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c>.y^<r^^z>,^x.
a
HARVARD COLLEGE
LIBRARY
Q'BS.DflD
eao
FROM THE BBQUBST OF
THOMAS WREN WARD
of Harvard College
1830-1842
3?*' V
Hi
Hi
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ns
THE
HISTORY
BOROUGH, CASTLE. AND BARONY
ALNWICK,
BT GEOEaE TA.TE, F.G.S.,
Corresponding Member of the Society of Antiquaries for Scotland ; Local Secretary of the
Anthropological Society, London; Secretary of the Berwickshire NaturaliBts*
Club ; Honorary Meinl)er of the Hasting's Philosophical Society, &c.
VOL. I.
^ALNWICK:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HENRY HUNTER BLAIR.
MDCCCXXTI.
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/^..Ror,.;,^^^^
MAR 17 1891
• -/
^-t-C^f-fc-^V
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CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Situation of Town and Parish — Physical Featiirea — Importance of its Old
History ........ 1
CHAPTER n.
ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD.
Etymology of Alnwick — Early Inhabitants — The Otadeni — Forts and Dwell-
ings— Sepulchres — Urns — Stone Weapons and Instruments — Bronze
Relics — Gold Ornaments — Standing Stone — Celtic Names— Remains in
North Northumberland — Ethnology — Stone Circle — Inscribed Rocks 4
CHAPTER ni.
ROMANO-BRITISH PERIOD. *
Itineraries — Alauna — Devil's Causeway — Roman Coins — Roman Altar 29
CHAPTER IV.
SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS,
liegendary Accounts -of the Saxon Lords of Alnwick — Chronicle of Alnwick
Abbey — The Tysons — ^Sazon Settlements in Alnwick — Bocklands and
Folclands — Saxon Dwellings and Vills — Alnwick Subordinate to Lesbury
— Saxon Churches— Alnmouth Saxon Cross — The Danes— Close of the
Saxon Period ........ 32
CHAPTER V.
TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD, FROM 1066 TO 1297.
Doomsday Book — Gislebert Tyson and His Descendants — Malcolm Caenmore
Slain — Aialcolm's Cross — Yvo De Vescy — Eustace Fitz-John — Lands
Granted to Him — Siege of Bamburgh Cas'Je — Battle of the Standard —
Churches and Abbeys Founded— William De Vescy— Siege of Alnwick
Castle — ^William the Lion taken Prisoner — GlanviUe- the Chief Justiciar
— Gifts to the Church — Eustace De Vescy — War with Scotland — King
John at Alnwick — His Attempt to Dishonour Eustace's Wife — He Bums
Alnwick — WiUiam De Vescy — Testa De Neville — John De Vescy — Civil
War — Montford — Alnwick Castle Besieged by Prince Edward — John De
Vescy in Holy Land — William De Vescy Accused of Felony — Claims to
the Kingdom of Scotland— Character of the De Vescys . . 43
CHAPTER VI.
CASTLE, BARONY, AND TOWN OF ALNWICK DURING THE
DE VESCY PERIOD.
Norman Castle — Norman Town — Royal Visits— Inquisition into the Value of
the Barony — Knights' Fees— Demesne Lands— Bondmen and Cotiuon —
Socage Freeholders — Deed of Conveyance of a House in Narrowgate —
Dren^age — Royal Inquiry into Feudal Usages— Knights Templar —
Knights of St. John of Jerusalem— Alnwick Charters — Borough ISeal —
Bounder of Alnwick Moor — Alnwick a Corporate Town — Character of
the Period ........ 83
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IV COJITENTS.
CHAPTER Vn.
BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DE VESCY OF KILDARE FROM
1296 TO 1309.
Alnwick Barony given in Trust to Bek for William De Vescy of Kildare—
Bek'B Breach of this TruBt— His Life— William De Vescy^ of Kildare—
Conveyance of Alnwick Barony to Henry De Percy — Inqmsitions— Atons
—Character of the Transfer ...... 106
CHAPTER Ym.
FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY— 1309 TO 1368.
Descent of the Percys— The Lovaines — Henry, First Baron Percy of Aln-
wick— ^Military "Career in Scotland — Oppontion to Edward n. — Tomb of
His Wife — Percy Aims — Henry, Second Baron Percy— Grant of Beanley
—Scottish Warfere— Alnwick Castle Besieged— Battle of Halidon Hill-
Grant of Jedburgh — Battle of Neville's Cross— John Coupland — Pla^e —
Grant of Warkworth — Henry Percy's Will — Henry, Third Baron Percy
of Alnwick — Character— Scottdsh Warfare — Burnt Candlemas — Wark-
worth Hermitage ....... 110
CHAPTER IX.
CASTLE, TOWN, AND BARONY, FROM 1297 TO 1368.
Alnwick Castle Rebuilt — Inquisition into the Property of the Town and
Barony — Comparative Values — Feudal Charges — Did Alnwick Send
Members to Parliament? — Condition of the District — Holders of Property
in Alnwick — Middleton Family — Roddam— Charter of Market and Fair
^-Pontage — ^Trade of Town— Churches — Alnmouth . . 134
CHAPTER X.
HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, AND
HOTSPUR..
His Character— Engaged in the French Wars — Supports Wycliffe— Created
Earl— Border Warfare— Hotspur— Battle of Otterbum— The Percys
rebel against Richard II. and raise Henry* IV. to the Throne— Rich
Rewards — Battle of Homildon —Rebel against Henry IV. — Cause of this
Rebellion— Battle of Shrewsbury— Deatii of Hotspur- Earl Pardoned —
Rebels Again— Northumbrian Castles Besieged— Earl Slain at Bramham
— Lucy Eistat^ — Heraldry ...... 164
CHAPTER XI.
SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Henry Percy, Second Earl— Early Life — Restored to His Estates — Border
Warfare — Alnwick Burnt — Connected with Disturbance in Yorkshire —
Defeat at Sark — French Wars — Struggle between Houses of Lancaster
and York— Earl Slain at St. Albans— Character— Heraldry — Henry,
Third Earl— Early Life— Baronies of Poynings, Fitzpayne, and Brian —
Succeeds to the Earldom— Border Warfare— Struggles of Ri'J-al Houses-
Slain at Towton— Extent of His Estates— Attainted- John Neville, Earl
of Northumberland— Striigprlcs in the North— Alnwick Castle taken—
Alnwick, Bamburph, and Dunstanburgh Castles besieged — Battle of
Hedgeley Cross— Bamburgh Castle taken— Sir Ralph Grey Executed—
Henry, Fourth Earl — Estates and Earldom restored- Services on the
Borders — Battle of Bosworth- Slain at Coxlodge — Burial — Heraldry —
Will 176
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CONTENTS. V
CHAPTER Xn.
FIFTH AND SIXTH EAEL PERCYS, FROM 1489 TO 1537.
Fifth Earl Percy— His Love of Display— Attends Queen Margaret's Progress
throngh Northmnberland — Siege of Turwin— Standard and Pennon-
Battle of Flodden— Earl's Death— His Character— Household Book—
Hmuldry— Henry Algernon, Sixth Earl — In Love with Anne Boleyn —
Arrests Cardinal Wolsey— Letter Regarding Anne Boleyn— Raid into
Scotland— Seeks to be Captain of Berwick— Sir Thomas Percy— Pilgrim-
age of Grace— Earl's Death— Wresil Castle— Leckinfield Manor House-
Heraldry 200
CHAPTER Xm.
MARCH LAWS AND STATE OF THE BORDERS IN THE SIX-
TEENTH CENTURY.
March Laws— Order of the Watches— Ward Musters- Defences of the Border
— Men of Alnwick Mustered at Abberwick— Dacre's Raid— Surrey,
Warden— Raid into Teviotdale— Sir William Lyle's Raids— Surrender
and Execution— Horrible Forays— Lord Parr at Alnwick— Euro's Foray
— The Protector Somerset at Alnwick — Letter from Alnwick Castle —
Ten Towns of Glendale Burnt— Book of the Marches . .217
CHAPTER XIV.
THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY, FROM 1360 TO 1600.
License to Wall the Town— Charter of Henry VI. — Bondgate Tower— Clay-
port Tower— Streets — Population of the Town- Owners of Property —
The Greys— Old Buildings— Names of the Inhabitants, 1474 — Trade-
Exports — Alnmouth Port, Burgages, Church — Alnwick Castle^Baronial
Officers— Courts — Survey of Alnwick in 1669 — Burgesses — Freeholders —
Copyholders— Feudal Charges — Character of the Copyholders — Wills —
Melville at Alnwick— William De Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln . 236
CHAPTER XV.
SE^^NTH, EIGHTH, NINTH, TENTH, AND ELEVENTH EARLS OF
NORTHUMBERLAND— FROM 1567 TO 1670
Thomas, the Seyenth Earl — A Roman Catholic — Restored to the Barony— In
Disgrace and Rebels— Alnwick Castle in the hands of Rebels— Taken by
Sir John Forster - Rebellion Crushed — Earl flees to Scotland — Betrayed
and Executed — Heraldry —Henry the Eighth Earl— Becomes Protestant
"—Falls under Suspicion — Charged with Treason and Imprisoned —
Shoots himfdf— Henry, the Ninth Earl— Joins the Fleet against the
Armada— Exiiavagant — Unhappy Marriage— Quarrel with Vere —
Thomas Percy the Conspirator — Earl Convicted of Misprision of Treason
—Fined and Imprisoned — HisLetters- Henry the Wizard and the Three
Magi — Released and retires to Potworth— Algernon, the Tenth Earl^—
Commander of the Fleet — Connected with the Parliamentary Party
during the Civil War— Negotiates for Peace— Retires to Petworth- His
Character— Josceline, the Eleventh Earl— The Last of His Family-
Character of the Percy Lovaines ..... 276
CHAPTEE XVI.
SOMERSET FAMILY— FROM 1670 TO 1750.
Descent of the Barony — Francis Percy, of Cambridge— Evidences of His
Descent-^James Percy, the Trunk-Maker— Claim to be Earl — Legal
Proceedings — His unsuccessful Struggle— Elizabeth Percy— Her Early
Marriages — Her Marriage to the Duke of Somerset— His Descent and
Character — Character of the Duchess — Algernon, Duke of Somerset and
Earl of Northumberland— His Military Service— His Death— Distribu*
tion of his Estates— Cliaracter of the Somersets . . . 300
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VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVn.
HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES OF THE TOWN—
FROM 1600 TO 1750.
Government of the Town— Public Property— Trade —Brereton's Vifiit to
Alnwick — Alnwick during the Parliamentary Struggle— Train Bands —
Ray in Alnwick in 1661— Rawdon in 1664— Kirke in 1677— The Castle—
Corporation Rejoicings— Rebellion of 1716— Elarl of Derwentwater— The
Rebellion of 1746— Distribution of Property — A Rental of the Borough^
1709 .309
CHAPTEE XVIIL
BARONIAL COURTS.
Court Baron and Court Leet — Burgh Court — Officers Appointed and Cases
Tried in Fifteenth Century — Records in Seventeenth Century — Scolds
and Slanders — State of the Town— -The Platrue — Sanitary Measures —
Admissions of Freeholders — Inquisitions into Heirships and Boundaries
— Minutes of Surv^ and Court — Officers apx)ointed in Seventeenth
Century — Knights' Courts— Tenants and Vills Bound to Appear —
Admissions of Military Tenants — Encroachment on Commons — Cases
Tried — Patrick Macklewyan — Decay of the Baronial Courts . 336
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SMITHSONS—EARLS AND DUKES OF NORTHUMBERLAND
FROM 1750 TO 1866.
Distribution of the Somerset Estates — Descent of Sir Hugh Smithson — Grant
of Arms — Married to Elizabeth the Percy Heiress— Renovates Alnwick
Castle— Pennant's Description of it— Improvements around Alnwick —
Walpole's Critique— Bout Rhymes by the Duchess — Hugh, Second Duke
of Northumberland — Service in America — Family of Burrell — The Percy
Tenantry and Column — Hospitality — Hugh, Third Duke— Rejoicings
when Married— His Policy — Algernon, Fourth Duke— Service in the
Navy — Foreign Travels— Improvements— Restoration of Alnwick Castle
—Character— George, Fifth Duke . . . . .353
CHAPTEE XX.
ALNWICK CASTLE 372
CHAPTEE XXI.
THE PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY OF THE LORDS OF
ALNWICK.
Vescy Heraldry — Pedigrees of Tyson, Vescy, Aton, Bek, and Percy . 388
CHAPTEE XXn.
SPORTS AND PASTIMES.
Lord of Misrule— Waits— Horse-Racing — Bull-Baiting — Cock-Fighting —
Shrovetide- Keppie-Ball — Coban Tree — Soulum — Bon-Fires— Carlings
—The Fairies ........ 422
CHAPTEE XXIII.
Markets —Fairs — Tolls— Bakehouses — Brewhouse— Salt — Crosses — Shambles
—Pillory— Stocks— Com Exchange ..... 440
CHAPTEE XXIV.
Mills — Bridges — Roads — Pants — Correction House . . . 463
CHAPTEE XXV.
PUBLIC MOVEMENTS.
Elections in 1734 and 1748— Richard Grieve— Election in 1774— George
Griovo and CoUingwood Forster — Movements during the French Revolu-
tion- Quopn Caroline— Address to Earl Grey — Reform Meeting — Voting
in Alnwiik ... ..... 473
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EXPLMATION OF THE PLATES.
Plato 1,— Frontispiece, Alnwick from the South West.
• VIbAjqII.— To Face Page ^. Pre-Roman Antiquities of Alnwick.
Fi^. 1. — Earthenware Vessel from Sepulchral Cist, White House,
page 11.
„ 2. — Earthenware Vessel from Cist, HoUin^eugh, p. 11.
3. — Earthenware Vessel from Cist, White House, p. 12.
4. — ^Earthenware Vessel from Cist, Moor Lodge, p. 11.
5. — Bronze Spear Head, p. 14.
6. — Ornamented Bronze Implement, p. 15.
7.— Bronze Socketed Celt, p. 14.
8. — Leaf Shaped Bronze Sword, p. 14.
9.— Flint Arrow Head from Sepulchral Cist, White House, p. 12.
10.-StoneCclt,p. 13.
11. — Standing Stone, p. 17.
12. — Camp, Alnwick Moor, p. 10.
13. — Camp, Brislaw, p. 9.
14. -Stone Celt Sharpened, p. 13.
' Plate m.— To Fa<^ Fage 39. Alnmouth Saxon Cross.
.' Plate IV.— To Face Fage 97.
Fig. 1. — Charter of William De Vesci to the Burgesses of Alnwick.
„ 2. — Plan of Alnxvick Castle in 1650, shewing the portions
remaining of the Norman Era, p. 85. — a. Outer Bailey, b.
Inner Bailey, c. Inner Ward. a. Remains of the Norman
Castle, 1. Barbican. 2.Gkm*et. 3.Abbot'sTower. 4. Armour-
er's Tower. 5. Falconer's Tower. 6. Postern Tower. 7. Con-
stable's Tower. 8. Kavine Tower. 9. Gkurdener's Tower.
10. House with Horse-mill. 11. Middle Gateway, formerly
a Porter's Lodge and Strong Prison. 12. Chapel. 13.
Auditor's Tower. 14. Stables. 15. Comer Tower. 16.
Stables. 17. Garret. 18. Chequer House. 19. Conduit. 20.
Keep around Inner Ward. See from Fage 253 to 256.
' Plate v.— To Face Fage 85. Portions of Alnwick Castle.
Fig. 1.— Arch of the Norman Keep, erected about 1140, and the
Percy Draw-well, about 1320.
„ 2.— Octagon Towers of the Keep, erected about 1330.
„ 3. — Prudhoe Tower, erected by Algernon, the Fourth Duke of
Northumberland, 1855.
opiate VI. -To Face Fage 367. Alnwick Castle from the North, from a
Photograph by George Potter, 1865.
>»' Plate Vn.— To Face Fage 241. Chantry House of St. Mary or Alnwick
Grammar School, erected about 1450. Bondgate Tower,
erected about 1450.
"Opiate Vni.— To Face Fage 321.— Alnwick Castle in 1728, from a Drawing by
Buck.
< Plate IX.»7b Face Fage 377. Isometrical View of Alnwick Castle, 1866,
Drawn by F. B. Wilson, Architect Alnwiok.
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EXPLANATION OF WOODCUTS.
Page 16.— Gold Penannulax Ornament, Ckraper's Hill, Alnmck; Fig. 1,
Perspective View shewing the Ornamented Soiface; Fig. 2,
Profile View.
,, 22.— Fig. 3, Side View of Brachycephalic Skull from Tosson Cist ;
Fig. 4, View of the Crown ; Fig. 5, Iron Weapon from Tosson
Cist.
„ 24.— Fig. 6, Plan of Stone Circle, Three Stone Bum.
„ 25. — Fig. 7, Characteristic Forms of Northumbrian Bock Inscriptions.
„ 27.— Fig. 8, Inscribed Stone at Old Bewick.
„ 31.— Fig. 9, Roman Altar, Gloster Hill.
„ 60.— Fig. 10, Malcolm's Cross, with remains of the Old Cross in the
Background.
„ 99.— Fig. 11, Alnwick Borough Seal.
„ 104.— Fig. 12, Base of a Pillar of the Old Norman Church at Alnwick.
„ 163. — Fig. 13, Old Percy Arms — Beverley Minster.
„ 161.— Fig. 14, Otterbum Battle Stone.
„ 170.^Figs. 16 and 16, Arms of Hotspur.
„ 176.— Fig. 17, Shrievalty Seal of the First Earl of Northumberland.
„ 182.— Fig. 18, Seal of the Second Earl, in 1436.
„ 183.— Figs. 19 and 20, Signets of the Countess and Earl of Northumber-
land.
„ 188.— Fig. 21, Crest— Poyninge; Fig. 22, Badge— Poynings ; Fig. 23,
Bfiidge — Fitz-Payne.
„ 199.— Fig. 24, Badge for Herbert— a Bascule, Waikworth; Fig. 25,
Bascule with Crescent, Beverley ; Fig. 26. Crescent and Locket,
Beverley Chapel; Fig. 27. Locket between the Horns of a Crescent.
„ 203.— Fi^. 28, Gidehohne or Small Standard of the Fifth Earl ; Fig. 29,
His Pennoncelle.
„ 207.— Fig. 30, Arms of the Fifth Earl.
„ 208— Fig. 31, Signet of the Fifth Earl, 1616.
„ 214.— Fig. 32, Standard of the Sixth Earl ; Fig. 33, His Pennon.
„ 215.— Figs. 34, 35, 36, His Pennons ; Figs. 37, 38, His Pennoncelles.
„ 216.— Fig. 39, His PennonceUe.
„ 248. — Fig. 40, Heraldic Design, Crescent with Esperaunce, Lion Ramp-
ant and Crosiers, on a house in Bondgate.
„ 264.— Fig. 41, Barbican of Alnwick Castle.
„ 276.— Percy Crests.
„ 284.— Fig. 42, Arms and Badge of the Seventh Earl.
„ 310.— Fig. 44, Percy Badges on Fonts in Ingram and Ainbam Church.
„ 371.— Pennoncelles of Henry Algernon Percy, Sixth Earl of Northum-
berland.
„ 402.— Seal of the first William de Vesci
„ 403.— Seal of Eustace de VescL
„ 404. — Seals of Ames de Vesci
„ 406.— Seal of John de Veecy.
„ 412.— fieal of Bishop Bek.
„ 414. — Old Percy Arms.
„ 416.— Shrievalty Seal of the First Earl of Noxthumberland.
„ 416.— Hotspur's Seal.
„ 417.— Arms of the Fifth Earl— Percy Badge, Crescent and Locket,
temp, Henry VIII.
„ 421.— Badges— Fitz-Payne, temp, Eliz.; Poynings, 1357; Poynings,
1416.
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COEEECTIONS.
Page 1, line 3, /or 62« 21' north read 65"* 24' 40" north.
1« 42' west read 1*» 41' 40" wert.
„ 6, „ 14 and line 4 from the bottom /or olxor read o/nor.
„ 31, „ 6, for Solinina read Solonina.
40, „ 13, for AEDVIjFES read 'EiADYLFEB,
61, „ 21, for old read bold.
148, „ 4, for Atticus read 'MjIob Lambert.
»> » 7, /or his father reeui he.
222, „ 9, for time r<r<wf some.
)) M J 2, /or there read these.
223, „ 2 from the bottom /or Col. read Cal., and /or Foreigh read
Foreign.
310, „ last, for in fonts r^arf on fonts.
336, „ 9, for 43s. read 408.
„ „ 39, for offerators read afferators.
363, „ 6, for 1797 read 1792.
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HISTOET OF ALNWICK.
CHAPTEE I.
INTBODXJOTOET.
anTTATioar of town and parish — phybioal featubbs — ^dcpob^
TANOB OF rrS OLD HI8T0BY.
Alnwick, the county town of Northumberland, is pleasantly
situated on the south bank of the river Aln, in latitude
52® 2r north, and in longitude 1® 42' west. From London
it is distant, north by west, 305 miles by the old coach road,
and 313 miles by railway. Being 33 miles north of New-
castle and 30 miles south of Berwick, it is nearly midway
between the south and north boundaries of the county ; from
the German Ocean on the east it is 4 miles, and from the
Tweed at Coldstream, which there divides England from
Scotland, it is 30 miles distant. The North-Eastern Rail-
way passes between it and the sea at the distance of 3 miles ;
but Alnwick is connected with this trunk line by a branch,
which joins it at Bilton. London, Edinburgh, Newcastle,
Berwick, and all other towns diveiging from these centres,
are therefore accessible from Alnwick by railway transit.
The town forms part of the parish of Alnwick, which
anciently was partly within Bamburgh Ward and partly
within Coquetdale Ward, but which since 1832 has been
entirely included in the East Division of Coquetdale Ward,
for the purposes of petty sessions. The parish is in length
from north to south about 8 miles, and in breadth from east
B
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2 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
to west about 4} miles ; but its form is irregular, and the
area of the whole is 15,884 acres. It is bounded on the east
and north-east by the parishes of Longhoughton and Emble-
ton, on the south-east by Lesbury, on the south by Shil-
bottle and Felton, on the west by Edlingham and Egling-
ham, and on the north by the new parochial district of South
Charlton. The surface presents great inequalities of eleva-
tion ; a high sandstone ridge ranging through the county in
a S.S.W. direction, forms upland moors on the western part,
which reach to a height of 808 feet above the sea ; Highfar-
law on the northern boundary is about 460 feet high ; on the
east, the bold and lofty cliff of Ratcheugh Crag, which is
896 feet above the sea level, intervenes between Alnwick and
the sea ; more level ground stretches for a few miles south-
ward, but the valley in which Alnwick lies, is bounded in
that direction by the high hilly grounds of Newton-on-the-
Moor and Shilbottle, which reach an elevation of 473 feet.
The river Aln crosses the parish from west to east, running
in a deep valley, generally with gently sloping sides, but
where it cuts through the sandstone ridge, the banks are
loftier, more rugged, and steep.
The town and castle have a general elevation of 200 feet
above the sea level ; some streets however, as Walkergate
and the lower part of Canongate, are but little above the
level of the river. Almost encompassed by hills of greater
or less elevation, the town stands on a situation tolerably
sheltered.
Though now an unimportant town in the great empire of
Britain, with a population of only 7,350 in the parish, with
few manufactures, and no great extent of trade, the history
of Alnwick nevertheless possesses more interest than its pre-
sent condition would lead us to expect. It has not dimin-
ished in population, or gone down, like some old boroughs,
into obscurity and utter ruin; but it has lost its relative
importance, and other towns, once more insignificant, having
caught the improving spirit of modem times, have utilised
their natural resources, and become the centres of manu-
facturing, mining, and commercial industry. Alnwick derives
its interest mainly, therefore, from its ancient history ; for
when several of our great towns were mere villages or clusters
of huts or shealings, Alnwick was a walled town, and en-
joyed a corporate existence ; battles were fought before its
gates; it was repeatedly besieged and burnt; kings were
slain and captured within sight of its walls ; monarchs and
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INTBODUCrOIlY. 8
generals made it a place of rendezvous for armies and nego*
tiations; warlike barons, wielding power little less than
regal, resided within its great castle, ruled their vassals and
hatched their plots against their sovereign, or devised schemes
for public liberty; malefactors were executed there, and grisly
and gory heads were exhibited over its gates ; mitred abbots
and cowled monks lived hard by, and dispensed a magnifi-
cent hospitality within their splendid abbeys ; and in later
times, the commonalty rising out of feudal bondage, may be
seen endowed with a limited amount of wealth and power^
now debating and quarrelling over the town's affairs, and
now enjoying themselves with their canary, mulled claret,
and music. Old customs lingered long here ; and there yet
remains somewhat of the rac^ savour of olden times in the
tastes, the habits, and associations of the inhabitants. A
scientific gentleman from America recently strolled through
Alnwick, examined its buildings and listened to accounts of
its manners and customs ; with wonder did he gaze on the
great Gothic castle — ^intently he scrutinised the old buildings
as he passed along — the old gateway — the old housed with
their balconies and quaint inscriptions — the old chantry — the
old church I nor did Saint MichaePs Pant, with the archangel,
the guardian of the town, on its top killing the dragon, nor
did the bull ring, nor the site of the stocks escape his notice;
but more than all, when the curfew bell tolled its clear notes
in the evening, from the Town Hall tower, did he stop and
listen with a delight almost childish. He felt, indeed, that
his brief survey of Alnwick gave him a more distinct notion
of the character of the old mother country, than he had
gained from other sources.
Perhaps the natural history of Alnwick may not be of so
much special interest ; but as the zoology, the botany, and
the geology, have been carefully examined during several
years, the observations may be of some value and deserving
of record. A section across the parish from the Cheviots to
the sea shore, will exhibit almost every kind of igneous and
stratified rock occurring within the county, and therefore a
description of that section — of its mineral characters, of its
physical conditions, of its organic contents, of its economic
uses — ^will present an epitome of the geology of Northumber-
land. Something there may be then in the history of Aln-
wick, to instruct and please even those who live beyond its
boundaries.
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CHAPTEE n.
AJSfOIENT BEinSH PERIOD.
BTTXOLOOY OF ALNWICK— EABLY HrflABITAllTS— THB OTADENI —
FOBTS A2n> DWSIiLIKGS — 8SFUIX3HBS8— TTBNB— BTONII WEAPONB
Aim mSTBTTMEirrS — ^BBONZB BBUOS — GOU) OKETAMENTS — 8TANI>-
INO STONE— CBLTIO NAMES — BEICAINS IN NOBTH NOBTHUMBBB-
LAND— STBSrOLOOY — STONE OIBOLB — INSOBIBSD BOOKS.
Though Alnwick may boast of a respectable antiquity^ yet
of its existence as a tovm before the Norman Conquest, there
is no documentary evidence. The name does not occur in
Gildas, Beda, Nennius, the Saxon chronicle^ or indeed in
any pre-Norman charter or history. In old histories and
documents, subsequent to that period, the name is written in
various forms, as appears in the foUovfing list :—
Ahiawio— Bichard of Hexham, 12th century.
Ahiewyk — ^In charters and inquisitioiis of the 12th, 13th, and
14th centuries — Bromton — liber Niger — ^Act to embattile the
town, 1434.
Alnewyc — Charters 12ih and 13th centuries.
Alnewyke — Inquisitions and charters 13ih aud 14th centuries —
Chronicle of Alnwick Abbey.
Alnewicke — Inquisitions 13th and 14th centuries — Petition of
Burgesses, 1650.
Alnewik — Kn;f^hton, 14th century — Lord Hertford, 1669.
Alnewich — ^WiUiam of Newberry, 12th century.
Alnewike— Borough SeaL
Aunewike— Bot l2t Pat, 1213.
Aunwyk— Pipe Boll, 1282.
Aunewic — Testa de Neville.
Awnewyke— Earl of Northumberland, 1528.
Anwik — Earl of Northumberland, 1613.
Anwick — Heraldic Visitation, circa, 1600.
The spelling is arbitrary ; but all the forms excepting the
six last, are essentially'the same as the modem ^' Alnwick."
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 5
Mr. Ralph Carr of Hedgeley^ one of our ablest etymologists,
considers that the old name would be in three syllables,
Al-na-wick ; and this form indeed, is given by Richard of
Hexham^ one of the earliest northern historians. At present
howeyer, the name is pronounced Annick by all the native
inhabitants of the town ; and indeed, as early as the 13th
century, the pronunciation seems to have been similar to the
broad nasal sound by Scotsmen, though in three syllables-^
Au-ne-foicke. Obviously Alnwick is compounded of Aln,
the name of the river on which the town stands, and of wick,
the Anglo-Saxon for a street, village, or dwelling place ; but
this latter element is one of those peculiar terms, which
evidence the affinity and common origin of several different
languages ; for it appears in the Greek, ^^** in the Latin,
vicus, in the Sanscrit, vie, and it has been traced in
other Indo-European tongues. Aln, like the names of
our rivers, hills, and mountains, is Celtic or Ancient British,
and was given by one of the earliest tribes settling in
Britain ; for in the Hibernico-Celtic we have Alain, signi-
fying white, bright, or clear. Alnwick therefore is the town
on the bright clear river. In one form or other, Aln is
not an uncommon name of rivers. We have Altoyn a
tributary of the Coquet, and AUan flowing into the South
Tyne ; and the same name appears in Roxburghshire, in the
Lothians, in other parts of Scotland, and also in Ireland.
Westward of the town, the Aln is commonly spoken of as the
Ale-toaier, and sometimes as the Yell. Alnham near its
source is called Ale-dam, and occasionally YeU-dom; and
Alnmouth, pronounced Alemouth, is not unfrequently called
Yellmauth.
Another name is applied to Alnwick in a chronicle of the
Priory of St. Andrews— one of the most ancient and authentic
of Scottish records — ^which states that Malcolm, son of Dun-
can, was slain at Inner-alden, The name of the river is
recognisable; but t^tner, which comes from the Gaelic inbhear,
denotes the mouth of a river, and would rather apply to
Alnmouth ; but as it is pretty certain that Malcolm fell near
Alnwick^ the chronicler, as Professor Simpson supposes,! may
• I am indebted^to my young friend Mr. Robert Busby for this note—" The
Greek Wmt anciently had the diagamma, which is supposed to possess the
power of a W ; and this makes the analogy between the Greek word and the
Saxon wkk stronger,"
f Dr. Simpson's Cat-Stane, p. 25.
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6 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
have erred for want of proper local knowledge. Fordun,
when relating the same event, gives Murealden, as a synonym
— ^^^Castrum de Alynewick, sive Murealden, quod idem est;"*
and this may be descriptive of the wild moorish condition of
the district around Alnwick at that period.
When the far reaching ambition of Caesar made Britain
known to the civilized world, it was peopled by the Celtic
race, who, migrating many centuries before from the east,
had passed by successive population-waves into the British
Islands. From a careful and extensive comparison of the
old names of rivers, mountains, and other great natural
objects in all thej^e inlands, it has been proved, that the
language of the whole was essentially the same ; but that
different tribes had their own dialectic peculiarities. The
distribution of the same peculiar sjrmbolical sculptures over
the British Islands corroborates the conclusion. Though of
a common origin, the clans or tribes were numerous, and to
a great extent independent of each other. While the southern
part of England was occupied by the Belgae, the most civilized
tribe, the north was peopled bv the rude and warlike Bxig-
antes ; and these were divided into several distinct branches ;
Gadeni dwelt in the western part of Northumberland and in
Koxburghshire ; but the eastern part of Northumberland
and Berwickshire were occupied by the Otadeni ; and to this
tribe belonged the people, who, for many generations prior
to the Christian era, dwelt in the valley of the Aln. Of this
primitive race there are few written records ; and what we
do know of them has been gathered, not so much from books
or manuscripts, as from their sepulchres, their ruined forts
and dwellings, and from their language, either at intermingled
in our common speech, or impressed as it were upon our
rivers, mountains, hills, and other great objects in nature.
It is remarkable how many remains there are of this Pre-
Koman period even within the limits of Alnwick parish —
there are forts, traces of dwellings, barrows and sepulchres,
urns, stone and bronze weapons and instruments, golden and
other ornaments, which though telhng us nothing of the
names of individual chiefs or of particular events, yet raise
up the general form and character of evanished tribes and
peoples. Of these various remains I shall give an account.
It may be premised, that almost all earthworks in the district,
were at one period, without discrimination, referred to Danish
* Forduni Scotichronicon.
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▲KCIEMT BRITISH PEBIOD. 7
origin. One principle of easy application seems to have
guided a certain class of antiquaries in their exposition of
early remains — ^whatever was rude was Danish^ and what-
ever shewed marks of skill and art was Roman. A more
critical age cannot adopt this crude method. As the geolo*
gist examines the fossil contents of a rock to determine its
age and ascertain its history^ so must the antiquary dig into
fortlets^ dwellings, and barrows, and by the relics he finds^
and the structural peculiarities he observes, determine their
age and read the character and history of ,the people who
erected them. Excavations have recently been maide into
old antiquities in the valley of the Breamish, and on and
around Yevering Bell; and the facts, which the spade and
pick-axe have revealed in these places, will be useful guides
in our examination of those which have not yet been ex-
plored in a similar manner.
CAMPS.
To determine in all cases with certainty the age of camps
is impossible, on account of their imperfect condition ; but
as a general rule it may be laid down, that camps or fortlets
of a rounded form, and associated with small circular founda-
tions of hut dwellings, and not far distant from barrows
containing Ancient British relics, may without much doubt
be referred to the Ancient British period. Supplementary
defences either on one, or on two opposite sides, enclosing
small crescent shaped areas, are also I think characteristic
of the same age.
A remarkable group of antiquities is clus-
HiGHFABLAW. tcred on the high grounds sloping southward
from the summit of Highfarlaw, three miles
north of Alnwick. Besides the mediaeval tower, there are
three camps, and there existed some years ago, a barrow and
traces of hut dwellings. On the crest of the hiH is a strong-
hold, now overgrown with trees which form an ornamental
clump ; it has two rampiers* with a ditch between them, and
is of an oval shape, in diameter from north to south sixty
yards, and from east to west seventy-one yards; the area
enclosed is about four-fifths of an acre. The rampart on the
south side appears to have been regularly built with large
stones. Entrances or gateways are on the east and west
• The tenn rampier I apply to a lude wall fiDrmed of earth and stonei.
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8 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
sides, nine feet in width. The interior is divided by other
rampiers into several compartments ; three large enclosures
are traceable, and the remains of several sm^ler ones are
visible, which most probably had been circular hut dwellings.
The position is commanding ; the great hills of the district
are seen from it — ^the Cheviots, Ros Castle, Alnwick Moor,
and Shilbottle Law ; and along the coast the view ranges a .
distance of thirty miles.
Another camp there was, only two or three hundred yards
to the southward, on the slope of the hill in a field called the
*' Camp Field.'' This was large, enclosing an area of nearly
two acres; there was but one rampier, which however, is
now almost obliterated, the field halving for several years
been under cultivation.
To the eastward of the Holywell camp, not more than one
hundred yards, a rude flagged floor was exposed a few years
ago by tne plough, one foot below the surface. The flags
were of unhewn sandstone, and were roughly fitted in to
each other, forming a circle of thirteen feet in diameter.
From better preserved remains of a similar kind among the
Cheviots, we are able to determine this to have been the floor
of an Ancient British hut ; the fire had been in the centre,
for after having been quenched for many centuries, the ashes
were found on the blackened hearth-stone.
At a short distance, west-south-west of this camp, a barrow
or small artificial hill formed of earth and stones, covered an
ancient interment. This was removed forty years ago, and
beneath it, an urn, such as occurs in Ancient British graves,
was found placed within a circle of stones.
The association of these camps with the Ancient British
barrow and the hut floor, enables us to determine pretty
certainly, that Highfarlaw was the site of an Ancient British
settlement.
Lower down the same hill, about a mile
Chesters. southward, yet stiU upon high ground, over-
looking the valley of the Aln, is the camp of
Black Chesters, wluch is now overgrown with trees. It is
of a circular form and strongly fortified bjr two rampiers and
a deep ditch. The circumference of the inner circle is 180
yards, and of the outer 880 yards, the area of the whole being
near to two acres. The entrance is obscure, and appears to
have been on the east. A small iron ball was found a few
years ago, among stones on the surface ; but this could not
belong to the period when the camp was made ; it may have
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. tf
been left when the Scottish armies passed through the county
in the 17 th century.
Near Brislaw there are two camps; one on the
Brislaw.* western slope of the high rugged sandstone hill
on which Brislaw Tower stands, about half-a-mile
eastward of Moor-laws. This is circular, and has only one
rampier, with a ditch outside, the circumference being 190
yards. There are two entrances, one on the north and the
other on the west side. A hollow way proceeds from it down
the hill, similar to the roads connected with other Ancient
British fortlets— P/a^« U.,fig, 13.
Distant from this about half-a-mile N.N.W., is the other
camp on Catheugh, lower and more level ground, by the side
of a little bum, whose steep banks add to the defences of the
stronghold. It is much obscured by trees and the rank
growth of underwood with which it is covered ; part of it
has been destroyed near the burn for the sake of a road, so
that what remains is only the segment of a circle. The place
had been very strong, for there are two rampieis and two
ditches; and even now, after the destructive influence of
many centuries, the rampier remains in some parts as high
as fifteen feet. Entrances appear on the north-east side.
The remains of a camp are traceable on
Stoney Hills. Camp-hill on the Swansfield estate, near
the edge of Alnwick Moor, less than a mile
south-westward of the town. It is much obliterated, except-
ing on the south side ; the form is oval, being 120 yards
in diameter from east to west, and 104 yards from north
to south. There is little to mark it except its rounded
shape.
On Rugley Moor-house farm, there was a camp;
BuoLET. but now owing to cultivation, it is barely traceable.
It was of a squarish form, rounded at the corners,
and contained an area of one acre and one-eighth ; it had a
rampier and a ditch. Close to it, but on the outside of the
wall, an ancient quern or hand-mUl was found. Such primi-
tive mills for* grinding corn are not uncommon in and near
forts and dwellings of the Ancient British people ; we
have found them in the Celtic town of Greaves Ash, in the
* " Brislaw, in Holn Park, a very lofty eminence commanding the whole
district about it, is vulgarly called BrUieff, as if it were mere ordinary lea-land;**
R. Can OQ Composite Names of Places ; Trans, of Tyneside Club, YoU I.,
p. 84i. Law from the Anglo-Saxon Maw is applied to a hill, generally high
and oonieal.
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10 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Chesters camp on the Breamish, and even within the great
fort on the summit of Yevering Bell.
One other camp remains to be noticed,
Alnwick Moor, which is situated on Alnwick Outer Moor,
little more than two miles westward of
the town, on the slope of the hill. Though small, the in-
terior area not exceeding half-an-acre, this is an interesting
camp, as some portions are in good preservation, and its form
and arrangements are easily seen. The form is rounded ;
and it has two rampiers and a ditch, with an entrance on the
south-east. This has been pronounced a Danish camp ; but
without any evidence or even probability. Its external
characters are similar to Ancient British camps — Plate IL,
Jiff. 12.
8EPULCHEE8.
Besides the barrow at Holywell already
Alnwick Moor, referred to, others have been observed in
the parish. Perhaps the most interesting
are two, which have been opened near to each other, probably
part of a group, on the hill side northward of Alnwick Moor
Burn, and near to the Forest Lodge. One of them in Aln-
wick Moor was discovered in 1820, and a cist-vaen * was
exposed, made of slaty sandstone slabs, and within it was an
entire skeleton doubled up, with the head laid to the south-
west. The other, only about fifty yards distant, is within
the park, and was exposed in 1861, while excavations were
made along the hill side for a new road. Three feet below
the surface a cist-vaen was found, which was covered over
with stones of various kinds and sizes, piled up above the
interment to form a barrow or little hill, but which, through
the lapse of time and other causes, had been reduced almost
to the ordinary level of the ground. The cist-vaen was
placed in a fine sand overlying the boulder clay ; it is formed
of slabs of a slaty sandstone common in the district, set on
edge so as to form a small coffin 17 inches in depth, 3 feet
Scinches long on the north side, and 3 feet 9J inches on the
south side ; and in breadth 2 feet 3 inches. A flag lay at
the bottom, and the top was entirely covered by a large slab.
This cist is a good type of the stone coffins in which the
Ancient British people interred their dead and placed memo-
rials of their lost friends. No bones nor evidences of burning
were discovered ; but within the cist was placed a fine urn
or earthenware vessel, of a simple bowl shape, 6 inches in
* Stone chest or etone coffin.
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 11
•
height and 7| inehes in dianiieter at the top — Plate IL^fig. 4.
Zigzag lines are incised on the rim^ a mode of ornamentrog
characteristic of Celtic fictile art ; but the body of the urn
was incised with figures of an uncommon description^ con-
sisting of lozenge forms arranged in a kind of quincunx.
Urns of the same bowl shape have been obtained from sim^ai^
sepulchres at Chatton and Wandylaw — that firom the latter
being beautifully ornamented^ and associated with an entire
skeleton and a flint arrow head. Probably the Forest Lodge
sepulchre also contained a corpse which^ through the access
of water and air, may have been entirely decomposed.
On the ridge of a field called Willow Close,
Si70LEY. west of Bugley Moor-house, a barrow was opened
which covered a cist-vaen, similar to that already
described, and in this was found a bead of a yellow colour,
which appeared to be amber.
In a field not far from the limestone
Denwick Lane, quarry, a cist-vaen was exposed by the
plough; in which there was a skeleton
with the body bent and the face looking upward ; the hair
was still in preservation, lying beneath the head '^ like a
bird's nest;'' along with this interment was an urn of the
ordinary Celtic character. In a field not far distant, another
cist-vaen was found, but it contained no relics.
In the northern part of the parish, from
HoLLiNGHEUGH. White House Folly down the hill towards
the river there had been many interments.
On high ground called Hollingheugh there was a cairn,
which was removed in 18M, and beneath it was a cist-vaen
containing an urn or vase of peculiar character ; for besides
being ornamented with zigzag scorines, it had four projecting
kno^, which are interesting, as eany and rude attempts to
fiumish vessels with handles — Plate IL,fig. 2.
On the White House grounds, now form-
Whitb HotJSE. ing the north-west comer of Holn* Park,
three other sepulchres have been discovered.
One was opened in 1818 and contained a skeleton, by the
side of which stood an elegant shaped drinking cup, covered
with zigzag scorings ; it is said to have contained ashes —
Plate ILyfig, 1. This is the shape most usually met with
in Ancient British interments in North Northumberland;
elegant in form and in ornamentation, they exhibit no small
* The Dame is thai spelt in early charters.
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12 HISTORY OF ALNMTICK.
degree of artistic taste. Another dst-yaen in this locality
was found in 1833 ; but of this we have no definite informa-
tion j beyond the fact that the direction of the grave was from
north to south. Of the third sepulchre, however, which was
opened in 1863, we have more particular knowledge. The
dst-vaen was as usual formed of sandstone slabs, the length
being 2 feet 9 inches, the width 1 foot 10 inches, and the
direction from N.E. to S.W. ; within was laid a skeleton with
the head towards the south-west end, the body bent, the
knees being drawn up towards the head ; and nearly in the
centre stood an urn or vase, which is 5 inches in height, with
four knobs at the side, and ornamented with characteristic
zigzag scorings — Plate ILyfig, 3. The skeleton was that of
a young person, about 12 years of age ; for the temporary
canine teeth had disappeared, and the permanent canine
teeth were making their appearance; while also the
sutures of the skull were very distinct. Unfortunately the
cranium was broken and incomplete ; but so much remained
as to admit of its general characters being determined ; it
was a short, broad, and compact head; the longitudinal
diameter being 6*3 inches and the parietal diameter 5 inches,
giving a proportion of nearly 10 to 8, which marks the
cranium of the Brachy-cephalic type. The form is well
rounded, but there is a peculiar flattening from the occipital
protuberance to the foramen magnum, probably due to arti-
ficial compression ; for Dr. Barnard Davis, the distinguished
author of the '^ Crania Britannica,'' has shewn that some
ancient tribes modified by artificial means the natural form
of the skull. Even now some of the American Indians
distort the heads of their children by the use of a cradle board.
Singular is it, that in the sepulchre of so young a person,
there was a rude flint arrow head about one inch in length,
and of the same character as one found in a similar interment
at Wandylaw — Plate IL, jig, 9.* Other vases of the same
kind from the district, preserved in the Alnwick Castle
Museum, shew a gradual advance in Ancient British fictile
art ; one from Warkworth has, in place of mere knobs, small
but well shaped perforated handles.
About twenty years ago, another interment was discovered
in the Parks, within a plantation cresting the hill to the
westward of Holn Abbey ; this also contained a skeleton,
which, however, has not been preserved.
* F\g, 14 in PlaU IL ii the sharpened stone celt icferred to in page IS.
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 18
A few Other relics belonging to the Celtic period have been
found in the parish of Alnwick.
STONE CELTS.
To instmments made of stone with sharp edges at one
or both ends, the name celt has been applied, which in
the Cambro-Celtic, means a flint stone. One of these
was discovered in 1862 by Mr. George Armstrong, one foot
below the surface, while cutting through a hill on the
south side of the road between Alnwick and Denwick,
nearly opposite to the spot on which old Denwick cross
stands. It is well made and quite smooth, and more
artistically finished than the rudely chipped flint weapons
of Abbeville ; it is somewhat broken at the ends, but when
perfect would be 7 inches long, and 2 inches wide at the one
end and one inch at the other ; the sides are blunt, but like
other celts of similar character, it was sharp at both ends ; it
is made of a dark grey metamorphic shale, hard enough to
scratch glass — Plate ILy Jiff. 10. Three other stone celts I
have, which were found in fields near the borders of the
parish. All are similar in shape, and formed of indurated
slate ; two of them are 4 inches and the other 6 inches long.
One of them is especially interesting, because shewing an
alteration from its original form by being repeatedly sharp-
ened. These are small in size compared with another
from the valley of the Reed, which is nearly 12 inches long
and finely finished. Such instruments were used as chisels
or wedges, to cut or split wood and other substances softer
than themselves ; and they have even been found inserted like
a wedge, into cavities of large stones ; but as weapons also
they would be formidable, especially those of a large size,
fastened like an axe at the head of a pole. Flint arrow heads,
as we have seen, also occur.
BRONZE RELICS.
Gale has given an account of bronze weapons and tools
found in 1726 within the Old Park, about a mile north-
west of Alnwick. A mason was clearing away the earth
from a sandstone rock, in order to obtain building stones,
when, at the depth of 18 inches, he found lying upon the
rock twenty bronze swords and sixteen spear heads; and
near to these, only a foot further down the hill, forty-two
bronze instruments usually called celts. Fortunately some
of these relics were obtained by Gale, otherwise we should
have known nothing of them, for the remainder were seized
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14 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
by the Steward of the Lord of the Manor, and they were
never afterwards seen. The swords were leaf-shaped and
only 18 inches long in the blade, double edged and pointed,
being more adapted for thrusting than cutting. The handles
were remarkably small, being usually only 8 inches in length,
and indicating that the race who wielded these weapons had
small hands — Plate IL, fig, 8. The spear heads had a
socket for the insertion of a wooden pole ; some were long
and narrow, with a small wing or flange on each side — Plate
ILy fig. 5 ; but in others, the flange was wider and cut
through or eyed, a form common in Scotland and Ireland,
but rare in England. Similar swords and spear heads were
found in a bog at Thrunton, near Whittingham, in this
county in 1847 ; and three of the bronze leaf-shaped swords
were discovered in 1857,near toa Celtic fortleton Brandon hill.
The celts or chisels, as they are sometimes called — Plate
ILyfig, 7 — have one end with a broad sharp edge, and the
other is narrower and thicker, and hollowed so as to admit a
wooden shaft ; they have a loop or ear attached to one side.
Such instruments, the most common of bronze relics, were
cast in stone moulds; one of these moulds found near Wal-
lington, is in the Museum of Sir Walter Trevelyan, Bart.
There was great difference in the shape and artistic finish of
these celts, from the simple form of a stone celt to those
complicated with flanges, sockets, loops, and mouldings.
Though they may have been applied to warlike purposes,
yet I think they were chiefly used as chisels or wedges.
The number of the bronze relics found in the "Old Park"
is remarkable ; and the association of the celts with the other
weapons, aids in determining the age of the leaf-shaped
swords, regarding which there has been considerable contro-
versy. As these swords are of a graceful shape, beautifully
finished, and well tempered, they must, according to some,
have been the production of Roman art. Here however,
they have been found with celts, which without any doubt
may be referred to the Ancient British people. Bronze
weapons moreover, are not known to have been used by the
Bomans when they conquered Britain, nor do we find any
types among the weapons or instruments of the Romans
corresponding with these bronze relics ; while on the other
hand, the presence of bronze da^ers* and sometimes
* At North Cbwlton « l>ro]i£e dagger wu in one of theie gntTes along with a
glass bead.
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 15
bronze swords in Ancient British graves prores that they
were pre-Roman. True it is, the Caledonian sword described
by Tacitus in the first century, was long, blunt, and adapted
for striking; these however, were made of iron, a metal which
for some time previously had been in use. It is reasonable
therefore, to infer that the bronze weapons belonged to a
more distant period, when the Ancient Britons had risen
above the feeble and barbarous state indicated by the general
use of flint tipped arrows and javelins, and stone battle axes,
and had acquired sufficient metallurgic skill to produce bronze
weapons ; for that bronze objects are of native manufacture
is evidenced by the discovery in Britain, not only of moulds
in which these objects were cast, but also of lumps of the
crude unfashioned metal itself.
In the Alnwick Castle Museum there are a bronze celt,
with a socket and ring, which was found in the North
Demesne in 18S4, and a bronze spear head, with a socket for
a handle, obtained from Den wick in 18S2— Plate IL,Jig. 6.
These are of the same shape as the Old Park relics.
Another very curious bronze implement is also there, found
somewhere in Holn Park ; it is remarkable, as being orna-
mented by incised figures, considered to be of a Celtic
character, somewhat resembling the outline of a dog's face.
These figures are similar to some on Celtic antiquities found
near to Stanwick in Yorkshire. This implement is flat and
shaped like a heater; but of its use I can form no rational
conjecture — Plate IL^fig, 6.
GOLD OENAMENTS.
Gold occurring generally in a native state, frequently in
superficial deposits, and being moreover easily smelted and
worked, was one of the earliest metals discovered and applied
to use. By the Ancient British people, it was fashioned into
various ornaments — ^into torques which adorned the necks of
their chiefs, into armlets, fibulae, and rings. Two golden
penannular ornaments were found in 1860, in Cooper's Hill,
near to the Alnwick Railway Station, when this hill was cut
through during the formation of the branch line. Unfortu-
nately, these very rare and valuable relics were broken by
the workmen ana sold to an ironmonger ; but Dr, Charlton
of Newcastle, bought the fragments and placed them in the
Museum of the Newcastle Antiquarian Society. The frag-
ments consist of thin ringed pktes, 1^ and If inches m
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16
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
diameter, a narrow plate J of an inch wide and 2 J inches
long, and fine golden wire. A restored figure of one of these
rings will shew its peculiar shape ; it is ornamented with
very delicate and well formed impressions of concentric
circles which had heeu made by a stamp, each series consisting
of twelve, and being about ^ of an inch in diameter. The
golden wire had been used along the outer edge of the ring,
where the plates join, to give strength to the ornament and
keep it in shape.
na 2 na I
Fig, 1. — Perspective View shewing the ornaraeivted surface.
Fig, 2.— Profile View.
The other ring was of the same form, but plain. Made with
so much skill, as to rival the most artistic work of modern
goldsmiths, they must have been highly valued personal
ornaments ; but in what manner applied it is difficult to say.
One of the same character, weighing 71 grains, now in the
Museum of the Rev. William Greenwell, Durham, was found
near Cheeseburn Grange in Northumberland. No others
have been discovered in England; but these penannular
ornaments have been found in Anglesey along with golden
armlets ; and a few have been discovered in Ireland. Dr.
Daniel Wilson in his Pre-historic Annals of Scotland,* gives
a figure of one from the West Highlands, and describes it as
" a curious hollow penannular gold capsule."
Scandinavian archaeologists would refer the Alnwick rings
to the Northmen, some of whom settled in Northumberland,
because concentric circles ornament some Scandinavian relics;
but the premises do not warrant the conclusion, for concentric
circles are on relics of various ages ; we have them on the
* Second Edition, p. 458, fig. 88.
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. 17
Ancient British sculptured rocks of Northumberland ; they
occur on Koman objects^ and I have seen them on ancient
Babylonian pottery. The association however^ of these
golden ornaments with other relics proves their age; for
they were found at Alnwick along with a socketed and
ringed bronze celt, within an urn, having the zigzag scorings
characteristic of Aacient British pottery.
It has been suggested that such rings may have been used
as money ; in Africa at the present day, golden rings are so
applied. For such a purpose however, our Alnwick orna-
ments are too light and fragile, and their exquisite artistic
finish indicate a higher object ; but it is not improbable, that
six other rings formed of solid twisted gold bars, weighing
602'S grains, found in the parish of Ford in 1856, and now
in Mr. Greenwell*s Museum, may have been Ancient British
ring money.
STANDING STONE.
No stone circle is within the parish; but one ancient
monolith still stands on high ground in a plantation, about
a mile westward of Holn Abbey, and not far distant from
Ancient British sepulchres. It is a rude unhewn pillar of
sandstone, 5 feet 4 inches high above ground, somewhat
square, the sides being from 2S inches to 25 inches broad.
Deeply guttered and worn by time, it has the aspect of great
antiquity ; and it is referred to in a charter dated A.D. 128S,
as '* the great standing stone on the height.** — Plate 11.^ fig.
11. For what object it was placed there, is now a mystery ;
some of these stones were hoar or boundary stones — others
were memorial stones to commemorate important events —
others were cat stones to mark the site of a battle, and others
were connected with sepulchres. Such stones were long held
in veneration and associated with romantic legends.
LANGUAGE.
Many Celtic words derived from this olden time are in
daily use, intermingled with our common Anglo-Saxon
speech ; but as these are not peculiar to the district, they
need not detain us. The names of many hills, rivers, and
other prominent objects in Northumberland are Celtic. A
few of these are impressed on our district. Aln the name of
the river is, as we have seen, Celtic. We have 2V?y»,
(Celtic,) an eminence or tuft of wood in Twinlaw, a high
D
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18 HIBTOKT OF ALNWICK.
hill on the western boundary of Alnwick Moor^ where the
Lord of the Manor called over the names of the burgesses
on the day when the boundaries of the Common were per-
ambulated ; Law is an Anglo-Saxon addition, meaning a hill.
Traces of the Celtic we have in Pennywelk, the name of
fields on high ground north of the Aln, which may come
from Pen-y-ffwal — the rampart on the head or point. The
^'Firth/' on the south side of the parish, is from JPHdd,
(Celtic,) a forest or wood ; and in Katcheugh, we have a
word compounded of the Celtic Mhach, that which is forced
out, descriptive of the outbreak of pillared rock forming the
cliff; and of the Saxon heugh, which has a similar meaning.
In Dunsheugh, which is hard by, there is the same Saxon
termination, with the Hibemico-Celtic Dun^ a fortress.
The old remains in Alnwick Parish, though not numerous,
yet include representatives of most kinds of relics belonging
to the Ancient British Period; they prove that a Celtic popu-
lation was scattered over the district, and that probably
Alnwick itself was originally a Celtic settlement.
Of this distant and obscure period, better illustrations have
been gathered from the wild uncultivated hills and moor-
lands in the district westward of Alnwick. At Holywell we
found traces of a single hut ; but among the Cheviots and
undisturbed hill lands, there are groups of such dwellings ;
and there too we can see the relation which the great forts,
the fortified towns and houses, the hut dwellings, the sepul-
chres, and the temples bear to each other.
At Greaves Ash, on high ground near Linhope in the
valley of the Breamish, and among the porphyritic hills of
the Cheviot range, one of these primitive fortified towns has
been examined by means of excavations. This wonderful
though ruined structure, consists of three principal parts,
all defended by encircling walls ; on the highest ground is
the stronghold or citadel ; at a little distance is the middle
fort, which may have been the residence of the chief; and
lower down is the principal town, which is circular, having
a circumference of 1000 feet, and defended by two encircling
walls from 5 feet to IS feet in thickness, built without lime,
of unhewn porphyry blocks. The great outer wall may have
been 10 feet in height. Within these defences are numbers
of hut circles from 8 feet to SO feet in diameter, which when
complete had walls, similarly built, some four or five feet in
height, surmounted by wattle work, with a tapering roof
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ANCIEDT BRITISH PERIOD. 19
covered by sods or heather or rashes. These huts are roughly
flagged with flat porphyry stones ; and in one, a low stone
bench about S incnes above the level of the floor and 5 feet
in breadth extends round the wall of the hut, probably the
place whereon the inmates slept. The fire was in the centre,
and the entrances, generally on the eastward, were closed with
a door, which opened towards the interior, as we still find a
raised row of flags across the entrance forming a check to a
door. Though the principal parts are somewhat detached
from each other, they nevertheless form one assemblage of
dwellings and fortifications, for they are connected by enclo-
sures, hollow roads, and a general defensive rampart on the
south. They constitute a primeeval fortified town — an
Ancient British oppidum — constructed according to a different
type from any modern city ; for here there are no rectangular
houses, straight streets, or towering chimneys, but simply a
collection of rude huts, irregularly grouped, and with winding
trackways between. While the arrangements evince a low
state of civilization, they prove moreover, from the skilful
manner in which the defences are planned, that the rude
inhabitants had at least studied the art of war.*
The primseval antiquities around Yevering are also highly
instructive. Yevering Bell, a truncated cone some 1500 feet
in height, has its summit, containing an area of twelve acres,
encircled by a great wall of unhewn stones 8 feet in thick-
ness ; within this are remains of several hut circles, and at
the eastern end is a small fort, formerly regarded as a
Druidical place of sacrifice. Almost every hill in the district
is crested with a fort ; but among these rolling hills, there
are dry and sheltered valleys, scattered over which are num-
bers of hut circles, sometimes detached, but more frequently
in groups. Planted in the midst of these huts, are several
small forts — ^the strongholds of the Ancient British chiefe, in
which the inhabitants of the huts would find refuge on sudden
emergencies ; resembling in this respect, the Border bastiles
and pele towers of the middle ages, which were places of
refriffe and defence for the inhabitants of the cottages and
ha^ets, when Northumberland was exposed to Scottish
raids. The great forts, such as Yevering, were the castles of
the period; on high elevations exposed to the frill play of
stormy winds 4ind inclement weather, they were not smted
for permanent residence ; but when the district was invaded
• Hktonr of the Berwiduhire Naturalitts* Clab, YoL lY., p. 29S.
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W HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
by a powerful foe^ they would be secure places of refuge ;
and from the natural strength of their position and the
massiveness of their ramparts^ they would be impr^i;nable^ if
defended by brave hearts and stout arms.*
Excavations made into these structures, brought to light
some relics illustrating the history of the period. Querns of
a rude character were found at Greaves Ash, the Chesters
Camp on the Prendwick Estate, and even on the summit of
Yevering ; and as one of these querns in a broken state was
applied as a flag in a hut floor, we have evidence that the
Ancient Britons at an early period, not only lived on the
produce of the chase and of pasturage, but also cultivated
land and ground their com; and this is corroborated by
remains of ancient cultivation, seen in horizontal furrows,
high up among the hills in the neighbourhood of these
settlements. Pottery of a rude description, hand made, of
coarse clay and ill burnt, was discovered in considerable
quantity. But more interesting were the ornaments obtained ;
armlets made of polished oak were found in hut circles on
the top of Yevering, and one of a white opalised glass, and
another of variously coloured glass with wavy lines of white
enamel, were discovered in huts at Greaves Ash and Swint
Law near Yevering. A beautiful green glass bead occurred
at the Chesters, but this probably was used more as an
amulet than an ornament; they are traditionally called
Druid's Beads. A copper pin — ^part of a fibula — ^was dug cut
of the fort on the highest point of Yevering Bell. Almost
all the weapons and instruments were of stone, and are
referable to a very early period ; a flint javelin head was
found at Chesters ; and flint arrow heads, flint knives and
saw, and also unfashioned pieces of flint, the raw material
out of which weapons and instruments were manufactured,
around Yevering. An exceedingly rude spear head of iron,
was taken out of a hut on Swint Law, belonging however,
probably, to the later periods of Celtic occupation.
From the sepulchres opened in the district around Alnwick,
we gather some additional information. Vessels made of
coarse clay were usually placed in the small stone chamber,
either with the body entire, or with the ashes remaining
after having been burnt. The pottery of this period is
readily distinguishable, from the shape of the vessels, from
the material of which it was made, and from the zigzag or
• History of the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, Vol IV., p. 481.
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ANCIENT BRITISH PSBIOD. 21
herring bone scorings with which it was ornamented. In
Northumberland the forms were chiefly two— one like an
ordinary jar, coarsely made ; and the other of a more elegant
tulip-shape, more carefdlly manufactured and more elabor-
ately incised. Fanciful names have been given to them from
their supposed uses — such as incense cups, urns, drinking
cups, and vases ; but I am disposed to think, that most, iS
not all of them, were the domestic vessels of the period ; and
as his weapons, his ornaments, his amulets, were placed in the
tomb of the departed hero, so was also his drinking cup, that
he might be fiiUy equipped for his career in ayjother world.
Interesting forms of urns were found in a group of cist-
Taens on Hawkhill estate near to Lesbury ; in one at North
Charlton, there was laid by the side of a warrior, his bronze
dagger along with his amulet — ^a glass bead ; and in another
near Humbleton, a necklace, composed of flat rhomboidal
beads made of cannel coal or jet, some of which were studded
with gold points, was hung around the neck of a female
skeleton. A group of four cist-vaens opened at Tosson near
Rothbury, gives more important information ; each contained
an entire skeleton doubled up, and three of them, character-
istic Ancient British urns ; in one or other of them were
found an iron weapon, a bronze buckle, and circular orna-
ments made of cannel coal or jet, about the size of a crown
piece, convex on the upper surface and flat on the lower,
which had a loop by which the ornament could be attached
to the dress either as a button or fibula. These sepulchres
are especially interesting, because one of the skulls has been
preserved; it was described by the author in the Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries for Scotland, and furnished the
first information as to the crania of the Otadeni, the tribe
who peopled the eastern parts of Northumberland and Ber-
wickshire prior to the Roman invasion. By permission of
that Society, I am able to give figures of this cranium and of
the iron weapon with which it was associated.
Dr. Barnard Davis, one of our most accomplished ethnolo-
gists, has since figured and described this cranium in his mag-
nificent work Crania Britannica, as ^^one of the typical series
of Ancient British crania." It is a capacious skull of a man
beyond the prime of life, for the sutures, save the squamous,
are obliterated, and the crown of the teeth are much worn.
The face is flat and broad, the chin prominent, and the fore-
head high, but square. It is short and broad, and hence the
name ''Brachy-cephalic;" its length is 7'1 inches and breadth
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22 HI8T0BT OF ALNWICK.
6-1 inches, shewing a proportion of 1000 in length to 859 in
breadth.
RQ. 3 no. 4-
no. 5
Pig, S.;>-Side View of the Tonon tkulL
Fig, 4.— View of the crown of this ftknlL
Fig. 5.— lion weapon.
During the last five years researches have been made with
some success into the etnnology of the Ancient Britons inhabit-
ing the Eastern Borders; and it may now be affirmed that the
Tosson cranium is typical of the race. Above a dozen skulls
have been critically examined, and all prove to be of the Brachy-
cephalic type. One as we have seen, was found in Hoin
Park ; another, that of a female, at North Sunderland ; one
at Grundstone Law ; another at Ilderton — the skull of a man
between forty and fifty years of age, indicating considerable
intelligence ; one near Dunse ; and seven near to Cockbums-
path in Berwickshire.
Such crania of the Otadeni of the Eastern Borders differ
not only from the elongated skulls (the Dolico-cephalic) of
Englishmen, but it is supposed too, from the modem Celts —
the Welsh, Irish, and Gaelic ; they correspond with those of
the stone age men of Scandinavia. Some antiquaries, guided
by ethnology, would infer from this, that these Ancient
British people belonged to a Pre-Celtic race— of feeble organ-
isation. Ignorant of metals and using weapons and tools made
of stone, wood, or bone. The premises however, would be
too narrow for this conclusion ; other lines of research must
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD. US
throw Ught upon the question. We have evidence that
metals were in use both as tools and weapons among these
Ancient Britons^ bronze certainly, and, towards the latter
period, iron. Indeed it is doubtM whether a knowledge of
uron was absent from any period of Northumbrian historjr of
which we have remains ; for in a barrow near to Yevering
where several flint weapons, instruments, and flakes were
found, there were also lumps of iron slag. Nor do the facts
warrant the conclusion, that in Northumberland there was a
stone age, followed in succession by a bronze age and an iron
age ; it is rather to be inferred, that the materials used for
weapons and instruments were distinctive of class; for while
the chieftain from his superior power and means could com-
mand an iron or a bronze weapon, the commonalty had to
content themselves with weapons fashioned out of the more
accessible and tractable materials, of wood, bone, or stone.
Something would depend on the local position of a tribe ;
and probably too, some tribes less civilized and less advanced
in art, had fewer metallic products than other tribes living
at the same period. The era of our Northumbrian pre-
Soman remains would, I think, correspond more nearly with
what has been called the bronze age than with the others ;
not that other metals were absent, but because bronze was
more used for the fabrication of weapons and instruments.
Language aids in the determination of the question as to
race; for the names of hills, rivers, and other prominent
objects in Northumberland — ^names given by the aboriginal
inhabitants and which survive oftentimes the revolutions of
race — ^are Celtic. A people so numerous as the Celts were,
when Caesar invaded Britain — ^he calls them an infinite mul-
titude— ^would surely leave some traces of their occupancy of
the island; but if the forts, oppida, barrows, and stone circles,
which we have in Northumberland, are not their remains, it
may be asked, where are they to be found ? For if we attribute
these remains to an earlier race, we would blot out the
records of many centuries from our annals. Taking, there-
fore, into accoimt various kinds of evidence, we may conclude
that the old remains in Northumberland belong to the Celtic
race, though they may tell the history of many centuries
prior to the Christian era. The apparent discrepant evidence
^om ethnology is suggestive of inquiry; may not the type of
cranium gradually change through long ages of advancing
civilization, or may not this effect be produced even by a
slight admixture of a new and dominating race ?
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jB4 HI8T0BT OF ALN^VICK.
According to Caesar^ the Ancient British people had a
religion which recognised superior powers ruling in the world,
and inculcated the immortality of the soul and its passage
at death into other bodies. Greatly superstitious they were;
and says Pliny, " the magic arts were cultivated with such
astonishing success and so many ceremonies, that the Britons
seem capable of instructing even the Persians themselves in
these arts.'' The Druids were not only the priests of this
religion, but judges, philosophers, and schoolmasters. Where
then were their temples, their places of meeting, their altars,
and the apparatus by which they performed their supersti-
tious and magical arts ? Enclosures on the top of high hills,
such as Yevering, were regarded by antiquaries of a past
generation as Druidical temples; but such places are now
proved to have been strongholds. Small monolithic circles,
such as one on Dod Law, were sepulchral ; but probably the
larger stone circles were devoted to the administration of
justice, to national assemblies, and to religious worship.
The most important of these circles in Northumberland,
Fig. 6.— Plan of stone circle, Three Stone Bum.
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ANCIENT BBITISH PEBIOD.
S5
situated in a wild and lonely valley 0])ening eastward from
the Cheviots, near to Three Stone Bum, has been thoroughly
explored. It is of an oval shape, 840 feet in circumference,
and formed of a single row of upright stones of syenite, from
about 4 feet to d| feet in height ; thirteen of them still remain.
Excavations through this circle exposed charcoal strewed
over the original surface ; and a portion of a small grey flint
knife was found, which we could readily imagine to have
been used for some sacrificial purpose by a Druid. This
circle was not sepulchral, for not a vestige of an interment
was seen ; it was not a stronghold, for it is not fortified either
by nature or art ; and it is not a town or dwelling, for there
are neither walls nor interior arrangements. Such circles
were held in veneration, and traditions of their sacredness
are preserved in Scotland in the common Gaelic phrase^
Am bheU thu dol, **are you going to the stones?" when
inquiry is made whether a person is going to the church.
We may connect with this subject the mysterious inscrip-
tions on rocks in Northumberland. Our account of the
period would be incomplete without some notice of them;
and besides this, they occur within the barony and but a
short distance from the boundary of the parish. Forty years
ago, Mr. John C. Langlands discovered defaced and old-
world looking figures on sandstone blocks near the great
Ancient British camp on the top of Old Bewick Hill ; but
his discovery assumed greater significance, when in 1832 the
Rev. William Gxeenwell found another rock at Routing Linn
covered with the same kind of sculptures. The following
figures will shew the characteristic forms. The typical form
na7
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86 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
— ^that which distinguishes these inscriptions from aU others
— ^is a series of incomplete concentric circles around a central
hollow or cup^ from which proceeds a groove or gutter through
the series of circles— ^j'. 1. This radial groove often extends
beyond the circles, is usually straight, but sometimes curved
and wavy; in some cases the groove crosses the entire
diameter— /£j^. 11; and in one case there are three radial
grooves ; there are oval, horse shoe, and arched forms, as in
Jigs. 9, 18, 7; two grooves issue from^. 6; a curious fringed
or rayed form is presented hy Jig, 4 ; jigs, 8 and 12 are some-
what abnonnal, as they deviate from the circular ; circles are
united by a groove iuj^^. S; and inj(^. 10 we have a com-
pound form resembling a plant with its stem, branches, and
floral heads. In size the forms vary from two inches to thirty-
nine inches in diameter, and one is composed of eight con-
centric circles. On some rocks a number of figures are
combined, forming a complicated and maze-like plan, as in
^g. 8, page 27, from Old Bewick, the first inscribed stone
d^overed in Northumberland.
All have been incised on sandstone rocks by a bluntly
pointed tool, probably of bronze ; but where sculptures have
been exposed for centuries to the play of the elements^
nature has given an artistic finish to the original rude work-
manship, and so rounded the jagged edges and smoothed the
hollows, that the figures stand out like rings in the rock.
They are not found on the hard intractable porphyry of the
Cheviots, nor on the flanks of those hills ; but on one or
other of the beds of thick sandstone which crops out on the
high hills and elevated ridges in the central moor-lands of
Northumberland. They have been found on Hunter's Moor
near Ford, at Routing Linn, on Harelaw Crags, on Dodding-
ton Law and Horton Moor, on Gledlaw, on Whitsunbank>
on Chatton Law and Old Bewick Hill, on Eglingham^
Beanley, and Charlton Moors, on Cartington Cove, and in
the parish of Stamfordham.
Fifty-three of these sculptured stones have been discovered
in Northumberland; and on these there are about three
hundred and fifty figures, one hundred and fifty of which
are distinguishably different from each other. All are con-
nected with Ancient British remains ; four of them formed
the covers of cist-vaens; two are within a few yards of
sepulchral barrows ; five of them are within Ancient British
camps ; eight of them are not more than one hundred yards
distant from such camps ; most of the others are less distant
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ANCIENT BRITISH PERIOD.
27
na a
SCALE OF rEET.
INSCRIBED STONE AT OLD BEWICK.
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28 HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK.
than half-a-mile^ and none fiirther away than a mile. Their
relation however, to the camps, forts, and hut circles — ^the
dwellings of the Ancient British people — is more apparent
than to their sepulchres.
These peculiar inscriptions have been discovered at Jed-
burgh; in Kircudbrightshire ; in Ayrshire; on a cist cover
near Edinburgh ; on standing stones as well as on rocks in
situ in Argyleshire ; in Forfarshire ; as far north as Orkney,
on the waU of a sepulchral chamber; on '^Long Meg," a
standing stone near Penrith ; on a stone pillar at Shap ; in
Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and on a cist cover as far south as
Devonshire. Several have been found in Kerry in Ireland
covered by bogs, and one on the top of a cromlech.
If these inscriptions were merely ornamental, they would
be of great interest, as being the earliest sculptures — the
first efforts of infant art, in Britain ; but their wide dis-
tribution, proves that the whole of Britain was at an early
period peopled by tribes of one race, who were imbued with
the same superstitions and expressed them by the same
symbols.
What indeed, could be sufficiently important to induce
tribes living hundreds of miles apart and even separated by
the sea, to use precisely the same symbols, save to express
some religious sentiments or to aid in the performance of
some superstitious rites, which were common to the whole
race?*
Such are some of the facts illustrative of the character and
condition of the Ancient British people living in the valley
of the Aln, at a period when the lower grounds were covered
with woods and swamps, when the sites of towns and
villages were on grounds of moderate elevation, when the
hill tops were crowned with strong forts, and when many
little independent tribes and clans were at war with each
other. The arrangements breathe defiance, and indicate in-
security, and tell of warfare and bloodshed. Brave though
the race was, yet rent by divisions and intestine war, it was
conquered and enslaved by a foreign foe.
* This view was given by roe in my Address as President of the Berwickshire
Naturalists' Club in 1858. See History of the Club, Vol. ITL, p. 129. For a
full description of these inscriptions, with figures of all discovered in Northum-
berland, and a disquisition as to their age and meaning, I refer to the History of
the Club, Vol. IV., p. 187 ; and to ••The Ancient British Sculptured Rocks of
Northumberland and the Eastern Borders, with Notices of the Remains Associ-
ated with these Sculptures," by Geoi^e Tate, F.G.S., &c«
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CHAPTEE m.
BOMANO-BEinSH PEEIOD,
ITIKEBAIUSS— ALAUirArHDEyiL'B 0AXX8EWAT-— BOJCAN COINS — ^BOMAN
AIiTAB.
Althougli Cffisar effected tlie conquest of the south of Eng*
land in the 54th year before the Christian Era^ it was not
till 183 years afterwards that the northern parts were brought
under the dominion of Some. Agricola was both a statesman
and a warrior ; what he had won by his military genius he
retained by his administratiye skill; and by introducing
among the conquered Britons the arts and knowledge of
civilized life^ he endeayoured to moderate their fierce passions
and reclaim them firom barbarism. The power of this great
people continued to be exercised till A.D. 430^ when the
Soman legions bid an eternal farewell to Britain. During
this period^ the great barrier wall was built^ extending from
near the mouth of the Tyne to the Solway, and the import*
tant roads— Watling Street and the DeviFs Causeway —
which pass through the county, were made.
There is however, no sufficient evidence of any Roman
station or town having been within the parish of Alnwick.
The Itinerary of Antoninus, compiled in the fourth century,
contains no reference to the district around Alnwick ; but m
Ptolemy's Geography, composed as early as the second cen-
tury, there are mentioned, as being on the north-east side of
Britain — ^''Estuary Boderia; mouth of the river Alaunus,
mouth of the river Vedra." Boderia is doubtless the Firth
of Forth, but it is questionable to what river the Alaimus
refers ; from the affinity of the names^ Camden conjectures it
is the Aln, but Horsley supposes it to be the Tweed. The
Bavenna Cosmography, a treatise on geographical science,
compiled at Savenna in the seventh century, contains a more
distinct reference to the river or to a station near to it; in
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80 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
this list, besides the stations along the Roman Wall, we have
** Bremenium, Cocuneda^ Alauna, Oleiolavis." Bremenium
is Rochester by the side of Watling Street on the Reed ; and
Cocuneda and Alauna may be identified as the Coquet and
the Aln. Richard of Cirencester, a doubtful authority, in
his IV. Iter, gives as beyond the Roman "Wall and within
the Roman province of Valentia — " Alauna amne m. p. xxv.,
Tueda flumine m. p. xxx.*' The dii^nce of twenty-five
thousand paces, corresponds however, with the distance be-
tween the wall and the river Coquet. Upon such doubtful
notices no sound conclusion can be drawn of Alnwick having
been a Roman station, especially as it is not corroborated by
archseological evidence; for no Roman camps or walls remain,
no Roman relics have been found, and no Roman roads are
traceable within the parish. If any station in this district
is indicated in these itineraries, it would be somewhere in
the neighbourood of Whittingham, not far from the Roman
road, or probably on Craulaw, close to that road, where there
are appearances of a Roman camp.*
The most remarkable Roman work in the district is this
road, which is called " the Devil's Causeway," and which is
about seven miles westward of Alnwick. It branches firom
Watling Street at Beweley, and going northward to Hart-
bum and Brinkburn and through the moor-lands of Rimside,
it crosses the Aln about a mile eastward of Whittingham,
and thence onward to .Powbum and the Till, passing in
succession Chillingham New Town, Hetton, Lowick, till
traces of it are lost before it reaches the Tweed near to
Tweedmouth. This road, which is now much destroyed,
was 21 feet in breadth and paved with large stones. Near
this road, at Glanton, Roman querns have been found.
A camp more distinctly recognisable as Roman than that
of Craulaw, is at Outchester, on the bend of Spindlestone
Burn, whose steep banks defend it on two sides ; the form,
like other Roman entrenchments is quadrangular, and it is
so placed as to defend the pass and harbour of the river
Warn. Not far from this camp on AdJterstone estate, the
property of the late Dr. George Wilson of Allerbum House,
Alnwick, a number of Roman brass coins, contained in a small
« Craulaw, one of the earliest forms of the name, often degraded into Crawley,
is derived from iaw, a hill, and Caer, ** the ordinary term applied by our Ancient
British ancestors to Roman forts ;*' R. Carr of Hedgeley, TransactionB of Tyne-
ride Club, Vol. I., p. «44.
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EOMANO-BRITISH FBRIOD.
81
na Q
cmk box, were discovered in 1856 in a bog. These coins
represent a period of about 150 years, the earliest being about
A.D. 117 and the latest A.D. 267; and belong to Hadrian,
Lucius JElins, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Verus,
Faustina the Younger wife of M. Aurelius, Commodus,
Severus, Caracalla, Soliuina wife of Gallienus, and Postumus.
Along with these, there were a brass beam 7f inches long,
in good condition, and a small brass scale like those now
used by apothecaries, some lead weights, and a portion of
horse furniture made of lead*
At Gloster Hill, near the mouth of the Coquet, a portion
of a Roman altar was discovered in 1856. The following
cut represents the fragment and shews the imperfect inscrip-
tion. By comparing it with
a more complete altar of the
same kind from the Roman
Wall at Benwell, which is
dedicated to the Campestrial
Mothers ( Matrihus Cam-
pe8t.)y Mr William Dickson
conjectures that the inscrip-
tion when complete would be
Matrihus Campestribus
Cohors primay
being an altar dedicated to
the Sylvan Mothers by the
Roman soldiers of the first
cohort, who were at that time
at the castrum or camp of
that placet
These are all the Roman remains occurring, as far as I
know, within a moderate distance of Alnwick. North North-
umberland lying many^ miles beyond the great wall, had
indeed been but partially colonised by the Romans, and
would be held by a very uncertain tenure ; for Roman settle-
ments there, were exposed to attacks from the native tribes,
who maintained a precarious independence among the hills,
or from the warlike inhabitants of the more northern parts
of the island. Whatever occupation there was of Northum-
berland, would be within the defences of the wall or along
the lines of the Roman roads.
• Proceedings of the Berwickshire NBtoralists' Clubi Vol III., p. 262.
t Idem, Vol. IV., p. 87.
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CHAPTEE IV.
SAXON AND DANISH PEEIODS.
XBGKNDABY AOCJOTTHTS OF THE SAXON L0BD8 OP ALNWICK— CHEOK-
lOLE OF AUSrWIOK ABBEY — THE TYSONS — SAXON SETTLEMENTS IN
ALNWICK — ^BOCLANDS AND FOLCIANDS — SAXON BWELUNOS AND
YILLS — ^ALNWICK SUBOBDINATB TO LESBUBY — SAXON OUUKCHES
— ^ALNMOUTH SAXON CB03S — THE DANES — CLOSE OF THE SAXON
PERIOD.
Who was the Lord of Alnwick in Saxon times ? Dooms-
day Book, the authentic record of the property of the country
at the time of the conquest, did not extend to Northumber-
land ; but the question has been answered by imaginative
chroniclers and heralds, whose legends have been repeated
by most of our popular historians. In the chronicle of Aln-
wick Abbey we have the following account.
'< Here begins the genealogy of the founders and patrons of the
Abbey of Alnewyke, to wit, first, of Bichard Tisonne founder
of the Chapel of Saint Wilfred of the nuns of Gisnis.*
In the year of our Lord 1066. The arrival of the Normans in
England. Duke Harald, son of Duke Qodwin, after the death
of King Edward, occupied the kingdom of England, having
broken the agreement which he coni^ted with William, Duke
of the Normans, when he was taken in Ponthieu; whence it
followed, that William, Duke of the Normans, called ike Bastard,
having associated with him, Sirs Tvo de Vescy and Eustace
Eitz-John, knights, with the people of the Norman and other
tribes, assembled from all directions, passed over the sea with a
fitronff band into England ; and battle being joined with Harald
and his army, he obtained it and so was invested with the
diadem of the kingdom. In this battle William Tisonne fell,
whose brother, to wit, Bichard Tisonne was the founder of the
* Ouysance : there axe BtiU remains of this chapel at Brainshangh on the
Coquet
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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 33
ohapel of the nuns of Gysjns about A.D. 1000, whose father
was called Gisbright Tisonne, founder, to wit, of the Abbeys of
Malton, Walton, and Bridlington. This Gisbright gave to his
son Bichard, the yill of Shilbottell, toother wiSi the church of
Qisyng, &c. This Bichard begot Wilham Tisonne, and William
begot German Tisonne, and German begot Dame Bone de Hilton,
irho was the wife of WiHieun de Hilton. In this way was
changed the surname Tisonnne into that of Hilton, and William
de Hilton begot Alexander, and Alexander begot Sir Bobert de
Hilton.
But the aforesaid king gave to Yvo de Vescy his own knight,
for his service, for wife, the only daughter of William Tisonne,
filain in the aforesaid battle, with the baronies of Alnewyk and
of Malton, which before that time belonged to Gisbright Tisonney
the father of William and Eichard Tisonne."
Though the narrative is circumstantial, yet much depend-
ence cannot be placed on this monkish chronicle. The abbey
was not founded till A.D. 1147, more than eighty years after
the earliest events noticed. Lord Hailes, to whom Dr. Percy
communicated this chronicle, does not consider its antiquity
gpreat. It contains anachronisms and erroneous statements ;
William Rufus, who died in 1100, is said to have given
the daughter of William the Lion to Eustace de Vescy ; but
Eustace was not Lord of Alnwick before 1185; and William
the Lion is said to be the son of Malcolm, though Malcolm
was slain 50 years before William was born. Such discrep-
ancies detract from the authority of the chronicle. The
original manuscript, formerly in the library of King's College,
Cambridge, is now lost; and therefore its age cannot be
critically tested ; it is now chiefly known from a manuscript
copy preserved in the British Museum. Written therefore,
probably, at least three centuries after the conquest, we may
expect in the earlier periods, legends rather than facts.
To this monkish statement, Dugdale, a learned and
accurate writer, has given importance, for in his Baronage
there is a similar account. "Among the valiant Normans "
says he, *'that assisted Duke William in his conquest of
England were Robert and Yvo de Vesci. On Yvo, the
conqueror bestowed the daughter and sole heir of William
Tyson, Lord of Alnewicke in Northumberland and of Malton
in Yorkshire, two large baronies, both of them belonging to
Grilbert Tyson, his father slain in battle on the part of King
Harold."* As evidence of this, he refers in his Baronage to
* Dugdale'fl Baronage, Vol I., p. 89.
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84 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
a document^ 8th of Edward II., whicli he quotes at length in
his Monasticon with the following reference — " Esc. 8 Edw.
II., n. 6S, in sedula." As quoted by him it says — *' William
called the Bastardy conquered the kingdom of England by
the help of the Normans, among whom was a certain yaliant
knight, by name Yvo Vescy, to whom King William the
Conqueror gave the daughter of a certain William Tyson,
Lord of the Baronies of Alnewyc and of Malton. That
William Tyson was son and heir of a certain Gisbrit Tyson,
who was slain in war with King Harold, and he left one
daughter and heir given to the aforesaid Yvo by the king."*
For this schedule I made enquiry at the Record Office in
Jjondon, but it could not be found there ; it was probably
nothing more than some monkish genealogy, which if un-
supported by adequate evidence, would be of little value.
The statements of Dugdale and the Alnwick Abbey chron-
icle are discrepant in one point ; the former says the father
Gisbrit was slain at Hastings with Harold ; the latter that
the son William fell there.
A different account is given in two manuscripts, one in the
Harleian and the other in the Lansdown collection. They
represent that Gilbright Tyson was Lord of Bridlington,
Walton and Malton, and of Alnewyke, and that by his Nor-
man wife Beatiix he had issue, William, Richard, and Agnes;
that William, the eldest son, fell in the war against Harold;
and left one daughter Alda, who was bestowed by the con-
queror in marriage on Yvo de Vescy.f
In another monkish chronicle preserved among the Har-
leian manuscripts, recording events from A.D. 1066 to A.D.
1422, Gisbright is named with his two sons William and
Richard, as crossing the sea from Normandy with William
the Bastard, and joining in the battle fought against Harold.
Hugh de Gaunt, William de Percy, Yvo de Vescy, and the
one-eyed Eustace Fitz-John, are mentioned as their associates
in this undertaking ; and William Tyson is said to have been
slain in this battle.^
In the old pedigrees of the Hiltons, compiled two or three
centuries ago, the wife of William Tyson is said to have been
daughter of Gilbert de Gaunt, earl of Lincoln, the herald
adding to Queen Matilda's nephew, the title enjoyed by his
grandson, Gilbert de Gaunt, in 1141.
* Dagdale*9 Monaitioon, YI., p. 868.
t Harlciu MS 8648, fol. 6. | Harkian MS 8648, fol. 9.
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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 35
Whatever thread of truth there may be in those discrepant
statements^ this seems certain that the family of Tysons was
not Saxon^ and that it did not hold the barony of Alnwick
before the conquest. According to Doomsday fiook, Malton
barony, instead of being in the possession of Yvo de Vescy,
in right of his wife^ as the heir of the Tysons^ was in the
hands of the king himself; and it was not till the early
part of the twelfth century, that it became the property of
the Lord of Alnwick by gift of King Henry I. Tyson
indeed was a Norman family. Gislebert followed William
from Normandy, along with the Percys, De Vescys, and
other adventurers, to share in the plunder of a conquered
nation ; he was the great standard bearer of William, and
his name is thus subscribed to a charter between A.D. 1066
and A.D. 1069, granting lands to the monks of Selby.
Doomsday Book evidences that he was a feudatory under
King William, and held numerous manors in the East and
West Ridings of Yorkshire. Gislebert Tyson seems to have
descended from the powerful house of Tesson, lords of a tract
of country in the department Du Calvados, known as Le
Cinglais, of which Thury-Harcourt is the capital. The
name is neither Saxon nor Danish, but Norman — Taisson
being a soubriquet given to the lords of Cinglais, signifying
a badger.*
We are therefore entirely ignorant of the lords of Alnwick
before the conquest ; nor is there any evidence of the exist-
ence of a castle there at that period. Glrose and others refer
to the zigzag fretwork round the arch of the keep of the
present castle, as "evidently of Saxon architecture;** this
style of architecture, however, is certainly Norman ; and the
arch is not earlier than the twelfth century.
Notices we have of Warkworth, Whittingham, Edling-
ham, and Eglingham with their churches, and of Bamburgh
with its church and castle during Anglo-Saxon times ; but
of Alnwick during that period there is no record. The
names, however, of vills, farm houses, and hamlets within
the district, shew that an Anglo-Saxon population settled
there not long after the establishment of the kingdom of
North-humberland by Ida in 647; and the name of Aln-
wick itself being of true Anglo-Saxon formation, proves
* Stapleton*8 Notes to the Plampton Correspondence, p. 10. Mr. W. H. D.
Longstafie, F.8.A., also discusses the qnestion with Abiliiy in a paper on the
Church of Guysance.
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36 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
that a vill or town stood on the same site long before the
conquest. Rude men the Angles were^ who wrested North-
umberland from the Ancient Britons^ yet they brought with
them the free institutions of the Teutonic race ; and this was
seen in the tenures on which the lands were parcelled out
among the early settlers. The smallest political division was
the mark — the plot of land in some fruitful plain or valley
by the side of a stream — of which a family or little commu-
nity took possession. This corresponded somewhat with our
modernjtownship; each freeman had his alod, or free estate of
arable and pasture land, which he could alienate or transfer
as he willed by charter, and hence it was called boc-land.
But in the earlier times great forests and wastes surrounded
the cleared land of the settlement ; and these, because form-
ing the boundary, were called mark-lands ; they were not
appropriated to individuals, but were reserved as the common
property of the settlement, where all could depasture their
cattle, and whence all could obtain wood and other products
of the forest and moor-lands. They were the people's property
and could not be alienated, and hence were called ybfc-fanrf«.
Somewhat of sacredness and mystery hung round this land ;
in the time of heathendom, it was under the protection of the
gods ; and accursed were they who removed its land marks :
after Christianity was introduced, portions of it were separ-
ated to build and endow churches. To some peculiar burdens
it was subject, such as the repair of royal vills, bridges, and
other public works, the entertainment of kings and great
men when progressing through the country, and the reward-
ing of great public services.* Though much of this land was
in Saxon times converted into boc-land — ^yet some portions
survived the revolutionary sweep of the Norman conquest,
and existed down to a recent period. The commons or
moors, over which the inhabitants of several villages and
towns had commonable rights, are remains of these folc-lands,t
the people's inheritance, derived from their Saxon forefiithers.
Several of such commons were in this neighbourhood ; they
were at Shieldykes, Denwick, Rugley, Shilbottle, Charlton,
Sennington, Bilton, Tuggall, Lucker, Longhoughton, Les-
bury, Acklington, Alnham, Chatton, Rothbury ; and even now
we have remains of them at Alnmouth, Wooler, and Alnwick.
Kemble thinks that the ancient marks may still be traced
by the names of places ending in den, holt, wood, hurst, and
• Allen's Inquiry, p. 143. f Lappenberg, p. 826.
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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 87
faldi wbich denote forests and outlying pastures in woods;*
and this to some extent we may do with Alnwick ; on the
west we have the forest of Hay-6fe» and the moor of Hay-
den^ now Alnwick Moor ; on the north we have Hin-c^ ;
on the east^ 2>6n-wick ; on the south-east^ Scot-yb/e^-haugh,
now Hesleyside ; and on the south 2>e»-moor.
Small and insignificant, however, would the town itself
be daring the Saxon period, for population then was not
centralised ; it resembled more one of our old villages than
a compact borough, and consisted of scattered home-steads or
tofts, so called from tufts of trees overhanging them, built of
wood and wattles and covered with thatch, and standing
apart, each on its own little garth or croft. No great stone
castle would be there looking coldly and sternly down on
these humble dwellings ; the thane's mansio would be there,
little different in structure, but larger than the other houses
and probably defended by its stockade and ditch. The
Saxons caring more for the pleasures of the table, for
gluttonous eating and excessive drinking, than for artistic
dwellings, were contented with houses which were frail
and perishable. Beda in relating one of the wonderful
miracles^ said to have been wrought by earth taken from
the spot where Saint Oswald fell at Maserfield, incident-
ally furnishes information of the character of their ordinary
houses. A traveller passing over this spot observing how
much more beautiful it was than the rest of the field, took
some of the earth and tied it in a linen cloth, believing
from the superior holiness of him who fell there, that it
would be of use in curing diseases. At night he came to a
village where the people were at supper, and hung the cloth
on a post against the wall ; a great fire W(i9 in the middle of
the room, from which after a time, the sparks flew upward
and caught the top of the house, which being made of wattles
and thatch was presently in a flame, and the whole house
was burnt excepting the post on which the holy earth was
hung. The whole structure must have been of wood, wattles,
and thatch.f
Early Norman charters and inquisitions reflect a light
backward, and give us some glimpses of the general condition
of the district during the Saxon period. The population was
scattered in small vills and hamlets at some distance from
• Kexnble*8 Saxons in England, Vol. I., p. 480.
f Beda'fl Ecclesiastical History.
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88 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
each other, standing on cleared and cultivated ground in the
midst of moor-lands and forests. Every vill had at least ten
families of freemen — ^proprietors of land — forming the ancient
tithing. On the south side of the Aln, was the largest vill
of Alnwick with its folc-land of Hayden; further southward
was the vill of Rugley with it« moor or common land ; and
beyond this were the Scheles * with the moor or common of
Swinleys. Bertewellf had less than ten families and was but
a hamlet and had no common of its own, but enjoyed rights
over Hayden along with the men of Alnwick. Less informa-
tion we nave of the north side of the Aln, for a considerable
portion was granted at an early Norman period to abbeys ;
but there we have the vill of Denwick with its moor or folc-
land ; and the vill of Hincliff with its moor or common, and
its wood extending from Hinden to the Aln. The popula-
tion was agricultural and warlike ; every free-man who tilled
his own grounds, was ready with his strong arm and bold
spirit to defend the hearth, the home, and the land he held
as his own, against agressors.
Alnwick seems during this period to have been in some
degree dependent on and subordinate to Lesbury. In the
twelfth century, Alnwick Church, as well as those of Long-
houghton and Alnmouth, was a chapelry under Lesbury;
and it was also so returned in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica in
the fourteenth century. May not Lesbuiy have been the
principal town in the district, where the greatest Thane had
his burh or fortified dwelling ? A situation with so genial a
climate, such productive land, and so well sheltered, would
be among the first occupied by the Angles. And here, where
the lord lived, would rise the first Christian church, which
for some time might serve for the district around; but as
population increased, new chapels would be erected at Aln-
wick and other places, which would be served by ministers
sent from the parent church. The name Lesbury favours the
pre-eminence of the place, for the termination byrigy modern-
ised into huryy indicates a town of some importance.
Saxon relics have not, so far as I know, been found within
the parish of Alnwick. No sepulchres have been discovered,
nor traces of Saxon habitations. Remains indeed of this
period have seldom been observed in Northumberland; but
probably, as our present towns, villages, and church-yards
occupy the sites of those existing in Saxon times, the remains
• Now Shieldykes. f Now Hobberlaw.
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rl^'^iny^
1^.
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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 39
of that period may have been obliterated by the frequent
re-building of houses and repeated interments in the grave-
yards, during the course of the last eight centuries. The
Saxons however, were not great builders of castles or camps ;
they relied more on their strong arms and warlike spirit.
A few churches were built of stone. Hexham Church,
erected by Wilfred, was the wonder of the age, with its
pillars and arches and substantial masonry ; but this famous
work was not the production of native workmen, but of arti-
ficers brought from Rome. Churches of stone were, we
know, at Warkworth and Whittingham ; of the former, the
foundations were laid bare in 1859, revealing stones similar
to a few built into the walls ; and the fragment of a cross,
ornamented with knot or interlacing work, characteristic of
the period, occurred. There still, however, is to be seen at
Whittingham, the under part of the Saxon tower. Double
windows divided by a rude balustre, existed in this tower as
late as A.D. 1840; and even now the peculiar long and
short work at the comers, and the rude, though durable
rubble masonry of the walls, mark this as an interesting
relic of the architecture of our Saxon forefathers. Frag-
ments of Saxon crosses have also been found at Norham,
Lindisfame, and at Rothbury.
But the most interesting Saxon remain is the shaft of a
cross which was found in 1789 near to the the ruins of the
ancient church of Alnmouth;* and as that little ancient
burgh town has been intimately connected with Alnwick as
its seaport, and as moreover, the cross is preserved in Aln-
wick Castle Museum, I shall give an illustrative drawing
and description of this relic of the Saxon time — Plate III.
This fragment consists of two slabs of sandstone, the
faces and ends of which are entirely covered with sculptures
and inscriptions ; the sculptures are in low relief, and the
inscriptions are incised. The whole is 8 feet 10 inches
in height ; 16 inches broad at the base and 14^ inches at
the top ; and 7 inches in thickness at the base and 6 inches
* It has been often repeated that this was called " Woden's Church" from the
Saxon divinity, and that it was founded on the site of one of his temples ; this
however, is but a modern and very groundless £uicy ; a Christian churoh would
not bear the name of a heathen god ; and moreoTer, the present name of the
village of Wooden which has been adduced in support of the fancy is compara-
tively modem, though probably, having a similar meaning with the more ancient
name* which in chatters and inquisitions appears in 1333 as WaUen, and in 1396
as WoUen, from the Anglo-Saxon Weald, wood-land.
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40 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
at the top. One fiEU^e represents the crucifixion ; our Lord
is extended on the cross, and above him are the sun and
moon ; the two thieves are at his side a little below ; and
at the foot are two of his executioners. Above this represen-
tation is an inscription now considerably obliterated; the
letters . . . . VDW E. . , ,FE. . . . can be made out ;
Mr. Haigh however, sees more than this, and reads the
whole, "Hhludwyg me fixed." The other face is chiefly-
filled with knot or interlacing work ; but there is the follow-
ing inscription in one line which is in good preservation,
''MYREDEH MEH WO;" that is ^^Myredeh me wrought;"
being the name of the sculptor of the stone. On one of the
sides there is an inscription m two lines, " AEDVLFES TH;"
and on the other there is another much defaced, of which I
can trace with distinctness . . . ,AV. . . . ; but Mr. Haigh has
read it SAVL. The letters are mostly Roman, though a
few are Saxon runes. The names of the artists are however,
not Anglo-Saxon nor even Teutonic, but Celtic ; Mr. Haigh
says undoubtedly Irish. The number of very fine crosses of
a similar character in Ireland, would shew that the art of
sculpture on stone had been cultivated there ; and possibly
skilled men from that country may have travelled about
England to execute similar works. The inscriptions are
imperfect ; the workmen we know ; but it can only be con-
jectured, for whom this cross was erected. Mr. Haigh
thinks it probable, that when complete, the inscription
would read '^This is King Eadulfs grave. Pray for his
soul." It may have been erected to Eadulf, who, on the
death of Alfired, king of Northumberland, in 705, usurped
the throne; and who, after besieging Berchtfred, the guardian
of the young King Osdred in Bamburgh, was repulsed, put
to flight, and slain.*
DANES.
The inroads of the Northmen or Danish sea kings, intro-
duced a new population into some parts of Britain, and for
some time England was under Danish government. From
the latter part of the eighth century down to the eleventh
century, the coast of England was seldom free firom the
ravages of these daring and ruthless pirates. Even to the
present day there is a traditionary horror of their power and
cruelty ; and it has been common to attribute to them, with-
out any sufficient grounds, the camps and earth-works of this
• Aiohsologift JBliana, I., pp. 178^ 180.
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SAXON AND DANISH PERIODS. 41
district. No remains of an undoubted Danish character have
been found. The Danes do not seem^ however, to have
settled in any considerable numbers in this countv; they
swept over it like a tempest in iitful gusts, and rather
destroyed than occupied the land. Frequent references are
made m history as to their settlement in Northumberland ;
but we must distinguish between the ancient Saxon kingdom
of North-humber-land and the modem county of that name ;
for while the former always included the counties between
the Humber and the Tweed, and sometimes the whole dis-
trict between the Humber and the Forth, the modem North-
umberland is limited to the eastern district between the Tyne
and the Tweed. It was in the southern part of this kingdom,
in the old province of Deira, that Danish settlements were
made, rather than in the northern province of Bemicia. A
dominant population leaves its impress on a country in the
names of places ; but while in North Northumberland, the
Anglo-Saxon terminations of harriy wick, ton, toorth, bottle,
applied to towns and villages are common, the distinctive
Danish names of by, thorpe, thtoaite, applied to towns, do
not occur ; nor isfeli applied to mountains, and there is only
one case of beck — ^in the river Wansbeck. Danish popula-
tions were chiefly located in Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, West-
moreland, and Cumberland. As we recede northward on
the eastern side of the island, the traces of the Danes become
fainter; in Lincolnshire there are 212 names of places ending
in by and 63 in thorpe ; in Yorkshire there are 167 in by,
87 in thorpe, and 9 in thwaite; but in Durham there are
only 7 in fty and 7 in thorpe, and in Northumberland there
is i in thorpe and none in by,* But while there is no
evidence of extensive settlements of Danes in Northumber-
land, the use of several words of Danish origin in the common
speech of the district around Alnwick, proves that there was
a sprinkling of Danes among the Anglo-Saxon population.
I have strung together a few sentences in language used in
the district, to show how mixed our common speech is with
the Northmen's dialect, and I have put in italics those of
Danish origin.
Johnsen leived in a sma' farm-stead whuch he had /ra his/or«-
elders; it wa(b a poor bit place covered wi' thack and had a steyan
riggen. The stack-yar/A had a hedge roond it, whuch Johnsen
had nicely clipped. He drove oot some stois and nowth beasts,
• Wonaae's Danes in England.
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42 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
and then set to wark to lift the mitck in, the midden wi' a grape
into a cart whuch had Strang limmers. He then set off to the
loft and stable and put hay into the heck, and com into the cribs.
He went doon the toon geyt to the emxddyy where the smith was
hammering away on his studdy wi' his eark sleeves rouled up, an
speered if he minded to mend the door heap ; he said he had'nt.
Well, said Johnsen, ye'll hev to^iV if ye dinna mind better ; last
time aw was here — Cnm now, said the smith, dinna rip up and
grievances; aw'll uphaud that yees hev the heap the mom's night,
and when aw bring it to ye, ye'll stand a nip o' brandy. "W^en
ganging hame, Johnsen heard the gowk crj ku-ku, and saw lots
o' burds picking up worms wi' their nebe. His house he iand
ftnred up, for his wife was but a eackless stumpy body ; she had
her gown kilted up and was kerning butter ; the baime were dam-
mering ane through other; yen who had been greeting because
her frock had been rived wi' a slaw-ihomf was now glowering
at the reek ganging up the chimley; another was playing with the
kittlin on her knee. A bigger yen was redden another's hair wi' a
redden-caym, and crying, when she was restless, sit still or aw'll
gar ye ! Two frem-Jblke came in and speered their road ; the wife
bid them sit down and bide a bit. They said they had oome
through a field for nearness and were veny near nabbed for tres-
paasin, and so had to run for it. The wife then gave them kirn-
milk to elockken their drought ; but the wooden bicker was not
tight and the milk was eiping out. They pleased the little baim
by gieing her a neif-fuU of nuts. They could'nt bide lang as they
had far to go, and it was likely they would hev a murky night.
Towards the close of the Anglo-Saxon period^ when much
of the folc-land was appropriated to individuals, when free-
men's rights were curtailed and their condition depressed^
and when the estates of thanes or lords were greatly extended,
the nation was weakened and became a prey to civil dissen-
sion and foreign invasion. The results were disastrous, and
teach a warning lesson to our own times. ** Nothing " says
Kemble, ''can be more clear than that the universal breaking
up of society in the time of ^thelred, had its source in the
ruin of the old organisation of the country. The successes
of Swegen and Cnut, and even of William the Norman, had
much deeper causes than the mere gain or loss of one or more
battles. A nation never falls till the citadel of its moral
being has been betrayed and become untenable. Northern
invasions will not account for the state of brigandage which
jEthelred and his witan deplore in so many of their laws.
The ruin of the free cultivators and the overgrowth of the
lords are much more likely causes."*
* Kemb]e*8 Saxons in England, p. 807.
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CHAPTEE V.
TYSON AND DE VE80T PEEIOD, FROM 1066 TO 1297.
D001£SDA.Y BOOK — aiSLEBEBT TYSON AND HIS DESCENDANTS —MAL-
COLM CAENMORE SLAIN — MALOOLM's CBOSS — YVO DB VE8CT —
BtrSTACB FITZ-JOHN — LANDS GBANTED TO HIM — SIEGE OF BAM-
BX7BOH CASTLE — BATTLE OF THE STANDARD — CHUECHES AND
ABBEYS FOUNDED — ^WILLIAM DB VB8CY — SIEOE OF ALNWICK
OASTLB — WILLIAM THE LION TAKEN PEI80NEB— OLANVTLLB
THE CHIEF JT7STICIAB — GIFTS TO THE CHUBOH — EUSTACE DB
VESCY — WAB WITH SOOTLAND— KING JOHN AT ALNWJGK — HIS
ATTEMPT 'to DI8HON0UB EUSTACE* S WIFE — HE BUBNS ALNWICK
— WILLL^LM DE VESCY — TESTA DB NEVILLE— JOHN DE VESCY —
CIVIL WAB — MONTFOED — ALNWICK CASTLE BESIEGED BY PEINCB
EDWABD — JOHN DE VESCY IN HOLY LAND— -WILLIAM DE VESCY
ACCUSED OF FELONY— CLAIMS TO THE UNION OF SCOTLAND —
CHABACTEB OF THE DE VESCYS — PEDIGBEB.
The Norman conquest in A.D. 1066 effected a sudden
change in the condition of England and in the distribution
of property. A nation was trodden under foot ; most of her
nobles were slain or driven into exile ; and her people were
stript of their possessions and reduced to poverty or slavery.
The lands wrested from the Anglo-Saxons were bestowed by
"William the Conqueror on the needy adventurers, who for
the hope of plimder, had followed his standard. One battle
had the effect of founding a new dynasty and revolutionising
property. Though stem, cruel, and unscrupulous, the Nor-
man king was a statesman as well as a warrior, and he knew
how to keep what he had conquered. For this purpose he
established in England strict feudal law; and the great survey
of the country, which he ordered, is supposed to have been
made with a view to the full establishment of that system.
"The king," says the Saxon chronicle, *'had a great consul-
tation and spoke very deeply concerning the land, how it
was held and what were its tenantry. He then sent his men
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44 UISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
over all England into every shire^ and caused tbem to ascer-
tain how many hundred hides it contained, and what lands
the king possessed thereon, what cattle there were in the
several counties, and how much revenue he ought to receive
yearly from each. He also caused them to write down how
much land belonged to his archbishops, to his bishops, his
abbots, and his earls. What property every inhabitant
possessed in land or in castle, and how much money this
was worth. So very narrowly did he cause this survey to be
made, that there was not a single hide nor a rood of land
nor — it is shameful to relate that which he thought no shame
to do — was there an ox, or a cow, or a pig passed by, and
was not set down in the accounts." This was Doomsday
Book, a valuable record giving information not only of the
Norman feudatories and of the extent of their possessions,
but in many cases of the previous Saxon proprietors. The
survey however, did not include the northern counties, prob-
ably on account of their wasted and unsettled condition.
We do not, therefore, know from authentic authority, either
what Saxon held Alnwick prior to the conquest, or what
Norman was its first lord.
The statement in the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, that
Yvo de Vescy received from the conqueror the gift of the
barony of Alnwick is certainly erroneous. His name does
not occur amongst those who came with William from Nor-
mandy ; and judging from the date of the decease of his son-
in-law, Eustace Fitz-John, in 1157 — ^ninety-one years after
the conquest — it is evident, that Yvo de Vescy must have
been a mere child when that event took place. We cannot
therefore suppose, that he was in possession of the barony
earlier than 1096, thirty years after the conquest. Who
during this interval was Lord of Alnwick ? This can only be
conjectured. So much truth there may be in the legendary
accounts as to give probability to the opinion that Gislebert
Tyson was the first Norman lord ; and to him — ^his standard
bearer, who was a great military officer — the Conqueror may
have given manors north of the Tyne, especially as the
district was turbulent and far from the seat of government.
Mr. Stapleton suggests, that Robert de Mowbray the first
Norman Earl of Northumberland may have influenced Tyson
to share in his rebellion against the king in 1095, wnich
ended in the expulsion, from their seignories, of many Nor-
man barons whom the chroniclers omit to name.* We know
0
^ Plumpton CormpondMiM, p. 1 1.
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TTSON AND D£ VESCT PEBIOD. 45
that Tyson's vast estates in Yorkshire, which he held in
capite^ were forfeited about this period ; and most of them
were granted to Nigel de Albini. Some time afterwards,
Gislebert Tyson was restored to grace, and reinstated in the
possession of Holme-upon-Spaldmgmore ; but the glory of
the family had passed away ; they lost their original (Ugnified
tenure, and occupied the humbler position of sub-feudatories
under Nigel de Albini. Even this result was not attained
without expense ; for Adam, the eldest son and heir of Gisle*
bert, accounted in 1131 for his father's debts and for a fine
to plead for his lands, imtU the son of Nigel de Albini, who
assumed the name of Boger de Mowbray, was a knight. In
the Liber Niger, we find that William Tyson, the son of
Adam, held in 1168, fifteen knights' fees under Mowbray.
Besides Adam, Gislebert Tyson had a younger son, Richard,
to whom very probably, when he held the barony of Alnwick,
were granted the vills of Shilbottle, Hazon, Newton, Ben-
nington and Broxfield, and the church of Guyzance, as this
Bichard and his descendants were in possession of these
estates. Not only is this referred to in the chronicle of Aln-
wick Abbey, but it is more fully stated in the charter of
Eustace Fitz-John to Alnwick Abbey in 1147, which "con-
firmed the churchof St. Wilfred of Gysnes, that Bichard Tysone
gave to the canons of the abbey in perpetual alms, with one
measure and two ox-gangs of land in the same vill, and with
Halghe where the church is, with Bidlei, and with Morwick-
halghe, as Bichard granted to them." To this confirmation
Bichard himself was one of the witnesses. The manors held
by Bichard imder the Alnwick barony were to the extent of
two knights' fees, being the sixth part of that barony ; and
these passed to his descendants. In the Liber Niger, Wil-
liam his son is named as possessing them in A.D. 1168, as of
ancient feoffinent, that is, granted before the year 1185« The
descendants of Bichard were in possession of these estates in
42nd Edward III., (1369,) when Bobert de Hilton, who was
descended firom Tyson through Bone the grand-daughter of
William, held the vills Schilbotell, Haysand, Gysens, and
of Benyngton and five-tenth parts of the hamlet of Brokes-
field of Henry Percy by service of two inights' fees and one-
fourteenth of a fee. -There is no authentic record of Gislebert
having a son called William, and therefore the statement,
often repeated, that Alda, the daughter of this William, was
* In ehkf, or directly from the king.
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46 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
given in marriage by William the Bastard to Yvo de Veecy
in reward of his services, must be regarded as a myth.
Prior however to Mowbray's rebellion, Alnwick was the
scene of a memorable event. Northumberland, being border
land, has often been the battle field on which the prowess
of England and Scotland was tried. The Roman wall, at
an early period, cut it off from England ; the ancient Saxon
kingdom of North-humberland had undefined limits, some-
times extending into Scotland as far as the Forth ; while on
the other hand, the Scots, at a later period, had claims both
over it and Cumberland; it hence became debateable ground,
and gave rise to complications which treaties could not un-
loose, but which were rudely cut through by the sword.
Malcolm Caenmore or Great Head, who was king of Scot-
land when William conquered England, had married Mar-
garet, the sister of Edgar Atheling, the true heir to the
English throne; his sympathies were, therefore, with the
oppressed Saxon nobles, many of whom found refuge with
him in Scotland. Five times did Malcolm enter Northum-
berland with an army and waste it with cruel pillage.* In
one of these raids, in A.D. 1070, after desolating the land
and destroying the weak and old, he carried away the robust
and condemned them to slavery, in such numbers, that there
was scarcely a house in Scotland but possessed an English
male or female slave.f The king of liigland, employed at
this time in crushing the brave efforts of the noble Hereward
in behalf of national freedom in the isle of Ely, could not
take his usual vigorous methods to check the Scottish king.
As soon however, as he was in possession of Ely, he marched
with an army into Scotland ; and at Abemethy was met by
Malcolm with an army of equal strength: Since the victory
at Hastily, which gave him a throne, William was unwilling
to place his power on the hazard of a general engagement.
He therefore, was more ready to negotiate than to fight ; and
a treaty was concluded, by which Malcolm agreed to do
homage for the lands he held in England; and William
agreed to receive Edgar Atheling with favour and to grant
him an honourable establishment. For a time the tide of
war was rolled back from the Borders.
Displeased with the usurpation of William Rufus, Mal-
colm, after the conqueror's death, made another raid into the
county and carried off great booty ; but when Rufus was
• Simeon Danel ilist p. 21 S. f Knyghton, p. 2384.
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TYSON AND DB VESCY PERIOD. 47
prepared to avenge the wrong, peace was concluded through
the mediation of Bobert, the brother of the king of England
and Edgar Atheling ; it being agreed that Malcolm should
hold the same lands in England as he held under the Con-
queror, but that he should do homage for them to Bufus.
When Malcolm however, according to agreement attended
the king of England's court at Gloucester, he was treated
with so much insolence and disdain by the haughty Rufiis,
that he returned to Scotland breathing vengeance. Nor did
he suffer his resentment long to sleep ; but summoning his
men to arms, he, along with Edward his eldest son and heir
to his throne, burst across the Borders in the winter of A.D.
1093, and pillaged the northern parts of Northumberland
and destroyed it by fire as far as Alnwick. But while he
and his army lay on St. Brice's Day, the 18th of November,
in fancied security, on high moor ground sloping to the river
Aln, one mile northward of Alnwick,* the hour was drawing
nigh when vengeance would overtake him on the scene which
his ravages had made desolate. Bobert de Mowbray was at
this time official earl of Northumberland and governor of
Bamburgh Castle, and on him devolved the defence of the
county. He raised as many forces as he could, and was
aided by Morel, a courageous knight, his steward or sheriff
and godfather of Malcolm himself. Finding, probably, that
his little band could not cope in the open field with the huge
army of the king of Scotland, Mowbray had recourse to
stratagem ; and making a sudden attack, probably from an
* From the waift of concurrence in ancient chronicles, douhta have heen enters
tained both as regards the place where Malcolm fell and the manner of his death.
The Saxon chronicle says that Robert, earl of Northumberland, with his men
lay in wait for him; that he was slain anawares by Morsel the earl's steward and
Malcolm's godfather, and Uiat his son Edward was hilled with him: Malmesbury,
that he was despatched by the party of Robert, earl of Northumberland, rather
through stratagem than force : Wendover, that he and his son were intercepted
and slain. Simeon says he with his first-bom were slain near the rirer Aln ;
both, according to Bromton, fell near Alnwick ; and Fordun says he was besieging
Alnwick Castle when he was killed by stratagem and his son mortally wounded.
Fordon's statement respecUog Alnwick Castle being besieged is not supported by
authority and is improbable ; but I see no reason to doubt that Malcolm was slain
near to Ahiwick, on the spot which tradition points out as the scene of this event ;
not only does this accord with the account by Bromton, but it is confirmed by the
luatorical extracts transmitted by the prior and convent of Cailisle to Edward 1. 1
— "MXCIIL, Malcolm, king of the Scots, and his eldest son Edward were alaia
at Alnewyc by the soldiers of Robert, earl of Northumberland.**
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48 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
ambuscade, the Scottish army were thrown into confusion,
Malcokn was slain by the hand of Morel, and Edward his
son was mortally wounded. The Scottish army fled ; many
were killed by the sword, but more perished by floods in the
rivers, which were more swollen than usual by the heavy
winter rains. "And thus it happened" says the pious
chronicler, " that the justice of the judgment of God was
openly manifested ; for where Malcolm had deprived many
of life, goods, and liberty, he there by the judgment of God
lost his life and property."
Though wounded, Edward must have been carried off the
field by some of the soldiers who escaped, for he died three
days afterwards at Edward Isle in Jedwood Forest. The
Scottish army having fled, and Mowbray*s soldiers having
gone in pursuit of the enemy, the body of Malcolm lay
neglected on the spot where he died. None of the thou-
sands, whom he had governed, was there to give his corpse
honourable sepulture ; but two natives of the district placed
it on a cart and conveyed it to Tynemouth, where it was
interred.* After resting there about thirty years, the body was
removed by Alexander, the son of Malcolm, and re-interred
at Dunfermline before the rude altar in the nave of the
church; and there too, rest the remains of his two sons
Edward and Ethelred, and of his sainted wife Margaret.t
When this good queen heard of the death of her husband,
she was suddenly seized with great infirmity and borne down
with grief; after an illness of three days, **8he was released"
says Simeon, '^ firom carnal chains and translated, as is be-
lieved, to the joy of eternal safety."
The chronicle of Alnwick Abbey gives the following
account of this disaster. "Eustace de Vescy gave to the
Abbey of Alnwick a certain country portion, which is called
Quarelflat, for that land upon which he founded the Chapel of
Saint Leonard for the soul of Malcolm, king of Scotland, and
of his wife Saint Margaret, queen of the Scots ; who in the
same place was slain with his eldest son Edward in the year
of our Lord 1093, to wit, in the 7th year of King Wiluam
Bufus, son of the Bastard. . . . Malcolm was there
« Simeon, p. 219 ; Bromton, p. 990.
t Fordun, Book Y., chap. 25. In " Notices of the Burial of King Malcolm
III. in the monastery of Tynemouth and snhseqnent History of his Remains,**
by /• Stuart, Esq., F.S.A., Scot, the subject is fully examined and much inter-
esting information given ; Proceedings of Soe. of Antiq. of Scot
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TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD. 49
mortally wounded near a certain springs leaving his own
name to that spring even for ever. Hence that spring is
called in the native English tongue, Malcolmswell. This
King Malcolm was wounded hy Hamund, then constable of
the said Eustace de Yesey, with a certain lance, on the point
of which he had placed the keys of the castle of Alnwick for
a pledge, as if placing the castle with all its inhabitants in
subjection to Malcolm, king of Scotland. This deed being
done, Hamund returned with a quick step, sound, unhurt,
and whole, passing over a ford of water immensely great,
and then by the divine will overflowing above measure,
and leaving his own name to this ford; whence the ford
where he passed over is called, in the native English tongue,
Hamund's Ford from that day and thenceforward." This
story however, is but a clumsy monkish legend, written long
after Malcolm's death ; it does not accord with the accounts
in the earlier chronicles; and in one point at least, it is
directly opposed to known historic fact. No constable of
Eustace de Vescy could have slain Malcolm, for Eustace was
not in possession of the barony of Alnwick till A.D. 1186,
ninety-two years after Malcolm's death.*
A cross stood, from an early period, on the spot which
tradition pointed out as that where Malcolm was slain.
Two fragments of this still remain, part of the base and
the upper limb of the cross ; they are of rude workmanship ;
but in 1774, Elizabeth, duchess of Northumberland, a de-
scendant of Malcolm, replaced this with another, ornamented
in the feeble style of the period, having the following in-
scriptions on the west and east sides of the pedestal : —
,,A^^,«. ,« K- Malcolm's ceoss,
MALCOIiK TTT-- '
__~^^ ' DECAYED BT TIME,
S3N0 OE SCOTLAND, ax«.«i
J^Z^Z^ZT^ V^ EESTOBED BY
BESIEOINO ^^^ Tx«o/««^*«,„
HIS DESCENDANT.
ALNWICK CASTLE, ^~V , Tv^ZLlT I™
' ELIZ : DUCHESS OF
WAS HEBE SLAIN, JTrZ-^-^^J^^ ^J-r.
2. NOBTHUMBEBLAND.
NOT. Xm., AN. MXOni. wT^«^t^T^
' MDOOLXXrV.
* Pordim's aoeount is similar to that in this chTonic1e» and has evidently been
eoaeocted <mt of monkish legends ; he is the only ancient historian who men-
tions AinwSok Castle. According to him, the garrison having no hope of relief,
one of them» more skilful, braye, and daring than the others, undertook to free
his companions or to die in the attempt. He cautiously approached the king's
itrmyf and in a pleasant manner enquired for the king, saying that he had
come to deliver up to him the castle^ and as proof of his intention pointed to the
keys of the eastle attached to the end of his spear. Malcolm having heard this,
H
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50
HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
na lo
On the south face is the lion of Scotland on a shield,
with Scottish thistles in the corners of the panel ; and on
the north face the
Scottish thistle is sur*
mounted by a crown f
both design and work-
manship are poon
This cross stands in a
plantation close to the
great north road one
mile northward of
Alnwick, and the frag-
ments of the old cros9
are near to it in the
same wood.
Malcolm was a
heroic character, and
he has been invested
with imaginary vir-
tues. Without suffi-
cient reason, to him
have been attributed
the introduction, not
only of feudal law, but
also of representative
government into Soot-
MAL.COL.M'S CROSS- land. The Gaels de-
ftBM AiNi OF THE OLD CROSS IN THE BACKGROUND, gcribc him as haviug a
handsome person and
cheerful mind. He undoubtedly displayed great vigour;
and under trying circumstances maintained the indepen-
dence of his kingdom against the Norman power. Like his
co-temporaries, he was cruel ; but the influence of his wife^
the sainted Margaret, in some degree softened his character.
TVO DE VE80T.
Yvo de Vescy is the first Norman baron of Alnwick of
whom we have certain information ; and yet of him not much
is known ; for we have no record of his birth, marriage, time
and apprehending no deceit, ineantioaily sprang from hn tent, and nnarmed met
the Boidier* who, treacheroasly taking advantage of the defeneeless king, pierced
him through, and immediately fleeing to the shelter of a wood escaped from the
Seottish armj. Foidnn, Book lY., chap, 2&
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TTSON AND DE YESCT PERIOD. 61
of obtaining the barony, nor of his death. He became the
baron of Alnwick probably a little after A.D. 1096 ; but the
original charter is not in existence. He died prior to A.D.
1135, as in that year his successor was in possession of the
barony. His name first occurs in a charter granted to his
grandson by Henry II., who reigned from A.D. 1154 to A.D.
1189. To William de Vesci, by this charter, the king con-
firms in fee and hekship, all the lands and tenures of Eustace
Fitz-John his father, with all appurtenances of the same,
which he held in chief of the king or howsoever held, to wit
of his demesne fee, to hold of the king in chief, the castle of
Alnewyk and the whole honour, which belonged to Ivo de
Vesci his grandfather with all their appurtenances. The
barony of Maltou was never held by Yvo.
The Vcscy family came into England with William the
Conqueror; and the name Robert de Vesci appears in Dooms-
day Book as holding manors in Northamptonshire, Warwick-
shire, lincolnsfaire, Leicestershire. To this family belonged
Vassy, a commune in the department of Calvados in Nor-
mandy, from which it took the name.
Yvo de Vescy never rose to distinction ; his name appears
not in history, and of his virtues and vices we are ignorant.
With him, however, probably began the building of a great
baronial stronghold, for in the charter referred to, he is named
in connection with Alnwick Castle. He died about the year
A.D. 11S4, leaving an only daughter Beatrix, but no male
issue.
EUSTACE FITZ-JOHN.
Eustace Fitz-John obtained the barony of Alnwick, by
marrying Beatrix the heiress of Yvo de Vescy, and was in
possession of it in 1135. His descent as given by heraldists
18 confused and contradictory ; he is said to have been the
sob of John de Burgh, and nephew of Serlo de Burgh, lord
of Knaresborough, who dying without issue, was succeeded
in his possessions by his brother John, called Monoculus,
because he had but one eye. All this, however, is more than
doubtful ; for Eustace held Knaresborough not in heirship,
but as a farmer under the crown.
Eustace Fitz-John was an able man, and played a dis-
tinguished, if not always an honourable part in public affairs.
Aildred says of him, ^' He was one of the chief peers in Eng-
land, and intimately acquainted with King Henry I., and
of great wisdom and of singular judgment in counsels." He
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63 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
seems^ however^ to have had a careful regard to his own
aggrandisement^ for his possessions became largely increased
by marriage and royal grants. Henry I. gave him by charter,
'Hhe laud Archaristan which I have in my demesne in
Baenburc,* to wit the land of Spileston^f and the mill of
Warnet,^ which render to me yearly sixty shillings. And
the land of Bolla§ with (appurtenances) which was wont to
render me yearly forty shillings." Henry, son of the king
of Scotland, granted him by charters the lands of Bertun and
Pottun, Pathestun, Struechea, and also the fee and service of
Bobert de Muntut of five knights' fees ; and also the fee of
Toteham and other lands. He held fees too of the Arch-
bishop of York and of the Bishop of Durham. From the
confirmatory charter granted by Henry II. to William de
Vescy, grandson of Eustace Fitz-John, we learn, that Henry I.
gave to this Eustace the whole fee of Radulph Gaugi, to wit,
Elingeham, and Dochesefibdam,|| and Osberwyc,^^ and Hac-
ton, and Netferton, and also many lands in the counties of
Durham and Yorkshire, among which was the barony of
Malton. So high did he stand in the favour of his sovereign,
that he was appointed sheriff of Northumberland, and in his
official capacity, governor of Bamburgh Castle. His vast
possessions and official position gave him the command of
extensive military resources; and he had both the means
and inclination to influence public movements.
Eustace must, however, have been learned as well as brave,
and much in advance of the rude, ilUterate barons of the
period. We find him an itinerant justice of the northern
counties in 1129, associated with Walter de Espec, one of
the noblest men of the age. In the earliest Pipe Bolls
preserved, of the reign of Henry I., his name repeatedly
appears.
'^ Hugh, the son of Odo, rendered an account of twenty
shillings for the pleas of W. Espec and Eustace Fitz-John,
and for livery of Walter Espec and Eustace Fitz-John,
twelve shillings and sixpence. In pardon by writ of the
king, Eustace Fitz-John seventy-two shillings. Six pounds
are due by the sheriff, and this remains on the land of
Eustace Fitz-John." He had the wardship of Blida, a place
in Nottinghamshire, and for this he renders an account of
£22 lis. lOd.
* Bamburgb. f Spindleston. I Warn. § Budl«.
II Doxfoid. ^ Elwick.
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TYSON AND DE VESCY PERIOD. 58
FoT some time after the accession of Stephen as king of
England in 1135^ Eustace did not enjoy the favour of his
sovereign. Though no defined principle of succession to the
throne had been established, many of the barons regarded
Stephen as a usurper ; and it would seem, that Eustace par-
ticipating in this feeling, secretly favoured the cause of the
Empress Maud.* He was therefore viewed with suspicion ;
and the governorship of Bamburgh Castle — ^then the most
important northern stronghold — ^was taken from him. He
had, however, raised or completed strongholds of his own.
Alnwick Castle is described at this period as '^ most strongly
fortified ;" and he had erected Malton Castle in the midst of
bis Yorkshire lands. At length he openly joined the enemies
of King Stephen, and lent his aid, with all the forces he
could assemble, to David king of the Scots, who, in the
autumn of A.D. 1138, made a hostile expedition into Eng-
land. Alnwick Castle was given up to the king of the Scots.
The united forces marched to Bamburgh Castle, which they
were not able to take; but the young men of the place rashly
going before a rampart which was in front of the castle, so
tormented the Scots with derisive shouts, that aroused by
such insulting conduct, they fiercely attacked and broke
down the wall, and rushing within, slew a hundred of these
foolish youths. Unable to take the castle itself, the Scottish
army, after destroying all the com in the neighbourhood,
marched onward towards Yorkshire, leaving behind them a
trackway of desolation and blood. Eustace Fitz-John pur-
posed delivering up Malton Castle to King David ; but the
progress of the army was arrested at Northallerton, where
the famous battle of the Standard was fought, of which some
account must be given, as a Yescy and a Percy fought on one
side and a Percy on the other.f The Scottish army numbered
26,000 men, and was composed of Scots, Picts, Gallowaymen,
and Northumbrians. To resist this formidable array, the
aged but vigorous minded Archbishop Thurstan and Walter
de Espec the sheriff had summoned to the field, a small but
determined body of brave warriors, consisting chiefly of the
nobles and principal men of the province of York. In a
wide field near AUerton, they assembled around a remark-
able standard, (from which the battle took its name,) formed
of the mast of a ship erected on the beam of a chariot ; on its
• Hist Bic Hag., (Twisden,) p. 819.
f AUn de Percy le Metchin fought on the side of the Scots.
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54 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
top a large cross was displayed, having in its centre the con-
secrated host ; and floating beneath were the banners of St.
Peter and St. John of Beverly, and of St. Wilfrid of Ripon.
William de Percy, Robert de Brus, and Bernard de Baliol,
an experienced soldier, were with the English army ; and
the two last, who held lands in Scotland as well in England,
endeavouied to induce David to discontinue these inroads ;
but the Scottish king refusing, they absolved themselves from
their homage to him.
Three days were spent by the little English army in reli-
gious exercises, and to fortify their minds, absolution and
benediction were given by the archbishop. Walter de Espec,
the sheriff, a man of a noble form, venerable from his age,
distinguished by the acuteness of his genius, by his wisdom,
piety, and fidelity to the king, ascended the machine on
which the standard was fixed, and delivered an oration, with
a voice like a trumpet, calculated to rouse to the highest
pitch the valour of the army. His description of the appal-
ling atrocities committed by the Scottish army, presents a
fearful picture of the barbarism of the period, and of the
miserable and wasted condition of the border land. ^' Remem-
ber," says he, " what they did in the parts beyond the Tyne,
(that is in Northumberland,) nor hope gentler things if the
Scots conquer. I say nothing of the slaughters, rapines,
and burnings, which are exercised in a certain humane man-
ner by enemies — I speak of such things as fiction never in-
vented nor history narrated as done by the cruellest tyrants.
They spared no age, no rank, no sex ; nobles as well as boys
and girls were led into captivity. Chaste wives were defiled
by the most incredible lust ; children tossed in the air and
upon the points of the lances afforded a delightful spectacle
to the Gallowaymen ; pregnant women were ripped up and
the immature infants with impious hands dashed against
stones ; entering a house, where many young persons were
assembled, a Gallowayman seized one softer another by the
feet, dashed their heads against a post, and piling up the
dead and mangled bodies, laughingly exclaimed — 'behold
how many Gauls I alone have killed this day.' Horrible to
relate, they entered the temple of God, polluted his sanctu-
ary, and trampled under foot the sacraments of salvation.'**
More deeds of atrocity were laid to their charge, but we may
hope for the honour of human nature, that the picture is too
* Aildxed, p. MO.
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TYSON AKB DS TB8GT PBBIOD. 55
deeply shaded by the orator. After this appeal^ Espec gave
his right hand to one of the leaders and said, *' I give my
&ith either to conquer the Scots this day or be slain by
them." All the nobles took a similar vow ; and that there
might be no hope of flight, their horses were removed to a
distance ; and they advanced on foot determined to conquer
or die.
Composed of discordant materials, the different races of the
Scottish army were jealous of each other. The king wished
the onset to be made with his men of arms, but the Gallo-
waymen claimed the right to form the first rank; and fearing
sedition, the king yielded to their demand, although from
being almost naked and unarmed, they were not fit to combat
with the English men of arms, who were protected by invul-
nerable triangular breast-plates. The arrangement was fatal
to the Scots ; for these unarmed men were pierced by the
English arrows; and before the lapse of two hours, they
were driven back with great slaughter, involving the whole
army in confusion, in flight, and in ruin. Eustace Fitz-John
fought in the second rank, which was led by Prince Henry,
son of the Scottish king. The king and his band of knights
attempted to stand, but they too were compelled to flee.
Eleven thousand of the Scots are said to have fallen on the
field ; and though the little English army did not pursue the
routed enemy, many more of the Scots losing their way were
slain by the country people, in revenge of the atrocities they
had perpetrated. The king and his son escaped with difli-
culty, and arriving three days afterwards at Carlisle, they
lost no time in collecting the remains of their shattered army,
and soon afterwards laid siege to Wark Castle. Eustace
Fitz-John was wounded, and barely escaped with his life to
his castle.* Peace, however, was concluded between the two
countries, chiefly through the influence of the legate of the
pope, and the queen of England. In consequence of this
treaty, Henry, the son of David, received the earldom of
Northumberland, excepting the towns of Bamburgh and
Newcastle; and for several years afterwards this county was
under the dominion of a Scottish prince.f
Amid the desolation these dark scenes present, one green
spot appears. Alberic, bishop of Ostia, the legate of the pope^
endeavoured not only to promote peace, but to mitigate the
* Florence's Chronicle, p. 264.
t AUdred, p. 838 to Zi6. Hist Jobn Hag., 260 to 282.
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66 HI8T0&T OF AJMyriCK.
horrors of war. He urged the Soots — ^who, although led by
a king distinguished for building and endowing churches,
abbeys^ and nunneries^ and even for fostering commerce^ yet
acted more like demons than men-— to wage war with greater
humanity ; and he prevailed on them to set free the women
whom they had recently taken captive; through his per-
suasions, the whole Scottish army engaged that in future
they would abstain from violating churches, and would spare
women and children.
In these changing times, when the feeling of loyalty had
scarcely an existence, Eustace was ere long reconciled to
King Stephen; for we find him in the 5th year of Stephen's
reign holding, in &vour of the king, the two great lordships
of Burgh and Knaresborough. He was slain when with an
expedition into Wales, in the year 1157, the Srd of the reign
of Henry II.
His charitable acts took the direction of the spirit of the
age. Fierce men accustomed to slaughter and oppression,
and unscrupulous in their aggressions on the property of
others, trusted to the rites of the church for the absolution
of their offences against law and morality ; it was the age of
ecclesiastical endowments ; and hence churches, abbeys, and
nunneries were built and richly endowed to atone for trans-
gressions, and procure the prayers of the fiuihfril for the
safety of their souls. Besides granting money and* lands to
the monks of St. Peter's of Gloucester, to the churches of
Flamborough, of Laton, and of Scalleby, and to the canons
of Bridlington, Eustace founded the monasteries of Walton
and Malton, and also of Alnwick, and amply endowed them
with land and revenues.*
He married twice: Beatrix, the heiress of Alnwick, is
stated to have died in childbirth of William, who succeeded
to her inheritance. Eustace's other wife, Agnes, daughter
of the constable of Chester, mentions her sons Richard and
Geffirey. From Richard the Lacys and Claverings traced
their descent.
