 2s. 6d. 
yearly; this too was removed in 1794 — a poor place — ^the 
materials of which sold for only £3 9s. 6d. Some quaint 
old houses covered with thatch adjoined it — so old looking, 
that they may have been co-eval with the tower ; and when 
in 1819 they were taken down, the site of the House on the 
Wall was let for ninety-nine years at a yearly rent of twenty- 
one shillings to the owner of these old houses ; and the space 
was included in the new houses which were then built. 

Pottergate Tower, which defended the north-west entrance, 
was purchased by the corporation in 1630 ; and a new tower 
built on its site. The fourth tower was at the north end of 
Narrowgate; and on its site stands the last house of that 
street, projecting beyond the line of the next house, which 
is the first in Bailiffgate. 



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M4t HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

The walls of the town were 20| feet in height and 6 feet 
in thickness. I shall endeavour to trace them. From Bond' 
gate Tower they ran in a southerly direction nearly in a line 
with the modem Hotspur Street^ and thence westwards along 
Greenbat, bending at Monkhouae Square to Clayport Tower, 
and thence northward following the line of Infirmary Street 
to Pottergate Tower, and thence down the hill along the 
south side of the modem Northumberland Street, a distance 
of about ninety yards ; here, in the under part of a garden 
wall, portions of the old town wall are standing, forty yards in 
length and in some parts five feet in height ; a comer tower 
seems to have stood here, the remains of which project a 
little beyond the line of the wall, the masonry being similar in 
character to that of Bondgate Tower. At this point, the 
wall made an abmpt change in its direction, and ran south- 
ward to Narrowgate Tower. This is corroborated by the old 
deeds of the brick house, the second in Narrowgate Street, 
formerly in possession of the Forsters; for in 1612 and 
1616 it was boundered on the north by a vennell, (that is 
a narrow or straight way,) called the Kirk-way ; so that at 
this time there had been a road leading towards the church, 
either by the side of the wall or over its ruins. In 1628, 
this lane, " commonly called " it is stated, '* the Church 
Lane," was sold for twenty shillings ; and both the lord of 
the manor and the corporation had claims over it; for a 
reserved rent of fourpence yearly was payable to each. The 
wall continued from Narrowgate Tower m an easterly direc- 
tion, at a little distance from the castle, towards the Bow-burn 
—the Castle Moat. It is doubtful whether any wall ran on 
that side of the town boundered by this bum ; probably, the 
castle and the moat formed there a sufficient defence ; but 
the wall on the south-east side would connect the moat with 
Bondgate Tower. One burgage is said to be boundered by 
the Castle Close; and another by the Castle Moat. The 
circumference of the walled town was about one mile. 

After the cessation of border warfare, on the accession of 
James of Scotland to the English throne, these fortifications 
were no longer necessary ; and hence they were neglected 
and fell into ruin ; the wall would be a quarry where the 
burgesses would find stones for the erection and repair of 
their houses. Still a considerable part of these fortifications 
appears to have been in existence in 1681, when Thoresby 
in his wanderings says — '^ to Morpeth and after a short stay 
there, over the moors to Alnwick, an ancient fortified town, 
with a curious castle and an old walV^ 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONT. 245 

Since Alnwick was surrounded with a wall, it has not 
glreatly increased in size. It had then all the principal 
streets ; there were the Market Place ; Bondgate, where the 
early holders of bond tenures dwelt; Narrowgate, the Narrow 
Street; Pottergate, which bore the name of Barresdale; 
Fenkle, the Comer Street ; Paikes Street or Hole, leading 
from the Market to Bondgate ; Walkergate, though without 
the walls formed part of the borough, for here dwelt the 
members of the incbrporated company of Walkers or Fullers 
near to the river. Bailiffgate, or properly Baileygate, now 
occupied the site of the bailey outside of the castle, but 
its northern side was not considered within the borough ; 
Canongate, or Canonsgate its ancient name, though adjoining 
Alnwick, had, under the fostering care of the abbey, sprung 
up as a distinct township and manor with a court of its own. 
Houses too had been built beyond the walls on the south 
side ; for in " The Red Book of Alnwick," there is an entry 
in 148S of a payment of 8d. yearly for a burgage, held by 
Matthew Bell in Bondgate, beyond the tower.* 

Though the old town was not greatly different from the 
present in extent, yet its population was considerably less. 
Most of the houses appear to have been small and low; many 
of one storey only, and few, if any, with more than two. 
The low thatched single storied house near the north end of 
Bondgate may be taken as a type of the dismal shabby 
dwellings of this period. Gardens and crofts were, however, 
attached to most of them; and the land of the parish was gener- 
ally distributed among the burgesses, many of whom carried 
on agricultural operations. In recent times, several of these 
gardensand crofts have been converted into building sites. The 
records of the Augmentation Office, relating to the Alnwick 
Chantry, state that in 1545 — ^^ there is of Houseing people 
in Alnwick 1500, within the same parishe." This has been 
mistaken for the entire population ; but Houseing or Hotose- 
lynge peopUy were persons who were of age to communicate 
at the eucharist, and included all above sixteen years of age. 
The term seems to come from husltan, Anglo-Saxon, to give 
or receive the sacrrftaent; eighteen hundred hauselj/nye people 
addressed a letter in 1553 to Lord Cromwell ; in a tract of 
the fifteenth century on general confession at Easter, we 
have '^ all that sail be howsyllyt at this messe knele down 
on your kneys and saye."t Assuming that the houseing 

• North. Mem., II., p. 157. f Cat Vet Dunclm , p. 195. 

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246 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

people would be about two-thirds of the population^ we have 
therefore^ 2^250 as the entire population of Alnwick Parish 
in 1545. Since then three hundred and twenty years have 
gone by; and^ during that long period^ the increase has been 
three and a quarter times, giving an annual increase of only 
sixteen persons — a very slow progress. Relatively, however, 
the town at this early period was important ; Gateshead then 
had only lOOQ; Barnard Castle, 1017; Morpeth, 1150; the 
great town of Sunderland, which now numbers 68,000, had 
then only 1000 howseling people. Some places now insigni- 
ficant had then a considerable population ; Widdrington had 
1020, Warkworth 900, and Rothbury also 900 hotoeeUng 
people. 

A few references there are in the public records to persons 
holding property in Alnwick during this period. Some time 
prior to 1400, the distinguished family of Grey, renowned in 
early times for its warriors and in more recent tmxes for its orators 
and statesmen, was connected with Alnwick by holding property 
there, consisting of two tenements and fifteen acres of land, of 
which Sir Thomas Grey was then possessed. He was also the 
owner of "Wark Castle and Manor, of Straidland, of messuages 
and lands lying in the fields of Bamburgh, of HawkhiU, Middle- 
ton, Eworth, Doddington, Earl, the half of Reaveley Manor, the 
third part of Caldmerton, of Howick, lands in Kilham, Presson, 
and messuages in Newcastle. He was cousin of Henry Percy, 
son of the renowned Hotspur, and was bom in the middle ^te 
of Alnwick Castle, on the doth of March, 1384, and was baptized 
on the same day in Alnwick Church, swathed in a scarlet doth 
and wearing round his waist a gilded zone. He rose to distinc- 
tion, and was trusted ; but along with the earl of Cambridge and 
Lord Scrope he conspired against his sovereign, for the purpose 
of raising Edmund, earl of March, to the throne. The conspirators 
were executed ; and Sir Thomas Grey's head was placed on the 
tower of Newcastle "to be a spectacle of terror to all beholders." 
The Alnwick property afterwards passed to Sir William Grey in 
1422, and then to Sir Balph Grey, who, in 1463, was beheaded 
at Doncaster for adherence to the house of Lancaster. His wife 
Jaquetta held the Alnwick property in 1470. 

At an earlier period still the Greys obtained Howick. Li 1289 
it was held by Kobert Montalaunt and William Bibaud ; but 
John Montalaunt, who seems to have been the son of Bobert, 
took part with the Scots rebels against his own country, and his 
estates were forfeited. To Sir Thomas Grey, who was a distin- 
guished warrior and was supposed to be the writer of the Scaia 
Chronica^ Edward II. panted in 1 31 8 in fee one hundred and eight 
acres of land and six husbandlands in Howick, in the barony of 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 247 

Alirwioki and the vill of Qhevington, which belonged to John 
Mountalaunt, lately an adherent of the Soots.* l^ese properties 
still belong to the illustrious house of Grey. 

John 'V\^ndout, owner of the manor of Hibburne, of lands in 
Newton on the Sea, in Earl, East Ditohbum, and EUins^ham, 
had in 1378 a messuage in Alnwick, which descended to his son, 
and thence to Robert Hibburne ; it was in 1448 in possession of 
Agnes, wife of Robert Hibburne. 

Alan de Strother and Alice Syward held lands in Alnwick 
from 1372 to 1392. 

Sir Alan Hetion, the owner of Chillingham Castle and Manor, 
held half a tenement in Alnwick in 1388; and Sir Henry de 
Hetton had twenty-four acres there in 1399. 

Isabella, wife of William Swan, owner of Little Ryle and of 
lands in Snitter, Rothbury, and elsewhere, had in 1429 one bur- 
gage in Alnwick. Sir Henry Fitz-Hugh, who had possessions 
m Longhurst and elsewhere, had in 1424 lands in Alnwick. 

From the names handed down of owners of property in 
Alnwick, it may be inferred that several of the gentry of the 
district Uved occasionally in Alnwick. The whole country 
around was studded over with landowners, who, from the 
tenures on which they held their estates would often appear 
at Alnwick, to take part in the defence of the county, and 
to attend the manorial courts. Convenient it therefore would 
be for them to have residences in the town ; which indeed 
might be necessary, since from the Irequent inroads of the 
Scots they would oftentimes be compelled to seek the shelter 
and protection of a walled town.f 

Of buildings still remaining in the town, St. Michael's 
Church, the Chantry House in Walkergate, and one dwelling- 
house at least, are as old as the fifteenth century. The 
charter granted by Henry VI., shews that the church was in 

• Cal. Rot, 12 Edward II., m. 12., and Cal. Inq., No. 8. 

f The records of the haronial courts famish the earliest infonnation of the 
names of the ordinary inhahitants of the town ; and to some it will be interesting 
to give those which appear in the rolls from 1474 to 1480. John Pattonson de 
Clapot, Alne Bamsay tynkler, John Alnewick, Bobert Algud, Robert Alder, 
Thomas Archer, William Atkinson, William Bolden, Matthew Bell, John Botman, 
John Brown, Richard Belingham, Chreastene Bownes, Edward Browell, Qeorge 
Begot, John and Robert Brandlinge, John Bntyman, Robert Baxter, John Brad- 
ley, John Clerk, John Crawford, Arthur de Chatton, Thomas Creswell, Thomas 
Davyson, Robert Draner, George Eland, Richard Eston, Robert Bllesden, William 
Eresell, William Eolberry, George Gibson, George Galon, Robert Gordon, Thomas 
Hell, Thomas Hudson, Robert Hudham, John Inglice, Thomas Jamieson, Patrick 



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248 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

a ruinous condition in 1464, and helps to fix the date of much 
of the late perpendicular work seen in the walls and tower. 
We know that the Chantry House was built a year or two 
later than 1448; and without much hesitation, we may refer 
the last house in Bondgate, adjoining to Narrowgate, to the 
early part of the fifteenth century, during the time of Henry 
Percy, tlie second earl of Northumberland. It is a low 
buildUng of two stories, with thick walls ; within are beams 
of oak, and a hard stone stair winds to the upper rooms ; but 
the most remarkable feature is a stone panel in the front wall 
above the entrance, on which is carved in high relief, two 
Percy badges and motto, with another 
Fia 4-0 heraldic design — Fig. 40. These consist 

of the crescent, on which is the motto 
Esperaunce, and of a lion rampant be- 
tween the horns of the crescenty holding 
in its paws a shield marked with two 
crosiers placed saltire, or crossways. 
Another stone, on which is a shield with 
the Vescy cross patonce, is built into the 
wall of the passage of the same house. 
The crosiers point to the abbot of Aln- 
wick Abbey ; and the combined devices 
with the other characters of the house, 
lead to the supposition that it was some 
dependency of the abbey, probably an 
ancient hostelry. In the back premises of the same house 
are seen a fragment of a slender column and a capital of the 
Early English style of architecture ; another Vescy shield is 
built into the front wall of a house in Narrowgate ; and a 
richly crocketed door head of the decorated style does service 
as the lintel of a window in Mr. Heatley's house in Bondgate; 

Kirkewed, George Halliday, William Lucas, Richard Makerell, William Mason, 
George Milne, George Murtoo, William and Thomas Naddall, Thomas Koblet, 
Thomas Orpeth, John Neil, Robert Porter, Thomas Paxon, Robert Potter, Thomas 
Stell, Alan Reed, Thomas Richardson, John Selby, William Robyson, WilUam 
Riehester, John Stanton, John Strother, John Sclaier, William Spearman, John 

Scharperton, Robert Smith, Steynson, Richard Thompson, Robert Tbew, 

Robert Taliour, John Tumbull, Thomas Walker, Michael Watson, Robert Wil- 
kinson, Thomas Watkyn, Robert Warwick, Michael Watson, William Wrmy, 
John Gray, John Chamberlain, Thomas Haworth, Robert Scott, Robert Tnggmll. 
William Thrap. In die year 1 501, the name of John Alnewyck, ohapUin, occurs. 
Ko male descendants of any of dieee families, except that of I^ew^ are now lifing 
in ^ parish. 




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THE TOWN, CA8TLB, AlfD BARONY. 249 

these fragments are probably spoils taken from Alnwick 
Abbey after the dissolution. 

Another old house of this period^ only recently destroyed 
to enlarge the White Swan Inn, stood on the north side of 
Bondgate, not bar from the tower ; possessing the characters 
of a pele of the border land, it must have been one of the 
most important houses in the town. Two stories it had, with 
walls of immense thickness, the under storey being vaulted 
with stone, and the entrance being by a low door-way with a 
pointed arch ; long narrow openings passed diagonally through 
the thick walls, more like loop holes through which to annoy 
an enemy than windows to admit light; but larger mullioned 
windows were in the upper storey. Some important person- 
age liyed in this pele house in the days of yore — some warrior 
perhaps, ready to defend himself and the town against Scot^ 
tish foes. 

Important it is to notice the additional evidence of the 
burgesses being an incorporate body; for at a subsequent 
period, attempts were made to rob the town of this char- 
acter. During the time of the De Vescjrs, as we have 
seen, the burgesses had a common seal, and in their corporate 
capacity held lands; in 1474, under their common seal, 
they appoint collectors of money for the walling of the 
town ; and the charter of Henry V I. recognises them as a 
corporation, charged with important public duties. 

in the fifteenth century the commerce of the town was 
considerable; the merchants were even exporters of the 
produce of the district, and traded to distant places. The 
crafts, mysteries, and fellowships had become incorporated 
into several guilds, whose records go back into the sixteenth 
oentmrv ; and, indeed, some of them, dated 16S0, profess to 
be copies of ancient orders. The preamble to those of the 
cordiners (shoemakers) in 1645, assigns a reason why such 
earlier records were not then in existence. 

<' The Aundent orders Institutions and Decrees of our Frede- 
oessors, which for the due regulateing and orderinge of this 
Eratemify of Ooidiners, within the Burrou^h of AInwicke, were 
by them Instituted, ordered, and published m writing under their 
hands : And of late by the distraction and malignanqy of the 
tymes, which the unnatural warres and Inhumanitie, Plundering 
<^our habitationes and Towne Chambers, have been embedded, 
Lost and destroyed, are by vs the Alderman, Assistants, and 
whole Society of the aforesaid Eratenuiy, BecoUected, Bevised, 
and Bepubhshed." 

2k 



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£50 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The goods exported, as eyidenoed by the charter of Henrjr 
VI., are sucli as we might expect from the state of the district. 
Little land was under the plough, but North Northumberland 

I^resented broad pastures and wild moor-lands, on which grazed 
arge numbers of sheep and cattle, and hence there were 
no exports of com. Indeed, the corn raised was inadequate 
for the wants of the district, and supplies had to be imported. 
Henry Percy obtained, in 1412, a license to carry com, oats, 
beans, and peas from Lincoln and Norfolk to Berwick ;* and 
there seems to have been a necessity to import com into the 
county even in the time of Henry YIIL In a letter from 
Lawson to the king in 15SS, he states that seven Scottish 
ships of war had sailed out of Scotland to capture ships laden 
with com for Berwick, and he beseeches him *' to save the 
little ships," by giving warning along the coast, that the 
victuallers may take refuge in safe harbours. Part of the 
corn was ready, he says, to be sent to Aylemouth and Holy 
Island. Such, however, was the wretched condition of the 
navy of England, that these war ships of Scotland were un- 
opposed, and swept the seas from the Humber to the Tweed, 
capturing thirty of the English vessels, laden with com and 
other goods.f Wool, wool-fels, hides, fish, and coal were 
the exports of the merchants of Alnwick from Alnmouth. 

As coals were then exported^ we may infer that they were 
worked more extensively in the district than at the present 
time. Coals we know were worked in Alnwick Moor by the 
burgesses in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in 
the early half of the eighteenth century ; but more for home 
consumption than export. Hall and Humberston's Survey 
of the Barony of Alnwick in 1569 indicates the places where 
they were mmed. William Grey, it says, holds all mines 
and coal-pits in the fields of Bilton and in the manor of 
Alnwick, with free passage to Aylemouth, for the term of 
sixty years, at the yearly rent of £4 14s. Od.$ 

The connection between the town of Alnwick and its port 
Alnmouth is interestingly shewn by a document preserved 

• Rot. Scot, p. 101. t State Papers. 

{ In 1299, Heniy IIL granted a charter to the bnigeaeee of Neweastle to dig 
coali in the Castle Field and in the Forth. In No?emher, 1884, Richard II. 
gave license to John de Nevill to dig for sea coals (^Curbonibut MmriHmU) if thej 
can be fsund, in the king's demesne of Bambnigh for the ase of the garrison of 
the osstle» and for sale. The name sm coqU was gi? en, because when exported 
they were sent by ses. 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 251 

among the corporation muniments, in whicli the burgesses 
agree to make a weir or haven at Alnmoutb, and the earl of 
Northumberland covenants to supply wood for the purpose. 

<< This Indenture maide the fWth Daie of December an the X33^ jere of 
the reign of oure Soveraign Lorde Eynge Heniy the eight, Betwixt maister 
ThomaB franke Clarke, Bachelere of lawe and surveioure of all the lands of 
the ryght noble erle of Northumberland of the one partie, And Qeorgd 
OlurkBrai, William Bednell, mfirchands, John Graie, G^eorge Watson, Edward 
Thomson, WilHam Anderson, Burgesses of the town of Alnewyke, with all 
other coburgges of the seid town in the lewe and name of theym selfe and all 
other coburgesses of the said town of the other paitie, Witnessys that it agreid 
and convenantyth Betwyne the said parties in manere and forme folowynge : 
First, the seid Burgesses of the seid town Doth eonvenajid and grant that they 
of their own propere costs and char^ shall make a wey ve or a havyn at ihb 
town of Ailemouth, so that the seid Erie or his Assi^^neys do deliver theym 
sufficient wodde for the same. And a^lso that the seid £rlys Tenints make 
eariage of the seid wodde 3S they have promysed. And for tMs havyn thus 
to be maide at ther costs and chfu'gis the seid Thomas Franke covenands and 
nuntis of tiie seid Eiles behalf the assignement of sexe oke trees and of other 
Bamell * sufficyent for the «eid warke to be felled and hewyn at the costs and 
charges of the seid Burgesses. And this the said surveyor of the behalf of the 
seid lorde and meister convenands and grantith that the seid Erie shall imme- 
diately after the makynge of the seid haven or koey oonfiBrme and grant imto 
the said Burgesses by his Wryttynge under his Seale of Armys all such liber- 
ties as his nMs Annoestouxs ha& aforetyme givyn unto the Burgesses of the 
seid Town of Alnewyke and Ailemouth. In witness whereof, both tiie parties 
above seid to either partie of the seid Indenture enterchangieably hath sette 
ther sealis the daie and yere above seid. 

per me, Thomas Franks, S." 

Alnmouth is thus so closelv linked with Alnwick^ that we 
may give a brief abstract of the surveys^ made at this period, 
relating to it. From the Conquest, it had been a manor of 
the barony of Alnwick. In 1569, most of the property was 
held under burgage tenure; and of these burgages there were 
sixty-one, all, excepting two, of moderate extent. The follow- 
ing example shews the nature of the tenure and the usual 
extent of the burgage :— 

'* Thomas Daund, senior, holds one burgage and one selionof 
of land, lying between the burgage of Biohard Clerkson on the 
south party and the burgage ox Bobert Pyne on the north part, 
which same burgage Ihe said Thomas holds of the chief lord of 
the fee, by service thence due and of right accustomed for ever, 
and renders thence yearly at the feast of Martimnas and Pente- 
cost in equal portions 6d." The rente varied from 6d. to 2s. 6d. 
yearly. The two larger burgages are the following : — 

'' Bichard Midlam holds one tenement and certain lands and 
bui^ages, and renders thence yearly, 19s. Id. 

• Boughs, branches, or lops of trees, from ramailea, Norman-French, 
f A ridge of land, usually less than an acre. 



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862 HI8T0BY OP ALNWICK. 

The hdirs of Bichard derkson hold one tenement and 60 i 
of land called Chalford's Lands, one croft called Baker's Oroft, 
one dose called Close Hill, one watery bog called Howie KjU, 
one burgage in Aylemouth, and certain lands in the town and 
fields of Ajlemouth, and render thence yearly, 25s. lOd." 

There appear to have been only two copyholds ; Boger 
Harryson held 10 acres of land lying in the fields of Lesbuiy, 
according to the custom of the Oockermouth Manor, paying lOs. 
yearly; Ueor^ Olerkson held one tenement and 60 acres of land 
and meadow in the town and fields of Aylemouth, on the same 
tenure, the rent being 60s. 

John Hudson then had the warren extending from Howick 
Bum to the mouth of the Ayle at a rent of 40s. The total sum 
produced by this manor to the lord of the fee was £9 14s. 1^. 

The church at this period was standing nearly entire ''upon 
the south part of the Dorough, on a water bank nigh to the 
haven^ with a ch\irch-yard ;" it was covered with lead. 
Prior to the reformation^ it belonged to Alnwick Abbey and 
was served by three priests and one clerk ; two of them, the 
master and his fellow^ otherwise named the vicar and his 
fellow^ had their living from the abbot and convent of Aln- 
wick ; and as part of his living, the vicar had two tenements 
in Alnmouth, with land appertaining, which belonged to the 
Alnwick Abbey, and also diverse burgages in Alnmouth, 
with all manner of tithes of the town, the tithe fish of his 
own coble, and the tithe fish of all the rest of the cobles. 
The third priest and the clerk were maintained by the in- 
habitants of the town. But after the reformation, there was 
only one stipendiary priest, Boger Spence, who had the petty 
tithes of the town, and a stipend of 468. 8d. ; the tithes of 
the fish taken with cobles on the sea were leased to Sir 
Cuthbert Batclyff, at a rental of £6 ISs. 4d., and of salmon 
taken in the Aln at lOs. yearly. The clerk for wages 
had 4d. from every fire-house, but '*not well paid," and 
producing less than 5Ss. 4d. yearly. At the Chancellor's 
visitation held at Alnwick on the S9th of June, 1577, Boger 
Simpson appeared as the curate of Ailemouth Church, and 
Edward Spence as parish clerk. It was therefore feared, 
that after his death, there would be no priest of any under- 
standing or knowledge, who will take upon him the cure ; 
and all for lack of living. *'£ven so," thus runs the record, 
''the churche shall decaye, and the inhabitants there be 
brought to nothinge and in the end the town wast, which 
plague God avoyd." Notwithstanding this prophetic warn- 
ing, the church went to ruin ; in 1610, there was neither 



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THE TOWN, CA8TLB, AKT> BARONT. £58 

bible, homilies, surplice, nor pulpit; and the body of the 
chapel was in decay ; and its utter ruin was hastened by 
wanton spoliation; John Carr, gentleman, Ralph Carr, gentle- 
man, and Edward Shepherd were presented at the Arch- 
deacon^s Court a little after the restoration for taking away 
the leads, the bells, and stones fi-om Alnmouth Church. 
After this, it stood a roofless ruin, near the edge of a cliff 
against which the high tides and stormy waves, break- 
ing with violence, carried away portions time after time, till 
the worn and wasted walls, tottering on the brink, were 
blown down by a great gale on the 25th of December, 1806. 
The church was in the form of a cross ; in "Grose's Antiqui- 
ties " there is a drawing of it as it appeared in 1775.* 

The changes in Alnwick Castle during these two centuries 
were few and unimportant. Under the first and second 
Barons Percy, it had attained its highest development as a 
place of defence ; and up to the end of this period it was 
kept in the same character, being little used as an ordinary 
residence, but generally garrisoned by soldiers, It was only 
when the baron was of a warlike disposition or compelled 
by his office as warden, that he dwelt in the halls of Alnwick 
Castle amidst his armed Northumbrian vassals. 

The upper part of the Curtain Wall north of the Barbican 
is supposed to have been built in the middle of the fifteenth 
century, as the string course of masonry corresponds with 
one in the south wall of Alnwick Church. 

Of the state of the castle and barony during the sixteenth 
century, there is full information from surveys; one was 
made by Belly sys and others in 1538; one by Hall and 
Humberstonin 1567; one by Clarkson in 1569; and another 
by Mason a little after 1600. From these surveys, but more 
especially from Hall's and from Clarkson's, I give the follow- 
ing condensed account, preserving to a certain extent the 
quaint phraseology of the original descriptions :— 

Alnwick Castle is a very goodly house — very ancient, large, 
beautiful, and portly, situate on the south side of the river Aln 
upon a little Mote. It is well built of stone, and is of great 
receipt ; but neither of itself, nor from its situation of any 
strength, but for the manner of the wars of that country ; and 
otherwise not able to abide the force of any shot or to hold out 

* St Waleric, to whom the church was dedicated, was the first abhot of the 
monastery of St Waleric in Picardy, and died December 12. 622. Wilh'am the 
Conqueror irsve to this abbpy lands in the vill of Takeleve. Cal. Gen., I., p 9, 



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254 



HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 



any time if assaulted. The circuit of the walls is 376 yards. 
There are three principal wards — {Plate IV., A., B., C.) In 
the Outer Ward where the entry is from the town, there is a 
fair gate house — the Barbican — covered with lead, with two pair 
of wood gates, and on either side is a Porter's Lodge two stories 
high, but'ruinous and in decay; without this gate is a fair 
turnpike, double-battled about, with a pair of wood gates in its 
outermost part ; between the Barbican and this turnpike there 
are a ditch and a draw-bridge; but in 1538 the draw-bridge 
required to be new made, and in 1567 the ditch was fflled up 
and paved. Northward of the Barbican, in the Curtain Wall, is 
a turret covered with stone, two stories high (2) ; and at the north- 
west comer of this wall stands the Abbot's Tower, of three stories 
high (3) ; from this the Curtain Wall runs eastward and joins 
the Donjon or Keep; and between the tower and Donjon are 
two little garretts (4, 5).* 

Fia 4-1 




BABBICAlf OF ALNWICK CASTLE. 

Southward of the Barbican, the Curtain Wall extends to the 
comer, and in the middle between them is one garrett on the 
walL The Curtain Wall turns eastward from this comer tower, 
and between it and the middle gate house is the Auditor's Tower, 
of three stories height (13). The Checker House stands on the left 
hand side of the Barbican, within the walls, two stories high, the 

* These were subsequently called the Falconer's and Armourer's Towers. 



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THB TOWK^ CASTLE^ AND BARONT. S55 

upper bein^ used as a court liotise (18) ; and on the other side 
of the Barbican is a house for a stable two stories high (16) ; and 
another stable stands between the gates east and west (14). The 
gate house tower for the middle gate is of three and in some 
parts four stories height; on the len hand is a strong prison and 
on the right a Porter's Lodge ; the stories above contain hall| 
Htchen, buttery, pantry, and lodgings for a constable or other 
gentlemen to keep house in (11). 

From this middle gate house the Curtain Wall goeth eastward 
to the Gardener's Tower, which is three parts round, of three 
stories height, but not higher than the battlement of the Curtain 
Wall (9) ; between this tower and the middle gate are two little 
garretts in the wall. From this round comer tower, the wall 
turns to the north-west, to the Eavine Tower, which is three 
stories high and three parts round, but now so rent as to be ready 
to fall (8). Further north-westward is the Constable's Tower, 
three stories high and three parts round (7) ; and in the north- 
west comer stands the Postern Tower, three stories high and with 
agarrett in the north-west comer raised above its battiement (6). 
Within this inner curtain or bailey, between the middle gate 
and the garrett east of it, is a house on the Curtain Wail t£ree 
stories high, partly used as a stable ; and on the east end of it a 
little house, within which is a one horse-miln, now in decay (10). 
A little £rom this was another house, used oiily for keeping hay. 

Nigh to the Curtain Wall, between the Constable's and the 
Bavine Towers, is built one fair chapel, the walls of which are 21 
feet high, the length 57 feet, and the breadth 2 1 feet (12). Before 
the chapel door is a conduit set with stone and a diest of lead, 
and to this dstem a goodly course of trim and sweet water 
eometh in leaden pipes urom Howlinge Well (19). 

The Brewhouse is between the Constable's and Postern Towers; 
the Bakehouse joins the Postern Tower ; and joined to that is a 
slaughter house ; and joining these on the west side is the site 
of the Chantry House, of which nothing is now left but one wall. 

The Donjon or Keep is set of a little mote made with men's 
hands, and for the most part, as if it were square, the circuit 
being 225 yards ; '' it is a fair and pathe building," with seven 
round towers and four garretts. Between the garretts are lodg- 
ings. The gate house is of two towers, four stories high, and is 
a stately building. The other towers are all three stories high 
and covered with lead. Bound the Donjon is a trim walk and 
a fair prospect. Within it is the hall, chambers, and all other 
manner of houses and offices for the lord and his train. The 
south side thereof serves for the lords' and ladies' lodgings ; and 
underneath them are the prison, the porter's lodge, and wine 
cellars, with skullery. The west side is for chambers and ward- 
robe. On the east side are the hall, kitchen, chambers, and 
pantry; and underneath the hall is a marvellous fair vault. 



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£56 HISTORY OV ALNWICK* 

wbicli is the 'buttery. Undemigh the kitchen 10 die larder, and 
at the end of the hnttery is a £aw-well, which for a long time 
has not been used. Within the Donjon is a proper little conrten 
for the most part m^uare and well pared with stone. On ti^e 
west side of the Donjon is raised a little square tower, called the 
Watch Tower, where Hes a watchman with a beacon to be set or 
hung. 

In 1537 there were in the castle 180 bows, 410 bills, 12 shea£i 
of arrows, and 10 pieoes of old ordnance, ftc. There was also at 
this period a Friars Tower which was then rent, but its situation 
is now indeterminable. 

There is a reference to the chapel of Alnwick Castle in the 
following extract from records of the priory of Coldingham. 

"17 June, 1465, Andrew, bishop of Glasgow, Archibald, abbot 
of Holyrood House, Mr. James Lindsay, keeper of the Privy 
Seal, and James Lord Livingstone as ambassadors had come to 
Alnwick to treat with the commissioners of the king of England 
concerning peace between the realms, and William Layborn, the 
papal nuncio, shewed them there a citation against Patrick and 
John Home, two canons of the Oollegiate CSiurch of Dunbar, 
who had intruded themselves into Coldingham Priory contrary 
to John Pencher, but which they dared not execute in Scotland 
owing to the influence of the intruders' kinsman Lord Home. 
This citation he exhibited to the Scottish embassy — << in vestibulo 
juxta idtare infht magnam capellam in Castello de Alnwick pre- 
dicto situatum " — in the porcn near the altar beneatib the great 
chapel in the castle of Alnwick, in presence of John Neville, earl 
of rTorthumberland, Lord Montague, warden of the East and 
Middle Marches, and o^ers." 

Though not residing much at Alnwick, the earls of North- 
umberland kept up a stately official establishment for the 
management of the barony. In the surveys made near the 
close of the period, much curious information is given on this 
subject. Notwithstanding the increase of the king's prero- 

Stive and the eradual growth of the power of the commons^ 
E^se great northern barons affected ttie state of petty kings, 
and seem, indeed, still to have exercised a kind of regal author- 
ity. In Hall's Survey, made in 1567, the officers bebnging 
to the ** Castell of Alnewyke" are said to be 

The CoMtahU^ the highest, who has charge and custody of the 
castle, and command over the other officers in the absence of the 
lord ; he occupied the " constable's lodging " and had for his fee 
yearly £20 : Th$ Porter ^ who had the custody of the K&te of the 
Outer Ward and the custody of prisoners ; his yearfy fee was 
100s. : The Castie-greave, who attached all offenders either for 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BAUONT. 267 

trespass, debt, or otherwise, by oonunandment, and who saw them 
safdy oonyeyed to ward, until delivered by order of law ; and 
his fee was 508. 8d. : The Receiver and Auditor^ who kept audit 
in a house called the Exchequer ; his yearly fee was £10 : 7%e 
Feodary^ who looked to all the wards after the death of their 
ancestors and who kept ''substantial records" for preservation 
of the services due from manors; his yearly fee was 100s. : 'A 
Learned Stewart^ to adminster justice, whose yearly fee was £7 : 
The derk of the Courte, who kept the lord's court, engrossed the 
rolls, and took care of the records; his yearly fee was £6 6s. 8d. ; 
The Foreign Bailiff, who collected the castle ward and comage 
money of the barony and warned the tenants and inhabitants to 
attend upon the lord or his deputy ; his yearly fee was 60s. 8d. 

The following were officers at this time: — Nicholas Forstor, 
constable of the castle; Bichard Hakke, porter; GFeorge Metcid^ 
receiver and feodary of the barony; Gawin Salkeld, bailiff of 
Alnwick ; Thomas Bates, chief steward of the barony ; Gborge 
Clarkson, clerk of the courts ; Thomas Frenche, foreign bailiff; 
WiUiam Grey, bailiff of the castle ; OdneU Selby, keeper of Holn 
Park; Chrisikopher Armorer and Ingram Saukeld, keepers of 
West Park; John Gallon and Hugh Selby, keepers of Oawledge 
Park. 

To the barony at this time belonged in demesne, according to 
the same survey, the town and borough of Aylemoutli, ^e towns 
of Denwyke, Bylton, Lesbuiy, Houghton Magna, Houghton 
Parva, Shylbottell, Guysons, Buglee, Bennyngton, South Charle- 
ton, Norti Charleton, Pteston, Tughall, Swynnow, Newham, 
Lucker, Lyham, Chatton, Fawdon, Aylneham, Awkehyll, New- 
ton-Super-Moram, Newton-Super-Mare, Hausand, Moryke, Est 
C^evyngton, Howick, Booke, Fallowden, and Brunton. But 
though all these places were members of the barony, many of 
them were not in tne possession of the baron, for they had been 
''freely of ancient time" granted. The following towns rendered 
service to the barony and were for the most part held by knighto' 
service and by payment of castle ward rent and comage, vix. : — 
Hoppen, Edderston, Spendelston, BudeU, Elwyke, D^dyngton, 
Nesbitt, Horton, Hesserngq^ei Lyham, Powbeny, Wetwood, Oald- 
merton, Yardell, Ingram, Byvell, Hartsyde, I^dyke, G^jrmonr 
don, Bvttlesden, Olenell, Nederton, Borowden, Allenton, ^tton, 
Ambell, Shwperton, Thumam, Scrynewood, Hakeley, Chellyng- 
ham, Eworth, and Hybbome. 

Two parks at this time belonged to the castle— one Holn Park 
on the west side, within a mile of the castle, well replenished i 
with fallow Deer, and well set with underwoods for cover 
and preservation of the deer, and having the jijfne running 
through it, is very stately park-like ground ; it is for the most 
part enclosed with a stone wall twenty miles in compass ; for this 
park ti^ere are two keepers of the deer, whose yeauy fee each is 



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HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

B. 8d. The other (College) Oawledge Park was southward of 
[nwick, and was in compass six miles and partly enclosed with 
a pale which is in great decay, and hence there is no great plenty 
of deer ; there are two keepers each with a fee yearly of 60s. 8d. 
There were three other deer parks belonging to the earl in the 
county of Northumberland. An account taken in 1513 of the 
Deer in the Parks and Forests of the North belonging to the 
Earl, gives the following particulars : — 

In Holn Park there were of Fallow Deer, . . 879 
CawledgePark Ditto, .. 586 

Warkworth Park Ditto, ., 150 

Acklington Park Ditto, . . 144 

Bothbury Forest, Bed Deer, • . . . 153 

Total . . r912 
la his other parks in Yorkshire and Cumberland 

there were of Fallow and Bed Deer, . « 8659 

Total . , 5571 
This large number is exdusire of the deer which the earl had 
in his parks in Sussex and other places in the south of England. 

Daring the fifteenth century the baronial courts were in 
their glory. " The chief lord of the fee " says The Bed 
Book of Alnunck, "was thoroughly answered of all profits, 
escheats, and other causalities due to him with his rents at 
terms accustomed duely paid, and his officers every one in 
their office feared and obeyed ; so that in time of service 
where was there in all the county one gentleman of honour 
or worship, that had such a company of gentlemen and good 
servitors as the chief constable of the said castle and barony 
of Alnwick,"* According to Clarkson's Survey a singular 
power was exercised by this court ; for from ancient time it 
appointed certain persons to keep good houses to serve travel- 
lers and also inhabiters in the town requiring lodging, meat, 
and drink, and also stabling and horse-meat, no other persons 
being allowed to provide a feast for payment. This monopoly, 
however, was broken up in Queen Elizabeth's reign, for 
Clarkson complains that now the inhabitants have begun to 
make bridals, and church dinners when their wives were 
churched, and to take payment for the same.f 

• Hist and Antiq. of North., IL, p. 159. 

t Ibid« p. 160. Of the baronial conrta I shall give a more partioiilar aeeonnt 
in a snbseqnent chapter. 



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THB TOWN, OASTLB^ AMP BARONY. 25& 

I shall now give a particular account of the names of the 
holders of property in Alnwick and of the tenures hy which 
it was held, as conttuned in the valuable survey of the barony 
of Alnwick made by Hall and Humberston on the 17th of 
May, 1569^ when the barony was in the possession of Queen 
Elizabeth* This survey is among the public records. 

First we have the rents of the free burgesses within the 
tovm of Alntoick. Under the first name I give in full the 
description of the tenure; all the others following under this 
head held under the same tenure, but the particulars are not 
repeated. 

R. Ogle holds one bnrgaee in the town of Alnwick, with appmtenanoee, 
which he holds freely by cnarter in free socage, by service of suit of court, 
and renders thence yearly, at the feasts of Pentecost and Saint Martin in 
winter, by equal payments,* 8d. ; N. Walby, as above, 7d. ; William Ghrey, 6d. ; 
William Grey, Id. ; Henry Swinhowe, 7d. ; William Ghrey, James Phylpe, 
and William Creighton, 6d. ; Widow IndLepp holds one t^iement, &c.. Id. ; 
the same holds one burgage, 9d. ; William Grey, as above, 4d. ; the said 
William hoMs a burgage on the west -part of the said burgage, 7d. ; David 
Harbottell, as above, 7d. ; the same David, as above, 6d. ; John Watson, 2d. ; 
Balph Boltflower, two burgages west of above, 12d. ; Johazma Wynnyate, 
one burgage west of above, 6d. ; Thomas Trollop, west of above^ 3d. ; William 
Orey, one Durnge oyerthrown, lying south of liie street called Walkergate, 
6d. ; the same William, one burgage -overthrown, east of the aforesaid, 6^ ; 
Bobert Pallett, one burgage lymg east, 14d. ; William Grey, one burgage 
overthrown, east, 7d. ; George Grey, 6d. ; Margaret Kydnell, 7d. ; Harryson, 
2d. (all eastward of the preceding) ; John 6tanton,t of Huntercroft, holds one 
tenement called Huntercroft, 3s. ; Richard Bennett, one burgage in the said 
street, 6d. ; Richard Bennett, one burgage in the said street at Castlegate, 
3s. 3d. ; Hall, one burgage in Alnwick, 8d. ; Richard Clark, the same, 12d. ; 
Tristram Grey, the same, 8d. ; Thomas Archer, the same, 13d.; Richard Har- 
bottell, the same, 7d. ; Robert Taylor, one burgage and other nremises, 7d. ; 
John Wylam, one burgage, 6d. ; Ayer, the same, 6d. ; John jBrowne holds 
one tenement in the said town, with aU lands, meadows, and pastures to the 
same belonging, 6s. : George Metcalfe, one burgage, 8d. ; the said George, 
three burgages, 22d. ; the said George, one burgage adjacent, 8M. ; Ghimet, 
one burgage, 8Jd. ; Ralph Boltflower, 4s. 7d. ; Eaward Bedwell, iSd. ; Thomas 
Toung, lOd. ; Fell, lOd. ; Matthew Lee, 9d. ; The Lady the Queen has in her 
own £uids one burgage lately — Aleson, which was wont to render at the feasts 
aforesaid, yearly, lOd. ; William Shell, one bun^age, lOd. ; Richard Tounff, 
lOd. ; the heirs of Roger Bednall, 14d. ; John Atkinson, east of the afDresaid, 
8d. ; William Cruston, east, 16Jd. ; William Curseley, 7d. ; the heir of Cur- 
sley, lid. ; William Bednell, 8d. ; Kich. Arcle, 3s. ; Margaret Ladyman, 8d. ; 
Edward Ladyman, 8d. ; William Taylor, ^d. ; William Taylor, 2s. lOd. : 
John Fargus, IS^d. ; John Fergus, lOd. ; Margai«tt Styrkett, 12d. ; Margarett 
Styrkett, 7d. ; Thomas Watson, 16d. ; Nich. Stanton, 16d. ; Rob Wilkinson, 
6d.; Thomas Cutler, lOd.; John Kannell, 8d.; Cuthbert Andenon, Sd.; 

* *' R. Ogle tenet nnnm burgagium in villa de Alnewyck, cum pertinentiis, 
quod tenet libere per cartam in Hbero sucagio, per servicio sectie curiae, et reddi- 
tus inde per annum ad festa Penticostis et Sancti Martini in hieme equal.'* 

t John Stanton was schoolmaster and pariah clerk in 1577. 

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260 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

Heoary Tonffe, 8d.; Thomaa Smaflas, lOd.; BolMrt lAdymuii 6d«; G«(ng6 
Metcalf, 12d.; Henry Tounger, 8d.* 

AU burgages tituatB on the mmth aide of the aforesaid street eaXUd Bondgate, 
beginning on the east side and passing towards the west, 
Nicholas Chandler holds one burgage tiiere as above and rendem as above^ 
&o., 6d. ; John Qale, 6d. ; John Dawson, 8d. ; William Bednell, 8d. ; John 
Golfe, 8d. ; Pumperte, 12d. ; Nicholas Stanton, 12d. ; William Bednell, 8d. ; 
John Taylor, 2s. 4d. ; Alder, 14d.; Cathbert Peddom, 9d. ; John Dawson, 
8d. ; William Taylor 84d. ; Michaell Temple, 8d. ; Bichaid Boderford, S^d. ; 
John Downes, 8^ ; William Herd, 7id. ; Alder, 7d. ; Alder, 8d. 

Burgages situate in Market Stede (i.o. Market Place) on the south side of the 
foresaid street, beginning at the east side and passing towards the west, 

William Bednell, one burgage, 8d. ; said William, 8oL ; Boger Alder, 6)d. ; 
darkson, 6id. ; Thomas Qroene, 8d. ; Ralph Watson, 9d. ; Thomas Qieene, 
SfL ; William Gallon, 2s. 9^. ; John Slnie, lOd. ; John Dawson, 8d. ; John 
Atkinson, lOd. ; George Dawson, 8d. ; Thomas Person, lOd. ; Howe, widow, 
lOd. ; Gkorge Dawson, 7d. ; Richard Wardhangh, 8d. ; William Henryson, 
lid.; Robson, lid.; Robert Hatson, lOd. ; Arthur Watson, 8d.; Thomas 
Butyman, 8d.; Anthony Fawgus, 12d. ; G^anaid, 2s. 6d.; Robert Barons, 
16d.; Henry Lynge, 8d. ; John Scott, 3s.; JohnBrowi^ lOd.; Robert Lady- 
man, 2s. 6d. ; George Alder holds four burgages with appurtenances, &c., 
6s. 8id. 

Att burgages lying on the west side of the said street, beginning on the south side 
and passing towards the north, 

Nicholas Swanne holds three burgages with appurtenances, &c., 3s. 2d. ; 
Edward Howett holds one burgage, &c., 20d. ; Emota Watson, 20d. ; Ralph 
Clay, 2s. 5d. ; George Metcal^ 14d. ; Robert Nysebet, 6]^. ; William Watson, 
eM, ; John Thorbrand, 13d. ; Edward lAbinson, 18d. ; William Stannars, 8d. ; 
Gfoorge Watson, 8^. ; Robert Barnes, 8^. ; Thomas Howetson, 8}d. ; Thomas 
Watson, 8d. ; Lambe, 8d. ; Robert Barrows, 8d. ; Thomas Forster, 8d. ; Thomas 
Taylor, 1 2d.; Thomas Craster, 12d.; Jacob Brown, 8d.; Henry Lyng, 4d. ; 
John Scot, 4d. ; Edward Chelumpton, 8d. ; Thomas Lyng, 8d. ; John Lyshe- 
man, 6d. ; Thomas Greene, 4d. ; Emota Strudder, 4d. ; the ssid Emota, 6d. 

All burgages lying in the street edUed TenkeU Street on the west side, beginning on 

the south side, 

John Davison holds three burgages, &c., 9d. ; Peter Elston, one burgage, 
6d. ; John Dawson, 8d.; George Watson, lOd.; William Bri£;s, 14d.; Edward 
HaU, 13d. ; George Metcalf, 16^. ; Luke Ogle, 38. 4d. ; John Clarke, lOd. ; 
Edward Stanners, lOd. ; Grene, lOd. ; Anthony HaU, 12d. ; John Johnston, 
12d. ; Edward Naire, 12d. ; Thomas Story, 16d. ; Robert Moore, 6d. ; Thomas 
Grey, 7d. ; William Rogers, 38. 8d. ; Thomas Watson, 8d. ; Henry Estwood, 
8d. ; Clarke, GJd. ; Richard Bell, 6M. ; Richard Holly, 14d. ; Richard Stan- 
ton, 6d. ; Edward Algood, lOd. ; Thomas Harrett, 2s. lOd. ; Robert Barwes, 
7d. ; HoUy, 7d. ; Ma^erelL for the site of the tower called "The Tower," 
{this was JPbttergate Towers) Id. ; George Metcalf holds three overthrown 
burgages, 2s. ; Edward Algood, one burgage overthrown, 6d. ; Thomas Story, 
one burgage overthrown, 17id. 

AU burgages in the street called Barres Dalef on the north side of the street 
e^oresaidf beginning on the west side and passing toward the east, 

George Metcalf holds three burgages, &c., 3s. 2d. ; Thomas Story, one bur^ 
gafi;e, 12d. ; Edward Stannors, 12d. ; William Grey, one burgage overthrown, 
12d. ; George Metcalf, two burgages, 14d. ; John Browne, one burgage, 7d. ; 
Gilbert Sa^er, 7d. ; Robert Bullock, 3d. ; John Blaoke, 8d. ; Thomas Grey, 

* These burgages were in Walkergate and Nanowgate. 
f Pottergate. 



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THE TOWN, CASTLB^ AND BASOXY. 261 

one burgage overtihrown, 8d. ; John Browne^ 7cL ; WilUam Qxey, 8d. ; said 
William, 7<L ; Qeom BobyoBon, 7d. ; Thomas Grey, 4d. ; Pyrrao, 8d. ; John 
Waller, 7d. ; John Stanton, Bobert Strother, Olde, and John Gibson hold one 
burgage, 20d. ; Stamford, one bur^e, IM. ; Wytherolde, 2a. ; John Taylor, 
3s. 4d. ; William Grey, Ss. 4d. ; said William holds one piece of land with the 
said burgage adjacent with appurtenances, lOd. ; G^rge Metcalf holds the 
site of a lAkehouse in Alnwick aforesaid, Ss. 4d. ; John Helter holds one 
burgage, 12d. 

AU burgages with their appurtenances in the street called the Market Place from 
the west part of the said street, beginning at the south side and passing north, 
William Bednell holds three burgaees, &c., 28. 2d. ; Margereta Lighten, 
fbr an improvement, held as above, 2a. ; George Levewicke, one burgage, 
9d. ; Thomas Shell, 8d. ; Thompson holds one tenement called the Beer-housee 
with appurtenances, (now the Town HaUy) 0%. 8d. ; Margaret Clarkson, one 
burgage, 6d. ; Leonani Forster, lOd. ; Kobert Grey, 8d. ; Edward Scott, 4d. ; 
the said Edward, 4d. ; John Garrard, 8d. ; George Metcalf, 8d. ; WiUiam 
Bednall, two burgages, 4d. ; John Clark, one burgage, 6d. ; John Styte, 12d. ; 
Heirs of George Davison, two burgages, 12d. ; Thomas Armorer, one burgage, 
8d. ; John Henryson and Edward Anwyck hold one burgage, lOd. ; Wmiam 
Pye, 12d. ; John Waller, 4d. ; George Alder, 16d. ; William Beadnell, 4d. ; 
Heirs of Thomas Claxton, 8d. ; Margaret Claxon, 8d. ; William Beadnell, 
22d. ; Thomas Forster for one tenement in the Market Place and a certain 
stall without the shop to the same tenement appertaining, Gs. 8d. ; Heirs of 
John Hall hold one stall without the shop lying on the west part of the said 
stall, 4d. 
The sum of the rents of burgages in the town of Alnwick is £12 17s. 7)d. 

Next follow the Rents of the Free Tenants y who, excepting 
the owner of Hobberla\% which was held by military service, 
had their properties on a tenure similar to that of the bur- 
gages of the town; probably, however, differing in this 
respect — that while the possession of a burgage constituted 
a burgess and admitted to the privileges of the corporation, 
these free tenancies had no such effect, because situated 
beyond the limits of the borough. 

WiUiam Taylor holds two messuages in Bondgate, and one messuage in 
AiTogate, and forty acres of lands, meadows, feedmgs, and pastures in 
the fields of Bondgate aforesaid, all of which tiie said William holds freely 
of the lord by fidelity and suit of court, and renders thence yearly, at 
the feast of Pentecost only, 9s. ; Sir John Forster holds one parcel of land 
called Brokshawe* bv the rent, 6b. 8d. ; George Metcalfe holds freely one 
parcel of land called ^uyrrell ? containing one acre and a half in Bondgate 
Fields, &c., 8d. ; William Bednell holdlB freelv twenty-four acres of land in 
Bondgate, &c., 3s. ; the said William holds forty acres of land lately John 
Riggr in the fields of Bondgate, &c., 19d. ; the same William holds one tene- 
ment sixteen acres of land in Bondgate Fields, &c., 19d. ; the said William 
holds two acres of land called Swarrells in Bondgate, &c., 9d. ; the said William 
holds one parcel of land called Bednell*s Lands containing twenty-six acres in 
the fields of Bondgate, &c., 28. ; the same William holds ten acres of land in 
Bondgate, &c., 8d. ; George Alder holds one tenement called Bondgate-hall, 
sixty-four acres of land in Bondgate, &c., 9s. 6d. ; the said G^rge holds one 
tenement called Hubberlaw with certain lands, meadows, feedings, pastures, 
and woods, containing two hundred acres of land, which he holds by military 

* This was originally abbey land, but charged with a reserved rent 

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26S HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

service of the Berenth part of one knight's fSoe, and rendering jearly 4d. — 
(besidea this " Byrtwell or TJberlow " paid to the castle of Alnwick for castle 
ward, 23^ yeany) ; the said (George holds a parcel of land called the Banks 
and Wakes &iowles containinff eight acres of arable lands, &c., 12d. ; John 
Watson holds one acre of land in Bondgate, 2d. ; WiUiani Bedndl, Gborge 
Metcalf, and WOliam Ghreene hold eighty acres of arable land in Greenj^eld, 
6s. 8d. ; Henry Swinhoe holds a right of way to the moor of "Rlling^^*^^ in 
Wliitehall, Id. ; Michael Shafto holds one toft and one parcel of land contain- 
ing three roods between the castle and the water of the Ayne (Aln), 12d. The 
burgesses of Alnwick render yearly to the aforesaid earl for common liberty 
(right ofcomffum) upon the moor, as by ancient custom^ they were wont from 
time immemorial, 28. ;* the tenants of Kanigate {Camngate) render annually 
to the lord for chiminage {right of way) from ancient custom beyond the 
memory of man, 12d. ;t the tenants of South Charlton similarly render yearly 
to the lord for chiminage beyond Kosley-brigg as from ancient custom, 4s. ; 
the tenants of Shylbottell render to the lord annually 6s. lid., of Eooke (Soek) 
8d., Bennynffton 8d., and Charleton 8d. for work in autumn, which they were 
accustomed for antiquity to perform. 
The sum total of Uie free tenants is 81s. 

Next come the Rents of Tenants at Will y of these there 
are two classes — copyholders, and farmers or ordinary ten- 
ants holding for a term of years. I shall first give the 

Copyholders, 
George Metcalf holds by copy of court one parcel of arable 
land, called Bamet-syde, with ClarkoUhughe, and a parcel of 
land called Delves in Bondgate Fields, .which he holds according 
to the custom of the honour of Cockermouth, and renders thence 
annually at the feasts of Martinmas and Pentecost by equal pay- 
ments, 228. ; the same George holds a parcel of demesne lands 
called Halfiat and another parcel called Angerflat inclosed, con- 
taining in the whole thirty acres in Bondgate, all which he holds 
as above and renders annually, &c., 30s. ; William Bridges holds 
fifty acres of land, parcel of the south demesnes lying in the 
fields of Bondgate, &c., 15s. ; Margaret Glarkson holds a parcel 
of land in the East Fields, called Knights-furlong, in Bondgate, 
ftc, lOs. ; Edward Lad;yman holds one tenement with a croft 
and one husbandland in the fields of Alnwick, &c., 31s. 6d. ; 
William Lad}'man holds half a husbandland and fourteen acres 
" of land formerly the lands of Thomas Mydleton, &c., 348. 4d. 
Nicholas Chandler holds one toft and one husbandLland in Bond- 
gate Fields, &c., 16s. 8d.; Cuthbert Anderson J holds twenty-two 

* The entry of this charge in a baronial book called '* The Red Book of Aln- 
wick/' is, in 1474, as follows :-»'* De villata de Alnwyke at fest Nat S. Johannia 
Bap. pro licencia eundi cum averiis aula in Haydeu mense Tetito per an. ija." 

f The entry of this charge in ** The Red Book of Alnwick ** in 1474, is—" De 
tenentibus de Cannogaite, pro licencia via habcnda a retro Cannogaite solvend. 
ad festa Michaelia in fine compoti, xijd." Hartshorn's Antiq. of North., p. 157. 

I Cuthbert Anderson in 1577 was curate of Alnwick ChapeL 

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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONY. 263 

acres of land in fhe fields of Bondgate, &c.y 22s. ; Oeorge Browell 
holds one toft, one croft, and one husbandland in Alnwick, ftc., 
728. ; William Bednell holds sixteen acres of land called Bljnd* 
well-flat, &c., 168. ; the same WiUiam holds a toft with a croft 
beyond ^e tower, in the street of Bondgate, and one husbandland 
containing twenty-two acres of arable land, &c., 22s. ; William 
Bednell holds one parcel of land called Wydropp, 5s. ; George 
Browell holds one parcel of land called Wydropp, 20d. ; William 
Orey holds one parcel of arable land and meadow called Wydropp, 
68. Ad. ; John Lynsey holds one parcel of land near Hnl Park 
called Shipley-hauffh, &c.. Ids. 4d. ; Odnell Seiby holds one 
parcel of land called the Peth containing one acre, &c., I2d. ; the 
tenants of South Charlton hold half of the pasture called Gliim- 
side near to Hul Park, &c., 208. ; Sir John Forster holds the 
other half of Ohimside Pasture, &c., 20s. ; Thomas Dobson holds 
one tenement and one husbandland in Sheldyk {ShiMikes), &c., 
8d. ; John Brown holds one tenement and one husbandland in 
Sheldyk, &c., 8s. ; Eobert Dobson and Henry Dobson hold two 
messuages and two husbandlands in Sheldick, ftc, 16s. ; William 
Dunne holds one tenement and twelve acres of arable land and 
two acres of meadow, ftc, 16s. ; Outhbert Dickson holds one 
built messuage, with all other lands, meadows, feedings, and 
pasture appurtenant, under the name of one messuage and one 
nusbandland, &c., 8s. ; Hobert Dickson holds one messuage and 
husbandland, &c., 8s. ; Geoige Taylor holds one built messuage 
and husbandland, &c., 8s. ; Soman Stell holds one tenement and 
twelve acres of arable land and two acres of meadow, &c., 8s. ; 
Thomas Steele holds one built messuage and one husbandland in 
Sheldyk, &c., 88. ; all the tenants of Sheldykes hold a certain 
pasture, called Swynlees firom Harecrag, containing fifty-four 
acres of pasture in common, by their animals depasturmg, accord- 
ing to the custom of the honour of Cockermouth, rendering 
yearly &o., 268. 8d. ; G^rge Metcalf holds one dose pasture, 
called Greensfield Saivghes or Sawghes lying in OaUedgs Park 
on the north, and a place called the Strodier on south part con- 
taining twenty acres, held according to the custom oi docker- 
mouth, &c., 138. 4d. 

The following in the manor of Bugley are held according to 
the same custom: — John Stanton, one messuage and lands under 
the name of two and a half husbandlands, rendering yearly ftc, 
17s. 6d.; John Stele, the same as above, 12s. Sd.; Bobert Atlmison, 
half a husbandland, 8s. 9d. ; G^r^e Garrett, two husban<ilandsy 
17s. 6d. ; Bichard Brown, two husbandlands, 14s. ; Bobert Ben- 
atson, two husbandlands, 14s. ; John Stanton, the same, 14s. ; 
Thomas Stele, the same, 14s. ; John Sleynes, the same, 1^. ; all 
the tenants of Bugley hold two pastures, one of which is called 
Bugley Wood, the other the Hall CHoso, held as abovey rendering 
yearly 43s. 4d. 



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S64 filSTOBY OF ALNWICK. 

The foUotoing are the Copyholders in the Manor of 

Denwyke : — 
William Qrey holds one built tenement with all houses built 
above with one croft and all arable lands, meadows, feedings, 
and pastures pertaining to the said tenement, all of whichhe 
holds by name of one husbandland and a half, with all and 
singular their appurtenances, at the will of the Lord, according 
to me custom of the manor, and he renders thence yearly at the 
feasts of Pentecost and Martinmas, equally, 21s. ; the same 
William holds one. built tenement and half a husbandland, as 
above, 14s.; John Bose holds one messuage with croft under 
the name of one cottage and husbandland, as above, 21s. 8d. ; 
Bichard Gibson holds one tenement and one husbandland and a 
hal^ as above, 21s. ; Robert Thewe holds one tenement and one 
husbandland and a half, as above, 21s. ; John Clerk holds one 
messuage and one husbandland and a half, according to the 
custom of Cockermouth, 21s. ; Thomas Shephed, the same, 21s. ; 
John Oybson holds one husbandland with one close, as above, 
20s. ; John Maxwell holds one tenement and one and a half 
husbandlands, 21s. ; William Thew, the same, 21s. ; John Thew, 
Ihe same, 21s. ; William Bawden, one tenement and one hus- 
bandland, 14s. ; Edward Bobynson, one built tenement and one 
and a half husbandlands, 2l8. ; the same Edward, one husband- 
land, 14s. ; John Olerk holds a built tenement with seventeen 
acres of arable land, meadow, and pastures, under the name of 
one tenement and one husbandland, 14s. ; William Waller holds 
one cottage and one selion of land with appurtenances, 8d. ; 
Edward ]&:>bynson, the same, 8d. 

The following are the Tenants at Will, who appear to 
have been farmers, though some of them may have been 
copyholders : — 

Nicholas Forster, gentleman, constable of the castle of Alne- 
wyck, holds one close called Castle Close, containing thirty acres 
of land, which formerly the said Nicholas held at will, and ren- 
dered thence yearly at the feast of Michaelmas only, 40s. ; George 
Metcalf holds certain enclosed lands called the North Demesne, 
containing forty acres of land with appurtenances, &c., rendering 
annually at Martinmas and Pentecost, £4 ; Engram Salvid holds 
thirty acres of enclosed land called the West Demesnes, &c., 30s. ; 
G^rge Kydnell holds one water fulling-mill, situate on ti^e water 
of Ayne {Aln^ with the water course, which mill he holds for 
the term of his life by commission, as he says of Thomas Earl, 
and renders thence yearly 20s. ; William BediielL and Jobji Clerk 
hold one close of arable land called Wyderopp, in Alnwick, which 
they hold at the will of the lord, and render yearly Ids. 4d* ; Sir 
John Forster holds one built tenement called Snepehouse with 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 265 

all other lionses buHt thereon, at the will of the lord, rendering 
yearly 40s. ; t3ir John Forster holds the herbage and pannage* 
of the whole of Holn Park, at the will of the queen, rendennc^ 
yearly £6 Hs. 4d. ; Sir John Forster holds the herbage and 
pannage of the whole of the West Park within the demesne of 
Alnwi%, containing a cirouit of six miles, at the will of the 
queen, at tiie rent of £6 l4s. 4d. ; Sir John Forster holds the 
herbage and pannage of the whole of CaUedge Park, containing a 
circuit of seven miles, at the will of the queen, at the rent of £12. 

The House lately of the Brethren of Hulne Parke. 

Thomas, earl of Northumberland, held the site lately the 
house of. the brethren of Hulne Parke with all built houses of 
the above, gardens, orchards, and three closes to the said site 
appurtenant, and with all things in lands, meadows, feedings, 
pastures, formerly appurtenant to the said house, and with pas- 
ture for twenty cows and two bulls depasturing in Hulne fark 
of iJie said earl, all of which were lately in his hands and occu- 
pation, 33s. 4d. 

Rents of divers towns for certain toUs in the town of 
Alnwick. 

The inhabitants of the underwritten vills render annually to 
tiie Lady the Queen for foreign toll, viz., that they may be quit 
of toU within the fairs and markets of Alnewyck, and that mey 
may watch according to the custom of the fairs wi^ certain men ; 
viz., the towns of Aylneham 5s., Calmerton 2s. 6d., Fowberry 
2s. 6d., Hesselri^e 4s., Heworth 12d., TughaU 3s. 4d., Swynnow 
20d., Lesbury 2dd., and Hetton 5s. ; in all 36s. 6d. 

We learn from this survey that some cottages within the 
town belonged to the manor of Preston. The following is 
the entry : — 

Rents of the tenants in Alnwick^ Parcel of the Manor 
of Preston. 

Gtoorg^ Metcaulf holds freely his cottages, situate within the 
town of Alnwick, to hold to himself and his neirs freely by charter 
and rendering yearly at the feast aforesaid 4d. This apparent 
anomaly arose from the manor of Preston belonging to the abbot; 
for there is entered '' In rents yearly paid to our Lady the Queen, 
as of her manor of Preston, late parcel of the priory of Alnewyk, 
408." These cottages being the property of the abbey, and 
free (in frank almoigne) from the manor of Alnwick, did suit 
to the abbot as of me manor of Preston; and this relation 
between them and Preston continued after the dissolution of 



* The right of feeding swine in the forest. 



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£66 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

monasteries; bat it did not afiPect the quit rent, which was paid 
to the baron of Ahiwick. These cottars stood in Nairowgate, 
on the east side, a little below where Fenkle Street joins Nar- 
rowgate. 

With exception of the families of Thew and Forster, it is 
questionable, whether a single descendant in the male line of 
any of the other families holding property in the parish of 
Alnwick in 1567, is now living tnere. From this record we 
find that there were 263 burgages in Alnwick, the quit rents 
of which amounted to £12 17s. 7|d. yearly ; besides, there 
were in the parish 16 freehold estates in land, and 52 copy- 
hold estates, 17 of which were in Alnwick, 17 in Denwick, 
9 in Shieldykes, and 9 in Rugley. As, however, the survey 
only included properties which yielded rent or service to 
the baron, there were several other freeholds, not yielding 
rent or service, of which no account is given. None for 
example of the estates carved out of the abbey property. 
Only one burgage in Alnwick then belonged to the baron, 
who indeed held little property beyond the demesne lands 
connected with the castle, portions of the three parks, and 
lands at Shieldykes, Snipe House, and probably Rugley. 
There were about 200 burgesses in the town, that is owners 
of burgage tenements ; there may have been 50 other owners 
of houses in Canongate, Bailiffgate, and beyond the walls of 
the town ; and besides these, about 50 others, owners of land 
yielding no service; so that there would be near to 800 
persons possessed of real property in the parish. Next the 
baron, the largest land owners noticed in the survey, were 
George Alder, who held Hobberlaw, containing two hundred 
acres, Bondgate Hall with eighty acres of land, and nine 
burgages ; George Metcalfe, who was possessed of eighteen 
burgages, two parcels of freeliold land, and three copyholds ; 
William Grey, who had eleven burgages and one copyhold ; 
and William Bednall, who had six burgages, six parcels of 
freehold lands, and three copyholds. 

Quit rents were riot the only charges on property ; under 
the feudal system few tenancies were free from a number of 
vexatious imposts. Some of these appear in the surveys of 
this period. As lord of the manor, the baron claimed free 
fishing, fowling, hunting, and hawking, waifs and estrays, 
wreck of sea, felons' goods, deodands, and other peculiar 
privileges. 

When Sir John Forster was warden of the Marches in the 
reign of Elizabeth, several persons were tried and executed 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 267 

for marcli treason ; tbe warden first seized tbe goods of the 
felons ; but afterwards the earl of Northumberland claimed 
and recovered these goods as his own right. This was the 
case also with the goods of Nicholas Beade, of a felon in 
Howick, and of a felon in Lucker. 

Castle ward and comage were collected by the foreign 
bailiff of the barony ; the former for the defence of the castle 
as the head of the barony ; and the latter, called also geldum 
animalium^ noutgeld, and horngeld, from camUy a horn, and 
geldariy Anglo-Saxon, to pay, was a payment made in com- 
mutation of a return of cattle. The statement, which has 
been frequently made, that the holder by comage was bound 
to wind a horn on the approach of an enemy is erroneous. 
The charge was peculiar to the kingdom of Northumberland, • 
and originated as far back as the ninth century. When the 
king moved from one royal vill to another, the district through 
which he travelled provided cattle to supply his table j it was 
a tax of homed beasts imposed by royalty upon property, 
which in the course of time, however, was commuted into a 
money payment. This commutation had taken place at an 
early period for the county of Northumberland; for we find 
that the tax for the whole county was only £20, while that 
for Durham was £110 6s. 6d. — the commutation for Durham 
having taken place at a later period, when money had lessened 
in value.* The baron of Alnwick paid comage for the whole 
barony; and collected it from his sub-feudatories, making a 
profit out of the transaction ; but the amount paid in 1569 
was the same as that of former periods. Reserving notices 
of mills, bakehouses, brewhouses, and salt for another part 
of our story, I would refer here to a few other peculiar feudal 
imposts. 

At Bilton we find all the tenants paid to the bailiff of 
Lesbury to the use of the lord in respect of their ploughs, 
called Carrying Silver ^ 7s. lOd. 

Some copyholders besides these quit rents paid a rent hen; 
this was converted into money, and in lieu thereof Id. was 
paid yearly. In some parts, as in the neighbourhood of 
• Wooler, such copyholds were called Hen and Capon Copy- 
holds. Leases of lands, which by some unknown process 
had been transmuted from copyholds into farmholds, granted 
by the duke of Somerset to the Wilkinsons of Buston, reserved 

* Mr. J. Hodgson Hinde baa given a clear exposition of the subject in his 
History of Northumberland. 



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£68 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

payment of rent hens ; and at the present time, some of the 
leases on the Chillingham Estate have a condition for the 
payment of a certain sum for rent hens which had been 
paid by copyholds before they had been absorbed into the 
lord's estate. In the records of the baronial courts, there 
is evidence that rent hens were collected in 1695 ; for on 
May the 10th, 1695, " John Waugh presents James Grey, of 
Lesbury, for a rescue, when he was executinge his office in 
collecting the rent hens," and he was amerced Is. This 
imposition had obviously become unpopular. 

One burgage in Narrowgate, Alnwick, occupied in 1709 
by William Boswell, paid as yearly rent a pepper-corn ; and 
another occupied by Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, paid "a Read 
Rose." John Doxforth held Doxford by a quarter of a 
knight's fee, and rendered yearly " a pair of gloves and in 
pennies sixpence ;" the site of Pottergate Tower was liable 
to pay 4d. or a snow-haU at Midsummer, 

As at this point we lose sight of the copyholders of Alnvnck, 
I shall here give some concluding illustrations of this class of 
small landed proprietors, who formerly were a numerous and 
important body. In the barony of Alnwick alone, under the 
mesne lord, besides others holding under the sub-feudatories, 
there were 800 copyholders, viz., in Alnwick 52, Houghton 
47, Lesbury 33, Alnmouth 2, BQton 17, Tughall 11, Newham 
15, Lucker 7, South Charlton 19, Fawdon 5, Chatton 40, 
Rcnuington 16, Shilbottle 26, Guyzance 10. Indeed, almost 
every village in the county was more or less peopled by men 
who cultivated their own land. In the older records this 
tenure was designated by the mediaeval Latin terms hondagium 
and cotagium ; but the difference between them seems to 
have been only in the extent of land attached ; each had its 
dwelling-house, its toft and croft, its parcel of cultivated 
ground, and its right of pasturage over the moor or common 
belonging to the vill ; the bondagium, however, had attached 
to it a husbandland of land — a variable quantity — ^which in 
Alnwick seems to have been twenty-four acres, in one case 
only seventeen acres ; but in Longhoughton and other places 
thirty acres ; the cotagium, however, had annexed to it only 
a seiion of land — that is a rigg, a quantity varying from 
about half an acre to one and a half acres ; at Gateshead it 
was only half an acre ; but at Denwick each cotagium had 
five roods of land. 

Originally both bondmen and cotmen, under the feudal 
system, belonged to the large class of villans ; who were so 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 

called, probably from the mil in which they usually lived. 
Their condition was at first servile ; for they were bound to 
the land and obliged to work a certain number of days on 
the lord*s demesne in ploughing, reaping and other agricul- 
tural labours, as a payment for the lands which they them- 
selves held. But the condition of the villan— of the bondman 
and cotman — gradually improved ; services at first arbitrary 
and oppressive, became fixed and regular, both as to quantity 
and time ; and ultimately they were commuted into a money 
payment ; the villan rose to the dignity of a free man, and 
common law recognised his title to his land, on payment of 
the customary rents and fines — and thus the bondmen and 
cotmen were converted into copyholders; and though, as 
Coke says, of mean descent yet of an ancient house. This 
change to a great extent had taken place at an early period 
with the bondmen and cotmen of Alnwick and of the barony; 
for we find in the thirteenth century, instead of performing 
servile work, they paid money rents to the lord. In 1567, 
the tenants of Shilbottle paid 6s. lid., of Rock 8d., of Ren- 
nington 8d., of Charlton 8d. yearly to the lord for work in 
autumn, which they were accustomed to perform. Fines, 
however, were payable to the lord on the alienation or sale 
of a copyhold, or on its transfer to an heir. There is an 
inrolment of copies in 1586 among the records of the baronial 
courts in Alnwick Castle, which furnishes information as to 
the amount of these fines. Generally they were from two 
to as much as four times the rental. George Beidnell entered 
into a toft and croft and one husbandland in Alnwick, the 
rent of which was 82s., and paid a fine of £3 6s. Od. Michael 
Chandler for a toft and croft and one husbandland in Bond- 
gate Fields, the rent of which was 16s. 8d., paid a fine of 
50s. George Metcalfe for a parcel of demesne land, called 
Baruardsyd with Clark well-heugh, and one parcel of arable 
called Delves, the rent of which was 32s., paid a fine of 62s. 
A few feudal impositions on copyholders of the district are 
traceable down to 1695 ; they still continued liable to carry 
thorns, turves, coals, slates, and straw to Alnwick Castle, 
and millstones to the mill of the manor. The following 
extracts from the baronial court records are illustrations of 
these feudal burdens : — 

1652, April 19. Presentments of Bennington 9, among whom was John 
Falder, of Shilbottle, " who have neglected to bring in their Turfes to the 
Castle ; and 4 presented " that hath not brought in Thorns to repaire the 
hedges of the Bemesne.'* 



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270 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

1655. Bobert Embletcm did not bring ooaLi for several times; and Thomas 
Shepherd, of Denwicke, did not bring whins to Alnwick Ca^e. 

1679. ''Thomas Fhilipson presents John Lisle for not performinge his 
bondage in not bringinge in Straw to Alnewicke Castle ;" and he is amerced 
l8.8d. 

1680. ''Cnthbert Shell not doeing his dutye in leading thomfis to the 
Closes of the Castle, which bytheir Custom and Service is due the Castle f* 
Thomas Sheapherd, William Thew, John Gromwell, G^rge Thompson, John 
Shepherd, Balph Thew, Edward Ghurett, Luke Hunter, Kolland £obinson« 
Bichard Robinson, and Cuthbert Shepherd were presented for the same; 
and each was amerced Is. 

1682. '' Thomas Ladyman presentes Edwazd Adams fbr refiiseing to Lead 
Millstones to Longhoughton Mill ;'' and he is amerced Is. 

"Thomas Ladyman and Arthur Johnston presents G^igo Sheepherd, 
WUliam Peet, Gk!orge Kight, and John Weddle for refiiseing to cart flaggs 
for the said Iionghoughton Mill, which they are bound to doe by Bondage;" 
and each is amerced Is. 8d. 

Eight Persons of Bilton are amerced " for withdrawing their Service to 
their Lord in not bringing Coles to Alnwicke Castle.'* 

'' We order that noe person for the future doe withdraw &eir Service £rom 
the Lord of this manner upon paine of 39111 ;" So says my Lord's Court 

Eighteen peisons of Losbury were amerced in sums from Is. 8d. to 3s. 4d. 
each, *' for withdrawing their Service from the Lord of the Manner, in not 
leadmg Slates frx>m Seaton Carr unto Alnwick Castle." 

1688. "Fk^sented for withdrawing their Services in not doexng their 
bondage to the Castle, we amerce them ; viz., The Inhabitants of Denwicke, 
Bennington, Longhoughton, Losbury, Bilton, and Shilbottle. Noe prove." 

" We present Mr. C^rge BurreU and Edward Adams, of Longhoughton, 
who owes Bondage to the Castle of Alnwick and hath not done it. No 
prove." 

Of these three hundred copyholds not one now exists. We 
cannot view, without regret, the total extinction of this body 
of small landed proprietors ; they were an important part of 
the sturdy, independent yeomanry of old England, and their 
loss has left a gap in our social system. The history of their 
extinction has not been written ; perhaps it is now irreco- 
verable, though there are traditions of the unfair means- 
chicanery, misrepresentation, threats — used to sweep them 
away. The tendency, however, of modern times has been 
for large properties to absorb the smaller — to mass land into 
a few hands. Some centuries ago there were 260,000 land- 
owners in England ; now there are only 30,000. If this 
Erocess goes on — dissevering the mass of the people from the 
ind on which they live — ^revolutionising as it were the 
character- of our social system — discontent may arise and 
demands be made for sweeping changes, which may endanger 
the constitution. 

Two extracts from Hall's Survey will give most interesting 
information, not only as to the nature of the copyhold tenure 
but also of the character of the copyholders themselves, and 
of the condition of the north at this period. It will be 



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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 271 

observed that the '^ reasonable use" of the custom of the 
manor of Cockermouth had been so satisfectory to tenants, 
that other lords of manors in Cumberland had made similar 
grants to their tenants. This runs counter to the commonly 
received opinion, that no copyhold tenures could be created 
after the reign of Richard I., the time of legal memory ; but 
here there seem to have been copyholds created long after that 
period. This new creation, however, does not apply to the 
Alnwick copyholds, which were in existence before the time 
of legal memory ; and the phrase used in reference to them 
merely describes the tenure, by a reference to a previous 
description under Cockermouth, and is not indicative of its 
origin. 

" The Barony of Alnwiok aad the Ooimtrey aboutes ys not in 
all places so wast as Gumbreland, but the soil somewhat better 
and the people more gyven to tyllage and labour then in the 
countrey of Cumberland, and yet very poore, because they are 
liable to keep up greater number of Oattell of any kynde, then 
may lye in house at nyght, because yt ys so nere Scotland of one 
parte, and the busshe country of Tynedale of the other parte, 
whose whole lyfe and delyte ys onely in robbying and spoyling 
there poore neyghbours, and more harme is done to the poore 
Countreymen by the Bydirs of Tynedale then by the open 
enemys of the Scottes." 

*' To the said hous belong a great number of customary tenants 
which hold their lands by copy of suit court, to them and to their 
heirs, doing to the said lord fote service by himself and all his 
family to the borders, when necessity shall require, and paying 
his fine at the lord's will after the death, alienation, or exchange 
of any lord and tenant, which custom hath heretofore been of 
the lords of that house so reasonably used as all the most of the 
customary tenants of the Earls in all the coimtries of Cumber- 
land, Northumberland, York, and the bishoprick of Durham, 
have in all of theim ancient grants and copies to hold to theim 
and their heirs, according to &e custom of those of Cockermouth, 
(the like grants have been made by the lords of manors within 
the county of Cumberland, wherewith the tenants thought them- 
selves well pleased and in good estate, and albeit there farmholds 
were but small yet the commons were great and large.) So as 
the tenants were well able to live and maintain themselves and 
their &mily and always to have in readiness horse and such arms 
as the country re^uireth for the service of the prince and defence 
of their country, till now of late years the greediness of the lords 
hath been such and their practices so horrible, by making con- 
veyances and devises of their land to cause the poor tenants to 
make fine sometimes once or twice three or four years or more, 



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272 HISTORY OF ALNWICK* 

as to them seemed good, as the poor tenants are soe raimsomed 
that they are neither able to lire and maintain their family, as 
yet to have horse or arms to serve the prince and maintain the 
country, so as that custom, which heretofore they most desired 
is now become so odious unto them, as they are not able to endure 
it. And albeit the coimtry consist most in wast groimd, and is 
veiy cold, hard, and barren for the winter, yet it is very popu- 
lous and breedeth taU men and hard of nature, whose habitations 
are most in the yalleys and dales where every man hath a small 
portion of ground, which albeit the soil be hard of nature, yet by 
continual travel is made fertile to their great relief and comfor^ 
for their greatest gain consisteth in breeding of cattle, which are 
no charge to them in the summer, by reason they are pastured 
and fed upon the mountains and wastes where they have suffi- 
cient pasture all the year, imless great snows chance in the winter 
to cover the groimd, for remedy whereof they are driven either 
to sell their cattle or else to provide for winter meat for them, 
and because the greatest part of the country consisteth in wast 
and moimtains, they have but little tillage by reason whereof 
tiiey live hardly and at ease, which maketh them tall of personage 
and able to endure hardness when necessity requireth." 

The following will of J. Bartram Younger, of Alnwick, 
made in 1647, is given here as illustrative of the period. He 
had been a Roman Catholic as he adopts the usual prelim- 
inary form prior to the reformation. The sums left for the 
maintenance of his children are wonderAiUy small. 

In Dei nomine amen vicesimo die mensiB JuHi anno domini 1647°^o J. 
Bartram Yonger, of Alnwyk, seak in body but hoU of remembrannce do maik 
my testament and laste wyll in manor and forme folowyng : Fyrst, I gyve 
my Bowll imto Almyghtie Qod, our blessed Lady, and aU the hoHe company 
of heaven, And my body to be buried in the Church Yard of Saucte MichaaU 
tV archaun^g^ell of ALiwick aforesaid, -with my mortuaries accustomed and 
dew to be given to the Church, And I gyv unto my wyff Alleson for the use 
of the upbryngyng of my Chylder, 8^ Shyllynges and Eight pence. To be 
yerlie rasavyd and persavyd by the said Alleson my wyff or her assynez of 
my landes and tenementos, sett, lyeing, and beyng within the town and 
feyldes of North Cherlton, from the day of the (udt herof unto th' end and 
terme of fourteine yeres next folowyng, fully to be completyd, endytt, and 
rone, And after th* end of the sad fouiteine yeres thane tiie said vja yiijd to 
revert unto my eldest sone William Yonger my heir, lawfully begotten, And 
after his death the samd to remayne unto th' eldest of his biwier and thane 
levying. To hold to hyme durvng his lyff naturall and after their decease 
lykwyse to the rest of my Chylaer as ther ages answeres duryng tiieir lyffes 
fOter the death of one to ane other and after the decesse of all my Chylder 
thane I wyll the same to revert unto my nerast heir. Item, I gyve to my 
sone Henry Yonger my seat howse after his mother's decesse. It^ I ^yye 
to my sone Williame fyve yowes. Item, I gyve to my two Chylder Uiat is in 
Sowm Country to aither of theime two sheyp if they come to fetch thetme. 
Item, I gyv to my son Q«orge two yowes. The resedew of my goodes I gyve 
unto my said wyff AUesone and my Chylder, who I maik my executours, they 
to dispone the saime to the welth of my sowU and their profeito, wytnesses 



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THB TOWN, CA8TLB, AND BABONY. 278 

hereof ib Bjr Robert Fonter, pazushe preyst, WiUiam Glennel, Johne Taylzer, 
Nicholas (^lanler, Jhone Skott, Thomaa Ladymane, with other moo. 
This be th' inventorie of all my goodos moyable and imoyable. 
ImprimiB tene Sheype xz* 
Item an Kow x« 

Item in howshold stuff worthe y}* Tiij^ 
Dettes that I ame awen — 
Item to Thomas Andersone iiij* Item to Jhone Skott ijB iiijd 

(Memorandmn of Probate before the Gommissaiy of Northmnberland, 21 
Jan., 1647 [i.e. 1548 N. S.]. Seal of office destroyel) 

The will of George Harbottel, of Calleche Park, who styles 
himself gentilman, made in 1576, shews how small an amount 
of property a gentleman might possess. He bequeaths his 
son John unto the earl of Northumberland, '' and the lodge 
and office to hym at my lord's pleasure, trustinge that he 
will stand good lord and maister unto hym, whereby he 
may the better bringe upe my childer." He gives to Robert 
Harbottel one cow and calf; and then follows 

"An Inventory of all the ^oods and chattells moyable and immoTeable of 
ibis testator praysed and viewed, the xxidtlx day of Febmaiy, 1676. In 
primis xri head of nolte of yon^ and elder xyi^— xlljtie ghepe of yongar and 
elder t1~^' calves xzB—come in the yard zlyj* vujd-Hn swyne x*— summa 
zziiijl TY}* viij4 ."♦ 

James Melville, an eminent minister in the church of Scot- 
land, in his autobiography has some slight notices of Alnwick 
in the latter part of the sixteenth century. On the 2nd of 
August, 1584, he visited Alnwick ; " We cam that night '* 
says he, ^' to Anweik and ludget in the house of a widow, 
whose son-in-law, guidman of the hous, was lyand seek of 
maney deadlie wounds, giffen him be the Scottes theives on 
the Bordar. And yet we receavat never an evill countenance 
of them." He was again at Alnwick in 1585, and his record 
of the visit exhibits the character of Sir John Forster, the 
lord warden. " We haid occasion " says he, '* divers tymes 
to sing unto the praise of our God that 126 Psalme, with 
manie ma (more), but namlie at our coming to Anwik on the 
second Sabathe of our Journey, (ISth November.) Ther we 
rested, and war called to dinner be Sir Jhone Fostar, Lord 
Warden, wha at mides of dinner, began bathe to glorifie God 
in recompting what he haid wrought already, and to pro- 
phesie concerning the stay of foull wather and of pestilence. 
There was a pestilence that somer in Edinburgh, St. An- 
drew's, Perth, and Dundee, and a tempestuous rainy harvest, 
which the peiple attributed to the exile of the ministers and 



• North Country Wills, II., p. 408. 



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274 HI8T0BT OF ALNWICK. 

noblemen by a licentious court; wherefore all the ministers of 
God war brought ham againe^ as indeed it was marked and 
found within a monethe, that we war estonished to heir the 
mouthe of a warldlie civill man sa opened to speak out the 
woundarfuU warkes and praises of God wrought for us. We 
war in companie a nine or ten hours; and fand him the 
gratius God of the land in retouming, as we fand him of the 
sees in our passage southward.*** 

Of all the natives of the town, William de Alnewyk, 
L.L.D.y who flourished during this period, was one of the 
most illustrious. Prior to the general use of surnames, some 
addition was usually made to the Christian name, derived 
from a personal quality, from occupation or from residence, 
to distinguish one person from another. The most important 
man in a hamlet or vill, when signing a document, would 
add the name of the place ; and thus some John or William 
de Alnewyk would originate the family name. In 1S68 
William de Alnwyk was controller of the customs of Berwick, 
and Thomas de Alnewyk was weigher of wool there in 1392. 
Alan de Alnwick, a goldsmith of York, founded and endowed 
a chantry in that city in 1483 ; and about the same period, 
John de Alnewyk was paid 16d. for workiug seven days at 
York Minster. As we have seen, a family of Alnwick was 
living in the town in 1474, when John de Alnewyk was a 
chaplain in the chantry. William de Alnewyk, was appointed 
by Henry V. confessor of the monastery of Sion in his manor 
of Isleworth, which now belongs to the duke of Northimiber- 
land. In 1420, he was prior of Wymondham in Norfolk, 
confessor to Henry VI., archdeacon of Salisbury, and keeper 
of the Privy Seal. As a commissioner to adjust differences 
on the borders he was employed in 1423 and 1425. By 
Pope Martin he was, in 1426, appointed bishop of Norwich ; 
and while there, he built the west end of the cathedral and 
the principal entrance to the Bishop's Palace, on which he 
placed the arms of his family — Argent a cross moline sable, 
and added Orate pro anima Domini WiUielmi Alnwyk. On 
September I9th, 1436, he was translated to the see of Lin- 
coln. He died on December 5th, 1449, and was buried 
in the cathedral. His own arms, with those of the sees of 
Norwich and Lincoln, are placed over his tomb, along with an 
epitaph in Latin verse. In his will, which was proved at 
Lambeth in 1449, he shews a regard for his native town ; 

* MelviU«*B Antobiognphy, p. 227. 



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THB TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONT. 275 

besides giving ten pounds towards walling the town and ten 
pounds towards the fabric of the church of Alnwick, he 
bequeathed to the parish church, for the priests officiating, 
his missal the third in value, one antiphonar, one bloody 
coloured vestment of cloth, having lions of gold interwoven, 
one chesuble dalmatic and tunic, three albs and three copes 
of the same set, and one chalice. To Alnwick Abbey he 
bequeathed for the high altar one pair of small vessels of 
silver, with flowers enamelled on the base and with a pipe 
in the side of one of them, and also one hundred shillings ; 
to Holn Abbey he gave forty shillings** 

• Of thi§ wiU th$ Bev. X. JUine hus kindly procured fir m$ tke following extract^ 
fr<m Mr, 8UM$^ tki li^arimn of iMmieth Falmee: — Item lego eceledse parochiali 
de Alnewyk Danelmenau diooesiM, ad ttsam aaoerdotam ibidem oelebrantium, et 
parochiuioram ibidem, tertium meum Miasftle in valoxe, unum Antiphooarium, 
unum Yeatimentam me«m blodium de panno auri cum leonibus auri intextia, 
«Dam vis. caealam dalmatieam tunicara tree albaa, tree eapaa ejaadem aectae, et 
uQum ealioem, ad diapoaitionem meonim exeoutorum. Item lego abbati et con- 
▼entui eanonicoTum de Alnewyk unum par pelvium peirarum de argeato earn 
floribva 10 fuadis ipeanim anamellatia et fistala in Hniaa lateve dietamm pelvium 
ad Bummum eoram altare, et centum aolidoa. Item lego fratribaa ibidem Car- 
melitia de Holo xia. Item lego decern librae ad mnratioriem ejutdem villae de 
Alnewyk, et ad fabiicam eecleaiaB ^nodem x. li. 




PBBOT 0BE8T8. 



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CHAPTER XV. 

SEVENTH, EIGHTH, NINTH, TENTH, AND EliKVENTH 
EAELS OF NOETHUMBEELAND— FEOM 1557 TO 1670. 

THOMAS, THE SEVENTH EASL — ^A BOMAN CATHOLIC — ^BESTOBED TO 
THE BABOKY — IN DISGBAOE AlTD BEBELS — ALNWICK CASTLE Ef 
THE HANDS OF BEBELS — TAKEN BY SIB JOHN FOBSTEB — BEBEL- 
LION CBU8HED — ^EABL FLEES TO SCOTLAND — BETBAYED AND 
EXECUTED — HEBALDBY — ^HENBY, THE EIGHTH EABL— BECOMES 
FB0TB6TANT — ^FALLS X7NDEB SXTSFIdON— -OHABOED WITH TBEASON 
AND IMPBISONED — SHOOTS HIMSELF — ^HENBY, THE NINTH BABL^- 
JOINS THE FLEET AGAINST THE ABMADA — ^EXTBAYAOANT — UN- 
HAPPY MABBIAOE— QT7ABBEL WITH YEBE — THOMAS PEBOY THE 
CONSPIBATOB — ^EABL CONYICTED OF MISPBI8I0N OF TBEASON — 
FINED AND IMPBISONED — HIS LETTEBS— HENBY THE WIZABD 
AND THE THBEE MAGI — BETiEAflED AND BETIBBS TO PETWOBTH-* 
ALGEBNON, THE TENTH EABL— COMMANDEB OF THE FLEET — 
CONNECTED WITH THE PABLIAMBNTABY PABTY DTJBING THE 
CrVTL WAB — ^NEGOTIATES FOB PEACE — BETIBES TO PETWOBTH — 
HIS CHABACTEB — J08CELINE, THE ELEVENTH EABL — THE LAST 
OF HIS FAMILY — CHABACTEB OF THE PEBCY LOVAINBS. 

THOMAS PERCY, SEVENTH EAEL OF NOETHUM- 
BEELAND. 

After being in obscurity twenty years, the Percys reappear 
as busy actors in national events. The sixth earl died with- 
out issue ; and the children of his brother Thomas, who was 
attainted, being corrupt in blood, could not succeed. Thomas, 
nephew of the last earl and son of Thomas Percy, was, like 
his father, a Roman Catholic ; but Mary, the queen, being 
deeply attached to the Romish faith, looked with favour on 
this scion of the Percy family. She, therefore, by letters 
patent, dated 30th of April, 1557, created him a baron of 
Parliament, by title of Baron Percy, "in consideration of 
his noble descent, constancy, virtue, and valour in deeds of 
arms, and other shining qualifications." There being no 
mention of the ancient place of barony in the patent, this 



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THOMAS PERCY, SEVENTH EABL. 277 

was a new creation, and not a restoration of the ancient 
house ; and it could, therefore, claim precedency only from 
the date of the patent. But on the following day, by another 
patent, the queen promoted him to the dignity of earl of 
Northumberland in consideration that his ancestors, ab anti- 
quo de tempore in temptis, had been earls of Northumberland; 
and this has been considered a perfect restitution to the earl- 
dom. The queen, in addition, granted to him all the lands 
which had belonged to his ancestors, then in her possession. 
These dignities and estates were, however, bestowed on a 
qualified tenure ; for the succession was restricted to the 
male heirs of his own body, and failing them, to the heirs 
male of his brother Henry. So that in fact, in the event of 
failure of these heirs, the dignities would become extinct, and 
the estates would escheat to the sovereign. When Thomas 
Percy was created baron, there was a stately ceremony in 
Whitehall; eight heralds and twelve trumpeters marched 
first through the chamber into the hall, followed by the earl 
of Pembroke and Lord Montague ; and after them came the 
new baron, walking between the earls of Arundel and Rut- 
land, attired in crimson velvet, with a hat of velvet and a 
coronet of gold on his head. 

Soon afterwards, the earl appeared on the scene of border 
strife, where of old his ancestors were wont to display their 
prowess. Jointly with Lord Wharton, he was constituted 
warden general of the Marches towards Scotland, and captain 
of the town and castle of Berwick, with ample powers, and 
with a yearly salary as warden of the Middle March of 600 
marks, as warden of the East March and captain of Berwick 
of 700 marks, with other allowances for his deputies and 
servants. 

Elizabeth, after her accession to the English throne in 
1559, endeavoured by energetic measures to protect the bor- 
ders. She appointed the earl of Northumberland as general 
warden. A formal peace was concluded between the two 
nations, and the earl, as one of the English commissioners, 
signed the treaty on the 21st of May, 1559, at Upsetlington. 
French influence, however, soon led to the renewal of hosti- 
lities. Intestine commotions in Scotland arising out of the 
conflict between the papal and reformed faiths weakened 
that kingdom; and the English entered into a treaty with the 
Scotch reformers, and sent m their support, into Scotland, an 
army of six thousand foot and twelve hundred and fifty horse, 
under the command Lord Grey, of Wilton, Sir Henry Percy 



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278 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

being general of the light horseman. At Leith there was a 
fierce and long skirmish, in which young Percy^ the son of 
Sir Henry, distinguished himself by his bravery. Leith was 
besieged and gallantly defended; but before it could be taken, 
peace was concluded. 

For some years after this, the Percys were in obscurity, and 
probably in disgrace. The appointment of Earl Grey, who 
was an excellent soldier, to the important office of warden 
gave offence to the earl of Northumberland ; and his chagrin 
would be aggravated by the appointment of the duke of 
Bedford^ in 1565, as lord lieutenant of the Northern Counties. 
Being a Roman Catholic^ he might not look with affection 
on the vigorous protestant queen; and she on the other hand 
might not be disposed to invest him with official power in 
the north, where the reformed religion had made less progress 
than in other parts of the kingdom. Notwithstanding his 
adherence to the old faith, he seized and retained eight 
thousand crowns, which had been sent by the pope to help 
Mary, queen of the Scots, in her difficulties ; the ship, in 
which it was conveyed, having been driven on the Northum- 
brian coast adjoining the earl's lands. 

His dissatisfaction with the government assumed a treason- 
able form in 1568, when he busied himself with intrigues to 
dethrone his sovereign, and re-establish the Roman Catholic 
religion. Mary, the unfortunate queen of the Scots, was 
now a prisoner in England ; and the earl was a party to the 
scheme for her marriage to the duke of Norfolk ; but this 
plot was thwarted by the vigilance of Elizabeth. The earl, 
timid and vaccilating, and sensible of the danger which hung 
over him, submitted himself to the earl of Suffolk, the presi- 
dent of the North, and besought him to mediate with the 
queen. Notwithstanding this, the earl continuing to hold 
treasonable consultations with other lords, the queen, on the 
14th of November, 1669, issued a peremptory order com- 
manding him to appear before her * When he read this 
order, he was thrown into a state of alarm and suspense. 
Camden says, " between the softness of his nature and the 
consciousness of his guilt; the bigotry of his persuasion, and 
the violence of his resentment for a conceived wrong done to 
him, in relation to a rich copper mine found upon his estate, 
by virtue of the queen's right to royal mines ; he seemed to 
labour under a very great suspense^ whether it were best to 

• Stow Chron., p. 663. 



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THOMAS F£RCY^ SETEKTH EARL. ^9 

apply to her Majesty, or to seek his safety by flight, or turn 
rebel."* His friends and servants were ripe for rebellion ; 
and knowing his cowardly disposition, they adopted means 
to drive him into decided action. At midnight, on the 14th 
of November, 1568, when he was at Topcliffe, they aroused 
and alarmed him with the cry — that Oswald, Ulstrop, and 
Yaughan, his enemies, were ready with arms and men to 
take him prisoner; they told him that the catholics were 
ready all England over to assert their religion, and that the 
bells were rung backward in almost every parish to encourage 
the people to an insurrection ; and they also caused the bells 
of the town to be rung backward.f In a panic of fear he 
arose from his bed, and sought refuge in a lodge in his 
own park; and on the following night joined the earl of 
Westmoreland at Brancepath, where several insurgents were 
assembled. These earls now passed the rubicon of rebellion ; 
their war cry was religion, and they issued a manifesto 
declaring, that they took up arms with no other design than 
to restore the religion of their ancestors ; the queen, they 
said, was surrounded ^' by divers newe set-up nobles, who 
not onlie go aboute to overthrow and put downe the ancient 
nobilitie of the realme, but also have misused the queue's 
majestie's own personne, and also have, by the space of 
twelve yeares nowe past, set upp and mayntayned a new- 
found religion and heresie, contrary to God's word." One 
great object the rebels had in view was to liberate Mary, 
queen of Scotland; and for this purpose, the countess of 
Northumberland endeavoured to gain access to her in the 
guise of a nurse, and by exchanging clothes to enable her to 
escape; but this rather common place stratagem did not 
succeed. 

The rebels on the 16th of November, appealing to the old 
religious sentiment of the north, unfurled their banners, on 
some of which the five wounds of Christ were portrayed, and 
on others the chalice. An old man, Richard Norton, bore 
in front a cross with a streamer. They marched first to 
Durham, and celebrated mass in the cathedral and destroyed 
English bibles, prayer books, and the communion table. The 
earl went to Richmond, then to Northallerton and Borough- 
bridge, and on the 20th, along with his countess, he joined the 
earl of Westmoreland at Ripon, where mass was celebrated. 

• Camden's Elis., II., p. 422. 
t Stow Chron., p. 668. 



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280 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

They next advanced to CliflEbrd Moor, near Wetherby, where 
their forces were numbered and found to amount to only four 
thousand foot and sixteen hundred horse* — a power quite 
inadequate to overthrow an established throne. The small- 
ness of this array is significant ; for a larger muster might 
have been expected in the northern counties^ which were 
still the stronghold of the Roman Catholic party. Sadler 
says — ^' There be not in all this country ten gentlemen that 
do favour and allow her Majesty's proceedings in tlie cause 
of religion ; and the common people be ignorant^ full of 
superstition^ and altogether blinded with the old popish 
doctrine." Feudal attachments^ however, were breaking 
up ; and so repeatedly had the retainers of the old border 
chieftains suffered in civil strife, that the battle cries of 
'* Percy ! Percy ! Esperance ! " had ceased to find a response 
in the hearts of Northumbrians generally. On this occasion, 
only four score or a hundied horsemen out of Northumber- 
land, gathered around the Percy banner. Yet there seems 
to have been a considerable number of the disorderly border 
men ready to join this attempt, for, says Sir John Forster 
writing from Bamburgh on the 25th of November — ^''the 
Earles have soe practised with the evil men of England and 
Scotland to break the borders and set them in disorder," that 
he distrusted them. 

The queen, on the 27th of November, ordered the armorial 
ensigns of the earl of Northumberland to be removed from 
his stall as knight of the Garter ; " that all other, by his 
example, for ever more hereafter, beware how they commit 
or doe the lyke cryme or fall in lyke shame and rebuke." 

The earl had warned his retainers to be in '^ defenceable 
array ;" and numbers of them, garrisoned, on his behalf, the 
castles of Alnwick and Warkworth. A royal proclamation 
was in consequence issued commanding every person to 
depart from these castles immediately, declaring those to 
be traitors who served the earl or remained in them. Those 
holding Alnwick Castle, on being summoned by Sir John 
Forster, the warden of the Middle Marches, refiised to deliver 
it up ; he therefore marched through the town to the Market 
Place, and there repeated the proclamation, and commanded 
all the earl's tenants to repair to their own houses. After 
this, with increased forces, he returned to the castle; and the 
garrison having no hope of succour, yielded to the warden 

• Stuw ChroD.y p. 663. 