WILLIAM (FTTZ-JOHN OE) DE VBSOT.
William, the eldest son of Eustace and Beatrix, inherited
the barony of Alnwick and other extensive possessions left
by his fatner ; and as the larger portion came through his
• Dugdale Bar., Vol, 1., p. 91.
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TTSOK AND DB VBSCY PERIOD. 57
mother^ he assumed the name of De Yescy. A charter was
granted by Henry II., confirming to him in fee and heirship
all the lands and tenures held by his father. HLs estates
were very large, for he held no less than twenty knights'
fees, and for these he, in 12th Henry II., paid £17 13s. Od. as
an aid for marrying the king's daughter. In 18th Henry II.
he paid £24 6s. 8d. for scutage* of Ireland, as he neither went
in ]>erson nor sent soldiers to that war. Though neither
eyinciDg the ability nor possessing the influence of his father,
he for twelve years held the important office of sheriff of
Northumberland ; and from 4th Henry II. to 15th Henry II.
he accounted yearly in the great .pipe rolls for the farm of
the county. In A.D. 1165 he accounts for forty marks,
de proprio dono; in A.D. 1166 for lands which he held in
Baemburc, (Bamburgh,) twenty-four shillings; and Reginald
his steward accounts for £4 Ss. 4d. He ceased to be sheriff
in A.D. 1170,
Northumberland remained for some time under Scottish
Smer; and the services which King David had rendered to
enry Plantagenet, the son of Maud, laid upon him an
obligation to view favourably the claims of the Scottish
princes to the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland.
Accordingly, when Henry was knighted by the old King
David, he swore, that on becoming king of England, he
would confirm to David and his heirs the lands held by them
in England; but as soon as he was firmly seated on the
throne, disregarding his oath, and considering these counties
too valuable to be held by a foreign power, he in A.D. 1154
demanded their restitution. The brave old King David and
his promising son Henry were then dead; and the Scottish
throne was filled by a feeble minor, Malcolm, the grandson
of David; the demand therefore could not be resisted; and
Northumberland again, without a struggle, came under the
dominion of the Norman kings. Malcolm himself, during his
short reign of twelve years, was under the influence of his
potent neighbour, and peaceably acquiesced in the alienation
of Cumberland and Northumberland ; but his people were
not so quiescent; angry murmurs rose against their sovereign
for his pusillanimous conduct, and the border warriors made
frequent inroads; wasting and greatly injuring the district.
• From Scutagium, or ServiHum ScuU, (Latin,) the service of the shield; in
NonnaD- French, Eteuage, This was a fine in money paid by a military tenant
in lien of bis personal service.
I
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68 HI8T0BT OF ALKWICK«
Truces were made but ill kept, and the borders were in ft
state of constant turmoil and warfare.
William the Lion, who succeeded to the Scottish throne
in A.D. 1165, was brave, and felt himibled by the loss of his
Northumberland and Cumberland inheritance. He visited
the kin^ of England in Brittany, to urge his claims for its
restoration; and Henry II. being then at war with his
rebellious vassals on the continent, soothed him with fair
promises to end all disputes, as soon as he had leisure*
Seven years elapsed, but William found no redress.
Though a kind and indulgent father, Henry's sons rebelled
against him ; and his eldest son, the head of the conspiracy,
induced the king of Scotland to aid him in his unnatural
attempt, by promising to restore the counties of Northumber*
land and Cumberland to the Scottish king. Accordingly
William entered Northumberland with a large army, com*
posed partly of Scots and Flemings, but with a multitude of
Gallowaymen, who were almost naked, but fleet and remark-
ably bold, and armed with small knives at their left sides
and javelins in their hands, which they could throw at a
great distance.* Wark was first besieged, but unsuccessfully,
being stoutly defended by R(^r de Estuteville. Then,
says the chronicler, Fantosme, who was eye-witness of
many of the scenes he describes, the great host of Albany
went to Alnwick Castle, which was under the command
of William de Vescy, the illegitimate son of the baron o£
Alnwick. William de Vescy proved himself a valorous
knight, and ** much was the father joyous in heart to have
such a son." Failing in their attempt on Alnwick, the
Scottish army destroyed the land next to the sea; and
"coming to Warkworth did not deign to stop there, for weak
was the castle, the wall, and the trench.*' After a vain
attempt to take Newcastle and Carlisle, they marched onward
to Yorkshire, the warlike and turbulent Bishop Pudsey
allowing them to pass unmolested; but an English army
advancing to repel the invasion, the king of Scotland retired
to his own country. The teacUngs of the good and humane
legate had been cast into stony ground ; for the Scots, both
in their advance and retreat, ravaged and destroyed,, and
committed great atrocities. Berwick was burnt by them*
The chronicler says : —
« Ra. de Dioeto^ (Twiiden,} p. 675.
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TTSON JUVB DE VE8CT PE&IOD. 59
** He rides in the lead destroyed and wasted*
That is NorthumberlaDd, which was already renowned ;
From here to the passes of Spain, there was not saeh a eonntrj,
Nor more faithf al, nor people more hononred $
Now it is in famine, becomes annihilated
If by the king of England aid is not giyen."
Embarrassed^ however, by an army of Flemings, who had
landed in Suffolk, the king of England could not avenge this
inroad, but concluded a truce with the Scots.
Though foiled in their first attempt, the unnatural sons of
Henry II. of England, resolved to make another, to dethrone
their father ; and in their support, Wilham the Lion again
crossed the border in the beginning of April, A.D. 1174, with
a huge army composed of Flemish mercenaries as well as Scot-
tish soldiers, estimated to be 80,000 strong. Wark was again
assaulted, but though more vigorously than before, yet still
without success. Part of the army was despatched at night
to Bamburgh Castle, and surprised some poor people asleep
in their beds. The chronicle gives a sad picture of the
morning's march.
** The town •£ BeUbrd was first attacked.
Over all the country they scattered themselves ;
Some mn to towns to commit their folly,
Some go to take sheep in their folds,
Some go to bum towns, I cannot tell von more ;
Never will such great destruction be heard spoken of.
Then might you see peasants and Flemings who tie them,
And lead them in their cords like heathen people*
Women fly to the minster, each was ravished.
Naked wi&iout clothes, she forgets there her property ;
Ah, Godl why did William de Vesci not know itf
The booty were rescued, nor woald they have failed in it
They bunt the eountry ; but God was a friend
To &ooe gentle peasants who were defenceless,
For the Scots were not their mortal enemies ;
They would have beaten, slain, and ill*tteated them all*"*
After suffering the loss of many men before Wark, William
the Lion led his army towards '^ Carlisle the fair, the strong
garrisoned city." He took the castles of Liddel, of Brougl^
and of Appleby ; but not being able speedily to reduce Car-
lisle, he marched upon Prudhoe Castle, and attempted to
take it by surprise ; but Odonel de Umfraville was prepared
for the attack, and brayely repulsed it. Leaving his castle
under the charge of its bold defenders, Odonel mounted his
"good brown l»y, day and night always spurring," and
* Fantoime, 1167.
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60 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
gathered four hundred knights for the relief of Prudhoe.
Three days the siege continued; but William, finding he
could not master the castle, and that the army of the sheriff
of York was advancing, abandoned the siege ; and on Friday
morning, the 12th of July, his great host marched northward
in two diyiaions; the Gallowaymen ravaged the lands of
Odonel, and the Scots wasted and burnt the country along
the sea coast. On the Friday evening. King William with
the French and Flemings of his army began the siege of
Alnwick Castle« He retained with him only five hundred
knights, while the two divisions of his main army were
ravaging the country around ; towns and villages were burnt
and plundered. Earl Duncan with one division entered
Warkworth and burnt it, and slew all whom he foujid^ men
and women, great and small ; they broke into the church of
Saint Laurence, and mutilated three priests and slew three
hundred men, women, and children, who had taken refuge
there. "Alas!" exclaims another chronicler,* "what sor-
row ! then you might hear the shrieks of women, the lamen-
tations of the old, the groans of the dying, and the despair of
the young ; but the omnipotent God avenged on the same
day, the injury and violence done to the church of the
martyr."
Wlien Odonel arrived at Newcastle in the evening of Fri-
day, with the forces he had collected, he found that the king
of the Scots had retired. Besides Odonel, there were, as
leaders of the little band, Bandolph de Glanville the brave
sheriff, Bernard de Baliol, William D'Estuteville, and Wil-
liam de Yescy. Having been informed, probably by a mes-
senger from Alnwick Castle, that the king of the Scots had
around him only a small suit, the bulk of his army being
engaged in plundering, it was resolved by these valiant men
to attempt to relieve the castle ; but in accordance with the
sage council of Glanville, a spy was sent before to ascertain
the state of the Scottish force. The English troop, increased
in number by sixty knights of the archbishc^ of York, after
refreshing themselves by a little rest during the night, set
forth from Newcastle at the break of dav with such speed,
that though heavily armed, they in less than five hours had
proceeded about thirty miles. For some time so dense a fog
covered their march, that they scarcely knew whither they
yveie going ; and the prudent or timid, fearing that danger
« Benedietus Petr.
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TYSON AMD DE VESCT PEEIOD. 61
hung over them^ advised an immediate return to Newcastle ;
bat Bernard de Baliol, a noble and courageous man, said*—
** Let him go back who will; I will not stamp my name with
everlasting disgrace ; evten though alone, I will go onward."
Stimulated by this heroism, the march was resumed, and
they had not proceeded &r, when suddenly the fog cleared
away, and with joy they saw before them die battlements of
Alnwick Castle lUmninated by the sunbeams — a, secure place
of refuge should they be overpowered by numbers. They
entered for concealment into a copse, and there received tte
report of their spy.
William the Lion at this hour was lying in a field about a
quarter-of-a-mile westward of Alnwick Castle, on the borders
of Alnwick Moor, with only siztv knights, waiting for the
return of his army that he might assault the castle with
great vigour. The day had become warm ; his helmet was
laid aside, and with his barons he had sat dovni to dine. The
English forces under the command of Randolph de Glanville
advanced, and William at first supposed that they were some
of his own troops returning from a marauding expedition.
" The king of Scotland was brave, wonderfol, and old*
Before Alnwick he stood unaimed.
When these had once cried the war signal of Vesci,
And ' Olanvilk knights I ' and • BaHol I ' Ukewise^
Odonel de UmfiravUle raised a cry of his own*
And this of Estuteville, a bold knight;
Then knew William that he was nearly betrayed,
Quickly he stirred himself he was not disconcerted."
Hastily armii^ himself, mounting his grey horse, shaking
bis spear, and rousing the valour of his soldiers by exclaiming,
** Now let it be seen who is a good knight ! " he gallantbr
charged his foes, and struck dovni the first he encountered.
A severe struggle ensued ; and, one who speaks from know-
ledge says, all would have gone well with WilHam had not
a sergeant vnth a lance killed his horse. The kin^ fell to
the ground beneath his steed, and, being unable to nse, was
drawn from beneath it ; and he surrendered himself prisoner
to Bandolph de Glanville. Most of his attendants were
taken prisoners; some even, who might have escaped, deemed
it more hcmorable to share the fate of their king than to flee.
Boger de Mowbray, an English baron fighting on the side
of William, and Adam de Port, with a few others escaped
into Scotland. Valorous deeds were performed by many of
WOliam's knights before they were taken. Lord Alan de
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62 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Lasoelles, an old knight of gigantic stature, long defended
himself on his grey charger. William de Mortimer, raging
through the ran^ like a mad hoar, gave and received many
blows, till Lord Bernard de Baliol struck him down from his
horse. Raoul le Bus fought well while attacked by a hun-
dred foes. Richard Maluvel behaved himself gloriously ; at
the head of his thirteen followers he accomplished as much
as the whole of them ; but struck in the middle, he was at
length compelled to surrender. The combat must have been
continued some time after William had been taken pri-
soner, by bands which had returned from plundering ; for the
prisoners were numerous, William de Yescy alone having
taken one hundred. No quarter was given to the Flemish,
who were mercilessly slaughtered in revenge for the atrocities
they had committed.
The royal prisoner was mounted on a palfrey, and taken
immediately by Randolph de Glanville to Newcastle, where
he arrived on the same evening ; he was afterwards lodged
in the strong castle of Richmond, till the king of England's
J[>leasure should be known, to whom a messenger was sent
with the news.
The capture of the Scottish king was a great event —
indeed, the most important in the reign of Henry II. ; it
occurred at a critical crisis in our history, and it saved the
nation from much calamity. Not content with natural
causes for this issue, the chroniclers of the times bring in the
supernatural, and attribute it to the miraculous agency of St.
Dunstan. On the day when William the Lion was over-
thrown, Henry II., king of England, submitted, as a penance,
to be flogged by the monks of Christ Church, before the tomb
of Thomas k Becket. ** At length,*' says the chronicler in
swelling phrase,* ^' he who touches the mountains and they
smoke, regarding the devotion of the burning mountain in
Canterbury, on the very day in which it smoked, the king
had overcome his cruellest enemy the king of the Scots at
Alnwick."
King Henry had returned to London and retired to rest
full of melancholy thoughts, and his servant was gently
scratching his feet while he slept during the silence of the
night, when the messenger with tidings of the capture came
to the door and softly called, ^' A messenger am I, sent by
Randolph de GlanviUe to speak with the king." ^'The
• BromtoD, (Twitden,) p. 1095.
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TYSON AND DE TESCT PERIOD. 6S
king is asleep^ I dare not allow you to enter," was the reply,
light was the sleep of the king, like that of all troubled in
mind; and he was awakened by the gentle whisperings. On
learning that the messenger was from Glanville, he asked
for him, fearing that Glanville wanted help. ''Your enemy
the king of the Scots is taken," said the messenger. Struck
with surprise and joy — " Tell you the truth ?" asked the
king. " Yes sire," was the reply, " two private messengers
will confirm the news to-morrow. For four days I have
scarcely eaten, or drunk,or slept; at your pleasure recompense
my service." Imbued with the superstitious feelings of the
period, the king exclaimed, " Grod be thanked for it, and St.
Thomas the martyr, and all the saints of Grod." Overjoyed,
he leapt from his couch, and hastened to communicate the
tidings to his barons. On the same evening, the bells of
London told the tale to the citizens, and ere long, a joyful
peal was rung from every parish church in England.
A monument, erected in the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury within a plantation on the south side of Rotten B4>w,
marked the spot where tradition says William was captured.
It was in the pseudo-Gothic style, which prevailed at the time
of its erection. Although not such as to ^tify a refined
taste, it was not without beauty, and was interesttng as an
illustration of the style of a period ; and it is to be. r^retted
that it has recently been taken down, and replaced by
another erection entirely devoid of taste. This is a large
square smoothed block of sandstone, nearly three feet in
height, resting on two steps. A polished granite tablet is
inserted into the face of the sandstone block ; and on this
is the following inscription, copied from the older monument,
^ William the Lion, king of Scotland, besieging Alnwick
Castle, was here taken prisoner, MCLXXIV."*
Olanville t by orders of the king took his prisoner to Falaise
• Fall aceoants are gireD of this important event, in ehronioles of Bromton,
William of Newbury, Benedict of Peterborough, and Gerrase ; but several of th«
minuter details I have taken from flie metrical cbioaicle of Jordan Fantosme,
f Randolph de GlauTille was rewarded for his chivalrous eonduct by the Eng-
lish king, who immediately promoted him to be one of the itinerant justiciars ;
and in A.B. 1180 he was appointed chief justiciar, the most important office
in the kingdom, requiring for its proper discharge both great military and l^gal
ability. He waa one of the greatest men of his time» being a perfbct kolght^
skilled in the art of war, a good classical scholar, and a profound lawyer. He
will be remembered throughout all time^ as the author of a *' Treatise on the Lawa
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64 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
in Normandy^ where Henry had gone to quell insurrections
of his continental subjects; and there the unfortunate lion-
hearted king was kept in strict confinement for a year^ at
the expiration of which, he obtained his liberty under
arrangements which seriously affected the honour of Scot-
land. This bondage continued till A.D. 1199, when Richard
I. desirous, before his departure as a soldier of the cross to
the Holy Land, of gaining the friendship of William and
his Scottish subjects, restored to him by charter, the castles
of Berwick and Roxburgh, and recognised only the feudal
arrangements subsisting between their ancestors * For this
great boon, ten thousand marks were paid by the Scots to
the English king.
William de Vescy, like his father, was liberal to the
church. He confirmed to the canons and nuns of Walton,
Malton, and Wintringham, the gift of his father Eustace of the
church at Wintringham, with the manor-house and two mills
there ; also of the hamlet of Langton, of the church and
chapels of Walton and Malton ; and out of his own charity,
he gave to them the church of Ancaster. To the knights
Templars he gave the churches of Caithrop and Normanton,
and to the canons of Semplingham and nuns of Ormesby the
hermitage of Spaldingholme, with divers other lands. He
gave to the monks of Alnwick Abbey, the churches of Chat-
ton, Chillingham, and Alnham, his fishery of Lesbury, and
land in Ru^ey. But he is chiefly memorable in this district,
for his grant of Alnwick Moor to the burgesses of Alnwick.
He was married to Burga, sister of Robert de Stuteville,
Lord of Knaresborough, by whom he had two daughters and
two SODS, Eustace, who succeeded him, and Warin, from
whom descended the family of Aton. He died in the year
1184 ;t and according to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey he
^ became a monk there, when near his end, and was buried
before the door of the chapter-house of the abbey, near to
where his vnfe Burga was laid.
EUSTACE DE TE8CY.
Eustace was only fourteen years of age when his father
died. On coming of age, A.D. 1191, he obtained from
and Cnstoms of the Kingdom of Engluid," the first attempt to bring English law
under fixed principles, and making him father of English jurisprudence. When
an old man he became a soldier of the cross, and died in the Holy Land.
* Rymer Feed., I., pp. 39, 64. f Dugdale*s Baronage, p. 92.
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TTSON AND DB VE8GY PERIOD. 65
Bichard I. livery* of his lands, and liberty to many whom
he pleased, on payment of ten thousand marks. In the
same year he paid £12 3s. 4d. for scutage of Wales ; but as
he went in person with the king to Normandy four years
afterwards, he was acquitted of the scutage then assessed for
the king's redemption. For a second scutage of Normandy,
he paid in the 8th Richard I., £24 6s. 8d. According to
the Liber Niger ^ he held in A-D. 1212, of the king in chief,
the barony of Alnwick by the service of twelve knights fees,
and also the vills of Budle, Spindlestone, and Warn, nothing
having been alienated by marriage or alms to the king's pre-
judice. Bat large though these possessions were, they were
only about one half of the property held by him, for we find
he had in 13th John, a special discharge for twenty-four
knights fees of scutage of Scotland ; the rest of his estates
were in Yorkshire and elsewhere.
Like his grandfather, Eustace was a distinguished man,
and deeply engaged in the political movements of the period.
These were, indeed, times of wild warfare and sudden revolu-
tions, when men of energy and capacity could influence, in
no small degree, the destinies of the nation, which was
groaning under oppression and struggling for liberty. Under
this distinguished baron, and with a strongly fortified castle,
near the borders, Alnwick was the scene of many important
events. John, the king of England, visited it no less than
four times.
During the short reign of Richard I., there was peace
along the Borders ; but as soon as John ascended the Eng-
lish throne, the friendly relations between England and Scot*
land were disturbed. The conflicting claims of the two
nations seemed to have been definitely settled ; the supremacy
of England over Scotland had been abandoned ; the northern
counties, Cumberland and Northumberland, had been incor-
porated with England ; and the river Tweed, and the moun-
tain range westward, formed the boundary of two independent
nations. Well would it have been for England and Scotland,
and especially for the border-land, if this settlement of hostile
claims had remained imdisturbed. Ambition and the love
of power were, however, for centuries to come, to find a
battle-field in the border counties. The old lion-hearted
king, looking with regret to the loss of the northern counties,
was not slow in taking advantage of the dissatisfaction in
* Livery of wisen is the delivery of lands, &c«
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Gff HI8T0BT OF ALMWICK.
England with John's usurpation of the English thtone^ to
the prejudice of Arthur the legitimate heir; and he urged his
claims for the restoration of these counties. John, being then
engSLgei in continental afiairs and anxious to keep peace with
Scotland, commissioned Eustace de Vescy, who had married
the illegitimate daughter of the Scottish king, to assure him,
that on his return from Normandy he would satisfy his
claims. But John was faithless, and took no steps to redeem
his promise; on the contrary he appointed William de Stute-
Tille to be sheriff of the two counties, gave orders to strengthen
the defences of the northern castles ; and reviving the claim
to feudal superiority over Scotland, he repeatedly summoned
William to appear before him to do homage. The Scottish
king either bending for a while before a blast, which he
could not then boldly face, or deluded by false flattery and
promises, obeyed the summons, and on the 22nd November,
A.D. 1200, he rendered homage to John, on a high hill out-
side the city of Lincoln, in the presence of a great assembly
of English and Scottish barons.* The terms of the homage
are qualified with " Salvo jure suo," and must have been for
Lothian at least, since at this time the northern counties
were in possession of the English ; and William, after having
performed this deed, demanded the restitution of Northum-
berland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland. This, however,
was not conceded. John, if not able, was artful, and he
induced the Scottish king to agree to a truce till after the
ensuing Whitsunday, to afford time for deliberation.
. William next morning set off to his own dominions ; and
John proceeded northwards, and visited Alnwick Castle for
the first time on February 12th, 1201 ;t and while there,
confirmed the charter of the burgesses of Newcastle; he
afterwards went to Bamburgh, Rothbury, and Hexham.
For several years little was done, to settle the conflicting
claims of the two kings ; William was old and stricken down
with sickness, while John was fully engaged in attempting
to retrieve the disasters he had suffered on the, continent.
The king of England made, however, one attempt to injure
Scotland in 1204, by forti^ing a castle at Tweedmouth in
order to destroy Berwick, and open a passage into Scotland.
The old king rallied, attacked the place, and razed the
work to its foundations^ A conference of the two kings
• Hovedon. f Patent Bolb. Itinexaxy of King John.
X Fordnn, L YIILi e. 04
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TT80N AND DB VBSCY PERIOD. 87
at Norliam in the same year led to no satisfactory results.
Large armies were assembled by both kings, in 1209, to
determine their differences by the sword ; but though they
confronted each other at Norham, no battle ensued, for the
nobles of both kingdoms interfered, and the armies were
disbanded and a conference appointed to be held at New-
castle. In his progress northward on this occasion, John
rested at Mnwick on the ^th of April. Owing to the ill-
ness of the old King William, the conference at Newcastle
was not held. Armies were again assembled to decide the
controversy ; and again the nobles induced a suspension of
hostilities. The two kings met at Norham, and on the 7 th
of August, concluded a treaty, which for a time put an end
to WMfere. By this treaty, John agreed to desist from
erecting a fortress at Tweedraouth, and William engaged to
deliver his two daughters to John, to be married to John's
two sons, and to pay within two years fifteen thousand
marks.* Evidently the old king was wearing out, and
desired to secure a peaceful succession for his young son.
According to Fordun, Alexander, the son of William, rendered
at Alnwick Castle the same homage and fealty to John,
which had formerly been paid by his predecessors to the
English kings.f
Other darker clouds were now gathering around the faith-
less king of England. He had quarrelled with the pope and
involved himself and the kingdom in difficulty and disaster;
and he had alienated the affections of his subjects by his
oppressive exactions, by his avarice, lust, and cruelty. After
infamously hanging twenty-eight sons of the Welsh nobility,
who had been entrusted to him as hostages,} he was about
to march into Wales with a numerous army to destroy it
with fire and sword, when he was startled with the intelli-
gence, that the pope had absolved his subjects from their
allegiance, and that a conspiracy amongst his barons had
been formed against him. In great alarm, he dismissed his
forces and retired for safety to London. He thence despatched
messengers to all suspected barons, commanding them to
give to him their sons or relatives, as hostages for their
fidelity. All dreading the cruel power of the tyrant com-
plied, excepting Eustace de Vesey and Robert Fitz- Walter,
who were accused as being principals in the conspiracy.
• Rymer, Vol. I., pp. 155, 275. Wendover, A.D. 1209.
t Fordnn, 1. VIII., c. 72. t Wendover, A.D. 1212.
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68 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The perfidiousness^ tyranny, and cruelty of John were, of
themselves, sufficient causes to induce high-minded nobles to
seek the overthrow of his power; but Eustace de Vescy had
also a private ground of quarrel. Knyghton, indeed, attri-
butes to " this private offence the beginning and origin of
the universal war and sedition;" according to him — that
most notable knight Eustace de Vescy had a very fair and
chaste wife, whom, by cunning, the king attempted to de-
bauch. Sitting at table with Eustace, he seized a ring which
was on his finger, and said he had a similar stone which he
wished encircled by the same gold workmanship. Suspecting
no evil, the ring was lent to the king, who immediately after-
wards summoned a boy and sent him with the ring to the
wife of Eustace, with a message that her lord was sick unto
death, and desired her with all speed to hasten to London if
she would see him alive. Her lord's ring was to the affec-
tionate wife a guarantee of the truth of the message, and
she immediately hastened to succour her lord. But the
wicked design was frustrated, for Eustace while travelling
met his wife by chance, on her way to London; and on
being informed of the cause of her journey, he, knowing the
treachery of the king, said — ** Craftily are you summoned,
that the king may dishonour you." In revenge for the
insult, he caused a woman of ill fame to be dressed up in his
wife's vestments and to meet the king at the appointed place.
John was wont to glory in his shame, and when at table, he
upbraided Eustace with his supposed dishonour; but, on
being informed of the trick played upon him, he became
enraged, and with an oath threatened Eustace with death.
Eustace, however, escaped from the licentious tyrant, and
retired to his northern strongholds, where he was joined by
other barons whom the vile king had also sought to dis-
honour.* Eustace afterwards fled into Scotland. John
demanded the Scottish king to give him up as a fugitive
felon ; but the brave old King William was too chivalrous
to betray a man — his son-in-law too — ^who had sought his
protection, and who as yet had not been convicted of a crime.
Emerie, archdeacon of Durham, and Philip de Ulecote the
sheriff of the county, were on the 27th of May, 1218, com-
manded by the king to destroy the castle of Alnwick, so
that it would be useless to Eustace de Vescy ;t but this was
not carried into effect, for what reason we are not informed ;
« Knyghton, (Twiiden,) p. 2244w f Rot Lit Pat p. 99.
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TTSOM AND DE VESCT PERIOD. 69
perhaps the king may not hare wished to make Eustace an
implacable foe^ or caprice may have led him to annul the
command.
The king visited Alnwick Castle again on January SGth,
1213 ; and on February Snd^ he was at Warkworth. It is
not easy to discover the reason of this capricious king's
movements; posssibly^ he at this time visited the norths
that he might endeavour by his personal influence to produce
a favourable feeling towards him in the minds of the northern
barons. Not long afterwards^ however, he was reconciled to
Rome by becoming a vassal of the pope, and by engaging to
restore to the barons, who had adhered to the pope, their
estates. Respecting Eustace de Yescy we find it stated in
one of the rolls dated Winton, 21 July, 1213, that unless the
king restored to him all his hereditaments, he would again
fall under the sentence of excommunication.* The sheriff,
therefore, was commanded on July 19th, 1213, to give
Eustace de Yescy full seisen of all his lands, fees, castles, and
other liberties; and soon afterwards, the oxen and horses
which had been taken from him, and his arms which were
in Alnwick Castle were restored to him. A more kindly
feeling to Eustace seems to have grown up in the king's
mind ; for in 1215, he commanded the sheriff to give '^ to
our beloved and faithful Eustace de Yescy" the liberties
with his dogs in the forest of Northumberland, which he
was formerly accustomed to enjoy.
This courtesy, however, did not prevent Eustace de Yescy
joining the great confederation of barons, who, in 1215, forced
from the English king the celebrated Magna Charta ; and he
was one of the twenty-five barons, who were appointed
its conservators, and entrusted with extensive powers to
enforce the observance of its conditions. After granting
this charter, John became sullen and melancholy. Accus-
tomed to tyrannise, he could not submit to fulfil his obliga-
tions ; and he retired to the Isle of Wight, brooding over
schemes for inflicting revenge and regaining power. He
sought the aid of the pope, and hired foreign mercenaries ;
and having subdued several strongholds in the south, he
marched against the northern barons.
The brave old King William had died on December 4th,
1214, and his son Alexander, a youth only fifteen years of
age, was on the Scottish throne. The northern barons
* Cal Rot, 15 John, Mem. 10.
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70 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK.
sought his protection^ and did homage to him at Felton, on
the 2&id of October^ 1215.* He had previously invested
Norham ; but as that stout castle could not be taken after being
assaulted forty days, the siege was raised. Enraged at these
proceedings, John pursued his march with great expedition
in the depth of winter. His mercenaries, as he advanced,
committed horrible ravages, destrojring by fire and sword the
houses, towns, and lands of the confederated barons. In the
course of a week, he burnt Mitford, Morpeth, Wark, and
Alnwick ;t and crossing into Scotland, Roxburgh and the
villages around shared the same fate. The castle and town
of Berwick he took; and a hired band of professional tormen-
tors inflicted on the inhabitants the most horrible cruelties.
He burnt Dunbar and Haddington, and laid waste the
Lothians. Alexander, the Scottish king, encamped with a
great army on the river Esk, near Pentland, with the design
of intercepting him ; but John would not risk a battle ; the
English lung was more in his element among scenes of rapine
and among defenceless women and children, than on the
battle-field. He returned the way he came, and his footsteps
were marked with blood. Coldingham Abbey he plundered;
Berwick he burnt down ; and so base was he, that he set fire
with his own hands to the house in which he had lodged.
Alexander, unable to impede the progress of the English
king, too faithfully imitated his atrocities ; entering England
on the western border, he ravaged Cumberland, and plun-
dered the abbey of Holmcultram. j:
The combined power of John and the pope proved too
strong for the confederated barons and the Scottish king ;
the Imrons, therefore, reduced to extremity and in despair,
offered their allegiance to Philip, king of France, if he would
deliver them from their detested sovereign. French aid, and
the desertion of part of John's mercenary soldiers, enabled
the barons to make Louis, the Dauphin, master of a great
part of England. Alexander, on being summoned, marched
again into England with a powerful army, committing depre-
dations on the lands of the adherents of the English king.
He was joined by the northern barons, among whom was
* Chron. Mailroi.
f Chron. Mailr. Abbey, p. 190, which layt, on the 1 1th of Jannary the Till of
Wark was bomt ; on the 9th, Alnwick ; on the 7th, Mitford and Morpeth ; on
the 16th» Roxburgh, with many little villagea.
X Fordnn, 1. IX., e. 28.
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TYSON AND DB VESCY PSBIOD. 71
Eustace de Vescy. This army had advanced into Durham
and invested Barnard Castle, which belonged to Hugh de
Baliol ; and while reconnoitreing the defences of the place^
Eustace de Vescy was mortally wounded by the shot of a
cross-bow from the walls of the castle,* which pierced his
brain, and he died on the spot. His death was mourned by
his brother-in-law, the Scottish king, and was felt as a heavy
blow to the cause of the confederated barons.
Not long after, on the 19th of October, 1216, England was
delivered from her perilous condition by the death of John,
unquestionably the most odious tyrant that ever filled the
English throne.
Eustace was only forty-five years of age when he died.
He was married at Boxburgh, in 1193, to Margery, or Mar-
garet, as she is called in one of the charters of Alnwick
Abbey, the illegitimate daughter of William the Lion, king
of Scotland, and by her he left one son, William de Vescy.
In 1173, he paid to the sheiiff £6 18s. 5d. for purpresture,
that is making an enclosure from the king's demesne or forest ;
and, in 1S08, he obtained from King John a grant of a port
at Auenemue (Alnmouth), of a market there on every Wed-
nesday, and of a fair on St. Edmund's Day (the 20th of
November,) and on the day foUowing.f
Eustace passed his life actively engaged in political move-
ments and incessant warfare; and slain when still in the
prime of life, he had neither the time nor the repose, which
might have led to the foundation of many religious or charit-
able establishments. He, however, founded the chapel of
St. Leonard's in the parish of Alnwick, for the soul of his
wife's grandfather Malcolm and his son Edward. With his
wife Margery, he obtained the manor of Sprouston ; and the
monks there agreed that Eustace and his wife might build a
chapel in the courts of Sprouston, where they might have
divine service. Eustace confirmed to the monks all their
possessions in Sprouston ; and granted to the monks of
Kelso, in perpetual alms, an annuity of twenty shilUnss
out of the mills at Sprouston to light their church, in
lieu of the tithes of the mill, on condition of the monks
receiving him and his wife into the society of their house,
absolving the souls of his father and mother, and making
them partakers for ever of all the spiritual privileges of the
house.
• ChioxL Dunstable. WendoTer. t Cal Rot Cart
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7* HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
WILLIAM DE TESOT.
Eustace de Vescy dying an enemy to his sovereign, his
estates were forfeited. One half of his lands was bestowed
by King John in the last year of his reign, on Philip de
Ulecot, then sheriff of Northumberland, and the other half
on William de Harecurt, his seneschal.* On the death of
the king, the mother of William de Vescy sent her son, heir
of Eustace and then a minor, to the earl of Pembroke, who
was regent of England during the minority of Henry III.
But in 1218, the king committed to William de Duston and
Ralph de Norwich, the custody of Alnwick Castle and of the
lands which belonged to Eustace de Vescy during the will of
the king. In the following year, he granted to his uncle the
earl of Salisbury, not only the custody of these lands, but
also the wardship and marriage of the heir to the barony of
Alnwick. And, in the exercise of this privilege, the earl
gave his daughter in marriage to William de Vescy ,t the
young heir. The castle, however, was retained for some
time longer in the custody of Edward de Tyes.
Though England was rent with factions during the feeble
reign of Henry III., yet fortunately for Northumberland,
there was peace along the Borders, which was due to the
friendly feeling between the Scottish and English monarchs,
arising from the marriage of Margaret, Henry's eldest daugh-
ter, to Alexander, the king of Scotland. William de Vescy,
however, seldom appears on the public stage ; he passed his
life in obscurity, but he may nevertheless have been a good
and useful man, devoted to the improvement of his estates
and of the people who dwelt upon them; for history has
been more busy in blazoning forth splendid crimes, than in
recording the virtues of private life. With the king he seems
to have been a favourite, for in 1244 he procured a grant of
five bucks and ten does, to be taken out of the king's parks
in Northumberland, to store his own park at Alnwick. In
1251 he obtained a grant of a fair and market at Chatton,
and a fair and market at Alnmouth.^
• Rot Lit. CUus.
f A William de Vescy is in the list collected by Mr. Wi£^, of crosaders who
accompanied Eichard I. to the Holy Land in 1191 ; but this mast be a different
person from the baron of Alnwick, who was a minor in 1218. He may hare
been the William de Vescy who witnesses a charter of the first baron William do
Vescy, and who is designated ** meo fratre.*'
X Cal Rot Lit
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TTSON AND DB VESCY PE&IOD. 78
He died in 1S52. His first wife Isabella^ who died before
him and lefk no issue, was buried in Alnwick Abbey ; but by
his second wife Agnes, the daughter of William de Ferrers,
earl of Derby, he left issue two sons, John and William.
He permitted the Carmelite monks to inhabit and possess
the site of Holn Abbey ; and to Alnwick Abbey he gave
Scurlwood and many other goods. To the burgesses of Aln-
wick he granted a charter confirming their privileges.
The *' Testa de Neville or Liber Feodorum," which con-
tains the names of the vills, sergeantries, and knights fees,
taken by inquisition in the time of Henry III. and Edward
I., gives authentic information, not only of the Vescy pro-
perty held under the king in chief at this period, but also
of the subfeudations under the mesne lord.* The document
being important, I give a translation of that portion which
relates to the Northumberland possessions, retaining, how-
ever, the original spelling of names.
''babony of de vescy.
William de Yesoy holds in chief of the lord the king,
Aunewie, Auneimuwe, Denwye, Haukehall, Bylton, Letebyre,
Bohipplingbothill, Neuton upon the Moor, Heysand, Gynis,
Ruggeley, Morewyc, East Chivineton, Great Houtton, Little
Houtton, Howyc, Benington, Bok, North Oharleton, South
Gharleton, Falwedon, Bumeton, Batayll, Neuton on the Sea,
Preston, Tughall, Swinhou, Neuham, Cumyn, Lukre with Hopum
its member, Hetheriston, Spinlistan, Bodhill, Ewrth, Dodingtoif
with Nesebit its member, Horton, Turbervill, Hesilrig, Leum,
Chatton, Folebery, Wetwod, Caldemerton, Yherdhill, A^erham
with Beveley and Hertishevid its members, Randon, Batayll,
Prendewie, Alneham, Chirmundisden, Bidlisden, ClenhiU, Ned-
deorton, Burweton, Alwemton, Hetton, Ambell, Scharberton,
Thimum, Sc'nenwoodyf Hauekislawe, Ohevelingham, and Hib-
bum.
Of the same William, Bichard de HauekehiU holds Hauekehill
by one fee of anoient feoffinent.
Hervey de Bilton holds Bilton by one fee of ancient feoffinent.
Bobert de Hilton holds Schiplingbehill, Neuton, Haysand,
Ctynis, and Beniogton, by two fees of ancient feofiment.
Beynerus Teutonicus holds Buggeley by a fourth of one fee of
new feofi&nent.
Hugh de Morewic holds Morewyc and East Ohivington by
one fee and a half of anoient (feoffinent.)
« In the next chapter some account will be given of these tenarei-
I Screnwood.
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74 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
John Harengs holds litile Houtton by one fee of ancient
feoffinent.
Adam Bjbaud holds Ho wye bv one fee of ancient feoffment.
William de Eok holds Rok by half a fee of ancient feoffinent.
Koger, son of Ralph, holds North Gharleton and Hetheriston
by one fee of ancient feoffment.
Simon de Lucre holds Luker with Hopnm its member, Suth
Charleton, and Falwedon, by one fee of ancient feofiment.
Walter BataiU holds Bumeton and Reston by one fee of
ancient feoffment.
John de Viscount holds Neuton on the Sea and Yherdhill by
one fee of ancient feofi&nent.
Roger Carbunel holds one fourth part of Swinhou by one
fourth part of one fee of ancient feofl&nent.
David Comyn holds Neuham by half a fee of ancient feoffinent.
Philip de la Ley holds a moiety of Spinlistan and of Bodhill
by half a fee of ancient feoffinent.
William de Coleville holds the other moiety of the aforesaid
vills by half a fee of ancient feoffinent.
Ranulf Brun holds three parts of Ewrth by the third part of
one fee of ancient feoffment.
Hugo de Bolbec holds Dodington, Wetwood, and Nesebit,
by one fee of ancient feoffment.
William Turborrill holds Horton by half a fee of ancient
feoflftnent.
William de Folebyry holds Folebyry, Caldmerton, and Hesil-
^gj by one fee of ancient feoffinent.
Gilbert de Humframvill holds Alwenton, Bidlisden, denhill,
dhirmundisden, Scharberton, Thirmum, Burwedon, Neddirton,
Raudham, and Angerham, by two fees of ancient feoffinent, and
by one gosshawk {austurcum swum,)
Walter Bataill and Thomas Bunte hold Sc'nenwood by the
third part of one fee of ancient feoffioaent.
Robert de Clifford holds Hetton by half a fee of ancient
feoffinent.
Robert de Muschamp holds Chevelingham and Hibbum by
free marriage.
The heirs of Eustace de Manners hold Leum, excepting two
oxgangs* of land, by the third part of one fee of ancient feoff-
ment.
Germanus de Leum holds two oxgangs of land in the same
by the eighteenth part of one fee of ancient feoffinent."
The seal of William de Yescy is appended to his grant to
the burgesses of Alnwick. The arms are described in a
heraldic roll as " Goules, a ung croix patonce d'argent"—
Plate IV., Jiff. 1.
« See note p. 78.
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TYSON AND DB VB8CY PEBIOD. 75
JOHN DE VESOY.
John de Vescy, son and heir of William, was born on the
15th of August, 1244; and being only eight years old when
his father died, the custody of the lands to which he was
heir, and of the castle and manor of Alnwick, was committed
by the king to Peter de Savoy, ** until the legitimate heir
was of age." His mother Agnes had for her dower Tuggal,
in the county of Northumberland, and the lordships of Mal-
ton and Langton, in Yorkshire, which after her decease,
passed into the custody of the king.
According to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, John de
Vescy was twice married; first to Agnes, daughter of Manfred
Saluz, *^who was nursed in the chamber of the queen of Eng-
land, wife of the illustrious Henry III. ;" and next to Lady
Isabella de Beaumont, allied to the queen of England, " and
this Isabella survived him and did many good deeds."
For some years, during the reign of Henry III., friendly
feelings were maintained between England and Scotland;
and in 1249, the first series of " border laws " providing for
the administration of justice and regulating the intercourse
of the inhabitants of the border-lands, were reduced to writ-
ing.* So strong were these feelings, that when Scotland,
during the minority of her king, was, through the turbulence
of her lawless nobles reduced to a state of anarchy, Henry^
king of England, was requested to lend his friendly aid to
restore order and confidence to the distracted nation. For
this purpose he went to the Scottish border in 1255 ; and on
his return, rested at Alnwick Castle on the 23rd of September
in the same year, when he left full powers to the earl of
Gloucester and John Maunsel to treat and conclude in his
name with all manner of Scots persons.
The feeble character, capricious temper, and arbitrary will
of Henry III. roused the barons of England to rebellion.
Headed by Simon de Montford, the great earl of Leicester,
they wrested the power out of the king's hands, and under
the regulations called *' the Oxford Provisions," established
a council of twenty-four, to whom in effect was given the
government of the kingdom. The indiscreet exercise of their
enormous power led, however, to a reaction in the king's
fiivour. Civil war ensued ; John de Vescy took part with
the barons, and his name was subscribed to a letter sent in
1263 from the barons, consenting to refer the dispute to tlie
* Some account of these laws will be given in another chapter.
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76 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
decision of the king of France. At the battle of Lewes ,
when the royalists were overthrown, and the king and his
son the gallant Prince Edward were taken prisoners, a Percy
fought for the king, and John de Vescy the lord of Alnwick
on the side of the barons. The power of M ontford and of
the council was brought to an end by the decisive and bloody
battle of Evesham, fought on the 4tn of August, 1265, when
the earl of Leicester and his son, and most of the barons
associated with him, were slain ; but John de Vescy, who
fought with them, was wounded and taken prisoner.* The
fall of Montford was deeply mourned by the people of Eng-
land, by whom he was regarded as the great champion of
freedom, and as a martyr to liberty. Though his remains
were brutally mutilated by the royalists, yet were they
revered by the people as sacred relics. Long after his death,
he was spoken of as '^ Sir Simon the Righteous." John de
Vescy his friend brought with him, after his liberation from
captivity, the foot of this sainted hero, and deposited it in
Alnwick Abbey ; and there it was enclosed in a silver slipper,
and regarded as a most valuable relic, endowed with the
power of miraculously curing diseases. This distinguished
statesman was connected by property with the district around
Alnwick. He was possessed of the barony of Embleton, and
in liS57, obtained a charter to hold a market and fair at
^^Emeldon;" and in 1256, a charter to enclose Shipley
wood, which was within the forest of Northumberland.f
After this royal triumph, the estates of John de Vescy
were confiscated, and he was ejected as a rebel from Alnwick
Castle and barony, by an act of a parliament which met at
Winchester. Enraged by this punishment, he entered into
a new combination with other rebellious barons in the north,
and by force seized on Alnwick Castle and barony; but
Prince Edward advanced with a large army, laid siege to the
castle, and soon reduced John de Vescy to such straits, that
he was compelled to yield up the castle and to throw himself
on the clemency of the prince.} In the pipe roll we find
* ChroD. Rishanger, p. 47. f Cal Rot Cart
I FoHun, 1. X., c. 20. Wicke*8 ChroD., p. 78. A reference to thia siege in
one of the rolls presents a sad picture of the lawless condition of Northumberland.
William de Duglaa was charged by Gilbert de Umfraville, lord of Redesdale, and
John de Herlaw, of giving false intelligence to the prince in the siege of Alnwick
Castle, and of being an enemy to the king. Duglaa held the manor of Fawdon
as subfeudatory of Umfrayille, by service of half a knight's fee ; and UmfraviUe
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TYSON AND DE VBSCY PEEIOT). 77
that the king, by writ, ordered fifty-three marks to be paid
to the prince towards his expenses, when in the north besieg-
ing Alnwick Castle.* John de Yescy was pardoned ; and
his accomplices, alarmed at the result, abandoned their
rebellious attempt. In the following year, 1S66, the '^ Dic-
tum de Kenilworth," sanctioned by the king and parliament
was published, in which more lenient terms were offered to
the rebellious barons. John de Yescy accepted the gracious
offer; and on the payment of a fine, amounting to a few years
rent, he was restored to his estates.
Feeling possibly remorse for his turbulence and rebellion,
or influenced hy the chivalrous character of Prince Edward,
he went with him in 1270 to the Holy Land.t As a crusader
John de Yescy held an honourable position. When Prince
Edward was wounded by an assassin with a poisoned weapon,
he stood by his side, as the skilful chirurgeon cut away the
gangrened flesh from his arm.$
On his return to England John de Yescy was made
goyemor of Scarborough Castle. In the 8th of Edward I.
he rendered into the hands of the king, forty librates of
lands in " Alnemue, of the value of £40 ; eleven librates and
ninty-six acres in Swynhoe, value £11 8s. 8fd. ; eighty-
seven librates and one hundred and eleven and a quarter
acres in Hocton, value £87 9s. 3d. ; two hundred and
twenty-nine acres in Seyton, value 19s. Id.; and eighty-
six librates and one hundred and fourteen and thzee-
qnarter acres in Lessebury, value £86 98. 6d." These were
committed to the custody of William de Ippel, ''as long as
the king pleased ;'' and they were afterwards granted again
by charter from the king to John and his wife ; on the death
of John they were resumed by the king and then again be-
stowed by him on Isabella.^ These lands were part of her
dower. This record shews that a librate expressed value, or
■ought to have this manor to himself, which the prince granted, provided he could
piove the charge. But after an investigation, Duglas was pronounced innocent,
and the sheriff was ordered to restore to him the manor ; hut Umfiraville aod
Herlaw sent one hundred enemies of the king from Redesdale, who carried off all
the goods and chattels of Duglas, and nearly cut off his head with a sword. These
lawless harons, however, escaped unpunished as sufficient legal evidence could
not he produced to prove their complicity in this outrage. Abh. Plact. Rot 28,
in dozso.
* Pipe Roll, 58 Heory III. f Chron. Hemmgford, 1. III., cap. 85.
X Knyghton, p. 2438. f CaL Rot Cart, &c.
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78 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
as much land as was worth one pound yearly; and as it
further appears^ that land in this district was then worth one
penny per acre yearly, a librate must have contained two
hundred and forty acres *
In most of the military movements of the time John de
Vescy took a part. Knyghton says, King Henry sustained
great wars in Gascony twice, where the first war was moved
by Bernard de Bleynes, and was indeed finished by JohnVaus
and John de Vescy at that time.f John de Vescy's last
campaign was in 1388, with Edward I. in France, who was
engaged in hostilities with some of his French subjects ; and
he died while there at Mount Pestulan in Gascony. Allan
Abbot of Alnwick Abbey, caused his bones to be brought to
England, and they were buried on the 26th February, 1288,
with great honour in Alnwick Conventual Church. By
charter he endowed Holu Abbey, and he confirmed all the
gifts ^bestowed by his father on the monastery of Alnwick;
*^ and many greater," charitably says the chronicler, *^ he
would have bestowed on us had he survived a little time."
Previous to his time the Vescys of Alnwick, were barons
by tenure ; but he was also a baron by writ, as he was so
summoned by the king to the parliament, held on the 14th
of December, 1264, in the 49th of Henry III.
WILLIAM DE VESCY.
John de Vescy dying without issue, his brother William
succeeded to the barony of Alnwick and his other possessions.
* This confirms the accuracy of the rendering of Cowel and Blount ;*' with us"
they say, '* a librate is so much land as is yearly worth twenty shillings." Skene
says that a librate contains four oxgangs, and every oxgang thirteen acres; but this
definition is not consistent with the ascertained acreage of a librate in the Alnwick
district. In England the oxgang varies from eight to thirty acres; and unlike
the librate, it cannot be considered dependant on value. In the the same district
we find the oxgang differing 50 per cent., and rating by oxgang was abolished in
South Durham for the very reason that the oxgang consisted of tlie same quantity
of acres whether the land was good or bad. It has been suggested, that the
customary number of oxen to the team has much to do with the matter ; where
they were not alternate, the extent of the oxgang would be much less. It is here
presumed, that while the carucate was what one plough could cultivate in the
year, the oxgang was the supposed capability of each unit of the team. Sufficient
pasture for the keep of the oxen was probably included in the computation.
Kear Darlington certain meadows were divided into oxgang rights,
t Knyghton, p. 2429.
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TYSOU AND DE VESCY PEBIOD. 79
He was bom on the ISth of October, 1245 ; and living only
nine years after becoming lord of Alnwick, his history pre-
sents few facts of much interest. He is chiefly memorable
as a candidate for the Scottish throne ; as the last of his
family connected with Alnwick ; and as the last baron who
gave property and privileges to the burgesses of Alnwick.
By his sovereign, however, he was held in great esteem ; in
the 13th of Edward I., he was appointed justice of all the
king's forests. Subsequently he was made a justice in Ire-
land, where, through his mother, he inherited lands ; and on
the death of his brother's wife Isabella, he succeeded to the
government of Scarborough Castle. In the years 1294,
1295, and 1296, he was employed by the king in the Gas-
cony wars, and on one occasion, he was accompanied by his
son John.
The fierce manners and rude jurisprudence of the period
are curiously illustrated by the proceedings in a law suit to
which he was a party in 1293. While in the open court in
the city of Dublin, (acting as I suppose as judge) he was
accused by John Fitz-Thomas of felony. William de Vescy
commenced a suit against his defamer at Dublin, before the
chief justice and king's counsel, charging him with saying
that William de Vescy had solicited Fitz-Thomas to join in
a confederacy against the king. This, Fitz-Thomas denied,
and after delivering into court a schedule of the words he
had used, he challenged De Vescy to a judicial combat; and
this challenge was accepted. The king, having been in-
formed of these proceedings, commanded both the litigants
to appear before him, prepared for combat. William de
Vescy came at the appointed time, mounted on his great
horse and completely armed with lance, dagger, coat of mail,
and other military accoutrements, ready to enter the Hsts
against his antagonist. Fitz-Thomas was called but did not
appear ; and De Vescy then demanded judgment against his
defamer. A decision, however, was not then given, but the
hearing of the case was adjourned till the next meeting of
parliament at Westminster. Both barons then appeared and
the case was fully argued, and it being determined that no
default was to be imputed to Fitz-Thomas for errors in the
proceedings, both parties were at liberty to begin new actions.
Fitz-Thomas declined to revive the quarrel and submitted
himself to the king. What was further done is not known;
but probably the king, wiser than these turbulent barons^
was unwilling that a trifling quarrel should cause bloodshed.
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80 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK.
01 that a dispute should be left to the uncertain and bar-
barous arbitrement of a duel.*
William de Vescy being a claimant of the Scottish throne,
some brief notice of the events causing him to make that
claim is required. The death of Alexander III., by a fall
from his horse, in A.D. 1286, was followed by deep sorrow
and disorder in Scotland, and led to a terrible effusion of
both Scottish and English blood. All Alexander's children
were dead, and his only descendant was Margaret, the infant
daughter of Margaret his own daughter and of Eric king of
Norway. The mother died soon after the birth of her
child. There was, however, a happy prospect of the union
of England and Scotland by the marriage of this infant
queen, with Edward the s<rti of the English monarch. But,
alas! Margaret died on one of the Orkney islands when on
her way from Norway to Scotland. Edward I. had con-
quered Wales and annexed it to his dominions, and it was
the cherished wish of his heart to bring the whole island
under his sway. This, however, he could not now effect by
honest or honourable means ; the prize was glittering, and
he could not resist the temptation — and to obtain possession
he resorted to deception, finesse, and brute force. There
was no near heir to the Scottish throne ; and in the unsettled
state of the law of succession, it was doubtful who was the
true heir. Scotland was weak and torn by factions; but
Edward was able and had at his command the resources of a
powerful kingdom — and he unscrupulously claimed, as lord
paramount over Scotland, the right to decide who should
sit as a vain pageant on the throne; for he was deter-
mined, whoever might be nominal king, all real power should
be exercised by himself. There were but three candidates
for whose claims any reasonable grounds could be urged ;
but through the secret management of Edward, the num-
ber was increased to thirteen, with the intention of giving
greater complication to the question at issue, and to exhibit
the greater necessity of leferring the adjudication to him-
self. One of these claimants was William de Yescy, the lord
of Alnwick, who based his pretensions on being a descen-
dant of Margaret an illegitimate daughter of William the
Lion, king of Scotland. In Rymer's Foedera is the fol-
lowing statement of his claim : —
'^William, king of Scotland, was the fiAfher of King Alex-
ander, who reignra alter him.
• Dngdale's Bar., Vol. I., p. 9S.
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TYSON AND VB YBSCT FSRIOD. 81
And the same Alexander was the &iher of Alexander the
Second, who reigned afterwards, and married Margaret, the
daughter of the iUustrions Henxy, Hng of England, by whom he
had a daughter Margaret, who was afterwa^s mairied to ike
king of Norway.
ijid the king Und qneen of Norway had a daughter, whom
they called Margaret ; and she was heiress of Scotland, but she
died without issue of her own body, being a minor at her decease.
Now, the same William, king of Scotland, was the father of
Margeiy, the sister of the already mentioned King Alexander.
And Margeiy was married to Eustace de Yesoy, by whom he
had William de Yesoy, who died in Gascony ; and the same Wil-
liam was father of John de Yesoy, who died without heirs of his
own body; and William de Yesoy, the brother of John, new
petitions for the kingdom of Scotland, as being most nearly
allied by blood to the already mentioned Margaret, who died
without any heirs from himself, and by whose death the kingdom
ought to revert to William, who now petitions for it in this
manner."
This claim, however, was frivolous, for Margery was ille-
gitimate, and by no rule of succession could inherit the
kingdom. The decision of Edward in favour of Baliol —
the enslavement of Scotland for a time — the heroism of
Wallace, and his infamous execution, belong to the general
history of the kingdom.
Alnwick, during the period, appears on one occasion in the
page of history. A few weeks after the battle of Stirling in
1297, the heroic Sir William Wallace led his forces across
the borders ; his principal reason for this invasion is said to
have been the extreme dearth and scarcity prevailing in
Scotland, arising from inclement weather and the calamities
of war. The head-quarters of his army was the forest of
Bothbury, whence, as from a centre, the Scots spread them-
selves over Northumberland, killing many of the inhabitants,
and collecting great spoils. They trampled upon and wasted
all Northumberland, even to Newcastle, and continued burn-
ing and plundering from the feast of All Saints till Martin-
mas, meeting with little opposition excepting in the neigh-
bourhood of Alnwick Castle, and other fortresses, the gkrri-
sons of which sent out parties to attack, and cut off the rear
of the marauders.*
William de Vescy died at Malton at the vigil of St. Mar-
garet the Virgin, in the year 1297; he was married to
Isabella Wells, daughter of Robert Perington, and widow of
* Hemingford. Fordon, L XL, c 29.
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as HISTORY or ALNWICK.
Robert Lord Wells ; and by her he had one son John, who
was born on the 14th of September, 1269, and who died in
his father's lifetime at Conway, on the 27th of April, 1295.
He left also an illegitmate son William.
Though there may be much in the conduct of the De
Vescys of which our modern civilisation may disapprove, yet
judged by the general character of their own times, we can-
not but admit that most of them were great men — ^historic
personages — statesmen as well as warriors, playing prominent
parts in important national movements, and leaving an im-
press of their power on society. Grasping they were after
great possessions — and they obtained them ; the crown was
indeed, glad to confer large possessions for large military
services, though royalty was sometimes chagrined when they
were rendered in the cause of Uberty. The Vescvs were not
miserly owners ; their gifts to the church were large ; they
shewed respect to the ancient rights of the people, to their
folc-lands, though, as in the case of Alnwick, confirming
these rights under new feudal conditions; to their vassals
they dealt out the lands, of which they had the primary
seisen, in a liberal spirit, creating or confirming over the
district a very numerous body of proprietors, holding lands
varied in extent, under different tenures. This may have
been a necessity of the times; yet it contrasts with the
condition of the district in aftertimes, when we find the
greater part of these proprietors had been swept away.
The pedigree of the De Vescys will appear hereafter, along
with that of the Percys.
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CHAPTEE VI.
CASTLE, BAEONT, AND TOWN OF ALNWICK DUEINa
THE DE VESCY PERIOD.
VOmCAK GAfiTTLE — VOBMAJST TOIVN — ROYAL VISITS— INQTHSITION INTO
THE YALTJB OF THE BABOmT — KNIOHTS' FEES — ^DElfESNE LAKDS
— BONDMEN AND COTMEN — SOCAGE FREEHOLDERS — DEED OF
CONVEYANCE OF A H0T7SE IN NARBOWGATE— DREKOAGE — ROYAL
INQUIRY INTO FEUDAL USAGES — KNIGHTS TEMPLAR — KSIQSTB
OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM — ALNWICK CHARTERS — BOROUGH
SEAL — BOUNDER OF ALNWICK MOOR — ALNWICK A CORPORATE
TOWN — CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD.
With William de Vesey the reign of the De Vescys over
Alnwick came to an end, at the close of the thirteenth cen-
tury. From the conquest to this time^ two hundred and
twenty-three years had gone by — forming an important era
in the history of the nation; but at its close the feudal system
was breaking up, the commons were rising out of bondage ;
the reform of law, initiated by the great barons in the reign
of John, had been carried forward by Edward the English
Justinian ; the different conflicting elements of which the
nation was composed, had been nearly fused into one people;
and the noble composite language, which the English now
speak, had to & considerable extent assumed its peculiar form
and character. We may, therefore, pause here in our general
history, to notice the state of the castle of Alnwick, of the
town, and of the people during that era.
Undoubtedly the town existed from the earliest period of
Norman history ; and from the phraseology of the charter of
Henry II. to William de Vescy, it may be inferred that a
castle was there when Yvo de Vescy was baroil of Alnwick.*
Probably he began the work ; for we can scarcely suppose
* " Ad tenendum de me in capite Castrum de Alnewyco et totum honorem
qui fait Ivonis de Vesei.*'
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84 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
that a barony so extensive as Alnwick, in the midst of a
warlike and hostile population, and near to the borders, and
exposed, therefore, to foreign aggression, would be long with-
out the protection of a Norman stronghold. Eustace Fitz-
John, however, completed the work ; for we find it described
in 1135^ ''munitissimum castellum," a very strongly fortified
castle. During the De Yescy period it attained its greatest
massiveness and strength ; and covered as large an area of
ground as the present castle. Formed according to the plan
generally adopted by the Normans, it was one of the proudest
and most important strongholds of the period — ^the dwelling,
the fortress, the prison of a great baron. It was, however,
not the earliest Norman castle in the north ; Durham Castle
was built by the conqueror in 1072, Newcastle by his son
Robert in 1080, Carlisle by Rufus in 1092; that of Norham
was erected by Bishop Flambard in 1121.
The principal part was the donjon or keep, which in most
Norman castles in England, was a large massive square or
oblong tower, of three or four stories height, with small
narrow windows and walls of immense thickness. The keep
at Alnwick stood on an elevated mound on the north side
of a bailey, which was as large as that connected with the
present castle, and was enclosed and defended by a wall
strengthened at intervals by mural towers. The area of the
whole was about five acres, and would afford sufficient
space for military exercises. A ditch defended the donjon,
and another ditch the encircling wall. As in the present
castle, the old entrance would be on the west, carefully
guarded by massive gates with portcullis, which could be
dropped on any emergency; and this defence would be
further strengthened by towers, having the various contriv-
ances of the age for annoying an assailant. From the remains
of a great Norman gateway, which seems to ha^re led into an
inner court, and from discoveries made by Mr. F. R. Wilson
while the castle was recently in course of restoration, it may
be inferred, that the De Vescy keep was similar in extent
and arrangement to that reconstructed by the Percys. A
retaining wall of Norman masonry was found on the inner
side of the ditch, circling round the keep; and the foundations
too, of round. Norman towers were observed. This keep,
therefore, differed in some respects from the common Nor-
man type, and resembled those of a later age, in being com-
posed of a series of rounded towers grouped around an inner
court or ward. Here lived the great baron and his £GLmily,
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ARCH OF TITR Tinvj-IAN lUEF EFJ-.CTEI; ABnUT AD 114^
km FEPXY np-AVv' WELL.
^\''-'E]'
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CASTLBy BARONY^ AND TOWN — ^DB VB8CY PERIOD. 86
and his principal vassals ; and as being the strongest part of
the fortress^ the garrison would here find refuge when other
defences were taken. In the erection of such strongholds,
security was the great object to be attained ; safe this castle
may have been, yet it was a gloomy residence, a grim build-
ing, looking stern and defiant, and boasting of few of the
appliances of civilised life; yet within its great hall the
music of the harp and the song of the minstrel would hush,
for a while, the loud and boisterous revelry of the rude feudal
soldiery.
Standing on the south bank of the Aln, on a kind of
peninsula formed by the junction of the Bow-bum with the
river, the site of this great castle had some natural advan-
tages. On the north, the river with its high steep bank was
a strong defence; and along the south and east sides ran
the Bow-bum, which though but a tiny stream, yet when
swollen with rains from the hills, mshed down with a force
which had hollowed out of the sand and gravel a deep
channel, especially on the eastern side of the castle. This
channel was converted into a moat or ditch; and the defences
were completed by an artificial ditch cut between the Bow-
bum and the steep bank of the river; and as this ran along
the western side of the castle, it gave an additional protection
to the gateway.
This castle has been subject to so much destruction by
war and by time, and to so many alterations and renova-
tions, that we cannot expect to find much of the Norman
work remaining. However, some portions of the present
castle, marked by even courses of small stones, belong to
this period ; the lower part of the wall between the Abbot's
and Armourer's Towers is Norman;* the wall from the
Postern to the Constable's Towers in its lower part is Nor-
man ; and the greater part of the wall between the Chan-
cellor's and Record Towers in its lower part is also Norman.
Possibly some portions may be the work of Yvo de Vescy in
the early part of the twelfth century. Of this period, how-
ever, the most interesting remain is the archway of the donjon
or keep, which is semicircular and ornamented with rich
zigzag mouldings, characteristic of later Norman architecture;
and indicating that this work had been done by Eustace
de Vescy about the year 1140 — Plate V.yjig. 1. Distinct
* The Axmourer'B and Falconer*! Towen, together with the Norman wall
connecting thenii were polled down in 1860.
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86 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Norman work in the walls at three points^ distant from each
other^ prove that the old Norman castle had the same general
outline as the present one. In the ground plan — Plate IV.,
Jiff. 2.— of the castle as renovated by the Percys, those por-
tions which are of the Norman period are marked a.
If Alnwick had not existed in the Saxon times^ the
erection of this huge castle would have caused a town to
spring up. Numerous artisans would be required to carry
on the works; houses would be built for their occupation;
and a trading community located to supply to them the
necessaries of life; while again the cultivators of the soil
would raise their humble dwellings under the protection of
the stronghold. Doubtless, however, the collection of house-
steads forming the Saxon vill became now very consider-
ably-increased in number, and raised Alnwick to the dignity
of a town. It was still an open town without defences of its
own; we know it was burnt down by the heartless King
John ; and very probably it suffered many calamities which
are not recorded, during the fitful warfare along the borders.
Of one trade, we obtain a glimpse from the public records,
which indicates that the town had become important; in
1181, in the 27th of Henry II., Yvo Cut of Alnwick paid
the sheriff of the county half a mark for selling wine contrary
to the assize ; and John, son of Robert de Lahil, was guilty
of the same offence and paid the same penalty. Two wine
merchants at least supplied the burgesses of this early period
with the fruit of the vine.* We learn too from an inquisition,
that there was in 1296 an iron foundry or forge in Alnwick
held by Thomas Bolt, who paid for it to Laurence de Sey-
mour a yearly rent of twelvepence.f
* King John in 1199 enacted that no Poiton wine be sold at more than 4d.
and no white wine at more than 6d. per gallon, and that inspectors be appointed
in every city and borough in which wine was sold. Any vinter selling contrary
to the assize was arrested by the sheriff and hb goods sold on behalf of the king.
The merchants, however, could not bear up against this ordinance ; and leave was
given to sell a gallon of white wine at 8d. and red wine at 6d. The effect of this
legislation is thus quaintly stated by Hovedon — ** and so the land was filled with
drink and drinkers."
t Inquisition, 25 Edw. I. no. 13. *' Inquisito facta apud Neuton per piaecep-
tum Domini Regis, coram Johanne de Lythegraynes, die Mercurii proximo ante
Dominic am Palmarum anno regni Regis E. xxv.** ••••••••
**Item Thomas Bolt tenuit de proefato Lauren tio [de Sancto Mauro] unam for-
giam in Alnewyke, et reddit pet annum zlj denarios. Item operationes cotariomm
valent per annum xijd."
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CASTLB, BABONY^ AND TOWN — ^DB VE8CY PERIOD. 87
Of the houses of this early period in AlnWick we have
no remains There were several ecclesiastical structures ; a
chapel was within the castle, which was served hy a resident
chaplain, who in the year 1189, 1st of Richard I., was paid by
the sheriff of the county thirty shillings and fivepence for his
fee. Alnwick Church was in existence in 1147, for in that
year it was granted to Alnwick Abbey by Eustace Fitz-John.
Basements of pillars with Norman mouldings, and part of the
chancel arch with lozenge ornaments, belonging to this ancient
church, have been recently discovered. The two great abbeys
of Alnwick and Holn, and the hospital of St. Leonard's, were
all founded during this period, chiefly by the piety and muni-
ficence of the De Vescys.
Alnwick was visited four times by King John — on the
12th of February, 1201 ; on the 24th of April, (Friday,)
1209; on the 26th of January, 1213; and on the 11th of
January, 1216 ;* Henry III. was at Alnwick on the 23rd of
September, 1256 ; Edward I., on his way from Scotland in
1291, was at Chatton on the 14th and 15th of August, and at
Alnwick on the two following days, when he issued orders
for payment to be made to the custodiers of the kingdom of
Scotland, and granted a protection to the earl of Athol ; he
was again at Chatton on the 13th of December, 1292, and at
Alnwick on the same day, where he issued orders for pay-
ment of the farm of the mills of Selkirk, Peebles, and at
Traquair ; and on the 16th he was at Tughalle.f
To shew the character of the property held in Alnwick
and in the barony, and the names of the principal owners at
successive periods, I shall give accounts, more or less com-
Slete, of various inquisitions made by royal authority on the
eath of the baron, or on the forfeiture of his lands by treason.
A lury in such cases, under the direction of the king's
escheator, investigated what lands the baron possessed, by
what tenures held and their value, and what the true
value of the knights' fees and of the advowson of churches.
After the death of John de Vescy, two of these inquisitions
were made at Alnwick in 1289 by Thomas de Normanville,
the king's escheator beyond the Trent, before the following
jurors, most of whom attended both inquisitions : — t
• Pat. Rolls Itin. of King John. f Rot Scot, Vol. I.
t As these hare been printed in Hartshorn's Feudal Castles, I do not giro the
etiginala. I hare retained the original spelling of the names of persons and
plaees.
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88 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
^^Bobert de Gleintedone, William de Elwicke, Nicholas de
Haukhille, Thomas de Bocke, Huffh de Tynedelye, Bobert de
Tridingtoney John Fitz-Payn, John de la Gbene, Bobert de Falu-
done, William de Doxforde, William Bibaud, Thomas de Hay-
sande, John del Claye, Adam de Schipilbodille, &c. These
jurors being sworn, said that John de Yescj died seized* of
The castle of Alnewicke and appurtenances, viz. :
129 acres 1 rood of land m demesne,* worth
yearly, 6 18 4t
20 bondmen in Alnewicke and Denewicke, each of
whom holds 24 acres of land on bondage tenure
and renders yearly 2 mares, f-nram, . . 26 13 4
Of the same bondmen for the inmrovement of their
lands, with the exchange of Gynfen, . .2150
Of 7 ootmen yearly, 0 9 0
Of the &rm of a certain mower of Alnewicke and
Denewicke, 0 5 0
Of the fjGums of free tenants in Alnewicke and of the
burgesses of this town, with three water mills, 61 0 12
Of the rents of Hola, to wit, of arable land, mea-
dows, and pastures, yearly, . . . . 11 19 6^
Of Swynleys with appurtenances, in all, . .1119 1
The sum of this panel is £122 0 3f .
Of the Till of Houton, 'cum quadam frnssura quae
vocatnr le Merum,' pertaining to the said vill,
to wit, demesne landB, bondagia, cottagia, mills,
meadows and pastures, and rents, yearly, . 92 7 4^
Of the tOI of Lessebiry, to wit, of demesne lands,
bondagia, cottagia, mills, meadows and pastures,
and rents, yearly, 82 14 3
Of Alnemue, to wit, of the rents of the same vill,
and of toll and prisage,:^ aHA rents, yearly, • 30 0 0
Of Swynhow and of rents, yearly, in all, . .968
Sum of the second panel £214 8 3^.
Of Ohatton, to wit, of the demesne lands, farms of
free tenants, of bondagia, cottagia, and of mills
and rents, yearly, 68 16 1^
Of Alneham with uiealings of this vill, and of a
capital messuage, demesne lands, &iins of free
tenants, of bondmen, cotmen, and of mills, and
of rents, yearly, 61 7 6
OflandinthevillofWlloure, . . . 4 17 4
Sum ofthe third panel £125 0 IH.
* The i7<Mfiliilafm or dememe, that part of a manor which tha lord held In hia
own handf and which waa in part cultirated hy his hondmen and cotmen.
f A mare wis of the ralne uf thirteen shilUnge and fourpence.
Fringe^ the ihare belonging to the king oat of prizei taken at lea.
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CASTLE^ BARONY, AND TOWN — ^DE VESCY PERIOD. 89
'Annual rent of his own forest of Alnewicke, and of
herbage, pannage,* and agistment, f . . 10 0 0
Perquisites of the courts in common years, . .400
Sum of this last panel £14.
Sum of the whole £475 9 6^.
The following given in an inquisition made on the 7th of
May, 1289, is the account of the true value of the knights'
fees and ecclesiastical advowsons : —
Gilbert de Umframvill holds of Lord John de Vescy 10 vills
by service of two knights' fees, rendering yearly 26s. 8d., and
they are worth yearly 300 marks, and are assigned to Lady Agnes
de Yescy as her dower. John Comyn, holding lands in No^olk
and Suffolk in chief of the lord king, holds Neuham of Lord de
Vescy by service of half a knight's fee, and renders yearly
66. 8d. ; and it is worth £40 per annum, and is assigned to
Lady Agnes de Vescy. The heirs of Momwicke, tenants in chief
of the king, hold Momwicke and Chyvingtone by service of one
knight's fee and a half^ and render yearly 20s. ; and they are
wo^ yearly £20, and are assigned to Lady A^es de Vescy.
The heirs of Folbiry hold Follebiry, Heselrige, Ccddmartone, by
one knight's fee, and render Ids. 4d. ; and tiliey are worth £40^
and are assigned to Lady Agnes. Thomas de Eocke holds Eocke
by half a knight's fee, and renders 6s. 8d. ; it is worth £20 per
annnni, and is assigned to Lady Agnes de Vescy. The heirs of
Bolbeke, holding of the king, hold Dodington with its members,
and render 13s. 4d. yearly ; and it is worth 100 marks yearly.
Balph Eitz-£oger holding in chief of the king, holds Chareltone
and Edderstone by one koight's fee, and renders yearly 13s. 4d. ;
and they are wor3i yearly £40. Bobert de Hilton holds Schipil-
bodille with its members by s'ervice^of two knights' fees, and
renders 26s. 8d. yearly, and from increment of a tenement of
Hugh Bibaud in Brokefield, 11^.; and they are worth 100 marks
yearly. The heirs of William de Middletone hold Bumetone,
Irrestone, Scranwode, by service of one knight's fee and one
quarter, and render yearly 17s. 9^. ; and they are worth £40.
Bobert de Locre holds Locre, Chareltone, Faludone, Hoping, by
one knight's fee, and renders 13s. 4d. ; and they are worth £12
per annum. Nicholas de HauckiUe holds Hauckille by one
knight's fee, and renders 13s. 4d. yearly; and it is worth £12
yearly. Hervens de Biltone holds Biltone by one knight's fee,
and renders yearly Ids. 4d. ; and it is worth £13. William
Bibaud and Bobezt Mantalaunt hold Howicke by one knight's
* PannagUtmj firom paiaon (French)| pasture, a payment for the right of
feeding swine in the lord's forest
f Agiitamentumj a payment for the feeding or depasturing of cattle.
N
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90 HISTORY OF ALNWICK*
fee, and render 13s. 4d. ; and it is worUi £20 yearly. Peter
Harrang holds Little Houghtone by one knight's fee, and ren*
ders yearly 13s. 4d. ; and it is worth £13 yearly. Laurence de
Saint Maurus holds Neutone on the Sea and Yerdille by one
knight's fee, and renders yearly 13s. 4d. ; and they are worth
£40. William de Ooleville and Philip de lay Leye hold Bodel
(and Spinnelstan) by service of one knight's fee, and render
138. 4d. ; and they are worth yearly £30. Morice de Eworthe
holds Eworthe by service of a quarter of a knight's fee, and
renders yearly 4s. 5^. ; and it is worth £20. John de Cambou
holds Hortone by heJf a knight's fee, and renders 68. 8d. ; and it
is worth yearly £10. The heirs of Hettone hold Hettone by
service of half a knight's fee, and render 6s. 8d. ; and it is worth
£12 yearly. Hugo de (Strother?) holds Lyhum by one quarter
of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 4s. 5^d. ; and it is worth
£12. Bichard de Lyhum holds 40 acres of land in the same by
one eighth of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 9d. ; and they
are worth 40s. yearly. Philip Fitz-Martin holds BerteweUe* for
an eighth of a knight's fee, and renders yearly 23d. ; and it is
worth 20s. yearly. Also, (Henry de Swinho ?) holds 24 acres of
land in Sn^mho, and renders ; and they are worth yearly
24s. Also, the jurors said on their oath, that John de Yescy had
no advowson of any chiirch in the coxmty of Northumberland.
These inquisitions and the Testa de Neville shew the
great extent of the barony possessed by the family of De
Vescy. It consisted of sixty manors^ chiefly lying in the
neighbourhood of Alnwick ; but though held directly from
the king, they were burdened with heavy charges. There
was no militia nor standing army ; and those who possessed
the land, were bound to defend it and attend the king when
at war ; for every knight's fee of which they held possession,
they had to equip and maintain during war a man-at-arms for
forty days.f And besides obligations of fealty and service to
the king, they were subject to reliefs, fines, forfeiture, aids,
and wardships.^: No inconsiderable portion of the barony
* Hobberlaw.
f According to Horedon, in A.D. 1181, there had to be kept for e?eij knight's
fee, a cuirass, helmet, shield, and lance ; for e?ery free layman having in chattels
or rental sixteen marks yearly, a hauberk, an iron head piece, and lance ; and for
a burgess, an iron head piece and lance ; and these arms were neither to be sold
nor pledged.
t Belief, a sum of money paid on taking possession of land ; the amount at
first arbitrary, but fixed by Magna Charta at about one fourth of its yearly value ;
Jlne», paid on alienating lands ; forfcituret for treason or other crime ; aidi, paid
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CASTLS^ BAKONY, AND TOWN — DB VBSCY PERIOD. 01
however, had been granted by the lord to mlUtary vassals,
who rendered for their lands similar services to the baron,
as he did to the king. In the reign of Edward I. there
were twenty-six of these sub-feudatories in the barony,
who held lands varying in extent from one eighth part of
a knight's fee to two knights* fees; the smallest being
Bertewell (Hobberlaw), and the largest Shilbottle, held
by the heirs of WilUam Tyson. There was a wide dif-
ference both in the extent and value of these several knights*
fees. Forty acres at Lyham were equivalent to one eigh-
teenth of a knight's fee, and were of the yearly value of £2,
so that according to this, a whole knight's fee would be
seven hundred and twenty acres, and of the yearly value
of £36; Bertewell, containing two hundred acres of land,
makes a knight's fee sixteen hundred acres, and only £8
yearly in value ; Rock, containing two thousand acres was
half a knight's fee, and valued at £20 ; Bilton, with one
thousand three hundred and forty-five acres was a whole
knight's fee, and valued at £13; and Hawkhill, with seven
hundred and twenty-three acres was also a whole knight's
fee, and valued at £13. The value of a knight's fee at Budle,
Newton, Brunton, Fowberry, and Charlton, was £40 ; in two
cases, those of Newham and Eworth, the value was £80. We
find that it was not beneath the dignity of a baron holding
lands in capite from the king, to become the subfeudatory or
vassal of another baron; John Comyn, a tenant in chief in Nor-
folk and Suffolk, was subfeudatory of the Vescys for Newham.
As the king retained for himself numerous manors to
support his dignity and power, so did the baron of Aln-
wick retain in his own hands demesne lands, chiefly
around his baronial residence; and he also parcelled out
lands to various persons of low degree, on tenures not clogged
by military service. In Alnwick, one hundred and twenty-
nine acres and one rood constituted the demesne land of the
baron; but similar lands were in his own possession at
Houton, Lesbury, Chatton, and Alnham. There were only
two military tenures in the parish of Alnwick, one at Berte-
well or Hobberlaw, and the other at Rugley ; the other lands,
not in the lord's own hands, were either on free socage, on
bondage, or on theinage and drengage tenures.
for yarions objects, such as on the marriage of the king's sons and daughters and
eTen of his sisters, or for the king's ransom ; wardships of heirs, a source of
great profit to the king, as he enjoyed the revenues of the lands, and could obtain
advantage firom the marriage of an heir or heiress.
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9S. HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
We obtain no glimpse in Alnwick of serfs — the true slaves •
of the period^ who had no interest in the land^ and who could
be sold like goods and chattels. Twenty bondmen were in
Alnwick and Denwick, and there were several in all the
various vills held by the baron. Their bondage^ however,
even at the earlier Norman period, was but of a modified
kind. They held lands, on what is called bondagium or
bondage tenure, sufficient in extent to maintain them and
their families ; in Alnwick and Denwick each had twenty-
four acres of land. Their tenancy was subject to servUe
conditions ; they were originally bound to plough, reap, cart
dung, and perform other agricultural operations on the lord's
demesne lands. At first the impositions were arbitrary,
depending on the will of the lord ; but in course of time, the
amount and kind of labour became settled and defined ; and
ultimately most of the services were converted into a money
rent, amounting to about Is. and Is. 6d. per acre. These
bondmen could not leave the barony ; but on the other hand,
the lord could not remove them ; they were in fact attached
to the land, and had a claim on it for support. At the end of
the De Vescy period, not only arbitrary exactions, but forced
labour had to come to an end. Doubtless, the Alnwick bond-
men lived in Bondgate Street, to which they gave a name and
the field of Bondgate, mentioned in an early charter, would
be their land. From this class sprung our copyholders.
Besides these, there was a better class of proprietors
descended from the Saxons and surviving the conquest,
holding lands on free socage — a term probably derived from
SoCf (Saxon,) a fianchise — with full power to dispose of their
possessions. They were subject to a small fixed rent pay-
able to the lord of the manor, which is still collected yearly
under the name of quit rent, from burgage houses and lands
within the bardny. " The farms of the free tenants of Aln-
wick and of the burgesses of the town, with three water
mills, amounted yearly to £61 Is. Od." According to the
Testa de Neville, the following held lands in free socage
tenure in " Aunewyc ;*' Simon de Horseley half a carucate,*
• A caracate or a plonghland, was as much land as could be ploughed and
worked with one plough in a year ; it varied in extent According to Boldon
Buke, it contained at Famacres one hundred and twenty acres. In 1198, five
shillings were levied on every carucate or hide of land ; Hoveden says that the
surveyors set down one hundred acres of land for each carucate of land in cultiva-
tion. See also note p. 78.
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CASTLE, BABONY, AND TOWN — ^DB VBSCY PEBIOD. 98
for half a marc ; German de Brockesfeld one carucate and a
half, for half a marc ; Simon the Hunter half a carucate, for
half a marc ; Stephen Fitz-Robert half a carucate ; Walter
de Prendwick eleven acres, for the third part of one pound of
cinnamon ; the abbot of Alnwick the Grange of Hecclive,
(Heckley) ; Robert de Chilton held half a carucate in Den-
wye, for half a marc ; and William the Falconer held half a
carucate in Leterbir (Lesbury), for one sparrow hawk.
A conveyance of one of the messuages in Alnwick of the
date of about 1290, is preserved in the Durham Library. Of
this interesting old deed, which is much shorter than a
modem conveyance, the following is a translation : —
" To all to whom the present writing may come, Walter de
Owytill greeting in the Lord, know that I have given, granted,
and by my present charter have confirmed to Thomas de Oharle-
ton, fuller, that messuage with appurtenances in Alnwick, which
I formerly bought from the said Thomas, as it lies in the Naru-
gate, between the land of William Batman on both parts, to
have and hold to the same Thomas and his heirs and assigns of
the chief lord of the fee, as freely, quietly, and fully, weU and in
peace, as I for some time have held the said messuage, so that
neither I nor my heirs, nor any one in my name may be able to
establish right or claim for ever in the said messuage with appur-
tenances. In testimony of which thing, I have put to the present
writing my seal, these being witnesses, the lord abbot of Alnewyk,
William of Qt)Bewick, Benedict, constable of Alnewyk, John del
Gxen, William Batman, and others."
Of another old tenure drengage and theinage we have also
traces in Alnwick. In the great Pipe Roll for 1187, 34th of
Henry III., the sheriff, under the head "De teinis et drengis"
accounts for £23 IBs. 4d. de dono of Alnwick and other lands
of William de Vescy ; in the following year, £12 10s. Od. are
said to be due for the same ; and in 1191, under " Tallagium
de Drengis et Teinis," we have — ^** the men of Alnwick and
other lands of William de Vescy in Northumberland owe
£12 10s. de dono." . This tenure was confined to the limits of
the old Saxon kingdom of Northumberland; teinage and dren-
gage being essentially the same and differing only in degree,
the latter term being applied to the holding of one property,
and the former to the holding of more than one ; imder it,
the person was free, but the conditions of the holding were
servile; the services were of the same kind as those of
bondagium though less in amount, and not necessarily per-
formed by the drengh or one of his family. The word is of
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94 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Danish origin, from dreogan, to do, to work ; the Norwegian
cabin-boy is still called the cahin-drengh ; and we owe to it
the English term drudge, which is applied to one who per-
forms the meanest kind of labour. Yetlington, Callaly, and
the half of Whittingham were held under this tenure. Such
lands were not subject to military service, but to tallages
(crown revenue paid by the king's own demesnes and of
boroughs and towns) ; to heriota (payments in lieu of the
best chattel on the death of the tenant) ; and mercketa (fines
for liberty to give a daughter in marriage).
On the return of Edward I. from the Holy Land, he found
that during the feeble reign of his father, the revenues of the
crown had been diminished by tenants alienating property
without license, by churchmen as well as laymen usurping
the power of holding courts, of exacting fines and oppressing
the common people, and claiming rights of free chase, warren,
fishing, and demanding unreasonable tolls. He appointed
commissioners to inquire into these abuses ; and their returns
called Jtotuli Hundredorunty give curious information as to
the power and privileges of the baron of Alnwick. The
Alnwick inquiry was made in the 20th of Edward I. before
the justices in Eyre.
William de Yesci was brought forward that he mi^ht on this
day, here shew, by what warrant he claimed to have the chattels
of felons condemned in his own court of Alnewyk, gallows*
in Alnewyk, market and fair, tumbrell,t pillory, toll, correction
of the assize of bread and ale broken in Alnewyk, Chatone, and
Alnemuthe, free chase in Alnewyk, Alneham, and Chatone, and
free warren in all his demesne landis in the viUs aforesaid, and in
Houton, Lestebyrye, and Thurghale, and infangenthef through
the whole barony of Alnewyk, which belong to the crown and
dignity of the lord the king, without the license and consent of
the lord king himseK and his progenitors, &c.
And William, by his attorney, came and produced a certain
charter made under the name of lord Henry king, fetther of the
present lord king, to a certain William de Vesd father of William
himself, whose heir he is, by which the same lord Henry king
grants to the aforesaid William his father, that he and his heirs
should have for ever one market at his own manor of Chattone
in the county of Northmnberland, weekly on Wednesday, and
one fair yearly, to continue for eight days, to wit, on the vigil
« Furea etfouCt in English, pit and gallows, the power of putting to death
convicted thieves ; men by suspension, and women by drowning.
f TuwlbreUum, a cuclcing stool to immerse scolding women in water.
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CASTLE^ BARONY^ AND TOWN — ^DE VB8CY PERIOD. 95
and on the day and on the morrow of the beheading of Saint
John the Baptist^ and for five days following. And in like man-
ner one market at Alnemuthe on Tuesday, and one fair in the
same place for eight days, to wit, on the vigil and on the day and
on the morrow of the beheading of Saint John the Baptist, and
for five days following ; and so he claimed the liberties in the
aforesaid charter ; and the other hberties contained in the brief,
he claimed from antiquity. And he said that he and all his
ancestors from time immemorial used them uninterruptedly, ex-
cepting in about two hundred acres of wood and moor in Chattone,
which were within the forest, but afterwards by the present lord
king were disafforested, and in these he claimed not chase and
warren.
And William Inge, who followed for the lord the king, asked
that the aforesaid William de Vesci should say by whom and
when he was authorised to take possession of the chattels of felons
condemned in his court &c. And William de Yesci said that he
and all his ancestors from time immemorial, always were wont
to take possession of such chattels and so claimed them. And in
respect to the claim for market and fair, tumbrell, pillory, and
toll, William de Yesci asks that inquiry be made by the lord the
king what the custom has been &c. And in respect to the claim
for the correction of the assize of bread and ale broken, William
de Yesci says tJiat he punished not judicially, but by amercia-
ments.* And this he was prepared to prove by the lord king
himseK &c.
The jurors said upon their oath, that the aforesaid William
and all his ancestors, from the date of the aforesaid charters, had
reasonably used the markets, fairs, and warrens, &c. And as to
the other liberties, they say that William and all his ancestors
frt>m time immemorial, had without interruption used them in
the manner the same William claims them. They say also, that
the same William did not judge any felons in his court, except
those taken in his own fee, for felonies committed in the same
fee &c. And as to the question in what manner he punishes
breaches of the assize of bread and ale, they say that it was
always by amerciament and not judicially.!
The master of the Knights Templars in England exercised simi-
lar privileges in Alnwick, and he was summoned before the same
tribunal to shew his warrant for claiming infangthief, outgang-
^ef :( and gallows in Alnwick, Wooler, and oSier places, and
* An amerciament was nroilai to a fine, a pecuniary punishment for an offence;
but its amount was moderated bj aflerators or jurors sworn for this purpose.
t Placit de Quo Warranto, p. 587.
X Infangthief, power of a lord to judge a thief taken within his own manors.
OuigangthUf^ power of a lord to apprehend on oUier manors a thief who had
eommitted iht erime on the lord's own manon
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96 HISTOET OP ALNWICK.
for himself and men being quit in those Tills of fines, amercia-
ments, tallage, lestage, stallage, and all tolls, and passages of ways,
bridges, and sea, and for haying waifes, fugitives, and felons'
goods, and assize of bread and beer in these viUs. He claimed
the assize of bread and beer from antiquity, and the other liberties
from a charter 37th of Henry m. confirmed by 9<h of Edward I,
The jury, however, found that since these charters, the Templars
had not purchased any lands in these towns, and were not seized
of waife and inganthief, and that felons' and fugitives' goods had
not been allowed in the Exchequer ; but they gave verdict that
the Templars had enjoyed the assize of ale from antiquity, and
the other liberties from the date of the charter.*
Property in Alnwick was held at this time by the Knights
Templars ; but after the dissolution of that military order in
1311, this property passed into the hands of the knights of
St. John of Jerusalem. From the bounder of Alnwick Moor,
it appears to have been to the west of the town, for the
bounder begins '* at the head of Clayport on the south side
at the west nook or comer of the dike, being late the lands,
parcell of the possessions of the late dissolved house of St.
John of Jerusalem." Swansfield is described, as these pos-
sessions, in one of the. court rolls for 1704. The prior of this
order claimed, in the time of Edward I. the same privileges
as the Templars claimed for Alnwick, in a number of towns
in Northumberland, some of which, as Edlingham, Abber-
wick, and Bolton, are in the immediate neighbourhood of
this town. A chartei?*and prescription were pleaded for these
privileges, most of which were allowed by the jurors. f
The most interesting and curious relics of this period are
the three charters from the D^ Ycscys to the burgesses of
Alnwick. Of these I shall here give literal translations.
The originals, beautifully written on parchment, are preserved
among the muniments of the corporation of Alnwick. The
earliest was granted by the first William de Yescy, and is
without a date, but must have been made between the years
1157 and 1185.
'' Be it known to all men present and to come seeing or hear-
ing this charter, that I WilUam dQ Yesci have granted and by
this mj charter have confirmed to the men, my burgesses of
Alnewic, to hold of me and of my heirs, they and their heirs, as
freely and quietly as the burgesses of New-Castle hold of the
lord the king of England, and also to have common pasture in
hayden and in the moor of hayden. These being witnesses,
• PUcita de Quo Warranto, p. 596. f Ibid, p. 688.
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TLATE W.
CHARTER OF WILLIAM PEVESCI TO ALNWICK BD^CESSEIS
Fi^ 1
^ft«^*«J
«trr.*:^'fc;S«-3%£ai:i^
h»»tt*^ ^<g^«* '-n£;i»V %A%irt,
jl^cy^^.fei'Qiogle"'!' '•"■
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CASTLB, BABOMT, AND TOWN — ^DB VE8CY PEBIOD. 97
Walter de bolebeo, Eoger de Stuteville, John the aherif^ Bainald
de Kynebel, and many others."
After the lapse of more than half a century, the second
William de Vescy, the grandson of the former, confirmed
this grant, but gave no additional privileges. This also is
without a date ; but it must have been made between the
years 1226 and 1253 ; for at the former date, William ob-
tained livery of his lands, and at the latter date he died.
*^ Let those present and to oome know that I William de Yesd,
son and heir or Lord Eustace de Yesci, have granted and by this
my present charter have confirmed to my burgesses of Alnewio
all the liberties and free customs, to be held and had of me and
my heirs to them and their heirs, quietly and peacefully for ever,
which the lord the king of England has granted to his burgesses
of Newcastle, and which they ^ely use. And abo the common
pasture in Haydene and in the moor of Haydene, descending
and ascending by Goliergate, as fi^eely, quieUy, and peacefully
in all thin^ as the charter of Lord WiUiam de Yesci my grand-
father, which they have from him, witnesseth. Jxl testimony of
this thing I have to the present writing put my seal. These
being witnesses, the lord H. abbot of Ahiewic, WiUiam de Yesci
my brother, William de Fumival, William le Latimer, Boger
Fitz-Balph, William de Bosco, Eudone le Latimer, Simon de
Horseley, and others."
In Plats IV,, Jig. 1, is given a copy of this charter with
the De Vescy seal, from a photograph taken for me by Mr*
George Potter.
The third charter was granted by the third William de
Vescy, the son of the second William, on the Sunday after
Michaelmas in the year 1290; it confirms the former charters
and gives additional privileges.
** Let those present and to come know that we WiUiam de
Vescy, brother and heir of John de Vescy, have given and
granted, and by our present charter have confirmed to our bur-
gesses of Alnewyke all liberties and free customs in aU things, as
Sie charter of WiUiam de Vescy our father, which they have
frt>m him, fuUy testifies. We have also given and granted
to the same our burgesses, certain pieces of land in the
field of Bondegate, whic^ are caUed Stottefaldhalch * and
* This may be read either as StoftefaWidlch or SecitefaWuUch, for the t and e
are very mnch alike ; the former reading is adopted, as more probable, because
giving a better meaning to the compoond word ; which comes from Stud, (Dan-
ish,) Stui, (ancient Swedish,) an ox or young bull ; faked, fdld^ (Anglo-Saxon,)
a fold, an enclosure for sheep or cattle ; hakh, a haugh, a northern word applied
to low lying lands bordering on a river ; it is the haugh whereon was the oxen
fold ; it is now called Hesleyside, from the hazel bushes which grew there^
O
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98 HI8T0BT OF ALKWICK.
Baawellestrother * with all their appurtenanoesi with the common
in Hayden, and with all privileges in HajdenoKKMr in mardies,
meadowi^ and pastiiresy petaries, turbariesi and heaths, and with
all their other appurtenanoes, libertLes, and privileges, which they
were wont to use in the times of our ancesfcors, as well in the
forbidden month as in others. And be it known that in the
northern part of the way from Bonlton, which is called Botdton-
strete, even unto the path which is called Coliergate, cultivation
flhaU by no means be made by any one before it is pre-arranged
by us and the said bureesses, which cultivation within the afore-
said bounds ought to be made fbr ovr advantage, and tor the
advantage of tlu9 burgesses themselves, by mutual oonsent. And
the whole pasture there shall remain tar us and the burgessee
tibiemselves jointly in common. In testimony of tiiis thing we
have put to this writing our seal. And to another writing,
containing a counteipart of this, remaining with us, the said
burgesses have put their own common seal. And be it known
that the same bui^esses and their heirs for the liberty they are
to have in Hayden in the forbidden month with their animals,
shall give to us and our heirs yearly two shillings, one half at
the feast of Saint Martin and the other half at Penteoost lor
ever. The witnesses being, brother Alan de Staunibrd, at tiiat
time abbot of Alnewyke; Sirs Balph Fitz-Boger, Robert de
Hilton, Alexander his son, Walter de Oamhou, at that time
seneschal, knights; Nicholas de HauckiU, Hervy de Bilton,
Bobert Harang, Thomas de Eok, John de Middelton, William
le Messager, and others. GKven at Catth(»rp, on the Lord's Day,
next before the feast of Saint Michael, in the year of our Lord
OB/d thousand two hundred and ninety."
At the time of the last grant, 1290, the burgesses of
Alnwick were a corporate body, for their common seal was
attached to the counterpart of the charter retained by the
lord. The fine old seal, used to give corporate authority to
important documents^ is, I believe, the same as that which
the burgesses attached to the De 'Vescy charter. It is made
of brass, and the figures are very deeply engraven. St.
Michael the guardian saint of Alnwick is represented killing
the dragon; he stands in a stiff attitude with his wings
extended; in his right hand is a spear with which he is
piercing the dragon beneath him ; and in his left is a shield
on which is the cross patonce belonging to the De Yescy
arms. This proves that the de»gn had been formed during
• EanveOeiirother, •£ Anglo-Sftzoii ozigin, from rem, a irild goat or deer }
weatt, a well ; and itrotheft a marsh ; tlie well in the manh or bc^, frequented
by wild goata or deer ; it ia ealled the bog, and fermi ^art of Bog Hill Farm*
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CASTLE, BABONY, AHD TOWN — ^DB VB8CY PERIOD.
99
the De Yescy period ; and the legend around the seal^ '^ Ahi-
wike S: Comnne Burgi de,** The common seal of the borough
of Alnemcke, is in letters of a form used during the thir-
teenth or fourteenth centuries. To letters patent to gather
a collection for building the town wall against the Scots,
the same seal was appended in 147S; it is now entirely
broken, but in 1754 so much was remaininff of the figure
and legend, as to prove, that it was identical with the one
now in use; it is also attached to a petition presented to
Lord Burleigh xespecting the Grammar School in IdSS.
na II
ALNWICK BOROUGH SEAL.
The property belonging to the corporation of Alnwick was,
at this period, extensive. Besides Stottefaldhalch or Hesley-
side, and other lands eastward of the town, there was Hayden
or Alnwick Moor, which contained three thousand three
hundred and twenty-nine acres. An old document, preserved
among the corporate archives, gives the boundary of this
moor ; it is entitled " A Copy of the Boundary of the Forrest
of Hayden,** which seems to have been made in 1647, for in
that year one shilling and fourpence were paid "for the copy
of the bounder of the moor.'* Reference is made to it in
1669, when the four-and-twenty of the borough ordered
^^ Cuthbert Chessman, John Falder, and Matthew Alnwicke,
to repair to counsell to advise in our townes interest as to our
moor and other privileges, and that the towne shall bee at
the charge of such suit as shall be necessary and advised for
the maintaining our bounder according to a court of survey
that is in the towne's box.'*
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100 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
"A COPY OF THB BOUNDARY
' OF THB Forrest of
Hayden.
AXNWICE, —
Tlie Burgesses or Buirowmen of the Towne of Alnwicke liave
by grante of one of the lords of Alnwicke, called William Lord
Yessy, Common of pasture and fireboot, yiz: — mooreleave of
Turfe, Peate, and hather or heath in a large wast ground called
the Forrest of Hayden, lying ni^h and aioyning on the west of
the said borrow and towen of Alnwicke, the metes and bounders
is as foUoweth, viz. : — ^beginning at the head of Olayporte on the
soutii side at the west nooke or comer of the dike, being late the
lands, parceU of the possessions of the late dissolved house of St.
John's of Jerusalem, and from thence goeing southward along
the same dike which goeth about Bobert Greene's land untill
you com to the waU or palle of Grenesfield, now parcell of Gaw-
ledge Parke, and soe aLonge the said pale till you come to a
kerne of stones at Cadmacrooke gate, and soe up the dike west-
wards to Heberlaw to the comer of the house theird from thence
along the dike to Kugley loning end, and up the within at the
foote of the longing end, and soe &re as the groimd of the dike of
the Hallgarth of Bugley goeth, and then oyer at the stre loneing
end to the south dike nook, and thence along the said dike to
St. Margaret's, from thence as the dike and wall goeth to the
goeing down to Snepehouse and soe downe the said dike untill
you come to mention of an old dike, along that old mention to
ane old house sted, from thence right out southward to a well
called Hesley Well, as the old mencion of a dike goeth from
thence right southward to Swinalee foarde in the boome, from
thence southwest by the forkings of the boome right up to an
ancient kerne of stones at Bowten Strete, from thence right up
to another kerne of stones, from thence to another kerne of
stones, from thence north west to a great round hill, from
thence by kerne and kerne to the south side of a hill where a
great thorn tree grew between two great cragges, from thence
to ike top of the hill, and soe to the kerne by West Bowten
Streate, and soe kerne to kerne along Bowten Streat, and from
kerne to kerne eastward along the edge of the hill and as the
water falleth from thence northwards to a kerne on the east side
of Oxen Heughe, and from thence partly northeast to one kerne
above Lamden foote roode, from thence right on to a great
kerne on the west nooke of the Twinlaw hill, from thence north-
ward as the water falleth from the top of the hilla along the
Beedside to the far beacon, from thence as the water fuleth
along the top of the hiU to the west wicket at the west end of the
parke, and from thence eaBtward as the pale and wall goeth by
north of Coliergate to Freeman Gap, and soe along the said
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CASTLE^ BABONT, AND TOWN — ^DE VE8CT PEBIOD. 101
parke wall to the cvrestparke gate, tram thence as the wall
leadeth to the QuarreU Ejlk, to Wykes Well, and from th^use
upon the west side of the said hills to Stocken dike, and soe
along the said dike to Oanogate longing, and from southwards
to the head of the said dike, and from thence down the dike to
Hie west end of ratten row to the north end of the house which
standeth southwest and northwest in ratten row, and from thence
to the boome."
Though this extensive moor was granted and confirmed
by charters from the De Yescys, it by no means follows, that
the town or vill of Alnwick had not possession of it from
Saxon times. We have seen that these moors were the
remains of the Saxon folc-lands — ^the common property and
inheritance of the people. Such lands for long after the
conquest were of no great value ; and no extraordinary gen-
erosity was exercised, when after being ruthlessly seized,
they were granted back to their original and proper owners.
A mere handful of rude soldiers could not use all the vast
possessions they had conquered ; and it was indeed necessary,
in order that food might be raised for themselves, that others
should be permitted to cultivate the soil and send their cattle
over the wild moor-lands. The native population, continuing
to hold lands under the old free tenures, were almost com-
pelled to vield them up, to secure the protection of these
powerful K^orman barons ; who, however, in many cases,
re-granted them on modified conditions, assimilating more or
less with the feudal tenures. For the same object, confirma-
tion of grants was sought and obtained from successive
lords.
Alnwick, possessed of a common seal and holding common
property, had become during the De Yescy period a compact
borough town with several distinct streets. In one of the
charters there is mention of Bondffate, and in the deed
already quoted, of the Narugate — which are the Bond-Street
and the Narrow-Street ; for gate is here used in the sense
of street, from the Danish gaet, which has that meaning ;
and it is still so applied in country villages, where we hear
such phrases as " Aw saw him in the toon geyt." Probably
too, the trading and mechanical community were, towards
the end of the period, associated in distinct guilds or com-
panies, for the regulation and protection of their different in-
terests. We find wine merchants, a fuller, and an iron founder
in the town ; and, if not at this period, at least not long after-
wards, the fixUers or walkers occupied the Walkergate, or the
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102 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Fullers Street^ near the river. Tradition sajs that King John
gave a charter to Alnwick, with the condition that every new
burgess should plunge through a pool in Hayden Forest, in
which royalty had been bogged on St. Mark's Day. From
time immemorial till 1853, this extraordinary custom was
kept up ; and its traditionary origin is strengthened by the
record of his progresses northward, which states that he rested
at Alnwick on the 24th of April 1209 ; and he may therefore,
at this time, have been hunting in the forest of Hayden and
bogged in a marsh. It is possible that the other part of the
tradition may also be founded on fact, though there is no
such charter among the corporate muuiments, or among
the public records. Some slight confirmation is given to the
idea of the town having been at one time a royal borough by
payment of tallage in 1191 ; for such taxes were imposed on
royal lands and boroughs.
We have seen the great baron living in rude magnificence
in his gloomy castle, attended by warlike vassals ; we have seen
the town tenanted by persons of various mechanical or trad-
ing occupations, and the different grades of people, living in
clusters and cultivating the soil, scattered over the district ;
and we have seen too rich abbeys, and church and chapel, for
the religious instruction of the district ; but with all this
external glare, what was the general condition of the people ?
A weak sentimentalism, illumining the past with reflected
lights from the present, fondly imagines that these were the
f;ood old times, when there were plenty and happiness in the
and. History tells a sadder tale. The baron nursed amid
scenes of rapine and bloodshed, was generally rude and un-
educated, and too often rapacious and cruel ; and his armed
vassals, worse than himself, were the tools of his oppressions.
The soldier alone was held in respect; mechanical arts,
trade, commerce, and law too, were viewed with so much
contempt, that even a judge was denied the character of a
gentlemen, till he had proved his descent firom a soldier.
Castles which now, either as hoary ruins or renovated
palaces, are picturesque objects in our English scenery, were
then but dens of robbers ; they were raised, not for national
defence, but to overcome and oppress the native population.
The learned Madox says " The castle was usually the head
of the barony ; it was the honorary part, the town was a
plebeian or inferior part. The castle might be compared to
the grand hall of the barony, the town to the stare-^room.
Constables, knights, and sergeants, which were in castleB,
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CA8TLB, BAROirr, AHD TOWN— •IIB VBSGY PERIOD. lOS
did nse in Conner ages to exercise ^eat superiority over the
towns which were near them, and hkewise over the adjacent
country. No wonder men who were covered with steel
should domineer over hiurgesses and peasants — ^the armed
over the unarmed/'* The reign of Stephen was the great
era of castle building, when every baron sought to be inde-
pendent^ and raised Us stronghold and maintained his band of
armed men ; before Stephen's death, one thousand one hundred
and fifteen castles had been built. Whatever may have been
the ultimate effect of the Norman conquest on the character
and progress of the nation, it was for centuries the box of
Pandora from which many evils were let loose over the
country. The habits of warfare, which the feudal system
fostered, spread abroad misery and checked the progress of
improvement ; and Northumberland, from its position near
the border, was especially unfortimate ; for besides sharing
in those evils, it was exposed to the wild sweep of Scottish
inroads. The picture of the period drawn by the Saxon
chronicler is dark and revolting.
« They had done homage to the king, and sworn oaths, but
they no faith k^t. AU became forsworn, and broke their aJlegi-
ance, for every nch man built his castle and defended it against
him; and they fiQed the land full of castles. They greatly
oppressed the wretdied people by TnaVing them work at these
castles, and when the casues were finished^ they filled them with
devils and evil men. There they took those whom they suspected
to have any goods by ni^ht and by day, and they put them in
prison for their gold and silver, and tortured them with pains
unspeakable, for never were any mariyrs tormented as these
were. They hung some by the feet, and smoked them with foul
smoke ; some by their thiunbs or by their head ; and they hung
burning things on their feet. They put a knotted stiin^ about
their heads, and twisted it, tUl it went into the brain. Tney put
them into dungeons, wherein were adders and snakes and toads,
and thus they wore them out. Some they put into a crucet-
house, that is, into a chest which was short and narrow, and not
deep, and they put sharp stones into it and crushed the men
therein, so that tney broke all their limbs. There were hatefiil
and arim thin^ called Saohenteges in many of the castles, and
whi(m two or three men had enough to do to cany. The Sachen-
tege was made thus : — ^it was fastened to a beam having a sharp
iron to go round a man's throat and neck, so that he might no
ways sit nor lie nor sleep, but he must bear all the iron. Many
thousands were exhausted with himger.
• Madox HU. Ezchaq., p. 18.
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104
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
They were oonfitantly levjing an exaction from the towns,
which they called Tenserie, (a payment to the superior lord for
protection,) and when the miserable inhabitants had no more to
give, then plundered they and burnt aU the towns, so that well
mightest thou walk a whole day's journey nor ever shouldest
thou find a man seated in a town or its lands tilled.
Then was com dear and flesh and cheese and butter, for there
was none in the land — wretched men starved with hunger—some
lived on alms, who had been erewhile rich; some fled the country
— never was there more misery, and never acted heathens worse
than these. At length they spared neither church nor church-
yard, but they took all that was valuable therein, and they
burned the church and all together."
Fia 12
Baae of a pillar of tbe old Norman Church at ALiwicIl See page 87.
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CHAPTER VII.
BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DE VESOT OP KlLDAEE.
EEOM 1295 TO 1309.
AurwioK BABomr given m tbust to bek fob wiixiam de vescy
OP KILDARB — BEK's BBEACH OP THIS TBTJST — HIS UPE — WIL-
LIAM DB VESCY OF KILDABE — CONVEYANCE OP ALNWICK BABONY
TO HKNBY DE PEBCY — INQUISITIONS — ^ATONS — CHABACTEB OP
THE TBANSPEB.
William de Vescy died without legitimate issue ; but he
left one natural son, a minor ; who, from having been bom
in Ireland, was usually called William de Vescy of Kildare.
The father designed that this son should, at a proper time,
inherit all his honours and estates ; and in his own lifetime,
he absolutely settled upon him and his heirs the manor of
Hoton Bussell in Yorkshire, in which was included the
barony of Malton ; and appointed Thomas Flaiz and Geffi-ey
Gyppesmere as his guardians ; but with respect to his great
Northumberland estates, " he did," says Dugdale, " by the
king's license infeoff that great prelate Anthony Beke, bishop
of Durham and patriarch of Jerusalem, in the castle of Aln-
wicke and other lands, with trust and special confidence,
that he should retain them for the behoof of William de
Vesci his bastard son (begotten in Ireland,) at that time
young, until he came of age.'** The unprincipled bishop
basely violated this trust, and kept possession of the barony
of Alnwick for twelve years; and irritated by some slanderous
words which he had heard, that William de Vescy of Kildare
had spoken against him, he sold on the 19th of November,
1809, the castle and barony of Alnwick to Henry de Percy.f
Bad men perpetrating unjust deeds, like the wolf when
• Dugdale'8 Baronage, II., p. 95.
t Scala Chronica, Leland, I., p. 539.
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106 HISTOBT OF ALIillFICK.
seiadng on the lamb^ have always some excuse for their
iniquity.
Bek while he held the barony was seldom, if ever, at Aln-
wick ; and there is little in the public records to connect his
name with our history. He, however, obtained a charter in
the 25th of Edward I. to hold a market and £ur at Alnwick,
to have a free warren there and at Alnham and Tughall.* Of
this baron of Alnwick therefore, little account need be given*
He was the son of Walter Bek, baron of Eresby in Lincoln-
shire. After being archdeacon, he was enthroned bishop of
Durham on Christmas Eve, 1285. More, however, a soldier
and politician than an ecclesiastic, he spent most of his life
in the midst of courts and camps. By King Edward I., he
was employed both in Scottish and French transactions.
B^presenting royalty, he addressed the states of Scotland, at
Norham in 1292 ; and according to Fordun, Edward, through
his advice, pronounced in favour of BaUol's claim to the
Scottish throne. This bishop militant led the second line of
the English army at the battle of Falkiik.
His grasping ambition brought him into conflict with both
the pope and the king; his temporalities were seized by
Edward I. ; but he obtained restitution of his estates from
Edward II., with the additional dignities of sovereign of the
Isle of Man and titular patriarch of Jerusalem. More tem-
poral power he possessed than even Wolsey ; and he lived in
a style of as great magnificence as that great cardinal. His
court simulated royalty ; nobles knelt before him when they
preferred petitions, and knights waited on him bareheaded
and standing. Unscrupulous and ambitious he was ; but
his liberality was profuse, and the public works, which
he raised, attest his munificence. He died in 1S60, leaving
behind him immense treasures.f
William de Vescy of Kildare, though stript of his North-
umberland inheritance, was still, on account of his other
estates, an important personage ; he was summoned to par-
liament among the barons of tibe realm, in the sixth, seventh,
and eighth years of the reign of Edward II. In 1300, he
was returned from the county of Lincoln, as holding lands
and rents in capitSy or otherwise, to the amount of £40 and
upwards; and as such, he was summoned to perform military
• Cart 2, 25 Edw. I^ m, 8.
t Fall accounts of this singular prelate aie given in Hutchinion's and in
Surtees' Hiitories of Daibam.
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BISHOP BEK ASD WILLIAM DB VESCY OF KILDABE. 107
service against the Scots.* He did not, however, enjoy
his estates long; for he attended his sovereign at the battle
of Bannockbum, so fatal to l&iglishmen, and was slain
there in the year 1314. Leaving no issue, Malton and his
other manors in Yorkshire passed to Gilbert Aton, who was
Ae nearest heir, not only «f WilUam de Yescy of Eildare,
but also of William, the last De Vescy, baron of Alnwick.
Such was the verdict of juries at an inquisition held at York
on the Sod of June in 8th of Edward II., and at another
held at Lincoln. Gilbert Aton was descended from Warin,
the brother of Eustace de Yescy. Margaret, the only daugh*
ter and heiress of Warin, had married Gilbert de Aton of
Aton in Pickering, from whom descended William Aton,
who had two sons Gilbert and William; the former died
without issue, and the latter succeeded to the estates and
had a son Gilbert de Aton, who was thus the heir of the De
Yescys ; he was twenty-six years of age when the inquisition
was made. S«r William de Aten appears in 1376 as a
witness to one of the Alnwick Abbey charters, and in the
same year, along with Lord Henry de Percy and many other
knights, he dined in the refectory of Alnwick Abbey, when
the abbot, Walter de Heppescotes, gave a grand entertain-
ment to the nobles and commonalty of the country.f The
Atons assumed the name and arms of De Yescy, and one
of them afterwards intermarried with a Percy. For many
generations they enjoyed their Yorkshire inheritance; but
ultimately, Malton by purchase came into the possession of
the frimily of Fitz-WilKam.
The transferenoe of the barony of Alnwick from the De
Yescys to the Percys presents but an unpleasant picture, and
to lighten its darker colouring, doubts; by some modem
writers, have been thrown on some of the facts. The deed
by which William de Yescy infeoffed Bek, seems now not to
be in existence. The facts of the case, however, appear in the
Se&la Ckr&nieaf which is pretty nearly a cotemporary record ;
and the statements are repeated in subsequent inquisitions as
unquestioned truths. The deed of conveyance by Bek and a
confirmation of the same by Edward 11. are printed in Rymer's
Foedera. The bishop, by charter made at Kenyton on the 19th
of November, 1S09, grants to Henry de Percy, the barony,
castle, manor, and vill of Alnwick, with vills, hamlets, mem*
bers, advowsons of churches, abbeys, priories, hospitals, and
• Alphabetical Digest^ p. 887. f Chronicle of Alnwick Abbey.
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108 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
eluipels^ together with millB, meadows^ woods, lorddups,
demesue lands, yillenages, yUlans with their fiEumlies and
chattels, knights' fees, homages, rents, services of free men,
wards, reliefs, escheats, hundreds, wapentakes, and courts ;
together with fairs, markets, warrens, chases, wreck of sea;
and in addition, all lands and tenements, which Isabella, the
wife of John de Vescy, and Isabella, wife of William de
Yescy, held in dower of the said barony, and which were on
their deaths to revert to Henry de Percy. King Edward II.
at Shene, on the SSrd of January, 1310, confirmed by charter
this conveyance.
After the death of Isabella, wife of William de Vescy, two
inquisitions were held in 8th of Edward II. ; the first found
that she died seized of estates, which she held in dower, of the
inheritance of Gilbert de Aton, next heir to William de Vescy ;
but the next inquisition found that she held in dower in the
county when she died, the manor of Tughall and Swynhou
and the vill of Alnwick, with the mill of North Charlton, of
the heirship of Henry, son of Henry de Percy, who is under
age and in custody of the king, and that these lands and
tenements were of the value of £120 yearly, and held in
capite by service of one knight's fee ; the jurors also said that
John, son of Amald de Percy, was the nearer and legitimate
heir of William de Vescy.* In 1323, Henry de Percy paid
a fine of one hundred marks that he might, after Isabella's
death, enter on the fees she had in Catton, Wooler, and
other places.f
Strange it may seem to us, that this disposal of a great
barony should have been permitted ; but we must remember,
that law as yet, held no supreme dominion over great men,
especially when the throne was weak. '* Norman govern-
ment," says the philosophical historian Hallam, '^ rather
resembled a scramble of wild beasts, where the strongest
takes the best share, than a system founded upon principles
of common utility.":^ Edward II. was a feeble monarch, and
he had been humbled by his defeat at Bannockbum ; while
on the other hand, Bek had almost princely power within
his palatinate, and Percy was one of the greatest of northern
barons. Probably enough, Edward would be glad of their
support on any terms ; possessed of such power, and with but
lax notions of justice and honour, these northern magnates
• Inq. 8 Edw. II., n. 68. f Originalia, 17 Edw. II.
X Hallun's Middle Ages, III., p. 219.
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BISHOP BEK AND WILLIAM DS VS8CY OF KILDARE. 109
would^ if their proceedings were questioned even by royal
authority, more readily appeal, like the earl of Warenne, to
their swords as evidence of their rights, than to the principles
of reason and justice. There must, however, notwithstand*
ing the bishop's conveyance and the king's confirmation,
have been a consciousness of wrong committed, and of a
defect in the title to the barony; for in IS^, the son of
Henry de Percy obtained a release from Sir William Aton,
the heir of the De Yescys, of his rights to the barony of
Alnwick on payment to him of seven hundred marks sterlmg.
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CHAPTER VIIL
FmST, SECOND, AND TTTTRD BAEONS PERCY—
1309 TO 1368.
DE80BNT OF TBR PSBCHTS — THE LOYAIinSS — HENBY| FIRST BABON
PEB07 OF ALirWlGK — ^lOLITABY OABSEB IN SOOTLAIO)— OPPOSI-
TION TO SDWASD n. — TOMB OF HIS WIFE — PERCY ARMS —
HENBTy SB00ia> BARON PERCY — GRANT OP BEANLEY — SCOTTISH
WARFARE — AUmOK CASTLE BESDiaED — BATTLE OF HALIDON
HIIj;i— GRANT OF JEDBURGH -*- BATTLE OF NEVILLE's CROSS —
JOHN OOUPEAND — PLAG^TE — GRANT OF irAR3rWORTH<^ HENRY
Perot's will— -HENBYy third baron psroy of alhwick— -
GEARA0ZER— SOOTTISH WARFARE — BITRNT GANDXJDCAS ^WARE-
WORTH HZRacrrAGE.
A new dynasty in 1S09 began to reign over Alnwick; and
naturally we inquire--*who were the new lords and whence
came they ? Properly speaking these lords were Lovaines ;
but descending through a female from a Percy^ they had
assumed that name. The early history of Percy has shared
the £Eite of other families which have risen to distinetion ;
and it has been encumbered with marvels and myths. Both
ancient and illustrious is the descent ; and it needs not to be
exaggerated by the false glitter derived from the fictions of
the poet^ the legends of the monk^ or the fanciful blazonry
of the herald.*
Little is known of the house oi Percy prior to the conquest;
yet Peeris^ a kind of poet laureate to the fifth Earl Percy,
gives a romantic and high sounding history before that
period, in a metrical chronicle written by him for the earl in
the sixteenth century. He says or sings, that the fiunily is
• Hartihom takes a difibrent Tiew : ^ Little short*' says he, "of the inspir-
ation of the poet can set (its history) forth in langoai^ it desenres." I prefer the
Tiews of D'Israeli — " it is not requisite for poets to be historians, but historians
ahonld not be so frequently poets.**
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FIB8T, SECOND^ AND THIBD BARONS PEBCY. Ill
descended from Mainfr^d de Percy^ who went from Denmark
to Normandy prior to Rollo's conquest of it; and that his son
Geffrey joined RoUo in his expedition of 911. William^ a
son of Geffirey, was made earl of Caux and governor of
Normandy, and was slain by Hugh Capet, king of France.
Gre£Erey, his son, succeeded him ; and in the next generation,
the honours of the family were increased ; for William, the
son of Geffirey, was created earl of Poictiers. Gefl&rey suc-
jceedei him, and had issue two sons, William and Serlo de
Percy, who came with William the Conqueror into England.
All this is very magnificent ; but it is entirely a romance,
concocted by imaginative heraldists, and unsupported by
evidence. We know little more than this, that William
de Percy — ^who was probably a younger son — came from
Percy, a Seigneurie of the Paynells in Normandy, into
England along with the duke of Normandy in 1066. For
his services in the field and his devotion to the conqueror,
he was richly rewarded ; as in Doomsday Book we find that
besides manors in Hampshire, he received from the king no
less than thirty-two lordships in Lincolnshire and eighty-
six in Yorkshire; from Hugh Lupins, earl of Chester, he
obtained the lordship of Whitby. His baronial possessions
amounted to thirty knights' fees ; and the chief seats of the
family were Topcuff and Spofford in Yorkshire.
He was distinguished by the cognomen Le Oemons, As-
gemonSy one Algernon^ meaning the whiskers. An abbey of
Benedictine monks at Whitby was founded by him on the
site of the ancient monastery of Strenshale, which had been
destroyed by Inguar and Hubba the Danes. While in the
Holy Land fighting for the cross, he died in 1086 at Mount-
joy near Jerusalem, where he was honourably interred ; but
according to Peeris : —
'* The said Percy's heart was brought to England,
According to his request ;
Por in the abbey of his foundation at Whidiy,
He had willed it to rest.**
The pretty fancy of Bishop Percy as to the origin of the
crescent, one of the Percy's badges, is not accordant with
known heraldic facts. Of this first William Percy, the
bishop in his ballad of the hermit of Warkworth, says : —
" Then jonmeying to the Holy Land,
There bravely fi>nght and died i
But first the silyer crescent wan.
Some Paynim soldan's piid^.**
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112 HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK.
The crescent^ however, does not appear among the early
Percy badges ; it is first seen decking the pennon of the first
Earl Percy's seal in 1400 ; and probably, as Mr. Longstaffe
suggests, it had reference to the earldom of Northumberland.
The old Percy arms ard given in the Harleian Manuscript,
69i— "Field azure Jive mUpyke^ &r.*' This heraldic device
fi>rmerly considered mill-picks, to pick or pierce with, ^^a
mere pun perhaps on Percy or Pichot," are now regarded as
fusils or spindels.**
William de Percy is said to have married Emma de Port,
whose lands he had seisEed-'-^^' which Emma was lady of Semer
besides of Scarburg afore the conquest and of other landes,
William gave Syr William Percy for hys good service; and
he wedded hyr that was very heire to them, in discharging
his conscience, "t By her he had issue three sons, ilian,
Geoffirey, and Richard.
Of Alan de Percy his eldest son who succeeded, little is
known ; his name occurs as one of the witnesses to a charter
granted by Henry I. to Bardney Abbey, and he confirmed
the gifts of his father to Whitby Abbey and added other
donations. He married Emma Gaunt, grand-daughter of
the earl of Flanders, by whom he had five sons. He had
also an illegitimate son Alan, who fought on the side of the
Scots at the battle of the Standard ; and adhering to David,
the king of Scotland, obtained from King David grants of
the honours of Oxenham and Heton in Teviotdale, where
the family flourished for two generations and then died out.
The pedigree at this point is obscure. According to the
Harleian MSS., 8648, 69S, &c., Alan was succeeded by his
son William, who was married to Alice, daughter of Everard
de Boos ; and William was succeeded by Richard, who had
for wife Jane, daughter of William Brewers ; from Richard
and Jane descended the last of the Percys, William, who
married Adelides de Tunbridge, by whom he had six children,
all of whom died before him, excepting A^es the youngest.
He founded the abbey of Hampole for Cistercian monks in
1133, and Salley Abbey in 1147. He fought on the side of
King Stephen in the battle of the Standard ; and died about
* Longstafie's Old Henldiy of the Percys, p. 164— one of the ablest of her-
aldic diaiertationi, narked not only by learning and acateness, bat by a manly
independent tone. My heraldio DoCioet are chiefly guided by this yaluable con-
tribution to Northumbrian history.
t Harleian MSS^ No. 692.
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FIRST^ SECOND^ AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 113
the year 1166. Thus, one hundred years after the family
had settled in England, the male line of the Percys became
extinct, and their vast possessions descended to a female.
Agnes, the great Percy heiress, in about two years after
her father's death, married Joceline de Lovaine. Connected
with this union, there is another pretty fiction ; before her
nuptials she is said to have covenanted with Lovaine, that
he should either bear the Percy arms and omit his own, or
keep his own arms and take the surname of Percy to himself
and his posterity for ever. The following lines, under her
picture in the pedigree at Sioa House, record his decision : —
" Lord Percy's heir I was, whose noble name
By me sarviTes unto his lasting fame,
Brabant's duke's sou I wed, who for my sake
Retain'd his arms and Percy's name did take."
Joceline Lovaine, however, did not take for himself the name
of Percy ; nor did the Brabant blue lion appear in the Percy
arms till the time of Edward I.*
Lovaine had a distinguished ancestry ; he claimed to be
descended from Charlemagne ; and was second son of God-
frey with the beard, duke of Brabant and count of Lovaine,
and half brother to Adelicia, the second wife of Henry I.,
king of England. Before his marriage, he was styled the
brother of the queen and castellan of Arundel. The queen,
on whom had been settled the county of Sussex as her dower,
gave to him the barony of Petwortu — ^no insignificant gift,
for it was estimated at twenty-two knights' fees ; and this
gift was confirmed by Henry XL, in the year 1168. Joceline
died some little time before 1191, and was interred at Pet-
worth. His wife Agnes died in 1195 ; and of her the Percy
laureate thus sings : — " Lady Agnes among her elders lieth
at Whitby. Upon the marble stone of her tomb in the said
Whitby, under which buried was the body of this lady, two
verses in Latin be, which I shall English as I can or I tarther
pass : — ' In the feast of Saint Agnes, Agnes Percy lieth here
engraved: and they both agree in kind, name, and life.'
Tlus is a great commendation, and a token that this lady
was of virtuous life and conversation."
Henry, his eldest son, took his mother's name of Percy ;
but he succeeded to part only of the estates held by his
fietther. In 6th of John, he had livery, on the death of his
* Longfitaffe's Percy Heraldry, p. 162.
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114 HISTOET OF ▲LNWICS.
mother, of all the lands of which she was seized ; and in the
13th of John, he paid scutage on fifteen knights' fees, which,
however, did not amount to half of what his father died
possessed. A great part of the estates, including the manor
of Whithy, bad passed to Richard, the third son of Joceline
Lovaine, who was a man of energy, and more highly dis-
tinguished in public affairs than bis elder brother ; as, how*
ever, his issue became extinct in the second generation, his
estates reverted to the direct line of the Percy family. Henry
Percy married Isabella, daughter of Adam de Brus, and
with her obtained the manor of Lekinfield near Beverley in
Yorkshire, which for a long period was one of the most
important of the Percy residences ; it was held by a peculiar
tenure — he and his heirs were to repair to Skelton Castle
every Christmas Day, and lead the lady of the castle from
her chamber to the chapel to mass, and thence to her chamber
again ; and after dining with her to depart.*
William de Percy, son of Henry, succeeded, on the death
of his father and of his grandmother Agnes, to a great part of
their possessions; the extent of these is shewn by the scutage
paid in 1222, when he was by special writ acquitted for fifteen
knights' fees in Yorkshire and twenty-ei^ht in the honour
of Petworth ; and these possessions were increased in 1244,
when he had livery of the lands of his uncle Richard. He
was married first to Helena, daughter of Lord Bardolph, by
whom came the lordship of Dalton; and next, to Joan,
daughter of William de Brewer. He had issue, seven sons
and four daughters, and died in 1245, and was buried at
Salley.
He was succeeded by his eldest son Henry, who in SSrd
x>f Henry III., paid a fine of nine hundred pounds for livery
of his lands, and that he might marry whom he pleased.
He wat* busily engaged in the stirring events of this period.
He took part in the wars in Wales and Scotland ; he sup-
ported King Henry III. against the barons ; and fighting
stoutly for his sovereign in 1264 at the battle of Lewes,
he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner ; he, however,
soon regained his liberty. He died in 1272, and was
interred at Salley near his father — ^the last Percy who was
buried there. By his wife Eleanor he had three sons ; but,
William and John dying without issue, his great inheritance
devolved on Henry, the youngest, as heir to his brother
• CoUinc, y., p. S21.
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FIRST^ SECOND^ AND THIBD BAROKS PERCY. 119
John; and this Henry first links the history of Alnwick
wi& the Percys.*
HENEY, PTRST BAEON PEEOT OF ALNWICK,
Before obtaining the barony of Alnwick, Henry de Percy
was lord of Topcliffe and Spoford, and possessed estates of
enormous extent in Yorkshire, Sussex, and Lincolnshire; but
when Alnwick barony was united to these, he stood in the
ftremost rank of territorial barons. He was a minor at the
time of his father's death; and he obtained livery of his
lands in 1294, when he came of age, so that he must have
been bom about the year 1273. Soon after his majority he
accompanied the king, '^ well fitted with horse and arms," in
his wars in Gascony. In 1296 he was publicly honoured
with knighthood by King Edward I., in presence of his
army which was drawn up in an extensive field gently
sloping towards the Tweed, within a mile from Berwick ; and
in April of the same year he fought under the leadership of
his uncle. Earl Warenne, at the battle of Dunbar, when the
Scottish army under Baliol was signally defeated. Scotland
then falling under the English yoke, Edward constituted
Henry de Percy governor of Galloway and Ayr. Sir William
Wallace soon, however, began to awaken the patriotism of
fais countrymen and to obtain advantages over the English*
The earl <rf Warenne was ordered to suppress these popular
risings ; and he sent his nephew (Henry de Percy), and Lord
Clifford with an army into the west of Scotland; and they
Game up with the Scottish host near to Irwin. Inferior in
numbers to the English and weakened by internal dissension,
the Scottish army surrendered without a battle to Percy and
Clifford, on the condition of safety to their lives and estates.
The heroic Wallace, however, was not a party to this sub-
mission. Rewards were showered upon Henry de Percy ; in
consideration of his great and faithful services a grant was
made to him, by the king, of all the lands in England as well
as in Scotland which belonged to Ingelram de Baliol, and
which had descended to his heir Ingelram de Umfraville,
then in rebellion against the king. After this he was
* The pedigrees given of tbe Percys between the conquest and the acquisition
6f AUiwiek barony are confused and e?en contradictory. I have endeaTonred
to give a clear and correct account of the succession ; though a very brief one,
as not immediately hextfag on our history.
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116 UISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
repeatedly engaged in the Scottish wars. Robert Bruce had
been crowned at Scone in 1306^ and had again roused the
valour of the Scots^ when Edward^ though feeling the decay
of age, summoned Henry de Percy, and other barons, to enter
Scotland with all the forces of the northern counties in the
beginning of summer; but before the time of rendezvous
arrived, Robert Bruce was defeated by Aymer de Valence at
Methven. Bruce, however, did not lose heart, though most
of his supporters were slain or scattered ; but about Michael-
mas, appeared in Cantire with a band of hardy followers,
whence he sent some of his own people to collect the rent of
his lands in Carrick. Henry de Percy hastened to defend
these estates, which had been granted to him by Edward ;
but Bruce, passing the Frith from Cantire, surprised Percy at
night, slew some of his men, seized his war horses and plate,
and compelled him to seek refuge in Tumberry Castle, where
he was besieged by Bruce. Edward, receiving inteUigence
of the danger to which Percy was exposed, sent forces to his
relief; and Bruce being unable to cope witili them, retired to
fastnesses in the highlands. This was one of the last acts of
the infirm king of England, who was then afflicted with an
incurable disease, under which he sunk at Burgh-on-the-
Sands, on the 5th of July, 1307, when making another
attempt on the liberties of Scotland.
For some time Henry de Percy appears to have enjoyed
the favour of his new sovereign Edward II., from whom he
received several grants. In 1311, he obtained from the king
the custody of the bishoprick of Durham, with the castles,
lands, and tenements belonging to it ; and in the same year
he had the custody of the manor of Temple-Wereby, belong-
ing to the Knights Templars, who were charged by Pope
Clement V. with being guilty of apostacy, idoktry, heresy,
and other sins.* He was made governor of both Scarborough
and Bamburgh Castles in 1312. For a time, however, he
was arrayed against his sovereign. The extravagant attach-
ment of the king to his favourite. Piers Gaveston the Gascon,
the honours and estates he heaped upon him, conjoined with
the rapacity and insolence of this worthless minion, roused
the hostility of the barons of England ; and they insisted
that Gaveston should be banished from the kingdom. The
weak king clung to his favourite ; but the barons, among
whom was Henry de Percy, raised an army and advanced
• Rym. Feed., Vol. II., pp. 181, 168.
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FIBSTj SECOND^ AND THIBB BABONS PERCT. 117
against the royal party^ who retired^ first to Newcastle and
then to Tynemouth, where the king and Gaveston embarked
with a small retinue and proceeded to Scarborough Castle.
The favourite remained there, believing himself safe, until
the king, who went to York, should return with an army for
his relief The earl of Pembroke and Henry de Percy
laid siege to the castle, and Gaveston surrendered on capitu-
lation, Pembroke and Percy pledging their faith that no
harm should happen to him. The barons, however, regard-
less of this pledge, doomed him to be beheaded on Blacklow
Hill, near to Warwick Castle. Enraged with Percy for this
treatment of his favourite, the king ordered his escheator to
seize on all the lands, tenements, goods, and chattels of
Henry de Percy. The storm, however, was for a while
calmed; a pacification was concluded between the barons
and the king; the barons on humbling themselves before
him were fully pardoned, and the property of Henry de Percy
which had been seized by the king was restored.
Besides adding" Alnwick barony to his possessions, Henry
de Percy purchased the lordship of Corbridge in Northumber-
land. Alnwick Castle, which had fallen into a ruined state,
was almost rebuilt by him in the style of the period. After
spending a bustling Ufe in warfare and in the accumulation of
property, he died, at a comparatively early age, in 1315 (being
then only about 42 or 43 years of age), and was buried in
Foimtains Abbey. "In Fountains Abbey lieth he before
the sacrament, which abbey he endowed with great lands.''
He was married to Eleanor Fitz-Alan, whom he appointed
guardian of his estates, and who survived till 1328; her
shrine in Beverley Minster is one of the most beautiful
and highly finished of the period — " a peerless gem of flowii^
decorated work." Henry de Percy's charitable deeds were not
notable; he founded a chantry for two priests in the chapel
of Semar for the health of the soul of Eleanor his wife, and all
her ancestors ; and he gave to the monks of Salley lands, and
the advowson of the church of Gairgrave.* The chronicle
of Alnwick Abbey says of him, that " he was a magnanimous
man, because he would not suffer injury from one without a
heavy revenge, and so strenuously governed his servants,
that they were feared in the whole realm of England." In
this eulogy we see only the dark stem warrior. He left
two sons, Henry and William ; but the heir being a minor,
• Dug. Mon., I., p. 842.
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lis HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
the king, on the 30th July, 1S12, took possession of his
lands.
Arms. — Oold, a blue lion rampant — Blue, Jive golden fusils.
Crest. — A sort of fan, not peculiar to Percy.*
Here we first meet with the blue lion rampant as a Percy
device. ''It is possible/' says Mr. Longstaffe, ''that the lion
was assumed in remembrance of Joceline of Lovaine, differ-*
enced from the cinctures of the later dukes of Brabant, or it
might be only indirectly allusive to the ducal house through
the lords of Arundel, who descended from Queen Adelicia
and perhaps used a lion in reference to her descent."
HENBT, SECOND BAEON PEHOT OF ALNWICK.
Henry de Percy was only sixteen years of age when his
father died. His career was distinguished ; and he appears
to have been a man of greater ability and h^her accomplish-
ments than his father. " This Henry," says the chronicle of
Alnwick Abbey, "was, beyond all his ancestors, the most
famous and powerful." He in his youth always displayed
BO much power in tournaments and exercises with the lance
as to attain the highest honour. Being a minor when his
£a,ther died, the custody of Alnwick Castle, with the manor
and vills of Alnwick, Swynhou, Tughall, Alnham, Denwick,
and Swynelocheles, were committed to John de Felton, who
was constituted constable of the castle; and who had to
maintain forty men of arms and forty hobelars in the castle,
against Scottish enemies and rebels.f
Henry de Percy, even when a minor, was highly favoured
by the king. One year after the decease of his father, he
received a grant of the lands in Northumberland which
belonged to Patrick Dunbar, earl of March ;t this included
Beanley, which was held under great sergeantry — ^a tenure
which was not subject to the ordinary feudal conditions, but
required the service of Inborg and Hutborg, or, as otherwise
expressed, of inborough and outborough between England
• LoDgstBfie'a Percy Henldjpj.
f AblK Rot Orig., S Edw. IT., Ro. 6. Hobeltn wen light hone toldien^
the cATahy of the herder Ud4 ; the origm of the mraae it douhtfol ; aome derive
it flmn hobUk (Fnnch), m coat of quilted stuff; hat it ii men prohahly Izom
kehin (Fnnch), a little ahort-maned hone.
I Bot Lit Giant., 8 Edw. II., p. 1. m.
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FIBST, SECOND^ AND THIBD BARONS PEBCT. 119
and Scotland. Seyeral explanations of this service have
been ^ven, but the most probable is, that the baron was
obliged to bear or convey the royal conintunications between
the two kingdoms. While still under age, the king gave to
him, in 1318, the custody of the castle and manor of Alnwick,
with appurtenances, for the defence of the castle against
Scots enemies and rebels, without anything being thence
rendered to the king. In this year, all men capable of bear*
ing arms, from twenty years of age to sixty, in the country
north of the Trent were summoned to resist the Scottish
invasion*
Henry de Percy obtained livery of his lands in 1322 ; and
in the same year he was made governor of Pickering Castle,
and of the town and castle of Scarborough. At York, in
1S£4, he received the honour of knighthood ; and for this
imposing ceremony he was supplied with apparel out of the
king's own wardrobe.
From an early period of his life to its close he was fre-
quently engaged in the wars with Scotland. Repeated
inroads had been made by the Scots into England, and all
attempts to bring about peace having failed, Edward 11.
made large preparations to repel and avenge an expedition
led by Robert Bruce in 1322 ; the warden of the marches
was ordered to arm all the horse and foot of the border
district, and an English army marched without resistance
as far as Edinburgh; but finding no adequate supply of
provisions, they returned, and in their route spoiled Holyrood
and Melrose, and burnt Dryburgh, in revenge of similar
atrocities committed by the Scots in England.! David, earl
of Athol, was afterwards appointed by the king of England
head warden over Northumberland, and Henry Percy was
required to be obedient to him, and to keep a sufficient
garrison in Alnwick Castle. Wearied out with these inces-
sant wars, Edward endeavoured to bring them to an end ;
and in 1323, in effect acknowledged the independence of
Scotland, and agreed with Bruce to a truce for two years.
But neither kings nor truces could quell the turbulence of
the border insurgents; and to such extreme distress and
fear were many of the inhabitants of Northumberland reduced
at this time, that they entered into engagements with the
Scottish marauders to pay a kind of black mail to be free
from aggression.
• Bot Scot, YoL h, p. 190. t Fordon.
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120 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Henry Percy gave important aid to the queen of England
and Prince Edward, when in 1826 they sought the destruction
of Spenser, the rapacious favourite by whom the king was
led. Percy, with his forces, joined the queen at Gloucester ;
and this seryice bringing him into favour with her party, he
obtained the custody of Skipton Castle ; and was afterwards
appointed one of the regency, " to have the rtde and govern-
ment of the kingdom during the minority of Edward III."
War broke out in 1326 between England and Scotland.
The Scots enemies and rebels, at nignt having surprised
some castles and fortalices in Northumberland, the king
commanded Henry de Percy to fortify and provision Alnwick
Castle, and the bishop of Durham to do the same to other
castles in Northumberland. Henry de Percy undertook to
keep the march towards the northern part from the 14th of
February to Whitsunday with one hundred men-at-arms and
one hundred hobelars, and with his own men as many
beyond as he pleased; and in payment of this service he
received one thousand marks.* Percy, however, soon found
that this force was insufficient for the defence of the borders ;
for frequent raids were made into England which he could
not resist. To meet one of these invasions in 1327, the
young king, Edward III., led a large army into the north ;
but the Scots, under experienced generals, passed through
desert and ru^ed paths, so that the English, who attempted
to follow, were exhausted with toil, hunger, and watching.
Crossing, imder the skilful guidance of Doi^las, what was
deemed an impassable bog, two miles in length, the Scots
escaped, on a dark moonless night, to their own country, laden
with plunder. Disheartened by their want of success, the
English army was disbanded. Ever on the alert to take
advantage of the carelessness of their foes, the Scots soon
after laid siege to the castles of Norham and of Alnwick; the
former was taken, but the latter made a successful resistance,
and three Scotch knights, William de Montalt, John de
Clapham, and Malis de Dobery, with some others, were slain
before its walls.f
All attempts for a lasting peace had proved abortive,
mainly because the king of England was unwilling distinctly
to admit the independence of Scotland; but after the murder
of the weak and unfortunate sovereign Edward II., the queen
dowager and her paramour Mortimer, who governed England
• Rym. Foed., II., p. 688. f Fordun, 1. XIII., c 12.
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FIRST, SECOND, AND THIBD BARONS PERCY. 121
in the name of the young king, became so odious to the
people of England, that they found it necessary to obtain
peace with Scotland on any terms. Powers were therefore
given in 1327 to Henry Percy and William de Zousehe to
negotiate a lasting peace; and the result was a treaty
between the two kingdoms, which was sanctioned by the
parliament held at Northampton, and ratified by Edward on
the 4th of May, 1328; the claim of sovereignty over Scotland
was given up by England ; and to cement a cordial union^ it
was agreed that Joan, the sister of Edward, should be married
to David, the son and heir of Robert Bruce. The interests
of Henry Percy were not neglected ; for in accordance with
this treaty, he had restored to him the lands and possessions
he formerly held in Scotland, and of which he had been
deprived during the wars. He was appointed one of the
justiciaries and commissioners for causing the peace to be
kept along the borders of Northumberland ; and it was part
of his dutv to perambulate the ancient boundaries ; and, in
concert with men from Scotland, to revise them whensoever
this was deemed needful. Not long after this, on the 7th of
June, 1829, died Robert Bruce — a great man, who will be
held in honour throughout all time, for the valour, the
wisdom, and indomitable fortitude which he evinced in de-
livering his country from foreign bondage. .
The time, however, had not yet come for a cordial and
lasting peace between the two countries ; and a cause was
soon found, after the death of Robert Bruce, to open again
the flood-gates of war. Percy*s estates in Scotland had been
restored to him; but those of Henry de Beaumont, Lord
Wake, and others, had not been delivered up. These power-
ful barons sought redress by endeavouring to change the
dynasty of Scotland. An expedition headed by Lord Beau-
mont, a man of ability and experience, sailed from Ravenspur
near the Humber, to the Frith of Forth, with the avowed
object of placing Edward Baliol on the throne of Scotland.
The English forces landed at Kinghom, and achieved over
the Scots a victory so marvellous, that it appears like a
romance intruded into history. A little English army of
three thousand men overthrew a great Scottish host, and
slew thirteen thousand on the battle field at Duplin.* Baliol
was crowned at Perth on the 24th of September^ but his
triumph was short ; his throne like an unsubstantial dream
* Heming£>rd.
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122 HISTOKT OP ALNWICK.
rapidly feded away before the end of the year. While at
Annan in supposed security, he was suddenly attacked at
the dead of night by Randolph, Douglas, and Frazer, with a
chosen band of a thousand men, and he was compelled to flee
half naked on a horse without a saddle, across the Solway
Sands to seek refuge in England^ leaving his brother Henry
dead behind him.
Secretly had the king of England countenanced this aggres-
sion upcm Scotland; and its partial success awakened his
ambition, to achieve what his grandfather nearly accomplidied
— ^the supremacy of England over Scotland. Some Scottish
raids across the borders gave a colourable pretext to his
leading a powerful army into Scotland. In 1333 he besieged
Berwick, but a Scottish army came to its relief. A battle
was fought at Halidon Hill near Berwick, where the Scots
were signally defeated; Boece says they lost fourteen thousand
men. Berwick in consequence surrendered ; and Balid with
an army of twenty-six thousand men advanced into Scotland,
and reduced nearly the whole under his power. Henry
Percy was present at the battle of Halidon Hill ; and on the
S3rd of July was made governor of Berwick and one of the
guardians of the eastern side of Scotland.* Along with
Ralph Neville, William de Shareshall, and Thomas de Bam-
burgh, he attended, as deputy of the king of England, two
meetings of the Scottish parliament, to seek confirmation of
the convention between him and Baliol, wherein Baliol had
bartered away the independence of his country. At the
parliament held at Perth, there were granted to Henry Percy
by Edward Baliol, the pele of Lockmaben with the valleys
of Allendale and Moffatdale, which had formed part of the
estate of Randolph, earl of Murray. This gift, however, he
did not long enjoy ; but King Edward III., on September
4th, 1334, gave to him, in compensation for its loss, the
castle and town of Jedburgh, the towns of Bon-Jedburgh
and Hassyden, and the forest of Jedburgh; and he also
granted to him fifty marks yearly out of the customs of
Berwick, and the custody of the castle there, for which, one
hundred marks had to be paid to him in time of peace, and
£200 in time of war. Annandale was given to Edward de
Bohiui.t
Notwithstanding the success of Edward, the feelings of
independence and heroism, which the brave Robert Bruce
• KnyghtOD, 2564. Rot Scot, I., p. 256^ f I^t Scot, I., p. 280.
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FIBST^ SECOND, AND THIBD BASONS PBBCT. 123
had kindled in the minds of the Scots, could not be extin-
guished. To the poor tool of the EngUsh king they would
not submit ; and a fonnidable confederacy was soon formed,
which compelled Baliol to seek refuge in England* Edward
was again in Scotland, in 1335, with an army to regain his
lost authority. On his return to England, he halted at
Doddington on the Ist of November, and he was at Alnwick
firom the 3rd to the 9th of the same month; and while there
agreed to a truce with Sir Andrew Murray, one of the
guardians for Scotland. Notwithstanding this, England
waged incessant war with Scotland during the succeeding
seven years; Edward fighting for dominion, and Scotland
ioT independence. Frequently was Henry de Percy engaged
in these movements; and we find that for his services he
received, in 1336, two hundred marks firom the exchequer.
To repel an invasion made in 1337, the various holders of
baronies and manors were summoned to assemble at New-
castle accompanied by a number of their vassals ; Grilbert de
Um&aville had to bring with him thirty men-at-arms and
fifty hobdass ; Henry de Percy sixty men-at-arms, twenty
hobelars, and twenty archers ; Ralph de Neville the same
number ; John de Groy twenty men-at-arms ; John de Acton
two men-at-arms.*
Henry Percv in 1340 undertook, in conjunction with Gil-
bert Umfiraville, Ralph Neville, and- Anthony Lucy, to set
forth at their own costs, two hundred and ten men-at-arms
and two hundred and twenty archers to serve against the
Scots. All these efforts, however, could not crush the spirit
of Scotland; for in 1342, a little before the return of the
young King David Bruce from France, the English had
been driven out of every part of Scotland except Berwick ;
and now when their own country was freed from their foes, the
Scots began again to ravage the English border; while Edward
engaged in his ambitious attempts in France, could not, for a
time, repel the ag^essors. A truce, however, was made to
last for three years, but it was ill-observed by both parties-f
The year 1346 was disastrous both to France and Scotland;
the former was overcome at Cressy, and the latter at Neville's
* Rot Scot, I., p. 506, where the names of oAen are given.
f In ** Botali Scods," Vol. X., there are copies of the several appointments of
Henry de Perey to he keeper of the marches of Berwick, &c. ; and orders to the
collectors of the cnstoms in Berwick to pay him salaries due out of the customs
on wool, leather, and wool-fells.
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124 HISTORY OF ALKWJCK.
Cross. Urged by his ally the king of France^ David Bruce
invaded England M^ith a large army of thirty thousand men,
with which he ravaged the country, and advanced as far as
Durham. Edward, king of England, was in France; but
according to the romantic history of Froissart, Queen Phillipa
manifested the spirit of a heroine ; and, to drive back the
invasion, summoned the peers and prelates of the realm with
their followers to meet at York. An army of sixteen thousand
valiant men rose in reply to her call. She is said to have
led this army as far as the battle-field, and before leaving to
have addressed them — entreating them to do their duty well
in defending the honour of the king, and for the love of God.
She then retired to Newcastle to await the issue.* It is
doubtful, however, whether the queen took so prominent a
part in these events.
The Scottish army was arrayed on the moor-lands westward
of Durham, in three divisions ; the right wing being led by
the earl of Moray and Sir William Douglas ; the IdBt wing
by Robert the high steward of Scotland ; and the centre by
the king himself. The English army in four divisions
marched past Neville's Cross to attack the enemy ; the right
wing being led by Lord Percy, Gilbert de Umfraville, and
other northern barons ; the left wing by Sir Thomas Rokeby,
sheriff of Yorkshire; the centre by Ralph Lord Neville,
along with his son, the archbishop of York, and Lord Hast-
ings ; and the reserve, consistii^ chiefly of horsemen, were
under the charge of William Ross, Thomas de Grey, Robert
de Ogle, John de Coupland, and others; the whole was
commanded by Lord Neville.
The church lent her aid to the English army; a large
crucifix was carried before the ranks; and the prior and
monks of Durham bore the holy corporax cloth of Saint
Cuthbert, elevated on the point of a spear, from the convent
to a little hill adjoining the battle-field ; and around it they
knelt, praying heaven to aid the English host.
On an autumn morning at nine o'clock, on the 17th of
October^ 1346, the trumpets sounded on both sides and the
battle began. For some time it was fought with varying
success. The archers of the English left wing carried death
into the division of the Scots led by Moray and Douglas —
the former was killed and the latter captured. But the right
wing of the English, commanded by Percy, was broken by
• Froissart's Chronicles, Book I., Chap. 137.
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TlSL&Ty SECOND^ AND THIBD BABONS PEBCT. 126
tlie assault of the Scots division led by the high steward ;
it was saved from total defeat by the aid of the reserve
division. The central divisions of the two armies gallantly
fought against each other ; and though the victorious archers^
under Sir Thomas B.okeby, attacked the right flank of the
Scottish battalion^ the brave Scottish king still maintained
his ground ; but, at this critical moment, the high steward
and the earl of March led their division from the field ; and
it is feared that they perfidiously deserted their king in this
hour of peril, for no attempt was made by Lord Percy's
forces to pursue them. Percy's division then attacked the
right flank of the king of Scotland's centre, which being now
hemmed in on all sides, nothing was left for them but death
or captivity. Gallantly did King. David defend himself
against his numerous foes ; his nobles bravely rallied round
him, till most of them were slain ; of escape there was no
hope, yet still the king fought manfully, though badly
wounded by an arrow in his leg and by another in his face,
till John Coupland, a Northumbrian squire and famous war-
rior, struck the weapon out of the king's hand, and in this
defenceless condition he was taken ; before, however, being
captured, he struck Coupland's face with his gauntlet with
so much force as to knock out two of the squire's teeth. The
battle lasted but three hours; the Scots were completely
defeated and pursued as for as the Tyne. Their loss was
great ; it has been estimated at fifteen thousand, but this is
doubtless an exaggeration.*
The king elated with this victory, lost no time in forward-
ing to the barons of the northern parts of England a letter of
thanks for the successful display of their " most excellent
fidelity and valour;" and along with this, he indulges
in strong expressions of pious thanksgivings — to the Lord
Jesus Christ, who disposes of events throughout the heavens
and the earth, gracing him and his lieges with high honours;
and praises and thanks he offers in the language of himxility
and fervid devotion. Such are the sentiments uttered on
contemplating the result of a fearful slaughter scene ! Lord
Grilbert de Umfraville, Henry de Percy, Balph de Neville,
John de Mowbray, Thomas de Lucy, Thomas de Rokeby,
Thomas de Grey, Robert de Ogle, John de Coupland, Robert
* Bobert White, who has done much as a poet and historian to illustrate the
bordera, has given a full and critical account of this battle in a remarkably able
memoir in the ** Archaeologia ^liana."
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126 HISTORY OF ALNAVICK.
Bertram^ and William D'Eyncourt are thus thanked by their
king.* The character of the English heroes in this battle is
drawn by the chronicler of Lanercost.
The Northumberland squire having secured so rich a prize^
lingered not on the battle-field; but^ forcing his way through
the crowds rode off with the captive king, and never halted
till he reached Ogle Castle on the river Blyth in Northum-
berland. The queen^ it is said, displeased at this, demanded
him to bring to her the king of the Scots ; but Goupland
declared that he would give his captive to no man or woman,
excepting to his own lord the king of England.f His valour
and loyal service were, however, appreciated and richly
rewarded by his sovereign. His chivalry gained him wealth
and fame ; he was created a knight banneret, and received a
grant of £400 a year out of the customs of London, and
£100 a year out of the customs of Berwick, until other
equivalent lands were granted to him. Ultimately to him
was given by the king, one moiety of the barony of Wooler
along with other fees. He was sdso made sheriff of North-
umberland, and retained for six vears that office, which was
then profitable as well as dignified. For some time too^ he
was governor of Roxburgh Castle, and along with Henry de
Percy, warden of the marches. The pipe rolls evidence that
he was connected with Alnwick ; for in 18th Edward III.^
to John Couplcmd was committed for his good services, the
custody of three messuages and eight acres of land in Aln-
wick, and also of other lands in Prendwidk, Great Kyle,
and Reaveley, which belonged to William de Rodam, senior,
who was an enemy among the Scots.}
The loss of this battle and the capture of the king was a
heavy blow to Scotland, which was soon afterwards invaded
by the English. Lord Percy was^ on the SOth of March,
• Rot Scot
t The Scots magnates as well as the king were sent to the tower of London
in Beeemher, 1846 ; hut the ransom of these prisoners had to he paid to their
xespectiye captors. A list of them is given in Rot Scot, I., p. 678,
X John Coupland married Joan, sister of Henry del Strother, of Kirknewton.
Knyghton says he was mnrdered in 1862 hy his own countrymen. From an
inquisition made in 1368 concerning those who slew him, it appears that he was
slain at Bolton Moor hy John de Cliflbrd, whose lands in consequence were granted
to John de Coupland in fee in 1866 s the county of Northumberland had, in the
•ame year, to pay one thousand marks to obtain a pardon £or his death— *so highly
▼alued was this warrior by his sovereign.
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TIBST^ SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 127
1S47, sumnMmed to repair to Scotland with his quota of
men— one hundred men-at-arms and as many archers on
horseback ; he was allowed as pay, six shillings and eight-
pence; for his knights, two shillings; his squires, one
shilling; and his archers, fourpence per day. John de
Conpland supplied twenty men-at-arms and twenty archers.
BaUol entered Scotland with ten thousand men on its western
side ; and Henry Percy and Neville with an army of the
same number invaded it by way of Berwick. These hostili-
ties were, however, brought to a close ; for a truce was agreed
to between France and England, in which Scotland was
included ; and this truce lasted nearly eight years, though it
was often infringed by the turbulent men of the borders.
But before the renewal of active hostilities with Scotland,
Henry de Percy had ceased to be an actor on the stage of
life. The ferocity of border warfare was somewhat tamed
by a fearful plague, which in 1348 and 1349 swept over
England and Scotland like a destroying angel. This visita-
tion was the most appalling on record ; along the borders it
destroyed one third of the inhabitants. Not a little of its
virulence must be attributed to the incessant warfare, which
destroyed the means of subsistence and burnt down dwellings,
leaving the miserable inhabitants not slain by the sword, to
become the victims of fear, anxiety, exposure, and &mine.
Henry de Percy was occasionally engaged in the conti-
nental wars; in 1340, he was in the great sea fight between
the English and French before Sluys in Flanders, and in-
consideration of his expenses, £500 were assigned to him
out of the public taxes ; two years afterwards, he was present
at the siege of Nantes in Brittany ; and he was again in
France with the Black Prince in 1347.
Like his father he seems to have had a keen regard to his
own aggrandisement, and he not unfrequently was the reci-
pient of public money and grants of lands. At the early part
of his career, he must have kept around him a large band of
military retainers ; and it would even appear, that, like the
leaders of the free companies on the continent, he in a
modified way sold the services of his vassals. The contracts
made by him for the defence of the borders are ciuious. In
1327, he bound himself, on the condition of being paid
£830 3s. 4d., to keep in his own county in the marches to-
wards Scotland, an army of fifty-nine men-at-arms and two
hundred hobelars for twenty-five days ; and for payment he
had granted to him £150 out of the debts which the prior of
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128 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Lincoln owed^ and the residue of £\80 3s. out of the port of
Newcastle * By indenture in 1328^ he engaged to serve the
king with a certain number of men-at-arms^ both in time of
peace and war^ during the term of his life ; and for this he
was to receive a yearly salary of five hundred marks. This
strange contract led to a more strange issue, for it was the
means of bringing into the possession of the Percys extensive
estates. First, in lieu of this salary of five hundred marks,
the king granted to him the castle of Warkworth ; and next
in 1328, after an act had been passed, making '^ all retainers
in time of peace to be void/* the king taking notice in what
sort he had retained him, did therefore grant to him and his
heirs in recompense thereof, the castle and manor of Wark-
worth, the manors of Rothbury, Corbridge, and Newbum,
which had belonged to Sir John de Clavering, but which on
his death without issue devolved on the crown.t Marvellous
times these were, when large estates could be tossed about
like tennis balls I Another instance may be given : when a
banneret in 1326, he represented to the king that there were
wages due to him, the sum of £851 14s. 4d. for his service
in Scotland ; and he obtained an assignation of £200, to be
paid out of the tenths due to the crown from the archdeaconry
of Cleveland. We hear of one of his retainers, and of the
manner in which they served .and were remunerated. Wil-
liam, the son of John de Rodhum, was retained to serve him
both in peace and war, with one companion, until the full
age of John, the son of John de Rodhum; and for this
service, in time of war, William de Rodhum had to have
apparel as his other yeomen, and hay, oats, horse shoes and
nails for six horses, with waggons for six grooms, and recom-
pense for such horses as should be lost in the wars ; and in
consideration of this service, Percy, who was the feudal
superior of Houghton, granted to William the wardship of
the lands of John de Rodhum, lying in Houghton, imtil the
full age of the said John.
Henry Percy, in 1327, received from the king the custody
of the manor and castle of Skipton. He founded, in 1329, a
chantry for two priests in the chapel of Semar to celebrate
divine service, for his own soul and the soul of his mother
and all their ancestors, endowing it with one messuage,
twenty oxgangs of land, and six acres of meadow in W^e
• Cal. Rot, 1 £dw. II., B*li8 25, 26.
t Cal. Rot, 2 Edw. IIL, Ro. 18.
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FIRST^ SECOND, AKD THIRD BARONS PERCY. 120
within the lordship of Semar. We hear now of few grants
to religious houses. The enormous acquisition of lands by
bishops^ chapters, and monasteries had been an increasing
evil, and excited the jealousy and hostility of the sovereigns ;
it was restrained by acts passed in the reign of Edward I.,
8o that land could not afterwards be alienated to religious
bodies without license from the king.
Henry de Percy died on February 26th, 1362. ''He,
when near his end," says the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey,
*'had a great affection to this abbey, but alas! when detained
by a slight infirmity in the castle of Warkworth he died
unexpectedly, and was honourably buried in Alnwick Abbey."
The events of his life shew that he was an active warrior, and
especially pre-eminent in the north from the large number of
vassals in his service. He married Imania* de Clifford, who
died in 1865 ; Peeris says : —
** Lady Ydonye \m wife, whick wu cirenmspeet and wise.
In Beverlye Minster is tombed in right-costly wise."
According to Leland, this tomb was of white alabaster ; but
it cannot now be identified.
Arms. — A lion rampant — Slue, golden fusib in f ess.
Cbest. — On a chapeau, a Uon passant
His will made on the 13th of September, 1349, which has
been printed in the Teatamenta Eboracensia, is remarkable
as illustrating not his own character only, but the sentiments
and habits of the period. Some of the bequests I shall briefly
give. He left fifty marcs for wax to be burnt around his body,
and to poor ecclesiastics for the good of his soul ; twenty
shillings to two hundred priests saying psalms for his soul ;
one hundred marcs for distribution among the poor, and one
hundred shillings for oblations on the day of his interment ;
one hundred shillings for the expenses of his hostelry even to
the day after his interment ; £20 to be distributed to the
poor, on the way, while his corpse was carried to the place
of sepulture; £16 to be divided^ in equal portions among the
parish churches of Semar, Nafferton, Lekyngfeld, Catton,
Spofford, Topcliff, Petteworth, and Alnewyk; £20 to the
chaplains of Semar, and thirty shillings to the church of
* Win of Henry Percy, Test. Ebor., p. 57 ; oAer anthorities give the nain«
Idonea.
S
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130 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Fosceton; because formerly he had resolved to go to the
Holy Land^ and for this journey had set aside one thousand
marcs^ he willed, that if his son Henry would go this journey
in his name, he should have this one thousand marcs ; to the
abbot of Alnewyk he gave ten marcs; to the preaching
monks of Bamburgh twenty shillings; to the Carmelite
monks of Alnewyk forty shillings; to twenty chaplains
singing for his soul for one year, one hundred marcs;
and to thirty-six other churches or ecclesiastical bodies he
bequeathed about £80. There are bequests to a great
number of persons ; to his wife Imania, to his sons Henry,
Thomas, Boger, to his daughters Margaret and Isabella, to
William de Aton, Gilbert de Aton, Ralph de Neville, and to
above sixty others. One very singular bequest occurs ; he
leaves £200 to satisfy any one in those parts of England
through which he had passed either in time of peace or of
war, who might complain, that anything had been taken
from him by the testator or his people against his will.
HENRY, THIRD BARON PEROT OP ALNWICK
Henry, the third Baron Percy of Alnwick, was thirty years
of age when his father died, and immediately afterwards, he
obtained possession of his lands, excepting those which his
mother Imania had for her dower. Though not so distin-
guished as his predecessors, Henry seems to have been a
more amiable and better man than any of them ; less of the
mere warrior, less grasping in his ambition, and more humane
in his disposition. ^^He was" says the chronicle of Alnwick
Abbey, *^ a man of little stature, but brave, faithful, and
grateful ; and, contented with the lordship left by his father,
he desired to obtain the lands and possessions of no one."
We look with the more pleasure on the character of this
kind-hearted little man, as it contrasts strongly with the
character of those who had gone before him.
Before his father's death, he was present at the famous
battle of Cressy ; and during the fifteen years he enjoyed the
barony, he filled several honourable appointments. In 1353,
he was one of the commissioners to receive David Bruce,
king of Scotland, from Sir John de Coupland, the sheriflf of
Northumberland, and to set him free according to treaty ;
but five years elapsed before the unfortunate king regained
his liberty. In 1355, King Edward constituted Henry de
Percy keeper of the castle of Roxburgh, and sheriff of the
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FIBST^ SECOND, AND THIRD BARONS PERCY. 181
county for two years, with the farms and profits thence
arising.*
Meantime the brave little kingdom of Scotland, despite of
the captivity of her sovereign, would not submit to a foreign
yoke. By a daring attempt on a dark night, a party of Scots
scaled the walls and took the town of Berwick m 1355 ; but
the castle was unsuccessfully assaulted. Edward was then
in France, but on hearing of this and. other inroads of the
Scots, he hsLStened home; and in January, 1356, arrived
before Berwick, which he soon recovered. Henry de Percy
was with him, and also witnessed at Roxburgh a few days
afterwards, the formal surrender by Baliol to Edward of all
his rights to the Scottish throne. Edward, determined to
conquer this kingdom and bring to an end the harassing
Scottish warfare, marched through the Lothians and burnt
Haddington and Edinburgh and other open towns, and laid
waste the country around ; but distressed for want of provi-
sions, he was compelled to retrace his steps, while the Scots
hung in his rear and wreaked a fearful vengeance on all
stragglers or parties that came within their power. As these
devastations occurred about Candlemas, this English raid
was long known as the ^' Burnt Candlemas ;" and many a
smoking village in Northumberland afterwards told of the
bitter revenge of the Scots. For eleven years David their
king had been a captive. Never did England — proud,
powerful, generous England — appear more mean than in her
treatment of Scotland's kings. Hard terms were wrung
from David; he was released in November 1357, on condi-
tion of paying to Edward one hundred thousand marks ; but
although a part of this large sum was discharged, so exhausted
was the nation with the English aggressions, that the greater
portion was never paid.
Henry de Percy was in 1859 made governor of Berwick ;
and he was repeatedly one of the commissioners for guarding
the Northumberland marches ; in 1356, and again in 1365,
he was commanded by the king to reside on his own lands
on the marches, for the better defence of those parts against
the Scots.
He was first married to Mary Plantagenet, the daughter
of the earl of Lancaster, who died on the 1st of September,
1362, and was buried in Alnwick Abbey. ''Her arms, those
of England with a label of five points, are on the inner
• Rot Scot, I., p. 781.
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18S HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
entrance of Alnwick Castle."* His second wife was Jane^
heir of John de Orby. Henry died on Ascension Day, 1368^
and was buried in Alnwick Abbey by the side of his first
wife. By her he had two sons, Henry and Thomas, and one
daughter, who married one of the heirs of the De Yescys ;
by his second wife he left one daughter, who was only two
years old when he died. He gave to Alnwick Abbey £100>
and '^frequently" says the chronicle^ '^ bestowed on las many
other kindnesses."
Arms. — A lion rampant
Supporters. — Two herons are looking from the shield. They
are scarcely true supporters.
To the time of this lord, we may attribute the construction
of the hermitage of Warkworth, one of the most interesting of
medieeval antiquities, and over which the charm of romance
has been thrown by Bishop Percy in his beautiAil ballad of
the hermit of Warkworth.
'* There scoop'd within the aoKd rock»
Three sacred yanlts he shows ;
The chief a chapel, neatly arch'd,
Oo hranching colamns rose."
Of its original foundation there is no record; but the style of
architecture indicates the period when it was hewn out. The
confessional window, the moulding, and some of the orna-
ments belong to that age of decorated Qothic which prevailed
somewhat later than the middle of the fourteenth century.
Hartshorn, who according to his theory of history is sometimes
imaginative, fancies that this hermitage was founded by
Henry Percy, the third lord of Alnvrick, in memory of his
wife Mary Plantagenet ; but of this there is neither evidence
nor probability. Mary died in 186^, and her lord in 1368 ;
but m the meantime he married again, and had a son and
daughter. The Rev. J. W. Dunn, in an able paper on
Warkworth, remarks that this Lord Percy " does not seem
to have lamented his loss for any lengthened period, certainly
not long enough for the hewing of this hermitage out of a
rock.'' It seems to me too, a £ital objection to the fancy,
that there is no Percy device or badge sculptured on any
part of the hermitage. Rather with Mr. Dunn would we
believe in the tradition embodied in the poem : — *^ Let that
• Long8tafie*s Perey Heraldsy, p. 172.
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PIB8T^ SECOND^ AND THIRD BABONS PERCY. 183
battered figure be indeed the hermit Bertram^ symbolizing,
until the very stones shall perish, a bootless bene, a sorrow
too deep for tears — ^and let that recumbent effigy be indeed
the maid of Widdrington, his own best beloved, whom un-
wittingly he slew.'** This hermitage may afterwards have
been served by one of those hermits, who partly lived in such
sequestered spots engaged in religious exercises, and partly
wandered about the country collecting alms from the people.
Respecting this hermitage there is, however, a document
of much later date, the substance of which I give here that
I may not have to refer to it again.
^'Heniy Percy, the sixth earl, in 1531, in consideration of the
service of his well beloved chaplen, Sir George Lancastre, hath
done, and for that he shall have in his daily recommendation and
praiers the good estate of all such noble blode and other person-
ages as be now levynge, and the soules of such noble blode as be
departed to the mercy of GK>d owte of this present lyfe, whos
names are oonteyned and wret<yn in a table upon parchment si^ed
with thande of me the said erle — do graunte unto the said Sir
GteOTge, myn aimytage bilded in a rock of slone within my parke
of Warkworth, with a yerly stipende of twenty merka, and also
the occupation of one little grasground of myn called Oonygarthy
nyeh adjoynge the said hfi^ytsige ; the garden and orteyarde
belongyng to the said armytage ; the gate and pasture of twelf
kye and a bull, with their calves suking ; and two young horses
goyng and beynff within my said parke of Warkworth wyntep
and Bomer ; one draught of fish every Sondaie in the yer, to be
drawn forenenst the said armytage, caQed the Tiynete draught ;
and twenty lods of fvrewode to be taken of my wodds, called
ShilboteUWod.''
• PraoeediBfi of the BirwicksMn If aturaUflts* Clnb, Y., p. 5&
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CHAPTEE IX.
CASTLE, TOWN, AND BAEONT, FEOM 1297 TO 1368.
ALinnCK CASTLE EEBXJILT — IKQIHSITIOl^ INTO THE PROPERTY IS THE
TOWN AND BARONY — COMPARATIVE VALUES — ^FEUDAL CHARGES —
DID ALNWICK SEND MEMBERS TO PARLIAMENT? — CONDITION OP
THE DISTRICT — HOLDERS OF PROPERTY IN ALNWICK — ^MIDDLETON
FAMILY — RODDAM— CHARTER OF MARKET AND FAIR — PONTAGE —
TRADE OP TOWN — CHURCHES — ALIOiOUTH.
Before entering on the long and eventful history of the
fourth Baron Percy, we may pause again, to look at the state
of the castle, the town, and the barony during the sway of
the three first Percys.
Time and the assaults of enemies had reduced the great
Norman castle of the Vescys to a state of dilapidation ; and
the neglect of Bishop Bek would add to its ruinous condition.
As soon, however, as the first Henry Percy obtained posses-
sion of the barony, he began to repair and restore Alnwick
Castle ; but in a style more magnificent than that of the old
stronghold. The best portions of the Norman keep, the
ornate zigzag archway and tower, and several parts of the
surrounding walls were retained ; but before the end of this
period, by far the greater portion of the castle was entirely
new. Tlxe keep was still a cluster of seven round towers,
arranged around a large inner court; but the long narrow
windows gave place to others of a somewhat larger size,
either with a pointed arch, or with straight headings and
rounded haunches. Those looking into the court were of
larger size still, divided by mullions and ornamented by
flowing tracery. The Percy hall, which has but recently
been demolished, was there; a tower and a curtain waU
divided the area within the outer walls, into an inner and
outer bailey ; and along the walls of the outer bailey were
buildings for lodging the garrison. Within the inner bailey.
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CASTLEj TOWN, AKD BAEONY. 186
Stood the chapel. The gloomy massive barbican and most of
the mural towers belong to this period. There were still
two defensive ditches— one round the keep, and the other
extending from the east side of the outer walls and along the
southern side, and bending northward in front of the bar-
bican. Figure 2 in Plate IV., is a plan of the castle as
renovated by the Percys. There seems, at this time, to have
been another bailey outside of the walls of the castle on the
west, affording more space for military exercises than the
baileys within the walls. Baili%ate and part of Narrowgate
now occupy this space ; but the buildings there, being be-
yond the town walls, which were erected in the fifteenth
century, it is probable that the whole area was then open
grcfund. Bailiffgate is commonly pronounced BeUeygate;
and the old name Baileygate — the street of the bailey —
corroborates the view of its having been an outer bailey of
the castle. Probably too. Batten Roto or Ratten Raw, a
a little to the westward, was the place of exercise for the
hobelars or border cavalry, which garrisoned the castle.
Though these great works were commenced by the first
Henry Percy, his life was too short for their completion ; his
son, the second Henry Percy, was the chief builder ; of him
the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey says — *^ he in his own time
most excellently repaired the castle of Alnwick." Two octa-
gon towers, forming the entrance into the keep, are doubtless
his work ; for one of the twelve shields of armorial bearings,
which ornament the upper part of these towers, is charged
with the arms of Clifford, to which family his wife Imania
belonged, she being the daughter of Bobert Lord Clifford —
Plate v., fig. 2. Begun about the year 1310, the restor-
ations were finished by about 1350. A noble picturesque
building was now this castle, combining the characters of a
palace with those of a fortress ; it was a fitting residence for
the greatest of northern barons, who was here attended by
his numerous military vassals, ready at their lord's commands
to man the walls and repulse assailants, or to sally forth fully
equipped, as men-at-arms or archers, to meet an enemy in
the open field. So strong now was this castle, with its lofly
towers and massive walls, strengthened by every defence
which engineering could then devise, that, during this period,
it was never conquered. The art of defence, indeed, was
then greatly superior to that of attack.
In the time of war, the castle was filled with soldiers
for the defence of the district; it was the great military
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1S6 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
Stronghold on the English borders. When John de Felton
was constable^ in 1315> it was garrisoned by three thousand
and thirty-seven men-at-arms and forty hobelars — light
armed cavalry mounted on small ambling horses. During
the year^ he received for farms, rents, pleas^ and perquisites of
the courts pertaining to Alnwick Castle, £326 10s. 9d. The
total sum paid to the garrison for three hundred and sixty-
one days was £1137 3s.; and the cost of victualling, of
munitions, and of repairs, was £1252 Os. Id. The fee of the
constable was one hundred marks ; every man-at-arms was
paid twelvepence per day, and every hobelar sixpence. Com-
pared with the present pay of soldiers, these are large sums.
In the parliament held at Lincoln, in 1316, there was granted
to the king an able foot soldier out of every village or hamlet^
and the pay for each man was fixed at a groat a day ; even
this was about double the wages of a skilled mechanic.
When Heary de Percy was, in 1322, commanded by writ
to act under the earl of Athol with all his power, he was
ordered to leave a sufficient garrison in Alnwick Castle.*
Even in time of peace, many military retainers would be
attendant on the baron in this castle — ^hunting with him in
his forests and dining with him in his hall, where feasting
and revelry would be enlivened by the minstrel's song.
Jousting and military exercises in the baileys would form
no little part of the business, if not the pleasure of these
warriors. In dignity and power, the baron was like a king
within his northern demesne, for here too, he held his courts,
dispensing justice and exercising power, even over the lives
of such malefactors as were caught committing crime within
the barony. Not far from a baronial castle — usually about a
mile — ^was the place of capital punishment ; and hence we
find near to such strongholds, the galhw-hill or the giiUow^
law, or the gallows-field. On the Lane Head Farm, about a
mile northward of Alnwick Castle, there is still a gallows-
field, probably the place where capital punishments were
inflicted by the baron of Alnwick.
Inquisitions made in the reigns of Edward II. and Edward
III. furnish information respecting the barony of Alnwick at
this period ; but it would be tedious to give all of these ; I
shall therefore present a full digest of one made in the 42nd
of Edward III., as far as relates to Northumberland; and
as this, the most important document of the kind, has not
• Becords ChroD. Abf., IT.» p. 32S.
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CASTLE^ TOWN, AND BARONY. 137
yet been printed, the original will appear in the appendix ;
but here I shall generally give the modem spelling of places.
This inquisition was made at Newcastle in 1368, by John de
Bcotherskelf, escheator, before Johh de Walyngton, Eobert de
Louther, Gtilbert Vans, William de Bodum, Eichcu*d de Cramling-
ton, Bobert de Middelton, Eichard de Glanton» John Laweson,
Bobert de Eland, John Forester de Corbrig, William Ayriks,
and Robert Hudespeth, jurors, who found that Henry de rercy,
the peer, held in his own demesne as of fee tail — the castle and
manor of Alnwick, with the towns and other things under-
written pertaining to the said castle and manor £rom ancient
time : viz., the boroughs of Alnwick and Alnmouth, and the
towns of Alnwick and jLesburj, Gh-eat Houghton, Chatton, Aln-
ham, and a pasture called Swinlees. These he held by homage
and fidelity and by service of twelve knights' fees, as parcel of
the barony of Alnwick, and also by service of sixty shillings
yearly, paid to the king's exchequer. The following are the
particulars of this property and their respective values yearly : —
Alnwick Castle and manor are of no value beyond repairs ; a
close below the castle is worth in herbage, two shillings ; one
hundred and forty-four acres of demesne lands render sevenpence
per acre ; ten acres of demesne meadow, twelvepence per acre ;
the free tenants of Alnwick, who hold severally certain Durgages
and other tenements there, render £11 6s. 8d., and other free
tenants three shillings and eiehtpence for every service, at the
feast of St. Outhbert, in March ; a certain free tenant renders
sixpence at the feast of the Lord's Nativity ; and another free
tenant sixpence on the 15th of July; four bondagia and a haU^
sixty shillings ; two water mills, £14, of which the prior and
brethren of Holn Abbey are seized of the yearly rent of
£13 6s. 8d., granted to them by a former lord of Alnwick;
Cawle^e Park is worth six shillings and eightpence, and the
West Bark, twenty shillings, beyond the maintenance of the
wild animals ; the herbage of a third park Holn, with the pas-
ture of "He-Forthlawe" is worth forty shillings; the perquisites
of the Halmote of Alnwick are worth six slullings and eight-
pence, and the profits of the courts of the borough of Ainwick,
six shillings ; the mills of North Charlton render one hundred
shilling as parcel of Alnwick ; the profits of tolls and divers
other things sold at the yearly fkir and at the markets of Alnwick
held on Saturday, are worth sixteen shillings; at Den wick, which
is parcel of Alnwick, seventy-six acres of land in the hands of
tenants at will, render twenty-five shillings and fourpence, at
the rate of fourpence per acre, and nineteen and a half Dondagia
there are in the hands of tenants, each having one dwelling house
and twenty-four acres of land and of meadow — ten of them render
thirteen shilHngs and fourpence each, and nine and a half, six
and eightpence each; at l)enwick also, three ootagia render
X
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h8
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
three duUings eacliy and one pasture oontainxng three acres
renders three shillings; at Alnmouth, a rent called Burghmale
of £4 3s. 9d. is paid at the feast of Pentecost and Saint Martin ;
other free tenants there, pay nineteen shillings and fonrpence at
the same terms; a fishery there in the AIn renders two shillings;
the perquisites of the courts at Alnmonth are worth three shillings
and fourpence, and the toll there renders two shillings.
The manor and town of Lesbnry, as parcel of Alnwick, render
twelvepence in herbage ; two hundred and fiye and a half acres
in demesne, sixpence per acre; twenty-two acres of pasture,
twelvepence per acre ; a water mill yields £10 ; there are twenty
Ibondagia, sixteen of which render thirteen shillings and four-
pence eadi, and four lie xmcultiyated, the herbage rendering six
shillings and eightpence; eleren cotmen pay twenty-two shillings;
one free tenant two shillings ; one dwelling house and one hun-
dred and twenty acres of land yield twelve shillings ; and the
perquisites of the Halmote are worth five shillings*
The manor and town of Great Houghton, which are ruined and
wasted, render for herbage three shillings; two hundred and
forty acres of demesne land ninepence per acre, and twenty-four
acres of meadow twelvepence per acre ; of two water mills, the
one is ruined, and the other renders one hundred shillings; there
are twenty-eight bondagia, eighteen of which are in the hands of
tenants at wiU, each rendering sixteen shillings ; the other ten,
desolate and lying waste, are now in the hands of tenants
at will, each rendering six shillings and eightpence ; there are
twenty-nine cotagia, eighteen of which are in the hands of ten-
ants at will, each rendering twentypence ; the other eleven, which
lie waste, render in herbage eleven shillings ; the perquisites of
the Halmote are worth three shillings and fourpence.
In the town of Chatton, parcel of Alnwick, is a manor ruined,
the herbage of which renders three shillings and fourpence; and
one hundred and eighty acres of demesne land render sixpence
per acre; there are twenty-seven bondagia, eighteen of which
are in the hands of tenants at will, each rendering thirteen shil-
lings and fourpence, the other nine are desolated and lying waste,
and for herbage each renders three shillings and fourpence;
thirteen cotagia render each twelvepence ; one water mill £8, of
which £4 being paid to the '* renowned chapel" at Chatton,
there remains to the lord £4 ; a certcdn several pasture called
" Musgrave Schell" renders for herbage sixty shillings ; a park
with inld animals called "Kelsowe " is of no value beyond the
maintenance of the wild animals ; free tenants render £6 148. ;
and the perquisites of the Halmotes are worth four shillings.
The town of Alnham he held in his own demesne ; and we site
of the manor with a garden and two acres of meadow render in
herbage six shillings ; one hundred and eighty acres of demesne
land in the hands of tenants at will, render sixpence per acre,
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CASTLE^ TOWN^ AND BABONY.
139
and fifteen acres of demesne meadow twelvepenoe per acre; of
eighteen bonda^ia, twelve are in the hands of tenants at wil^
each yielding thirteen shillings and fourpenoe, the other six are
wasted and render in herbage twelve shillings; twelve eotagia
in the hands of tenants at will render twenty-four shillings, and
six, which are wasted, render in herbage twelve shillings; one
water mill renders forty-three shillings and fourpen.ce ; and free
tenants tweniy-four shillings and threepence.
A pasture called '' Swyleyschels," parcel of the manor of Aln*
'wick, renders in herbage thirty shillings.
The following vills and manors held by Heniy of the king
en capitej as pertaining to the castle and manor of Alnwick, were
granted to other poisons on feudal conditions.
Xaaon.
1
Shilbottle, Haxon, Gay-
MKoee, ScnningtODy and
tbe fifteenth part of the
hamlet of Broxfield
Doddington and Weetwood
Newham
East Che viagton aad Mor- j
wick I
BnintoD, Prettan, and \
Screnwood f
NewtoD-on-the-Sea and )
YerdhiU (Earl) /
HoTton
Budle and Spindleston
Hawkhill and Ewart
Addenton
North Charleton
Lttcker and Soath Charlton
Littlehottghton
Biltoa
Howick
Fowherry and Coldmartin
Hetton
Lyham
Hamlet of Bartewell(Hob. \
herlaw) /
One tenth of Swynhoe
Rngley
Chillingham, Manor and\
Castle of /
Roek
fi
Valne.
Robert de Hilton
^
Sir Thomas Grey
1
lOOa.
Jobn de Coupland
1
100s.
John, son and heir o{\
Marmaduke de Lumley, >
u
^120
and David de Grey J
Sir John de Stryvelyne
}
€20
John de Stry?clyne
1
20 marks
David de Grey
1
£10
William de Balden «nd\
William de Colville j
1
£20
Thomas de Gray
li
£20
A lie. Chartres
I
lOOs.
David de Lokre
II
100s.
1
100s.
William de Rodum
1
100s.
Robert de Umfravyle
1
20 marks
Sir Thomas de Gray
Nicholus Martoks
William del Hall
1
100s.
John, son of David de
William de Follehery
1
£20
Richard Tempest
1
£10
Alanns de Slrother
1
£10
John de Sokpeth
i
100s.
Walter de Swynhoweand 1
Alaonus de Heton j
♦
100s.
Gido Tias
1
£20
Alanus de Heton
1
£20
Robert de Tnghale
1
casite
Wazd.
s. d.
29 4
19 4
6 8
20 0
17 9
18 4
6 8
13 4
17 9
6 8
6 8
13 4
13 4
13 4
13 4
13 4
6 8
5 21
29
2 0
5 0
13 4
13 4
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140 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The whole of these sub-feudatories held their estates by homage
and fidelity to the chief baron, by service of certain proportions
of knights' fees adcording to the extent of the property, by sitit
of court at Alnwick held from three weeks to tiiree weeks, and
by payment on the 15th of July, of a sum for the ward or defence
of Alnwick Castle. These particulars are given in the preceding
table, which shews also the value of each estate, and ^e names
of the owners according to the original spelling.
Henry also received a rent of £8 out of the manor of Beanley,*
which was in the hands of free tenants ; sixty-eight shillings and
eightpence out of the manor of South Middleton '< under Ghevyot
in Glendale," also by the hands of tenants ; he had five ox^angs
of land in the town of Wooler, which were in the hands of ten-
ants at will, each oxgang paying ten shillings yearly.
Henry also held of the king in chief Hie c€istle and manor of
Warkworth, with the vills of Birling, Acklington, Hothbury,
Newton, Thropton, and Snitter, pertaining to this manor, by
service of two knights' fees; the castle and manor are of no
yearly value beyond repairs, but the herbage of the mote of the
castle renders twelvepence; three hundred and three acres of
land sixpence per acre; and a "several pasture called Wolemere"
thirteen shillings and fburpence ; rents of divers burgages in the
town produce one hundrea and one shillings ; out of the vill of
High^uston {OverboHlstoti) a rent of fifty shillings was payable,
and another rent of forty slullings out of the vills of High Buston
and Togston; a water mill renders £10; and a fishery in the
Coquet is worth £13 6s. 8d. ; the herbage of a wood called Sun-
derland renders five shillings ; and the perquisites of the court
there are worth six shillings and eightpence. At Birling, ten
bondagia in the hands of tenants at wlU, render thirteen shillings
and fouipence each. At Acklington, the site of a manor renders
four shillings ; and seventy acres of land in the hands of tenants
at will sixpence per acre ; there are twenty-six bondagia in the
hands of tenants at will, each rendering thirteen shiUings and
fourpence, but nine others lying waste render in herbage twenty
shiUmgs ; a wind mill thirty shillings ; the herbage of a park
beyond maintaining the wild animals is worth thirteen shillings
and fourpence ; ancT the perquisites of thef Halmote court three
shillings and fourpence. At Bothbury, the site of a dwelling
house renders in herbage three shillings and fourpence; one
hundred and forty-nine acres of land in the hands of tenants at
will render tenpence per acre, and ten acres of meadow with a
pasture fifty-one shillings and ninepence ; three water mills with
tolls and firrnage of one bakehouse £8 6s. 8d. ; twenty shealings
in tiie forest of Bothbury with herbage £21 ; rents of divers
* This bdng held on a great sergeantry tenure, did not render the ordinaiy
mtUtarj service.
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CASTtfi^ TOWN, ANB BARONY. 141
burgages anunmt to £4 Os. 12d. ; an annual rent called FenailTer
to thirteen shillingB ; the peiqnisites of the ooort are worth nine
BhillingB. At Le Newton, eight bondagia in the hands of ten-
ants at will render twelrepence per acre ; land called Storland
thirteen shillings and fourpence ; two ootagia six shillings; and
a fnUing mill thirty shillings ; At Thropton, ninety-four acres of
land and sixteen acres of meadow in the hands of tenants at will
render twelvepence per acre ; eight bondagia in the hands of
tenants at will forty-two shillings and eightpence, and work in
autumn due by these bondmen to the lord renders eleven shillings ;
another bondagium renders eightpence, and there are three cota-
gia, each of wmch renders three abiUings and fivepence farthing,
three parts of one cotagium twelvepence, and the tenants of the
said cotagia by divers works four shilling and sixpence. Near
to Snitter, there are fifty-three acres of land in the hands of
tenants at will rendering twelvepence per acre ; a pasture called
Bradmedowe twenty-one shillings; eighteen bondi^g;ia render
sevenfy-four shillings, and by work twenty shillings; there is
also a rent in the same place of six shilHngs; three cotagia
render three shillings and fivepence fiirthing each, and by work
eighteenpence ; a piece of land called Thirhmd renders six shil-
liiqzB and eightpence.
Henry held of the king in chief the burg of Oorbridge, on a
&rm rent of £40 paid to ^e king's exchequer, with increment of
the same, by service of ten shillings to the king, by the hands of
the sheriff of the county ; there are in the same place two hun-
dred and fifty-three acres of land in the hands of tenants at will
rendering fourteenpence per acre ; one manor renders nothing
beyond repairs ; a piece of land called Waldfleis, with forty acres
of meadow renders threepence per acre; rents of divers bur-
gages amotmt to £4; the herbage of a wood called Lynnels
renders forty-two shillings and twopence ; a piece of land called
Fresdestretland, £6 4s. Od. ; the Tolbothe six shillings and eight-
pence ; a waste called Aldhall in herbage twelve shillings ; the
rent of the miU of Develston is ten sMllings ; two water mills
with toll and one bakehouse render £18 ; and the perquisites of
the court are worth 6s. 8d.
He held also of the king in chief the manor of Newbum by
service of one knight's fee as parcel of the manor of Warkworth;
a capital messuage with a dove-cote in the hands of tenants at
will renders twenty-two shillings ; two carucates of lands in the
hands of tenants at will £10 ; forty acres of meadow in the hands
of tenants at will, with hearth silver {focagium) £9; twenty-four
husbandlands in the hands of tenants at will £8 ; eighteen cota-
gia in the hands of tenants at will eighteen shillings ; and one
cotagium ruined renders nothing; two water mills in the hands of
tenants at will, with a malt-house render ten marks; one fisheiy in
the TjEL<d in the hands of tenants at will £10; a coal mine in the
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142 HISTOST OF ALNWICK.
hands of tenants at will forty sbilUngg; the hamlet Botlawe
in the hands of tenants at will forty shillings, and Deflawe in
herbage fourteen shillings ; in the hajnlet Wiolbottle are sixteen
husbandlands in the hands of tenants at will rendering £7> and
three parts of one husbandland in the hands of tenants at will
six shillings and eightpence; a rent called Flasolver of eighteen-
pence is collected yearly ; and a free iaam of fifteen shillings and
seyenpence comes out of the vill of Throcklaw.
Pertaining to the castle and manor of Alnwick are the advow-
sons of the aobey of Alnwick, the temporalitieB of which are worth
d£lO; of the house of '^Holne," worth twenty marcs; of the
chapel of Mary of Warkworth, worth forty shillings; of the
chapel of Ohatton, worth sixty shillings.
£ B. d.
The sum of the worth of the manor and castle of
Alnwick with the members yearly is . . 176 11 5J
The sum of the worth of the manors of Warkworth
and Bothbuiy with the members yearly is . 158 5 6)-
The sum of the demesne of Gorbridge yearly is . 49 14 8
The sum of the manor of Newbum with the mem-
bers yearly is 59 0 13
Sum total £450 3s. 1^
Comparing this inquisition with that made nearly seventy
years before, in 1289, at the close of the De Vescy period,
we must be struck with the depreciation in the value of the
estate. Taking that portion which had not been granted to
sub-feudatories, but which was partly retained in the hands of
the baron, partly granted to free tenants, and partly granted on
servile conditions, we find the change very great. The value
in 1289 was £475 9s. 6Jd.; but in 1368 only £180 3s. lid.
Land had not much altered in value ; arable land was six-
pence per acre annually in the last period, in the latter seven-
pence ; meadow land in the first period was fifteenpence per
acre, in the latter twelvepence. We cannot compare all the
particulars, for the details are not given in the earlier in-
quisition ; but bondagia in the first period were twenty-six
shillings and eightpence, and in the last thirteen shillings
and fourpence yearly. Mills had not much depreciated ; the
mills at North Charlton yielded £6 in 1289, and £5 in 1368.
The falling off must have been chiefly in the rental of lands
let to tenants. Taking the gross sums, Alnwick Manor in
the first period is valued at £122 Os. 3|d., but in the latter
at £52 16s. 8d. ; Chatton, at £68 16s. l^d. in the former,
and £85 2s. 4d. in the latter; Alnmouth reaches £30 in
the former/ and only £5 10s. 5d. in the latter; Lesbury,
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CASTLS, TOWN, AND BARONY. 14S
£82 14s. 8d. in the fonner and £83 Os. lid. in the latter;
Longhoughton, £98 Ts. 4id. in the former, and £84 7s. Od.
in the latter; and Alnham £19 Ss. 7d. in the former, and
£51 7s. 6d. in the latter period. The value also of the estates
of the sub-feudatories had diminished. Chillingham was
valued in 1368 at £20, but in 1289 at £40; Horton, which
was £40 in 1289, was only valued at £10 in 1368; and it is
similar with other estates. But these relative sums do not
fully give the amount of depreciation ; for betwen the two
periods, the English pound had been reduced in weight, so
that while the pound in 1300 was equal to 2*871 of the
present pound sterling, it was only equal to 2*353 in 1353^
shewing a diminution in weight of twenty per cent. Money
at the former period was equivalent to above twenty-five
times the present value, but in 1350 it was reduced to less
than twenty times ; so that in 1289 the manor of Alnwick
was worth £11,886 18s. 6|d., but in 1362 it was worth
only £3^663 48. 8d., or less than one third. I know not
how to account for this change ; possibly the incessant war,
which raged in the district during this interval, may have
desolated it, and rendered the produce of industry uncertain
and of little value. The great pestilence, which destroyed
from one third to one half of the population, may have left
many lands untilled and many herds untended.
Large rents, it will be observed, were derived from mills ;
for at this period and long afterwards, barons monopolised
the trade of millers. In the olden time, querns or hand mills
formed of two stones, which could be worked by one or two
persons, were in general use, so that each householder ground
his com within his own dwelling ; but when barons built
either water or wind mills (of both of which we have ex-
amples), all the inhabitants of the barony were compelled to
take their com to the lord's mill and to pay a multure or
toll for its use. People, however, still persisted in grinding
com with their own hand mills ; and therefore, these arbi-
trary lords sent agents around the barony to destroy the
querns; the upper stone, being thinner, was usually broken,
80 that though many of these primitive mills have been dis-
covered in this district, it is rare to find a perfect upper
quern stone.* This monopoly was profitable to the lord, but
oppressive to the people. Barons too, monopolised the trade
* It was different in London, where it was ordained '' that every one who uses
two hushels of com per week, shall have a hand mill in his house." Liber
AOmt, p. 691.
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144 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
of baker ; they built ovens^ in which people were compelled
to bake their breads and pay fumage or toll for their use.
The value of one water mill with the fumage of one bake^
house in Bothbury amounted to £8 Gs. 8d. The manorial
bakehouse of Alnwick was situated between Bondgate Street
and the north side of the Market.
Other peculiar feudal charges appear in this inquisition.
Fensilver was paid at Rothbury; both its origin and
object are doubtful ; by some it has been considered as a
remnant of head-pence, which was formerly collected by the
sheriff; it seems, however, to have been a baronial imposition
and not a national tax ; probably a payment to the lord in
lieu of personal service against the Scots, and hence called
fen or fence silver. Focagium or hearth silver, paid at Wark-
worth, was a tribute for fire, the object and origin of which
are also obscure. Castle Ward was chargeable on military
tenants, who were bound to defend the stronghold of their
lord. Every tenant owing this service to the castle of New-
castle, was originally obliged to send for its defence one man
for each knight's fee held by him. But afler a while, personal
service was commuted into a money payment, which in the
case of Alnwick Castle ranged from two shillings to twenty-
nine shillings and fourpence yearly; the lowest being for
Swinhoe, and the highest for Sbilbottle. This feudal service
was extinguished in the reign of Charles II. Though bond
labour does not appear at Alnwick, it was still performed at
Rothbury, where eight bondmen and three cotmen worked
for the lord in autumn; and their labour was valued at
fifteen shillings and sixpence yearly.
The question whether Alnwick ever sent members to par-
liament may be considered here ; for although representative
parliaments were summoned in 1264, in the 49th of Henry
III., through the influence of Simon de Montford, yet parlia-
mentary representation did not become an established fact
till the time of Edward I. Repeatedly has it been said that
Alnwick was summoned to send members; and Willis Brown
has been quoted as authority for the assertion, but he makes
no such statement ; he merely includes Alnwick along with
Alnmouth, Harbottle, and Wammouth, in a list of boroughs,
which were never summoned to send members. That Aln-
wick, which at this period was greatly more important than
many other places which enjoyed representation, should have
been passed by, appears strange enough ; but individual
towns were not summoned by royal authority; the writs sent
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CASTLE, TOWN, AND BABONT, 145
to sheri^b in the 23rd of Edward I. directs them ^' to cause
deputies to be elected to a general council from every city,
borough, and trading town." Sheriffs therefore determined
what towns should exercise the electoral privilege. The
sheriff of Wiltshire, in the 12th of Edward III., endorsed
the return of two members for Salisbury with these words —
" there are no other cities or boroughs within my bailiwick,"
although eight other towns had in previous years sent mem-
bers to parliament. In the 1st of Edward III., the sheriff of
Northumberland returned to the writ of summons, that they
were too much ravaged to send any members to parliament ;
and in the 6th of Edward III., that all the knights were not
sufficient to protect the country.*
Towns frequently were desirous of escaping the expensive
distinction of sending members to parliament ; for they had
to pay their deputies not only travelling expenses, but two
shillings per day wages, equivalent to at least forty shillings of
our money. Through such causes Alnwick may have been
excluded in early times from taking part in representative
government.
Neither general history nor the public records yield much
information of the state of the town at this period. The
achievements of kings, even their itineraries, the march of
armies, and the deeds of great barons are abundantly told,
but it is only incidentally that we catch a view of the condi-
tion, the character, and the progress of the great body of the
people.
In the early part of this period the district appears to have
been in a most wretched condition. The battle of Bannock-
bum turned the tide of war against England; and the
destructive waves which had swept over Scotland surged
back against the English border. Robert Bruce in 1315,
ravaged the open coimtry as &r as Carlisle ; and in the
following year, the Scots penetrated as far as Richmond, and
then directing their course westward, wasted the country
sixty miles around and carried off many prisoners. Scarcity
and Amine followed those ravages ; wheat rose to the price
* John de Vallibafl and Roger Corbet were retnmed u Icnigbta for Korthum-
berland, on the 5th of April, 1306; bat their residence bang required in the
ooonty on account of the war, John de Budden and William de Devon appeared
in tfa^ place ; on the 8rd of November, of the same year, John de Yallibus and
Bichard de Horseleye were returned knights for the county. — Parliamentary
Beeordiy I., pp. 172 and 187.
U
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146 HISTOBY OP ALNWICK.
of sixty shillings per quarter^ about eight timea its averagjer
price ; and the Northmnbrians were compelled, by want, to
live on the flesh of horses, dogs, and unclean things. Bands
of lawless banditti, prowling in the district^ ad!ded to the
horrors of the scene.
A gang led in 1317 by Gilbert de Middleton, constable of
Mitford Castle, committed great excesses, and did not even
spare churchmen. Support was given tahim by some border
men of inffuence, irritated it is said by the imprisonment of
Adam de Swinbum, the sheriff of the county, who had ven-
tured to address a remonstrance to- the king, complaining of
the inadequacy of the measures for preserving order in the
border land. With the conduct, however, of the men of the
north generally, the king appears to have been satisfied, for
on the 30th of May, 1316, in a letter of credenee addressed
to the earls, barons, kui^ts, and free men (liberi homines)^
and all others in the county, he thanks them for their fidelity
and valour m resisting the Scots, and in defending his here-
ditary right and their own personal liberty ; he is greatly
grieved at the hardships and troubles which they had sus-
tained from the enemy ; and when he shall have assembled
his army, he intends to proceed speedily with sufficient force
to defend them against hostile incorsicms ; John de Felton^
constable of the castle of Alnwick, to whom they were to
give full faith in all matters relating to the king's intended
movements, is well able, he adds, to explain his intentions to
them.*
Whatever may have been the cause of the disaffection, the
malcontents under Gilbert de Middleton ravaged, plundered,
and destroyed. In one of his predatory excursions, issuing
from a wood at Rusheyfbrd — ^betvreen Ferry Hill and Wood-
ham — he seized upon the bishop of Durham and his
brother Lord Henry de Beaumont, and upon two cardinals,
who had been sent by the pope to ordain the bishop and
endeavour to mediate a peace between England and Scotland*
After robbing the party of their goods, money, and horses, he
dismissed the cardinals, but imprisoned the bishop at Morpeth
and his brother at MitJfbrd ; heavy ransoms were paid before
they were released. All the castles of Northumberland, ex-
cepting Norham, Bamburgh,and Alnwick, were taken by these
freebooters. Short, however, was the guilty career of Gilbert
de Middleton; he was, through the treachery of some of his
* Records, Chronological Abttrtct, IT*
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CASTLXi TOWN^ AND BABONT. 147
own men, captured in his own castle of Mitford, by William
Felton, Thomas Heton, and Robert Homecliffy and was sent
to London, where he was tried, condemned, and executed.*
Part of his band escaped to Horton Castle and joined the
gang of Walter Selby , another noted freebooter. " It were
a wonderful process '^ says the Sc€^ Chronica, ^ to declare
what mischiefs came by hunger and asseges by the space of
xi yeares in Northumberland. For the Scots became to
be so jNTOud after they had got Berwick, that they nothing
esteemed the Englishman."
By the possession of property in Alnwick at this period,
the very old Northumbrian family of Middleton was con-
nected with the town. As early as 1263, we find John de
Middleton possessed of ^Belsowe," now Belsay ; but John, his
grandson, who inherited it, had joined his kinsman Gilbert in
his rebellion, and suffered the forfeiture of his property, which
was in 1318 granted by the king first to John de Crumbewell,
and next to Sir John de Strivelyn, a distinguished warrior
high in the king^s favour. This knight commanded the
English forces at the siege of the castle of Loch Leven, in
1335, when they attempted, by erecting a strong wall, to
obstruct the flow of the water and overwhelm the castle ; but
the attempt failed. He was a busy man in the affairs of the
north, and by the favour of the king and by prudent marri-
ages, accumulated large possessions. He was first married
to Barbara, one of the co-heirs of Adam de Swinburne ; and
next to Jane, daughter of Richard de Emeldon, by whom it
seems he came into possession of property in Alnwick and
the neighbourhood. Richard de Emeldon had besides other
possessions when he died in 1333, lands in Alnewyke, Rug-
geley, AInemuth, Walden (Wooden), Wooler, Coldmartin,
Abberwick, Newton-on-the-Moor, Tyndeley, Sheepeham,
Broxfield, Emeldon, Dunstan.
Through his marriages. Sir John Strivelyn became allied
to the family of Middleton, as well as of Swinburn; and
when he died, many of his possessions passed by virtue of a
settlement to John de Middleton and his wife Christiana ;
and hence we find that John de Middleton, who died in
August, 1896, was possessed of the half of Belshowe (Belsay)
and many other lands, among which were four tenements
and fifty-two acres of land and a meadow with appurtenances
in Alnewyk, held on free burgage tenure, and which were
• <« ScaU Chionica," p. 548. Pakyngton's ChxoDiqae, p. 462.
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148 HISTOKT OP ALKWICK.
worth eighty shillings yearly ; one burgage in Alnemouth on
free burgage tenure worth nothing.*
These estates were in the possession of Christiana his wife
in 1421. The present Sir Charles Atticus Monck^ Bart., is
a lineal descendant of the Middletons ; though disconnected
with Alnwick, he holds Belsay and other Northumberland
estates; his father in 1799 took the surname of Monck
in compliance with the will of his maternal grandfather.
Honourably is the family known to fame for the heroism
displayed in the eighteenth century by Sir William Middleton,
Bart., in bravely and successfully battling for the political
independence of the county. He was five times returned a
knight of the shire during the reign of George II.
A few other scraps may be taken from the public records
relating to property in Alnwick.
The sheriff, m 1296 and 1297, accounts for ten shillings
owing by William, son of Ralph de Alnewic, for encroach-
ment on a pasture.
In 1329, the king granted for ten years to Robert de
Newerk the custody of the lands and tenements which be-
longed to William de Rodam and Robert de Paxton, lately
enemies, at the yearly rent of twenty-four shillings and four-
pence, in Alnewyk, Rodom, and Aiburwyk. i^dam's pro-
perty in Prendewyk, consisting of one toft, four cottages,
and one hundred and two acres of land were committed to
the custody of William de Emeldon for seven years at the
yearly rent of thirteen shillings and fourpence.f The
Kodams, at this period, were a powerfrd family ; but most of
them were rebels; in 1334, the properties of Adam de Rodom
and Henry de Rodum, both rebels, were placed in custody ;J
* He held also one tenement and the third part of a tenement, and forty aczes
of land and meadow in Wolden (Wooden) on socage tenure worth yearly twenty
ahillinga ; twelve acres of land in Sonderland-flat near Lesbery, in socage, worth
yearly twelve shillings ; four tenements and fifty- two acres of land in Emildon
and Dnnstane held of the duke of Lancaster by knight* s service, and worth yearly
twenty-two shillings ; the manor of Newton-on-the-Sea and a water mill held of
the earl of Northumberland on knighfs service, and worth yearly iS20; the
manor of Burnton with a mill by knight's service of the earl, and worth £10 ; the
third part of Tyndeley worth ten shillings in socage, from the lord of Elyngham;
one burgage on free burgage tenure from the king, worth yearly five shillings;
a pasnue called Black Middyngmore, near Wameforde, on socage from the earl,
and worth yearly two shillings ; one wood called Elwaldsyde on knight's service
from the earl, worth five shillings*
t 9 Edw. III., B«t. 12, I S Edw. lU^ Bot 0.
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CASTLE^ TOWN, AKD BABONY. 149
and In 18S6, the king granted to John de Banning^ of Alne-
wyk, for his good service, to hold during his whole Ufe, three
messuages and eight acres of land in Alnewyk, which be-
longed to William de Rodum, senior^ lately an enemy, at the
yearly rent of six shillings and eightpence ; two years later,
they were granted on the same conditions to Galfred de
Wandesford; and in 1370, these lands of William de Rodum,
''lately an adherent of the Scots,'^ were committed to Thomas
de Motherly. Robert de Manners, Thomas de Hoton, John
de Hebbum, John Wendout^ and John de Alnwyk had at
this period property in Alnwick. In 1834, Robert de Top-
cliffe was appointed forest bailiff of Alnwick.*
From the judicial inquiry in 1S91, it appears that a market
and fair were held in Alnwick according to immemorial usage,
probably going backward to Saxon times. Bishop Bek, for
what reason does not appear, obtained a charter from Edward
L in 1297, to hold a market in Alnwick weekly on Saturday,
and a &ir on the 17th of March and the six following days.
The following is a literal translation of this charter : —
" For the bishop of Durham.
The king to the archbishops, bishopsi &c. Enow that
we have granted, and by this charter have confirmed to the
venerable father Anthony Bek, bishop of Durham, that he and
his heirs for ever may have one market weekly on Saturday at
his manor of Alnewyk in the county of Northumberland, and
one fJEur there yearly continuing for seven days, to wit, on the
eve and on the day of Saint Patrick and for five days following,
unless that market and that fJEur be to the injury of neighbouring
markets and neighbouring fEurs ; and that he may have a free
warren in all his demesnes of Alnewyk, Alneham, and Tughale,
in the oounty aforesaid ; provided these lands be not within the
boimds of our forest; so that no one may enter those lands to
* Be balliTA foxcttuis \ Bex omnibiis ad qnos, &c., sslatem. Sciatis quod
Forests de Alnewyk con- > concessimiiB dilecto nobis Roberto de Topclyre baUi-
laa. / yam forestaris forests de Alnewyk, qu» fnit Henrici
de Percy, defunct!, qui de nobis tenuit in capite, et
[* So on rott,"] qus, ratione, minoris setatis . •* bsredis ipiius
Henrici, in manu nostra existit; custodienda quamdiu
nobis placuerit; percipiendo per annum in balli?a
prsdicta tantnm quantum idem Robertus tempore
dicti Henrici percepit pro custodia supradicta. In
cujus, &o. Teste Rege apud Tbomeye, xxxix die
Octobris, per breve de Pri?ato Sigillo.— Patent Roll,
8 Edw, IL, Part 1, nu 11.
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150 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
hunt in them or to take any thing that pertainB to warren, with-
out the license and will of the same Anthony or his heirs, under
a penalty to us of ten pounds. Wherefore we will and firmly
command for ourselves and our heirs, that the aforesaid Anthony
and his heirs shall have for ever the aforesaid market and fiEur
at his manor aforesaid, with all liberties and free customs per-
taining to this kind of market and fair ; unless that market and
that fair be to the hurt of the neighbouring markets and neigh-
bouring fairs : and that they may have free warren in all their
aforesaid lands ; provided these lands be not within the bounds
of our forest ; so that no one may enter those lands to hunt in
them or to take any thing that pertains to warren, without the
license and will of the same Anthony or his heirs, under penalty
to us of ten pounds as is aforesaid. These bein^ witnesses, the
venerable falhers W., of Ely, and B., of London, bishops ; Hugh
le Despenser, QreoSrey de Geynevill, Thomas de Berklaye, Wal-
ter de Beauchamp steward of our household, John Buteturte,
John de Merk, and others. Given under our hand at Winchelsea
the 20th day of August in the year of our reign the 25th,
[1297]."— Charter Edl, 25 Bdw. I., m. 1.
Another document among the public records tells of the
ruined state of an ancient bridge which spanned the Aln in
1847, near the. place where the Lion Bridge now stands.
Edward III. granted the tolls of this bridge for three years
to the men of Alnwick, to enable them to repair it and to
pave tbe town. Especially interesting is this charter^ because
specifying the amount of toll chargeable on various commo-
dities, it shews the character of the trade of the town at this
early period. The town had become important and its trade
was considerable; for the charter assumes that the traffic
was so great as to yield tolls in the course of three years
sufficient in amount, not merely to repair and probably re-
build the bridge, but also to pave the streets. The country
extending many miles around Alnwick would then be sup-
plied with merchandise at its markets and fairs, where too the
surplus produce of the country would be disposed of. The
trades of tanner, skinner, weaver, dyer, fuller, tinner, brazier,
and smith were then carried on in the town, as materials
necessary for such employments were brought to the markets.
The following is a literal translation of this document : —
<< Oonoeming Pontage.
The king to the bailifSs and good men of the town of
Alnewyk in the county of Northumberkuid greeting. Know ye
that in aid as well of the bridge of the town aforesaid which is
rained and broken to the serious loss of the men passing by that
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CASTLB, TOWN^ AND BABONY. 151
bridge, as of the paving of your town aforesaid, we grant to jon,
that from the day of me making of these presents, even to the
end of three years next following fully completed, yon may take
by the hands of those in whom you have confidence, and for
whom you are willing to be answerable, the customs underwritten
on things for sale coming to the scdd town and passing by the
said bridge, &c., as above. Witness, the king, at Westminster,
18thday of April.
To wit, for eveiy horse-load of com for sale, one farthing ; for
every cart load of com for sale, one hali^nny ; for every horse,
mare, bull, or cow for sale, one fiEurthing; for every skin of a
horse or mare for sale, one farthing ; for every hundred of skins
of goats, stags, hinds, fallow deer for sale, one halfpenny ; for
every hundred of skins of lambs, kids, hares, rabbits, foxes,
cats, and squirrels for sale, one &rthing ; for every horse-load of
cloths for sale, one halfpenny ; for every entire doth for sale, one
farthing ; for every hundred of webs of linen, canvas, cloths of
Ireland, Gkdloway, and Worsted for sale, one hali^enny; for
every hogshead of wine or ale for sale, one penny ; for every
cart load of honey for sale, one halfpenny ; for every bundle of
cloths for sale brought by a cart, twopence ; for every cart load
of lead for sale, one penny; for merchandise sold by weight
Soverio de pondere)^ to wit for a hundred weight, one penny ;
or every poise of tallow and fat for sale, one farthing;
for every quarter of woad for sale, one halfyenny; for every
hundred weight of alum, copperas, cream of tartar ?aryat7), and
verdigrease for sale, one penny; for two thousana onions for
sale, one farthing ; for ten sheaves {shavis) of garlic for sale, one
^Birthing; for every thousand herrings for sale, one farthing ; for
every cart load of sea-fish for sale, one feurthing ; for every hun-
dred boards for sale, one farthing ; for every mill-stone for sale,
one farthing ; for every thousand fsiggots for sale, one penny ;
for every quarter of salt for sale, one flEurthing ; for every poise
of cheese or butter for sale, one ietxiMng ; for every cart load of
wood and coals for sale by the week, one haL^enny ; for every
quarter of oak bark for »Ede, one farthing ; for every hundred
weight of tin, brass, and copper for sale, one haU^enny ; for
every bundle of mercAiandise of whatever kind for sale and every
other thing for sale of the value of five shillings not here speci-
fied, coming to the said town and passing through that town,
excepting wool, wool feUs, hides of bulls and cows, and iron, one
farthing?'— Patent EoU, 61 Edw. HI., m. 19,
Some idea of the relative value of different commodities
may be gathered from the tolls charged. The general ratio
between the toll and the value of an article was one penny
to a pound ; though this doubtless was modified in its appli*
cation to particul^ commodities. A horse load of com paid
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152 HISTOEY OP ALNWICIC.
the same toll as a horse^ bull, or cow ; their carcasses, how^
ever, were not of high value, for the toll on the hide was as
much as that on the live animal. Mill-stones were of
great value, as their toll was as much as that of a load of
com. Though apparently small in amount, these tolls were
a tolerably heavy tax ; for money then was worth twenty
times its present value. Wheat was four shillings a quarter ;
a sheep sold for a shilling; in 1361, two hides sold for fifteen-
pence, a cow brought six shillings, a heifer five shillings, and
a bull seven shillings ; the wages of skilled workmen were
about threepence a day.
The old Norman church, as well as the castle, had become
ruinous ; for in the middle of the fourteenth century it was
renovated and enlarged. Windows and mouldings in the
north wall, in the later decorated style of architecture, are
remains of this period. Some other information is afforded
by the records of taxation on ecclesiastical property. Aln-
wick Church was still a chapelry connected with Lesbury ;
in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica, about 1291, Lesceby (Lesbury)
with the chapels of Houghton, Alnewyk, and Alnmuth, are
valued at £70 ; the abbey of Alnewyc at £30. But such
had been the desolating effect of Scottish inroads, that, in the
taxation of 1316, two years after the battle of Bannockbum,
the ecclesiastical benefices in the deanery of Alnwick are said
to be waste and entirely destroyed. Churches and church
property were, however, in a better condition in the reign of
Edward III. ; for in the Nonarum Inquisitionea made in
1346, while Yorkshire and Lancashire are returned as deteri-
orated by Scotch ravages, Corsenside and Holystone are the
only Northumbrian parishes in that condition. The parish
of Lesbury including the chapels of Houghton, Alnwick, and
AJnmouth, was assessed at £76 13s. 4d. for the ninths of
corn, wool, and lambs. It may not be uninteresting to add
the value of a few other churches in the neighbourhood:
— Shiplinbotel was £17 2s., Howick £16, Werkeworth
£100, Emeldon £120, Edlyngham £36 13s. 4d., Eg-
lingham £100, Wytingeham £100, Alneham £37 13s. 4d.,
Angerham (Ingram) £63 6s. 8d., Felton £46 13s. 4d.,
Routhebery £133 6s. 8d., Alwenton £86 13s. 4d., Haliston
formerly £8, was altogether wasted by Scottish enemies.
The little seaports near Alnwick were at this period greatly
more important than at the present time. When the infamous
Queen Isabella was preparing to make a descent from France
on England to dethrone her husband, all ships carrying thirty
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CASTLE, TOWN, AND BARONY. 153
tons and more, were in 1326 commanded to be at Erewell in
Suffolk, sufficiently armed and victualled for the defence of
the kingdom ; and Ralph de Neville, Thomas de Grey, John
de Fenwyk, and John de Lillebum were appointed super-
visors for this purpose of the ports and viUs of Alemuth,
Werkworth, Dunstanburgh, and other northern ports.* In
1333, similar commands were addressed to the bailiffs of the
vills of Alnmouth, Warkworth, Emildon, and Bamburgh, to
detain all the ships in these ports carrying fifty tuns of wine
and upwards, and with aU speed to equip them with muni-
tions of war that thejr might be ready to go forth in defence
of the kingdom. Similar commands were given in 1334;
and in 1316, the bailiff of the vill of Alemuth was ordered to
send such ships of that port sufficiently munitioned and
victualled to go to Gascony.f
I may add here that the ancient name of Alnmouth was
Saint Waleric; for in the foundation charter of Alnwick
Abbey, Eustace de Vescy granted to it in 1147, one measure
of land in the burg of St. Waleric, to whom the church had
been dedicated. Newbigging-by-the-Sea, in Northumber-
land, bore the same name at an early period ; William, the
illustrious earl of Northumberland, before he became king of
Scotland as William the Lion, granted to William de Vescy
a charter to hold a market at Saint Waleric, which was then
called Newbigging. J
• Bymer'8 Foed., II., p. 639. f RoU Soot, I., and Rym Feed.
X Raine's Memorials of Hexham Priory, I., p. zi^.
Fia 13
Old Percy Arms— Be?erley Minster. See page 112.
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CHAPTER X.
HENET PEEOY FIRST EAEL OF NOETHTJMBEELAND,
AND HOTSPUE.
HIS CHABAOTEE — EKOAGED UX THB rEENOH "WASA — SUPPOETS WY-
CLIFFB OEEATED EARL — BOEDEE WARFAEE — HOTSPUE —
BATTLE OF OTTERBURN — THB PEECYS EEBEL AOADTST EICHAED
n. AND EAI8B HENEY IV. TO THB THEONE — RICH EEWAEDS —
BATTLE OP HOMILDON — EEBEL AGAINST HENEY IV. — CAT7SE OP
THIS EEBELLION — BATTLE OF SHEEWSBTTEY — DEATH OF HOTSPUE
— EAEL PARDONED — REBELS AGAIN — NOETHUMBEIAN CASTLES
BESIEGED — EAEL SLAIN AT BBAMHAM — LUOY ESTATES — ^HEEAL-
DEY.
Henry de Percy, the third haron of Alnwick, was, accord-
ing to the chronicle of Alnwick Abbey, brought up in his
youth, partly at the king's court and partly with his uncle,
the duke of Lancaster. He is represented as eloquent,
learned, and watchful ; in his father's lifetime, he was feared
by the Scots, and, by reason of his eloquence in treaties, was
somewhat beloved, for he was well learned and watched well,
and wisely and maturely and eloquently answered to the
things proposed. This eulogy is probably just ; for though
his actions prove him to have been ambitious, selfish, and
turbulent, he was certainly one of the ablest and most dis-
tinguished of his family.
He was twenty-six years of age when his father died ; but
before that time, he had been twice engaged in the French
wars in the years 1359 and 1363. To the barony of Alnwick
he succeeded in 1368 ; and, in the course of that year, he
was with King Edward III. at Calais ; and was afterwards
sent into Poitou with an army to the relief of the marches
there. He was again in the French wars in 1369, having
with him a retinue of eleven knights, forty-eight men-at-arms,
forty-seven esquires, and one hundred archers on horse-back.
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HENBY FIRST SARL^ AMD HOTSPUR. 155
Being seized with sickness he soon returned. After this,
he was in France again for some time, along with the
earl of Lancaster, till a truce was concluded in 1376. In
that year he was advanced to the dignity of marshal of Eng-
land ; and in 1377, he was made general of the forces sent
to the places in France under English dominion. Such was
his magnificence, that he had, as his own retinue, one hun-
dred men-at-arms and one hundred archers, and a ready
supply of two hundred men-at-arms and two hundred archers,
all mounted on horseback.*
At this period, his name becomes associated with the early
struggles to obtain religious reformation — one of the few acts
of his busy life with which we can sympathise. Wycliffe,
the precursor of Huss, Luther, and Calvin, who a century
later shook the spiritual domination of Rome, had for some
time been preaching and writing against the abuses of the
Koman Catholic clergy ; and several noblemen had become
his supporters, either from conviction of the truth of his
doctrines, or for political purposes. When Wycliffe was
summoned in 1377 before the convocation, he was accom-
panied h% John of Gaunt, the king's son, and Lord Percy,
the marshal of England. Courtenay, the presiding bishop,
irritated at this daring step, exclaimed, ^^Lord Percy, if I had
known what masteries you kept in the church, I would have
stopped you from coming hither." '^He shall keep such
masteries " replied the duke of Lancaster, ^' though you say
nay." While the venerable reformer stood before the pre-
lates, who were seated, Percy considerately desired Wycliffe
to sit down, as he had many things to answer for and would
need repose ; but the bishop insisting that Wycliffe should
stand, a warm altercation arose, which caused the meeting to
be broken up, and the reformer retired under the protection
of the two lords. A mob of Londoners, who were hostile to
the duke, assembled next day to revenge what they considered
the insult offered to their bishop, and broke open Percy's
house and killed a priest, whom they mistook for him, and
afterwards gutted the duke's palace of Savoy. Fortunately
for both lords, they were dining at the time of this riot with
John of Ipres, a Flemish merchant.
As marshal of England, Henry de Percy officiated at the
coronation of Richard II., in 1377 ; and he was then created
earl of Northumberland, being the first of his family who
• Dug, Bar., I., 276.
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156 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK.
enjoyed that dignity. By a special grant, he was privileged
to hold all the lands of which he was then seized or which
he might afterwards purchase. Sub Honore Comitatus, and
as parcel of his earldom. Soon after this, he resigned his
marshal's rod; and proceeding to his northern estates he
engaged with energy in the affairs of the border land.
Henry Percy, however, had for years previously been
occasionally engaged in border warfare, for in 1368, he had
been appointed one of the wardens of the marches towards
Scotland. There is some confusion in the records of the
engagements of that period, between the English and the
Scots ; events of a similar nature are narrated by Scottish
historians as taking *place in 137S, but by English historians
four or five years later. Though a truce had been concluded
in 1857 to last for ten years, the turbulent borderers could
not refrain from aggressions. Some serious differences had
arisen between the two border chieftains, Percy and Douglas;
and we find from the rolls of Scotland, that in 1373 and
again in 1374, commissioners were appointed to endeavour
to settle the dispute and bring about peace with these
haughty men ;* but the effort seems to have been fruitless.
A small cause involved the countries in war. One of the
followers of the earl of Dunbar was killed by the English at
Roxburgh fair, and the earl demanded redress from the
English wardens, but they returning a scornful answer,
he dissimulated for a time ; on the recurrence of the fair,
however, in the following year, he secretly collected his fol-
lowers, attacked the town, slew every Englishman in it from
the least to the greatest, set it on fire, and plundered it.
Mutual ravages followed, but the English suffered most.
Deeply grieved at these insults and losses. Lord Percy in the
following year entered Scotland with seven thousand men to
waste and pillage the domains of George, the earl of Dunbar;
and passing through the merse of Berwickshire, he encamped
by a wood at Dunse. This invasion, if we are to give credit
to Fordim, had a ridiculous issue. While the English army
were quietly and as they thought securely slumbering in their
camps, a few of the peasants and shepherds of the neigh-
bourhood approached to the English encampment stealthily
during the night, armed only with rattles made of dried
skins filled with pebbles and fixed to the end of long poles,
and which were used to frighten away deer and wild cattle
• Hot. Scot, I., p. 965.
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ttEKRY PIEST EABL, AND HOTSPUR. 167
from the com. These thejr shook vigourously, and the horrid
noise produced, so terrified the English horses, that they
broke from their keepers and ran away wildly among the
hills. Awakened and alarmed by the noise, the English
army finding themselves deprived of their war horses and
beasts of burden, fled on foot in disorder towards England,
leaving their baggage behind them * This strange story may
be an exaggerated version of events which occurred in 1377
according to English historians; for we are told, that to
revenge the burning of Roxburgh, the earl of Northumber-
land, with an army of ten thousand men, ravaged the lands
of the earl of March.f
The siege of Berwick by the earl of Northumberland, in
1378, is interesting as bringing prominently before us the
most popular soldier of his age, Henry, the eldest son of the
earl. Seven powerful natives of the Scottish border had, a
little previously, by a daring attack surprised and taken the
castle of Berwick. J The earl besieged it with seven thousand
archery and three thousand horse, and though defended by
only forty-eight determined men, it held out for eight days ;
on the ninth it was taken and the whole of the brave garri-
son, excepting the governor, were cruelly put to the sword.
Young Percy, then little more than twelve years of age, dis-
played on this occasion so much intrepidity and courage,
that he received the sobriquet of Hotspur. Knyghton says
" that this Henry is by the French and Scots called Harre
Hatesporrey because in the silence of the stormy night, others
being unoccupied and in quiet sleep, he laboured unwearied,
as if his spur was hot, which we call Hate8porre."§
The duke of Lancaster had become obnoxious to the Eng-
lish, and in 1381 sought a temporary asylimi in Scotland.
Forgetful of his old friendship, the earl of Northumberland
treated the duke, in his distress, with disrespect; and on the
duke's return from Scotland gave him fresh provocation by
refusing, as lord warden, to permit him entering into Ber-
wick. The duke complained to the king, but the earl defended
himself with boldness; so feeble, however, was the throne
and so powerful these barons, that both of them attended
parliament, with numbers of armed retainers; and it was
with difficulty that the king composed the quarrel, by induc-
ing the earl to ask pardon of the duke of Lancaster.
• Fordun, II., Lib. XIV., Cap. 28. f Walsing, p 211.
X Fordun, II., p. 391. § Knyghton, p. 2696.
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168 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
A few years of quiet ensued till tlie expiration of the truce
in 1384, when the Scots renewed hostilities. The duke of
Lancaster invaded Scotland, but bad weather and scarcity of
provisions compelled him to return without achieving much;
on his way homeward, he made an agreement with the earl
of Northumberland, that the eail should reside on the marches
for their government and defence, with authority to levy forces
to repel invasion. For these services he had to be paid ; and
he received £4000 for maintaining garrisons in Berwick,
Carlisle, and Roxburgh, for six weeks.* A truce, however,
ended for a time, hostilities. During this truce, the earl's
deputy governor of Berwick, corrupted by a bribe, delivered
up Berwick to the Scots. The quarrel between the earl and
Lancaster still smouldered, and this event blew it into a
flame. The earl was, in his absence, accused of treason
before parliament by Lancaster, and sentence of death and of
loss of estates was pronounced against him. When sum-
moned to meet his accuser, he refused to obey, assigning
as a reason, that his presence was required near the marches.
His vigorous and successful defence of the borders on this
emergency, wiped off the stain which had been cast on his
fidelity. He assembled a great force and attempted to
regain Berwick; but, finding the weather unpropitious for
a regular siege, he resorted to bribery ; and by the same
corrupt means as those by which it was lost, gained posses-
sion of the place. The charge against him was groundless ;
and the king, after this achievement, pardoned him and
restored his honours and possessions.
Short truces, though ill kept, gave a little repose to the
two countries ; but in 1387 hostihties were renewed, which
led to one of the most romantic of border battles. Two
Scottish armies crossed the border ; the larger body, led by '
Earls Fife and Strathearn, ravaged Cumberland; and the
smaller body consisting of three hundred picked lances and
two thousand stout infantry and archers, led by the earls of
March, Murray, and Douglas, invaded Northumberland, and
wasted and burnt the country as far as Durham. Little
opposition was made to these inroads, as Richard XL was
then quarrelling with his parliament. The smoke of burning
villages gave the first intelligence of this invasion to the barons
and knights of the county. The earl of Northumberland sent
his two sons. Sir Henry and Sir Ralph Percy, to Newcastle,
• Froissart Chron., I., Chap. 79.
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HENEY FIE8T EARL, AND HOTSPUR. 169
with all hie vassals capable of bearing arms ; and he ordered
every one to repair thither, but the earl himself remained in
security at Alnwick Castle. A large army was soon assem-
bled at Newcastle, consisting of the knights and squires of
the county with their followers. Having completed the object
of their expedition, the Scots began their return home laden
with booty, and lay before Newcastle-on-Tyne for three days.
The valour of the border land was displayed in frequent
skirmishes, which took place between the Scots and English.
From their great courage, the two Percys were always the
first at the barriers, where many valiant deeds were per-
formed. The two great border warriors engaged in hand to
hand combat ; and Sir Henry Percy was overthrown by the
gallantry in arms of the Earl Douglas, who won Percy's
pennon, the silken streamer fastened near the head of his
lance and bearing his insignia, and who in triumph exclaimed
— ^^ I will carry this token of your prowess with me to Scot-
land, and place it on the tower of my castle at Dalkeith, that
it may be seen from afar." " By God, earl of Douglas,**
replied Sir Henry, *' you shall not even bear it out of North-
umberland ; be assured you shall never have this pennon to
boast of." *' You must come then," answered Douglas, ^'this
night and seek for it. I will fix your pennon before my tent,
and shall see if you will venture to take it away/** Somewhat
of braggarts were both these warriors.
Early in the following morning, the Scottish army began
their march homeward ; and on the same evening encamped
at Otterbum in Bedesdale. Here, contrary to the opinion
of most of the Scottish chiefe. Earl Douglas, from chivalrous
feeling, determined to remain for a few days ^'to see if within
.that time Sir Henry Percy would come for his pennon.'*
The Percys greatly mortified with their loss, strongly urged
immediate pursuit ; but the other English chieftains suppos-
ing that Douglas' force was only the van of the Scottish
army, objected to this proposal. Intelligence, however,
having been brought that the Scottish army was certainly
not more than three thousand strong. Sir Henry Percy,
greatly rqoiced, called out — ^' To horse ! to horse I for by
3ie faith I owe my God, and to my lord and father, I wiu
seek to recover my pennon, and to beat up their quarters
this night." On the 19th of August, after dinner, he
led an army of six hundred spears of knights and squires,
• Froiusrt'8 Choniclet, III., Chap. 125.
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160 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
and upwards of eight thousand infantry from Newcastle;
and in the evening of the same day arrived at Otterbum.
Douglas had expected no attack that night; some of his
army were supping, others had gone to sleep, for they had
been wearied by an unsuccessful attack on Otterbum Castle.
Fortunately for the Scots, the first attack of the English
was on the huts of their servants; and the battle cry
of ^' Percy ! Percy ! " gave the alarm and roused the Scottish
warriors. The resistance made in the servants' camp, gave
time for the Scottish knights and soldiery to arm and arrange
themselves ; and skirting the side of a mountain, hard by,
the Scots quite unexpectedly fell on the English flank and
threw them for a while into disorder. The full moon shone
brightly over the battle-field, so that friend could be dis-
tinguished from foe. Heroes fought there, and great bravery
was displayed on both sides; each party being urged to deeia
of valour by their leaders — " Now a Douglas was the cry ;
now a Percy rent the sky." None was more valiant than
Douglas; seeing his men repulsed, he seized with both hands
a battle axe, dashed into the midst of his enemies, and struck
all down before him ; but advancing too far, he was over-
powered by numbers ; pierced by three spears, he was bonie
to the ground and his head was cleft by a battle axe. His
fall was kept secret from his army ; but when djring, he bid
his friends avenge his death, raise his banner which had fallen
to the ground, and still shout the battle cry of ^^ Douglas ! "
The Scots renewed the contest with increased vigour, and
defeated the English. Sir Ralph Percy having advanced too
far, was surrounded and severely wounded ; and he surren-
dered to Sir John Maxwell. A similar fate befel the rash,
but gallant Sir Henry Percy ; in the last attack made after
the death of Douglas, he encountered Sir John Montgomery,
a valiant Scottish knight ; long they fought hand to hand
with much valour, without hindrance from any one, for all
the other knights and squires were engaged in similar ren-
counters; but Montgomery proved himself the better knight,
and Sir Henry Percy was made prisoner. The English lost
in killed one thousand eight hundred and forty men, upwards
of a thousand were wounded, and more than a thousand were
taken prisoners; indeed, almost every Englishman of dis-
tinction present was captured. This battle was lost through
ihe rashness of Sir Henry Percy ; for his army, though three
times as numerous as the Scots, were unable, after a fatiguing
march of thirty-two miles, to contend successfully with the
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HENRY FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR.
161
Scottish forces, which were comparatively unexhausted and
vigorous. The loss of the Scots was only about one hundred
slain, and two hundred taken prisoners ; but the joy of the
Scots was sadly overcast by the death of Douglas. Soon after
the battle. Sir Henry Percy obtained his liberty on paying
a ransom, which was so large, as to enable Sir Henry Mont-
gomery to build his castle of Penoon, in Ayrshire.*
A stone marked, from an ancient time, the site of this
battle.
Rai4-
OTTEBBTJBN BATTLE STONE.
But this was removed in 1777, and another rude memo-
rial was raised about one hundred and eighty yards westward
of the old stone. This poor structure consists of a stone
pillar, which had done service as the architrave of a fire-place
m Otterburn Castle, resting on the worn socketed base of the
old stone; and these are placed on a circular pedestal of rude
masonry tapering to the top.
Some two or three of the finest of our border ballads are
founded partly on the incidents which occurred ixx this battle.
In the ballad of ^^ The battle of Otterbouine," the whole
struggle is described with much graphic power and pathos,
which must have stirred the hearts of Northumbrians when
* Sir Ralph Percy remained in captivity about two years. He seems to haTo
been ransomed by Robert III., king of Scotland, who granted to Sir Henry
Preston for his redemption a charter of towns and lands. He was slain by the
Saracens in 1400. — White's Otterburn, pp. 74, 110. The account of this battle
is derived chiefly from Froissart, with references to Hardyng, Fordun, Barbour,
and other ancient writers. An admirable history of it, with memoirs of the
warriors engaged in it, has been given by Mr. Robert White ; to whom I am
indebted for the illustration of the battle stone, and of one of Hotspur's arms —
Y
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162 HISTOEY OP ALNWICK.
the wandering minstrel sung these strains. Though id
" Chevy Chase^" the most popular of all old ballads^ it is
said —
" This wu the hantynge off the Cbeviat,
The tear hegane this spam ;
Old men that knowen the grownde well yenoughe.
Call it the BatUeof Otterburn,'^—
yet the occasion of this conflict, the place where it occurred,
and the incidents described, do not correspond with the
historical account of the battle of Otterburn. Probably the
bard had no personal knowledge of the scene and the events
described in the *'f|^ttntfnfl a tjfte dfteWat/' and merely gave
poetic form to floating traditions of the affray which took
place at Piperden, forty-nine years after the battle of Otter-
bum, and which he confounded with this better known and
more important battle.
Some relics of this battle are in the possession of the
family of Douglas, of Cavers, who are Imeally descended
from Archibald Douglas, the hero of the conflict. Different
opinions have been given of these relics j but the recent
examination of them by my friend, Mr. J. A. H. Murray,
has cleared away the mystery. The flag preserved is a stan-
dard thirteen feet in length, bearing the Douglas arms — ^most
probably the banner of Douglas, brought home by his illegiti-
mate son ; but there is also a relic of Percy, a pair of lady's
gauntlets, bearing the white lion of the Percys in pearls, and
fringed with silver filigree work ; and it is probably the love
pledge, which Hotspur carried hanging from his spear, and
which was won from him by Douglas before the barriers at
Newcastle.*
For some years after this, little that is memorable occurs
on the borders. A disposition was shewn on both sides to
repress inroads ; and commissioners met in 1398 at Hawden
Spike, when it was determined to set free all prisoners; strin-
gent regulations were passed to prevent inroads, and meetings
were appointed to be held monthly by the wardens, to take
cognizance of injuries; and, in accordance with march law,
to inflict exemplary punishment on the guilty. Harry de
Percy, as English warden, and the earl of March, as Scotch
warden, mutually boimd themselves by letters to observe
these conditions.
* Proceedings of the Hawick Arch»ologioal Society.
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HENRY FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR. 163
The reign of the imbecile Richard 11.^ was drawing to a
close. He had in 1399 suspicions of the fidelity both of the
earl of Northumberland and of his son Hotspur ; they had
«poken, he was told, words derogatory to his majesty ; and
in consequence, he summoned the earl to appear before him;
but the earl was refractory, and for this disobedience and
other disloyalty, he was proclaimed a traitor and banished
from the kingdom.* The king having gone to Ireland, a
favourable opportunity occurred for attempting to carry out
the treasonaUe designs, which had been formed, for the
subversion of the throne.
The earl. Hotspur, and Ralph Neville earl of Westmore-
land, raised the standard of rebellion, and assembled their
forces; and with the aid of other powerful barons, they
succeeded in deposing Richard and placing the duke of Lan-
caster on the throne as Henry IV. Richly was the earl of
Northumberland rewarded for his services ; he was advanced
to the great office of constable of England ; he was made
justice of Chester, constable of the castles of Chester, Con-
way, Flint, and Carnarvon, general warden of the east
marches, governor of the town and castle of Carlisle ; and
to him and his heirs was given the Isle of Man, which he
held by carrying the Lancaster sword on the day of the
king's coronation. Four years afterwards, the king ^' consi-
dering the extraordinary labours and fruitful obedience of
Henry de Percy, earl of Northumberland," granted to him
and his heirs the whole county of Douglas ; the vales of
Eskedale, Lydesdale, and Lawderdale ; the lordship of Sel-
keryk and forest of Etteryck ; and all the lordships of the
earl of Douglas, with a few exceptions.f On Hotspur too,
royal gifts were showered ; he was constituted warden of the
western marches, sheriff of Northumberland, governor of
Berwick and of the castle of Rokesburgh, justice of Chester,
North Wales, and Flintshire; to him were granted the castle
and lordship of Bamburgh, with the fee-farm of that town
for life; he was made constable of the castles of Chester,
Flint, Conway, and Carnarvon, and sheriff of Flintshire for
life ; the whole county and dominion of Anglesey, and the
castle, the manors, lands, fee-farms, and rents of Beaumarys
• Frois. ChroiL, IV., Chap. 105.
f Rot Scot, II.| p. 164; where is giTen a full list of these Scottish posses-
sions.
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164 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
were also granted to him for life.* How extravagant and
rapacious were the men of that time !
Soon after Henry lY . had assumed the throne, the relations
between England and Scotland were disturbed by the treach-
erous conduct of the earl of March, who renounced his
allegiance to his sovereign, and agreed to yield up his castles,
troops, and services to the king of England. The abbot of
Alnwick Abbey and the earl of Westmoreland were appointed
to treat with him for this purpose. The earl of March along
with Lord Percy, at the head of two thousand men, made
inroads into the territories of Douglas and penetrated as far
as Haddington ; but being suddenly attacked by Douglas at
Linton, they abandoned their plunder and luggage and fled
with precipitation to Bewick. King Henry afterwards in-
vaded Scotland with an immense army, but though achieving
little, yet was he remarkable for the leniency with which he
treated his enemies. While he was in Scotland, inroads
were made into Northumberland by the Scots, who wasted
and burnt Bamburghshire.
After a short truce, hostilities recommenced in 1402. One
party under Hepburn returning laden with English spoil,
was suddenly attacked by the earl of March and his son, at
West Nesbit in the Merse ; and Hepburn and the flower of
the Lothian youth were slain. To revenge this loss. Earl
Douglas, in the month of August, 1402, entered England at
the head of an army ten or twelve thousand strong, and
destroyed and plundered the country as far as Newcastle.
Henry IV. was then engaged with Glendower in Wales ;
but the earl of Northumberland, Hotspur, and the earl of
March collected an army and intercepted, near to Millfield,
the Scottish army returning to their country laden with
plunder. Douglas, on reaching Wooler and perceiving the
enemy, seized on Homildon Hill, a strong position about one
mile westward of Wooler. The English advanced to the
attack, and Hotspur, eager to reach the foe, was with his
usual rashness about to lead his men up the hill, when
March, seeing the danger of such an attempt, seized hold of
the bridle of his horse and advised him to halt, and to send
among the enemy a flight of arrows. Arranged on the hill side,
the Scots presented a good mark; and almost every arrow be-
came a messenger of death. The Scots falling thickly around
and unavenged, Swinton, a biave knight, exclaimed aloud —
• RoU Lit Claus., 1 Hen. IV., p. 4, m. 7.
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HEKBY FIBST BARL^ AND H0TSPT7B. 165
"What fascination has seized you my brave countrymen,
that ye stand to be shot down Uke deer, instead of calling
forth your ancient valour and meeting your enemies hand to
hand. Descend with me to conquer, or fall like men/'
Accompanied by Adam Gordon and one hundred men, he
rushed down the hill; but too few in number, their desperate
valour only led them to death. Though brave, Douglas had
few of the qualifications of a general ; at length he attempted
to lead his army down the hill ; but the movement was too
late ; the English archers retired a little and then poured in
another flight of arrows so strong, that they pierced through
armour ; and even Douglas, notwithstanding his well tem-
pered mail, was wounded in five places, though not mortally.
The English bowmen here, as in many other battles, won
the day ; the Scots were completely routed ; numbers were
slain m the field, and five hundred were in their flight
drowned in the Tweed. A field at the base of Homildon,
bears, in remembrance of this battle, the name of ** The Red
Higgs."*
Hotspur, though distinguished by his headlong valour, had
the fiiults of his age ; but we may regret, that our northern
hero here stained his name by an act of ruthless cruelty. Sir
William Stuart, of Forest, was taken prisoner at Homildon,
and Hotspur, contrary to the recognised rules of honourable
warfare, insisted that he should be tried as a traitor, because
he was a native of Teviotdale when it was under English
power. Stuart was eloquent and wise, and having a good
cause, defended himself so well, that he was acquitted by
several juries; yet Hotspur, instead of honouring a brave man,
hunted him down with so much keenness, that he dragged
him before a jury of his own retainers. Stuart was, of course,
condemned, executed, drawn, and quartered, amid the indig-
nant murmurs of the rest of the English.!
The Percys had rendered to King Henry the most impor-
tant services ; and the rewards showered upon them were so
abundant and valuable, that their sovereign might reasonably
have calculated on their gratitude and fidelity; but they
were too powerful as subjects, and too unbounded in their
expectations; and their vaulting ambition led them to concoct
other traitorous designs. One king they had pulled down,
another they had set up ; and they now determined to drag
from his throne, the king of their own making. The defection
* Pinkerton gives' a good account of this ongagemeDt f Bower, p. 431.
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166 HISTOEY OF ALKWICK.
of the Percys has been attributed by some historians and
by Shakespeare to resentment at the king's order, not to put
to ransom or liberate the prisoners taken at Homildon with-
out his permission ; but though this might irritate haughty
men, it could scarcely lead to the overthrow of kingdoms, for
such orders had not been unusual ; and we know, that after
this battle, the Percys had no scruple in accepting rich
rewards. Doubtless, however, they felt as a grievance the
refusal of the king to allow the friends of Sir Edmund Morti-
mer to ransom him from Owen Glendower, with whom he
was a prisoner. The public records disclose another ground
of dissatisfaction. Four letters of the renowned Hotspur,
and two of the earl his father, are printed in the Proceedings
and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England. These
letters are interesting as reUcs of a historic name, and as
exhibiting the haughty, captious, and uncompromising cha-
racter of Hotspur, and the keen rapaciousness of the earl.
In one letter, dated 10th April, 1401, from Denbigh, in reply
to an injunction of the Privy Council, that he should properly
execute his duties on pain of forfeiture. Hotspur exhibits
soreness that his loyalty should be suspected. His second
letter from Denbigh, of which he was constable, presses for
payment of the king's soldiers at Berwick ; and in another,
on 17th March from Denbigh, he tells of his heavy labour
and expense, " which were in truth so unbearable, that he
could support them no longer than the end of the month or
three or four days afterwards." His fifth letter is the most
characteristic ; he reminds the council of his repeated appli-
cation for money due to him as warden ; and alludes to sums
owing to his father and himself, and to promises made by the
treasurer to him, when he was last in London, that if agree-
able to the council, two thousand marks should be paid to
him before February; he is astonished that £5000 due to his
father for the marches could not be paid in good faith ; and
he thought, that the council either attached too little consi-
deration to the marches, or were dissatisfied with the services
of himself and his father ; he begged the council not to be
displeased, because he wrote ignorantly in his rude and feeble
manner.
These letters are in French ; but neither the letters them-
selves nor the signatures appear to be Hotspur's autograph.
Probably he could not write.
Two letters were sent bjr the earl of Northumberland in
May and June, 1403, pressing for payment of money due to
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HENRY FIRST EARL, AND HOTSPUR. 167
himself and his son. If the money were not paid, he tells
the council, they could not meet the king at Ormeston ; and
such was the lofty estimate he formed of himself and of
Hotspur, that he thought it probahle, the fair renown of the
chivalry of the nation would not be maintained in that place,
to the utter dishonour and grief of himself and his son ; " if
we had been paid " he continues, *' the £60,000 since your
coronation, then we could better support such a charge ; but
to this day, there is clearly due to us £20,000 and more ;"
he then entreats for payment of a large sum.
Four weeks afterwards, the Percys were rebels. Of their
treasonable design the king had no suspicion, for when he
first heard of their rebellion, he was in route to visit the earl
to assist him in opposing the Scots.* While on his march
northward, the king in a letter to his Privjr Council, says
that the object of his march was to support his very dear and
loyal cousin, the earl of Northumberland and his son Henry,
in the expedition which they had undertaken for him and
the realm against his enemies the Scots. Whatever may have
been the faults of King Henry, his treatment of the Percys
was generous and lenient; indeed, he had no interest in
driving such powerful men to revolt ; his own circumstances
at this time were exceedingly embarassed, and the nonpay-
ment of the enormous claims put forth by them, arose from
inability. By a certain class of writers, these letters are
represented as a justification of this rebellion ; to me, how-
ever, they seem to strip the subject of much of its romance.
In a rebellion occasioned by a personal money squabble
there is no dignity and no patriotism. These overgrown
men, notwithstanding the rich rewards they had received,
were boundless in their cravings for more ; and being pos-
sessed of enormous power, they appear, moreover, to have
had the ambition of gaining sovereignty in England. A
superstitious credulity is said also to have misled them;
according to Grafton : — ^^ Owen Glendower and the earl of
March and the Percys were greatly abused and deceived by
a Welsh prophecy, which made them believe that King
Henry was the moldewarpe cursed of God's own mouth, and
that they three were the dragon, the lyon, and the wolfe,
which should divide this realm between them, by the prophecy
of M awmot Marlyn." In passing judgment on these men^
allowance, however, must be made for the state of the times.
• Proc. and Ord. of Privy Council, I., p. 207.
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168 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The English principle of loyalty was but little developed ;
great barons had been struggling for plunder^ power, and
supremacy; and the king himself was viewed as a baron^
but greater than the rest. ^* The divinity which doth hedge
round a king " had not yet been seen ; and the principles of
royal succession were far from being established. Loyalty^
indeed^ as a rational principle actuating free men, is the
result of long experience of the blessings of constitutional
government.
In carrying out this plot the main actors were unscrupu-
lous^ and they did not hesitate to league themselves with the
enemies of their country. Douglas the Scot was set free,
and Berwick was promised to him, on condition of his joining
them with his followers ; Owen Glendower, who was en-
deavouring to set up an independent kingdom in Wales, was
admitted into the confederacy ; and the king of France was
applied to for help. The plot was well designed, and if it
had been as skilfully carried out, the king might have been
hurled from his throne ; but the earl of Northumberland was
sluggish, if not timid, and Hotspur shewed only the rashness
and valour of the soldier. His father being *' sore sick ^' at
his castle. Hotspur took the command of the army, and being
joined by his uncle, the earl of Worcester, and by Douglas,
marched southwards to form a junction with Glendower.
But the king was equally active, and more skilful ; he hast-
ened to the Welsh borders, and reached Shrewsbury in time
to prevent a union between the insurgents and the Welsh.
Although Hotspur was enraged because the Welsh forces had
not come up, he yet determined to hazard a battle. A paper
was first distributed, emanating from the Percys, charging
the king with perjury, oppression, and murder ; but of this
the king took little notice, as the issue had to be determined,
not by the pen but by the sword. At an early hour on the
Slst of July, 1403, Hotspur drew up his men on Hateley
Field, near Shrewsbury, in front of the king's army ; and
fourteen thousand men on each side, the best troops in
Europe, stood ready for the charge. The tnmipets sounded
and both rushed to the encounter, Eaperance^ Percy ! being
Hotspur's battle cry, and Saint George, for us ! the battle
cry of the king. An irresistible charge was made ^y Hotspur
and Douglas, the two most famous warriors of the period ;
but they were not well supported, and thev were hemmed in
by the royal troops. The king himself possessed valour
as a soldier and wisdom as a general, and supported by his
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HENBY FIB8T BA&L^ AND HOTSPVB. 169
cliiTalrous son^ his star was in the ascendant. Hotspur and
Douglas did all that mere valour and skill of arms could
accomplish^ but from the effects of their rashness they could
not escape ; Hotspur was pierced through the brain^ by an
arrow from an unknown hand^ and '' his spur became cold ;"
Douglas was taken prisoner ; and their troops^ dispirited by
the loss of their leaders^ fled^ leaving more than half of their
companions dead upon the field.
Fortunate it was for England^ that this confederacy was
defeated ; for^ if it had been successful^ England might have
been divided into three kingdoms ; or a puppet of a king
might have been set up^ and the nation rent by lawless
factions.
The body of Hotspur was interred^ with the consent of the
Vingj by Lord Fumival at Whitchurch, but it was afterwards
exhumed. For this very barbarous act, the chronicle of
London assigns a political reason; ''forasmuch as some
people said, that Sir Harry Percy was alive, he was taken
up again out of his grave and bound upright between
mill stones, that all might see he was dead." This, indeed,
was a tribute to his valour, his daring, and popularity. In
accordance with the brutal usage of the times, the body was
afterwards drawn and quartered, and the mangled remains
were exhibited at Shrewsbury, London, Newcastle, York,
and Chester. Four months afterwards, his widow, with
pious care, gathered the severed members and interred them
m York Minster. Thus waned and disappeared the crescent
of a heroic personage, whom the genius of Shakespeare, more
than the historian, has immortahsed. His character drawn
by the poet is true to nature. Referring to it, the sagacious
Dr. Johnson says — ^" Percy is a rugged soldier, choleric and
quarrelsome, and has only the soldier's virtues, generosity, and
courage.'' Brave he was undoubtedly, and highly skilled in
the use of arms ; he panted for distinction, and thought it an
easy task to pluck bright honour from the pale-faced moon ;
notwithstanding he had few of the higher qualifications of a
general, though his dashing valour fitted him as a guerilla
chief to carry on border warfare. His boldness and daring,
however, captivated the taste of an age when physical force
was in the ascendant.
** He waa, indeed, tbe glass
Wherein fhe noble youth did dress themselres
In militaxy rules, humours of blood i
He waa the mark and glaas, copy and booh,
Tit At ffloKlmiM nfTiAM.'*
That iaahion'd others."
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170
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
And even in our more civilised times, there are many who,
while they would not exalt his faults into virtues, yet follow
his heroic career with breathless interest, and admire his
undaunted courage, and lament that one endowed with some
noble qualities, should have fallen so soon and so sadly.
He married Elizabeth, daughter of Edmund Mortimer, earl
of March, and by her he had one son and one daughter.*
Two illustrations I am enabled to give of the heraldry of
this renowned warrior.
na 16
Fia 15
Fig. 15.
Arms. — Ovy a lion rampant azure ^ differenced by a laid of
three points gules ; occurs between 1392 and 1897.
Fig, 16.
Arms. — Percy and Lucy quarterly y differenced by a label of
three points ; occurs between 1899 and 1408.
Supporters. — Ikco lions guardant.
Badge. — A locket, from which hangs the shield. "The
absence of the crescent" as Mr. Longstaffe remarks,
" strongly indicates its connection with the earldom."
* Hotspur at the time of his death was in possession of the Talbot lands in
Tjndale, which consisted of the manor of Walwykgrange, &c. ; and included
within them, what is now called Kielder. But how they came into his possession
is a mystery. These lands were part of fees, held in 1315 by John Comyn de
Badenach, which descended to his two daughters, Johanna, who married David
Strathbogie, earl of Athol, and Elizabeth, who married Richard Talbot Half of
these fees passed to Athol and the other half to Talbot David, earl of Athol, left
two daughters, Elizabeth and Philippa ; and in 1874, Henry, the first earl of
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HENRY FIEST EABL^ AND HOTSPUB. 171
llie earl of Northumberland, recovered from his real or
pretended sickness^ was marching to join his son, when he
first heard the sad tidings of the death of Hotspur and defeat
of his army. Despairing now of success in his schemes, he
disbanded his forces and retired to his castle of Warkworth.
On being summoned, he deemed it politic to surrender him-
self to the king at York, where, to save his life, he acknow-
ledged his treason, and meanly excused himself by asserting
that his son — the gallant Hotspur — ^had acted contrary to his
wishes and commands. He was pardoned, though he had
to be kept in custody till the commotions subsided. Soon
after his arrest, reports having been spread abroad that the
king was dead and the earl at liberty, his northern retainers
assembled in great force and attempted to hold the castles of
Alnwick, Berwick, Warkworth, and other fortresses against
the king. Alnwick Castle was held by Sir William Worth-
ington, constable. Sir John Wydale, chaplain, William
Bodom, John Middelham, Thomas, clerk of Alnwick, and
Kichard Bonde, who were required to surrender it to Gerard
Heron ; Warkworth Castle was held by Henry Percy, with
John Cresswell, the constable, and Richard Aske, who were
required to surrender it to John de Mitford.* The earl of
Westmoreland, however, threatening to assault these strong-
holds with cannon, they were surrendered to the king, m
accordance with the agreement entered into by the earl of
Northumberland.
Early in 1404 the earl was liberated, and received lenient,
if not generous, treatment from the king ; his estates were
restored to him, excepting the Isle of Man, and the revenue
of five hundred marks yearly out of the customs of Berwick;
but other lands of equal value were to be given to him ; he
was, however, deprived of the castle of Berwick, and of the
castle and forest of Jedburgh, with their dependencies.f This
exceedingly lenient treatment probably arose from a desire
Northumberland, paid to the king £760 to have the custody of these heiresses ;
and forthwith he caused them to be married to two of his sons — Elizabeth to Sir
Thomas Percy, and Fhilippa to Ralph Percy, both brothers of Hotspur ; but by
what process Hotspur came into the possession of the Talbot lands is not known ;
Hartshorne supposes by purchase, but adduces no eyidence. — Hartshorne's Feudal
and liilitary Antiquities, p. 260.
• Proc and Ord. of Privy Council, II., p. 211.
f The castles of Berwick and Jedburgh were, however, restored to him on the
16th of November, 1404. Rot Scot., II., p. 172.
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172 HISTORY OF ALNWICK,
to prevent his vassals joining the Scots^ and delivering up to
them the strongholds held by the earl. On being pardoned
and restored to his estates^ parliament gave great thanks to
the king for these favours; and, at their request and by
command of the king, the earl of Northumberland and Ralpn
Neville, earl of Westmoreland, in token of perfect amity,
kissed each other, and took each other by the hand thrice in
open parliament ; and on a subsequent day, the same cere-
mony was gone through by the earls of Northumberland and
Dunbar.
Notwithstanding the oaths of fidelitv he had taken, and
the leniency and generosity of the King, discontent still
lurked in the bosom of the earl of Northumberland. His
son had been slain, his brother executed, of some high offices
and of castles had he been deprived, and commissioners had
been appointed to compound with his retainers for their share
in the rebellion. Such supposed indignities fired his haughty
spirit, and it broke forth with volcanic energy. Madly he
plunged into another rebellion, and tried again to act the
dangerous ^art of a king-maker. In the summer of 1405,
he joined with the archbishop of York, Mowbray, and Bar-
dolf, in a conspiracy to depose King Henry, and raise the
earl of March to the throne. The archbishop of York assem-
bled an army of fifteen thousand men near to Shipton Moor;
but the earl of Northumberland was again too late to take
part in the affray. The earl of Westmoreland, with a small
army came sudde ily upon the enemy, and, by a dishonour-
able and treacherous scheme, contrived to scatter their army
and seize upon the leaders, who were immediately executed.
For his treasonable conduct, the lands and possessions of
the earl of Northumberland were again confiscated; but
with his followers he escaped to Berwick, whence they made
inroads into Northumberland. The military force of York-
shire was summoned to act against these rebels ; and with
an army of thirty-seven thousand men, the king proceeded
northward to reduce the castles of the earl. Prudhoe Castle
immediately surrendered; Wark worth Castle, which was well
garrisoned and provisioned, refusing to yield, and the captain
declaring he would defend it for the earl, artiUery was brought
to bear against it, and with so much skill, that at the seventh
discharge the besieged implored for mercy ; and on the Ist
of July the castle was delivered up.* Alnwick Castle was
* Froc. aud Ord. of Privy Council, I.
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HEKBY FIEST EA&L^ AND HOTSPtJR. 178
summoned by the king^ but the captains^ Henry Percy^ of
Atholj and William CUflFord, replied — ** Wynne Berwick
ones and you shall have your entent."* The king passed on
to Berwick^ which Sir William Grraystock attempted to hold,
but the first shot from a cannon of large bore demolished
part of a tower, and caused such consternation, that the gar-
rison surrendered. Before this was accomplished, the earl
of Northumberland and Bardolf, taking with them the son
of Hotspur, had fled for refuge into Scotland. The king
proceeded no further northward, but, on his return, Alnwick
Castle was yielded to him without resistance, the garrison
being allowed to depart with their horses and harness.
Anxious to lay hold of so troublesome an enemy as North-
umberland, the king offered to restore to liberty the prisoners
taken at Homildon, if their friends would seize and deliver
to him Northumberland and Bardolf; but both of them
escaped into Wales, where for a time, they joined Owen
Glendower, who was still struggling for the independence of
Wales. Northumberland afterwards appears to have spent
an unsettled life, always hoping for some event favourable
to his rebellious purposes. He crossed over to France and
thence to Flanders to seek support ; but his principal haunts
were along the borders. For the last time, in 1409, the
aged earl, along with his friend Bardolf, accompanied by
a few Scots and many of his own retainers, raised the standard
of rebellion, and penetrated as far southward as Knares-
borough. At Thirsk he published a proclamation somewhat
in a royal style — "That he came to relieve the English
nation from many unjust oppressions, and required all per-
sons that loved the liberty of their country to resort to him
immediately with their weapons and armour to assist him.**
This was a rash and foolish enterprise, and Fordun accounts
for it by stating, that Sir Thomas Rokesby, one of his vassals,
lured him to destruction by advising him to enter Northum-
berland with a few men, for such numbers would join him
as to enable him to dethrone the king ; meanwhile Rokesby
as sheriff of Yorkshire was secretly collecting forces to oppose
him. This account, though not confirmed by English histo-
rians, may be correct. However, it is a fact, that Rokesby
attacked the earl's forces at Bramham Moor, and after a
sharp conflict slew the earl, mortally wounded Bardolf, and
dispersed their army. The earl's head, whitened with age,
• Harding, p. 203.
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174 HISTOEY OF ALKV^ICK.
was struck ofiF and stuck on a pole^ sent to London and set on
London Bridge ; wkile his mangled members were exposed
at London^ Lincoln^ Berwick^ and Newcastle ; after remain-
ing suspended there for more than two months^ they were
taken down by special precept of the king^ and interred
by the earl's mends in consecrated ground. According to
Peeris: —
" The body of the said earle of Northumberland in Yorke Minster doth lie,
At the right hand of the high altar, right honourably."
Of Hotspur he says : —
*' In Yorke Minster this most honourable knight
By the first earle his &ther lyeth openly in sight"
The earl was thrice married ; first to Elizabeth, daughter
and heir of the earl of Angus; and through her he came into
possession of the lordship of Prudhoe; she died without
issue. Peeris says : —
" But or these marriages were made completely^
£lif abeth departed a virgin to God's mercy."
His second wife was Margaret, daughter of Ralph Lord
Neville, and by her he had issue three sons Henry Hotspur,
Sir Thomas, and Sir Balph. For his third wife, he took
Maud, sister and heir to Anthony Lord Lucy, widow of
Gilbert de XJmfraville, earl of Angus, and mother of Eliza-
beth, his first wife ; by her he had no issue. Through a
very extraordinary settlement, he became lord of Cocker-
mouth, and possessor of the estates of the Lucys. This
settlement is recorded on the Fine Roll, 8 Richard II., 1384;
and with this agrees Peeris* account : —
** And by the said Maud forthwithall
The lord Lucy lands by her guift came to him all.
The said Lady Maud Lucy as I understand.
Married herself conditionally to the aforesaid
Seaventh Henry, first earle of Korthumbarland,
As to say that the Lord Pearcy should beare continually
The blew lion and the Lucies silver in his armes quarterly,
Her name hee might not take, issue none had shee ;
Therefore she did bind him to bear her armes, as in his armes yee may see.
The honour of Cockermouth came by her, shee gaye it freely
To him and to his heires as by the lawe shee might,
Bearinge the foresaid armes of her in memory,
With the blew lyon, the Biaband armes quarterly."
The Percy and Lucy arms after this were combined, viz. : —
Or, a lion rampant, azure quarterly with those of Lucy,
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HENRT FIRST EARL^ AND HOTSPUR.
176
viz. : — OuleSy three lucies, argent, or pike fish ; these appear
in Hotspur's seal — Fig. 16, p. 170.
In this earl's time, we first meet with the Percy motto
Esperance, which was used as a war cry at the battle of
Shrewsbury, where Hotspur was slain. Here too, first
appear the two Percy badges, the crescent and the locket,
which are usually combined. *'It seems probable" Mr,
Longstaffe remarks, " that the crescent has a reference to the
earldom of Northumberland. The other badge has been
firequently named fetterlocks, gyves, shackles, and manacles;
but it more correctly designate a locket. A crescent nearly
surrounding a castle^ appears on the earl's shrievalty seal in
lS96.'f—(Capheaton Archives).
SHRIEVALTY SEAL OF THE EARL.
• Longstaflb's Old Heraldry of the Percys, pp. 178, 180.
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CHAPTEE XI.
SECOND, THIED, AND FOURTH EAELS OP NOETHUM-
BERLAND.
HXXntY PBBOYi SECOND SABL — EABLT UFB — BESTOBSD TO HIS
ESTATES — BOBDEB WABFABE — ALN WIOJC BUJtNT — OOIVNECTED
WITH DI8TUBBAN0B IN YOBESHIBE — ^DEPEAT AT SABX — ^FBENOH
WABS — BTBTJOGLE BETWEEN HOUSES OF LANOASTEB AND YOBK
— EABL SLAIN AT ST. AI.BANS — OHABAOTEB — HEBALDBY —
HENBYy THIBD EABL — ^EABLY UFB— BABONIES OF POYNINOSy
FIT2SPAYNE| AND BBIAN — ^SUOOEEDS TO THE EABLDOM — ^BOBDEB
WABFABE — STBU0GLE8 OF BIVAL HOUSES — ^SLAIN AT TOWTON —
EXTENT OF HIS ESTATES — ATTAINTED — JOHN NEVILLE, EABL
OF NOBTHUHBEBLAND — STBUOOLES IN THE NOBTH — ALNWICK
OASTLE TAKEN — ALNWICK, BAKBUBOH, AND DUNSTANBUBGH
CASTLES BESIEOED — ^BATTLE OF HEDQELEY CBOSS — BAMBUBQH
GASTLE TAKEN— -^UQt BALPH QBEY EXECUTED'— HENBY, FOUBTH
EABL— ESTATES AND EABLDOM BBSTOBED — SEBYECES ON THE
BOBDEBS — BATTLE OF BOSWOBTH — SLAIN AT OOXLODQE —
BUBIAL— HEBALDBY— WILL.
The vast estates of the first earl of Northumberland, were
in consequence of his rebellion, confiscated, and bestowed
by the lung on his son, John of Lancaster, the duke of
Bedford, with the exception of Spofibrd, which was given to
Bokeby, the sheriff of Yorkshire.*
Henry Percy, the son of Hotspur, who, but for this con-
fiscation, would have been heir to tibe barony of Alnwick,
was bom on the Srd of February, 1898. His mother was
Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edmund Mortimer, earl of
March — she whose deep affection for her husband Shakespeare
has immortalised : —
" So came I a widow.
And never thall have length of life enough
To lain upon lemembnnce with mine eyes,
That it may grow and sprout as high as heaT'n,
For recordation to my noble husband."
• CaL Rot, 6 Hen. IV., m. 10.
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SECOND, THIBB, AKD FOURTH EABLS. 177
When only twelre yean of age, young Henry was taken
by his grandmther into Scotland, where he was placed under
the care of Henry Wardlaw, the hospitable bishop of St.
Andrew's, along with James, the son of the king of Scotland.*
Collins says, that when Henry was sailing with James to
France to be educated at the French court, storms drore
the vessel ashore at Flamborough Head; the Scottish prince
being recognised, both were made prisoners and conveyed to
the king of England at Windsor ; and so favourably was the
prince of Wales impressed with Henry Percy, that it led to
the restoration of his honours and estates. If, however,
Joong Percy was at this time at the English court, he must
ave returned to Scotland; for on bemg restored to his
estates he came -to England as a liberated captive. Much
there is to admire in the character of Henry Y.; besides being
a great warrior, he was chivalrous and kind, and in his treat-
ment of Percy we see both wisdom and generosity ; for he
secured by this a faithful subject, and firml]^ attached the
house of Percy to the interests of his own family.
In 1414, the king, even while Henry was a captive in
Scotland, restored to him the dignity of earl of Northumber-
land. Ailer this, in the same year, a humble petition was
presented to parliament by Henry Percy, setting forth —
** That bein^ within age and a prisoner in Scotland, the king
had enabled him to be earl of Nordiumberland, notwithstanding
any the forfeiture of Henry, his flftther, or Henry, hii^ grand-
fa&er; he therefore prayem a general restitution to tl^m in
blood, and to all their hereditaments, which were entailed, with
free eotiy into all the same ; saving to the king all the lands in
fee simple. Thereupon the king granted him all he requested,
so as he the said Henry, before lus entry into any of the said
lands do first, by matter of record prove in the chanoeiy the lands
entailed saving as befbre."f
Henry, however, still remained prisoner in Scotland till
1415, when he was liberated in exchange for Murdock
Stewart, who had* been taken prisoner at Homildon. The
duke of Bedford yielded up the Percv estates of which he
had possession; but the king to reconcile him to this generous
act, granted to him an annuity of three thousana marks,
until lands of equivalent value should be settled upon him.
At the parliament held in March, Henry Percy did homage
to the king in presence of the peers and commons ; and to
• Fordan, 1. XT., c 18, 19. f Collina, V., p. 385.
8a
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178 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
confirm his dignity as earl^ the king granted a formal charter
of creation and a fee of £20 per annum^ Nomine Cbmitis,
out of the profits of the county.
The new earl, now warmly attached to his king, entered
with zeal into border warfare ; for Northumberland was still
the chief barrier which arrested the surgings of Scottish
hostility. The famous battle of Agincourt had been won by
English valour ; and Henry Y. was using all his efforts to
gain the crown of France. Before setting out on his second
expedition, such was his confidence in Earl Percy, that he
made him general warden of the marches of Scotland, and
empowered him to conclude a truce with the Scots, who
notwithstanding this endeavoured to take advantage of the
king's absence, and imder the duke of Albany, advanced
towards Jedburgh and defeated a body of EngUsh troops.
Great aimies were in consequence marshalled ; but no gen-
eral engagement took place, though the coimtry on both
sides of the border was ravaged and destroyed. When the
king set forth on his last expedition to France, the earl was
again entrusted with the defence of the borders and the cus-
tody of Berwick ; and for the latter duty he had to receive
£5000 annually in time of war, but half that sum in time of
peace or truce. After the death of Henry V. the earl con-
tinued to be engaged in these services and was paid for them;
in 1422, it was agreed in a full parliament, that the earl of
Northumberland should be paid one thousand marks for the
custody of Berwick and the East March, and Sir Richard
Neville five hundred marks for the custodv of the West
March toward Scotland.* In 1428, out of ten thousand
pounds, the ransom paid by the king of Scotland, two thou-
sand pounds were given to the earl of Northumberland,
warden of the East March and captain of the castle and town
of Berwick, for the wages of himself and his men.f
In the course of the mutual agressions which were made
in the border-land, the town of Alnwick suffered severely,
and was burnt by the Scots, to whose ravages it was exposed
from being without walls and defences of its own, and '^ open
to the marches and frontiers of Scotland." A truce, how-
ever, was made in 1424 ; two of the English commissioners
negotiating it, being the earl of Northumberland and William
Alnwick, keeper of the privy seal.
• Pro. and Ord. of Privy Council, III., p. 8.
t Ibid., p. 802.
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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 179
Comparative quiet reigned along the borders till 1436,
when war broke out again. With a body of four thousand
men, the earl of Northumberland advanced towards Scot-
land ; but he was met, on the 7th of September, by William
Douglas, earl of Angus, with a Scottish army of about the
same number, at Piperden,* on the Breamish, among the
Cheviot hills. A fierce battle was fought, and the English
were signally defeated. Alexander Elphinston, a distin-
guished warrior, fell on the Scotch side, with about two
hundred more; but the English loss was more serious, fifteen
hundred being slain, among whom were Sir Richard Percy
and Henry Clennel. Fordun is the only ancient author who
mentions this battle; which, however, derives interest, as
probably being the conflict, of which floating traditions sup-
plied the materials to the minstrel, who sung the romantic
ballad of Chevy Chace — ^a story which has oftentimes roused
the Northumbrian heart as " with the sound of a trumpet."
The heroes in both are the Percy and the Douglas, and the
scene lies among the Cheviots.
During the years 1442 and 1448, there were serious riots
in Yorkshire and other counties, dangerous to the govern-
nient, arising out of popular discontent with the war in
France, which had drained the country of its wealth and
population. Great numbers had assembled in Yorkshire,
pulling down houses, breaking into parks, destroying water
mills, assaulting servants, and even threatening to attack
the residence of the archbishop, who had issued processes
against the laity for spiritual offences. The earl of Northum-
berland was charged with having caused these Yorkshire
riots by a letter written by him to his officers in the north,
and the archbishop desired that the earl might be examined
in this matter before the Privy Council. The charge was
referred to the arbitration of certain peers, who decided that
all damage which had been done to the archbishop's property*
should be repaired by the earlf — ^thus casting reproach upon
bim.