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THOMAS PEBCY, SEVENTH EARL. 881 

and saved their lives. Warkworth in like manner surren- 
dered ; and both fortresses were garrisoned by loyal men.* 

By guarding the passes of the country, the vigilant warden 
prevented several of the earl's dependents from joining the 
insurrection. Dispirited bv want of adequate support, the 
insurgents proceeded no mrther southward than Clifford 
Moor ; and turning back, they assaulted Barnard Castle and 
Hartlepool, both of which surrendered. But these were their 
last successful achievements. They hoped to have had help 
from the duke of Alva, with whom they had been in treason- 
able correspondence ; but none came ; a strong royal army 
was on the way to attack them; and money too was wanting 
to maintain their own troops ; for the two leaders had in- 
dulged a magnificent hospitality, apd had little money in 
their possession ; the earl of Northumberland had brought 
with him only eight thousand crowns, and the earl of West- 
moreland scarce any mone^ at all. Sir John Forster, the 
warden, who was accompamed by Sir Henry Percy, had on 
the 7th of December, '^ a great skirmish with the earl of 
Northumberland." After this, most of the rebel army slunk 
away ; but the earl of Northumberland kept the field till the 
18th of December, when the approach of the royal army, 
under Earl Surrey, compelled him, with an escort of five 
hundred horsemen, to seek safety among the wild borderers 
in Liddesdale. " What a fond and foolish ende" says Sir 
John Forster, '^ these rebells have made of their traitorous 
rebellion." 

In one of the finest of the border ballads, the minstrel 
indulges in poetic fancies, and presents the weak, spiritless 
leader as somewhat of a hero. 

'' Earl Percy is into his garden ^ne 

And after him walkes his fietire ladie, 
I heard a bird sing in mine yeare 

That I must either fisht or flee. 
Then rose that reverend gentleman (EranciB Norton), 

And with him came a goodly band, 
To join the brave Earl Percy 

And all the flower of Northumberland. 
Earle Percy there his ancyent spred 

The Halfe-moone shining all so fiEkire, 
The Nortons ancyent had me Orosse 

And the five woimds our Lord did beare. 

• Hollinihead— Sfaarpe's Memorials of the Rebellioo. 

2o 



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882 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Now spread tiiy ancyent Westmoreland 

The dun bull faine would we spye. 
And thou the Erie of Northumberland 

Now rayse thy half moone up on hye. 
But the dun buUe is fled and gone 

And the halfe moone vanished away. 
And the Erles, though they were braye and bold. 

Against soe many could not -stay." 

The accounts of the earPs capture are somewhat different. 
One statement is that he skulked in some poor cottages at 
Harelaw among the Grahams^ who were notorious robbers ; 
and that one of them. Hector Grraham, for a bribe, delivered 
him to the earl of Murray ; for this inhospitable deed, the 
fierce borderers, who respect their own laws of honour> wished 
to have Hector's head that they might eat it among them for 
supper. Dr. Percy's account, gathered from border songs, is 
a little more romantic. When the earl reached the borders, 
he was seiaed, stripped, and maltreated by thieves ; but at 
length he found an asyluin in the house of Hector of Harelaw, 
an Armstrong, who, under considerable obligations to him, 
had pledged his honour to be true. Hector, like a fEuthless 
wretch, betrayed, for a sum of money, his noble guest, 
in January, 1670, to James Stewart, the earl of Murray. 
Retribution followed this treachery ; Hector, before this, was 
rich, but soon afterwards he sunk into poverty; and his 
infamous conduct gave origin to a proverb— To take Hector* 9 
Cloak, is applied to the man who betrays his friend. The 
earl was imprisoned by Murray in the castle of Lochleven. 

For this rebellion, the earl of Northumberland and his 
countess were attainted of high treason and outlawed, along 
with fifty-five other noblemen. These were days when 
human life was little valued, and when hanging and decapita- 
tion were the sovereign remedies for constitutional diseases. 
A fierce and bloody vengeance fell on the insur8;ents. Those 
who possessed property were honoured with a trial, that their 
estates might be confiscated; but the poorer classes were 
hung without trial and without mercy. Sir George Bowes 
boasted that for sixty miles in length and fifty in breadth, 
between Newcastle and Wetherby, there was scarcely a town 
wherein some of the inhabitants were not hung as a warning 
to the rest ; sixty-three constables were hung in the city of 
Durham. " I guess" says Cecil, ''it will not be under six 
or seven hundred of the common sort that shall not be 



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THOMAS PEBCT^ BEVENTH BARL. 28S 

executed, besides the prisoners taken in the field/* Surely 
the good times of Queen Bess are little better than a myth. 

Sir Henry Percy, on June 7th, 1670, by letter, interceded 
with Sir William Cecil on behalf of his brother; he desired 
to have his counsel as to the mode of proceeding with his 
brother, who is very penitent, and his wife in great distress ; 
and he hopes that certain, of his lands will not be granted 
away. In another to his brother, he reproached him with 
his proceedings in the late rebellion, and urges him to seek 
the queen's mercy and to think on the misery and desolation 
he has occasioned.* 

The countess of Northumberland suffered severely in the 
rebellion. ** On the same day," the 22nd of December, 
writes the earl of Sussex to Cecil, ^^the Idddesdale men stole 
my lady of Northumberland's h(»se and her two women's 
horses, and ten other horses; so as when the earU went 
away, they left her, and all the rest that lost their horses, on 
foot, at John of Syde's house — ^a cottage not to be compared 
to any dog kennel in England. Such is their present misery; 
and at their departing from her, there were not fifty horse ; 
and my lord of Westmoreland changed his coat of plate and 
sword with John of the Syde to be more unbeknown." She 
sought refuge in Scotland with the laird of Feruihurst, who 
took her to Hume Castle; she met, however, with sorry 
treatment from the Scots, " being miserably entreated, and 
forced for her surety to remove from friend to friend without 
rest fearing ever to be spoiled by those barbarous people." 
For very penury, she was obliged to retire from Scotland 
and seek refuge in France. 

The earl continued a prisoner in Lochleven Castle till 
July, 1572, when, for a large bribe, he was ungenerously 

S'ven up to Lord Hunsdon, governor of Berwick, by James 
ouglas, earl of Morton, who, six years before when an exile 
in England, was indebted to the bounty and friendship of 
the earl of Northumberland. The northern minstrel sings — 

** When the regent was a banisht man 
With me he did faire welcome find. 
And whether weal or woe betide 

I still shall find him true and kind." 

He was conveyed to York, and on the 22nd of August was 
beheaded as a traitor. Before he suffered, he avowed his 

• CaL State PapeiB, LXXL, p. SSI. 

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ie84 



HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 



belief in the pope's supremacy^ and affirmed that the realm 
was in a state of schism, and that those obedient to Elizabeth 
were no better than heretics. He was buried at St. Cnix, 
York. ^ 

By his wife^ Anne, third daughter of Henry Somerset, earl 
of Worcester, he had one son only, who died when young, 
and five daughters, one of whom, Mary, was married to Sir 
Thomas Grey, of Wark. 

He was a weak minded man, and bore the sobriquet of 
** Thomas the Simple ;" but in the northern ballads descrip- 
tive of the rising of the north, he is designated "The Moon," 
in allusion to the Percy badge of the crescent. 

Arms. — Qtuirterly of Six. — I., Percy and Lucy quarterly. 
II., Old Percy, III., Poynings. IV., Fitz-Payne. 
v., Bryan. YI., Quarterly. I. ThreehotUes? bottes? 
(bats), or icicles. 2. Three escollops, two and one. 3. 
Three ewers, two and one. 4. Three water bongets, two 
and one. 





Bapoes. — A crescent. A locket within the horns of a 
crescent. 

Motto. — Esperance en Dieu. 



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HENRY^ EIGHTH EARL. S85 

HENRY, EIGHTH EAEL OP NORTHTTMBEELAND. 

Thomas, the seventh earl, dying without male issue, his 
titles and estates descended to his brother Henry, by virtue 
of the entail made in the reign of Queen Mary. Long before 
his accession to the barony of Alnwick, he had, as we have 
seen, greatly distinguished himself in border warfare by his 
vigilance and courage. When his brother was in rebellion, 
Henry was zealous and active in the queen's service, and 
aided Sir John Forster, the warden, in extinguishing the 
insurrection. In a letter to him, the queen expressed her 
gladness for his loyalty and assured him that, as a reward of 
his fidelity, she would have a due regard to the continuation 
of his house in his person and blood. He was, in 1575, 
summoned to parliament as earl of Northumberland; and 
was also made a knight of the Garter. 

He had in 1560 conformed to the Protestant religion ; for 
in that year, he was one of those commissioners, who in 
confidence of their approved piety, wisdom, prudence, and 
care, were appointed to administer the oath authorised by 
parliament to the ecclesiastics throughout the kingdom. He 
must, however, have had a secret attachment to the old faith; 
for he soon afterwards became an object of suspicion to the 
government. His movements were watched, and so harshly 
was he treated, that from about the year 1575 he was not 
allowed, being a suspected person, to go far from the environs 
of London. This was a period of plots and intrigues; 
the adherents of popery were always on the alert, by their 
emissaries, to stir up rebellion, and, doubtless, it was the 
duty of the government to be wary and vigilant ; but un- 
worthy means were used to trap people ; counterfeit letters 
were privately sent in the name of the queen of the Scots, 
and spies were employed to listen to people's discourses and 
to report even idle talk. Through such contemptible artifices 
the earl of Northumberland was inculpated ; and in 1584 he 
was arrested and committed prisoner to the tower, charged 
vrith having secretly plotted with Throckmorton, Lord Paget, 
and the Guises, for the invasion of England and the liberation 
of Mary, queen of the Scots. " He was one of those stars" 
says Sir Walter Scott, " who shot madly from their spheres 
in the cause of Mary." 

The charge rested chiefly on some confession made by 
William Shelly, who was a friend of the earl and an accom- 
plice of Throckmorton ; but the evidence of guilt must not 



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886 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

have been convincing^ since the earl, though kept in prison 
for about a year, was never brought to trial. Probably enough, 
he had committed himself to some of the plots that were 
concocted for the deliverance of Mary ; but the severity with 
which Roman Catholics were treated, tended to breed rebel- 
lion/ "The conduct of the government towards the catholics'* 
says a judicious historian, " somewhat resembled the brutal 
pranks of a set of boys who drive and torment a dog until he 
IS mad, and then shoot him for being dangerous." 

The cause of his death is involved in mystery. After being 
about a year in the tower, his ordinarv keeper was removed, 
and replaced by Bailiff, a servant of Sir Christopher Hatton; 
and on the next morning, the 21st of June, 1585, he was 
found dead in his bed, " shot with three bullets near the 
left pap," his chamber door being bolted on the inside. An 
inquest was held and the Jury ^'considered the place, found 
the pistol and gunpowder in the chamber, and examining his 
man that bought the pistol and him that sold it, gave their 
verdict that he had killed himself." His death appears to 
have created a sensation and even alarmed the government ; 
for, three days afterwards, there was a ftiU meeting of the 
peers of the realm in the Star Chamber, when the lord chan- 
cellor affirmed that the earl had laid violent hands on himself, 
being terrified with the guilty consciousness of his offence ; 
and to satisfy the multitude, who are always prone, the 
chancellor said, to believe the worst, the attorney and the 
solidtQir-general explained to the peers the reasons why the 
earl had been kept in prison and the manner of his death. 
Grave suspicions were entertained by the Roman Catholics, 
that Hatton had been instrumental in assassinating the earl ; 
and a modem writer says '' the whole transaction bears many 
marks of a government prison murder ;" but to support this 
conclusion, there is little else than the time of death coincid- 
ing with the change of keeper, while, on the other hand, it 
is difficult to find a sufficient reason to induce the government 
to commit so great a crime ; the earl was far from being a 
formidable personage, while the ministers of Elizabeth were 
able and wise, and not likely to perpetrate deeds, at once 
marked by folly and guilt. To save his estates from forfeiture 
and his family from ruin, might have induced the earl to end 
his own life. Camden says *' many good men were much 
affected that so great a person died so miserable and lament- 
able a death ; as well because men naturally favour nobility, 
as that he had acquired singular commendation for his 



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HENRY, NINTH EARL. 287 

valour. He was a man of a lively and active spirit and 
courage."* 

He married Catherine, eldest daughter and co-heir of 
John Neville Lord Latimer, and through her the manoi: 
of Burton-Latimer came into the Percy family. They 
had eight sons and three daughters — Henry, who succeeded 
him ; Thomas, who died unmarried in 1587 ; William, who 
died unmarried in 1648; Sir Charles, who died without issue 
in 1628 ; Sir Richard, who died unmarried in Angiers ; Sir 
Alan, who died without issue in 1613 ; Sir Josceline, who 
died unmarried ; and George, who died unmarried in 16SZ 
in the Low Countries. 

HENET, NINTH EAEL OP NOETHUMBEELAND. 

Henry the ninth earl, one of the most singular characters 
of his age, must now appear on the stage of our history. 
He was born in April 1564, and had just attained his 
majority, when in 1585 he succeeded to the honours and 
estates of his father. He soon afterwards joined the army sent 
from England, under Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, to aid 
the Netherlands against the Spaniards. At a later period in 
1588, when England rose in her might to drive from her shores 
and to destroy the " Invincible Axmada " of Spain, he was 
one of " the English gentry of the younger sort who entered 
themselves volimteers, and taking leave of their parents, 
wives and children, did, with incredible cheerfulness hire 
ships at their own charge, and in pure love to their coimtry 
joined the grand fleet in vast numbers.'^f 

Notwithstanding these early indications of patriotic hero- 
ism, he appears to have fallen into expensive and. dissipated 
habits. Coming into a splendid inheritance at an early age, 
he was, it is said, surrounded with parasites, who nursed his 
follies, and led him into extravagances. His marriage in 1594 
with Dorothy, daughter of Walter Devereux, earl of Essex, 
and widow of Sir Thomas Perrot was unfortunate ; for their 
tempers were incompatible; and, although she had borne 
him children, he separated from her. She lived at Sion 
House, sad and melancholy, though at times playing with 
her child. Towards women he seems indeed to have had no 
chivalrous feeling ; for after assaulting " a worthy and virtu- 
ous gentlewoman, he circulated infamous verses to defame 
her character." 

» Camden, IL, p. i»04. ^ t Camdeo, II., p. 547. 



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288 - HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

In 1601 he attempted to drag into a quarrel Sir Francis 
Yere^ an honourable and distinguished soldier^ who was 
commander-general of all the forces engaged in the defence 
of Ostendy when it was besieged by the Spaniards. Though 
serving under Vere, he accused his general of " wanting 
in respect to him and countenancing reports to his dis- 
advantage." For these supposed wrongs he sent, on their 
return to England^ a challenge to Yere, and refused to 
receive a letter in reply. He even threatened Yere*s friend 
with his sword^ if he attempted to leave the letter with him. 
What these reports were of which the earl complained we 
are not informed ; but in Yere's reply he offered to clear him- 
self of having given any cause of offence^ and stated that he 
despised private combating, especially as he was engaged in 
a great and important action. Yere's conduct was cool^ 
respectful, and rational, while the earl manifested an intem- 
perate and petulant spirit.* 

The earl was imquestionably a man of ability and energy ; 
and in the opinion of his cotemporaries qualified to lead a 
party in the state. Towards the close of Elizabeth's reign^ 
he attached himself strongly to the interests of James YI. of 
Scotland, and with more zeal than either discretion or hon- 
our, he, along with some other craven-hearted English noble- 
men^ solicited James to seize on the English throne. This 
was ungenerous and even cowardly; for the old lioness^ 
before whom they would have quailed when in her strength^ 
was now stricken down with disease. James, however, was 
more honourable, and rejected such mean and unworthy 
counsels. 

In the early j0t of the reign of James I., the earl was 
engaged in some formal commissions and state ceremonials ; 
but he soon lost the favour of the king, chiefly through the 
influence of Cecil, who indeed suspected the earl of being 
concerned in the Rye conspiracy. Frowned upon by the 
court, the earl, a disappointed man, probably enough would 
be disposed to look with no disfavour on schemes opposed to 
the government. Through, however, the treasonable conduct 
of his kinsman Thomas Percy, who was a leader in the in- 
famous Gunpowder Plot, he was involved in serious trouble. 
This Thomas Percy, called the conspirator, was a Roman 
Catholic, and the grandson of Joscelyn Percy, who was fourth 
son of the fourth earl of Northumberland. It was customary, 

* Collins giyes a long acoonnt of this matter, VL, pp. 497-48S. 



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HENRT^ NINTH EARL. 289 

at this period^ for noblemen to place younger branches of their 
families in situations in their household^ and accordingly 
Thomas Percy was constable of Alnwick Castle and auditor 
and commissioner to the earl. From his official connection 
with the barony he was frequently at Alnwick; his wife 
lived there, his children were born in the castle, his son 
Robert attended the Alnwick Grammar School, and one of 
his daughters was buried at Alnwick on Snd February, 1602. 
Such was the regard in which he was held by Henry the 
earl of Northumberland, that in a formal document in 1597 
he writes — 

''The very true and undoubted patrone of the parishe and, 
churche of Alnehome sending greeting in the Lord Ood Ever- 
lasting, graunts by his writing to my wellbeloved Oosyn Thomas 
Percy, hu executors, and assignes, the first and next advowsone, 
donation, nomination, presentation and free disposition of the 
Beotory and Parsonage of the Parish Qhurch of Alneham." 

Beligious principles must have hung loosely around the earl, 
when he gave the advowson of a protestant church to a catholic. 
The following document, preserved among the Alnwick Castle 
records shews the kind of duties performed by Thomas Percy 
and the style of address adopted by the earl : — 

" Whereas I am informed, that Mr. Lyle of Felton hath en- 
croached and enclosed certen parcells of my soyle and commons 
within my manor of Thurston to the great hinderance and annoy- 
ance of my tenants and the prejudice of my inheritance, These 
are therefore to will and reqiure yow to pull downe and lay open 
or cause to be pulled downe and layd open to my same commons 
ageyne all such parceUs as be now enclosed. And so to se them 
ooniynue. Aad this shalbe your warrant for the same. Geven 
at my howse at Syon the x^ June, 1602. 
To my loveing Oosen 

Tho: Percy my Constable 

of Alnewick." 

The bold and flourishing signature of this conspirator I 
have seen attached to several documents in Alnwick Castle. 
He had also received the appointment of gentleman pen- 
sioner from the earl, who was captain of the band. The 
Gunpowder Plot, as is well known, was frustrated, and 
Thomas Percy was slain at Holbeach on the 8th November, 
1605. 

Suspicion fell upon the earl, as this conspirator was his 
kinsman and in his service ; and it was supposed that to the 

2p 



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290 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

earl would have been offered the protectorship of the kingdom 
if the conspiracy .had been successful ; he was therefore 
arrested^ and for some weeks confined to his own house^ but 
afterwards committed to the tower. He boldly asserted his 
innocence^ and demanded a trial. After nearly seven months 
delay, he was, on 27th June 1606, arraigned before the Star 
Chamber and conyicted of misprision of treason, because he 
endeavoured to be the head of the papists and procure them 
toleration ; because he admitted Thomas Percy to be a king's 
gentleman-pensioner, without administering to him the oadi 
of supremacy, knowing him to be a recusant ; because he 
presumed to write and send letters, after his restraint, with- 
out leave of the king or his council ; because he had more 
care of his own treasure than of the king and state, and made 
no endeavour to apprehend the traitor Percy ; and because 
he sent letters to warn Percy to make his escape. He was 
convicted without adequate evidence of guilt, for Uie hets 
proved did not substantiate the chai^. The reasons are 
frivolous and reflect discredit on the judges ; we must not, 
however, look for equity in the proceedings of the Star 
Chamber. He was sentenced to pay a fine of £30,000 — ^the 
largest fine ever inficted — ^to be deprived of all his offices, to 
be incapable of holding them again, and to be imprisoned in 
the tower during his life. 

Able and spinted, he was not the man to submit to these 
illegal impositions without remonstrance. While in prison, 
he wrote many letters to the king, to the lords of the Council, 
to Lord Burghley, to the earl of Salisbury, to the queen, and 
others, to procure an abatement of the fine; and his neglected 
wife too, advocated his cause. His wife thus writes to the 
earl of Salisbury : — 

''Noble Lord, the honourable respect it pleaseth you to yeald 
to me in this tyme gives releave to my weiyed minde which 
cannot be but sencable, that this horrible treson will be a blotte 
to the name I love so well, otherwise I am confident in my Lord's 
innocenoy and that you will shew your selfe a true noble firend 
in Sal ving his reputation, which is much wounded in the opinione 
of the T^rld by this wretched Cosen, who being taken I dout 
not but all suspicion of my Lord will be cleared and so oomfbrt- 
ing myself in your noble fevour."* 

A number of his own letters have been printed by Collins; 
many of them are of but little interest; others are still 

• Bargleigli Papers, MSS. 617S. 



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HBNBY, NINTH EARL. 291 

unpublished ; a few extracts, however, will exhibit his char- 
act^ and habits, and the condition of his estates. 

To the lords of the Council the earl writes on 11th November, 
1605 : — ** Oonsider I desire your Lordships, the course of my 
lifb, whether it hath not lecmed more, of late years, to private 
domestical pleasures, than to other ambitions. Examine but my 
humours in buildings, gardenings, and private expenses, these 
two years past. Look upon these few arms at Sion, my stable 
of horses at this instant, the dispersedness of them, and of my 
servants ; the little concourse of followers ; and your Lordships 
will find they be very consonant one to another ; and all of them 
to put away jealousy." In July, 1606, he wrote to the king a 
letter sadly wanting in dignity, and bitter in its vituperation of 
his '' loveing Gosen." He says he never fostered in his bosom 
' one disloyal or undutiful thought, although, pointed at in these by 
the devihsh attempts and ugly acts of a wicked fellow — Thomas 
Percy, who took advantage of the trust committed to him to serve 
his own purpose ; out of villany he made use of that trust ; he 
had poison and craft in his breast against the king and state, and 
unfJEdthfiilness and want of affection to him; the earl pleads 
innocence, and was willing to sacrifice his life to the king's ser- 
vice.* To the king he writes on the 24th of November, 1606 — 
<< May it please ^our Majesty after so long durance as I have 
undergone for this year past, to have thought of forgiveness and 
release. If your Majesty but understood how grievous your 
Majesty's displeasure is to me, your Majesty out of your mercy, 
would look upon me with a more favourable eye, and not suffer 
me to spend the better part of my days in sorrow ; in his days, 
under whom I had more reason to look for comfort, than in hers, 
that was your predecessor. Since my heart can bear a true 
testimony to itself, that I did never, in thought or deed willingly 
consent to any thing I conceived prejudicial to your Majesty or 
yours. And as I speak truly, or falsely, so I pray God to deal 
with me in the last day of judgment." He complains very 
bitterly in a letter to the lord high treasurer, on February 2nd, 
1611, of the fine imposed :—" The thing itself is extraordinary 
not to be paralelled ; for first it is the greatest fine that ever was 
imposed upon a subject. Fines upon no man hath been taken 
near the censures; but first much qualified, then installed on easy 
conditions. To be levied in this fashion is not used, or if let, yet 
for the benefit of the owner and not to his ruin. By this course 
is taken I see not, but receivers may make what accounts they 
list, pay the king at leisure, yet I not quitted of half that is 
gathered ; my lands spoiled ; my houses ruinated ; my suits in 



• British Museum, Add. MSS. 017S. 



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292 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Iavt receiye prejndioe ; my offieers imBriBoned that stand bound 
for me ; my debts nnflatiflfied ; relief oy borrowing taken away ; 
my brothers and servants must suffer ; my wife, children, and 
myself must starve ; for the receivers are, by fJieir leases, to 
account but once a year ; for which service of gathering, they 
have their reward of 2s. in the pound ; besides gain in retaining 
money in their hands and commodities many ways else. In all 
this provision for them, I find not a thought of one penny, either 
for my wife, child, or myself; so as there wants nothing but 
strewing the land with salt, to make it a pattern of severe punish- 
ment ; and whether these tlungs should pierce into the heart of 
a human man, I leave to your Lordship to think of." He enters 
more particularly into the state of his affairs in a letter to the 
king on the 14th of April, 1613— "May it please your Majesty 
to give me leave to open partly the state as it now standeth with 
my children, and humbly to present you with an offer that may . 
help them and of more value to your Majesty. My daughters 
are of 15 and 14 years of age ; the time of their preferments, for 
all their lives, is at hand, and will not admit long delay. The 
instalment of the fine, as your Majesty hath imposed it, cannot 
be paid in seven years, they provided for and aU the rest ; arid 
myself relieved as they ought, and as the world will expect from 
me in duty of a father. £15,000, if it should be paid, taking use 
upon use, not resting one moment of an hour idle (which cannot 
be done) in seven years, will come to £20,000 oi thereabouts; 
and to be bought by any chapman in ready money, £10,000 
would be the most that would be given. Sion, and please your 
Majesty, is the only land I can put away; the rest being entailed. 
I had it before your Majesty's happy entry 48 years by lease, 
without paying any rent, but such as was riven back again, 
certain in other allowances. It has cost me smce your Majesty 
bestowed it upon me, partly upon the house, partly upon the 
gardens, £9000. The lands, as it is now rented and rated, is 
worth to be sold £8000 within a little more or less ; If your 
Majesty had it in your hands it would be better than £200 a 
year more by the copyholders estates, which now payeth but two 
years old rent fine ; dealing with them, as you do with all your 
copyholders in England, is worth at least £3000. The house 
itself, if it were to be pulled down, and sold by view of workmen 
comes to 8000 and odd pounds. If any man, the best husband 
to building, should raise another in the same place, £20,000 
would not do it ; so as according to the work it may be reckoned, 
at these rates, £31,000, and as it may be sold and pulled to pieces 
£19,000 or thereabouts. Thus your Majesty seeth the estate of 
the thing ; what it is ; how the care of a father beholding the 
fortunes of my daughters, rather choosing to lay a loss upon 
myself, and my heir, which time may recover, than of them, 
which may not endure time, to make up their advancements." 



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HBNRY, KINTH EARL. S98 

The fine was paid in 1614) but he was not released till 
the 18th of July^ IGSl, after having been a prisoner for 
fifteen years. Before his imprisonment^ he had cultiyated 
learning and been a patron of learned and scientific men. 
When he received the degree of Master of Arts at Oxford in 
1605, he was entered on the university list as '* the most 
penerous Count of Northumberland, a great encourager of 
learning and learned men, especially mathematicians." He 
gave a pension to the Rev. Nath. Torperley, a noted mathe- 
matician. The great Sir Walter Raleigh introduced to him 
Thomas Hariot, who had been with Raleigh in Virginia, 
where he was engaged in discovery and surveying ; and the 
earl, finding him a gentleman of an affable and peaceable 
nature and well read in the obscure parts of learning, allowed 
him an yearly pension of £120. Pensions of less value 
he gave also to Robert Hues and Walter Warner. When 
consigned to the Tower, these learned men became his daily 
companions ; and his table was open to their entertainment. 
With Sir Walter Raleigh, who was then in the Tower and 
engaged in vniting his great history of the world, he held 
frequent conversations. The earl himself prosecuted the 
study of chemistry and astronomy ; and Hariot, Hues, and 
Warner assisted him in his experiments and calculations. 
In the public mind such studies were even then regarded as a 
branch of astrology and necromancy ; and hence the earl was 
distinguished by the name of Henry the Wizard, and his 
assistants as the Three Magi, Anthony Wood says that 
Hariot was a deist and believed in the eternity of matter, 
and he did impart his doctrine to the earl of Northumberland 
and to Sir Walter Raleigh.* 

For his release, he was indebted to his son-in-law, from 
whom he was unwilling to receive any favour. His youngest 
daughter, Mary, the most beautiful woman of tne time, 
who had been highly eulogised by wit« and poets, married 
Lord Hayes against her father's will, and so offended was 
the earl, that he would give her no fortune; but Hayes 
valued his much admired bride more than fortune, and 
endeavoured to gain from the king the pardon of her father ; 
and he succeeded. The stubborn old earl could with diffi- 
culty be induced to accept of this boon from such a source ; 
but at length persuaded that his infirmities of body would 
be remedied by a journey to Bath, he therefore bid adieu to 

* Wood's Athense OxoDiensia. 



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S04 HI8T0BT OP ALNWICK. 

his prison. Whatever else he had been taught in the Tower^ 
he had not learnt humility ; for when he heard that the 
king's favourite^ Buckingham, displayed his pride by being 
drawn in a coach ^ith six horses, this vain old man, to over- 
top the fiiYOurite, rode through the city of London to Bath 
in a coach with eight horses^ exciting the wonder and obser- 
Tation of the multitude.* 

After this freak the earl retired to Petworth, ^here he 
lived in comparative obscurity for twelve years; thougb 
oocarionally visited b^ the nobility,he seldom went to London, 
and never engaged in public affiiirs. He died at Petworth 
on the 6th of November, 1682, and was buried there. On 
the 4th of July, 1604, he obtained a grant or fee-farm of the 
manor of Isleworth and Syon in the county of Middlesex, to 
which reference is made in one of his letters; and from Charles 
I., in 1628, he obtained a confirmation to himself and the 
heirs male of his body, of the title and dignity of Baron 
Percy, as his ancestors had enjoyed them, as also he did then 
(being earl of Northumberland) enjoy his place and prece- 
dency. He left two sons, Algernon, who succeeded him, and 
Henry ; and two daughters, Lucy and Agnes. 

The earl wrote three treatises, all addressed to his son ; 
one of them, printed in the Antiquarian Repertory, is entitled 
" Instructions for the Lord Percy in his Travells," and con* 
tains much good sense, expressed in a quaint style, and is 
evidently the production of a cultivated and observing mind. 

ALGERNON, TENTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 

Algernon, the eldest son of the ninth earl, succeeded to his 
father's honours and estates in 1632, when he was thirty 
years of age. He had been educated at Oxford, \frhere he 
had for tutor, Robert Hues, the celebrated mathematician, 
known as one of the Three Magi. At the early age of twelve, 
he was made one of the knights of Bath; and while his 
father was living, he was called to the house of peers by the 
title of Lord Percy, on the accession of Charles L, in 1625. 
After his succession to the earldom, the king treated him 
with great kindness and respect; "so much so** says Claren- 
don, "that the king courted him as his mistress and conversed 
with him as a friend.'* In 1635, he was installed with great 
magnificence knight of the Garter, proceeding in great pomp 
and glory to Windsor. 

« Wi)Mn*8 LifiB of Junes I., II., p. 720. 



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ALGERNOK, TENTH EAKL. 295 

In the earlier period of the reign of Charles I. the earl was 
a powerful supporter of the kin^. While Charles was pro- 
secuting his evil design of reigning as an absolute king, and 
Laud, by the Star Chamber, was attempting to crush freedom 
of thought, the earl, entrusted with the command of a fleet 
of sixty sail, was employed in destroying Dutch fishing vessels 
which had trespassed in British waters. After this service, 
he was, in 16S7, promoted to be lord high admiral of Eng- 
land. 

Before the great civil war broke out in England, Charles 
roused the indignation of the Scots, by attewpting to force 
prelacy on that nation. To reduce Scotland to his arbitrary 
will, he raised an army and marched towards Scotland ; and 
of this force the earl of Northumberland was appointed 
captain-general. His commission gave him power to appoint 
all the officers ; and it appears that he had raised two troops 
of horse ^ards; one of a hundred cuirassiers, another of 
nzty carbiniers. Commissions he issued to raise two thou* 
sand horse. He, however, seems to have had little hope of 
the success of this expedition ; ^' no one knows " says he, 
'^ how it win be paid ; and till I see that well settled, I shall 
joy but little in my charge." Sickness, real or pretended, 
prevented him taking the command. 

The earl of Northumberland does not appear in any of the 
transactions of the county at this time ; but about 1641, he 

fave evidence of being dissatisfied with the policy of the 
ing ; and according to Clarendon, '^ his defection from bis 
Majesty's service wrought several ill effects in the minds of 
many, for he had then the most esteemed and unblemished 
reputation in court and country, of any person of his rank 
titfoughout the kingdom ; therdfore many concluded that he 
had some notable temptation in conscience, and that the 
court was much worse than it was believed to be." For 
the course he took, he is entitled to an honourable place 
in the history of his country, and to the respect of after- 
times. In most of the commissions for negotiating peace he 
was an active member ; and he sought earnestly to carry out 
such a settlement of the great controversy, as might secure^ 
constitutional government and the rights of the people. By 
the parliament, into whose service he had entered, he was 
ordered, in 1641, as high admiral, to fit the navy for sea, in 
defence of the kingdom ; but although he had signified his 
readiness to obey this order, ill health prevented him going 
into active service. Through his management, however, the 



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296 HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

command of the fleet was transferred to the earl of Warwick 
in accordance with the wish of parliament ; and this effectu- 
ally thwarted the designs of the king^ who attempted to 
ohtain possession of the fleet. 

When at Oxford^ for the purpose of negotiating peace, he 
exhibited all the stateliness of his family ; he carried with 
him his own plate, household stuff, wine, and provisions, 
" and he lived " says Whitelock, " in as much height and 
nobleness as the earls of Northumberland used to do ; and 
that is scarce exceeded by any subject." The king shewed 
him great favour and civility ; and sometimes accepted of the 
wine and provisions which were sent by the earl when he 
had anything extraordinary. 

His conduct subsequently has the appearance of fickleness 
and trimming ; for, in 1643, he was cognisant of Waller's 
Plot, which was designed to engage the city of London in 
£Eivour of the king ; and though it was not proved that he 
had entered into the plot, yet it was known that he was 
favourable to it and wished it success. Others were prose- 
cuted for it ; but as the earl still enjoyed a high reputation, 
he was dealt with tenderly. On the plea of ill health, he 
obtained the leave of the house of commons to retire to his 
seat at Petworth ; but he was soon again in favour with the 
ruling powers, and after being engaged in other commissions 
to treat for peace, he and his countess were, in 1645, entrusted 
with the king's children, for which they were to have an 
yearly allowance of £8000. 

After the king was in captivity, the parliament and the 
army mutually criminated each other. The earl was one of 
the fifteen peers and one hundred members of the house of 
commons, who left London and sought the protection of the 
army ; but he still continued to exert himself to bring about 
peace, the restoration of the monarchy, and the establishment 
of constitutional liberty. 

'^ The earl of Northumberland was the great instrument 
of the new model, and complied wholly with the independent 
party of the time ;" and after the house of peers was abol- 
ished, he voluntarily came to the Chancery Bar, and took 
the commonwealth engagement, saying, in sight of all the 
people, ^' I will be true and faithful to the commonwealth of 
England, without a king and house of lords."* He was 

• Huldan M88., 1994 1 which oontein eztncti from the Joanuk of the 
Home of Lorde in 1648 to 1645, with eomments hy the earl of Radnor. 



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' ALOEBNON, TENTH EARL. S97 

opposed to the trial and execution of the king. During the 
time of the commonwealth and pi;otectorate9 he lived in a 
retired manner at Petworth. He seems afterwards to have 
held the views and adopted the policy of the more moderate 
Presbyterians of the period ; and he was present at a confer- 
ence which General Monk had with the chiefs of that party, 
respecting the restoration of the monarchy ; he was among 
the soberer people, who, according to his own words, '^expect 
on the restoration of the king such conditions as an act of 
oblivion and general pardon ; but terms of more security for 
themselves and advantage to the nation." 

He resisted to the last, the punishment of the members of 
the high court of Justice, because ** the execution of Charles 
I. woidd be a wholesome warning to future sovereigns." 

After the restoration he was appointed lord lieutenant of 
the counties of Sussex and of Northumberland ; but though 
he attended parliament regularly during the winter season, 
he sought no office in the state, and appears to have cared 
little for royal favour, very probably disapproving of the 
moral and political corruption which disgraced the court of 
the restored monarch. He delighted himself with his gar- 
dens and plantations at Petworth during the summer months. 
He died there on the 13th of October, 1668, and was buried 
in Petworth Church. 

He was one of the noblest of his race ; and his career was 
honourable and patriotic. He seems to have been actuated 
by high religious principles ; Ralph Thore^by, the antiquary, 
refers to his funeral sermon, which was in manuscript, and 
says he was much affected with the seriousness and piety of 
this great lord. That great painter of men. Clarendon, has 
drawn his character. 

"He was, in all his deportment, a very great man; and that 
which looked like formality, was a punctuality in preserving his 
dignity from the intrusion of bold men, whidb no man, of that 
age, so well preserved himself from. Though his notions were 
not large nor deep, yet his temper and reservedness in speaking 
got him the reputation of an able and wise man ; which he made 
erident in the excellent government of his family, where no man 
was more absolutely obeyed ; and no man had ever fewer idle 
words to answer for ; and in debates of importance he always 
expressed himseK very pertinently. If he had thought the king 
as much above him as he thought himself above other consider- 
able men, he would have been a good subject ; but the extreme 
under valuing those and not enough valuing the king, made him 
liable to the impressions, which they who approa^ed him by 

2q 



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298 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

those addresses of rererenoe and esteem, that usually insixraate 
such natures, made in him ; so that after he was first prevailed 
on, not to do that, which in honour and gratitude he was obliged 
to (which is a yerj pestilent corruption), he was wit^ the more 
facility led to concur in what in duty and Melity, he ought not 
to have done ; and so concurred in all the counsels, which pro- 
duced the rebellion, and stayed with them to support it/' 

>c7 He was married first to Anne^ eldest daughter of William 

,ir*^ ' Cecil, earl of^hrewsburj, by whom he had five daughters ; 

and next^ to ElizaEeth^ daughter of Theophilos Howard, 

earl of Suffolk, by whom he had Josceline, his only son and 

successor. 

After the time of the seventh earl, the heraldry becomes 
complicated and of little service to history. '^The tenth 
earPs shield has sixteen quarterings ensigned with an earl's 
coronet, helm, and crest, on a cbapeau, a lion passant. The 
shield is surrounded by the garter. Supporters, dexter, a 
lion rampant; sinister, a lion rampant guardant, ducally 
crowned and gorged with a collar (gobony?). Motto—- 
Esperance en Diev" — ^Mr. Way, Hist, and Antiq. of North. 

JOSCELINE, ETiKiVENTH EABL OF NOBIHUKBEEt- 

LAND. 

Very brief will be our notice of Josceline, the last of the 
Percy-Lovaines. During his father's lifetime he married 
Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Thomas, earl of South- 
ampton ; and in 1667 he was appointed lord lieutenant of 
the county of Southampton. On the death of his father, lie 
succeeded to his titles and estates, and in the same year was 
made lord lieutenant of Sussex and of Northumberland. He 
died, while travelling with his countess, at Turin, on May 
21st, 1670 ; his body was brought to England and interred 
among his ancestors at Petworth. He left only one daughter, 
Elizabeth, who was four years of age at the death of her 
father. 

Thus ends the long and eventful history of the distinguished 
family of Percy-Lovaine, extending over a period of five 
centuries, during three hundred and sixty-one years of which, 
excepting at a few short intervals, it was intimately associ- 
ated with Alnwick. Fourteen of this family held the barony 
of Alnwick in succession. Though endowed with immense 
possessions, and hence always occupying a commanding posi- 
tion, these barons were less distinguished as statesmen than 



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CHARACTER OF THE PERCT-LOVAINES. 299 

as border chieftains. In civil wars and in &ction struggles 
they took part, bnt without being guided by definite prin- 
ciples, sometimes on the side of the sovereign and sometimes 
against him; but none, save the first earl, stood in the 
foremost rank, among those who materially influenced the 
history of the nation. They served, as has been said, rather 
than governed. Most of them were men of blood, and not a 
few met with a disastrous end; five of them fell on the 
battle-field or by the axe of the executioner ; one was mur- 
dered by a mob, another shot himself in prison, and another 
passed the best portion of his life confined in London Tower. 
Popular they were as a family in the north, where there were 
strong ties between lord and vassal, and where thousands 
of little landowners, interested in the preservation of their 
properties and trained to the use of arms, forming the sturdy 
yeomanry of old England, were ready at the summons of 
their feudal lord, to follow him to the field to repel or revenge 
aggression. Towards the close of the period when the war- 
like spirit had to a great extent died out, the later barons 
endeavoured to keep up their popularity and influence by 
gorgeous displays and magnificent hospitality. For the 
iibertv of the people none of them, excepting the tenth earl, 
manifested any marked regard. Hotspur has attained the 
widest feme, partly because daring and dashing warriors 
suited the northern wants and taste, but chiefly through the 
halo which the genius of Shakespeare has thrown over his 
name. I like best, however, the second baron and the second 
and ninth earls ; the first contented and gentle and kind- 
hearted, peaceably living on his estates ; the second, faithful 
to his king, brave in battle, wise in counsel, and the friend 
of learning ; and the last, a religious and conscientious man, 
when a great crisis came in the history of our country, 
ranging himself on the side of freedom, endeavouring to 
moderate the heat of parties and to secure constitutional 
government ; and then, when failing in his efforts, quietly 
withdrawing from the fescinations of a corrupt and licentious 
court. 



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CHAPTER XVI. 

SOMEESET FAMILY— FBOM 1670 TO 1760. 

DESCENT OF THE BABONY — VKASCIB FEBOT^ OF GAMBBIDOE — ^ETI- 
DENOES OF HIS DESOEKT — JAMES FEBOYy THE TBXJJSK-lfAirBB— 
OLAIH TO BE EABL — LEGAL FBOCEEDINaS — HIS TTKSTJOOESSFnL 
STBUGGLB — ELIZABETH FEECY — HEB EABLY MABBIAGES — HEB 
MABBIAGE TO THE DUKE OF SOMEBSET — HIS DESGENT Aim 
CHABACrrEB— OHABAOTEB OF THE DUCHESS — ^ALGEBVONi DITKB 
OF SOMEBSET AND EABL OF N0BTHT7MBEBLAND— HIS lOLITABT 
SEBTICE — ^HES DEATH — DI8TBIBX7TI0N OF HIS ESTATES— -OHAB- 
ACTEB OF THE SOMEBSETS. 

The death of Josceline, the eleventh earl of Northumber- 
land, threw the affairs of the Percy-Lovaine family into 
confusion and litigation. The earldom, which had been 
conferred by patent in 1557, was limited to male descendants; 
and it was supposed that there was no male descendant of 
any of the last six earls in existence. Charles II. therefore, 
in 1674, raised George Fitzroy, his third illegitimate son by 
Barbara, duchess of Cleveland, to the dignity of earl of 
Northumberland; and, in 1683, he created him duke of 
Northumberland. This duke dying without issue in 1716, 
these honours again became extinguished. 

Through the limitations of the patent in 1557, part of the 
Percy-Lovaine estates reverted to the crown. A manuscript, 
entitled ^^ State of the case touching some lands of the Earle 
of Northumberland," made three years after the death of 
Josceline, by a recital of the various grants made by the 
crown, shews what these estates were and how they reverted 
to the king. It thus concludes — 

" By an Office and Inquisition post mortem of the said Henry, Earle of 
Northumberland, taken by Commissioners of their owne friends and a Jn^ 
Swome and Impannelled the 14 th day of January then next foUowing, it 
was upon their own evidence found. 

That the said Henry, Earle of Northumberland, as son and heire male of 
the body of Henry, Earle of Northumberland, his father, was upon the day 
of his death seized in fee TaHe to him and the heires male of his body. 



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SOlfERSBT FAlflLT. 801 

The leyeroon in fee simple to the king, his heixes, and snooeeBon, apper- 
taining of the Lordflhm and Manors inter alia of Denwick, Houghton, Ijbmo- 
buiv, Aylnexnouth, Bilton, Tnghall, Kewham, Kewsteikd, Looker, Gonth 
Carleton, AinAtuwi cum Mora, Fawdon cmn Clinch, Chatton, Wooller, 
Badgley, Sheldecks, Shilhottle, Benyngton, and Lyham, mth their and 
every of their membera and appurtenances, the lands, tenements and heredi- 
taments called Swinleaze, Harecragge, Sniphotis, Hesley Houses, Hall Closes, 
the Lordships and Manors of Acidinffton Parke of AckUngton, Manors of 
Burlinff, Ghusens, Tuggesden, Boston, Kewtoune, Brotherick, and Thurston, 
a free fishing in the water of Cocket over against Warkeworth, a fishing upon 
the Sea Coart neere Bulmer. The Barony, Lordship, and Manor of Beanley. 
with their rights, members, and appurtenances, the Lordship, Manors, ana 
Forest of Eothbury , Lands and Tenements in Newbiggen, Hedley, Piperhaugh, 
Thomeyhau^, and Ecclesraughe, within the Forest of Rothbury, Manors of 
Newtowne, Thropton, Snytter, Cartjmgton, and Spoonehill, the Lordi^ps 
and Manors of Newbome, Corbridge, Walbottle, Butterlaw, Throckley; and 
Dewlye, diverse Lands and Tenements in the Towne of Newcastle upon Tyne, 
the Manors, Messuages, Lands, and Tenements, called Talbott's Lands, in 
Tindall, an yearly rent of £0 I9s. 8d. issuing out of the Manor or Barony of 
Longly, the advowsons of Houghton, Ayneham, Chatton, and Horsley, an 
anniuJ rent of 398. 8d. issuing out of the Manor of Byker, Bikerwood, and 
Easterwood, and the service of a 20th part of a knight's fee by which the said 
Manor of Biker is holden in the Coun^ of Northumberland. And of £20 per 
annum for the Creation Money issueing out of the profitts of the said county 
by virtue of the grant made as aforesaid by King Philip and Queene Mary in 
the 3rd and 4th yeare of their raigne, of the honor and title of Earle of 
Northumberland. 

And that Algernon, Earle of Northumberland, was the son and heire male 
of the body of the said Henry, Earle of Northimiberland. And by the same 
inquisition or office it was found by the Jury that the said Earle was before 
his death seized in fee of the honor and manor of Pettworth in the County of 
Sussex, Honor and Manor of Cockermouth in the County of Cumberland, 
Castles and Manors of Prudhoe, Alnewick, and Warkworth, and Parkes of 
Alnewick and Warkworth, CoUedge Parke, West Parke, and Hulne Parke in 
the County of Northumberland. 

And the said Algernon, Earle of l^orthumberland, surviving his only 
Brother Heniy Lord Peircy, who died without issue. And departing this 
life having only issue male of his body Jocelyne Lord Peircy, slteac Eurle of 
Northumberland, who dyed about 3 yeares agoe without issue male, and left 
only a daughter. Whereby all the male line of the said Henry, Earle of 
Northumberland, brother of the said Thomas, Earle of Northumberland, 
being extinct. The reversion of the entayled lands whereof no Reversion 
appears to have beene granted out of the crowne remaining in it. His now 
majestie being justly entitled thereunto, hath granted the said manors and 
lands unto the said James, Duke of Monmouth, and his heires and assignes. 

Persons, howeyer, bearing the name of Percy appeared after 
the death of Josceline claiming to be heirs of the honours 
and estates. But for an attainder, Francis Percy, of Cam- 
bridge, a stone cutter, would have been the true heir. He 
was descended from Thomas Percy, the grandson of Josceline, 
who was fourth son of Henry, the fourth earl of Northum- 
berland. This Thomas, as we have seen, was constable of 
Alnwick Castle and auditor to Henry, the ninth earl ; but 
for the part he took in the Gunpowder Plot he was attainted 
as a traitor. His son, Robert, was grandfather of Francis 



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802 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Percy, who was baptised at Bickley on the 15th of May, 
1649; and rose to the dignity of mayor of Cambridge in 1709, 
and died in 1716. Charles, his son, heir to this forfeited 
heritage, was baptised at Cambridge on the 10th December, 
1674, was a member of the common council of the town, and 
died there in 1743. He left sons, one of whom, Josceline, 
was baptised at Cambridge in July, 1698, and after studying 
at the university, took orders, became rector of Marham in 
1735 and died in 1755, leaving daughters only ; but he had 
brothers, of whose history nothing is told. 

The famous genealogist and antiquary. Sir William Dug- 
dale examined the evidences of " Mr. Francis Percy's " 
descent; and ''he is of opinion that Mr. Francis Percy, of 
Cambridge, is lineally descended from Thomas Percy ;" some 
parts of his abstract of the evidences contain curious local 
information. 

''Sept. 1, 1680. Boger England, of Taunton in Somersetshire, 
aged 80 years, certifieth that he married Anne, daughter of 
Bobert Percy, son of Thomas Percy the powder traytor, and has 
heard the said Bobert, his said wife's father say, that he was son 
to Thomas Percy who was engaged in the powder plot. 

'• October 11, 1680. John Swinton, Clerk of the Parish Chur<^ 
of Anwick, in Northumberland, aged above 80 years, affirmeth 
that he hath heard his father say that Mr. Thomas TeoNsy and 
bis wife lived in the Castle of Anwick, and had children, and 
that after the powder plot, for which the said Thomas lost his 
life, his wife went to London and lived privately there. 

<< Oct. 14, 1680. Matthew Scott, of Oateshead, in the Bishop- 
rick of Durham, aged 99 years, ceridfieth that he knew Thomas 
Percy, who was afterwards in the powder plot, Constable of Aln- 
wick Castle, and that he had a son Eobert and two daughters, 
and that the said Eobert was a school-boy at Anwick. 

" From the register book of the Parish Church of Anwick it 
appeareth that ilSlizabeth, daughter of Thomas Percy of Anwick 
Castle, was buried Feb. 2, 1602. 

" Divers aged people living in Anwick do affirm, that Thomas 
Percy, who was in the powder plot, was son of Guiscard Percy, 
and that Guiscard Percy was orother of the Eighth Earl of 
Northumberland." 

This branch of the Percy family does not appear to have 
appealed to law in support of their claims. 

Another Percy, however, rescued himself from obscmity 
by boldly assuming the titles of the family, and pertinaciously 
defending his claims a^inst the most powerful antagonists, 
for a period of nearly nineteen years. Soon after the decease 



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SOHEBSET FAMILY. 303 

of Josceline in 1670^ James Percy, of Dublin, who had followed 
the profession of trunkmaker there, preferred his claims to 
the earldom. He first called upon the widow of the tenth 
earl, who was then living, and upon the young countess ; 
but, as it was reported that the latter was pregnant, he 
deferred further proceedings for a while. On attempting 
afterwards to obtain access to these dowagers, he was treated 
with indignity ; and at length, on the Srd of February 1672, 
he lodged his claim at the Signet Office in London. Annoyed 
at his proceedings, the old dowager, in behalf of herself and 
the daughter of Josceline, petitioned the house of lords, on 
18th February, 1673, complaining that the assumption by 
James Percy of the titles of earl of Northumberland and 
Lord Percy was to the dishonour of their family ; and this 
petition was referred to the Committee of Privil^es. On 
the SOth, James Percy also presented a petition, which was 
after being read dismissed. Leave, however, was afterwards 
granted by the king to hear at the bar of the house both 
parties, who were allowed one month to prepare their cases. 
On the 28th March, forty witnesses were examined in behalf 
of the claimant ; and then the counsel of the countess was 
heard in support of her charge of James Percy being an 
impostor. Percy's counsel prayed for further time to answer; 
but this was disallowed ; and his counsel declining to enter 
then into the case, the house of lords dismissed Percy's 
petition, and resolved to consider on the following morning 
what fhrther proceedings should be taken against him con- 
cerning his imposture. This, however, was not carried 
unanimously; for the earl of Anglesea and others were 
allowed to enter their dissent. 

Whatever may be thought of the legality of Percy's claims, 
it must be admitted that he had a strong belief in their 
justice, and that in maintaining them he displayed the spirit 
of the old race. In some doggerel verses he sent to his 
antagonists, he says — 

" Reiolved I am to spend xnv all 
Before a Percy's name shall fall." 

He was not crushed by the adverse decision of the lords, 
but appealed to the ordinary powers of law in maintenance 
of his supposed rights. Five or six actions he entered in 
the courts of common law between the years 1674 and 1681, 
for scandal or ejectment, that he might obtain a decision on 
his pedigree, in all save one hd was defeated or nonsuited ; 



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S04 HISTORY OF ALNWIOK. 

but In that he gained a verdict of £S00 damages against 
Clark for calling him an imposter. An action brought 
against John Clarke^ Esquire^ for scandal and defamation 
was tried in 1674 in the court of King's Bench before Sir 
Matthew Hale; and although^ for some technical reason, 
Percy was nonsuited, that eminent judge, in open court, 
declared that he had proved himself a true Percy of the blood 
and family of the Percys of Northumberland, legitimate by 
father and mother, grandfather and grandmother, and ex- 
pressed his belief, that he really was cousin and next heir to 
the late Earl Josceline. 

Again James Percy appealed to the house of lords, by 
petition, on the @5th of November, 1680, to be heard to make 
out his claim to the earldom. This seems to have been 
rejected without deliberation; notwithstanding, the earl of 
Anglesea entered his dissent, because it was unjust to reject 
any such claim without a hearing, and was contrary to 
precedent and usage, and because the dismissal of a claim 
by a former parliament was no sufficient reason under the 
circumstances, why it should not be reconsidered by the 
present. And there was force in these reasons ; for the case 
presented by James Percy was new, inasmuch as his claim 
now was based on a line of succession different from that on 
which he formerly claimed. 

Still undaunted by this second rejection of his petition, 
James Percy in 1682 filed a bill in equity against the sheriff 
of Northumberland for the recovery of £20 per annum, 
granted by patent to the earl of Northumberland out of the 
revenues of the county. Irritated by these proceedings, the 
duchess of Somerset, tne daughter of Josceline, petitioned the 
house of lords on the subject in 1685 ; but it was not till 
1689, that the warfare was brought to an end. Both parties 
were heard on June 11th, and the lords decided — '^ That the 
pretensions of James Percy to the earldom were groundless, 
false, and scandalous, and that he should be brought before 
the four courts of law in Westminster Hall, wearing upon 
his breast a paper on which these words shall be written — 
The false and impudent pretender to the Earldom of North- 
umberland" 

James Percy, now an old man of 70 years of age, had to 
submit to this insulting exhibition, which, however, reflected 
more dishonour on those haughty lords, who had so little 
sense of justice as to punish as a criminal a firee man, who 
was pursuing by legal means a supposed civil right. 



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SOMERSET FAMILY. 305 

James Percy, doubtless, failed to give sufficient legal proof 
of his claim. He was bom in 1619, and was the son of 
Henry Percy, who was the third son of Henry Percy of 
Pavenham ; but he failed to prove who was his great grand- 
father. The tradition of his family was, that his grandfather, 
a younger brother, and two sisters were, *' in the time of the 
troubles in Queen Elizabeth's days, sent from the north in 
hampers to old dame Yane in Northamptonshire." He first 
claimed as his great grandfather Sir Richard Percy, fifth son 
of the eighth earl, who, however, is said to have died with- 
out issue in 1648. Finding this untenable, he changed his 
ground, and asserted that his grandfather Henry was eldest 
son of Sir Ingelram Percy, third son of the fifth earl ; but it 
appears from Sir Ingelram's will, that he was never married, 
and left only one illegitimate daughter. That James Percy, 
however, was a descendant of the great northern family of 
Percys is exceedingly probable, if not certain. He and his 
father were recognised as relations by the three last earls of 
Northumberland ; and he asserts that Henry the tenth earl, 
when on his death-bed, declared that James Percy would be 
his heir, if his brother's son should die. One curious argu- 
ment James Percy used in support of his descent : in his 
petition he says " that he was born into the world with a 
mole like a half-moon upon his body, therefore no brand, but 
it signifies a crescent which belongs to the Percy's arms ; 
and it is reported that he is not the first that hath been so 
bom of that family." Sir Egerton Brydges remarks, ** that 
there was a good deal of truth mingled up with his claim." 
" It is no disproof," says Surtees, " of the noble descent of a 
person in humble circumstances that he himself should not 
always have known the precise line of it." Heralds took no 
notice of the reduced branches of a family ; no inquisitions 
were held where no land was left ; registers were imperfect 
and not taken care of; and wills too shared a similar fate. 

The manner in which his pretensions were resisted, evi- 
dences a consciousness, on the part of his antagonists, of the 
strength of his claim, for as Craik remarks — 

"He was met and opposed at every step by every legal expedi- 
ent, fair and unfair, of which advantage could be taken for that 
purpose. The array of powers and interests banded against his 
claim w^ also unusually formidable, comprehending as it did, 
not only 311 the recognised chief branches of the Northumberland 
family, the heiress of the Percys and her ducal husband, and the 
two dowager countesses, her mother and her grandmother, both 

2r 



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S06 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

extensively connected among the greatest families of the realm^ 
but such personages of very highest spheres as the Duke of 
Monmouth and the new Duke of Northimiberland, the king's 
sons, with their royal father himself^ who had given his lands to 
the one and his titles to the other, to say noth&g of sundry less 
conspicuous individuals who had also got hold of propertyi their 
possession of which the success of the claim might endanger, and 
some of whom, Champion and Gee, made themselves particularly 
busy in seeking to defeat it, and were so circumstanced as to be 
able to do much mischief."* 

Many sneers were cast against The Trunk-nmker^ as if 
honest industry were not more honourable thau even titled 
idleness. James Percy had a manly regard for his own 
occupation^ notwithstanding his pretensions to a peerage ; 
" T was a trunk-maker 1 The trade is good, and by God's 
blessing it hath given me bread in the extremity of my 
travels, till I obtained the merchandising trade; and can 
make my three sons freemen and merchants of London, 
Dublin, and Norwich ; and have likewise trained them up 
to handicrafts ; so that, if they fail in the mystery of mer- 
chandising, they may, with God's blessing, live upon their 
ingenuity." These are noble sentiments, worthy of any heir 
to an earldom. 

This long and unsuccessful struggle for a peerage had not 
it would seem impoverished his family ; for we find that his 
son Anthony was lord mayor of Dublin in 1699, was knighted 
in 1700, and died in 1704 ; Sir Anthony Percy left three 
sons and a daughter ; and it is supposed that some of their 
descendants are still living. 

ELIZABETH PERCY. 

To Elizabeth, only surviving daughter of Josceline, passed 
the greater part of the Percy estates, but not the earldom of 
Northumberland. She was born on the 26th January, 1667, 
and was the greatest heiress of her day. In consequence of 
the marriage of her mother to the honourable Ralph Mon- 
tague, the guardianship of the heiress was transferred to 
her grandmother, the old dowager countess, widow of Earl 
Algernon ; who, exercising her authority in a cold, despotic, 
if not cruel manner, caused Elizabeth to be married, when 
little more than a child, to Henry Earl Ogle, heir apparent 
to the duke of Newcastle, towards the close of the year 1679. 

• Craik's Romance of the Peerage, IV.. p. 319. 



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SOMERSET FAMILY. 307 

He died, however, in November, 1680, The old dowager 
was not long in forcing another match; for, setting 
aside the decent etiquette of society, she caused the heiress 
to marrv, in the summer or autumn of 1681, Thomas Thynn, 
of Longleat, one of the richest commoners in England, who 
bore the sobriquet of ''Tom of Ten Thousand." This match 
was contrary to the wish of Elizabeth, who had, it is said, 
formed an attachment to Charles John Count Kouiugsmark, 
a Swedish noble of distinction. At the time of this second 
marriage the count was abroad, but soon after his return to 
England he, by the basest means, revenged his loss. Thynn, 
now the husband of Elizabeth, was late on Sunday, the 12th 
of February, 168S, passing in his coach along Pall Mall, 
when he was assassinated by three ruffians, who had, it is 
confidently believed, been hired for the purpose by Count 
Koningsmark ; all were arrested and tried; the three ruffians 
were condemned and executed, but, from some defect in the 
evidence, the count was acquitted. 

There was haste again in leading the young heiress 
to the altar. She was but fifteen years of age when her 
second husband was murdered; and yet within four 
months of that event she married her third husband, Charles 
Seymour, the sixth duke of Somerset, on the 30th of May, 
1682 — thus uniting the two notable families of Seymour and 
Percy. The duke was bound by the marriage contract to 
assume the name and arms of Percy ; but of this condition 
Elizabeth, when she came of age, released her husband. 

Seymour is a corruption of St. Maur, the ancient name of 
the family, derived from St. Maur the place of their abode 
in Normandy. Edward Seymour, the first of the family 
raised to the peerage, was created viscount Beauchamp in 
1536, earl of Hertford in 1637, baron Seymour of Hache 
and duke of Somerset in 1547. He was uncle to Edward 
IV., and protector and governor of the kingdom, but he 
shared the fate of others, who had in that age risen to great 
power, and was beheaded in 1552, greatly lamented by the 
people. From this illustrious man the husband of Elizabeth 
was descended. 

The rank and extensive possessions of the duke gave him 
some political importance ; but his pride, capriciousness, and 
defective education lessened his influence. He acted, it is said, 
"more by humour than by reason — ^he was rather a ministry- 
spoiler than a minis try -maker." The vain and fantastic dis- 
play of his self-importance made him ridiculous ; and obtained 



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808 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

for him the sobriquet of the " Proud Duke of Somerset." A 
characteristic story is told of his absurd treatment of his 
second wife, when she familiarly tapped her husband on the 
shoulder with her fan, he started and angrily exclaimed — 
" Madam, my first wife was a Percy, and she never took such 
a liberty." 

Elizabeth, the duchess, more esteemed than her husband, 
exercised considerable influence over Queen Anne ; and held 
the ofiices of groom of the Stole and mistress of the Robes. 
Onslow said ** she was in all respects a credit and ornament 
to the court "; but Dean Swift, regarding her as the great 
obstacle to the ascendency of the party with which he was 
connected, said she was a most insinuating woman, and in a 
malicious satirical poem. The Windsor Prophecy, he pours, 
upon her the vials of his wrath ; he insinuated that she was 
a party to the death of her second husband, and most ungal- 
lantly referring to her red hair, says — " Beware of Carrots 
from Northumberland." Such malicious insults could not 
be forgiven, and the duchess had her revenge; for when the 
bishoprick of Hereford was vacant, the chiefs of his party, 
then in power, sought with all their influence to confer it on 
Swift ; but so bitterly hostile was the duchess, that, after a 
scene with the queen, she wrung from her majesty a promise 
that Swift should not have the appointment. 

The somewhat unhappy life of the duchess was ended on 
November the 23rd, 1722, in the fifty-sixth year of her age. 
Three years after her death, the duke married Lady Charlotte 
Finch, second daughter of the earl of Winchelsea and Not- 
tingham ; he died on the 2nd of December, 1748, at the 
advanced age of eighty-seven. 

Elizabeth, duchess of Somerset, was mother of seven sons 
and six daughters ; but all died young, excepting one son, 
Algernon, and three daughters. 

ALGERNON, DUKE OF SOMERSET AND T^^A-RT. OF 
NORTHUMBERLAND. 

Algernon, the only surviving son of the duchess, was bom 
on November 11th, 1684, and bore the title of earl of Hert- 
ford. When still a minor, he was returned to parliament in 
1705 as member for Marlborough ; and he served as knight 
of the shire of Northumberland from 1708 to 1722. The 
corporation of Alnwick gave him their support at the elec- 
tions; and among the corporate archives are letters.from him, 
thanking the chamberlains and the rest of the burgesses for 



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80MER8BT FAMILY. S09 

their unanimous support. In 1708 he served under Marl- 
borough in the campaign in Flanders ; and, in the following 
year, he was engaged at the taking of Toumay and in the 
famous battle of Malplaquet. For his military services, he 
was rewarded with a colonelcy and the governorship of 
Tynemouth and Clifford Fort. On the death of his mother, 
in 1722, he was summoned to the house of lords as baron 
Percy; and when his father died, in 1748, he became duke of 
Somerset. Algernon, when Earl Hertford, married Frances, 
daughter of the Honourable Henry Thynne; to her Thomson, 
the poet, dedicated his " Spring." George, Viscount Beau- 
champ, their only son, was bom on September the 11th, 
1725. After an accomplished education, this amiable youth, 
desirous of improving himself by travel, left England in 1742, 
and spent the two last years of his short life in visiting 
France, Switzerland, and Italy ; and his observations during 
his journey, which were transmitted to his family, are said 
to have afforded proofs of uncommon genius and solid judg- 
ment. He died of small pox at Bologna, on July the 22nd, 
1744, at the early age of nineteen years. A daughter only 
remained to inherit the honours and estates of the family ; 
but as the dukedom of Somerset and barony of Seymour were 
limited to the male heirs of the Protector Somerset by his 
second wife, they reverted, in accordance with limitations of 
the patent, to the protector's male descendants by his first 
wife. 

The daughter. Lady Elizabeth Seymour, having, in 1740, 
married Sir Hugh Smithson, the duke of Somerset, soon after 
his accession to his father's titles, made new arrangements 
for the transmission of his honours and estates ; and therefore 
he obtained a patent from the king, on the 2nd of October, 
1749, by which he was created Baron Warkworth, of Wark- 
worth Castle, and earl of Northumberland, with remainder, 
failing male issue, to his son-in-law. Sir Hugh Smithson, 
and to his heirs male by Lady Elizabeth, his wife. On the 
following day, by another patent, he was created baron of 
Cockermouth and earl of Egremont in the county of Cum- 
berland ; but these titles were not to descend to his daughter 
or her heirs, but to his nephew. Sir Charles Wyndham, 
and his male heirs. 

Soon after this, the duke died on February the 7th, 1750, 
and was buried in St. Nicholas' Chapel, Westminster Abbey. 

With him ends the short reign of the Seymours over Aln- 
wick. None of them resided there; and the old Yescy and 



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310 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



Percy castle round which so many historical associations 
clustered was suffered to become ruinous. Nevertheless, 
they appear to have dealt kindly with the town. With its 
freedom of action they seem not to have interfered; no 
attempts were made to abridge its liberties or clutch its pro- 
perty ; duiing this period it attained somewhat of importance 
and was prosperous, shewing how the interests of a community 
are best promoted by the free and natural developement of 
its institutions, its commerce, and its manufactures. 



no. 4.4. 




PEJRCY BADGES IN FONTS IN INGRAM AND ALNHAM CHXTBOH. 



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CHAPTEE XVIL 



HI8T0EI0AL AND DESOEIPTIVB NOTICES OF THE 
TOWN— FROM 1600 TO 1760. 

GOVERNMENT OF THB TOWN — PUBLIC PROPERTY — ^TRADE — BRERB- 
TON'8 VISIT TO ALNWICK — ALNWICK DURING THE PARLIAMENTARY 
STRUGGLE — TRAIN BANDS — RAY IN ALNWICK IN 1661 — RAWDON 
IN 1664 — ^KIRKB IN 1677 — THE CASTLE — CORPORATION REJOIC- 
INGS — ALNWICK DURING THE REBELLION OF 1715 — EARL OP 
DERWENTWATER — ALNWICK DURING THE REBELLION OF 1745 — 
DISTRIBUTION OF PROPERTY — ^A RENTAL OF THE BOROUGH, 1709. 

Reserving detailed accounts of the corporation and of the 
baronial courts for subsequent chapters^ I purpose here to 
gather scattered notices relating to the town, from the begin- 
ing of the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century ; 
a period forming a peculiar era in its history. With the 
accession of James I., Alnwick ceases to possess general 
historic interest, for the borders were no longer the battle 
field of two hostile nations ; and during the succeeding century 
and a half the barons of Alnwick never resided at the castle, 
and rarely visited it. Being left, in a great measure, to its 
own resources the town nevertheless prospered, and became 
a busy, self-important, and somewhat independent community, 
till towards the close of the period a change in the baronial 
dynasty led to a revolution in its constitution and character. 

The government of the town was chiefly exercised by four 
chamberlains and a four and twenty or common council, 
selected out ot the burgesses ; but both the burgesses and 
the governing body were of a different character from the 
present corporation. The burgesses were proportionally more 
numerous, for they comprised about one-tenth of the popula- 
tion, while they do not now exceed the one-twentieth ; the 
leading merchants and professional and trading men, as well 
as artisans, belonged to the corporation ; and the governing 



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Sli HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

body, consisting of firom thirty to forty of the principal 
inhabitants, reflected the opinions and character of the com- 
munity. A PrtBpo8itu8y provost or mayor, there was in the 
fifteenth century, but to him there is no sul^equent reference ; 
a bailiff, however, till about the middle of the seventeenth 
stood at the head of corporate officers. 

A large extent of propertv belonged to the burgesses ; be- 
sides the great moor on which they depastured their cattle, 
and portions of which they, from time to time, enclosed, 
they had a great stretch of land extending from near the 
castle walls down the river for about a mile. The Market 
Place, the shambles, the cross, the stocks, the pillory, the 
tolbooth, the clocks, the pants, and open spaces about the 
town either belonged to them or were under their control ; 
they had the patronage of the church, and the ancient Gram- 
mar School was theirs ; they worked their own coal min(»s, 
and took limestones, sandstones, and slates, to build and 
cover their houses, out of their own quarries. The four and 
twenty acted as a public body, to whom were entrusted the 
rights and privileges of the community. Jolly men they 
were, fond of display, hospitable, even sending wine to the 
castle to treat the officers of the lord of the Manor ; prodigal 
too they were in their own drinking, when they transacted 
public business ; yet we could almost forgive their extrava- 
gance, on account of the independent spirit with which they 
frequently acted. This was the golden age of the corporation. 

The trade of the town was considerable. There were ten 
incorporated companies; of these the merchants were the 
most dignified, though not most numerous body. Tanning 
was the most important trade ; in 1646, there were twenty- 
two tanneries in Alnwick, while now there is only one. 
Leather at that time was used for various articles of clothing, 
and hence the skinners and glovers were the most numerous 
fellowship. Weaving was a thriving trade ; shoes were ex- 
tensively manufactured; and besides these there were fullers, 
coopers, butchers, wrights, and smiths. The skilled artisans 
of Alnwick did the work of an extensive district; the town 
was the great emporium of commerce for the country around, 
''being in the middest of the countrie and therefore of greatest 
repaire and concourse of people ;"* and to its markets and 
great fairs they resorted for their merchandise of every kind. 

Sir William Brereton, in his journey through Durham and 

• Petition to Lord Burghley. 



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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 318 

Northumberland in 1685, gives a slight notice of the town 
and castle. 

''June 24. From Morpeth to Anwicke is fourteen miles, 
where we lodged at the Postmaster's house ; 6d. ordinary and 
good victuals and lodging. Here we saw a mighty c€»de, be- 
knging to the Earl of Northumberland, wherein were all houses 
of offices, many of them now in decay ; but my Lord is reparing 
the same by degrees. Great revenues paid to him out of thi^ 
coimtry ; at least eight horsload of money. He hath four castles 
i;^ this country, viz., this castle, Warp-weth Oastle, Tinmouth 
Oastle, and Frudhowe Oastle. 

June 25. We lodged at the Postmaster's at Anwick last 
night, where we were weU used ; 6d. ordinary supper, and 4d. 
breakfast; good lodging and neat." 

In the year 1639, Northumberland became the scene of 
some of the early movements of the great civil war. The 
attempt of Charles I. and of Archbishop Laud to impose 
episcopacy on presbyterian Scotland, drove the Scots to take 
up arms ; and Charles advanced with an army into Scotland 
" to chastise his rebellious subjects." Part at least of his 
forces at this time passed through Alnwick, on their way to 
the entrenched camp at Birks or West Ord on the Tweed, 
about two miles westward of Berwick. The king could not 
effect his object, and was obliged to conclude a treaty ; but 
he was insincere, and grievances were not redressed. In the 
following year, therefore, the Scottish army, consisting of 
twenty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse, 
under the command of General Lesley, boldly advanced into 
England, and on the 20th of August crossed the Tweed at 
Coldstream. They spent the first night at Milfield, the next 
at Wooler Haugh ; the following day being Sunday, they 
marched, after sermon, to Branton, and on the next day 
encamped on a hill between the old and new towns of 
Eglingham ; on the 27th of August they reached Newburn 
on the Tyne, where the river was fordable. The king's army 
was encamped on Stella Haugh, on the south side of the 
Tyne, and was attacked by the Scots on the 28th and 
completely routed. Newcastle surrendered to the Scots on 
the Sunday following ; and the officers, we are told, " dined 
with the mayor, drunk a health to the king, and had three 
sermons that day from their own divines." Of the four 
northern counties the Scots were now masters ; and their 
conduct, contrasted with the wild, lawless, plundering habits 
of a former generation, afforded a pleasing proof of their 

2s 



^ 



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814 HISTORY OF ALNWICIC. 

advance in civilisation. They refused to act on the offer of 
the king to make assessments themselves, as this might have 
the appearance of plundering; they received, however, by 
treaty, £850 per day for their maintenance. 

In the military movements of the year 1644, Alnwick was 
more directly interested. The conflict between constitutional 
government and absolute rule had been removed from parlia- 
ment to the battle-field. Northumberland appears generally 
to have been attached to the royal cause ; but two influential 
Northumbrians took the side of the pailiament — the Earl Percy 
of Northumberland and Lord Grey, of Wark, who acted as a 
commissioner to invite the Scots to aid in the stru^le. A 
Scottish army of 18,000 foot, 2,000 horse and 1,000 dragoons 
effective, with a train of artillery, under the command of the 
earl of Leven, advanced in January 1644 towards England. 
On the 18th several regiments marched from Dunbar and the 
adjacent villages, through a heath ten miles long to Berwick, 
amidst a snow storm. Three regiments of foot and thirteen 
troops of horse, marched on the 19th from Berwick to Adder- 
stone in Northumberland, where the commander had estab- 
lished his head quarters ; and here were assembled with him 
the committee of both kingdoms. The king's party had but 
two regiments of foot and six troops of horse to meet this 
formidable army; oi>e regiment was at Wooler under 
Colonel Francis Anderson, and the remainder were at Alnwick 
commanded by Sir Thomas Glenham. The committee to- 
wards night sent a trumpeter to Sir Thomas Glenham, 
Colonel Grey, and the rest of the officers and gentlemen at 
Alnwick, the head quarters of the royal force ; and on the 
22nd, the gentlemen of Northumberland met there to de- 
liberate, what course to take. Sir Thomas Glenham pro- 
pounded to them these three questions : 1st — what should be 
done with those places of the county which were not yet in 
the possession of the Scots, and which they were not able to 
protect ? 2nd — ^what answer should be given to the letter of 
the two committees ? 8rd — whether they should fight with 
the Scots army ? On the first question they were divided ; 
the Yorkshire officers thinking it most expedient, that the 
country should be burnt, wasted, and destroyed ; but the 
Northumberland officers and gentlemen were opposed to this, 
saying, '' that they had hazarded their lives and fortunes, as 
well as others, and they would take this for a small recom- 
pence of their labours to have their country wasted and 
spoiled." To the second question, the committee also gave 



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HISTOBICAL AKD DESCKIPTIVB NOTICES. 815 

different answers ; some thinking it fittest to send a fair 
answer to so fair a letter ; others that it could not be answered 
by them, but must be sent to the earl of Newcastle ; and 
a third party was of opinion that it must be sent to his 
Majesty before any answer could be returned. On the third 
question, *' they were unanimous, declining by all means to 
fight, yet with resolution to come off with some credit, and 
with these sixteen troops of horse and two regiments of foot, 
which they have at Alnwick, some eight drakes and twenty 
pieces of ordnance (which they had from a Dutch Flee-boat, 
that run ashore near the place), to defend the Bridge, though 
they well knew the town may be invaded at any other place.** 

Other regiments from Berwick and Kelso had joined the 
Scottish general, and his artillery had arrived by sea on the 
evening of the 22nd. He sent orders to his lieutenant 
general, who was about uine or ten mile? from Alnwick, to 
meet him there on Tuesday forenoon, (the 25th), intending, 
as he says, " by God's assistance *' to find quarters in New- 
castle on the 27th. The royalists made but a poor show of 
fighting ; they abandoned Alnwick on the approach of the 
Scots, designing to make a stand at Felton ; but the Scottish 
horse advancing before they could cut down the bridge over 
the Coquet, they were obliged to flee to Morpeth, whence 
they soon proceeded to Newcastle. The snow suddenly began 
to melt on the 26th, and so flooded the roads, that the Scottish 
foot soldiers in their march were sometimes up to their mid- 
dles ; and so exhausted were they on arriving at Morpeth, 
that they were compelled to rest for five days. A party de- 
tached from the main army at xilnwick under the marquis of 
Argyle, attacked the fort on Coquet Island, but after the dis- 
charge of the first shot the governor with seventy officers and 
soldiers surrendered ; seven pieces of ordnance and a quantity 
of ammunition were also-taken. On the 3rd of February the 
Scottish host appeared before Newcastle ; but this town made 
a gallant and for some time successful defence. 

In aid of the royal cause the marquis of Montrose entered 
Scotland on April 13th, 1644, with the Cumberland and 
Westmoreland Militia, and three troops of horse. After 
taking Dumfries he became afraid of being cut off by the 
Covenanters, and retraced his steps ; but determined not to 
be altogether inactive, he resolved to join the royal forces in 
Durham and Northumberland — a resolution "neither dis- 
honourable to himself nor unprofitable to them." He drove a 
garrison of the Covenanters out of Morpeth and took the 



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316 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Castle, and gave the pillage to his Ei^lish soldiers ; he dis* 
missed the garrison on condition of their never again drawing 
a sword against the king. He next took the fort at the 
mouth of the Tyne ; and afterwards plentifully supplied New- 
castle with corn from Alnwick and other places thereabouts. 
After these successes he was summoned to the help of Prince 
Bupert ; but, notwithstanding the despatch he made, he did 
not come up with the prince, till the day after the battle of 
Marston Moor.* Fairfax's forces now joined the Scots in the 
siege of Newcastle, which being unable to hold out against 
so formidable an array surrendered on the 20th of October ; 
and the county of Northumberland came again under the 
power of Parliament. 

The trumpeter sent by the Scottish general to Alnwick was 
hospitably treated by the corporation ; the accounts for 1645 
state, " paid for a bottle of sack of Major General Lesley 
Trumpeter 2s. 8d." Scottish soldiers had now possession 
of the town and some of them were billeted in the neighbour- 
ing village. One party was located at Denwick, and they 
had seriously misconducted themselves ; for there is entered in 
the accounts " Item bestowed of the officers that went against 
the Denwick soldiers, they had burnt all Walkergate 4s." 
besides this we find " one pottle of mulled sack bestowed on 
Colonel Wildon." To maintain the Scots army in 1641, assess- 
ments were made in the northern counties ; £300 were raised 
from Northumberland, £300 from Durham and £200 from 
Newcastle. At a later date, 1645 or thereabouts, similar assess- 
ments were made, for we find monies were borrowed, amount- 
ing to £9 7s. Od, by the corporation from several persons, to* 
pay "Major Hume*s assessments." In the following year 
there were paid 5s for a baggage horse for Captain Bee's 
company, and 6s. 8d. to John Scott for quartering soldiers. 
Something was done to the defences of the town ; for in 1641, 
there was paid for making the town's gate 12s. 4d ; and the 
gate of the castle was also repaired by the corporation. 

While the king was a prisoner in the Isle of Wight, there 
was, to a certain extent, a reaction in his favour in the 
country; several insurrections broke out against parlia- 
mentary government^ and an army of Scotsmen under Lord 
Hamilton agreed to act with the royalists of England ; but 
these formidable combinations were defeated through the 
vigour and skill of Cromwell. Major Sanderson in a letter 

* Wiftbart** Memoirs of MontrosCi p. 30. 



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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 317 

dated July Srd 1648^ gives an account of what Was done in 
the district around Alnwick. 

'< We hasted away on the night of Friday^ SOth June, and 
marched 16 miles from Hexham to Harterton; and thence to 
ToBson, I had the command of the forlorn hope (of two troops), 
the first towne we fell into was Tosson, where wee tooke a heu- 
tenant and six of his dragooDs, all in hed, the next towne was 
Lurbottle, where we took 60 hoise and 60 men, all in bed. The 
next quarter was Oarhle where Ool Qrey, Lieut Salkeld, and 
many others were taken, with 80 horse. The next quarter was 
Whittingham, where lieut Ool Millet, and many other consider- 
able men with 200 horse ; the next was at one time an engage- 
ment upon Eslington, where were 100 horse at Olanton, in 
Glanton were 180 horse, most of them taken, with the officers 
and souldiers in that quarter. At EsHngton, Sir Bich Tempest, 
Major Troulop, and many others. Wee advanced towards Bran- 
ton, but finding that we were cloyed with prisoners and horse, 
and booty, we retyred towards Whittingham, where Col Lilbume 
was labouring to rally into a firme body, for there appeared about 
Shawton, foiur bodies of the enemies horse, who had taken alarme, 
and got together, but all the rest we tooke before they could 
mount. 

" The victory was beyond all expectation, God working it for 
us. We had but one horse shot dead, and one man shot through 
the thigh, and of the enemy there was five slaine, and Cap Smith 
run through the body, and some others wounded."* 

The contentions of the period pressed heavily on the town 
as is shewn by the following document in the corporate 
archives ; the date is about 1650, for I find all the names 
attached, save two, were members of the four and twenty 
in the year 1649 : — 

" To the right worshipful the deputy lieutennants of Northum- 
berland, The humble Peticion of the Burgesses and Inhabitants 
of Alnewicke, Sheweth, 

That your peticioners having layed up on them a charge (firom 
the worshipful Oomittee) for the advancing of three horse and 
six men out of this poore towne for the present servyce, the 
which we are willing to our abilityes. But we have and are now 
at this instant sore opprest with a heavy burthen lying upon us 
of horse and foote and our groundes destroyed without any hope 
of recovery for this yeare and small expectacion for paying of 
quarters. And this charge for advance of horse and men your 
peticioners conceive can amoimt to no less than £26, which is a 
great some to such a poor distressed place and people. 

* Richardso^'r Repriuts. 



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818 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Your peticioners humbly pray you mil be pleased to take the 
premises into your grave consideracions for the ease of your 
peticioners as in your wisdomes you shall think befitting and 
your peticioners shall pray &c. 

Thomas Salkeld, John Gallon, Launcelott Scott, Thomas 
Younger, Ohamberlynes ; Bobert Watson, bailifTe ; William 
Hunter, Hugh Arrowsmith, Nicholas Forster, Arthur Arrow- 
smith, Kichard Wydows, Henry Preaston, Thomas Hunter." 

'<In consideration of the great burden the said Towne lyes 
under for the present we are content they be freed of one hors 
of the three they are charged withall, and the other two horses 
are to be raised up of the ablest of the Towne, the poorer sort to 
be spared and the care of this is referred to Maior Sanderson. 
Francis Heselrigge, Balph Delayal, Henry Ogle." 

The outburst of joy which hailed the restoration of Charles 
II. seems to have been but a temporary feeling. Heavy taxes 
were imposed distasteful to the people, who were the more 
deeply grieved because no little of the money wrung from 
them was practically wasted. A curious deposition in the 
castle of York shews the existence of such discontent in Aln- 
wick. 

" Oct. 21, 1664. At Eock before John Salkeld and Jo. Clarke, 
Esq., Thomas Busby, of Alnwicke, saith that on the 12th of 
August, being walking in company of Henry Elder, of Alnwicke, 
and saying, what can become of all the money, that was collected 
in the country ? the said Henry replied, ' What should become 
of it ? There was non to destroy it but a company of ranting 
fellows ; and for his Majesty hee had taken up the bones of an 
honester man than himselfe, and in his thoughts there would be 
noe quietness till hee went the way his father went.' " 

TVain bands were in the time of Charles II. raised for the 
defence of the kingdom ; and every township had to contri- 
bute proportionally to their maintenance. The borough of 
Alnwick including Hobberlaw was required to set forth six 
footmen ; and on the chamberlains and the four and twenty 
of the town devolved the duty of making and collecting rates 
for this purpose from the houses, lands and farms.* 

Frequent references there are in the corporate accounts to 
these train bands ; in 1679 there were 20s. paid for procuring 
men for train bands and finding arms; when the train band men 
went to Morpeth in 1683, they received 4s. 6d. ; for two mus- 
kets 19s. 6d. were paid; and in the same year the chamberlains 

• The earliest rate book preserved is dated 17th March, 1671, and as it is 
curious and important, if space allow, it will be giren in the Appendix. 



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HISTORICAL AND DBSCRIFTIVE KOTICBS. 319 

acknowledged the receipt of the towns arms, yiz., four 
moskets, Uiree coats, and four pair of bandyliers/* An 
assessment made in 1690, which was three times the amount 
of that in 1671 shows the relative importance of the different 
wards ; " Bongatt ward provided £2 6s, 11 Jd., Markett ward 
£2 28. lOJd., Narrowgatt ward £1 Is. 4d., Bailefgate ward 
lis. lOd., Walkegatt 5s. 9d. and Clayport 9s. 4d., in all 
£6 19s. Id." The four and twenty on March 25th 1696, 
" ordered a cess of Is. 6d. in the £ for troffy moneys and re- 
pairing and buying swords and musketts and repaying the 
money that was paid for setting out four men.'* The town's 
magazine of arms was far from being extensive ; " On March 
2nd 1702 there were delivered to Mr. Baron Falder A Sword 
Coat and Gun without a Ramrod belonging to the Town; to 
Mr. Mark Forster one Sword, two Coats and one Gun and a 
Lock ; to Mr Tho. Woodhouse 1 Coat, Gun and Sword and 
Cartridge box. To Luke Hymers one Gun and one Sword." 
Such was the sorry provision for the defence of the kingdom. 
The great naturalist, John Ray, when on one of his 
" Simpling Voyages" passed through the town in 1661, and 
thus chronicles his visit — 

** August the I5th we travelled from Newcastle through Mor- 
peth to Alnwick twenty-six miles, which town is imder a bailiff; 
every trade chooses an alderman; the chief trade is tanning. 
Here we saw a goodly and strong castle, well walled, and not 
yet much run to decay, belonging to the earl of Northumberland. 
This country is thinly inhabited, very bleak, and barren."* 

We have notice of both Alnwick and Morpeth in 1664 
from Marmaduke Rawdon, of York, who had been a merchant 
in London, and after a successfiil business career took delight 
in travelling ; the accounts of his journies give good sketches 
of domestic life and manners. 

"1664. From Newcastle they went that night (27th August) 
to a towne of 16 mile off, called Morpeth, a large towne where 
they rested that night, and the next day Sunday. Itt haith a 
church, a prison, the ruines of a castle belonginge to my Lord of 
GarlQe, wUc^ the Scotch mind in thesse warrs, and a free scoole 
with a chiilmey in itt, where the boyes have a fire all the winter 
longe, each boy brinein^ a horse loode of coales, which thir 
costs 3 pence. Close by itt runna the river Wents-becke. 

Monday the 29th August, they went to an ancient towne called 
Anwick, where they dined ; itt haith tow faire gates of free stone, 

« Memorials of Bay, p. 150. 



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S20 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

Irhioh shews itt haith bene some ihinge in former times, but now 
the bowses are all tbactht and soe contemtible little, that, like 
the citie of Hindus, the towne may easely run thorrow the gates; 
here is a fiftire stronge castle, which makes a greate shew to the 
country, but ill contrived within for lodgins. It belonges to my 
Lord of Northumberland whose Auditor comes thir twice a yeare, 
sitts to order busnisses, and to receive his rents."* 

Thomas Kirke, of Corbridge, in his journeyings in the 
north of England, thus records his visit in 1677 — 

''Monday, 21 May. At night we got to Alnwick where is a 
very great castle and some part of it in repair. A little from the 
town up the river is an Abbey, where Sir Fopling lives; we 
waited in the Abbey an hour before he made his appearance ; 
we ^rank a glass or two of wine with him and left him as we 
found him." 

Sir Fopling was Robert Brandling, a descendant of Sir 
Francis Brandling and proprietor of Alnwick Abbey. He 
along with John Salkeld possessed the tithes of Felton in 
1666. 

The notice of the town by Ralph Thoresby in 1681 is more 
important, as it shews that the walls of the town were then 
in existence. He was a woollen draper, an antiquary, and 
the historian of Leeds; he had property at Rock, which 
caused him occasionally to visit the district. 

"Over the moors" says he, "from Morpeth to Alnwick, an 
ancient town fortified wilh a curious castle and an old wall. By 
Rock where I found the old tenants repenting their unkind feel- 
ings, and continual murmurings for abatements, which hastened 
the sale of the estate, and now they would gladly have the same 
lands at the ordinary advancement." 

Many offices in the castle were in decay in 1635^ but 
the earl was then repairing them by degrees. These restora- 
tions, however, had only been partial, being probably inter- 
rupted by the great civil war ; and although the residence of 
the baronial officials, it became still more ruinous. So little 
valued indeed was this great stronghold, that we find from 
the corporation records, some part of it was used a^ a common 

* We have a curious account of the state of Belford in 1639, wbich says— 
" Bel fort nothing like the name either in strength or beauty is the most miserable 
beggarly sodden town or town of sods that ever was made in an afternoon of loaqi 
and Btioks. In all the town not a loaf of bread, nor a quart of beer, nor a lock of 
hay, nor a peek of oats, and little shelter for horse or man.'*— GMfrf and Timsa of 
Charles L,IL,p,2S6. 



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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 321 

school in 1691 , when '' Mr. Mathew Wood lately discharged 
from our free Schole and out of contempt have sett up Schole 
in Alnwick Castle.'* Of the appearance and state of the 
castle at this period we can form an opinion from a drawing 
by Buck in 17S8, of which a reduced copy is given in Plate 

nil. 

Jolly men, as we have said, were the authorities of the 
town in these days ; and diligent in seizing on public events 
as occasions for indulgence in drinking, feasting, and uproari- 
ous enjoyment. When a protector was proclaimed or a king 
crowned, when royal birth days came round, when battles 
were won, when thanksgiving days and gunpowder plot days 
recurred, they must enjoy themselves ; there must be ale and 
wine and strong waters to drink — gunpowder to blaze away 
— cannons to roar — tar barrels to be burnt — ^music played 
and tobacco smoked. Like the vicar of Bray they had one 
unvarying creed ; whoever was king and whatever occurred 
they must be joUy. Though modest in amount at first, these 
indulgences readied a pitch of extragavance towards the 
middle of the eighteenth century. 

When the protector was proclaimed on September the 12th 
1658, there was disbursed for wine 10s. What rejoicings 
there were when Charles II. " came to his own " are not re 
corded ; but in 1665, 8s. l)d. were ''paid at Edward Smith's 
for wine and her beinge upon the Kings coronation day ;" 
and the same event was celebrated on die following day by 
drinking *' wine and strong waters " and by pipes and tobacco. 
In 1665 one shilling was paid for '' drink at Betinge the hol- 
landers ;" and when peace was proclaimed in 1674 the re- 
joicing cost only 6s. 8d. James II. seems to have been a 
favourite ; at '' the proclaiming our Soverign Lord James the 
Second " on February 14th, 1684, there were 48 bottles of 
wine drunk costing £8 ISs. Od.; and '' more the next day to 
the Sheriff 6 Bottles 7s., and more four Bottels of Wine to 
Mr. Beach 4s. 8d.'' Wine then cost only 14d. per bottle. 
*' At the Crownacon day " of the king in 1688 the rejoicings 
were demonstrative— -aie and brandy were drunk — ale was 
riven away at the cross to the soldiers, constables,'and popu- 
hce — ^music was playing — guns were fired and ^^aboonfire'* 
was blazing in the Market-place. 

King William III. seems to have been no great favourite, 
judging from the meagre rejoicings with which his advent 
was hailed. For ale at the cross in 1689 '^at the king 
and <iueen's coronation day " only 8s. 4d. were paid. The 

2t 



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$22 HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

gunners, howeyer, had ale to the value of 48. 4d.-; and there 
were two runlets of ale at the cross for the soldiers, costing 
5s. 5d. : besides this " a boonfire ** lighted up the scene. 
Englishmen, however, exult when their countrymen gain a 
victory ; and the corporate pulse beat vigorously, when news 
came of William's military triumphs. Captain Forster, in 
1690, was treated with ale at Mr. George Salkeld's " upon 
the news of the defeat of the Irish " at the cost of 6s. ; and 
the bells rung for joy at the victory. A little afterwards, we 
have entered — 

1690. — Spent when the King came home 1^, Tar Bairells Is. 8d., 

Pips and Towbco 7d. . . . . . 1 10 

Bobeort Hmnbleton for Ale . .IS 

Ale at the bone fire when King William came home . 1 S 
Att the same time 2 Tar BarreUs . . . .IS 

Tobacco Pipes .05 

When news arrived of peace on October 82nd, 1697, S tar 
barrels were used; and on its being proclaimed, five more 
'' to make a bonfire," with '^ 2 bottles of brandy and musick 
then." Such records were frequent : a few more, after the 
accession to the throne of the house of Hanover, may be added. 

I718.—0ct. 22.--Paid for Ale att the King's landing to James 
Batt 3s. 4d., to my Mother Grey 3s. id., at Mia. Bobson's 
in the Beckoning Ss. 6d., Binging the Bells Is., Musick 
2s. 6d. . . 7^ . . . IS 8 

1714.— Oct 20.— Att GoxTonation S barles Ss., Musick 2s. 6d., Ale 
at bone fire 56. 4d., Ale from William Stanton 6s. Sd., 3 
barles 38. . . . . 20 6 

1713.— May 5.— Ale at proclaiming the peace 5s., ale at the Gross 

6s. . ... . . .' . 10 

1714.— July.— Ale when the King irasprodaimed. . .OS 

Regularly as Thanksgiving day and Gunpowder Plot day 
came round there were rejoicings. In 1697 on Thanksgivii^ 
day, there were paid for 8 tar barrels for the bonfire Ss. 6d., 
for 2 quarts of brandv 4s. 8d., tobacco and pipes 6d., ringing 
bells., Is., for musick Ss. 6d. and for ale drunk at the cross 
12s. 8d. Similar rejoicings were on Gunpowder Plot day. 
These celebrations ceased about the vear 1718. StiU, frequent 
as all these merrv makings were, tney do not rive a complete 
picture of the jollity of the times ; others will be referred to 
when we treat of the corporation. 

Let us now see what part the town played during the two 
rebellions in favour of the exiled Stuarts. Very scanty are the 
local references to the events of 1715; ana this is to be 
regretted, as the early operations were in this neighbour- 
h(Md. Thomas Forster, of Adderstone, one of the members of 



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HISTORICAL AND DBSCRIPTIYB K0TICB8. S28 

parliament for the county, bat a man of little capacity or cour- 

3:e, was the first mover in this attempt to drive the house of 
anover from the throne. On the 6th of October, Forster 
with others favourable to the Stuart cause met at Greeniig 
in Northumberland; and bein^ afterwards joined by the 
earl of Derwentwater with his fhends and servants, the party 
marched to Rothbury, where they remained all night, and on 
the next day with increased numbers they marched to Wark- 
worth, where they remained till Monday the 10th. Forster 
here assumed the title of general, which had been bestow^ 
on him by the earl of Mar ; and on Sunday he ordered Mr. 
Ion, the vicar, to pray for Charles Stuart, as king, and for 
Mary, the queen mother ; but the vicar refusing, Mr. Buxton, 
the chaplain of the rebels, took possession of the church, read 
the service, prayed for Charles Stuart as king, and preached 
with coDsidenible eloquence and learning in favour of the 
Stuart cause. On Monday General Forster in disguise pro- 
claimed from the cross of that ancient borough, by sound of 
trumpet and other formalities, Charles Stuart as king of 
Britain. The rebels then marched to Morpeth, where joined 
by other malcontents, the party increased to the number of 
800 horsemen. 

The men of Alnwick were loyal ; and the accounts shew 
that they were watchful, and prepared to take part in the 
struggle, on the side of the house of Hanover. We have the 
following entries : — 

'< 1715, Oct., paid when the watch was set Is.; to Games about 
the rebels 4s. 4d. ; to Standley for his horse to Berwick with 
priaoners 3s. ; to Games to gett Intelidgenoe of rebels 4b. ; to 
William Anderson when he went about InteUigence Is. ; paid 
Garen and Hindmarsh for enquiring about the Bebells 3s 6d ; 
ale to them 8d. ; to Gair and Johnston for watching the town 
16d. and ale 4d. ; for canying the Deserters to Barwicke 2s. 4d.; 
Goals, Candle, and Straw to the Guard 4s. 6d. ; Mr Stephenson 
for getting our Townes Arms examined 5s. ; spent at Bickaby's 
with Mr. Forster and Mr. Ghieve when wee mett aboutt train 
Band Men 2s. ; paid Games and others that were Imployed in 
watching the Seoels 4s." 

The incompetency of General Forster hastened the end of 
this rebellion, which was bad in plan and worse in execution. 
After the insurgents surrendered at Preston, a severe retribu- 
tion followed; the earl of Derwentwater and others paid the 
penalty with their lives, but the pusillanimous Forster escaped 
to the continent. 



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824 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

The untimely fate of the earl of Derwentwater excited deep 
sympathy ; for he was youngs amiable, and generous^ and had 
been inconsiderately involved in a foolish enterprise. He 
was connected with Alnwick by holding property there. 
From letters and papers during the reign of Henry VIII. we 
find that on May lOth, 1510, a grant was made to ^* Edward 
Badcliff, knight of the body and Roger Fenwick, squire of 
the same, lieutenants of the Middle Marches towards Scotland 
in consideration of their expenses in the king's affidrs in the 
Marches, lands in the barony of Alnwick of the annual value 
of £S 18s. 4d./* besides other lands in the county ; in a sub- 
sequent grant on April Slst, 1514, they were described " Fee 
farm or socage of the lordship of Alnwick to the annual 
value of £S 18s. 4d.'' The house in Bailiffgate at the head of 
the Peth, described as the slate house and called the Derwent- 
water house, including Radcliff's closes, St. Leonard's Hos- 
pital and Ginfin belonged to the earl of Derwentwater. He 
was also owner of estates at Spindlestone, for which he owed 
suit and service to the baron of Alnwick. His extensive 
possessions were forfeited, and given by the crown to Green- 
wich Hospital 

Of the next rebellion in 1745 there are more extended 
local records. The reverses suffered by the British arms at 
Fontenoy and in Flanders, and the supposed defenceless state 
of Britain encouraged Charles Stuart, the son of the pretender, 
to hope that with the aid of France he could recover the 
English throne for his family. He landed in Scotland on 
July 25th, 1745 ; and the standard of rebellion was first un- 
furled, on August 19th at Glenfinnin. He made a triumphal 
entry into Edinburgh on September 17th ; and his success on 
the Slst, at the battle of Preston Pans, spread alarm in the 
north of England. I have heard my grandmother, who was 
then about twelve vears of age, describe the excited state of 
the town at this crisis ; there were vrild bustle and confusion — 
ordinary business was neglected, and many were terrified 
with the fear that the Highlanders would, some night, with 
one fell swoop destroy the town and murder the- people — ^the 
town was converted into a military barrack — trumpets were 
sounding in the streets, drums beating and fifes playing — 
hurried meetings were held, and soldiers were mustering, or 
passing through the town. The jolly burgesses, however, 
fired with love of their country and religion, were preparing 
with no little anxiety, to aid in repulsing the enemy. The 
accounts of the corporation give some notion of what was 



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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE HOTICBS. 325 

done for this purpose ; a few extracts will be given. Trifling 
perhaps such details may appear to some ; nevertheless they 
show how the men of Alnwick felt and acted at this great 
crisis, and what means they emjiloyed to give help in behalf 
of their king, their laws and religion, which they considered 
to be in great danger. Anxious they were to learn the course 
of events, as much so as the most ciuiouB of the present 
century ; but having neither telegraphs nor railroads, nor 
swift poets, they employed scouts and special messengers to 
watch the movements of the enemy, and to give them early 
intelligence of the inarch of events. 

The corporation engaged volunteers to aid in the struggle, 
whom thej paid at the rate of Ss. weekly, and for whom they 
found military accoutrements. 

1745, Sep. 2. —Spent at Mr. Wm. Brown's with Niohol Brown 
when he came from Berwick with news about the rebels Is 6d. ; 
paid Wm. Graham when he went to Berwick 6b.; paid John 
Hook from Xilham who brought an aoooimt where the rebels 
were 22d. Sep. 1 7.--Spent at the Post house at a meeting of the 
Bubstantiall people in Town to consult what should be done on 
the news of the rebels getting into Edinburgh 58. Sep. 24. — 
Paid Wm. Neal, a messenger sent to Kelso, Dunse, &c., to bring 
InteUigence of the Bebells 7s. Sen. 26.— Paid Willy Neal for 
ffoing to Tweedmouth and staying mere till he knew which way 
the JKebells moved for expenses 10s. 6d. (General Cope was 
defeated at Preston Pans on the 21st and fled to Berwick.) Sep. 
29. — S^nt at Mrs. Wilson's at a meeting of the substantiall 
people in the Town to consult about billeting 750 Dutch soldiers 
and 700 Horsemen expected in the Town this day 8s. Sept. 29. 
— Spent at Mr. Wheeler's about billeting the Dutch who were 
countennanded 3b. ; paid WiUy Neal 10s. 6d. ; paid for a gallon 
of Ale to the Constables 9d. ; postage of three letters 9d. ; paid 
for watching a guard room all night 8d. Oct. 6. — Wm. Neal to 
bear his charges when sent to Bolton, &c., with a letter to seize 
upon one Hay, a Scotchman, who was s upp osed to be makeing 
to join the Bebels 28. 6d. Oct. 7. — Paid Willy Neal when sent 
to Berwick to ^ intelligence of the motion of the Bebells 428. 
Oct. 9. — Paid Wm. Oraubam to go to Shields 58. ; paid to the 
Town's Volunteers Is., advance tor a week's pay 7s., more for 
powder 6d., for a cockade 6d. ; in all 98.; given to a Dutch 
woman 3 penny loaves and a gallon of ale Is. Oct. 19. — Paid 
Bob. Shanks and Wm. Beed for carrying eleven Dutch women 
to Morpeth 128. ; gave the Baid Dutch women Is. (These had 
been wives of the Dutch soldiers.) Oct. 24. — ^For 3 cartridge 
boxes, &c., 20s. Oct. 26.— Paid Wm. Graham for carrying two 
soldiers wives (one of them big with child) to Shilbottle Is. Oct. 