Shortly after the death of Robert II., king of Scotland, a
truce was concluded, which lasted till 1448, when through
the ambition and turbulence of the border chieftains, war
recommenced. Scottish historians throw the blame on the
English for this breach. The earl of Northumberland in-
vaded Scotland on the east side and burnt Dumfries. Alnwick
• Fordun, 1. XVI., c. 25, p. 500.
t Proc. and Ord. of Prity Council, V., pp. 27S-276 ; 30».
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180 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
sufEered for tlus aggression ; walls and towers had not
yet been raised for its defence. James Douglas^ lord of
belveny^ '^not willing to be in ane Englisch mane's commoun*
for ane erill turne^ gathered ane companie and brunt Annick';
out of the quhilk he gathered ane great prey both of men
and guides."t Alnwick Castle seems to have escaped Scot-
tish vengeance, probably on account of its strength; for it had
been embattled by the earl, with the king's authority, in 14M.
When attempting to revenge these injuries, the earl of
Northumberland suffered a serious defeat. With a numerous
army he invaded Scotland, but was met at the river Sark in
Annandale, by a Scottish array led by Hugh, earl of Ormand ;
a bloody battle was fought, and the English were completely
routed. Six hundred Scots fell ; but the loss of the English
was three thousand men, many of whom, in attempting to
escape, were drowned in the Solway. The earl of Northum-
berland was in great danger of being slain or captured ; but
his son, Lord Percy, hastened to his support, and gallantly
rescued his father, though he himself was taken prisoner.
This warfEure was soon brought to a close, as it was agreeable
neither to the king of England nor the king of Scotland;
and a peace was established, of which the earl was one of
the conservators.
Besides being engaged in all the more important affairs of
the borders, the earl at intervals performed other public
duties. In 1417 he accompanied his sovereign to the French
wars ; in 1419 he was commissioned to array the northern
forces to resist a threatened invasion of England by the king
of Castile. For his good services in Scotland, the king
granted him £100 per annum during his life, payable out
of the lordship of Bradwell in Essex ; in 1428, he had the
honourable appointment of ambassador to the general council
at Paris, and for this service, the treasurer of the Exchequer
- was ordered to pay him in advance £606 13s. 4d., being a
year's salary at sixty-six shillings and eightpence per diem ;
and later in life he was appointed constable of England.
The early part of 1453 witnessed the commencement of
the long and destructive struggle between the houses of
Lancaster and York, for the possession of the English throne;
Before it was ended, most of the barons and leading men of
the kingdom perished either on the battle field or on the
scaffold. Honourable it is to the earl of Northumberland,
< To he in one^t comnum^ to be obliged to one. Scotcb — Jamietoiu
f PitBcottie*s Cbron., p. 63,
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SECOND^ THIRD5 AKD F0t7BTH EABL9. 181
that he forgot not his obligations to Heniy Y.^ bat remained
fiuthful throughout his whole life^ and at last died in defence
of his son. So faithful and diligent had he been in defending
the borders, that Henry VI. in 1455, in a letter, thanked
the earl "for the effectual devoir, diligence, labour, and payn
yat ye have put you in aswel in vitailling oure towne and
castell of Berwyk, as resisting the malice of our enemies."*
Gentle and pious was Henry VI., but undoubtedly of weak
intellect, and utterly incapable of ruling a turbulent people.
During his feeble government, Normandy and Guienne were
lost to England ; a result sufficient in itself to create dis-
satisfaction among a people fond of warlike triumphs ; but
the arbitrary and violent measures of the queen and her
favourites, who, indeed, held the reins of real power, brought
odium and distrust on the government. The duke of York,
according to the principles of succession, as defined in modern
times, had claims on the throne, and the prevailing discon-
tent encouraged in him the desire to become the king of
England. He was, however, a cautious and moderate man
in action ; and his first steps, in the way of rebellion, were
professedly to remove the queen and the duke of Somerset
from the administration of public affairs. In 1455 the first
blood was drawn in this great contest. The duke of York
led an army against the king, who had marched from West-
minster with his forces, and was occupying St. Alban's. On
the morning of the 22nd of May a great battle was fought,
and the Lancastrians were defeated. The king was wounded
and taken ; and among the slain was the earl of Northum-
berland. Thus sings Peeris —
" In his (mid age at St Alban's, intendinge his prince to save,
Henry the sixt, alas I hee was slain, and there lyeth in his grave."
He was buried in the Chapel of Our Ladv, in the Abbey
Church of St. Alban's, along with several otlier noblemen of
the Lancastrian party, who fell in that battle. His effigy, robed
in the mantle of a peer, is on the tower of Beverley Minster.
He was a noble man ; his character stands out in bold
relief, distingpuished for honour and faithfulness ; and by men
in these civilised times, he will be* held in high respect for
his patronage of learning. In 1442, he gave the advowson
of the church of Hamcliffe and three acres of land lying
within the precincts of that manor to the master and scholars
of the University College, Oxford.
• Pro. and Ord. of Privy Council, VI., p. 298.
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182
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
He was married to Eleanor, daughter of Halpli Neville, earl
of Westmoreland, and widow of Lord Spencer ; and by her he
had nine sons and three daughters. Three of his sons died
during his lifetime ; his fourth son, Henry, succeeded to the earl-
dom ; his fifth son. Sir Thomas Percy, bom at Leckenfield, was
created earl of Effremont, and was slain at the battle of North-
ampton in 1460; his sixth son, George Percy, became prebendary
of fieverley and rector of Eothbury and Coldebeck ; his seventh
son, Sir Ealph Percy, bom on the 11th of August, 1425, was
slain in 1464 at Hedgeley Moor ; Sir Bichard, his eighth son,
fell on Towton field in 1461 ; and William, the ninth son, became
bishop of Carlisle, and died in 1462.
Arms. — Percy and Lucy quarterly.
Crest. — On a chapeau, a lion statant tail drooping.
Supporters. — Two lions rampant.
Seal of Henry, earl of Northumberland and lord of the
honour of Cockermouth, in 1435.
Fia IS
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SECOND, THIED, AND FOURTH EARLS. 18S
Badges. — A lion rampant ^ on the keep of Warkworth Castle;
a lion rampant between the horns of a crescent y with the
motto EsperancCy on a house in Bondgate, Alnwick. To
the time of this earl may prohahly be referred the cres-
cent and lockets on one of the capitals in the chancel of
Alnwick Church.
na iQ na 20
Fig. 19.
A crescent enclosing a sprig of leaves in flowery with the
motto Pesperance; the signet of the countess of Northumber-
land to a letter from Warkworth.
Fig, 20.
A lion sejant guardanty gorged with the crescenty with the
motto Je espoyr ; the signet of the earl.
HENET PEEOY, THIED EAEL OF NOETHUMBEELAND.
Henry Percy, who was bom at Leckenfield on the 25th of
July, 1421, was above thirty-three years of age at the time of
his father's death. When a child of about two years old, he
was knighted by the duke of Bedford, the same cUgnity being
then conferred on the young king Henry VI. In the year
1441, he was made governor of the town and castle of
Berwick and warden of the East Marches; and for this
service it was agreed that he should be paid in time of war
£5000 yearly, and in time of peace £2500; and for the
custody of the castle £500 yearly in time of war, and one
hundred marks in time of truce or peace. Eleven years
afterwards the terms were altered ; and it was agreed that
for this charge he should receive £2566 ISs. 4d., both in time
of peace and war.
He married, in the year 1446, Eleanor, the daughter and
sole heir of Eichard, who was son and heir of Eobert Lord
Poynings. Eichard having died before his father. Sir Henry
Percy on the death of Eobert Lord Poynin^, in right of his
wife, succeeded to the three baronies of r oynings, Fitz-Payne,
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184 HI8T0BT OF ALH^ICK.
and Bryan ; and in the same year had special livery of the
castles^ manors^ and lands belonging to these baronies. He
was summoned to parliament on December 14thy 1446^ as
Baron Poynings, Bryan, and Fitz-Payne, being styled in the
writ, Henricus Percy de Poynings, chevalier ; and with this
title he continued to attend other parliaments, till he suc-
ceeded in 1455 to the earldom of Northumberland.
As these titles are still affected by the Percy family, a
brief notice of the descent may be given.
Adam de Poyning, in the reign of Henry II., was inpos-
session of Poynings in Suffolk ; and according to the Testa
de Neville, Thomas de Poynings held ten kmghts' fees in
Poynings. Richard, who in succession held the barony in
the time of. Bichard II., married Isabella, daughter bf Sir
Richard de Grey — then called Fitz-Payne ; and through her
added the Fitz-Payne and part of the Bryan estates to his
own.
The family of Fitz-Payne originated with Payne Fitz- John,
the brother of Eustace Fitz-John, who held the barony of
Alnwick; and so extensive were the estates, that in the reigns
of John and Henry III. they paid scutage on fifteen knights'
fees. But Robert Fitz-Payne, to whom they descended^
having no male issue, entailed his estates in about 1323 on
Robert de Grey of Codnor, who took the name and arms of
Fitz-Payne, and was the husband of Elizabeth Bryan.
The Bryan &mily first appear as having estates on the
Welsh borders ; and one of them. Sir Guy Bryan, was a
distinguished warrior, being standard bearer to Edward III.
in the notable fight with the French at Calais. Elizabeth,
his daughter, married Sir Robert Fitz-Payne, and was the
ancestress of Eleanor, the wife of Sir Henry Percy.
There appears, therefore, no inheritance of blood by the
Percys from the old Fitz-Paynes, but there is a blood descent
both firom the Bryans and Poynings. At a subsequent
period, there appeared four different claimants to the Bryan
estates; and after a legal contest of thirty years, it was
agreed that all the claimants should have some of the estates,
but that ^' the earl of Northumberland is, and ought to be
taken and reputed as heir general to Sir Guy de Brien."
'' This would give him," says Mr. Longstaffe, " an exclusive
right to bear the Bryan arms."*
* S«e documents nUtive to tbeoe fiimilies, CoU. Top. and Gen., p. 250; and
tm a saceinot statement, Longstaift's Old Hetaldry» p. 189.
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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 185
Two y«ars after Ms succession, he obtained livery of all
land, without any inquisition taken for proof of age ; and he
was discharged of his relief in consideration of his good ser-
vices on the borders. During his brief career after this, he
not only actively engaged in border warfare, but most ener-
getically supported the king in the great conflict between
the rival Lancastrian and York parties.
Through the influence of the earl of Douglas, who was
plotting against his own country, the peace between England
eind Scotland was at this time broken. Dreading invasion,
the Scots adopted vigorous measures; watchmen were placed
at the fords and at other places between Roxburgh and Ber-
wick, to give warning of the approach of enemies ; and fires
were ready to be kindled on the hills to spread the alarm,
and summon forces to meet the foe. Despite of these and
other preparations, Earl Douglas, assisted by the earl of
Northumberland, made an incursion in 1456 with a consider-
able body of Englishmen into the merse of Berwickshire,
and plundered and destroyed wherever they went. While,
however, their forces were scattered over the district, engaged
in this horrid work, the earl of Angus and Sir James Murray
suddenly appeared with an army ; the English were totally
defeated; numbers were slain, and seven hundred were taken
prisoners ; many, however, escaped to England laden with
plunder.*
Though victory crowned the arms of the duke of York at
St. Alban's he yet acted with moderation, and seemed con-
tented with being made protector of the kingdom. Through
the art of the queen, however, his commission was revoked
by the peers ; and chagrined with this treatment he assumed
a hostile attitude, and as no reconciliation could be eflected,
appeal was again made to the sword. Faithful to his party,
the earl of Northumberland fought by the side of the king
at the battle of Northampton in 1460, when the Lancastrians
were defeated and the king was taken prisoner. Boldly now
the duke of York claimed the crown ; but after long argu-
ments were heard befofe parliament in favour of and against
the claim, a compromise was adopted — that Henry should
continue king during his life, and that the duke of York or
his heir should after Henry's death succeed to the crown,
Margaret, the heroic queen, was, however, free; and she
would not sacrifice the rights of her son, but actively excited
* HoliDgshead.
2b
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186 . " HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
her friends to take up arms in support of her family. PubKc
feeling ran strongly m favour of one or the other party ; and
the whole nation^ interested in the struggle, was arrayed in
two divisions, one distinguished by the red rose — the badge
of the house of Lancaster, and the other by the white rose —
the badge of the house of York.
Around the standard of the queen gathered the men of the
north ; the earl of Northumberland with all his vassals was
there ; and a royal army numbering twenty thousand men
marched southward. To meet this formidable array, the
duke of York set off from London with only five thousand
men. Near to Wakefield a battle was fought in 1461, when
the Yorkists were defeated, the duke himself and two thous-
and eight hundred of Ids men slain, and almost all the rest
taken prisoners. While indebted to the valour of the northern
troops, the royal cause suffered from their lawless conduct.
They brought with them their border character ; and as they
advanced they plundered and burnt churches, monasteries,
and private houses without distinction, ** made the wealth of
London look pale," and alarmed the people of the southern
counties, who appear to have been less barbarous than the
border men. In the same year the Lancastrians triumphed
again at St. Alban*s, when the king was rescued firom his
enemies ; but they were sorely beaten at Mortimer's Cross —
such was the fickle fortune of war.
The strength of the Yorkists was in London and in the
southern and western counties ; and when the remains of the
scattered troops had been gathered in St. John's Fields, a
prodigious multitude of citizens came to view the scene.
Edward, the son of the late duke of York, taking advantage
of this favourable opportunity, obtained a call from this great
assemblage of people to assume the government of the king-
dom ; and with the consent of a great council of prelates,
nobles, and others about London, he, in 1461, ascended the
throne of England as Edward IV.
Irreconcilable was now the difference between the two
parties, and both nerved themselves for a decisive struggle.
King Henry and his friends retired northward, where their
chief strength lay. Eager to avenge the loss of many friends,
the earl of Northumberland put forth his energies, and, when
all were assembled at York, their army numbered sixty thous-
and men. Similar activity was shewn by King Edward j and
by the time he arrived at Pomfret, he had under him a gal-
lant army of forty-eight thousand six hundred and sixty men.
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SECOND^ THIRD, AlTB tOVtTU BARLS. 18T
The duke of Somerset^ commander of the Lancastrian army^
marched forth on the 28th of March, 146 1, to meet the
enemy, and some bloody skirmishes were fought at the pass
of Ferrybridge ; but the great conflict took place on the next
Palm Sunday. Never were so many Englishmen marshalled
against each other in hostile array. Early in the morning
the two armies were drawn up in order of battle, on the
fields between Saxon and Towton, about ten miles south of
York. The earl of Northumberland, who was in lusty youth
and of frank courage, led the van-guard; but when the battle
begun, a heavy storm of snow blew wildly in the face of his
troops and prevented them seeing the enemy distinctly and
taking proper aim with their arrows ; but the enemy, betng
under no such disadvantage, poured in their arrows with
fatal effect and compelled the earl, to save his meo from
being stricken down like deer, to order them to charge with
their swords, spears, and battle-axes. A fierce hand to hand
conflict ensued ; and both parties, inflamed with the bitterest
animosity, fought for six hours, when towards evening the
Lancastrians were totally defeated and pursued with great
slaughter.* The earl of Northumberland **on this evil Palm
Sunday " was among the slain. This battle-field was satur-
ated with the blood of thirty-eight thousand Englishmen.
By his wife Eleanor he had issue one son and three daugh-
ters. A large blue marble with two effigies on it, and an
inscription in brass now erased, in the north choir of St.
Denys' Church, Toxk, are supposed to have been His tomb.
Arms prior to his father's death were Percy and Lucy quar-
terly, with a label of three points gules for difference.
Crest. — A golden crescent.
His marriage introduced new coats into his heraldry ; for
Poynings — Six pieces lartoays or and vert, a lendlet gtdes ;
for Fitz-Payne — Gules, a bentlet azure upon three lions argent
passant y guar dant ; and for Bryan — Gold, three blue piles,
conjoined at the base; owing, however, to litigation, the
Bryan are not assumed till the next generation.
Fig. 21.
Crest for Poynings. — A black dragorCs head between its
wings.
Fig. 22.
Badge for Poynings. — A key erect, handle uppermost,
crowned. Also a white unicorn.
• Hall's Chronicles.
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188
HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Fig. 28.
Badge for Fitz-Payne. — A black curved falchion or scimi'
tar, kilted and tipped gold.
na22
na2(
na23
•^%%:^^"^r<^'i^^
Under tUs earl, the Percy estates attained their maximnm
of territorial extent; and probably presented as large an area
of productive lands as was ever held by a British subject. It
included the baronies^ honours^ and manors held by his ances-
tors— the baronies of Alnwick and of Prudhoe ; the manors
of Warkworth, Corbridge, and Newbum ; the sergeantry of
Beanley and other properties in Northumberland; the manors
of Topcliffe and Spofford, and eleven other manors in York-
shire; the honour of Cockermouth and eight and a half
manors, and the fourth part of the barony of Egremont in
Cumberland ; fifty-eight manors in Lincolnshire ; the manor
of Toston in Leicestershire ; two manors in Essex ; the hon-
our of Petworth in Sussex ; the advowson of several churches
and abbeys; and besides these, part of the estates of Poynings,
Fitz-Payne, and Bryan, including three manors in Sussex,
one in Suffolk, one in Norfolk, seven in Somerset with the
hundred of Canyngton, sixteen in Kent with the hundred of
Folkestone.
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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOrHTH EARLS. 189
JOHN NEVILLE, EAEL OP NOETHUMBEELAND.
After the death of Henry Percy, the third earl of North-
umberland, he was attainted by the parliament which met
on NoTcmber 4th, 1461, and all his estates were confiscated ;
and on May 28th, 1464, the earldom was conferred by the
king on John Neville—Lord Montague.
King Henry YL and his queen, accompanied by the dukes
of Exeter and Somerset, took refuge in Scotland after the
battle of Towton. In the month of July, 1461, Alnwick
Castle was yielded up by capitulation to Lord Hasting and
the garrison were suffered to go at their liberty.*
Though defeated in the field, the bold spirit of Queen
Margaret was unconquered. She passed over to France in
the following spring and sought help from Louis YL ; but
all she gained was a loan of twenty thousand livres, and
liberty to levy a small body of troops, of which Sir Peter de
Breze, seneschal of Normandy — ^^ the best warrior of all that
time" — took the command. She sailed in October, 146S,
with a little band of five hundred men and landed at Tyne-
mouth ; " but whether afraid of her own shadow or that the
Frenchmen cast too many doubts," the whole re-embarked.
Her fleet was suddenly overtaken by a tempest ; the queen
with difficulty escaped in a coracle to Berwick, and the other
vessels were driven ashore by the " stormy blasts " at Bam-
burgh. The soldiers set fire to the ships, and sought refuge
in Holy Island; but there they were assailed by "the Bastard
Ogle and an esquire called John Manners, with other of the
king's retinue;" and many were slain, and near to three
hundred taken prisoners. Breze with a few others escaped
to Berwick in a fisher's boat.f
These misfortunes did not "in anything abate the haughty
courage" of the queen. Leaving her son Edward in Berwick,
she entered Northumberland with a great company of Scots
and other friends, hoping the Northumbrians would rise in
her favour; but few joined her standard. She, however,
laid siege to Alnwick Castle, which was under the command
of Sir Kalph Grey ; and she obtained possession of it, either
through tjbie treachery of the commander or from want of
provisions. Bamburgh, Dunstanburgh, and Warkworth also
fell into her hands. Garrisons were placed by her in all
these castles. "They were victualled and stuffed" says
« Chronicles of Fabian. f Hall's Chronicles, p. 259,
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190 RISTOBT OF ALKWIOK.
Warkworth, "with EngKshmen, Frenchmen, and Scots-
men."*
Aroused hy these movements. King Edward and his coun-
cil raised a large army in the south of England ; and in thei
month of December, 1463, commenced the siege of these
castles. Alnwick Castle was defended by a son of Breze and
Lord Hungerford, with a garrison of three hundred men ;
Bamburgh had also a garrison of three hundred men, headed
by the duke of Somerset, the earl of Pembroke, Lord Ross,
and Sir Ralph Percy ; and Dunstanburgh had a garrison of
one hundred and twenty men. Lord Falconbridge, the earl
of Kent, and Lord Scales conducted the siege of Alnwick ;
the earl of Worcester and Sir Ralph Grey headed the besiegers
at Dunstanburgh, and Lord Montague and Lord Ogle headed
the aamy at Bamburgh. The earl of Warwick commanded
the whole, and his head quarters were at Wark worth Castle;
but he rode daily to all the castles to oversee the sieges.
Provisions for the army and ordnance for carrying on the
siege, were sent from Newcastle.f While these operations
were going on. King Edward remained at Durham ; whence
he issued a mandate on the last day of December to the arch'-
bishop of York, charging him to array all the clergy of the
province to resist the Scots, who entered his land to the
intent, not only of rescuing his enemies of France closed
within his castle of Alnwick, but also of giving him battle,
'^ presuming of their customable pride to have dominacion
upon our land."J
Sir Peter Breze with an army of twenty thousand Scotsmen
hastened to the relief of these castles; but when he advanced
towards Alnwick Castle, both armies were afraid to meet
each other; the English vdthdrew from the siege and the
Scots had not the courage to pursue them ; perceiving this,
the garrison came out from the castle and retired to Scotland
with the Scottish host ;§ and on the 8th of January, 1463,
the earl of Warwick took possession of the castle on behalf
of Edward IV. Bamburgh was given up to Edward by
Henry, duke of Somerset, in accordance with treaty. The
duke and Sir Ralph Percy were received into fevour by
Edward, and both gave him their allegiance; to the duke was
♦ Waxkworth's Chronicle^ p. 2. f P«ton Letters, L, p. 273.
% Raxne*8 Memorials of Hexham, I., p. cvii.
I Warkfrorth's Chionicle, p. 2.
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SSCOND> THtRT), AlH) FOTTHTH EARLS. 191
granted by the king one thousand marks yearly^ which, how^
ever, were never paid. ** And so King Edward was possessed
of all England except a castle in North Wales called Har-
lake.*** Sir John Astley was appointed governor of both
Alnwick and Bamburgh Castles — an honour which Sir Ralph
Grey is said to have expected ; and so mortified was he at
being passed over, that he deserted the cause of King Edward,
and, attaching himself to the Lancastrian party, gave up
Alnwick Castle in May, 146S, to Henry VI.
Margaret, the queen, with all her faults, was a heroic
woman ; and when her adherents were ready to give up her
husband's cause in despair, she bravely made one more
attempt to regain power. In the spring of 1464 she led into
Northumberland a numerous army of Scotsmen, who had
been induced, by the license she gave of plundering, to join
her standard. Sir Ralph Grey took the castle of Bamburgh
by surprise ; Alnwick Castle too, fell into the hands of the
queen ; and the duke of Somerset and Sir Ralph Percy, led
away by reports of her success, deserted Edward and joined
the queen with all their forces. King Henry VI. was at
Bamburgh Castle on this occasion, for he, while there on the
9th of April, 1464, granted a charter to the biu>gesses of
Alnwick.f
Sir John Neville, Lord Montague, who had been appointed
warden of the Eastern Marches, displayed at this crisis great
vigilance and bravery. On the 2Srd of April, 1464, he en-
countered a party of Henry's forces, led by Sir Ralph Percy
and the Lords Hungerford and Ross, on Hedgeley Moor, at
the eastern base of the Cheviots, about ten miles westward
of Alnwick. Either from treachery or fear, Hungerford and
Ross deserted at the onset of the battle. Bravely, however,
did Sir Ralph Percy meet his opponents ; but his little army
weakened by this desertion was defeated ; he himself was
slain, and while dying exclaimed — ^' I have saved the bird
in my bosom ;" meaning says Hall, that he had kept his
promise and oath to King Henry VI. ; forgetting that he in
King Henry's most necessity abandoned him and submitted
to King Edward.
A writer in the Arch^Bologia ^liana contends that this
exclamation had reference to the queen's safety, and not to
his own loyalty ; for as Hall intimates he could not boast of
♦ Warkworth'B Chronicle, p. 2.
t This Charter is among the CoiiK>ntioii MmumentB. ^
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192 HISTOKT OF ALIJWICK.
his faithfulness. Prohahly, however^ the expression was partly
allusive to the craven desertion of Hungerford and Ross ;
and mingled with this might be regret for his own temporary
unfaithfulness ; and as he fell bravely fighting, while his
colleagues had disgracefully fled, he might feel, in his last
moments, that the sacrifice of his life vindicated his honour.
Percy's Cross commemorating his fall stands, though worn
by time, on the battle field, about fifty yards eastward of the
turnpike road between Whittingham and Wooler. It is a
square sandstone pillar with the edges cut off. On the four
principal sides are sculptured crescents, lucies, and fusils,
differently arranged on each ; and on the truncated corners
are lockets ; all these are badges of the house of Percy.
** This cross" says a writer in the "Antiquarian Repository,"
" was erected on the spot where he fell to remind passengers
to pray for his soul, and has been much distinguished by the
Northumbrians of the circumjacent villages. Here they were
accustomed to assemble annually to play at foot-ball, cudgels,
and other rustic games; and they have invented circum-
stances that particularize everything near it. Thus a spring
of water that issues not far from the cross, is still called
Percy's Well, at which this chieftain is said to have drunk
in the heat of the battle. At some distance to the north-west
stood two large stones, (one of which was broken to furnish
materials when the turnpike road was made); these, although
they are several yards asunder, were called Percy's Leap."
Lord Montague, after the battle of Hedgeley Moor, having
received reinforcements, attacked on the 15th of May, 1464,
the army 'of the Lancastrians encamped on the Linnels near
Hexham, and after a long and bloody struggle totally defeated
them. He had been rewarded for his great services by the
earldom of Northumberland and the forfeited estates of Percy.
All rebels, who submitted, he was authorised to pardon ex-
cepting Sir Humphrey Neville and Sir Ralph Grey. Neville
was taken and executed at York ; but Grey resisted to
the last, and defended himself bravely in Bamburgh Castle
till the end of July. On the 13th of June, 1464, the earl
of Warwick, " with the puissance came before the castle of
Alnwick and had it delivered to him by appointment ; and
also the castle of Dunstanburgh, where my said lord kept the
feast of Saint John the Baptist."* Warwick and his brother,
the earl of Northumberland, on the 27th of June, laid siege
* MS. CoU^e of Anns, L. 9, in Warkworth Chioniele.
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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 193
to Bamburgli Castle, and summoned Sir Ralph Grey to sur-
render. On his refusal, *^all the king's great guns were
charged at once to shoot into the castle. Newcastel, the
king s great gun, and London, the second gun of iron ; the
which betide the place, that stones of the walls flew into the
sea ; Dysyon, a brazen gun of the king's, smote through Sir
Balph Grey's chamber oftentimes.*^* A tower was beaten
down, and the castle was taken by assault. Grey was so
crushed by the fall of the wall, that he was taken up for
dead ; but recovering, he was sent prisoner to York, where
he was condemned and executed as a traitor. According to
his sentence, he should have been degraded from knighthood;
and the master cook was ready with his apron and knife to
strike off his spurs close to his heels ; but this part of the
sentence was remitted " in consideration of his noble grand-
father, who suffered trouble for the king's most noble prede-
cessors." This was the commuted sentence — " Sir Ralph
Grey this shall be thy penance ; thou shalt go on thy feet
unto the townsend, and there shalt be laid down and drawn
to a scaffold made for thee, and that there shalt have thine
head smite of the body, to be buried in the friars ; the head
where it pleased the king."t Mercy even in those evil days
was refined cruelty.
The Lancastrian party was now effectually subdued, and a
long truce of fifteen years having been concluded with Scot-
land, Edward might have expected to rest in quietude on the
throne, to which he had waded through blood ; his roairiage,
however, with Elizabeth Widville, involved him in trouble ;
and led to the estrangement of the great family of Nevilles,
who possessed immense power in the north. Suspicious of
their fidelity, and desirous of raising a counterpoise to their
power, Edward incited, it is said, the people of the north to
petition for the restoration of young Percy to royal favour. J
HENRY, FOURTH EARL PERCY OF NORTHUMBER-
LAND.
Henry Percy, the son of the third earl of Northumberland,
a minor when his father was slain, had been kept by authority
of the king in the tower of London ; but Edward carried out
* MS. College of Arms, L. 9, printed in Warkworth's Chronicle.
t Ibid.
J "Warkworth's Chronicle, p. 4.
2c
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194 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
his politic design ; and on the 27th of October, 1469, Henry
Percy was restored to liberty, and appeared at Westminster
Palace, where, in the presence of several prelates, peers, and
knights, he swore to be faithful to King Edward. He was
restored to the earldom o( Northumberland, and to the estates
of his family; and was appointed warden of the East and
Middle Marches in the following year. On Lord Montague,
the king conferred the higher dignity of marquis> in order to
allay his irritation when he lost the more substantial benefits
accruing from the earldom; but he complained that the king
had given him " a pye's nest to maintain his estate.'**
Soon afterwards, the Nevilles were at the head of a rebel-
lion to depose Edward ; and so successful were they at first,
that he was compelled to seek refuge in Burgundy. The
triumph of the Lancastrians was short, for Edward sooo
returned to England, invited back by Henry, earl of North-
umberland ; and on the 14th of April, 1471, he gained the
battle of Bamet, where the earl of Warwick, the king-maker,
was slain. The marquis of Montague shared the same fete ;
but it is said, that he fell by the hand of one of his own
party, in revenge for apparent treachery, in giving a feeble
support to his brother. The battle of Shrewsbury, fought on
the following May the 4th, decided, during the lifetime of
Edward, the fortunes of the rival factions.
The earl of Northumberland, at this time, was highly
popular in the north. In the *'Plumpton Correspondence'^*
It is said in 1471 — ^**for great part of the noble men and
commons in the northern parts were towards the earl, and
would not stir with any lord or noble man, other than with
him or at least by his commandment, "f He rose high in
favour with the king, who in the parliament held at West-
minster on the 6th of October, 1472, sitting in the chair of
state in the painted chamlier, commanded that he should be
restored in blood, and that the attainder of his father should
be void. In that vear, he was appointed warden of the East
March, and one of the commissioners for redressing wrongs
between the subjects of the two kingdoms; justiciary of
the forests beyond the Trent ; and constable of Bamburgh
Castle.
In the border transactions of this period, the earl appears
to have rendered good service to his country. In the month
* Warkworth'B Chronicle, p. 10.
f Plampton Conespondence, p. txt.
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SECOND, THIRD, AND FOURTH EARLS. 195
of September, 1471, a meeting of commissioners of both
nations was held at Alnwick, for mutual redress of wrongs
committed on the borders, when preliminary arrangements
were made. But more important meetings were held at
Alnwick during nine days in September, 1473, when more
complete regulations were adopted to prevent inroads and
punish aggressors. For his service as warden, the earl had
to receive two thousand marks yearly in time of peace, and
six thousand marks in time of war. In 1474, he was created
knight of the Garter ; and in the same year, he accompanied
the king in an expedition to France ; and for this he was
paid £1^9 14s. 8d., as his first quarter's wages for himself
and the forces he had raised.
While civil war raged in England, the disturbances along
the borders were not of serious importance. Much was due
to the wisdom and benevolent disposition of Bishop Kennedy,
for preserving the peaceful relation between the two coun-
tries, during the earlier part of the period. Domestic feuds
in Scotland and the influence of France led, however, James
the king of Scotland to resolve, in 1480, to invade England,
even without the formality of a declaration of war; and,
though a legate of the papal see, by enjoining a cessation of
arms, caused James to dismiss his army, hostilities soon after-
wards recommenced, and the summer was spent in mutual
depredations. Edward, in 1482, sent a large army to take
revenge on Scotland; it consisted of twenty-two thousand
five hundred men, and in the beginning of July, it was
marshalled at Alnwick. This formidable force was under
the chief command of the duke of Gloucester. The van,
numbering six thousand seven hundred men, led by Henry
Percy, earl of Northumberland, suddenly crossed the Tweed
and entered the town of Berwick ; but Lord Hales, the com-
mander of the castle, refusing to surrender and resolutely
defending it, four thousand troops were left under the com-
mand of Lord Stanley, while the rest of the army marched
towards Edinburgh. Scottish affairs were in a state of great
confusion from the weakness of the crown and the lawlessness
of the nobility, and a truce was agreed to containing condi-
tions unfavourable to Scotland; on the 24th of August,
Berwick was given up to the English, after it had been under
the dominion of Scotland for twenty-one years. Pleased with
this acquisition, the English parliament recommended the
duke of Gloucester, the earl of Northumberland, and Lord
Stanley to the king, for their services in the Scottish wars.
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196 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The earl was engaged again in 1483, witli other commis-
sioners, in endeavouring to adjust differences which had
arisen between the two countries; but the death of Edward
IV. and the usurpation of Richard III., rendered these efforts
of no avail.
The earl of Northumberland attached himself to the cause
of the usurper, and accepted from him the office of lord high
chamberlain of England. When Henry Tudor, the earl of
Bichmond, landed in England, in 1485, to combat for the
crown, Richard sent for the earl of Northumberland, who
joined him with all the forces he could raise. The battle of
Bosworth Field was fought on the 22nd of August, when
Richard was slain, and the war of the Roses brought to an
end ; and this fatal issue to Richard, seems to have been
due partly to the treachery of the earl. Richard, it is said,
had information that he intended to forsake him ; be this as
it may, the earl stood neutral with his men when the battle
was raging; and this bad example affected others. To pierce
the secret motives of men in power is always difficult, and
sometimes impossible ; but the suspicion attached to the
conduct of the earl, is strengthened by his being received
into favour by Henry VII. soon after the battle of Bosworth
Field.
In the first year of Henry's reign, the earl was constituted
warden of the West and Middle Marches and conservator of
a truce ; and two years afterwards, he was one of the com-
missioners to negotiate for peace with Scotland; but his
appointment as lieutenant of Yorkshire embroiled him with
the populace and led to his death. The king had engaged
in war with France, and to carry it on vigorously, parliament
had granted a liberal aid. But this tax, though readily
granted, was not cheerfully paid; especially in Yorkshire
and Durham, where the popular feeling ran still in favour of
Richard III. The commissioners for gathering the subsidy,
finding the people mutinous, complained to the earl of
Northumberland, whom Bacon calls the chief ruler of the
northern parts. Informed of this disaffection by the earl,
the king issued peremptory commands, that not one penny
be abated of that which nad been granted by parliament.
The haughty manner in which the earl delivered the king's
message to the principal justices and others of the country,
brought odium upon himself; he was regarded as the
author of an oppression ; the people became fiirious and
ungovernable, and broke into his house, and slew him and
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SECOND^ THIRD^ AND FOTTHTH BABLS. 197
several of his seryants. This took place at Coxlodge near
Thirsk, on the 28th of April, 1489. Peeris exclaims —
O horrible mischiefei O most cruell cryine,
In our dayei hath not been seene soe destestable a thinge.
Their awne naturall lords, the commons, so mnrtheringe.
At Beverley Minster hee lyeth and alsoe Lady Mawd his wife,
In the which minster five priests bee found
Dayly to singe and masses to say
For Lord Henry and Mawd*s soule as they bee bound.
And for theire ancestors deceased devoutly to pray,
At an altar by his tombe they singe every day ;
And three bead men hee founded there alsoe to continue and pray alway,
Which now the fifth earle and the twelfthe Henry doth maintaine and uphold
Right devoutly, for hee reputeth holy prayer more then treasure or gold.
His burial in the College Church of Beverley was in
accordance with his will. His funeral must have been
magnificent^ as it cost upwards of £1^510^ equivalent to
about £15,000 of the present money. " A standart for this
solemn occasion cost £4 ; a baner £3 6s. 8d. ; his cote armer
of Seynet, betyn with his armys £5." The funeral had been
arranged by members of the Herald's Collie, for there is
entered — ^^^The reward to two officers of armys for their helpe
and payne in ordering the said buriall at £10 the pece, for
coming from London, their costs and rewards £S0." Thirteen
thousand three hundred and forty poor folks that came on
the day of the burial received twopence each ; five hundred
priests twelvepence each; and one thousand clerks fourpence
each.
The grave of Maud, his wife, was opened in September,
1678, and her body was found in a fair coffin of stone, em-
balmed and covered with cloth of gold, and on her feet sUp-
pers embroidered with silk, and therewith a wax lamp, a
candle, and plate candlestick. The stately altar tomb of
this earl is still in a good state of preservation in Beverley
Minster.
By his wife Maud, daughter of William Herbert, earl of
Pembroke, he left four sons and three daughters; Henry,
who succeeded him ; Sir William Percy, who fought at Flod-
den ; Alan, a priest ; and Joceline, ancestor of the Percys of
Beverley, Cambridge, and Rochester.
The win of this earl, which was made on the 27th of July,
1485, presents a fSavourable view of his character as a religious
man, kindly disposed, and eenerous to his friends, servants, and
to the poor; for those who had served him while living, he
wills that they should be bountifrilly deiJt with after his death.
His body he desires to be buried* within the College Ghurch of
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198 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
fit. Jolm of BeYorley — **i£ hit fortnne me to d^arte £rome this
presente lyve withyne the oountie of Yorke." He bequeaths to
the prior and convent of the Mars in Hohi Park £40 ; to the
white Mars of Doncaster £20, and of York £20 ; to the abbot
and convent of Alnwick one hundred marcs ; all these priors and
convents are within a month of his decease to say two trentals
for him, and yearly keep an obit on the day of his death ; to the
prioress and convent of Wilberfosse £10, to the abbey of St.
Alban's £20, to the abbey of St. Mary next York ten marcs,
" to pray for ye saules of my graunte-modirs, my lorde my fadir
Boule, my graunte-fadirs, all myne auntcestres saules, and all
cristen saules;" to the parsons of Lel^gfeld five marcs, of St.
Anne Ohurch London £5, to the vicars of Werkeworth five
marcs and of Wresill a himdred shillings, '* for my tithes and
oblations by me to fore this tyme forgeten." " Also I well that
by ye discrecions of myne executors, to dispose for my saule and
ye saules aforesaid, ye some of thre houndreth markes." He
wills that Sir Bobert Constable, Sir Thomas Meteham, Sir Wil-
liam Eure, and Sir Ghiy Fairfax be paid their fees during their
lives, they doing service to his heirs as they have done to him.
All that have offices of his grant are to retain them being true to
his heirs. *^ Also I woU that my gossep Mr William foteman
(who was archdeacon of the East Biding,) have a tonne of wyne
of Gasooigne yerelie duryng my lyve and his, to be delyvred at
ye porte of HuU to hyme or to his deputy ; and after my discess
during his lyve two tonnes of Qascoigne wyne." To eight per-
sons now his headmen he willed that they be found during their
lives in meat, drink, and clothing, and that each have yearly
thirteen shillings and fourpence in money. He makes provision
for his daughters Alianor and Anne, and for his sons Henry,
William, Aleyne, Gessilyne; for his nephews Sir Balph and
C^rge Percy, and for the children of Sir Henry another nephew.*
Many other bequests are made in this thoughtful wilLf
On his tomb are displayed his heraldic insignia — the Percy
fiisils^ the Percy lion, the locket, the crescent, the lucies,
Poynings and Bryan. Belonging to his time are also a lion
statanty guardant, gorged with a crescent^ inscribed with
esperance, supporting what appears to be a banner charged
with the Percy and Lucy arms quartered, on the Lion Tower
of Warkworth Castle ; on the same tower is the crest — a lion
passant y the tail lashed, on a chapeau ermine ; and here too,
occurs a badge used only by this earl — a basctdeXfor Herbert ^
* They were descendants of Sir Ralph Percy, who was killed at Hedgeley Moor,
t Test Ebor. III., p. 810
X A bascule was the counterpoise which helped to lift a drawbridge. Refer-
ence must be made to Mr. Longstaffe's Percy Heraldry for an account of this
curious badge.
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SECOND, THIBT), AND FOUKTH EARLS.
199
the family of his wife Maud^ with the motto ma comfort —
Fig. 24 ; the same badge, with a crescent is on a window of
Beverley Church— JFty. 25.
na25
na 24-
WABEWOBTH.
BEVXBLET*
A lion rampant was on the barbican of Alnwick Castle ;
and on the old cornice above, were the crescent and locket
with a crowned lion supporter on the left side, and the motto
Esperance Ma Comforte* The crescent and locket are on the
head of a buttress of Warkworth Church; a crescent enclosing
a locket on the north window of Beverley Chapel — Fig, 26 ;
on Hedgeley Cross ; and on Highfarlaw (Heohforlaw) Pole.
na26
na27
BEVXBLET.
Fig.9n.
Locket between the horns of a crescent; from Vincent's MS.
* This was restored, but not correctly, a century ago; the ozigioal scalptoret
are presenred in the Castle Museum.
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CHAPTER XII,
FIFTH AND SIXTH EAEL PEEOTS,
FROM 1489 TO 1637.
PIFTH BAKTi PEKOT-^HIS LOVE OF DISPLAY — ^ATTENDS QTTBJSS ICAB-
GASET's PBOGEESS THBOUOH W0BTHT7MBBELAK1) — SIEGE OP
TUKWUN — fflANDABD AND PENNON — BATTLE OF FLODDEN —
EABL's death — HIS OHABAOTEB — HOUSEHOLD BOOK — HEBALD-
KY — HENBT ALGBBNON, SIXTH EABL — IN LOVE WITH ANNE
BOLEYN — ABBESTS GABDINAL WOLSEY — LETTEB BEGABDING
ANNE BOLEYN — BAID INTO SCOTLAND— SEEKS TO BE CAPTAIN
OP BEBWIOK — SIB THOMAS PEBOY — PILGBIMAOE OF GBACE —
EABL's death — WBESn. CASTLE — LEGKINFIELD ICANOB HOUSE —
HEBALDBY.
HENET ALGEENON, FIFTH EAEL.
Henry Algernon, who, as eldest son and heir, succeeded
to the barony of Alnwick and other possessions, was bom
on the 18th of January, 1478 ; in 1488, he was created a
knight of Bath along with Arthur, prince of Wales; and
sometime prior to 1498, he was made a knight of the Garter.
He was a Percy-Lovaine of a new type. His predecessors,
with rare exceptions, were brave warriors, ready at the head
of attached vassals to fight their own or their country's
battles; but the spirit of the old heroism seems never to
have kindled in his bosom ; he was more at home in gaudy
shows than in battle-fields ; and he stands pre-eminent for
his stately magnificence, which he displayed not only in the
grandeur of his military equipment, but also in the semi-
regal order of his household.
I{e had a favourable opportunity of indulging in his taste
for display when he attended the princess royal into Scotland.
A happy historical event was the marriage of Margaret, Henry
the Seventh's eldest daughter, to James the Fourth, of Scot-
land; for it brought about the union of the crowns of England
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FIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 201
and Scotland, -which powerful kings, large armies, and tor-
rents of blood had failed to achieve.
This marriage was celebrated by proxy on January the
25th, 1503, and proclaimed at Saint Paul's Cross, where the
Te Deum was sung. The peal of beUs and blaze of bonfires
testified the joy of the citizens. Young, the herald, has left
a curious account of the bride's progress through England to
the Scottish border.
The Mng, her father, accompanied her as far as Collyweston,
lihe residence of her grandmother. Afterwards, richly dressed,
mounted on a fair palfrey, she was attended throughout her
journey, by the chief noblemen of the district through which she
passed, all the good towns and villages in her route ringing their
bells, and the inhabitants of the country around comiog to see
the noble company, bringing great vessels fuU of drink for the
use of those wno had ne^ of it. At two miles frt)m the city of
Tadcaster, the queen was Joined by the earl of Northumberland
"well horst upon a fayr Cforser, with a foot cloth to the Qrounde
of Cramsyn Velvett, all horded of Orflavery ; his Armes vary rich
in maay Places upon his Saddle and Harnys, his Sterrops gylt,
himself arayd of a Qowne of the same Cramsyn. At the opnyngs
of the Slyves and the Coller, a grett Bordeur of Stones. His
Boutts of Yelvett blak, his Spours gylt ; and in many places he
maid Gambads, plaisant for to see. AHwayes nigh to him wer
two Fotemen. Ther Jackets of that sain as before to his devyses.
Before him he had 3 Hensmen xychly drest and mounted upon
fayr Horsys, their short Jakets of Orfavery, and the Harnys of
the sayd Horsys of the same. After them rode the Maister of
the Horse, arayd of his Livery of Velvyt, mounted upon a gentyll
Horse, and Campanes of Silver and gylt." Many noble fiiights
were in his company; "also ther was hys Officer of Armes named
Norhumberland Herault, arayed of his liveray of Velvet, herring
his Cotte." The earl accompanied the queen through the re-
mainder of Yorkshire, through Durham and Northimiberland,
and as fu* as Lammerton Kirk in Scotland.
When entering into the city of Durham, the earl " wore a
goodly gown of Tynsel furred with Ermines, mounted on a fair
courser, with harness of Goldsmith Work, through which were
inserted small bells that made a m^odious noise."
Three days the queen sojourned in Newcastle, and on leaving,
was escorted hj the mayor ; half-a-mile from the town she was
received by Sir Humphrey lisle, of Felton, and the prior of
Brinkbum, with twenty horsemen ; and a little further on by
Sir Ealph Evers, sheriff of the county, " with many honest folks
of the countrie with spears and bows, in Jackets, to the number
of 200 horsemen." Aitor resting a night at Morpeth, she recom-
menced her journey, and, between Morpeth and Alnwick was joined
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SOS HI8T0BT 07 ALKWICK.
by ''Maister Heniy Qraj, Esqxder^ -with one hilndr^ hoitoe."
Her route to Alnwick was through OaWledge Park| hi whieh
** she kjrlde a Buck with her bow. Two days she remained at
Alnwick, as the gaest of the earl of Northumberland, who ''maid
hyr varey good Chore." On the 28th of July, she left Alnwick
and dined at BeKord, where Sir Thomas Darcy, captain of
Berwick^ " had made ready her dinner very well and honestly.*'
Balph Widdrington joined her here with one hitadj^ed horse ;
and at the entrance of Islandshire, Henry Grey^ who was sheriff
of that part of Northumberland, took charge c^ her. On the let
of August, she was received at Lammerton Kirk, on the part
of the king of Scots, by the archbishop of Glasgow and other
noblemen, and about one thousand persons | and here the earl
of Northumberland made " his Devor at Departynge (d Gambads
and Leaps."*
GDhe Scottish king and his nobles were also richly appareled ;
but for splendouri the earl of Northumberland outshone them
all ; '' in the richness of his coat being goldsmith's work, gar-
nished with pearl and stones ; and for the costiv apparel of his
henzmen, and gallant trappers of his horses, besides 400 tall
men well horsedj and appareled in his collars, he was esteemed
both of the Scots and liinglishmen more like a prince than a
subject."
He had another opportunity of indulging h{« taste for dis-
play, when, in 1513, he with six thousand men, accompanied
a warlike expedition to France, where he took patt in the
sieges of Therovene and ToUmay ; and was present at ** The
Battle of the Spurs ^^ where the French cavalry using their
spurs instead of their swords galloped away from the Eng-
lish, leaving their general and officers in the hands of theiir
enemies4 A curious account is presen-ed of "The order and
hole preparation and carriage of the Bight honorable Henry^
Earle of Northumberland, when he went to the siege of
Turwin in France, in the fifth ycare of the taigne of King
Henry the Eighth."!
Extraordinarily magnificent was his display j arrayed he
was in the utmost splendour, with doublets, coats, gaberdines,
and cloaks of crimson and green satin, ornamented with gold;
even his garters were of goldsmith work of gold of Venice
with buckles and pendants of gold and enamel. His own
pursuivants, herald, standard and banner bearers attended
• Lelandi Collectanea, IV., pp. 371-1&81.
f Thia Tery earions aoooant ia printed in the Antiquarian Repoaitor]r> IV»»
p. 346.
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FIFTH AND SIXTH BARLS.
908
him ; aod his whole arms were beaten on their coats in oil
colours and gold ; Mfperatmce, my lord's pursuivant, had a
green damask coat, and threes chaplains had red gowns, with
three bends of white sarsenet and green, with six crosses, six
roses, and six crescents.
On his gideholmefi, or small standards, were my lord's
device and word with sundry beasts, and sundry powderings.
In JFV^. 28, the beast is the blue lion of Percy, the device is
the cresoent enclosing the locket, the powderings are lockets»
a^nd the word, E»perance en JHeu; the colours are the gold
and gre^n of Poynii»gs.
FlftSS
The pennofUfeUe, or diminutive pennon, for his d^ni-lance,
was painted red and black, with livery colours of my lord,
with the crescent upon it.
The war which the king of England was carrying on against
France in 151S, broke the friendly relations between England
and Scotland. From France, Scotland had often received
aid when her more powerful neighbour sought to oppress
her, nor was she ungrateful when her friend needed help*
There was no difficulty in trumping up an excuse for breaking
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204 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
the truce. Andrew Barton,* a famous Scottish sea captain,
called by the English a pirate, had been killed by the Eng-
lish and his ships seized, when he was acting under the
authority of the king of Scotland; Heron the Bastard,
brother of Lord Ford, and the murderer of the Scottish
warden, was protected by the English ; and the jewels be-
longing to the queen of Scotland were detained in England.
These, though trivial enough in themselves, were deemed
sufficient grounds by a warlike people to seek vengeance on
England. Soon did the turbulent borderers begin their raids
and devastations on both sides of the border. Lord Home
at the head of three thousand horsemen, in revenge of the
ravages of the English, entered Northumberland, and after
burning seven villages was retiring with great booty, when
he was way-laid by Sir William Bulmer with one thousand
archers and men-of-arms on horseback. These he had con-
cealed among the tall broom on Millfield Plain ; and as the
Scots were returning, he suddenly attacked them. Bravely
the Scot« resisted ; but being encumbered with spoil, they
were shot down by the archers and totally defeated, with
a loss of five or six hundred killed and four hundred
taken prisoners. This, however, was but the prelude to a
more disastrous defeat, which is to be deplored, not only for
the sorrow it brought to Scotland, but for the sad check it
gave to the progress of its social improvement ; for James
IV., the king of Scotland, aimed at noble objects; he repaired
and adorned many palaces and castles, improved the admin-
istration of justice, brought law and order to bear on wild
and uncultivated districts that had previously been beyond
the range of civilising influences ; his navy he had strength-
ened ; and with vigour he had attempted to repress the
excesses and lawlessness of the borders. Alas ! that such
noble movements should have been so soon arrested. With
all his generosity he had his faults ; led astray by his own
chivalrous feeling, he kindled up the excitable war-spirit of
his people and entered England with a numerous army.
In the absence of King Henry, who was on the continent,
the earl of Surrey advanced to meet the Scots with an army
of twenty-six thousand men ; and to arouse their religious
enthusiasm, he obtained at Durham, the banner of Saint
• About thirty yean ago, a heavy aea washed away the loose sand coTering a
sandstone rock, near low tide mark on the sea shore at Embleton, and there was
found cut upon this rock in Roman capitals, ANDRA BARTON.
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FIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 205
Cuthbert, the popular saint of Northumberland. This army
arrived at Alnwick on the 3rd of September, 1513 ; and as
heavy rains had broken up the roads they remained all the
next day, and Surrey while there was joined by his son,
Thomas, the lord admiral, with a considerable body of good
forces. From Alnwick, on Sunday the 4th of the month,
Surrey sent a herald (Rouge Croix; challenging the king of
Scotland to join battle with him on the Friday following.
On the 5th, the English army encamped at Bolton, five miles
westward of Alnwick, and on the 6th and 7th at Wooler
Haugh Head. The two armies joined issue on Flodden
Field on the 9th, between four and five o'clock in the after-
noon ; and when the dark shadows of night fell, the Scots
were signally defeated, their chivalrous kmg slain, and most
of his nobles with nearly ten thousand of his soldiers left
dead on this fatal battle-field.* This disaster fiUed the heart
of Scotland with sorrow, which found utterance in plaintive
songs, in memory of the " Flowers of the Forest that had a*
wede away."t
The earl of Northumberland was not engaged in this battle,
being then with the king in France ; but two Percys were
there. Sir William, his brother, and Sir Lionel Percy.
Though the earl had been, on the accession of Henry
VIII., appointed warden of the marches, he never distin-
guished himself in border warfare ; but when an invasion
from Scotland was dreaded in 1522, he was again entrusted
with this important office, from which he is said soon
after, by repeated suits to the king, to have obtained a
dischai^e. For this sorry conduct he suffered greatly in
reputation, even incurring the contempt of his own ten-
ants. Probably, however, the new regulations introduced
by the sagacity of Wolsey, to make the office of warden
efficient in the maintenance of order and administration
of law, did not harmonise with the lofty notions the earl
entertained of his own dignity; and to some border men,
indeed, these regulations were especially distasteful, because
preventing indolent and unscrupulous wardens and sub-
wardens making a profit out of the lawlessness and misery
* Two Tery able and full accounts of this battle have been lecently given ; one
by Robert V^hite in Arcbseologia ^liana, III^ New Series; and the other by
the Rev. Robert Jones, vicar of Brankston, in the Proceedings of the Berwick-
shire Naturalists* Club, IV., pp. 365-389. This has since been reprinted in a
separate Tolomei
t Hall.
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806 HISTORY OF AtKWXCK.
of the border land. Something the earl attempted in 1527 ;
when by command of the king, his dearest son and heir Lord
Percy lay and abode at bis castle of Alnwick for defence of
the borders against the Scots, he then issued a commission,
in royal style '^for taking of musters'* to George Swinboume,
constable of Alnwick Castle, Thomas Horseley, constable of
Warkworth Castle, to his steward of Spofford and Topcliffe,
to his constable of Prudhoe Casde, and to his feodary of
York, commanding them to view all his officers, servants,
tenants, farmers, homagers, freeholders, and inhabitants of
Northumberland, " according to the custome of old tyme used,"
who are charged to wait upon his son to serve the king.*
Boon after this, on the 19th of May, 16^7, the earl died
and was buried in Beverley Cathedral.
He was married to Catherine, daughter and co-heiress of
Sir Robert Spence, of Spencer Combe, in Devonshire, by
whom he had two daughters and three sons ; Henry, who
succeeded him, and Sir Thomas and Sir Ingelram or Ingram,
both of whom took part in Ashe's rebellion.
Vain and excessively fond of pomp and display and having
no great share of the bravery of the older Percys, he seems
to have been more literate than the barons generally of the
period. Skelton he patronised ; a coarse satirical poet, then
held in esteem, although a priest of malicious disposition and
of doubtful moral character, and who wrote a long elegy on
the death of the oarPs father. The earl left a curious collec-
tion of poems engrossed on vellum, chiefly those of Lydgate,
the elegy of Skelton, and the history, in a kind of verse,
of the Percy family by Peeris, one of his chaplains. He
indulged in an odd fancy, in having the walls and ceilings of
the principal apartments in Wressu Castle and Leckingfield
great manor house covered with a series of moral inscriptions
in verse. These verses are like the compositions of the
period, affected and strewed with conceits, but they inculcate
some good moral lessona ; one example may be given :*—
A. He that slepithe in somer in winter sufferithe payne^
And he that in youthe is ydyll in age muste nedii complayne^
And he that in yonthe withe nrtu roakithe adyaunce
In age of all grace shall have plenteus habundaunee.
B. An olde proverhc it is mesne it is a treasure
Why sholde not youthe at tymes enjiye his pleasure.
Affecting the state of a sovereign, his commands were
expressed in a royal style ; his household was like a regal
• Ant Rep., IV., p. 851.
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nrtn Atti) ^txfm sa^ls.
!B07
establishment ; officers he kept to record his doings^ and a
poet laureate to sing the praises and dignity of himself and
family ; and hence there have been handed down curious
and Toluminous records exhibiting his manner of life. His
household book, which was given to the world by Bishop
Percy, presents a striking picture of a singular combination
of the feudal grandeur of the olden time, with the stately
magnificence of the sixteenth century. He had a council^
composed of his principal officers, to establish laws for the
government of his household ; the constable and bailiffs of
his castles waited upon him in succession, and these offices
were filled by the younger branches of his family and by
gentlemen of dignified descent ; they formed, along with the
other chief officers the Knight's Board; there were controller,
clerk of the kitchen, chamberlain, treasurer, secretary and
clerk of the signet, survisor, heralds, ushers, almoner, a
schoolmaster for teaching grammar^ minstrels, eleven priests
presided over bv a doctor of Divinity as dean of the chapel,
and a band of choristers. The household numbered two
hundred and twenty-three persons.*
Aems. — Percy and Lucy quarterly. The earl's MS., prob-
ably a copy from his bannerole at the Turwin siege ; in
the corners are silver crescents and golden lockets ; and
between the shield and garter are H. P.
na 30
* The wbole of fhis Bousehold Book is printed in the Antiquarian Repertory,
rV., p. 9, &e. The detailt of the mode of lifing ttB highly instrttCtiTe;
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HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Arms. — Quarterly of five, I., Percy and Lucy quarterly.
II., Old Percy, III., Poynings. IV., Fitzpaine. V.,
Bryan. Garter plate.
In the earl's signet, there are a lion rampant and a locket
between every letter of the motto. 1616.
Fia 31
HENET ALGEENON PEECY, SIXTH EAEL.
Henry Algernon Percy, the eldest son of the fifth earl, was
educated in the house of Cardinal Wolsey; and as one of the
train of that powerful minister, whom, indeed, he attended
in ordinary, he was in the habit of repairing to the royal
court, and there met the beautiful and unfortunate Anne
Boleyn. Before the king himself had looked on her with
loving eyes, Henry Percy was smitten with her charms, and so
far progressed in her aflFections, that he obtained her goodwill
to marriage ; and they became little less than contracted to
each other. The king, having heard of this, and afraid of
losing this beautiful woman, on whom he had for some time
contemplated with affection, acquainted Cardinal Wolsey
with his love, and desired him to dissuade Percy from pro-
secuting his suit. The cardinal used his endeavours, both
with Percy and Anne Boleyn, to break off their engagement;
but Anne seems to have been so much attached to her lover,
as to be displeased with the cardinal's interference ; whose
influence, however, not being sufficient to disunite the lovers,
the king sent for the earl of Northumberland to come to
court ; and so afraid was he of the king's displeasure, that
he insisted on his son renouncing Anne Boleyn; and to
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PIFTH AND SIXTH EARLS. 209
pravent the Tecurrence of danger^ he induced him to many
the daughter of the earl of Shrewsbury. Even when Anne
became the wife of the king, she retained a strong hatred of
the cardinal for blighting her early love *
On his father's death in 15^, Henry Algernon, as heir^
succeeded to all his lands. Notwithstanding his early
obligations to the cardinal, he, in the same year^ signed the
articles impeaching his old master, who was now tottering
on his lofty elevation, chiefly because of his opposition to
the divorce of Queen Catherine. The earl too, signed the
famous letter from the peers of the realm to Pope Clement,
in 1530, informing his holiness, that if he did not concur in
a sentence of divorce they would seek a remedy elsewhere.
This was the first bold decisive blow which severed England
from the Papal dominion. The great cardinal had been in
disgrace and banished from the court since October, 15^ ;
but his enemies, afraid that he might regain the king's
favour, sought his destruction. The earl of Northumberland^
who was now warden of the Marches, went by command of
the king, along with others, to arrest the cardinal, with such
diligence and secrecy, that the cardinal^ receiving him as a
guest, was startled when the earl in a feultering voice said
'* I arrest you of treason." Dismayed and pensive, the
cardinal paused before he replied; and feeling grieved,
apparently not so much on account of the arrest itself, but
because it was made by one who had served in his own
household, he at first refused to obey, until he saw the
king's commission. This, however, was not shewn to him ;
but as he had no remedy, he at length yielded ;' not to the
earl, but to Sir William Welsh as the king's servant.f The
fiiU of this great minister^ as told in the pages of Shakespeare,
gives a most impressive and touching lesson on the instability
Zt human greatness.
When the brutal Henry VIII., enamoured with another
Jbeauty, caused his wife Anne Boleyn to be condemned, he
sought also to deprive her of the honour of being his lawful
wife, by endeavouring to persuade the earl of Northumber-
land to admit that she was under a pre-contract and promise
of marriage to him. Honourable it is to the earl^ that he
was not awed by the cruel tyrant^ to heap degradation on
a persecuted woman. In a letter to Cromwell^ the king's
« T]iM6 interettiDg partieuUn are giTen in Herbert's Life of Henry YIIL,
HistofEng., 11.^1708.
t Herbert, II., p. 14S.
2e
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210 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
secretary, he says — ^^ I perceive there is supposed a Precon-
tract between the Queen and me. Whereupon I was not
only heretofore examin'd upon mine Oath before the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and York; but also received the blessed
Sacrament upon the same, before the Earl of Norfolk and
others of the king's council learned in the spiritual law;
assuring you by the said Oath and blessed body, which afore
I received, and hereafter intend to receive, that the same
may be to my Damnation, if ever there were any contract or
promise of Marriage between her and me.*'*
Soon after his accession to the earldom, Henry Algernon
Percy must have been appointed warden of the Eastern and
Middle Marches ; for we find him acting in that capacity on
the 28th of January, 1528. He met with the Scottish war-
dens on the Marches to redress grievances, and presided over
warden courts to try and punish o£fenders ; but he seldom
engaged in the warfare, which despite of truces, was still
carried on. In one raid across the borders he took part;
and of this he gives an account in a letter to Henry YIII.
"According" he says, "to your most dread commandment, for
me to invade the realm of Scotiand, and there to destroy, -waste,
and bimi com and towns to their most annoyances," he took
upon him an enterprise into Teviotdale and Merse. On the 1 1th
of December, 1532, at eleven o'clock, he invaded Scotland accom-
panied with the whole garrison of ? and other Northum-
brians ; on the following day he sent forth two forays, and at
day-break they raised the fire in Douglas in the Lothians, and
bimit and wasted the town and the com there; and also the
town and com of Aldhamstokes, Oobbirspeth, the two towns of
Hoprygg, Old Gamers, and the towns of Eeidtlewes. He also
burnt " a town and com being in his way called Eaynton."
" Thankes be to Ood the forreys fleynge stale and batall savely,
without loss or hurt did mete at the howre of 12 of the doke,
not being one pele, gentlemans house, nor grange, imbrynt and
destroyed; and so recaled towardes England, and in our retoume
forreyed aU the contrey toward Berwyk, and did bryn, wast, and
distroye the townes of Conwodd, Honwodd, 2 Eustayns, Blak
Hill, and Hill End, 2 Atons, and wan the barmkyn there ; which
townes was within the Merse. At which invasion there ys taken
many Scottesmen prisoners, there was seaced 2000 noyte and
above, 4000 shepe and above, with all the insight, coyn, imploy-
ments of houshold, estemed to a great somme." How revolting
to thank Gbd for the safe performance of these horrible deeds If
• Herbert, II., p. 195.
t State Papers, IV., p. 627.
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FIFTH AND SIXTH EABLS. Sll
•
He must have had somewhat of the love of display for
which his father stood pre-eminent ; for we find, that Crom-
well not only informed him of complaints having been made of
his not duly executing justice on the Marches, but also of his
having had a sword borne before him from TopcliflF to York.
He admits that a sword was borne before him, and says —
*' Good Master Secretary, if that same were taken by the
King's Majesty of me to be done in pomp and pride of myself,
without his most "gracious authority, which I have for the
same, it should be un&inedly to my discomfort, for so much
as neither duty nor reason can give me a most poor and true
subject, to have a sword borne, but only by the honorable
authority of his Majesty to me granted, most unworthy."*
This, however, was but a trivial affair ; another of his
letters presents him in a less favourable aspect. This great
earl complains of poverty, and as the captain of Berwick was
not expected to recover from illness, he asks for his place and
offers a bribe of one thousand marks to Cromwell, if he would
procure it for him.
"Of a truth" says he, "the Captain of Berwick, Sir Thomas
dyfford had laid speach, and never likely to recover ; to which
rome,f good Mr. Secretary, I pray you help me, whereby ye
shall not only recover a poor noble man being in decay, but also
get yourself much worship, that by your means so poor a man
shall be recovered, as I am, and bind me, my friends, and them
that shall come after me, ever, (as never the less I am most
bounden afore) next the king our Maister, to be toward you and
all yours during our lives. And good Mr. Secretary, I shall not
fail to give you a 1000 marks for the same, bringing it to pass.
And good Mr. Secretary as my trust is in you, do for me now.
And Our Lord have you in His keeping. In hast, at Toplyff
the 6 Nov. (1535), witti the rude and ragged hand of your own
ever bounden, most assuredly H. Nobthumberlaio)."}
The earl appears to have been attached to the reformed
religion; but his brothers. Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram Percy,
clung to the old faith, and took part in insurrectionary
movements which influenced for a time the fortunes of the
Percy family. The smaller monasteries were dissolved in
1536, and nearly ten thousand monks and nuns were set
loose, to inflame the passions of the ignorant and stir up
rebellion. One of the larger monasteries in the north, Hex-
ham, resisted by force of arms the admission of his majesty's
commissioners into the abbey. The walls were bristling with
* SUte Papers, V., p. 16. f Office. t State Papers, V., p. 84.
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212 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
artillery^ and numbers of the tenants of the abbey and of the
outlawed Redesdale men, who had been summoned both
by the common bell and the great fray bell, assembled
around the abbey armed ''with bills, halberts, and other
defenceable wapons, like men ready to defend a town of
war."* Sir Thomas Percy was at Hexham at this time
abetting this resistance.
But be was more directly concerned in a more formidable
outbreak, which was headed by Robert Aske, a man of
courage and prudence, and who gave to the undertaking the
name of " The Pilgramage of Grace." Sir Thomas Percy
was actuated by interested motives, as well as by a regard to
the old religion ; for, having sought to be declared heir to
the earl and been obstructed by the king in the attainment
of his object, he out of revenge joined this rebellion.f He
raised as many men as he could in the East Riding of
Yorkshire, and passed with his followers through York " in
complete harness, with feathers trimmed as well as he might
deck himself at that time, shewing he did nothing constrained
but of a willing malicious stomack against his most natural
and dread lord." He circulated writings, placards, and
precepts ; and then betook himself to Northumberland and
called to his aid the notable offenders of Tindale and
Hexhamshire — the Herons, the Charltons, the Robsons, and
others, famous freebooters. He and his brother, Sir Ingram,
summoned meetings of the gentlemen of the county at divers
places, under the pretence of making arrangements to defend
the country against freebooters ; one of these meetings was
at Alnwick Castle, whence he would not allow the gentlemen
to depart till they swore to aid him in his designs ; but all
this was done without the authority of the earl, while he was
lying sick at Wressil. One man, Edward Bradeforthe, Sir
Raynold Carnaby's servant, resisted the authority of these
lawless men, and would not pay to Sir Ingram the rents of
his master's lands; but he was seized by eighteen men whom
Sir Ingram laid in wait for him ; and he was taken by force
to Alnwick Castle, laid in the stocks there for two nights and
a day, and kept in prison for three days longer4
Sir Thomas Percy led the first division of the rebel army,
which, numbering five thousand men, encamped near Don-
caster; but promises of pardon and of inquiry into the
* Raine*! Memorials of Hexham, I., cxxviii.
t Froude*8 Appendix to the Pilgrim, p. 116.
I Baine'f Memorials of Hexham, I., cxxxvii.
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FIFTH AXD SIXTH BARLS. j218
grievances complained of haying been made, this fonnidable
body disbanded. No inquiry following^ other plots were
formed with which these Percys were connected; and Sir
Thomas was seized, tried, condemned as a traitor, at-
tainted, and in 1537 executed at Tyburn. The Ufe of Sir
Ingram Percy was spared ; but he died soon after in 1538.
Seventy-four persons were hung on gibbets in chains in
Westmoreland and Cumberland. ''The flame" says Froude,
" was trampled out ; and a touch of pathos hangs over its
close — the bodies were cut down and buried by women.**
The loss of the object of his early love a£fected the character
of the earl of Northumberland; he became reckless and
extravagant and plunged so deeply into debt, that he bore
the sobriquet of " Henry the Unthrifty," and was obliged to
sell Poynings estate and other lands. With his wife he lived
nnhappily; and he separated from her. The fate of his
brother he laid deeply to heart ; and as he had no issue of
his own, and his brother's children could not inherit in
consequence of their father's attainture, '* he " says Dugdale,
" gave away part of his lands to the king and to others."*
On February the 3rd, 1535, he alienated to the king his
house of Petworth and other lands in Sussex, his lands in
Hackney, and large estates in Lincolnshire and other coun-
ties ; and his other lands, by another act, were settled on his
own male issue, and then upon the king and his heirs in
augmentation of the imperial crown; some provision was
reserved for his brothers and nephews. He died on the SOth
of June, 1537, at his house in Hackney, and was buried in
the choir of Hackney Church.
*' Arms. — Quarterly of Jive, — I., Grand quarter of I, Percy,
2, Beaufort, 3, Lucy, 4, Spenser, (Black two ermine
bars neoulee). II., Old Percy. III., Poynings. IV.,
Fitz-Payne. V., Bryan.
Crest. — A lion passant, the tail extended, on a chapeau.
Supporters. — A lion rampant croumed, and an unicorn
ducally gorged and chained.
Motto, on a scroll, *' JEsperance.** Mr. Way in Proceedings
of Arch. Inst., Newcastle, p. 305.
Of the heraldry of this earl, ample illustrations occur in
the Herald's College, taken from standards and pennons ;
and through the kind permission of Mr. Longstaffe, I am
able to present several examples, which will be especially
• Dugdale Bar. I., p. 283.
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214
HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
interesting, because giving not only the Percy badges, but
also those of Poynings and Bryan. And here too, I express
my obligations to my friend Mr. Longsta£fe, for the liberal
use he has given me of the valuable wood cuts which illustrate
the Percy heraldry.
no. 32
Standard. — "Paly of thre pesses of thys colters^ Rosset,
yeloWy and tawny y* powdered with silver crescents and lockets
separately, a blue lion passant. Above Am, a silver key,
crowned with gold (for Poynings), behind him, a blue bugle-
horn unstringed, garnished with gold (for Bryan). Between
the motto-bends, a black falchion sheathed, garnished, pomel-
led and hilted with gold (for Fitz-Payne). MS. Her. Coll.,
I., 2. There is no motto filled into the original.
FIQ. 33
^iyCtAUffW
Pennons. — The same MS. "Algernons." Red, gold,
and rosset, a blue lion passant between three silver crescents.
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FIFTH AND SIXTH EABLS.
215
Fia 84
''Ponynges." Bos-
sety gold, and tatony,
a silver unicorn pas-
santy ducally gorged
and chained in gold,
between three silver
crescents.
Itosset, gold, and
tawny y a silver hoar
statanty ducally gorged
and chained in gold,
between three silver
crescents.
*' Percy." Rosset,
goldy and tawny, a
silver panther statant,
powdered with red
and Hue spots, and
crowned in gold, be-
tween three stiver cres-
cents.
Pennon CELLES. —
The same MS.
"Ponjmges." Hos-
sefj gold, and tawny,
the silver key as be-
fore.
" Bryan." Rosset,
gold, and tawny, the
bugle-horn as before.
Bed, rosset, red,
and rosset, a silver
crescent.
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816 HISTOET OF ALNWICK.
"^'®^ ''Percy." Red and
blacky a silver crescent.
Exactly ''like the pen-
celes of buckram" used
by the previous earl
"painted of red and
black, with crescents
upon them."
The chief residence of the earls of Northumberland at
this period was not at Alnwick, but at Wressil Castle in
Yorkshire. Leland, who saw it in 1538, says — ^''The House
is one of the most propre beyound Trente and Semeth newly
made ;" yet it was built in the time of Richard II. It was
a splendid building ; but during the great civil war it was,
in 1650, to a great exfent demolished by an order of the
Council of State * Lekinfield Manor House, another prin-
cipal residence, is now entirely destroyed. Leland says, " it
is a large House, and Stondith within a great mote, yn one
very spacious courte." Though not so magnificent as Wressil,
it afforded more accommodation, for there were in it eighty-
three apartments.
* In a lettar to Hngh Potter, kept ttill in memory finom his bequest to the
Alnwick poor, there is an accoont of the manner in which it was destroyed. See
Ant Rep., IV., p. S34^ where there is also a picture of its remains in 1770.
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CHAPTEE XIII.
MABCH LAWS AND STATE OF THE BOEDEES IN THE
SIXTEENTH CENTUEY.
1CA.BCH IAW8— ORDER OF THE VAT0HE8 — WARD MUSTERS — ^DEPENOES
OF THE BORDER — MEN OF ALNVIOK MUSTERED AT ABBERVIGK —
DACRE's raid — SURREY, WARDEN — RAID INTO TEVIOTDALB —
SIR WILLIAM LYLE's RAIDS — SURRENDER AND EXECUTION —
HORRIBLE FORAYS — LORD PARR AT ALNWICK — EURE's FORAY —
THE PROTECTOR — SOMERSET AT ALNWICK — ^LETTER FROM ALN-
WICK CASTLE-— TEN TOWNS OF GLENDALB BURNT—- BOOK OF THE
MARCHES.
Henry Algernon Percy, the sixth earl of Northumberland,
dying without issue, and the family of his brother being
corrupted in blood by the attainder of their father and
incapable of succession, the Percy crescent was for a time
eclipsed, and the earldom became extinct. By his will, the
chief portion of the earl's estates passed to the king ; and
twenty years went by before this old border family was
restored to its dignities and estates.
During the greater part of this interval, Alnwick and
Warkworth Castles belonged to the king, and were occupied
by one or other of the deputy wardens of the Marches. The
border land was then the scene of frequent inroads ; indeed,
from this time till James I. succeeded to the English throne,
there was almost incessant warfare, which was fearfully
destructive to both sides of the border.
From their geographical position, and from the wild and
lawless character of their inhabitants, the borders were in an
abnormal condition ; it was only by extraordinary laws and
regulations, that even the semblance of order and justice
could be maintained. We should have but an imperfect
notion of the state of our town and district, without some
slight knowledge, at least, of March laws and usages ; as they
reveal a state of society strangely disorganised. As early as
1249 a series of border laws was agreed to by both nations ;
2f
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218 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
more particular regulations were made in the reigns of Henry
VI. and Edward lY. ; and fresh arrangements were entered
into^ as circumstauces demanded^ in subsequent reigns^ until
the two nations were united under one king.
Wardens were appointed^ both by the Scottish and English
kings, and invested with great powers to defend the borders
against aggression, and to administer justice in their Warden
Courts. Along the borders at conyenient places, the principal
of which were Redden Burn and Campaspeth, wardens of
both sides met to judge offences committed by the subjects of
either realm against the other; these meeting were called days
of Trewes ; and punishments were awarded m accordance with
old established usage, or with written law. Offenders who
fled, were by the warden chased or pursued in Hot Trodd,
with hound and horn, and with hue and cry ; and it was
lawful to continue the chase into the opposite borders, and
to bring the offender, when caught, withm the warden's own
jurisdiction for trial and punishment.
On the English side there were a warden general, a deputy
warden general, and three deputy wardens, one each for the
East, West, and Middle Marches. In time of war their
duties were important ; and as they had to contend with an
enemy always on the alert and practised in surprisals and
ambuscades, a complicated system of watching both by night
and by day was adopted. In the smallest March, the eastern,
in which was Alnwick, two hundred and three watchers were
engaged at night and seventeen by day. The total number
thus occupied throughout the whole of the eastern border
cannot be precisely ascertained; but I do not think they
would amount to less than two thousand men. The order
of the watches made in October, 1552, by Lord Wharton,
Lord Deputy General of all the three Marches, under my
Lord of Northumberland's Grace, has been preserved ; and
as it is not only curious in itself, but gives information of the
names of the inhabitants of the borders, I shall give those
portions which refer to Alnwick and the district around it.
" The Watch to be kept from Hodgecroft to Eung-hole (Eoug-
hell *) to be watched nightly with Ten Men of the Inhabitors of
Whyttell, ShelbotteU, Bylton, Over-boston, Woddon, Nether-
boston-grange, and Berling ; Setters and Seardiers, Bughle and
Snepe house.
• Ruglcy.
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STATE OF THE BOBBEES. S19
From Mozy-fopd xmto Birk liill or Kirk-hill* of Alnwyck-more,
to be Watehed nightly with Six men in the watdi of the
Inhabitors of Alnwyck-more.
From Ohryatofer Armorers to Sheplegate yaite to be watched
xughtly with Fourteen men of the Inhabitors of Longhoutton,
Ekiouthe, Lesberry, Ankle, f Denyke, Broxfeld, Ekle,J Berne-
yardes, Belvzate, Cany-gate, and Walker-gate; Setters and
Searchers of these Watches the Keepers of the West Parkes,
Anwyke and Hull-park.
Overseers of the said Watches, Sir Robert EUerker, Benight,
Geoi^e Mede^lfe, William Harrysone, and Geo. Carre.
The Passages to be kept betwixt GDherslehaughe and the New-
ton, with several watches nightly, and thereto is appointed the
Inhabitants of the Towns and Hamlets from Felton-briggend
to Caldiche-park, by west the Streyte'; Setters and Searchers,
William Johnstone, Thomas Bobinson, John Meele, and Eobert
Browne.
From the Newton to Liersheld to be watched by two Men
nightly, and thereto is appointed the Town of Edlingtone and
the Newtone.
From Liersheld to Bawtonne § to be watched with two Men
nightly, and thereto is appointed the Town of Lemeden, and the
Broome-Parke; Searchers and Setters of these two Watches,
Bobert Manners, and Bobert Killingworthe.
Qyerseers of this Watch Bobert Lysle and Thomas Swinburne.
From Bowton to Tetlington to be watched with two Men
nightiy, and thereto ia appointed Bowton, Aberwyke, and Hhe
Woddhall.
From Tetlin^n to Haroppeswyer by North the Hill, to be
watched with eight Men nigntly of the Inhabitors of Tetlingtone,
Basden,|{ Sheplay, Est-Ditchbume, West Ditchbume, Egling-
ham, and Haropp ; Setters and Searchers of these two watches
Cathbert Mowe, John Wethered and the Qreeve of Tetlingtone.
Overseers, Edward Bednell, John Bellingham, Luke Ogle, and
Bauf Collingwood.
The watch to be set from Bauf Lillies House to Cokkett, with
Four Men nightly of the Inhabitors of West Chevingtone, Eshott,
Therstone and Bokenfield ; George Matroke and William Hud-
8one to be Setters and Searchers of these two Watches.
Overseers, John Heron and Anthony Heron.
The Watch to be kept from Wetherington-Park-nook to
Ookket, with Fourteen Men nightly, and thereto is appointed
Inhabitors of Wetherington, Dreredge, Est Chevingtone, Had-
ston, AiokHngton, Toxden, Haxlaye, Warkworthe, Ambell,
* Both names are given, but Birk hill is the more probable, ns the place was
on Alnwick Moor ; K has been mistaken for B.
f Hawkhill. I Hecklej. ) Bolton. || Bassington.
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220 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
Qloster-hill and Moryke: Betters and SearcherSi John Eenwyke,
Edward Tremble, John Harford, Edward CHerk, John Wilson,
and Persevall Wylkynsone.
Overseers of these Watches, Ser John Wethermeton, Knight,
John Heron, John Wetherington and [Oiomas Finc^e.
The names of the Watch Places and number of the Towns
thereimto appointed by Edward Bradford, Bayllif^ of Emylton
and So to South-Charlton.
The Town of South Charlton and Bennington to Keep Watch
with three Men nightly at the (Mlow.
The Town of Stanford and Eoke to keep watch with three
Men nightly at the Scotts CJlose-nooke.
The TowTi of North Charlton and Eock to keep watch with
three Men nightly at the binding rate.
The Town of Howicke and Craister to keep watch with three
Men nightly, at the Kamelaw.
The Towns of Dunstane and Newton to keep watch with three
Men nightly at Archeford.
The Town of Emylton to keep watch nightly with three Men
at Pyethe-nook.
Edward Bradforthe and the Bayliff of North Charlton to be
Setters and Searchers of the said Watches.
The night watchers were set at the day-going, and con-
tinued at their stations until the day was light; the day
watchers begun their duty at day light, and continued until
the day was gone. It was the duty of every watch, on
observing the approach of an enemy or suspected person, to
give the alarm by blowing of horn, by shout or outcry, and
all men were bound, on pain of death, to arise and follow
the fray with hue and cry on horse or on foot. Whoever
captured offenders was rewarded; and goods rescued from
thieves were restored to the owners on paying for their rescue.
No man could harbour or help any rebel, fugitive, felon,
murderer, whether Englishman or Scotsman, upon pain of
death ; and no subject could even speak with a Scotsman
without license from the warden. All persons coming within
the limits of the watch were examined ; and those, who were
not known, were brought before the bailiffs and constables,
and if suspected, they were sent to gaol till tried by the
warden. It will be observed, that the regulations of the
watch were stringent; men were appointed to set on the
watchmen, others as searchers to visit the stations to see that
the watchmen were wakeful and vigilant, and above these
again were overseers, who were the chief men of the county,
and it was their place to see that the watch duty was
efficiently performed, and to report from time to time, the
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STATE OF THE BORDEBS.
state of their Thatches to the deputy warden. The following
letter from Lord Wharton to these gentlemen searchers is
interesting : —
*' I require and will you, in the Kings Majesties Name, that ye make due
search throughout all the said Watches, upon Sonday Night next, the 15th of
this Instant : And wherein you shall find any default, that you give charge
to the Officers where such Defaults are, to bring unto me to AJnowyke,
immediately the Offenders, with Declaration in Writing from you, in what
order you do find the said Watches ; and also, that from time to time, so
often as your discretion shall think requisite, you make substantial search
throughout your Limits, sending the Offenders unto me in form as before ;
and upon Saturday, which shall be the Twenty eight Day of this present
Month of January, that you certifie me by your Letters to be sent to Alne-
wyke, how the same Watches are continued and kept, and so every Saturday
monthly, fr^om the said 28th to make your Certificate to Alnewyke,
where the same shall be received : And that you give knowledge to aU the
Officers and Subjects within your Circuit of Watch, That whosoever doth not
observe and keep the said Watch, and ryse to Fray and following, shall be
punished accordmg to the Laws of the Bealm, and Commandments given for
the same : Fail you not hereof, as ye tender the Kings Majesties Heasure,
the common wealth of the Countrey, and will answer at your periU. And
heartily fare you well. — At the Castile of Alnewyke, the 11th of January."
As a further protection against inroads, measures were
adopted to give artificial defences to the country. " Con-
sidering that help lyeth in strengthening the Country with
Inclosures^ Hedges, and Ditches," the wardens order, that
portions of land convenient for tillage, meadows, or grassing,
should be enclosed with ditches five quarters in breadth, and
six in depth, double set with quickwood, and hedged above
three quarters high. Commissioners were appointed, to
direct where the enclosures should be made, and also to
cause unnecessary fords and passages by water and land to
be stopped up. The following are those appointed for the
district around Alnwick : —
" Between the Waters of Cokett and Ayll from Lierchd-bume
to the Sea. Robert Lisle of Felton, Thomas Swinburne of
Edlingham, John BedneU of Lematone, George Fen wyke of
Brenk-bum, George Metcalfe of Alnewyke, Henry Heron of
Alnewycke.
From Wamebrigg to the Water of the Aill as Bambrough-
shere goeth. Sir John Horgley, Knight, Sir John Foster,
Knight, Francis Armorer of Belforth, Bowland Bradforth of
Tuggill, George Carr of Lesbury, Edward Bradforth of Emylton.
From Ihe Watet of Aill to Hetton-bume, on the East side of
Tyll, imto Bambrough-shere, Eauf Grey, Deputy Warden, Sir
Eobert Ellerker Knight, Tho. Hebbume of Hebbume, Rob.
CoUingwood of Bewyke, Thomas Carlisle of Haslerigg, Luke
Ogle of Eglingham."*
* Legea Marchianim, by Nicholson.
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HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Great baronial and royal castles there were for the defence
of the borders, such as Alnwick^ Dunstanburgh, Bamburgh,
Warkworth, Chillingham, and Edlingham ; but, in addition,
the whole district was studded over with peles, or fortified
houses, which were square or oblong towers — similar to the
keep of a small castle — ^with stone walls of great thickness^
and with the lower storey vaulted, from which a narrow
winding stone stair led to the dwelling rooms above. But
in time the entrance door to these rooms was on the second
storey, which was reached by a ladder or wooden stair which
could easily be removed ; a communication could be made
from there to the under room, as at Akeld Pele, through a
square opening in the centre of the vault. Scattered around
these peles and protected by them were the cottages, forming
the vill or little town ; and when a raid swept across the
borders, the people took refuge in these strongholds, and
cattle and moveable goods were placed for safety in the
vaulted chamber. Without such defences the border land
would have been uninhabitable. In Alnwick parish, besides
the embattled abbeys, there were peles at Highfarlaw, at
Rugley, at St. Margarets, and at Hobberlaw. There were
larger towers— or small castles at Preston and Rock ; pele
towers there were at Bilton, Shilbottle, Howick, Craster,
Little Houghton, Abberwick, Lemmington, Whittingham,
Bewick ; and indeed wherever a military vassal resided on
his own land : church towers, too, as at Longhoughton and
other places, were fortified peles.
The whole county was converted, indeed, into a great
military camp. The vastness of the precautionary plans
indicates the extent of the danger, and shews how insecure
both life and property were at this period. When so much
time and energy were spent on military preparations and
defences, and when, moreover, inroads were so frequent and
destructive, not only the cultivation of the soil, but all the
productive industries of the county must have been in a low
condition. Fortunate it was fox Alnwick, that she was now
defended by strong embattled walls and towers.
By law every free man was bound to bear his share in
public burdens, to defend his country and keep watch and
ward ; and this duty especially devolved on the men of the
borders. The whole able bodied population were therefore
trained to the use of arms; and bound to assemble on the muster
days of the respective wards, when summoned by the king's
commission. A muster day was greatly more important than
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STATE OF THE BOBBEBS.
228
a review day of the present time. " There is never a plough
going in Norhamshire nor Bamhurghshire that dav; it is
their principal feast. Every plough has his crown for mus-
tering that day."* The land at that time^ especially near
the borders, lay in small holdings of five marks each ; and
every such tenant was bound to appear with horse and armour. f
Yet some endeavoured to shirk this duty ; fraud had been
practised at these musters ; they were not fiiU ; and hence a
command was given in 1558 to the earl of Northumberland^
then warden, to cause discreet gentlemen, who were neither
Northumbrian nor border men, to go in a secret manner to
take the numbers, and see how many were wanting, how
many were Northumberland men, ana how many were in-
land men. And this was done, for the warden is afterwards
commended for his diligence.
A muster of the men of Coquetdale and a part of Hamburgh
Ward was held in 1538 on Abberwick Moor ; and the record
of it, among the public muniments, tells us of the men of
Alnwick who appeared there. Some were on foot armed
with a helmet, coat and plate, bow or bill ; others had horse
and harness. On this occasion, six hundred and forty horse-
men and eight hundred and eighty footmen mustered on the
moor. The following is a list of the men from Alnwick
Parish, j; Some few of the present inhabitants of the district
may find the names of their ancestors there — the Thews,
the Stamps, the Strothers, the Rennisons ; the Bustons and
Wilkinsons of Buston were there too; the Tyndales and
Douglas from Chatton ; the Elders from Longhoughton.
" The avewe of nmsters takyn by Sir Cuthbt. Radclffe, Enight Constable
Kin^ Castell of Allnwyke and Bobt. CoUingwode, Eaquyere, the zvii and
xviii day of Apryle, the xxxti yere of our Souerayne Lorae Kizige Henry the
Eight, takyn on Abberwyk More, &c.
ALLNWYKE
Sni Cuthbt.
Radgliffb
and his hote^
hond ScruanU
Edwazde Baddyffe
Antomr Macheu
John Cartington
theyonger
John Cartington
the Elder
Evchert HowcaateU
Tnomas BobynBon
JohnMarcam
Bobt. Chessman
Bobt. G(rayes
Gylbt. Byrk
Bauf e Gi^e
Henry Jakson
John Harbottell
Bog. Smythe
(>eorg Erington
John Ayden
SadeU mm in horse and harness,
Thomas Marcam
Patryke Hopkyrk
Ahle men not horsid.
« Col. of State Ptpen. Foreigh Bliz., 1558. f Ibid*
X Archteologia ^liana, lY., p« 159.
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234
HISTORY OF ALKWTCfK.
The Abbot of Perscevall GkJlon
Allnwtks John Gkdlon
SeruanU, Alleyne SchafiEto
Gheorg Bedlande
Robt. Porster
Thomas Hudson
John Thomson
MabU in horu and hornet.
The Esbpbbs of thb Kinds Pabks
Colleg Farke
Hew© Gallon
Willme Clennell
Edward Harbottell
Herry Staruder
Adam Vrpethe
Edwarde Henyson
Willme Herryson
John Sawghelld
Willme Armerer
John Carr, bailey
of Bowmer
Able mm with horse and hernes.
EuU Parke
The West
Parke
The TowMB of Charles Heslope
Allnwykb John Wyllson the
Elder
Thomas Stampe
John Willson
Thomas Ayre
Thomas Ley
John Anderson
Rychert Benet
Edward Thomson
Rye Taller
John Selle
Charles Stampe
Thomas Herryson
John Atkinson
Thomas Edster
George Carslay
John Herryson
Edwarde I^adyman
John Taller
Bobt. Herde
John NychoUson
Bobt. Bert
Nycholas Chaneler
Hewe Bennet
Thomas Hatte
John Atkinson
Wellme Bednell
Nycholas Bobynson
Georg. Clarkson
Percevalle Gallon
Alk men with horse and harness.
Al-wtxb
Willme Rede
Edward Carsley
The nefw cuy'd
AxwTKB Walker
James Yonge
Nycholas Arkley
John Hume
John Dawffles
Thomas Thyrkeld
Thomas Anwvke
Edward GrycUey
Hdnry Watson
Thomas Cutter
Bane Sadler
Henry Jobson
Willme Horton
Willme Newton
Thomas Kethe
Willme Bower
Thomas Charson
Willme Swayne
(Jeoi^ Humley
John Clay
Thomas Claude
John Clay
Lenard Stell
Cuthbt. Myllner
Robert Clay
James Scott
Rye Elando
Rye Clay
Geoiv Person
Charles Hall
Thomas Taller
Rolande Browne
James Tyndell
Edmonde Stroder
John Davson
John Nellson
Willme Dobe
Vswolde Staimger
Rye Browell
Robt. Clarke
Rynvone Stroder
Nycholas Smythe
Rye Taller the elder
Nycholas Watson
Gteorge HuUe
Edwarde Awgoode
Willme Robynson
Lyonell Borell
Willme Wobbe
Wilkne Tayller
James Halle
Rog. Herryson
WiUme Watson
Henry Spumell
John Archeer
George Masson
Rye. Browne
George Gvbson
John Tayller
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8TATB OF THE B0RDEB8.
225
Ajxwtkm HemyLang
Thomas D^aon
Bobt. Store
Weim the taller
Bobt. Mason
Cathbt. BeU
Willme Thomson
G^Tge Passe
Leonard Fazyley
John Watson
Henry Watson
Thomas Eawerd
ANe mm wimtyng korse and hameu,
Bbnnxk Bye. GySing
belonging to Bobt. Anderson
AxrwTE, Willme Makson
Boland Dobynson
John Gibson
Bye. Qibson
Henry Boddene
John Clarke
John Thewe
AN^ men with hone and hamee*
Dbmnik John Newis
belonging to Willme MyUs
AirwYK Wilhne I^hton
Thomas Gybson
Georg. Foster
Willme Waller
Able men wanting horte and hamee.
ScHBLLDYK Thomas Stotte
belonging to Wyllme Bobson
Anwyk John Btdl
G^rg Herryson
Bobt. Dykenson
John Dykenson
Ed. Blythe
Ed. Bobson
Thomas Bobson
John Watson
Able men wanting horse and homes,
BuoLBT Bobi Banalldson
Bobt Stanton
John Stanton
Thomas Fattonson
'Thomas Slenes
Bye. Browne
Bobt Stelle
AUe mm wanting horse and hamesJ*-
This muster may be regarded as the militia of the period ;
and at this time^ Alnwick Parish furnished 171 soldiers^ of
whom 75 were cavalry and 96 footmen ; from the number of
the horsemen^ it is evident that there were many landowners
in the parish.
These musters shew that many towns in the district had
then a larger population than at present — ^Alnham furnished
22 men, Bolton 25, Abberwyk 16, Lemmington 22, Effling-
ham and Bewick 110, West Lilbum 35, Bamburgh 46,
Beadnel 70, Fowberry 37, Bock 19, Stamford 23, Boseden
86, Haaaildon 80, Doddington 47.
Alnwick was the head quarters of all this complicated
organisation for the defence of the borders; and there a
Warden Court was held with all the solemn formalities
observed in the superior courts of the realm, for the trial of
offenders against March law; and often, indeed, criminals
condemned in this court were executed at Alnwick.
A few other illustrations of border movements, taken chiefly
from the public records, besides contributing to the historv
of Alnwick with which they are more or less connected, will
throw a broad light on the character of the period.
The marquis of Dorset was warden of the East and Middle
Marches in 1523 ; and Lord Dacre the other warden, made a
2q
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226 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
raid into Teviotdale and burnt Beveral villages, rettmiing
with a booty of four thousand head of cattle. Writing from
Alnwick on the 15th of April to the king, Dorset sent a list
of the gentlemen who went with Lord Dacre on this raid.
** Humbly beseeching his Grace to write letters of thanks to
these gentlemen, which letters shall be so comfortable, that
remembering your goodness, they shall be encouraged from time
to time to serve your Highness.^' '* These be the names of the
gentlemen that went with my Lord Dacre thelast Bode : my Lord
Dacre himself ; Sir Will. Percy; Sir Henry Clifford ; Biereton
with 100 of my Lord lieutenant's men ; 100 men of Sir William
Oompton with certain captains with them ; William Heron the
senior ; the bastard Qrey ; John Gfrey of Chipdbiase with all the
name of the Herons and their kin ; Sir William Lisle ; Balph
Fenwick with all his name and friends and men of l^edale ;
Philip Dacres with all Eedesdale men : Bobert Oollm^ood with
all his servants and kinsmen ; the Lord Ogle with all his name
and friends. " ** These gentlemen were omitted in my last letters
and accompanied me in tilie said Bode : Sir WilHam Kynson with
30 with him ; Sir Balph who continually lyes with me
here in Alnwick whom I might not well spare ; my brother John
who took the gowte in the said Bode and never came out of his
bed since ; my brother Leonard."*
The Earl of Surrey, who had led the van of the English
army at Flodden, was appointed to the chief command of the
war against Scotland in 15^3 ; and he made another raid
into Mers and Teviotdale, burnt Jedburgh and reduced to
ruins the Abbey, one of the most beautiful examples of
Gothic architecture in Scotland. Vigorous measures he took
also for the defence of the borders. To deprive the Scots
of forage on the English side, he caused all the corn
within five or six miles of the borders to be thrashed and
carried further into the country; he gave warning to all
towns and villages, that if they were besieged by the Scots,
they should be burnt ; and he fortified and furnished Wark
and Norham Castles to enable them to stand a si^e.
Beacons were made to warn the country of coming
danger ; and he summoned all the gentlemen of the county
to meet him at Alnwick to advise them where their men
should assemble. Berwick, which was in the greatest
danger, he fortified, as far as he could, and increased its
garrison. The fords in the rivers were destroyed, to prevent
the Scots doing hurt, by stealth, to Islandshire, Norhamshire,
• CottODian MSS. C»l. B. VI.
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STATE OF THB BOBDE&S. 227
Bambui^hshire, and Glendale ; many times previously this
had been attempted, but the English borderers themselves
were hostile to it^ because the want of these fords would
restrain them from making raids into Scotland.* Siu'rey
was at Alnwick on May 4^ 1523; and to encourage the
patriotism of the people, he said he would pay sixpence a
day to those in the bishoprick who had done good service.f
Wark Castle was besieged by the Scots without success,
Surrey, in a letter to Wolsey, says — "At the assault of
Wark the captain of the first band of French footmen, that
came to Scotland, was slain and 9 more with him, and the
same night died 22 more, and 8 score sore hurt. Never did
men better than they within the castle did, which were but
one hundred, and there was within the bas Court about
1,000 men and 500 Scots."}
A large army was marshalled at Alnwick in November
1523 to oppose the Duke of Albany's attempt to take Wark
Castle. Surrey was there on the 5th, and was joined by the
earl of Northumberland and other nobles. The advance of
these forces towards Scotland, which had for some time been
deluged by ''marvellous rainy weather,"§ caused the siege
of Wark to be abandoned; and as the winter advanced
active hostilities were suspended. In 1525 a treaty of peace
between the two nations was concluded. The vigorous
measures taken, by James Y. after he assumed the reins of
government in Scotland, helped much to bring the border
land under the government of law ; border chieftains, who
had been guilty of excesses he brought to justice ; some of
the more notorious, such as Adam Scot, the King of the
Thieves, and the famous John Armstrong, were beheaded or
hung on growing trees; others were imprisoned. These
remedies were severe ; but the deeply seated disease required
sharp remedies. ||
The constant state of warfare along the borders nursed
among border men a lawlessness which led them to set at
defiance even the rulers of their own country ; of this, the
conduct of Sir William Lisle, of Felton, is a remarkable
example. Sir William EUerker, the sheriff, sent his servants
in 1526 to execute a replevin against him, for an unlawful
distress which he had made. This turbulent knight
• State Papers, Vol IV., p. 41-43. f Cal. Scot State Papers, Vol. L
t Cott MSB. CaL B. YI. { State Papers, Vol IV, p. 52.
II Ellis's original letter. Vol I.
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228 HISTORY OF AXITVTICK.
Tiewed this as an affront, and accompanied by a hundred
persons, he riotously took away from the sheriff's estate
'^40 hede of noote;" and he told the sheriff, that neither
the king nor any of his officers should meddle within his
lordship. A fearless man was Sir William ; for while Roger
Heron was supporting the sheriff, lisle told him — "What?
meanes thowe to strive with me ? woU thowe wynne any
thing at my handes ? I have ruffelde with the warden and
also with the Cardinall, and I trust to pluck him by the
nose." For these lawless deeds Lisle along with his son
were committed for trial to Pomfret Castle, whence they
were removed to the jail of the Castle of Newcastle. Soon,
however, they broke the prison, and not only escaped, but
also released many rebels, outlaws, heinous felons, and
murderers; they then feloniously stole from Widdrington,
which belonged to the sheriff, nigh to forty horses, and con-
veyed them into Scotland; next, accompanied by Scotsmen,
they burnt, spoiled, and robbed a town belonging to the
sheriff. The whole country seems to have been alarmed by
those lawless proceedings. At the assizes both Sir William and
his son were indicted of treason and proclaimed traitors ; Sir
William Clifford was especially charged to apprehend and
take them, and the king of Scotland and earl of Angus were
requested by letter from the King's Council to aid in their
capture. The Lisles, however, had taken refuge in the de-
bateable land, and joined with the broken men of the border,
particularly with a band of thieves called the Armstrongs.
Sundry times they entered Northumberland and burnt,
spoiled, robbed, rieved, and harried many of the king's sub-
jects. The people of Northumberland appearing to use no
diligence in resisting these agressions, the King's Council
ordered Sir William Eure, one of the vice-wardens, to lye at
Felton with thirty horsemen from the garrison of Berwick,
along with sixty of his own men, that he might be able to
- seize on the Lisles should they resort there ; and certain
woods and houses were destroyed, which might afford shelter
to these outlaws. By these vigorous measures the Lisles
were soon brought to bay. The earl of Northumberland, in
a letter to the king, dated Alnwick, 28th January, 1527,
tells the result : —
« The 2lBt day of January on Edward Horslay my Lord
Legattes servant, and Thomas Emngton, my servant, wim other
of my Lord Legatte's tenants and mine made affiray upon
William Gharleton, otherwise called Wylliam of Shotelyngton,
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8TATB OF THE BOBBBBS. S29
the head rebel of all the outlawsi and on Haire Noble, Archbold
Dood, and Boger Axmestran^ ; which foresaid rebellions person-
ages had been in the Bishoprick of Durham, and robbed diyers
persons, and taken away a priest then a prisoner ; and in their
return and conflict was slain the foresaid Oharlton and Noble,
and Dood and Armestrang taken. Which two were condemned
at a Warden Court, by me holden for the same the 27 of Janu-
ary; and for the outrageous crimes by the said Armestrang
oommitted and done about NewcasteU, I caused him to be
hanged there in ohabis, and Archbald Dood in like case at
Awnewyke where he had most offended and WyUiam Ohaileton
at Hexsam, and Harre Noble at Heyddon Bryge, where the said
conflict was done. Upon which discomflture, as I suppose, and
that it was feared among the other rebels that I would have
made a raid upon them in short space. WyUiam Lysle and Hum-
fray his son, with fifteen other of the rebellious personages, as I
was conung from mass on Sunday last, they met me in their
shirts with halters about their necks, and submitted themselyes
without any manner of condition xmto Your most gracious mercy,
they most humble and lowly beseeching Your most gracious
Highness of your tender and jnteous mercy, or else they were
zefldy to bide tiie execution of Your Grace's most dreadM laws,
according to their demerits. Which persons I straightwinr com-
mitted unto prisons within my poor castle of Alnewyk ror safe
keeping of them unto such time as I may know farther of your
most gracious pleasure."
Besides Humphrey, there was a younger son with William
Lisle, for whose pardon Tuke in a letter to Wolsey pleads,
because he was not past 12 or 13 years old, and had not as
it is said offended, ^^ but that he hath been out with his
father, peradventure fearing lest he should lack bread at
home."
The fate of these outlaws is stated in another letter from
the earl of Northumberland on 2nd April, 1528 ; all the
lands of the late William Lisle were to Ue to the king's use,
** and for the terrible example of all the inhabitants in these
parts, William Lysle, Humphrey Lisle his son, John Ogle
William Christowe, and Thomas Fenwick, gentlemen ut
name, chief leaders and most heinous offenders of all the said
rebels were, according to their demerits, attainted of high
treason, and by me had judgment given to be hanged, drawn,
and quartered. The execution whereof was accomplished
upon them accordingly, only reprieving Humphrey Lysle
according to the pleasure of his highness. The head and
quarters of them that were executed for high treason, I have
caused to be set up upon the donjon of the castle of New-
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280 HISTORY 0^ ALNWICK.
castle^ and sundry other convenient and open places most
apparent to the view and sight of the people, to the high
contentment of all the true inhabitants in these parts, and
extreme terror of all the said rebels."*
Sir William Lisle merited his fate; for his son Humphrey
in a deposition sworn, on the 6th June 15^, disclosed
twenty-five different offences of murder, robbery, prison-
breach, and arson committed by his father, himself, and
their adherents, sometimes accompanied by Scots, at other
times by Englishmen only.
Humphrey Lisle was recommended by the earl of North-
umberland to the mercy of the king, because he did manfully
venture himself and apprehend the notorious offender Hob
Elwold. He was pardoned, but not reformed ; for in the
year 1535, Sir Humphrey Lisle of Felton, Knight, and
A^lexander Shafto, of Scremerston, were indicted at a Warden
Court for divers march treasons; conscious of their guilt
they fled, and the earl issued a proclamation against them.f
Some forays both by the Scots and the English in 1532,
described by the Earl of Northumberland to the king, give a
wild picture of the period. To spite the earl, Launce Carr,
with 300 of the Scotts of Teviotdale, on the 10th October,
burnt a town of his called Alenam, with all the corn, hay,
and household stuff in the town, and also a woman ; on the
12th they burnt Newstead, another of his towns, took 200
head of cattle, 26 prisoners, and shamefully miirdered two
young spryngaldes4 Mark Carre promised to the earl of
Murray openly before the king of Scotland, that within five
days afterwards he would burn a town of the earl of
Northumberland, ''within three miles," says the Earl,
''of my poor house of Warkworth, where I lie, and
give me light to put on my clothes at midnight.
Upon Thursday at night last, came thirty light horse-
men into a little village of mine called Whitell, having
not past six houses in it, lying toward Byddisdaill, upon
Shilbotell Moor ; and there they would have fired the said
houses, but there was no fire to get there, and they forgat
to bring any with them ; and took a wife being great with
child in the said town and said to her, ' Where we cannot
give the Lord light, yet we shall do this in spite of him,*
and gave her three mortal wounds upon the head and another
• Cottonian MSS. Cal, B. III.
t SUte Papers, Vol. IV, p. 477, 599 ; Vol. V. p. 81.
X A stripling— A yonng person.
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STATE OP THE BORBEES. 231
in the side with a dagger ; whereupon the said wife is dead^
and the child in her belly is lost." The inhabitants of the
district were roused^ to revenge this cruel murder; the
beacons were lighted to warn the country and the murderers
were pursued with hot trod; nevertheless they escaped.
The cruel wrong however was not allowed to pass unavenged.
'* Upon Friday at night last, 500 of the best horsemen of Glen-
dale were let slip along with men from Berwick to join with
George Douglas, who came again into England in the
dawning of the day; and before they returned they did
damage the provisions of the Earl of Murray at Coldingham,
and did burn the town of Coldingham, with all the corn
thereto belonging worth 1000 marks sterling ; and did also
bum two towns near called Branerdergest and the Black
Hill, and took 80 prisoners, 60 horse, and 200 head of cattle.''
A terrible vengeance this; and yet the earl devised that
within four nights, God toilling ! Kelso should be burnt
with all the com in that town.
Lord Parr was warden of the Marches in 1543, and in his
letter to the council with the king, dated May 24, he gives
information of the state of the town and castle at that time.
He says —
" I caused also the castles of Alnwick and Morpeth to be
viewed and seen, of intent to have made my demore* in one of
the same, according to the tenour of the king's majesty's instruc-
tions in tiliat behalf. And as for the castle of Morpeth, was so
far out of reparation, and so tmsweet and unwholesomely kept,
that I could not conveniently have lodged therein without great
danger of infections and infirmities ; and the town of Ahiwick
is and hath been already soo infected, by the space of these two
months past and more, with a hot and dangeroiU9 ague, whereof
there be many dead, and divers others lying sick therein at this
present, that I considered it to be a great peril to draw thither
unto me a great resort of the country whereby both the number
resident in my house, and other of the country repairing unto
me should be in danger of the said infection. Wherefore, as the
place most wholesome and dear from all infections, I am deter-
mined for a time to make mine abode at the king's majesty's
castle of Warkworth, but four miles at the most from Alnwick,
the which being something decayed and out of reparation, I have
partly caused to be appardled and put in readiness, and my pre-
parations to be conveyed thither, which I doubt not shall be frilly
performed, and famished within these eight days. "Which done,
I intend to repair thither and there to reside, and from thenoe
» Stay.
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ess HISTOBY OF ALKWtCK.
to remove to the oastle of Alnirick, as the infeotioiiB or infinnities
there ahall ceasOi and the occasions occaxrexit shall require."*
Sir Ralph Eure, a distinguished soldier^ had possession of
Alnwick and Warkworth Castles for the king in 1545. In
the preceding year he had made an inroad into Scotland^ and
in the most ruthless manner plundered and burnt Jedburgh^
Kelso, and manj other places. The State Papers tell us^
that in this raid 19S towns^ towers, stedes, bamekyns,
parish-churches, bastel-houses, were siezed and destroyed,
that 400 Scots were slain and 816 taken prisoners, and that
3386 nolto, 12,492 sheep, 1S96 nags and geldings, 200 gayts,
850 boUs of com, and a great quantity of insight gear were
carried off. These devastations were committed chiefly in
Teviotdale and in the Merse of Berwickshire. A more
extensive enterprise was made in 1545, under the command
of Sir Ralph Eure and Sir Brian Laiton ; but a small body
of Scots, under the command of the earl of Angus, signally
defeated the English at Ancrum Moor, slaying both of the
English leaders and 800 men, and taking 1000 prisoners.
The protector of the realm the duke of Somerset^ in his
route northward to war against the Scots, '*lay on the night
of the 29th of August, 1547, in Alnwyke Castle," then held
by Sir Robert Bowes, lord warden of the Middle Marches ;
** good cheer welcomed him there ; in the provision whereof
a man might note great cost and diligence and the spending
of a liberal heart.'* The English army would pass through
Alnwick two days afterwards. On the 10th of the following
month the battle of Pinkie was fought, when the Scots were
signally defeated, their loss being estimated &om ten to four-
teen thousand men.f The hero of the day was the earl of
Warwick, lieutenant-general of the English forces, who dis-
played great courage and skill. Not long afterwards, he
became connected with Alnwick as warden general of the
Marches; and on the 11th of Octol>er, 1551, he was, by
Edward VI, created duke of Northumberland, the first who
bore that title; an ambitious, unscrupulous, and unprincipled
man he was, but yet able and courageous. His powers as
warden were great, and he vigorously exercised them to
remedy the ews which afflicted the liorders. He made a
careful survey of the Marches, and personally presided over
the Warden Courts held at Alnwick, Newcastle, and Car-
lisle. Many new and stringent regulations were introduced
• State Paper, YoL Y, p. 299. f Patten^ Expedition, p. 28.
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STATE OF THIS BOBBEllS. SS5
«
to redress disorders^ and a complete system of watch and
ward was adopted for the more effectual defence of the
borders. He appointed as his deputy Lord Wharton, who
was experienced in border affairs, and whose residence at
this period was usually at Alnwick Castle.
In the reign of Queen Mary, Thomas Percy, the seventh
earl was warden-general, jointly with Lord Wharton. In a
letter from Alnwick Castle, on 6th August, 1557, Sir Henry
Percy describes a raid into Scotland to avenge a Scottish
inroad by Lord James Murray.
^' It may please," he says, " your good lordship to understand
that upon my repair to Alnwick, sundry gentlemen of this
country, with many honest men of the same, repaired thiiher
unto me, with whom I travelled till Wednesday at night last, in
such sort, as we were suffered to take very little rest either by
night or day ; but by the more part of nights and days on horse-
back attended the invasion of the enemy. And for the better
resistance lihereof^ placed myself, and my company, nigh to the
frontiers, as at Eshngtone and other places uiereabouts ; and
yesterday, being the 5th of this instant, about five of the dock
in the morning, Lord James and others of Scotland, with all the
poww they could make in three days assembly of men from
Edinburgh hitherward, and with certain pieces of ordnance, did
invade on the East March of this realm ; minded, as I learned by
credible intelligence, to have attempted to win the castle of
Ford, and have burnt sundry towns mereabouts, called the Ten
Towns of OlendaU ; which their purpose, upon my repab towards
them, with a ^ood number of gentlemen, and others of this
country, they did quite alter and change. And after they had
burnt a house or two, in the town of Fenton, where was taken
and wounded to death, as is supposed, one of their best borderers
and ffoides, Bichard Davyson, with great haste and more fear
(as by plucking off and leaving a great number of white
crosses, and the smaU spoil, or prey of cattle by them seized,
did appear) departed home into Scotland before we could in order
eome to them ; which considered, by the discreet advice of the
^^entlemen, I did enterprise to invade the countiy of the Marched
in Scotland, where we burnt sixteen towns, ana won a booty or
spoil of 280 neat and 1000 sheep, besides many hotses, and some
pdsoners."
During the remainder of the reign of Mary queen of Eng''
land, border warfare never ceased. The earl of Noi'thiim-'
berland was repeatedly engaged in it ; but Sir Henry Percy
his brother achieved great distinction, by his activity and
courage, rivalling in some degree the fame of his ancestor,
the renowned Hotspur.
2h
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284 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Robert Cary^ earl of Monmouth ^ warden of the Middle
Marches during the latter days of Queen Elizabeth, removed
his wife, children, and household to Alnwick Abbey — the
house in which Sir John Forster lived when he was warden.
He kept in his own stable forty good horse and good men
able to ride them.
Alnwick in 1567 witnessed many bloody executions. Mr.
William Drury writes to Sir Nicholas Throgmorton on the
Srd of November, 1567 : — ^^ A secret journey by the regent
against the thieves of Liddesdale, which was put into execu-
tion at Alnwick last market day ; he took 36, whereof 13
were presently hanged, 9 drowned, and 14 taken prisoners,
but the laird of Ormiston and John of the Park escaped."*
A few extracts relating to the district around Alnwick
from ^'A Booke of the Losses of the Middle Marches of
England by the Scotts Theeves, presented at Alnwick 16
April, 1586," still further illustrate the miserable condition
of the borders at this period.
'' The names of those towns and villages that have been most
spoiled in this time of Peace ; and all or the most part of them
are within six miles of Sir John Forster's dwelling house^ and
within his office: — ^Lowicke, New Bewicke, Estlill^me, Wener-
don, Bosden, Elderton, Ingaram, Brandon, Benelye, Fawdon,
Glanton, Grange, Lurchild, Lamedon, Awberwick, Tingle, Shil-
bottle, Shelldikes, Glantles, Whyttle, Buston, Br^ewioke,
Ouisons, Horslye, Scranwoode, Noralhurse, Netherton, Trughett,
Warton, Wrefi^hille, Alname, Felton, Alnwiohe Park, CoUedge
Park, lUdsdaue and Tindaile, Bothbuiy, and all the Country
besides." " Goodfl taken out of the lordship of Bewick by the
Soots. East lilbome, 16 horse and mares, 42 kyne and oxen,
840 sheep, twenty marks worth of household stuff. Old Bewicke,
18 horse and mares, 42 oxen and kyne, 800 sheep, and twenty
marks worth of insight. New Bewicke, 18 horse and mares, 30
oxen and kyne, 260 sheep, and insight worth twenty marks.
Waperden, 23 horse and mares, 71 kyne and oxen, 340 sheep.
Eglmgham, 15 kyne and oxen, 6 horse and mares, 40 sheep,
insight woiih £5.^' Similar losses were sustained at Branton,
Hedgelye, and other places. But not only were the people
robbed and snoiled by the Scots, but also by their own land-
lords ; the following is a singular case : — ''In most lamentable
wise complaining, John Neale, of Elderton, hath dwelt two years
by past in Eldeiton, upon lands there in the government and
rule of one Bobert Bodhame, of little Howghton, gentleman,
and his rent and service for his tenement paid, yet so it is, that
• CaL of State Papers, Vol. XIV, No. 92 B.
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STATE OF THB BORDERS. 235
the wife of the said Eodhame came with two servants and eight
Scotsmen, presently come forth of Scotland for that purpose, and
then and there has forceablj and violently cast your poor sup-
pliant, his wife and children, and goods out of door, and hath
imprisoned two of the children in the Tower, and hath put in
and planted five Scotsmen in Elderton." Whether redress was
given does not appear.
We close our illustrations of this abnormal condition of
the borders with some statements from a letter of Sir William
Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, dated January, 1596. The distressed
people are represented as in despair and the country miserable
from the horrible murders committed and the incorrigible
pride and disobedience of the ravenous malefactors ; touch-
ing murders^ he cannot yet come to the certain number — ^but
they be great — the manner horrible, killing men in their
beds ; he takes it Bucklughe will be found guilty of murders
above twenty, Sir Robert Carre about sixteen ; the Bournes
and Younges, followers of Carre, in revenge of their feud for
one of their name chanceably slain by Sir Cuthbert CoUing-
wood's man rescuing from him a poor man's goods, have
since murdered thirty-five Collingwoods.* The value of the
spoils committed in the marches by the Scots since 1587
amounted to £92,989 16s. Id.f And yet these enormities
occurred in the days of the " Good Queen Bess ;" wonder
it is, that, amid such fiery eruptions and destructive lava
streams, there should have been anv population or cultivation
of soil, or other industrial pursuit in the border land.
The Warden Courts were abolished, by act of parliament,
after the two nations were under one king, in the 5th year
of the reign of James I. ; and criminals on both sides of the
borders were afterwards to be dealt with by the counties in
which they resided. This act was strongly opposed by the
people of Northumberland and Cumberland. Great, indeed,
was the benefit resulting from the cessation of border war-
fare ; before the accession of James I., the estates of Lord
Grey, of Wark, produced only £1000 yearly; but not long
after that event, their annual value increased to £7000.
« From Lamidown MSS.
t BaiDe'B North DorLam, p. xxxti, zUi
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CHAPTER XIV.
THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONT,
FEOM 1360 TO 1600.
UOBZraE TO WALL THE TOWN— CHABTEE OP HENKY VI. — ^BONBGATB
TOWER— OLATPOET TOWEE — STEEETS — POPULATION OP THE
TOWN— OWNERS OP PEOPEETT — THE QEBTS— OLD BXJILDINOS^
HAHB8 OP THE INHABITANTS, 1474 — ^TEADB — EXPORTS — ALN-
XOXTTH POET, BUEGAQES, OHXTEOH — ^ALNWIOK CASTLE — BARONIAL
OPFI0EE8 — OOURTS — SVEYET OP ALNWICK IN 1 569 — BTJEOBS8E8—
PBEEHOLDBBS — 00PYH0LDER8 — ^PBUDAL 0HAEQB8— KIHARAOTEB
OP THE 00PTH0LDBR8 — WILLS — MELVILLE AT ALNWICK —
WILLIAK DE ALNWICK, BISHOP OP LINCOLN.
Some little time before the death of the sixth Earl Percy,
Henry the YIII. had severed the connection of England
with the pope of Rome. This formed an era in the history
of the nation even greater than those arising from changes
of dynasty or constitution. Our last chapter on border law
and its results presented pictures of the state of the district ;
but before entering on the history of the seventh earl, we
may gather up other fragments, more particularly illustrative
ot the condition of the town, the castle, and the barony from
1S60 to 1600.
Prior to the middle of the fifteenth century, Alnwick waa
an unwalled town, open to the attacks of enemies, from
which it often suffered. However sufficient the strong
defences of the castle may have been for the protection of
those sheltered within its walls, they could not adequately
protect the town itself, which bad been ransacked and burnt
in 1420 and at other times by the Scots. An open town,
however, could not be fortified without royal authority; but,
on account of the danger to which Alnwick was exposed
from the Scots, Henry VI., in 1433, granted a license to
enclose, wall, and embattle it ; the following is a translation
of this license : —
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THB TOWN, CASTIiB^ AND BARONY. 837
''For enoloiring, walling, and embailiing tlie town of Alnswyk.
Tho kkig to all to vrhom ftc., greeting, know ye that we^ in oonaiderationy
tliat the town of Alnewvk, in the oonnty of Northnmberlancl, ixpoa the
majTchee and frontiers of »x>tland, lies open and so dangerously, tiiat & g^Mt
pait of the same town has been very lately burnt by our enemies the Soots,
naye, by the adTioe and consent of our council, granted license to our right
dear oousin, Henry, earl of Northumberland, lord of the said town and of the
castle there, and to the Burgesses of the same town, their heirs and snccessorSy
that the aforesaid may be authorised lawfully to enclose the said town of
Alnewyk and wall around the whole of the aforesaid town, and embattle and
macfaiolate the walls of the same town, and also make and order any other
de&nces whatsoever around or upon those walls, free from any hixidrance
whatsoever towards tbe said earl or burgesses, tbeir heirs or executors, by us
our heirs or any of our ministers or officers, being made for the future. In
testimony whereof witness the king at Westminster on the first of June.
By writ of Privy Seal."
Patent Bdls, Hen. YI., p. 1 n 6.
It has been commonly represented that^ soon afterwards^
the earl of Northumberland erected the walls of the town ;
this, however, is a myth, for little indeed he seems to have
contributed to a work so important to the safety of the
inhabitants, when border warfare was raging. The burden
fell mainly on the burgesses and commonalty, who were
poor enough in tbese evil times; hence for want of means the
fortifying of the town made slow progress, and half a century
elapsed before it was completed. Still unwalled was the
town in 1448, when it was again burnt by the Scots. Three
documents, preserved in the corporation archives, throw light
on the means used to accomplish the work.
One is a petition to the king from the burgesses and
commonalty, stating that the walling of the town has been
begun, but for want of funds could not be finished, and
»raying that a license might be granted without a fee. The
ibllowing is a copy of this petition : —
" To the Icing our Sovereign Lord,
Humble beseecheth your highnesse, your humble and trew liM^emen, the
Burges and comynalte of the Towne of Alnewik in the Counte ofNorthum-
breland ; foraamuche as the said towne is adjoynant to the marches of Scot-
land, and no towne is betwene the said marches and the New Castell upon
Tyne, by the wiche your liege people, inhabitants in thocs partyes, may be
releved or sooowred in tyme of dist^sse made by the Scotts, and likely daily
to be made herafter, for their resistance ia that behalf not onely to their grete
hurts and losses, but also to the grete prejudise of this your Bcaume ; for
i^uoh causes it hath late pleased your saide highnesse to license the said
towne to be dosed, walled and embattled ; the wiche werke by force thereof
your said liegemen have late begun, and the which without grete and notable
somes of money cannot be fimsshed ; And impossable for them to bare with-
outen your goode graic be shewed unto them in that behalve, please it therfore
the same your hygnesse, of your moste bounteous graic in tender consideration
of the premisses, to grante to theym, by way of your moste plenteful almee,
your said Ucense under your grete seal, m due fourme to be mayd and
delivBrod to theym, withouten any fee or fees therfore in eny wise to be
I
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238 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
yonen or yolden, and that this bille, signed with your moste gracienx hande,
may he asewel sufficient warant unto your chancellor of luigland for the
making up and ensealing of the said license, as unto the clerc of your
hanapier for the delivering unto theym of the same ; and they all shall ever
pray for the prosperous confirmation of your moste noble and royal estate."
To this petition there is no date, and even the name of the
king to whom it was presented is not mentioned. From
another document, it appears that Edward IV. as well as
Henry VI. granted a license to wall the town ; and, there-
fore, the petition may have been presented to either of these
sovereigns ; the date would be between the years 1440 and
and 1470.
The second corporate muniment, entitled " Letters Patent
from Henry VI. ;" besides referring to the walling of the
town, contains other information, even of more interest,
respecting the state of the town. This charter was granted
at Bamburgh, on the 9th of April, in the forty-second year
of his reign, and attached to it is his great seal. At this
time, Henry VI. had been brought into Northumberland to
join his adherents, who were again endeavouring to restore
him to power ; but the battles of Hedgeley Moor and Hex-
ham, fought on the 25th of April and 15th of May, 1452,
blighted and withered the red rose of England. This charter
sets forth, that the burgesses of Alnwick had shewn to the
king, that they had within the preceding three years been
robbed and spoiled by rebels, and their goods, houses, and
mansions burnt and destroyed ; he grants to them a free
port at Alnmouth, and the privilege of shipping and sending
away wool, wool-fels, hides, fish, and coals to other ports,
both in and beyond the kingdom ; and he further grants to
them, for thirty years, £20 out of the customs and subsidies,
payable on account of the wool, wool-fels, hides, coals, and
fish, in relief of the depredation which the burgesses had
suffered ; and also to make the port of Alnmouth and toaU
the toum of Alnwick and repair the parish church there ;
he grants further, that officers of the customs, controllers,
searchers, and weighers of wool shall be continually in the
town and port ; and that two fairs shall be held yearly in
Alnwick, one at the feast of the Saints Philip and James,
for eight days, and the other at the feast of Saint Lucy, for
eight days, and a weekly market on Wednesday, and freedom
from all tolls or other charges.
The following is a translation of this charter : —
'' Henry,' by the grace of God, King of England and France and Lord of
Ireland, To all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting, Enow ye,
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY.
that wlieieas our humble and &ithful lieges, the BurgeflseB of Alnewyk have
represented to ns, how they, within the laist three Tears past, have by our
rebels, at different times, been robbed and spoiled of all their moveable goods,
and their houses and mansions have been burnt, broken down and wasted, to
their final destruction, unless we give them relief in this behalf. Wherefore
they have besought us, that we would vouchsafe to grant to them the privi-
leffes, Hoenses and franchises underwritten for their relief. ^
We, considering the premises and their petition aforesaid, and on'^this
behalf &Yourably inclined, have, of our special grace, granted to the aforesaid
Burg^esses and their successors to make and establish for ever a free port, in
such place or places in Alnemouthe in the county of Northumberland, as to
them and to every of them may be most expedient and available ; and that
the said port may be to them and to every of them, as free in all conditions
rules and government, as any other iport within our realm of England. And
further, the said burgesses and their successors may have, by the tenor of
these presents, Hcense at all convenient and suitable times, to ship, load and
unload, in Ihe said port of Alnemouthe, wools, skins, wool-fels and hides
accruing between the Blithe and the Twede, and coals and fish. And the
said Burgesses or any of them, or their successors, their agents, or^ attorneys,
the said wools, skins, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish so uippeid and loaded,
may carry beyond the said port of Alnemouthe to such port or ports in district
or districts, country or foreign countries, or any other land or country beyond
our kingdom, and out as weU beyond our jurisdiction as within it ; and with
the said wooIIb, skins, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish, they may pass, without
any restriction, arr^ trouble, or impediment from us any of our officers
whomsoever, provided always, that the said Burgesses and their successors,
agents or atbomeys may not carry any merchandise beyond the said port
to any of our rebels or enemies, without our Hcense^ under penalty of forfeiture
of the same.
And besides, of our special grace, we have granted to the said Burgesses
and their successors, for the term of thirty vears next following, to pay onlv
for the custom and subsidies of one sack of wool, shipped in the said port,
thirteen shilling and fourpence sterling, and of one hundred skins of wool-fels
shipped there six shillings and eightpence sterling, and of one last* of hides
of the said growth shipped there six shillings ana eightpence sterling : And
that the said Burgesses and their successors may have power by the tenor of
these presents to ship and load, within the said port annually, as many wools,
sldns, wool-fels, hides, coals, and fish, whereof the customs and subsidies thence
due may reach the sum of twenty pounds, without paying anything in respect
thereof to us or our heirs, during the said term of thirty years, in relief of Uie
depredations suffered by the said Burgesses, and to the town of Alnewick
above specified, and towards the expenses of making the said port, and of the
walling of the same town, and towards the making and repair of the parish
church in the same place.
And further, of our special grace, we have granted to the said Burgesses,
that they and their successors may have within the said town of Alnewick
customers, comptrollers, searchers, and weighers for our use, and for the use
of the said port, there dwelling continually in manner and form, as the town
and Burgesses of Berwick lately had by our grant.
And further, of our special grace, we have granted to the aforesaid Burgesses
and their successors for ever to hold and keep two fairs annually in the said
town of Alnewick, at two different times of the year, to wit, the first of the
said two fairs to begin on the feast of the Saints Philip and James, and so to
last and continue for eight davs then next following ; and the other of the
said two furs to bejgin on the feast of Saint Lucy thence next following, and
BO to last and continue for eight days thence next following ; so that these
fiurs be not to the injury of the neighbouring fairs ; And that our Uoges of
* A last consists of ten dosen.
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240 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
every kind, of irbateoever condition or oonditioiis tiiey maybe or eny of tliam
may be, may freely oome to both of the aforesaid fidrs, ana abide there dnxin^
the term above specified for both of the aforesaid ism ; And that our siad
lieges and every one of them may have a free retam and passage to snoh place
or plaMS, ooimtry or countries, as they intend and propose going or nding
to, without any arrest, imprisonment, or disturbance, unpediment or vexa-
tion bcnng made towards or npon them or any of them by mayors, aheriifli^
escheators, constables, bailifb or any of them or any other officer, or officers
for dealing with all manner of actions or demands of whatsoever nature or
conditions they may be ; Bioters or disturbers of the said two fiurs, or any
person or persons coming to these fEuzs and dwelling there, and returning hem.
both of them excepted.
And- besides, of our special grace, we have panted to the aforesaid Burgesses
and their successors for ever a free market, m the said town of Alnewrk on
Wednesday weekly, to hold and to keep, for ever^ description of our lieges,
to have ana to carry there every kind of merohandue and victuals, according
to the manner and custom of any of the best and freest maiket within the
county of Northumberland, to be used or begun so, that this market be not
to the hurt of the neighbouring markets.
And fro^er, of our abundant grace, we grant to the aforesaid Burgeasee
and their sUocessors and to every ot them for ever, that they be quit and free
from the payment of all kinds of tolls, or of other customs, used in any
market, frir, passage, or an^ other place within our realm of England, as well
within liberties and frandnses as beyond. In testimony whereof, we have
oansed these our letters to be made patent, witness myself at our castle of
Bambuxirh, the ninth day of April in the 4^id year of our reign.
NAYLER
by the King himself and the afooresaid date by auAhoiity of Parliament."
William de Alnwick, bishop of Norwich, who seems to
haye looked with kindness on his native town, gaye help to
the burgesses at this critical period ; for in his will, which
was proved at Lambeth in 1449, he left ten pounds for the
walling of the town, and ten pounds for the building (or
restoration) of the church. Still, however, as appears from
the third corporate document, the walling of the town was
not completed even in 1473. '^ Letters Patent to gather a
collection for building the town wall against the Scots,"
dated February, 1478, were addressed by the burgesses
and commonalty of the town of Alnwick to all the sonn
of the Holy Mother Church ; they state that Edward IV.
had granted a license to embattle the town, that the
work had been begun, but could not be completed without
aid from others, and that John Faterson and Thomas Cirswell
had been by them appointed to collect alms and assistance
for the work. The following is a translation of this docu-
ment:—
«To an the sons of onr holy mother Chnch to whom and to whose know-
ledge the present letters shall come. The Burgesses and commonalty of the
town of Alnewyk, in the^ connty of Northmnberland, Greeting, in Hiim by
whom kings reign and princes role ; Whereas Uie proTinoe of Northmnber-
land, by the loss of the town of Benrick-on-Tweed and of the Castle of
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:l^W-..,. -L^i-.,J
^■W- -'-iNs^rtr-.,
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THE TOWN, CASTLE^ AND BARONT. S41
Bokeeborgh, is greatly impoverished and weakened; and no walled town or
BoTOugli from the town of Newcastle upon Tyne to Scotland, for the safe
custody and defence of the said proTince, now remains or exists ; The most
excellent and Clmstian prince Edward the fourth b^ the grace of God King
of England and France and Lord of Ireland, in consideration of the premiBee,
for the advantage of his realm of England, and the i)reservation oi the pro-
vince aforesaid, and for safe guard and defence of its inhabitants of the same
hath given and granted license to wall, fortify, and embattle the said town of
Alnewy k ; whi(£. work indeed is now begun, but cannot be completed without
great and notable sums, which we the aforesaid Burgesses and Commonalty
are not able to bear nor are worth, unless we are helped in this matter by l^e
luthAil of Christ and the devoted to God of their chari^ to us : Know there-
fore, that we the aforesaid Burgesses and Commonalty, by a unanimous assent
and consent have ordained, constituted, and in our place put, our beloved in
Christ, John Paterson and Thomas CirseweU, our true and lawful procten
and special messengers, jointly and severaJly, to collect and receive the alms,
snbsi^es, and other charitable gifts of the faithful of Christ, through tfa^
whole realm of England, for the public good of the same, and for the preser-
vation of the said province by the same work, given or to be given, bequeathed
or to be bequeathed, assigned or to be assigned, in places exempted and not
exempted, and to do all other things in this afiair as we ourselves might have
done had we personally been present. Holding ratified confirmed and allowed
all and everything the aforesaid John Paterson and Thomas shall in our name
do, or either of t^em shall do, in the premises. In testimony whereof, the
Common Seal of the aforesaid town of Alnewyk is put to these presents.
Given the first day of the month of Febniarv in the thirteenth year of the
reign of the aforesaid Lord King Edward the fourth, after the Conquest of
England.''
No reference, it will be observed, is made in any of the
documents to help received from the earls of Northumberland.
Soon after this, however, the town was surrounded by a wall;
and the four entrances were defended by strong towers ; one
was on the south at Bondgate, another on the south-west at
Clayport, another on the west at Potterffate, and the fourth
on the north at Narrowgate. One only of these ancient
towers remains, that of Bondgate, which has erroneously
been called Hotspur's Tower ; for while no part of the walls
or towers could have been erected before 1488, Hotspur was
slain in the year 1403.
This well-built tower is still in a pretty eood state of preser-
vation. It has three stories, with an arched gateway, above
which, on the outside, was the Brabant lion sculptured in
relief on a recessed panel, but now so worn and defaced by
time, as to be scarcely traceable. Semi-octagonal towers
project on each side of the gateway, to give it additional
protection ; and on the top of the tower are three corbels to
support wooden erections, from which to annoy besieging
enemies. All the windows in the outside wall looking south-
ward are long narrow openings ; but the upper windows in
the Borth wall, looking into the town, are larger and divided
by muUions. Erected not earlier than 1450, it is possible
2i
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S42 HISTOBT OF ALKWJCK.
that this tower may be the work of the second Earl Percy,
because impressed with one of his badges. In 1557 it is
described ^' of thre houshe height besyd the batilment and
fftire turrett ; yt ys covered with leade which ys in greate
decaye as also the roof of woode ;" it was then in charge of
the bailiff of the borough^ who, under colour of keeping it
for prisoners, used it as a granary for com. Some forty years
ago, there were portions of the walls 'on both sides of the
tower, through which were narrow portals for foot passengers.
It seems to have been in the possession of the corporation in
the seventeenth and part of the eighteenth century; they
occasionally repaired it ; and as a prison it was sometimes
used ; but it now belongs to the duke of Northumberland.*
Utilitarians complain that this ancient gatewav is a nuis-
ance, and would have it taken down, because it is not large
enough to allow a free passage to large vehicles, such as
caravans; this. However, is but a trifling inconvenience,
which might be remedied at no great cost, by widening for
a short distance, the road leading firom Bondgate to Clayport.
Earnestly do we hope that this brave old tower may be care-
fully preserved ; it is the last important relic of the ancient
fortifications of the town ; and though grim and weather-
worn, it is nevertheless a picturesque object, stirring up
ancient memories of brave men and heroic deeds, which
throw a glory around the town, and possessing an interest,
not only to the inhabitants but to strangers who come from a
distance. "Look at the tint upon the tower'* says Mr. F. R,
Wilson in his Poetry of English Masonry y "as deep sombre
threatening as that of a thunder cloud. Then look at the
stones. Hu^e blocks they are, with the jointings deeply
recessed, leaving the edges standing out in rough lines of
li^hxr— Plate VII.
Clayport Tower, which defended the western entrance of the
town, was larger than that of Bondgate, but similar in form,
style, and masonry. It belonged to the corporation ; indeed,
it is reasonable to suppose, that most part, if not all, of the
towers and walls belonged to the town, since they had been
* On Angatt the 2iid, 1728, there were paid Is. for a warrant against Gilbert
Carr, Ss. 6d. for the constable to carry him to goal, and Is. for a lock to Bondgate
Tower ; next year, lOd. is paid for another lock ; in 1740, 2s. 4d. for a stock
lock ; in 1752, some of Bland's dragoons were kept prisoners in Bondgate Tower^
and payments are made for straw and a strong hang-lock ; and in 1755, straw
was again supplied to six deserters who were confined there. — Cbf^poro^iofi
Aficomtt.
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THB TOWN^ GASTLB^ AND BAEONT. 248
chiefly erected under the direction of the burgesses and by
funds collected by them. On the 13th of January^ 16S3, it
was " ordered and agreed upon by the Chamberlaynes the
xxiiij and the Comon Guild that every freeman of the Towne
shall pay iiij^ a yeare towards the repayreing of Pottergate
towre and Claporte towre." There were several chambers
in this tower^ in which the companies or incorporated trades
held their meetings. In 1709, ^4t was agreed by the Cham-
berlains and four and Twenty that the Taylors is to have the
new chamber in Clayport Tower, they haviog paid 40s. for
making of itt, and that there shall be Liberty for any other
Trade to goe in and through the same room to any other
room that shall happen to be built or made." After the
erection of the Tolbooth in the market, this tower ceased to
be used as a place of meeting. Subsequently the lower part
was a work or poor house ; but falling into a state of decay,
the paupers were removed from it in 1786. The upper
rooms were occupied by weavers. There was a narrow outlet
through the wall on the south side ; but the portal on the
north was so wide as to admit the passage of a cart, which,
however, was prevented by a turn-stile. On the south side
of the gateway was an arched recess over the Tower Well.
To improve the western entrance of the town, this tower was
entirely removed in 1804, and the old materials, which were
sold for £43, were applied to the building of the Union
Court in Clayport Street. The site of the tower is indicated
by four squared stones marked with the letter T.
Close to the tower on the north side, stood " The Little
House," or " House on the Wall," as it was called, which
belonged to the corporation, and was let in 1736 for 2s. 6d.
yearly; this too was removed in 1794 — a poor place — ^the
materials of which sold for only £3 9s. 6d. Some quaint
old houses covered with thatch adjoined it — so old looking,
that they may have been co-eval with the tower ; and when
in 1819 they were taken down, the site of the House on the
Wall was let for ninety-nine years at a yearly rent of twenty-
one shillings to the owner of these old houses ; and the space
was included in the new houses which were then built.
Pottergate Tower, which defended the north-west entrance,
was purchased by the corporation in 1630 ; and a new tower
built on its site. The fourth tower was at the north end of
Narrowgate; and on its site stands the last house of that
street, projecting beyond the line of the next house, which
is the first in Bailiffgate.
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M4t HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
The walls of the town were 20| feet in height and 6 feet
in thickness. I shall endeavour to trace them. From Bond'
gate Tower they ran in a southerly direction nearly in a line
with the modem Hotspur Street^ and thence westwards along
Greenbat, bending at Monkhouae Square to Clayport Tower,
and thence northward following the line of Infirmary Street
to Pottergate Tower, and thence down the hill along the
south side of the modem Northumberland Street, a distance
of about ninety yards ; here, in the under part of a garden
wall, portions of the old town wall are standing, forty yards in
length and in some parts five feet in height ; a comer tower
seems to have stood here, the remains of which project a
little beyond the line of the wall, the masonry being similar in
character to that of Bondgate Tower. At this point, the
wall made an abmpt change in its direction, and ran south-
ward to Narrowgate Tower. This is corroborated by the old
deeds of the brick house, the second in Narrowgate Street,
formerly in possession of the Forsters; for in 1612 and
1616 it was boundered on the north by a vennell, (that is
a narrow or straight way,) called the Kirk-way ; so that at
this time there had been a road leading towards the church,
either by the side of the wall or over its ruins. In 1628,
this lane, " commonly called " it is stated, '* the Church
Lane," was sold for twenty shillings ; and both the lord of
the manor and the corporation had claims over it; for a
reserved rent of fourpence yearly was payable to each. The
wall continued from Narrowgate Tower m an easterly direc-
tion, at a little distance from the castle, towards the Bow-burn
—the Castle Moat. It is doubtful whether any wall ran on
that side of the town boundered by this bum ; probably, the
castle and the moat formed there a sufficient defence ; but
the wall on the south-east side would connect the moat with
Bondgate Tower. One burgage is said to be boundered by
the Castle Close; and another by the Castle Moat. The
circumference of the walled town was about one mile.
After the cessation of border warfare, on the accession of
James of Scotland to the English throne, these fortifications
were no longer necessary ; and hence they were neglected
and fell into ruin ; the wall would be a quarry where the
burgesses would find stones for the erection and repair of
their houses. Still a considerable part of these fortifications
appears to have been in existence in 1681, when Thoresby
in his wanderings says — '^ to Morpeth and after a short stay
there, over the moors to Alnwick, an ancient fortified town,
with a curious castle and an old walV^
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONT. 245
Since Alnwick was surrounded with a wall, it has not
glreatly increased in size. It had then all the principal
streets ; there were the Market Place ; Bondgate, where the
early holders of bond tenures dwelt; Narrowgate, the Narrow
Street; Pottergate, which bore the name of Barresdale;
Fenkle, the Comer Street ; Paikes Street or Hole, leading
from the Market to Bondgate ; Walkergate, though without
the walls formed part of the borough, for here dwelt the
members of the incbrporated company of Walkers or Fullers
near to the river. Bailiffgate, or properly Baileygate, now
occupied the site of the bailey outside of the castle, but
its northern side was not considered within the borough ;
Canongate, or Canonsgate its ancient name, though adjoining
Alnwick, had, under the fostering care of the abbey, sprung
up as a distinct township and manor with a court of its own.
Houses too had been built beyond the walls on the south
side ; for in " The Red Book of Alnwick," there is an entry
in 148S of a payment of 8d. yearly for a burgage, held by
Matthew Bell in Bondgate, beyond the tower.*
Though the old town was not greatly different from the
present in extent, yet its population was considerably less.
Most of the houses appear to have been small and low; many
of one storey only, and few, if any, with more than two.
The low thatched single storied house near the north end of
Bondgate may be taken as a type of the dismal shabby
dwellings of this period. Gardens and crofts were, however,
attached to most of them; and the land of the parish was gener-
ally distributed among the burgesses, many of whom carried
on agricultural operations. In recent times, several of these
gardensand crofts have been converted into building sites. The
records of the Augmentation Office, relating to the Alnwick
Chantry, state that in 1545 — ^^ there is of Houseing people
in Alnwick 1500, within the same parishe." This has been
mistaken for the entire population ; but Houseing or Hotose-
lynge peopUy were persons who were of age to communicate
at the eucharist, and included all above sixteen years of age.
The term seems to come from husltan, Anglo-Saxon, to give
or receive the sacrrftaent; eighteen hundred hauselj/nye people
addressed a letter in 1553 to Lord Cromwell ; in a tract of
the fifteenth century on general confession at Easter, we
have '^ all that sail be howsyllyt at this messe knele down
on your kneys and saye."t Assuming that the houseing
• North. Mem., II., p. 157. f Cat Vet Dunclm , p. 195.
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246 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
people would be about two-thirds of the population^ we have
therefore^ 2^250 as the entire population of Alnwick Parish
in 1545. Since then three hundred and twenty years have
gone by; and^ during that long period^ the increase has been
three and a quarter times, giving an annual increase of only
sixteen persons — a very slow progress. Relatively, however,
the town at this early period was important ; Gateshead then
had only lOOQ; Barnard Castle, 1017; Morpeth, 1150; the
great town of Sunderland, which now numbers 68,000, had
then only 1000 howseling people. Some places now insigni-
ficant had then a considerable population ; Widdrington had
1020, Warkworth 900, and Rothbury also 900 hotoeeUng
people.
A few references there are in the public records to persons
holding property in Alnwick during this period. Some time
prior to 1400, the distinguished family of Grey, renowned in
early times for its warriors and in more recent tmxes for its orators
and statesmen, was connected with Alnwick by holding property
there, consisting of two tenements and fifteen acres of land, of
which Sir Thomas Grey was then possessed. He was also the
owner of "Wark Castle and Manor, of Straidland, of messuages
and lands lying in the fields of Bamburgh, of HawkhiU, Middle-
ton, Eworth, Doddington, Earl, the half of Reaveley Manor, the
third part of Caldmerton, of Howick, lands in Kilham, Presson,
and messuages in Newcastle. He was cousin of Henry Percy,
son of the renowned Hotspur, and was bom in the middle ^te
of Alnwick Castle, on the doth of March, 1384, and was baptized
on the same day in Alnwick Church, swathed in a scarlet doth
and wearing round his waist a gilded zone. He rose to distinc-
tion, and was trusted ; but along with the earl of Cambridge and
Lord Scrope he conspired against his sovereign, for the purpose
of raising Edmund, earl of March, to the throne. The conspirators
were executed ; and Sir Thomas Grey's head was placed on the
tower of Newcastle "to be a spectacle of terror to all beholders."
The Alnwick property afterwards passed to Sir William Grey in
1422, and then to Sir Balph Grey, who, in 1463, was beheaded
at Doncaster for adherence to the house of Lancaster. His wife
Jaquetta held the Alnwick property in 1470.
At an earlier period still the Greys obtained Howick. Li 1289
it was held by Kobert Montalaunt and William Bibaud ; but
John Montalaunt, who seems to have been the son of Bobert,
took part with the Scots rebels against his own country, and his
estates were forfeited. To Sir Thomas Grey, who was a distin-
guished warrior and was supposed to be the writer of the Scaia
Chronica^ Edward II. panted in 1 31 8 in fee one hundred and eight
acres of land and six husbandlands in Howick, in the barony of
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 247
Alirwioki and the vill of Qhevington, which belonged to John
Mountalaunt, lately an adherent of the Soots.* l^ese properties
still belong to the illustrious house of Grey.
John 'V\^ndout, owner of the manor of Hibburne, of lands in
Newton on the Sea, in Earl, East Ditohbum, and EUins^ham,
had in 1378 a messuage in Alnwick, which descended to his son,
and thence to Robert Hibburne ; it was in 1448 in possession of
Agnes, wife of Robert Hibburne.
Alan de Strother and Alice Syward held lands in Alnwick
from 1372 to 1392.
Sir Alan Hetion, the owner of Chillingham Castle and Manor,
held half a tenement in Alnwick in 1388; and Sir Henry de
Hetton had twenty-four acres there in 1399.
Isabella, wife of William Swan, owner of Little Ryle and of
lands in Snitter, Rothbury, and elsewhere, had in 1429 one bur-
gage in Alnwick. Sir Henry Fitz-Hugh, who had possessions
m Longhurst and elsewhere, had in 1424 lands in Alnwick.
From the names handed down of owners of property in
Alnwick, it may be inferred that several of the gentry of the
district Uved occasionally in Alnwick. The whole country
around was studded over with landowners, who, from the
tenures on which they held their estates would often appear
at Alnwick, to take part in the defence of the county, and
to attend the manorial courts. Convenient it therefore would
be for them to have residences in the town ; which indeed
might be necessary, since from the Irequent inroads of the
Scots they would oftentimes be compelled to seek the shelter
and protection of a walled town.f
Of buildings still remaining in the town, St. Michael's
Church, the Chantry House in Walkergate, and one dwelling-
house at least, are as old as the fifteenth century. The
charter granted by Henry VI., shews that the church was in
• Cal. Rot, 12 Edward II., m. 12., and Cal. Inq., No. 8.
f The records of the haronial courts famish the earliest infonnation of the
names of the ordinary inhahitants of the town ; and to some it will be interesting
to give those which appear in the rolls from 1474 to 1480. John Pattonson de
Clapot, Alne Bamsay tynkler, John Alnewick, Bobert Algud, Robert Alder,
Thomas Archer, William Atkinson, William Bolden, Matthew Bell, John Botman,
John Brown, Richard Belingham, Chreastene Bownes, Edward Browell, Qeorge
Begot, John and Robert Brandlinge, John Bntyman, Robert Baxter, John Brad-
ley, John Clerk, John Crawford, Arthur de Chatton, Thomas Creswell, Thomas
Davyson, Robert Draner, George Eland, Richard Eston, Robert Bllesden, William
Eresell, William Eolberry, George Gibson, George Galon, Robert Gordon, Thomas
Hell, Thomas Hudson, Robert Hudham, John Inglice, Thomas Jamieson, Patrick
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248 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
a ruinous condition in 1464, and helps to fix the date of much
of the late perpendicular work seen in the walls and tower.
We know that the Chantry House was built a year or two
later than 1448; and without much hesitation, we may refer
the last house in Bondgate, adjoining to Narrowgate, to the
early part of the fifteenth century, during the time of Henry
Percy, tlie second earl of Northumberland. It is a low
buildUng of two stories, with thick walls ; within are beams
of oak, and a hard stone stair winds to the upper rooms ; but
the most remarkable feature is a stone panel in the front wall
above the entrance, on which is carved in high relief, two
Percy badges and motto, with another
Fia 4-0 heraldic design — Fig. 40. These consist
of the crescent, on which is the motto
Esperaunce, and of a lion rampant be-
tween the horns of the crescenty holding
in its paws a shield marked with two
crosiers placed saltire, or crossways.
Another stone, on which is a shield with
the Vescy cross patonce, is built into the
wall of the passage of the same house.
The crosiers point to the abbot of Aln-
wick Abbey ; and the combined devices
with the other characters of the house,
lead to the supposition that it was some
dependency of the abbey, probably an
ancient hostelry. In the back premises of the same house
are seen a fragment of a slender column and a capital of the
Early English style of architecture ; another Vescy shield is
built into the front wall of a house in Narrowgate ; and a
richly crocketed door head of the decorated style does service
as the lintel of a window in Mr. Heatley's house in Bondgate;
Kirkewed, George Halliday, William Lucas, Richard Makerell, William Mason,
George Milne, George Murtoo, William and Thomas Naddall, Thomas Koblet,
Thomas Orpeth, John Neil, Robert Porter, Thomas Paxon, Robert Potter, Thomas
Stell, Alan Reed, Thomas Richardson, John Selby, William Robyson, WilUam
Riehester, John Stanton, John Strother, John Sclaier, William Spearman, John
Scharperton, Robert Smith, Steynson, Richard Thompson, Robert Tbew,
Robert Taliour, John Tumbull, Thomas Walker, Michael Watson, Robert Wil-
kinson, Thomas Watkyn, Robert Warwick, Michael Watson, William Wrmy,
John Gray, John Chamberlain, Thomas Haworth, Robert Scott, Robert Tnggmll.
William Thrap. In die year 1 501, the name of John Alnewyck, ohapUin, occurs.
Ko male descendants of any of dieee families, except that of I^ew^ are now lifing
in ^ parish.
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THE TOWN, CA8TLB, AlfD BARONY. 249
these fragments are probably spoils taken from Alnwick
Abbey after the dissolution.
Another old house of this period^ only recently destroyed
to enlarge the White Swan Inn, stood on the north side of
Bondgate, not bar from the tower ; possessing the characters
of a pele of the border land, it must have been one of the
most important houses in the town. Two stories it had, with
walls of immense thickness, the under storey being vaulted
with stone, and the entrance being by a low door-way with a
pointed arch ; long narrow openings passed diagonally through
the thick walls, more like loop holes through which to annoy
an enemy than windows to admit light; but larger mullioned
windows were in the upper storey. Some important person-
age liyed in this pele house in the days of yore — some warrior
perhaps, ready to defend himself and the town against Scot^
tish foes.
Important it is to notice the additional evidence of the
burgesses being an incorporate body; for at a subsequent
period, attempts were made to rob the town of this char-
acter. During the time of the De Vescjrs, as we have
seen, the burgesses had a common seal, and in their corporate
capacity held lands; in 1474, under their common seal,
they appoint collectors of money for the walling of the
town ; and the charter of Henry V I. recognises them as a
corporation, charged with important public duties.
in the fifteenth century the commerce of the town was
considerable; the merchants were even exporters of the
produce of the district, and traded to distant places. The
crafts, mysteries, and fellowships had become incorporated
into several guilds, whose records go back into the sixteenth
oentmrv ; and, indeed, some of them, dated 16S0, profess to
be copies of ancient orders. The preamble to those of the
cordiners (shoemakers) in 1645, assigns a reason why such
earlier records were not then in existence.
<' The Aundent orders Institutions and Decrees of our Frede-
oessors, which for the due regulateing and orderinge of this
Eratemify of Ooidiners, within the Burrou^h of AInwicke, were
by them Instituted, ordered, and published m writing under their
hands : And of late by the distraction and malignanqy of the
tymes, which the unnatural warres and Inhumanitie, Plundering
<^our habitationes and Towne Chambers, have been embedded,
Lost and destroyed, are by vs the Alderman, Assistants, and
whole Society of the aforesaid Eratenuiy, BecoUected, Bevised,
and Bepubhshed."
2k
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£50 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The goods exported, as eyidenoed by the charter of Henrjr
VI., are sucli as we might expect from the state of the district.
Little land was under the plough, but North Northumberland
I^resented broad pastures and wild moor-lands, on which grazed
arge numbers of sheep and cattle, and hence there were
no exports of com. Indeed, the corn raised was inadequate
for the wants of the district, and supplies had to be imported.
Henry Percy obtained, in 1412, a license to carry com, oats,
beans, and peas from Lincoln and Norfolk to Berwick ;* and
there seems to have been a necessity to import com into the
county even in the time of Henry YIIL In a letter from
Lawson to the king in 15SS, he states that seven Scottish
ships of war had sailed out of Scotland to capture ships laden
with com for Berwick, and he beseeches him *' to save the
little ships," by giving warning along the coast, that the
victuallers may take refuge in safe harbours. Part of the
corn was ready, he says, to be sent to Aylemouth and Holy
Island. Such, however, was the wretched condition of the
navy of England, that these war ships of Scotland were un-
opposed, and swept the seas from the Humber to the Tweed,
capturing thirty of the English vessels, laden with com and
other goods.f Wool, wool-fels, hides, fish, and coal were
the exports of the merchants of Alnwick from Alnmouth.
As coals were then exported^ we may infer that they were
worked more extensively in the district than at the present
time. Coals we know were worked in Alnwick Moor by the
burgesses in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in
the early half of the eighteenth century ; but more for home
consumption than export. Hall and Humberston's Survey
of the Barony of Alnwick in 1569 indicates the places where
they were mmed. William Grey, it says, holds all mines
and coal-pits in the fields of Bilton and in the manor of
Alnwick, with free passage to Aylemouth, for the term of
sixty years, at the yearly rent of £4 14s. Od.$
The connection between the town of Alnwick and its port
Alnmouth is interestingly shewn by a document preserved
• Rot. Scot, p. 101. t State Papers.
{ In 1299, Heniy IIL granted a charter to the bnigeaeee of Neweastle to dig
coali in the Castle Field and in the Forth. In No?emher, 1884, Richard II.
gave license to John de Nevill to dig for sea coals (^Curbonibut MmriHmU) if thej
can be fsund, in the king's demesne of Bambnigh for the ase of the garrison of
the osstle» and for sale. The name sm coqU was gi? en, because when exported
they were sent by ses.
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 251
among the corporation muniments, in whicli the burgesses
agree to make a weir or haven at Alnmoutb, and the earl of
Northumberland covenants to supply wood for the purpose.
<< This Indenture maide the fWth Daie of December an the X33^ jere of
the reign of oure Soveraign Lorde Eynge Heniy the eight, Betwixt maister
ThomaB franke Clarke, Bachelere of lawe and surveioure of all the lands of
the ryght noble erle of Northumberland of the one partie, And Qeorgd
OlurkBrai, William Bednell, mfirchands, John Graie, G^eorge Watson, Edward
Thomson, WilHam Anderson, Burgesses of the town of Alnewyke, with all
other coburgges of the seid town in the lewe and name of theym selfe and all
other coburgesses of the said town of the other paitie, Witnessys that it agreid
and convenantyth Betwyne the said parties in manere and forme folowynge :
First, the seid Burgesses of the seid town Doth eonvenajid and grant that they
of their own propere costs and char^ shall make a wey ve or a havyn at ihb
town of Ailemouth, so that the seid Erie or his Assi^^neys do deliver theym
sufficient wodde for the same. And a^lso that the seid £rlys Tenints make
eariage of the seid wodde 3S they have promysed. And for tMs havyn thus
to be maide at ther costs and chfu'gis the seid Thomas Franke covenands and
nuntis of tiie seid Eiles behalf the assignement of sexe oke trees and of other
Bamell * sufficyent for the «eid warke to be felled and hewyn at the costs and
charges of the seid Burgesses. And this the said surveyor of the behalf of the
seid lorde and meister convenands and grantith that the seid Erie shall imme-
diately after the makynge of the seid haven or koey oonfiBrme and grant imto
the said Burgesses by his Wryttynge under his Seale of Armys all such liber-
ties as his nMs Annoestouxs ha& aforetyme givyn unto the Burgesses of the
seid Town of Alnewyke and Ailemouth. In witness whereof, both tiie parties
above seid to either partie of the seid Indenture enterchangieably hath sette
ther sealis the daie and yere above seid.
per me, Thomas Franks, S."
Alnmouth is thus so closelv linked with Alnwick^ that we
may give a brief abstract of the surveys^ made at this period,
relating to it. From the Conquest, it had been a manor of
the barony of Alnwick. In 1569, most of the property was
held under burgage tenure; and of these burgages there were
sixty-one, all, excepting two, of moderate extent. The follow-
ing example shews the nature of the tenure and the usual
extent of the burgage :—
'* Thomas Daund, senior, holds one burgage and one selionof
of land, lying between the burgage of Biohard Clerkson on the
south party and the burgage ox Bobert Pyne on the north part,
which same burgage Ihe said Thomas holds of the chief lord of
the fee, by service thence due and of right accustomed for ever,
and renders thence yearly at the feast of Martimnas and Pente-
cost in equal portions 6d." The rente varied from 6d. to 2s. 6d.
yearly. The two larger burgages are the following : —
'' Bichard Midlam holds one tenement and certain lands and
bui^ages, and renders thence yearly, 19s. Id.
• Boughs, branches, or lops of trees, from ramailea, Norman-French,
f A ridge of land, usually less than an acre.
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862 HI8T0BY OP ALNWICK.
The hdirs of Bichard derkson hold one tenement and 60 i
of land called Chalford's Lands, one croft called Baker's Oroft,
one dose called Close Hill, one watery bog called Howie KjU,
one burgage in Aylemouth, and certain lands in the town and
fields of Ajlemouth, and render thence yearly, 25s. lOd."
There appear to have been only two copyholds ; Boger
Harryson held 10 acres of land lying in the fields of Lesbuiy,
according to the custom of the Oockermouth Manor, paying lOs.
yearly; Ueor^ Olerkson held one tenement and 60 acres of land
and meadow in the town and fields of Aylemouth, on the same
tenure, the rent being 60s.
John Hudson then had the warren extending from Howick
Bum to the mouth of the Ayle at a rent of 40s. The total sum
produced by this manor to the lord of the fee was £9 14s. 1^.
The church at this period was standing nearly entire ''upon
the south part of the Dorough, on a water bank nigh to the
haven^ with a ch\irch-yard ;" it was covered with lead.
Prior to the reformation^ it belonged to Alnwick Abbey and
was served by three priests and one clerk ; two of them, the
master and his fellow^ otherwise named the vicar and his
fellow^ had their living from the abbot and convent of Aln-
wick ; and as part of his living, the vicar had two tenements
in Alnmouth, with land appertaining, which belonged to the
Alnwick Abbey, and also diverse burgages in Alnmouth,
with all manner of tithes of the town, the tithe fish of his
own coble, and the tithe fish of all the rest of the cobles.
The third priest and the clerk were maintained by the in-
habitants of the town. But after the reformation, there was
only one stipendiary priest, Boger Spence, who had the petty
tithes of the town, and a stipend of 468. 8d. ; the tithes of
the fish taken with cobles on the sea were leased to Sir
Cuthbert Batclyff, at a rental of £6 ISs. 4d., and of salmon
taken in the Aln at lOs. yearly. The clerk for wages
had 4d. from every fire-house, but '*not well paid," and
producing less than 5Ss. 4d. yearly. At the Chancellor's
visitation held at Alnwick on the S9th of June, 1577, Boger
Simpson appeared as the curate of Ailemouth Church, and
Edward Spence as parish clerk. It was therefore feared,
that after his death, there would be no priest of any under-
standing or knowledge, who will take upon him the cure ;
and all for lack of living. *'£ven so," thus runs the record,
''the churche shall decaye, and the inhabitants there be
brought to nothinge and in the end the town wast, which
plague God avoyd." Notwithstanding this prophetic warn-
ing, the church went to ruin ; in 1610, there was neither
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THE TOWN, CA8TLB, AKT> BARONT. £58
bible, homilies, surplice, nor pulpit; and the body of the
chapel was in decay ; and its utter ruin was hastened by
wanton spoliation; John Carr, gentleman, Ralph Carr, gentle-
man, and Edward Shepherd were presented at the Arch-
deacon^s Court a little after the restoration for taking away
the leads, the bells, and stones fi-om Alnmouth Church.
After this, it stood a roofless ruin, near the edge of a cliff
against which the high tides and stormy waves, break-
ing with violence, carried away portions time after time, till
the worn and wasted walls, tottering on the brink, were
blown down by a great gale on the 25th of December, 1806.
The church was in the form of a cross ; in "Grose's Antiqui-
ties " there is a drawing of it as it appeared in 1775.*
The changes in Alnwick Castle during these two centuries
were few and unimportant. Under the first and second
Barons Percy, it had attained its highest development as a
place of defence ; and up to the end of this period it was
kept in the same character, being little used as an ordinary
residence, but generally garrisoned by soldiers, It was only
when the baron was of a warlike disposition or compelled
by his office as warden, that he dwelt in the halls of Alnwick
Castle amidst his armed Northumbrian vassals.
The upper part of the Curtain Wall north of the Barbican
is supposed to have been built in the middle of the fifteenth
century, as the string course of masonry corresponds with
one in the south wall of Alnwick Church.
Of the state of the castle and barony during the sixteenth
century, there is full information from surveys; one was
made by Belly sys and others in 1538; one by Hall and
Humberstonin 1567; one by Clarkson in 1569; and another
by Mason a little after 1600. From these surveys, but more
especially from Hall's and from Clarkson's, I give the follow-
ing condensed account, preserving to a certain extent the
quaint phraseology of the original descriptions :—
Alnwick Castle is a very goodly house — very ancient, large,
beautiful, and portly, situate on the south side of the river Aln
upon a little Mote. It is well built of stone, and is of great
receipt ; but neither of itself, nor from its situation of any
strength, but for the manner of the wars of that country ; and
otherwise not able to abide the force of any shot or to hold out
* St Waleric, to whom the church was dedicated, was the first abhot of the
monastery of St Waleric in Picardy, and died December 12. 622. Wilh'am the
Conqueror irsve to this abbpy lands in the vill of Takeleve. Cal. Gen., I., p 9,
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254
HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
any time if assaulted. The circuit of the walls is 376 yards.
There are three principal wards — {Plate IV., A., B., C.) In
the Outer Ward where the entry is from the town, there is a
fair gate house — the Barbican — covered with lead, with two pair
of wood gates, and on either side is a Porter's Lodge two stories
high, but'ruinous and in decay; without this gate is a fair
turnpike, double-battled about, with a pair of wood gates in its
outermost part ; between the Barbican and this turnpike there
are a ditch and a draw-bridge; but in 1538 the draw-bridge
required to be new made, and in 1567 the ditch was fflled up
and paved. Northward of the Barbican, in the Curtain Wall, is
a turret covered with stone, two stories high (2) ; and at the north-
west comer of this wall stands the Abbot's Tower, of three stories
high (3) ; from this the Curtain Wall runs eastward and joins
the Donjon or Keep; and between the tower and Donjon are
two little garretts (4, 5).*
Fia 4-1
BABBICAlf OF ALNWICK CASTLE.
Southward of the Barbican, the Curtain Wall extends to the
comer, and in the middle between them is one garrett on the
walL The Curtain Wall turns eastward from this comer tower,
and between it and the middle gate house is the Auditor's Tower,
of three stories height (13). The Checker House stands on the left
hand side of the Barbican, within the walls, two stories high, the
* These were subsequently called the Falconer's and Armourer's Towers.
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THB TOWK^ CASTLE^ AND BARONT. S55
upper bein^ used as a court liotise (18) ; and on the other side
of the Barbican is a house for a stable two stories high (16) ; and
another stable stands between the gates east and west (14). The
gate house tower for the middle gate is of three and in some
parts four stories height; on the len hand is a strong prison and
on the right a Porter's Lodge ; the stories above contain hall|
Htchen, buttery, pantry, and lodgings for a constable or other
gentlemen to keep house in (11).
From this middle gate house the Curtain Wall goeth eastward
to the Gardener's Tower, which is three parts round, of three
stories height, but not higher than the battlement of the Curtain
Wall (9) ; between this tower and the middle gate are two little
garretts in the wall. From this round comer tower, the wall
turns to the north-west, to the Eavine Tower, which is three
stories high and three parts round, but now so rent as to be ready
to fall (8). Further north-westward is the Constable's Tower,
three stories high and three parts round (7) ; and in the north-
west comer stands the Postern Tower, three stories high and with
agarrett in the north-west comer raised above its battiement (6).
Within this inner curtain or bailey, between the middle gate
and the garrett east of it, is a house on the Curtain Wail t£ree
stories high, partly used as a stable ; and on the east end of it a
little house, within which is a one horse-miln, now in decay (10).
A little £rom this was another house, used oiily for keeping hay.
Nigh to the Curtain Wall, between the Constable's and the
Bavine Towers, is built one fair chapel, the walls of which are 21
feet high, the length 57 feet, and the breadth 2 1 feet (12). Before
the chapel door is a conduit set with stone and a diest of lead,
and to this dstem a goodly course of trim and sweet water
eometh in leaden pipes urom Howlinge Well (19).
The Brewhouse is between the Constable's and Postern Towers;
the Bakehouse joins the Postern Tower ; and joined to that is a
slaughter house ; and joining these on the west side is the site
of the Chantry House, of which nothing is now left but one wall.
The Donjon or Keep is set of a little mote made with men's
hands, and for the most part, as if it were square, the circuit
being 225 yards ; '' it is a fair and pathe building," with seven
round towers and four garretts. Between the garretts are lodg-
ings. The gate house is of two towers, four stories high, and is
a stately building. The other towers are all three stories high
and covered with lead. Bound the Donjon is a trim walk and
a fair prospect. Within it is the hall, chambers, and all other
manner of houses and offices for the lord and his train. The
south side thereof serves for the lords' and ladies' lodgings ; and
underneath them are the prison, the porter's lodge, and wine
cellars, with skullery. The west side is for chambers and ward-
robe. On the east side are the hall, kitchen, chambers, and
pantry; and underneath the hall is a marvellous fair vault.
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£56 HISTORY OV ALNWICK*
wbicli is the 'buttery. Undemigh the kitchen 10 die larder, and
at the end of the hnttery is a £aw-well, which for a long time
has not been used. Within the Donjon is a proper little conrten
for the most part m^uare and well pared with stone. On ti^e
west side of the Donjon is raised a little square tower, called the
Watch Tower, where Hes a watchman with a beacon to be set or
hung.
In 1537 there were in the castle 180 bows, 410 bills, 12 shea£i
of arrows, and 10 pieoes of old ordnance, ftc. There was also at
this period a Friars Tower which was then rent, but its situation
is now indeterminable.
There is a reference to the chapel of Alnwick Castle in the
following extract from records of the priory of Coldingham.
"17 June, 1465, Andrew, bishop of Glasgow, Archibald, abbot
of Holyrood House, Mr. James Lindsay, keeper of the Privy
Seal, and James Lord Livingstone as ambassadors had come to
Alnwick to treat with the commissioners of the king of England
concerning peace between the realms, and William Layborn, the
papal nuncio, shewed them there a citation against Patrick and
John Home, two canons of the Oollegiate CSiurch of Dunbar,
who had intruded themselves into Coldingham Priory contrary
to John Pencher, but which they dared not execute in Scotland
owing to the influence of the intruders' kinsman Lord Home.
This citation he exhibited to the Scottish embassy — << in vestibulo
juxta idtare infht magnam capellam in Castello de Alnwick pre-
dicto situatum " — in the porcn near the altar beneatib the great
chapel in the castle of Alnwick, in presence of John Neville, earl
of rTorthumberland, Lord Montague, warden of the East and
Middle Marches, and o^ers."
Though not residing much at Alnwick, the earls of North-
umberland kept up a stately official establishment for the
management of the barony. In the surveys made near the
close of the period, much curious information is given on this
subject. Notwithstanding the increase of the king's prero-
Stive and the eradual growth of the power of the commons^
E^se great northern barons affected ttie state of petty kings,
and seem, indeed, still to have exercised a kind of regal author-
ity. In Hall's Survey, made in 1567, the officers bebnging
to the ** Castell of Alnewyke" are said to be
The CoMtahU^ the highest, who has charge and custody of the
castle, and command over the other officers in the absence of the
lord ; he occupied the " constable's lodging " and had for his fee
yearly £20 : Th$ Porter ^ who had the custody of the K&te of the
Outer Ward and the custody of prisoners ; his yearfy fee was
100s. : The Castie-greave, who attached all offenders either for
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BAUONT. 267
trespass, debt, or otherwise, by oonunandment, and who saw them
safdy oonyeyed to ward, until delivered by order of law ; and
his fee was 508. 8d. : The Receiver and Auditor^ who kept audit
in a house called the Exchequer ; his yearly fee was £10 : 7%e
Feodary^ who looked to all the wards after the death of their
ancestors and who kept ''substantial records" for preservation
of the services due from manors; his yearly fee was 100s. : 'A
Learned Stewart^ to adminster justice, whose yearly fee was £7 :
The derk of the Courte, who kept the lord's court, engrossed the
rolls, and took care of the records; his yearly fee was £6 6s. 8d. ;
The Foreign Bailiff, who collected the castle ward and comage
money of the barony and warned the tenants and inhabitants to
attend upon the lord or his deputy ; his yearly fee was 60s. 8d.
The following were officers at this time: — Nicholas Forstor,
constable of the castle; Bichard Hakke, porter; GFeorge Metcid^
receiver and feodary of the barony; Gawin Salkeld, bailiff of
Alnwick ; Thomas Bates, chief steward of the barony ; Gborge
Clarkson, clerk of the courts ; Thomas Frenche, foreign bailiff;
WiUiam Grey, bailiff of the castle ; OdneU Selby, keeper of Holn
Park; Chrisikopher Armorer and Ingram Saukeld, keepers of
West Park; John Gallon and Hugh Selby, keepers of Oawledge
Park.
To the barony at this time belonged in demesne, according to
the same survey, the town and borough of Aylemoutli, ^e towns
of Denwyke, Bylton, Lesbuiy, Houghton Magna, Houghton
Parva, Shylbottell, Guysons, Buglee, Bennyngton, South Charle-
ton, Norti Charleton, Pteston, Tughall, Swynnow, Newham,
Lucker, Lyham, Chatton, Fawdon, Aylneham, Awkehyll, New-
ton-Super-Moram, Newton-Super-Mare, Hausand, Moryke, Est
C^evyngton, Howick, Booke, Fallowden, and Brunton. But
though all these places were members of the barony, many of
them were not in tne possession of the baron, for they had been
''freely of ancient time" granted. The following towns rendered
service to the barony and were for the most part held by knighto'
service and by payment of castle ward rent and comage, vix. : —
Hoppen, Edderston, Spendelston, BudeU, Elwyke, D^dyngton,
Nesbitt, Horton, Hesserngq^ei Lyham, Powbeny, Wetwood, Oald-
merton, Yardell, Ingram, Byvell, Hartsyde, I^dyke, G^jrmonr
don, Bvttlesden, Olenell, Nederton, Borowden, Allenton, ^tton,
Ambell, Shwperton, Thumam, Scrynewood, Hakeley, Chellyng-
ham, Eworth, and Hybbome.
Two parks at this time belonged to the castle— one Holn Park
on the west side, within a mile of the castle, well replenished i
with fallow Deer, and well set with underwoods for cover
and preservation of the deer, and having the jijfne running
through it, is very stately park-like ground ; it is for the most
part enclosed with a stone wall twenty miles in compass ; for this
park ti^ere are two keepers of the deer, whose yeauy fee each is
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HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
B. 8d. The other (College) Oawledge Park was southward of
[nwick, and was in compass six miles and partly enclosed with
a pale which is in great decay, and hence there is no great plenty
of deer ; there are two keepers each with a fee yearly of 60s. 8d.
There were three other deer parks belonging to the earl in the
county of Northumberland. An account taken in 1513 of the
Deer in the Parks and Forests of the North belonging to the
Earl, gives the following particulars : —
In Holn Park there were of Fallow Deer, . . 879
CawledgePark Ditto, .. 586
Warkworth Park Ditto, ., 150
Acklington Park Ditto, . . 144
Bothbury Forest, Bed Deer, • . . . 153
Total . . r912
la his other parks in Yorkshire and Cumberland
there were of Fallow and Bed Deer, . « 8659
Total . , 5571
This large number is exdusire of the deer which the earl had
in his parks in Sussex and other places in the south of England.
Daring the fifteenth century the baronial courts were in
their glory. " The chief lord of the fee " says The Bed
Book of Alnunck, "was thoroughly answered of all profits,
escheats, and other causalities due to him with his rents at
terms accustomed duely paid, and his officers every one in
their office feared and obeyed ; so that in time of service
where was there in all the county one gentleman of honour
or worship, that had such a company of gentlemen and good
servitors as the chief constable of the said castle and barony
of Alnwick,"* According to Clarkson's Survey a singular
power was exercised by this court ; for from ancient time it
appointed certain persons to keep good houses to serve travel-
lers and also inhabiters in the town requiring lodging, meat,
and drink, and also stabling and horse-meat, no other persons
being allowed to provide a feast for payment. This monopoly,
however, was broken up in Queen Elizabeth's reign, for
Clarkson complains that now the inhabitants have begun to
make bridals, and church dinners when their wives were
churched, and to take payment for the same.f
• Hist and Antiq. of North., IL, p. 159.
t Ibid« p. 160. Of the baronial conrta I shall give a more partioiilar aeeonnt
in a snbseqnent chapter.
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THB TOWN, OASTLB^ AMP BARONY. 25&
I shall now give a particular account of the names of the
holders of property in Alnwick and of the tenures hy which
it was held, as conttuned in the valuable survey of the barony
of Alnwick made by Hall and Humberston on the 17th of
May, 1569^ when the barony was in the possession of Queen
Elizabeth* This survey is among the public records.
First we have the rents of the free burgesses within the
tovm of Alntoick. Under the first name I give in full the
description of the tenure; all the others following under this
head held under the same tenure, but the particulars are not
repeated.
R. Ogle holds one bnrgaee in the town of Alnwick, with appmtenanoee,
which he holds freely by cnarter in free socage, by service of suit of court,
and renders thence yearly, at the feasts of Pentecost and Saint Martin in
winter, by equal payments,* 8d. ; N. Walby, as above, 7d. ; William Ghrey, 6d. ;
William Grey, Id. ; Henry Swinhowe, 7d. ; William Ghrey, James Phylpe,
and William Creighton, 6d. ; Widow IndLepp holds one t^iement, &c.. Id. ;
the same holds one burgage, 9d. ; William Grey, as above, 4d. ; the said
William hoMs a burgage on the west -part of the said burgage, 7d. ; David
Harbottell, as above, 7d. ; the same David, as above, 6d. ; John Watson, 2d. ;
Balph Boltflower, two burgages west of above, 12d. ; Johazma Wynnyate,
one burgage west of above, 6d. ; Thomas Trollop, west of above^ 3d. ; William
Orey, one Durnge oyerthrown, lying south of liie street called Walkergate,
6d. ; the same William, one burgage -overthrown, east of the aforesaid, 6^ ;
Bobert Pallett, one burgage lymg east, 14d. ; William Grey, one burgage
overthrown, east, 7d. ; George Grey, 6d. ; Margaret Kydnell, 7d. ; Harryson,
2d. (all eastward of the preceding) ; John 6tanton,t of Huntercroft, holds one
tenement called Huntercroft, 3s. ; Richard Bennett, one burgage in the said
street, 6d. ; Richard Bennett, one burgage in the said street at Castlegate,
3s. 3d. ; Hall, one burgage in Alnwick, 8d. ; Richard Clark, the same, 12d. ;
Tristram Grey, the same, 8d. ; Thomas Archer, the same, 13d.; Richard Har-
bottell, the same, 7d. ; Robert Taylor, one burgage and other nremises, 7d. ;
John Wylam, one burgage, 6d. ; Ayer, the same, 6d. ; John jBrowne holds
one tenement in the said town, with aU lands, meadows, and pastures to the
same belonging, 6s. : George Metcalfe, one burgage, 8d. ; the said George,
three burgages, 22d. ; the said George, one burgage adjacent, 8M. ; Ghimet,
one burgage, 8Jd. ; Ralph Boltflower, 4s. 7d. ; Eaward Bedwell, iSd. ; Thomas
Toung, lOd. ; Fell, lOd. ; Matthew Lee, 9d. ; The Lady the Queen has in her
own £uids one burgage lately — Aleson, which was wont to render at the feasts
aforesaid, yearly, lOd. ; William Shell, one bun^age, lOd. ; Richard Tounff,
lOd. ; the heirs of Roger Bednall, 14d. ; John Atkinson, east of the afDresaid,
8d. ; William Cruston, east, 16Jd. ; William Curseley, 7d. ; the heir of Cur-
sley, lid. ; William Bednell, 8d. ; Kich. Arcle, 3s. ; Margaret Ladyman, 8d. ;
Edward Ladyman, 8d. ; William Taylor, ^d. ; William Taylor, 2s. lOd. :
John Fargus, IS^d. ; John Fergus, lOd. ; Margai«tt Styrkett, 12d. ; Margarett
Styrkett, 7d. ; Thomas Watson, 16d. ; Nich. Stanton, 16d. ; Rob Wilkinson,
6d.; Thomas Cutler, lOd.; John Kannell, 8d.; Cuthbert Andenon, Sd.;
* *' R. Ogle tenet nnnm burgagium in villa de Alnewyck, cum pertinentiis,
quod tenet libere per cartam in Hbero sucagio, per servicio sectie curiae, et reddi-
tus inde per annum ad festa Penticostis et Sancti Martini in hieme equal.'*
t John Stanton was schoolmaster and pariah clerk in 1577.
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260 HISTOBY OF ALNWICK.
Heoary Tonffe, 8d.; Thomaa Smaflas, lOd.; BolMrt lAdymuii 6d«; G«(ng6
Metcalf, 12d.; Henry Tounger, 8d.*
AU burgages tituatB on the mmth aide of the aforesaid street eaXUd Bondgate,
beginning on the east side and passing towards the west,
Nicholas Chandler holds one burgage tiiere as above and rendem as above^
&o., 6d. ; John Qale, 6d. ; John Dawson, 8d. ; William Bednell, 8d. ; John
Golfe, 8d. ; Pumperte, 12d. ; Nicholas Stanton, 12d. ; William Bednell, 8d. ;
John Taylor, 2s. 4d. ; Alder, 14d.; Cathbert Peddom, 9d. ; John Dawson,
8d. ; William Taylor 84d. ; Michaell Temple, 8d. ; Bichaid Boderford, S^d. ;
John Downes, 8^ ; William Herd, 7id. ; Alder, 7d. ; Alder, 8d.
Burgages situate in Market Stede (i.o. Market Place) on the south side of the
foresaid street, beginning at the east side and passing towards the west,
William Bednell, one burgage, 8d. ; said William, 8oL ; Boger Alder, 6)d. ;
darkson, 6id. ; Thomas Qroene, 8d. ; Ralph Watson, 9d. ; Thomas Qieene,
SfL ; William Gallon, 2s. 9^. ; John Slnie, lOd. ; John Dawson, 8d. ; John
Atkinson, lOd. ; George Dawson, 8d. ; Thomas Person, lOd. ; Howe, widow,
lOd. ; Gkorge Dawson, 7d. ; Richard Wardhangh, 8d. ; William Henryson,
lid.; Robson, lid.; Robert Hatson, lOd. ; Arthur Watson, 8d.; Thomas
Butyman, 8d.; Anthony Fawgus, 12d. ; G^anaid, 2s. 6d.; Robert Barons,
16d.; Henry Lynge, 8d. ; John Scott, 3s.; JohnBrowi^ lOd.; Robert Lady-
man, 2s. 6d. ; George Alder holds four burgages with appurtenances, &c.,
6s. 8id.
Att burgages lying on the west side of the said street, beginning on the south side
and passing towards the north,
Nicholas Swanne holds three burgages with appurtenances, &c., 3s. 2d. ;
Edward Howett holds one burgage, &c., 20d. ; Emota Watson, 20d. ; Ralph
Clay, 2s. 5d. ; George Metcal^ 14d. ; Robert Nysebet, 6]^. ; William Watson,
eM, ; John Thorbrand, 13d. ; Edward lAbinson, 18d. ; William Stannars, 8d. ;
Gfoorge Watson, 8^. ; Robert Barnes, 8^. ; Thomas Howetson, 8}d. ; Thomas
Watson, 8d. ; Lambe, 8d. ; Robert Barrows, 8d. ; Thomas Forster, 8d. ; Thomas
Taylor, 1 2d.; Thomas Craster, 12d.; Jacob Brown, 8d.; Henry Lyng, 4d. ;
John Scot, 4d. ; Edward Chelumpton, 8d. ; Thomas Lyng, 8d. ; John Lyshe-
man, 6d. ; Thomas Greene, 4d. ; Emota Strudder, 4d. ; the ssid Emota, 6d.
All burgages lying in the street edUed TenkeU Street on the west side, beginning on
the south side,
John Davison holds three burgages, &c., 9d. ; Peter Elston, one burgage,
6d. ; John Dawson, 8d.; George Watson, lOd.; William Bri£;s, 14d.; Edward
HaU, 13d. ; George Metcalf, 16^. ; Luke Ogle, 38. 4d. ; John Clarke, lOd. ;
Edward Stanners, lOd. ; Grene, lOd. ; Anthony HaU, 12d. ; John Johnston,
12d. ; Edward Naire, 12d. ; Thomas Story, 16d. ; Robert Moore, 6d. ; Thomas
Grey, 7d. ; William Rogers, 38. 8d. ; Thomas Watson, 8d. ; Henry Estwood,
8d. ; Clarke, GJd. ; Richard Bell, 6M. ; Richard Holly, 14d. ; Richard Stan-
ton, 6d. ; Edward Algood, lOd. ; Thomas Harrett, 2s. lOd. ; Robert Barwes,
7d. ; HoUy, 7d. ; Ma^erelL for the site of the tower called "The Tower,"
{this was JPbttergate Towers) Id. ; George Metcalf holds three overthrown
burgages, 2s. ; Edward Algood, one burgage overthrown, 6d. ; Thomas Story,
one burgage overthrown, 17id.
AU burgages in the street called Barres Dalef on the north side of the street
e^oresaidf beginning on the west side and passing toward the east,
George Metcalf holds three burgages, &c., 3s. 2d. ; Thomas Story, one bur^
gafi;e, 12d. ; Edward Stannors, 12d. ; William Grey, one burgage overthrown,
12d. ; George Metcalf, two burgages, 14d. ; John Browne, one burgage, 7d. ;
Gilbert Sa^er, 7d. ; Robert Bullock, 3d. ; John Blaoke, 8d. ; Thomas Grey,
* These burgages were in Walkergate and Nanowgate.
f Pottergate.
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THE TOWN, CASTLB^ AND BASOXY. 261
one burgage overtihrown, 8d. ; John Browne^ 7cL ; WilUam Qxey, 8d. ; said
William, 7<L ; Qeom BobyoBon, 7d. ; Thomas Grey, 4d. ; Pyrrao, 8d. ; John
Waller, 7d. ; John Stanton, Bobert Strother, Olde, and John Gibson hold one
burgage, 20d. ; Stamford, one bur^e, IM. ; Wytherolde, 2a. ; John Taylor,
3s. 4d. ; William Grey, Ss. 4d. ; said William holds one piece of land with the
said burgage adjacent with appurtenances, lOd. ; G^rge Metcalf holds the
site of a lAkehouse in Alnwick aforesaid, Ss. 4d. ; John Helter holds one
burgage, 12d.
AU burgages with their appurtenances in the street called the Market Place from
the west part of the said street, beginning at the south side and passing north,
William Bednell holds three burgaees, &c., 28. 2d. ; Margereta Lighten,
fbr an improvement, held as above, 2a. ; George Levewicke, one burgage,
9d. ; Thomas Shell, 8d. ; Thompson holds one tenement called the Beer-housee
with appurtenances, (now the Town HaUy) 0%. 8d. ; Margaret Clarkson, one
burgage, 6d. ; Leonani Forster, lOd. ; Kobert Grey, 8d. ; Edward Scott, 4d. ;
the said Edward, 4d. ; John Garrard, 8d. ; George Metcalf, 8d. ; WiUiam
Bednall, two burgages, 4d. ; John Clark, one burgage, 6d. ; John Styte, 12d. ;
Heirs of George Davison, two burgages, 12d. ; Thomas Armorer, one burgage,
8d. ; John Henryson and Edward Anwyck hold one burgage, lOd. ; Wmiam
Pye, 12d. ; John Waller, 4d. ; George Alder, 16d. ; William Beadnell, 4d. ;
Heirs of Thomas Claxton, 8d. ; Margaret Claxon, 8d. ; William Beadnell,
22d. ; Thomas Forster for one tenement in the Market Place and a certain
stall without the shop to the same tenement appertaining, Gs. 8d. ; Heirs of
John Hall hold one stall without the shop lying on the west part of the said
stall, 4d.
The sum of the rents of burgages in the town of Alnwick is £12 17s. 7)d.
Next follow the Rents of the Free Tenants y who, excepting
the owner of Hobberla\% which was held by military service,
had their properties on a tenure similar to that of the bur-
gages of the town; probably, however, differing in this
respect — that while the possession of a burgage constituted
a burgess and admitted to the privileges of the corporation,
these free tenancies had no such effect, because situated
beyond the limits of the borough.
WiUiam Taylor holds two messuages in Bondgate, and one messuage in
AiTogate, and forty acres of lands, meadows, feedmgs, and pastures in
the fields of Bondgate aforesaid, all of which tiie said William holds freely
of the lord by fidelity and suit of court, and renders thence yearly, at
the feast of Pentecost only, 9s. ; Sir John Forster holds one parcel of land
called Brokshawe* bv the rent, 6b. 8d. ; George Metcalfe holds freely one
parcel of land called ^uyrrell ? containing one acre and a half in Bondgate
Fields, &c., 8d. ; William Bednell holdlB freelv twenty-four acres of land in
Bondgate, &c., 3s. ; the said William holds forty acres of land lately John
Riggr in the fields of Bondgate, &c., 19d. ; the same William holds one tene-
ment sixteen acres of land in Bondgate Fields, &c., 19d. ; the said William
holds two acres of land called Swarrells in Bondgate, &c., 9d. ; the said William
holds one parcel of land called Bednell*s Lands containing twenty-six acres in
the fields of Bondgate, &c., 28. ; the same William holds ten acres of land in
Bondgate, &c., 8d. ; George Alder holds one tenement called Bondgate-hall,
sixty-four acres of land in Bondgate, &c., 9s. 6d. ; the said G^rge holds one
tenement called Hubberlaw with certain lands, meadows, feedings, pastures,
and woods, containing two hundred acres of land, which he holds by military
* This was originally abbey land, but charged with a reserved rent
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26S HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
service of the Berenth part of one knight's fSoe, and rendering jearly 4d. —
(besidea this " Byrtwell or TJberlow " paid to the castle of Alnwick for castle
ward, 23^ yeany) ; the said (George holds a parcel of land called the Banks
and Wakes &iowles containinff eight acres of arable lands, &c., 12d. ; John
Watson holds one acre of land in Bondgate, 2d. ; WiUiani Bedndl, Gborge
Metcalf, and WOliam Ghreene hold eighty acres of arable land in Greenj^eld,
6s. 8d. ; Henry Swinhoe holds a right of way to the moor of "Rlling^^*^^ in
Wliitehall, Id. ; Michael Shafto holds one toft and one parcel of land contain-
ing three roods between the castle and the water of the Ayne (Aln), 12d. The
burgesses of Alnwick render yearly to the aforesaid earl for common liberty
(right ofcomffum) upon the moor, as by ancient custom^ they were wont from
time immemorial, 28. ;* the tenants of Kanigate {Camngate) render annually
to the lord for chiminage {right of way) from ancient custom beyond the
memory of man, 12d. ;t the tenants of South Charlton similarly render yearly
to the lord for chiminage beyond Kosley-brigg as from ancient custom, 4s. ;
the tenants of Shylbottell render to the lord annually 6s. lid., of Eooke (Soek)
8d., Bennynffton 8d., and Charleton 8d. for work in autumn, which they were
accustomed for antiquity to perform.
The sum total of Uie free tenants is 81s.
Next come the Rents of Tenants at Will y of these there
are two classes — copyholders, and farmers or ordinary ten-
ants holding for a term of years. I shall first give the
Copyholders,
George Metcalf holds by copy of court one parcel of arable
land, called Bamet-syde, with ClarkoUhughe, and a parcel of
land called Delves in Bondgate Fields, .which he holds according
to the custom of the honour of Cockermouth, and renders thence
annually at the feasts of Martinmas and Pentecost by equal pay-
ments, 228. ; the same George holds a parcel of demesne lands
called Halfiat and another parcel called Angerflat inclosed, con-
taining in the whole thirty acres in Bondgate, all which he holds
as above and renders annually, &c., 30s. ; William Bridges holds
fifty acres of land, parcel of the south demesnes lying in the
fields of Bondgate, &c., 15s. ; Margaret Glarkson holds a parcel
of land in the East Fields, called Knights-furlong, in Bondgate,
ftc, lOs. ; Edward Lad;yman holds one tenement with a croft
and one husbandland in the fields of Alnwick, &c., 31s. 6d. ;
William Lad}'man holds half a husbandland and fourteen acres
" of land formerly the lands of Thomas Mydleton, &c., 348. 4d.
Nicholas Chandler holds one toft and one husbandLland in Bond-
gate Fields, &c., 16s. 8d.; Cuthbert Anderson J holds twenty-two
* The entry of this charge in a baronial book called '* The Red Book of Aln-
wick/' is, in 1474, as follows :-»'* De villata de Alnwyke at fest Nat S. Johannia
Bap. pro licencia eundi cum averiis aula in Haydeu mense Tetito per an. ija."
f The entry of this charge in ** The Red Book of Alnwick ** in 1474, is—" De
tenentibus de Cannogaite, pro licencia via habcnda a retro Cannogaite solvend.
ad festa Michaelia in fine compoti, xijd." Hartshorn's Antiq. of North., p. 157.
I Cuthbert Anderson in 1577 was curate of Alnwick ChapeL
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONY. 263
acres of land in fhe fields of Bondgate, &c.y 22s. ; Oeorge Browell
holds one toft, one croft, and one husbandland in Alnwick, ftc.,
728. ; William Bednell holds sixteen acres of land called Bljnd*
well-flat, &c., 168. ; the same WiUiam holds a toft with a croft
beyond ^e tower, in the street of Bondgate, and one husbandland
containing twenty-two acres of arable land, &c., 22s. ; William
Bednell holds one parcel of land called Wydropp, 5s. ; George
Browell holds one parcel of land called Wydropp, 20d. ; William
Orey holds one parcel of arable land and meadow called Wydropp,
68. Ad. ; John Lynsey holds one parcel of land near Hnl Park
called Shipley-hauffh, &c.. Ids. 4d. ; Odnell Seiby holds one
parcel of land called the Peth containing one acre, &c., I2d. ; the
tenants of South Charlton hold half of the pasture called Gliim-
side near to Hul Park, &c., 208. ; Sir John Forster holds the
other half of Ohimside Pasture, &c., 20s. ; Thomas Dobson holds
one tenement and one husbandland in Sheldyk {ShiMikes), &c.,
8d. ; John Brown holds one tenement and one husbandland in
Sheldyk, &c., 8s. ; Eobert Dobson and Henry Dobson hold two
messuages and two husbandlands in Sheldick, ftc, 16s. ; William
Dunne holds one tenement and twelve acres of arable land and
two acres of meadow, ftc, 16s. ; Outhbert Dickson holds one
built messuage, with all other lands, meadows, feedings, and
pasture appurtenant, under the name of one messuage and one
nusbandland, &c., 8s. ; Hobert Dickson holds one messuage and
husbandland, &c., 8s. ; Geoige Taylor holds one built messuage
and husbandland, &c., 8s. ; Soman Stell holds one tenement and
twelve acres of arable land and two acres of meadow, &c., 8s. ;
Thomas Steele holds one built messuage and one husbandland in
Sheldyk, &c., 88. ; all the tenants of Sheldykes hold a certain
pasture, called Swynlees firom Harecrag, containing fifty-four
acres of pasture in common, by their animals depasturmg, accord-
ing to the custom of the honour of Cockermouth, rendering
yearly &o., 268. 8d. ; G^rge Metcalf holds one dose pasture,
called Greensfield Saivghes or Sawghes lying in OaUedgs Park
on the north, and a place called the Strodier on south part con-
taining twenty acres, held according to the custom oi docker-
mouth, &c., 138. 4d.
The following in the manor of Bugley are held according to
the same custom: — John Stanton, one messuage and lands under
the name of two and a half husbandlands, rendering yearly ftc,
17s. 6d.; John Stele, the same as above, 12s. Sd.; Bobert Atlmison,
half a husbandland, 8s. 9d. ; G^r^e Garrett, two husban<ilandsy
17s. 6d. ; Bichard Brown, two husbandlands, 14s. ; Bobert Ben-
atson, two husbandlands, 14s. ; John Stanton, the same, 14s. ;
Thomas Stele, the same, 14s. ; John Sleynes, the same, 1^. ; all
the tenants of Bugley hold two pastures, one of which is called
Bugley Wood, the other the Hall CHoso, held as abovey rendering
yearly 43s. 4d.
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S64 filSTOBY OF ALNWICK.
The foUotoing are the Copyholders in the Manor of
Denwyke : —
William Qrey holds one built tenement with all houses built
above with one croft and all arable lands, meadows, feedings,
and pastures pertaining to the said tenement, all of whichhe
holds by name of one husbandland and a half, with all and
singular their appurtenances, at the will of the Lord, according
to me custom of the manor, and he renders thence yearly at the
feasts of Pentecost and Martinmas, equally, 21s. ; the same
William holds one. built tenement and half a husbandland, as
above, 14s.; John Bose holds one messuage with croft under
the name of one cottage and husbandland, as above, 21s. 8d. ;
Bichard Gibson holds one tenement and one husbandland and a
hal^ as above, 21s. ; Robert Thewe holds one tenement and one
husbandland and a half, as above, 21s. ; John Clerk holds one
messuage and one husbandland and a half, according to the
custom of Cockermouth, 21s. ; Thomas Shephed, the same, 21s. ;
John Oybson holds one husbandland with one close, as above,
20s. ; John Maxwell holds one tenement and one and a half
husbandlands, 21s. ; William Thew, the same, 21s. ; John Thew,
Ihe same, 21s. ; William Bawden, one tenement and one hus-
bandland, 14s. ; Edward Bobynson, one built tenement and one
and a half husbandlands, 2l8. ; the same Edward, one husband-
land, 14s. ; John Olerk holds a built tenement with seventeen
acres of arable land, meadow, and pastures, under the name of
one tenement and one husbandland, 14s. ; William Waller holds
one cottage and one selion of land with appurtenances, 8d. ;
Edward ]&:>bynson, the same, 8d.
The following are the Tenants at Will, who appear to
have been farmers, though some of them may have been
copyholders : —
Nicholas Forster, gentleman, constable of the castle of Alne-
wyck, holds one close called Castle Close, containing thirty acres
of land, which formerly the said Nicholas held at will, and ren-
dered thence yearly at the feast of Michaelmas only, 40s. ; George
Metcalf holds certain enclosed lands called the North Demesne,
containing forty acres of land with appurtenances, &c., rendering
annually at Martinmas and Pentecost, £4 ; Engram Salvid holds
thirty acres of enclosed land called the West Demesnes, &c., 30s. ;
G^rge Kydnell holds one water fulling-mill, situate on ti^e water
of Ayne {Aln^ with the water course, which mill he holds for
the term of his life by commission, as he says of Thomas Earl,
and renders thence yearly 20s. ; William BediielL and Jobji Clerk
hold one close of arable land called Wyderopp, in Alnwick, which
they hold at the will of the lord, and render yearly Ids. 4d* ; Sir
John Forster holds one built tenement called Snepehouse with
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 265
all other lionses buHt thereon, at the will of the lord, rendering
yearly 40s. ; t3ir John Forster holds the herbage and pannage*
of the whole of Holn Park, at the will of the queen, rendennc^
yearly £6 Hs. 4d. ; Sir John Forster holds the herbage and
pannage of the whole of the West Park within the demesne of
Alnwi%, containing a cirouit of six miles, at the will of the
queen, at tiie rent of £6 l4s. 4d. ; Sir John Forster holds the
herbage and pannage of the whole of CaUedge Park, containing a
circuit of seven miles, at the will of the queen, at the rent of £12.
The House lately of the Brethren of Hulne Parke.
Thomas, earl of Northumberland, held the site lately the
house of. the brethren of Hulne Parke with all built houses of
the above, gardens, orchards, and three closes to the said site
appurtenant, and with all things in lands, meadows, feedings,
pastures, formerly appurtenant to the said house, and with pas-
ture for twenty cows and two bulls depasturing in Hulne fark
of iJie said earl, all of which were lately in his hands and occu-
pation, 33s. 4d.
Rents of divers towns for certain toUs in the town of
Alnwick.
The inhabitants of the underwritten vills render annually to
tiie Lady the Queen for foreign toll, viz., that they may be quit
of toU within the fairs and markets of Alnewyck, and that mey
may watch according to the custom of the fairs wi^ certain men ;
viz., the towns of Aylneham 5s., Calmerton 2s. 6d., Fowberry
2s. 6d., Hesselri^e 4s., Heworth 12d., TughaU 3s. 4d., Swynnow
20d., Lesbury 2dd., and Hetton 5s. ; in all 36s. 6d.
We learn from this survey that some cottages within the
town belonged to the manor of Preston. The following is
the entry : —
Rents of the tenants in Alnwick^ Parcel of the Manor
of Preston.
Gtoorg^ Metcaulf holds freely his cottages, situate within the
town of Alnwick, to hold to himself and his neirs freely by charter
and rendering yearly at the feast aforesaid 4d. This apparent
anomaly arose from the manor of Preston belonging to the abbot;
for there is entered '' In rents yearly paid to our Lady the Queen,
as of her manor of Preston, late parcel of the priory of Alnewyk,
408." These cottages being the property of the abbey, and
free (in frank almoigne) from the manor of Alnwick, did suit
to the abbot as of me manor of Preston; and this relation
between them and Preston continued after the dissolution of
* The right of feeding swine in the forest.
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£66 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
monasteries; bat it did not afiPect the quit rent, which was paid
to the baron of Ahiwick. These cottars stood in Nairowgate,
on the east side, a little below where Fenkle Street joins Nar-
rowgate.
With exception of the families of Thew and Forster, it is
questionable, whether a single descendant in the male line of
any of the other families holding property in the parish of
Alnwick in 1567, is now living tnere. From this record we
find that there were 263 burgages in Alnwick, the quit rents
of which amounted to £12 17s. 7|d. yearly ; besides, there
were in the parish 16 freehold estates in land, and 52 copy-
hold estates, 17 of which were in Alnwick, 17 in Denwick,
9 in Shieldykes, and 9 in Rugley. As, however, the survey
only included properties which yielded rent or service to
the baron, there were several other freeholds, not yielding
rent or service, of which no account is given. None for
example of the estates carved out of the abbey property.
Only one burgage in Alnwick then belonged to the baron,
who indeed held little property beyond the demesne lands
connected with the castle, portions of the three parks, and
lands at Shieldykes, Snipe House, and probably Rugley.
There were about 200 burgesses in the town, that is owners
of burgage tenements ; there may have been 50 other owners
of houses in Canongate, Bailiffgate, and beyond the walls of
the town ; and besides these, about 50 others, owners of land
yielding no service; so that there would be near to 800
persons possessed of real property in the parish. Next the
baron, the largest land owners noticed in the survey, were
George Alder, who held Hobberlaw, containing two hundred
acres, Bondgate Hall with eighty acres of land, and nine
burgages ; George Metcalfe, who was possessed of eighteen
burgages, two parcels of freeliold land, and three copyholds ;
William Grey, who had eleven burgages and one copyhold ;
and William Bednall, who had six burgages, six parcels of
freehold lands, and three copyholds.
Quit rents were riot the only charges on property ; under
the feudal system few tenancies were free from a number of
vexatious imposts. Some of these appear in the surveys of
this period. As lord of the manor, the baron claimed free
fishing, fowling, hunting, and hawking, waifs and estrays,
wreck of sea, felons' goods, deodands, and other peculiar
privileges.
When Sir John Forster was warden of the Marches in the
reign of Elizabeth, several persons were tried and executed
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 267
for marcli treason ; tbe warden first seized tbe goods of the
felons ; but afterwards the earl of Northumberland claimed
and recovered these goods as his own right. This was the
case also with the goods of Nicholas Beade, of a felon in
Howick, and of a felon in Lucker.
Castle ward and comage were collected by the foreign
bailiff of the barony ; the former for the defence of the castle
as the head of the barony ; and the latter, called also geldum
animalium^ noutgeld, and horngeld, from camUy a horn, and
geldariy Anglo-Saxon, to pay, was a payment made in com-
mutation of a return of cattle. The statement, which has
been frequently made, that the holder by comage was bound
to wind a horn on the approach of an enemy is erroneous.
The charge was peculiar to the kingdom of Northumberland, •
and originated as far back as the ninth century. When the
king moved from one royal vill to another, the district through
which he travelled provided cattle to supply his table j it was
a tax of homed beasts imposed by royalty upon property,
which in the course of time, however, was commuted into a
money payment. This commutation had taken place at an
early period for the county of Northumberland; for we find
that the tax for the whole county was only £20, while that
for Durham was £110 6s. 6d. — the commutation for Durham
having taken place at a later period, when money had lessened
in value.* The baron of Alnwick paid comage for the whole
barony; and collected it from his sub-feudatories, making a
profit out of the transaction ; but the amount paid in 1569
was the same as that of former periods. Reserving notices
of mills, bakehouses, brewhouses, and salt for another part
of our story, I would refer here to a few other peculiar feudal
imposts.
At Bilton we find all the tenants paid to the bailiff of
Lesbury to the use of the lord in respect of their ploughs,
called Carrying Silver ^ 7s. lOd.
Some copyholders besides these quit rents paid a rent hen;
this was converted into money, and in lieu thereof Id. was
paid yearly. In some parts, as in the neighbourhood of
• Wooler, such copyholds were called Hen and Capon Copy-
holds. Leases of lands, which by some unknown process
had been transmuted from copyholds into farmholds, granted
by the duke of Somerset to the Wilkinsons of Buston, reserved
* Mr. J. Hodgson Hinde baa given a clear exposition of the subject in his
History of Northumberland.
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£68 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
payment of rent hens ; and at the present time, some of the
leases on the Chillingham Estate have a condition for the
payment of a certain sum for rent hens which had been
paid by copyholds before they had been absorbed into the
lord's estate. In the records of the baronial courts, there
is evidence that rent hens were collected in 1695 ; for on
May the 10th, 1695, " John Waugh presents James Grey, of
Lesbury, for a rescue, when he was executinge his office in
collecting the rent hens," and he was amerced Is. This
imposition had obviously become unpopular.
One burgage in Narrowgate, Alnwick, occupied in 1709
by William Boswell, paid as yearly rent a pepper-corn ; and
another occupied by Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, paid "a Read
Rose." John Doxforth held Doxford by a quarter of a
knight's fee, and rendered yearly " a pair of gloves and in
pennies sixpence ;" the site of Pottergate Tower was liable
to pay 4d. or a snow-haU at Midsummer,
As at this point we lose sight of the copyholders of Alnvnck,
I shall here give some concluding illustrations of this class of
small landed proprietors, who formerly were a numerous and
important body. In the barony of Alnwick alone, under the
mesne lord, besides others holding under the sub-feudatories,
there were 800 copyholders, viz., in Alnwick 52, Houghton
47, Lesbury 33, Alnmouth 2, BQton 17, Tughall 11, Newham
15, Lucker 7, South Charlton 19, Fawdon 5, Chatton 40,
Rcnuington 16, Shilbottle 26, Guyzance 10. Indeed, almost
every village in the county was more or less peopled by men
who cultivated their own land. In the older records this
tenure was designated by the mediaeval Latin terms hondagium
and cotagium ; but the difference between them seems to
have been only in the extent of land attached ; each had its
dwelling-house, its toft and croft, its parcel of cultivated
ground, and its right of pasturage over the moor or common
belonging to the vill ; the bondagium, however, had attached
to it a husbandland of land — a variable quantity — ^which in
Alnwick seems to have been twenty-four acres, in one case
only seventeen acres ; but in Longhoughton and other places
thirty acres ; the cotagium, however, had annexed to it only
a seiion of land — that is a rigg, a quantity varying from
about half an acre to one and a half acres ; at Gateshead it
was only half an acre ; but at Denwick each cotagium had
five roods of land.
Originally both bondmen and cotmen, under the feudal
system, belonged to the large class of villans ; who were so
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY.
called, probably from the mil in which they usually lived.
Their condition was at first servile ; for they were bound to
the land and obliged to work a certain number of days on
the lord*s demesne in ploughing, reaping and other agricul-
tural labours, as a payment for the lands which they them-
selves held. But the condition of the villan— of the bondman
and cotman — gradually improved ; services at first arbitrary
and oppressive, became fixed and regular, both as to quantity
and time ; and ultimately they were commuted into a money
payment ; the villan rose to the dignity of a free man, and
common law recognised his title to his land, on payment of
the customary rents and fines — and thus the bondmen and
cotmen were converted into copyholders; and though, as
Coke says, of mean descent yet of an ancient house. This
change to a great extent had taken place at an early period
with the bondmen and cotmen of Alnwick and of the barony;
for we find in the thirteenth century, instead of performing
servile work, they paid money rents to the lord. In 1567,
the tenants of Shilbottle paid 6s. lid., of Rock 8d., of Ren-
nington 8d., of Charlton 8d. yearly to the lord for work in
autumn, which they were accustomed to perform. Fines,
however, were payable to the lord on the alienation or sale
of a copyhold, or on its transfer to an heir. There is an
inrolment of copies in 1586 among the records of the baronial
courts in Alnwick Castle, which furnishes information as to
the amount of these fines. Generally they were from two
to as much as four times the rental. George Beidnell entered
into a toft and croft and one husbandland in Alnwick, the
rent of which was 82s., and paid a fine of £3 6s. Od. Michael
Chandler for a toft and croft and one husbandland in Bond-
gate Fields, the rent of which was 16s. 8d., paid a fine of
50s. George Metcalfe for a parcel of demesne land, called
Baruardsyd with Clark well-heugh, and one parcel of arable
called Delves, the rent of which was 32s., paid a fine of 62s.
A few feudal impositions on copyholders of the district are
traceable down to 1695 ; they still continued liable to carry
thorns, turves, coals, slates, and straw to Alnwick Castle,
and millstones to the mill of the manor. The following
extracts from the baronial court records are illustrations of
these feudal burdens : —
1652, April 19. Presentments of Bennington 9, among whom was John
Falder, of Shilbottle, " who have neglected to bring in their Turfes to the
Castle ; and 4 presented " that hath not brought in Thorns to repaire the
hedges of the Bemesne.'*
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270 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
1655. Bobert Embletcm did not bring ooaLi for several times; and Thomas
Shepherd, of Denwicke, did not bring whins to Alnwick Ca^e.
1679. ''Thomas Fhilipson presents John Lisle for not performinge his
bondage in not bringinge in Straw to Alnewicke Castle ;" and he is amerced
l8.8d.
1680. ''Cnthbert Shell not doeing his dutye in leading thomfis to the
Closes of the Castle, which bytheir Custom and Service is due the Castle f*
Thomas Sheapherd, William Thew, John Gromwell, G^rge Thompson, John
Shepherd, Balph Thew, Edward Ghurett, Luke Hunter, Kolland £obinson«
Bichard Robinson, and Cuthbert Shepherd were presented for the same;
and each was amerced Is.
1682. '' Thomas Ladyman presentes Edwazd Adams fbr refiiseing to Lead
Millstones to Longhoughton Mill ;'' and he is amerced Is.
"Thomas Ladyman and Arthur Johnston presents G^igo Sheepherd,
WUliam Peet, Gk!orge Kight, and John Weddle for refiiseing to cart flaggs
for the said Iionghoughton Mill, which they are bound to doe by Bondage;"
and each is amerced Is. 8d.
Eight Persons of Bilton are amerced " for withdrawing their Service to
their Lord in not bringing Coles to Alnwicke Castle.'*
'' We order that noe person for the future doe withdraw &eir Service £rom
the Lord of this manner upon paine of 39111 ;" So says my Lord's Court
Eighteen peisons of Losbury were amerced in sums from Is. 8d. to 3s. 4d.
each, *' for withdrawing their Service from the Lord of the Manner, in not
leadmg Slates frx>m Seaton Carr unto Alnwick Castle."
1688. "Fk^sented for withdrawing their Services in not doexng their
bondage to the Castle, we amerce them ; viz., The Inhabitants of Denwicke,
Bennington, Longhoughton, Losbury, Bilton, and Shilbottle. Noe prove."
" We present Mr. C^rge BurreU and Edward Adams, of Longhoughton,
who owes Bondage to the Castle of Alnwick and hath not done it. No
prove."
Of these three hundred copyholds not one now exists. We
cannot view, without regret, the total extinction of this body
of small landed proprietors ; they were an important part of
the sturdy, independent yeomanry of old England, and their
loss has left a gap in our social system. The history of their
extinction has not been written ; perhaps it is now irreco-
verable, though there are traditions of the unfair means-
chicanery, misrepresentation, threats — used to sweep them
away. The tendency, however, of modern times has been
for large properties to absorb the smaller — to mass land into
a few hands. Some centuries ago there were 260,000 land-
owners in England ; now there are only 30,000. If this
Erocess goes on — dissevering the mass of the people from the
ind on which they live — ^revolutionising as it were the
character- of our social system — discontent may arise and
demands be made for sweeping changes, which may endanger
the constitution.
Two extracts from Hall's Survey will give most interesting
information, not only as to the nature of the copyhold tenure
but also of the character of the copyholders themselves, and
of the condition of the north at this period. It will be
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THE TOWN, CASTLE, AND BARONY. 271
observed that the '^ reasonable use" of the custom of the
manor of Cockermouth had been so satisfectory to tenants,
that other lords of manors in Cumberland had made similar
grants to their tenants. This runs counter to the commonly
received opinion, that no copyhold tenures could be created
after the reign of Richard I., the time of legal memory ; but
here there seem to have been copyholds created long after that
period. This new creation, however, does not apply to the
Alnwick copyholds, which were in existence before the time
of legal memory ; and the phrase used in reference to them
merely describes the tenure, by a reference to a previous
description under Cockermouth, and is not indicative of its
origin.
" The Barony of Alnwiok aad the Ooimtrey aboutes ys not in
all places so wast as Gumbreland, but the soil somewhat better
and the people more gyven to tyllage and labour then in the
countrey of Cumberland, and yet very poore, because they are
liable to keep up greater number of Oattell of any kynde, then
may lye in house at nyght, because yt ys so nere Scotland of one
parte, and the busshe country of Tynedale of the other parte,
whose whole lyfe and delyte ys onely in robbying and spoyling
there poore neyghbours, and more harme is done to the poore
Countreymen by the Bydirs of Tynedale then by the open
enemys of the Scottes."
*' To the said hous belong a great number of customary tenants
which hold their lands by copy of suit court, to them and to their
heirs, doing to the said lord fote service by himself and all his
family to the borders, when necessity shall require, and paying
his fine at the lord's will after the death, alienation, or exchange
of any lord and tenant, which custom hath heretofore been of
the lords of that house so reasonably used as all the most of the
customary tenants of the Earls in all the coimtries of Cumber-
land, Northumberland, York, and the bishoprick of Durham,
have in all of theim ancient grants and copies to hold to theim
and their heirs, according to &e custom of those of Cockermouth,
(the like grants have been made by the lords of manors within
the county of Cumberland, wherewith the tenants thought them-
selves well pleased and in good estate, and albeit there farmholds
were but small yet the commons were great and large.) So as
the tenants were well able to live and maintain themselves and
their &mily and always to have in readiness horse and such arms
as the country re^uireth for the service of the prince and defence
of their country, till now of late years the greediness of the lords
hath been such and their practices so horrible, by making con-
veyances and devises of their land to cause the poor tenants to
make fine sometimes once or twice three or four years or more,
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272 HISTORY OF ALNWICK*
as to them seemed good, as the poor tenants are soe raimsomed
that they are neither able to lire and maintain their family, as
yet to have horse or arms to serve the prince and maintain the
country, so as that custom, which heretofore they most desired
is now become so odious unto them, as they are not able to endure
it. And albeit the coimtry consist most in wast groimd, and is
veiy cold, hard, and barren for the winter, yet it is very popu-
lous and breedeth taU men and hard of nature, whose habitations
are most in the yalleys and dales where every man hath a small
portion of ground, which albeit the soil be hard of nature, yet by
continual travel is made fertile to their great relief and comfor^
for their greatest gain consisteth in breeding of cattle, which are
no charge to them in the summer, by reason they are pastured
and fed upon the mountains and wastes where they have suffi-
cient pasture all the year, imless great snows chance in the winter
to cover the groimd, for remedy whereof they are driven either
to sell their cattle or else to provide for winter meat for them,
and because the greatest part of the country consisteth in wast
and moimtains, they have but little tillage by reason whereof
tiiey live hardly and at ease, which maketh them tall of personage
and able to endure hardness when necessity requireth."
The following will of J. Bartram Younger, of Alnwick,
made in 1647, is given here as illustrative of the period. He
had been a Roman Catholic as he adopts the usual prelim-
inary form prior to the reformation. The sums left for the
maintenance of his children are wonderAiUy small.
In Dei nomine amen vicesimo die mensiB JuHi anno domini 1647°^o J.
Bartram Yonger, of Alnwyk, seak in body but hoU of remembrannce do maik
my testament and laste wyll in manor and forme folowyng : Fyrst, I gyve
my Bowll imto Almyghtie Qod, our blessed Lady, and aU the hoHe company
of heaven, And my body to be buried in the Church Yard of Saucte MichaaU
tV archaun^g^ell of ALiwick aforesaid, -with my mortuaries accustomed and
dew to be given to the Church, And I gyv unto my wyff Alleson for the use
of the upbryngyng of my Chylder, 8^ Shyllynges and Eight pence. To be
yerlie rasavyd and persavyd by the said Alleson my wyff or her assynez of
my landes and tenementos, sett, lyeing, and beyng within the town and
feyldes of North Cherlton, from the day of the (udt herof unto th' end and
terme of fourteine yeres next folowyng, fully to be completyd, endytt, and
rone, And after th* end of the sad fouiteine yeres thane tiie said vja yiijd to
revert unto my eldest sone William Yonger my heir, lawfully begotten, And
after his death the samd to remayne unto th' eldest of his biwier and thane
levying. To hold to hyme durvng his lyff naturall and after their decease
lykwyse to the rest of my Chylaer as ther ages answeres duryng tiieir lyffes
fOter the death of one to ane other and after the decesse of all my Chylder
thane I wyll the same to revert unto my nerast heir. Item, I gyve to my
sone Henry Yonger my seat howse after his mother's decesse. It^ I ^yye
to my sone Williame fyve yowes. Item, I gyve to my two Chylder Uiat is in
Sowm Country to aither of theime two sheyp if they come to fetch thetme.
Item, I gyv to my son Q«orge two yowes. The resedew of my goodes I gyve
unto my said wyff AUesone and my Chylder, who I maik my executours, they
to dispone the saime to the welth of my sowU and their profeito, wytnesses
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THB TOWN, CA8TLB, AND BABONY. 278
hereof ib Bjr Robert Fonter, pazushe preyst, WiUiam Glennel, Johne Taylzer,
Nicholas (^lanler, Jhone Skott, Thomaa Ladymane, with other moo.
This be th' inventorie of all my goodos moyable and imoyable.
ImprimiB tene Sheype xz*
Item an Kow x«
Item in howshold stuff worthe y}* Tiij^
Dettes that I ame awen —
Item to Thomas Andersone iiij* Item to Jhone Skott ijB iiijd
(Memorandmn of Probate before the Gommissaiy of Northmnberland, 21
Jan., 1647 [i.e. 1548 N. S.]. Seal of office destroyel)
The will of George Harbottel, of Calleche Park, who styles
himself gentilman, made in 1576, shews how small an amount
of property a gentleman might possess. He bequeaths his
son John unto the earl of Northumberland, '' and the lodge
and office to hym at my lord's pleasure, trustinge that he
will stand good lord and maister unto hym, whereby he
may the better bringe upe my childer." He gives to Robert
Harbottel one cow and calf; and then follows
"An Inventory of all the ^oods and chattells moyable and immoTeable of
ibis testator praysed and viewed, the xxidtlx day of Febmaiy, 1676. In
primis xri head of nolte of yon^ and elder xyi^— xlljtie ghepe of yongar and
elder t1~^' calves xzB—come in the yard zlyj* vujd-Hn swyne x*— summa
zziiijl TY}* viij4 ."♦
James Melville, an eminent minister in the church of Scot-
land, in his autobiography has some slight notices of Alnwick
in the latter part of the sixteenth century. On the 2nd of
August, 1584, he visited Alnwick ; " We cam that night '*
says he, ^' to Anweik and ludget in the house of a widow,
whose son-in-law, guidman of the hous, was lyand seek of
maney deadlie wounds, giffen him be the Scottes theives on
the Bordar. And yet we receavat never an evill countenance
of them." He was again at Alnwick in 1585, and his record
of the visit exhibits the character of Sir John Forster, the
lord warden. " We haid occasion " says he, '* divers tymes
to sing unto the praise of our God that 126 Psalme, with
manie ma (more), but namlie at our coming to Anwik on the
second Sabathe of our Journey, (ISth November.) Ther we
rested, and war called to dinner be Sir Jhone Fostar, Lord
Warden, wha at mides of dinner, began bathe to glorifie God
in recompting what he haid wrought already, and to pro-
phesie concerning the stay of foull wather and of pestilence.
There was a pestilence that somer in Edinburgh, St. An-
drew's, Perth, and Dundee, and a tempestuous rainy harvest,
which the peiple attributed to the exile of the ministers and
• North Country Wills, II., p. 408.
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274 HI8T0BT OF ALNWICK.
noblemen by a licentious court; wherefore all the ministers of
God war brought ham againe^ as indeed it was marked and
found within a monethe, that we war estonished to heir the
mouthe of a warldlie civill man sa opened to speak out the
woundarfuU warkes and praises of God wrought for us. We
war in companie a nine or ten hours; and fand him the
gratius God of the land in retouming, as we fand him of the
sees in our passage southward.***
Of all the natives of the town, William de Alnewyk,
L.L.D.y who flourished during this period, was one of the
most illustrious. Prior to the general use of surnames, some
addition was usually made to the Christian name, derived
from a personal quality, from occupation or from residence,
to distinguish one person from another. The most important
man in a hamlet or vill, when signing a document, would
add the name of the place ; and thus some John or William
de Alnewyk would originate the family name. In 1S68
William de Alnwyk was controller of the customs of Berwick,
and Thomas de Alnewyk was weigher of wool there in 1392.
Alan de Alnwick, a goldsmith of York, founded and endowed
a chantry in that city in 1483 ; and about the same period,
John de Alnewyk was paid 16d. for workiug seven days at
York Minster. As we have seen, a family of Alnwick was
living in the town in 1474, when John de Alnewyk was a
chaplain in the chantry. William de Alnewyk, was appointed
by Henry V. confessor of the monastery of Sion in his manor
of Isleworth, which now belongs to the duke of Northimiber-
land. In 1420, he was prior of Wymondham in Norfolk,
confessor to Henry VI., archdeacon of Salisbury, and keeper
of the Privy Seal. As a commissioner to adjust differences
on the borders he was employed in 1423 and 1425. By
Pope Martin he was, in 1426, appointed bishop of Norwich ;
and while there, he built the west end of the cathedral and
the principal entrance to the Bishop's Palace, on which he
placed the arms of his family — Argent a cross moline sable,
and added Orate pro anima Domini WiUielmi Alnwyk. On
September I9th, 1436, he was translated to the see of Lin-
coln. He died on December 5th, 1449, and was buried
in the cathedral. His own arms, with those of the sees of
Norwich and Lincoln, are placed over his tomb, along with an
epitaph in Latin verse. In his will, which was proved at
Lambeth in 1449, he shews a regard for his native town ;
* MelviU«*B Antobiognphy, p. 227.
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THB TOWN, CASTLE, AND BABONT. 275
besides giving ten pounds towards walling the town and ten
pounds towards the fabric of the church of Alnwick, he
bequeathed to the parish church, for the priests officiating,
his missal the third in value, one antiphonar, one bloody
coloured vestment of cloth, having lions of gold interwoven,
one chesuble dalmatic and tunic, three albs and three copes
of the same set, and one chalice. To Alnwick Abbey he
bequeathed for the high altar one pair of small vessels of
silver, with flowers enamelled on the base and with a pipe
in the side of one of them, and also one hundred shillings ;
to Holn Abbey he gave forty shillings**
• Of thi§ wiU th$ Bev. X. JUine hus kindly procured fir m$ tke following extract^
fr<m Mr, 8UM$^ tki li^arimn of iMmieth Falmee: — Item lego eceledse parochiali
de Alnewyk Danelmenau diooesiM, ad ttsam aaoerdotam ibidem oelebrantium, et
parochiuioram ibidem, tertium meum Miasftle in valoxe, unum Antiphooarium,
unum Yeatimentam me«m blodium de panno auri cum leonibus auri intextia,
«Dam vis. caealam dalmatieam tunicara tree albaa, tree eapaa ejaadem aectae, et
uQum ealioem, ad diapoaitionem meonim exeoutorum. Item lego abbati et con-
▼entui eanonicoTum de Alnewyk unum par pelvium peirarum de argeato earn
floribva 10 fuadis ipeanim anamellatia et fistala in Hniaa lateve dietamm pelvium
ad Bummum eoram altare, et centum aolidoa. Item lego fratribaa ibidem Car-
melitia de Holo xia. Item lego decern librae ad mnratioriem ejutdem villae de
Alnewyk, et ad fabiicam eecleaiaB ^nodem x. li.
PBBOT 0BE8T8.
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CHAPTER XV.
SEVENTH, EIGHTH, NINTH, TENTH, AND EliKVENTH
EAELS OF NOETHUMBEELAND— FEOM 1557 TO 1670.
THOMAS, THE SEVENTH EASL — ^A BOMAN CATHOLIC — ^BESTOBED TO
THE BABOKY — IN DISGBAOE AlTD BEBELS — ALNWICK CASTLE Ef
THE HANDS OF BEBELS — TAKEN BY SIB JOHN FOBSTEB — BEBEL-
LION CBU8HED — ^EABL FLEES TO SCOTLAND — BETBAYED AND
EXECUTED — HEBALDBY — ^HENBY, THE EIGHTH EABL— BECOMES
FB0TB6TANT — ^FALLS X7NDEB SXTSFIdON— -OHABOED WITH TBEASON
AND IMPBISONED — SHOOTS HIMSELF — ^HENBY, THE NINTH BABL^-
JOINS THE FLEET AGAINST THE ABMADA — ^EXTBAYAOANT — UN-
HAPPY MABBIAOE— QT7ABBEL WITH YEBE — THOMAS PEBOY THE
CONSPIBATOB — ^EABL CONYICTED OF MISPBI8I0N OF TBEASON —
FINED AND IMPBISONED — HIS LETTEBS— HENBY THE WIZABD
AND THE THBEE MAGI — BETiEAflED AND BETIBBS TO PETWOBTH-*
ALGEBNON, THE TENTH EABL— COMMANDEB OF THE FLEET —
CONNECTED WITH THE PABLIAMBNTABY PABTY DTJBING THE
CrVTL WAB — ^NEGOTIATES FOB PEACE — BETIBES TO PETWOBTH —
HIS CHABACTEB — J08CELINE, THE ELEVENTH EABL — THE LAST
OF HIS FAMILY — CHABACTEB OF THE PEBCY LOVAINBS.
THOMAS PERCY, SEVENTH EAEL OF NOETHUM-
BEELAND.
After being in obscurity twenty years, the Percys reappear
as busy actors in national events. The sixth earl died with-
out issue ; and the children of his brother Thomas, who was
attainted, being corrupt in blood, could not succeed. Thomas,
nephew of the last earl and son of Thomas Percy, was, like
his father, a Roman Catholic ; but Mary, the queen, being
deeply attached to the Romish faith, looked with favour on
this scion of the Percy family. She, therefore, by letters
patent, dated 30th of April, 1557, created him a baron of
Parliament, by title of Baron Percy, "in consideration of
his noble descent, constancy, virtue, and valour in deeds of
arms, and other shining qualifications." There being no
mention of the ancient place of barony in the patent, this
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THOMAS PERCY, SEVENTH EABL. 277
was a new creation, and not a restoration of the ancient
house ; and it could, therefore, claim precedency only from
the date of the patent. But on the following day, by another
patent, the queen promoted him to the dignity of earl of
Northumberland in consideration that his ancestors, ab anti-
quo de tempore in temptis, had been earls of Northumberland;
and this has been considered a perfect restitution to the earl-
dom. The queen, in addition, granted to him all the lands
which had belonged to his ancestors, then in her possession.
These dignities and estates were, however, bestowed on a
qualified tenure ; for the succession was restricted to the
male heirs of his own body, and failing them, to the heirs
male of his brother Henry. So that in fact, in the event of
failure of these heirs, the dignities would become extinct, and
the estates would escheat to the sovereign. When Thomas
Percy was created baron, there was a stately ceremony in
Whitehall; eight heralds and twelve trumpeters marched
first through the chamber into the hall, followed by the earl
of Pembroke and Lord Montague ; and after them came the
new baron, walking between the earls of Arundel and Rut-
land, attired in crimson velvet, with a hat of velvet and a
coronet of gold on his head.
Soon afterwards, the earl appeared on the scene of border
strife, where of old his ancestors were wont to display their
prowess. Jointly with Lord Wharton, he was constituted
warden general of the Marches towards Scotland, and captain
of the town and castle of Berwick, with ample powers, and
with a yearly salary as warden of the Middle March of 600
marks, as warden of the East March and captain of Berwick
of 700 marks, with other allowances for his deputies and
servants.
Elizabeth, after her accession to the English throne in
1559, endeavoured by energetic measures to protect the bor-
ders. She appointed the earl of Northumberland as general
warden. A formal peace was concluded between the two
nations, and the earl, as one of the English commissioners,
signed the treaty on the 21st of May, 1559, at Upsetlington.
French influence, however, soon led to the renewal of hosti-
lities. Intestine commotions in Scotland arising out of the
conflict between the papal and reformed faiths weakened
that kingdom; and the English entered into a treaty with the
Scotch reformers, and sent m their support, into Scotland, an
army of six thousand foot and twelve hundred and fifty horse,
under the command Lord Grey, of Wilton, Sir Henry Percy
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278 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
being general of the light horseman. At Leith there was a
fierce and long skirmish, in which young Percy^ the son of
Sir Henry, distinguished himself by his bravery. Leith was
besieged and gallantly defended; but before it could be taken,
peace was concluded.
For some years after this, the Percys were in obscurity, and
probably in disgrace. The appointment of Earl Grey, who
was an excellent soldier, to the important office of warden
gave offence to the earl of Northumberland ; and his chagrin
would be aggravated by the appointment of the duke of
Bedford^ in 1565, as lord lieutenant of the Northern Counties.
Being a Roman Catholic^ he might not look with affection
on the vigorous protestant queen; and she on the other hand
might not be disposed to invest him with official power in
the north, where the reformed religion had made less progress
than in other parts of the kingdom. Notwithstanding his
adherence to the old faith, he seized and retained eight
thousand crowns, which had been sent by the pope to help
Mary, queen of the Scots, in her difficulties ; the ship, in
which it was conveyed, having been driven on the Northum-
brian coast adjoining the earl's lands.
His dissatisfaction with the government assumed a treason-
able form in 1568, when he busied himself with intrigues to
dethrone his sovereign, and re-establish the Roman Catholic
religion. Mary, the unfortunate queen of the Scots, was
now a prisoner in England ; and the earl was a party to the
scheme for her marriage to the duke of Norfolk ; but this
plot was thwarted by the vigilance of Elizabeth. The earl,
timid and vaccilating, and sensible of the danger which hung
over him, submitted himself to the earl of Suffolk, the presi-
dent of the North, and besought him to mediate with the
queen. Notwithstanding this, the earl continuing to hold
treasonable consultations with other lords, the queen, on the
14th of November, 1669, issued a peremptory order com-
manding him to appear before her * When he read this
order, he was thrown into a state of alarm and suspense.
Camden says, " between the softness of his nature and the
consciousness of his guilt; the bigotry of his persuasion, and
the violence of his resentment for a conceived wrong done to
him, in relation to a rich copper mine found upon his estate,
by virtue of the queen's right to royal mines ; he seemed to
labour under a very great suspense^ whether it were best to
• Stow Chron., p. 663.
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THOMAS F£RCY^ SETEKTH EARL. ^9
apply to her Majesty, or to seek his safety by flight, or turn
rebel."* His friends and servants were ripe for rebellion ;
and knowing his cowardly disposition, they adopted means
to drive him into decided action. At midnight, on the 14th
of November, 1568, when he was at Topcliffe, they aroused
and alarmed him with the cry — that Oswald, Ulstrop, and
Yaughan, his enemies, were ready with arms and men to
take him prisoner; they told him that the catholics were
ready all England over to assert their religion, and that the
bells were rung backward in almost every parish to encourage
the people to an insurrection ; and they also caused the bells
of the town to be rung backward.f In a panic of fear he
arose from his bed, and sought refuge in a lodge in his
own park; and on the following night joined the earl of
Westmoreland at Brancepath, where several insurgents were
assembled. These earls now passed the rubicon of rebellion ;
their war cry was religion, and they issued a manifesto
declaring, that they took up arms with no other design than
to restore the religion of their ancestors ; the queen, they
said, was surrounded ^' by divers newe set-up nobles, who
not onlie go aboute to overthrow and put downe the ancient
nobilitie of the realme, but also have misused the queue's
majestie's own personne, and also have, by the space of
twelve yeares nowe past, set upp and mayntayned a new-
found religion and heresie, contrary to God's word." One
great object the rebels had in view was to liberate Mary,
queen of Scotland; and for this purpose, the countess of
Northumberland endeavoured to gain access to her in the
guise of a nurse, and by exchanging clothes to enable her to
escape; but this rather common place stratagem did not
succeed.
The rebels on the 16th of November, appealing to the old
religious sentiment of the north, unfurled their banners, on
some of which the five wounds of Christ were portrayed, and
on others the chalice. An old man, Richard Norton, bore
in front a cross with a streamer. They marched first to
Durham, and celebrated mass in the cathedral and destroyed
English bibles, prayer books, and the communion table. The
earl went to Richmond, then to Northallerton and Borough-
bridge, and on the 20th, along with his countess, he joined the
earl of Westmoreland at Ripon, where mass was celebrated.
• Camden's Elis., II., p. 422.
t Stow Chron., p. 668.
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280 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
They next advanced to CliflEbrd Moor, near Wetherby, where
their forces were numbered and found to amount to only four
thousand foot and sixteen hundred horse* — a power quite
inadequate to overthrow an established throne. The small-
ness of this array is significant ; for a larger muster might
have been expected in the northern counties^ which were
still the stronghold of the Roman Catholic party. Sadler
says — ^' There be not in all this country ten gentlemen that
do favour and allow her Majesty's proceedings in tlie cause
of religion ; and the common people be ignorant^ full of
superstition^ and altogether blinded with the old popish
doctrine." Feudal attachments^ however, were breaking
up ; and so repeatedly had the retainers of the old border
chieftains suffered in civil strife, that the battle cries of
'* Percy ! Percy ! Esperance ! " had ceased to find a response
in the hearts of Northumbrians generally. On this occasion,
only four score or a hundied horsemen out of Northumber-
land, gathered around the Percy banner. Yet there seems
to have been a considerable number of the disorderly border
men ready to join this attempt, for, says Sir John Forster
writing from Bamburgh on the 25th of November — ^''the
Earles have soe practised with the evil men of England and
Scotland to break the borders and set them in disorder," that
he distrusted them.
The queen, on the 27th of November, ordered the armorial
ensigns of the earl of Northumberland to be removed from
his stall as knight of the Garter ; " that all other, by his
example, for ever more hereafter, beware how they commit
or doe the lyke cryme or fall in lyke shame and rebuke."
The earl had warned his retainers to be in '^ defenceable
array ;" and numbers of them, garrisoned, on his behalf, the
castles of Alnwick and Warkworth. A royal proclamation
was in consequence issued commanding every person to
depart from these castles immediately, declaring those to
be traitors who served the earl or remained in them. Those
holding Alnwick Castle, on being summoned by Sir John
Forster, the warden of the Middle Marches, refiised to deliver
it up ; he therefore marched through the town to the Market
Place, and there repeated the proclamation, and commanded
all the earl's tenants to repair to their own houses. After
this, with increased forces, he returned to the castle; and the
garrison having no hope of succour, yielded to the warden
• Stuw ChroD.y p. 663.
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THOMAS PEBCY, SEVENTH EARL. 881
and saved their lives. Warkworth in like manner surren-
dered ; and both fortresses were garrisoned by loyal men.*
By guarding the passes of the country, the vigilant warden
prevented several of the earl's dependents from joining the
insurrection. Dispirited bv want of adequate support, the
insurgents proceeded no mrther southward than Clifford
Moor ; and turning back, they assaulted Barnard Castle and
Hartlepool, both of which surrendered. But these were their
last successful achievements. They hoped to have had help
from the duke of Alva, with whom they had been in treason-
able correspondence ; but none came ; a strong royal army
was on the way to attack them; and money too was wanting
to maintain their own troops ; for the two leaders had in-
dulged a magnificent hospitality, apd had little money in
their possession ; the earl of Northumberland had brought
with him only eight thousand crowns, and the earl of West-
moreland scarce any mone^ at all. Sir John Forster, the
warden, who was accompamed by Sir Henry Percy, had on
the 7th of December, '^ a great skirmish with the earl of
Northumberland." After this, most of the rebel army slunk
away ; but the earl of Northumberland kept the field till the
18th of December, when the approach of the royal army,
under Earl Surrey, compelled him, with an escort of five
hundred horsemen, to seek safety among the wild borderers
in Liddesdale. " What a fond and foolish ende" says Sir
John Forster, '^ these rebells have made of their traitorous
rebellion."
In one of the finest of the border ballads, the minstrel
indulges in poetic fancies, and presents the weak, spiritless
leader as somewhat of a hero.
'' Earl Percy is into his garden ^ne
And after him walkes his fietire ladie,
I heard a bird sing in mine yeare
That I must either fisht or flee.
Then rose that reverend gentleman (EranciB Norton),
And with him came a goodly band,
To join the brave Earl Percy
And all the flower of Northumberland.
Earle Percy there his ancyent spred
The Halfe-moone shining all so fiEkire,
The Nortons ancyent had me Orosse
And the five woimds our Lord did beare.
• Hollinihead— Sfaarpe's Memorials of the Rebellioo.
2o
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882 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Now spread tiiy ancyent Westmoreland
The dun bull faine would we spye.
And thou the Erie of Northumberland
Now rayse thy half moone up on hye.
But the dun buUe is fled and gone
And the halfe moone vanished away.
And the Erles, though they were braye and bold.
Against soe many could not -stay."
The accounts of the earPs capture are somewhat different.
One statement is that he skulked in some poor cottages at
Harelaw among the Grahams^ who were notorious robbers ;
and that one of them. Hector Grraham, for a bribe, delivered
him to the earl of Murray ; for this inhospitable deed, the
fierce borderers, who respect their own laws of honour> wished
to have Hector's head that they might eat it among them for
supper. Dr. Percy's account, gathered from border songs, is
a little more romantic. When the earl reached the borders,
he was seiaed, stripped, and maltreated by thieves ; but at
length he found an asyluin in the house of Hector of Harelaw,
an Armstrong, who, under considerable obligations to him,
had pledged his honour to be true. Hector, like a fEuthless
wretch, betrayed, for a sum of money, his noble guest,
in January, 1670, to James Stewart, the earl of Murray.
Retribution followed this treachery ; Hector, before this, was
rich, but soon afterwards he sunk into poverty; and his
infamous conduct gave origin to a proverb— To take Hector* 9
Cloak, is applied to the man who betrays his friend. The
earl was imprisoned by Murray in the castle of Lochleven.
For this rebellion, the earl of Northumberland and his
countess were attainted of high treason and outlawed, along
with fifty-five other noblemen. These were days when
human life was little valued, and when hanging and decapita-
tion were the sovereign remedies for constitutional diseases.
A fierce and bloody vengeance fell on the insur8;ents. Those
who possessed property were honoured with a trial, that their
estates might be confiscated; but the poorer classes were
hung without trial and without mercy. Sir George Bowes
boasted that for sixty miles in length and fifty in breadth,
between Newcastle and Wetherby, there was scarcely a town
wherein some of the inhabitants were not hung as a warning
to the rest ; sixty-three constables were hung in the city of
Durham. " I guess" says Cecil, ''it will not be under six
or seven hundred of the common sort that shall not be
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THOMAS PEBCT^ BEVENTH BARL. 28S
executed, besides the prisoners taken in the field/* Surely
the good times of Queen Bess are little better than a myth.
Sir Henry Percy, on June 7th, 1670, by letter, interceded
with Sir William Cecil on behalf of his brother; he desired
to have his counsel as to the mode of proceeding with his
brother, who is very penitent, and his wife in great distress ;
and he hopes that certain, of his lands will not be granted
away. In another to his brother, he reproached him with
his proceedings in the late rebellion, and urges him to seek
the queen's mercy and to think on the misery and desolation
he has occasioned.*
The countess of Northumberland suffered severely in the
rebellion. ** On the same day," the 22nd of December,
writes the earl of Sussex to Cecil, ^^the Idddesdale men stole
my lady of Northumberland's h(»se and her two women's
horses, and ten other horses; so as when the earU went
away, they left her, and all the rest that lost their horses, on
foot, at John of Syde's house — ^a cottage not to be compared
to any dog kennel in England. Such is their present misery;
and at their departing from her, there were not fifty horse ;
and my lord of Westmoreland changed his coat of plate and
sword with John of the Syde to be more unbeknown." She
sought refuge in Scotland with the laird of Feruihurst, who
took her to Hume Castle; she met, however, with sorry
treatment from the Scots, " being miserably entreated, and
forced for her surety to remove from friend to friend without
rest fearing ever to be spoiled by those barbarous people."
For very penury, she was obliged to retire from Scotland
and seek refuge in France.
The earl continued a prisoner in Lochleven Castle till
July, 1572, when, for a large bribe, he was ungenerously
S'ven up to Lord Hunsdon, governor of Berwick, by James
ouglas, earl of Morton, who, six years before when an exile
in England, was indebted to the bounty and friendship of
the earl of Northumberland. The northern minstrel sings —
** When the regent was a banisht man
With me he did faire welcome find.
And whether weal or woe betide
I still shall find him true and kind."
He was conveyed to York, and on the 22nd of August was
beheaded as a traitor. Before he suffered, he avowed his
• CaL State PapeiB, LXXL, p. SSI.
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ie84
HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
belief in the pope's supremacy^ and affirmed that the realm
was in a state of schism, and that those obedient to Elizabeth
were no better than heretics. He was buried at St. Cnix,
York. ^
By his wife^ Anne, third daughter of Henry Somerset, earl
of Worcester, he had one son only, who died when young,
and five daughters, one of whom, Mary, was married to Sir
Thomas Grey, of Wark.
He was a weak minded man, and bore the sobriquet of
** Thomas the Simple ;" but in the northern ballads descrip-
tive of the rising of the north, he is designated "The Moon,"
in allusion to the Percy badge of the crescent.
Arms. — Qtuirterly of Six. — I., Percy and Lucy quarterly.
II., Old Percy, III., Poynings. IV., Fitz-Payne.
v., Bryan. YI., Quarterly. I. ThreehotUes? bottes?
(bats), or icicles. 2. Three escollops, two and one. 3.
Three ewers, two and one. 4. Three water bongets, two
and one.
Bapoes. — A crescent. A locket within the horns of a
crescent.
Motto. — Esperance en Dieu.
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HENRY^ EIGHTH EARL. S85
HENRY, EIGHTH EAEL OP NORTHTTMBEELAND.
Thomas, the seventh earl, dying without male issue, his
titles and estates descended to his brother Henry, by virtue
of the entail made in the reign of Queen Mary. Long before
his accession to the barony of Alnwick, he had, as we have
seen, greatly distinguished himself in border warfare by his
vigilance and courage. When his brother was in rebellion,
Henry was zealous and active in the queen's service, and
aided Sir John Forster, the warden, in extinguishing the
insurrection. In a letter to him, the queen expressed her
gladness for his loyalty and assured him that, as a reward of
his fidelity, she would have a due regard to the continuation
of his house in his person and blood. He was, in 1575,
summoned to parliament as earl of Northumberland; and
was also made a knight of the Garter.
He had in 1560 conformed to the Protestant religion ; for
in that year, he was one of those commissioners, who in
confidence of their approved piety, wisdom, prudence, and
care, were appointed to administer the oath authorised by
parliament to the ecclesiastics throughout the kingdom. He
must, however, have had a secret attachment to the old faith;
for he soon afterwards became an object of suspicion to the
government. His movements were watched, and so harshly
was he treated, that from about the year 1575 he was not
allowed, being a suspected person, to go far from the environs
of London. This was a period of plots and intrigues;
the adherents of popery were always on the alert, by their
emissaries, to stir up rebellion, and, doubtless, it was the
duty of the government to be wary and vigilant ; but un-
worthy means were used to trap people ; counterfeit letters
were privately sent in the name of the queen of the Scots,
and spies were employed to listen to people's discourses and
to report even idle talk. Through such contemptible artifices
the earl of Northumberland was inculpated ; and in 1584 he
was arrested and committed prisoner to the tower, charged
vrith having secretly plotted with Throckmorton, Lord Paget,
and the Guises, for the invasion of England and the liberation
of Mary, queen of the Scots. " He was one of those stars"
says Sir Walter Scott, " who shot madly from their spheres
in the cause of Mary."
The charge rested chiefly on some confession made by
William Shelly, who was a friend of the earl and an accom-
plice of Throckmorton ; but the evidence of guilt must not
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886 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
have been convincing^ since the earl, though kept in prison
for about a year, was never brought to trial. Probably enough,
he had committed himself to some of the plots that were
concocted for the deliverance of Mary ; but the severity with
which Roman Catholics were treated, tended to breed rebel-
lion/ "The conduct of the government towards the catholics'*
says a judicious historian, " somewhat resembled the brutal
pranks of a set of boys who drive and torment a dog until he
IS mad, and then shoot him for being dangerous."
The cause of his death is involved in mystery. After being
about a year in the tower, his ordinarv keeper was removed,
and replaced by Bailiff, a servant of Sir Christopher Hatton;
and on the next morning, the 21st of June, 1585, he was
found dead in his bed, " shot with three bullets near the
left pap," his chamber door being bolted on the inside. An
inquest was held and the Jury ^'considered the place, found
the pistol and gunpowder in the chamber, and examining his
man that bought the pistol and him that sold it, gave their
verdict that he had killed himself." His death appears to
have created a sensation and even alarmed the government ;
for, three days afterwards, there was a ftiU meeting of the
peers of the realm in the Star Chamber, when the lord chan-
cellor affirmed that the earl had laid violent hands on himself,
being terrified with the guilty consciousness of his offence ;
and to satisfy the multitude, who are always prone, the
chancellor said, to believe the worst, the attorney and the
solidtQir-general explained to the peers the reasons why the
earl had been kept in prison and the manner of his death.
Grave suspicions were entertained by the Roman Catholics,
that Hatton had been instrumental in assassinating the earl ;
and a modem writer says '' the whole transaction bears many
marks of a government prison murder ;" but to support this
conclusion, there is little else than the time of death coincid-
ing with the change of keeper, while, on the other hand, it
is difficult to find a sufficient reason to induce the government
to commit so great a crime ; the earl was far from being a
formidable personage, while the ministers of Elizabeth were
able and wise, and not likely to perpetrate deeds, at once
marked by folly and guilt. To save his estates from forfeiture
and his family from ruin, might have induced the earl to end
his own life. Camden says *' many good men were much
affected that so great a person died so miserable and lament-
able a death ; as well because men naturally favour nobility,
as that he had acquired singular commendation for his
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HENRY, NINTH EARL. 287
valour. He was a man of a lively and active spirit and
courage."*
He married Catherine, eldest daughter and co-heir of
John Neville Lord Latimer, and through her the manoi:
of Burton-Latimer came into the Percy family. They
had eight sons and three daughters — Henry, who succeeded
him ; Thomas, who died unmarried in 1587 ; William, who
died unmarried in 1648; Sir Charles, who died without issue
in 1628 ; Sir Richard, who died unmarried in Angiers ; Sir
Alan, who died without issue in 1613 ; Sir Josceline, who
died unmarried ; and George, who died unmarried in 16SZ
in the Low Countries.
HENET, NINTH EAEL OP NOETHUMBEELAND.
Henry the ninth earl, one of the most singular characters
of his age, must now appear on the stage of our history.
He was born in April 1564, and had just attained his
majority, when in 1585 he succeeded to the honours and
estates of his father. He soon afterwards joined the army sent
from England, under Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, to aid
the Netherlands against the Spaniards. At a later period in
1588, when England rose in her might to drive from her shores
and to destroy the " Invincible Axmada " of Spain, he was
one of " the English gentry of the younger sort who entered
themselves volimteers, and taking leave of their parents,
wives and children, did, with incredible cheerfulness hire
ships at their own charge, and in pure love to their coimtry
joined the grand fleet in vast numbers.'^f
Notwithstanding these early indications of patriotic hero-
ism, he appears to have fallen into expensive and. dissipated
habits. Coming into a splendid inheritance at an early age,
he was, it is said, surrounded with parasites, who nursed his
follies, and led him into extravagances. His marriage in 1594
with Dorothy, daughter of Walter Devereux, earl of Essex,
and widow of Sir Thomas Perrot was unfortunate ; for their
tempers were incompatible; and, although she had borne
him children, he separated from her. She lived at Sion
House, sad and melancholy, though at times playing with
her child. Towards women he seems indeed to have had no
chivalrous feeling ; for after assaulting " a worthy and virtu-
ous gentlewoman, he circulated infamous verses to defame
her character."
» Camden, IL, p. i»04. ^ t Camdeo, II., p. 547.
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288 - HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
In 1601 he attempted to drag into a quarrel Sir Francis
Yere^ an honourable and distinguished soldier^ who was
commander-general of all the forces engaged in the defence
of Ostendy when it was besieged by the Spaniards. Though
serving under Vere, he accused his general of " wanting
in respect to him and countenancing reports to his dis-
advantage." For these supposed wrongs he sent, on their
return to England^ a challenge to Yere, and refused to
receive a letter in reply. He even threatened Yere*s friend
with his sword^ if he attempted to leave the letter with him.
What these reports were of which the earl complained we
are not informed ; but in Yere's reply he offered to clear him-
self of having given any cause of offence^ and stated that he
despised private combating, especially as he was engaged in
a great and important action. Yere's conduct was cool^
respectful, and rational, while the earl manifested an intem-
perate and petulant spirit.*
The earl was imquestionably a man of ability and energy ;
and in the opinion of his cotemporaries qualified to lead a
party in the state. Towards the close of Elizabeth's reign^
he attached himself strongly to the interests of James YI. of
Scotland, and with more zeal than either discretion or hon-
our, he, along with some other craven-hearted English noble-
men^ solicited James to seize on the English throne. This
was ungenerous and even cowardly; for the old lioness^
before whom they would have quailed when in her strength^
was now stricken down with disease. James, however, was
more honourable, and rejected such mean and unworthy
counsels.
In the early j0t of the reign of James I., the earl was
engaged in some formal commissions and state ceremonials ;
but he soon lost the favour of the king, chiefly through the
influence of Cecil, who indeed suspected the earl of being
concerned in the Rye conspiracy. Frowned upon by the
court, the earl, a disappointed man, probably enough would
be disposed to look with no disfavour on schemes opposed to
the government. Through, however, the treasonable conduct
of his kinsman Thomas Percy, who was a leader in the in-
famous Gunpowder Plot, he was involved in serious trouble.
This Thomas Percy, called the conspirator, was a Roman
Catholic, and the grandson of Joscelyn Percy, who was fourth
son of the fourth earl of Northumberland. It was customary,
* Collins giyes a long acoonnt of this matter, VL, pp. 497-48S.
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HENRT^ NINTH EARL. 289
at this period^ for noblemen to place younger branches of their
families in situations in their household^ and accordingly
Thomas Percy was constable of Alnwick Castle and auditor
and commissioner to the earl. From his official connection
with the barony he was frequently at Alnwick; his wife
lived there, his children were born in the castle, his son
Robert attended the Alnwick Grammar School, and one of
his daughters was buried at Alnwick on Snd February, 1602.
Such was the regard in which he was held by Henry the
earl of Northumberland, that in a formal document in 1597
he writes —
''The very true and undoubted patrone of the parishe and,
churche of Alnehome sending greeting in the Lord Ood Ever-
lasting, graunts by his writing to my wellbeloved Oosyn Thomas
Percy, hu executors, and assignes, the first and next advowsone,
donation, nomination, presentation and free disposition of the
Beotory and Parsonage of the Parish Qhurch of Alneham."
Beligious principles must have hung loosely around the earl,
when he gave the advowson of a protestant church to a catholic.
The following document, preserved among the Alnwick Castle
records shews the kind of duties performed by Thomas Percy
and the style of address adopted by the earl : —
" Whereas I am informed, that Mr. Lyle of Felton hath en-
croached and enclosed certen parcells of my soyle and commons
within my manor of Thurston to the great hinderance and annoy-
ance of my tenants and the prejudice of my inheritance, These
are therefore to will and reqiure yow to pull downe and lay open
or cause to be pulled downe and layd open to my same commons
ageyne all such parceUs as be now enclosed. And so to se them
ooniynue. Aad this shalbe your warrant for the same. Geven
at my howse at Syon the x^ June, 1602.
To my loveing Oosen
Tho: Percy my Constable
of Alnewick."
The bold and flourishing signature of this conspirator I
have seen attached to several documents in Alnwick Castle.
He had also received the appointment of gentleman pen-
sioner from the earl, who was captain of the band. The
Gunpowder Plot, as is well known, was frustrated, and
Thomas Percy was slain at Holbeach on the 8th November,
1605.
Suspicion fell upon the earl, as this conspirator was his
kinsman and in his service ; and it was supposed that to the
2p
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290 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
earl would have been offered the protectorship of the kingdom
if the conspiracy .had been successful ; he was therefore
arrested^ and for some weeks confined to his own house^ but
afterwards committed to the tower. He boldly asserted his
innocence^ and demanded a trial. After nearly seven months
delay, he was, on 27th June 1606, arraigned before the Star
Chamber and conyicted of misprision of treason, because he
endeavoured to be the head of the papists and procure them
toleration ; because he admitted Thomas Percy to be a king's
gentleman-pensioner, without administering to him the oadi
of supremacy, knowing him to be a recusant ; because he
presumed to write and send letters, after his restraint, with-
out leave of the king or his council ; because he had more
care of his own treasure than of the king and state, and made
no endeavour to apprehend the traitor Percy ; and because
he sent letters to warn Percy to make his escape. He was
convicted without adequate evidence of guilt, for Uie hets
proved did not substantiate the chai^. The reasons are
frivolous and reflect discredit on the judges ; we must not,
however, look for equity in the proceedings of the Star
Chamber. He was sentenced to pay a fine of £30,000 — ^the
largest fine ever inficted — ^to be deprived of all his offices, to
be incapable of holding them again, and to be imprisoned in
the tower during his life.
Able and spinted, he was not the man to submit to these
illegal impositions without remonstrance. While in prison,
he wrote many letters to the king, to the lords of the Council,
to Lord Burghley, to the earl of Salisbury, to the queen, and
others, to procure an abatement of the fine; and his neglected
wife too, advocated his cause. His wife thus writes to the
earl of Salisbury : —
''Noble Lord, the honourable respect it pleaseth you to yeald
to me in this tyme gives releave to my weiyed minde which
cannot be but sencable, that this horrible treson will be a blotte
to the name I love so well, otherwise I am confident in my Lord's
innocenoy and that you will shew your selfe a true noble firend
in Salving his reputation, which is much wounded in the opinione
of the T^rld by this wretched Cosen, who being taken I dout
not but all suspicion of my Lord will be cleared and so oomfbrt-
ing myself in your noble fevour."*
A number of his own letters have been printed by Collins;
many of them are of but little interest; others are still
• Bargleigli Papers, MSS. 617S.
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HBNBY, NINTH EARL. 291
unpublished ; a few extracts, however, will exhibit his char-
act^ and habits, and the condition of his estates.
To the lords of the Council the earl writes on 11th November,
1605 : — ** Oonsider I desire your Lordships, the course of my
lifb, whether it hath not lecmed more, of late years, to private
domestical pleasures, than to other ambitions. Examine but my
humours in buildings, gardenings, and private expenses, these
two years past. Look upon these few arms at Sion, my stable
of horses at this instant, the dispersedness of them, and of my
servants ; the little concourse of followers ; and your Lordships
will find they be very consonant one to another ; and all of them
to put away jealousy." In July, 1606, he wrote to the king a
letter sadly wanting in dignity, and bitter in its vituperation of
his '' loveing Gosen." He says he never fostered in his bosom
' one disloyal or undutiful thought, although, pointed at in these by
the devihsh attempts and ugly acts of a wicked fellow — Thomas
Percy, who took advantage of the trust committed to him to serve
his own purpose ; out of villany he made use of that trust ; he
had poison and craft in his breast against the king and state, and
unfJEdthfiilness and want of affection to him; the earl pleads
innocence, and was willing to sacrifice his life to the king's ser-
vice.* To the king he writes on the 24th of November, 1606 —
<< May it please ^our Majesty after so long durance as I have
undergone for this year past, to have thought of forgiveness and
release. If your Majesty but understood how grievous your
Majesty's displeasure is to me, your Majesty out of your mercy,
would look upon me with a more favourable eye, and not suffer
me to spend the better part of my days in sorrow ; in his days,
under whom I had more reason to look for comfort, than in hers,
that was your predecessor. Since my heart can bear a true
testimony to itself, that I did never, in thought or deed willingly
consent to any thing I conceived prejudicial to your Majesty or
yours. And as I speak truly, or falsely, so I pray God to deal
with me in the last day of judgment." He complains very
bitterly in a letter to the lord high treasurer, on February 2nd,
1611, of the fine imposed :—" The thing itself is extraordinary
not to be paralelled ; for first it is the greatest fine that ever was
imposed upon a subject. Fines upon no man hath been taken
near the censures; but first much qualified, then installed on easy
conditions. To be levied in this fashion is not used, or if let, yet
for the benefit of the owner and not to his ruin. By this course
is taken I see not, but receivers may make what accounts they
list, pay the king at leisure, yet I not quitted of half that is
gathered ; my lands spoiled ; my houses ruinated ; my suits in
• British Museum, Add. MSS. 017S.
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292 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Iavt receiye prejndioe ; my offieers imBriBoned that stand bound
for me ; my debts nnflatiflfied ; relief oy borrowing taken away ;
my brothers and servants must suffer ; my wife, children, and
myself must starve ; for the receivers are, by fJieir leases, to
account but once a year ; for which service of gathering, they
have their reward of 2s. in the pound ; besides gain in retaining
money in their hands and commodities many ways else. In all
this provision for them, I find not a thought of one penny, either
for my wife, child, or myself; so as there wants nothing but
strewing the land with salt, to make it a pattern of severe punish-
ment ; and whether these tlungs should pierce into the heart of
a human man, I leave to your Lordship to think of." He enters
more particularly into the state of his affairs in a letter to the
king on the 14th of April, 1613— "May it please your Majesty
to give me leave to open partly the state as it now standeth with
my children, and humbly to present you with an offer that may .
help them and of more value to your Majesty. My daughters
are of 15 and 14 years of age ; the time of their preferments, for
all their lives, is at hand, and will not admit long delay. The
instalment of the fine, as your Majesty hath imposed it, cannot
be paid in seven years, they provided for and aU the rest ; arid
myself relieved as they ought, and as the world will expect from
me in duty of a father. £15,000, if it should be paid, taking use
upon use, not resting one moment of an hour idle (which cannot
be done) in seven years, will come to £20,000 oi thereabouts;
and to be bought by any chapman in ready money, £10,000
would be the most that would be given. Sion, and please your
Majesty, is the only land I can put away; the rest being entailed.
I had it before your Majesty's happy entry 48 years by lease,
without paying any rent, but such as was riven back again,
certain in other allowances. It has cost me smce your Majesty
bestowed it upon me, partly upon the house, partly upon the
gardens, £9000. The lands, as it is now rented and rated, is
worth to be sold £8000 within a little more or less ; If your
Majesty had it in your hands it would be better than £200 a
year more by the copyholders estates, which now payeth but two
years old rent fine ; dealing with them, as you do with all your
copyholders in England, is worth at least £3000. The house
itself, if it were to be pulled down, and sold by view of workmen
comes to 8000 and odd pounds. If any man, the best husband
to building, should raise another in the same place, £20,000
would not do it ; so as according to the work it may be reckoned,
at these rates, £31,000, and as it may be sold and pulled to pieces
£19,000 or thereabouts. Thus your Majesty seeth the estate of
the thing ; what it is ; how the care of a father beholding the
fortunes of my daughters, rather choosing to lay a loss upon
myself, and my heir, which time may recover, than of them,
which may not endure time, to make up their advancements."
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HBNRY, KINTH EARL. S98
The fine was paid in 1614) but he was not released till
the 18th of July^ IGSl, after having been a prisoner for
fifteen years. Before his imprisonment^ he had cultiyated
learning and been a patron of learned and scientific men.
When he received the degree of Master of Arts at Oxford in
1605, he was entered on the university list as '* the most
penerous Count of Northumberland, a great encourager of
learning and learned men, especially mathematicians." He
gave a pension to the Rev. Nath. Torperley, a noted mathe-
matician. The great Sir Walter Raleigh introduced to him
Thomas Hariot, who had been with Raleigh in Virginia,
where he was engaged in discovery and surveying ; and the
earl, finding him a gentleman of an affable and peaceable
nature and well read in the obscure parts of learning, allowed
him an yearly pension of £120. Pensions of less value
he gave also to Robert Hues and Walter Warner. When
consigned to the Tower, these learned men became his daily
companions ; and his table was open to their entertainment.
With Sir Walter Raleigh, who was then in the Tower and
engaged in vniting his great history of the world, he held
frequent conversations. The earl himself prosecuted the
study of chemistry and astronomy ; and Hariot, Hues, and
Warner assisted him in his experiments and calculations.
In the public mind such studies were even then regarded as a
branch of astrology and necromancy ; and hence the earl was
distinguished by the name of Henry the Wizard, and his
assistants as the Three Magi, Anthony Wood says that
Hariot was a deist and believed in the eternity of matter,
and he did impart his doctrine to the earl of Northumberland
and to Sir Walter Raleigh.*
For his release, he was indebted to his son-in-law, from
whom he was unwilling to receive any favour. His youngest
daughter, Mary, the most beautiful woman of tne time,
who had been highly eulogised by wit« and poets, married
Lord Hayes against her father's will, and so offended was
the earl, that he would give her no fortune; but Hayes
valued his much admired bride more than fortune, and
endeavoured to gain from the king the pardon of her father ;
and he succeeded. The stubborn old earl could with diffi-
culty be induced to accept of this boon from such a source ;
but at length persuaded that his infirmities of body would
be remedied by a journey to Bath, he therefore bid adieu to
* Wood's Athense OxoDiensia.
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S04 HI8T0BT OP ALNWICK.
his prison. Whatever else he had been taught in the Tower^
he had not learnt humility ; for when he heard that the
king's favourite^ Buckingham, displayed his pride by being
drawn in a coach ^ith six horses, this vain old man, to over-
top the fiiYOurite, rode through the city of London to Bath
in a coach with eight horses^ exciting the wonder and obser-
Tation of the multitude.*
After this freak the earl retired to Petworth, ^here he
lived in comparative obscurity for twelve years; thougb
oocarionally visited b^ the nobility,he seldom went to London,
and never engaged in public affiiirs. He died at Petworth
on the 6th of November, 1682, and was buried there. On
the 4th of July, 1604, he obtained a grant or fee-farm of the
manor of Isleworth and Syon in the county of Middlesex, to
which reference is made in one of his letters; and from Charles
I., in 1628, he obtained a confirmation to himself and the
heirs male of his body, of the title and dignity of Baron
Percy, as his ancestors had enjoyed them, as also he did then
(being earl of Northumberland) enjoy his place and prece-
dency. He left two sons, Algernon, who succeeded him, and
Henry ; and two daughters, Lucy and Agnes.
The earl wrote three treatises, all addressed to his son ;
one of them, printed in the Antiquarian Repertory, is entitled
" Instructions for the Lord Percy in his Travells," and con*
tains much good sense, expressed in a quaint style, and is
evidently the production of a cultivated and observing mind.
ALGERNON, TENTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Algernon, the eldest son of the ninth earl, succeeded to his
father's honours and estates in 1632, when he was thirty
years of age. He had been educated at Oxford, \frhere he
had for tutor, Robert Hues, the celebrated mathematician,
known as one of the Three Magi. At the early age of twelve,
he was made one of the knights of Bath; and while his
father was living, he was called to the house of peers by the
title of Lord Percy, on the accession of Charles L, in 1625.
After his succession to the earldom, the king treated him
with great kindness and respect; "so much so** says Claren-
don, "that the king courted him as his mistress and conversed
with him as a friend.'* In 1635, he was installed with great
magnificence knight of the Garter, proceeding in great pomp
and glory to Windsor.
« Wi)Mn*8 LifiB of Junes I., II., p. 720.
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ALGERNOK, TENTH EAKL. 295
In the earlier period of the reign of Charles I. the earl was
a powerful supporter of the kin^. While Charles was pro-
secuting his evil design of reigning as an absolute king, and
Laud, by the Star Chamber, was attempting to crush freedom
of thought, the earl, entrusted with the command of a fleet
of sixty sail, was employed in destroying Dutch fishing vessels
which had trespassed in British waters. After this service,
he was, in 16S7, promoted to be lord high admiral of Eng-
land.
Before the great civil war broke out in England, Charles
roused the indignation of the Scots, by attewpting to force
prelacy on that nation. To reduce Scotland to his arbitrary
will, he raised an army and marched towards Scotland ; and
of this force the earl of Northumberland was appointed
captain-general. His commission gave him power to appoint
all the officers ; and it appears that he had raised two troops
of horse ^ards; one of a hundred cuirassiers, another of
nzty carbiniers. Commissions he issued to raise two thou*
sand horse. He, however, seems to have had little hope of
the success of this expedition ; ^' no one knows " says he,
'^ how it win be paid ; and till I see that well settled, I shall
joy but little in my charge." Sickness, real or pretended,
prevented him taking the command.
The earl of Northumberland does not appear in any of the
transactions of the county at this time ; but about 1641, he
fave evidence of being dissatisfied with the policy of the
ing ; and according to Clarendon, '^ his defection from bis
Majesty's service wrought several ill effects in the minds of
many, for he had then the most esteemed and unblemished
reputation in court and country, of any person of his rank
titfoughout the kingdom ; therdfore many concluded that he
had some notable temptation in conscience, and that the
court was much worse than it was believed to be." For
the course he took, he is entitled to an honourable place
in the history of his country, and to the respect of after-
times. In most of the commissions for negotiating peace he
was an active member ; and he sought earnestly to carry out
such a settlement of the great controversy, as might secure^
constitutional government and the rights of the people. By
the parliament, into whose service he had entered, he was
ordered, in 1641, as high admiral, to fit the navy for sea, in
defence of the kingdom ; but although he had signified his
readiness to obey this order, ill health prevented him going
into active service. Through his management, however, the
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296 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
command of the fleet was transferred to the earl of Warwick
in accordance with the wish of parliament ; and this effectu-
ally thwarted the designs of the king^ who attempted to
ohtain possession of the fleet.
When at Oxford^ for the purpose of negotiating peace, he
exhibited all the stateliness of his family ; he carried with
him his own plate, household stuff, wine, and provisions,
" and he lived " says Whitelock, " in as much height and
nobleness as the earls of Northumberland used to do ; and
that is scarce exceeded by any subject." The king shewed
him great favour and civility ; and sometimes accepted of the
wine and provisions which were sent by the earl when he
had anything extraordinary.
His conduct subsequently has the appearance of fickleness
and trimming ; for, in 1643, he was cognisant of Waller's
Plot, which was designed to engage the city of London in
£Eivour of the king ; and though it was not proved that he
had entered into the plot, yet it was known that he was
favourable to it and wished it success. Others were prose-
cuted for it ; but as the earl still enjoyed a high reputation,
he was dealt with tenderly. On the plea of ill health, he
obtained the leave of the house of commons to retire to his
seat at Petworth ; but he was soon again in favour with the
ruling powers, and after being engaged in other commissions
to treat for peace, he and his countess were, in 1645, entrusted
with the king's children, for which they were to have an
yearly allowance of £8000.
After the king was in captivity, the parliament and the
army mutually criminated each other. The earl was one of
the fifteen peers and one hundred members of the house of
commons, who left London and sought the protection of the
army ; but he still continued to exert himself to bring about
peace, the restoration of the monarchy, and the establishment
of constitutional liberty.
'^ The earl of Northumberland was the great instrument
of the new model, and complied wholly with the independent
party of the time ;" and after the house of peers was abol-
ished, he voluntarily came to the Chancery Bar, and took
the commonwealth engagement, saying, in sight of all the
people, ^' I will be true and faithful to the commonwealth of
England, without a king and house of lords."* He was
• Huldan M88., 1994 1 which oontein eztncti from the Joanuk of the
Home of Lorde in 1648 to 1645, with eomments hy the earl of Radnor.
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' ALOEBNON, TENTH EARL. S97
opposed to the trial and execution of the king. During the
time of the commonwealth and pi;otectorate9 he lived in a
retired manner at Petworth. He seems afterwards to have
held the views and adopted the policy of the more moderate
Presbyterians of the period ; and he was present at a confer-
ence which General Monk had with the chiefs of that party,
respecting the restoration of the monarchy ; he was among
the soberer people, who, according to his own words, '^expect
on the restoration of the king such conditions as an act of
oblivion and general pardon ; but terms of more security for
themselves and advantage to the nation."
He resisted to the last, the punishment of the members of
the high court of Justice, because ** the execution of Charles
I. woidd be a wholesome warning to future sovereigns."
After the restoration he was appointed lord lieutenant of
the counties of Sussex and of Northumberland ; but though
he attended parliament regularly during the winter season,
he sought no office in the state, and appears to have cared
little for royal favour, very probably disapproving of the
moral and political corruption which disgraced the court of
the restored monarch. He delighted himself with his gar-
dens and plantations at Petworth during the summer months.
He died there on the 13th of October, 1668, and was buried
in Petworth Church.
He was one of the noblest of his race ; and his career was
honourable and patriotic. He seems to have been actuated
by high religious principles ; Ralph Thore^by, the antiquary,
refers to his funeral sermon, which was in manuscript, and
says he was much affected with the seriousness and piety of
this great lord. That great painter of men. Clarendon, has
drawn his character.