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S26 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

80. — ^Paid 4 carters for canTixig 12 men that came from the 
Board of Ordnance and the Baggage to Belfoid 208. (Wilhr 
Neal wrote letters to the corporation giving information regard- 
ing the rebels on the 19th, 21st, 24t£^ 26ti[L, and 28th Oct., the 
postage of each being 3d.) Nov. 1. — ^Paid Winter the Oarrier 
to give to Mr. Jefeey which he lent Willy Neal £2 12 6d. ; paid 
Mr. Allen which he lent Willy Neal 10s. 6d. Nov. 6.— Paid 
Ba. Wallace with a letter to 8ir Wm. Middleton 5s.| (he was 
member for the county} ; Hie Guard Is. ; paid Henry Bell fbnr 
Ck)llingwood's expenses and horses all night who g^ded Andrew 
Walker Is. 8d., and OoUingwood for horse and self 2s., and for 
the prisoners' dinner in Giiard Is. Nov. 6. — Paid Wm. Neal to 
bear expenses in goingto Wooler and to set intelligence of the 
Bebells^ motion 5s. (The rebel army whidi did not much exceed 
6000 men began its march towards England on November 1, in 
two divisions, one moved through Mo&t towards Carlisle ; and 
the other headed by the pretender marched to Kelso, where it 
arrived on the 5th. From Kelso, Charles sent orders to Wooler 
to prepare quarters for his troops ; but this was to deceive ; for 
he struck westward and approached England through liddes- 
dale). Nov. 6. — Paid to Wm. Neal when sent to Berwick, 
Kelso, and Jedburgh, to get intelligence of the motion of the 
Bebells £2 2s. ; to Sergeant Black to get victuals for 2 prisoners 
Is. Nov. 12. — Three weeks pay for Volunteers at 8s. per week 
24s. Nov. 17. — Paid WiUy Weal and Ra. Wallace when they 
went to Hexham and Carlisle to watch the motions of tiie rebells 
and send intelligence when ovr army was drawing towards them 
84s. Nov. 24. — John Vardy for two carts and 4 norses carrying 
the baggage of the Yorkshire Hunters firom this town to Mor- 
peth 258. ; for 3 Dutch Soldiers to Shilbottle 2s. dd. Nov. 30th. 
— The two sick soldiers in Brigadier Fleming's Begiment 2s. 
Dec. 7. — Andrew Brown for the Dutch man that was sick at his 
house 48. ; Thos. Athey for 4^ thrave of straw for to lay the 
Dutch men upon in the Town house 3s. Dec. 9. — Paid Mr. Jos. 
Harle for 6 pounds of candle to illuminate the Townhall on the 
King's Birthday 3s. Dec. 24tJi. — Volunteer for 7 weeks pay at 
8s.— 56s. 

1746, January 9. — For carrying two soldiers from this town to 
Shilbottle ; gave John Eaton and two other soldiers in Chul- 
mondseys's regiment to carry them to the said regiment having 
no money 2^. Gd. Feb. 9. — Given to Lord Drummond's men Is., 
and to other two men and six soldiers 4s. ; gave six Frenchmen 
who had deserted from Lord John Drummond and had a pass 
£rom General Hawley to Newcastle and had run short of money 
Is. ; gave three Frenchmen who had a pass from General Hawley 
6d. Feb. 14th. — To three deserters of Lord John Drummond Is. 

1746, June 25.— George Egdell for his journey to Kelso to 
inquire after the Rebels 5s. 3d. 1747, Feb. 27.— Paid Wm- 



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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 327 

Neal for his trouble in briiiging and sending intelligence from 
time to time daring the BebelHon, of the motions of the Rebels 
£4 4s. Od. ; May 4.*-Paid him more 2 Is. 

The duke of Cumberland the commander of the royal army, 
on his way to Scotland passed through Alnwick, and dined 
there in January, 1746. The battle of CuUoden fought on 
the 16th of April brought the rebellion to an end, and raised 
his royal highness to the dignity of a hero ; and the people 
of Alnwick were loud in their demonstrations of loyalty. 
Thus continues our record : — 

May 8th. — ^Robert Pots' expenses when he went to inquire if 
the Duke of Cumberland was to be there as tomorrow afternoon 
to g^ post from Belford 10s. May 18th,— William Bell for 
ringing the bells when the Duke came Is. 

There comes after this, the sad duty of attending to the 
sick and wounded. 

June 14. — Thomas Bickaby for a coffin for Henry Busby, a 
soldier in the Duke of Bedford's regiment, 6s. ; mr keeping 
Heniy Busby, a sick soldier, ten days Is. 6d. ; for taking care of 
John XTlstone, a soldier lying ill of the small pox, twelve days 
Is. 6d. Aug. 13. — Paid Aim Shetford for attencung a sick Dutch 
soldier at G-eoige Walker's Is. ; given to Mr. Carr's maid to 
Interpret what he said Is. Oct. 2nd. — Paid Dr. Bichardson for 
Drugs to a Dutch sick soldier 3s. 1747, A^ril 28. — ^Paid lamed 
and disbanded soldiers and soldiers' wives with passes during the 
time of the rebellion £15 15s. Od. May 5th^ — ^Medicines for 
the sick and lamed soldiers left in town during the rebellion 
£8 12s. 6d. 

Besides what was done by the four and twenty in sup- 
porting volunteers, some of the companies or incorporated 
trades displayed their loyalty. The company of Merchants 
maintained six volunteers, and found arms for them ; their paj 
was Is. per day. The following is one account for their 
accoutrements : — 

1745.— Oct 18.— « Oaxtridffo Boxes, 8b. . . . . 18 

Six Swoid and Baggenett Belts, li. 6d. • 9 

Six Ball Bags, 6d 8 6 

„ 29.— A Broad Strap 28 inchea long . . .06 

dBl 11 

Each member contributed monthly 8s. Be it recorded to the 
honour of the Cordwainers' or Shoemakers' Companv that 
they unanimously passed the following resolution, wnich is 
signed by forty-four brethren : — 



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828 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

1745. — Oct 17. — ^A General Meeting of the trade or company thU 17th 
October, 1745, It is unanimously ordered and agreed that £12 Is. 6d. shall be 
immediately applied and paid to the Chamberlains of the said Borough for 
and towards the support and maintenance of four footmen who are to join 
with the other footmen now assembled at the said Borough for the support of 
the present Establishment. And it is further ordered and agreed that in case 
fhe said sum shall not be sufficient for the purpose aforesaid that then we will 
each of us according to our seyeral abilities contribute out of our private 
purses for and towaras the support and maintenance of the said four men 
until the present troubles are quelled. 

Equally loyal were the carpenters and joiners, who 
resolved — 

1745. — 16 October. — At a meeting this day of the Trade, It is unanimously 
agreed that Edward Wilson our Alderman Do immediately pay to the Cham- 
berlains of Alnwick Three pounds four shillings for one months pay for two 
men which the trade do hereby agree to raise for the defence of their religion 
and country now in imminent danger from the dangerous rebellion now actu- 
ally begun in Scotland. And we do further agree that the said Alderman do 
pay one months further pay for the use aforesaid in case there ^ould be 
occasion. And we do further agree and order that the said Alderman and 
Stewards do immediately provide two able bodied m«n for the purpose aibro- 
•aid and provide for them sufficient arms. 

The important company of Tanners were not so unani- 
mous ; nevertheless at a meciting held on October 18th, '' the 
great majority of them present ** agreed to a resolution the 
same as that adopted by the joiners. In their accounts it 
appears that the volunteers received in addition to the pay of 
Is. ^r day, 6d. as ^^ listing money, 6d. to drink, and a cockade 
costing 6d.** 

A corporation, accustomed to convert even little incidents 
into occasions for merry-making, could not allow this great 
triumph of the house of Hanover and of constitutional 
government, to pass without a stroi^ expression of joy; 
and accordingly we find :— • 

1747, Feb. 27th.— Paid at the post house £43 7s. 8^., being 
spent at the town's rejoicing on the King's birthdav, the Duke's, 
and on the Victory of Oullcxlen, and at ms return from Scotland. 

The distribution of property at different periods and the 
names of its owners must form no unimportant part of local 
history to those who live in the district, though perhaps of 
little general interest. We have already done this for one 
period, 1569 ; and not to encumber our history with too 
many of such details, I shall give the particulars of only one 
other period. Some imperfect lists of freeholders are printed 
in Hodgson's history of Northumberland for the years 1628 



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HISTORICAL AND DBaCRIPTIVX N0TI0S8. S29 

and 16S9; but a little more information is contained in a 
schedule for the county rate in 166S. The houses and free- 
lands of the town were estimated at an yearly rental of only 
£S39 ; bnt the value of the whole parish does not seem to 
have exceeded £2000 yearly. Besides the earl of Northum- 
berland the chief proprietors were Charles Brandling, who 
held Alnwick Abl)«y demesne and Heckley^ valued at £250 
and Denwick tythe valued at £20 ; Col. Brandling, Alnwick 
mill and the com and petty tithes ; George Lysle, Alnwick 
town head, valued at £20 ; Clement Forster, Aledike, valued 
at £24; Holn Abbey and Park belonged partly to John 
Salkeld; Thomas Metcalf had Stoney Hills, valued at £12; 
and Edward Yardy held St. Margarets, valued at £20 and 
the tythes of Kugley and Snipe House^ valued at £12 yearly. 

In the records of the baronial courts there is full inform- 
ation of the owners of property in the barony frcon 1664 down 
to the eighteenth century. Of the copyholders there is no 
record, excepting of those of Denwick, who had been trans- 
muted into leaseholders; yet lands were still distributed 
among a considerable numbers of owners ; in Alnwick parish 
there were about S40 holders of real property. I must, how- 
ever, defer giving particulars here, that I may have space for 
a more important and instructive document relatiag to a later 
period. 

Among the muniments of the corporation is '' A Bentall 
of the Burrough of Alnewicke, Ladv day, 1709/^ containing 
uot only the names of the burgage nolders, but also of other 
freeholders and tenants at will, with the amount ot quit rent 
for the burgages and of rack rentals for the farms. It was 
produced in Chancery on September the 20th, 1759, when 
the great law suit was pending between the earl of Northum- 
berlsmd and the corporation. Probably the collection of 
these feudal charges may have been made by corporate officers 
about this period ; for, firom the alteration of names and in- 
sertion of dates, it had been in use for at least six years. It 
is of conriderable interest, as giving the old names of places 
within the parish. A similar document called a ^^ Court 
Survey, Oct., 1702," is among the rolls of the baronial courts, 
and from this I have extracted explanatory matter which is 
printed within parenthesis. We have here still a relic of the 
old feudal claim for bond service; Rock, Kennington, and 
South Charlton paid eightpence each for ^^ Bondage Worke." 
The days of rapid and extensive change in the population had 
not yet come ; for we find still a large sprinkling of old Alnwick 

2u . 



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sso 



HlSTORt OF ALNWICK. 



names ; there are Alnwick, Claxton, Strother, Stanton, Mil- 
likiH, Falder, Gair, Alder, Gallon, Grieve, Metcalfe, Adston, 
Yardy, Arrowsmith, and Woodhouse. 



A RENTALL OF THE BURROXTGH OP 
AliNWICKE, LADY DAY, 1709. 



1 1 



Nabsowoatb, North Side. 

William BoBwell, a pepperoome. 

Kn. Elizabeth Thompson, a Bead 
Bo8e. 

Hobert Clazftony tvo Biirgag^6B, 
(one of them la. or a snow- 
ball at the fiair of Alnwick) 1 8 

Kicholas Hunter ... 8 

Timothy Barton, (two bnrga- 

. ges) . . . . . 

George MlUeken, (lliatt Aln- 
wick formerly) . 

Richard Harrison . 

Thomas Woodhoose. two Bnr- 

. flfages, (7d. and 5d.) . 

mlliam Kennedy . 

Henry Swinhoe . 

William Stanton, (Tho. Met- 

. calfe) two burgages, 8d., Is. 

Balph Anderson 

Thomas Harrison . 

Christopher Featherstonhangh 
South Side. 

Bichard Strother, late Ben. 
Barton, (lOd., 16d., 6d.) . 

George Turner 

John Archbold, (late Widow 
Brandling Wast) 

Margery Amwicke, Widow 

Lancelot Strother ...» 
Narbowoatb Wbst Kawb. 

Heree Edw. Bobson . .18 

William Oide ... 7 

James Chapman ... 11 

Heres WilHam Boswell . . 8 



8 



BoNDOATB, Korth Side. 
JohnFenkell 
Roger Buston 
Widow Alnwicke, two burga- 



ffes, 9d., lOd. 
ohn Smyth 



George Thew 
William Stanton, sen. . 
Hr. Mark Forster, (and Kiln) 
(A common lane.) 
Barnabas Falder . 
Widow Moffatt . 
William Gair 
Thomas Jemyson . 



86 6 

10 
10 

1 7 
10 
10 
10 



8 



John Chrisp, three Burgages, 
(heirs of Wm. Adston) 

Lancelot Strother, two Burga- 
ges, rsd., 6d.) . . . 

Edward Grey, two Burgages 
(8|d.,2s. lOd.) . 

Richard Strother, two Burga< 

John Strother 

Mary Wilaon 

John Wilson . 

Henry Whittingham, (late 
Edmxmd Craster) 

The heires of Widow Sander- 
son . . 

Henry Wilson 

Idem for a Shaid, (a bouse on 
a Waist) . 

Boin>OATB Extra. 

Henry Hairison 

Henry Hairison, three burga- 
ges ... . 

(A Common Lane.) 

William Winney . 

Thomas Christon . 

Edward Strother 

Widow Thompson, three bur- 
gages, 6d., Is., 8d. . 



8 8^ 

1 I 

8 6^ 

1 6} 
19 



2 2 



2 6 

10 
2 



2 2 



84 3) 
BoNDOATX, South Side. 

JohnHutson • .14 

Widow Alnwicke, (a burgage, oott» 
garth or croft, admitted rent £2.^ 

John Stamp, (a burgage and garth 
rent £2.) 

Widow Alnwicke, (2 crofts belonging 
to the former burgage Is.) 

Matthew Doares, (a burgage, three 
crofts on lands £2.) 

(Thomas Hardy Ute Wm. Turner 
late Jas. Turner sometime Thomas 
Briggs held a Toft now a house 
erected on the the same £2.) 

(John Strother, before James Tur- 
ner, moiety of a burgage and garth 
£2.) 

(William Gaire, sometime William 
Woodhouse holds the other moiety 
of a burgage and garth.) 



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HISTORICAL AKD DBSCBIPTIYB NOTICES. 



S81 



(Ann Ckura^ aom«fcimA John Ganr, a 
burgage, a cottage^ and a gaith, 
£2.) 

(Hr John Coates, a mevaage, a tofb 
and ^aith, late Doctor Strother, 
containing Ir. 24p. Tenement and 



(John BobinBon late Frande Alder 
holdeUi a burgage end ffarth con- 
taining 18 ]perche8 rent £2.) 

(Mr. Nathaniel Forster, sometime 
John Clay, a burgage, toft^ and 
garth containing 16 perches, rent 
£2.) 

(The same purchased of Wm. Arch- 
hold's fimily, Wm. Woodhonse a 
bug, garth and croft £2.) 

(The same a bug, garth and croft in 
Bondgate SoxSk Croft containing 
3r. 21p. £2.) 

(John Stampe late Tho. Stampe and 
and before Nicholas Foniter, a 
Bug, Garth and Croft, and one 
other croft containing in all 8r. 9p. 
£2.) 

Thomas Woodhonse, (burgage 
andnrth .... 6 

Kark Forster, (burgage and 
garth.) .... 8 

The Towne for Pinfold . 8 

(Common Lane and Tomne 
WaU.) 

Bo2n>OAn Invba. 

The Heires of John Chrispe 

Thomas Gair 2 Burgages 

Bobert Shanks 

John Humble 2 Burgages (2b. 
4d. 14d0 . 

WiUiam C&arke 

Margaret Forster . 

Marke Grumble 

John Strother (a bug, a 
a pepper com) 

Idem . • 

John Hyndmarsh , 

John Strother 

John CaiT . 

Oswald Syme . 

John Diciman 



croft, 



:t 



Mabkbt Placi. 
George Hutcheeon . 
G^ige Potts for two burgages 

(Late widow BrandUngy 
Jane Lodge . • 
John Hunter . 
John Forster (wast) 
Robert Hambleton . 



16 2 



8 
8 

3 



Mark Forster (S^d. 9d.) . .16^ 
(The Burgesses of Alnwick 
holdea parcel of wast ground 
Wingon the east side of the 
Grass Cross, now the Malt 
Markett, rent yearly lOd., 
containing 12 pereches, 
denyedO 
Edward Cfrey ... 
Clement Forster, 4 Burgages 

Escheated (9d. 8d. 2d. 9d.) . 2 4 
Mark Forster. ... 8 
The Burgesses for the Brew- 
houses (late Wm. Grey) . 9 8 
(Est et ibidem parva via 

▼ocata Toll booth layne.) 
Bi<^ard Strother for a Shopp 

(a honseuponmy lord'awast) 4 
(Thos. Shipley and William 
Archbold, sometime Cuth. 
Fkocter, late Bichard Clark- 
son 3 Shopps, sometime Cha- 
pell late of the possessions of 
the Monastery of Alnwick 
rentniL) 
Thomas ^pley, 1 Buxgage 

and 3 Shopps . .64 

John Doubleday, 1 Buxgage 

and 3 Shopps . • .28 
(Heires of W m. Archbold, a 
house sometimea chapell 4d., 
widow Caxr,Mr. Doubleday) 
Anne Hunter. . * .1 
(James Patterson, a Shoemaker 
Shopp lately erected on the 
Lord^i wast Id.) 
Jane Lodge . • . .1 
Mathew Forster ... 8 

(Mathew Forster for taking in 
a building upon the Common 
Layne to the common bake- 
house to enlarge his bur- 
gage 4d.) 
Thomas Yardy ... 8 
Edward Grey . . . 1 10 
(Common bcdcehotise at the 
back of Tho. Yardye's Lett 
b^r lease with the Toll of the 
fiures and marketts, contain- 
ing 6 perches.) 
Bobcort Kiohardson (by con- 
sent of the auditors to erect 
a house, rent 2d.) 2 

Widow Hunter and Jobling's 

shop. 
Widow Anderson ... 8 
JohnWarde .... 8 
William Patricke ... 8 
John Robinson ... 8 



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8Si 



HMTORY aP ALNWICK. 



WilliBm Scott, 2 1 

PAIUn llOLB. 

Bichard Sfcrothery S Imrgages 
8d. led., (a tmrt long ago 
endoBed nu) • . .1 

Ralph BannoldaQfla • • 

Widow BaneU (4d. 4d. «d.) . 1 

WiUiBm Yellowley, (a waste.) 

(The same late NLofteAi teat 
jndxu gnm piperis.) 

John Beveley <Wm. Metoalf 
waste) .... 

OeoiveWalliB 

Ralph Gkrieve 2d. 2d. (fonnerly 
waste) .... 

Ralph Renoldson . 

Richard Strother (a waste bur- 
gage now rebuilding) 

(A oommonlane tothemarket) 



41 4 

Glatpokt, hegimimg mtt ih§ Ormite 
Oron OH the South Mmoe. 

George Potts (late Kioh. Fonter.) 

Marke Forster. 

Oeorge Alder (laie QaHon.) 

John WayxDsby. 

WiUiam Taylor, Esq., 4 bur- 
gages (8d. lOd. lOd. lOd. 
these were the Correction 
house) . . 8 S 

Roger UlshooM ... 10 

Ralifliiiardiall . . .10 
OidLtroBT Snmr iBxXBA. 

Thomas Woodhonse . . 7 

{k Common Layne.) 

George Pearett ... 8 

Widow Gibson ... 11 

Georoe Wattson ... 11 

Cnthbert Embleton (John 
Reynoldson) ... 10 

William Hunter, sen., (late 
John Alnwick) ... 8 

Edward Doazes (late John 
Alnwidc) .... 8 

Thomas Wattson (late John 
Gallon) . . . .14 

William Stanton, jun., 9 bur- 
gages 7 

Widow Gallon (12 burgages or 
riggs) called in old records 
Lyne Bum Lands .67 

(Heires of WilL Arohbold, late 
John Scott, nihil, Towns 
head lands, alias Saint 
Thomas' Fields.) 

G^rge Potts, (burgage and a 
dose) 1 

ChrJsto. Shotton . .11 



Geo^eBslte . . 


1 


1 


McrirBnnter 


1 


^ 


Widow Thompson (8 burgages 






and a don of % riggs lute 






Bal^Fmte} . . . 
Luke Hyndmaxsh . 


4 
i 


ii 


Thomas Hardy 




6i 


Robert Psston % • • 




8 


WidowDavidsoB . 




6 


John Theaker and GHawhonn 




6 


George Thew« 


1 


8 


George Fleteher (bmqgage and 






Widow Carr . . . . 


1 


4 

4 


John Stampe (in xis^ of his 
wifeElenHenetQ . . 




St 


Bartho Hallewell « 




Thomas Pearett • 




8 


The heirs of Thomas Taykr . 




8 


George Fletcher . 




8 


Clayport Tower (ttw bnmsses 
i^H»eon the Towns Wall is 






built, a bmcgage and eroft 






containing Ir i6p.) . 




8 


Luke Hyndmarsh • 




8 


Edwaid Stenley . . . 


1 




The Hdrs of John Reed . 


1 




Widow Blyth. • 


1 


1 


RobertShankes . 




4 


Luke Hyndmanh • 




4 


William Gallon • 




8 


Luke Hyndmarsh • 




8 


Matthew Ahiwicke. . 




4 


Fhmds Anderson • 




10 


Edward Fonter • 




8 




66 


7 




Un 


9rth 


tii»ofthe0r99$. 






Bsmaby Forster . 




8 


Thomas Woodhonse 




6 


Henry Harle . 




8 


Widow Thompson . 


\ 2 


2 


Widow Hunter 


. 1 




(A common Layne) 
Richard Grieve 






. 4 


8 


Widow Thompson . 




10 ' 


James Trotter 


! 1 


6 


Heirs of John Chzisp . 


. 1 




Marke Forster 


. 1 




Widow Mills. . . 


. 1 






18 


6 


POTTBROATB. 






RalphDiTon • 




51 


John Craister . 




«4 


Thomas Craister . 


'. 8 


8 


Cuthbeit Anderson • 




6 


Martin Potter (of Shidds) 




10 


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>^l 


[e 



HISTORICAL AND PBBC&IfTIYB NOTICES. 



iss 



O&fhbert Andenon (late Wm. 

Adston 8 buzsagw) . • 2 10 
Anthony Poairett . . . 2 10 
William Patteoraon . • 7 

Pottergate Tower (the bar- 

g ofloo a of Alnwick lor the 

Tower 2d, or a pair of GWeay 

before Bobt. Clark) • . 2 
George Potta (5 bmvagea} . 4 4 
Kark Forster lor Baniadale 

TlggB 1 ^i 

Wil&am fitaaton IbrHttlePot- 

teigateCloae .14 

John Oraiater . • .1 
The Hetra of John Tate for 

three Burgagea « . .22 
JohnBamaay. • • • 7 
Andrew Johnston « . • 7 
The heixa of Edward Bobaon 

4 Burgagea . . « .84 



24 94 



Batijtfoatb. 



John CaiT (2 burgagea) 

David Greater. 

Baniabaa Ealder, 2 Burgagea 
44d.6d 10| 

Thoxnaa Spence, 2 Burgagea 
(PoilU d^) . . .5 

JohnSwinhoe(tenament called 
MutehaU) .... 7 

(Heira of Bichaxd Lawaon, 8 
tenamentacalledHiddleton'a 
lodginsB» nil) 

(EUa. wife of Balph Jackaon 
paroell of ground called pin- 
fold, rent i^2) 

Widow HiUa .... 1 

Bobert Glazton ... 4 

John Chrisp .... 4 

Widow Clarke ... 8 

Mr. Thomas Procter . . 10 

William Stanton, Sen., (tene- 
ment and close.) . . . 1| 

Balph Weatherbnrn . . 4 

(Heirs of Bob. Pearett a Tene- 
ments wast nil.) 

The heiiB of John Nicholson 
(to the Chrieye of Shilbottle) 8 

niomas Pearitt (to the Grieve 
of Shilbottle.) . . . ( 

Marke Forster (to the Grieve 
of Shilbottle.) ... 1 

G^rge Hardy (to the Grieve 
of Shilbottle.) . . . H 

Kicholaa Hunter (5 tenementa 
niL) 2 

Thomas Lindaay . .1 



Thomas Dcfidaon, 2 boigagea 

5s. Id. . . .61 

Lord Derweotwater .4 2 

(Idem caUed Faidiaa Walla 

rent niL) 
Widow Mubouzne . . .1 
Widow Clarke 10 

Thomas Lindsay for Hunter^a 
Croft 8 8 



W 



26 S 



The Heiieaof William Boiwell 
Banabaa Falder . 
John Bobinaoa (late Geo. 
Tamer.) 



Widow Sdott» 2 Buigagea 
Widow Smyth (FranKoa T 



Tur- 
ner, 4 

John WoodT 2 b u rg a gea (A. 
and M. AhDLWiok.) 

Bdward Trotter 

John Tumer, 2 Burgagea (8d. 
9d.) . 

Barnabas Falder 

Thomas Lindsay, 7 
late Francis Turner now a 
close of Land on the South 
row ..... 

( Jamea Turner, a burgage wast 
called the Sdioolhouae rigg 
2d. sold to Thomaa Lindsay 
alougwithO other burgages!) 

Bamabaa Falder, 2 burgages . 

JohnCarr . . . • 

Thomas Hardy, 2 bi 
(one a little house 
on a Wast). 

Widow Thompson, 1 Burgage 
at the Bridge end • • 



8 

7 

6 
1 6 

1 4 

2 0| 
8 



2 10 



14 7i 
Fbbbhold BBBTia. 
Hoberlaw .... 4 
Timothy Punshon and the heir 
of Mr. Michael Browning for 
Bondgate HalL . . 9 11 
(Mrs. Mary Salkald,late Fran- 
cis Alder, a capital messuage 
and garth cfuled Bondgate 
Hall and Boland's Close and 
Crofts, lying in the back- 
side late George Alder's 
containing Sac. 2r. 82p., 
rent £2.) 
Edward Grey for Watts know 1 
Edward Strother for Swans- 
land 16 

John Strother for part the same 1 6 



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834 



HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK. 



(Ridhaid Leek> in jure Elisa- 
beth his wife late Alex. Ar- 
mourer, and befbre Francis 
Alder, called Bwann's field, 
knightB of St. John of Jeni- 
Balem.) • 

ICaivaret the widow of Arthur 
AInwicke . . .18 

Forster*B lands in all Glemt. 
Forster . . . .78 

Widow Thompson for part of 
Woodhouse's lands .46 

Idem for part of the same and 
RaYenslaw . . .2 

George Potts for parte of the 
same . .16 

Barnabas Falder for parte of 
the same .... 8 

Mr. Marke Forster for parte of 
the same .... 4 

Mr. Timothy Ponshon for 
Greensland. ... 2 

(Mr. Msrk Forster late Green, 
nil quia capitale meesuagium 
Boberti de Green pro tenia 
apud Greenfield.) 

Widow Thompson for Leake's 
land 1 4^ 

Thomas Craister ... 2 

Bondgate Tower pinfold . 8 

George Potts for Midcalfe's 
lands . ,6 

Matthew AInwicke .18 

Mr. John Doubleday for Brock- 8 
shaw . . .6 

The Town for Aden forest . 2 

Cannogate for Aden forest . 1 

South Charlton for Ryselay 
Bridge .... 4 

Whittle for way leave to Kd- 
lingham .... 1 

Shilbottle for Lightaker . 8 

Shilbottle for Bondage wozke 8 



Bock for the like . 

South Charlton for the like . 

Widow Hunter 

The Town for lands late Mat- 
thew AInwicke . 

Eliza widow of Matt AInwicke 
forMiUaker 



8 



62 1 i 

Tenants at Will. 

One Tean Bent 
John Chrisp for Wideopen 

(Whythopp) . £4 

Bobert Hesfendge, Esq., for 

over Shields . . .6 
Thomas Marahall Heffer^ 

lawbancke . . .8 
Mrs. Mary Salkeldfor West 

Maines . ,6 

Thomas Troolip for South 

Charlton Mill . .8 

Mrs Winefred Coates for her 

fiumes .7 

Thomas Forster, Esq., for 

Neither Shields . 20 
Henry Hanison, 1 fonne 

and a halfe 
William Stanton, a quarter 

ofafiEmne ... 
South Charlton for Chim- 

side 

Mr. Marke Forster and Wm. 

Browne a forme . 
Mr. William Browne for 

Aledike .... 
William Archbould,the Sto- 

ken and water haugh • 
Mr. Donkin for a dye house 
Thomas Courtney for a full- 

ingmill . • • • 



6 8 



8 4 

16 8 



8 18 4 



8 6 8 

7 10 

10 

10 
18 10 



6 8 
72 13 4 



The Court of Survey thus concludes :— 

Total Burrow . JSll 10 84) ^.^ ., oi 

Baylygate . . . 1 2 6 / ^^^ ^^ ^ 

Besides what must be collected as foUoweth not charged to the 
erieye (total 15s. 7d). — Hobberlaw, Heniy and William Forstery 
late Mr. Geoige Forster brother, and before Mr. Francis Alder 
holding there one messuage called Hobberlaw or Bertwell by 
Knight's service viz : one seventeenth part of one knight's fee by 
suit of court of Alnewicke : as at the court of the Barony rather 
than the court of the Burg, from three weeks to three weeks, 
and rendering yearly 2dd. paid in the foreign Bayliffes account. 
Memorandum— G^iat all AInwicke Freeholders in Bondgate fields, 
ought rather to appear att the Town Cburt than the Gastle Court 



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CHAPTER XVIII. , 
BAEONIAL COTJETS. 

00T7BT BABOK ASD OOtTBT LSST— Btr&€f& OOITBT— OSFI0EB8 APPOIRTSD 
AJn> OASES TRIED DT Jf ' m ' EJmTH GENTXTBY^BXOOBDB TS 8EVEN- 
TBENTH OBNTUBY — 80OLD8 AND BLANDBBS — STATE OF THE TOWW 
— THE PLAGUE — SAlTITABY MEASXmES — ADMISSIONS OF FBEE- 
HOLDEBS — INQTTISITIONS INTO HEIRSHIPS AND BOX7KDABIB8 — 
IQNDTES OF STTRVEY AKD OOTTRT — OPFtOERS APPOINTED IN SEVEN- 
TEENTH CENTURY — • knights' OOTTBTS — TENANTS AND YILLS 
B0X7ND TO APPEAR -^ADMISSIONS OF MILTTABY TENANTS — EN- 
OBOAOHMENT ON OOMMONS — CASES TBIED — ^PATBIOK MAOXLEWYAN 
— ^DHGAY OF THE BABONIAL OOTTBTS. 

The baron of Alnwick was entitled to hold courts not 
only for the barony as a whole^ but also for the several 
burghs and manors of which it was composed. They were 
conducted with legal formalities similar to those observed in 
royal courts^ and when in their vigour they were important 
and useful ; the baron was represented by his learned 
steward who presided as judge; there was the jury, and 
there were the clerk, bailiffs and Serjeants. The records 
left of their proceedings tell us of the names of the men 
acting in former times on the busy stage of life, and of the 
owners of property ; they shew us somewhat of the state 
of the town and district; what vices were prevalent, 
what offences committed, what men quarrelled about, and 
how their quarrels were ended ; they reflect faideed in some 
degree the character of different periods. Already we have 
gleaned information from them ; but now we give a mpre 
particular account, and gather from them a few more illustra- 
tions of the history of the town. 

By permissionof Algernon, thelatedukeof Northumberland, 
I had access to several rolls of these courts. Unfortunately none 
of a very early date appears to have been preserved; the 
earliest are of the reign of Edward IV.; there are fragments 



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S36 HISTORY OF ALKWICK. 

of a few belonging to the reigns of Henry YII. and VIIL, 
and of James I.; but there are few prior to 1650, and even after 
that time, the rolls are far from being complete. None ha^e 
I seen between 1741 and 1791 ; and those subsequent to 
1791 present nothing of general interest. 

The principal courts held were the Court Baron and Court 
Leet. The former was incident to every manor, and was held 
once in every three weeks ; pleas for debt, detinue and such 
like, when the damages did not exceed 4Ss., were triedhere be- 
fore a jury of freeholders ; but this court was lost whenever the 
freeholders of the man<Hr were redtieed to less than two ; and 
hence from the absorption of the smaller freeholds into the 
great barony, eourts, which were formerly held in the Tills 
around Alnwick, have disappeared. Law writers represent 
this as the principal court of a barony, and attribute to it the 
power of investigating disputed inheritances,, and of admitting 
to freeholds; but the records of the Alnwick barony shew, 
thai these powers belonged to the Court Leet,, which was not 
only a court of greater antiquity, but of superior importance. 

The Court L^ waaof Saxon oagi»y aftitsmmekidieates; 
for leet is from lathian or geUUhian (Anglo-SaxoB.) \» assem- 
ble ; and another name, which it bore, view of Frank pledge, 
W9U8 plegii, denotes its character in Anglo-Saxon times, when 
all freemen were required to bebng toa tithing;, and eaeh was 
a pledge or surety foi another. Twice a year was this court 
held — ^within one mcmth after Easter^ aad withia one month 
after Michaelmas. To this court the tenants, that is the free- 
holders of the manor, were bound to come to render suit and 
service to the lord — inquisitions were made there into the 
heirships of lands and tenjem^its, on whait tenure, rent and 
service they were held^ and whafe was due to the lord— «tis^ 
putes as to boundaries w»e determined, and enetoaehBieiits 
on commons tried — assaults, affirays, slanders^ breaehes of 
the assize of bread and ale and of markets, nuisances, foUr 
bursts and various other petty ofeices wore tried and punished 
by amerciaments. The officers of the boroughs and manors 
were appointed at this court. The jury made pieaentments 
of. any matters within the jurisdicticm of the court, and passed 
verdict on cases tried; but officers called efferoiere as s c os o d 
the amerciaments, so that they might be reasoaablo adftd 
proportbned to the offence. 

Both Courts Baron and Courts Leet were held in thsburg^ 
of Alnmouth and Warkwovth ; and there are reeords of die 
same kind of courts being held for the maner^of Leebury and 



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BABOKIAL coxrsTs. 887 

Beanley in 1519; of ix>nghougliton in 1519 and 1524; Ben- 
nington in 1619, 1618, and 1667 ; of Denwick, Shilbottle, 
Ellingham, South Charlton, Thriston, and Tugal in 1624, 
and of Bilton in 1521. A court was also held for Denwick 
and Bondgate. 

The jurisdiction of the Alnwick Burgh Courts extended 
only to that part of the town and parish which was within 
the borough; it did not include Canongate, which was a 
distinct manor under Alnwick Abbey, and had manorial courts 
of its own ; it included Walkergate, but not Bailiffgate, which 
as well Denwick, Ru^ley, Shieldykes and most of the land 
in the parish, excepting Alnwick Moor, were beyond the 
borough and within the jurisdiction of the Knights* Courts, 
Prior to the reformation, more than twenty burgages within 
the borough belonged to Alnwick Abbey, and seyeral of the 
owners of these burgages are even now summoned to attend 
the Canongate Manorial Court. Some cottages within the 
borough were, in 1667, parcel of the manor of Preston; and 
the owner of a house in Narrowgate, belonging to the manor 
of Stamford, is at the present time summoned to appear at 
the manorial court of the earl of Tankerville, probably 
because it was part of the lands and tenements in Alnwick, 
which in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were held by 
the owners of Chillingham Castle. 

The Knights' Courts were of the same character as the 
Burgh Courts, and were held in Alnwick Castle ; their juris- 
diction extended to all places within the barony, not having a 
distinct manorial burgh court ; they took up disputes between 
litigants of different manors; all the military tenants here rend- 
ered suit and service, and hence their name, curia militaris, 

A profit arose to the lord in former times from these courts ; 
and hence there is reference to them in old inquisitions ; in 
which the Knights' Courts are called Hall-motes from HaUe^ 
gemote (Anglo-Saxon) the hall-meeting. The perquisites 
yearly of thehaU-mote of Alnwick in 1372 amounted to 6s. 8d., 
and of the Burgh Court to 6s. 

Though different in their functions, the Courts Leet and 
Courts Baron were not kept entirely apart ; the records of 
both are generally given under the same heading, but the 
records of debt and detinue appear usually in separate rolls. 
The earliest records of the Burgh Courts simply designate 
them as curia ox^ curia capitalis; or curia burgt, as-— 

** Ahiewiok. Omia bnrgi tenta ibidem v die menBlB OctolniB, anno regni 
BegJB EdwAidi iiij port Gonquestum /mglm xiiijo." 



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S88 HISTORY OF ALNViriCK. 

" Alnewyk. Cuxia Cai>ita]i8 tenta ibidem zio die Aprilis anno regni Regis 
Edward! iiij post Conqueetum Angli» zx." 

More elaborate headings appear afterwards ; as — 

*' Bur^ de ) YiBos frand plegii cum Curia Baronia Henrici Oomitifl North- 
Alnewick. / umbrisd tentus ibidem yiceeimo sexto Octobris Anno regis 

nostri Jacobi &c., decimo sexto ooram Thomas Fother^y 

generoBO Seneschallo ejusdam." 

Similar to this are those of a later date, with the addition of the 
titles of the baron set forth at length. Those of the Knights' 
Court are also similar. 

" Alnewic. Curia Militaris tenta ibidem prime die Octobris anno regni 

Edwardi iiijto xiiijto." 
" ALiewicke. Curia Capitalis tenta ibidem die Sabato yto mensis Octobris 

anno Begni Ricardi iij prime." 
" The Tiew of Franooue pledge with the Court Baron of the Right Honors 
able Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, held for the aaid Barony and Castle 
of Alnwick aforesayd, the 18th day of October in the Tear of our Lord one 
thousand six hundred and fifty-three, before Matthias Hunter, gent, deputy 
Steward of the said Court." 

The Baronial Courts were as we have seen in their glory in 
the fifteenth century. We shall first look into these early rolls. 
At the Alnwick Burgh Court held on 11th of October, 1474, 
the following were the jurors and officers : — 

7t^w« — ^Bobert Alder, John Botman, John Sylynson, John Stsaton, John 
derke, Thomas Creswell, William Naddall^ Bichard Makerell, Thomas Heli» 
Thomas Paxson, William Yonge. William Smyth. 

Oimstable$ of the i^M^— WOliam Patonson, Bobert Brandling, ItichAid 
Eston. Keepers of the Oaueewaye—ThomBB Naddell, Bichaid Makerall, 
Thomas Aroher^Bobert EUeeden. Taeters of AU-^ohn. Pattenson, Bobeit 
Clarke, Qeorse Elande, Bobert Smyth. Overlookers of Bread—Thxmtaa Clerk. 
Bichard Heli, and two others Overlookers of F^A— Michael Watson and 
another. 

In the courts held from 1416 to 1420 we find several cases 
of deht and detinue, and not a few of aflfrays. As borderers 
accustomed to fight, the Alnwick men would be ready, when 
not mingling in the fray with their old enemies the Scots, to 
quarrel with each other ; and these domestic brawls were not 
confined to the humbler classes. Robert Brandling for making 
an affray on William Patterson is amerced 20d.; John 
Gerarde for an afiray on Robert Brandling, has to pay the 
same sum; Roger Forster for his affiray against Kidiard 
Forster is amerced Ss. 4d., but Richard Forster, who probably 
had begun the fight, has to pay double that amount. Sevend 
otheis for similar offences are fined from 12d. to 20d. The 
priests seem to have caught the fighting mania; though 
" Canon John Alnewick " denies that he made an affray on 
Robert Pattonston, he appears in another case, for William 



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BARONIAL COURTS. 839 

Walb^ obtains an adjournment to answer Canon John Alne- 
wick in a plea of debt. 

John NoUet and Thomas Orpeth complained of Thomas 
Crasewel detaining charters and evidences ; and these were 
to be given up to the priest of Alnwick Castle. The abbot 
of Alnewyke has to answer to the lord for enclosing a parcel 
of the common near Heldwyke. John Alnewyk and George 
Galun, chaplains of the chantry of the Blessed Mary of 
Alnewyk, appear in a case of detinue. John Tumbull was 
presented, because he did not make ^'le Heidiront juxta 
Balyegat." William Waller places himself in the lord's mercy 
for that he took in a Scotch woman contrary to the pain, his 
pledge being Richard Eston. 

Few are the records between this time and 1652, but one 
or two for 1618 contain some curious matter. Assaults and 
affrays were common ; but the following is peculiar — " John 
Alnewicke was amerced 6s. 8d. for comeing to George Butler's 
widowe at unbefetinge tymes in the night with a drawinge 
swoord and dager in his band thretninge the same." A heavy 
fine of 10s. 6d. is imposed on John Butler '^ for keppinge a 
dunghill at his barkhouse dore hurtfull to all the hole town." 
B. Bell was amerced 3s. 4d., ^* for recepting Idell persons." 
^'Mathew Johnes for keaping of a tennant without bond 
entering to the court for his behaviour contrary to our charge; 
and his tennante for resetting other mens goods, we fine 
Mathew Johnes vis. viijd." 

Alnwick has during the present centurv enjoyed a bad 
notoriety for producing persons who have taken a pleasure in 
writing slanders against their neighbours ; but their language 
might have been strengthened by a study of the rich vocabu- 
lary of abuse during the 17th century. Take early examples: 
— ^' John Johnston was fined 6s. 8d. for slandarin^e John 
Mowe, and saying he was a bankerupt theif " — this was a 
favourite phrase. " The wife of Robert Eswell was fined 
3s. 4d. for slanderinge Jane Hearitt and sainge she was a com- 
mon wiche." "William Tomer was fined 3s. 4d. for slander- 
inge Walter Carree, sainge he was athouse a in taker and a 
out putter" — '* John Watson for slanderinge Charles Watson,, 
sainge he was athouse burde." In 1655 Alice Tweedy called 
Robert Embleton " a cow thief," Robert has his revenge by 
calling her husband John Tweedie " niffht theife and Racht 
theife and pott Theife and a Theife from his cradle." In 1638 
Mary Ridley said of Anne Hall, " shea was a beefe thefe," 
and Ann said Mary was " a Malte theife." 



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840 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

The records are more numerous after 165S, and shew more 
fully the character of these courts. The cases tried are very 
varied ; besides pleas for debt and detinue^ there are many 
cases of assault, firays, and affrays with blood, theft, trespass^ 
nocturnal trespass with cattle, night layers,fold bursts, rescues, 
breaking pinfold, breaking tolbooth, breaking hedges, spoiling 
quarries, removing boundary stones, cutting and taking away 
wood, turves, heather, whins, burning the moor and whins, 
overstinting the commons, putting sheep and horses on the 
common where no right was, insufficient fences and causeways, 
keepmg a known thief, refusing to aid in arresting a murderer, 
disorderly houses, keeping a Frenchman, harbouring and 
entertaining strangers without giving security, vagabonds, 
defaming and ill-treating constables, swine going about un- 
ringed, dunghills and nuisances, vending unlawful meat, 
deficient and false weights, forestalling and regrating. 

A few illustrations may prove interesting. There were 
many presentments in 1654 ''for blood and frays in the 
Castle and in Belleygate." 

Edward Mather was amerced *' for being drunk on Sunday 
and beatine^ his wife and cruelly womiding her." In 1657, 
'' John Bidley, gent., presented Lancelot Strother, Tamier, Wil- 
liam Simpson, Cordiner, and John Strother, Tanner, for aasault- 
ing and afi&aying him in the Church Yard of Alnwioke. 

The border propensity to fight still lingered in Alnwick, 
and such cases are numerous during this century. Amercia- 
ments for these offences ranged from 20d. to 3s. 4d. ; but when 
blood was drawn the heavier penalty of 6s. 8d. was inflicted. 

John Tate made an af&ay on the body of Bobert Anderson 
and was amerced 20d. ; Grace Bone made an assault and drew 
blood firom Margaret Jefferson and was amerced 6s. 8d. ; William 
Scott made an assault on George Jefferson in the pubHo market 
and was amerced ds. 4d. ; Isabella Smyth "vi et aimis" made 
an assault on Elizabeth Linsey and drew blood from her body 
and was amerced 5b. 

Officials seem to have been held in no great respect ; women 
took the lead in hostilities. 

Deborah Stanton defamed and ill treated a constable and was 
tonerced ds. 4d. ; Maria Fargie and Jane Adston also distin- 
guished themselves in similar assaults. But Francis Anderson, 
derk of the courts was very unpopular and suffered fhon evil 
tongues and hands. 



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BARONIAL COXJET0. S41 

1729. " Oathbert Boswell in open Court abiifled Fnmcifl Andeiflon in ffive- 
ing him diverse ill proYoakinflr unbecoming words in the fitce of the Juiy, 
wmoh disturbing the Court did putt the Steward and Jury from their busineBS 
and .did so uncoimtably raill against the ssdd Francis Anderson, Clerk of the 
Court and BayUff at we Manner, insomuch Jhat every body was amazed att 
itt ; he is therefore fined by the Steward 6s. 8d." 

1782. *< Robert Yellowly was amerced 6s. for assaulting, ipushing, and 
throwing downe IVancis Anderson upon a heap of stones for hindering him 
to encroach upon his Ghrace's waste." 

1781. "HSi Edward Ghdlon assaulting of Francia Anderson and for an 
afflray upon him wee amerce him." 

Women are now so civilized, so gentle, so polite, that a 
scold is deemed a phenomenon; and hence ducking stools 
and branks have been consigned to museums, as antiquarian 
curiosities. Alnwick, however, in the middle of the seven- 
teenth century had several scolds; and foul-mouthed indeed 
some of them were. Margaret Pearson and Jane Scott 
common scolds veith their neighbours were amerced 20d ; but 
Jand^ the wife of Robert Boswell another " common scold,'* 
more skilled possibly in the art of abuse suffered the higher 
penalty of 5s. Two women of respectable social position 
stood pre-eminent for their scolding powers ; Jane the wife 
of Thomas Huntley, and Margaret the wife of 6ei]jamin 
Barton, whose son Captain Barton left money to the poor, 
Benjamin, himself, figures not unfrequently in these courts ; 
and his vrife was a fitting mate. Greatly she defamed William 
Fargie one of the market keepers, and she was amerced 3s. 4d. ; 
and she maltreated Katherine the wife of John Fargie in 
words very bad and opprobrious, and she suffers again the 
penalty of 3s. 4d* Jane Huntley, however, was the heroine 
of her class, who greatly ill-treated and maliciously defamed 
Ann, the wife of Cuthbert Chessman in words unfit for ^' ears 

E)lite." She made a raid on Frances, the wife of Ralph 
eadnell, whom she ill-treated and beat in the public market; 
for these mischievous fireaks she was amerced 16s. 8d. 

Notwithstanding that many of the burgesses were quarrel- 
some, ill-tongued and lawless, yet not a few of them were in* 
dustriouB, accumulated property, and bought houses and lands 
within their own parish. Yet the town was far from being 
lovely; the houses were generally low and covered with thatch. 
Regudless too, these burgesses were of sanitary laws. No Board 
of Health then existed; but therewere two bodies who looked, 
perhaps insufficiendy, after the state of the town and en- 
deavoured to abate nuisances and carry out improvements. 
The Four and Twenty were virtually the representatives of the 
town ; and on them especially devolved the duty of paving 



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S42 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

and cleansing certain parts of the town, and of providing 
a sufficient supply of water. But the Court Leet had 
power to compel the remoral of nuisances^ to resist encroach- 
ments, and to punish by amerciaments transgressors ; and 
therefore from the proceedings of the court we incidentally 
gather information on the state of the town. Bad that con- 
dition was; pigs unringed ran wild through the streets — 
dunghills were on the public highways, and compost was 
heaped up in the fore-street — ^butchers killed their sheep in 
shambles in the Market-place, which was offensive with blood 
and offal — dead horses sometimes lay in the street — ^the 
current of water was stopped with garbage-— saw pits were in 
the streets and in the Market-place^ and wood was also piled 
up there. 

Alnwick was perhaps not worse than other towns at this 
period ; for sanitary laws were then but little studied throughout 
the country. For tnis neglect however the community seriously 
suffered from frequent visitations of plague^ which ruthlessly 
swept away great numbers of the people. Tradition says 
that about the middle of the seventeenth century, the plague 
ravaged Alnwick so fatally, that the country people would 
not visit it. Strong in those days was the belief in contagion ; 
but for the purposes of trade, a market or fair was held in 
Brankspeth's Howl, little more than a mile from Alnwick, 
between the ridge of Reham and the higher ground on which 
the west gate stands; the town's people standing on the 
Beham ridge and the country people on the opposite hill, 
while the goods for sale or barter were placed in the '*Howl" 
between. We presume some persons wiser and bolder than 
others, would arrange in the howl the terms of exchange and 
sale. This plague, it is said, had previously visited Den wick 
and carried off a greater part of the inhabitants, the victims 
being buried in a field called the White Cross Howls near 
to the village ; part of a stone cross still remains in this 
field, which is believed to have been erected in memory of the 
dead buried there. One reference there is in the Alnwick cor- 
poration books to a plague visitation in 1637. A charge is made 
in the accounts of that year of 2s. 6d. " for going to Sir John 
Fenwick of Wallington (who was at that time *Our High 
Constable') in the time of sickness." Collections were made 
in neighbouring towns to alleviate the distress caused by the 
visitation ; we find Is. charged for riding to Warkworth 
'*for to know whether the money was ready for the sesse for 
the reliefe of the poore of the towne;" and Shilbottle and 



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BARONIAL COUBTS. 843 

six Other parishes were visited for the same purpose at the 
cost of Ss. 6d. Did not our forefathers, it may be asked, 
endeayour to lessen these calamities ? Were they not by the 
fearful mortality roused to a vigorous attack on the destroyer? 
Some remedial measures were feebly and fitfully taken. One 
record shows what was attempted, more than 200 years ago, 
''for the avoyding of publique neusances, and for the further 
and better creditt and repute of this Ancient Burrough." 