"He was, in all his deportment, a very great man; and that
which looked like formality, was a punctuality in preserving his
dignity from the intrusion of bold men, whidb no man, of that
age, so well preserved himself from. Though his notions were
not large nor deep, yet his temper and reservedness in speaking
got him the reputation of an able and wise man ; which he made
erident in the excellent government of his family, where no man
was more absolutely obeyed ; and no man had ever fewer idle
words to answer for ; and in debates of importance he always
expressed himseK very pertinently. If he had thought the king
as much above him as he thought himself above other consider-
able men, he would have been a good subject ; but the extreme
under valuing those and not enough valuing the king, made him
liable to the impressions, which they who approa^ed him by
2q
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298 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
those addresses of rererenoe and esteem, that usually insixraate
such natures, made in him ; so that after he was first prevailed
on, not to do that, which in honour and gratitude he was obliged
to (which is a yerj pestilent corruption), he was wit^ the more
facility led to concur in what in duty and Melity, he ought not
to have done ; and so concurred in all the counsels, which pro-
duced the rebellion, and stayed with them to support it/'
>c7 He was married first to Anne^ eldest daughter of William
,ir*^ ' Cecil, earl of^hrewsburj, by whom he had five daughters ;
and next^ to ElizaEeth^ daughter of Theophilos Howard,
earl of Suffolk, by whom he had Josceline, his only son and
successor.
After the time of the seventh earl, the heraldry becomes
complicated and of little service to history. '^The tenth
earPs shield has sixteen quarterings ensigned with an earl's
coronet, helm, and crest, on a cbapeau, a lion passant. The
shield is surrounded by the garter. Supporters, dexter, a
lion rampant; sinister, a lion rampant guardant, ducally
crowned and gorged with a collar (gobony?). Motto—-
Esperance en Diev" — ^Mr. Way, Hist, and Antiq. of North.
JOSCELINE, ETiKiVENTH EABL OF NOBIHUKBEEt-
LAND.
Very brief will be our notice of Josceline, the last of the
Percy-Lovaines. During his father's lifetime he married
Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Thomas, earl of South-
ampton ; and in 1667 he was appointed lord lieutenant of
the county of Southampton. On the death of his father, lie
succeeded to his titles and estates, and in the same year was
made lord lieutenant of Sussex and of Northumberland. He
died, while travelling with his countess, at Turin, on May
21st, 1670 ; his body was brought to England and interred
among his ancestors at Petworth. He left only one daughter,
Elizabeth, who was four years of age at the death of her
father.
Thus ends the long and eventful history of the distinguished
family of Percy-Lovaine, extending over a period of five
centuries, during three hundred and sixty-one years of which,
excepting at a few short intervals, it was intimately associ-
ated with Alnwick. Fourteen of this family held the barony
of Alnwick in succession. Though endowed with immense
possessions, and hence always occupying a commanding posi-
tion, these barons were less distinguished as statesmen than
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CHARACTER OF THE PERCT-LOVAINES. 299
as border chieftains. In civil wars and in &ction struggles
they took part, bnt without being guided by definite prin-
ciples, sometimes on the side of the sovereign and sometimes
against him; but none, save the first earl, stood in the
foremost rank, among those who materially influenced the
history of the nation. They served, as has been said, rather
than governed. Most of them were men of blood, and not a
few met with a disastrous end; five of them fell on the
battle-field or by the axe of the executioner ; one was mur-
dered by a mob, another shot himself in prison, and another
passed the best portion of his life confined in London Tower.
Popular they were as a family in the north, where there were
strong ties between lord and vassal, and where thousands
of little landowners, interested in the preservation of their
properties and trained to the use of arms, forming the sturdy
yeomanry of old England, were ready at the summons of
their feudal lord, to follow him to the field to repel or revenge
aggression. Towards the close of the period when the war-
like spirit had to a great extent died out, the later barons
endeavoured to keep up their popularity and influence by
gorgeous displays and magnificent hospitality. For the
iibertv of the people none of them, excepting the tenth earl,
manifested any marked regard. Hotspur has attained the
widest feme, partly because daring and dashing warriors
suited the northern wants and taste, but chiefly through the
halo which the genius of Shakespeare has thrown over his
name. I like best, however, the second baron and the second
and ninth earls ; the first contented and gentle and kind-
hearted, peaceably living on his estates ; the second, faithful
to his king, brave in battle, wise in counsel, and the friend
of learning ; and the last, a religious and conscientious man,
when a great crisis came in the history of our country,
ranging himself on the side of freedom, endeavouring to
moderate the heat of parties and to secure constitutional
government ; and then, when failing in his efforts, quietly
withdrawing from the fescinations of a corrupt and licentious
court.
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CHAPTER XVI.
SOMEESET FAMILY— FBOM 1670 TO 1760.
DESCENT OF THE BABONY — VKASCIB FEBOT^ OF GAMBBIDOE — ^ETI-
DENOES OF HIS DESOEKT — JAMES FEBOYy THE TBXJJSK-lfAirBB—
OLAIH TO BE EABL — LEGAL FBOCEEDINaS — HIS TTKSTJOOESSFnL
STBUGGLB — ELIZABETH FEECY — HEB EABLY MABBIAGES — HEB
MABBIAGE TO THE DUKE OF SOMEBSET — HIS DESGENT Aim
CHABACrrEB— OHABAOTEB OF THE DUCHESS — ^ALGEBVONi DITKB
OF SOMEBSET AND EABL OF N0BTHT7MBEBLAND— HIS lOLITABT
SEBTICE — ^HES DEATH — DI8TBIBX7TI0N OF HIS ESTATES— -OHAB-
ACTEB OF THE SOMEBSETS.
The death of Josceline, the eleventh earl of Northumber-
land, threw the affairs of the Percy-Lovaine family into
confusion and litigation. The earldom, which had been
conferred by patent in 1557, was limited to male descendants;
and it was supposed that there was no male descendant of
any of the last six earls in existence. Charles II. therefore,
in 1674, raised George Fitzroy, his third illegitimate son by
Barbara, duchess of Cleveland, to the dignity of earl of
Northumberland; and, in 1683, he created him duke of
Northumberland. This duke dying without issue in 1716,
these honours again became extinguished.
Through the limitations of the patent in 1557, part of the
Percy-Lovaine estates reverted to the crown. A manuscript,
entitled ^^ State of the case touching some lands of the Earle
of Northumberland," made three years after the death of
Josceline, by a recital of the various grants made by the
crown, shews what these estates were and how they reverted
to the king. It thus concludes —
" By an Office and Inquisition post mortem of the said Henry, Earle of
Northumberland, taken by Commissioners of their owne friends and a Jn^
Swome and Impannelled the 14 th day of January then next foUowing, it
was upon their own evidence found.
That the said Henry, Earle of Northumberland, as son and heire male of
the body of Henry, Earle of Northumberland, his father, was upon the day
of his death seized in fee TaHe to him and the heires male of his body.
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SOlfERSBT FAlflLT. 801
The leyeroon in fee simple to the king, his heixes, and snooeeBon, apper-
taining of the Lordflhm and Manors inter alia of Denwick, Houghton, Ijbmo-
buiv, Aylnexnouth, Bilton, Tnghall, Kewham, Kewsteikd, Looker, Gonth
Carleton, AinAtuwi cum Mora, Fawdon cmn Clinch, Chatton, Wooller,
Badgley, Sheldecks, Shilhottle, Benyngton, and Lyham, mth their and
every of their membera and appurtenances, the lands, tenements and heredi-
taments called Swinleaze, Harecragge, Sniphotis, Hesley Houses, Hall Closes,
the Lordships and Manors of Acidinffton Parke of AckUngton, Manors of
Burlinff, Ghusens, Tuggesden, Boston, Kewtoune, Brotherick, and Thurston,
a free fishing in the water of Cocket over against Warkeworth, a fishing upon
the Sea Coart neere Bulmer. The Barony, Lordship, and Manor of Beanley.
with their rights, members, and appurtenances, the Lordship, Manors, ana
Forest of Eothbury , Lands and Tenements in Newbiggen, Hedley, Piperhaugh,
Thomeyhau^, and Ecclesraughe, within the Forest of Rothbury, Manors of
Newtowne, Thropton, Snytter, Cartjmgton, and Spoonehill, the Lordi^ps
and Manors of Newbome, Corbridge, Walbottle, Butterlaw, Throckley; and
Dewlye, diverse Lands and Tenements in the Towne of Newcastle upon Tyne,
the Manors, Messuages, Lands, and Tenements, called Talbott's Lands, in
Tindall, an yearly rent of £0 I9s. 8d. issuing out of the Manor or Barony of
Longly, the advowsons of Houghton, Ayneham, Chatton, and Horsley, an
anniuJ rent of 398. 8d. issuing out of the Manor of Byker, Bikerwood, and
Easterwood, and the service of a 20th part of a knight's fee by which the said
Manor of Biker is holden in the Coun^ of Northumberland. And of £20 per
annum for the Creation Money issueing out of the profitts of the said county
by virtue of the grant made as aforesaid by King Philip and Queene Mary in
the 3rd and 4th yeare of their raigne, of the honor and title of Earle of
Northumberland.
And that Algernon, Earle of Northumberland, was the son and heire male
of the body of the said Henry, Earle of Northimiberland. And by the same
inquisition or office it was found by the Jury that the said Earle was before
his death seized in fee of the honor and manor of Pettworth in the County of
Sussex, Honor and Manor of Cockermouth in the County of Cumberland,
Castles and Manors of Prudhoe, Alnewick, and Warkworth, and Parkes of
Alnewick and Warkworth, CoUedge Parke, West Parke, and Hulne Parke in
the County of Northumberland.
And the said Algernon, Earle of l^orthumberland, surviving his only
Brother Heniy Lord Peircy, who died without issue. And departing this
life having only issue male of his body Jocelyne Lord Peircy, slteac Eurle of
Northumberland, who dyed about 3 yeares agoe without issue male, and left
only a daughter. Whereby all the male line of the said Henry, Earle of
Northumberland, brother of the said Thomas, Earle of Northumberland,
being extinct. The reversion of the entayled lands whereof no Reversion
appears to have beene granted out of the crowne remaining in it. His now
majestie being justly entitled thereunto, hath granted the said manors and
lands unto the said James, Duke of Monmouth, and his heires and assignes.
Persons, howeyer, bearing the name of Percy appeared after
the death of Josceline claiming to be heirs of the honours
and estates. But for an attainder, Francis Percy, of Cam-
bridge, a stone cutter, would have been the true heir. He
was descended from Thomas Percy, the grandson of Josceline,
who was fourth son of Henry, the fourth earl of Northum-
berland. This Thomas, as we have seen, was constable of
Alnwick Castle and auditor to Henry, the ninth earl ; but
for the part he took in the Gunpowder Plot he was attainted
as a traitor. His son, Robert, was grandfather of Francis
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802 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Percy, who was baptised at Bickley on the 15th of May,
1649; and rose to the dignity of mayor of Cambridge in 1709,
and died in 1716. Charles, his son, heir to this forfeited
heritage, was baptised at Cambridge on the 10th December,
1674, was a member of the common council of the town, and
died there in 1743. He left sons, one of whom, Josceline,
was baptised at Cambridge in July, 1698, and after studying
at the university, took orders, became rector of Marham in
1735 and died in 1755, leaving daughters only ; but he had
brothers, of whose history nothing is told.
The famous genealogist and antiquary. Sir William Dug-
dale examined the evidences of " Mr. Francis Percy's "
descent; and ''he is of opinion that Mr. Francis Percy, of
Cambridge, is lineally descended from Thomas Percy ;" some
parts of his abstract of the evidences contain curious local
information.
''Sept. 1, 1680. Boger England, of Taunton in Somersetshire,
aged 80 years, certifieth that he married Anne, daughter of
Bobert Percy, son of Thomas Percy the powder traytor, and has
heard the said Bobert, his said wife's father say, that he was son
to Thomas Percy who was engaged in the powder plot.
'• October 11, 1680. John Swinton, Clerk of the Parish Chur<^
of Anwick, in Northumberland, aged above 80 years, affirmeth
that he hath heard his father say that Mr. Thomas TeoNsy and
bis wife lived in the Castle of Anwick, and had children, and
that after the powder plot, for which the said Thomas lost his
life, his wife went to London and lived privately there.
<< Oct. 14, 1680. Matthew Scott, of Oateshead, in the Bishop-
rick of Durham, aged 99 years, ceridfieth that he knew Thomas
Percy, who was afterwards in the powder plot, Constable of Aln-
wick Castle, and that he had a son Eobert and two daughters,
and that the said Eobert was a school-boy at Anwick.
" From the register book of the Parish Church of Anwick it
appeareth that ilSlizabeth, daughter of Thomas Percy of Anwick
Castle, was buried Feb. 2, 1602.
" Divers aged people living in Anwick do affirm, that Thomas
Percy, who was in the powder plot, was son of Guiscard Percy,
and that Guiscard Percy was orother of the Eighth Earl of
Northumberland."
This branch of the Percy family does not appear to have
appealed to law in support of their claims.
Another Percy, however, rescued himself from obscmity
by boldly assuming the titles of the family, and pertinaciously
defending his claims a^inst the most powerful antagonists,
for a period of nearly nineteen years. Soon after the decease
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SOHEBSET FAMILY. 303
of Josceline in 1670^ James Percy, of Dublin, who had followed
the profession of trunkmaker there, preferred his claims to
the earldom. He first called upon the widow of the tenth
earl, who was then living, and upon the young countess ;
but, as it was reported that the latter was pregnant, he
deferred further proceedings for a while. On attempting
afterwards to obtain access to these dowagers, he was treated
with indignity ; and at length, on the Srd of February 1672,
he lodged his claim at the Signet Office in London. Annoyed
at his proceedings, the old dowager, in behalf of herself and
the daughter of Josceline, petitioned the house of lords, on
18th February, 1673, complaining that the assumption by
James Percy of the titles of earl of Northumberland and
Lord Percy was to the dishonour of their family ; and this
petition was referred to the Committee of Privil^es. On
the SOth, James Percy also presented a petition, which was
after being read dismissed. Leave, however, was afterwards
granted by the king to hear at the bar of the house both
parties, who were allowed one month to prepare their cases.
On the 28th March, forty witnesses were examined in behalf
of the claimant ; and then the counsel of the countess was
heard in support of her charge of James Percy being an
impostor. Percy's counsel prayed for further time to answer;
but this was disallowed ; and his counsel declining to enter
then into the case, the house of lords dismissed Percy's
petition, and resolved to consider on the following morning
what fhrther proceedings should be taken against him con-
cerning his imposture. This, however, was not carried
unanimously; for the earl of Anglesea and others were
allowed to enter their dissent.
Whatever may be thought of the legality of Percy's claims,
it must be admitted that he had a strong belief in their
justice, and that in maintaining them he displayed the spirit
of the old race. In some doggerel verses he sent to his
antagonists, he says —
" Reiolved I am to spend xnv all
Before a Percy's name shall fall."
He was not crushed by the adverse decision of the lords,
but appealed to the ordinary powers of law in maintenance
of his supposed rights. Five or six actions he entered in
the courts of common law between the years 1674 and 1681,
for scandal or ejectment, that he might obtain a decision on
his pedigree, in all save one hd was defeated or nonsuited ;
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S04 HISTORY OF ALNWIOK.
but In that he gained a verdict of £S00 damages against
Clark for calling him an imposter. An action brought
against John Clarke^ Esquire^ for scandal and defamation
was tried in 1674 in the court of King's Bench before Sir
Matthew Hale; and although^ for some technical reason,
Percy was nonsuited, that eminent judge, in open court,
declared that he had proved himself a true Percy of the blood
and family of the Percys of Northumberland, legitimate by
father and mother, grandfather and grandmother, and ex-
pressed his belief, that he really was cousin and next heir to
the late Earl Josceline.
Again James Percy appealed to the house of lords, by
petition, on the @5th of November, 1680, to be heard to make
out his claim to the earldom. This seems to have been
rejected without deliberation; notwithstanding, the earl of
Anglesea entered his dissent, because it was unjust to reject
any such claim without a hearing, and was contrary to
precedent and usage, and because the dismissal of a claim
by a former parliament was no sufficient reason under the
circumstances, why it should not be reconsidered by the
present. And there was force in these reasons ; for the case
presented by James Percy was new, inasmuch as his claim
now was based on a line of succession different from that on
which he formerly claimed.
Still undaunted by this second rejection of his petition,
James Percy in 1682 filed a bill in equity against the sheriff
of Northumberland for the recovery of £20 per annum,
granted by patent to the earl of Northumberland out of the
revenues of the county. Irritated by these proceedings, the
duchess of Somerset, tne daughter of Josceline, petitioned the
house of lords on the subject in 1685 ; but it was not till
1689, that the warfare was brought to an end. Both parties
were heard on June 11th, and the lords decided — '^ That the
pretensions of James Percy to the earldom were groundless,
false, and scandalous, and that he should be brought before
the four courts of law in Westminster Hall, wearing upon
his breast a paper on which these words shall be written —
The false and impudent pretender to the Earldom of North-
umberland"
James Percy, now an old man of 70 years of age, had to
submit to this insulting exhibition, which, however, reflected
more dishonour on those haughty lords, who had so little
sense of justice as to punish as a criminal a firee man, who
was pursuing by legal means a supposed civil right.
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SOMERSET FAMILY. 305
James Percy, doubtless, failed to give sufficient legal proof
of his claim. He was bom in 1619, and was the son of
Henry Percy, who was the third son of Henry Percy of
Pavenham ; but he failed to prove who was his great grand-
father. The tradition of his family was, that his grandfather,
a younger brother, and two sisters were, *' in the time of the
troubles in Queen Elizabeth's days, sent from the north in
hampers to old dame Yane in Northamptonshire." He first
claimed as his great grandfather Sir Richard Percy, fifth son
of the eighth earl, who, however, is said to have died with-
out issue in 1648. Finding this untenable, he changed his
ground, and asserted that his grandfather Henry was eldest
son of Sir Ingelram Percy, third son of the fifth earl ; but it
appears from Sir Ingelram's will, that he was never married,
and left only one illegitimate daughter. That James Percy,
however, was a descendant of the great northern family of
Percys is exceedingly probable, if not certain. He and his
father were recognised as relations by the three last earls of
Northumberland ; and he asserts that Henry the tenth earl,
when on his death-bed, declared that James Percy would be
his heir, if his brother's son should die. One curious argu-
ment James Percy used in support of his descent : in his
petition he says " that he was born into the world with a
mole like a half-moon upon his body, therefore no brand, but
it signifies a crescent which belongs to the Percy's arms ;
and it is reported that he is not the first that hath been so
bom of that family." Sir Egerton Brydges remarks, ** that
there was a good deal of truth mingled up with his claim."
" It is no disproof," says Surtees, " of the noble descent of a
person in humble circumstances that he himself should not
always have known the precise line of it." Heralds took no
notice of the reduced branches of a family ; no inquisitions
were held where no land was left ; registers were imperfect
and not taken care of; and wills too shared a similar fate.
The manner in which his pretensions were resisted, evi-
dences a consciousness, on the part of his antagonists, of the
strength of his claim, for as Craik remarks —
"He was met and opposed at every step by every legal expedi-
ent, fair and unfair, of which advantage could be taken for that
purpose. The array of powers and interests banded against his
claim w^ also unusually formidable, comprehending as it did,
not only 311 the recognised chief branches of the Northumberland
family, the heiress of the Percys and her ducal husband, and the
two dowager countesses, her mother and her grandmother, both
2r
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S06 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
extensively connected among the greatest families of the realm^
but such personages of very highest spheres as the Duke of
Monmouth and the new Duke of Northimiberland, the king's
sons, with their royal father himself^ who had given his lands to
the one and his titles to the other, to say noth&g of sundry less
conspicuous individuals who had also got hold of propertyi their
possession of which the success of the claim might endanger, and
some of whom, Champion and Gee, made themselves particularly
busy in seeking to defeat it, and were so circumstanced as to be
able to do much mischief."*
Many sneers were cast against The Trunk-nmker^ as if
honest industry were not more honourable thau even titled
idleness. James Percy had a manly regard for his own
occupation^ notwithstanding his pretensions to a peerage ;
" T was a trunk-maker 1 The trade is good, and by God's
blessing it hath given me bread in the extremity of my
travels, till I obtained the merchandising trade; and can
make my three sons freemen and merchants of London,
Dublin, and Norwich ; and have likewise trained them up
to handicrafts ; so that, if they fail in the mystery of mer-
chandising, they may, with God's blessing, live upon their
ingenuity." These are noble sentiments, worthy of any heir
to an earldom.
This long and unsuccessful struggle for a peerage had not
it would seem impoverished his family ; for we find that his
son Anthony was lord mayor of Dublin in 1699, was knighted
in 1700, and died in 1704 ; Sir Anthony Percy left three
sons and a daughter ; and it is supposed that some of their
descendants are still living.
ELIZABETH PERCY.
To Elizabeth, only surviving daughter of Josceline, passed
the greater part of the Percy estates, but not the earldom of
Northumberland. She was born on the 26th January, 1667,
and was the greatest heiress of her day. In consequence of
the marriage of her mother to the honourable Ralph Mon-
tague, the guardianship of the heiress was transferred to
her grandmother, the old dowager countess, widow of Earl
Algernon ; who, exercising her authority in a cold, despotic,
if not cruel manner, caused Elizabeth to be married, when
little more than a child, to Henry Earl Ogle, heir apparent
to the duke of Newcastle, towards the close of the year 1679.
• Craik's Romance of the Peerage, IV.. p. 319.
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SOMERSET FAMILY. 307
He died, however, in November, 1680, The old dowager
was not long in forcing another match; for, setting
aside the decent etiquette of society, she caused the heiress
to marrv, in the summer or autumn of 1681, Thomas Thynn,
of Longleat, one of the richest commoners in England, who
bore the sobriquet of ''Tom of Ten Thousand." This match
was contrary to the wish of Elizabeth, who had, it is said,
formed an attachment to Charles John Count Kouiugsmark,
a Swedish noble of distinction. At the time of this second
marriage the count was abroad, but soon after his return to
England he, by the basest means, revenged his loss. Thynn,
now the husband of Elizabeth, was late on Sunday, the 12th
of February, 168S, passing in his coach along Pall Mall,
when he was assassinated by three ruffians, who had, it is
confidently believed, been hired for the purpose by Count
Koningsmark ; all were arrested and tried; the three ruffians
were condemned and executed, but, from some defect in the
evidence, the count was acquitted.
There was haste again in leading the young heiress
to the altar. She was but fifteen years of age when her
second husband was murdered; and yet within four
months of that event she married her third husband, Charles
Seymour, the sixth duke of Somerset, on the 30th of May,
1682 — thus uniting the two notable families of Seymour and
Percy. The duke was bound by the marriage contract to
assume the name and arms of Percy ; but of this condition
Elizabeth, when she came of age, released her husband.
Seymour is a corruption of St. Maur, the ancient name of
the family, derived from St. Maur the place of their abode
in Normandy. Edward Seymour, the first of the family
raised to the peerage, was created viscount Beauchamp in
1536, earl of Hertford in 1637, baron Seymour of Hache
and duke of Somerset in 1547. He was uncle to Edward
IV., and protector and governor of the kingdom, but he
shared the fate of others, who had in that age risen to great
power, and was beheaded in 1552, greatly lamented by the
people. From this illustrious man the husband of Elizabeth
was descended.
The rank and extensive possessions of the duke gave him
some political importance ; but his pride, capriciousness, and
defective education lessened his influence. He acted, it is said,
"more by humour than by reason — ^he was rather a ministry-
spoiler than a minis try -maker." The vain and fantastic dis-
play of his self-importance made him ridiculous ; and obtained
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808 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
for him the sobriquet of the " Proud Duke of Somerset." A
characteristic story is told of his absurd treatment of his
second wife, when she familiarly tapped her husband on the
shoulder with her fan, he started and angrily exclaimed —
" Madam, my first wife was a Percy, and she never took such
a liberty."
Elizabeth, the duchess, more esteemed than her husband,
exercised considerable influence over Queen Anne ; and held
the ofiices of groom of the Stole and mistress of the Robes.
Onslow said ** she was in all respects a credit and ornament
to the court "; but Dean Swift, regarding her as the great
obstacle to the ascendency of the party with which he was
connected, said she was a most insinuating woman, and in a
malicious satirical poem. The Windsor Prophecy, he pours,
upon her the vials of his wrath ; he insinuated that she was
a party to the death of her second husband, and most ungal-
lantly referring to her red hair, says — " Beware of Carrots
from Northumberland." Such malicious insults could not
be forgiven, and the duchess had her revenge; for when the
bishoprick of Hereford was vacant, the chiefs of his party,
then in power, sought with all their influence to confer it on
Swift ; but so bitterly hostile was the duchess, that, after a
scene with the queen, she wrung from her majesty a promise
that Swift should not have the appointment.
The somewhat unhappy life of the duchess was ended on
November the 23rd, 1722, in the fifty-sixth year of her age.
Three years after her death, the duke married Lady Charlotte
Finch, second daughter of the earl of Winchelsea and Not-
tingham ; he died on the 2nd of December, 1748, at the
advanced age of eighty-seven.
Elizabeth, duchess of Somerset, was mother of seven sons
and six daughters ; but all died young, excepting one son,
Algernon, and three daughters.
ALGERNON, DUKE OF SOMERSET AND T^^A-RT. OF
NORTHUMBERLAND.
Algernon, the only surviving son of the duchess, was bom
on November 11th, 1684, and bore the title of earl of Hert-
ford. When still a minor, he was returned to parliament in
1705 as member for Marlborough ; and he served as knight
of the shire of Northumberland from 1708 to 1722. The
corporation of Alnwick gave him their support at the elec-
tions; and among the corporate archives are letters.from him,
thanking the chamberlains and the rest of the burgesses for
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80MER8BT FAMILY. S09
their unanimous support. In 1708 he served under Marl-
borough in the campaign in Flanders ; and, in the following
year, he was engaged at the taking of Toumay and in the
famous battle of Malplaquet. For his military services, he
was rewarded with a colonelcy and the governorship of
Tynemouth and Clifford Fort. On the death of his mother,
in 1722, he was summoned to the house of lords as baron
Percy; and when his father died, in 1748, he became duke of
Somerset. Algernon, when Earl Hertford, married Frances,
daughter of the Honourable Henry Thynne; to her Thomson,
the poet, dedicated his " Spring." George, Viscount Beau-
champ, their only son, was bom on September the 11th,
1725. After an accomplished education, this amiable youth,
desirous of improving himself by travel, left England in 1742,
and spent the two last years of his short life in visiting
France, Switzerland, and Italy ; and his observations during
his journey, which were transmitted to his family, are said
to have afforded proofs of uncommon genius and solid judg-
ment. He died of small pox at Bologna, on July the 22nd,
1744, at the early age of nineteen years. A daughter only
remained to inherit the honours and estates of the family ;
but as the dukedom of Somerset and barony of Seymour were
limited to the male heirs of the Protector Somerset by his
second wife, they reverted, in accordance with limitations of
the patent, to the protector's male descendants by his first
wife.
The daughter. Lady Elizabeth Seymour, having, in 1740,
married Sir Hugh Smithson, the duke of Somerset, soon after
his accession to his father's titles, made new arrangements
for the transmission of his honours and estates ; and therefore
he obtained a patent from the king, on the 2nd of October,
1749, by which he was created Baron Warkworth, of Wark-
worth Castle, and earl of Northumberland, with remainder,
failing male issue, to his son-in-law. Sir Hugh Smithson,
and to his heirs male by Lady Elizabeth, his wife. On the
following day, by another patent, he was created baron of
Cockermouth and earl of Egremont in the county of Cum-
berland ; but these titles were not to descend to his daughter
or her heirs, but to his nephew. Sir Charles Wyndham,
and his male heirs.
Soon after this, the duke died on February the 7th, 1750,
and was buried in St. Nicholas' Chapel, Westminster Abbey.
With him ends the short reign of the Seymours over Aln-
wick. None of them resided there; and the old Yescy and
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310
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Percy castle round which so many historical associations
clustered was suffered to become ruinous. Nevertheless,
they appear to have dealt kindly with the town. With its
freedom of action they seem not to have interfered; no
attempts were made to abridge its liberties or clutch its pro-
perty; duiing this period it attained somewhat of importance
and was prosperous, shewing how the interests of a community
are best promoted by the free and natural developement of
its institutions, its commerce, and its manufactures.
no. 4.4.
PEJRCY BADGES IN FONTS IN INGRAM AND ALNHAM CHXTBOH.
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CHAPTEE XVIL
HI8T0EI0AL AND DESOEIPTIVB NOTICES OF THE
TOWN— FROM 1600 TO 1760.
GOVERNMENT OF THB TOWN — PUBLIC PROPERTY — ^TRADE — BRERB-
TON'8 VISIT TO ALNWICK — ALNWICK DURING THE PARLIAMENTARY
STRUGGLE — TRAIN BANDS — RAY IN ALNWICK IN 1661 — RAWDON
IN 1664 — ^KIRKB IN 1677 — THE CASTLE — CORPORATION REJOIC-
INGS— ALNWICK DURING THE REBELLION OF 1715 — EARL OP
DERWENTWATER — ALNWICK DURING THE REBELLION OF 1745 —
DISTRIBUTION OF PROPERTY — ^A RENTAL OF THE BOROUGH, 1709.
Reserving detailed accounts of the corporation and of the
baronial courts for subsequent chapters^ I purpose here to
gather scattered notices relating to the town, from the begin-
ing of the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century ;
a period forming a peculiar era in its history. With the
accession of James I., Alnwick ceases to possess general
historic interest, for the borders were no longer the battle
field of two hostile nations ; and during the succeeding century
and a half the barons of Alnwick never resided at the castle,
and rarely visited it. Being left, in a great measure, to its
own resources the town nevertheless prospered, and became
a busy, self-important, and somewhat independent community,
till towards the close of the period a change in the baronial
dynasty led to a revolution in its constitution and character.
The government of the town was chiefly exercised by four
chamberlains and a four and twenty or common council,
selected out ot the burgesses ; but both the burgesses and
the governing body were of a different character from the
present corporation. The burgesses were proportionally more
numerous, for they comprised about one-tenth of the popula-
tion, while they do not now exceed the one-twentieth ; the
leading merchants and professional and trading men, as well
as artisans, belonged to the corporation ; and the governing
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Sli HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
body, consisting of firom thirty to forty of the principal
inhabitants, reflected the opinions and character of the com-
munity. A PrtBpo8itu8y provost or mayor, there was in the
fifteenth century, but to him there is no sul^equent reference ;
a bailiff, however, till about the middle of the seventeenth
stood at the head of corporate officers.
A large extent of propertv belonged to the burgesses ; be-
sides the great moor on which they depastured their cattle,
and portions of which they, from time to time, enclosed,
they had a great stretch of land extending from near the
castle walls down the river for about a mile. The Market
Place, the shambles, the cross, the stocks, the pillory, the
tolbooth, the clocks, the pants, and open spaces about the
town either belonged to them or were under their control ;
they had the patronage of the church, and the ancient Gram-
mar School was theirs ; they worked their own coal min(»s,
and took limestones, sandstones, and slates, to build and
cover their houses, out of their own quarries. The four and
twenty acted as a public body, to whom were entrusted the
rights and privileges of the community. Jolly men they
were, fond of display, hospitable, even sending wine to the
castle to treat the officers of the lord of the Manor ; prodigal
too they were in their own drinking, when they transacted
public business ; yet we could almost forgive their extrava-
gance, on account of the independent spirit with which they
frequently acted. This was the golden age of the corporation.
The trade of the town was considerable. There were ten
incorporated companies; of these the merchants were the
most dignified, though not most numerous body. Tanning
was the most important trade ; in 1646, there were twenty-
two tanneries in Alnwick, while now there is only one.
Leather at that time was used for various articles of clothing,
and hence the skinners and glovers were the most numerous
fellowship. Weaving was a thriving trade ; shoes were ex-
tensively manufactured; and besides these there were fullers,
coopers, butchers, wrights, and smiths. The skilled artisans
of Alnwick did the work of an extensive district; the town
was the great emporium of commerce for the country around,
''being in the middest of the countrie and therefore of greatest
repaire and concourse of people ;"* and to its markets and
great fairs they resorted for their merchandise of every kind.
Sir William Brereton, in his journey through Durham and
• Petition to Lord Burghley.
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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 318
Northumberland in 1685, gives a slight notice of the town
and castle.
''June 24. From Morpeth to Anwicke is fourteen miles,
where we lodged at the Postmaster's house ; 6d. ordinary and
good victuals and lodging. Here we saw a mighty c€»de, be-
knging to the Earl of Northumberland, wherein were all houses
of offices, many of them now in decay ; but my Lord is reparing
the same by degrees. Great revenues paid to him out of thi^
coimtry ; at least eight horsload of money. He hath four castles
i;^ this country, viz., this castle, Warp-weth Oastle, Tinmouth
Oastle, and Frudhowe Oastle.
June 25. We lodged at the Postmaster's at Anwick last
night, where we were weU used ; 6d. ordinary supper, and 4d.
breakfast; good lodging and neat."
In the year 1639, Northumberland became the scene of
some of the early movements of the great civil war. The
attempt of Charles I. and of Archbishop Laud to impose
episcopacy on presbyterian Scotland, drove the Scots to take
up arms ; and Charles advanced with an army into Scotland
" to chastise his rebellious subjects." Part at least of his
forces at this time passed through Alnwick, on their way to
the entrenched camp at Birks or West Ord on the Tweed,
about two miles westward of Berwick. The king could not
effect his object, and was obliged to conclude a treaty ; but
he was insincere, and grievances were not redressed. In the
following year, therefore, the Scottish army, consisting of
twenty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse,
under the command of General Lesley, boldly advanced into
England, and on the 20th of August crossed the Tweed at
Coldstream. They spent the first night at Milfield, the next
at Wooler Haugh ; the following day being Sunday, they
marched, after sermon, to Branton, and on the next day
encamped on a hill between the old and new towns of
Eglingham ; on the 27th of August they reached Newburn
on the Tyne, where the river was fordable. The king's army
was encamped on Stella Haugh, on the south side of the
Tyne, and was attacked by the Scots on the 28th and
completely routed. Newcastle surrendered to the Scots on
the Sunday following ; and the officers, we are told, " dined
with the mayor, drunk a health to the king, and had three
sermons that day from their own divines." Of the four
northern counties the Scots were now masters ; and their
conduct, contrasted with the wild, lawless, plundering habits
of a former generation, afforded a pleasing proof of their
2s
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814 HISTORY OF ALNWICIC.
advance in civilisation. They refused to act on the offer of
the king to make assessments themselves, as this might have
the appearance of plundering; they received, however, by
treaty, £850 per day for their maintenance.
In the military movements of the year 1644, Alnwick was
more directly interested. The conflict between constitutional
government and absolute rule had been removed from parlia-
ment to the battle-field. Northumberland appears generally
to have been attached to the royal cause ; but two influential
Northumbrians took the side of the pailiament — the Earl Percy
of Northumberland and Lord Grey, of Wark, who acted as a
commissioner to invite the Scots to aid in the stru^le. A
Scottish army of 18,000 foot, 2,000 horse and 1,000 dragoons
effective, with a train of artillery, under the command of the
earl of Leven, advanced in January 1644 towards England.
On the 18th several regiments marched from Dunbar and the
adjacent villages, through a heath ten miles long to Berwick,
amidst a snow storm. Three regiments of foot and thirteen
troops of horse, marched on the 19th from Berwick to Adder-
stone in Northumberland, where the commander had estab-
lished his head quarters ; and here were assembled with him
the committee of both kingdoms. The king's party had but
two regiments of foot and six troops of horse to meet this
formidable army; oi>e regiment was at Wooler under
Colonel Francis Anderson, and the remainder were at Alnwick
commanded by Sir Thomas Glenham. The committee to-
wards night sent a trumpeter to Sir Thomas Glenham,
Colonel Grey, and the rest of the officers and gentlemen at
Alnwick, the head quarters of the royal force ; and on the
22nd, the gentlemen of Northumberland met there to de-
liberate, what course to take. Sir Thomas Glenham pro-
pounded to them these three questions : 1st — what should be
done with those places of the county which were not yet in
the possession of the Scots, and which they were not able to
protect ? 2nd — ^what answer should be given to the letter of
the two committees ? 8rd — whether they should fight with
the Scots army ? On the first question they were divided ;
the Yorkshire officers thinking it most expedient, that the
country should be burnt, wasted, and destroyed ; but the
Northumberland officers and gentlemen were opposed to this,
saying, '' that they had hazarded their lives and fortunes, as
well as others, and they would take this for a small recom-
pence of their labours to have their country wasted and
spoiled." To the second question, the committee also gave
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HISTOBICAL AKD DESCKIPTIVB NOTICES. 815
different answers ; some thinking it fittest to send a fair
answer to so fair a letter ; others that it could not be answered
by them, but must be sent to the earl of Newcastle ; and
a third party was of opinion that it must be sent to his
Majesty before any answer could be returned. On the third
question, *' they were unanimous, declining by all means to
fight, yet with resolution to come off with some credit, and
with these sixteen troops of horse and two regiments of foot,
which they have at Alnwick, some eight drakes and twenty
pieces of ordnance (which they had from a Dutch Flee-boat,
that run ashore near the place), to defend the Bridge, though
they well knew the town may be invaded at any other place.**
Other regiments from Berwick and Kelso had joined the
Scottish general, and his artillery had arrived by sea on the
evening of the 22nd. He sent orders to his lieutenant
general, who was about uine or ten mile? from Alnwick, to
meet him there on Tuesday forenoon, (the 25th), intending,
as he says, " by God's assistance *' to find quarters in New-
castle on the 27th. The royalists made but a poor show of
fighting ; they abandoned Alnwick on the approach of the
Scots, designing to make a stand at Felton ; but the Scottish
horse advancing before they could cut down the bridge over
the Coquet, they were obliged to flee to Morpeth, whence
they soon proceeded to Newcastle. The snow suddenly began
to melt on the 26th, and so flooded the roads, that the Scottish
foot soldiers in their march were sometimes up to their mid-
dles ; and so exhausted were they on arriving at Morpeth,
that they were compelled to rest for five days. A party de-
tached from the main army at xilnwick under the marquis of
Argyle, attacked the fort on Coquet Island, but after the dis-
charge of the first shot the governor with seventy officers and
soldiers surrendered ; seven pieces of ordnance and a quantity
of ammunition were also-taken. On the 3rd of February the
Scottish host appeared before Newcastle ; but this town made
a gallant and for some time successful defence.
In aid of the royal cause the marquis of Montrose entered
Scotland on April 13th, 1644, with the Cumberland and
Westmoreland Militia, and three troops of horse. After
taking Dumfries he became afraid of being cut off by the
Covenanters, and retraced his steps ; but determined not to
be altogether inactive, he resolved to join the royal forces in
Durham and Northumberland — a resolution "neither dis-
honourable to himself nor unprofitable to them." He drove a
garrison of the Covenanters out of Morpeth and took the
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316 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Castle, and gave the pillage to his Ei^lish soldiers ; he dis*
missed the garrison on condition of their never again drawing
a sword against the king. He next took the fort at the
mouth of the Tyne ; and afterwards plentifully supplied New-
castle with corn from Alnwick and other places thereabouts.
After these successes he was summoned to the help of Prince
Bupert ; but, notwithstanding the despatch he made, he did
not come up with the prince, till the day after the battle of
Marston Moor.* Fairfax's forces now joined the Scots in the
siege of Newcastle, which being unable to hold out against
so formidable an array surrendered on the 20th of October ;
and the county of Northumberland came again under the
power of Parliament.
The trumpeter sent by the Scottish general to Alnwick was
hospitably treated by the corporation ; the accounts for 1645
state, " paid for a bottle of sack of Major General Lesley
Trumpeter 2s. 8d." Scottish soldiers had now possession
of the town and some of them were billeted in the neighbour-
ing village. One party was located at Denwick, and they
had seriously misconducted themselves ; for there is entered in
the accounts " Item bestowed of the officers that went against
the Denwick soldiers, they had burnt all Walkergate 4s."
besides this we find " one pottle of mulled sack bestowed on
Colonel Wildon." To maintain the Scots army in 1641, assess-
ments were made in the northern counties ; £300 were raised
from Northumberland, £300 from Durham and £200 from
Newcastle. At a later date, 1645 or thereabouts, similar assess-
ments were made, for we find monies were borrowed, amount-
ing to £9 7s. Od, by the corporation from several persons, to*
pay "Major Hume*s assessments." In the following year
there were paid 5s for a baggage horse for Captain Bee's
company, and 6s. 8d. to John Scott for quartering soldiers.
Something was done to the defences of the town ; for in 1641,
there was paid for making the town's gate 12s. 4d ; and the
gate of the castle was also repaired by the corporation.
While the king was a prisoner in the Isle of Wight, there
was, to a certain extent, a reaction in his favour in the
country; several insurrections broke out against parlia-
mentary government^ and an army of Scotsmen under Lord
Hamilton agreed to act with the royalists of England ; but
these formidable combinations were defeated through the
vigour and skill of Cromwell. Major Sanderson in a letter
* Wiftbart** Memoirs of MontrosCi p. 30.
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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 317
dated July Srd 1648^ gives an account of what Was done in
the district around Alnwick.
'< We hasted away on the night of Friday^ SOth June, and
marched 16 miles from Hexham to Harterton; and thence to
ToBson, I had the command of the forlorn hope (of two troops),
the first towne we fell into was Tosson, where wee tooke a heu-
tenant and six of his dragooDs, all in hed, the next towne was
Lurbottle, where we took 60 hoise and 60 men, all in bed. The
next quarter was Oarhle where Ool Qrey, Lieut Salkeld, and
many others were taken, with 80 horse. The next quarter was
Whittingham, where lieut Ool Millet, and many other consider-
able men with 200 horse ; the next was at one time an engage-
ment upon Eslington, where were 100 horse at Olanton, in
Glanton were 180 horse, most of them taken, with the officers
and souldiers in that quarter. At EsHngton, Sir Bich Tempest,
Major Troulop, and many others. Wee advanced towards Bran-
ton, but finding that we were cloyed with prisoners and horse,
and booty, we retyred towards Whittingham, where Col Lilbume
was labouring to rally into a firme body, for there appeared about
Shawton, foiur bodies of the enemies horse, who had taken alarme,
and got together, but all the rest we tooke before they could
mount.
" The victory was beyond all expectation, God working it for
us. We had but one horse shot dead, and one man shot through
the thigh, and of the enemy there was five slaine, and Cap Smith
run through the body, and some others wounded."*
The contentions of the period pressed heavily on the town
as is shewn by the following document in the corporate
archives ; the date is about 1650, for I find all the names
attached, save two, were members of the four and twenty
in the year 1649 : —
" To the right worshipful the deputy lieutennants of Northum-
berland, The humble Peticion of the Burgesses and Inhabitants
of Alnewicke, Sheweth,
That your peticioners having layed up on them a charge (firom
the worshipful Oomittee) for the advancing of three horse and
six men out of this poore towne for the present servyce, the
which we are willing to our abilityes. But we have and are now
at this instant sore opprest with a heavy burthen lying upon us
of horse and foote and our groundes destroyed without any hope
of recovery for this yeare and small expectacion for paying of
quarters. And this charge for advance of horse and men your
peticioners conceive can amoimt to no less than £26, which is a
great some to such a poor distressed place and people.
* Richardso^'r Repriuts.
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818 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Your peticioners humbly pray you mil be pleased to take the
premises into your grave consideracions for the ease of your
peticioners as in your wisdomes you shall think befitting and
your peticioners shall pray &c.
Thomas Salkeld, John Gallon, Launcelott Scott, Thomas
Younger, Ohamberlynes ; Bobert Watson, bailifTe ; William
Hunter, Hugh Arrowsmith, Nicholas Forster, Arthur Arrow-
smith, Kichard Wydows, Henry Preaston, Thomas Hunter."
'<In consideration of the great burden the said Towne lyes
under for the present we are content they be freed of one hors
of the three they are charged withall, and the other two horses
are to be raised up of the ablest of the Towne, the poorer sort to
be spared and the care of this is referred to Maior Sanderson.
Francis Heselrigge, Balph Delayal, Henry Ogle."
The outburst of joy which hailed the restoration of Charles
II. seems to have been but a temporary feeling. Heavy taxes
were imposed distasteful to the people, who were the more
deeply grieved because no little of the money wrung from
them was practically wasted. A curious deposition in the
castle of York shews the existence of such discontent in Aln-
wick.
" Oct. 21, 1664. At Eock before John Salkeld and Jo. Clarke,
Esq., Thomas Busby, of Alnwicke, saith that on the 12th of
August, being walking in company of Henry Elder, of Alnwicke,
and saying, what can become of all the money, that was collected
in the country ? the said Henry replied, ' What should become
of it ? There was non to destroy it but a company of ranting
fellows ; and for his Majesty hee had taken up the bones of an
honester man than himselfe, and in his thoughts there would be
noe quietness till hee went the way his father went.' "
TVain bands were in the time of Charles II. raised for the
defence of the kingdom ; and every township had to contri-
bute proportionally to their maintenance. The borough of
Alnwick including Hobberlaw was required to set forth six
footmen ; and on the chamberlains and the four and twenty
of the town devolved the duty of making and collecting rates
for this purpose from the houses, lands and farms.*
Frequent references there are in the corporate accounts to
these train bands ; in 1679 there were 20s. paid for procuring
men for train bands and finding arms; when the train band men
went to Morpeth in 1683, they received 4s. 6d. ; for two mus-
kets 19s. 6d. were paid; and in the same year the chamberlains
• The earliest rate book preserved is dated 17th March, 1671, and as it is
curious and important, if space allow, it will be giren in the Appendix.
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HISTORICAL AND DBSCRIFTIVE KOTICBS. 319
acknowledged the receipt of the towns arms, yiz., four
moskets, Uiree coats, and four pair of bandyliers/* An
assessment made in 1690, which was three times the amount
of that in 1671 shows the relative importance of the different
wards ; " Bongatt ward provided £2 6s, 11 Jd., Markett ward
£2 28. lOJd., Narrowgatt ward £1 Is. 4d., Bailefgate ward
lis. lOd., Walkegatt 5s. 9d. and Clayport 9s. 4d., in all
£6 19s. Id." The four and twenty on March 25th 1696,
" ordered a cess of Is. 6d. in the £ for troffy moneys and re-
pairing and buying swords and musketts and repaying the
money that was paid for setting out four men.'* The town's
magazine of arms was far from being extensive ; " On March
2nd 1702 there were delivered to Mr. Baron Falder A Sword
Coat and Gun without a Ramrod belonging to the Town; to
Mr. Mark Forster one Sword, two Coats and one Gun and a
Lock ; to Mr Tho. Woodhouse 1 Coat, Gun and Sword and
Cartridge box. To Luke Hymers one Gun and one Sword."
Such was the sorry provision for the defence of the kingdom.
The great naturalist, John Ray, when on one of his
" Simpling Voyages" passed through the town in 1661, and
thus chronicles his visit —
** August the I5th we travelled from Newcastle through Mor-
peth to Alnwick twenty-six miles, which town is imder a bailiff;
every trade chooses an alderman; the chief trade is tanning.
Here we saw a goodly and strong castle, well walled, and not
yet much run to decay, belonging to the earl of Northumberland.
This country is thinly inhabited, very bleak, and barren."*
We have notice of both Alnwick and Morpeth in 1664
from Marmaduke Rawdon, of York, who had been a merchant
in London, and after a successfiil business career took delight
in travelling ; the accounts of his journies give good sketches
of domestic life and manners.
"1664. From Newcastle they went that night (27th August)
to a towne of 16 mile off, called Morpeth, a large towne where
they rested that night, and the next day Sunday. Itt haith a
church, a prison, the ruines of a castle belonginge to my Lord of
GarlQe, wUc^ the Scotch mind in thesse warrs, and a free scoole
with a chiilmey in itt, where the boyes have a fire all the winter
longe, each boy brinein^ a horse loode of coales, which thir
costs 3 pence. Close by itt runna the river Wents-becke.
Monday the 29th August, they went to an ancient towne called
Anwick, where they dined ; itt haith tow faire gates of free stone,
« Memorials of Bay, p. 150.
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S20 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
Irhioh shews itt haith bene some ihinge in former times, but now
the bowses are all tbactht and soe contemtible little, that, like
the citie of Hindus, the towne may easely run thorrow the gates;
here is a fiftire stronge castle, which makes a greate shew to the
country, but ill contrived within for lodgins. It belonges to my
Lord of Northumberland whose Auditor comes thir twice a yeare,
sitts to order busnisses, and to receive his rents."*
Thomas Kirke, of Corbridge, in his journeyings in the
north of England, thus records his visit in 1677 —
''Monday, 21 May. At night we got to Alnwick where is a
very great castle and some part of it in repair. A little from the
town up the river is an Abbey, where Sir Fopling lives; we
waited in the Abbey an hour before he made his appearance ;
we ^rank a glass or two of wine with him and left him as we
found him."
Sir Fopling was Robert Brandling, a descendant of Sir
Francis Brandling and proprietor of Alnwick Abbey. He
along with John Salkeld possessed the tithes of Felton in
1666.
The notice of the town by Ralph Thoresby in 1681 is more
important, as it shews that the walls of the town were then
in existence. He was a woollen draper, an antiquary, and
the historian of Leeds; he had property at Rock, which
caused him occasionally to visit the district.
"Over the moors" says he, "from Morpeth to Alnwick, an
ancient town fortified wilh a curious castle and an old wall. By
Rock where I found the old tenants repenting their unkind feel-
ings, and continual murmurings for abatements, which hastened
the sale of the estate, and now they would gladly have the same
lands at the ordinary advancement."
Many offices in the castle were in decay in 1635^ but
the earl was then repairing them by degrees. These restora-
tions, however, had only been partial, being probably inter-
rupted by the great civil war ; and although the residence of
the baronial officials, it became still more ruinous. So little
valued indeed was this great stronghold, that we find from
the corporation records, some part of it was used a^ a common
* We have a curious account of the state of Belford in 1639, wbich says—
" Bel fort nothing like the name either in strength or beauty is the most miserable
beggarly sodden town or town of sods that ever was made in an afternoon of loaqi
and Btioks. In all the town not a loaf of bread, nor a quart of beer, nor a lock of
hay, nor a peek of oats, and little shelter for horse or man.'*— GMfrf and Timsa of
Charles L,IL,p,2S6.
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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 321
school in 1691 , when '' Mr. Mathew Wood lately discharged
from our free Schole and out of contempt have sett up Schole
in Alnwick Castle.'* Of the appearance and state of the
castle at this period we can form an opinion from a drawing
by Buck in 17S8, of which a reduced copy is given in Plate
nil.
Jolly men, as we have said, were the authorities of the
town in these days ; and diligent in seizing on public events
as occasions for indulgence in drinking, feasting, and uproari-
ous enjoyment. When a protector was proclaimed or a king
crowned, when royal birth days came round, when battles
were won, when thanksgiving days and gunpowder plot days
recurred, they must enjoy themselves ; there must be ale and
wine and strong waters to drink — gunpowder to blaze away
— cannons to roar — tar barrels to be burnt — ^music played
and tobacco smoked. Like the vicar of Bray they had one
unvarying creed ; whoever was king and whatever occurred
they must be joUy. Though modest in amount at first, these
indulgences readied a pitch of extragavance towards the
middle of the eighteenth century.
When the protector was proclaimed on September the 12th
1658, there was disbursed for wine 10s. What rejoicings
there were when Charles II. " came to his own " are not re
corded ; but in 1665, 8s. l)d. were ''paid at Edward Smith's
for wine and her beinge upon the Kings coronation day ;"
and the same event was celebrated on die following day by
drinking *' wine and strong waters " and by pipes and tobacco.
In 1665 one shilling was paid for '' drink at Betinge the hol-
landers ;" and when peace was proclaimed in 1674 the re-
joicing cost only 6s. 8d. James II. seems to have been a
favourite ; at '' the proclaiming our Soverign Lord James the
Second " on February 14th, 1684, there were 48 bottles of
wine drunk costing £8 ISs. Od.; and '' more the next day to
the Sheriff 6 Bottles 7s., and more four Bottels of Wine to
Mr. Beach 4s. 8d.'' Wine then cost only 14d. per bottle.
*' At the Crownacon day " of the king in 1688 the rejoicings
were demonstrative— -aie and brandy were drunk — ale was
riven away at the cross to the soldiers, constables,'and popu-
hce — ^music was playing — guns were fired and ^^aboonfire'*
was blazing in the Market-place.
King William III. seems to have been no great favourite,
judging from the meagre rejoicings with which his advent
was hailed. For ale at the cross in 1689 '^at the king
and <iueen's coronation day " only 8s. 4d. were paid. The
2t
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$22 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
gunners, howeyer, had ale to the value of 48. 4d.-; and there
were two runlets of ale at the cross for the soldiers, costing
5s. 5d. : besides this " a boonfire ** lighted up the scene.
Englishmen, however, exult when their countrymen gain a
victory ; and the corporate pulse beat vigorously, when news
came of William's military triumphs. Captain Forster, in
1690, was treated with ale at Mr. George Salkeld's " upon
the news of the defeat of the Irish " at the cost of 6s. ; and
the bells rung for joy at the victory. A little afterwards, we
have entered —
1690. — Spent when the King came home 1^, Tar Bairells Is. 8d.,
Pips and Towbco 7d. . . . . . 1 10
Bobeort Hmnbleton for Ale . .IS
Ale at the bone fire when King William came home . 1 S
Att the same time 2 Tar BarreUs . . . .IS
Tobacco Pipes .05
When news arrived of peace on October 82nd, 1697, S tar
barrels were used; and on its being proclaimed, five more
'' to make a bonfire," with '^ 2 bottles of brandy and musick
then." Such records were frequent : a few more, after the
accession to the throne of the house of Hanover, may be added.
I718.—0ct. 22.--Paid for Ale att the King's landing to James
Batt 3s. 4d., to my Mother Grey 3s. id., at Mia. Bobson's
in the Beckoning Ss. 6d., Binging the Bells Is., Musick
2s. 6d. . . 7^ . . . IS 8
1714.— Oct 20.— Att GoxTonation S barles Ss., Musick 2s. 6d., Ale
at bone fire 56. 4d., Ale from William Stanton 6s. Sd., 3
barles 38. . . . . 20 6
1713.— May 5.— Ale at proclaiming the peace 5s., ale at the Gross
6s. . ... . . .' . 10 0
1714.— July.— Ale when the King irasprodaimed. . .OS
Regularly as Thanksgiving day and Gunpowder Plot day
came round there were rejoicings. In 1697 on Thanksgivii^
day, there were paid for 8 tar barrels for the bonfire Ss. 6d.,
for 2 quarts of brandv 4s. 8d., tobacco and pipes 6d., ringing
bells., Is., for musick Ss. 6d. and for ale drunk at the cross
12s. 8d. Similar rejoicings were on Gunpowder Plot day.
These celebrations ceased about the vear 1718. StiU, frequent
as all these merrv makings were, tney do not rive a complete
picture of the jollity of the times ; others will be referred to
when we treat of the corporation.
Let us now see what part the town played during the two
rebellions in favour of the exiled Stuarts. Very scanty are the
local references to the events of 1715; ana this is to be
regretted, as the early operations were in this neighbour-
h(Md. Thomas Forster, of Adderstone, one of the members of
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HISTORICAL AND DBSCRIPTIYB K0TICB8. S28
parliament for the county, bat a man of little capacity or cour-
3:e, was the first mover in this attempt to drive the house of
anover from the throne. On the 6th of October, Forster
with others favourable to the Stuart cause met at Greeniig
in Northumberland; and bein^ afterwards joined by the
earl of Derwentwater with his fhends and servants, the party
marched to Rothbury, where they remained all night, and on
the next day with increased numbers they marched to Wark-
worth, where they remained till Monday the 10th. Forster
here assumed the title of general, which had been bestow^
on him by the earl of Mar ; and on Sunday he ordered Mr.
Ion, the vicar, to pray for Charles Stuart, as king, and for
Mary, the queen mother ; but the vicar refusing, Mr. Buxton,
the chaplain of the rebels, took possession of the church, read
the service, prayed for Charles Stuart as king, and preached
with coDsidenible eloquence and learning in favour of the
Stuart cause. On Monday General Forster in disguise pro-
claimed from the cross of that ancient borough, by sound of
trumpet and other formalities, Charles Stuart as king of
Britain. The rebels then marched to Morpeth, where joined
by other malcontents, the party increased to the number of
800 horsemen.
The men of Alnwick were loyal ; and the accounts shew
that they were watchful, and prepared to take part in the
struggle, on the side of the house of Hanover. We have the
following entries : —
'< 1715, Oct., paid when the watch was set Is.; to Games about
the rebels 4s. 4d. ; to Standley for his horse to Berwick with
priaoners 3s. ; to Games to gett Intelidgenoe of rebels 4b. ; to
William Anderson when he went about InteUigence Is. ; paid
Garen and Hindmarsh for enquiring about the Bebells 3s 6d ;
ale to them 8d. ; to Gair and Johnston for watching the town
16d. and ale 4d. ; for canying the Deserters to Barwicke 2s. 4d.;
Goals, Candle, and Straw to the Guard 4s. 6d. ; Mr Stephenson
for getting our Townes Arms examined 5s. ; spent at Bickaby's
with Mr. Forster and Mr. Ghieve when wee mett aboutt train
Band Men 2s. ; paid Games and others that were Imployed in
watching the Seoels 4s."
The incompetency of General Forster hastened the end of
this rebellion, which was bad in plan and worse in execution.
After the insurgents surrendered at Preston, a severe retribu-
tion followed; the earl of Derwentwater and others paid the
penalty with their lives, but the pusillanimous Forster escaped
to the continent.
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824 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
The untimely fate of the earl of Derwentwater excited deep
sympathy ; for he was youngs amiable, and generous^ and had
been inconsiderately involved in a foolish enterprise. He
was connected with Alnwick by holding property there.
From letters and papers during the reign of Henry VIII. we
find that on May lOth, 1510, a grant was made to ^* Edward
Badcliff, knight of the body and Roger Fenwick, squire of
the same, lieutenants of the Middle Marches towards Scotland
in consideration of their expenses in the king's affidrs in the
Marches, lands in the barony of Alnwick of the annual value
of £S 18s. 4d./* besides other lands in the county ; in a sub-
sequent grant on April Slst, 1514, they were described " Fee
farm or socage of the lordship of Alnwick to the annual
value of £S 18s. 4d.'' The house in Bailiffgate at the head of
the Peth, described as the slate house and called the Derwent-
water house, including Radcliff's closes, St. Leonard's Hos-
pital and Ginfin belonged to the earl of Derwentwater. He
was also owner of estates at Spindlestone, for which he owed
suit and service to the baron of Alnwick. His extensive
possessions were forfeited, and given by the crown to Green-
wich Hospital
Of the next rebellion in 1745 there are more extended
local records. The reverses suffered by the British arms at
Fontenoy and in Flanders, and the supposed defenceless state
of Britain encouraged Charles Stuart, the son of the pretender,
to hope that with the aid of France he could recover the
English throne for his family. He landed in Scotland on
July 25th, 1745 ; and the standard of rebellion was first un-
furled, on August 19th at Glenfinnin. He made a triumphal
entry into Edinburgh on September 17th ; and his success on
the Slst, at the battle of Preston Pans, spread alarm in the
north of England. I have heard my grandmother, who was
then about twelve vears of age, describe the excited state of
the town at this crisis ; there were vrild bustle and confusion —
ordinary business was neglected, and many were terrified
with the fear that the Highlanders would, some night, with
one fell swoop destroy the town and murder the- people — ^the
town was converted into a military barrack — trumpets were
sounding in the streets, drums beating and fifes playing —
hurried meetings were held, and soldiers were mustering, or
passing through the town. The jolly burgesses, however,
fired with love of their country and religion, were preparing
with no little anxiety, to aid in repulsing the enemy. The
accounts of the corporation give some notion of what was
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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE HOTICBS. 325
done for this purpose ; a few extracts will be given. Trifling
perhaps such details may appear to some ; nevertheless they
show how the men of Alnwick felt and acted at this great
crisis, and what means they emjiloyed to give help in behalf
of their king, their laws and religion, which they considered
to be in great danger. Anxious they were to learn the course
of events, as much so as the most ciuiouB of the present
century ; but having neither telegraphs nor railroads, nor
swift poets, they employed scouts and special messengers to
watch the movements of the enemy, and to give them early
intelligence of the inarch of events.
The corporation engaged volunteers to aid in the struggle,
whom thej paid at the rate of Ss. weekly, and for whom they
found military accoutrements.
1745, Sep. 2. —Spent at Mr. Wm. Brown's with Niohol Brown
when he came from Berwick with news about the rebels Is 6d. ;
paid Wm. Graham when he went to Berwick 6b.; paid John
Hook from Xilham who brought an aoooimt where the rebels
were 22d. Sep. 1 7.--Spent at the Post house at a meeting of the
Bubstantiall people in Town to consult what should be done on
the news of the rebels getting into Edinburgh 58. Sep. 24. —
Paid Wm. Neal, a messenger sent to Kelso, Dunse, &c., to bring
InteUigence of the Bebells 7s. Sen. 26.— Paid Willy Neal for
ffoing to Tweedmouth and staying mere till he knew which way
the JKebells moved for expenses 10s. 6d. (General Cope was
defeated at Preston Pans on the 21st and fled to Berwick.) Sep.
29. — S^nt at Mrs. Wilson's at a meeting of the substantiall
people in the Town to consult about billeting 750 Dutch soldiers
and 700 Horsemen expected in the Town this day 8s. Sept. 29.
— Spent at Mr. Wheeler's about billeting the Dutch who were
countennanded 3b. ; paid WiUy Neal 10s. 6d. ; paid for a gallon
of Ale to the Constables 9d. ; postage of three letters 9d. ; paid
for watching a guard room all night 8d. Oct. 6. — Wm. Neal to
bear his charges when sent to Bolton, &c., with a letter to seize
upon one Hay, a Scotchman, who was supposed to be makeing
to join the Bebels 28. 6d. Oct. 7. — Paid Willy Neal when sent
to Berwick to ^ intelligence of the motion of the Bebells 428.
Oct. 9. — Paid Wm. Oraubam to go to Shields 58. ; paid to the
Town's Volunteers Is., advance tor a week's pay 7s., more for
powder 6d., for a cockade 6d. ; in all 98.; given to a Dutch
woman 3 penny loaves and a gallon of ale Is. Oct. 19. — Paid
Bob. Shanks and Wm. Beed for carrying eleven Dutch women
to Morpeth 128. ; gave the Baid Dutch women Is. (These had
been wives of the Dutch soldiers.) Oct. 24. — ^For 3 cartridge
boxes, &c., 20s. Oct. 26.— Paid Wm. Graham for carrying two
soldiers wives (one of them big with child) to Shilbottle Is. Oct.
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S26 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
80. — ^Paid 4 carters for canTixig 12 men that came from the
Board of Ordnance and the Baggage to Belfoid 208. (Wilhr
Neal wrote letters to the corporation giving information regard-
ing the rebels on the 19th, 21st, 24t£^ 26ti[L, and 28th Oct., the
postage of each being 3d.) Nov. 1. — ^Paid Winter the Oarrier
to give to Mr. Jefeey which he lent Willy Neal £2 12 6d. ; paid
Mr. Allen which he lent Willy Neal 10s. 6d. Nov. 6.— Paid
Ba. Wallace with a letter to 8ir Wm. Middleton 5s.| (he was
member for the county} ; Hie Guard Is. ; paid Henry Bell fbnr
Ck)llingwood's expenses and horses all night who g^ded Andrew
Walker Is. 8d., and OoUingwood for horse and self 2s., and for
the prisoners' dinner in Giiard Is. Nov. 6. — Paid Wm. Neal to
bear expenses in goingto Wooler and to set intelligence of the
Bebells^ motion 5s. (The rebel army whidi did not much exceed
6000 men began its march towards England on November 1, in
two divisions, one moved through Mo&t towards Carlisle ; and
the other headed by the pretender marched to Kelso, where it
arrived on the 5th. From Kelso, Charles sent orders to Wooler
to prepare quarters for his troops ; but this was to deceive ; for
he struck westward and approached England through liddes-
dale). Nov. 6. — Paid to Wm. Neal when sent to Berwick,
Kelso, and Jedburgh, to get intelligence of the motion of the
Bebells £2 2s. ; to Sergeant Black to get victuals for 2 prisoners
Is. Nov. 12. — Three weeks pay for Volunteers at 8s. per week
24s. Nov. 17. — Paid WiUy Weal and Ra. Wallace when they
went to Hexham and Carlisle to watch the motions of tiie rebells
and send intelligence when ovr army was drawing towards them
84s. Nov. 24. — John Vardy for two carts and 4 norses carrying
the baggage of the Yorkshire Hunters firom this town to Mor-
peth 258. ; for 3 Dutch Soldiers to Shilbottle 2s. dd. Nov. 30th.
— The two sick soldiers in Brigadier Fleming's Begiment 2s.
Dec. 7. — Andrew Brown for the Dutch man that was sick at his
house 48. ; Thos. Athey for 4^ thrave of straw for to lay the
Dutch men upon in the Town house 3s. Dec. 9. — Paid Mr. Jos.
Harle for 6 pounds of candle to illuminate the Townhall on the
King's Birthday 3s. Dec. 24tJi. — Volunteer for 7 weeks pay at
8s.— 56s.
1746, January 9. — For carrying two soldiers from this town to
Shilbottle ; gave John Eaton and two other soldiers in Chul-
mondseys's regiment to carry them to the said regiment having
no money 2^. Gd. Feb. 9. — Given to Lord Drummond's men Is.,
and to other two men and six soldiers 4s. ; gave six Frenchmen
who had deserted from Lord John Drummond and had a pass
£rom General Hawley to Newcastle and had run short of money
Is. ; gave three Frenchmen who had a pass from General Hawley
6d. Feb. 14th. — To three deserters of Lord John Drummond Is.
1746, June 25.— George Egdell for his journey to Kelso to
inquire after the Rebels 5s. 3d. 1747, Feb. 27.— Paid Wm-
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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE NOTICES. 327
Neal for his trouble in briiiging and sending intelligence from
time to time daring the BebelHon, of the motions of the Rebels
£4 4s. Od. ; May 4.*-Paid him more 2 Is.
The duke of Cumberland the commander of the royal army,
on his way to Scotland passed through Alnwick, and dined
there in January, 1746. The battle of CuUoden fought on
the 16th of April brought the rebellion to an end, and raised
his royal highness to the dignity of a hero ; and the people
of Alnwick were loud in their demonstrations of loyalty.
Thus continues our record : —
May 8th. — ^Robert Pots' expenses when he went to inquire if
the Duke of Cumberland was to be there as tomorrow afternoon
to g^ post from Belford 10s. May 18th,— William Bell for
ringing the bells when the Duke came Is.
There comes after this, the sad duty of attending to the
sick and wounded.
June 14. — Thomas Bickaby for a coffin for Henry Busby, a
soldier in the Duke of Bedford's regiment, 6s. ; mr keeping
Heniy Busby, a sick soldier, ten days Is. 6d. ; for taking care of
John XTlstone, a soldier lying ill of the small pox, twelve days
Is. 6d. Aug. 13. — Paid Aim Shetford for attencung a sick Dutch
soldier at G-eoige Walker's Is. ; given to Mr. Carr's maid to
Interpret what he said Is. Oct. 2nd. — Paid Dr. Bichardson for
Drugs to a Dutch sick soldier 3s. 1747, A^ril 28. — ^Paid lamed
and disbanded soldiers and soldiers' wives with passes during the
time of the rebellion £15 15s. Od. May 5th^ — ^Medicines for
the sick and lamed soldiers left in town during the rebellion
£8 12s. 6d.
Besides what was done by the four and twenty in sup-
porting volunteers, some of the companies or incorporated
trades displayed their loyalty. The company of Merchants
maintained six volunteers, and found arms for them ; their paj
was Is. per day. The following is one account for their
accoutrements : —
1745.— Oct 18.— « Oaxtridffo Boxes, 8b. . . . . 18 0
Six Swoid and Baggenett Belts, li. 6d. • 9 0
Six Ball Bags, 6d 8 6
„ 29.— A Broad Strap 28 inchea long . . .06
dBl 11 0
Each member contributed monthly 8s. Be it recorded to the
honour of the Cordwainers' or Shoemakers' Companv that
they unanimously passed the following resolution, wnich is
signed by forty-four brethren : —
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828 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
1745. — Oct 17. — ^A General Meeting of the trade or company thU 17th
October, 1745, It is unanimously ordered and agreed that £12 Is. 6d. shall be
immediately applied and paid to the Chamberlains of the said Borough for
and towards the support and maintenance of four footmen who are to join
with the other footmen now assembled at the said Borough for the support of
the present Establishment. And it is further ordered and agreed that in case
fhe said sum shall not be sufficient for the purpose aforesaid that then we will
each of us according to our seyeral abilities contribute out of our private
purses for and towaras the support and maintenance of the said four men
until the present troubles are quelled.
Equally loyal were the carpenters and joiners, who
resolved —
1745. — 16 October. — At a meeting this day of the Trade, It is unanimously
agreed that Edward Wilson our Alderman Do immediately pay to the Cham-
berlains of Alnwick Three pounds four shillings for one months pay for two
men which the trade do hereby agree to raise for the defence of their religion
and country now in imminent danger from the dangerous rebellion now actu-
ally begun in Scotland. And we do further agree that the said Alderman do
pay one months further pay for the use aforesaid in case there ^ould be
occasion. And we do further agree and order that the said Alderman and
Stewards do immediately provide two able bodied m«n for the purpose aibro-
•aid and provide for them sufficient arms.
The important company of Tanners were not so unani-
mous ; nevertheless at a meciting held on October 18th, '' the
great majority of them present ** agreed to a resolution the
same as that adopted by the joiners. In their accounts it
appears that the volunteers received in addition to the pay of
Is. ^r day, 6d. as ^^ listing money, 6d. to drink, and a cockade
costing 6d.**
A corporation, accustomed to convert even little incidents
into occasions for merry-making, could not allow this great
triumph of the house of Hanover and of constitutional
government, to pass without a stroi^ expression of joy;
and accordingly we find :— •
1747, Feb. 27th.— Paid at the post house £43 7s. 8^., being
spent at the town's rejoicing on the King's birthdav, the Duke's,
and on the Victory of Oullcxlen, and at ms return from Scotland.
The distribution of property at different periods and the
names of its owners must form no unimportant part of local
history to those who live in the district, though perhaps of
little general interest. We have already done this for one
period, 1569 ; and not to encumber our history with too
many of such details, I shall give the particulars of only one
other period. Some imperfect lists of freeholders are printed
in Hodgson's history of Northumberland for the years 1628
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HISTORICAL AND DBaCRIPTIVX N0TI0S8. S29
and 16S9; but a little more information is contained in a
schedule for the county rate in 166S. The houses and free-
lands of the town were estimated at an yearly rental of only
£S39 ; bnt the value of the whole parish does not seem to
have exceeded £2000 yearly. Besides the earl of Northum-
berland the chief proprietors were Charles Brandling, who
held Alnwick Abl)«y demesne and Heckley^ valued at £250
and Denwick tythe valued at £20 ; Col. Brandling, Alnwick
mill and the com and petty tithes ; George Lysle, Alnwick
town head, valued at £20 ; Clement Forster, Aledike, valued
at £24; Holn Abbey and Park belonged partly to John
Salkeld; Thomas Metcalf had Stoney Hills, valued at £12;
and Edward Yardy held St. Margarets, valued at £20 and
the tythes of Kugley and Snipe House^ valued at £12 yearly.
In the records of the baronial courts there is full inform-
ation of the owners of property in the barony frcon 1664 down
to the eighteenth century. Of the copyholders there is no
record, excepting of those of Denwick, who had been trans-
muted into leaseholders; yet lands were still distributed
among a considerable numbers of owners ; in Alnwick parish
there were about S40 holders of real property. I must, how-
ever, defer giving particulars here, that I may have space for
a more important and instructive document relatiag to a later
period.
Among the muniments of the corporation is '' A Bentall
of the Burrough of Alnewicke, Ladv day, 1709/^ containing
uot only the names of the burgage nolders, but also of other
freeholders and tenants at will, with the amount ot quit rent
for the burgages and of rack rentals for the farms. It was
produced in Chancery on September the 20th, 1759, when
the great law suit was pending between the earl of Northum-
berlsmd and the corporation. Probably the collection of
these feudal charges may have been made by corporate officers
about this period ; for, firom the alteration of names and in-
sertion of dates, it had been in use for at least six years. It
is of conriderable interest, as giving the old names of places
within the parish. A similar document called a ^^ Court
Survey, Oct., 1702," is among the rolls of the baronial courts,
and from this I have extracted explanatory matter which is
printed within parenthesis. We have here still a relic of the
old feudal claim for bond service; Rock, Kennington, and
South Charlton paid eightpence each for ^^ Bondage Worke."
The days of rapid and extensive change in the population had
not yet come ; for we find still a large sprinkling of old Alnwick
2u .
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sso
HlSTORt OF ALNWICK.
names ; there are Alnwick, Claxton, Strother, Stanton, Mil-
likiH, Falder, Gair, Alder, Gallon, Grieve, Metcalfe, Adston,
Yardy, Arrowsmith, and Woodhouse.
A RENTALL OF THE BURROXTGH OP
AliNWICKE, LADY DAY, 1709.
1 1
Nabsowoatb, North Side.
William BoBwell, a pepperoome.
Kn. Elizabeth Thompson, a Bead
Bo8e.
Hobert Clazftony tvo Biirgag^6B,
(one of them la. or a snow-
ball at the fiair of Alnwick) 1 8
Kicholas Hunter ... 8
Timothy Barton, (two bnrga-
. ges) . . . . .
George MlUeken, (lliatt Aln-
wick formerly) .
Richard Harrison .
Thomas Woodhoose. two Bnr-
. flfages, (7d. and 5d.) .
mlliam Kennedy .
Henry Swinhoe .
William Stanton, (Tho. Met-
. calfe) two burgages, 8d., Is.
Balph Anderson
Thomas Harrison .
Christopher Featherstonhangh
South Side.
Bichard Strother, late Ben.
Barton, (lOd., 16d., 6d.) .
George Turner
John Archbold, (late Widow
Brandling Wast)
Margery Amwicke, Widow
Lancelot Strother ...»
Narbowoatb Wbst Kawb.
Heree Edw. Bobson . .18
William Oide ... 7
James Chapman ... 11
Heres WilHam Boswell . . 8
8
BoNDOATB, Korth Side.
JohnFenkell
Roger Buston
Widow Alnwicke, two burga-
ffes, 9d., lOd.
ohn Smyth
George Thew
William Stanton, sen. .
Hr. Mark Forster, (and Kiln)
(A common lane.)
Barnabas Falder .
Widow Moffatt .
William Gair
Thomas Jemyson .
86 6
10
10
1 7
10
10
10
8
John Chrisp, three Burgages,
(heirs of Wm. Adston)
Lancelot Strother, two Burga-
ges, rsd., 6d.) . . .
Edward Grey, two Burgages
(8|d.,2s. lOd.) .
Richard Strother, two Burga<
John Strother
Mary Wilaon
John Wilson .
Henry Whittingham, (late
Edmxmd Craster)
The heires of Widow Sander-
son . .
Henry Wilson
Idem for a Shaid, (a bouse on
a Waist) .
Boin>OATB Extra.
Henry Hairison
Henry Hairison, three burga-
ges ... .
(A Common Lane.)
William Winney .
Thomas Christon .
Edward Strother
Widow Thompson, three bur-
gages, 6d., Is., 8d. .
8 8^
1 I
8 6^
1 6}
19
2 2
2 6
10
2
2 2
84 3)
BoNDOATX, South Side.
JohnHutson • .14
Widow Alnwicke, (a burgage, oott»
garth or croft, admitted rent £2.^
John Stamp, (a burgage and garth
rent £2.)
Widow Alnwicke, (2 crofts belonging
to the former burgage Is.)
Matthew Doares, (a burgage, three
crofts on lands £2.)
(Thomas Hardy Ute Wm. Turner
late Jas. Turner sometime Thomas
Briggs held a Toft now a house
erected on the the same £2.)
(John Strother, before James Tur-
ner, moiety of a burgage and garth
£2.)
(William Gaire, sometime William
Woodhouse holds the other moiety
of a burgage and garth.)
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HISTORICAL AKD DBSCBIPTIYB NOTICES.
S81
(Ann Ckura^ aom«fcimA John Ganr, a
burgage, a cottage^ and a gaith,
£2.)
(Hr John Coates, a mevaage, a tofb
and ^aith, late Doctor Strother,
containing Ir. 24p. Tenement and
(John BobinBon late Frande Alder
holdeUi a burgage end ffarth con-
taining 18 ]perche8 rent £2.)
(Mr. Nathaniel Forster, sometime
John Clay, a burgage, toft^ and
garth containing 16 perches, rent
£2.)
(The same purchased of Wm. Arch-
hold's fimily, Wm. Woodhonse a
bug, garth and croft £2.)
(The same a bug, garth and croft in
Bondgate SoxSk Croft containing
3r. 21p. £2.)
(John Stampe late Tho. Stampe and
and before Nicholas Foniter, a
Bug, Garth and Croft, and one
other croft containing in all 8r. 9p.
£2.)
Thomas Woodhonse, (burgage
andnrth .... 6
Kark Forster, (burgage and
garth.) .... 8
The Towne for Pinfold . 8
(Common Lane and Tomne
WaU.)
Bo2n>OAn Invba.
The Heires of John Chrispe
Thomas Gair 2 Burgages
Bobert Shanks
John Humble 2 Burgages (2b.
4d. 14d0 .
WiUiam C&arke
Margaret Forster .
Marke Grumble
John Strother (a bug, a
a pepper com)
Idem . •
John Hyndmarsh ,
John Strother
John CaiT .
Oswald Syme .
John Diciman
croft,
:t
Mabkbt Placi.
George Hutcheeon .
G^ige Potts for two burgages
(Late widow BrandUngy
Jane Lodge . •
John Hunter .
John Forster (wast)
Robert Hambleton .
16 2
8
8
3
Mark Forster (S^d. 9d.) . .16^
(The Burgesses of Alnwick
holdea parcel of wast ground
Wingon the east side of the
Grass Cross, now the Malt
Markett, rent yearly lOd.,
containing 12 pereches,
denyedO
Edward Cfrey ... 0
Clement Forster, 4 Burgages
Escheated (9d. 8d. 2d. 9d.) . 2 4
Mark Forster. ... 8
The Burgesses for the Brew-
houses (late Wm. Grey) . 9 8
(Est et ibidem parva via
▼ocata Toll booth layne.)
Bi<^ard Strother for a Shopp
(a honseuponmy lord'awast) 4
(Thos. Shipley and William
Archbold, sometime Cuth.
Fkocter, late Bichard Clark-
son 3 Shopps, sometime Cha-
pell late of the possessions of
the Monastery of Alnwick
rentniL)
Thomas ^pley, 1 Buxgage
and 3 Shopps . .64
John Doubleday, 1 Buxgage
and 3 Shopps . • .28
(Heires of W m. Archbold, a
house sometimea chapell 4d.,
widow Caxr,Mr. Doubleday)
Anne Hunter. . * .1
(James Patterson, a Shoemaker
Shopp lately erected on the
Lord^i wast Id.)
Jane Lodge . • . .1
Mathew Forster ... 8
(Mathew Forster for taking in
a building upon the Common
Layne to the common bake-
house to enlarge his bur-
gage 4d.)
Thomas Yardy ... 8
Edward Grey . . . 1 10
(Common bcdcehotise at the
back of Tho. Yardye's Lett
b^r lease with the Toll of the
fiures and marketts, contain-
ing 6 perches.)
Bobcort Kiohardson (by con-
sent of the auditors to erect
a house, rent 2d.) 2
Widow Hunter and Jobling's
shop.
Widow Anderson ... 8
JohnWarde .... 8
William Patricke ... 8
John Robinson ... 8
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8Si
HMTORY aP ALNWICK.
WilliBm Scott, 2 1
PAIUn llOLB.
Bichard Sfcrothery S Imrgages
8d. led., (a tmrt long ago
endoBed nu) • . .1
Ralph BannoldaQfla • •
Widow BaneU (4d. 4d. «d.) . 1
WiUiBm Yellowley, (a waste.)
(The same late NLofteAi teat
jndxu gnm piperis.)
John Beveley <Wm. Metoalf
waste) ....
OeoiveWalliB
Ralph Gkrieve 2d. 2d. (fonnerly
waste) ....
Ralph Renoldson .
Richard Strother (a waste bur-
gage now rebuilding)
(A oommonlane tothemarket)
41 4
Glatpokt, hegimimg mtt ih§ Ormite
Oron OH the South Mmoe.
George Potts (late Kioh. Fonter.)
Marke Forster.
Oeorge Alder (laie QaHon.)
John WayxDsby.
WiUiam Taylor, Esq., 4 bur-
gages (8d. lOd. lOd. lOd.
these were the Correction
house) . . 8 S
Roger UlshooM ... 10
Ralifliiiardiall . . .10
OidLtroBT Snmr iBxXBA.
Thomas Woodhonse . . 7
{k Common Layne.)
George Pearett ... 8
Widow Gibson ... 11
Georoe Wattson ... 11
Cnthbert Embleton (John
Reynoldson) ... 10
William Hunter, sen., (late
John Alnwick) ... 8
Edward Doazes (late John
Alnwidc) .... 8
Thomas Wattson (late John
Gallon) . . . .14
William Stanton, jun., 9 bur-
gages 7
Widow Gallon (12 burgages or
riggs) called in old records
Lyne Bum Lands .67
(Heires of WilL Arohbold, late
John Scott, nihil, Towns
head lands, alias Saint
Thomas' Fields.)
G^rge Potts, (burgage and a
dose) 1
ChrJsto. Shotton . .11
Geo^eBslte . .
1
1
McrirBnnter
1
^
Widow Thompson (8 burgages
and a don of % riggs lute
Bal^Fmte} . . .
Luke Hyndmaxsh .
4
i
ii
Thomas Hardy
6i
Robert Psston % • •
8
WidowDavidsoB .
6
John Theaker and GHawhonn
6
George Thew«
1
8
George Fleteher (bmqgage and
Widow Carr . . . .
1
4
4
John Stampe (in xis^ of his
wifeElenHenetQ . .
St
Bartho Hallewell «
Thomas Pearett •
8
The heirs of Thomas Taykr .
8
George Fletcher .
8
Clayport Tower (ttw bnmsses
i^H»eon the Towns Wall is
built, a bmcgage and eroft
containing Ir i6p.) .
8
Luke Hyndmarsh •
8
Edwaid Stenley . . .
1
The Hdrs of John Reed .
1
Widow Blyth. •
1
1
RobertShankes .
4
Luke Hyndmanh •
4
William Gallon •
8
Luke Hyndmarsh •
8
Matthew Ahiwicke. .
4
Fhmds Anderson •
10
Edward Fonter •
8
66
7
Un
9rth
tii»ofthe0r99$.
Bsmaby Forster .
8
Thomas Woodhonse
6
Henry Harle .
8
Widow Thompson .
\ 2
2
Widow Hunter
. 1
(A common Layne)
Richard Grieve
. 4
8
Widow Thompson .
10 '
James Trotter
! 1
6
Heirs of John Chzisp .
. 1
Marke Forster
. 1
Widow Mills. . .
. 1
18
6
POTTBROATB.
RalphDiTon •
51
John Craister .
«4
Thomas Craister .
'. 8
8
Cuthbeit Anderson •
6
Martin Potter (of Shidds)
10
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>^l
[e
HISTORICAL AND PBBC&IfTIYB NOTICES.
iss
O&fhbert Andenon (late Wm.
Adston 8 buzsagw) . • 2 10
Anthony Poairett . . . 2 10
William Patteoraon . • 7
Pottergate Tower (the bar-
goflooa of Alnwick lor the
Tower 2d, or a pair of GWeay
before Bobt. Clark) • . 2
George Potta (5 bmvagea} . 4 4
Kark Forster lor Baniadale
TlggB 1 ^i
Wil&am fitaaton IbrHttlePot-
teigateCloae .14
John Oraiater . • .1
The Hetra of John Tate for
three Burgagea « . .22
JohnBamaay. • • • 7
Andrew Johnston « . • 7
The heixa of Edward Bobaon
4 Burgagea . . « .84
24 94
Batijtfoatb.
John CaiT (2 burgagea)
David Greater.
Baniabaa Ealder, 2 Burgagea
44d.6d 10|
Thoxnaa Spence, 2 Burgagea
(PoilU d^) . . .5
JohnSwinhoe(tenament called
MutehaU) .... 7
(Heira of Bichaxd Lawaon, 8
tenamentacalledHiddleton'a
lodginsB» nil)
(EUa. wife of Balph Jackaon
paroell of ground called pin-
fold, rent i^2)
Widow HiUa .... 1
Bobert Glazton ... 4
John Chrisp .... 4
Widow Clarke ... 8
Mr. Thomas Procter . . 10
William Stanton, Sen., (tene-
ment and close.) . . . 1|
Balph Weatherbnrn . . 4
(Heirs of Bob. Pearett a Tene-
ments wast nil.)
The heiiB of John Nicholson
(to the Chrieye of Shilbottle) 8
niomas Pearitt (to the Grieve
of Shilbottle.) . . . (
Marke Forster (to the Grieve
of Shilbottle.) ... 1
G^rge Hardy (to the Grieve
of Shilbottle.) . . . H
Kicholaa Hunter (5 tenementa
niL) 2
Thomas Lindaay . .1
Thomas Dcfidaon, 2 boigagea
5s. Id. . . .61
Lord Derweotwater .4 2
(Idem caUed Faidiaa Walla
rent niL)
Widow Mubouzne . . .1
Widow Clarke 10
Thomas Lindsay for Hunter^a
Croft 8 8
W
26 S
The Heiieaof William Boiwell
Banabaa Falder .
John Bobinaoa (late Geo.
Tamer.)
Widow Sdott» 2 Buigagea
Widow Smyth (FranKoa T
Tur-
ner, 4
John WoodT 2 burgagea (A.
and M. AhDLWiok.)
Bdward Trotter
John Tumer, 2 Burgagea (8d.
9d.) .
Barnabas Falder
Thomas Lindsay, 7
late Francis Turner now a
close of Land on the South
row .....
( Jamea Turner, a burgage wast
called the Sdioolhouae rigg
2d. sold to Thomaa Lindsay
alougwithO other burgages!)
Bamabaa Falder, 2 burgages .
JohnCarr . . . •
Thomas Hardy, 2 bi
(one a little house
on a Wast).
Widow Thompson, 1 Burgage
at the Bridge end • •
8
7
6
1 6
1 4
2 0|
8
2 10
14 7i
Fbbbhold BBBTia.
Hoberlaw .... 4
Timothy Punshon and the heir
of Mr. Michael Browning for
Bondgate HalL . . 9 11
(Mrs. Mary Salkald,late Fran-
cis Alder, a capital messuage
and garth cfuled Bondgate
Hall and Boland's Close and
Crofts, lying in the back-
side late George Alder's
containing Sac. 2r. 82p.,
rent £2.)
Edward Grey for Watts know 1
Edward Strother for Swans-
land 16
John Strother for part the same 1 6
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834
HI8T0BY OF ALNWICK.
(Ridhaid Leek> in jure Elisa-
beth his wife late Alex. Ar-
mourer, and befbre Francis
Alder, called Bwann's field,
knightB of St. John of Jeni-
Balem.) •
ICaivaret the widow of Arthur
AInwicke . . .18
Forster*B lands in all Glemt.
Forster . . . .78
Widow Thompson for part of
Woodhouse's lands .46
Idem for part of the same and
RaYenslaw . . .2
George Potts for parte of the
same . .16
Barnabas Falder for parte of
the same .... 8
Mr. Marke Forster for parte of
the same .... 4
Mr. Timothy Ponshon for
Greensland. ... 2
(Mr. Msrk Forster late Green,
nil quia capitale meesuagium
Boberti de Green pro tenia
apud Greenfield.)
Widow Thompson for Leake's
land 1 4^
Thomas Craister ... 2
Bondgate Tower pinfold . 8
George Potts for Midcalfe's
lands . ,6
Matthew AInwicke .18
Mr. John Doubleday for Brock- 8
shaw . . .6
The Town for Aden forest . 2
Cannogate for Aden forest . 1
South Charlton for Ryselay
Bridge .... 4
Whittle for way leave to Kd-
lingham .... 1
Shilbottle for Lightaker . 8
Shilbottle for Bondage wozke 8
Bock for the like .
South Charlton for the like .
Widow Hunter
The Town for lands late Mat-
thew AInwicke .
Eliza widow of Matt AInwicke
forMiUaker
8
62 1 i
Tenants at Will.
One Tean Bent
John Chrisp for Wideopen
(Whythopp) . £4
Bobert Hesfendge, Esq., for
over Shields . . .6
Thomas Marahall Heffer^
lawbancke . . .8
Mrs. Mary Salkeldfor West
Maines . ,6
Thomas Troolip for South
Charlton Mill . .8
Mrs Winefred Coates for her
fiumes .7
Thomas Forster, Esq., for
Neither Shields . 20
Henry Hanison, 1 fonne
and a halfe
William Stanton, a quarter
ofafiEmne ...
South Charlton for Chim-
side
Mr. Marke Forster and Wm.
Browne a forme .
Mr. William Browne for
Aledike ....
William Archbould,the Sto-
ken and water haugh •
Mr. Donkin for a dye house
Thomas Courtney for a full-
ingmill . • • •
6 8
8 4
16 8
8 18 4
8 6 8
7 10
10
10
18 10
6 8
72 13 4
The Court of Survey thus concludes :—
Total Burrow . JSll 10 84) ^.^ ., oi
Baylygate . . . 1 2 6 / ^^^ ^^ ^
Besides what must be collected as foUoweth not charged to the
erieye (total 15s. 7d). — Hobberlaw, Heniy and William Forstery
late Mr. Geoige Forster brother, and before Mr. Francis Alder
holding there one messuage called Hobberlaw or Bertwell by
Knight's service viz : one seventeenth part of one knight's fee by
suit of court of Alnewicke : as at the court of the Barony rather
than the court of the Burg, from three weeks to three weeks,
and rendering yearly 2dd. paid in the foreign Bayliffes account.
Memorandum— G^iat all AInwicke Freeholders in Bondgate fields,
ought rather to appear att the Town Cburt than the Gastle Court
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CHAPTER XVIII. ,
BAEONIAL COTJETS.
00T7BT BABOK ASD OOtTBT LSST— Btr&€f& OOITBT— OSFI0EB8 APPOIRTSD
AJn> OASES TRIED DT Jf'm'EJmTH GENTXTBY^BXOOBDB TS 8EVEN-
TBENTH OBNTUBY — 80OLD8 AND BLANDBBS — STATE OF THE TOWW
— THE PLAGUE — SAlTITABY MEASXmES — ADMISSIONS OF FBEE-
HOLDEBS — INQTTISITIONS INTO HEIRSHIPS AND BOX7KDABIB8 —
IQNDTES OF STTRVEY AKD OOTTRT — OPFtOERS APPOINTED IN SEVEN-
TEENTH CENTURY — • knights' OOTTBTS — TENANTS AND YILLS
B0X7ND TO APPEAR -^ADMISSIONS OF MILTTABY TENANTS — EN-
OBOAOHMENT ON OOMMONS — CASES TBIED — ^PATBIOK MAOXLEWYAN
— ^DHGAY OF THE BABONIAL OOTTBTS.
The baron of Alnwick was entitled to hold courts not
only for the barony as a whole^ but also for the several
burghs and manors of which it was composed. They were
conducted with legal formalities similar to those observed in
royal courts^ and when in their vigour they were important
and useful ; the baron was represented by his learned
steward who presided as judge; there was the jury, and
there were the clerk, bailiffs and Serjeants. The records
left of their proceedings tell us of the names of the men
acting in former times on the busy stage of life, and of the
owners of property ; they shew us somewhat of the state
of the town and district; what vices were prevalent,
what offences committed, what men quarrelled about, and
how their quarrels were ended ; they reflect faideed in some
degree the character of different periods. Already we have
gleaned information from them ; but now we give a mpre
particular account, and gather from them a few more illustra-
tions of the history of the town.
By permissionof Algernon, thelatedukeof Northumberland,
I had access to several rolls of these courts. Unfortunately none
of a very early date appears to have been preserved; the
earliest are of the reign of Edward IV.; there are fragments
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S36 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
of a few belonging to the reigns of Henry YII. and VIIL,
and of James I.; but there are few prior to 1650, and even after
that time, the rolls are far from being complete. None ha^e
I seen between 1741 and 1791 ; and those subsequent to
1791 present nothing of general interest.
The principal courts held were the Court Baron and Court
Leet. The former was incident to every manor, and was held
once in every three weeks ; pleas for debt, detinue and such
like, when the damages did not exceed 4Ss., were triedhere be-
fore a jury of freeholders ; but this court was lost whenever the
freeholders of the man<Hr were redtieed to less than two ; and
hence from the absorption of the smaller freeholds into the
great barony, eourts, which were formerly held in the Tills
around Alnwick, have disappeared. Law writers represent
this as the principal court of a barony, and attribute to it the
power of investigating disputed inheritances,, and of admitting
to freeholds; but the records of the Alnwick barony shew,
thai these powers belonged to the Court Leet,, which was not
only a court of greater antiquity, but of superior importance.
The Court L^ waaof Saxon oagi»y aftitsmmekidieates;
for leet is from lathian or geUUhian (Anglo-SaxoB.) \» assem-
ble ; and another name, which it bore, view of Frank pledge,
W9U8 plegii, denotes its character in Anglo-Saxon times, when
all freemen were required to bebng toa tithing;, and eaeh was
a pledge or surety foi another. Twice a year was this court
held — ^within one mcmth after Easter^ aad withia one month
after Michaelmas. To this court the tenants, that is the free-
holders of the manor, were bound to come to render suit and
service to the lord — inquisitions were made there into the
heirships of lands and tenjem^its, on whait tenure, rent and
service they were held^ and whafe was due to the lord— «tis^
putes as to boundaries w»e determined, and enetoaehBieiits
on commons tried — assaults, affirays, slanders^ breaehes of
the assize of bread and ale and of markets, nuisances, foUr
bursts and various other petty ofeices wore tried and punished
by amerciaments. The officers of the boroughs and manors
were appointed at this court. The jury made pieaentments
of. any matters within the jurisdicticm of the court, and passed
verdict on cases tried; but officers called efferoiere asscosod
the amerciaments, so that they might be reasoaablo adftd
proportbned to the offence.
Both Courts Baron and Courts Leet were held in thsburg^
of Alnmouth and Warkwovth ; and there are reeords of die
same kind of courts being held for the maner^of Leebury and
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BABOKIAL coxrsTs. 887
Beanley in 1519; of ix>nghougliton in 1519 and 1524; Ben-
nington in 1619, 1618, and 1667 ; of Denwick, Shilbottle,
Ellingham, South Charlton, Thriston, and Tugal in 1624,
and of Bilton in 1521. A court was also held for Denwick
and Bondgate.
The jurisdiction of the Alnwick Burgh Courts extended
only to that part of the town and parish which was within
the borough; it did not include Canongate, which was a
distinct manor under Alnwick Abbey, and had manorial courts
of its own ; it included Walkergate, but not Bailiffgate, which
as well Denwick, Ru^ley, Shieldykes and most of the land
in the parish, excepting Alnwick Moor, were beyond the
borough and within the jurisdiction of the Knights* Courts,
Prior to the reformation, more than twenty burgages within
the borough belonged to Alnwick Abbey, and seyeral of the
owners of these burgages are even now summoned to attend
the Canongate Manorial Court. Some cottages within the
borough were, in 1667, parcel of the manor of Preston; and
the owner of a house in Narrowgate, belonging to the manor
of Stamford, is at the present time summoned to appear at
the manorial court of the earl of Tankerville, probably
because it was part of the lands and tenements in Alnwick,
which in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were held by
the owners of Chillingham Castle.
The Knights' Courts were of the same character as the
Burgh Courts, and were held in Alnwick Castle ; their juris-
diction extended to all places within the barony, not having a
distinct manorial burgh court ; they took up disputes between
litigants of different manors; all the military tenants here rend-
ered suit and service, and hence their name, curia militaris,
A profit arose to the lord in former times from these courts ;
and hence there is reference to them in old inquisitions ; in
which the Knights' Courts are called Hall-motes from HaUe^
gemote (Anglo-Saxon) the hall-meeting. The perquisites
yearly of thehaU-mote of Alnwick in 1372 amounted to 6s. 8d.,
and of the Burgh Court to 6s.
Though different in their functions, the Courts Leet and
Courts Baron were not kept entirely apart ; the records of
both are generally given under the same heading, but the
records of debt and detinue appear usually in separate rolls.
The earliest records of the Burgh Courts simply designate
them as curia ox^ curia capitalis; or curia burgt, as-—
** Ahiewiok. Omia bnrgi tenta ibidem v die menBlB OctolniB, anno regni
BegJB EdwAidi iiij port Gonquestum /mglm xiiijo."
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S88 HISTORY OF ALNViriCK.
" Alnewyk. Cuxia Cai>ita]i8 tenta ibidem zio die Aprilis anno regni Regis
Edward! iiij post Conqueetum Angli» zx."
More elaborate headings appear afterwards ; as —
*' Bur^ de ) YiBos frand plegii cum Curia Baronia Henrici Oomitifl North-
Alnewick. / umbrisd tentus ibidem yiceeimo sexto Octobris Anno regis
nostri Jacobi &c., decimo sexto ooram Thomas Fother^y
generoBO Seneschallo ejusdam."
Similar to this are those of a later date, with the addition of the
titles of the baron set forth at length. Those of the Knights'
Court are also similar.
" Alnewic. Curia Militaris tenta ibidem prime die Octobris anno regni
Edwardi iiijto xiiijto."
" ALiewicke. Curia Capitalis tenta ibidem die Sabato yto mensis Octobris
anno Begni Ricardi iij prime."
" The Tiew of Franooue pledge with the Court Baron of the Right Honors
able Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, held for the aaid Barony and Castle
of Alnwick aforesayd, the 18th day of October in the Tear of our Lord one
thousand six hundred and fifty-three, before Matthias Hunter, gent, deputy
Steward of the said Court."
The Baronial Courts were as we have seen in their glory in
the fifteenth century. We shall first look into these early rolls.
At the Alnwick Burgh Court held on 11th of October, 1474,
the following were the jurors and officers : —
7t^w« — ^Bobert Alder, John Botman, John Sylynson, John Stsaton, John
derke, Thomas Creswell, William Naddall^ Bichard Makerell, Thomas Heli»
Thomas Paxson, William Yonge. William Smyth.
Oimstable$ of the i^M^— WOliam Patonson, Bobert Brandling, ItichAid
Eston. Keepers of the Oaueewaye—ThomBB Naddell, Bichaid Makerall,
Thomas Aroher^Bobert EUeeden. Taeters of AU-^ohn. Pattenson, Bobeit
Clarke, Qeorse Elande, Bobert Smyth. Overlookers of Bread—Thxmtaa Clerk.
Bichard Heli, and two others Overlookers of F^A— Michael Watson and
another.
In the courts held from 1416 to 1420 we find several cases
of deht and detinue, and not a few of aflfrays. As borderers
accustomed to fight, the Alnwick men would be ready, when
not mingling in the fray with their old enemies the Scots, to
quarrel with each other ; and these domestic brawls were not
confined to the humbler classes. Robert Brandling for making
an affray on William Patterson is amerced 20d.; John
Gerarde for an afiray on Robert Brandling, has to pay the
same sum; Roger Forster for his affiray against Kidiard
Forster is amerced Ss. 4d., but Richard Forster, who probably
had begun the fight, has to pay double that amount. Sevend
otheis for similar offences are fined from 12d. to 20d. The
priests seem to have caught the fighting mania; though
" Canon John Alnewick " denies that he made an affray on
Robert Pattonston, he appears in another case, for William
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BARONIAL COURTS. 839
Walb^ obtains an adjournment to answer Canon John Alne-
wick in a plea of debt.
John NoUet and Thomas Orpeth complained of Thomas
Crasewel detaining charters and evidences ; and these were
to be given up to the priest of Alnwick Castle. The abbot
of Alnewyke has to answer to the lord for enclosing a parcel
of the common near Heldwyke. John Alnewyk and George
Galun, chaplains of the chantry of the Blessed Mary of
Alnewyk, appear in a case of detinue. John Tumbull was
presented, because he did not make ^'le Heidiront juxta
Balyegat." William Waller places himself in the lord's mercy
for that he took in a Scotch woman contrary to the pain, his
pledge being Richard Eston.
Few are the records between this time and 1652, but one
or two for 1618 contain some curious matter. Assaults and
affrays were common ; but the following is peculiar — " John
Alnewicke was amerced 6s. 8d. for comeing to George Butler's
widowe at unbefetinge tymes in the night with a drawinge
swoord and dager in his band thretninge the same." A heavy
fine of 10s. 6d. is imposed on John Butler '^ for keppinge a
dunghill at his barkhouse dore hurtfull to all the hole town."
B. Bell was amerced 3s. 4d., ^* for recepting Idell persons."
^'Mathew Johnes for keaping of a tennant without bond
entering to the court for his behaviour contrary to our charge;
and his tennante for resetting other mens goods, we fine
Mathew Johnes vis. viijd."
Alnwick has during the present centurv enjoyed a bad
notoriety for producing persons who have taken a pleasure in
writing slanders against their neighbours ; but their language
might have been strengthened by a study of the rich vocabu-
lary of abuse during the 17th century. Take early examples:
— ^' John Johnston was fined 6s. 8d. for slandarin^e John
Mowe, and saying he was a bankerupt theif " — this was a
favourite phrase. " The wife of Robert Eswell was fined
3s. 4d. for slanderinge Jane Hearitt and sainge she was a com-
mon wiche." "William Tomer was fined 3s. 4d. for slander-
inge Walter Carree, sainge he was athouse a in taker and a
out putter" — '* John Watson for slanderinge Charles Watson,,
sainge he was athouse burde." In 1655 Alice Tweedy called
Robert Embleton " a cow thief," Robert has his revenge by
calling her husband John Tweedie " niffht theife and Racht
theife and pott Theife and a Theife from his cradle." In 1638
Mary Ridley said of Anne Hall, " shea was a beefe thefe,"
and Ann said Mary was " a Malte theife."
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840 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
The records are more numerous after 165S, and shew more
fully the character of these courts. The cases tried are very
varied ; besides pleas for debt and detinue^ there are many
cases of assault, firays, and affrays with blood, theft, trespass^
nocturnal trespass with cattle, night layers,fold bursts, rescues,
breaking pinfold, breaking tolbooth, breaking hedges, spoiling
quarries, removing boundary stones, cutting and taking away
wood, turves, heather, whins, burning the moor and whins,
overstinting the commons, putting sheep and horses on the
common where no right was, insufficient fences and causeways,
keepmg a known thief, refusing to aid in arresting a murderer,
disorderly houses, keeping a Frenchman, harbouring and
entertaining strangers without giving security, vagabonds,
defaming and ill-treating constables, swine going about un-
ringed, dunghills and nuisances, vending unlawful meat,
deficient and false weights, forestalling and regrating.
A few illustrations may prove interesting. There were
many presentments in 1654 ''for blood and frays in the
Castle and in Belleygate."
Edward Mather was amerced *' for being drunk on Sunday
and beatine^ his wife and cruelly womiding her." In 1657,
'' John Bidley, gent., presented Lancelot Strother, Tamier, Wil-
liam Simpson, Cordiner, and John Strother, Tanner, for aasault-
ing and afi&aying him in the Church Yard of Alnwioke.
The border propensity to fight still lingered in Alnwick,
and such cases are numerous during this century. Amercia-
ments for these offences ranged from 20d. to 3s. 4d. ; but when
blood was drawn the heavier penalty of 6s. 8d. was inflicted.
John Tate made an af&ay on the body of Bobert Anderson
and was amerced 20d. ; Grace Bone made an assault and drew
blood firom Margaret Jefferson and was amerced 6s. 8d. ; William
Scott made an assault on George Jefferson in the pubHo market
and was amerced ds. 4d. ; Isabella Smyth "vi et aimis" made
an assault on Elizabeth Linsey and drew blood from her body
and was amerced 5b.
Officials seem to have been held in no great respect ; women
took the lead in hostilities.
Deborah Stanton defamed and ill treated a constable and was
tonerced ds. 4d. ; Maria Fargie and Jane Adston also distin-
guished themselves in similar assaults. But Francis Anderson,
derk of the courts was very unpopular and suffered fhon evil
tongues and hands.
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BARONIAL COXJET0. S41
1729. " Oathbert Boswell in open Court abiifled Fnmcifl Andeiflon in ffive-
ing him diverse ill proYoakinflr unbecoming words in the fitce of the Juiy,
wmoh disturbing the Court did putt the Steward and Jury from their busineBS
and .did so uncoimtably raill against the ssdd Francis Anderson, Clerk of the
Court and BayUff at we Manner, insomuch Jhat every body was amazed att
itt ; he is therefore fined by the Steward 6s. 8d."
1782. *< Robert Yellowly was amerced 6s. for assaulting, ipushing, and
throwing downe IVancis Anderson upon a heap of stones for hindering him
to encroach upon his Ghrace's waste."
1781. "HSi Edward Ghdlon assaulting of Francia Anderson and for an
afflray upon him wee amerce him."
Women are now so civilized, so gentle, so polite, that a
scold is deemed a phenomenon; and hence ducking stools
and branks have been consigned to museums, as antiquarian
curiosities. Alnwick, however, in the middle of the seven-
teenth century had several scolds; and foul-mouthed indeed
some of them were. Margaret Pearson and Jane Scott
common scolds veith their neighbours were amerced 20d ; but
Jand^ the wife of Robert Boswell another " common scold,'*
more skilled possibly in the art of abuse suffered the higher
penalty of 5s. Two women of respectable social position
stood pre-eminent for their scolding powers ; Jane the wife
of Thomas Huntley, and Margaret the wife of 6ei]jamin
Barton, whose son Captain Barton left money to the poor,
Benjamin, himself, figures not unfrequently in these courts ;
and his vrife was a fitting mate. Greatly she defamed William
Fargie one of the market keepers, and she was amerced 3s. 4d. ;
and she maltreated Katherine the wife of John Fargie in
words very bad and opprobrious, and she suffers again the
penalty of 3s. 4d* Jane Huntley, however, was the heroine
of her class, who greatly ill-treated and maliciously defamed
Ann, the wife of Cuthbert Chessman in words unfit for ^' ears
E)lite." She made a raid on Frances, the wife of Ralph
eadnell, whom she ill-treated and beat in the public market;
for these mischievous fireaks she was amerced 16s. 8d.
Notwithstanding that many of the burgesses were quarrel-
some, ill-tongued and lawless, yet not a few of them were in*
dustriouB, accumulated property, and bought houses and lands
within their own parish. Yet the town was far from being
lovely; the houses were generally low and covered with thatch.
Regudless too, these burgesses were of sanitary laws. No Board
of Health then existed; but therewere two bodies who looked,
perhaps insufficiendy, after the state of the town and en-
deavoured to abate nuisances and carry out improvements.
The Four and Twenty were virtually the representatives of the
town ; and on them especially devolved the duty of paving
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S42 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
and cleansing certain parts of the town, and of providing
a sufficient supply of water. But the Court Leet had
power to compel the remoral of nuisances^ to resist encroach-
ments, and to punish by amerciaments transgressors ; and
therefore from the proceedings of the court we incidentally
gather information on the state of the town. Bad that con-
dition was; pigs unringed ran wild through the streets —
dunghills were on the public highways, and compost was
heaped up in the fore-street — ^butchers killed their sheep in
shambles in the Market-place, which was offensive with blood
and offal — dead horses sometimes lay in the street — ^the
current of water was stopped with garbage-— saw pits were in
the streets and in the Market-place^ and wood was also piled
up there.
Alnwick was perhaps not worse than other towns at this
period ; for sanitary laws were then but little studied throughout
the country. For tnis neglect however the community seriously
suffered from frequent visitations of plague^ which ruthlessly
swept away great numbers of the people. Tradition says
that about the middle of the seventeenth century, the plague
ravaged Alnwick so fatally, that the country people would
not visit it. Strong in those days was the belief in contagion ;
but for the purposes of trade, a market or fair was held in
Brankspeth's Howl, little more than a mile from Alnwick,
between the ridge of Reham and the higher ground on which
the west gate stands; the town's people standing on the
Beham ridge and the country people on the opposite hill,
while the goods for sale or barter were placed in the '*Howl"
between. We presume some persons wiser and bolder than
others, would arrange in the howl the terms of exchange and
sale. This plague, it is said, had previously visited Den wick
and carried off a greater part of the inhabitants, the victims
being buried in a field called the White Cross Howls near
to the village ; part of a stone cross still remains in this
field, which is believed to have been erected in memory of the
dead buried there. One reference there is in the Alnwick cor-
poration books to a plague visitation in 1637. A charge is made
in the accounts of that year of 2s. 6d. " for going to Sir John
Fenwick of Wallington (who was at that time *Our High
Constable') in the time of sickness." Collections were made
in neighbouring towns to alleviate the distress caused by the
visitation ; we find Is. charged for riding to Warkworth
'*for to know whether the money was ready for the sesse for
the reliefe of the poore of the towne;" and Shilbottle and
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BARONIAL COUBTS. 843
six Other parishes were visited for the same purpose at the
cost of Ss. 6d. Did not our forefathers, it may be asked,
endeayour to lessen these calamities ? Were they not by the
fearful mortality roused to a vigorous attack on the destroyer?
Some remedial measures were feebly and fitfully taken. One
record shows what was attempted, more than 200 years ago,
''for the avoyding of publique neusances, and for the further
and better creditt and repute of this Ancient Burrough."
The Mamior and \ At the Cort Leet and Cort Barron of the Bight
Burrou^h of > honble. Algemoon, Earle of Northumberland,
Alnwick. ) held for the said Mannor and Burrough of
Alnwidk aforesaid on Wednesday the Eigh-
teenth day of October, 1654, before Matthias
Hunter, Oent., deputy Steward for such Oort.
It is ordered that for the avoyding of publique nuisances and
in pursuance of severall acts and stattuts in that behafe made
and ]^rovided as also for the further and better creditt and repute
of this Ancient Burrough : Noe dung-hiU shall henceforth now
be or remayne upon the fore-£ront of any Burgage within this
Burrough for longer than the space of twentv-foure houres to-
gether whidi is to be at such tyme and not before when carts are
ready prepared for the caiTjing it forth of the Burrough and doe
accordmgiy cany it upon paine 398. lid. to be forthwith by the
direction and authori^ of this Cort to be leavyed of the goods
and chattels of the person or persons from l^me to tyme as they
shall be found faulty and offending against this present if any
such shall be : as also that all and eveiy person and persons as
well as Burgesses as others that have an^ House or Burgage
within this J3urrough shall punctually with the severall tymes
herein and hereafter limitted and expressed sufficiently pave
their several and respective fore-fironts, that is to say, from meir
severall and respective Burgages in full extent to the Oassey and
high street before the same as also soe much of that i^de of the
same street with stones and materiaUs necessary, and soe from
tyme to tyme keepe and preserve the same under the penalty
aforementioned as in such manner to be leavyed : that is to say,
Olayporte Strete betwixt end and end according to the ward as
also JB*6ncUe Street betwixt this and next 0^ Markett and
Bondgate betwixt this and Michaelmas Cort next, that is to say,
all the same warde save only that part of Bon^ate from the
Howse late Mr. Bichard Brandling towards Widdow Clarke's
Howse neare Bondgate Tour on the South part of the same street
whoe are to pave sufficiently and well six yards as a full breadth
with thdr respective Burgages and noe fturther in respect of the
great distance from the Cassey save only their proportionable
part of the said Oassey and that Narrowgate, Belligate, and
Walkergate shall in such manner as is before set downe for
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844 HISTOKY OF ALNWICK.
Glajport and Fenokle Street well and sufficiently pare theiie
Beveral fore-fronts betwixt this and the Cort to be held for the
Manner and Bnrronf h at Michaebnas lyde which shall be in the
year of our Lord Goa One Thousand Six Hundred Fifty Six.
Tbe following extracts from the court roUs, besides illus-
trating the condition of the town^ tell us how assessments
were made to pave highways^ how the gates of the entrance
towers were maintained^ not to keep out the Scots, but to
prevent trespass in the crofts whicn were unfenced, how
Infirmary Street was then a church path along the old wall,
the chamberlains being presented for converting it into a
highway*
1667. — ''EIizal)eth Taie erected a certain midden stead near the iotbI
way to the hurt of the people of the Lord the King and was amerced
8b. 4d.*'— Snch cases are numerous. 1664. — " William Archbould presents
Mr. Matthew Alnewicke for a nuisance by snffaring his dunghill to lie on the
highway leading to the Gtiinde Stone Gross which is a common nuisance we
amerce him 3s. 4d." In 1729 there were sixty-seven cases of dung-hills in
the streets and sixty-four nuisances by bad causeways presented to Vie court.
1726. — John Weatherbum was amerced 20d. "fbr making a great dunghill
at the Tower." 1680.— '< None of the inhabitants of Bayliffgate to lay any
more dung or compost on the Street." 1694. — "John Stanton presents
Bobert Okston for makeing a midden or dung-hill in Bayliffgate, as aJso for
burning Ck>aies for to dry xnalt in the public^e Street^ which makes a great
nuisance to the neighbours and annoyes the Common Causeway that lee^ to
Alnwick Church, we amerce Is. 8d., and the dunghill to be remored and kibi
on the Street to be discontinued on paine of 89s. lid." In 1668 seven were
amerced ds. 4d. each for suffering their pigs to go unringed ; but it was
ordered in 1695 " No swine in Bayliffgate nereafter to goe abroad in the
Streets on paine of Is. 8d." 1725.— "Gutts Sham Garbish and other dung
and compost Teamed and Emptied out of Cattle and Sheep at the Markctt
place." 1709.—" For Teaming and Emptviag Gutts and Bellys of Beasts to
be employed in the Market place" amerced 6d. 1726. — " Bobcnrt Hyndmarsh
presented for a nuisance by Teanung and Emptying Bark and other rubbish
in the Water Course or Bunner att &e foot of Hunters Orchard which annoys
the Stone WeU" and is amerced Ss. 4d. 1730.— « John Gibson, Tanner,
amerced 20d. for Emptying his lime pitts and throwing the fleshings of his
skins and hydes in a nanow passage in Hooling Sengh of the Dyke, and for
want of Cleansing and Scounng the Dirty Water Annoys the Duke of Som-
erset's fountain of fine sweet water, insomuch that the water is soe spoyled.
that his Grace's Servant att the Castle was obliged to fetch water dsewhere."
John Moor was also amerced 20d. for the like offence. Two years afterwards
the tanners are again presented. 1732. — " John Moor and John Gibson who
keep lyme pitts on the west syde of Hoolling Well, and for want of cleansing
out the water race, their lyme water overflows the said well and spovles afi
his Grace's water leading into the Castle in lead pypee, insoemuch, tnat the
water will stink like a house of Office ;" each was amerced Ss. 4d. and " to be
amended."
In the early part of the eighteenth century there was a
long war against a Baw-pit in the street. Feeble must haye
been the power of the court ; for seventeen years elapsed
before the war was ended.
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BAItONlAL COURTS. 845
1716. — "Bo^ Moffitt and Bobert Cowherd presented for digging and
making Baw-pitta in the High Street, which is dangeroiiB to passengers.
1722. — A saw-pitt near the GhammelU in the high street and tizaher lying
about. 1727. — Bobert Cowherd had a saw-pit at his door in the High
Street. 1733. — ^Bobert Cowherd presented for keeping a saw ptt in the
high street, the like was nerer known in any Market Town." The quaint
comment of the jnry perchance conquered Bobert Cowherd's obstinacy ; for
after this we hear no more of saw pitts in the Hi^h-way. 1681. — " Ordered
that Ihe owner of every Burgage or inhabiter of it shall paye from his Door
toT^urdfl the high causewayes, and paye the highway on eadi side from the
Copestone. THiere there is no high way, the owner to paye to the Kennell or
Gutter, (except for the Harkett -^ace) for repairing which and other Cawse-
ways belonging to waat Burgages or to poor owners, an assessment to be
made throughout the whole town and borough by the BayHff and four
and twenty according to the Book of Bates. 1730. — ^The Chamb^lainB
is presented for not keeping upa gate att Clayport Tower, and a Gate or Style at
Pottergate Tower. 1726.— The Chamberlames of the Town for this Yeare
presented for suffering a Grate att Clayporte Tower to lye down, whereby John
Btampe and Bobert Band suffers by haying their Come destroyed in the Croft
lands. " 1732. — ^The Chamberlains were again presented " for the Gate att
Clayport and Potter^te Towers, for want of which the Neighwoods trespaas on
Come and Meadow m Clayport north crofts. Beferred to the four^d twenty
and the Gates to be sett up. 1733.-— The present Chamberlains presented for
suffering the Towne's Gates att pottergate and Clayporte to be insufficient,
whereby the inhabitants' goods Trespass upon one anouier att the north Croft^
and for making a high road there m>m Pottergate Tower to Clayport Tower
where it was only a foot way to the Church. 1682. — We doe present John
Lisle of Bennington for arresting Francis Hopper from the Lord's Court
into the County Court for Debts and damages under 398. Ud., it being
only for the leape of a horse. We amerce him 6fl. 8d. 1677. — WilHam
Yelloley for sueiog out of the Lord's Court contrary to an ancient order and
custom in the manner and Borough. Amerced 38. 4d. 1766.— John
Fargie presented George Carr of Bilton and John Potts forservingeme twice
out of my Lord's Court* 1697. — The common pinfold, the gaol in Bond*
gate Tower ftc. is insufficient. 1709. — ^The Chamberlains to yiew two
oyens or Bakehouses erected in Burgages, said to be dangerous. 1712. —
Kot repairing the hedge lying between a close in the possession of Mr. H.
Bobeon, and a close in their possession called Hill pit dose. Amerced 4dL
1718. — Swine trespassing in C&stle Close. 1727. — Joshua Alder and others
amerced 6d. each, haying 3 pint measures wanting measure. 1688. — ^The
parish to repair the highway between Denwiok and Alnwick."
We shall now look at the relation of these courts to the
property of the borough. A roll was kept of all the tenants
or freeholders, and their names were called over at every
Court Leet, that suit and service might be rendered to the
lord; those who could not attend appeared by deputy and
paid their essoin, or excuse penny. At the court held in
1664 twenty burgage holders paid essoin. Jurors then were
bound to attend ; " 168S— We order whoever of the Jury
appear not on Monday morning being 21st instant, at the toll
of the bell, shall forfeit 6s. 8d. to the lord of the manor."
On the death of an owner of a burgage, his successor was
* County Courts were held in tlie Castle in 1648,, 1649.
2y
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346 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
obliged to come before a court and prove his heirship, perform
fideUty^ and pay a small fine before he was admitted to his
inheritance. W hen the property was sold or mortgaged a simi-
lar process was gone through. In the earliest rem of 1474
there are entries of such admissions^ and they are continued
down to 1702, after which they cease, probably because the
adoption of the system of lease and release rendered it un-
necessary to resort to the Court Leet. To shew the character
and style of these records I shall give a few examples.
1618. — *' Inquire after the death of G^eorge Botherforihe and his wyfe, that
they died poceessed of a house in Glayport Joninge on John Wattaon on
the east and John Heaiett on the west, and whether his son Robert be his
hare or no : we find this Bobert Both^orth oldest sonne and heiro to the
said G^rge Botherforth. 1649. — ^Ad hanc compertum est per homagium
ibidem quod per Indenturam Mortga^ Johannes Greene gerentem datum —
die— Aimo 164 — ? Bogerus Moffit seisitus est de et in partem burgagio in
Bond^t nuper possossione Johannis Qreene predict! — cum seUone terne
arabilis, g^foini, kc, eidem pertinentibus cum libero egressione et regressione."
At this oourt Matthew Beed was admitted to a burgage '*in Glayport extra
porta." The following admission is a translation from the original Latin.
1663. — ^ At this court it is found by the homage, that Anne Chator died
seized of one burgage, with a selion of land, situate lying and being in a
certain street there called Glapoth within the aforesaid borough, between the
buiga^^e of (George Watson on the west pait, renderixig yearly eight pence,
and that Charles Chator is son and heir of the aforesaid Anne ; and besides
ibis, in the same court, the aforesaid Charles oomes and petitions that he be
admitted Tenant The aforesaid Lord then grants to this Charles, by his
steward, seisin to hold of himself and his heirs tor ever, by the same custom of
the aforesaid Borough, to render all rents, services, and customs thence before
rendered and of right accustomed. And to give to the Lord by fine aa in the
margin ; and he xnakes fidelity and is then admitted a Tenant."
The following is an admission on the transfer of a burgage
by sale. —
1664. — ''Idem juxatoes predicti super eorom sacramentom dicunt. Quod
Boboius Clarke et WHlemms Beadndl qui de domino tenuerunt IJnum
Bursagium in vioo ibidem yo<»ito Karrowgate ezistentem ex ozientali pacta
ejusaem vici, abutantem super Burgagium WiUehni Lambe es parte boreali^
Locum -vooatom le Bowbouxne ex parte australi, terram vocatam liitcaUea*
land ez parte orientali, et Tiamregim ex parte oocidentali, per fidelitatem seotam
ourisB et Bedditum duodedm denarium per Indenturam suam fiictam dedenmt
yendiderunt et enfeoflGeiTerunt Burgagium predictum cum pertinentiiw predicto
Willelmo Lambe heredibus et assignatis."
The next examples of inquiry into disputed or doubtful
boundaries and heirship^ are interesting for their topography.
1655. ^ You are to inquire the bounders Hmitts and parcells of
The Court Leete ] that parke called the &it Callidge now on lease demised
and >from his Lordship to William Archbold, and as yet
BaiTon of Alnwick I unexpired and whether a parcell of ground called the
Castle. J Cold raw and what other parcells of ground are in-
croached from the same, by whom, how long, and lett the yeare yalew of the
grounds incroached if any be knowne to uie best of your knowledge, wee
refer this to Mr. Potter.
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BABONIAL COURTS. 847
In 1688 there was an inquiry as to the right of pasturage
on the Island of Lowthers Haugh and Greys IJaugh, arising
out of changes made by the run of the river Aln. The jury
say —
" We finde by the oathee of Bol>ert Glover aged 65 or ihereal>oiit8, Charles
ftpence about fonrsoore, John Alnwicke aged sixty six or thereabouts,
lutthew Alnwick aged Fifty Eight or thereabouts, that this Island is part
and paroeU of Greyoe haugn, and not belonging to Lowtiiers; and that
WiUuun Stanton hath of late claimed tbe same to oelong to Lowthera haugb
which is an incroachment upon the Lord of the Barony." Francis Alder of
Hobberlaw was foreman of inis jury.
1676. — << You shall inquire who was next heire to Bichard Woodbouse and
wbe^ lands and tenements he died seized o^ and whether John Salkeld gentle-
man, Matttiew Alnwicke gentleman, James Huntley, John Falder, and &omas
Btrother and Maiy his wife did not purchase or otherwise possease the same ;
and what parts and parceUs every or either of them purchased and the names
of the closes and parcells with tiheir buttings and bonds, and what rent and
services are or ought to be paid to the Lady of the Manner. Given under my
hand this 26th April 1676.
• J. Blakestone, Steward."
« We find the severaU parties above named doe posseese the lands that was
the said Bichard Woodhouses, and that John Woodhouse was tnx>Uier and
next heire to Bichard under whom that the severall parties abovesaid hath
purchased tiie same, that is to say John Si^eld for two closes in Bondgate
fields, betwixt Nath. Salkeld on the North and John Forster on the East and
South and Mathew Alnwicke on the West ; Matthew Alnwicke enjoys the
Butts called Knights forlongs, lying in the Gaisley peece and Sparty dose,
William Archbola one close called WiUey close and the Groft lands, Jane
Huntley a dose called Bavenslaw, John Falders heires two closes called
the Hawes, and in the possession of Edward Strother and Mary his wife a
piaoell of groxvad in the krwe Aledike grounds."
A book was kept to record inquisitions and admissions from
April 27th, 168S, to Oct. 19.th, 1702, called "minutes of
survey and court,'* in which, during that period, about 870
admissions are recorded. This Book of Survey was made
in consequence of the following order —
1688. — ** You are to inquire on the parte and behalfe of His Grace Charles
Percy Duke of Somersett and Eli2sal)eth his wife &c., Lord of the Manor and
Burrough after the death of all such Tenants as died since the last court and
before the next court who hath noti)aid their — P and sworn fidelity, and
what lands and tenements they are seized of and who is the next heir to
every particular Burgage ; and you are to inquire who hath alienated any of
their lands and tenements in any Burgage and to whom, and what rents are
or ought to be paid to the Lord.'
The following are a few Extracts from these minutes: — 1696. — '< Ad banc
curiam comper^mti est per homagium quod Charles Greenwell et Anna uxor
ejus sesiti fuenint de et in tribus Burgagiis sive tenementiis cum pertinentiis
in Paikes hole, et quod predicti Carolus Greenwell et Anna uxor ejus per
Indentuxam suam ftoffinent' spedficat' Bar^anizavit et oonfirmayit Burgagia
pnedicta cum pertinentiis cuidam Johanni Burrell et asHignifl suis imper-
petuum, Et super hoc — P redditus iis. viiid."
« At this court it is found by homage that John Swinhoe died seized of the
Burgage called Mutehall situated in Baylvg^, the annual rent being 7d.,
and that John Swinhoe is his son and next heir. Bobert Pearett did homage
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848 filSTOBT OF ALNWICK.
for a Bumige with a paml of land called SaEBbenrjr land— rent 6d. yeaiiy.
Thomas Younger died seized of a Burgage in Batton Baw—- rent 4d. Jamea
Earl of DerwentvEater died seized of five tenements — Ss. 2d. Another son of
Thomas Dalavall did homage for 6 hurgagee in BaThrgate— rent 12d. 1708.
—Matthew Alnwick of Stoney Hills. 1710.— Na&uual Salkeld died seised
of Bondgate HalL 1710.— Edward Gallon died seised of 12 burgages and
one olose in Glayport Bank."
1714. — *^ee present Qoorge Hardy, Arthur Gkdr, Bobert Hyndmarsh.
Qeor;^ Vardy and John Watoon for not appearing at this oourt to take and
putt in their tnouiryes for heires and alienation according to ancient custome
for their seyerau Burgages to know what Bents dutyes services are or ought
to be paid to the Lord of the Manor being lawfully summoned refosed to oome»
wee amerce them as on their heads 6s." The time, however, had gone by
when such fines could be enforoed.
On the admission of a Freeholder he took the following Oath: — '* Tou shall
swear by the contents of this Book, that you will be true and foithfiil to the
Lord of the Manner and i^m henceforth bear do and pay to your said Lord
and to his heires att certain tennes all such Bents customs and services as
you ought to nay and doe for all such Lands Tenements as daim to hold
of him. So help you Gk>d."
At the Court Leet the officers of the borough were sworn
into office. One list we have given for 1474; but officers
with other functions were appointed in subsequent periods ;
in 1618 there were two constables for Narrowgate^ two for
Bondffate^ two for the Market-place^ two for Clayport^ and
two JOT Walkergate ; there were four prassors^ four land
layuers, five bread weayers and meat lokers, four moorgrieves
and two keepers of Hesleyside and the bog ; in 1696^ and
in other years the chamberlains were the land-Uners ; in 1664
there were four Curatores Foreste de Eaden, another name
for moorgrieves ; and in 1739 we find two market lookers for
the skinners and glovers. The first notice of the appointment
of chamberlains is on 23rd October^ 1667^ and in the. following
year there is an appointment of three herds.
At the Knights' Court constables were appointed for other
wards in the parish, not within the borough boundary ; one
for Cawledge Parke, two for Bailiffgate, two for Denwick,
one for Hull Parke, one for Bugley, and two for Bondgate.
*' Come appraisers for the Towne fields of Alnwick " were
appointed m 1694, and ** common appraisers of Bondgate
fields" in 1687.
One list of jurors for 1474 is printed in page 338, two others
are here added for 1612 and 1664 ; the latter is interesting as
it gives the occupations of the jurors, among whom are five
glovers, a trade now extinct in Alnwick. At these early periods
most of the jurors, if not all of them, were members of the
Four and Twenty.
'* Burgh Jury 1612. — John Skott, John Butler, John Skotte Alius Johannis,
William OaUon> George Alder, William Hunter, William Watson^ James
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BARONIAL C0TTBT8» S49
Gieetiy Kicholas FonUr, '^^Ifiaoi Beaylie, John Grave, BJohttd Wataon,
William Watflon of Qayport BiirghJiiry 1664.---JolmSoottffe&tien^
bert OhoMnmn Shoemaker, Thomas Fonter Merohant, John Falder Merohant,
Edwazd GkUkm Merchant, John Hairuon Qlover, Alexander Soott Glover,
John Yaxdy Merchant, Franda Hearett Glover, Nioholaa Woodhonae Tanner,
John Taylor Glover, Bobert Pearett Tanner, Boger Mofbtt Tanner."
The Knights^ Courts were held in Alnwick Castle and
consisted of a'Court Baron and a Court Leet» whose functions
were similar to those of the Burgh Courts^ but with jurisdic-
tion over the members of the barony of Alnwick. To these
Courts the military and other free tenants were summoned
to appear, and render suit and service. The following
roll of 1664 is important, as a chronicle of the land owners
in the barony at this time.
** Free UnanU of the manor. Lord Gray for lands in Hawkell ; Bioh. lisle.
Set, Hasand ;* Heirs of Matthew Forster, Newton le Moor ; Heirs of Thomas
earon, Newton le Moor ; George lisle, Newton le Moor ; Thomas Horsley,
knight, Monicke; William Lord Gray, Morricke and East Chevington;
Jolm Boddam, Esq., Littlehonghton ; Heirs of Edward Gray, Howicke ; John
Salkold, Bocke ; Chiftrles Howud, kzught. North Charlton ; Heirs of Matthe#
Forster, kniffht, Eddeieton ; Balph Salkeld, Fawdon (Fallowden) ; Francis
Brandlmg, Hoppen ; Heirs of Nicholas Forster, Doxford ; (Heirs of Edw.
Ccnyers, ^ent., Lacker) ; Heirs of Thomas Thompson, Wooden ; John Bod-
dam, Benninffton ; Thomas Gh«y , Brozfield ; Samuel Weddale, Bwinhoe ; Heirs
of Arthur Gwey, knight, Spindleston ; Bichard Forster, Budle ; Cuthbert
Younghnsband, Budle; Thomas Yonnghusband, Budle; Heirs of Beynold
Forstw, Brunton ; Heirs of George Lawaon, Newton on the Sea ; (Hemry
Pearson, Mr. Wm. Wetwang, Edward Lawson, Wm. Lawson, Newton by the
Sea) ; Ueixs of Alexander Soott, Yardl^r; (Alex. Scott, gait., Mr. Thomas
Hebbome, Balph Hebbora^ Earl) ; William Lord Gray, Uorton ; Heirs of
Lancelot Strother, Fowberry ; Heirs of Stephen Jackson, Hesleri^ ; Heirs of
Clement Strother, Gald-Martin ; Heirs of Jolm Carr, Hetton ; Heirs of Thomas
Horsley, Screnwood ; WilUam Lord Gray, Chillin^ham ; Heirs of Arthur
Hebbron, Hebbron ; Balph Muscampe, Ly ham ; Wilham Lord Gray, EUwicke
Horton Turbevill ; Wm. Grey, Eworth, Doddington, Nesbit ; Mr. Wm. Orde,
ffent, Weetwood; Bichd. Forster, Newham; Heirs of Thomas CoUingwood,
Keavley ; Alexander Ck>llingwood, Balph Dawson, John Hearon, Bobert Alder,
Alnehun; Qeonre Alder, Pt^mdicke; Thomas Swinhoe, Whittall; Bobert
Widderington, Guyson ; Heirs of Baniell Gkdlon, Thomas Pallister, John
Gkurrett, Shilbottle ; Heirsof Fands Brandling, knight, Gu^n and Broxfield."
For lands in Baili£^te we have the following: — *< Heirs of Arthur Gray,
Phillis Strother, Christopher Spence, Bobert Craister, John Harwood, Heirs
of WilL Thompson, John Clarke, Thomas Lindsey, tfohn Clarke, Margarett
Clarke, Thomas Bead, John Farne, William Harbottle, Boger Pearith, John
Fuff^e, Francis Clarke, Heirs of Alexander Armorer, Heirs of Thomas Orde,
Wilbam Swinhoe, Edward Lawson, John Swinhoe, Christopher Harbottle ;
for lands in upper Sheeldykes, Thomas Forster, Esqr."
« Tenants ofAmeene and CaUedge in Al»euneke,—Jo\m Salkeld, Esq., Nicholas
Forster, Henry Strother, Luke Wetheritt, William Gromwell, Thomas
Weatherboume, William Archbold, Henry Facye, Martin Milbome."
'* Tenants hy lease in B<mdgat4,---Zo\m Scott, Nicholas Hudson, Thomas
Swann, Edward Strother, Nicholas Forster."
* '* For lands io '* must be understood before the name of each place.
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850 HISTOBY OF ALKWICK.
** Tmumtt hy Um$ in J)mipiek,^ThaaiM Stdpehetd^ William Hazper, Bow-
land Bobinacm, WilUam Bobinson, Biohaxd Beed, Qement Fontor, Thomas
Arkle, Edwazd Shipeherd, Bichard Beed, Theopolns Thaw, Q^orge Thomaon."