The Mamior and \ At the Cort Leet and Cort Barron of the Bight 
Burrou^h of > honble. Algemoon, Earle of Northumberland, 
Alnwick. ) held for the said Mannor and Burrough of 
Alnwidk aforesaid on Wednesday the Eigh- 
teenth day of October, 1654, before Matthias 
Hunter, Oent., deputy Steward for such Oort. 
It is ordered that for the avoyding of publique nuisances and 
in pursuance of severall acts and stattuts in that behafe made 
and ]^rovided as also for the further and better creditt and repute 
of this Ancient Burrough : Noe dung-hiU shall henceforth now 
be or remayne upon the fore-£ront of any Burgage within this 
Burrough for longer than the space of twentv-foure houres to- 
gether whidi is to be at such tyme and not before when carts are 
ready prepared for the caiTjing it forth of the Burrough and doe 
accordmgiy cany it upon paine 398. lid. to be forthwith by the 
direction and authori^ of this Cort to be leavyed of the goods 
and chattels of the person or persons from l^me to tyme as they 
shall be found faulty and offending against this present if any 
such shall be : as also that all and eveiy person and persons as 
well as Burgesses as others that have an^ House or Burgage 
within this J3urrough shall punctually with the severall tymes 
herein and hereafter limitted and expressed sufficiently pave 
their several and respective fore-fironts, that is to say, from meir 
severall and respective Burgages in full extent to the Oassey and 
high street before the same as also soe much of that i^de of the 
same street with stones and materiaUs necessary, and soe from 
tyme to tyme keepe and preserve the same under the penalty 
aforementioned as in such manner to be leavyed : that is to say, 
Olayporte Strete betwixt end and end according to the ward as 
also JB*6ncUe Street betwixt this and next 0^ Markett and 
Bondgate betwixt this and Michaelmas Cort next, that is to say, 
all the same warde save only that part of Bon^ate from the 
Howse late Mr. Bichard Brandling towards Widdow Clarke's 
Howse neare Bondgate Tour on the South part of the same street 
whoe are to pave sufficiently and well six yards as a full breadth 
with thdr respective Burgages and noe fturther in respect of the 
great distance from the Cassey save only their proportionable 
part of the said Oassey and that Narrowgate, Belligate, and 
Walkergate shall in such manner as is before set downe for 



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844 HISTOKY OF ALNWICK. 

Glajport and Fenokle Street well and sufficiently pare theiie 
Beveral fore-fronts betwixt this and the Cort to be held for the 
Manner and Bnrronf h at Michaebnas lyde which shall be in the 
year of our Lord Goa One Thousand Six Hundred Fifty Six. 

Tbe following extracts from the court roUs, besides illus- 
trating the condition of the town^ tell us how assessments 
were made to pave highways^ how the gates of the entrance 
towers were maintained^ not to keep out the Scots, but to 
prevent trespass in the crofts whicn were unfenced, how 
Infirmary Street was then a church path along the old wall, 
the chamberlains being presented for converting it into a 
highway* 

1667. — ''EIizal)eth Taie erected a certain midden stead near the iotbI 
way to the hurt of the people of the Lord the King and was amerced 
8b. 4d.*'— Snch cases are numerous. 1664. — " William Archbould presents 
Mr. Matthew Alnewicke for a nuisance by snffaring his dunghill to lie on the 
highway leading to the Gtiinde Stone Gross which is a common nuisance we 
amerce him 3s. 4d." In 1729 there were sixty-seven cases of dung-hills in 
the streets and sixty-four nuisances by bad causeways presented to Vie court. 
1726. — John Weatherbum was amerced 20d. "fbr making a great dunghill 
at the Tower." 1680.— '< None of the inhabitants of Bayliffgate to lay any 
more dung or compost on the Street." 1694. — "John Stanton presents 
Bobert Okston for makeing a midden or dung-hill in Bayliffgate, as aJso for 
burning Ck>aies for to dry xnalt in the public^e Street^ which makes a great 
nuisance to the neighbours and annoyes the Common Causeway that lee^ to 
Alnwick Church, we amerce Is. 8d., and the dunghill to be remored and kibi 
on the Street to be discontinued on paine of 89s. lid." In 1668 seven were 
amerced ds. 4d. each for suffering their pigs to go unringed ; but it was 
ordered in 1695 " No swine in Bayliffgate nereafter to goe abroad in the 
Streets on paine of Is. 8d." 1725.— "Gutts Sham Garbish and other dung 
and compost Teamed and Emptied out of Cattle and Sheep at the Markctt 
place." 1709.—" For Teaming and Emptviag Gutts and Bellys of Beasts to 
be employed in the Market place" amerced 6d. 1726. — " Bobcnrt Hyndmarsh 
presented for a nuisance by Teanung and Emptying Bark and other rubbish 
in the Water Course or Bunner att &e foot of Hunters Orchard which annoys 
the Stone WeU" and is amerced Ss. 4d. 1730.— « John Gibson, Tanner, 
amerced 20d. for Emptying his lime pitts and throwing the fleshings of his 
skins and hydes in a nanow passage in Hooling Sengh of the Dyke, and for 
want of Cleansing and Scounng the Dirty Water Annoys the Duke of Som- 
erset's fountain of fine sweet water, insomuch that the water is soe spoyled. 
that his Grace's Servant att the Castle was obliged to fetch water dsewhere." 
John Moor was also amerced 20d. for the like offence. Two years afterwards 
the tanners are again presented. 1732. — " John Moor and John Gibson who 
keep lyme pitts on the west syde of Hoolling Well, and for want of cleansing 
out the water race, their lyme water overflows the said well and spovles afi 
his Grace's water leading into the Castle in lead pypee, insoemuch, tnat the 
water will stink like a house of Office ;" each was amerced Ss. 4d. and " to be 
amended." 

In the early part of the eighteenth century there was a 
long war against a Baw-pit in the street. Feeble must haye 
been the power of the court ; for seventeen years elapsed 
before the war was ended. 



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BAItONlAL COURTS. 845 

1716. — "Bo^ Moffitt and Bobert Cowherd presented for digging and 
making Baw-pitta in the High Street, which is dangeroiiB to passengers. 
1722. — A saw-pitt near the GhammelU in the high street and tizaher lying 
about. 1727. — Bobert Cowherd had a saw-pit at his door in the High 
Street. 1733. — ^Bobert Cowherd presented for keeping a saw ptt in the 
high street, the like was nerer known in any Market Town." The quaint 
comment of the jnry perchance conquered Bobert Cowherd's obstinacy ; for 
after this we hear no more of saw pitts in the Hi^h-way. 1681. — " Ordered 
that Ihe owner of every Burgage or inhabiter of it shall paye from his Door 
toT^urdfl the high causewayes, and paye the highway on eadi side from the 
Copestone. THiere there is no high way, the owner to paye to the Kennell or 
Gutter, (except for the Harkett -^ace) for repairing which and other Cawse- 
ways belonging to waat Burgages or to poor owners, an assessment to be 
made throughout the whole town and borough by the BayHff and four 
and twenty according to the Book of Bates. 1730. — ^The Chamb^lainB 
is presented for not keeping upa gate att Clayport Tower, and a Gate or Style at 
Pottergate Tower. 1726.— The Chamberlames of the Town for this Yeare 
presented for suffering a Grate att Clayporte Tower to lye down, whereby John 
Btampe and Bobert Band suffers by haying their Come destroyed in the Croft 
lands. " 1732. — ^The Chamberlains were again presented " for the Gate att 
Clayport and Potter^te Towers, for want of which the Neighwoods trespaas on 
Come and Meadow m Clayport north crofts. Beferred to the four^d twenty 
and the Gates to be sett up. 1733.-— The present Chamberlains presented for 
suffering the Towne's Gates att pottergate and Clayporte to be insufficient, 
whereby the inhabitants' goods Trespass upon one anouier att the north Croft^ 
and for making a high road there m>m Pottergate Tower to Clayport Tower 
where it was only a foot way to the Church. 1682. — We doe present John 
Lisle of Bennington for arresting Francis Hopper from the Lord's Court 
into the County Court for Debts and damages under 398. Ud., it being 
only for the leape of a horse. We amerce him 6fl. 8d. 1677. — WilHam 
Yelloley for sueiog out of the Lord's Court contrary to an ancient order and 
custom in the manner and Borough. Amerced 38. 4d. 1766.— John 
Fargie presented George Carr of Bilton and John Potts forservingeme twice 
out of my Lord's Court* 1697. — The common pinfold, the gaol in Bond* 
gate Tower ftc. is insufficient. 1709. — ^The Chamberlains to yiew two 
oyens or Bakehouses erected in Burgages, said to be dangerous. 1712. — 
Kot repairing the hedge lying between a close in the possession of Mr. H. 
Bobeon, and a close in their possession called Hill pit dose. Amerced 4dL 
1718. — Swine trespassing in C&stle Close. 1727. — Joshua Alder and others 
amerced 6d. each, haying 3 pint measures wanting measure. 1688. — ^The 
parish to repair the highway between Denwiok and Alnwick." 

We shall now look at the relation of these courts to the 
property of the borough. A roll was kept of all the tenants 
or freeholders, and their names were called over at every 
Court Leet, that suit and service might be rendered to the 
lord; those who could not attend appeared by deputy and 
paid their essoin, or excuse penny. At the court held in 
1664 twenty burgage holders paid essoin. Jurors then were 
bound to attend ; " 168S— We order whoever of the Jury 
appear not on Monday morning being 21st instant, at the toll 
of the bell, shall forfeit 6s. 8d. to the lord of the manor." 

On the death of an owner of a burgage, his successor was 

* County Courts were held in tlie Castle in 1648,, 1649. 

2y 



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346 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

obliged to come before a court and prove his heirship, perform 
fideUty^ and pay a small fine before he was admitted to his 
inheritance. W hen the property was sold or mortgaged a simi- 
lar process was gone through. In the earliest rem of 1474 
there are entries of such admissions^ and they are continued 
down to 1702, after which they cease, probably because the 
adoption of the system of lease and release rendered it un- 
necessary to resort to the Court Leet. To shew the character 
and style of these records I shall give a few examples. 

1618. — *' Inquire after the death of G^eorge Botherforihe and his wyfe, that 
they died poceessed of a house in Glayport Joninge on John Wattaon on 
the east and John Heaiett on the west, and whether his son Robert be his 
hare or no : we find this Bobert Both^orth oldest sonne and heiro to the 
said G^rge Botherforth. 1649. — ^Ad hanc compertum est per homagium 
ibidem quod per Indenturam Mortga^ Johannes Greene gerentem datum — 
die— Aimo 164 — ? Bogerus Moffit seisitus est de et in partem burgagio in 
Bond^t nuper possossione Johannis Qreene predict! — cum seUone terne 
arabilis, g^foini, kc, eidem pertinentibus cum libero egressione et regressione." 
At this oourt Matthew Beed was admitted to a burgage '*in Glayport extra 
porta." The following admission is a translation from the original Latin. 

1663. — ^ At this court it is found by the homage, that Anne Chator died 
seized of one burgage, with a selion of land, situate lying and being in a 
certain street there called Glapoth within the aforesaid borough, between the 
buiga^^e of (George Watson on the west pait, renderixig yearly eight pence, 
and that Charles Chator is son and heir of the aforesaid Anne ; and besides 
ibis, in the same court, the aforesaid Charles oomes and petitions that he be 
admitted Tenant The aforesaid Lord then grants to this Charles, by his 
steward, seisin to hold of himself and his heirs tor ever, by the same custom of 
the aforesaid Borough, to render all rents, services, and customs thence before 
rendered and of right accustomed. And to give to the Lord by fine aa in the 
margin ; and he xnakes fidelity and is then admitted a Tenant." 

The following is an admission on the transfer of a burgage 

by sale. — 

1664. — ''Idem juxatoes predicti super eorom sacramentom dicunt. Quod 
Boboius Clarke et WHlemms Beadndl qui de domino tenuerunt IJnum 
Bursagium in vioo ibidem yo<»ito Karrowgate ezistentem ex ozientali pacta 
ejusaem vici, abutantem super Burgagium WiUehni Lambe es parte boreali^ 
Locum -vooatom le Bowbouxne ex parte australi, terram vocatam liitcaUea* 
land ez parte orientali, et Tiamregim ex parte oocidentali, per fidelitatem seotam 
ourisB et Bedditum duodedm denarium per Indenturam suam fiictam dedenmt 
yendiderunt et enfeoflGeiTerunt Burgagium predictum cum pertinentiiw predicto 
Willelmo Lambe heredibus et assignatis." 

The next examples of inquiry into disputed or doubtful 
boundaries and heirship^ are interesting for their topography. 

1655. ^ You are to inquire the bounders Hmitts and parcells of 

The Court Leete ] that parke called the &it Callidge now on lease demised 

and >from his Lordship to William Archbold, and as yet 

BaiTon of Alnwick I unexpired and whether a parcell of ground called the 

Castle. J Cold raw and what other parcells of ground are in- 

croached from the same, by whom, how long, and lett the yeare yalew of the 

grounds incroached if any be knowne to uie best of your knowledge, wee 

refer this to Mr. Potter. 



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BABONIAL COURTS. 847 

In 1688 there was an inquiry as to the right of pasturage 
on the Island of Lowthers Haugh and Greys IJaugh, arising 
out of changes made by the run of the river Aln. The jury 
say — 

" We finde by the oathee of Bol>ert Glover aged 65 or ihereal>oiit8, Charles 
ftpence about fonrsoore, John Alnwicke aged sixty six or thereabouts, 
lutthew Alnwick aged Fifty Eight or thereabouts, that this Island is part 
and paroeU of Greyoe haugn, and not belonging to Lowtiiers; and that 
WiUuun Stanton hath of late claimed tbe same to oelong to Lowthera haugb 
which is an incroachment upon the Lord of the Barony." Francis Alder of 
Hobberlaw was foreman of inis jury. 

1676. — << You shall inquire who was next heire to Bichard Woodbouse and 
wbe^ lands and tenements he died seized o^ and whether John Salkeld gentle- 
man, Matttiew Alnwicke gentleman, James Huntley, John Falder, and &omas 
Btrother and Maiy his wife did not purchase or otherwise possease the same ; 
and what parts and parceUs every or either of them purchased and the names 
of the closes and parcells with tiheir buttings and bonds, and what rent and 
services are or ought to be paid to the Lady of the Manner. Given under my 
hand this 26th April 1676. 

• J. Blakestone, Steward." 

« We find the severaU parties above named doe posseese the lands that was 
the said Bichard Woodhouses, and that John Woodhouse was tnx>Uier and 
next heire to Bichard under whom that the severall parties abovesaid hath 
purchased tiie same, that is to say John Si^eld for two closes in Bondgate 
fields, betwixt Nath. Salkeld on the North and John Forster on the East and 
South and Mathew Alnwicke on the West ; Matthew Alnwicke enjoys the 
Butts called Knights forlongs, lying in the Gaisley peece and Sparty dose, 
William Archbola one close called WiUey close and the Groft lands, Jane 
Huntley a dose called Bavenslaw, John Falders heires two closes called 
the Hawes, and in the possession of Edward Strother and Mary his wife a 
piaoell of groxvad in the krwe Aledike grounds." 

A book was kept to record inquisitions and admissions from 
April 27th, 168S, to Oct. 19.th, 1702, called "minutes of 
survey and court,'* in which, during that period, about 870 
admissions are recorded. This Book of Survey was made 
in consequence of the following order — 

1688. — ** You are to inquire on the parte and behalfe of His Grace Charles 
Percy Duke of Somersett and Eli2sal)eth his wife &c., Lord of the Manor and 
Burrough after the death of all such Tenants as died since the last court and 
before the next court who hath noti)aid their — P and sworn fidelity, and 
what lands and tenements they are seized of and who is the next heir to 
every particular Burgage ; and you are to inquire who hath alienated any of 
their lands and tenements in any Burgage and to whom, and what rents are 
or ought to be paid to the Lord.' 

The following are a few Extracts from these minutes: — 1696. — '< Ad banc 
curiam comper^mti est per homagium quod Charles Greenwell et Anna uxor 
ejus sesiti fuenint de et in tribus Burgagiis sive tenementiis cum pertinentiis 
in Paikes hole, et quod predicti Carolus Greenwell et Anna uxor ejus per 
Indentuxam suam ftoffinent' spedficat' Bar^anizavit et oonfirmayit Burgagia 
pnedicta cum pertinentiis cuidam Johanni Burrell et asHignifl suis imper- 
petuum, Et super hoc — P redditus iis. viiid." 

« At this court it is found by homage that John Swinhoe died seized of the 
Burgage called Mutehall situated in Baylvg^, the annual rent being 7d., 
and that John Swinhoe is his son and next heir. Bobert Pearett did homage 



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848 filSTOBT OF ALNWICK. 

for a Bumige with a paml of land called SaEBbenrjr land— rent 6d. yeaiiy. 
Thomas Younger died seized of a Burgage in Batton Baw—- rent 4d. Jamea 
Earl of DerwentvEater died seized of five tenements — Ss. 2d. Another son of 
Thomas Dalavall did homage for 6 h ur gagee in BaThrgate— rent 12d. 1708. 
—Matthew Alnwick of Stoney Hills. 1710.— Na&uual Salkeld died seised 
of Bondgate HalL 1710.— Edward Gallon died seised of 12 burgages and 
one olose in Glayport Bank." 

1714. — *^ee present Qoorge Hardy, Arthur Gkdr, Bobert Hyndmarsh. 
Qeor;^ Vardy and John Watoon for not appearing at this oourt to take and 
putt in their tnouiryes for heires and alienation according to ancient custome 
for their seyerau Burgages to know what Bents dutyes services are or ought 
to be paid to the Lord of the Manor being lawfully summoned refosed to oome» 
wee amerce them as on their heads 6s." The time, however, had gone by 
when such fines could be enforoed. 

On the admission of a Freeholder he took the following Oath: — '* Tou shall 
swear by the contents of this Book, that you will be true and foithfiil to the 
Lord of the Manner and i^m henceforth bear do and pay to your said Lord 
and to his heires att certain tennes all such Bents customs and services as 
you ought to nay and doe for all such Lands Tenements as daim to hold 
of him. So help you Gk>d." 

At the Court Leet the officers of the borough were sworn 
into office. One list we have given for 1474; but officers 
with other functions were appointed in subsequent periods ; 
in 1618 there were two constables for Narrowgate^ two for 
Bondffate^ two for the Market-place^ two for Clayport^ and 
two JOT Walkergate ; there were four prassors^ four land 
layuers, five bread weayers and meat lokers, four moorgrieves 
and two keepers of Hesleyside and the bog ; in 1696^ and 
in other years the chamberlains were the land-Uners ; in 1664 
there were four Curatores Foreste de Eaden, another name 
for moorgrieves ; and in 1739 we find two market lookers for 
the skinners and glovers. The first notice of the appointment 
of chamberlains is on 23rd October^ 1667^ and in the. following 
year there is an appointment of three herds. 

At the Knights' Court constables were appointed for other 
wards in the parish, not within the borough boundary ; one 
for Cawledge Parke, two for Bailiffgate, two for Denwick, 
one for Hull Parke, one for Bugley, and two for Bondgate. 
*' Come appraisers for the Towne fields of Alnwick " were 
appointed m 1694, and ** common appraisers of Bondgate 
fields" in 1687. 

One list of jurors for 1474 is printed in page 338, two others 
are here added for 1612 and 1664 ; the latter is interesting as 
it gives the occupations of the jurors, among whom are five 
glovers, a trade now extinct in Alnwick. At these early periods 
most of the jurors, if not all of them, were members of the 
Four and Twenty. 

'* Burgh Jury 1612. — John Skott, John Butler, John Skotte Alius Johannis, 
William OaUon> George Alder, William Hunter, William Watson^ James 



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BARONIAL C0TTBT8» S49 

Gieetiy Kicholas FonUr, '^^Ifiaoi Beaylie, John Grave, BJohttd Wataon, 
William Watflon of Qayport BiirghJiiry 1664.---JolmSoottffe&tien^ 
bert OhoMnmn Shoemaker, Thomas Fonter Merohant, John Falder Merohant, 
Edwazd GkUkm Merchant, John Hairuon Qlover, Alexander Soott Glover, 
John Yaxdy Merchant, Franda Hearett Glover, Nioholaa Woodhonae Tanner, 
John Taylor Glover, Bobert Pearett Tanner, Boger Mofbtt Tanner." 

The Knights^ Courts were held in Alnwick Castle and 
consisted of a'Court Baron and a Court Leet» whose functions 
were similar to those of the Burgh Courts^ but with jurisdic- 
tion over the members of the barony of Alnwick. To these 
Courts the military and other free tenants were summoned 
to appear, and render suit and service. The following 
roll of 1664 is important, as a chronicle of the land owners 
in the barony at this time. 

** Free UnanU of the manor. Lord Gray for lands in Hawkell ; Bioh. lisle. 

Set, Hasand ;* Heirs of Matthew Forster, Newton le Moor ; Heirs of Thomas 
earon, Newton le Moor ; George lisle, Newton le Moor ; Thomas Horsley, 
knight, Monicke; William Lord Gray, Morricke and East Chevington; 
Jolm Boddam, Esq., Littlehonghton ; Heirs of Edward Gray, Howicke ; John 
Salkold, Bocke ; Chiftrles Howud, kzught. North Charlton ; Heirs of Matthe# 
Forster, kniffht, Eddeieton ; Balph Salkeld, Fawdon (Fallowden) ; Francis 
Brandlmg, Hoppen ; Heirs of Nicholas Forster, Doxford ; (Heirs of Edw. 
Ccnyers, ^ent., Lacker) ; Heirs of Thomas Thompson, Wooden ; John Bod- 
dam, Benninffton ; Thomas Gh«y , Brozfield ; Samuel Weddale, Bwinhoe ; Heirs 
of Arthur Gwey, knight, Spindleston ; Bichard Forster, Budle ; Cuthbert 
Younghnsband, Budle; Thomas Yonnghusband, Budle; Heirs of Beynold 
Forstw, Brunton ; Heirs of George Lawaon, Newton on the Sea ; (Hemry 
Pearson, Mr. Wm. Wetwang, Edward Lawson, Wm. Lawson, Newton by the 
Sea) ; Ueixs of Alexander Soott, Yardl^r; (Alex. Scott, gait., Mr. Thomas 
Hebbome, Balph Hebbora^ Earl) ; William Lord Gray, Uorton ; Heirs of 
Lancelot Strother, Fowberry ; Heirs of Stephen Jackson, Hesleri^ ; Heirs of 
Clement Strother, Gald-Martin ; Heirs of Jolm Carr, Hetton ; Heirs of Thomas 
Horsley, Screnwood ; WilUam Lord Gray, Chillin^ham ; Heirs of Arthur 
Hebbron, Hebbron ; Balph Muscampe, Ly ham ; Wilham Lord Gray, EUwicke 
Horton Turbevill ; Wm. Grey, Eworth, Doddington, Nesbit ; Mr. Wm. Orde, 
ffent, Weetwood; Bichd. Forster, Newham; Heirs of Thomas CoUingwood, 
Keavley ; Alexander Ck>llingwood, Balph Dawson, John Hearon, Bobert Alder, 
Alnehun; Qeonre Alder, Pt^mdicke; Thomas Swinhoe, Whittall; Bobert 
Widderington, Guyson ; Heirs of Baniell Gkdlon, Thomas Pallister, John 
Gkurrett, Shilbottle ; Heirsof Fands Brandling, knight, Gu^n and Broxfield." 

For lands in Baili£^te we have the following: — *< Heirs of Arthur Gray, 
Phillis Strother, Christopher Spence, Bobert Craister, John Harwood, Heirs 
of WilL Thompson, John Clarke, Thomas Lindsey, tfohn Clarke, Margarett 
Clarke, Thomas Bead, John Farne, William Harbottle, Boger Pearith, John 
Fuff^e, Francis Clarke, Heirs of Alexander Armorer, Heirs of Thomas Orde, 
Wilbam Swinhoe, Edward Lawson, John Swinhoe, Christopher Harbottle ; 
for lands in upper Sheeldykes, Thomas Forster, Esqr." 

« Tenants ofAmeene and CaUedge in Al»euneke,—Jo\m Salkeld, Esq., Nicholas 
Forster, Henry Strother, Luke Wetheritt, William Gromwell, Thomas 
Weatherboume, William Archbold, Henry Facye, Martin Milbome." 

'* Tenants hy lease in B<mdgat4,---Zo\m Scott, Nicholas Hudson, Thomas 
Swann, Edward Strother, Nicholas Forster." 

* '* For lands io '* must be understood before the name of each place. 



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850 HISTOBY OF ALKWICK. 

** Tmumtt hy Um$ in J)mipiek,^ThaaiM Stdpehetd^ William Hazper, Bow- 
land Bobinacm, WilUam Bobinson, Biohaxd Beed, Qement Fontor, Thomas 
Arkle, Edwazd Shipeherd, Bichard Beed, Theopolns Thaw, Q^orge Thomaon." 

Bendea these th^ wore five tenants in Tuggal, two in Lyham, eight in 
AiniiAin^ thirteen in South Charlton, and eleven in Bemiington. 

In addition we find» from the records of 1456^ that the fol- 
lowing vills or townships were bound to appear; viz. — 
Alneham, Scranwood, Cnatton, Lyham^ Hopen, Folbery, 
Horton,Dodyngton, Ewurth, Prendwyke,Budle, Spindleston, 
Tugall^ Swmhow^ Bilton, Houghton Magna, Houghton 
Parva, Charlton, Hasand, Gysyne, Schilbotell, Hawkley, 
Renyngton, Roke, Lessbury, Ruglee, Newham, Lucre, 
Edderston, Howyke, Morwyke, Chevyngton, Chilyngham, 
Brunton, North Charlton. Tugall, Newham, Chilyngham 
were amerced 6d. for default, and Houghton Magna and 
Chevyington paid an essoin. Fines for neglect of appearance 
ranged generally from Is. 8d. to 6s. 8d. 

Some extracts from the rolls of these courts will shew the 
mode by which military tenants were admitted to their 
estates; others tell where the ancient common lands of 
the people were, and the care used to prevent encroachments 
on them ; some will illustrate the topography of the district 
and others the manners of the inhabitants. The first extract 
is a translation of the original. 

1475, April 7.—" The vary say that Bobert Folbery gentleman held of the 
Lord of tne Manor, Folbery with appurtenances, and also one vill called 
Galdmaiton, one parcel of land in Chatton, one bnrgiEune in Alnewick with two 
husbandlands in Bok in the Goun^ of Northnmberjand ; and they bblj that 
he held on military service, on the day he died, about the feast of St. Michael 
the Archangel in the 13th. year of the reign of Edward lY. King, and they 
say, that William Folbery is his next heir and of full age, and appears in the 
court, seeks to be admitted and then makes fidelity, his pledge bemg Thomas 
Gray of Horton. 1667, April 24. — Ad hanc curiam compertnm est per Homa- 
gium, quod Johannes Boddam obiit seiaitus de tenis et Tenementiis cum perti- 
nentiis in Little Houghton infra Baxonia predicta de domino, per servitium 
militare et annualem redditum Trodecem Solidorum, et undecim denariorum; 
£t quod Johannes Boddam est filius et heree prefeiti Johumis defuncti ; Et super 
hoc venit pre&tus Johannes Boddam et petit se admitti inde Tenentem, cuidam 
Johaimi Dominus predictus per Senechallum suum predictum concessit inde 
seisinam Habendum predicto Johanni et heredis suis reddendum omnes 
redditus servitia inde prius reddita et de jure consueta ; et fecit fidelitatem et 
satisfecit Domino pro Belevio Tresdecem Solidos et undecim denarios. Et 
admissus est inde Tenens. 1 667. — John Gray heir of Edward Gray of Howick 
paid 408. 8d. for relief of all his lands and tenements in Howick. 1682. — ^Wee 
find that Bobert Lisle of Hazon gentleman died seized of lands and tenements 
in Hazon aforesaid, and that &e said Bobert Lisle by his will devised the 
same to Bobert Lisle his nephew who is sonn of Bichard Lisle of Hazon afore- 
said, paying lis. per annum rent to the Lord, suit of court, and ought to 
appear at this courte this day to swear fealty and pay the Lords relief, who 
this daymade default in his appearance, we therefore amerce him Is. Bd." 
1587.— William Nicholson of Howick, tenant of Mr. Edward Craster, and 



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BARONIAL COURTS. 351 

othen, made sabmifldon for taking 'certeynfyrdelLBupon the aea coast withia 
the bounders of Howyk/ They confessed the trespass and restored the fir deals, 
and their sabmission was accepted. In 1596.— The tenants of Brozefeld which 
is a hamblett of Benyngton had common of pastors on the common of 
Benyngton. 1604. — ^The common of Liadker was oyeroharged, and the fiwliitig 
of the ^ame occupied without leave and the woods destroyed. About the 
same period presentments were made of Bidph Gray Chillingham and Matthew 
Forster Edeistone for putting cattell on Lucker Ck>mmon ; Thomas Ckilling- 
wood of Ryle for castmg tiures on Beanley Common ; Mr. Hazelrigge of 
Swarland for enclosing land from Shilbottle and Shieldyke Common ; Balph 
Gray Chillingham for enclosing from Chatton Common; Edward Qrey 
Howicke puttmg on Hoxighton and Bennington Commons. Alnewyk and 
Warkworth, about 1600 A.P. — ^Incroachments and abuses there done hurtful to 
to his Lords inheritance. Edward Cair hath encroached a parcdl of groimd 
appertaining to Houghton and converted it into a Tenement called bowmer 
xigffe. Bobert Boddun hath encroached a paroell of ground nigh Cuppermore 
and Shawkwe Strother; and also in Benyngton. The Tenants of Broxfield 
have encroached on Benyngton. Sir John Forster hath encroached 80 
acres of land at Bloddre nigh Hefferlawe ; and ground called Marden Banks, 
and taken the growing ha^ belonging to Lesbury. The Tenants of Wowden 
and Buston do pretend title to a parcell of land on the common of Bilton 
wrongfcdly. The Tenants of Newton on Moor do wrongfully pretend title 
to his Lordships soyle in Shilbottle Moor at a place called Hampeth. Wark- 
worth oomplams of Berling, Acklington of Chevington; The Tenants of 
Tuggal take turves by violence from Tuggall Moor; the Tenants of Swyn- 
howe refuse to appear at Tuggal Court and do hold their suit at EUingham ; 
the Tenants of Bruneton wrongfully cast Turves upon Tuggall Moor. Mr. 
Bwinbome of Edlingham portends me title to a parcell of the common of 
Sheldykes and hath casten turves upon the same ; he hath (as it is suppqted) 
caused his tenants to remove four perches (?) from the Black loughe, which|Wa8 
the bounder between Edlingham and Sheldykes. North Charlton used wrong- 
frdly part of South Charlton Common ; the tenants of Bichbum and Bock 
have done the like in several places ; Ihe tenants of Chatton complain of Sir 
Balph Gray for taking land of Chatton without right. 1638. — Nicholas 
Forster for a night layre with his horse on new milne haugh amerced 2s. 4d. 
Martin Stamp for converting a stray hefer goate to his own use, 4s. Thomas 
Pott blood and fruy npon Bobert Adston and a fray upon his wife 6s. 8d. 
John Wilkinson of Overbuston for two fold burstes 6s. 8d. Balph Forster 
for stoping the highway with his dunghill and polluting the pott water 12d. ; 
for overstmting me Conunon of Warenford 12< 



overstmting the Common of Warenford 12d. ; and for burning the Moor 
under the Baw heugh and casting his turfos there 20d. Lesbury, John Mills 
for a slander he maid of Anne Meleken and said thou stole gease 6s. 8d. 
Fjrudhoe, Arthur HazxyBon for keeping and maintaynin^ his daughter being a 
known tliief 6s. 8d. C&iatton, Balph Hebbome for robbmg of Lyonell Tyne- 
dales wheat being a thafe amerced for his foult 3s. 4d.. and his wife being a 
Scold 8s. 4d. Tmemouth, Matthew Browne for a troublesome and noysome 
neighbour 6d. ; Thomas Forster for boyling Oil in his house to the annoyance 
of his neighbour 6s. 8d. ; Bobert Allysone for blowings; of mutton to the sight 
of the constables 12d. ; Bichard Tayler for burning bme within the Sheales* 
12d. 1688.— Tughi^ amerced for not having a common pound Is. 8d., not 
having a constable Is. 8d. ; not having a paire of Stocks Is. 8d. 1638. — 
Lesbury, Patrick Macklewvan, Clerk, for 6 severall pound briohes and taking 
his gease out of the pinfold 6s. 8d. ; of the same for overstinting the Common 
wher he hath no Eatage 12d. ; of the same for a pound bxich maid by his 
servant Ales Huggin 20d. ; of the same for a pound brich maid by the said 
servant and taking his maire out of the pinfold 3s. 4d. ; the same for a night 

* Now the important and popolons town of Shields* 



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S5S HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

layer with his maire in the west field. 1664.— Patrick MacUew^ in 
an action of the case on complaint by Bichard Wyddons Thomas Wyddons 
WiUiam Stampe and John Alnwiol^ tamed into a presentment. 1656. — 
WiUiam Bronn.oom^ains against Patiick Madewyan Clerk who was amerced 
8s. 2d. ; 1657. — ^Mr. JPatrick Mackleywyan* oompUynes of Lionell Tayte who 
is amerced 20d.y and of Michael Gardner who is acquitted." 

The occupation of these courts is now gone ; 3ret they are 
still held twice a year ahout Easter and -Michaelmas. The 
fees for process allowed hy law and custom^ taken and ac* 
counted for hy the hailif& are — ^for every summons Is. 5d.^ 
replevin in warrant and bond 5s., execution 6d,, sub-pcena 
and copy 6d., levy and schedules 3s., man in possession per 
day of twenty-four hours 2s. 6d. A learned steward, usually 
a barrister, presides, a clerk records the minutes, a jury is 
empanelled, and several corporate officers with few or no 
duties to perform are sworn in. Sometimes a case of debt or 
detinue has been tried, but rarely in recent years ; county 
courts, petty sessions, and boards of health have taken from 
the baronial courts all their practical functions. They are 
but shadowy forms — ghosts of other times. One purpose 
they serve; they enable the lord of the Manor, as represented 
by his steward, to entertain with dinners, at an inn, somQ 
thirty or forty of the people of Alnwick and of the Strict, 
who are more or less connected with Alnwick Castle. 

« He was Ticsr of Lesbory. Fuller has made him famoos, under the name 
of Michael Vivan ; for he tells us that when 110 years old his hair came again 
as a child's of flaxen colour ; that he had three teeUi cut within two years, which 
wers not then come to perfection ; that his eyesight had come again, and he 
could read the smallest print without spectacles ; that he preached and prayed 
an hour and a half without any notes. He seems to have been a quarrelsome 
man, fbr he often appears in the Archdeacon's as well as in the Baronial Courts. 



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CHAPTER XIX. 

THE SMETHSONS— EABLS AND DUKES OF NOETHUM- 
BEELAND FEOM 1750 TO 1866. 

DZSTBIBTTTIQN OF THB 801CBSSBT ESTATES — ^DSSOXNT OF SIB HTTOH 
SKITH80K— OBA2IT OF ABMS — HABBIED TO ELIZABETH THB 
PEBOY HEIBESS — BENOYATES AJJSTWlCfK OASTLE — FENNAETT'S 
BESOBIPTIOXr OF IT — ^DCPBOYEMENTS ABOXTin) ALNWICK — ^WAL- 
FOLB'S 0BITIQT7E — BOUT BHYICES BY THB DUCHESS — HUGH 
BECOin) DUXE OF NOBTHUMBEBLANB — SEBYIOB IK AMEBIOA— 
FAMILY OF BUBBELL — THE PEBCY TENAITTBY AND COLUMN- 
HOSPITALITY — HUGH, THIBD DUKE — BEJOICINOS WHEN MABBIED 
— HIS POLICY — ALOBBNON, FOUBTH DUES — SEBVICB IN THB 
NAVY — FOBSiaN TBAYELS — IMFBOYBMENTS — BE9T0BATI0N OF 
ALNWIGK OASTLE — OBABAOTEB— -OEOEGE FIITH DUXB. 

The death of Algernon, duke of Somerset, without male 
issue caused a distribution of his titles and estates, in ac- 
cordance with their respective limitations. The dukedom of 
Somerset passed to Sir Edward Seymour, a lineal descendant 
of the Protector Somerset by his first wife. Sir Charles 
Wyndham succeeded to the earldom of Egremont and barony 
of Cockermouth. The earldom of Northumberland and 
barony of Warkworth, which were created in 1749, descended 
by special limitation to Sir Hugh Smithson, husband of the 
duke's daughter; and the only title which descended to 
herself, seems to have been a new barony in fee created by a 
summons to her father as Baron Percy in 1722, although he 
had beeti placed in the house of peers, in the precedency of 
the ancient barony of the 27th of Edw. I. All the ancient 
baronies of the Percys in fee had been extinguished in 1537 ; 
if this had not been so, they would have been forfeited in 
1559. Had there been no forfeitures, they would have been 
in abevance among the various descendants of the daughters 
of Earl Thomas, the rebel of the north ; for they are elder in 
blood than the possessors of the fee of 'Alnwick, who, since 

2z 



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S54 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

that earPs fatal rising, are not heirs at law of the Baron Percy 
of Edward I. Some of these possessors have indeed inherited 
a new set of haronies of Percy, Poynings, Lucy, Bryan, and 
Fitz-Payne, created in 1557 in tail male; hut those dignities 
hecame extinct in 1670. The title of Latimer, frequently 
assumed by the later Percys, had reference to merely one of 
the baronies to which they became coheirs by marriage, and 
it remains still in abeyance among the descendants of John 
Neville generally. The prestige, however, of time honoured 
names of dignities and families, and the rental of their lands, 
are more influential than the technical laws of the peerage or 
priority of blood. By act of parliament, passed in the year of 
the duke of Somerset's death, Hugh Earl of Northumber- 
land and Elizabeth his wife were authorised to take and use 
the name of Percy and to bear and quarter the arms <^ that 
ancient family. 

The accession of this new dynasty to the barony forms an 
important era in the history of the town of Alnwick ; and as 
in the case of other lords we ask — ^who were they and whence 
did they come ? 

This family rising to a lofty position, it became the duty of 
genealogists to find or make for them a long line of ancestry. 
Collins in an early edition of his peerage gives the descent from 
" a very ancient family surnamed Smytheton and Smithton," 
the first of whom, Melgrum, held the manor of Smethton in the 
time of William the Conqueror. Though the transmutation 
of a Smithson into a Smethton shews all the genius of an 
early heraldist, yet the descent is imaginative and mythical. 
Less pretentious is another account, which represents, that 
William Smithson, in the reign of Richard II., possessed 
Newsome and other lands in Yorkshire, and that his de- 
scendants resided at Newsome till the time of Queen Elizabeth, 
when Anthonv Smythson of Newsome married Eleanor 
the heiress o^ Greorge Catherick of Stanwick, esquire. 
Another version, however, says he married the grand-daughter 
of George Catherick. But both these accounts are somewhat 
doubtful; for of this line of squires and gentlemen, no 
record is given in Tonge's visitation or in other heraldic 
roUs. Neither is it noticed by Whitaker, who was assisted 
in genealogy by Radclyfie; nor is it countenanced by the 
grant of arms to Sir Hugh Smithson at a subsequent period. 
These suppositious descents are discreetly eliminated out of 
that edition of Collins, which incorporates the elaborate 
history of the Percy feimily, said to have been written by 



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T^S 8M1THS0KS. S55 

Bisbop Percy. There 18 evidence, however, that the Smithsons 
Mrere inhabitants of Newsome in some status or other. In the 
19th of Henry VI., John de Percy, of Kyledale, was witness 
to grant of lands in Tefford and Newsome to John Smythson. 
Neither esquire nor gentleman is attached to his name. 
But we find that William Smythson of Newsom, in the 
parish of Kyrkeby on the hill, yeoman, was the grantee of lands 
m Scole Acle [nodie Shool Aycliffe, near Darlington] from 
Arthur Neville in 156S. He had purchased other lands 
there in 1554, and- in 1587 he, by charter, gave all these 
lands to his son Greorge Smythson, who in 1606 conveyed 
them to Francis Forster. We afterwards find at Newsham, 
Anthony the ancestor of the future dukes of Northumberland, 
who had two sons at least, both of whom went to London 
to carve out their own fortunes; one, Bernard Smithson, 
was an apothecary there, and the other, Hugh, entered into 
trade* Hugh achieved success as a merchant, and was " fined 
for Alderman and Sheriff of the city.'' He acquired, perhaps 
by purchase, the estate of Stanwick in Yorkshire, the ancient 
inheritance of^the Cathericks. While Henry Percy, the earl 
of Northumberland, was engaged on the side of the people 
during the civil war, Hugh Smithson paid court to the mon- 
arch, who sought to be absolute ; and when the tide turned 
in favour of royalty, he was rewarded ; for Charles II. in 
1663 conferred on him the title and dignity of knight and 
baronet, and made a grant of arms to himself, to his brother 
Bemai^, and their posterity ; ^^ because he during the late 
tymes of distraction hath been always ready to express his 
loyalty to his Majesties interest." The following is a copy of 
this grant. 

" To all and singiiler Tnto whome ihese pmaents sha]! come Sr Ed^warf 
Walker Kt Qaxtc principaU King of Amies of Englishmen sendeth greeting 
wheras it hath bin an antient Custome & to this Day continued, that aU 
Estate and degrees of men have bene and are. distinguished each from other 
by Markes or Signes called Armes being outward demonstrations of the 
inward worth of t£e bearers Atchieved eithor by their valour in the field in 
tymes of Wair, or by their uertuous indeauours in the Comonwealths in times 
of Peace. In wch. respect whereas Sr Hugh Smithson of Stannike at Stan- 
wike in the county of Yorke K^ & Baronett sonne of Anthony Smithson of 
Kewsam in the County York gent haueing bin former]^ a Mardiant in the 
Citty of London & hath fined for Alderman and Sheriff of the said Citty & 
dureing the late tymes of distraction hath bin always reddy to express his 
Loyallty to his Maties intrest for wch npon his Mattes restitutution his Matis 
was ^[Tatiously pleased as proper TestimoniM of his fauour to confer upon him 
the title & digfnity of Kt A Baronet wherby he may justly deserue to have 
such Armes assigned unto him as be may lawfully beare, for the honour of 
himselfe & his posterity Know ye therefore that I the said S^ Edward Walker 
£t Garter principaU long of Armes by the power and authority annexed 



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S56 HISTORY OP ALUMTICK. 

vnto my office by the Statatei of the Host Noble Osder of the Gtfter k oofi" 
firmed vnto me by Letten Patents Tnder tiie great seale of England, doe 
hereby give grant & aengne vnto him the aaid Sr Hughe Smi^ison Kt & 
Baronet, and to Bernard Smitheon of London Apothecary brother of the Mid 
8r Hugh SmithBon and to the heiree and deeoenoante of their bodies for euer. 
the ooate of Armee & Greet herafter mentioned vizt : Or on a chiefe Imbattelea 
Acure 8 sunns proper, and for his crest iHPon a hehnt p*i>er Mantled Chiles 
doubled Argent» out of a Ducall Crowne Or a demy Lion rampant gardant 

Siles holding a sunn proper as in the marsent hereof more liuely is depicted 
e -which Armes & Greast they the said Br Hugh Smithson Kt & Baronett 
ft Bernard Smithson and the heirs & descendants of their bodyes lawfully 
begotten for erer beating their due and proper diifecvnoes May and shall 
lawfully at all tymes and upon all occasions Tse beer and sett forth in shield 
Coat Armour Penon Standiod 8eale or otherwise according to the Law and 
practise of Armes without the let Interruption dispute or Contradiction of any 
person whatsoeuer In witness whereof I haue hereunto subsczibed my name 
and affixed y« scale of my office y« rxth day of Koyember in y« 18th yeare of 
the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles y« 2nd by y« Orace of God King 
of England Scotland franco ft Ireland Defender of theTaith A'qe Dni 1668. 

Edwazd Walker Garter." 

Collins and the writers of peerages who copy him misrepre* 
sent this grant of arms as an augmentation; but in it there is no 
reference either to the Catherick arms or to any arms belonging 
to Smithson ; it is a grant de novo not only to himself but 
also to his brother the apothecary^ who thus through him 
became dignified as an armiger; an honourable origin is this 
from the productive class — from yeoman, farmer, and mer- 
chant — nobler than from military adventurers. 

Sir Hugh Smithson died, according to Collins, on 20th of 
October, 1670, aged 72 years. From him in succession de- 
scended Sir Jerome Smithson, Bart. ; and Sir Hugh Smyth- 
son, Bart., who died in 1729, aged 72 years, and who.had 
two sons, Hugh the elder, and I^ngdale, both of whom died 
in their father's lifetime. Hugh was never married ; but from 
Langdale sprung Hugh Smithson, who married the Percy 
heiress. 

Somewhat of romance there was in the elevation of Hugh 
Smithson to the Percy peerage. Being the son of the younger 
branch of the family, he, like the founder of it, went to 
London to push his fortunes, and carried on the honourable 
occupation of an apothecary in Hatton Gardens.* For 
antiquities he had a taste, and became a fellow of the Society 
of Antiquaries, of which in after life he was president. He 
succeeded, however, to a baronetcy, on the death of his gftmd- 
father in 1729 ; and on the death of another relative, Hugh 
Smithson of Tottenham, he came into possession of estates in 
Yorkshire and Middlesex. He must therefore have cast 



JeaffresoQ*a Lives of Physicians. 



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THB 8HITH801I8. 857 

physic to the dogs, long befoie he aspired to the hand of the 
I^ercy heiress. He is said to have wooed another fair one 
nnsuccessfuUy ; but being one of the handsomest men of his 
time, he had pleased Lady Percy, who manifested her pre- 
ference by expressing her wonder that any lady should have 
rejected his addresses. This was whispered to Sir Hugh, 
and it inspired him with courage ; he laid his heart and 
fortune at the feet of the heiress, who looked kindly on him, 
and bid him rise and be happy and great. They were 
married on 16th of July, 1740. 

After his accession to the earldom, the honours attendant 
on territorial greatness were heaped upon him. His princely 
revenues enabled him to live in great splendour. When, in 
1763, he was lieutenant general of Ireland, he filled the office 
with dignity, patronised liberally the manu&ctures of the 
country, and dispensed a profuse charity. A grand enter* 
tainment he gave, on 5th June 1764, the king's birthday, 
when one thousand five hundred persons of distinction were 
invited, and his gardens were illuminated with ten thousand 
lamps. He was created, on October S2nd 1766, Duke of 
Northumberland and Earl Percy, with succession to heirs 
male of his body ; and^ on S6th January 1784, another peer- 
age was added to his family, by his being created Lord 
Lovaine Baron of Alnwick, with remainder to Algernon his 
second son. 

Leckinfield, Wresil, and Petworth, the chief residences of 
the later Percys, had passed away from the new fiunily ; and 
as the Percy estates lay chiefly in Northumberland, the new 
earl naturally looked to the north for a seat among his 
Northumbrian tenantry. The choice lay between Warkworth 
and Alnwick Castles. The former in the time of Leland was 
apparently habitable and in good repair, audits situation was 
eminently beautiful ; the latter was ruinous, and so neglected 
had it been, that in 1691 a common school was kept within 
its walls ; but being, however, of much greater extent than 
Warkworth Castle, and more associated with fiimily incidents 
and historic events, it was chosen for the future home of the 
barons of Alnwick. It was thoroughly repaired and renovated 
in the pseudo-gothic style ; and the interior stucco decora- 
tions were the work of Italian artists. Much of the 
Mediseval character, which gave a stern grandeur to this 
border castle, and which harmonised with old associations was 
destroyed. Still, however, it was a magnificent residence for a 
nobleman. A short time after its completion it was visited by 



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358 HiSTOftY OP ALNWICK. 

Pennant) an antiquary and naturalist of soiiie distinction ; and 
he thus records his impressions of the castle and town in 1769. 

'' At Alnwick, a small town, the trayeller is disappointed with 
the situation and environs of the Castle, the residence of the 
Perciesy the ancient Earls of Northumberland. Tou look in yain 
for any marks of the grandeur of the feudal age ; for trophies 
won by a family eminent in our annals for militaiy prowess and 
deeds of chiyalry ; for haUs hung with helms and hauberks, or 
with the spoils of the chase ; for estensiTe forests and venerable 
oaks. Tou look in vain for the hehnet on the tower, the ancient 
signal of hospitality to the traveller; or for the grey-headed porter 
to conduct him to the hall of entertainment. The numerous 
train, whose countenances gave welcome to him on his way, are 
now no more ; and instead of the disinterested usher of the old 
times, he is attended by a valet eager to receive the fees of 
admittance. There is a vast grandeur in the appearance of the 
outside of the Oastle ; the towers magniEcent^ but injured by the 
numbers of rude statues crowded on the battlements. The 
apartments are large, and lately finished in the GK>thic style with 
a most incompatible elegance. The gardens are equally incon- 
sistent, trim m the highest degree, and more adapted to a villa 
near London than the ancient seat of a great baron. In a word, 
nothing, except the numbers of imindustrious poor that swarm 
at the gate, excites any one idea of its former circumstances.* 

Naked and bleak was the country around Alnwick in the 
early part of the eighteenth century ; many of the forests and 
woods had been destroyed in the days of border warfare; but 
this duke began to adorn the lands around his castle. Under 
the direction of a native of Kirkharle, Lancelot Brown called 
*' Capability Brown," the tops of the hills were planted with 
clumps of trees ; other clumps mostly of a circular form were 
scattered over the slopes, and on other parts were long belts of 
plantation!^, while in the valleys larger forests were created ; 
the old parks too were extended and enclosed by high walls. 
Greatly beautified and enriched was the scenery by these 
improvements, Alas 1 that in carrying them out the ancient 
privileges of the people were encroached on, and a policy 
begun which destroyed the independence and importance of 
the corporation, and put a bar to the development of the 
natural resources of the town. 