Bendea these th^ wore five tenants in Tuggal, two in Lyham, eight in
AiniiAin^ thirteen in South Charlton, and eleven in Bemiington.
In addition we find» from the records of 1456^ that the fol-
lowing vills or townships were bound to appear; viz. —
Alneham, Scranwood, Cnatton, Lyham^ Hopen, Folbery,
Horton,Dodyngton, Ewurth, Prendwyke,Budle, Spindleston,
Tugall^ Swmhow^ Bilton, Houghton Magna, Houghton
Parva, Charlton, Hasand, Gysyne, Schilbotell, Hawkley,
Renyngton, Roke, Lessbury, Ruglee, Newham, Lucre,
Edderston, Howyke, Morwyke, Chevyngton, Chilyngham,
Brunton, North Charlton. Tugall, Newham, Chilyngham
were amerced 6d. for default, and Houghton Magna and
Chevyington paid an essoin. Fines for neglect of appearance
ranged generally from Is. 8d. to 6s. 8d.
Some extracts from the rolls of these courts will shew the
mode by which military tenants were admitted to their
estates; others tell where the ancient common lands of
the people were, and the care used to prevent encroachments
on them ; some will illustrate the topography of the district
and others the manners of the inhabitants. The first extract
is a translation of the original.
1475, April 7.—" The vary say that Bobert Folbery gentleman held of the
Lord of tne Manor, Folbery with appurtenances, and also one vill called
Galdmaiton, one parcel of land in Chatton, one bnrgiEune in Alnewick with two
husbandlands in Bok in the Goun^ of Northnmberjand ; and they bblj that
he held on military service, on the day he died, about the feast of St. Michael
the Archangel in the 13th. year of the reign of Edward lY. King, and they
say, that William Folbery is his next heir and of full age, and appears in the
court, seeks to be admitted and then makes fidelity, his pledge bemg Thomas
Gray of Horton. 1667, April 24. — Ad hanc curiam compertnm est per Homa-
gium, quod Johannes Boddam obiit seiaitus de tenis et Tenementiis cum perti-
nentiis in Little Houghton infra Baxonia predicta de domino, per servitium
militare et annualem redditum Trodecem Solidorum, et undecim denariorum;
£t quod Johannes Boddam est filius et heree prefeiti Johumis defuncti ; Et super
hoc venit pre&tus Johannes Boddam et petit se admitti inde Tenentem, cuidam
Johaimi Dominus predictus per Senechallum suum predictum concessit inde
seisinam Habendum predicto Johanni et heredis suis reddendum omnes
redditus servitia inde prius reddita et de jure consueta ; et fecit fidelitatem et
satisfecit Domino pro Belevio Tresdecem Solidos et undecim denarios. Et
admissus est inde Tenens. 1 667. — John Gray heir of Edward Gray of Howick
paid 408. 8d. for relief of all his lands and tenements in Howick. 1682. — ^Wee
find that Bobert Lisle of Hazon gentleman died seized of lands and tenements
in Hazon aforesaid, and that &e said Bobert Lisle by his will devised the
same to Bobert Lisle his nephew who is sonn of Bichard Lisle of Hazon afore-
said, paying lis. per annum rent to the Lord, suit of court, and ought to
appear at this courte this day to swear fealty and pay the Lords relief, who
this daymade default in his appearance, we therefore amerce him Is. Bd."
1587.— William Nicholson of Howick, tenant of Mr. Edward Craster, and
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BARONIAL COURTS. 351
othen, made sabmifldon for taking 'certeynfyrdelLBupon the aea coast withia
the bounders of Howyk/ They confessed the trespass and restored the fir deals,
and their sabmission was accepted. In 1596.— The tenants of Brozefeld which
is a hamblett of Benyngton had common of pastors on the common of
Benyngton. 1604. — ^The common of Liadker was oyeroharged, and the fiwliitig
of the ^ame occupied without leave and the woods destroyed. About the
same period presentments were made of Bidph Gray Chillingham and Matthew
Forster Edeistone for putting cattell on Lucker Ck>mmon ; Thomas Ckilling-
wood of Ryle for castmg tiures on Beanley Common ; Mr. Hazelrigge of
Swarland for enclosing land from Shilbottle and Shieldyke Common ; Balph
Gray Chillingham for enclosing from Chatton Common; Edward Qrey
Howicke puttmg on Hoxighton and Bennington Commons. Alnewyk and
Warkworth, about 1600 A.P. — ^Incroachments and abuses there done hurtful to
to his Lords inheritance. Edward Cair hath encroached a parcdl of groimd
appertaining to Houghton and converted it into a Tenement called bowmer
xigffe. Bobert Boddun hath encroached a paroell of ground nigh Cuppermore
and Shawkwe Strother; and also in Benyngton. The Tenants of Broxfield
have encroached on Benyngton. Sir John Forster hath encroached 80
acres of land at Bloddre nigh Hefferlawe ; and ground called Marden Banks,
and taken the growing ha^ belonging to Lesbury. The Tenants of Wowden
and Buston do pretend title to a parcell of land on the common of Bilton
wrongfcdly. The Tenants of Newton on Moor do wrongfully pretend title
to his Lordships soyle in Shilbottle Moor at a place called Hampeth. Wark-
worth oomplams of Berling, Acklington of Chevington; The Tenants of
Tuggal take turves by violence from Tuggall Moor; the Tenants of Swyn-
howe refuse to appear at Tuggal Court and do hold their suit at EUingham ;
the Tenants of Bruneton wrongfully cast Turves upon Tuggall Moor. Mr.
Bwinbome of Edlingham portends me title to a parcell of the common of
Sheldykes and hath casten turves upon the same ; he hath (as it is suppqted)
caused his tenants to remove four perches (?) from the Black loughe, which|Wa8
the bounder between Edlingham and Sheldykes. North Charlton used wrong-
frdly part of South Charlton Common ; the tenants of Bichbum and Bock
have done the like in several places ; Ihe tenants of Chatton complain of Sir
Balph Gray for taking land of Chatton without right. 1638. — Nicholas
Forster for a night layre with his horse on new milne haugh amerced 2s. 4d.
Martin Stamp for converting a stray hefer goate to his own use, 4s. Thomas
Pott blood and fruy npon Bobert Adston and a fray upon his wife 6s. 8d.
John Wilkinson of Overbuston for two fold burstes 6s. 8d. Balph Forster
for stoping the highway with his dunghill and polluting the pott water 12d. ;
for overstmting me Conunon of Warenford 12<
overstmting the Common of Warenford 12d. ; and for burning the Moor
under the Baw heugh and casting his turfos there 20d. Lesbury, John Mills
for a slander he maid of Anne Meleken and said thou stole gease 6s. 8d.
Fjrudhoe, Arthur HazxyBon for keeping and maintaynin^ his daughter being a
known tliief 6s. 8d. C&iatton, Balph Hebbome for robbmg of Lyonell Tyne-
dales wheat being a thafe amerced for his foult 3s. 4d.. and his wife being a
Scold 8s. 4d. Tmemouth, Matthew Browne for a troublesome and noysome
neighbour 6d. ; Thomas Forster for boyling Oil in his house to the annoyance
of his neighbour 6s. 8d. ; Bobert Allysone for blowings; of mutton to the sight
of the constables 12d. ; Bichard Tayler for burning bme within the Sheales*
12d. 1688.— Tughi^ amerced for not having a common pound Is. 8d., not
having a constable Is. 8d. ; not having a paire of Stocks Is. 8d. 1638. —
Lesbury, Patrick Macklewvan, Clerk, for 6 severall pound briohes and taking
his gease out of the pinfold 6s. 8d. ; of the same for overstinting the Common
wher he hath no Eatage 12d. ; of the same for a pound bxich maid by his
servant Ales Huggin 20d. ; of the same for a pound brich maid by the said
servant and taking his maire out of the pinfold 3s. 4d. ; the same for a night
* Now the important and popolons town of Shields*
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S5S HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
layer with his maire in the west field. 1664.— Patrick MacUew^ in
an action of the case on complaint by Bichard Wyddons Thomas Wyddons
WiUiam Stampe and John Alnwiol^ tamed into a presentment. 1656. —
WiUiam Bronn.oom^ains against Patiick Madewyan Clerk who was amerced
8s. 2d. ; 1657. — ^Mr. JPatrick Mackleywyan* oompUynes of Lionell Tayte who
is amerced 20d.y and of Michael Gardner who is acquitted."
The occupation of these courts is now gone ; 3ret they are
still held twice a year ahout Easter and -Michaelmas. The
fees for process allowed hy law and custom^ taken and ac*
counted for hy the hailif& are — ^for every summons Is. 5d.^
replevin in warrant and bond 5s., execution 6d,, sub-pcena
and copy 6d., levy and schedules 3s., man in possession per
day of twenty-four hours 2s. 6d. A learned steward, usually
a barrister, presides, a clerk records the minutes, a jury is
empanelled, and several corporate officers with few or no
duties to perform are sworn in. Sometimes a case of debt or
detinue has been tried, but rarely in recent years ; county
courts, petty sessions, and boards of health have taken from
the baronial courts all their practical functions. They are
but shadowy forms — ghosts of other times. One purpose
they serve; they enable the lord of the Manor, as represented
by his steward, to entertain with dinners, at an inn, somQ
thirty or forty of the people of Alnwick and of the Strict,
who are more or less connected with Alnwick Castle.
« He was Ticsr of Lesbory. Fuller has made him famoos, under the name
of Michael Vivan ; for he tells us that when 110 years old his hair came again
as a child's of flaxen colour ; that he had three teeUi cut within two years, which
wers not then come to perfection ; that his eyesight had come again, and he
could read the smallest print without spectacles ; that he preached and prayed
an hour and a half without any notes. He seems to have been a quarrelsome
man, fbr he often appears in the Archdeacon's as well as in the Baronial Courts.
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CHAPTER XIX.
THE SMETHSONS— EABLS AND DUKES OF NOETHUM-
BEELAND FEOM 1750 TO 1866.
DZSTBIBTTTIQN OF THB 801CBSSBT ESTATES — ^DSSOXNT OF SIB HTTOH
SKITH80K— OBA2IT OF ABMS — HABBIED TO ELIZABETH THB
PEBOY HEIBESS — BENOYATES AJJSTWlCfK OASTLE — FENNAETT'S
BESOBIPTIOXr OF IT — ^DCPBOYEMENTS ABOXTin) ALNWICK — ^WAL-
FOLB'S 0BITIQT7E — BOUT BHYICES BY THB DUCHESS — HUGH
BECOin) DUXE OF NOBTHUMBEBLANB — SEBYIOB IK AMEBIOA—
FAMILY OF BUBBELL — THE PEBCY TENAITTBY AND COLUMN-
HOSPITALITY — HUGH, THIBD DUKE — BEJOICINOS WHEN MABBIED
— HIS POLICY — ALOBBNON, FOUBTH DUES — SEBVICB IN THB
NAVY — FOBSiaN TBAYELS — IMFBOYBMENTS — BE9T0BATI0N OF
ALNWIGK OASTLE — OBABAOTEB— -OEOEGE FIITH DUXB.
The death of Algernon, duke of Somerset, without male
issue caused a distribution of his titles and estates, in ac-
cordance with their respective limitations. The dukedom of
Somerset passed to Sir Edward Seymour, a lineal descendant
of the Protector Somerset by his first wife. Sir Charles
Wyndham succeeded to the earldom of Egremont and barony
of Cockermouth. The earldom of Northumberland and
barony of Warkworth, which were created in 1749, descended
by special limitation to Sir Hugh Smithson, husband of the
duke's daughter; and the only title which descended to
herself, seems to have been a new barony in fee created by a
summons to her father as Baron Percy in 1722, although he
had beeti placed in the house of peers, in the precedency of
the ancient barony of the 27th of Edw. I. All the ancient
baronies of the Percys in fee had been extinguished in 1537 ;
if this had not been so, they would have been forfeited in
1559. Had there been no forfeitures, they would have been
in abevance among the various descendants of the daughters
of Earl Thomas, the rebel of the north ; for they are elder in
blood than the possessors of the fee of 'Alnwick, who, since
2z
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S54 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
that earPs fatal rising, are not heirs at law of the Baron Percy
of Edward I. Some of these possessors have indeed inherited
a new set of haronies of Percy, Poynings, Lucy, Bryan, and
Fitz-Payne, created in 1557 in tail male; hut those dignities
hecame extinct in 1670. The title of Latimer, frequently
assumed by the later Percys, had reference to merely one of
the baronies to which they became coheirs by marriage, and
it remains still in abeyance among the descendants of John
Neville generally. The prestige, however, of time honoured
names of dignities and families, and the rental of their lands,
are more influential than the technical laws of the peerage or
priority of blood. By act of parliament, passed in the year of
the duke of Somerset's death, Hugh Earl of Northumber-
land and Elizabeth his wife were authorised to take and use
the name of Percy and to bear and quarter the arms <^ that
ancient family.
The accession of this new dynasty to the barony forms an
important era in the history of the town of Alnwick ; and as
in the case of other lords we ask — ^who were they and whence
did they come ?
This family rising to a lofty position, it became the duty of
genealogists to find or make for them a long line of ancestry.
Collins in an early edition of his peerage gives the descent from
" a very ancient family surnamed Smytheton and Smithton,"
the first of whom, Melgrum, held the manor of Smethton in the
time of William the Conqueror. Though the transmutation
of a Smithson into a Smethton shews all the genius of an
early heraldist, yet the descent is imaginative and mythical.
Less pretentious is another account, which represents, that
William Smithson, in the reign of Richard II., possessed
Newsome and other lands in Yorkshire, and that his de-
scendants resided at Newsome till the time of Queen Elizabeth,
when Anthonv Smythson of Newsome married Eleanor
the heiress o^ Greorge Catherick of Stanwick, esquire.
Another version, however, says he married the grand-daughter
of George Catherick. But both these accounts are somewhat
doubtful; for of this line of squires and gentlemen, no
record is given in Tonge's visitation or in other heraldic
roUs. Neither is it noticed by Whitaker, who was assisted
in genealogy by Radclyfie; nor is it countenanced by the
grant of arms to Sir Hugh Smithson at a subsequent period.
These suppositious descents are discreetly eliminated out of
that edition of Collins, which incorporates the elaborate
history of the Percy feimily, said to have been written by
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T^S 8M1THS0KS. S55
Bisbop Percy. There 18 evidence, however, that the Smithsons
Mrere inhabitants of Newsome in some status or other. In the
19th of Henry VI., John de Percy, of Kyledale, was witness
to grant of lands in Tefford and Newsome to John Smythson.
Neither esquire nor gentleman is attached to his name.
But we find that William Smythson of Newsom, in the
parish of Kyrkeby on the hill, yeoman, was the grantee of lands
m Scole Acle [nodie Shool Aycliffe, near Darlington] from
Arthur Neville in 156S. He had purchased other lands
there in 1554, and- in 1587 he, by charter, gave all these
lands to his son Greorge Smythson, who in 1606 conveyed
them to Francis Forster. We afterwards find at Newsham,
Anthony the ancestor of the future dukes of Northumberland,
who had two sons at least, both of whom went to London
to carve out their own fortunes; one, Bernard Smithson,
was an apothecary there, and the other, Hugh, entered into
trade* Hugh achieved success as a merchant, and was " fined
for Alderman and Sheriff of the city.'' He acquired, perhaps
by purchase, the estate of Stanwick in Yorkshire, the ancient
inheritance of^the Cathericks. While Henry Percy, the earl
of Northumberland, was engaged on the side of the people
during the civil war, Hugh Smithson paid court to the mon-
arch, who sought to be absolute ; and when the tide turned
in favour of royalty, he was rewarded ; for Charles II. in
1663 conferred on him the title and dignity of knight and
baronet, and made a grant of arms to himself, to his brother
Bemai^, and their posterity ; ^^ because he during the late
tymes of distraction hath been always ready to express his
loyalty to his Majesties interest." The following is a copy of
this grant.
" To all and singiiler Tnto whome ihese pmaents sha]! come Sr Ed^warf
Walker Kt Qaxtc principaU King of Amies of Englishmen sendeth greeting
wheras it hath bin an antient Custome & to this Day continued, that aU
Estate and degrees of men have bene and are. distinguished each from other
by Markes or Signes called Armes being outward demonstrations of the
inward worth of t£e bearers Atchieved eithor by their valour in the field in
tymes of Wair, or by their uertuous indeauours in the Comonwealths in times
of Peace. In wch. respect whereas Sr Hugh Smithson of Stannike at Stan-
wike in the county of Yorke K^ & Baronett sonne of Anthony Smithson of
Kewsam in the County York gent haueing bin former]^ a Mardiant in the
Citty of London & hath fined for Alderman and Sheriff of the said Citty &
dureing the late tymes of distraction hath bin always reddy to express his
Loyallty to his Maties intrest for wch npon his Mattes restitutution his Matis
was ^[Tatiously pleased as proper TestimoniM of his fauour to confer upon him
the title & digfnity of Kt A Baronet wherby he may justly deserue to have
such Armes assigned unto him as be may lawfully beare, for the honour of
himselfe & his posterity Know ye therefore that I the said S^ Edward Walker
£t Garter principaU long of Armes by the power and authority annexed
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S56 HISTORY OP ALUMTICK.
vnto my office by the Statatei of the Host Noble Osder of the Gtfter k oofi"
firmed vnto me by Letten Patents Tnder tiie great seale of England, doe
hereby give grant & aengne vnto him the aaid Sr Hughe Smi^ison Kt &
Baronet, and to Bernard Smitheon of London Apothecary brother of the Mid
8r Hugh SmithBon and to the heiree and deeoenoante of their bodies for euer.
the ooate of Armee & Greet herafter mentioned vizt : Or on a chiefe Imbattelea
Acure 8 sunns proper, and for his crest iHPon a hehnt p*i>er Mantled Chiles
doubled Argent» out of a Ducall Crowne Or a demy Lion rampant gardant
Siles holding a sunn proper as in the marsent hereof more liuely is depicted
e -which Armes & Greast they the said Br Hugh Smithson Kt & Baronett
ft Bernard Smithson and the heirs & descendants of their bodyes lawfully
begotten for erer beating their due and proper diifecvnoes May and shall
lawfully at all tymes and upon all occasions Tse beer and sett forth in shield
Coat Armour Penon Standiod 8eale or otherwise according to the Law and
practise of Armes without the let Interruption dispute or Contradiction of any
person whatsoeuer In witness whereof I haue hereunto subsczibed my name
and affixed y« scale of my office y« rxth day of Koyember in y« 18th yeare of
the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles y« 2nd by y« Orace of God King
of England Scotland franco ft Ireland Defender of theTaith A'qe Dni 1668.
Edwazd Walker Garter."
Collins and the writers of peerages who copy him misrepre*
sent this grant of arms as an augmentation; but in it there is no
reference either to the Catherick arms or to any arms belonging
to Smithson ; it is a grant de novo not only to himself but
also to his brother the apothecary^ who thus through him
became dignified as an armiger; an honourable origin is this
from the productive class — from yeoman, farmer, and mer-
chant— nobler than from military adventurers.
Sir Hugh Smithson died, according to Collins, on 20th of
October, 1670, aged 72 years. From him in succession de-
scended Sir Jerome Smithson, Bart. ; and Sir Hugh Smyth-
son, Bart., who died in 1729, aged 72 years, and who.had
two sons, Hugh the elder, and I^ngdale, both of whom died
in their father's lifetime. Hugh was never married ; but from
Langdale sprung Hugh Smithson, who married the Percy
heiress.
Somewhat of romance there was in the elevation of Hugh
Smithson to the Percy peerage. Being the son of the younger
branch of the family, he, like the founder of it, went to
London to push his fortunes, and carried on the honourable
occupation of an apothecary in Hatton Gardens.* For
antiquities he had a taste, and became a fellow of the Society
of Antiquaries, of which in after life he was president. He
succeeded, however, to a baronetcy, on the death of his gftmd-
father in 1729 ; and on the death of another relative, Hugh
Smithson of Tottenham, he came into possession of estates in
Yorkshire and Middlesex. He must therefore have cast
JeaffresoQ*a Lives of Physicians.
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THB 8HITH801I8. 857
physic to the dogs, long befoie he aspired to the hand of the
I^ercy heiress. He is said to have wooed another fair one
nnsuccessfuUy ; but being one of the handsomest men of his
time, he had pleased Lady Percy, who manifested her pre-
ference by expressing her wonder that any lady should have
rejected his addresses. This was whispered to Sir Hugh,
and it inspired him with courage ; he laid his heart and
fortune at the feet of the heiress, who looked kindly on him,
and bid him rise and be happy and great. They were
married on 16th of July, 1740.
After his accession to the earldom, the honours attendant
on territorial greatness were heaped upon him. His princely
revenues enabled him to live in great splendour. When, in
1763, he was lieutenant general of Ireland, he filled the office
with dignity, patronised liberally the manu&ctures of the
country, and dispensed a profuse charity. A grand enter*
tainment he gave, on 5th June 1764, the king's birthday,
when one thousand five hundred persons of distinction were
invited, and his gardens were illuminated with ten thousand
lamps. He was created, on October S2nd 1766, Duke of
Northumberland and Earl Percy, with succession to heirs
male of his body ; and^ on S6th January 1784, another peer-
age was added to his family, by his being created Lord
Lovaine Baron of Alnwick, with remainder to Algernon his
second son.
Leckinfield, Wresil, and Petworth, the chief residences of
the later Percys, had passed away from the new fiunily ; and
as the Percy estates lay chiefly in Northumberland, the new
earl naturally looked to the north for a seat among his
Northumbrian tenantry. The choice lay between Warkworth
and Alnwick Castles. The former in the time of Leland was
apparently habitable and in good repair, audits situation was
eminently beautiful ; the latter was ruinous, and so neglected
had it been, that in 1691 a common school was kept within
its walls ; but being, however, of much greater extent than
Warkworth Castle, and more associated with fiimily incidents
and historic events, it was chosen for the future home of the
barons of Alnwick. It was thoroughly repaired and renovated
in the pseudo-gothic style ; and the interior stucco decora-
tions were the work of Italian artists. Much of the
Mediseval character, which gave a stern grandeur to this
border castle, and which harmonised with old associations was
destroyed. Still, however, it was a magnificent residence for a
nobleman. A short time after its completion it was visited by
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358 HiSTOftY OP ALNWICK.
Pennant) an antiquary and naturalist of soiiie distinction ; and
he thus records his impressions of the castle and town in 1769.
'' At Alnwick, a small town, the trayeller is disappointed with
the situation and environs of the Castle, the residence of the
Perciesy the ancient Earls of Northumberland. Tou look in yain
for any marks of the grandeur of the feudal age ; for trophies
won by a family eminent in our annals for militaiy prowess and
deeds of chiyalry ; for haUs hung with helms and hauberks, or
with the spoils of the chase ; for estensiTe forests and venerable
oaks. Tou look in vain for the hehnet on the tower, the ancient
signal of hospitality to the traveller; or for the grey-headed porter
to conduct him to the hall of entertainment. The numerous
train, whose countenances gave welcome to him on his way, are
now no more ; and instead of the disinterested usher of the old
times, he is attended by a valet eager to receive the fees of
admittance. There is a vast grandeur in the appearance of the
outside of the Oastle ; the towers magniEcent^ but injured by the
numbers of rude statues crowded on the battlements. The
apartments are large, and lately finished in the GK>thic style with
a most incompatible elegance. The gardens are equally incon-
sistent, trim m the highest degree, and more adapted to a villa
near London than the ancient seat of a great baron. In a word,
nothing, except the numbers of imindustrious poor that swarm
at the gate, excites any one idea of its former circumstances.*
Naked and bleak was the country around Alnwick in the
early part of the eighteenth century ; many of the forests and
woods had been destroyed in the days of border warfare; but
this duke began to adorn the lands around his castle. Under
the direction of a native of Kirkharle, Lancelot Brown called
*' Capability Brown," the tops of the hills were planted with
clumps of trees ; other clumps mostly of a circular form were
scattered over the slopes, and on other parts were long belts of
plantation!^, while in the valleys larger forests were created ;
the old parks too were extended and enclosed by high walls.
Greatly beautified and enriched was the scenery by these
improvements, Alas 1 that in carrying them out the ancient
privileges of the people were encroached on, and a policy
begun which destroyed the independence and importance of
the corporation, and put a bar to the development of the
natural resources of the town.
This duke had a vigorous mind and considerable capacity
for business. Notwithstanding his great outlay in plantings
in building, in buying pictures, his revenue more than kept
pace with his expenditure. Walpole depreciates the pictures^
• IVunant's Tour in Seotlaufl, p. 32.
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THE SMITHS0N8. 359
for wliich a large price had been paid. "I would '* says he
** scarce hang them up ; and then copies by any thing now
living ! and at what a price ! '' He gives a sketch of the
earl's manner of life : — " They are building at Northumberland
House^ at Sion, at Stanwick^ at Alnwick, and Warkworth
Castles ! they live by the etiquette of the peerage^ have
Swiss porters, the countess has her pipers — ^in short they
will soon have no estate."* A false prophet, however, was
this cynical critic ; not only was the rental of the old estates
greatly increased ; but new lands were added, many of which
were around Alnwick. Overacres with the seigniory of
Redesdale, including Harbottle and the advowson of Elsdon,
and property in Yorkshire and elsewhere were purchased from
William Howard.
Elizabeth the duchess had some literary taste, and one of
her poetical productions has been given to the world.
Bouts JRimea, or rhyming terminations of French invention
had become a fashionable amusement, which was particularly
patronised by Sir John and Lady Miller of Batheaston^ near
Bath. To the company assembled at this villa, Bouts Rimes
were g^ven out, which were filled up bv lines having some
poetic cadence, by candidates for poetic honours ; these pro-
ductions which were often ridiculous enough, were deposited
in a vase, whence they were taken and examined by judges
appointed for the purpose ; and to the best exercise a myrtle
crown was awarded. Elizabeth the duchess gained a crown
by the following verses, which will give an idea of the literary
amusements of the aristocracy of the period.
" The pen which I dow take and brandish
Has long lain useless in my standish
Know every maid from her in patten
To her who shines in glossy satin
That conld the^ now prepare an Olio
From best receipt of book in folio
Ever so fine for all their puffing
I should prefer a buttered muffing
A muffin Jove himself might feast on
If eat with Miller at Batheaston."
The duchess died on the 5th December, 1776, aged 60
years, and was buried in St. Nicholas' Chapel, Westminster
Abbey. Chagrined with not being treated, as he thought,
by the government with sufficient consideration, the duke
retired, in a great measure, from public life, and spent his
latter days in retirement. He survived the duchess ten years
« Walpole's Letters, 1752.
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S60 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
and died on the 5th of Jnne^ 1786. One daughter they had,
who died unmarried; and two sons-^Hugh and Algernon.
HUGH, SECOND DUKE OP NORTHUMBERLAND.
Hugh, the eldest son of the first duke, was bom in 1742 ;
and on the decease of his mother in 1776, he succeeded to
the new barony in fee, and was summoned to parliament as
Baron Percy. In early life he served under Prince Ferdinand
in the great seven years war. He was engaged in the un-
natural war with the American States, and was despatched
by General Gage with sixteen troops to the relief of a detach-
ment, which, having been sent to destroy military stores at
Concord, was exposed to destruction by American riflemen.
In conducting the retreat. Lord Percy displayed sound judg-
ment. The skirmish which took place, was called the battle
of Lexington, where the first blood was drawn in the struggle
between America and the mother country. General Ga^
praised him in the London Gazette ''for his remarkable
activity during the engagement." Lord Percy afterwards
assisted in the reduction of Fort Washington, the column led
by him being the first to enter the lines of the enemy.
He married in 1764, Anna Stuart, daughter of the earl of
Bute, but firom her he was divorcedin 1779. For his second
wife he took, in the same year, Frances Julia, the third
daughter of Peter Burrell, Esq., a commissioner of the Excise.
Romantic, indeed, is the history of the Burrell family.
The father had gone in 1774 to the shores of the Mediterranean
in search of health, accompanied by his daughters ; and, at
the same time, Algernon, the second son of the first duke of
Northumberland, being then in a delicate state of health, was
passing the winter in the south of France. During an ex-
cursion to Marseilles, he accidentally met in a private company,
Isabella the second daughter of Mr. Burrell, and became
deeply attached to her. His mother consented to their union
and they were married in 1775. About three years afterwards,
the youngest sister of Isabella bestowed her hand on the duke
of Hamilton, after whose death she married the marquis of
Exeter ; and next came the union of the third sister with the
second duke of Northumberland. Modest, amiable, and vir-
tuous were these women ; but none of them it is said possessed
extraordinary beauty or fascinating graces ; but the eldest
sister who was married to Mr. Bennett, a man of large estate,
is described as a captivating woman. The singular fortunes
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THE SMITHSON8. 861
of the family did not end here. The only son of Mr. Burrell,
a young man of graceful person and engaging manners^ gained
the affections and hand of Lady Elizabeth Bertie, eldest
daughter of Peregrine duke of Ancaster. Soon after the mar*
riage, her brother, the only son of the duke suddenly died, and
she succeeded to a barony of the creation of Edward III., along
with the greater part of the Ancaster estates ; she inherited
also the high feudal office of lord great chamberlain of Eng-
land, the duties of which were performed by her husband, and
afterwards by her son. In course of time^ Mr. Burrell's son
was knighted ; and in 1796 was raised to the British peerage
by the title of Lord Gwydor.* Thus four peerages passed to
the descendants of Mr. Peter Burrell.
There is little of interest in the public life of this duke
of Northumberland ; but when Britain was threatened with
invasion from France, he caught the patriotic spirit of the
times, and prepared for the defence of the country. He raised
among his tenantry fifteen hundred men ; and at his own
expense clothed and accoutred them. They were formed into
three corps, as riflemen, cavalry, and artillery. In those
thrilling times of war when rumours of invasion were rife,
the town of Alnwick presented a warlike appearance ; for it
was the head quarters of the military operations of the county.
The local militia, the Coquetdale rangers — a body of cavalry
raised in the western part of the county — and the Percy ten-
antry were drilled there. School boys even breathed the
warlike spirit, and abandoning common amusements, their
games were military — schools fighting against schools as
English and French. Happily the services of our local
soldiery were never needed on the battle-field-— the tide of
foreign invasion never rolled on the British shoreA,
During this war with France, the demand for food and the
depreciation of the currency caused the prices of agricultural
produce to range high ; and as vacant farms on the Northum-
berland estate were let by tender, large rents were given
under the artificial stimulus by new tenants; the rent
frequently was doubled, and in some cases even quadrupled.
When peace came prices fell, and then followed agricultural
distress. The duke at this crisis tried to mitigate the evil,
by a temporary reduction in the rents of his tenants of
twenty five per cent, to enable them to overcome the pressure
of the times. Some political economists deemed this a
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S63 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
questionable expedient, and contended that an adjust-
ment of the rental to the value of each farm would have
been wiser — ^more in the spirit of justice to the tenant and
permanently more advantageous to the landlord. The Percy
tenantry, however, were delighted with the resolution ; and
they subscribed liberally to erect a column to perpetuate the
memory of such a good deed. On the Isfc of July, 1816, the
foundation stone of this column was laid. It was designed
by David Stephenson, and stands on a gentle hill at the south
entrance of the town. It is an elegant fluted column in the
Doric style, rising to the height of eighty-five feet ; four lions
couchant are at the base ; and above the capital, a lion passant
with a stiff extended tail— one of the crests of the Percys-
stands on a circular pedestal. On the east panel of the base
is the following inscription : — ^^ To Hugh, Duke of Northum-
berland, K.G., this column is erected, dedicated, and in*
scribed by a grateful and united tenantry. Anno Domini
MDCCCXVI."
The temporary expedient, so magnificently memorialised,
failed to restore prosperity ; tenants still failed, and others
who could not bear up under the pressure of a heavy rent,
gave up their farms expecting a considerable reduction ; but
then came forth the strange decree, that no tenant giving up
a farm for a reduction should be allowed to compete for it
again ; and this rule, which drove many industrious tenanta
from the estates, continued in operation till the time of
Algernon the fourth duke, who wisely struck it out of the
Northumberland statute book.
A splendid hospitality was kept up by the second duke of
Northumberland at Alnwick, Castle ; he had two ^* public
days" weekly, when gentlemen both of the town and country
were expected to dine with him. Even some of the tradesmen
of Alnwick and dissenting ministers were honoured guests on
these occasions. There were, however, tolls to pay, in the
shape of fees to the porter and other servants of the castle;
these being heavv, one tradesman deemed it prudent to dine
at home. IVIissmg this humble friend from his table, the
duke inquired of him, why he had not appeared at the castle
on public days ? ** Too many turnpike gates my lord," was
the pointed reply. Promptly was the fleecing by menials put
an end to ; and the economical tradesmati thenceforth could
with prudence enjoy the ducal feasts.
His grace died on the 10th of July, 1817, aged seventy-four
years, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. By his second
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THE BMITH80K9. ^03
wife he liad a numerous family. Charlotte, Elizabeth, JuUa^
Henry Hotspur, and Francis died unmarried; Hugh and
Agnes, twins, were born on the 20th of April, 1785 ; Amelia^
bwn on the 1st February, 1789, married Lord James Murray,
second son of the duke of Athol; and Algernon was bom
on the 15th December> 1797.
HUGH> MIRD DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
There is little of general interest in the life of this baron o{
Alnwick. When Lord Percy, he, in 1807, appeared as com-
petitor for the representation of the county of Northumberland
in opposition to the distinguished statesman Charles Grey,
and succeeded in depriving him of the seat he had occupied
for many years.
Before his father's death. Lord Percy was raised to tlie peer-
age in 1812, by the title of Baron Percy. After his accession
to the dukedom in 1817, he was made lord lieutenant and
custos rotulorum of the county of Northumberland, and of the
town and county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; he was elected
chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and in 1819 was
admitted knight of the Garter. In 1825 he represented his
sovereign at the coronation of Charles XII. at Paris, and in
the years 1829 and 1830, during the duke of Wellington'^
administration, he was lord lieutenant of Irelcmd $ in both
offices he sustained the dignity of the crown ; and in Ireland
especially, his liberal charities and eiMKmragetnent of Irish
manufactuies gained him popularity among the Irish people^
One of the old English cust-oms was observed for the last time
in Alnwick, when this duke €Uid his bride made their public
entry into the town on the 20th June, 1818. About five
hundred of his tenantry on horseback met them at Felton,
and escorted them to Alnwick, a distance of nine miles. An
ox was roasted whole in the market place. I recollect the
scene $ a grand day it was for the populace, especially for boys,
who eagerly wiatched the cooking process, as men at both ends
of the spit turned round the ox over a fire. When roasted
it was cut up on an elevated stage $ and then began the fun.
Crowds of people assembled in the Market Place ; and amongst
them were thrown pieces of roasted beef. There was wild
scrambling to catch the meat, and no little fighting for
possession of the prize. Ale too was plentifully distributed
among the populace, which helped to increase the uproan
We are perhaps wiser now, but not quite so jolly in oui^
public rejoicings.
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864 HIStOBT OF ALNWICSC«
This duke resided more at Alnwick Castle than his pre*
decessors ; his style of living was stately and magnificent, but
somewhat exclusive, having more of the courtly formality of
a petty German prince, than the social freedom of an Anglo*
Norman nobleman. His treatment of the town cannot be
eulogised as enlightened and liberal ; the policy of the first duke
was extended; old pathways and roads were blocked up;
and there are still bitter remembrances of crushing power
brought to bear on independent-minded men. He procured an
improvement act for the town ; but through his influence, Aln-
wick was struck out of the Corporation Reform Bill, and was
thus prevented from enjoying, along with other towns, the pri-
vilege of self-government ; and through his powerful influence
too, the main trunk line of the North Eastern Railway was kept
at a distance of three miles from the town. And yet this duke
was an amiable man, benevolent and generous in his nature ;
his charities were profuse, and evinced kindness of heart and
a wish to lessen the miseries of poverty. His last great
charitable work was the building, and partial endowment of
Saint Paul's Church in Alnwick ; he lived not, however, to
complete the whole of his intended arrangements.
His grace, the owner of hundreds of thousands of
acres died in the silence of the night, all alone, and was
found dead in his bed in Alnwick Castle, on the morning of the
11th of February, 1847, aged sixty-one years. There were
stately processions wheiihis corpse was removed from Alnwick,
and when it was interred in the family vault in Westminster
Abbey. He was married on the 29th of April, 1817, to Char-
lotte Florentia, youngest daughter of the eail of Powis, son
of Robert Clive, the successful soldier, who in India won his
way to wealth and rank ; but by his wife, who still survives,
he left no issue.
ALGERNON, FOURTH DUKE OF NOTHUMBERLAND.
Lord Prudhoe, on the death of his brother, succeeded to
his estates and hereditary honours. Some dignities enjoyed
by the third duke were not conferred on his successor ; Earl
Grey was appointed lord lieutenant of the county of North-
umberland and of the town and county of Newcastle, and
Prince Albert was elected chancellor of Cambridge.
Algernon Percy was bom on December 15th, 1792, and
was educated at Eton. At the early age of thirteen years he
entered the navy, as a midshipman on board the Tribune
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THE 8MIXH80NS. S65
frigate. This country being then at war with the colossal
power of France, the young sailor had an opportunity of
seeing real service ; he was actively employed on the coast of
Catalonia in 1809 ; and in 1810 he commanded a gun boat
in co-operation with the patriots on the coast of Andalusia.
He, of course, rose rapidly in the service, received his com-
mission of lieutenant on February 1st, 1812 ; became com-
mander on March 8th, 1814, and post captain on March 19th,
1815. In the action with the French fleet off Toulon in 181S,
he was acting captain of the Caledonia ; and in 1814 he was
engaged in the capture of Genoa. The fall of Napoleon the
first bringing peace to Europe, Algernon Percy retired from
active service. He was raised to the peerage on November
gOth, 1816, as Baron Prudhoe, of Prudhoe Castle.
After leaving the navy he spent several years in travelling,
chiefly in eastern countries, in Turkey, in the Holy Land, in
Nubia, and in Egypt. Not only did he study the manners
and habits of these eastern nations and collect relics illustrative
of their ancient history, but he encouraged and liberally aided
learned menin their researches. With Sir Gardner Wilkinson,
one of the most eminent of scholars and archseologists, he spent
some years investigating the remains of the Egyptian kings.
With the Arabic language he made himself acquainted ; and
so interested was he in its study, that he munificently aided
Lane, the translator of^' The Arabian Nights Entertainment,*'
to produce an Arabic Dictionary, which is still in course of
publication. The manuscripts, coins, and part of the Egyptian
relics collected by him, he presented to public museums ; but
many of his Egyptian antiquities are arranged in one of the
towers of Alnwick Castle.
While still Lord Prudhoe, he was married on August 25th,
1842, to Lady Eleanor Grosvenor, daughter of the second
marquis of Westminster. Happy for both was this union !
Amiable and accomplished, this illustrious lady filled her
high station with dignity and grace ; she co-operated with
her noble consort in all his generous schemes, and by her
loving care and attention cheered and solaced his declining
years. A gi-eat gathering of the people of Alnwick celebrated
this union by a public dinner, which was presided over by
William Burrell, Esq., of Broom Park.
Once only, and for a brief period, the duke entered into
public office, as first lord of the Admiralty, when Earl Derby
m 1852 formed a conservative administration. In the same
year he was made knight of the garter. He bid adieu to
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S6d History of alkwICk.
official life, on the lesignation of the Derby cabinet ; and
though subsequently solicited to join a conseryatire ministry ■
he never again would enter into public office, influencea
probably in this determination, by the annoyance occasioned
by a parliamentary inquiry into the abuse of admiralty
patronage, in rewarding dock-yard workmen who had voted
for conservative candidates^ Still, however, he continued to
support the conservative party with all his great territorial
influence, in accordance with the traditions and usages ot his
family. More congenial occupation he found in the improve*
tnent of his estates, in restoring his great castle^ in building
churchesi in aiding antiquarian researches, and in attending
to those duties which devolve on the owner of hundreds of
thousands of broad acres.
When the duke entered, in 1847, into the possession of the
family estates, their condition was far from being satisfactory,
due partly to traditional modes of management; many
farm steadings were shabby and out of repair ; much of the
land was undrained ; the cultivation of many of the farms
was behind the age ; and the cottages, the houses of the
agricultural labourers, were in a miserable condition.
The changed circumstances of the times, arising partly out
of the repeal of the corn laws, had awakened owners of
property to a sense of their obligations and duties. Several
landlords had entered on the career of improvement ; and
Earl Grey, especially, had set a good e^Lample in draining his
estates, and replacing the wretched cottages, by others in
which there were not only enlarged accommodation and more
comfort, but a regard to sanitary conditions. The third
duke of Northumberland had followed, but timidly, this
course; and some draining had be^i done, some cottages
repaired, and other agricultural improvements commenced.
Algernon^ however, was a bolder man and more impressed by
the character of the times. He yearly devoted large sums to
the drainage of his estate, the renovation of his farm-steads,
and the improvement of his cottages. How mucli, during the
eighteen years he held the dukedom, he spent on these objects
I cannot certainly say ; the amount by some is estimated at
half a million of pounds, which would be about £28,000
annually. During the last six years of his life the expenditure
is stated to have been— in 1859, £10,089; 1860, £13,887;
1861, £18,473; 1862, £19,282; 1868, £12,555; 1864,
£13,473, making a total of £87,739, or an average yearly of
£14,627. During the whole period, I understand £40,000
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THB SMITH80N8, 867
have been spent in the improvement of cottages. These are
large sums; not larger , however, than what was required,
nor larger proportionally, than has been spent on other estates.
They apply to 163,000 acres of land, or about the one seventh
part of Northumberland. Wise measures like these, however,
produce good to the farmer, who, when the owner does his
duty has no excuse for unskilful or slothful management ; to
the community by the increased production of food ; and to
the owner in the increased value of his lands, and in the per
oentage received from the tenant on the capital expended.
But while the duke was thus vigorously improving his
estates, he felt himself responsible in the use of the great
Eowers with which he was entrusted, to give direction and
elp to religious, educational and charitable institutions on his
estates. He liberally supported schools, and was notable in
building and endowing churches, in wliich he is said to
have spent about £40,000.
Throughout the whole of his life, he retained a warm attach-
ment to his own profession; he felt for those who brave the
perils of the deep. At the exhibition in 1851, he offered a
premium for the best model of a lifeboat ; he supplied some
stations on the coasts with lifeboats, constructed according to
the most approved model ; and sought to diffuse information
on this subject, by distributing the report of the board who
examined and adjudicated on the models. To save mariners
from dangers on the shore, greater indeed, than they en-
counter at sea, he built, at the cost of £8,000 ** The Sailors*
Home," at North Shields, in which provision is made both
for the temporal and spiritual wants of the inmates.
His travels in the east imbued him with a taste for anti*
quarian researches, which remained with him till the close of
his life ; and soon after he became duke, he directed attention
to the exploration of the antiquities of the north of England.
At his expense^ surveys were made of the Roman Wall, of
Roman roads, and of ancient camps in the north, and
researches by excavations into Roman camps, and into ancient
British strongholds and sepulchres in Northumberland.
The great work of his life, however, was the restoration of
Alnwick Castle ; and in this he followed the example of his
grandfather, who, a century before, reconstructed and to a
considerable extent rebuilt the old Percy castle, in the pseudo
Gothic style of his age ; a style offensive to the taste of the
present generation of critics. Ten years had Algernon, duke
of Northumberland spent in this work^ which was nearly
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S68 HISTOBT OF ALMWICK.
completed, when he died. Successful generally has been the
restoration of the exterior, which recalls the memories of bye-
past times, and which an old Percy, were he again to re-appear^
might recognise as the brave old fortress, where he had occa-
sionally resided and trained his vassals ; he would, however,
be lost when he entered within, and gazed on the elaborate
Italian carved wood work, blazing with gold and gay with
colouring. Tet these rooms, thus adorned, impress beholders
by their richness and magnificence. The cost of these
restorations has been estimated at three hundred thousand
pounds.
Generally, the duke acted with wisdom and generosity to the
town. His parks were open to the public two days a week,
and his gardens part of another day. He aided the Board of
Health to carry out schemes for improving the sanitary con-
dition of the town ; and this was fortunate, for without his
hearty co-operation the work would have been difficult, as
much of the land in the district belonged to him. His
appreciation of sanitary appliances was shewn, in bringing,
sometimes from a considerable distance, pure water into
several villages on his estate. In some matters he was
influenced by the prejudices of his order, so that the treatment
of the railway question was scarcely in accordance with his
general character, and more like what might have been ex-
pected from his less liberal-minded predecessor. Northum-
berland is far behind the other parts of the kingdom in
railway accommodation ; there is no railway in the county
westward of Alnwick, and all the distance from Alnwick to
the Border has to be traversed by the slow means of a former
age. A railroad through that district is a necessity of the
times. Acting for the town, the Board of Health attempted
to form a scheme for a railway to pass from Alnwick, through
Wooler, and on to the Border; but their efforts failed, chiefly
because the duke was hostile to a railway passing up the valley
of the Aln, inasmuch as it would traverse a portion of Holn
Park, though it would not have been nearer to his castle than
about half a mile. Nature has there cut through the great
hill between Alnwick and the west, and scooped out a line for
a railway. In consequence of this failure, a railway from
the Borders and Wooler, will pass by Rothbury and onward to
Scotch Gap, and thus divert an important traffic from the town
of Alnwick. Since his deach,it has been said on goodauthority
that he would have agreed to a line through the park and
up the valley of the Aln, provided the people of Alnwick had
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THB SMITH80NS. S69
giren up tkeit ancient rights and privileges connected with
the great north road and the Pasture, which had from time
immemorial been in eSect the people's park. To another
important change in Alnwick he was, however, a consenting
party ; he agreed to g^ve up a part of his manorial claims
over Alnwick Moor, on condition of receiving from the free*
men two hundered and fifty seven acres of their land.
Eighteen years, Algernon enjoyed the dukedom; but in
the latter period of his life he was sadly afflicted by gout
While the country around was covered with snow, he fell a
victim to this disease, and died on Sunday mornings February
l«th, 1865, at Alnwick Castle.
Though the duke had passed beyond the three score and
ten allotted to man, we cannot but feel sorrowful, that he
should have been taken away before he had completed the
works he had undertaken, and enjoyed something of the fruit
of his anxieties and labour. Much still remained to be done on
his estates^ to bring the cottages and dwellings of workmen
into a proper sanitary condition. His great castle was nearly
finished ; yet he saw not the triumphant end of his work.
So is it, however, with other actors in large schemes — ^many
sow who never reap ; yet it is a blessing that we are so con-
stituted, that there is frequently more enjoyment in the
pursuit of an object than in its possession.
Deeply lamented was the death of the duke in the county ;
and it created a sensation even in other parts of the country.
He was known to fame ; for his charitable acts, his good deeds,
liis architectural achievements, his archaeological surveys had
been fully recorded in the chronicles of the day, as they were
in progress.
The duke lived more at Alnwick than any of his prede*
eessors; he seemed attached to his northern home. His
early life as a sailor, his experience as a traveller, and his
intercourse with learned and scientific men, had not only
liberalised his mind, but given freedom to his manner. Less
formal and stately than former dukes, he mingled more with
the people on his estates, many of whom, in consequence, felt
towards him strong personal attachment. Yet had he a ling-
ering feeling towards old feudal times, when the baron was
the chief among his vassals. The restored castle is a reflex of
his mind ; thete we have a combination of the old feudal
fortress with the modern palace. Largely did he give in
charity, and in support of modem schemes to benefit humanity;
but he gave as h ohieftain — the schemes were his own or
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•STO HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
essentially modified by him ; and most of them were for the
districts over which he was lord. He seemed, however, to
regard himself as the steward of a great estate, for the
management of which he was responsible. And this feeling
is spreading among the dominant families in Britain ; and
well for themselves it is so ; for the wise and generous use
of the great powers with which they are entrusted, will
command respect, which long lines of ancestors, a galaxy
of heraldry, or even vast territorial possessions would fail
to secure.
His body lay in state for two days at Alnwick Castle ; and
it was conducted out of the town, and interred in Westminster
Abbey with stately ceremonies, similar to those with which
his brother's remains were honoured.
The third and fourth dukes appear to have been strongly
inclined to maintain and extend the territorial greatness of
their family. By a settlement made in 1817, what are called
the female baronies including the manors of Tynemouth^
Newburn^ Frudhoe, and Barrasford, worth it is said about
£40,000 yearly, would have passed to the duke of Athol ; but
his reversionary interest was purchased, so that the Northum-
berland estates might descend without diminution to the
succeeding lords. New lands were also purcl^ased of the
value of about £500,000. Through the will of Algernon the
fourth duke and through earlier settlements, the whole of the
vast possessions of the deceased duke became the inheritance
of the earl of Beverley, the heir to the dukedom, chained
only with the payment of annuities to the dowager duchess.
.This will presents a contrast to that of the fourth earl of
Northumberland ; for in it are no bequests or legacies to any
other branch of his family, nor to any of his friends or
servants, nor to public or charitable institutions. The
Beverley estates do not, however, swell those of the dukedom ;
^ for it was directed by will, that if ever the earldom of
Beverley should be united to the dukedom of Northumber-
land, the Beverley estates, worth about £12,000 a year,
should go to the next younger male branch of the fomily ;
and hence they would pass to a clergyman, the son of the late
Bishop Percy of Carlisle.
GEOBQB, FIFTH DUKE OF NOBTHUMBEELAND.
Algernon, the fourth duke, being the last male descendant
of Hugh, the eldest son of the first duke, the succession to the
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THE SMITHSONS.
871
barony of Alnwick and to the dukedom passed to the descen-
dant of Algernon his second son^ who on the death of
his father became Lord Lovaine. On November 2nd, 1798
he was created earl of Beverley, and he died on October 21st,
1830. George Percy, his sou, then succeeded him as earl of
Beverley ; and on the death of the fourth duke on February
12th, 1865, he became duke of Northumberland. He was
born on June 22nd, 1778, and he married on September 26th,
1801, Louisa, third daughter of the Hon. A. Stuart Wortley.
His eldest surviving son, Algernon George Percy, now
Earl Percy and Lord Lovaine, was born May 6th, 1810 ; he,
in 1845, married Louisa daughter of Henry Drummond of
Albury Park, Esq. ; they have two sons Henry George Percy,
Lord Warkworth, bom May 20th, 1846, and Algernon Mal-
colm Arthur^ who was bom October 2nd, 1851.
FIG. 45. — PEKK0KCELLE8 OF BFJfRY ALGEBNON PEKCY, SIXTH BABL
OF NOBTHrMBERLAND.
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CHAPTER XX.
ALNWIOK OASTLK*
For more than seven hundred summers the sun has glittered
upon the walls and towers of Alnwick Castle^ ripening patches
of their masonry to an amber-grey tint, and casting great
shadows in the courts within, without much change having
occurred to its original configuration. There are still frag-
ments existing of a massive Norman fabric, in positions which
prove that the keep must have occupied the site of that now
standing, and have consisted of towers grouped around an
inner court as at the present day, and that the line of circum-
vallation must have been, in some places at least, identical
with what we now see. These remains are the ponderous
ribbed archway leading into the inner court, having a semi-
circular arch 9ft. 2in. wide ; at each end enriched with a
double row of Norman zig-zag ornament, and a label in which
every stone forms a separate compartment of diaper work of
different patterns ; and portions of the curtain wall, easily
distinguishable by the character of its masonry, each course
being uniform and each stone being small, and though ori-
ginally square, now so much worn as to appear to be almost
round. Buried several feet below the surface of the soil, we
have further evidence of the similarity of the dimensions of
the earliest structure with the present, in tha low retaining
wall of the Norman fosse, which was uncovered when pre-
paring the foundations of the new Prudhoe Tower, and was
observed to follow nearly the same curve as would be required
to enclose the existing group of buildings. There are castles
in Normandy having considerable resemblance to this con-
figuration, and occupying corresponding positions in reference
to the adjoining towns, showing that although very clever
* I am indebted to Mr. Fred. R. Wilson, architect, for thie deBcription of
Alnwick Cutler
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THE CASTLB. S78
adaptotions were made to suit sites in particular instances, there
was a general system developed and pursued by the Norman
conquerors in military as in ecclesiastical architecture. The
town of Coucy, in the department of Aisne, occupies a position
with reference to the castle of the proud lords de Coucy,
curiously identical with that of Alnwick to the stronghold of
the De Vescys.
The castle retains more extensive remains of the additions
effected by the first Percy, lord of Alnwick. He appears to
have compassed and commenced, although he may not have
lived to complete, a general scheme of converting the Norman
fortress into the more complicated stronghold, demanded by
the improvements made in Edwardian times in the modes of
attack. He built a new entrance between two polygonal
towers, which he additionally defended by a crenelated bar-
bican furnished with turrets at its most advanced points,
from which the besieged could defend the gateway, a middle
gatehouse dividing the area within the enceinteinto two wards;
and proceeding along the curtain wall, which he may have
extended in some portions, he added parapets and placed
stiong towers at short intervals, each capable of separate de-
fence. He strengthened the Norman entrance into the inner
court of the keep, by building a three storied polygonal tower
on either side of it, and rebuilt some portions of the keep,
including that length of it which contains the graceful lancet-
headed arcaded draw-well. Within the gateway towers one on
either hand, he provided two dungeons for prisoners. These
are small cells about ten feet square lighted by *^ archieres,''
entered by narrow passages through shoulder headed doorways,
having gratings inserted in their floorings, down which
prisoners were lowered to dark subterranean prisons, nine
feet long by eight feet, having no other approach. On most
of the merlons of his towers he placed stone figures of warriors
(whole and half length) in the armour of the period, in atti-
tudes suggestive of defence, to confuse assailants ; and that
they were likely to answer his purpose there was evidence
lately,in the difficulty of distinguishing these figures from those
of the numerous workmen who were employed at the same
elevations. In the recent alterations, the dining-hall of this
baron, or of his immediate sucessors, was discovered beneath a
veil of profuse ornamentation in plaster work, with which it
was modernised in the last century. Rather less than half
across its length the mark of the dais was observable,
and at the superior end there was a curious recess which was
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S74 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
probably formed for the dressmVy a piece of furniture now only
made in common materials for the array of kitchen wares^ but
formerly placed in the reception chamber for the display of plate
and costly articles of ceramic ware. This recess was finished
with a hood moulding having a lion's claw as a termination;
and by the side of it was a small niche with a hollowed shelf and
drain from .it, like a piscina. As if to enable us to realize
more vividly the ancient hall, the hooks were left in the wall
by which tapestry was formerly suspended to cover the bare
ashler wall-work. At one side of the room, too, there was
a door communicating with a staircase leading to a floor
above ; and at the lower end was the principal staircase of
approach to the hall from the court. Unfortunately it was
decided that the ravages which time and intermediate altera-
tions had made to this interesting chamber, were too considera-
ble to admit of repair; and all its leading features were*
demolished. The large rib- vaulted chamber beneath the hall
was, however, preserved, and the staircase turret projecting
from the round tower at one end of the hall was rebuilt stone
for stone.
A later lord of Alnwick, the son of Hotspur, has also left
indications of a comprehensive repair of the castle; and
several buildings taken down in the alterations of a century
ago, making provision for the accommodation of more men
and horses than could have been housed in the first instance^
may have been among his additions.
The most material transformation, however, that the castle
suffered since the first Percy lord came into possession, must
have been that effected by the first duke of Northumberland
about a century ago. The belt, of towers and intermediate
curtain walls forming the keep — ^with the exception of that
containing the Percy dining hall just mentioned, the poly-
gonal towers at the entrance with the Norman gateway
attached to them, and the middle gate-house — were taken
down and rebuilt, so as to form one vast suite of apartments
on the first or principal floor, in which most of the rooms
opened out of one another, and which was approached by a
large fan-shaped staircase occupying the whole of one tower.
The various isolated buildings, amongst which was a chapel
in the inner bailey, were removed and the moats filled. The
stone figures on the parapets were multiplied. Three of the
towers on the curtain wall were rebuilt, and the site of one
that had fallen filled up by a length of walling ; and a long
line of new offices was built outside the southern portion of the
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THE CASTLB. 876
line of ciTCumvallation. Where in old times a curtain wall
extended from the keep to the middle gate-house, to divide
the ground within the enceinte into two wards, a wing of
buildings was erected which to some extent made a commu-
nication between the keep and the new line of offices. The
severe and irregular fenestration of the Edwardian builders
was supplanted by tiers of larger window openings, of what
we should now call a theatrical character; the mediaeval
intention of the building as a fortress, and the capabilities of
the style bein^ lost sight of, in the design of converting it into
a modern nobleman's mansion. The principal suite of apart-
ments, consisting of saloon, drawing-room, dining-room,
breakfast-room, library, chapel, and state bed-chambeis, was
decorated in the most profuse manner with plaster moulding
and fan-tracery, in imitation of the ornamentation of the most
florid period of Gothic architecture. This was, however, the
fashion of the day; and the new works were considered
superb and lauded to the skies.
The extensive alterations, which have just now been com-
pleted, were commenced by Algernon, fourth duke of North-
umberland, in October, 1854. The leading idea followed out
in their scheme was the external restoration of the mediaeval
character of the pile, combined with the erection of a central
mass that was to give additional height, size, and dimity to it.
This involved the removal of the work effected m the last
century, which, being of no great interest, was to be supplanted
by an arrangement embracing, in the interior, the artistic
elegance of a cinque-cento Roman palazzo, with the various
luxuries and contrivances demanded by the nineteenth cen-
tury cultivation. The idea of preserving the medieeval
interest of the structure was not, however, strictly carried
out in detail, as two of the ancient towers on the wall,
the Edwardian Falconer's and Armourer's Towers, with
Norman curtain walls between, were taken down to give
better views from the windows of the new Prudhoe Keep
Tower ; as we have seen, the Percy Dining Hall was not
preserved; every window the first duke put in was re-
moved; and most of the additional figures with which
he peopled the parapets were taken down. The Italian
portion of the scheme, however, was worked out in its
integrity. A congress held at the castle, presided over by the
late duke, at wUch the Roman antiquary Commendatore
Canina, Signer Montiroli, architect, and the English professors
of architecture Messrs. Cockerell and Donaldson, attended.
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876 HISTORY OP ALNWICK.
discussed the varioas artistic difficulties, including the anomaly
of a building being externally English and internally Roman.
The professors urged'^that the walls of the Percy stronghold
should represent the deeds of the race, a recommendation that
has been to some extent adopted ; but in other respects they
countenanced the general scheme ; and Professor Donaldson
undertook to bring this phase of foreign art, held by the late
duke of Northumberland to be a matter of national importance,
under the notice of the Royal Institute of British Architects.
Meanwhile, an Italian sculptor in wood, Signor Bulletti, from
Florence, recommended for the work by Cardinal Antonelli,
commenced, in a studio fitted up for him in the castle,
the work of carving the profusion of Italian ornament required
for the proposed decoration, and, assisted by a staff of English
and Scottish carvers, was for several years engaged upon it.
The work executed by them is a marvel of delicacy and finish ;
an excellence that is most apparent, perhaps, in the walnut
and pine wood carvings of the state dining-room, which are
not coloured and gilded like those in other apartments. Some
of the panels of the window shutters in the drawing-room
9ft. 4in. by 2ft. 3in., occupied one man a year in their
production. A second studio was established, in which the
plaster decorations of some of the state bed-chambers and
private apartments were modelled and cast ; and, besides this,
an evening drawing school was instituted by the duke, for the
improvement of such of the employes as chose to avail them-
selves of it, for a time investing the castle with much of the
character of a school of art. When the progress of the new
works was at its height there were three hundred artizans
employed.
There were several curious discoveries made in the prosecu-
tion of the works. When the fosse was excavated, part of
the mediseval metal bit of a horse was found, as well as a
triple iron spiked claw intended to lame horses. And when
one of the towers built by the first duke was taken down to
make room for the Prudhoe Tower, a corked black glass
bottle was found built up in the masonry, containing
a piece of parchment on which was written — " This castle
was built by Matthew and Thomas Mills, master masons,
in the year 1764." Besides the bottle, there were pieces of
Norman and mediaeval stone work built in — such as the lancet
and shoulder heads, sills, jaumbs, muUions, and caps of
fttident windows, lengths Of mouldiiig, a stone half-length
figure, &C.5 proving that these masons used uj^ the materials
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1^
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THE CASTLE. 877
of a former structure, which it is not improbable they had
pulled down. There were also many metal articles such as
an old saw, chisels, numerous keys, several coins, and a
quantity of the bones of animals found.
Another relic was discovered enclosed in the marble monu-
mental sarcophagus erected in the chapel, to the memory of
Elizabeth duchess of Northumberland. This was a packet of
letters from her grace to her husband, specimens of several
silver coins, struck in honor of the restoration of the castle
effected by them, intaglio portraits of both duke and duchess
of the size adapted for rings or seals, and some silver coinage
of the reign of Qeorge II. The letters powdeted away as they
were lifted up, mere fragments remaining in the hands of
those who made the discovery ; but all that could be removed,
with the coins and portraits, were carefully preserved.
The space enclosed by the castle wall may be compared to
an irregular three sided figure, the line of curtain being
broken by the projections and recesses formed by the towers
and garrets upon it. Near the centre of the northern
frontage of this rude triangle stands the belt of towers form-
ing the keep, the new Prudhoe Keep-tower with its flag
turret rising conspicuously above the rest. From this frontage
the ground slopes rapidly down to the plateau by the river's
edge, which, artificially widened at this point, flows placidly
through pastures dappled with kine. The southern frontage
of the castle would overlook the town, but for the inter-
vening blocks of offices, and a high mound recently thrown
up to exclude this view. By reference to Plate IX., it will
be seen that to approach the state apartments it is neces-
sary to enter the castle at the Barbican and principal
Ste-house on the west side, and thence to traverse the outer
iley in the direction of the middle gate-house, the gate pf
which the visitor must also pass through, before he finds
himself in si^ht of the Norman gateway leading into the
inner court, m which is situated the entrance to the keep.
It is impossible not to be charmed with the old-world air of
all around ; with the grey curtain wall and its wind-bleached
towers shutting out the world of to day; the gallant keep; the
four ancient rib-vaulted gateways, one to be traversed to gain
the other ; the parapets with square blue patches of sky be-
tween, still showing the bolt holes for the wooden shutters,
with which the square blue patches of sky were blocked out in
times of peril ; the worn figures looking down from the towers ;
the masterly, we might almost say loving, transition from
Sc
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S78 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
rounds and pointed^ and segmental arclies, to round and
pointed and segmental arches again ; the long narrow arehieres
or arrow ftlits ; the barbed cross-bow slits ; the portcullises ;
the quaint projections^ here splayed^ there corbelled ; the traces
of the houardsy the wooden armour with which the castle was
girded for the fight ; the heraldic sculptures ; the shadowy
recesses ; the old mellowed masonry of the Normans and the
grey stonework of the Edwardian builders^ albeit these latter
bring into unwelcome relief the cold^ hard^ stiff style of the
Georgian era, and point oni too unerringly the additions of
the last decade.
In the inner court one of the features in the recent improve*
ments will be observed. This is a corridor running round
part of the court on piers and corbels, formed to afford separate
access to the state apartments, which, as we have mentioned,
were formerly without this convenience: A large double
porch, the outer one of which admits carriages so that their
occupants may be set down under cover, indicates the entrance.
Both the outer and inner porch are mediaeval in character,
having wrought stone semi-circular arches and groinings with
chamfered ribs ; but on passing through these the visitor steps
into the interior of a Roman palace. The scheme of the
Italian decorations required that the entrance should be
treated with simplicity, and a gradual enrichment take place
till it culminated in the principal state chambers. Accord*
ingly, we find the walls of the entrance-hall to be plain
masonry, technically known as dressed and rubbed ashlar work,
and the pavement to be of the stone of the county. An inner
hall, giving access to the grand staircase, shows the first sight
of the gorgeous ornamentation we are gradually approaching.
This chamber is somewhat richer than the last, the walls and
ceilings being panelled.
The staircase is a fine feature in the interior. Each step
is wrought of clear white Rothbury stone and is twelve feet
long ; and the landing stage is in one stooe twelve feet square.
The walls are also panelled with marbles and stuccoes, and
the ceiling is vaulted in stucco work and picked out with
cream tints and gold. The staircase terminates in a sort of
loggia, a vestibule thirty feet square, of which one side con-
sists of an open arcade looking down upon the staircase.
This is called the Ouard Chamber. The flooring is composed
of a Venetian mosaic pavement of small nieces of variegated
marbles, and the ceiling is panelled ; and in the deep mem
are subjects connected with Chevy Chase painted by Herr
Gotzenberg.
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THE CASTLE. 379
From this thoroughly Raphaelesque apartment depart
corridors right and left^ in which the chapel, state bed-
chambers, and private apartments are situated; it also
affords access to a gorgeous ante-room twenty two feet square,
the ceiling of which, panelled into a large octagon centre-piece,
is elaborately carved in wood and resplendent with gold and
colour. On the left hand of this chamber is the great library
which is lyithin the walls of the new Prudhoe Tower ; ana
on the right the saloon, drawing-room, and dining-room.
It may, thus, be briefly stated that there are on this floor
two staircases besides the grand staircase, eighteen chambers,
besides the gallery of the chapel, ten of which are in the ring
of towers composing the keep, one over the Norman gateway,
two in the polygonal towers adjoining, and five in a wiug of
building connecting the keep with the middle gate-house and
the range of kitchen ofiices, the site of which was, in old
times, occupied by a length of curtain wall. The ceilings of five
of these apartments are superbly carved, coloured, and gilded ;
a sixth is carved but uncoloured ; eight present Italian designs
in plaster-work ; and another, now called the breakfast-room,
retains the decorations of a century ago.
The library is a large oblong apartment fifty four feet long
by twentv four feet wide, having a bay in the centre at right
angles with it, twenty four feet wide by sixteen feet long, thus
following the contour of the Prudhoe Tower. This form
admits of the division of the ceiling, by means of panelled
beams, into four large square compartments, three of which
are in the principal part of the chamber, and the fourth in
the large bay or recess mentioned. In the centre of each of
these compartments is an octagonal coffered panel, having a
carved device allegorical of the arts and sciences relieved
boldly from it. The same set of colours exquisitely toned by
subtle mixtures, is used throughout the decorations with a
most harmonious result, a variety bein^ obtained bv a promi-
nence given to different tints in each chamber. Thus in the
library, though there are many positive as well as neutral
colours used, there is an impression made on the eye of the
predominance of a subdued blue as a background for the
gilded carvings. Two tiers of book-cases lining the walls,
the light gallery running along the upper one being
approached by a staircase in the thickness of one of the walls,
and three fire-places of coloured marble, give an air of a literary
sanctuary, at once suf^estive of quiet, repose, and luxurious
comfort.
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880 HtSTORT OP ALNWICK.
The saloon is of a different form to the library, and of some*
l¥hat smaller extent, being forty-two feet long by twenty-two
wide ; the bay which occupies one of the circular towers is
finished internally to the form of a semi-KX^tagon, having
canted angles at the points of contact with the main portions
of the chamber, making the room here thirty-six feet broad.
The ceiling, friezes, chimney-pieces, window shutters, doors,
and dados of this apartment present further specimens of the
sumptuousness of cinque-cento decorations. Carmine and
ultra-marine are the predominant tinto in the ceiling, although,
as we before mentioned, all the other colours throughout the
ornamentation are present. The design was suggested by
decorations in St. Peter's, Rome. The chimney-piece was
executed in the eternal city. Two caryatides representing
Roman slaves executed by Signer Nucci, support the corniced
shelf. A deep frieze, painted on canvas by Signor Mantovani,
runs round the room between the cornice and the architrave,
and at the base of the walls is a walnut and maple inlaid
skirting or dado, three feet high.
In the drawing-room ceiling the gilded carvings are seen
against a gorgeous, and, at the same time, harmonious back-
ground, in which orange and ^een are used on larger surfaces
than the other colours. The shelf of the white Carrara marble
chimney-piece in this room, also of Roman workmanship, is
supported on either side of the fire-place bjr a female figure
copied from the antique canephoree. The fheze, like that in
the saloon, is of a design consisting of nude boys and festooned
conventional ornaments, but it differs from it more markedly
in the colour of the back-groimd — ^that in the saloon being of
a deep red— this of an ultra-marine blue colour. It is under-
stood that the friezes by Guilio Romano in the commendante's
apartments in the castle of St. Angelo, have furnished the
theme of these. The form of this room is polygonal ter-
minating in a semi-octagon at each end, and having a semi-
octagon projecting from the centre of one of its sides, and it
is forty-six feet long by thirty-four feet wide at its broadest
point. The wall damasks and the rich carpets were designed
in reference to their several destinations.
The dining room, sixty-feet long by twenty-four feet broad
and about twenty-four feet high, covers part of the site of the
ancient hall and extends beyond it. It is of a rectangular
form having a projection, within the contour of the
To\md tower at one end of it, which forms a conve-
nient recess in the service of a state dinner. The marble
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TfiS CA8TLS. 881
chimney'^ieoe in this room is a large and splendid work
of the sculptor's art, displaying the arms of the late duke and
duchess Eleanor in the centre of the frieze, and is supported
on one side by the figure of a £Etwn and on the other by a bac-
chante. The cofiered ceilinfl^the design of which is taken
from one existing in the basiuca of San Lorenzo, outside the
walls of Rome— Sie cornice, friease, and architrave are all in rich
pine wood earrings and mouldings, with cedar panels for the
back ground left in the natural colour of the wood employed.
The dado is in walnut with yery richly and minutely carved
panels. The room adjoining this truly ducal apartment is
the breakfast room^ the sole relic of the works so much ap-
plauded in the days of Horace Walpole, Beckford, Batty,
Lanffley, and thdur contemporaries.
The chapel is of considerable interest It was here that,
during the progress of the works, English and Italian art met
face to face with all likelihood of bemg difficult to reconcile.
We have seen that the medieval character of the building
was left behind as the visitor piassed through the porch ; but
here, in the stone*groined roof and lancet windows it came
into close contact. It was resolved^ however, to employ
Italian art in medieval decorations, and accordingly it will
be perceived that the compartments in the £eiscie, at the base
of the windows, are similar in character to some of the most
valuable specimensof opcf« Alexandrum — ^foreign mosaic work
placed by early abbots round the shrine of Edward the Con-
fessor, in Westminster Abbey. The Chapel is oblong with a
semi-octagonal apsidal end. The ^ound floor, devoted to
the seats for domestics, measures thirty-two feet by eighteen
feet. It is liffhted by five lancet windows. The gallery,
intended for the ducal family and their guests, is on a level
with the floor of the state apartments, and being recessed back
with a continuation of the groined roof, the total length is
increased to forty six feet.
Proceeding along the corridor on this side of the vestibule,
after passing one of the smaller staircases, we come to the set
of state bed-rooms and dressing-rooms, and the suite of pri-
vate apartments of the ducal owners. Each of the state
bed-chambers occupies a semi-circular tower measuring twenty
seven feet in length and eighteen feet in width respectively,
and is provided with an exquisitelv finished dressing-room ;
the first of which is hexagonal in form and the second octa-
gonal, subject, however, to the exigencies of the external
form, which causes it to assume a rectangular form at one end
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38S HISTOBY OP ALNWICK.
beyond the boundary of the octagonal panelling of the ceiling.
All these chambers are luxuriously fitted and furnished.
Continuing our route past a second best staircase, affording
convenient access from this part of the castle to the court
below, and in the wing extending from the keep over the
middle gateway to the block of offices, we come to an elegant
apartment called the duchess's boudoir. This measures
twenty-four feet in length by twenty feet in breadth, except
where an obtuse triangular, recess increases the breadth to
twenty-six feet. It has a carved pine- wood flat coffered ceiling,
coloured and gilded like those in the state apartments, the
design of which was taken from the Camera Borgia in the
Vatican. This room in its artistic sumptuousness of chimney-
piece, damasks, dados, doors, carpets, and fittings, might be
compared to a casket of jewels, in which every article has
been considered with reference to its close association with
the rank of its owner. Adjoining it is the duchess's dressing-
room, twenty feet by seventeen feet, scarcely less eleffant in
its general effect ; and beyond this, again, is the famuy bed-
chamber, twenty feet square, opening on the other side
into the duke's dressing-room, twenty feet by eighteen feet,
which in its turn has communication with the duke's sitting-
room , twenty-two feet by twenty feet. The consummate
manner in which the various irregular forms of the different
chambers, not two of which are alike, have been blended into
the separate designs for the superb ceilings, all geometrical
in their general character, is as remarkable as their exquisite
colouring. All these chambers have been treated as works of
decoiative art, forming part of the scheme of a Boman palatial
interior, and are well worthy of study.
The fenestration requires a word of explanation. The ex-
ternally cusped and arched windows, which light the grand
staircase from the inner court, are transformed within to a
more Italian character, having semi-circular heads. The
library, saloon, drawing-room, and dining-room windows, are
also altered within to harmonize with the cinque cento decora-
tior.s. Those of the chambers south of the Prudhoe Tower
are, however, all left cusped or shoulder headed or lancet
bonded as the case may be. The state bed-chambers are
furnished with .double frames and glazing, the outer frame
work being of copper — the inner of oak.
The Prudhoe Tower has two chamber floors above these
apartments, which contain additional suites of bed-rooms and
dressing-rooms furnished with every sanitary appliance ; and
in the flag tower there is an altitude of two more chambers.
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THE CASTLE. 883
The grand staircase and that portion of the corridors in the
neighbourhood of the chief state apartments are warmed by
a hot apparatus by Price and Co.^ placed in the basement of
the Prudhoe Tower. Further along towards the private apart-
ments a gill stove by Stuart and Smithy of ShefBeld^ is placed
at the bottom of the second entrance staircase^ the heat from
which ascends and warms that portion of it. A fourth con-
trivance, consisting of pipes heated by steam, proceeds from
the kitchens and heats the corridor communicating with the
family suite of apartments.
On the ground floor, on a level with the entrance hall,
are the various chambers required by the principal domestics
of the household, properly classified, viz. ; the room for footmen
in waiting, under the saloon contiguous to the main entrance ;
the housekeeper's-room, the walls of which are lined with
oak presses for linen ,* the still-room, fitted with all the latest
culinary contrivances ; and the housemaid's-room, all en suite
under the great library in the Prudhoe Tower ; the groom of
the chambers' rooms ; the comptroller of the household's
rooms ; bath-room, lamp-room, brushing-rooms, and footmen's
rooms. Here, -too, arranged with special reference to the
service of the dinner, are the butler's pantries, consisting of
plate-closet, and glass and plate-pantries. These are im-
mediately below the drawing-room, and consequently adjoin-
ing the large vaulted chamber below the present dining-room,
which is now used as vrine cellars and cellaret. Between the
pantries and this noble Edwardian vault rises a circular stair-
case to a small lobby, close to the dining-room door, by which
means, and the contrivance of a lift, all the service of the
butler's department is ordered in the most systematic and
efficient manner.
In the new block of kitchens, &c., the baronial idea, only,
finds expression. Although every known modem contrivance
has been adopted likely to perfect each domestic arrangement,
fluch as lifts, steam tables, the various culinary mechanical
Sieces in the way of gas and charcoal stoves, as well as the
uge open fire, consuming a ton of coals at every replenish-
ment, it is not possible to be unimpressed with the really
mediseval proportions and effect of this part of the new works.
The brass and steel hydraulic roasting jack, with its huge
medieval oak and brass lined screen, might be a relic of the
thirteenth century. The walls of the kitchea with scallery
and ^try are of cbressed ashlar. The principal kitchen, which
is thirty-four feet square, has a groined roof which rises to a
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884 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
height of forty feet and then takes a lantern form, as at the*
chateau of Montreuil Bellay, the abbeys of Fontevrault, St.
Pierre de Chartres, and Marmontier ^ the palace of the dukes
of Bourgogne at Dijon, and the papal palace at Avignon.
The service of the mnner from this department is facilitated
by means of a lift, twenty-seven feet in height, which raises
the various dishes to a small chamber provided for the pur-
pose at the south-east end of the corridor on the principal
floor, whence a train of servitors place them on the dining
table in due order. The cook, as clerk of the kitchen, has
an office in this group of buildings and the completeness, thus
indicated, is still more perfected with separate larders for
cold meat, stock, fish, and game. These are all on one level
to avoid unnecessary labour and accident, and are furnished
with every requirement such as marble slabs, tiles, streams of
running water, &c. Below the kitchens, furnished with a
coal lift, is a vast vaulted receptacle for coals, and others for
charcoal and wood, and a plucking room. Here, too, are a
large steam boiler, and the hydraulic apparatus for the dinner
lifts. Above this suite of buildings is a set of bed-chambers
for the kitchen servants. Perhaps in no part of the castle
has so much change been effected as in the kitchens. The first
Percy lord of Alnwick, built his kitchens in the keep adjoining
his dining hall. The first duke banished these to a site
fringing the line of curtain wall, and cut them off from all
communication with the keep by means of the middle gate*
tower, through the archway of which every dish destined for
the dming table had to be carried in all weathers. The late
duke retained and extended the last mentioned site, but
formed an in-door route.
The towers in the line of circumvallation will have more
interest for some minds than those of the keep, as many of
them are the workis of the first Percy, lord of Alnwick. The
Barbican is a lesson in medieval warfare. It covers an area
about fifty-fiye feet in length and thirty two feet in width.
Should the besiegers have succeeded in crossing the moat
and passing through the ribbed-gateway, which is some fifteen
feet long and protected. by two turrets, tibey would have found
themselves in a small open court, surrounded on three sides
by galleriesin thethicknessof the walls fortified by double para-
pets ; with another bridge drawn up befi)re them ; and with
the massive and closed entrance of the gate-house protected by
portcullis and its parapet, and those on the gate-house towers
bristling with armed men. From the galleries mentioned
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THE CASTLE. 885
the besieged would harass them by every device in their
power, such as throwing missiles on their heads and swinging
great bundles of flax, (Upped in pitch and sulphur and set on
fire, in their faces. Besides this, the besieged would make
every effort to cut off their retreat. There is, however, no
evidence that besiegers ever tried so forlorn an experi-
ment. The Percy lion and the motto Esperanee are sculp-
tured over the entrance. The upper rooms in the gate-house
are approached by a new staircase, and are appropriated as
bed-rooms for strangers* servants. The lower rooms serve as
apartments for the gate-porter.
Passing a garret on the line of wall we come to the Abbot's
Tower, a fine Edwardian piece of architecture having a rib-
vaulted chamber in the basement, and two floors above ap-
proached by a turret staircase. The window openings on the
ground floor are arrow slits, those above are muUioned or tran-
somed lights with cusped or shoulder heads in recesses
of the wall, which are not less than five feet in thickness.
This tower is capped with battlements, having a turret at
the north west comer.
The razed Armourer's and Falconer's Towers were the next
on the wall ; they have been supplanted by a square tower
at the end of the shortened curtain wall. Passing along
the new terrace wall, which has been erected at the base of
the keep, we arrive at the postern or sally-port which is an
ancient tower. A flight of steps descends to the basement
vaulted chamber, from which the sally-port communicated
with the grounds outride the castle. Here is a curious stair-
case in the walls, and an example of a latrine in one of the
external walls, the stone shoots or drains of which discharge
into the ditch without. This tower is now occupied as a
museum for British and Roman antiquities.
The next in succession to this is the Constable's Tower.
There are three external entrances to it, one in each floor.
There is also an internal newel turret staircase leading to the
roof which terminates in a gable turret on the parapet. This
staircase is lighted by cross-bow openings ; but there is an
exceedingly striking window on the second floor, consisting
of a doubled transomed light, having an arched head with a
cusped circle under a label. The great thickness of the wall
within gives a deep recess, which is shoulder headed above
and formed to give a stone seat on each side of it. This
tower was left, both externally and internally, untouched by
the first duke, as a specimen of the mediaeval arrangements
3d
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886 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
One of the diambers is called the armoury^ wherein the
public are shown the collection of arms and accoutrements,
used by the Percy Tenantry Corps in the beginning of the
present century.
Between this tower and the next there occurs a turreted
projection upon the wall, built by the first duke, which is
now called Hotspur's chair ; and close to this is a large patch
of modem masonry which fills up what is still called the
Bloody Gap — ^in reality the site of a ruined tower.
The Record Tower is another of those biult by the first
duke, and is fitted up in the same style as the rest of the
works executed by that nobleman. The late duke deposited
his collection of Egyptian antiquities in the upper floor, and
it is now called the Egyptian Museum. On the ground floor
the records are kept.
Two garrets next occur ; then we reach the new Lion Gate-
house, through which lies the road to the Castle Gardens or
Bameyside. This consists of two polygonal towers, having
small chambers in each on the ground floor, on either side of
the gateway, with a staircase in one, affording convenient in-
gress for thechoice productions of the castle gardens, and for ice
from the adjoining ice well, and leading to the large chamber
over the gateway fitted up as a confectionary. The other
tower gives access to the extensive ale-cellars, built below the
gatehouse.
A recess of buildings containing a large servant's-hall on
the ground floor, a steward's-room on the first floor, and bed-
rooms above, brings us past the middle gate-house to the
group of kitchen offices, adjoining which is the Caterer's
Tower containing the butchery. We then come to a series of
commissioner's, accountant's, clerk's, bailiff^s, and clerk of
the work's ofiices, having another tower at the end of it, in
which is the entrance to them,* and beyond this is the opening
into a large quadrangular area occupied as a stable yard.
In this quadrangle are stables, rooms for harness, forage &c.,
lining two sides of it, with bed-chambers for the coachmen,
postifiions, and stablemen above ; and on the third side is a
laxge coach-house, in the vicinity of which are the laundry
and wash-houses replete with every modem contrivance.
• Anciently a ooroer or ranne tower but called in modem tiroes the Water
Tower, from the circnmetanoe of the tank that acts ae a rerarroii for the oaatie
having been placed in it. It now containa the clock which has two fiMes and
fiTe sonorous bells.
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THB CASTLE. 887
The wash-houses occupy the vaulted hasement. On one side
of the stable-yard there is an opening into a second area^
through which is a carriage way into Bailiffgate. The second
area has an opening into a third quadrangle^ containing a
riding school, loose boxes, a farrier^s shop, &c., in separate
divisions.
The absence of one of the principal features in a baronial
castle — the large banqueting-hall in which the knights,
8quire8,^,and retainers of a former age were entertained, and
in whidi their more peaceable representatives, the tenant
farmers on a large estate, are wout to be feasted, may be
remarked. The sumptuous piece of art-work, the new dining-
room, would be out of the question for the banquets of the
Percy retainers. Provision has been made, therefore, for
the reception of this class of guests in a large building in the
stable yard, which is, in the intervals between these festive
occasions, used as a coach-house. This erection has an. open-
timbered roof and is lighted by long lancet windows. Con-
certs and theatrical entertainments have been given in it,
when upwards of six hundred guests found accommodation.
There are few persons who will require to be informed that
these, as well as all the structural features of the new works,
have been erected from the designs of Mr. Salvin. The
writer acknowledges with pleasure, his own association as
the resident architect with both the English and Italian por-
tions of the work, from their commencement and during the
first five years of their progress.
It has been^so much the mode, in the last two centuries,
for nobles to desert the grand remains of feudal times, and
build for themselves Italian looking palaces or villas, that the
few examples of ancient castles in repair that we still possess,
have become priceless. Alnwick castle, especially, has ever
been esteemed in most minds as the old head quarters of
border chivalry ; and in truth, it has that aspect still. No
one, be he gentle or simple, could look upon this very
'' gudlye howsse " as King Harry's commissioners called it,
or upon its grassy courts fringed with " faire towres," its
stately keep with its *^ marveylouse fare vaulte '' and '' tryme
ladgings " as Clarkson described them to be, without feeling
they had seen the martial, social, and most knightly centre
of mediaeval life in Northumberland.
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CHAPTER XXI.
THE PEDIGEEE8 AND EAULT HEEALDET OF THE
LOEDS OP ALNWIOK.
TESOT BJSRJLLDBY — ^FEDIGBBBS OF TYSOIT, TESOT, ATON^ BEK, AND
PEBOY.
The pedigrees of the successive lords of Alnwick with a
critical notice of their early heraldry have been deferred to
the close of their history, that we might give the result of
additional researches into collateral branches of these families,
without disturbing the general flow of our narrative. In this
I have derived most essential aid from mv friend Mr. Long-
staffe, to whom I am indebted for the following preliminary
dissertation on the early heraldry, and for the elaborate pedi-
grees of Tyson, Vescy, and Bek. The new matter and
ulustrations incorporated in these essays, though not of a
popular character, will I hope be useful for reference to
students of northern history, and give to all information as
to the connections of the great families who held the barony
of Alnwick.
The ancient heraldry of the Percys has been reviewed in the
ArchaBologia .Miana, N.S., lY., 157| and in Tonge's Visitation,
L89, and brief notices have been given in the course of this
itoiy. In the ensuing pedigrees^ me cotemporary evidences of
insignia for the older lords of the barony occur under the re-
spective individualBi but some generalization is desirable.
llie Norman invaders of England '* had (according to Master
Wace) shields on their necks and lances in their hands, and all
had made (or adopted) conventional signs or cognizances (the
MSS. read variously convenances and cognoissances) that one Nor-
man might know another by, and that none others bore." It is not
clear how these badges were worn, but, assuming the probability
that their owners would adopt them for their seals also, and see-
ing that on those the devices are generally minus the shield, we
may conclude it likely that they were not upon the shields, or at
least not exclusively so. They sometimes continue in the later
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PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. S89
armoiy of the fiunily wearing them, sometimes not. They were
frequently hereditary, and are supplied on the seals by more
formal heraldry with an evident reluctance and at. a slow pace.
In support of these deductLona we need only refer to the history
of the oinquefoU of Umfrevillei the annulets of Yeteripont, the
interlacing ornament of Lacy, and the muscce of Muschamp.
Beak with the devices of their ancestors and seals with armorial
shields occur for the same individuals fifty or a hundred years
after the presumed rise of heraldry about 1160. Their con-
clusiveness as evidences on the subject has been overrated, in the
absence of consideration of the time when the ornaments of the
shield took precedence of personal distinctions generally. If it
is a fsiot that heraldry did not arise until the period named, then
it is a consequence that forthwith relations flocked together and
settled what arms their ancestors ought to have worn, their sub-
feudatories taking part in the discussion.
It does not fofiiow because Eustace de Yesci, bom after the
introduction of formal heraldiy as stated, clung to the paternal
vetch on his handsome seal, that he or his fSeither had no other
distinction on their shields. There is a weird charm about early
devices which makes us thankftQ that we are not in ignorance of
those of the Yeeois. The pim between '' Yescis, vesce, vetches,"
was pointed out in the liber de Melros of the Bannatyne Olub.
When we find the old metrical chronicler, Jordan de Fantosme,
spelling the name Vesd^ Vedci, and Vedsci indiscriminately, we
need not scruple to accept the proposition that Gerard's ^' Tare,
Yetch or Fetch — called in Latin, Vicia a Vineiendo, of binding
or wrapping, as Yarro noteth — ^in high Dutch, Wicken ; in low
Dutch, Vitsen ; in French, Vesce^'^ was really intended as a play
Uj^on liie name of those ancient lords, who, according to the Aln-
wick Chronicle, sprang from the vill of Yescy over the sea. The
leguminous vegetable is not botanically, but conventionally
drawn, and a herald would probably describe each seal as vetchy.
On the seals of Eustace and his wife, representations of a very
queer beast occur in conjunction with the plant.
The secretum of Eustace, which may be seen in the Liber de
Melros and Laing's Scottish Seals, presents vetch pods arranged
in quatrefoil or cruciform fashion, but it requires some ima^-
ation to trace the origin of the Cross Patonce of the Yescis in fliis,
or the trefoiled forms into which some portions of the plant are
thrown in his larger seal. When we meet with this cross on the
shield of St. Michael on the corporate seal of Alnwick, we natur-
ally suspect that it may have been in compliment to the charter-
giving lords of the.borough, rather than the bearing then usually
conceded to the patron saint of the parish church, who, most
certainly, on the great seals of Henry Y. and Bishop Fordham,
Skirlaw and Langley, wears a plain cross. Whatever its origin,
the Cross Patonce of Yesci rapidly spread among the relations,
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S90 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
feudallj or by blood, of the fleuxLily. Need we mentioii the two
great housee of Lascelles and Latimer, whose tenaades were of
ancieiit feoffiuent, i.e., befbre the death of Henxy I. ? Oolemaa
may perhaps also be adduoed. The Cfross Patonoe of the Lords
of D^den, to which birds were added, making an elegant ooat,
approaching that attributed to Edward the Oonfeasor, is fkiniliar
to eyeiy Durham herald, and derives new interest when he reads
the entry — '' Jordanns de Dalden tenet villam de Dalden,'' among
the tenures of the barony of Alnwick in 8 Edw. II. Not that it
was really so held, but when we substitute barons for barony,
not qua barons, we arrive at the truth.
In all this there is nothing conclusive. There is no proof that
the tares or the archangel originated the coat, or that its adop-
tion by the tenants was cotemporary with the oommenoement of
their tenancy. But there are other reasons for a belief in its
very early origin.
Glover has preserved an entry of it with a difference for Waxin
de Yescy, who, supposing all the statements of his descendants,
the Atons, to be true, was, at ihe nearest, brother of Eustace and
dead in 1235. It was ascribed to those Atons on a canton with
their paternal coat. It occurs on the seal of John de Yescy,
whose grandson held Byton in Yorkshire as early as 1292. That
John's relationship was so remote that his issue never ventured
to appear among tne claimants to the heritage of the main line.
It wiu hereafter be seen that Eustace had a sister apparently of
the half-blood, much older than himself. It is stated, with every
appearance of accuracy, that she remarried a Carlisle. It is the
fact Ihat Ihe primary arms of the Carlisles were O. a Cro9» Patone0
O,, an obvious differencing of the coat of Yesci.
The heralds probably happened to hit the truth in supposing
that the bearing was used by or attributed to Beatrix the heiress
of the older Yescis, and adopted with her name by her son.
But her descendants also wore another coat, hardly inferior to
the Cross Fatonce in antiquity, and latterly taking preference
over it. This was a plain Cross, It is obvious, £rom me tinctures,
that it was radically distinct from the Cross Fatonce, the two
bearings standing thus: —
G. a Cross Fatonce A.
O. a plain cross S.
It is clear also that its origin is incorrectly ascribed by Camden to
William de Yesci, who cued in 1297, in the description of him
as '^ fjEuodous for his exploits in Ireland and who changed the old
arms of the family into a shield Or, with a Cross sable." For it
had also been borne by his elder brother John, and William, so
&r from being its inventor, differenced it during that brother's
lifetime, as a yoimger son. The mutual rights of these two sons
of William, who gave the Cross Fatonce, fiedrly carry the plain
Cross also to his time ; and Glover, in his collections of old arms.
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FBDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. S91
aflcribee it to Eustace Veecy of the preTious generation who
presented the animals and vetches on his seal. The writer is
disposed to rank the two coats alike, and to think that the plain
Cross refers to Eustace Fitz John. The arms ascribed to him by
the heralds, Quarterly O. and O. a bordure Vaire^ was really
the coat of Mandaville as differenced by the Fitz Johns and Fitz
C^fi&eys of Essex, quite a different race. The exclusive use of
the Cross Patonce by the descendants of Beatrix de Yesd, and that
of the Bend on a Quarterly field by those of Agnes the heiress of
the Constables of Chester, appear to identify the two bearings
with the commemoration of those wives of Eustace Fitz Jo£i
respectively, rather than that of himself. But it is very unlikely
that the Yescis would forget to associate some insignia with so
great a baron as he was, independently of his anpouBes.
The sentiment affecting the user might differ from time to time.
Although the barony of Alnwick was legally given by the king
in fee to Eustace Fitz John, who alienated portions of it, yet
morally it came by Beatrix. Her more immediate descendants,
affectionately assuming her name, mieht well prefer the arms
considered to be hers. She had probsLoly sometning to do with
recommending the foundation of Alnwick Abbey, and, although
the charters of Eustace Fitz John gave no countenance to the
idea, the monks esteemed him and her as joint founders. We
need not wonder that in late times the two crosses occur at
the same date on the south front of their gateway, or that the
heralds should record: — ''In Alnwick church are these armes:'
O. a plain Cross [8. ?^ and G. a Cross Patonce 0. [A. f ] "♦ But
outside, among the laity, the distinctive histoiy of the component
parts of the great fee which descended from Eustace Fitz Johli
would be feebly remembered. We know, as a fact, that
eventually the descents of Malton and Alnwick were supposed to
have been identical. And after the plain Cross supersi^ed the
Cross Patonce on the seals of their owners, indications are found of
an association of the plain Cross with the actual possession of the
land, of the Cross Patonce with the descending right by blood to
it. The plain Cross on the gateway of Alnwick Castle goes for
nothing, as a match between Percy and Aton explains it. More
to the point is its occurrence feudally on Hylton Castle, the
barons whereof held Shilbottle under the Percy fee of Alnwick,
and its conjunction with Percy and Lucy in genuine work in the
partially falsified chapel at the east end of T^emouth Priory.
These are late instances, but more interesting circumstances occur
before the heirs of Vesci released Alnwick. When the Fitz John
fee and the heirship of his blood were (for a time at least )parted,
we find that the plain Cross was borne by the Bastard Yesci of
Kildare without any abatement, as if his enjoyment of Malton
carried it to him, notwithstanding his infirmity of blood. On
the other hand, the very roll that proves this also shows that Sir
• Visit. Nd. 1575-1615. Harl MS., No. 1554.
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892 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Gilbert de Aton, who, as heir of blood, suooeeded to that estate,
eyen then wore the Gross Patonce coat without difTerence. It is
there called a Gross Patee, but is sufGlcieutly identified by the
tinctures, and the circumstance that various other crosses patonoe
are in the same manuscript called patee, the convertibility of the
terms in early times being well known.* After the Bastard's
death we find the very same Gilbert wearing the plain Gross,
being then possessor of the Yesci inheritance not alienated under
Bishop Bek^s grant of Alnwick. His brother William bore the
same coat and his coheirs quartered it. In the pedigree is inserted
a curious document showing that this William obliged the plain
Gross with five Bull's Heads during Gilbert's lifetime, and released
the compound coat to a stranger after he became entitled to the
cross without difPerence. The stranger had usurped to it, by
iterance or design, and Aton, before the release, thought fit to
vindicate his rights in solemn form. One Nicholas de Eton,
Bector of Leven, who should perhaps stand as another brother,
sealed in 1327 with the plain Gross charged with five Boundela.!
In those days, when arms were strictly protected as trade marks
are now, the public were not to be deceived, and vanity served,
by two persons wearing one coat. The Bastard Vesci wore one
shield of his ancestors, the legitimate Aton the otiier in the un>
differenced or whole state, and if Vesci affected the Gross Patonce,
it must have been with due abatement. This he may have done,
and it would not be right to omit mention of a truly beautiful
specimen of ancient armoury eidsting at Tork, though its appli-
cation may be doubtfiil. In Drake's Eboracum, p. 309, it is
mentioned that ''in an old wall hereabouts [i.e. near Haber-
dashers' Hall, Walmgate] is a statute of a knight templar; on his
shield a Cross Patonce^ with a Bar. Laiimer" and Ihis is doubtless
the cross-legged effigy now preserved in the truly valuable museum
near St. Mary's Abbey. It presents the pnok spur. Angels
support the pillow ; a Hon is imder the feet, as usual. A drs^n
bites the shield as doth the ask of Aslakby at Egglesdiffe.
What Drake caQs a bar is a vert^ thin Bendlet dexter over amagsi-
ficent Gross Patonce. The effigy mav belong to some young^ or
illegitimate Latimer, but the place of find and the site of the vesci
foundation for Friars Garmelite^ on the opposite side of the Fobs,
are not sufficiently distant to muitate against the supposition that
here we may have the tomb of William Yesci of Eoldare*
* The entry is under *' Westmerlond a le Counte de Lancutre." Of. Coa-
dtable*& Roll. *' Atton of Westmerlande. G. a Cross Patonce A."
t HarL MS. 1985, fo. 276 b.
X Memorandam quod 5^ id' Januarii ceperunt Fratres CarmelistB inbabitare
civitatem Ebor', Anno D*ni 1295^. Et anno D'ni 1212° in Angiiam intraTenint
Anno milleno CC^ duodeno
Rolu' Carmeliste capiu't ad termina Tite
Carmia concesai p'us in boria loca Yessy
Persy firmavit Deus huic sibi nos sociabit.
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PEDIORBBS AND EARLY HERALDRY. 893
No direct evidence of any crest of Yesoi or Aton lias occurred to
us ; but there is reason to belieye that, if one was worn, it was
a Neat's head. William Aton, as already mentioned, differenced
the plain Gross of Yesci with five Budl's heads. Oonyers of
Bockonm, coheir of Aton and Yesci, in glass, which the regal
shield of Scotland shows was intended to commemorate his rela-
tionship to the line which matched with William the Lion's
daughter, placed a horseman bearing on his shield the head of a
bull or cow, reminding us of the way in which the Nevils some*
times placed the dun bull of their helms upon their *^ shield of
peaoe.'^ As the yetch was not considered a far fetched pun by
the early knights of the name of Yedsci or Yesci, it is not inap-
propriate to remark that Yeitch of Dawyck, anciently Yac^ gave
the head of a cow (rache^ for crest and three of such heads for
arms. Whatever originally was the sex of the neat, whose head
we believe was used by Yesci, it probably was considered as
masculine when heraldry settled into a science.
For, besides the fleu:t of Aton's usage, we have,a strong corro-
boration not only of that surmise, but also of the* whole view of
the subject in the ensigns of the Fercehay of Eyton, in YorksUre,
whose interesting descent from some early Yescies would be out
of place in the stemmata of the lords and claimants of Alnwick
which follow, but is suitable here and is a convenient mode of
presenting the evidence in question,*
The subsequent descents in the visitations need not be given.
That of Tonge in 1530, begins with one John Percehaye ; l£at of
1684, ffives a generation higher — one William Fercehay, who
mairied " Maria, filia et hssres, relicta Willelmi de Acorn, per
finem 2. Bic. IE. Bidley, 10, S6, 37." This William might well
be the son of Sir Robert, who closes the testamentary pedigree,
or one of his brothers. There are no more Fercehay wills in the
printed Testamenta Eboracensia.
In the 16th century the difTerence between Fercehay and Colville
had been abandoned. The coat given by Tonge for Fercehay is
Yescy of Alnwick, with the tinctures transposed :-^A. a Orou
PaUmce*0. The same coat was still used at Dugdale's Yisitation,
1665. In the Harl. MB. 1487, containing Withy's Amalgamation
of the Yisitations, the crest is a BulVs Htad eauped B,f the homa
p€r fen i. and O. Dugdale agrees, except that tiie colours per
fess of the horns are transposed into O. and B.
It remains to note some of the other phases of the arms of
Aton and Yesd. We have seen that the coheirs of William Aton,
lord of Malton, the flEunilies of Clifford (from Bromflete and St.
John), Euro, and Oonyers, quartered the plain Gross of Yesoi.
ISizabetiian heralds added a qtiartering for Tison, and the coat
of Fitz-John of Essex for our Eustace Fitz-John, about which
nothing more need be said. They also added O. three Bora B.
* See Pedigree page 400.
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894 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
i'or Bany of six 0. and B.] on a Canton O. a Orau Patonoe A,,
br Aton. This was, probably, in substanoe a genuine coat
though long disused. It does not, indeed, occur very early for
this une of Aton. The superior arms of Yesd blotted it out. Still
we have it in Canterbury cloisters (not, perhaps, for Willemenfs
reason) in company with the plain Gross of Yesci, temp. Ken. lY.
There it occurs as O.five Bars B. on a canton O. a Cross Patonce O,
The canton doubtless relates to Yesci directly or indirectly. There
are earlier evidences of the bearing in connection with tiiie Ettons
of QiUing, in right of whom the Faar&xes in 1530 quartered
Barry of eight A. and O, a canton S, charged with a Cross Patonee
O. In the first window from the east on the south side of the
clerestory of York Minster nave, it occurs as A. six Bars (or three
Bars GemeUesJ G, on a canton S. a Cross Patonce O., beside the
coat of Sir Balph Hasting, goyemor of York Oastle in 1337.
There are some variations m the ordinaries. The canton is some*
times sable, without charge. That of the GiUing line looks like
Latimer and only derivative from Yesd — that of the Aton line
may well refer to Warin de Yesd himselfl With regard to the
former, Ivo de Yesd and Eustace Fitz-John granted large lands,
and the church of GOling, in Bydale, to St Mcvy's Abbey at York.
It would not be proper to leave the arms of the lords of Alnwick
without remarking that the Gross Moline of Bishop Bek, its lord
between the Yesdes and Perdes, seems to have left its '' footsteps
on the sands of time." Such a coat occurs in the chancel of the
parish church. ^ So also the ordioary dictionaries of arms have
A. a Cross Moline 8, ior Alnwick or Alnwyke, and Uie genuiness
of the coat is affirmed by the fact that Bishop William Alnwyck,
of Norwich, bore a Gross Moline in 1426.*
We come to junior branches or feunilies of the same names,
who lack any proof of kindred to the parent stems of Yesd and
Aton. In 2 Edw. IE., Oilbert de Aton obtained a charter of
free-warren in Knapton and other estates in Yorkshire. In 1612»
Yescy of Brampton in le Morthinge traced descent, before the
herald St. Goorge, from one EsmeuB de Yespy de Knapton, and
the plain Gross of Yescy and the suppodtious coat or Tyson
quartering Brumpton and Twitle are given as the arms. The
Lords Knapton, now Yiscounts de Yesd, in Ireland, and the
Yescys of Ghimley in Oxfordshire, claim boldly from Thomas
and Bichard alleged to be brothers of the &lJier of the Bastard
of Kildare. The abstinence of these suppodtious ancestors in
not claiming the inheritance of their fathers is not explained.
The Irish peers give the plain cross coat, differenced with a
patriarchal cross of gold, " tauiitionally attributed to the age of
the Grusaders;" those of Oxfordshire, Ermine, or a Cross &
Jhe martlets O. Another coat of Ireland gives a golden cross
erosalet fitchee as the difference.
* Brown's Repertorium.
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FEDIOREBS AKD EARLY HERALDRY. S95
The name has always lingered in the north and is now Yasej.
In 16 Edw. m. Kobert Yescy of Haljwell, in Northumberland,
recoyered lands there from Boger Fitz- Robert de Haliwell. In
In 1826, John Yes<^, of Gktteshead, grants his tenements to Pipe-
wellgate there to his daughter 8ibOIa (qu. Sibilla wife of Gilbert
Gategang, mde i^urtees, m. 116), and seals wi^ the device of some
*' beast admiring his taol which is mmustakeably patonce/' In 9
Hen. Y., Henry de Eton was rector of Gateshead, and John de
Yescy chaplain there. In 1615, a respectable family of Yasey,
of Newlands, in the Bishoprick, entered their pedigree, ''no arms
allowed." Some relations at Ooniscliffe, springing as would seem
from John Yeyse a freeholder there in 1436, and called Yasey
and Yesey, give, with monumental inscriptions there of the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries, the arms A. a plain Cross S. in
the first quarter a Martlet From this stock sprang Marshall Yesey,
a well Imown bookseller, of Newcastle, who married the daughter
of another equally fiamous, Patrick Sanderson, of Durham, the
compiler of a usend summary of county antiquities.
The younger Atons haye not the same claim on our attention
afl the Yesds. One or two instances may suffice. A monument
of last century in Houghton le Spring Church to some descend-
ants of William Ayton who purdiased part of West Herrington
in Elizabeth's time, giyes^. a plain Cross S,f eyidently borrowed
from the arms of the heirs of Yesci. The I)e Uyedales also, in
the debased period of heraldry, quartered Six Bars, on a Canton
a Cross Crossletm right of Isabel (dead in 1848) daughter and
heiress of Gilbert de Etton, by AHce, coheiress of Thomas de
Tycheseye, who died in 1297.
Drake mentions an epitaph in All Saints', North Street, York,
on one Etty, an ingenious architect, who died 1 709 with the lines :
—-''His art was great, his industry no less ; what one projected,
the other brought to pass." And he adds '' But whose art it
was that put the arms of the antient family of Atton, or de Etton,
on this stone, I shall not say."
Leaying these straggling ambitions to link with noble stems,
and haying disposed of me armorial part of our subject, some-
thing must be said on the motiyes leading to the publication
of me genealogies which follow, and on one or two moot points
therein.
Latin has been somewhat freely used in the pedigrees. It is
familiar to all who will care to use the tables, and has been
adopted in order to work in the yery words of the eyidences on
which they are based.
In Pedigree I., Tison, the addition of the Htsali leads to the
inference that the Constables and Belyers, though coheirs of
Adam Tisun, were not descended from his son WiUiam, but from
sisters. The general conclusions as to the frdsity of any claims
for the Yesois to represent a sole heiress of Tison are strengthened,
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396 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
without reference to the wide dispersal of Gilbert Tison's estates,
too surely preying a forfeiture.
Nos. n. in. explain themselves as exemplifying the deeoent
of the estates of Eustace Fitz-John, and the heraldry of the holdera
to the death of William de Yescy, of Kildare.
This text is more convenient than the pedigree to state some
doubts as to Isabella Longespee the first wife of William Yescy
II. having neither son nor daughter. The daim to the crown of
Scotland made by his second surviving son, William, who was
bom in 1245 and must have been by his second wife, leaves
little doubt that the general descent is accurately stated* and
that all the possessors of the barony of Alnwick are included.
But in a charter in the Kelso Book, Liber de Galchou, 1S9, the
father, '* Willelmus de Yesd, filius et hseres quondam Domini
Eustachii de Yesci," leaving no doubt of his identity, has in the
witnesses *' fVillelmoJUio meOf Domino de SproueitotiJ^ Sproueston
(in Scotland) is afterwards found in the hands of John the elder
surviving son, not of William the younger one, who, a child of
seven or eight at the death of his &ther in 1253, would hardly
be a witness or be called lord of the manor in his lifetime.
Unless the record is in error and reads JUio instead oifrtUre^ an.
explanation not to be adopted unless all others are impossible, it
seems likely that there was an older heir apparent called Willuun,
who might be bom as early as 1210, who attained age, took
Sprouston by settlement or arrangement, and died before 1245.
The monastic language is still suficiendy satisfied by none of
Isabella's children living to be of importance in the ''stenmia
fundatorum."
No. lY. is an attempt to show the conflicting statements of the
claimants of the estates. It will be seen that an attempt was
made to thwart the claims of the Atons, by showing that their
ancestor Warin de Yescy, was illegitimate, and that he was not
named as a relation by the Yescy whose charters he witnessed.
* And if this were loose, here is independent cotemporary evidence^ "beantiftil
exceedingly.*' '* Sir, what a pleasure 9k fact is 1*'
Ego EustaciuB de Vesci dedi Fratribus de insula Fameland teptem aummas de
Ifrumento meo de Suinehoo. Testes Qilbertua Abbas de
Alnewic, Will, de Vesci, &o.
Willelmus de Tesci filius et hseres Eustacii de Vesci. Noverit univenitas Testn me
concessisse Fratribus de insula de Fame donum quod parte
xneus Eustacius de Vesci fecit eidem domui tie. septem
summas frumenti. Testibus, Dominis Willelmo de Vesci
8eniore[his illegitimate uncle], WillelmodePerci&cmilitibus,
Nicholao de Perci, &c.
Johannes de Vescy filius et hseres Wiilelmi de Vescy. Noverit universitas Testra
me concessisse Fratribus de insula de Fame donum quod pater
meus Willelmus de Vescy eisilem fratribus concessit, viz.
fieptem summas framenti. Testibus, Dominis Willelmo de
Vescy, Roberto de Hilton, &c., militibus.
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PEDIGREES AND EARLY HERALDRY. 387
A more grievous objectiou on the latter eridenoe is of the early
ohaiacter of those oharters. Seeii^^ that Eustace de Yesoyi being
a minor in 1185, and of age in 1191, must have been bom yery
late in his father's lifetime, in fact not until 1170 ; it does seem
imlikely that the Sir Warin of that fatiier's charters was Eustace's
younger brother. But it does not follow that there was not a
younger Wann who really was his brother, but who was not the
witness. It isobviousthat thedaimsof the Atonsto set aside Bishop
Bek'ssale of Alnwick to the Percys, must have been much weakened
by the cross impeachment of the Aton heirship. The hush money
was small, but the influence of the Percys in &TOur of the Atons
inheriting the residue of the Y esoy estates and a marriage were
yaluable. The allegations of other claimante must have been ^
mischieyous, though they cannot be said at present to be satis-
factory. For that of John, son of Amald de Percy (of KildalOi
it is presumed), no eyidence has occurred. In that of an heir of
Bulbedk, a generation is evidently omitted ; and, even with this
assistance, tiie great grandson of Eustace Fits-John would be
found in the P^b Roll Uie year after his death, which would make
Fits-John grandavus indeed. Gl^e connection is not proved by any
grant in frank-marria^. It is different with the Muschamps.
There was some mamage there, and the evidences show pretty
dearly that the bridegroom and his father in law died about the
same time. His wife Matilda, was doubtless, as stated, sister of
Eustace de Yesoy, but much older. The chaiiers tie the genera-
tions so that we cannot suzmise the confturion of two Wilhama or
two Eustaces, but we know that William had an elder son William
bom in concubinage, defending Alnwick Castle when Eustace
waA an in&nt in arms, or little better. And it does seem probable
that Matilda Muschamp was only sister by the half-blood to
Eustace, eitibier b^ a former wife or a concubine. It is remark-
able that a mamage between a coheir of Muschamp and one of
Bolebeo come all right. Possibly the monastic descent of Bolbeok.
CedliazrHngo, senior. Waltenu. Hugo^ jTmior. FeHda ;
should read (
SibillasWaltenii, Benior. Hugo. Hugo, junior. Fhilippa;
in which case Matildis de Muschamp and Bibilla might stand as
sisters, but, as previously remarked, probably of the half-blood*
It is hoped ^at, regardless of Yesd, the pedigrees of the barons
of Woofer and Bolbeck, differing, as they do, from those hitherto
received, will be useM.
The statement that Matilda, *' daughter of WiUiamYescy, sen..
Lord of Alnwick'' the wife of Muschamp had another husband,
Adam de Carlisle, and a son Eudo de Carlisle^ is copied from
Seine's North Durham, p. 266. The mamage is not mentioned
by the historian of the Carlisles, but his quotations show an inti-
macy between the families, Eudo de ICarliel flourished in the
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898 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
reign of 'Sins William the Lion, and ia witness to a charter of
Eostace de '^soy of 208. yearly out of the mill of Spronston to
the monastery of Kelso, aoout the year 1207. He died in l^dO.
The manor of Oargo, par. Stanwicky in Onmberland, whioh
belonged to John de Lfusy, oonatable of Cbestery passed firom him
by conreyanoe to William de Yesqy, by whom it wasgiTen to
Sir Ivo de ElarUel in ezohange for lands in Yorkshire. Whatever
became of Eudo, Ivo was certainly son of Adam de Oarleoly for
he is a witness as such to a charter of Eustace de Yesci (Baine's
N. D. app. p. 122). Now it has already been observed that the
primary arms of the Oarlisles were O. a Oron Patonce O.* a
coat most widely difiused among the various branches.
In No. y., obligations to an article by Mr. 0. T. Beke, in OoU.
Top. will be apparent. The extra Bemician and heraldic evi-
dences incorporated will be acceptable to the Durham antiquary.
The early pedigree of Percy, No. YI., may appear out of ^lace,
but tiie melaiichiSy circumstance that, for book-makers. Bishop
Percy lived in vain, will excuse the printing of his accurate
deductions once more, as an antidote against modem persistence
in the errors which he exploded. We need not treat with gravity
the earldoms of Caux and Poitiers and other things, appearing in
some of the fictitious pedigrees ; we can, however, hardly doubt
that the Percys originated, as stated, at the place in Nor-
mandy bearing Iheir name. But how does it happen that when
their documents increase, their birthplace is not found in them f
The only evidence on the subject which occurs to us has a north-
coimtry interest. It is this : —
William de Perci, of 1183, when he founded Salley Abbey in
1147, had a wife Adliza or Adelidis de Tunbriffge, who had three
chilcben at least, Alan, Matilda countess of Warwick, and Agnes
de Louvain. The two ladies, sooner or later, divided the English
lands between them. Their father was re-married in 1166 to
Sibilla the widow of Bobert de Bos, and died before 1181.
Matilda died childless about 1204, probably at a considerable
age, as her sister's husband and eldest son were both dead, the
latter leaving issue. Had Matilda had any issue, they might
well have been bom as early as 1 154. In that year, 1 154, Hugh
de Pudsey, eminent of race and person, a youth of 25, ascended
the palatine throne of Durham, having had, while treasurer of
York, three children by three mothers. The mother of Henry
de Pudsey, the first bom, was, we are told by William of New-
burgh, ''of noble birth." Her son is more precise and tells us
plainly in his charters that he was son of the Bishop and of
Adelidis or Alice de Percy. He gives to Salley Abbey some land
in Craven in accordance with other charters of Bichard de More-
• Sire William de Carlel. De or, a noe Crois Patee [patonce] de goules.
(Roll, 1308—1314).
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PBDIOBBES AND BARLY HERALDRY. S99
yill and WOIiam de Ferci. Moreville may hare been his moilier'0
hnsband; at all events Alande MorviUe oonfinned to his brother
«Henry de Padsey the gift tibie latter had received for his homage
and service from his mother Alice de Percy. It was of all the
land at Settle and the church of (Hggleswick ; and the countess
of Warwick had also an interest there, for she too granted tlie
vill of Betel and the service of Qiggleswick and the advowson of
the church to Kemr de Pudsey. Me gave the church to Finchale
Abbey ; he save his estate of Osmundal to Bobert de Perd ;
Settle fell ba& to the main line of Percy on his childless death,
and his manor of '' Wichton Oumptin/' derived from his father,
waS| subject to the dower of Diomsia (daughter of Oto de Tilli)
very strangely divided in 1211 or 1212 between Peter Fitz
Herbert his Hnsman on the father's side, (they were both great
nephews of Eing Stephen) and Bobert de Bos the grandson of
'William de Percy's second wife Sibilla. His charters abound
with Percys as witnesses. But more remains. The estate of
Perei in Normandy itself belonged to him, and he parted with it,
exchanging it and Mureres in the same province with a fetmily
named Burel for Windegate, Whetlawe, and Smethetun, as by
the charters of Hugh Burel and Boger his son in the Einohale
muniments most plainly appeareth.
What then eave the '^joUy bishop's" child such a settlement
among the heads of ttie house of Percy ? It is not probable that
Adelidis de Tunbrigge the mother of tbe heiresses, old enough to
be the Treasurer's own mother, was the object of his affections,
or that he would in such case have been a &vourite of her children^ '
and secured grants of important English estates from them.
Still less that in any way he could so derive the home of their
ancestors. At present the only mode of explanation seems to be
the bold assumption that there was an elder co-heiress, who
married MorviUe, and that she and her son, Alan de Morville,
died earlv without legitimate descendants. As eldest daughter
she would be entitled to the caput baronuB in Normandy, and she
could give it, as she gave Euglish acres, to her issue by the
Treasurer. He got it, that is certain, and his alienation of it
stood good* Let us in dealing with the story not forget that the
marriage of priests in England had only been forbidden in 1102 ;
that society was gpreatly £sturbed thereby and would continue to
be so for a generation or two, and that when the other Pudseys
were bom, the fiiture prelate was probably forbidden to associate
with the mothers of their brethren ; or that, notwithstanding his
other peccadilloes, his eldest son may have been legitimate in
all ^yes except those of the clergy. Ajid be it remembered that
he only is described in the charters of his fstther as his son.
In tiie pedime of Percy no attempt is made to define the
origin of two branches of me Percys, who long held the manors
of Eildale and Sutton upon Derwent. It may be remarked that
in after times they are found wearing a coat of miUpikes, only
differing from that of the main line in colour.
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400
HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
PEDIGREB OF VB80I AND PBBOBHiLT.
f'SartMS, 1487, with T6$t. &orJ
" The anntieiit annes of this Peorchay were OuUm^ a Ffss between fftetn Cross
Crosslete Argent, wherefore it seemes,at sinrht of their eyidences, that one of them
matehinge with a daughter and heyre of Veaey, his posteritie left their ould artnee
and thenoeforih hare borne ths armet of Veeey aa their owne proper coate.'*
Johannes de Yescie dedit Domino Roherto de Percehay et hsBredibus sm8=
messuagium in Eboraco, s.d. SioilLuk Johannis db Ybsgt, a Cfrott I
Fatonee, J
"Joane, d. and h. of John Vescie.*' Joanna Peroehay, Domina=Bobertiii
de Rlton— Waltero Peroehay filio meo et haredi — ^manerium
de Strudiffhtyn Martyn in comitatu Forford in SootLa quod
habni per discensum luBreditariunL s. d.
Peroehay,
DominuB
de BytoD.
Waltenxs Percehay, filins et hsdres bonae memorisozr
DominiB JohanniB de Yescy, ut per oartam dat.
apad Wilton in Tividale, 1292. Testamentom,
1344, prob. 6. Deo. 1346. Dominus de Bjrton.
Sepeliend. in ecclesia AbathisB B. Mariae de
Malton — Lego die mortoarii mei ad errogandmn
yicum 10/. et cmn pannis nigria oircumeuntes
cozpns memn eum aeutit armorum meorum et
anteeeetorum meorum 100«. — Johanni dee Archei
et Isabellsd nxori ejus. — ^AHoiiB sorori meiB —
Johannie sorori mese— Waltero filio Johannis
des Arches.
lA^es Peroeihay, relicia
Domini Walterl Per-
oehay militis, Testa-
mantnm dot. et prob.
1348. Sepeliend. in
prioratn de Malton
jnxta ooipus mariti. —
Agneti filisd WiUehni
de Bolton etJohansA
Boron ejus.
et hsares Domini Walteri
Peroehay ut per testa-
mentum patris sui et per
cartam dat apud Malton
1847. SlOILLUM WlL-
LBLKI DB PbBGBHATB.
Shield hanging diagon-
ally, chargd with a C^oes
Fatonee, On a wreath
aboye a mantled hehnet
^aBiOFe Sead, «Mon-
sire Henzy de Colville
vort d'Argent^a uneCroie
FaUif de Gtdee. Hon-
sukWilliax db Pbk-
OBHAT port mstmSB lee armee a
Ouise M h guatre dwant" (Bot.
WaJterus
1344, 1348.
JohamwB, 1844, 1848, [qo. de Swyntm
m Bydale. Test 1891.]
Walter, 1344, 1348. MonsibbWal-
tbb db Pbrgbhat port mesmee Ue
armes de OohiUe, a un$ border g%ile$
reeereste, (Bot Aim. 1837-50.)
Thomas, 1344, 1848.
Bobertus, 1348.
Georffius 1344, 1348.
Elizabetha, 1344.
JnihfcwTtftj monialis de
1344, 1348.
Agnesy moTiiftlifl de Watton, 1844,
1348, 1391.
Yedingham,
wu lozenge de
Ann. 1837-dO).
Dominus Bobertus
Peroehay, Chiva-
ler, frater Agnetis
deLo]cton,180L=:
p»EliBabelihauzor
fratEisniM," 1891.
Johannes Agnes, 1344» 1848. Test«mea*
1344. turn dat et prob. Oct
1391. Agnes de Lokton.
Sepeliend. in ecdesia oon-
vttLtaaH de Yeteri MaUxm,
juzta saniores meoa. — ^Marise
flliss mead— ChristianaB da
Wellesunum leotum rubeum,
pulrezizatam cum lokkye.
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FBDIORSSS AND EARLY HERALDRY.
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CHAPTER XXIL
8P0ETS AND PASTIMES.
LORD OF laSBULE — ^WATTS— HO&SE-RACINa — ^BULL-BAITIHG — OOCK-
HGHTING — 8HB0YBTIDE — BSPPIE-BAIiL— OOBAN TEBB— flOITLTIIC
— B0N-FIBE6 — QABLHrGS — THE FAIBIES.
The stream of our history must hereafter be interrupted
and broken, and thread away into many different channels.
In this chapter, I shall give an account of customs and usages
in Alnwick, belonging to the past rather than to the present,
from materials chiefly gathered out of the corporation records.
Lord of Misrule. *'At the feast of Chiistmas" sayf
Stow, " in the King's Court wherever he chanced to reside,
there was appointed a Lord of Misrule, or master of merry
disports." At the houses of noblemen, in borough towns
and in country parishes, this merry fellow and pageant
potentate also appeared, making the rarest pastimes, and
delighting beholders with '^fine subtle disguising masks and
mummeries." Sometimes he was called the abbot of Mis-
rule, and in Scotland the abbot of Unreason, where, on
account of his excesses, he was put down by act of Parlia-
ment in 1565. All such mummeries as the feast of asses, the
boy Bishop, the abbot of Unreason and lord of Misrule were
probably derived from the Roman Saturnalia, when, during a
season of merriment and feasting, slaves were flowed to
indulge in raillery towards their masters. Selden says: —
'^Christmas succeeds the Saturnalia; the same time, the
same number of holy-days ; then the master waited on the
servant like the lord of Misrule."
Doubtless the burgesses of Alnwick enjoyed the rare pas-
times of this merry fellow long prior to the reformation ; for
in the early corporation records, from 1611 down to 1677, we
have traces of him as appear in the following entries : —
"1611.— Richard Alder of the Lord of Misrule his money £1 48. lOd.
1612. — Paid for the Lord of Misrule his charges 8s. 4d. ; received the I^rd of
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SPORTS AND PASTIMBS. 423
Misrule's money 98. 6d. 1616.— Reoeived Williaxki Fonter for th6 Lord of
Miamle hia money dSl 138. Od. ; Thomas Partis for the Lord of Misrule
£3 4s. 2d. MorereceivedoftheLordofMisrule, 1620, 16s. 1629.— Beceived
of the Lord of Misrule £2 2s. 6d. 1631.— Received the Lord of Misrule
money £2 4b. Od. ; Item received of Jo. Shepheard and Oeor^^e Richison for
fjieir monies in refusing to be Lord and putting themselfes m the towne's
will 8s.; paid to Nicholas Forster for Lord of Misrule's clothes 138. 8d.;
Received of the Lord of Misrule at Easter last £2. 1633.— Received of the
Lord of Misrowell £1 Ss. Od. : paid for the Lord's close 15s. 1635.— Paid to
George Swan for playing the Lord of Misrule lOs. ; received from the Lord of
Misrule £1 13s. Od. 1646.— Received from the Lord of Misrule's proctezB
£1 Os. Id.; from Thomas Hunter junior, Geot^ Watson, and Thomas Wat^
son, conceniing the Lord of Misrule lOs. ; paid the Lord of Misrule for tda
wages 15b. ; for his coate instead of 2 payre of shoes 9s. 4d.
After this, his lordship disappears for a time. The puritans
made war against all amusements which '^ savoured of
popery"; and during the commonwealth, the merry fellow
had to hide his head ; but he reyived again under the re«
actionary influence of the merry Monarch's reign ; and in
1664 there appear in the corporation accounts— '^received,
the lord of Misrule in money 15s. 6d. 1677. The lord of
Misrule's moneyes in the hands of Henry Smith £1 ISs. 4d.,
David M^ken 4s., Mr. Chessman 17s. 8d." But his lord-
ship was not fostered b^ the new generation, and he died in
1677, never to rise again.
Our Ahiwick records are imperfect, and we know not what
were the gibes and merriment by which he set the good folk
into a roar; he is seen only in the decrepitude of old age.
Probably, as in other towns, some mystery or morality was
acted, mixed up with gaudy pageantry and buffoonery. A
fragment of one of the Newcastle Mysteries has been pre-
served, called ^^ Noah's Ark or the Shipwright's account,
play or dirge," wherein an Angel, Noah and his wife, and
the Devil aie the characters ; Noah's wife is made a vixen,
and her last words to her husband are-^
**The deTil of hell thee speed
To ship when Ihon ihalt go."*
tt appears that in Alnwick a person was chosen to play the
lord of Misrule, and paid a fine if he refused the honour; but
he who acted the part received wages and clothes, coat and
even shoes ; he had officers called procters ; and money was
collected to defray expenses. The Alnwick merry disports
were not held at Christmas as in the South, but at Easter ;
and this may have been the northern custom, as at Morpeth,
the period was the same. An extract from Stainsly's North-
em Journey in 1666 (communicated to the '^Arch»ologia
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424 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
^liaoa" by Sir Walter Trevelyan, Bart.) helps to illustrate
our Alnwick records.
"^ A cuBtome in the towne of Morpeth (but since the warrs
omitted) to choose one out of the young men in the towne to be
St. G-eoi^, and all the rest of the young men to attend him, and
upon St. George day all to come to Church, and at the rehears-
Inge of the Creed the St. (Jeorge to stand up and draw his Sword.
Another custome in the said towne to have a Lord of Misrule
chosen against Easter, and to continue till Wednesday and hee
to keep a barrel of Ale upon the bridge and make all passengers
drink thereof, and to collect money of them for repaire of the
high wayes, and to give a just accompt at Whitsunday."
A Fool was maintained by the corporation, in the time of
James I., to amuse the burgesses ; in 1612 there is entered
"for three yeards of whit to the foule 58., and for dyinge and
making of it 2s. 6d." A similar record appears in the New-
castle accounts; " 1661 Decembere Item paid for seven yardes
of yalowe Carsaye at 28. 8d. the yarde, for the fuUes Cottes
and Capps agaynste Christynmas ^Ts. 4d.*' A Beadle too in
these early days hel[)ed to give dignity and state to the Aln-
wick Corporation ; in 1622 there is paid 68. 6d. "for the
bedle his coatte and making."
Waits. The time will soon come» when all personal
recollection of the town's waits will cease. Stffl there are
some, who in early life listened to them discoursing sweet
music in the dark winter mornings, when all besides was
still, and who would have saved from destruction this pleasant
and harmless custom.
The Waits were an old institution in Alnwick ; we meet
with them in the earliest corporation records ; " 1612 paid
for a coat to the comon wait 18s." Originally waites, or
according to ancient spelling, wayghtes or waytes, were
watchmen, and were so named from the old French, ffuates;*
for keeping watch and ward, they received the waytfee; they
piped the hour of the night and eventually passed into
musicians, who at an early period were pipers. In 1628 and
in 1629 there were paid in Alnwick 98., and lOs., for "the
pjrpers coat." According to the ordinances made by King
Edward I., a warden was appointed and sworn to keep watch
and ward in the City of London; he had to preserve the
peace by night and day, and cause watches and waits to be
♦ In German there is waeht, in Danish voffht, and In Anglo-Saxon icfctfon
and toadan, to watch.
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SPOKTS AND PASTIMES. 425
set ; every gate was kept by day by two men, every sergeant
keeping one Wait at his own cost.* In the time of Edward
IV, '*a wayte nightelye from Mychelmas to Shreve Thurs-
daye pypeth the watche within the courte fower tymes ; in
the sumere nyghtes three tymes and maketh bon gayte at
every chambere-dore and offyce, as well for fear of pickers
and pillers." Pipes were the musical instruments publicly
used in Alnwick till 1689^ when, according to the records of
the corporation and of the Skinners' Company, they were
superseded by fiddles or violins.
Besides performing duty in a particular town the waits
itinerated from town to town, like the minstrels of an older
time still, to exercise their skill and gain a reward.
"Hark I are the Waites abroad 7 be softer pr'y tliee
'Tis private Masick.** Beaumont and FletcJter,
In the accounts of the Newcastle corporation we find ; '^ 1531
Feb. given in rewarde to the wayttes of Ledes 48."; and
similar rewards were bestowed on the waites of Thirsk, Dar-
lington, and Cockermouth, and on the '^Skottes minstrells."
Money was also "given to Sir Henery Persey^s minstrelles
in reward,"
In Alnwick there were usually two waits, but for a while
in the middle of the eighteenth century there were three.
Each had a salary of one pound, and livery clothes ; at first
only a coat, which was blue ; in 1659 there was paid "for two
Blew Coats 18s. ;" which, in 1687, must have been trimmed
as a livery, for there was "paid for Blew Coats triming and
making to the waitts £3 Is. 3d." Seven years later they
were decorated with yellow plush breeches, and an extraordi-
nary quantity of lace and buttons, as appears from the follow-
ing account: —
*< 1694.— To Geo. Alder for the Waitts Goats Stay Upe 3d., S yards Blue
Cloth £8., Thread 9d., Canvis 9d— £2 Is. 6d., 16 doz. La: buttons 58., 3 doz.
Bottons 6d.— 6s. 6d., 30 yds. Laco Ss., lining 6d.— Ss. 6d., 9 yds. Planish
108. 6d."
The entries in the corporation accounts for waits' liveries
are numerous ; a few extracts are given to show the extent of
the expenditure at different periods.
«< 1641.— Item to the Waits for their Goats 30s. 1646.— 2 Coates to the
Towne's Waytes 248. 1706.— For Dyeing the Waitts Goats 128. 1766.—
Thomas Moffiitt for Musicians* Silver laced Hats £3 17s. Od. ; Mr Bachard
8trother for Trimming for the Musicians Glothes, making them &c £4 1 78. 1 |d. ;
• Liber Albus, pp. 244. 560.
3l
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426 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
Mr Gray jun. for the Musicians OlcMths £9 l/Ss. Id. 1803.— Moffat for Waitea
Hats and Lace £2 IBs. Od. ; Hardy for Waites liveriee and Herds Cockade
£18 128. lOd."
The town's livery was shewy and costly in the nineteendi
century ; the coat was made of blue broad cloth, &ced with
yellow cloth, trimmed with silver lace, and silver lacquered
buttons having on them the town's arms ; and attadied to
one sleeve was the town's badge of silver, with the figure of
St. Michael killing the dragon, copied from the town's seal ;
the vest was of yellow, trimmed in like manner with silver
lace and buttons ; and the breeches were of yellow plush ; a
hat with a cockade and silver lace completed the outfit.
Truly it was a gallant livery ; and proud was the town of
these functionaries when tricked out on public occasions.
To the waits belonged the livery clothes with the exception
of the badges, of which they tad only the use. Two of these
badges were bought in 1705 and cost 54s. ; in 1760 there was
''paid Mr. Langlands, goldsmith, Newcastle, for mending 2
old silver badges and making a new one for the musicians
£1 19s. Od." They are still preserved among the corporar
tion muniments.
• The waits were the town's musicians, and attended, dressed
in livery, public ceremonials; at Fas tern's eve, at the Alnwick
fair, at the Alnwick feast, and especially on St. Mark's Day.
In 1645 there was ''given to the waytes the last St. Mark's
Day Is." They were the musicians of the companies or trades^
who, in the days of yore, indulged themselves with muac at
their meetings. In 1640 the Skinners paid 6s. to the waits.
The peculiar vocation of the waits, however, was to per-
ambulate the town on the winter mornings and serenade the
inhabitants. Accompanied by a "caller," they went through
all the streets of the town, every morning from Martinmas to
the end of January, commencing about midnight, excepting
when the weather was very inclement. As they passed along,
they played on fiddles the favourite tunes of the district ; the
" Called" at the same time proclaiming with a loud voice, the
hour of the night, and the state of the weather after this
fashion — ^"Good morrow masters all! half-past three o'clock
in a frosty morning." Once or twice a week "the names
were called ; " that is every individual householder was hailed
by name as — ^"Good morrow Mister Turner I good morrow
Mistress Turner I half-past two o'clock in a cloudy morning ;
Good morrow Mistev Smith I good morrow Mistress Smith !
three o'clock in a rainy morning." While the names were
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8P0KT8 AND PASTIMES. 427
called over^ the fiddles continued to play ; and the combined
effect of the loud resonant Toioe with the shrill strains, in the
dark and silent street, had a singular influence. What
mimical wild music, it seemed to me in my b(^h days, when
many a struggle was made to drive away sleep, that I might
listen to these wonderful voices of the night I On the Christ-
nm» morning there was a different call —
^Darnel Darnel get np and bake your pie.
And let yoav lasy maiden lie.
On Chriatmaa day in tiie nMrnini^I'*
On New Year's Day the waits, dressed in their livery, called
at every house in the town seeking their wait's-fee, and some-
what more than £80 were collected by them; five pounds of
which were paid to the caller for his help.
Seventy years ago the manor of Canongate had waits ;
Blind Ralph the fiddler was the last of them, and John
Walton was his caller.
Our forefiithers took advantage of every public occasion to
enjoy themselves; even when in 1640 the chamberlains
choose waits, they spent 8d. John Home was wait in 1649,
the earliest named; he was also clock-keeper. Jo. Bone
next appears, and played before the freemen on St. Mark's
day and received Is. as a reward; but the first order regard-
ing them was in 1691, when ''John Busby, John Cuthbert-
son, and William Cuthbertson is elected and chosen waites
for the towne of Alnwicke." The waits, at the election in
1748, had not voted as the dominant party in the four-and-
Cwenty wished ; and forth came the crushing resolution in
1749 ; '' it is ordered and agreed that John Young musician
of the town be dismissed from his said employment, and that
we shall have no town waits for the friture ; and it is further
ordered that Wm. Cuthbertson, Daniel Cuthbertson, and the
said John Young shall deliver up to the chamberlains the
town's Badges, or otherwise they shall be sued for the same."