This duke had a vigorous mind and considerable capacity 
for business. Notwithstanding his great outlay in plantings 
in building, in buying pictures, his revenue more than kept 
pace with his expenditure. Walpole depreciates the pictures^ 

• IVunant's Tour in Seotlaufl, p. 32. 



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THE SMITHS0N8. 359 

for wliich a large price had been paid. "I would '* says he 
** scarce hang them up ; and then copies by any thing now 
living ! and at what a price ! '' He gives a sketch of the 
earl's manner of life : — " They are building at Northumberland 
House^ at Sion, at Stanwick^ at Alnwick, and Warkworth 
Castles ! they live by the etiquette of the peerage^ have 
Swiss porters, the countess has her pipers — ^in short they 
will soon have no estate."* A false prophet, however, was 
this cynical critic ; not only was the rental of the old estates 
greatly increased ; but new lands were added, many of which 
were around Alnwick. Overacres with the seigniory of 
Redesdale, including Harbottle and the advowson of Elsdon, 
and property in Yorkshire and elsewhere were purchased from 
William Howard. 

Elizabeth the duchess had some literary taste, and one of 
her poetical productions has been given to the world. 
Bouts JRimea, or rhyming terminations of French invention 
had become a fashionable amusement, which was particularly 
patronised by Sir John and Lady Miller of Batheaston^ near 
Bath. To the company assembled at this villa, Bouts Rimes 
were g^ven out, which were filled up bv lines having some 
poetic cadence, by candidates for poetic honours ; these pro- 
ductions which were often ridiculous enough, were deposited 
in a vase, whence they were taken and examined by judges 
appointed for the purpose ; and to the best exercise a myrtle 
crown was awarded. Elizabeth the duchess gained a crown 
by the following verses, which will give an idea of the literary 
amusements of the aristocracy of the period. 

" The pen which I dow take and brandish 

Has long lain useless in my standish 

Know every maid from her in patten 

To her who shines in glossy satin 

That conld the^ now prepare an Olio 

From best receipt of book in folio 

Ever so fine for all their puffing 

I should prefer a buttered muffing 

A muffin Jove himself might feast on 

If eat with Miller at Batheaston." 

The duchess died on the 5th December, 1776, aged 60 
years, and was buried in St. Nicholas' Chapel, Westminster 
Abbey. Chagrined with not being treated, as he thought, 
by the government with sufficient consideration, the duke 
retired, in a great measure, from public life, and spent his 
latter days in retirement. He survived the duchess ten years 

« Walpole's Letters, 1752. 



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S60 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

and died on the 5th of Jnne^ 1786. One daughter they had, 
who died unmarried; and two sons-^Hugh and Algernon. 

HUGH, SECOND DUKE OP NORTHUMBERLAND. 

Hugh, the eldest son of the first duke, was bom in 1742 ; 
and on the decease of his mother in 1776, he succeeded to 
the new barony in fee, and was summoned to parliament as 
Baron Percy. In early life he served under Prince Ferdinand 
in the great seven years war. He was engaged in the un- 
natural war with the American States, and was despatched 
by General Gage with sixteen troops to the relief of a detach- 
ment, which, having been sent to destroy military stores at 
Concord, was exposed to destruction by American riflemen. 
In conducting the retreat. Lord Percy displayed sound judg- 
ment. The skirmish which took place, was called the battle 
of Lexington, where the first blood was drawn in the struggle 
between America and the mother country. General Ga^ 
praised him in the London Gazette ''for his remarkable 
activity during the engagement." Lord Percy afterwards 
assisted in the reduction of Fort Washington, the column led 
by him being the first to enter the lines of the enemy. 

He married in 1764, Anna Stuart, daughter of the earl of 
Bute, but firom her he was divorcedin 1779. For his second 
wife he took, in the same year, Frances Julia, the third 
daughter of Peter Burrell, Esq., a commissioner of the Excise. 

Romantic, indeed, is the history of the Burrell family. 
The father had gone in 1774 to the shores of the Mediterranean 
in search of health, accompanied by his daughters ; and, at 
the same time, Algernon, the second son of the first duke of 
Northumberland, being then in a delicate state of health, was 
passing the winter in the south of France. During an ex- 
cursion to Marseilles, he accidentally met in a private company, 
Isabella the second daughter of Mr. Burrell, and became 
deeply attached to her. His mother consented to their union 
and they were married in 1775. About three years afterwards, 
the youngest sister of Isabella bestowed her hand on the duke 
of Hamilton, after whose death she married the marquis of 
Exeter ; and next came the union of the third sister with the 
second duke of Northumberland. Modest, amiable, and vir- 
tuous were these women ; but none of them it is said possessed 
extraordinary beauty or fascinating graces ; but the eldest 
sister who was married to Mr. Bennett, a man of large estate, 
is described as a captivating woman. The singular fortunes 



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THE SMITHSON8. 861 

of the family did not end here. The only son of Mr. Burrell, 
a young man of graceful person and engaging manners^ gained 
the affections and hand of Lady Elizabeth Bertie, eldest 
daughter of Peregrine duke of Ancaster. Soon after the mar* 
riage, her brother, the only son of the duke suddenly died, and 
she succeeded to a barony of the creation of Edward III., along 
with the greater part of the Ancaster estates ; she inherited 
also the high feudal office of lord great chamberlain of Eng- 
land, the duties of which were performed by her husband, and 
afterwards by her son. In course of time^ Mr. Burrell's son 
was knighted ; and in 1796 was raised to the British peerage 
by the title of Lord Gwydor.* Thus four peerages passed to 
the descendants of Mr. Peter Burrell. 

There is little of interest in the public life of this duke 
of Northumberland ; but when Britain was threatened with 
invasion from France, he caught the patriotic spirit of the 
times, and prepared for the defence of the country. He raised 
among his tenantry fifteen hundred men ; and at his own 
expense clothed and accoutred them. They were formed into 
three corps, as riflemen, cavalry, and artillery. In those 
thrilling times of war when rumours of invasion were rife, 
the town of Alnwick presented a warlike appearance ; for it 
was the head quarters of the military operations of the county. 
The local militia, the Coquetdale rangers — a body of cavalry 
raised in the western part of the county — and the Percy ten- 
antry were drilled there. School boys even breathed the 
warlike spirit, and abandoning common amusements, their 
games were military — schools fighting against schools as 
English and French. Happily the services of our local 
soldiery were never needed on the battle-field-— the tide of 
foreign invasion never rolled on the British shoreA, 

During this war with France, the demand for food and the 
depreciation of the currency caused the prices of agricultural 
produce to range high ; and as vacant farms on the Northum- 
berland estate were let by tender, large rents were given 
under the artificial stimulus by new tenants; the rent 
frequently was doubled, and in some cases even quadrupled. 
When peace came prices fell, and then followed agricultural 
distress. The duke at this crisis tried to mitigate the evil, 
by a temporary reduction in the rents of his tenants of 
twenty five per cent, to enable them to overcome the pressure 
of the times. Some political economists deemed this a 



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S63 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

questionable expedient, and contended that an adjust- 
ment of the rental to the value of each farm would have 
been wiser — ^more in the spirit of justice to the tenant and 
permanently more advantageous to the landlord. The Percy 
tenantry, however, were delighted with the resolution ; and 
they subscribed liberally to erect a column to perpetuate the 
memory of such a good deed. On the Isfc of July, 1816, the 
foundation stone of this column was laid. It was designed 
by David Stephenson, and stands on a gentle hill at the south 
entrance of the town. It is an elegant fluted column in the 
Doric style, rising to the height of eighty-five feet ; four lions 
couchant are at the base ; and above the capital, a lion passant 
with a stiff extended tail— one of the crests of the Percys- 
stands on a circular pedestal. On the east panel of the base 
is the following inscription : — ^^ To Hugh, Duke of Northum- 
berland, K.G., this column is erected, dedicated, and in* 
scribed by a grateful and united tenantry. Anno Domini 
MDCCCXVI." 

The temporary expedient, so magnificently memorialised, 
failed to restore prosperity ; tenants still failed, and others 
who could not bear up under the pressure of a heavy rent, 
gave up their farms expecting a considerable reduction ; but 
then came forth the strange decree, that no tenant giving up 
a farm for a reduction should be allowed to compete for it 
again ; and this rule, which drove many industrious tenanta 
from the estates, continued in operation till the time of 
Algernon the fourth duke, who wisely struck it out of the 
Northumberland statute book. 

A splendid hospitality was kept up by the second duke of 
Northumberland at Alnwick, Castle ; he had two ^* public 
days" weekly, when gentlemen both of the town and country 
were expected to dine with him. Even some of the tradesmen 
of Alnwick and dissenting ministers were honoured guests on 
these occasions. There were, however, tolls to pay, in the 
shape of fees to the porter and other servants of the castle; 
these being heavv, one tradesman deemed it prudent to dine 
at home. IVIissmg this humble friend from his table, the 
duke inquired of him, why he had not appeared at the castle 
on public days ? ** Too many turnpike gates my lord," was 
the pointed reply. Promptly was the fleecing by menials put 
an end to ; and the economical tradesmati thenceforth could 
with prudence enjoy the ducal feasts. 

His grace died on the 10th of July, 1817, aged seventy-four 
years, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. By his second 



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THE BMITH80K9. ^03 

wife he liad a numerous family. Charlotte, Elizabeth, JuUa^ 
Henry Hotspur, and Francis died unmarried; Hugh and 
Agnes, twins, were born on the 20th of April, 1785 ; Amelia^ 
bwn on the 1st February, 1789, married Lord James Murray, 
second son of the duke of Athol; and Algernon was bom 
on the 15th December> 1797. 

HUGH> MIRD DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 

There is little of general interest in the life of this baron o{ 
Alnwick. When Lord Percy, he, in 1807, appeared as com- 
petitor for the representation of the county of Northumberland 
in opposition to the distinguished statesman Charles Grey, 
and succeeded in depriving him of the seat he had occupied 
for many years. 

Before his father's death. Lord Percy was raised to tlie peer- 
age in 1812, by the title of Baron Percy. After his accession 
to the dukedom in 1817, he was made lord lieutenant and 
custos rotulorum of the county of Northumberland, and of the 
town and county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; he was elected 
chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and in 1819 was 
admitted knight of the Garter. In 1825 he represented his 
sovereign at the coronation of Charles XII. at Paris, and in 
the years 1829 and 1830, during the duke of Wellington'^ 
administration, he was lord lieutenant of Irelcmd $ in both 
offices he sustained the dignity of the crown ; and in Ireland 
especially, his liberal charities and eiMKmragetnent of Irish 
manufactuies gained him popularity among the Irish people^ 
One of the old English cust-oms was observed for the last time 
in Alnwick, when this duke €Uid his bride made their public 
entry into the town on the 20th June, 1818. About five 
hundred of his tenantry on horseback met them at Felton, 
and escorted them to Alnwick, a distance of nine miles. An 
ox was roasted whole in the market place. I recollect the 
scene $ a grand day it was for the populace, especially for boys, 
who eagerly wiatched the cooking process, as men at both ends 
of the spit turned round the ox over a fire. When roasted 
it was cut up on an elevated stage $ and then began the fun. 
Crowds of people assembled in the Market Place ; and amongst 
them were thrown pieces of roasted beef. There was wild 
scrambling to catch the meat, and no little fighting for 
possession of the prize. Ale too was plentifully distributed 
among the populace, which helped to increase the uproan 
We are perhaps wiser now, but not quite so jolly in oui^ 
public rejoicings. 



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864 HIStOBT OF ALNWICSC« 

This duke resided more at Alnwick Castle than his pre* 
decessors ; his style of living was stately and magnificent, but 
somewhat exclusive, having more of the courtly formality of 
a petty German prince, than the social freedom of an Anglo* 
Norman nobleman. His treatment of the town cannot be 
eulogised as enlightened and liberal ; the policy of the first duke 
was extended; old pathways and roads were blocked up; 
and there are still bitter remembrances of crushing power 
brought to bear on independent-minded men. He procured an 
improvement act for the town ; but through his influence, Aln- 
wick was struck out of the Corporation Reform Bill, and was 
thus prevented from enjoying, along with other towns, the pri- 
vilege of self-government ; and through his powerful influence 
too, the main trunk line of the North Eastern Railway was kept 
at a distance of three miles from the town. And yet this duke 
was an amiable man, benevolent and generous in his nature ; 
his charities were profuse, and evinced kindness of heart and 
a wish to lessen the miseries of poverty. His last great 
charitable work was the building, and partial endowment of 
Saint Paul's Church in Alnwick ; he lived not, however, to 
complete the whole of his intended arrangements. 

His grace, the owner of hundreds of thousands of 
acres died in the silence of the night, all alone, and was 
found dead in his bed in Alnwick Castle, on the morning of the 
11th of February, 1847, aged sixty-one years. There were 
stately processions wheiihis corpse was removed from Alnwick, 
and when it was interred in the family vault in Westminster 
Abbey. He was married on the 29th of April, 1817, to Char- 
lotte Florentia, youngest daughter of the eail of Powis, son 
of Robert Clive, the successful soldier, who in India won his 
way to wealth and rank ; but by his wife, who still survives, 
he left no issue. 

ALGERNON, FOURTH DUKE OF NOTHUMBERLAND. 

Lord Prudhoe, on the death of his brother, succeeded to 
his estates and hereditary honours. Some dignities enjoyed 
by the third duke were not conferred on his successor ; Earl 
Grey was appointed lord lieutenant of the county of North- 
umberland and of the town and county of Newcastle, and 
Prince Albert was elected chancellor of Cambridge. 

Algernon Percy was bom on December 15th, 1792, and 
was educated at Eton. At the early age of thirteen years he 
entered the navy, as a midshipman on board the Tribune 



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THE 8MIXH80NS. S65 

frigate. This country being then at war with the colossal 
power of France, the young sailor had an opportunity of 
seeing real service ; he was actively employed on the coast of 
Catalonia in 1809 ; and in 1810 he commanded a gun boat 
in co-operation with the patriots on the coast of Andalusia. 
He, of course, rose rapidly in the service, received his com- 
mission of lieutenant on February 1st, 1812 ; became com- 
mander on March 8th, 1814, and post captain on March 19th, 
1815. In the action with the French fleet off Toulon in 181S, 
he was acting captain of the Caledonia ; and in 1814 he was 
engaged in the capture of Genoa. The fall of Napoleon the 
first bringing peace to Europe, Algernon Percy retired from 
active service. He was raised to the peerage on November 
gOth, 1816, as Baron Prudhoe, of Prudhoe Castle. 

After leaving the navy he spent several years in travelling, 
chiefly in eastern countries, in Turkey, in the Holy Land, in 
Nubia, and in Egypt. Not only did he study the manners 
and habits of these eastern nations and collect relics illustrative 
of their ancient history, but he encouraged and liberally aided 
learned menin their researches. With Sir Gardner Wilkinson, 
one of the most eminent of scholars and archseologists, he spent 
some years investigating the remains of the Egyptian kings. 
With the Arabic language he made himself acquainted ; and 
so interested was he in its study, that he munificently aided 
Lane, the translator of^' The Arabian Nights Entertainment,*' 
to produce an Arabic Dictionary, which is still in course of 
publication. The manuscripts, coins, and part of the Egyptian 
relics collected by him, he presented to public museums ; but 
many of his Egyptian antiquities are arranged in one of the 
towers of Alnwick Castle. 

While still Lord Prudhoe, he was married on August 25th, 
1842, to Lady Eleanor Grosvenor, daughter of the second 
marquis of Westminster. Happy for both was this union ! 
Amiable and accomplished, this illustrious lady filled her 
high station with dignity and grace ; she co-operated with 
her noble consort in all his generous schemes, and by her 
loving care and attention cheered and solaced his declining 
years. A gi-eat gathering of the people of Alnwick celebrated 
this union by a public dinner, which was presided over by 
William Burrell, Esq., of Broom Park. 

Once only, and for a brief period, the duke entered into 
public office, as first lord of the Admiralty, when Earl Derby 
m 1852 formed a conservative administration. In the same 
year he was made knight of the garter. He bid adieu to 

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S6d History of alkwICk. 

official life, on the lesignation of the Derby cabinet ; and 
though subsequently solicited to join a conseryatire ministry ■ 
he never again would enter into public office, influencea 
probably in this determination, by the annoyance occasioned 
by a parliamentary inquiry into the abuse of admiralty 
patronage, in rewarding dock-yard workmen who had voted 
for conservative candidates^ Still, however, he continued to 
support the conservative party with all his great territorial 
influence, in accordance with the traditions and usages ot his 
family. More congenial occupation he found in the improve* 
tnent of his estates, in restoring his great castle^ in building 
churchesi in aiding antiquarian researches, and in attending 
to those duties which devolve on the owner of hundreds of 
thousands of broad acres. 

When the duke entered, in 1847, into the possession of the 
family estates, their condition was far from being satisfactory, 
due partly to traditional modes of management; many 
farm steadings were shabby and out of repair ; much of the 
land was undrained ; the cultivation of many of the farms 
was behind the age ; and the cottages, the houses of the 
agricultural labourers, were in a miserable condition. 

The changed circumstances of the times, arising partly out 
of the repeal of the corn laws, had awakened owners of 
property to a sense of their obligations and duties. Several 
landlords had entered on the career of improvement ; and 
Earl Grey, especially, had set a good e^Lample in draining his 
estates, and replacing the wretched cottages, by others in 
which there were not only enlarged accommodation and more 
comfort, but a regard to sanitary conditions. The third 
duke of Northumberland had followed, but timidly, this 
course; and some draining had be^i done, some cottages 
repaired, and other agricultural improvements commenced. 
Algernon^ however, was a bolder man and more impressed by 
the character of the times. He yearly devoted large sums to 
the drainage of his estate, the renovation of his farm-steads, 
and the improvement of his cottages. How mucli, during the 
eighteen years he held the dukedom, he spent on these objects 
I cannot certainly say ; the amount by some is estimated at 
half a million of pounds, which would be about £28,000 
annually. During the last six years of his life the expenditure 
is stated to have been— in 1859, £10,089; 1860, £13,887; 
1861, £18,473; 1862, £19,282; 1868, £12,555; 1864, 
£13,473, making a total of £87,739, or an average yearly of 
£14,627. During the whole period, I understand £40,000 



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THB SMITH80N8, 867 

have been spent in the improvement of cottages. These are 
large sums; not larger , however, than what was required, 
nor larger proportionally, than has been spent on other estates. 
They apply to 163,000 acres of land, or about the one seventh 
part of Northumberland. Wise measures like these, however, 
produce good to the farmer, who, when the owner does his 
duty has no excuse for unskilful or slothful management ; to 
the community by the increased production of food ; and to 
the owner in the increased value of his lands, and in the per 
oentage received from the tenant on the capital expended. 

But while the duke was thus vigorously improving his 
estates, he felt himself responsible in the use of the great 

Eowers with which he was entrusted, to give direction and 
elp to religious, educational and charitable institutions on his 
estates. He liberally supported schools, and was notable in 
building and endowing churches, in wliich he is said to 
have spent about £40,000. 

Throughout the whole of his life, he retained a warm attach- 
ment to his own profession; he felt for those who brave the 
perils of the deep. At the exhibition in 1851, he offered a 
premium for the best model of a lifeboat ; he supplied some 
stations on the coasts with lifeboats, constructed according to 
the most approved model ; and sought to diffuse information 
on this subject, by distributing the report of the board who 
examined and adjudicated on the models. To save mariners 
from dangers on the shore, greater indeed, than they en- 
counter at sea, he built, at the cost of £8,000 ** The Sailors* 
Home," at North Shields, in which provision is made both 
for the temporal and spiritual wants of the inmates. 

His travels in the east imbued him with a taste for anti* 
quarian researches, which remained with him till the close of 
his life ; and soon after he became duke, he directed attention 
to the exploration of the antiquities of the north of England. 
At his expense^ surveys were made of the Roman Wall, of 
Roman roads, and of ancient camps in the north, and 
researches by excavations into Roman camps, and into ancient 
British strongholds and sepulchres in Northumberland. 

The great work of his life, however, was the restoration of 
Alnwick Castle ; and in this he followed the example of his 
grandfather, who, a century before, reconstructed and to a 
considerable extent rebuilt the old Percy castle, in the pseudo 
Gothic style of his age ; a style offensive to the taste of the 
present generation of critics. Ten years had Algernon, duke 
of Northumberland spent in this work^ which was nearly 



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S68 HISTOBT OF ALMWICK. 

completed, when he died. Successful generally has been the 
restoration of the exterior, which recalls the memories of bye- 
past times, and which an old Percy, were he again to re-appear^ 
might recognise as the brave old fortress, where he had occa- 
sionally resided and trained his vassals ; he would, however, 
be lost when he entered within, and gazed on the elaborate 
Italian carved wood work, blazing with gold and gay with 
colouring. Tet these rooms, thus adorned, impress beholders 
by their richness and magnificence. The cost of these 
restorations has been estimated at three hundred thousand 
pounds. 

Generally, the duke acted with wisdom and generosity to the 
town. His parks were open to the public two days a week, 
and his gardens part of another day. He aided the Board of 
Health to carry out schemes for improving the sanitary con- 
dition of the town ; and this was fortunate, for without his 
hearty co-operation the work would have been difficult, as 
much of the land in the district belonged to him. His 
appreciation of sanitary appliances was shewn, in bringing, 
sometimes from a considerable distance, pure water into 
several villages on his estate. In some matters he was 
influenced by the prejudices of his order, so that the treatment 
of the railway question was scarcely in accordance with his 
general character, and more like what might have been ex- 
pected from his less liberal-minded predecessor. Northum- 
berland is far behind the other parts of the kingdom in 
railway accommodation ; there is no railway in the county 
westward of Alnwick, and all the distance from Alnwick to 
the Border has to be traversed by the slow means of a former 
age. A railroad through that district is a necessity of the 
times. Acting for the town, the Board of Health attempted 
to form a scheme for a railway to pass from Alnwick, through 
Wooler, and on to the Border; but their efforts failed, chiefly 
because the duke was hostile to a railway passing up the valley 
of the Aln, inasmuch as it would traverse a portion of Holn 
Park, though it would not have been nearer to his castle than 
about half a mile. Nature has there cut through the great 
hill between Alnwick and the west, and scooped out a line for 
a railway. In consequence of this failure, a railway from 
the Borders and Wooler, will pass by Rothbury and onward to 
Scotch Gap, and thus divert an important traffic from the town 
of Alnwick. Since his deach,it has been said on goodauthority 
that he would have agreed to a line through the park and 
up the valley of the Aln, provided the people of Alnwick had 



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THB SMITH80NS. S69 

giren up tkeit ancient rights and privileges connected with 
the great north road and the Pasture, which had from time 
immemorial been in eSect the people's park. To another 
important change in Alnwick he was, however, a consenting 
party ; he agreed to g^ve up a part of his manorial claims 
over Alnwick Moor, on condition of receiving from the free* 
men two hundered and fifty seven acres of their land. 

Eighteen years, Algernon enjoyed the dukedom; but in 
the latter period of his life he was sadly afflicted by gout 
While the country around was covered with snow, he fell a 
victim to this disease, and died on Sunday mornings February 
l«th, 1865, at Alnwick Castle. 

Though the duke had passed beyond the three score and 
ten allotted to man, we cannot but feel sorrowful, that he 
should have been taken away before he had completed the 
works he had undertaken, and enjoyed something of the fruit 
of his anxieties and labour. Much still remained to be done on 
his estates^ to bring the cottages and dwellings of workmen 
into a proper sanitary condition. His great castle was nearly 
finished ; yet he saw not the triumphant end of his work. 
So is it, however, with other actors in large schemes — ^many 
sow who never reap ; yet it is a blessing that we are so con- 
stituted, that there is frequently more enjoyment in the 
pursuit of an object than in its possession. 

Deeply lamented was the death of the duke in the county ; 
and it created a sensation even in other parts of the country. 
He was known to fame ; for his charitable acts, his good deeds, 
liis architectural achievements, his archaeological surveys had 
been fully recorded in the chronicles of the day, as they were 
in progress. 

The duke lived more at Alnwick than any of his prede* 
eessors; he seemed attached to his northern home. His 
early life as a sailor, his experience as a traveller, and his 
intercourse with learned and scientific men, had not only 
liberalised his mind, but given freedom to his manner. Less 
formal and stately than former dukes, he mingled more with 
the people on his estates, many of whom, in consequence, felt 
towards him strong personal attachment. Yet had he a ling- 
ering feeling towards old feudal times, when the baron was 
the chief among his vassals. The restored castle is a reflex of 
his mind ; thete we have a combination of the old feudal 
fortress with the modern palace. Largely did he give in 
charity, and in support of modem schemes to benefit humanity; 
but he gave as h ohieftain — the schemes were his own or 



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•STO HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

essentially modified by him ; and most of them were for the 
districts over which he was lord. He seemed, however, to 
regard himself as the steward of a great estate, for the 
management of which he was responsible. And this feeling 
is spreading among the dominant families in Britain ; and 
well for themselves it is so ; for the wise and generous use 
of the great powers with which they are entrusted, will 
command respect, which long lines of ancestors, a galaxy 
of heraldry, or even vast territorial possessions would fail 
to secure. 

His body lay in state for two days at Alnwick Castle ; and 
it was conducted out of the town, and interred in Westminster 
Abbey with stately ceremonies, similar to those with which 
his brother's remains were honoured. 

The third and fourth dukes appear to have been strongly 
inclined to maintain and extend the territorial greatness of 
their family. By a settlement made in 1817, what are called 
the female baronies including the manors of Tynemouth^ 
Newburn^ Frudhoe, and Barrasford, worth it is said about 
£40,000 yearly, would have passed to the duke of Athol ; but 
his reversionary interest was purchased, so that the Northum- 
berland estates might descend without diminution to the 
succeeding lords. New lands were also purcl^ased of the 
value of about £500,000. Through the will of Algernon the 
fourth duke and through earlier settlements, the whole of the 
vast possessions of the deceased duke became the inheritance 
of the earl of Beverley, the heir to the dukedom, chained 
only with the payment of annuities to the dowager duchess. 
.This will presents a contrast to that of the fourth earl of 
Northumberland ; for in it are no bequests or legacies to any 
other branch of his family, nor to any of his friends or 
servants, nor to public or charitable institutions. The 
Beverley estates do not, however, swell those of the dukedom ; 
^ for it was directed by will, that if ever the earldom of 
Beverley should be united to the dukedom of Northumber- 
land, the Beverley estates, worth about £12,000 a year, 
should go to the next younger male branch of the fomily ; 
and hence they would pass to a clergyman, the son of the late 
Bishop Percy of Carlisle. 

GEOBQB, FIFTH DUKE OF NOBTHUMBEELAND. 

Algernon, the fourth duke, being the last male descendant 
of Hugh, the eldest son of the first duke, the succession to the 



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THE SMITHSONS. 



871 



barony of Alnwick and to the dukedom passed to the descen- 
dant of Algernon his second son^ who on the death of 
his father became Lord Lovaine. On November 2nd, 1798 
he was created earl of Beverley, and he died on October 21st, 
1830. George Percy, his sou, then succeeded him as earl of 
Beverley ; and on the death of the fourth duke on February 
12th, 1865, he became duke of Northumberland. He was 
born on June 22nd, 1778, and he married on September 26th, 
1801, Louisa, third daughter of the Hon. A. Stuart Wortley. 
His eldest surviving son, Algernon George Percy, now 
Earl Percy and Lord Lovaine, was born May 6th, 1810 ; he, 
in 1845, married Louisa daughter of Henry Drummond of 
Albury Park, Esq. ; they have two sons Henry George Percy, 
Lord Warkworth, bom May 20th, 1846, and Algernon Mal- 
colm Arthur^ who was bom October 2nd, 1851. 





FIG. 45. — PEKK0KCELLE8 OF BFJfRY ALGEBNON PEKCY, SIXTH BABL 
OF NOBTHrMBERLAND. 



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CHAPTER XX. 

ALNWIOK OASTLK* 

For more than seven hundred summers the sun has glittered 
upon the walls and towers of Alnwick Castle^ ripening patches 
of their masonry to an amber-grey tint, and casting great 
shadows in the courts within, without much change having 
occurred to its original configuration. There are still frag- 
ments existing of a massive Norman fabric, in positions which 
prove that the keep must have occupied the site of that now 
standing, and have consisted of towers grouped around an 
inner court as at the present day, and that the line of circum- 
vallation must have been, in some places at least, identical 
with what we now see. These remains are the ponderous 
ribbed archway leading into the inner court, having a semi- 
circular arch 9ft. 2in. wide ; at each end enriched with a 
double row of Norman zig-zag ornament, and a label in which 
every stone forms a separate compartment of diaper work of 
different patterns ; and portions of the curtain wall, easily 
distinguishable by the character of its masonry, each course 
being uniform and each stone being small, and though ori- 
ginally square, now so much worn as to appear to be almost 
round. Buried several feet below the surface of the soil, we 
have further evidence of the similarity of the dimensions of 
the earliest structure with the present, in tha low retaining 
wall of the Norman fosse, which was uncovered when pre- 
paring the foundations of the new Prudhoe Tower, and was 
observed to follow nearly the same curve as would be required 
to enclose the existing group of buildings. There are castles 
in Normandy having considerable resemblance to this con- 
figuration, and occupying corresponding positions in reference 
to the adjoining towns, showing that although very clever 

* I am indebted to Mr. Fred. R. Wilson, architect, for thie deBcription of 
Alnwick Cutler 



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THE CASTLB. S78 

adaptotions were made to suit sites in particular instances, there 
was a general system developed and pursued by the Norman 
conquerors in military as in ecclesiastical architecture. The 
town of Coucy, in the department of Aisne, occupies a position 
with reference to the castle of the proud lords de Coucy, 
curiously identical with that of Alnwick to the stronghold of 
the De Vescys. 

The castle retains more extensive remains of the additions 
effected by the first Percy, lord of Alnwick. He appears to 
have compassed and commenced, although he may not have 
lived to complete, a general scheme of converting the Norman 
fortress into the more complicated stronghold, demanded by 
the improvements made in Edwardian times in the modes of 
attack. He built a new entrance between two polygonal 
towers, which he additionally defended by a crenelated bar- 
bican furnished with turrets at its most advanced points, 
from which the besieged could defend the gateway, a middle 
gatehouse dividing the area within the enceinteinto two wards; 
and proceeding along the curtain wall, which he may have 
extended in some portions, he added parapets and placed 
stiong towers at short intervals, each capable of separate de- 
fence. He strengthened the Norman entrance into the inner 
court of the keep, by building a three storied polygonal tower 
on either side of it, and rebuilt some portions of the keep, 
including that length of it which contains the graceful lancet- 
headed arcaded draw-well. Within the gateway towers one on 
either hand, he provided two dungeons for prisoners. These 
are small cells about ten feet square lighted by *^ archieres,'' 
entered by narrow passages through shoulder headed doorways, 
having gratings inserted in their floorings, down which 
prisoners were lowered to dark subterranean prisons, nine 
feet long by eight feet, having no other approach. On most 
of the merlons of his towers he placed stone figures of warriors 
(whole and half length) in the armour of the period, in atti- 
tudes suggestive of defence, to confuse assailants ; and that 
they were likely to answer his purpose there was evidence 
lately,in the difficulty of distinguishing these figures from those 
of the numerous workmen who were employed at the same 
elevations. In the recent alterations, the dining-hall of this 
baron, or of his immediate sucessors, was discovered beneath a 
veil of profuse ornamentation in plaster work, with which it 
was modernised in the last century. Rather less than half 
across its length the mark of the dais was observable, 
and at the superior end there was a curious recess which was 



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S74 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

probably formed for the dressmVy a piece of furniture now only 
made in common materials for the array of kitchen wares^ but 
formerly placed in the reception chamber for the display of plate 
and costly articles of ceramic ware. This recess was finished 
with a hood moulding having a lion's claw as a termination; 
and by the side of it was a small niche with a hollowed shelf and 
drain from .it, like a piscina. As if to enable us to realize 
more vividly the ancient hall, the hooks were left in the wall 
by which tapestry was formerly suspended to cover the bare 
ashler wall-work. At one side of the room, too, there was 
a door communicating with a staircase leading to a floor 
above ; and at the lower end was the principal staircase of 
approach to the hall from the court. Unfortunately it was 
decided that the ravages which time and intermediate altera- 
tions had made to this interesting chamber, were too considera- 
ble to admit of repair; and all its leading features were* 
demolished. The large rib- vaulted chamber beneath the hall 
was, however, preserved, and the staircase turret projecting 
from the round tower at one end of the hall was rebuilt stone 
for stone. 

A later lord of Alnwick, the son of Hotspur, has also left 
indications of a comprehensive repair of the castle; and 
several buildings taken down in the alterations of a century 
ago, making provision for the accommodation of more men 
and horses than could have been housed in the first instance^ 
may have been among his additions. 

The most material transformation, however, that the castle 
suffered since the first Percy lord came into possession, must 
have been that effected by the first duke of Northumberland 
about a century ago. The belt, of towers and intermediate 
curtain walls forming the keep — ^with the exception of that 
containing the Percy dining hall just mentioned, the poly- 
gonal towers at the entrance with the Norman gateway 
attached to them, and the middle gate-house — were taken 
down and rebuilt, so as to form one vast suite of apartments 
on the first or principal floor, in which most of the rooms 
opened out of one another, and which was approached by a 
large fan-shaped staircase occupying the whole of one tower. 
The various isolated buildings, amongst which was a chapel 
in the inner bailey, were removed and the moats filled. The 
stone figures on the parapets were multiplied. Three of the 
towers on the curtain wall were rebuilt, and the site of one 
that had fallen filled up by a length of walling ; and a long 
line of new offices was built outside the southern portion of the 



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THE CASTLB. 876 

line of ciTCumvallation. Where in old times a curtain wall 
extended from the keep to the middle gate-house, to divide 
the ground within the enceinte into two wards, a wing of 
buildings was erected which to some extent made a commu- 
nication between the keep and the new line of offices. The 
severe and irregular fenestration of the Edwardian builders 
was supplanted by tiers of larger window openings, of what 
we should now call a theatrical character; the mediaeval 
intention of the building as a fortress, and the capabilities of 
the style bein^ lost sight of, in the design of converting it into 
a modern nobleman's mansion. The principal suite of apart- 
ments, consisting of saloon, drawing-room, dining-room, 
breakfast-room, library, chapel, and state bed-chambeis, was 
decorated in the most profuse manner with plaster moulding 
and fan-tracery, in imitation of the ornamentation of the most 
florid period of Gothic architecture. This was, however, the 
fashion of the day; and the new works were considered 
superb and lauded to the skies. 

The extensive alterations, which have just now been com- 
pleted, were commenced by Algernon, fourth duke of North- 
umberland, in October, 1854. The leading idea followed out 
in their scheme was the external restoration of the mediaeval 
character of the pile, combined with the erection of a central 
mass that was to give additional height, size, and dimity to it. 
This involved the removal of the work effected m the last 
century, which, being of no great interest, was to be supplanted 
by an arrangement embracing, in the interior, the artistic 
elegance of a cinque-cento Roman palazzo, with the various 
luxuries and contrivances demanded by the nineteenth cen- 
tury cultivation. The idea of preserving the medieeval 
interest of the structure was not, however, strictly carried 
out in detail, as two of the ancient towers on the wall, 
the Edwardian Falconer's and Armourer's Towers, with 
Norman curtain walls between, were taken down to give 
better views from the windows of the new Prudhoe Keep 
Tower ; as we have seen, the Percy Dining Hall was not 
preserved; every window the first duke put in was re- 
moved; and most of the additional figures with which 
he peopled the parapets were taken down. The Italian 
portion of the scheme, however, was worked out in its 
integrity. A congress held at the castle, presided over by the 
late duke, at wUch the Roman antiquary Commendatore 
Canina, Signer Montiroli, architect, and the English professors 
of architecture Messrs. Cockerell and Donaldson, attended. 



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876 HISTORY OP ALNWICK. 

discussed the varioas artistic difficulties, including the anomaly 
of a building being externally English and internally Roman. 
The professors urged'^that the walls of the Percy stronghold 
should represent the deeds of the race, a recommendation that 
has been to some extent adopted ; but in other respects they 
countenanced the general scheme ; and Professor Donaldson 
undertook to bring this phase of foreign art, held by the late 
duke of Northumberland to be a matter of national importance, 
under the notice of the Royal Institute of British Architects. 
Meanwhile, an Italian sculptor in wood, Signor Bulletti, from 
Florence, recommended for the work by Cardinal Antonelli, 
commenced, in a studio fitted up for him in the castle, 
the work of carving the profusion of Italian ornament required 
for the proposed decoration, and, assisted by a staff of English 
and Scottish carvers, was for several years engaged upon it. 
The work executed by them is a marvel of delicacy and finish ; 
an excellence that is most apparent, perhaps, in the walnut 
and pine wood carvings of the state dining-room, which are 
not coloured and gilded like those in other apartments. Some 
of the panels of the window shutters in the drawing-room 
9ft. 4in. by 2ft. 3in., occupied one man a year in their 
production. A second studio was established, in which the 
plaster decorations of some of the state bed-chambers and 
private apartments were modelled and cast ; and, besides this, 
an evening drawing school was instituted by the duke, for the 
improvement of such of the employes as chose to avail them- 
selves of it, for a time investing the castle with much of the 
character of a school of art. When the progress of the new 
works was at its height there were three hundred artizans 
employed. 

There were several curious discoveries made in the prosecu- 
tion of the works. When the fosse was excavated, part of 
the mediseval metal bit of a horse was found, as well as a 
triple iron spiked claw intended to lame horses. And when 
one of the towers built by the first duke was taken down to 
make room for the Prudhoe Tower, a corked black glass 
bottle was found built up in the masonry, containing 
a piece of parchment on which was written — " This castle 
was built by Matthew and Thomas Mills, master masons, 
in the year 1764." Besides the bottle, there were pieces of 
Norman and mediaeval stone work built in — such as the lancet 
and shoulder heads, sills, jaumbs, muUions, and caps of 
fttident windows, lengths Of mouldiiig, a stone half-length 
figure, &C.5 proving that these masons used uj^ the materials 



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THE CASTLE. 877 

of a former structure, which it is not improbable they had 
pulled down. There were also many metal articles such as 
an old saw, chisels, numerous keys, several coins, and a 
quantity of the bones of animals found. 

Another relic was discovered enclosed in the marble monu- 
mental sarcophagus erected in the chapel, to the memory of 
Elizabeth duchess of Northumberland. This was a packet of 
letters from her grace to her husband, specimens of several 
silver coins, struck in honor of the restoration of the castle 
effected by them, intaglio portraits of both duke and duchess 
of the size adapted for rings or seals, and some silver coinage 
of the reign of Qeorge II. The letters powdeted away as they 
were lifted up, mere fragments remaining in the hands of 
those who made the discovery ; but all that could be removed, 
with the coins and portraits, were carefully preserved. 

The space enclosed by the castle wall may be compared to 
an irregular three sided figure, the line of curtain being 
broken by the projections and recesses formed by the towers 
and garrets upon it. Near the centre of the northern 
frontage of this rude triangle stands the belt of towers form- 
ing the keep, the new Prudhoe Keep-tower with its flag 
turret rising conspicuously above the rest. From this frontage 
the ground slopes rapidly down to the plateau by the river's 
edge, which, artificially widened at this point, flows placidly 
through pastures dappled with kine. The southern frontage 
of the castle would overlook the town, but for the inter- 
vening blocks of offices, and a high mound recently thrown 
up to exclude this view. By reference to Plate IX., it will 
be seen that to approach the state apartments it is neces- 
sary to enter the castle at the Barbican and principal 
Ste-house on the west side, and thence to traverse the outer 
iley in the direction of the middle gate-house, the gate pf 
which the visitor must also pass through, before he finds 
himself in si^ht of the Norman gateway leading into the 
inner court, m which is situated the entrance to the keep. 
It is impossible not to be charmed with the old-world air of 
all around ; with the grey curtain wall and its wind-bleached 
towers shutting out the world of to day; the gallant keep; the 
four ancient rib-vaulted gateways, one to be traversed to gain 
the other ; the parapets with square blue patches of sky be- 
tween, still showing the bolt holes for the wooden shutters, 
with which the square blue patches of sky were blocked out in 
times of peril ; the worn figures looking down from the towers ; 
the masterly, we might almost say loving, transition from 

Sc 



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S78 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

rounds and pointed^ and segmental arclies, to round and 
pointed and segmental arches again ; the long narrow arehieres 
or arrow ftlits ; the barbed cross-bow slits ; the portcullises ; 
the quaint projections^ here splayed^ there corbelled ; the traces 
of the houardsy the wooden armour with which the castle was 
girded for the fight ; the heraldic sculptures ; the shadowy 
recesses ; the old mellowed masonry of the Normans and the 
grey stonework of the Edwardian builders^ albeit these latter 
bring into unwelcome relief the cold^ hard^ stiff style of the 
Georgian era, and point oni too unerringly the additions of 
the last decade. 

In the inner court one of the features in the recent improve* 
ments will be observed. This is a corridor running round 
part of the court on piers and corbels, formed to afford separate 
access to the state apartments, which, as we have mentioned, 
were formerly without this convenience: A large double 
porch, the outer one of which admits carriages so that their 
occupants may be set down under cover, indicates the entrance. 
Both the outer and inner porch are mediaeval in character, 
having wrought stone semi-circular arches and groinings with 
chamfered ribs ; but on passing through these the visitor steps 
into the interior of a Roman palace. The scheme of the 
Italian decorations required that the entrance should be 
treated with simplicity, and a gradual enrichment take place 
till it culminated in the principal state chambers. Accord* 
ingly, we find the walls of the entrance-hall to be plain 
masonry, technically known as dressed and rubbed ashlar work, 
and the pavement to be of the stone of the county. An inner 
hall, giving access to the grand staircase, shows the first sight 
of the gorgeous ornamentation we are gradually approaching. 
This chamber is somewhat richer than the last, the walls and 
ceilings being panelled. 

The staircase is a fine feature in the interior. Each step 
is wrought of clear white Rothbury stone and is twelve feet 
long ; and the landing stage is in one stooe twelve feet square. 
The walls are also panelled with marbles and stuccoes, and 
the ceiling is vaulted in stucco work and picked out with 
cream tints and gold. The staircase terminates in a sort of 
loggia, a vestibule thirty feet square, of which one side con- 
sists of an open arcade looking down upon the staircase. 
This is called the Ouard Chamber. The flooring is composed 
of a Venetian mosaic pavement of small nieces of variegated 
marbles, and the ceiling is panelled ; and in the deep mem 
are subjects connected with Chevy Chase painted by Herr 
Gotzenberg. 



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THE CASTLE. 379 

From this thoroughly Raphaelesque apartment depart 
corridors right and left^ in which the chapel, state bed- 
chambers, and private apartments are situated; it also 
affords access to a gorgeous ante-room twenty two feet square, 
the ceiling of which, panelled into a large octagon centre-piece, 
is elaborately carved in wood and resplendent with gold and 
colour. On the left hand of this chamber is the great library 
which is lyithin the walls of the new Prudhoe Tower ; ana 
on the right the saloon, drawing-room, and dining-room. 
It may, thus, be briefly stated that there are on this floor 
two staircases besides the grand staircase, eighteen chambers, 
besides the gallery of the chapel, ten of which are in the ring 
of towers composing the keep, one over the Norman gateway, 
two in the polygonal towers adjoining, and five in a wiug of 
building connecting the keep with the middle gate-house and 
the range of kitchen ofiices, the site of which was, in old 
times, occupied by a length of curtain wall. The ceilings of five 
of these apartments are superbly carved, coloured, and gilded ; 
a sixth is carved but uncoloured ; eight present Italian designs 
in plaster-work ; and another, now called the breakfast-room, 
retains the decorations of a century ago. 

The library is a large oblong apartment fifty four feet long 
by twentv four feet wide, having a bay in the centre at right 
angles with it, twenty four feet wide by sixteen feet long, thus 
following the contour of the Prudhoe Tower. This form 
admits of the division of the ceiling, by means of panelled 
beams, into four large square compartments, three of which 
are in the principal part of the chamber, and the fourth in 
the large bay or recess mentioned. In the centre of each of 
these compartments is an octagonal coffered panel, having a 
carved device allegorical of the arts and sciences relieved 
boldly from it. The same set of colours exquisitely toned by 
subtle mixtures, is used throughout the decorations with a 
most harmonious result, a variety bein^ obtained bv a promi- 
nence given to different tints in each chamber. Thus in the 
library, though there are many positive as well as neutral 
colours used, there is an impression made on the eye of the 
predominance of a subdued blue as a background for the 
gilded carvings. Two tiers of book-cases lining the walls, 
the light gallery running along the upper one being 
approached by a staircase in the thickness of one of the walls, 
and three fire-places of coloured marble, give an air of a literary 
sanctuary, at once suf^estive of quiet, repose, and luxurious 
comfort. 



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880 HtSTORT OP ALNWICK. 

The saloon is of a different form to the library, and of some* 
l¥hat smaller extent, being forty-two feet long by twenty-two 
wide ; the bay which occupies one of the circular towers is 
finished internally to the form of a semi-KX^tagon, having 
canted angles at the points of contact with the main portions 
of the chamber, making the room here thirty-six feet broad. 
The ceiling, friezes, chimney-pieces, window shutters, doors, 
and dados of this apartment present further specimens of the 
sumptuousness of cinque-cento decorations. Carmine and 
ultra-marine are the predominant tinto in the ceiling, although, 
as we before mentioned, all the other colours throughout the 
ornamentation are present. The design was suggested by 
decorations in St. Peter's, Rome. The chimney-piece was 
executed in the eternal city. Two caryatides representing 
Roman slaves executed by Signer Nucci, support the corniced 
shelf. A deep frieze, painted on canvas by Signor Mantovani, 
runs round the room between the cornice and the architrave, 
and at the base of the walls is a walnut and maple inlaid 
skirting or dado, three feet high. 

In the drawing-room ceiling the gilded carvings are seen 
against a gorgeous, and, at the same time, harmonious back- 
ground, in which orange and ^een are used on larger surfaces 
than the other colours. The shelf of the white Carrara marble 
chimney-piece in this room, also of Roman workmanship, is 
supported on either side of the fire-place bjr a female figure 
copied from the antique canephoree. The fheze, like that in 
the saloon, is of a design consisting of nude boys and festooned 
conventional ornaments, but it differs from it more markedly 
in the colour of the back-groimd — ^that in the saloon being of 
a deep red— this of an ultra-marine blue colour. It is under- 
stood that the friezes by Guilio Romano in the commendante's 
apartments in the castle of St. Angelo, have furnished the 
theme of these. The form of this room is polygonal ter- 
minating in a semi-octagon at each end, and having a semi- 
octagon projecting from the centre of one of its sides, and it 
is forty-six feet long by thirty-four feet wide at its broadest 
point. The wall damasks and the rich carpets were designed 
in reference to their several destinations. 

The dining room, sixty-feet long by twenty-four feet broad 
and about twenty-four feet high, covers part of the site of the 
ancient hall and extends beyond it. It is of a rectangular 
form having a projection, within the contour of the 
To\md tower at one end of it, which forms a conve- 
nient recess in the service of a state dinner. The marble 



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TfiS CA8TLS. 881 

chimney'^ieoe in this room is a large and splendid work 
of the sculptor's art, displaying the arms of the late duke and 
duchess Eleanor in the centre of the frieze, and is supported 
on one side by the figure of a £Etwn and on the other by a bac- 
chante. The cofiered ceilinfl^the design of which is taken 
from one existing in the basiuca of San Lorenzo, outside the 
walls of Rome— Sie cornice, friease, and architrave are all in rich 
pine wood earrings and mouldings, with cedar panels for the 
back ground left in the natural colour of the wood employed. 
The dado is in walnut with yery richly and minutely carved 
panels. The room adjoining this truly ducal apartment is 
the breakfast room^ the sole relic of the works so much ap- 
plauded in the days of Horace Walpole, Beckford, Batty, 
Lanffley, and thdur contemporaries. 

The chapel is of considerable interest It was here that, 
during the progress of the works, English and Italian art met 
face to face with all likelihood of bemg difficult to reconcile. 
We have seen that the medieval character of the building 
was left behind as the visitor piassed through the porch ; but 
here, in the stone*groined roof and lancet windows it came 
into close contact. It was resolved^ however, to employ 
Italian art in medieval decorations, and accordingly it will 
be perceived that the compartments in the £eiscie, at the base 
of the windows, are similar in character to some of the most 
valuable specimensof opcf« Alexandrum — ^foreign mosaic work 
placed by early abbots round the shrine of Edward the Con- 
fessor, in Westminster Abbey. The Chapel is oblong with a 
semi-octagonal apsidal end. The ^ound floor, devoted to 
the seats for domestics, measures thirty-two feet by eighteen 
feet. It is liffhted by five lancet windows. The gallery, 
intended for the ducal family and their guests, is on a level 
with the floor of the state apartments, and being recessed back 
with a continuation of the groined roof, the total length is 
increased to forty six feet. 

Proceeding along the corridor on this side of the vestibule, 
after passing one of the smaller staircases, we come to the set 
of state bed-rooms and dressing-rooms, and the suite of pri- 
vate apartments of the ducal owners. Each of the state 
bed-chambers occupies a semi-circular tower measuring twenty 
seven feet in length and eighteen feet in width respectively, 
and is provided with an exquisitelv finished dressing-room ; 
the first of which is hexagonal in form and the second octa- 
gonal, subject, however, to the exigencies of the external 
form, which causes it to assume a rectangular form at one end 



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38S HISTOBY OP ALNWICK. 

beyond the boundary of the octagonal panelling of the ceiling. 
All these chambers are luxuriously fitted and furnished. 

Continuing our route past a second best staircase, affording 
convenient access from this part of the castle to the court 
below, and in the wing extending from the keep over the 
middle gateway to the block of offices, we come to an elegant 
apartment called the duchess's boudoir. This measures 
twenty-four feet in length by twenty feet in breadth, except 
where an obtuse triangular, recess increases the breadth to 
twenty-six feet. It has a carved pine- wood flat coffered ceiling, 
coloured and gilded like those in the state apartments, the 
design of which was taken from the Camera Borgia in the 
Vatican. This room in its artistic sumptuousness of chimney- 
piece, damasks, dados, doors, carpets, and fittings, might be 
compared to a casket of jewels, in which every article has 
been considered with reference to its close association with 
the rank of its owner. Adjoining it is the duchess's dressing- 
room, twenty feet by seventeen feet, scarcely less eleffant in 
its general effect ; and beyond this, again, is the famuy bed- 
chamber, twenty feet square, opening on the other side 
into the duke's dressing-room, twenty feet by eighteen feet, 
which in its turn has communication with the duke's sitting- 
room , twenty-two feet by twenty feet. The consummate 
manner in which the various irregular forms of the different 
chambers, not two of which are alike, have been blended into 
the separate designs for the superb ceilings, all geometrical 
in their general character, is as remarkable as their exquisite 
colouring. All these chambers have been treated as works of 
decoiative art, forming part of the scheme of a Boman palatial 
interior, and are well worthy of study. 

The fenestration requires a word of explanation. The ex- 
ternally cusped and arched windows, which light the grand 
staircase from the inner court, are transformed within to a 
more Italian character, having semi-circular heads. The 
library, saloon, drawing-room, and dining-room windows, are 
also altered within to harmonize with the cinque cento decora- 
tior.s. Those of the chambers south of the Prudhoe Tower 
are, however, all left cusped or shoulder headed or lancet 
bonded as the case may be. The state bed-chambers are 
furnished with .double frames and glazing, the outer frame 
work being of copper — the inner of oak. 

The Prudhoe Tower has two chamber floors above these 
apartments, which contain additional suites of bed-rooms and 
dressing-rooms furnished with every sanitary appliance ; and 
in the flag tower there is an altitude of two more chambers. 



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THE CASTLE. 883 

The grand staircase and that portion of the corridors in the 
neighbourhood of the chief state apartments are warmed by 
a hot apparatus by Price and Co.^ placed in the basement of 
the Prudhoe Tower. Further along towards the private apart- 
ments a gill stove by Stuart and Smithy of ShefBeld^ is placed 
at the bottom of the second entrance staircase^ the heat from 
which ascends and warms that portion of it. A fourth con- 
trivance, consisting of pipes heated by steam, proceeds from 
the kitchens and heats the corridor communicating with the 
family suite of apartments. 

On the ground floor, on a level with the entrance hall, 
are the various chambers required by the principal domestics 
of the household, properly classified, viz. ; the room for footmen 
in waiting, under the saloon contiguous to the main entrance ; 
the housekeeper's-room, the walls of which are lined with 
oak presses for linen ,* the still-room, fitted with all the latest 
culinary contrivances ; and the housemaid's-room, all en suite 
under the great library in the Prudhoe Tower ; the groom of 
the chambers' rooms ; the comptroller of the household's 
rooms ; bath-room, lamp-room, brushing-rooms, and footmen's 
rooms. Here, -too, arranged with special reference to the 
service of the dinner, are the butler's pantries, consisting of 
plate-closet, and glass and plate-pantries. These are im- 
mediately below the drawing-room, and consequently adjoin- 
ing the large vaulted chamber below the present dining-room, 
which is now used as vrine cellars and cellaret. Between the 
pantries and this noble Edwardian vault rises a circular stair- 
case to a small lobby, close to the dining-room door, by which 
means, and the contrivance of a lift, all the service of the 
butler's department is ordered in the most systematic and 
efficient manner. 

In the new block of kitchens, &c., the baronial idea, only, 
finds expression. Although every known modem contrivance 
has been adopted likely to perfect each domestic arrangement, 
fluch as lifts, steam tables, the various culinary mechanical 

Sieces in the way of gas and charcoal stoves, as well as the 
uge open fire, consuming a ton of coals at every replenish- 
ment, it is not possible to be unimpressed with the really 
mediseval proportions and effect of this part of the new works. 
The brass and steel hydraulic roasting jack, with its huge 
medieval oak and brass lined screen, might be a relic of the 
thirteenth century. The walls of the kitchea with scallery 
and ^try are of cbressed ashlar. The principal kitchen, which 
is thirty-four feet square, has a groined roof which rises to a 



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884 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

height of forty feet and then takes a lantern form, as at the* 
chateau of Montreuil Bellay, the abbeys of Fontevrault, St. 
Pierre de Chartres, and Marmontier ^ the palace of the dukes 
of Bourgogne at Dijon, and the papal palace at Avignon. 
The service of the mnner from this department is facilitated 
by means of a lift, twenty-seven feet in height, which raises 
the various dishes to a small chamber provided for the pur- 
pose at the south-east end of the corridor on the principal 
floor, whence a train of servitors place them on the dining 
table in due order. The cook, as clerk of the kitchen, has 
an office in this group of buildings and the completeness, thus 
indicated, is still more perfected with separate larders for 
cold meat, stock, fish, and game. These are all on one level 
to avoid unnecessary labour and accident, and are furnished 
with every requirement such as marble slabs, tiles, streams of 
running water, &c. Below the kitchens, furnished with a 
coal lift, is a vast vaulted receptacle for coals, and others for 
charcoal and wood, and a plucking room. Here, too, are a 
large steam boiler, and the hydraulic apparatus for the dinner 
lifts. Above this suite of buildings is a set of bed-chambers 
for the kitchen servants. Perhaps in no part of the castle 
has so much change been effected as in the kitchens. The first 
Percy lord of Alnwick, built his kitchens in the keep adjoining 
his dining hall. The first duke banished these to a site 
fringing the line of curtain wall, and cut them off from all 
communication with the keep by means of the middle gate* 
tower, through the archway of which every dish destined for 
the dming table had to be carried in all weathers. The late 
duke retained and extended the last mentioned site, but 
formed an in-door route. 

The towers in the line of circumvallation will have more 
interest for some minds than those of the keep, as many of 
them are the workis of the first Percy, lord of Alnwick. The 
Barbican is a lesson in medieval warfare. It covers an area 
about fifty-fiye feet in length and thirty two feet in width. 
Should the besiegers have succeeded in crossing the moat 
and passing through the ribbed-gateway, which is some fifteen 
feet long and protected. by two turrets, tibey would have found 
themselves in a small open court, surrounded on three sides 
by galleriesin thethicknessof the walls fortified by double para- 
pets ; with another bridge drawn up befi)re them ; and with 
the massive and closed entrance of the gate-house protected by 
portcullis and its parapet, and those on the gate-house towers 
bristling with armed men. From the galleries mentioned 



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THE CASTLE. 885 

the besieged would harass them by every device in their 
power, such as throwing missiles on their heads and swinging 
great bundles of flax, (Upped in pitch and sulphur and set on 
fire, in their faces. Besides this, the besieged would make 
every effort to cut off their retreat. There is, however, no 
evidence that besiegers ever tried so forlorn an experi- 
ment. The Percy lion and the motto Esperanee are sculp- 
tured over the entrance. The upper rooms in the gate-house 
are approached by a new staircase, and are appropriated as 
bed-rooms for strangers* servants. The lower rooms serve as 
apartments for the gate-porter. 

Passing a garret on the line of wall we come to the Abbot's 
Tower, a fine Edwardian piece of architecture having a rib- 
vaulted chamber in the basement, and two floors above ap- 
proached by a turret staircase. The window openings on the 
ground floor are arrow slits, those above are muUioned or tran- 
somed lights with cusped or shoulder heads in recesses 
of the wall, which are not less than five feet in thickness. 
This tower is capped with battlements, having a turret at 
the north west comer. 

The razed Armourer's and Falconer's Towers were the next 
on the wall ; they have been supplanted by a square tower 
at the end of the shortened curtain wall. Passing along 
the new terrace wall, which has been erected at the base of 
the keep, we arrive at the postern or sally-port which is an 
ancient tower. A flight of steps descends to the basement 
vaulted chamber, from which the sally-port communicated 
with the grounds outride the castle. Here is a curious stair- 
case in the walls, and an example of a latrine in one of the 
external walls, the stone shoots or drains of which discharge 
into the ditch without. This tower is now occupied as a 
museum for British and Roman antiquities. 

The next in succession to this is the Constable's Tower. 
There are three external entrances to it, one in each floor. 
There is also an internal newel turret staircase leading to the 
roof which terminates in a gable turret on the parapet. This 
staircase is lighted by cross-bow openings ; but there is an 
exceedingly striking window on the second floor, consisting 
of a doubled transomed light, having an arched head with a 
cusped circle under a label. The great thickness of the wall 
within gives a deep recess, which is shoulder headed above 
and formed to give a stone seat on each side of it. This 
tower was left, both externally and internally, untouched by 
the first duke, as a specimen of the mediaeval arrangements 

3d 



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886 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

One of the diambers is called the armoury^ wherein the 
public are shown the collection of arms and accoutrements, 
used by the Percy Tenantry Corps in the beginning of the 
present century. 

Between this tower and the next there occurs a turreted 
projection upon the wall, built by the first duke, which is 
now called Hotspur's chair ; and close to this is a large patch 
of modem masonry which fills up what is still called the 
Bloody Gap — ^in reality the site of a ruined tower. 

The Record Tower is another of those biult by the first 
duke, and is fitted up in the same style as the rest of the 
works executed by that nobleman. The late duke deposited 
his collection of Egyptian antiquities in the upper floor, and 
it is now called the Egyptian Museum. On the ground floor 
the records are kept. 

Two garrets next occur ; then we reach the new Lion Gate- 
house, through which lies the road to the Castle Gardens or 
Bameyside. This consists of two polygonal towers, having 
small chambers in each on the ground floor, on either side of 
the gateway, with a staircase in one, affording convenient in- 
gress for thechoice productions of the castle gardens, and for ice 
from the adjoining ice well, and leading to the large chamber 
over the gateway fitted up as a confectionary. The other 
tower gives access to the extensive ale-cellars, built below the 
gatehouse. 

A recess of buildings containing a large servant's-hall on 
the ground floor, a steward's-room on the first floor, and bed- 
rooms above, brings us past the middle gate-house to the 
group of kitchen offices, adjoining which is the Caterer's 
Tower containing the butchery. We then come to a series of 
commissioner's, accountant's, clerk's, bailiff^s, and clerk of 
the work's ofiices, having another tower at the end of it, in 
which is the entrance to them,* and beyond this is the opening 
into a large quadrangular area occupied as a stable yard. 

In this quadrangle are stables, rooms for harness, forage &c., 
lining two sides of it, with bed-chambers for the coachmen, 
postifiions, and stablemen above ; and on the third side is a 
laxge coach-house, in the vicinity of which are the laundry 
and wash-houses replete with every modem contrivance. 

• Anciently a ooroer or ranne tower but called in modem tiroes the Water 
Tower, from the circnmetanoe of the tank that acts ae a rerarroii for the oaatie 
having been placed in it. It now containa the clock which has two fiMes and 
fiTe sonorous bells. 



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THB CASTLE. 887 

The wash-houses occupy the vaulted hasement. On one side 
of the stable-yard there is an opening into a second area^ 
through which is a carriage way into Bailiffgate. The second 
area has an opening into a third quadrangle^ containing a 
riding school, loose boxes, a farrier^s shop, &c., in separate 
divisions. 

The absence of one of the principal features in a baronial 
castle — the large banqueting-hall in which the knights, 
8quire8,^,and retainers of a former age were entertained, and 
in whidi their more peaceable representatives, the tenant 
farmers on a large estate, are wout to be feasted, may be 
remarked. The sumptuous piece of art-work, the new dining- 
room, would be out of the question for the banquets of the 
Percy retainers. Provision has been made, therefore, for 
the reception of this class of guests in a large building in the 
stable yard, which is, in the intervals between these festive 
occasions, used as a coach-house. This erection has an. open- 
timbered roof and is lighted by long lancet windows. Con- 
certs and theatrical entertainments have been given in it, 
when upwards of six hundred guests found accommodation. 

There are few persons who will require to be informed that 
these, as well as all the structural features of the new works, 
have been erected from the designs of Mr. Salvin. The 
writer acknowledges with pleasure, his own association as 
the resident architect with both the English and Italian por- 
tions of the work, from their commencement and during the 
first five years of their progress. 

It has been^so much the mode, in the last two centuries, 
for nobles to desert the grand remains of feudal times, and 
build for themselves Italian looking palaces or villas, that the 
few examples of ancient castles in repair that we still possess, 
have become priceless. Alnwick castle, especially, has ever 
been esteemed in most minds as the old head quarters of 
border chivalry ; and in truth, it has that aspect still. No 
one, be he gentle or simple, could look upon this very 
'' gudlye howsse " as King Harry's commissioners called it, 
or upon its grassy courts fringed with " faire towres," its 
stately keep with its *^ marveylouse fare vaulte '' and '' tryme 
ladgings " as Clarkson described them to be, without feeling 
they had seen the martial, social, and most knightly centre 
of mediaeval life in Northumberland. 



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CHAPTER XXI. 

THE PEDIGEEE8 AND EAULT HEEALDET OF THE 
LOEDS OP ALNWIOK. 

TESOT BJSRJLLDBY — ^FEDIGBBBS OF TYSOIT, TESOT, ATON^ BEK, AND 

PEBOY. 

The pedigrees of the successive lords of Alnwick with a 
critical notice of their early heraldry have been deferred to 
the close of their history, that we might give the result of 
additional researches into collateral branches of these families, 
without disturbing the general flow of our narrative. In this 
I have derived most essential aid from mv friend Mr. Long- 
staffe, to whom I am indebted for the following preliminary 
dissertation on the early heraldry, and for the elaborate pedi- 
grees of Tyson, Vescy, and Bek. The new matter and 
ulustrations incorporated in these essays, though not of a 
popular character, will I hope be useful for reference to 
students of northern history, and give to all information as 
to the connections of the great families who held the barony 
of Alnwick. 

The ancient heraldry of the Percys has been reviewed in the 
ArchaBologia .Miana, N.S., lY., 157| and in Tonge's Visitation, 

L89, and brief notices have been given in the course of this 
itoiy. In the ensuing pedigrees^ me cotemporary evidences of 
insignia for the older lords of the barony occur under the re- 
spective individualBi but some generalization is desirable. 

llie Norman invaders of England '* had (according to Master 
Wace) shields on their necks and lances in their hands, and all 
had made (or adopted) conventional signs or cognizances (the 
MSS. read variously convenances and cognoissances) that one Nor- 
man might know another by, and that none others bore." It is not 
clear how these badges were worn, but, assuming the probability 
that their owners would adopt them for their seals also, and see- 
ing that on those the devices are generally minus the shield, we 
may conclude it likely that they were not upon the shields, or at 
least not exclusively so. They sometimes continue in the later 



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PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. S89 

armoiy of the fiunily wearing them, sometimes not. They were 
frequently hereditary, and are supplied on the seals by more 
formal heraldry with an evident reluctance and at. a slow pace. 
In support of these deductLona we need only refer to the history 
of the oinquefoU of Umfrevillei the annulets of Yeteripont, the 
interlacing ornament of Lacy, and the muscce of Muschamp. 
Beak with the devices of their ancestors and seals with armorial 
shields occur for the same individuals fifty or a hundred years 
after the presumed rise of heraldry about 1160. Their con- 
clusiveness as evidences on the subject has been overrated, in the 
absence of consideration of the time when the ornaments of the 
shield took precedence of personal distinctions generally. If it 
is a fsiot that heraldry did not arise until the period named, then 
it is a consequence that forthwith relations flocked together and 
settled what arms their ancestors ought to have worn, their sub- 
feudatories taking part in the discussion. 

It does not fofiiow because Eustace de Yesci, bom after the 
introduction of formal heraldiy as stated, clung to the paternal 
vetch on his handsome seal, that he or his fSeither had no other 
distinction on their shields. There is a weird charm about early 
devices which makes us thankftQ that we are not in ignorance of 
those of the Yeeois. The pim between '' Yescis, vesce, vetches," 
was pointed out in the liber de Melros of the Bannatyne Olub. 
When we find the old metrical chronicler, Jordan de Fantosme, 
spelling the name Vesd^ Vedci, and Vedsci indiscriminately, we 
need not scruple to accept the proposition that Gerard's ^' Tare, 
Yetch or Fetch — called in Latin, Vicia a Vineiendo, of binding 
or wrapping, as Yarro noteth — ^in high Dutch, Wicken ; in low 
Dutch, Vitsen ; in French, Vesce^'^ was really intended as a play 
Uj^on liie name of those ancient lords, who, according to the Aln- 
wick Chronicle, sprang from the vill of Yescy over the sea. The 
leguminous vegetable is not botanically, but conventionally 
drawn, and a herald would probably describe each seal as vetchy. 
On the seals of Eustace and his wife, representations of a very 
queer beast occur in conjunction with the plant. 

The secretum of Eustace, which may be seen in the Liber de 
Melros and Laing's Scottish Seals, presents vetch pods arranged 
in quatrefoil or cruciform fashion, but it requires some ima^- 
ation to trace the origin of the Cross Patonce of the Yescis in fliis, 
or the trefoiled forms into which some portions of the plant are 
thrown in his larger seal. When we meet with this cross on the 
shield of St. Michael on the corporate seal of Alnwick, we natur- 
ally suspect that it may have been in compliment to the charter- 
giving lords of the.borough, rather than the bearing then usually 
conceded to the patron saint of the parish church, who, most 
certainly, on the great seals of Henry Y. and Bishop Fordham, 
Skirlaw and Langley, wears a plain cross. Whatever its origin, 
the Cross Patonce of Yesci rapidly spread among the relations, 



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S90 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

feudallj or by blood, of the fleuxLily. Need we mentioii the two 
great housee of Lascelles and Latimer, whose tenaades were of 
ancieiit feoffiuent, i.e., befbre the death of Henxy I. ? Oolemaa 
may perhaps also be adduoed. The Cfross Patonoe of the Lords 
of D^den, to which birds were added, making an elegant ooat, 
approaching that attributed to Edward the Oonfeasor, is fkiniliar 
to eyeiy Durham herald, and derives new interest when he reads 
the entry — '' Jordanns de Dalden tenet villam de Dalden,'' among 
the tenures of the barony of Alnwick in 8 Edw. II. Not that it 
was really so held, but when we substitute barons for barony, 
not qua barons, we arrive at the truth. 

In all this there is nothing conclusive. There is no proof that 
the tares or the archangel originated the coat, or that its adop- 
tion by the tenants was cotemporary with the oommenoement of 
their tenancy. But there are other reasons for a belief in its 
very early origin. 

Glover has preserved an entry of it with a difference for Waxin 
de Yescy, who, supposing all the statements of his descendants, 
the Atons, to be true, was, at ihe nearest, brother of Eustace and 
dead in 1235. It was ascribed to those Atons on a canton with 
their paternal coat. It occurs on the seal of John de Yescy, 
whose grandson held Byton in Yorkshire as early as 1292. That 
John's relationship was so remote that his issue never ventured 
to appear among tne claimants to the heritage of the main line. 
It wiu hereafter be seen that Eustace had a sister apparently of 
the half-blood, much older than himself. It is stated, with every 
appearance of accuracy, that she remarried a Carlisle. It is the 
fact Ihat Ihe primary arms of the Carlisles were O. a Cro9» Patone0 
O,, an obvious differencing of the coat of Yesci. 

The heralds probably happened to hit the truth in supposing 
that the bearing was used by or attributed to Beatrix the heiress 
of the older Yescis, and adopted with her name by her son. 

But her descendants also wore another coat, hardly inferior to 
the Cross Fatonce in antiquity, and latterly taking preference 
over it. This was a plain Cross, It is obvious, £rom me tinctures, 
that it was radically distinct from the Cross Fatonce, the two 
bearings standing thus: — 

G. a Cross Fatonce A. 
O. a plain cross S. 

It is clear also that its origin is incorrectly ascribed by Camden to 
William de Yesci, who cued in 1297, in the description of him 
as '^ fjEuodous for his exploits in Ireland and who changed the old 
arms of the family into a shield Or, with a Cross sable." For it 
had also been borne by his elder brother John, and William, so 
&r from being its inventor, differenced it during that brother's 
lifetime, as a yoimger son. The mutual rights of these two sons 
of William, who gave the Cross Fatonce, fiedrly carry the plain 
Cross also to his time ; and Glover, in his collections of old arms. 



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FBDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. S91 

aflcribee it to Eustace Veecy of the preTious generation who 
presented the animals and vetches on his seal. The writer is 
disposed to rank the two coats alike, and to think that the plain 
Cross refers to Eustace Fitz John. The arms ascribed to him by 
the heralds, Quarterly O. and O. a bordure Vaire^ was really 
the coat of Mandaville as differenced by the Fitz Johns and Fitz 
C^fi&eys of Essex, quite a different race. The exclusive use of 
the Cross Patonce by the descendants of Beatrix de Yesd, and that 
of the Bend on a Quarterly field by those of Agnes the heiress of 
the Constables of Chester, appear to identify the two bearings 
with the commemoration of those wives of Eustace Fitz Jo£i 
respectively, rather than that of himself. But it is very unlikely 
that the Yescis would forget to associate some insignia with so 
great a baron as he was, independently of his anpouBes. 

The sentiment affecting the user might differ from time to time. 
Although the barony of Alnwick was legally given by the king 
in fee to Eustace Fitz John, who alienated portions of it, yet 
morally it came by Beatrix. Her more immediate descendants, 
affectionately assuming her name, mieht well prefer the arms 
considered to be hers. She had probsLoly sometning to do with 
recommending the foundation of Alnwick Abbey, and, although 
the charters of Eustace Fitz John gave no countenance to the 
idea, the monks esteemed him and her as joint founders. We 
need not wonder that in late times the two crosses occur at 
the same date on the south front of their gateway, or that the 
heralds should record: — ''In Alnwick church are these armes:' 
O. a plain Cross [8. ?^ and G. a Cross Patonce 0. [A. f ] "♦ But 
outside, among the laity, the distinctive histoiy of the component 
parts of the great fee which descended from Eustace Fitz Johli 
would be feebly remembered. We know, as a fact, that 
eventually the descents of Malton and Alnwick were supposed to 
have been identical. And after the plain Cross supersi^ed the 
Cross Patonce on the seals of their owners, indications are found of 
an association of the plain Cross with the actual possession of the 
land, of the Cross Patonce with the descending right by blood to 
it. The plain Cross on the gateway of Alnwick Castle goes for 
nothing, as a match between Percy and Aton explains it. More 
to the point is its occurrence feudally on Hylton Castle, the 
barons whereof held Shilbottle under the Percy fee of Alnwick, 
and its conjunction with Percy and Lucy in genuine work in the 
partially falsified chapel at the east end of T^emouth Priory. 
These are late instances, but more interesting circumstances occur 
before the heirs of Vesci released Alnwick. When the Fitz John 
fee and the heirship of his blood were (for a time at least )parted, 
we find that the plain Cross was borne by the Bastard Yesci of 
Kildare without any abatement, as if his enjoyment of Malton 
carried it to him, notwithstanding his infirmity of blood. On 
the other hand, the very roll that proves this also shows that Sir 

• Visit. Nd. 1575-1615. Harl MS., No. 1554. 

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892 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

Gilbert de Aton, who, as heir of blood, suooeeded to that estate, 
eyen then wore the Gross Patonce coat without difTerence. It is 
there called a Gross Patee, but is sufGlcieutly identified by the 
tinctures, and the circumstance that various other crosses patonoe 
are in the same manuscript called patee, the convertibility of the 
terms in early times being well known.* After the Bastard's 
death we find the very same Gilbert wearing the plain Gross, 
being then possessor of the Yesci inheritance not alienated under 
Bishop Bek^s grant of Alnwick. His brother William bore the 
same coat and his coheirs quartered it. In the pedigree is inserted 
a curious document showing that this William obliged the plain 
Gross with five Bull's Heads during Gilbert's lifetime, and released 
the compound coat to a stranger after he became entitled to the 
cross without difPerence. The stranger had usurped to it, by 
iterance or design, and Aton, before the release, thought fit to 
vindicate his rights in solemn form. One Nicholas de Eton, 
Bector of Leven, who should perhaps stand as another brother, 
sealed in 1327 with the plain Gross charged with five Boundela.! 
In those days, when arms were strictly protected as trade marks 
are now, the public were not to be deceived, and vanity served, 
by two persons wearing one coat. The Bastard Vesci wore one 
shield of his ancestors, the legitimate Aton the otiier in the un> 
differenced or whole state, and if Vesci affected the Gross Patonce, 
it must have been with due abatement. This he may have done, 
and it would not be right to omit mention of a truly beautiful 
specimen of ancient armoury eidsting at Tork, though its appli- 
cation may be doubtfiil. In Drake's Eboracum, p. 309, it is 
mentioned that ''in an old wall hereabouts [i.e. near Haber- 
dashers' Hall, Walmgate] is a statute of a knight templar; on his 
shield a Cross Patonce^ with a Bar. Laiimer" and Ihis is doubtless 
the cross-legged effigy now preserved in the truly valuable museum 
near St. Mary's Abbey. It presents the pnok spur. Angels 
support the pillow ; a Hon is imder the feet, as usual. A drs^n 
bites the shield as doth the ask of Aslakby at Egglesdiffe. 
What Drake caQs a bar is a vert^ thin Bendlet dexter over amagsi- 
ficent Gross Patonce. The effigy mav belong to some young^ or 
illegitimate Latimer, but the place of find and the site of the vesci 
foundation for Friars Garmelite^ on the opposite side of the Fobs, 
are not sufficiently distant to muitate against the supposition that 
here we may have the tomb of William Yesci of Eoldare* 

* The entry is under *' Westmerlond a le Counte de Lancutre." Of. Coa- 
dtable*& Roll. *' Atton of Westmerlande. G. a Cross Patonce A." 
t HarL MS. 1985, fo. 276 b. 
X Memorandam quod 5^ id' Januarii ceperunt Fratres CarmelistB inbabitare 
civitatem Ebor', Anno D*ni 1295^. Et anno D'ni 1212° in Angiiam intraTenint 
Anno milleno CC^ duodeno 
Rolu' Carmeliste capiu't ad termina Tite 
Carmia concesai p'us in boria loca Yessy 
Persy firmavit Deus huic sibi nos sociabit. 



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PEDIORBBS AND EARLY HERALDRY. 893 

No direct evidence of any crest of Yesoi or Aton lias occurred to 
us ; but there is reason to belieye that, if one was worn, it was 
a Neat's head. William Aton, as already mentioned, differenced 
the plain Gross of Yesci with five Budl's heads. Oonyers of 
Bockonm, coheir of Aton and Yesci, in glass, which the regal 
shield of Scotland shows was intended to commemorate his rela- 
tionship to the line which matched with William the Lion's 
daughter, placed a horseman bearing on his shield the head of a 
bull or cow, reminding us of the way in which the Nevils some* 
times placed the dun bull of their helms upon their *^ shield of 
peaoe.'^ As the yetch was not considered a far fetched pun by 
the early knights of the name of Yedsci or Yesci, it is not inap- 
propriate to remark that Yeitch of Dawyck, anciently Yac^ gave 
the head of a cow (rache^ for crest and three of such heads for 
arms. Whatever originally was the sex of the neat, whose head 
we believe was used by Yesci, it probably was considered as 
masculine when heraldry settled into a science. 

For, besides the fleu:t of Aton's usage, we have,a strong corro- 
boration not only of that surmise, but also of the* whole view of 
the subject in the ensigns of the Fercehay of Eyton, in YorksUre, 
whose interesting descent from some early Yescies would be out 
of place in the stemmata of the lords and claimants of Alnwick 
which follow, but is suitable here and is a convenient mode of 
presenting the evidence in question,* 

The subsequent descents in the visitations need not be given. 
That of Tonge in 1530, begins with one John Percehaye ; l£at of 
1684, ffives a generation higher — one William Fercehay, who 
mairied " Maria, filia et hssres, relicta Willelmi de Acorn, per 
finem 2. Bic. IE. Bidley, 10, S6, 37." This William might well 
be the son of Sir Robert, who closes the testamentary pedigree, 
or one of his brothers. There are no more Fercehay wills in the 
printed Testamenta Eboracensia. 

In the 16th century the difTerence between Fercehay and Colville 
had been abandoned. The coat given by Tonge for Fercehay is 
Yescy of Alnwick, with the tinctures transposed :-^A. a Orou 
PaUmce*0. The same coat was still used at Dugdale's Yisitation, 
1665. In the Harl. MB. 1487, containing Withy's Amalgamation 
of the Yisitations, the crest is a BulVs Htad eauped B,f the homa 
p€r fen i. and O. Dugdale agrees, except that tiie colours per 
fess of the horns are transposed into O. and B. 

It remains to note some of the other phases of the arms of 
Aton and Yesd. We have seen that the coheirs of William Aton, 
lord of Malton, the flEunilies of Clifford (from Bromflete and St. 
John), Euro, and Oonyers, quartered the plain Gross of Yesoi. 
ISizabetiian heralds added a qtiartering for Tison, and the coat 
of Fitz-John of Essex for our Eustace Fitz-John, about which 
nothing more need be said. They also added O. three Bora B. 



* See Pedigree page 400. 



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894 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

i'or Bany of six 0. and B.] on a Canton O. a Orau Patonoe A,, 
br Aton. This was, probably, in substanoe a genuine coat 
though long disused. It does not, indeed, occur very early for 
this une of Aton. The superior arms of Yesd blotted it out. Still 
we have it in Canterbury cloisters (not, perhaps, for Willemenfs 
reason) in company with the plain Gross of Yesci, temp. Ken. lY. 
There it occurs as O.five Bars B. on a canton O. a Cross Patonce O, 
The canton doubtless relates to Yesci directly or indirectly. There 
are earlier evidences of the bearing in connection with tiiie Ettons 
of QiUing, in right of whom the Faar&xes in 1530 quartered 
Barry of eight A. and O, a canton S, charged with a Cross Patonee 
O. In the first window from the east on the south side of the 
clerestory of York Minster nave, it occurs as A. six Bars (or three 
Bars GemeUesJ G, on a canton S. a Cross Patonce O., beside the 
coat of Sir Balph Hasting, goyemor of York Oastle in 1337. 
There are some variations m the ordinaries. The canton is some* 
times sable, without charge. That of the GiUing line looks like 
Latimer and only derivative from Yesd — that of the Aton line 
may well refer to Warin de Yesd himselfl With regard to the 
former, Ivo de Yesd and Eustace Fitz-John granted large lands, 
and the church of GOling, in Bydale, to St Mcvy's Abbey at York. 

It would not be proper to leave the arms of the lords of Alnwick 
without remarking that the Gross Moline of Bishop Bek, its lord 
between the Yesdes and Perdes, seems to have left its '' footsteps 
on the sands of time." Such a coat occurs in the chancel of the 
parish church. ^ So also the ordioary dictionaries of arms have 
A. a Cross Moline 8, ior Alnwick or Alnwyke, and Uie genuiness 
of the coat is affirmed by the fact that Bishop William Alnwyck, 
of Norwich, bore a Gross Moline in 1426.* 

We come to junior branches or feunilies of the same names, 
who lack any proof of kindred to the parent stems of Yesd and 
Aton. In 2 Edw. IE., Oilbert de Aton obtained a charter of 
free-warren in Knapton and other estates in Yorkshire. In 1612» 
Yescy of Brampton in le Morthinge traced descent, before the 
herald St. Goorge, from one EsmeuB de Yespy de Knapton, and 
the plain Gross of Yescy and the suppodtious coat or Tyson 
quartering Brumpton and Twitle are given as the arms. The 
Lords Knapton, now Yiscounts de Yesd, in Ireland, and the 
Yescys of Ghimley in Oxfordshire, claim boldly from Thomas 
and Bichard alleged to be brothers of the &lJier of the Bastard 
of Kildare. The abstinence of these suppodtious ancestors in 
not claiming the inheritance of their fathers is not explained. 
The Irish peers give the plain cross coat, differenced with a 
patriarchal cross of gold, " tauiitionally attributed to the age of 
the Grusaders;" those of Oxfordshire, Ermine, or a Cross & 
Jhe martlets O. Another coat of Ireland gives a golden cross 
erosalet fitchee as the difference. 

* Brown's Repertorium. 



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FEDIOREBS AKD EARLY HERALDRY. S95 

The name has always lingered in the north and is now Yasej. 
In 16 Edw. m. Kobert Yescy of Haljwell, in Northumberland, 
recoyered lands there from Boger Fitz- Robert de Haliwell. In 
In 1826, John Yes<^, of Gktteshead, grants his tenements to Pipe- 
wellgate there to his daughter 8ibOIa (qu. Sibilla wife of Gilbert 
Gategang, mde i^urtees, m. 116), and seals wi^ the device of some 
*' beast admiring his taol which is mmustakeably patonce/' In 9 
Hen. Y., Henry de Eton was rector of Gateshead, and John de 
Yescy chaplain there. In 1615, a respectable family of Yasey, 
of Newlands, in the Bishoprick, entered their pedigree, ''no arms 
allowed." Some relations at Ooniscliffe, springing as would seem 
from John Yeyse a freeholder there in 1436, and called Yasey 
and Yesey, give, with monumental inscriptions there of the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries, the arms A. a plain Cross S. in 
the first quarter a Martlet From this stock sprang Marshall Yesey, 
a well Imown bookseller, of Newcastle, who married the daughter 
of another equally fiamous, Patrick Sanderson, of Durham, the 
compiler of a usend summary of county antiquities. 

The younger Atons haye not the same claim on our attention 
afl the Yesds. One or two instances may suffice. A monument 
of last century in Houghton le Spring Church to some descend- 
ants of William Ayton who purdiased part of West Herrington 
in Elizabeth's time, giyes^. a plain Cross S,f eyidently borrowed 
from the arms of the heirs of Yesci. The I)e Uyedales also, in 
the debased period of heraldry, quartered Six Bars, on a Canton 
a Cross Crossletm right of Isabel (dead in 1848) daughter and 
heiress of Gilbert de Etton, by AHce, coheiress of Thomas de 
Tycheseye, who died in 1297. 

Drake mentions an epitaph in All Saints', North Street, York, 
on one Etty, an ingenious architect, who died 1 709 with the lines : 
—-''His art was great, his industry no less ; what one projected, 
the other brought to pass." And he adds '' But whose art it 
was that put the arms of the antient family of Atton, or de Etton, 
on this stone, I shall not say." 

Leaying these straggling ambitions to link with noble stems, 
and haying disposed of me armorial part of our subject, some- 
thing must be said on the motiyes leading to the publication 
of me genealogies which follow, and on one or two moot points 
therein. 

Latin has been somewhat freely used in the pedigrees. It is 
familiar to all who will care to use the tables, and has been 
adopted in order to work in the yery words of the eyidences on 
which they are based. 

In Pedigree I., Tison, the addition of the Htsali leads to the 
inference that the Constables and Belyers, though coheirs of 
Adam Tisun, were not descended from his son WiUiam, but from 
sisters. The general conclusions as to the frdsity of any claims 
for the Yesois to represent a sole heiress of Tison are strengthened, 



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396 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

without reference to the wide dispersal of Gilbert Tison's estates, 
too surely preying a forfeiture. 

Nos. n. in. explain themselves as exemplifying the deeoent 
of the estates of Eustace Fitz-John, and the heraldry of the holdera 
to the death of William de Yescy, of Kildare. 

This text is more convenient than the pedigree to state some 
doubts as to Isabella Longespee the first wife of William Yescy 
II. having neither son nor daughter. The daim to the crown of 
Scotland made by his second surviving son, William, who was 
bom in 1245 and must have been by his second wife, leaves 
little doubt that the general descent is accurately stated* and 
that all the possessors of the barony of Alnwick are included. 
But in a charter in the Kelso Book, Liber de Galchou, 1S9, the 
father, '* Willelmus de Yesd, filius et hseres quondam Domini 
Eustachii de Yesci," leaving no doubt of his identity, has in the 
witnesses *' fVillelmoJUio meOf Domino de SproueitotiJ^ Sproueston 
(in Scotland) is afterwards found in the hands of John the elder 
surviving son, not of William the younger one, who, a child of 
seven or eight at the death of his &ther in 1253, would hardly 
be a witness or be called lord of the manor in his lifetime. 
Unless the record is in error and reads JUio instead oifrtUre^ an. 
explanation not to be adopted unless all others are impossible, it 
seems likely that there was an older heir apparent called Willuun, 
who might be bom as early as 1210, who attained age, took 
Sprouston by settlement or arrangement, and died before 1245. 
The monastic language is still suficiendy satisfied by none of 
Isabella's children living to be of importance in the ''stenmia 
fundatorum." 

No. lY. is an attempt to show the conflicting statements of the 
claimants of the estates. It will be seen that an attempt was 
made to thwart the claims of the Atons, by showing that their 
ancestor Warin de Yescy, was illegitimate, and that he was not 
named as a relation by the Yescy whose charters he witnessed. 

* And if this were loose, here is independent cotemporary evidence^ "beantiftil 
exceedingly.*' '* Sir, what a pleasure 9k fact is 1*' 
Ego EustaciuB de Vesci dedi Fratribus de insula Fameland teptem aummas de 

Ifrumento meo de Suinehoo. Testes Qilbertua Abbas de 
Alnewic, Will, de Vesci, &o. 
Willelmus de Tesci filius et hseres Eustacii de Vesci. Noverit univenitas Testn me 
concessisse Fratribus de insula de Fame donum quod parte 
xneus Eustacius de Vesci fecit eidem domui tie. septem 
summas frumenti. Testibus, Dominis Willelmo de Vesci 
8eniore[his illegitimate uncle], WillelmodePerci&cmilitibus, 
Nicholao de Perci, &c. 
Johannes de Vescy filius et hseres Wiilelmi de Vescy. Noverit universitas Testra 
me concessisse Fratribus de insula de Fame donum quod pater 
meus Willelmus de Vescy eisilem fratribus concessit, viz. 
fieptem summas framenti. Testibus, Dominis Willelmo de 
Vescy, Roberto de Hilton, &c., militibus. 



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PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. 387 

A more grievous objectiou on the latter eridenoe is of the early 
ohaiacter of those oharters. Seeii^^ that Eustace de Yesoyi being 
a minor in 1185, and of age in 1191, must have been bom yery 
late in his father's lifetime, in fact not until 1170 ; it does seem 
imlikely that the Sir Warin of that fatiier's charters was Eustace's 
younger brother. But it does not follow that there was not a 
younger Wann who really was his brother, but who was not the 
witness. It isobviousthat thedaimsof the Atonsto set aside Bishop 
Bek'ssale of Alnwick to the Percys, must have been much weakened 
by the cross impeachment of the Aton heirship. The hush money 
was small, but the influence of the Percys in &TOur of the Atons 
inheriting the residue of the Y esoy estates and a marriage were 
yaluable. The allegations of other claimante must have been ^ 
mischieyous, though they cannot be said at present to be satis- 
factory. For that of John, son of Amald de Percy (of KildalOi 
it is presumed), no eyidence has occurred. In that of an heir of 
Bulbedk, a generation is evidently omitted ; and, even with this 
assistance, tiie great grandson of Eustace Fits-John would be 
found in the P^b Roll Uie year after his death, which would make 
Fits-John grandavus indeed. Gl^e connection is not proved by any 
grant in frank-marria^. It is different with the Muschamps. 
There was some mamage there, and the evidences show pretty 
dearly that the bridegroom and his father in law died about the 
same time. His wife Matilda, was doubtless, as stated, sister of 
Eustace de Yesoy, but much older. The chaiiers tie the genera- 
tions so that we cannot suzmise the confturion of two Wilhama or 
two Eustaces, but we know that William had an elder son William 
bom in concubinage, defending Alnwick Castle when Eustace 
waA an in&nt in arms, or little better. And it does seem probable 
that Matilda Muschamp was only sister by the half-blood to 
Eustace, eitibier b^ a former wife or a concubine. It is remark- 
able that a mamage between a coheir of Muschamp and one of 
Bolebeo come all right. Possibly the monastic descent of Bolbeok. 

CedliazrHngo, senior. Waltenu. Hugo^ jTmior. FeHda ; 

should read ( 



SibillasWaltenii, Benior. Hugo. Hugo, junior. Fhilippa; 

in which case Matildis de Muschamp and Bibilla might stand as 
sisters, but, as previously remarked, probably of the half-blood* 
It is hoped ^at, regardless of Yesd, the pedigrees of the barons 
of Woofer and Bolbeck, differing, as they do, from those hitherto 
received, will be useM. 

The statement that Matilda, *' daughter of WiUiamYescy, sen.. 
Lord of Alnwick'' the wife of Muschamp had another husband, 
Adam de Carlisle, and a son Eudo de Carlisle^ is copied from 
Seine's North Durham, p. 266. The mamage is not mentioned 
by the historian of the Carlisles, but his quotations show an inti- 
macy between the families, Eudo de ICarliel flourished in the 



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898 HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 

reign of 'Sins William the Lion, and ia witness to a charter of 
Eostace de '^soy of 208. yearly out of the mill of Spronston to 
the monastery of Kelso, aoout the year 1207. He died in l^dO. 
The manor of Oargo, par. Stanwicky in Onmberland, whioh 
belonged to John de Lfusy, oonatable of Cbestery passed firom him 
by conreyanoe to William de Yesqy, by whom it wasgiTen to 
Sir Ivo de ElarUel in ezohange for lands in Yorkshire. Whatever 
became of Eudo, Ivo was certainly son of Adam de Oarleoly for 
he is a witness as such to a charter of Eustace de Yesci (Baine's 
N. D. app. p. 122). Now it has already been observed that the 
primary arms of the Oarlisles were O. a Oron Patonce O.* a 
coat most widely difiused among the various branches. 

In No. y., obligations to an article by Mr. 0. T. Beke, in OoU. 
Top. will be apparent. The extra Bemician and heraldic evi- 
dences incorporated will be acceptable to the Durham antiquary. 

The early pedigree of Percy, No. YI., may appear out of ^lace, 
but tiie melaiichiSy circumstance that, for book-makers. Bishop 
Percy lived in vain, will excuse the printing of his accurate 
deductions once more, as an antidote against modem persistence 
in the errors which he exploded. We need not treat with gravity 
the earldoms of Caux and Poitiers and other things, appearing in 
some of the fictitious pedigrees ; we can, however, hardly doubt 
that the Percys originated, as stated, at the place in Nor- 
mandy bearing Iheir name. But how does it happen that when 
their documents increase, their birthplace is not found in them f 
The only evidence on the subject which occurs to us has a north- 
coimtry interest. It is this : — 

William de Perci, of 1183, when he founded Salley Abbey in 
1147, had a wife Adliza or Adelidis de Tunbriffge, who had three 
chilcben at least, Alan, Matilda countess of Warwick, and Agnes 
de Louvain. The two ladies, sooner or later, divided the English 
lands between them. Their father was re-married in 1166 to 
Sibilla the widow of Bobert de Bos, and died before 1181. 
Matilda died childless about 1204, probably at a considerable 
age, as her sister's husband and eldest son were both dead, the 
latter leaving issue. Had Matilda had any issue, they might 
well have been bom as early as 1 154. In that year, 1 154, Hugh 
de Pudsey, eminent of race and person, a youth of 25, ascended 
the palatine throne of Durham, having had, while treasurer of 
York, three children by three mothers. The mother of Henry 
de Pudsey, the first bom, was, we are told by William of New- 
burgh, ''of noble birth." Her son is more precise and tells us 
plainly in his charters that he was son of the Bishop and of 
Adelidis or Alice de Percy. He gives to Salley Abbey some land 
in Craven in accordance with other charters of Bichard de More- 

• Sire William de Carlel. De or, a noe Crois Patee [patonce] de goules. 
(Roll, 1308—1314). 



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PBDIOBBES AND BARLY HERALDRY. S99 

yill and WOIiam de Ferci. Moreville may hare been his moilier'0 
hnsband; at all events Alande MorviUe oonfinned to his brother 
«Henry de Padsey the gift tibie latter had received for his homage 
and service from his mother Alice de Percy. It was of all the 
land at Settle and the church of (Hggleswick ; and the countess 
of Warwick had also an interest there, for she too granted tlie 
vill of Betel and the service of Qiggleswick and the advowson of 
the church to Kemr de Pudsey. Me gave the church to Finchale 
Abbey ; he save his estate of Osmundal to Bobert de Perd ; 
Settle fell ba& to the main line of Percy on his childless death, 
and his manor of '' Wichton Oumptin/' derived from his father, 
waS| subject to the dower of Diomsia (daughter of Oto de Tilli) 
very strangely divided in 1211 or 1212 between Peter Fitz 
Herbert his Hnsman on the father's side, (they were both great 
nephews of Eing Stephen) and Bobert de Bos the grandson of 
'William de Percy's second wife Sibilla. His charters abound 
with Percys as witnesses. But more remains. The estate of 
Perei in Normandy itself belonged to him, and he parted with it, 
exchanging it and Mureres in the same province with a fetmily 
named Burel for Windegate, Whetlawe, and Smethetun, as by 
the charters of Hugh Burel and Boger his son in the Einohale 
muniments most plainly appeareth. 

What then eave the '^joUy bishop's" child such a settlement 
among the heads of ttie house of Percy ? It is not probable that 
Adelidis de Tunbrigge the mother of tbe heiresses, old enough to 
be the Treasurer's own mother, was the object of his affections, 
or that he would in such case have been a &vourite of her children^ ' 
and secured grants of important English estates from them. 
Still less that in any way he could so derive the home of their 
ancestors. At present the only mode of explanation seems to be 
the bold assumption that there was an elder co-heiress, who 
married MorviUe, and that she and her son, Alan de Morville, 
died earlv without legitimate descendants. As eldest daughter 
she would be entitled to the caput baronuB in Normandy, and she 
could give it, as she gave Euglish acres, to her issue by the 
Treasurer. He got it, that is certain, and his alienation of it 
stood good* Let us in dealing with the story not forget that the 
marriage of priests in England had only been forbidden in 1102 ; 
that society was gpreatly £sturbed thereby and would continue to 
be so for a generation or two, and that when the other Pudseys 
were bom, the fiiture prelate was probably forbidden to associate 
with the mothers of their brethren ; or that, notwithstanding his 
other peccadilloes, his eldest son may have been legitimate in 
all ^yes except those of the clergy. Ajid be it remembered that 
he only is described in the charters of his fstther as his son. 

In tiie pedime of Percy no attempt is made to define the 
origin of two branches of me Percys, who long held the manors 
of Eildale and Sutton upon Derwent. It may be remarked that 
in after times they are found wearing a coat of miUpikes, only 
differing from that of the main line in colour. 



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400 



HISTORY OF ALNWICK. 



PEDIGREB OF VB80I AND PBBOBHiLT. 

f'SartMS, 1487, with T6$t. &orJ 

" The anntieiit annes of this Peorchay were OuUm^ a Ffss between fftetn Cross 
Crosslete Argent, wherefore it seemes,at sinrht of their eyidences, that one of them 
matehinge with a daughter and heyre of Veaey, his posteritie left their ould artnee 
and thenoeforih hare borne ths armet of Veeey aa their owne proper coate.'* 

Johannes de Yescie dedit Domino Roherto de Percehay et hsBredibus sm8= 
messuagium in Eboraco, s.d. SioilLuk Johannis db Ybsgt, a Cfrott I 
F atonee, J 

"Joane, d. and h. of John Vescie.*' Joanna Peroehay, Domina=Bobertiii 



de Rlton— Waltero Peroehay filio meo et haredi — ^manerium 
de Strudiffhtyn Martyn in comitatu Forford in SootLa quod 
habni per discensum luBreditariunL s. d. 



Peroehay, 

DominuB 

de BytoD. 



Waltenxs Percehay, filins et hsdres bonae memorisozr 
DominiB JohanniB de Yescy, ut per oartam dat. 
apad Wilton in Tividale, 1292. Testamentom, 
1344, prob. 6. Deo. 1346. Dominus de Bjrton. 
Sepeliend. in ecclesia AbathisB B. Mariae de 
Malton — Lego die mortoarii mei ad errogandmn 
yicum 10/. et cmn pannis nigria oircumeuntes 
cozpns memn eum aeutit armorum meorum et 
anteeeetorum meorum 100«. — Johanni dee Archei 
et Isabellsd nxori ejus. — ^AHoiiB sorori meiB — 
Johannie sorori mese— Waltero filio Johannis 
des Arches. 



lA^es Peroeihay, relicia 
Domini Walterl Per- 
oehay militis, Testa- 
mantnm dot. et prob. 
1348. Sepeliend. in 
prioratn de Malton 
jnxta ooipus mariti. — 
Agneti filisd WiUehni 
de Bolton etJohansA 
Boron ejus. 



et hsares Domini Walteri 
Peroehay ut per testa- 
mentum patris sui et per 
cartam dat apud Malton 

1847. SlOILLUM WlL- 
LBLKI DB PbBGBHATB. 

Shield hanging diagon- 
ally, chargd with a C^oes 
Fatonee, On a wreath 
aboye a mantled hehnet 
^aBiOFe Sead, «Mon- 
sire Henzy de Colville 
vort d'Argent^a uneCroie 
FaUif de Gtdee. Hon- 
sukWilliax db Pbk- 
OBHAT port mstmSB lee armee a 
Ou ise M h guatre dwant" (Bot. 

WaJterus 
1344, 1348. 



JohamwB, 1844, 1848, [qo. de Swyntm 
m Bydale. Test 1891.] 

Walter, 1344, 1348. MonsibbWal- 
tbb db Pbrgbhat port mesmee Ue 
armes de OohiUe, a un$ border g%ile$ 
reeereste, (Bot Aim. 1837-50.) 

Thomas, 1344, 1848. 

Bobertus, 1348. 

Georffius 1344, 1348. 

Elizabetha, 1344. 

Jn ihfcwTtftj monialis de 
1344, 1348. 

Agnesy moTiiftlifl de Watton, 1844, 
1348, 1391. 



Yedingham, 



wu lozenge de 
Ann. 1837-dO). 



Dominus Bobertus 
Peroehay, Chiva- 
ler, frater Agnetis 
deLo]cton,180L=: 
p»EliBabelihauzor 
fratEisniM," 1891. 



Johannes Agnes, 1344» 1848. Test«mea* 
1344. turn dat et prob. Oct 

1391. Agnes de Lokton. 
Sepeliend. in ecdesia oon- 
vttLtaaH de Yeteri MaUxm, 
juzta saniores meoa. — ^Marise 
flliss mead— ChristianaB da 
Wellesunum leotum rubeum, 
pulrezizatam cum lokkye. 



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CHAPTER XXIL 

8P0ETS AND PASTIMES. 

LORD OF laSBULE — ^WATTS— HO&SE-RACINa — ^BULL-BAITIHG — OOCK- 
HGHTING — 8HB0YBTIDE — BSPPIE-BAIiL— OOBAN TEBB— flOITLTIIC 
— B0N-FIBE6 — QA