The Cuthbertsons, however, came into fevour again, and
resumed their office. In 1776, it was ordered that " William,
Daniel, and William Cuthbertson waits to have livery and
Silver laced Hats to be worn on public occasions." This
family of musicians were waits for 110 years, the last of them
dying in 1800.
Tl^en old Wm. Cuthbertson died, a notorious character —
Piper Allan — succeeded. On the 18th of October, 1769,
*' tne Chamberlains and Four-and-Twenty ordered that James
Allan be and is hereby appointed one of the Town's Musicians
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428 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
and to have a new livery and hat as the rest, which ia intended
to serve 8 years ; and that if he goes away or nnsbehaves
before the end of the Term, that then he shall give up the
same to the then Chamberlains." They evidently had doubts
of the stability of this unstable man ; but on the same da^,
by order of the chamberlains, he gave a specimen of ms
musical skill, in the Town Hall, and was rewarded with
Ss. 6d. The dull quietude of a town life was not to his taste ;
for though patronised, it is said, by the duchess of Northum-
berland, he soon broke loose, and on September S9th, 1770,
he was discharged from his office, and ordered to deliver up
his livery, hat and badge, " he having misbehaved himself."
Famous was Allan for his roguery, as well as for his skill in
playing on the Northumbrian Small Pipes. Bom in the Gipsy
camp, in Rothbury Forest, in 1730, he inherited the roving
habits of the tribe. His strength and agility were displayed
in all kinds of sport, and his superiority as a musician made
him a welcome visitor of fairs and merry-makings ; but his
irregular habits and thievish propensities frequently brought
him into trouble. He was twice tried for felony and acquitted;
but he was afterwards convicted of horse stealings and sen-
tenced to death. His sentence, however, was commuted into
perpetual imprisonment, and his long and stormy life was
closed in prison on November 13th, 1810. His feats as a
musician and sporting man, his troubles, his escapes, and his
crimes are recorded in a volume which was published in
Alnwick ; but it is supposed that many portions are but fancy
sketches.
Another family of musicians succeeded in 1771, when
Thomas Coward, junr., son of Thomas Coward, shoemaker,
was appointed ; and he was rewarded with 2s. 6d, " for his
trouble in playing before several of the Common Council
by way of a treat;'' the treat could not have been very
exquisite — ^for Coward was not a proficient musician; but
say the four-and-twenty, " ih case he shall behave himself
well and orderly in the ensuing winter, then the sum of five
guineas shall be expended at or about Candlemas towards
having him instructed in playing on the Violin." His con-
duct was satisfactory, the five guineas were paid, and he
continued a wait in Alnwick till his death. His son, Thomas
Coward, after the death of Wm. Cuthbertson, was appointed
to the office on Nov. 4th 1800 ; and after the death of old
Coward, John Hogg succeeded on April J^Sth, 1823. Strong
was the spirit of reform throughout the country in 1831;
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SPORTS AND FA8TIME5. 4S9
corporations were loudly called upon to set their houses in
order; and the Alnwick Corporation feeling the pressure,
destroyed the first useless looking object they could lay
hold of. Ordered say they^ on the 29th September, 1881,
'' that the office of town's waites be discontinued, and that
they deliver up their badges, but keep their present livery."
Then fell to rise no more, one of the old institutions of
Alnwick, which had been a source of delight to the burgesses,
young and old, for centuries. Many lamented the destruction
of a harmless, time-honoured, and pleasing custom.
Edward Hoodspath, ** Fidler excellentissime " — so says
the register in Alnwick Church — ^was buried on Nov. 6th,
1692; yet this noted fiddler never rose to the dimity of wait.
One, however, of the last waits deserves a ]^assing notice, as
a musician of refined taste and wonderful skill. I have heard
Paganini and other famous violin players, but none of thek
extraordinary performances had so much power over me, as
our border airs, when plaved by Thomas Coward. He
achieved greater wonders tnan even Orpheus did ; he was
musician to the Shoemakers Company, to which he belonged,
the most uproarious and turbulent of all bodies; and yet
he did, by his magic strains, hush them to silence and
reduce them to harmony, even after they had enjoyed their
goose, plum-pudding, beer, and punch. A monument in the
church yard pays a tribute to his memory in the following
inscription : — " This Stone was erected by Friends and
Admirers of Mr. Thomas Coward, Musician, The last of the
Waits of this Ancient Borough, who died on the 6th of Feb-
ruary, 1845, aged 61 years.
Mnte U the Music, motionless the hand
That touched with Magic Bow the tremhling strings ;
But memory hath emhalmed those viol tunes
Which filled the enraptured ear and charmed the soul."
He was not, however, the last wait ; his colleague John Hogg,
died in 1866.
Horse Racing. About fifty years ago, horse racing
ceased to exist in Alnwick ; but during the two preceding
centuries it was a favourite public amusement, under the
direction and patronage of the corporation. The course was
on flat high ground, on Alnwick Moor, called Hobberlaw Edge,
but in more recent times, the race ground. Some of the Court
Leet minutes are interspersed among the corporation records ;
and in one of these minutes is the earliest reference to the
races : —
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4S0 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
<«Maimor \ At the Coit Leete and Goit Baixon of the Bight Hon.
and Algtemoone Earlo of Nozthmnberland, held for the aau Mimw^y
Borrou^h of and Bnrrough, before Matthiaa Hunter, sen. d^. Steward of
Ahiwick. / the said Ck>it, on Monday, I7th of Aprill, 1954.
It 18 at the aaid Cort upon oonsideration had of the deayen of the Bnnoitt^
and other inhabitants within the Said Manner and Bunow, in relation to &a
altering of the Conrae of accustomed Horse race constantly Imd in the CoBunan
of the aaid Burrow, called Hobberlaw ^Edgo, That for the ftrtore the conna
ahallbe on the feaat day of St Mark, the sVangeliat^ the ooorae bemg on the
outer aide of the Stooi>es leaying the several Stoopes on their right hands, which
are to be placed in this manner, the first where they are to begin, the second
Stoc^ leading towards the greene way that leads toward Hobbeilaw House
and then diieot west down towards a roimd hill on tfaia aide of Branzpoth
from thense North East to the same Bell Bosh."
From this it appears that racing was an old institution in
Alnwick, for in 1654, it is spoken of as aoenstonied and con*
stantly held on the common.
The Alnwick corporation, like many others, dabbled a little
in* politics; and their snpport of one of the candidates for
the representation of the county, was rewarded by a gift,
which gave additional importance to the Alnwick Races.
** 1685 Hay 6. Whereas Thomas Forster of Etherston Esq. did propose
himseUb to stand to serve our Soverainge Lord Kin^ James in rarliainent att
the immediate sessions by his MajestieB proclamation to aitt and begm tho
ninetenth day of this instant May : The said Thomas Forster for reasons to
his sclfe knowne, declined his design, and in consideration of the fire respect
shewed him from the freemen of the Brongh of Alnwicke is pleased to give to
the said free men the some of twenty pounds, which said some wee the said
freemen doe hereby thinke fitt to conv^ into a peeoe of plate of the tiuo in*
trinsick value of twenty pomids, which plate shall be nm for by the horse
Qeldin^ or Maire, the proper goods of any freemen at this day in his or thaire
possession & to be run for upon the Tuesday in Whitsunweeke this Yeaie and
Tearaly and every Yeare hereafter, upon Tuesday after St. Mark's Day for
ever hereafter. And what freemen shall put his horse &c. to Bimn for the
said Plato shall depose upon the Evangelisto before the Chamberlains. of the
Broufi^ for the time being, that such horse &c. is his own proper goods, and
hath been for two months before the said day yearly and every yeare. And
every such freeman producing such horse Geldmg or Mare shaU putt into one
of the Ohamberlaines hands for the time being the sum of 6s., which Stakes
so put downe shall be delivered to him whoes horse Ac. shall wiim the Course
togeather with the plate. And what freeman shall receive the said plaite shall
enter into good security to refound the said ploito upon the Tuesday after St
Mark's day in the Tnwn'ng yeare. And ever horse &c. soe to Kunn his
Bider shall wight 10 Stone and the horse to carry sadle uid bridle. And
noe freeman not Inhabitting in the said Brough shall ever bo permitted
to present any horse gelding or maire, Noe exceptions of vallae of horse
price for this year. And to runn tho usoall course of Hobberlaw Edge once
aboute."
After this, there are frequent entries in the accounts for
mending the race course — ^for proclaiming the plate at Mor
peth, Hexham, and Wooler; and for the drummer. The
chamberlains neglected not to drink ** Esq. Forster's health
when the plate came home." They spent in " 1696.— May
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SPORTS AND PASTIMES. 4S1
12th for ale in the Tankard to drink Esqr. Forster's health Is/'
All honour was conferred on Esq. Forster and his friends ;
Thomas Forster, Esq., of Ederston ; John Forster, of Bam-
brough; and Richard Forster, Esq., of Newham, were in
1690 " admitted to their personall fredome of this Towne of
Alnwick ; " and in 1700, Ferdinando Forster, Esq., received
the same honour. In 1702 there is entered ^' Richard Shanks,
for 2 pair of Gloves upon Inviting to Esq. Forster's funerall
2s/'
The plan adopted of giving the use of the £20 plate^ for
one year, to the ivinner of tl^ race " was thought not to be
useful;" and therefore, this great plate was sold in 1696
for £16 7s. 7d., and the interest of the sum applied to a small
plate to be run for by freemen's horses not above £5 value,
with this condition — ^that any horse offering to run for the
prize might be purchased by the chamberlains or any freeman,
for that sum. In 1710, and for some years afterwards, the
prizes run for were 20s. and a £10 plate.
Electioneering again brought rewards to the corporation in
1730, in the form of race prizes. ^^ A Ten Guinea prize " waB
given by Lord Tankerville on behalf of Lord Ossulston, to
be run for by galloways. Racing had now, in Alnwick,
reached its culminating point; tfis was a wonderful year
for the turf. Besides (>B8ulst<m's prize, there was a twenty
pound plate from the corporation, for which a gmnea entrance
was paid ; a fifteen pound plate was given by the innkeepers
of Alnwick, for which there was also a guinea entrance;
another galloway plate, of ten pounds ; a hunters' plate, of
£30 ; a forty guinea subscription plate, and a freemen's plate.
A few years after this the races dwindle away ; and when
we meet with records of them again in 1750, the prizes were
to be run for by freemen^s horses, and consisted of a two
guinea and a one guinea plate, ^' bought by three years interest
of Esquire Forster's money."
Horse racing could not be expected to flourish very vigo-
rously for any length of time in Alnwick. During the last
century a considerable portion of the inhabitants were dissen-
ters, who were, generally, either hostile or not farourablv
disposed to such amusements as horse racing and cock
fighting. The Methodists, too, who were in the latter part
of that century an earnest, proseljrting body, did what they
could to check such sports ; and m this work Robert Rand
distinguished himself. '^ He was a man of great simplidty
of manners and earnestness of spirit, but was sadly hampered
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432 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
with his partner. It was customary for him to stand at the
door of his house, in Clayport Street, to warn the people of
their danger during the races, and to impress them with the
precepts of Christianity. On one of these occasions his wife,
perhaps as much for the purpose of inflicting punishment as
personal enjoyment, leaped hehind a person, on horseback, on
his way to the race ground, and left her husband to continue
the word of caution or exhortation, which proved an annoy-
ance to herself.'**
BuU Baiting. Somewhat more than half a century ago,
the barbarous sport of bull baiting was enjoyed with much
zest by the women, as well as by the men of Alnwick and the
neighbourhood. It had the countenance and support of the
corporation from an early period ; in 1664, Is. 4d. was paid
''for setting the Bull Stob;" in 1680, 8s. for a bull rope;
in 1695 '^ paid to John Nesbit and John Gair for bringing
the stone for the Bull ring Is. ; for Iron and Lead to it 7s.
lid.;*' in 1750, William Young was paid lOd. ''for going to
Alemouth for a rope to bait a Bull," Alnmouth being then in
advance of Alnwick in having a ropery. This stone is still in
the centre of the Market Place ; but the large iron ring to
which the rope was fastened was removed many ye€u*s ago. As
branks, thumb screws, and boots, instruments of torture, are
preserved in museums, so may this stone remain in the
market as a historic memorial.
When a bull was baited, the Market Place was crowded
with spectators — thousands were sometimes there ; and such
exhibitions were not unfrequent ; towards the close of last
century as many as seven bulls were baited in the course of
one winter. Indeed, the lovers of this sport, in the eighteenth
centurv, seem to have considered they had a vested in-
terest m bull baiting. One butcher setting public opinion at
defiance, whether from humanity or selfishness does not appear,
killed his bull in 1709 without baiting him ; and accordingly
the defiant butcher was dragged before the Court Leet for h^
offence. " We," say the jurors, " present Henry Herrison,
Butcher, for killing a Bull and not Baiting him contrary " —
but Henry Herrison escaped punishment, for the verdict was
''noe proofe."
The rope by which the bull was fastened to the ring, was tied
around the root of the horns and was about fifteen feet long, and
* Everett's MSS. Our distinguished townsman, the Rev. James Everett, has
kindly fnrniBhed me with several interesting notes relating to Alnwick.
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SJ^ORTS AND PASTIMBS. 438
dog after dog wad let loose upon him and endeavoured to tear
his flesh, till maddened with rage he sought to gore his a^pressor
or toss him into the air. Sporting men then kept and trained
bull-dogs and gloried in their achievements^ just as sporting
metl now keep^ and train, and glory in their fox-hounds, and
racing horses, and the masters were careful and watchful of
them^ while engaged in the fight; and if any was likely to fall
exhausted before the power of die bull, the master would rush
fonvard, and drag the dog away all foaming at the mouth,
and covered with sweat and blood, and plunge him into the
cool water of St. Michael's trough ; and tiiien, refreshed it
may b6 with the bath, back he would be brought to try
agiun his prowess with the bull« Sport, this may have
been to vitiated tastes; but cruel sport it was — ^to the
bull, and to many of the do^s it was death. On October
S6th, 1773, a bull was baited in Aln\^ick and treated with
such brutal wantonestf, that he lay down and expired. On
November 11th, 1788, another was so baited, that enraged
he threw down two tradesmen, one of whom had his leg
broken, and the other received a severe wound in the hea£
Oncybidl broke loose and galloped wildly through the streets,
tossing dog^s lifeless into the air and trampling down those
blockmg ms way. What a scamper there was among the
erowd to escape injury ! He was pursued, however, by men
and dogs, and at length caught in Denwick Lane and brought
back in a wretched triumphal display with an Alnwick Free*
inan, who W4« notable in his day, nding on his back I And
yet tiie accomplished Windham defended these brutal prac-
tices! I recollect the two last bull-baitings in Alnwick.
Though a miitorable, it was still an exciting soene; the
market was crowded with women as well as men ; they were
clustered in the windows, on the cross, on the Town Hall
stairs, and on the Shambles. I still seem to hear the loi^
bellowings Of the bull, the deep barkings of the dogs, the
shouting of men, mingled with the shrieking of women, as
the crowd dway^ to and fro with the changing fortunes of
the fight.
Perdval Stockdale, the eccentric but able vicar of Lesbury,
raised his v6ice against this barbarity, in 1804 ; and delighted
was the vain old man when '' the saintly John Marshall,'*
Burghet minister of Alnwick, also preached against it, and
commended hi«i pamphlet. From such influences, public
opinion progressed in Alnwick and put down this cruel sport,
long before it was fotbidd^n by act of Parliament, in 1835.
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4S4 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Oockfighting. The corporatioa extended its support to
cock-fighting — another cruel sport — ^much indulged in bjr the
people of Alnwick, where it lingered longer than bull-baiting.
The old cock-pit in Alnwick belonged to the corporation,
and was situated not far from Pottergate Tower. In 1695
'' Richard Shanks at the cock-pit " is paid 6d ; for making
the cock-pit 17 18 John Beavley is paid the same sum. To
Henry Swinhoe, on October ISth, 1696, was let at 4d. a year,
the Town Ridge, in Pottergate Close, ^^he to have the
Liberty of the Cock-pit;" and in 1704 to Luke Hindmarsh,
was demised for four years at 6s. yearly, *' the Towne's Rige
leading to Pottergate Tower, with the Cock-pit Roundabout ;
and to make a firme passage from the pitts up to Pottergate
Close."
In the early part of this century there were several cock-
pits in the town, and some coarse minded men were then
very famous for their game cocks. The following two hand-
bills shew the gambling character of the sport : —
*'To be fought for, at the GentlemAn's Sobscription pit, AInwiok, on
Easter Monday, April drd 1809, Twmtv ftoe jxnmdi^ by GoekB, Stagi, and
Blinkards, 41b. 4oz. the highest Also the Saxne day, Tu>miy ^pamds^ by
ditto, 41b. 12oz. the highest Stags to be allowed l|oz, and Blinkards 2oa^
and 2oz. for feathers. To weigh at the Spread Eagle Inn at 8 o'dodk, on the
momizig of fighting/'
" ASabscnption ICain, to be fought for at Bob. Weelis's Pit^ Alnwick, on
Monday April 27 1809, Fifty i^tnub, by Cooks, Staffs, and Blinkazds, 41b. 4os.
the highest Also the same day, JF^y PowuU, by cutto, 4lb. 1 2oz. the highest
8ta^ to be allowed 14oz. : and filmkaids 2os. and 7km for foathen. To
weigh at 9 o'clock in tna morning. (HnUemen's names to be taken at Mr.
Dixon's, Grey's Inn."
Shrovetide. " CoUo^ Monday and Pancake Tuesday "
occur at Shrovetide^ which is so called from the Anglo-Saxon
serif an, to shrive or receive confession, and tid, the time or
season ; for on the Tuesday confession was made to the priest,
as a preparation for the observance of Lent. On Collop
Monday the dinner consisted of eggs and coUops, that is
slices of salted meat fried, the kind used by our fore^fiithers
during winter ; on that day they bade adieu for awhile to
flesh, as the Lenten fast commenced on Shrove Tuesday.
CoUops were in general use some forty years ago on the Mon-
day in Alnwick ; but, though this custom has fallen off, pan-
cakes are still indulged in, on the Tuesday, by many. For-
merly people were called to the preparation of this dainty by
the ringing of the pancake bell in the church. " Shrove
Tuesday," says Taylor in 16S0, " at whose entrance in the
morning all the whole kingdom is unquiet, but by
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SPORTS AND PASTIMES. 4S5
that time^ the clock strikes eleven^ (which by the help of a
knavish sexton is commonly before time), then there is a bell
rung, called the i>ancake bell, the sound whereof makes thou-
sands of people distracted, and forgetful^ either of manners or
humanity ; then there is a thing called wheaten flour, which
the cooks do mingle with water, spice, and other tragical
marical enchantments, and then they put it by little and
little into a fr]mig-pan of boiling suet, where it makes a con-
iused dismal hissing, until at last by the skill of the cook, it
is transformed into the form of a flip-jack, called a pancake,
which ominous incantation the ignorant do devour greedily."
On Shrove Tuesday ^ there was in many parishes in the
north of England, a great game at foot-ball. Brand describes
the ceremonial at Alnwick, in 1762 : the waits belonging to
the town came playing to the castle at 2 p.m., when a foot-
ball was thrown over the castle wall to the populace. Some
forty years ago. Shrove Tuesday was a holiday in Alnwick.
Crowds in the afternoon congregated before the castle gates ;
and at % o'clock, forth came the tall and stately porter dressed
in the Percy livery, blue and yellow, plentifully decorated
with silver lace, and gave to the ball its first kick, sending it
bounding out of the barbican of the castle into Bailiflgate ;
and then the young and vigorous kicked it through the
principal streets of the town, and afterwards into the Pasture,
which has been used from time immemorial for such enjoy-
ments. Here it was kicked about, until the great struggle
came, for the honour of making capture of the ball itself;
the more vigorous combatants kicked it away from the multi-
tude, and at last some one, stronger and fleeter than the rest,
seized upon it and fled away pursued by others ; to escape
with the ball, the river was waded through or swam over,
and walls were scaled and hedges broken down. The success-
ful victor was the hero of the day, and proud of his trophy.
A similar custom was almost universal in the north of
England, varied, however, in different parishes ; at Wooler
the game was between the married aud unmarried; after
kicking the ball through the town, one party endeavoured to
kick it into the hopper of Earl Mill, and the other over a tree
which stands at ^' the crook of the Till ;" in the days of yore,
the contest sometimescontinuedfor three days. Utilitarianism
put an end to the old custom in Alnwick in 1828, when an
act for the improvement of the town was brought into opera-
tion. Attempts have been made to revive the old sport;
but the ancient spirit has departed. Seldom indeed is it.
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436 HI8TQSY OF ALNWICK.
that old usages after becoming e&te can be revived ; each
age developes not only its own ideas and fimciee, bat even
its plays and amusements.
All the ordinary sames of foot-ball, hand-ball, droppy*
pocket-handkerchiefykittie-cat-and-buck8tick,or as it is called
in Scotland homie-holes, clubbing or bandy-ball^ and through-
the-needle-e'e, were played in the Pasture at Shrove-tide,
Easter^ Whitsuntide, Michaelmas, Christmas, and other holi-
days ; but a favourite pastime of girls — keppy-batt deserves a
passing notice, because accompanied by a peculiar local song.
The name indicates the character of the game ; kep is from
cepan, Anglo-Saxon, kappan^ Tuet., to catch, or capture; for
when the game was played at by several, the ball was thrown
in the air and kepped or intercepted in its descent bj one or
other of the girls, and it was then thrown up again to be
caught by some other. But when the song was sung, it was
played at by one girl, who sent the ball against a tree and
drove it back again as often as she could, saying the following
rhymes, in order to divine her matrimonial fortune : —
" Keppy ball, keppy ball, Coban tree.
Come down the long loaoin* and tell to me
The form and the features, the ipeecb, and degree
Of the man that ii my true love to be.
Keppy ball* keppy ball, Coban tree,
Come down the long loanin' and tell to me
How many years old I am to be.
One a maiden, two a wife,
Thiee a maiden, four a wife, &c.,"
the numbers being continued as long as the ball could be
kept rebounding against the tree. Capon, coban, and ootine
are several names of the same tree, the letters p, b, and v,
being interchangeable. Not far from Femihurst Castle, a
very large oak tree, one of the last remains of the great forest
of Jed, is called the capon tree ; and near to Brampton, by
the road side, stands the branchless trunk of a capon tree,
beneath whose shade, tradition says, a cold collation, of
which capons were the principal dainties, was provided for
the judges of assize, when met there by the authorities of
Carlisle. Dr. Jamieson describes covin tree as " a large
tree in front of an old Scottish mansion house where the
laird always met his visitors ; " and it is very probable that
the coban or capon tree, referred to in our local rhyme, stood
in^the pasture which is near to Alnwick Castle.
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SPOBXS AND PA8TIMB8. 487
School-boy-plays were enjoyed> when I was young, in the
public Market Place; ajad a cheerful merry scene it then
presented every ordinary day, from noon till two o'clock, and
again in the evening, during summer time, by groups of
childien and youths heartily engaged in various amusements.
Older lads chiefly patronised footbaU, not in hails or matches,
but by kicks sending the ball high up in the air. Games
with marbles, handball, tops, skipping rope, hunt the hare,
were all played there in their respective seasons. Wateh-
webs or stealy-clothes, a border sport representing the old
contentions between English and Scotch, was played with
great eagerness. At equal distances from a central line
the respective parties placed their toehs or clothes, consist-
ing of coats, caps, handkerchieft, knives, or anything a boy
possessed; and each party struggled vigorously to take their
opponents prisoners and steal all their toebs. Saulum, a
peculiar game, played there by boys or lads, not by girls,
was something like the old pastime of club-ball, from which
the more modem and fesluonable cricket seems to have
originated. Sottlum was played by two parties one out and
the other in, and with bat and ball as in cricket ; but there
were no wickets, and only thtee bays. The object of the
party in was to run as often as possible to the three bays,
after the ball had been successfully struck, and of the party
out to hit the runner with the ball, or to throw it to the fiist
bay before the runner reached it. I have not learnt that the
name Senium is in use in any other part of the kingdom ;
nor can I say whence it has been derived.
Colonel Leslie, in his able work on the early races of Scot-
land, r^;ards the practices at Eastern's Eve as a relic of a
heathen Celtic festival; it was the period fixed at Tyre for the
PhoBnician festival of the awakening of the sun. In Brittany
the ball is contested for by two communes; and Souvestre con-
siders the ceremony there, is a vestige of sun worship, for it is
called Soule, a word meaning sun, and occurring with little
variation of form in all Celtic languages. Is it too far-fetched
to link our Scutum with the Breton word Scule'i* Beltain
fires, however, formerly lighted on the top of hills and even
in the market places of boroughs at Mayday, Midsummer,
Hallowe'en, and other times, are relics of sun worship ; the
* The Prwnpiorivm Parvulorum gives Sowlynge or Solwynge (Solwynge or
maldDg fovle), JiaatlMeio, frc. The defeated party may have been r^arded as
fowled or degraded.
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488 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
heathen festival of Midsummer^ became christianised by being
transferred to John the Baptist ; according to an old ihyme :— •
*< Then dolh the joyful feMt of
John the Baptist take his tunie,
When bonfires great with lofty
Flame in every towne doe bnme.*'
From olden time bonfires* were an established institution in
the Market Place of Alnwick, supported by corporate author-
ity down to the beginning of the last century; and they were
lighted up not only in commemoration of great events, but
also on the church festival days, which had come in the
place of the heathenish ceremonies of pre-historic times.
The ancient privileges of children are now sadly abridged;
they have been driven from the Market, from the Haugh,
from the Island, from Barbara's Bank, and from the sides of
the liver where they bathed and fished. I like not^ these
aggressions on youthful enjoyments. Men engaged in the
struggle of life, and engrossed with business and money-
making need not forget that they were once young. In a
quiet town, the Market Place is uttle used excepting on fair
and market-days ; but our modem local, improvement acts
have silenced the joyful ring of youthful voices, which sounded
so pleasing to a former generation.
Carlinga, The preparation and eating of carlings is a
northern custom, and still flourishes in Alnwick. Peas
steeped for a night in water, and then fried or bristled in a
pan with butter, are called carlings. To make them more
palatable, they are flavoured with sugar, pepper, and brandy,
and are eaten on the Passion or Carle or Care Sunday (two
weeks before Easter) and on the Monday following. Doubt-
less the custom is of gi*eat antiquity, and by some has been
carried back to Saxon times. An old Scottish song in the
seventeenth century refers to them —
'* Therein be all the lads and lasses
Set down m the midst of the ha',
The Sybows, and Rifarts, and Carlings,
That are both sodden and raw.*'
Carlings were prepared not only in private houses but at
inns, to which the burgesses in those days resorted to spend
their carling groat^ and enjoy themselves with carlings and
• Probably so called because hoo.is or gifU for chariUble or social objects were
collected around them.
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SPORTS AND PASTIMES. 489
drink. The origin of the name Care or Carie Sunday is
quite conjectural ; Brady says, ^' a day of especial care or
devotional attention ;" Hone, " the Friday on which Christ
was crucified is called Friday, Ghxte Jhreytag, and Carr
Freytag /" another writer derives it from Ceorly a husband-
man, because benefactions were made to the Carles or Carlen.
And now we may make a brief reference to an old belief
which has died out with a bye-gone generation. Half a
century ago the fairies were supposed to have local habita-
tions in our district. There was a Fairies' Green not far
from Yittry's Cross ; but on moonlight nights these tiny folk
trooped out of dell, and cavern, and mine, and from beneath
the bracken, and from under green knowes, and out of other
lonely places to hold their revels, with music and dance, in
the Fairies' Hollow at the top of Clayport Bank. Their
fevourite haunt was the Hurle Stane near to Chillingham
New Town, around which they danced to the sound of elfin
music^ singing,
" V^ind about and turn again
And thrice around the Hurle Stane ;
Round about and wind again
And thrice around the Hurl Stane.'*
Brinkbum and Harehope Hill too they frequented. Old
Nannie Alnwick, the widow of the last of the ancient race of
Alntoickf the tanners, had faith in the good folk, and set aside
for them " a loake of meal and a pat of butter," receiving,
as she said, a double return from them ; and often had she
seen them enter into Harehope Hill, and heard their pipe
music die awa^ as the green hill closed over them. Gone
now are the fSuries along with many other fantastic myths of
our forefathers ; even the Fairies' Hollow is to the present
generation unfaiown.
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CHAFTER XXm.
ItUUCBTS — VAIB8 — TOLLS — BAZBH0USB8 — BBSWHOUSB — lALT-^
Oa088B8 — flHAlCBLBB — ^PILLOB? — 8TO0KS — OOBR BXOBAlfQE.
Neither market nor fair could be held tnthout a gtant from
the Crown, or from immemorial usage, which by a legal fiction
presupposes a royal grant. Nor was a charter obtained with*
out previous inquiry, made by the sheriff and a juij, whether
it would be to the detriment of the king or of neighbouring
markets or fairs, or of any of his majesty^s subjects. It was
presumed, that the establishment of a new market or fair, in
a town less than twenty miles distant from an existing
market or fair, would be prejudicial. Fairs in ancient times
were held usually on Saints' days and Sundays in church
yards.
A market and fair were held in Alnwick, prior to 1S91,
from time immemorial,* but on what days we are not informed.
From Edward I., Bishop Bek obtained a charter in 1297,t
that a market be held weekly on Saturday, and a fair yearly
on the eve of St. Patrick, (the 17th Marclh, and the six fol-
lowing days. To the burgesses, Henry VI. granted another
weekly market to be held on Wednesday, and two fairs
yearly, each to last eight days, one commencing on May Ist,
the festival of St. Pmlip and St. James the Less, and the
other on December 13th, the feast of St. Lucy.
The Wednesday market long ago fell into disuse ; but the
Saturday market is still maintained. The St. Philip fair exists,
being held, according to the new style, on the 12th of May; it
is now the principal fair in Alnwick, because also a hiring
for single servants. The fairs of St. John aad St. Lucy have
fallen into disuse ; but to the latter there is a reference in the
corporation accounts in 1787, when there was paid for " lead*
ing dirt at Lucy fair Is. ;" it was held, according to the new
• See Page 94. f See Page 140.
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ALNWICK FAIU. 441
Btyle, on December 24th, and was a general hiring for those
hinds or agricultural labourers, who had to find a female
to work the *' bondage ;" but this hiring now takes place at
a more convenient time of the year, on the first Saturday in
March, which is one of the largest fairs in the district.
Palm Fair, formerly held a week before Easter, has long been
discontinued ; it may have been a relic of Bishop Bek's fair.
Michaelmas fair, which is still held on the first Tuesday in
October^ at the feast of the guardian saint of Alnwick, is
doubtless an ancient fair, though now unimportant; cattle
and sheep are there sold^ but it is chiefly noted for the dis-
play of horses.
The fair, held on the last Monday in July, chiefly now
for the sale of cattle, sheep, and horses, is probably that which
during the time of the De Vescys, had been held from time im-
memorial ; for it is distinguished by the name o{ Alnwick Fairy
and is ushered in with peculiar feudal ceremonies. The
custom of watch and ward is still maintained in connection
with it ; a necessary provision in mediseval times, for the
protection of the persons frequenting the fair, and of the
valuable commodities exposed lor sale, against the cupidity of
lawless border thieves and marauders. The various to wnships
in the barony owing suit and service, were then obliged to send
armed men to guard the town ; in 1707, the Knights* Court
amerced^ for neglect of this duty, ^* the tenants of Chillingham,
Fawdon, and Swinhoe, 20d» each township, who owe service to
his Grace by watching the fair according to ancient custom.'^
The ceremonial commences on the Sunday evening preced-
ing the fair, when the bailiff of the manor, the constables,
and other petty officials, representatives from the various town*
ships, and many of the tradesmen of the town, assemble within
the castle walls ; and, after being regaled with wine and ale,
march in procession to the Market Cross, where the bailiff
proclaims the fair to be held for eight days, and calls over the
townships owing suit and service to the barony. For the
watch and ward of the fair there are summoned four men
from the townships of Chatton and Chillingham, four from
Coldmartin and Fowberry, four from Fawdon and Clinch,
four from Longhoughton and Denwick, two from Alnham
and Alnham Moor, two from Tughall and Swinhoe, two from
Lesbury and Bilton, one from Lyham and Lyham Hall, with
the principal inhabitants of the borough of Alnwick. Men
armed with ancient weapons are placed at the principal
entrances of the town, and watch and guard it during the
Sl
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442 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
night — a useless precaution since the union of Scotland and
England ; but this service frees these townships from toll in
Alnwick Market during the year.
Not content with dnnking when they first assembled^ the
party after leaving the cross, returned to the castle, and so
lavishly was wine distributed among tradesmen in the
stewaid's room, and strong ale to the populace in the court
yard, that the quiet and solemnity of the Sunday evening
were disturbed by numbers of drunken men brawling, fighting,
and quarrelling m the streets. Children, too, had dieir own
play during the scene ; numbers of them assembled both in
front of the castle gates and in the Market Place^ abundantly
supplied with the cones of pine trees, locally called 9€rao
apples ; and with these they pelted each otner during the
evening, probably a representation of a border fight between
the English and Scotch. The firuit of the crab tree is also named
scrab apple, and such, when plentiful in the old woods of the
district, may have been used as nussiles, until their scarcity
caused the substitution of the more abundant pine cone, to
which the name of scrab apple would be transferred. So
demoralising and unseemly did this useless Sunday carnival
appear to the ministers of religion and others in Aln-
wick, that they memorialised the duke of Northumberland
to put an end to it ; and so far was this acceded to, that the
refreshments at the castle were discontinued ; but the fair is
still called and armed men still watch at the gates of ^e town
on the Sunday evening.
On Monday, the day of the fair, the retainers of the baron
assemble about noon in the bailey of the castle, each man
mounted ; some on gallant well bred hunters, oUiers on old
worn-out mares, some on ffreat rough cart horses,* and others
on shaggy galloways. After being regaled with strong ale,
they leave the castle, headed by the bftiliff, who is attended
by several men carrying useless old armour, and followed by
the duke's piper, dressed in livery, playing some border tune ;
and aflter him are marshalled the tenantrjr. They proceed
through the streets of the town ; and the biuliff proclaims the
fair at the Market Cross^ at St. Michael's Pant, where the
ancient Grass Cross stood, and at the site of Clayport Tower ;
and then, in marching order, they return to the castle, where
the ceremony is ended by deep draughts of strong Northum-
berland ale out of silver flagons.
In the middle ages markets and fairs of boroughs and cities
were of great importance. An agricultural j^opulation was
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ANCIENT TOLLS. 44S
widely but sparsely scattered over the country ; and artisans
and merchants were to befound only in towns. Fairs^ especially,
were the great marts of commerce ; all kinds of gocnls were
exposed there for sale, and they were attended by a vast con-
course of people ; even in Alnwick a fair lasted for eight days.
Improved roads, changes in the distribution and character of
the population, and the greater security of property and life
have combined to strip the fairs and markets of country towns
of their importance; many have died out altogether, and only
a few remain, dwarfed relics of ancient greatness. In medieeval
times the tolls imposed on goods sold at markets and fairs
yielded a considerable revenue to the barons who claimed
them ; hence great jealousy was manifested, when an attempt
was made to establish a new market or fair. Sir Ralph Grey,
sometime about 1615, made a market town of Wooler ; and this
was pronounced to be " to the great impoverishment of the
burgesses of Alnwick, and impeachment of the lord's profits."
From the Burgh Court Roils and corporate documents we
have an account of the ancient tolls, chargeable in Alnwick
Market.
" 1693, May 11. — ^The Juron find the fbllowing a trae and perfect copy of
wliat the Tolee and Stallage ought to be according to the Ancient Custom and
that there is no more due : — Every five Sheep's Skins shall payj^. Everr
Commodity ahove the value of 6j^. shall pay M. Every one that selletn
apples and pearee on the Market day shall pay ^. Every peddler, Butcher
and Smyth, Shoemaker, Glover, or any other that hath Stalls about the Mar-
kett id. Woollen and lineing Qoath ^d. Every one that bringeth butter
ti. Piggs above 6|d. being not free on the Markett day shall pay ^d. Every
sher not of my Lord's Towne shall pay every pannyer a fish tne next or next
best in the pannier. All StaUeengers being not free in Alnwicke or Alemouth
4d. Every one that selleth salt l£ereToU is a ^ or ToU Salt. EveryMeele
Maker pays Meele or a ^d. Upon the first fiaire day the butcher or buyer
payeth IcL for every beaist The Seller if he selleth never so many on the
first faire day but a penny. All men (except Townesmen that keepeth theire
watch on the fajie day) payeth Toll both the buyer and the seller. The
Latter fedre day the buyer and seller but a ^d. All packes that striketh
within the Towne jgoeing any way . ., payes jfi. Every Burgesse that is not
free payeth 4d. If they sell any thing in the Markett day «d. If he be of
any occupation not frree payes ^d. The Bakehouse will hold 6 boules att a
tyme and the due for every boule is a groat. Every Churching Dinner baked
att tiie Common Bakehouse a groat. And every Brydell Dinner 4d. We
find these to be the right for the Toll and Stallage for our Markett and
nothing due more to any of them. Eveiy bowle bakeing without chargeing
the ToU for it by Stallagengers Id. KicholM Forster, William Hunter, Geo.
Alder, Antho. Adston, Luke Alder, John Wardle, Michael Hunter, John
Salkeld, Henry Mettcalfe, Hugh Axiowsmith, John Gallon, Tho. Hunter,
Tho. Salkeld,"
At the present time the tolls charged are as follow : —
" One penny for each basket of eggs, poultry, and butter exposed for sale.
One penny from each person exposing fish for sale. Twopence for each cart
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444 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
ooatauiing potatoes, apples, pean, &6., for sale. One penny for each stall
where gaiden stuff is exposed for sale. Twopence for each head of cattle sold
at any hir. Twopence or double rate for each stall of garden stuff, ginger-^
bread, &c», on the days of proclaimed fiuis. By custoifi this is |iimcti<»lly
returned to the regular attenders at the market, as no collection is made an
the Saturday following. There is also a charge for caravans, wild beast
diows, ftc, which is a matter of bargain between the lessee of Uie tolls and
the nspectiTO partieB."
The Alnwick Market tolls produced in 1834, £70 ; now
they do not much exceed half that amount ; they were let in
1825 at £24 yearly, now they are let for £16. Such unpro-
ductive and vexatious imposts, for which there appears now
no equivalent, as the repair of the Market Place and streets
are defrayed by public rates, should be abolished or com-
muted, especially as the profit is small compared with the
cost of collection. Peel and Gladstone might here teach a
lesson in finance.
The following curious document,, among the court records
in Alnwick Castle, are letters patent by which Henry VIII.,
in 1545, granted the tolls of Alnwick with other privil^es to
Lancelot Carleton, for his services on the borders, and to
Margaret the wife of John Heron.
Letters patent ) Henrv the vijjtb by the Grrace of God King of England, Stc,
granted to > To all people to whom these our Letters patente shall come
Lanclott. ) greetinge, know you that we in consideration of the true and
fiiithful service to us done by ourwelbeloved Launoelot Carl-
tone ui)on oar bcMrders foranempst Scotland and that he in-
tendethe to doe have given andgraunted and by tiies presents do giye and
graunt unto him and Margaret Heron late the wyff of John Heron deoeased
and to the longer liver of them, thoffice of towne backhouses with Toll and
Stallage of the Marketts and feures within our Towne of Alnewick ia our
Ck)un^ of Northumberland and Bowbearership of all our parks and ontwoods
within our Lordship of Alnewick aforesaid, To have hould occupy and enjoye
the said office and eyther of them to the said Lancelot Carleton and Marg^tfet
Heron and to the longer liver of them their sufficient depntie or deputies
during their ly ves and the longer liver of them with an annuitie of vlL ster-
ling by the yeare and three pound eight pence by the yeare for the erercys-
inge of the said office of Bowbearer, To be taken receaved and perceyved oy
the said Lancelot or the said Margaret or his or her own handes or the handes
of their deputio or deputies of the profytte coming and growinge of the said
towne backhouses toolle and stallage ^earlie once a yeare, that is to saye at
the feast of St. Michell the ArchangeU in as ample manner and forme as any
the said offices or eyther of them by the graunt of our right trustie and right
wellbeloved cousyn Henry late Earle of Northumberland had occupied and
enjoyed or ought to have had occupied and enjoyed. That ezprest mencion
of the true yearely value or certentie of the premisses or any of them or of
other g^yfte or graunte by us to the foresaid Lancelot and Margaret before
this t^^e made at thes presente is not mad or anye statute act ordynanoe
provision or Bestreyne to the contrary had mad ordeyand or provyded or any
other thinge cause or matter whatsoever in anywyse notwithstanding. In
wytnes whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patente. Gyven
at Westminster the xxvth daye of ^February in the xxxvjth yearo of our
reigne.
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FlEPOWDfiR COtJBT. 446
The owner of a market or fair could by common law hold
a court for the prompt trial of disputes or disturbances arising
within these fairs or markets ; and as it was held especially
for the convenience of travellers^ who with " dusty feet " fre-
quented these markets and fairs, it was called the Piepowder
Court, from the Norman French pieda poulders, dusty feet.
It was presided over by the owner or his steward, and its
decisions were promptly executed. Many years have elapsed
since this court was held in Alnwick. I have met with only
one record of its proceedings, which I give entire.
Manerian et \ The Estreat of tlie Fines and Amerciaments of the Court of
Burgufl de | Pvpowder held in Ahiwicke for the Moet Noble Charles Duko
Alnewicke. ) of Somerset &c., 13th Julj, 1730, before Joshua Alder free-
holder and others in tiie presence of Francis Anderson gen.
deputy of Thomas Elder and Henry Simon Esq stewards thereof.
Imprs. of William VaUen^^e for Breaking the said Fair in the publick mar-
kets tdace by makeing a Kiott and Bout there and also for an affiray and
riieddin^ blood on Thomas Beayeley of Cald Martin which did greatly dis-
turbe His Majesty's peace and the civil government of the present &ir con-
traxy to His Grace's proclamation therefore fine one hundred shillings.
Thomas Reaveley for the like offence on William V allentyne he is therefore
fined zxs.
Bichaid Brown of Chatton for assaulting John Berwick in the Maxkett to
the great disturbance of His Qfnce*B said fair he is therefore amerced iijs. iigd.
John Berwick for making an affiray in the publick markett and &ir on
Richard Brown iijs. iiijd. Sol. in Cur. yjli. vis. viijd.
The Sergeants of Alnwick are required forthwith to levy by distress on the
goods of tnese persons witlun the precincts of the Manor. Ex. pr. Fran.
Anderson Clic cur.
Officers were appointed at the Courts Leet, and also by
some of the corporate trades to search the market and to pro-
Fecute those who transgressed its regulations. John Fargye
and John Barker were^ in 1618^ curators of the market ; in
1739, two market lookers were appointed for the Company of
Skinners and Glovers, then important trades in the town.
The Company of Cordwainers appointed two of their trade to
be searchers of leather ; and we find in the records of this
company, '^ 16S8, Michaell Hunter, Edward Hutton, searchers
sealers of leather sworne at Michaelmas Court last, past before
Mr. Sacy deputy Steward.'' On September 80th, 1630,
William Shepherd for '' abuseing of the searchers upon the
markett days ".was fiined by the company 3s. 4d. But the
officers of this ancient body, as we shall see hereafter, went
far beyond Alnwick in search of delinquents. The Common
Council too sought out transgressors ; on September the 8th,
1767, there were paid £2 2s. Od. to ''Jacob Standley for his
trouble in attending the market 4S weeks to find out people
ingrossing com butter and eggs;" and in 1766, they passed
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446 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
an order to '* proeecute persons who are guilty^ of forestalling,
ingrossingy and regrateing* of corn and grain^ batter, and
cheese, fish or other dead Victuals.''
In those restrictive times no man could buy or sell till the
town bell tolled at 11 o'clock, announcing the opening of the
market ; the early bird was not then allowed to pick up the
first worm. The bell still tolls on Saturdays and on fidr
days, at 11 o'clock according to ancient custom ; a pleasant
musical sound to the Alnwidi ear, but nothing more, for all
are free now to buy and sell when and where they please.
Many breaches of market regulations were punished at the
Burgh Courts ; and a few extracts will exhibit the stringency
of the regulations and the character of the offences.
<< 1510. — The keepers of Cawsey present Robert Chryperth £;>r forstolling
in bnying oats and ne is amerced 4d. 1674. — 10 persons are amerced in sums
from Is. 8d. to 38. 6d. each for selling bread contrcury to the assize ; and others
for having illegal measures. 1676. — For selling wares with unlawful weights
amerced 6s. Sd. Edward Forster for bringeing come to the towne of Aln-
wicke and lodging it in Thomas Harrison's house and not presenting it to the
market each is amerced 3s. 4d. G^rge Shepherd for denying the officers
to serche for come sett up on the markett day and not presented to the
markett amerced Ss. 4d. Thomas Harrison for fontalling the markett in
buying salmon and selling it agtdn contrary to the statute amerced 6s. Sd.
1676. — Edward Fargye mr buying sheep's puddings and selling them the
same day contraxy to the Statute was amerced 28. 3d. 1676. — Bobert
Thompson presents Thomas Learmouth, Qeorge Shepherd, William Yel-
lowly, and Bobert Stephenson for setting forth stalls on tiie markett con-
trary to the order made by the fewer and twenty is therefore severally
amerced 6d. in all 28. 1676. — Thomas Eichison for bringing sheep to the
markett to be sold, the skins being cutt off from their £eu^ contraj^ to the
ancient custom and order of this Brough is therefore amerced Ids. 4d. 1677.
— Dorothea Moscropp vending wooll and not weighing it with the Toll Boolh
weights contrary to onr ancient order amerced Is. 1681. — ^Vending groate
loaves fbr 6d. amerced. 1706. — The Jury present four Butchers for bringing
sheep to Alnwick markett or cases of mutton, which hath not its skin affixed
to the case, either at the head or taile, whereby they may be knowne in case
any sheep may be stolen and search be made for the same, that then such
Butcher or Butchers ao offending shall putt in sufficient Baile to answer their
oontempt, and if it happen that the said cases of mutton appear to be stolen,
the same to be confiscate to the Lord of the Manner — each amerced 20d.
1714. — Hungo Lee fbr opening his sack and vending his com or grain before
the Markett Bell Bang amerced 12d. William Clerk and Mr John Qrey
were also amerced for the same offence. 1716. — Mary the wife of Thomas
Bell currier presents John Watson Butcher in Paikeshole for vending Lamb
in Alnwick Markett and for Stuffing up the Kidney of the same with pieces
of Lights and Plucks to deceive the buyer, we amerce him Ss. 4d."
« Forestal, to buy merchandise before it is brought to a market or to the stall
where it should be sold, or before the time when the market by statute opena
Begrate, (re^atti&r, Fr., a huckster,) to buy merchandise in the market and sell
it again in the same market, or within four miles of it. Ingrosa^ to buy up large
quantities of merchandise, with the intention of selling them again at an advanced
price.
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MARKETS A2fD FAIES. 447
A Wooler butcher shewed more art in stufiSng a kidney ; but he waa bo
simple as to sell his cooked veal to the clerk of the baronial court ** 1728. —
Guuibert Moffiitt butcher in WooUer for vending and exposing Yeall to sale
in Alnwick Market with the Kidney thereof Stuifd up with a piece of a wispe
of Hay or Strawe to deceive the buyer Fra. Anderson, which wispe was putt
up soe close and hidden, that it was not discovered till it was readj Bosted
and for Setting on the Table, wee amerce him Ss. 4d. 1737. — Several cord-
wainen were amerced 3b. 4d. each for exposing Ibr sale in the fiur 1st October
insufficient shoes. 1731. — Several were amerced for selling Oats before the
Bell ; and one for opening his Poke of Pees before the Bell.'^
The Saturday market still floarishes^ and is resorted to— b^
farmers to dispose of their com^ by country people to sell their
poultry, eggs, and butter, and to buy in return manures, seeds,
clothing, groceries, ironmongery, and other articles, not pro-
duced in the country; it is the great day for the sale of beef,
mutton, &c., by the butchers. Between fifty and sixty car-
riers frequent the market from the villages and towns in the
district.
The principal old £Burs are changed in character ; they are
now important as hirings for agricultural hinds and sinele
servants. Other &irs have been established, suited to Uie
changed circumstances of the times. A lamb jfoir, now held
yearly in July, was first established in 1851; and at the
same time a wool fair is held.
The corporation made a strong effort in 1761 to establish
a fortnightlv market for black cattle and sheep. About £20
were spent m advertisements and preliminary expenses ; but
the scheme failed ; perhaps the four-and-twenty were then in
advance of the pubhc.
Since the introduction of railroads and telegraphs, all the
movements of society have been quickened; and therefore
the men of Alnwick began to see, that it was neccessary for
the interest of the town, and for the maintenance of its trade,
that they should provide for the agriculturalists of the district, a
more r^idy and frequent means of disposing of their produce,
than the old fiurs, which were held at distant intervals,
afforded ; and, hence, it was resolved to establish a bi-weekly
cattle market, on alternate Mondays; the first of which was
held on December 16th, 1850.
Though the tolls of the markets and fairs were claimed by
the lord of the manor, the Market Place belonged to the
corporation, who exercised control and directive power, both
over it and over the streets of the town. They paid to Thomas
Harvies in 1687, " Is. for going with the drumme at the
fiure both Sunday and Monday ;" at an earlier period, in 1612,
market keepers were paid by them. The common bellman.
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448 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
or town's servant, enjoyed a perquisite from stalls in the
Market Place, for when one was appointed in 1675 it is said,
*^ he shall have all the perquisites to that office excepting six
stalls to Jane Grey.*' They were at the expense of cleaning
the Market Place, and keeping it in repair ; in 1720 it was
payed by them, and at the same time the old and new crosses
were repaired. " The Com Market " was paved in 1755 at
the cost of £5 Ss. Od. ; in the following year they paved *nhe
Horse Market; in 1761, "Pjiving the Market Place" cost
£10 18s. 4d. ; and in 1765, **for Market Place paved round
the Shambles" £17 18s. 9d. were paid.
Public SakehoiM€$ belonged to the lord of the manor ; one
was about Pottergate and another near the Market. As a
relic of this feudal burden, a rent of 2s. was levied from every
public bakehouse in the town, till about 64 years ago, when
the charge was successfully resisted.
A Sr&whouse too yielded profit to the lord; "all the
tenants of Lesbury rendered annually to the lord of the manor
10s. for a common brewhouse within the town as from ancient
custom it was wont." The Alnwick Brewhouse was on the
site of the Town Hall. Founded on this feudal claim was a
charge of 2s. yearly upon every licensed retailer of ale in
Alnwick. This impost was discontinued in 1860.
On Salt too a feudal toll was levied; at Martinmas or there-
abouts yearly, the foreign bailiff took a measure of salt out of
every sack sold in the Market ; and when salt came to be
sold in shops, the lord, that he might not lose this petty profit,
made a charge of a peck of salt or 6d. yearly on every retailer;
and it was not till about thirty years ago that this tax was
extinguished.
Crosses. In Alnwick Parish there were eight or more
crosses in the olden times ; there was the cross standing on
the King's Way towards Bock ; Vittry's Cross was on the
south-west boundary of Alnwick Moor ; the base of a cross
still remains in a field called the White Cross Howls near to
Denwick ; a cross stood in Baili£^ate, and a portion of its
plain octagonal shaft is now lying in Bailiffgate Square;
there is a Grinde Stone Cross mentioned in the baronial
court records in 1683 ; the Grass Cross stood in 1695 on the
** South Raw of Clayport ;" there was a Bondgate Cross in
1689; and there were a ''Market Cross" and an ''Old
Cross" belonging to the corporation. The Market Cross
was important ; it was the centre of the commerce of the
town. From the Old Cross royal proclamations were made ;
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STOCKS AND CROSSES. 449
public rejoicings took place around it; repentant sinners
stood on It on successive market days^ clad in penitential
garments, as a punishment for ecclesiastical sins or offences.
The stocks and the pillory for the punishment of other offen-
ders were generally connected with this cross; and both were
kept up by the corporation. Much used had stocks then
been ; for often were they repaired or made new ; twice they
were mended in 1619; and at "Palmson Eve/' and again
" at the last faire ** they were repaired in 1687. New stocks
were made in 1781. For making the pillory in 1716,
£1 12s. 8d. was paid. The corporation, indeed, was compelled
to keep these instruments of punishment in an efficient condi-
tion ; in 1677, «' William Locke Bayliffe of the Borough of
Alnwick presents John Carr, John Strother, Thomas Harri-
son, and Robert Claxton for not making or cause to be made
a sufficient pedre of stockes ;" and by the court they were
amerced 6s. 8d.
Stocks there were in other parts of the parish, in Bailiff-
gate, in^ Canongate, in Bondgate, and Den wick. In 1654,
" the constables of Bellygate are presented for wanting one
paire of Stocks ;" in 1680, " The inhabitants of Bayliffgate
for not keeping a paire of Stocks," were amerced Is. ; and
in 1688, presentations of several persons were made " for not
paying their proportion of 8d. for making Stocks for Bailiff-
gate.'' At a court held 1659, the Jurors for Bondgate and
Denwick, amerced William Brott 8s. 4d. " for not doeing the
office of a sworne man by not kepeing the Stocks and Pinfold
in repaire." The Canongate stocks originally stood near
the bottom of the street, but were removeSl to Painter Hill,
near the church. The Alnwick stocks were used, the last
time about sixty years ago. Some countrymen, at one of the
fairs, had enjoyed themselves too freely, and became uproarious
and disorderly ; two of them were brought before the Hon.
Charles Grey, and. were ordered, as a punishment, to be
placed in the stocks for two hours. The boys assembled in
great numbers, and pelted the poor countrymen with rotten
turnips, cabbage stocks, and other unpleasant missiles ; one
poor fellow sobbed and wept ; but the other clenched his fists
and threatened the cruel urchins with a big yarking as soon
as he was free. Since then the stocks have been suffered to
fall into decay, and were entirely removed a few years ago.
The Grass Cross had been taken down prior to 1704, and
the space converted into the Male Market ; for in that year
the burgesses of Alnwick held a parcel of ground, '^ containing
3m
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450 HISTOBT OF ALNWICK.
twelve perches on the east side of the Grass Cross, now the
Malt Market/' St. MichaePs Pant now stands on or near
its site. Besides the Malt Market there were the Com
Market, in the open space at the junction of Clayport and
Fenkle Streets ; and the Horse Market on Bondgate Hill.
The shoefnakers on market days exposed their goods along
the hill side, east of this cross.
The Old Market Cross, a roofed building open at the
sides and supported on pillars, was mended in 1629 by ^e
corporation, and more eztensiyely repaired in 1672, at a
cost of £4 lis. l^d. At thu time there were dials on it ; for
in 1681, Mrs. Forster was paid 6s. 6d. '' for 2 dialls and
and making a hurle barrow ;" and for '' setting the diell on
the Cross and drink '' 8s. were paid in 1686. It was taken
down in 1701. Forty pounds were given to the corporation
by the Right Honorable Earl of Carlisle to enable the town
to rebuild this cross ; and it was first resolved that " the new
Crosse, which is to be built and erected, is to be and stand
att the Ancient place called the Grasse Crosse;" but in
accordance with a subsequent resolution, it was built ''where
the centre stone is lett oppositt to Mr. Marke Forster's house
and Mr. Henry Collingwood, now occupied by Mr. Robert
Collingwood and Mr. Goodwill." The cost of this building
was £90 7s. Od. From corporation documents we^ gather
information respecting this new cross ; '' it was entirely an
open building, the roof being supported by pillars ; and it
was always used for the accommodation of the Country people,
who came to the market with poultry, butter, eggs, &c."
Near to this were the butchers' ShamhleSy which in the early
part of the eighteenth century belonged to the corporation,
who. in 1715 expended £40 18s. ll^d. on their repairs.
They were let at that time, and produced £6 7s. Od. yearly ;
but the rents rose to £16 in 1724 and to £20 in 1762. After
the great lawsuit which stript the town of many of its privi-
leges, this public property, through the carelessness of the
corporation, was lost. " They were " it is said *' a paltry old
building and accordingly exceedingly offensive to the Inhabi-
tants of that part of the Town, on account of the stench and
noisome smell that arise from the blood and excrements &c.
of the cattle and beasts that were slaughtered there." To
rid the town of this nuisance, the corporation applied in 1761
'^ to Lord and Lady Northumberland to remove them ;" and
in 1763, they resolved '* that the new cross be taken down and
the materials applied to rebuilding new shambles, the borough
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THE SHAMBLES. 451
to be at the expense of enlarging them and coyering them
with the blew Westmorland slate or Scotch slate, unless my
Lord Northumberland shall think fitt to be at the whole
expense." The lord Northumberland did think fit to do this
in 1764, " the corporation having first taken down the cross
to make room for this new building ; and in order that the
country people might still be accommodated as usual, an
arcade or coyered way was made ; and the two ends thereof
appropriated for the use and accommodation of the venders of
poultry, butter, eggs, &c., as the new cross had before been."
The four-and-twenty of this time appear to have been
paralysed by the shock of the great lawsuit ; and these feeble
(if not faithless) guardians of the public property became
wild and reckless, and like thoughtless children flung away,
without forethought, property of which they were the trus-
tees. In parting with the town cross no care was taken by
them to secure, for all time coming, the privileges to which
the public were entitled ; deluded probably by some palpable
present advantages they left posterity to care for themselves ;
for after the new Market House was built, the earl and coun*
tess of Northumberland granted on August 14th, 1765, to the
corporation, at a nominal rent, a lease for twenty-one years
of the Market House — ^^ More especially to the intent that
the revenues of their faithful Burgesses, the Chamberlains,
Common Council, and Freemen might be increased." ^
This new Market House was a low building of only aa^
story, with an arcade along the north side and the east and
west ends, supported by rows of clustered pillars and low
pointed arches ; these were surmounted by a pierced battle-^
ment, above which each pillar was terminated by a pinnacle.
Purists in architecture might criticise the style, which was
Pseudo-Gothic, and yet it was a more pleasing building,
more useful and less cumbersome than the huge erection
which stands on its site and casts its dark shadow over the
Market Place. Within its arcade, as a boy I played at many
a game, and often have I climbed up the pillars to its battle*-
mented top ; with me it is associated with youthful enjoy-
ments, and I look back to its removal with regret.
This Market House was taken down by the duke of North-
umberland in 1826 ; and on its site another large building
called ** The Assembly Booms " was erected. Within an
arcade on the north and south sides are ranges of butchers'
shops, and above is a room 94 feet long, SO feet wide and 24
feet high, which is used once a year for the Sessions Ball, and
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452 HISTORY OF ALKWICK.
sometimes, but rarely, for other balls. Attached is a smaller
apartment^ called a " News Room," for the use of a select
body. At the east of the Assembly Rooms ; another portion
of the Market Place was built upon by the Duke of Northum-
berland in 1880 ; the lower area is now the Fish Market and
is open at the sides, but corered above by a room supported
on pillars, which is used for meetings of the Poor Law Guar-
dians, of the Board of Health, and of the Burial Board, and
for which a yearly rent of £20 is paid to the duke of North-
umberland. The ground on which the Market House stood
would have been a most convenient site for covered markets
adapted to modern wants — ^for a com market, and a butter, egg,
and poultry market, where the country people would have been
sheltered from the weather. Neighbouring towns had estab-
lished com exchanges ; and stimulated by this example, a com-
mittee formed of tradesmen in the town, made progress in
a scheme for the erection of a public building for acom exchange
near to the Market Place in Alnwick; but unexpected obstacles
checked the design. Another scheme, however, was subse-
quently carried out by private speculation; and a large
building was erected for the same object, and opened, as a
Com Exchange, on May 17th, 1862. Unfortunately the
situation is inconvenient, being at some distance from the
market, behind the south row of Bondgate, and having its
principal access through an open yard leading from that
street. The building itself is large and commodious ; the
great room is 90 feet long, SO feet wide, and 45 feet high
from the floor to the apex of the roof, and is fitted up with
stalls, each of which is let at a yearly rental of £2 2s. Od. ;
sellers and buyets not using a stall pay Ts. 6d. yearly ;' and
others may enter and transact their business on paying one
penny for every time of entry. On Saturdays, this room is
opened as a Com Exchange at 11.30 a.m. and closed at 1.30
p.m. At other times, the room is used for concerts, enter-
tainments, meetings, and other purposes, which require more
space than is a£forded by the Town Hall.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
MILLS — BRIDaBS — BOADS — ^PANTS — CX)RBE0TI02r HOX76B.
Several water mills were anciently in the parish of Alnwick.
There was the mill of Holn Abbey, enjoyed by the monks from
a charter of John de Vescy, granting them the privilege of
building a mill upon their own area, to grind their com with-
out multure, and of making a watercourse from the great water
of the Aln. This mill stood at the bottom of the Abbey Hill ;
long ago it was taken down, but its site is still traceable.
Not far from this, on the south side of the Aln, was a fulling
mill. Belonging to Alnwick Abbey were two com mills, whil^h
stood on the Aln, a little below the Abbey, and a fulling mill
higher up the river. These passed to different proprietors
along with the Abbey ; but only one of them now remains,
called the Abbey Mill, belonging to the duke of Northum-
berland.
From Ancient time there were also the *' Alnwick or Town
Mills." John de Vescy, a little prior to 1297, gave to Holn
Abbey twenty marks yearly, out of the farm of his mills of
Alnwick. Baronial records in Alnwick Castle, refer to '^ the
Book of Account of Thomas Archer, Castle Greave, of Aln-
wick '' in 1443, from which it appears that these mills had
been let to the convent of Holn for four years at divers rents ;
the account of " Mr. Thomas Coke, Castle Greave," state
that they were afterwards let to the convent of Holn for ten
years at the yearly rent of 33s. 4d., over and above £13 6s. 8d.,
granted to it out of the mills. In the account of Matthew
Bell, castle greave, they appear to have been let to the convent
for ten years at £15 yearly rent; and subsequent accounts
of John Carleton, William Naddall, and Jolm Gray, castle
greaves, repeat the statement.
After the death of Henry, the 6th earl of Northumberland,
the barony of Alnwick came into the possession of King
Henry YIII.; and on the dissolution of the monasteries, Holn
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454 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Priory also passed to the king ; but he first demised the Aln-
wick mills to Sir Robert EUerker^ knight, for twenty-one
years at a rent of 20 marks yearly, and afterwards granted
them to him for life. After Ellerker's death, Henry the
ninth earl of Northumberland, then baron of Alnwick, entered
into quiet possession of these miUs ; but '* su^estion haTing
been made that they were part of the priory of Hull," Queen
Elizabeth granted tbem to Francis Earl of Bedford for twenty
years. The earl of Northumberland, however, resisted the
entry of the earl of Bedford into these mills ; and this led to
litigation ; the earl of Bedford pleaded his lease ; but the earl
of Northumberland proving that *' the mills were parcell of
his manor of Anewicke ;" he succeeded in retaining posses-
sion of them.*
These town mills stood near to the present lion Bridge,
at the foot of the peth, on the north bank of the Aln ; there
were two of them, one westward of the bridge called the
*' wheat or High Mill;'' the other, eastward, was called the
'' Grrey or Low Mill," as it was used for grinding barley and
peas which produccNi a grey meal, and the " Blew Stone
Afill " from tne colour of the miU stones. The mill race was
continued past the bridge into the pasture. Early in the
seventeenth century they were in the occupation of the town
or corporation as tenant of the earl ; and, in the earliest
corporate accounts preserved, there are several entries relating
to them, which are interesting examples of our early records,
showing how the town then did its work, and what was the cost
of labour and materials.
*< 1611. — When we had occasion about the mylne dam.
Item to z laberert for tuminge stones out of the water to the dxye
land at yjd. eche one per day . . . . , yn,
lit to theim in diinking monie . . • . • iiyd.
lit to John Nesbut in parte of payment for the stones att Denwick
Qoarrye the 8 Jmie 1611 ..... yIs.
8 4 6 of June 1611.
Itt to Archilans Spence and other fyve for three whole dayes work
eche one for caridge of stones out of the water to tiie cuy lande
at yjd. ^ day ixs. as also for one halfe dayes work 8d eche one zs. yjd.
Itt in drynlong sylver this weeke to them and the myUers when
they layd the myln stones of the Easte My U dame • . zd.
6 July 1611.
Itt to Thomas Mordys for makeing of the new dradgeP ft the bringe-
inge home of the same ...... zviijd.
Itt the 7 of June 1611 to John Nesbut in parte of payement of his
wyning of stones out of Denwick quaxie for the new mylne
damo . . . . . zyiijs.
* Records in Alnwick Castle.
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ANCIENT MILLS. 4A5
Itt f<nr yj laborers to the dambe att tjd. per diem . iijt.
Itt Bichazd BicheBon for two dayes worke for flaggs casUxig to the
neweMylne ....... xijd.
13 14.
Itt to Anthonie Brown for leading zzxtlo dxidgt of flags from St
Marys ford to the new mylne£unb8 .... ziiijs.
Itt to Anthonie Browne & Myohaell Bead for |j trees bringing from
the old honse to the new mylne dam the 19 20th June 1611 viijd.
Itt to Bichard Bioheston for one other days werke of flage casting
for the newe mylne dam ..... rjd.
4 August.
Itt pd to Kychaell Bead for iiij carts loads of Stakes & Byce for the
dam ........ xxd.
Itt to John Nesbat the 29 June by Boger Butherford A William
Ghrene in fall parte of payment of a hundred fother of stones
which shall be by the said Nesbut performed and lead awaye
fikvleing the want of the frill number that then Kesbut shall fill'
fill the numbre aforeeayd the ftUl number of the forsaid stones . y^s.
29.
Itt to Thomas Sprowston in part of his allowance of five shiBings by
Boger Botherford and to Edward Alder for caryeing a sled^ to
the new mylne ijd. & to John Glaye for caryeing xv fir dales to
the new Mylne 3d. . . . . . .vs. vd.
Itt to John Scott for vi flrdales for the same .... Tis.
Itt payd John Hamilton ft to his son for iij whole dayes work at the
newe Mylne dambethe 18 19 20 of June 1611 at ziid. for each
per diem ........ vjs.
Itt for a hundredthe of navies for the newe mylne to G^rge Swynon zijd.
Itt bestowed upon the mylners tJie first daye the newe mylne was
set a worke per G^reen ...... vid."
There are several other payments of the same kind ; the
wages of labourers were then Gd.^ and of mechanics Is. per
day. For these mills the burgesses, in 1611, paid to the
lord of the manor £96 ; and they received in that year from
the millers £103 6s. 8d. There had been also another mill
at this time lower down the river, near to Denwick bridge.
Beference is made to it in the following order : —
*< Alnerwick burgh SI May 1613 in the Tolbooih. Att the G;^Id held the
day and yere above sayd It is ordered and considered by the zziiiu that ther
be wrytten and due meanes made and presented to the Rt. Ho. the Earle of
Northumberland to procure the lease of the towne MyOs and Wydcp$ MyU to
be renewed to the townes use.'' The lease had been renewed, for means were
taken to compel persons to make use of these nulls. At the Burgh Court held
in 1618, it is recorded— '< We fynd that their burgesses with Stallingers shaU
paye zs. for every default to the Alderman of the Trade, they being weU used,
that grindeth not at the mylls during our lease." The four-and-twenty of
the borough sought their own profit by upholding this feudal claim.
"The 2nd day of May 1628. It is ordered bjr the fouxe and twenty and
foure men for this yeare now being, that all the inhabitants of the town who-
soever he be (or she) that giindeth any Come or Malto from the Mylnes that
the Towne houldeth of my Lord of JN orthumberland, they being weU used
shall pay dry Monitor to be recovered to the use of the Fanners to be sued by
way of accion in our towne Courto." On the foUowing day they sublet the
mills, but at a very reduced rental; viz., ''to pay this yeaie to the Towne at
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466 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
the Annnatilin of our bleaaed Lady 8t Mary next oomiiig the some of five
ponndee, and Ten ponndes of the saide yeaie to be paid at Michaelmaa and
the Ladyday by equal portionB."
The corporation held these mills down to 1631, after which
they disappear from the corporate records.
According to feudal usage, the tenants of a manor were
bound to grind their com at the lord's mill; but the conditions
varied according to the custom of each manor ; the tenants
in Bondgate, Bennington, and South Charlton were, in the
sixteenth century, obliged to grind at the Den wick or the
new mill, and to lead stones and wood to repair or rebuild
it when necessary ; and to the other two town mills, the
freeholders and others of Alnwick township had to make
their suit and service, and yield the four and twentieth mul-
ture ; the tenants of Rugely, Snipe House, and Shieldykes
had to do the same, and to yield the sixteenth multure, and
also to carry millstones to tnem, as often as needed. There
was, however, a strong disposition to resist this monopoly ;
many delinquents were brought for punishment before the
Baronial Courts, down even to the beginning of the eigh-
teenth century.
In 1638 Bichard Atkin was amerced 20d. " for grinding from his lord-
ship's milneB at Ohatton." Bobert Brandling of Whitehouse was amerced in
1663, 38. 4d. ** for withdrawing his multure from the water mills of the locd
in Alnwick." In 1676 '' Oliyer presents Francis Alder gentleman for grind-
inge from the Bi^ht Honorable Lady Elizabeth Percy her mills to the neat
damage of the saide La^'s tenants/^ '< 1686.— The millers of Lesbuiy Mill
present the millers of Warkworih for fetchiog and canying away severall
quantities of come from the inhabitants of Alemouth to oe ground at tiieir
own mill of Warkworth, who ought to grind at Lesbury," and each was
amerced 3s. 4d. Nine persons were amerced 6d. each in 1691, ''for with-
drawing their service from the Lord of this Manner's Mill, in not grinding at
Alnwick Towne Mills." Forty-four others were presented in 1694, ''who
ground away from my Lord's Mills." The latest entry for this offence is in
1704 : — " Arthur Tate, Henry Smith, (George Tate" and others are amerced
each 12d., "because they ground away from the Mill of the Lord where they
ought to grind."
Seyeral freeholders in defiance of the lord's claim " kept malt mills in their
own houses, and ground both their own com there and the com of othets,
especially Mr. Edw. Grey who ground John Renners malt of Alnmouth, who
was obliged to grind at Lesbuiy Mills ; and the said Edw. Qrey , when he was
reproved, said he would prosecute the Duke of Somerset's interiset to his castle
gates."* A bold man was Edward Qrey.
Millers also, however, "were subject to surveillance; in 1667,
Thomas Fuller and Patrick Taite were each amerced 3s. 4d.
"for taking excessive multure;" and in 1689, *'the under
millers of the farmers of the lord's mill kept 3 new Boules of
« Col. Forster's MSS.
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ANCIENT MILLS. 467
wheat ung^ound S days, and a part sixteen days^ which was
broaght back unground, and took unlawful mill dues/' and
they were amerced Ss. 4d. Excessive multure led to inquiry
in 1689 before a Baronial Court ; and this was the deliverance
of the jurors : —
"We find by the oath of John Taylor age 80 yean, that about 60 years
ago, Henry Swinho and Francis Duer did &rme the Lordes Mills ; and the
Townahxp of Alnwioke ground at the said mills, and only payd the sixten
pecke of Wheat By Pease and Big * and the eighteene pecke of Malt Oats,
and that they paia to the carier one fourth of a pecke peesmell or malt for
oareing to the mill and home if they desired them to carie their com, and did
not know of any other dues paid to the miliar. We the Juriers desires that
the ancient multure which were taken above in old tyme, when Lord's Mil-
lars were not in Ck>mmon with Mr. Brandling's Mills f may be continued,
and that the abouse of mill due so called may be taken away and that the
pecke and fourth purt of the i>ecke and other messures for multure may be
Tiewed and sealed by the Bailiff and Chamberlains from time to time."
Multure at the present day is from one tenth to one twelfth ; but generally
the twelfth.
Millsy too, were on the town's lands at Hesleyside ; for in
1682 John Fenkle was amerced 8d. '' for not keeping up his
gate that leads to the new mills Hesley Side." On the
opposite side of the water were the Denwick Fulling Mill
an^ Bleachfield ; the former in our own day has been con-
verted into a com mill, and is now occupied by Mr. Peter
Eadington, the descendant of an ancient race of millers.
Another fulling mill was in Lowther's Haugh, above the
Lion Bridge on the south side of the Aln. To Matthew
Alnwicke, fuller and dyer, was let in 1679 by the chamber-
lains of the borough, " All that wast dy house in Walker-
gatthaugh " for twenty-one years at a yearly rent of 2s. 6d.
In 1745 and for about twenty years before, the town mills
were in the occupation of the family of Bowmaker. Henry
and Ralph Bowmaker had the West Mill, and William
Bowmaker, along with James Walker, the East or " Blew
Stone Mill." At that time John Venus and Robert Rogerson
had the Abbey Mills ; and Thomas Pinn and John Murraw
the Denwick New Mill. Connected with these mills we
have an episode of the rebellion in 1745. The royal troops
under General Wade were to pass through Alnwick on their
• Barley, the variety with six rows of grain on each ear ; Dan. byg^ Isl. bygg^
barley ; this kind was cultivated at a very eaily period, by the stone men of the
pile-habitations on the Swiss lakes; and also by the Egyptians, Greeks, and
Romans.
These were the Abbey Mills, wbioh at this tine belonged to Mr. Brandling.
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468 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
way to Scotland ; and Jacob Gomes Serra, the commissaiy,
commissioned Thomas Mills^ the principal com merchant ia
Alnwick, to buy com, to grind it, and bake it into loaves of
61b. each, for the use of the troops. Rye and meslin (a mix-
ture of wheat and rye,) as well as wheat were bought, the
price being for a bushel of wheat (including 6d. per quarter
commission) 3s. 3d., for a bushel of rye 2s. 5d., and of meslin
Ss. 6d. In all 4375 bushels were bought, part of which was
baked into 14,000 loaves and distributed to the soldiers as
they passed through Alnwick and Whittingham ; excepting
1965 loaves which were sold, and a few others being mouldy
were given to the poor. The Town Hall, as well as lofts in
the town, was used as a storehouse. The baking power of
Alnwick not being equal to the emergency, a number of
bakers were brought from other towns.
More com was bought than was consumed in Alnwick,
and Mills sent, according to his statement, all the flour pro-
duced by grinding 5365 bushels of wheat, in 440 sacks by
two ships from Alnmouth to Leith, for the use of the royal
troops in Scotland. All had gone on pleasantly up to this
t>oint ; Joseph Almeida, the agent of the commissary, had
odged with Mills, and had kept the key of the lofts wherein
the wheat and flour had been stored, but he had trusted the
key with Mills when he was absent. Mills had received
£764 2s. 2d., and he applied for £132 9s. 8Jd. more ; but
the commissary — a, keen man — demanded the particulars of
this charge, and asserted that the quantity received was less
than Mills had stated, to the extent of 865 bushels or 173
sacks. And to Chancery both parties go, and the case
plunges in that slough of despond for five years and more*
The evidence, in which Mills and millers figure prominently,
reflects no great credit on our Alnwick corn merchant. He
first states that the sacks sent held 7 or 8 bushels each, and
then modifies this into 6^ bushels, one with another ; but
the commissary found that they would not hold more than 5
bushels each. Mills could not tell how much flour was
delivered to the bakers ; it was not weighed ** being in a
hurry as the army was expected to march immediately ;"
nor could he tell how much flour the com should have pro-
duced, but he says, that the year 1745 was very bad and un-
seasonable for wheat, and the grain so moist, that it had to be
mixed with the produce of 1744; and John Eogerson of
the Abbey Mills gives this hazy eridence, ^'corn of a season-
able year would produce a Pock of Flower more than an
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ANCIENT MILLS. 459
unseasonable year." Such indefinite statements did not
satisfy the commissary, and he brought the question to the
test of experiment in London ; and the baker<9 there found
that "a sack of 5 bushels of flour contained 7 bushels of
strike measure of com," and that therefore the deficiency
was 146 sacks of flour or 730 bushels, which would amount
to more than the balance claimed. The result must have
been disastrous to our corn-factor ; the account of his owa
solicitor, Collingwood Forster, amounted to £165 4s. Id.*
About this time (as appears from baronial accounts) the
town mills had been subject to disasters; for repairing
breaches in the mill dam and rebuilding the mills in the
years 1744, 1745, and 1746, there was paid by the lord
£495 178. 5|d« More damage still there was soon after; the
new making and rebuilding Alnwick Mill Dam, (the old
dam havii^ been carried away by a great flood), and furnish-
ing the same from July 18th, 1746, to May 8th, 1749, cost
£1160 Os. 6|d.
The town mills were held by the Bowmakers till about
1755, when Henry Bowraaker died. He was the great-grand-
father of James Bowmaker of Alnwick, who died in 1862,
the last male descendant of this old family in the town ; and
also great-grandfather of the fiev. James Everett, a dis-
tinguished Methodist minister, whose mother, through her
father, was grand-daughter of the miller. Trade in meal
was different a century ago from what it is now. Millers did
not then buy large quantities of corn and grind it, and after-
wards sell the manufactured meal to shopkeepers, who retail
it to consumers ; but coin was still exposed for sale in the
open market, and householders bought it there weekly
according to the wants of their families ; and afterwards, as
they were bound to do, by feudal usage, sent it to be ground
at the town's mill, paying multure as the miller's reward.
Mr. Everett gives a graphic sketch of the scene presented at
this peiiod.
*^ The grotesque figures of the Bowmakers and others har-
monised with .the old-fashioned winters that visited the north.
On Saturday morning — market day — ^when the poorer and
* Hodgson'i MSS. I here express my obligations to Mr. Richard Hodgson,
of Oateshead, for his liberality in allowing me the free use of the collections
relating to Alnwick, made by his father, the late Rev. John Hodgson, the dis-
tinguished historian of Northumberland. Several of these MSS. are cases and
notes made by Co). Forster, a man, who, as we shall see heieaAer, waa, if not
famous, yet notable in his day.
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460 HISTOBT OF ALWWICK.
middle claises porchased their com for the consomption of
the succeeding week, the Bowmakers — a stout athletic race —
were seen breasting their way up the peth, with their slouch
hats, thick home-spun doublets and other habiliments, with
straw twisted into thin ropes wound round their legs, to
defend them from frost and snows. There they stood in the
market as upon pillars receiving the various lota committed
to the vehicles to be carried off to the mills. The mild winters
we have had of late years, have induced the people, as in the
case of other changing fashions, to throw these rustic leggings
aside.* "
At that time, Wythope Mill — a small mill for the accom-
modation of the people of Denwick and its neighbourhood —
stood less than half-a-mile further down the river, on the
site where, what was called, Eadington's Mill was afterwards
built. Different was the aspect of the Pastuie wheie these
mills were placed from what it is now, when the ridge and
the hill side are adorned with long plantations and clumps of
trees ; they were then uncultivated and covered with fiirze
and ferns ; near Malcolm's Cross was a house called '^ the
Mains " occupied by Thomas Walker ; and on the side of the
Aln, near to the first M'aterfall or cauld, and nearly opposite
the castle, was a cottage called 'Hhe Wide-open" tenanted
by John Tate.
After the death of Henry Bowmaker, the mills wrre taken
by George Coekburn. Disaster again fell upon them ; for
in 1767 the High or Wheat Mill was carried away by a great
flood in the Aln, and another was built on an enlarged scale.
In commemoration of its completion, Cockbum gave an enter-
tainment, and caused a *^ monster dumpling '' to be made,
which, it is said, was eight feet in circumference, and con-
tained sixty-eight pounds of flour, forty-two poundaof currants,
twenty-eight pounds of suet with other ingredients; and
weighed, when boiled, one hundred and forty-seven pounds.
It was drawn with ropes and pullies out of the brewing
kettle in which it had been boiled, covered with a large
sheet. To this entertainment the inhabitants were invited
by the town's bellman; and the event either gave rise to
the following hyperbolized couplet, or some similar verse
was accommodated to the occasion: —
*' The weel made damplmg in the MilU'iain
Thirty feet thick and thirty feet Ung."
• Everett's MSS.
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BRtDGXS AND EOAD8. 461
Soon thia mill followed its predecessors ; for on the 8th of
November, 1770, the river rose to an unprecedented depree
and carried away the dam and foundations, and the bridge,
too, was seriously damaged. After this, the mills and the
cottages by the water side were taken down.
The Wy thope Mill at this time was rebuilt, on an enlarged
scale, in an imitative Gothic style. It was a picturesque
object, seen from Denwick Bridge ; and its removal, in 1839,
was regretted by many who had often lingered on the bridge
listening to its clack, and enjoying one of the finest views of
the castle and of the vale of the Aln.
The corporation, for some time during the eighteenth
century, had a mill on their own land of Ranwellstrother or
the Bog, which hence was called the Bog Mill — a name
the farm yet retains. The mill, however, was taken down
and the mill-stones and mill-gear sold in 1804. It was
proposed to erect a wind-mill in its stead, the expense of
which with a tower 50 feet high was estimated at £526
12s. 5d.; but after deliberation, the proposition was negatived
by a vote of the four-and-tweny.
The fulling mills and the bleach fields are gone, the Town,
the Holn Abbey, and the Wythope Mills have been swept
away; and there remain on the river only the Abbey and Den-
wick Mills. One of our energetic tradesmen, Mr. Thomas
Archbold, however, erected a steam com mill a few years ago
on the west side of the town just beyond the old wall.
Bridget and Beads. — One bridge there was in Norman
times across the Aln, coeval it. may be with the Norman
c^istle, but which was in a ruined and shattered state in
1877, when it was extensively repaired, if not nearly rebuilt ;♦
probably enough some portions of the Norman work would
be retained in the renovated structure. This old bridge,
which was standing in the middle of the eighteenth century,
had unusually low battlements, and was very narrow, but
with a cornered recess on each side over every pier, so that
foot passengers might step aside to avoid contact with a vehicle
when passing over. At Warkworth there is still a bridge of
a similar character. A number of low thatched houses
then extended from the top of the steep Peth, nearly to this
bridge ; and on the north side of the Aln there was another
row of unseemly cottages, commencing near the Town Mill,
westward of the bridge.
• See Page 150.
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462 HISTOBY OF ALKWICK.
A great flood in the Aln, on the 8th of November, 1T70,
washed away so much of the bank of the riyer as to cause the
south end of the bridge to sink and become dangerous ; and
on the 10th of December, the corporation paid *' to John
Shepherd 3s. for watching the hriig^ all last Thursday night
to give passengers notice of the danger of going over." On
the 15th of December the south arch fell in, leaving the others
in a tottering condition. The evil had been but partially
remedied, for on October 7th, 1772, the chamberlains and
common council, in a remonstrance to the worhipful his
majesty's justices of the peace, represent that the county
bridge at Alnwick is in a ruinous condition, and from late
breaches the passage over it hazardous, especially for car-
riages; and they in effect threaten to have recourse to law for
redress. After this, the present bridge was built some twenty
or thirty yards higher up the river than the site of the
old bridge ; the foundation stone being laid on the 21st of
August, 1773. It is a substantial structure of three circular
arches, with battlements on each side, above which, in the
centre, rises a pedestal on one of which stands a lion with a
stiff extended tail, similar to that on Northumberland House
in lioudon ; it is hence called the Lion Bridge.
For foot passengers there was at the bottom of Canongate
a narrow wooden bridge over the Aln, protected at the sides
by wooden railing, and resting on high stone piers which
had their foundation in the solid rock. Horses and carriages
passed over the river by a ford, which was dangerous after a
heavy rain-fall or the melting of snow ; and lives were in
consequence occasionally lost. A great flood in 1821 broke
down some of the piers, and rendered the bridge useless.
Another bridge was built by Hugh, third duke of Northum-
berland, a little further up the river, suited for the passage of
horses and carriages as well as of persons on foot. It is a
plain stone structure of three circular arches.
A century ago the way to Den wick left the middle of Bond-
gate Street, near the Tower, and passed through Cutler's
Lane and Bameyside, and then across the river by a ford;
the road was short and direct; but when Hugh, the first duke
of Northumberland, was extending his parks and pleasure
grounds this road was closed, and another road formed, start-
ing from the end of Bondgate, making a bow between the
two places ; but, as a compensation for this perpetual dis-
advantage, he was at the expense of the new road, and of its
maintenance for 99 years, and of the construction of a new
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BRIDGES AND EOADS. 463
bridge which is called Denwick Bridge. One circular arch
spans the river where it is deep and narrow ; from the grace-
fulness of the arch and the beauty of the scenery around^
this bridge has been much admired.
Several ancient roads and footpaths have been blocked up
during the last hundred years. There was, in the thirteenth
century, reserved by charter a free passage to Holn, through
all the ways and paths anciently used in any part of Holn
Forest to neighbouring and distant towns. Cart roads then
went through Holn Forest for the men of Alnwick, Denwick,
and Houghton. Some of these old roads were in public use
till a comparatively recent period. An ancient road, which
went through the park, on the south side of the Aln, past
Brislaw, and onward to East Bolton, Eglingham, and other
places north westward of Alnwick, was closed by act of parlia-
ment in 1826; but, as a compensation for its loss, the duke
of Northumberland contributed largely to the improvement
of another road to Eglingham, which, however, passes by a
circuitous and hilly route.* This act, however, did not take
away the public right to the road from Botton Bow by Stoney
Peth to the Forest Lodge ; nor did the act for the enclosure
of Alnwick Moor close the ancient footpath leading from the
Forest Lodge, across the new enclosure to the flag-staff, and
thence to Abberwick. Other old roads however have been
closed. One ran from the Forest Lodge by Butherford's
Moor, and across a style in the wall to Moor Laws ; it was
described in the language of the district, ^' a cannj road for
market wives." A carriage road went from Shipley Bed
Stead, by the west side of Bunker's Hill, and thence to the
turnpike. A bridle road from the Charltons entered the park
a little eastward of Lokensenbum, and passed on to Moor
Laws. But the pleasantest and most frequented of all the
public footpaths was that which entered the Abbey Grounds,
near the Barn Yards, and went down Breakback, and through
the Haiigh to Holn and beyond ; and from this other path-
ways led to Necessity and other places. Many a deligntful
stroll have I enjoyed, in the early summer mornings and in
the sunny evenings along this pathway, when it was free to
all. Doubtless, the closure of these ancient roads has led to
the more careful cultivation of the parks ; the old tangled
forest, the wild glens, and rugged braes, have been adorned
* Th« ownen of Bttt Bolton, however, etill retain the right of a bridle way
tbrongh the parka.
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464 UISTO&T OV ALHWICK.
by the resources of art, bo that now the scenery of this portion
of the vale of the Aln is varied and beautiful. Honourable
was it to the liberality and feeling of Algernon, the duke of
Northumberland, that he opened these parks to the public ;
and considering what originally were the public rights over
them, and what beneficial effects on the tastes, habits, and
morals of a community result from wandering amid beautiful
scenery, it may be hoped that the successive lords of Alnwick
will, in a like kind and trusting manner, throw open this
source of rational enjoyment to aU.
Much of the river banks too was open accessible ground
traversed by footpaths and roads. The Haugh, anciently
called Lowther's Haugh, on the south side of the Aln, west-
ward of the Lion Bridge, was, even during the present
century, something like public ground, where young men
and boys played, and fished, and bathed. Young boys bathed
in the shallow water above the bridge on both sides of the
river ; those a little older bathed and learned to swim at the
Island, and those who could trust themselves in deep water
resorted to Barbara's Bank on the opposite side. At that
time almost all the youths of the town could swim. A public
road led across this Haugh parallel with Walkergate — ^the
street of the Walkers or Fullers. Even as late as 1682 there
was still one fulling mill there. In 1686 the parish of
Alnwick was at the baronial court amerced 20d. '^ for not
repairing the highway leading from Alnwick Bridge to Low-
ther's haughes ;'' but this small fine not having the desired
effect, the parishioners were, in 1682, amerced £6 " for not
amending the highway that leads from Alnwick to Lowther's
haugh ;" and in the same year Matthew Alnwick had ** to
amend this way which is worn away at the end of Lowther's
haughes by reason of a damm lately made in the river to his
fulling mill." These haughs, roads, ancient bathing places,
and Barbara's Bank are now enclosed as part of the Dairy
Grounds.
A wain road there was through the Pasture or North
Desmesne, between the Lion Bridge and Denwick. In 1694,
" the Highway leading from Alnwick bridge to the Topp or
With-open Bank*' was presented at the court leet. Indeed,
this dehghtfrilly situated large tract of desmene land was used
as if it were the people's park, where from time immemorial
youn^ and old gathered, generation after generation, on festal
occasions to play their ancient games and enjoy their accus-
tomed holidays. And as the favourite gamesome exercises
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BRIDGES AND ROADS. 465
were indulged in there^ how pleased must have been the lords
and ladies of the stately castle, who had any sympathies with
the people^ as they gazed from its windows on the happy groups
sporting over this park ! No place could be more suited for
healthfiil enjoyment, or more fitted to improve the taste.
An ancient road from the south came through Cawledge
Park, and a little eastward of Rugley ; and it appears to
have passed up Rugley Lane, across the moor, down Hooling
Lane and the Glarty Loaning, to Alnwick Abbey. On the
Rugley grounds the plough has often struck on the remains
of this road, and several horse's shoes have, from time to time,
been found on it, of small size, shewing that the horses were
formerly of a small breed, probably the Hobbys of the Hob-
belars, who formed the border cavalry.
The chief highway was in the seventeenth century in a
wretched condition. In 1680 " The Parishioners of Alne-
wicke were presented, who ought to repaire the Common
Causeway in the Lane or Loning leading from Alnwick
Bridge to the Broomhouse or Loning head, which is out of
repaire and full of Quicksands, and it being then post road
it is very dangerous for travellers, we doe therefore amerce
them 3s. 4d."; it had " to be repaired on paine of 39s. lid."
The parishioners still neglected their duty, and in 168^ they
were amerced 39s. lid. "for not repairing the Common
Loning leading to Loning head from Alnwick Bridge." lu
1733, thus continue the baronial court records — ^* We also
present the present Chamberlains for not repairing and
amending the high path Causeway leading from the Earl of
Derwentwater slate house downe king's high street to the
Bridge End to be insufficient." This was the great north
road, as it is now called, which runs through Alnwick and
past the Barbican of the castle and down the Peth, and
across the bridge and away northward. It was the great
line of traffic between London and Edinburgh ; and the good
people of Alnwick looked then, with as much jealousy as
they do now, at attempts to divert an important line of traffic
from their own doors. In 1767, the chamberlains and com-
mon council petitioned the duke of Northumberland, " to use
his endeavours to think favourably of the old grand north
post roads, as it hath done of the new western roads, and
contribute as largely to a variation of this road at the Pees,
as it hath done to the making of the new roads;" they
represent that the Pees, near Old Cambus, in its present
steepy situation is disliked by travellers, but that by varying
3o
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466 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
the road it might be made commodious ; and they view with
alarm the new bridge of Coldstream^ and the bridge over the
Tyue at Hexham^ and the making of a new road from Hex-
ham to Jedburgh^ and they fear the grand north post road
will be deserted and innkeepers ruined. How ingenious of
these selfish men to cloak their selfishness under the guise
of beneyolenee to the innkeepers !
The vigilance used by the courts leet before 1750, to guard
the rights of the public to paths and roads will be shewn in
a few additional extracts, which will also illustrate the topo-
graphy of the parish.
1654. — ^Edward Medcalfe was presented for stopping ** a common way be-
tween Blacklee Close and the Town of Alnwick, for ourt and wayne thnmgfa
Metoalffe*s fields along the hedge to the Hope loning tyme out of memory."
1698. — Mr. Mark Forster was presented "for stopping the way leading
through his dwelling house to the Common WeU and Common Loning cfdied
Hopp lane or Greenbatt and for erecting a gate on the Loning."
*' 1682. — ^Thomas Stamp aged 66 or thereabout swome and examined saith,
that there was a highway leading to the Stottle Meadows, through the Chil-
dren Ght>v6s, and knowne it from his infancy. And that since uie Division
of the Common fields, there was always a way to the Stottle Meadows. John
Taylor aged 76 or thereabouts swome and examined saith, that hoe hath
known Stottle Meadows and that the common way that leads to it through
the Children Ghroves hath known it for threescore yeares, and since the divi-
sion there was always a highway to the said Stottle Meadows, without difltmb-
ance as abovesaid till of late for which Henry Boberts was presented."
1682.— John FenMe was amerced Sd. " for not keeping up his gate in the
Highway that leads to the New MiUs Hesley Side." 1738.—" A wain road
was in ti^e Low Milne Close from Alnwick to Hesleyaide." 1697. — " William
YeUowley was presented for an Incroachment by erecting a wall which stopps
the ancient common passage which leads from Narrowgato to Fenkle Street
and takeing to himself a piece of waste ground." The jury found that " tiie
waste ground above 41 years since was a common passage through Balph
Greave's garden into fenkle Street." The wall was ordered to be pulled
down, and the offender was amerced 6d. " 1706. — Luke Hindmers was pre-
sented for making a cartway in the narrow passage to the Stone WeU in
bringing Leaden Carts fall of Bark through it, brea^g down Mr. Hunter's
stone wall to the ground, to the Roundabout, formerly belonging to Old John
Alder in Clayport." 1729. — A jury examined witnesses who proved that an
ancient way led to the Clayport Back Crofts on the south side of Claypori
Without the Tower. In 1730, Thomas Awthey was amerced ISs. 4d. for
stopping this way ; but not submitting to this jud^ent, the Serjeants of the
manor court, by order of the court, broke down his fences ; and he indicted
them at the sessions. From evidence, however, it was proved that it was an
" ancient footway leading downe Clayporte South Croft and soe to the Churoh
road or path where a style was sett, and time out of memory of man was a
way or foot path to and from the churoh, and also for all the king's liege
people to pass and repass up and down that way on all occasions. And a£o
that the owners and occupiers of every one of the Burgages of the South Croft
or Biggs had all along made use of a Common G^p or Slopp near the Common
Loning for leading Hay or Come or for mucking their Burgage Crofts ; and
as soon as the Bluest was over and Mucking time done, and Tjrth of the
same ledd away, then the said wain or cart dung Gkpp was dug up and made
fenceable in the said Loning at or near Clayporte Tower, called the Greenbatt
Loning, but stiU the foot style was kept up winter and summer." 17Sd.—
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6RlJ>OBS AND ROADS. 467
t
** The towne of Alnwick was presented for suffering Lady Bow Lane (other-
wise Batiin Baw Lane) to be oat of repair."
A vennel way or narrow lane — an old church road — ran
from Narrowgate Street along the side of the town wall to
another church road from Pottergate Tower; this vennel wag
shut up early in the seventeenth century. The old road
from Alnwick to Boulmer went along Fisher Lane^ past
AUerbum to Lough House. An ancient road went across
Alnwick Moor from Hobberlaw to the highway leading from
Alnwick to Whittingham. In 1688^ the baronial court says
" The parish of Alnwick ought to repair the way leading
from Hobberlaw to Mosseyford ; " and it was ordered to be
repaired before next court under a penalty of 13s. 4d. The
right of the public to this road was undisturbed till about
1768, when Robert Smart, owner of Hobberlaw, opened lime-
kilns on his estate for burning and selling lime; but the corpor-
ation looking on this movement with jealousy, because tending
to lessen the value of their own lime-kilns on Alnwick Moor,
attempted to stop this ancient road, so that access to the
Hobberlaw Kiln might be difficult. The dispute was decided
at the assizes in Newcastle, in 1770. Witnesses proved that
there was ^^ an ancient road for horses, carriages, &c., along
the north side of Hobberlaw dike, and over the south end of the
limestone quarry next to Hobberlaw Estate, from thence
north-westward over Branccpeth East Hill, and from thence
crossing the Houl or Hollow of Brancepeth, and from thence
up the hill west of the Hollow over or near a Quarry lately
opened, and from thence to the highway between Whitting-
ham and Alnwick." To view this road, the sheriff was
ordered to summon a jury, but the under-sheriff instead of
summoning only twelve, summoned sixty, the whole panel
of the county, and thirty-nine of them appeared. The con-
duct of the under-sheriff was complained of, but all expenses
bad to be borne by the corporation and Robert Smart. A
strange agreement the chamberlains had made with Robert
Smart to end the dispute. They had agreed " neither
directly nor indirectly with the public money nor with their
private purses to aid in attempts to interrupt him in the use
of the road," and even ^' to punish individual freemen who
should do so." They had convenanted at nighty more than
they could perform ; and in the momina, when they awoke
with their heads cooler, they repented of what they had done.
They submitted the agreement to a learned counsellor for
advice, because they say it contains things unreasonable ;
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468 HISTORY OP ALNWICK,
•
and their excuse for their folly is " that it was made late at
night and wrote in great hurry;*' probably in those jolly
corporate days these officials were so merry as not to know
exactly what they were doing. By a regular deed, however,
made October 12th, 1771, the road was conceded ; it was to
be 20 feet wide, and kept up at the equal expense of both
parties, the chamberlains and four-aud-twenty binding them-
selves, under a penalty of £500, not to interrupt him in the
use of this road. Attempts have been made by the trustees
of the freemen to shut up this ancient road ! There are
several ancient footpaths which the public can still enjoy ou
Alnwick Moor ; for the act, by which it was enclosed, did not
in any degree deprive the community of such ancient and
accustomed privileges and rights.*
The turnpike from Hexham to Alnmouth was made in the
years 1753 and 1754; it comes to Alnwick Moor at Lemming-
ton Bank Top, and passes through the town. To the forma*
tion of this road the corporation subscribed liberally, yet
keeping in view the interests of the freemen. The projectors
proposed that a toll-gate should be placed in the Stobby
Moor; but to this the common council strongly objected.
The chamberlains offered, in behalf of the town, to subscribe
£400 at the rate of three per cent per annum, provided the
chamberlains for the time being were nominated trustees
without any qualification ; they granted leave to the com-
missioners to erect a wall across the Town Moor, provided it
were built west of the Howl of Brankspeth, and provided all
the free burgesses resident in town or parish be exempt from
paying any toll for the carriage of lime, manure, stones,
coals, turves, flaggs, heather, or whins, from any part of the
moor to the town. For a few years the corporation received
interest on this £400 ; but the tolls being absorbed by the
working expenses, no interest has been paid for many years,
and the capital is lost, excepting so far as the town and com-
munity enjoy the advantage of a good road.
Pant is a border name for a covered well or reservoir of
water, whence the inhabitants of a village obtain their water;
it occurs in the south of Scotland and is in general use in
Northumberland. Its origin is doubtful, but probably it is
a local form of pond or pool of water, for usually there is
attached to each pant a trough into which the surplus water
falls. In Alnwick we have now the High or St. Michael's
Pant, the Low or Pottergate Pant, the Clayport High Pant,
• Other roads, having no history, I have not referred to.
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ANCIKNT PAKT8. 469
formerly Kidland's Well, the Clayport Low Pant, the two
Bondgate Pants, the Greenbat Pant, the Church Pant, the
Town or Stone Well, Green's or Moffat's Well. On the
corporation devolved the duty of supplying the town with
water ; and they fully exercised the power of building pants,
and of laying pipes in the streets to convey the water from
springs in the neighbourhood, as the wants of the town required.
The expense was defrayed chiefly out of the corporate funds,
aided in early periods by water rates imposed on the inhabi-
tants. The pants belonged to the corporation or town ; and
the young freemen who rode the boundary of the moor, on St.
Mark's Day, also rode round the pants of the town, as
well as the Market Place and Cross, as part of their property.
From an early period the corporation paid a salary to a pant-
keeper; beginning in 1611 with gs. yearly, and ending with
£7 78. John Graye, in 1611, was paid 2s. for keeping
the pant, and 6d. for " dales to the pant ;" in 1646, George
Jefferson for keeping the pant was paid 6s. A pant and the
Stone Well are the earliest noticed. In 1623, it was ordered
by the four-and-twenty, '* that whosoever he be (or she) that
abuseth the pant or our Stone Well shall pay for each fait
tot%e$ quoties, to the Comon hutch of the town." The Old
Town or Stone Well was on the west side of Infirmary
Street, close to where the town wall stood ; and from this
water is conveyed by pipes to the present Stone Well The
Low Pant at the foot of Pottergate, and a pant and wells in
Clayport, and another called Green's Well, were used by the
public prior to 1683 ; for in the court leet records there are
the following orders : —
1683. — "The pant to be paved and amended by the Inhabitants of Pot-
tergate Narrowgate and Bailiffgate.'' **The Common WellB and Pant of
Claport Wardo are out of repair and choaked -^th filth and dirt which ought
to be cleansed by Gla])ort, ve amerce each Inhabitant 2d." "The inhabi-
tants of the same wsod to clean them before the faires of Alnwick next on
paine of xijjs. iiijd." "A good and wholesome well lyeth in the back of
Bogcr Moffatt's, to which weU the inhabitants of Bondgate Street, within the
Tower, and Market Place had always liberty ; but the well is out of repaire,
with the consent of E. Moffiitt, the inhabitants doe make a Causeway to the weU
and repair it, and so clean and fence it, as to bo no nuisance to E. Moffatt."
The Pottergate Pant is supplied from the surplus water of
the Stone Well. In the olden time there was a well within
an arched recess of the wall of Clayport Tower ; but a new
pant was built for this well in 1752, at a cost of more than
£10 — carter's charges being then Is. 6d. per day, and a master
mason's daily wages only Is. 4d. Kidland's Well, at the
bottom of Clayport Bank, was in 1755 converted into a pant.
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470 HISTOEY OF ALNWICK.
In the seventeenth century the revenues of the town were
small, and we find that to improve the water supply the four-
and-twenty imposed a cess on the property of the inhabitants.
'*May 7, 1694. — PreaentmentB made at the Lord's Courts for our Pant
being out of repair in want of water for supplying the Towne and preventing
of fibres, it is therfor unanimously oondescenoed by the four and twenty, that
there shall be a sess layd on of aU the houses and Lands belonging to Aln-
wicke 3 times according to the Booke of Baits and what moneys is collected
for the aforesaid use, what is over repairing of the said pant, shall goe towards
Clayi>ort weU and other q»rings of the towne ;" and accordingly sdiedulos
wore issued to the petty constables to make the collection for the pants.
An odd method the four-and -twenty adopted in 1695 for
the maintenance of the pants ; they ordered '^ that the free-
men that Lives in the Country may put their goods for this
yeare on our moor^ and kept by our Herds ; and that they
shall upon the Herds keeping their goods this year find men
to help to fin up the pitts on our moor and likewise send men
to work att our Towne pant as the Chamberlains shall think
fitt." A system of taxation was kept up for the maintenance
of the pants till, at least, 1715 ; in that year two persons were
amerced at the court leet 80d. " for not paying their proportion
for repairing Moffatt's Well; and 3d. per burgage was ordered
to be paid for repairing Clayport pant and the Stone well,
for every inhabitant frequenting the same."
The Church Well was repaired by the corporation in 1787;
and in 1778, ''a new pant was erected near the church/' and
to James Johnson was paid 2s. 6d. " for cutting the Town's
arms/' — St. Michael killing the dragon — on this pant. It
then stood on the east side of the highway leading to Canon-
gate, at the base of the church hill ; but as it interfered with
some proposed improvement of the churchyard, the church-
wardens applied for its removal to the opposite side of the
road, and this was acceeded to on the condition that the
stone panel with the town's arms, though worn and defaced
by time, should be built into the new pant, and that sufficient
space should be left, so that the freemen could ride round it
according to ancient custom.
The four-and-twenty were not negligent of their duty in sup-
plying the town with water ; they built a new pant at the
end of Bondgate in 1747, another in Bondgate in 1761, one
in Greenbat in 1753, and another on the east side of Bond-
gate Tower in 1802. An order was made in 1709 to bring
water to the Market Place, but it was not till 1712 that the
High Pant — the principal pant of the town — was erected,
'^ att the Old Crosse called the Grasse Cross as the most
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CX)RRBCTION HOUSE. 471
convenient place." It, however, was insufficiently supplied
with water and fell into decay; hut in 1762 the four-and-
twenty resolved to erect a new pant in the Market, near
George Shepherd's house ; but this was not carried out till
1755, when the famous St. Michael's Pant was built by
Matthew Mills, at a cost of about £60, from a design by -Mr.
Bell, architect, for which he was paid £i 16s. The design
is somewhat ambitious, in the Pseudo-Gothic of the period; it
is a little square tower, adorned with carvings, and having two
pinnacles at each comer, and surmounted with the figure of
St. Michael killing the dragon, deftly but stiffly sculptured
in stone. The water is continually running from a carved
head, into a large reservoir out of which cattle may drink.
James Johnson received £5 7s. 6d. "for carving the figure."
The supply is brought hj pipes from fountains at the top of
Clayport Bank, into which is conducted water from springs
on Alnwick Moor. After the establishment of the Local
Board of Health, the corporation very readily gave up to
that representative body the custody of the pants.
Correction Hottse. — ^Though Alnwick is the county town
of Northumberland, the county gaol never appears to have
been there, but at Morpeth, where it was rented by the
sheriffs of the county, of the earl of Carlisle. The county
House of Correction was, however, at Alnwick; and it
appears to have been a workhouse as well as a place of
?unishment. There were four burgages on the south side of
llayport, adjoining the tower, used for this purpose. A
petition was presented a little prior to 1680 to the magistrates
from Thomas Courtney, of Alnwick, doathyer, stating —
''That the houfle of Cknrection in Alnwick, for some yean past has been
luelesB to the oonnty by reason of the great age of the present muter, and the
housee thereto belonging are out of repair for wont of that due care that ought
to have been taken to repair tiiem, your petitioner most humbly offers nis
service to tliis worshipful bench, and wiU be ready to serve the County upon
such reasonable tenns as your worshinps shall think fit, and if your worships
please to employ your petitioner to alter the name of Correction and give it
thename of a W orkhouse, which will make poor people more willing to come into
it, Your Petitioner will undertake to employ and set to work in carding and
gpixming such poor people as your worships shall think fitt to send and doubts
not, but in a short tune to give the County more satis&otion than hath ever
been given before."
The scheme does not seem to have been successful, for in
1680-1 is the following minute : —
''That the monoyoir formerly gathered for the house of Correction bee
speedily inquired into and orders taken for the recoyery of itt for the Coun-
tyes use, and that all materials bought for the said house of Correction bee
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472 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
inyentoried thai soe for publicke use ; and that OTerseers bee appointed for
viewing the behaviour of the Master, and the accommodation of the people
Bent thither and aboute the repairing of the said House of Correction." 'Die
jury again present on 8th October, 1684 — ** This County house of Correction
as still in ruine and decay, and tikat the pnblick money collected &om the
County for upholding the said house and manufactory there to maintaine a
certaine number of people att worke and employment by the common stock
of money, not to be rightly managed for the use intended as it ought to be."
At thie Morpeth SMsions, 14th of April, 1686. — ''Item wee present that
whereas the House of Correction being att AInwicke is ver^ uselesse to the
County, we desire it may be removed to some other conyenient place where
it may be better taken care of and more useful for the County, and that wee
think noe place more fitt than the seat of the present sessions."*
The corporation interested themselyes in this subject ; in
1687, there was " spent on the SherifFe and Esq Clavering
and other justices, when they viewed the Tower 7s. 6d. —
Spent in goeing to Esq Callaly about the Gaols 7s. 6d."
But the correction house was again presented in 1701, as out
of repair, and, as managed, of no use to the county. In 1702,
the judges fined the county £1000 for an insufficient gaol;
and the jury recommending the Alnwick House of Correction,
Clayport Tower, and ground adjoining as a proper site for a
new gaol, the corporation offered to convey the tower for this
purpose, at a yearly ground rent of one shilling. It was
found, however, that the old gaol at Morpeth could be
repaired and enlarged at a less expense than the cost of a
new erection at Alnwick. It was resolved by the magistrates,
in 1703, to sell the House of Correction ; and Mark Forster
and John Burrell offered for it £100 on behalf of the town
for a minister's house and other public uses ; and although
this was agreed to, it was nevertheless, for what reason does
not appear, sold in 1704 to William Taylor for £110. The
present Correction House was erected in 1807 in a yard
leading from Bondgate to the Greenbat; and adjoining to
it a spacious and handsome Court House was built in 1856,
with a frontage to the Grreenbat. This new Court House
stands on the site of the Old Wesleyan Chapel, which, after
having been used as a candle-making house, was purchased
by the county for £350. Meetings of the Petty Sessions for
Alnwick are held in it regularly on Saturdays once a fort-
night ; and it is also used by the county court judge for his
monthly meetings.
• MSS. of Mr. C. S. Bell, to whom I am indebted for several interesting uotes.
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CHAPTEE XXV.
PUBLIC MOVEMENTS.
KLEonoNS m 1734 and 1748— biohabd geievb — ^blbctiow nr 1774
— OEORQB QBIEVB AND OOLUNGWOOD FORSTEB — HOYEMEirrS
DTJRINa THE FBEKOH SEVOLTTTION— QTTEEN OABOLINB — ^ABDBESS
TO EARL OBEY — BEFOBM MEETIKGI — ^VOTINa IN ALNWICK.
Politics need not occupy a prominent place in local history;
yet if history is made up of the actions of living men^ some
notice must be taken of the part, which the inhabitants of
the town played in important political and religious move*
ments. Not being a parliamentary borough, iJnwick had
not that intense selfish interest in politics which small cor-
porations usually felt, where freemen's votes could be bought
in the market; yet there was a pretty large number of a
better class of voters — ^freeholders — ^living in the town, who
were entitled to vote for members of the coimty ; and Aln-
wick being moreover the town where the poll was taken for
the whole county, it became a scene of uproar and commotion
-—drinking and vnld extravagance — ^when a contested election
occurred.
Till the time of James I., the bulk of the people of North-
umberland were Koman Catholics ; but in the first year of
his reign. Sir Ralph Chrey was the first Protestant member
elected^ Sir Henry Widdrington, a Catholic, being his
colleague. In what manner the corporation and burgessee
of Alnvnck then acted we have little information ; but we
find that the fbur-and-twenty of the borough entered keenly
into the political contests of the eighteenth century. They
supported Thomas Forster, of Adderston, in 1711^ granting
him the use of ^'the Pole house" for which he paid them
SOs. ; and in addition gave £20, to buy plate to be run for at
the Alnwick races.
A prominent part was played by the corporation in the
election of 1748, when Charles Lord Ossulston and Lancelot
Sf
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474 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Allgood^ of Hexham, Esq.» were candidates to fill the place
made vacant by the death of John Fenwick. Ossulston was
the whig, and Allgood the tory. The sympathies of the four-
and-twenty were strongly in favour of the tory candidate^ and
they adopted extraordinary measures to promote his interest.
The poll was taken on the 18th, 19th, 20th, 22nd, 23rd, and
24th days of February; but while keen canvassing was going
on, and the note of preparation heard for the struggle, the
four-and-twenty met on the 4th of February and passed
resolutions to aid the cause of Allgood. Suspecting, they
say, that several persons intend to vote who are not legally
qualified, and to prevent such persons from committing the
odious sin of perjury, they order five persons to view the firee-
holds of such disputed persons and to estimate their value,
and to report the same to another meeting ; they threaten to
disfranchise any freemen who should vote without being duly
qualified by law, and they determine that Mr. Allgood's party
shall have the sole use of the Town Hall and the rooms
adjoining during the election. How flimsy the hypocrisy
with which these intolerant men seek to cloak their purpose !
These measures, however, were not carried unanimously ;
only fourteen names are signed to the order. One bold man
there was at the meeting — Richard Grieve — ^who set the
majority at defiance, and who had the daring to tell them
that he would mob them, and take the Town Hall by force.
The four-and-twenty prepared for war; but, though they
strengthened their defences by procuring a cross-bar for the
Tolbooth, Grieve, notwithstanding, carried his threat into
effect ; and on the morning of the election, at the head of a
party of Ossulston's friends, armed with bludgeons, attacked
Allgood's party, and after a desperate stru^le and some
bloodshed drove them out of the Town Hall.
The sheriff at the close of the poll made a return of a
majority of 26 for Lord Ossulston, who was the popular
candidate in Alnwick. Ninety-seven freeholders residing in
Alnwick voted for Ossulston, and fifty-eight for Allgood.
Some old family names appear among the voters; Alder,
Ranoldson, Falder, Gair, Grieve, Moffatt, Yellowly, Strother
are on the side of Ossulston ; Claxton, Doubleday, Gallon,
Hindmarsh, Woodhouse, Weatherbum, and several Forsters
are on the side of Allgood; but Stamp and Rickaby take rank
in both armies. Against the return there was a petition,
because the sheriff in an arbitrary manner rqected 26 of
Allgood's votes ; Ossulston did not appear to answer the
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PUBLIC HOVEMBNTS. 475
petition, and in the following year the House of Commons
decided that Lancelot AUgood was duly elected; ^'but " says a
contemporary critic, " the rogue of a Sheriff got off Scot free/*
Great joy filled the corporate bosom when their cause triumph-
ed; and it found expression, as was usual, in jollification;
the Town Hall was illuminated ; and they squandered away
£8 15s. 6d. for punch and ale to themselves, and £5 4s. Od.
" for Ale given to the populace, when " as they say, " Mr.
Allgood's election was compromised." The honour of the
personal freedom of the town and borough was, in 1751,
conferred on Lancelot Allgood, Esq.
The conduct of Richard Grieve had cast such indignity on
the four-and-twenty that it could not be tolerated by that
self-important body. Were they to be trampled upon with
impunity, and their authority set at nought? Smarting with
defeat, and boiling over with passion, they met two days
after the election, and forth came the crushing sentence
pronouncing '^ the conduct of Richard Grieve at the election
partial and villainous, and in defiance of all ties both human
and divine; and rendering him unfit to be a member of
society;" they therefore disfranchised him, and declared his
seat in the common council vacant. How virulent these men
were! Not content with Grieve*s corporate annihilation,
they attacked his purse ; and ordered a suit to be entered
against him '^ touching the want of repairs of the Far Moor
House Farm." Having struck down the nobler quarry,
they stooped to humbler game and the waits were dismissed,
one of them having had the audacity to vote for Ossulston.
When will men learn to grant to others what each claims for
himself — ^freedom of thought and independence of action !
At the great contest in 1774, two of the leading actors
were notable Alnwick freemen — George Grieve the son of
Richard Grieve, and CoUingwood Forster, who was steward
of the baronial courts, and electioneering agent in chief of
Lord Percy and his colleague. The gentry of the county
were willing enough that Algernon Percy, eldest son of the
duke of Northumberland, then a young man travelling abroad
for the sake of his health, should be a representative of the
county; but they claimed the privilege of choosing the other
member; and they were indignant when, contrary to arrange-
ments. Sir John Delaval, who had while in parliament sup-
ported the duke's views, was brought forward in conjunction
with Lord Percy. At a county meeting held at Morpeth, on
July 26th, 1774, George Grieve was the principal orator.
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476 HiSTOftT OF AL9WICK.
and he boldly charged the chief of the opposite party with
broken iaith and illegal interference. By a large majority
Sir William Middleton^ Bart., and William Fenwick, Esq.,
were declared fit representatives of the county. So spoke
the popular voice ; but both parties went to the poll, and for
thirteen days Alnwick was the scene of wild contention,
which resulted in the election of Percy and Middleton ; the
numbers at the close of the poll being for Lord Algernon
Percy, 1286 ; Sir William Middleton, Bart., 1099 ; Sir John
Delaval, Bart., 1088 ; William Fenwick, Esq., 76«. Of 149
freeholders belonging to Alnwick, 117 voted for Percy, 78
for Delaval, 68 for Middleton, and 28 for Fenwick. Terri-
torial power had effected a considerable change in the borough.
The printed papers relating to this election are numerous and
instructive, shewing the influences which were at work, and
the passions which came into play, during the exciting
struggle for dominion on the one side and independence on
the other ; charges are flung at the duke for breach of faith
and illegal and tyrannical interference; and these are rebutted
by sneering at the insignificance of the independent party,
and by the disavowal of the letters and acts of agents.
At that grave crisis when the influence of the French
Revolution was dreaded, the inhabitants assembled on the
28th of December, 1792, with Edward Gallon in the chair,
and by resolution said " that perceiving with the greatest
concern the circulation of several inflammatory and licentious
writings, tending to the utter subversion of our present happy
constitution, and of all legal government, and being anxious
to defeat the wicked intentions of the contrivers and sup-
porters of such nefarious conduct they declare their attach-
ment and allegiance to the constitution, and that they vrill
exert themselves in suppressing all seditious writings and all
attempts whatever to excite tumult and disorder in the town.''
Subsequently, as the danger appeared to grow greater, the
inhabitants in 1797 formed themselves into an armed as<ioci-
ation for the defence of the district; but the duke of Northum-
berland, who seems to have imbibed some old feudal notions,
treated the association with contempt. In a letter, dated
March 3rd, 1797, to his commissioners, he says — ** This idea
(of forming an armed association in the place,) is really too
ridiculous, and I cannot say that I think it very polite in
these Grentlemen, to take a step of this kind under my very
nose, without so much as giving themselves the trouble to
inform me of their intentions ; and I trust that no tenant or
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Pt7BLlC MOVBMBKTS. 477
tradesman v^ho I employ will join them, Mrithout first know?
in^ my sentiments of the subject/' Feeling indignant at
this treatment, the subscribers and friends to the proposed
association held a public meeting on May 15th, 1797, Mr.
B. Annett in the chair, and passed the following resolution : —
^ ** It IB the BeolaTation of this Meeting that the late proposed Armed Asso-
ciation, originated in a Sense of Duty which we owed to our Country, our
Neighbours, and oursdves. Waving all Consideration of Public Men and
Measures, we cordially united in what appeared to us a Conunon Cause. — At
the Time we stepped forward with an Offer of our Services to Gk>vennent^ the
Country was threatened on every Side ; and thouffli the primary Object of
the Association was the Preservation of Order, and Protection of Propeorty in
the District^ yet we conceived that such Associations tended also to national
Security. — With these Views and Sentiments, we heard with Surprize, that
tiie District^ yet we conceived that such Associations tended also to national
5urity. — Wit"
the Duke of Northumberland, whose Interest as weU as our own,' were em-
braced by the Association, not only idiewed a marked Opposition to it, but
treated it contemptuously ; deeming it great Presumption in us, to embark in
the Measure without his Concurrence ; notifying to all his Dependents, or
those whom he conceived such, his Expectation that none of them would
engage in the same, seemingly arrogatu^ to himself, the sole Ability and
Eight to determine on its expeoiency : and finally, ordering all those Trades-
men to be deprived of his Custom, and dischargea from his Employment, who
in following the Dictates of their own Judgments, and honestly adhering to
their Country's Cause, had enrolled themselves in the said Association.
Resolved : — That the above Declaration of this Meeting be signed by the
Chairman, and published in the Newcastle Papers ; the Sun, the Star, and
General Evening
Town and ]
the Conduct c
AMociation, has, or has not been, Arbitrary, Insulting, and Oppressive.
Ralph Ajncvrr, Chairman."
After this, ten subscribers, at the head of whom stand
Wm. Baird, Edwd. Stamp, C. F. Lindsay, withdrew from
the association, and signed a declaration disapproving of the
resolution ; and two days afterwards some hundreds of the
inhabitants of Alnwick and its vicinity signed another paper
condemning the publication of the resolution, and '^ declaring
their disapprobation and abhorrence of the whole proceeding.'^
This tempest in Alnwick was but a storm in a tea cup ; but
it is significant of the characters both of the lord and of the
people of Alnwick. Subsequently, however, the duke raised
a volunteer corps fronMimong his own tenants and tradesmen,
and supplied them with clothing and arms, in accordance with
his own notions, and with the sanction of his sovereign.
Pity it is, to see zeal in a good cause drive men onwards to
acts of persecution. A few in Alnwick were favourable to
the principles on which the French Revolution was founded;
but they were looked on with suspicion, and subjected to
petty annoyance. One of the leading merchants — Gawin
Scott — suspected of holding views too liberal for the times.
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478 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
was watched and harassed ; and on one occasion a company
of the Percy tenantry was drawn up before his house^ and,
commanded by their captain, H. C. Selby, advanced towards
it with fixed bayonets to terrify its inmates. Such wretched
bullying created disgust, and drove at last a good member of
society from the town, to seek a peaceful refuge in America,
where for several years afterwards he lived and prospered.
The men of Alnwick sometimes came boldly forth as the
friends of progress, as well as of constitutional order. Many
of them gave their warm and honest sympathies to the Hon.
Charles Grey, when he was in 1807 ousted from the repre-
sentation of the county ; and the eloquent speech of the great
orator, on retiring from the contest, so thrilled their hearts
that the impression died not out till the generation who
heard it had passed away. They felt, too, for the persecuted
Queen Caroline ; and were proud of the eminent statesman
who greatly aided in her deliverance. When the obnoxious
bill against her was abandoned, Newcastle and Gateshead
were brilliantly illuminated, and throughout Northumberland
and Durham rejoicings were general ; but the people of Aln-
wick did something more; they deemed it their duty to
welcome Earl Grey's return to his northern home, and to
present to him an address, giving utterance to their senti-
ments and feelings. At a large meeting, presided over by
John Carr, of Bondgate Hall, the following address was
unanimously agreed to ; it was written by the Rev. David
Paterson, and was praised at the time by metropolitan
journals, as well expressing the national feeling; it is worthy
of preservation: —
" Address to the Bight Son. Earl Orey by the Inhabitants of Alnwick,
Deeply impressed with the grandeur of your independent and consistent
character as a statesman, we, the undersigned inhabitants of Ahiwick presume
humbly and gratefully to address your lordship upon this your welcome and
joyous return to its vicinity.
The joint suffrage of religion, reason, and common sense, justifies us in
sajnng that the history of your public life is a brilliant display of the highest
virtue. A determined foe to corruption and misrule the politician is ever lost
in the patriot ; a sincere, an ardent, and zealous friend to civil and religious
liberty, ambition and self interest have uniformly been sacrificed to justice
and truth, benignity and the general good ; but upon no occasion has your
fame shone forth in a more conspicuous and attractive lustre than in your
noble and patriotic opposition to the late Bill of Pains and Penalties. Wo
must say, in the impartiality of our judgments, and the candour of our hearts,
that the charges preferred against the Queen were not substantiated ; and,
proceeding upon the feelings and dictates of the charity which thinketh no
evil, we cannot but believe her Majesty to be innocent. There can be but
one unprejudiced opinion as to the part your Lordship sustained in the dis-
cussion— ^namely, that it is greatly owing to your mm and incorruptible
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PUBLIC MOVEMENTS. 479
integrity, powezf ul reaaoniiigs, and irresifltible eloquence, that the said imoon-
Btitutional, impolitic, and infiunous measure is now overwhelmed in ever-
lasting confusion.
The triumphant success with which it has pleased a gracious Providence to
crown the futhful exertion of your mighty talents, we hail as presaging the
near approach of that auspicious era when your enlightened and liberal views,
sound principles, generous sympathies, and humane sentiments shall be
adopted and acted upon in both Houses of Parliament. Be-tiiis as it may,
we unhesitatingly and boldly venture to predict that your well-eamed laureJB
will continue to nourish in nresh verdure and inmiortal splendour when the
proud trophies of a more accommodating and less amiable policy shiJl have
mouldered into dust.
You have, indeed, purchased for your family the most precious of all inheri-
tances ; and we fondly hope, and confidently trust, that m due time they will
prove themselves worthy of their illustrious &ther. Well may you hence-
forth repose your venerable head on a jnllow without care, and peacefully
enjoy your slumbers sweetened with the balm of conscious rectitude.
The dismemberment of States is the necessary consequence of mal-admin-
istration obstinately persisted in. Warmly attached to the constitution and
laws .of our beloved country, we abhor and dej^recate all revolutionary
changes ; but at the same time we feel anxiously solicitous for the reformation
of those abuses and the prevention of those innovations and encroachments
which threaten the subversion of our wise laws, the destruction of our happy
constitution, the utter extinction of the established rules of subordination, and
the breaking up of all social order. We therefore earnestly pray to Heaven
for the prolongation of your valuable life and public usefulness, as being one
of the princip^ safeguards and strongest bulwarks of our rights and lib^tiee,
as men, as Britons, and as Christians.
Thus have we ingeneously and fearlessly expressed our feelings and ideas
in language which ' envy will scarcely dare to call flattery.'
May the faith and the hope of the Gospel support your exalted and bene-
volent spirit amidst the decay and dissolution of nature ; and in a world to
come may even * that which was so glorious here have no glory, by reason of
the glory which exoelleth.' "
A deputation was appointed to present this address; but
the zeal of the people outran their discretion^ and some
hundreds accompanied the deputation to Howick Hall ; to
the whole, however, Earl Grey extended his hospitality.
The famous wit, the Eev. Sidney Smith, was at this time
Earl Grey*8 guest ; and in one of his letters he refers to the
scene. Though a whig, he had, however, little sympathy
with the people ; he has not one word to say of the hearty
and kindly feeling of the people to the earl — ^nothing of the
sentiments expressed in the address, though written by one
who sat with lum in the Edinburgh Speculative Society when
both were young men — ^but he tells us — ** The Alnwick
people came over with an address, and drank forty-four
bottles of sherry and fifty-two of old port, besides ale !" The
record made by this professed joker is less creditable to him-
self than to the people.
On no important public occasion was a more harmonious
opinion given by the people of Alnwick than on the Reform
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480 HISTORY OF ALNWICK.
Bill, brought forward by Earl Grey. A public meeting was
held on January 27th, 1881, presided over by John Carr, of
Bondgate Hall, '^ to petition both houses of Parliament in
favour of Reform and Retrenchment." It was the largest
political meeting ever held by the people of the town, and
the object was triumphantly carried out. The principal
speakers were the chairman, the Rev. George Anderson,
A.M., George Tate, Luke Hindmarsh, Thomas Bell, John
Lambert, Robert Falder, George Wilson, surgeon, the Rev.
David Paterson, and Robert Busby; the proceedings and
speeches were afterwards published in a pamphlet. The
people remained true to their principles throughout the whole
of this crisis ; all attempts to lay the spirit of reform were as
futile as the endeavours of the famous Mrs. Partington to
drive back the waves of the Atlantic with her broom.
The recent political character of Alnwick is shewn by the
voting, at the last contests for the representation of the
northern division of Northumberland. At the election in
August, 1847, Sir George Grey, (whig), and Lord Ossulston,
(conservative), were returned; the votes being for Grey,
1366; Ossulston, 1247; and Lovaine, 1237. For the parish
of Alnwick 250 persons voted, viz: for
Grey, 104 plumpers, 33 split votes, 137 total.
Ossulston, 0 ,,112 „ 112 „
Lovaine, 3 „ 141 „ 144 „
At the last contest, in July, 1852, when Lord Lovaine and
Lord Ossulston, (conservatives), were elected, and Sir George
Grey, Bart., (whig), was defeated; the votes were, for Lovaine,
1414; Ossulston, 1335; Grey, 1300. For the parish of
Alnwick, 277 persons voted, viz : for
Grey, 102 plumpers, 31 split votes, 133 total.
Ossulston, 0 „ 189 „ 139 „
Lovaine, 7 „ 167 „ 174 „
Since the division and improvement of Alnwick Moor a
new class of voters has been admitted on the registration roll.
Those freemen who themselves cultivate their allotments of
one acre of land, in which they have a life interest if they
reside in the town, are now entitled to votes. After the
revision of 1865, there were 834 voters in Alnwick parish,
226 of whom claimed as freeholders, 44 as occupiers, and 64
as moor allotees.
END OF YOL. I.
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APPENDIX.
L
CHABTEBS FEOlf THE BE VESC7S TO THE BT7BOESSE8 OF
ALNWICK.
li^am the originalt in the Archive* of the Borough of JUmoick,
1^ Chabtib vbom Wzluax db Yssgt, gbanted bbywmmi thb Ybabs 1167
A2a> 1185. See page 90.
•
Notmn sit onmibus hominibuB preeentibuB et fatnria bano caitam visuxis
▼el auditoria, quod Ego WillelmuB de Vescy conoead et bao mea carta oon-
firmayi homixubus meifl borgexunbiis de Alnewic, tenere de me et de beredibuB
meiB, illi et beredes sui tam libere et quiete, dcut burgenses de Koto Cattro
tenent de domino Bege Anglue, et eciam babere commimam paBtozam in
baidene» et in mora de baydene. Hiia teetibiiB Walteio da bolebec, Bogero
da Statevilla, Jdhanne Vicomite, Bainaldo de Kynebel, et mnltiB aliia.
A seal was affixed, but it ia now broken.
2. Chabtbb vbom Williax db Yebgt, obavtsd BBTWXBir TBI Tbabs 1226
AND 1253. See page 97, and Plate lY. fig 1.
Sciant preBentes et fiituri, quod Ego WiUelmuB de Yesci fllins et beree
Domini Eustacbii de Yesci conoesBi et bac presenti carta mea, confirmayi
Buigenaibiia meia de Alnewic, omnea libertatea et liberaa oonaaetadinea de
me et de beredibua meia aibi et heredibna auia quiete et paoifioe in peipetumn,
tmendaa et babendaa qiuui dominna Bes AngHe oonoeaait BmrgenBibiiB soia
de novo eaatro et qmbiiB libere utantiir. Et etiam coiiunnnfii paatoram de
Haydene et in mora de Haydene decendendo et aacendando par Odlieregate^
adeo libere qniete et paeilice in omnibna, sbat carta Domini WiBebni de
Yeaci avi mei qnam inde babent teataiiir. In fsaym ni taatfanonxiim preaenti
aczipto atgiUom menm appoani Hik teatibiia Domino H. Abtete de A]n»*
wic, WiUehno de Yead fratre meo^ Willefaiio d» Foniffllt "^P^Uelmo le
Latimer, Bogero fiHo Badnlphi, Willelmo da Boac^ Bsdooa la Latimer,
fiimone de Horaeley, et aliia*
Tbe Yeacy aeal atOl leMMM allaflhad ta ftk abavte.
A
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U AFPBNDnU
S. Oraxsbr or Wzlliax in Yimt, oaamtid or 1290. See page 07.
Sdaat preaentes et fbtaxi, quod Kos WiUelmiu de Yescy, frater et lures
Johaonia de Yeacy, dedimua et ooncedixima ac preaenti cazta noaizs cooflr-
iDATUiiiia, Bnxgienaibaa noatiia de Alnewyke, omnea libeitatea et liberaa oon-
anetndinea in omnibiia, aicnt carta 'Willelmi de Yesoy patria noatri, qiiam inde
habent pleniee teatatur, dedimua eciam et oonceeaimna eudam Burgienailnia
noatiia qoaadam pedaa terre in campo de Bondegate que Tocantnr Stotte&Jd-
lialoh et BanweUeatrother cam o]imi1>a8 auia pertinentxia cum comnnma in
Heydene et com omnibua ayaiamentia in Haydenmore in Mariecia, paacoia
et paatnzia, petaiiia, turbaxiia, et bxneriia, et cmn omnibna aliia pertinentili
ania libertatibiia et ayaiamentia quibua nti aolebant temporibaa anteoeaaomm
nostroram, tarn in menae yetito quam extra. Et adendum eat, qnod in boreali
parte vie de Boulton que Tocatur Bonltonatreete uaqne ad aemitam qua
Tooatur Coliergate^ mannmn opna minime fiet per aliqnem pduaqnam pio-
▼ideator per noa et dictoa Bnrgenaeai qnod mannum opna infra prediotaa
bondaa fieri debeat ad oommodiun noatrom, et ad oommodom ipaorom Bnr-
gienainm per jnnctam afwrninnm Et paatora tota ibidem nol|ia et ipaia
BuigeoBibaB jonctim remaneat in oommnnL In oni zei teatimoninm bnie
Scripto Sigillnm nostrum appoauimTia, Et altero ecripto bvjua aeriem oontinenti
xeaidenti penes nos dicti Burgensea Sigillnm sunm oommone apposaenint» Et
adendom est, qnod eidem Bnrgenaea et heredes sui, pro libertate habenda in
Hayden in mense Yetito com suia animalibTis, dabunt nobia et beredi-
bus noatris annuatim duoa solidoe, medietatem ad festom Sancti Martini
et alteram medietatem ad pentiooaten inperpetamn. Teatibna fratro
Alano de Staunford tono Abbate de Alnewycke, Dominia Badnlpho
filio Bogeri, Boberto de Hilton, Alezandro fiUo ejus, Waltero de Oamboa
tone Senescallo, Militibiia Nichole de Haacbille, Herveo de Bilton, Boberto
Harange, Thoma de Bok, Jobanne de Middelton, Willelmo le Meaaager et
aliia. Datmn apod Gatthorp die Dominica proxima ante fiaatmn Sancti
Iffy^i^lif^ ATft^ff Domini milleaimo ducentiaimo nonag^^rOt
n.
Cha&tib or Waltbr bb Qwtttill to Thomas db CKABunroir or ▲ Hovsb
ZN HAnaowQATB, OBAicTSD ABOUT 1290. Scc page 93.
Onmibos ad qnoa preaena scriptmn pervenerit Waltems de Qayttin aalntem
In Domino, Noveritia me dedisse concessiase et carta mea preaenti oonfixmaaat
TbonuB de Charleton foUoni illud meesoaginm cmn pertanentiia m Ahunryk^
qnod ab eodem Thoma quondam emi, aicnt jacet in le Namgate inter terxam
Willelmi Batman ex ntraque parte, habendnm et tenendmn eidem Thcstam
heredibos et aaaignatis auia de capitali domino feodi, adeo libere qniete Integra
bene et in pace, aicnt ego dictom messoaginm aliqnando tenxiiTel tenere poto],
itaqnod neo ego neo heredes mei nee aliqnis nomine nostro in dicto mnasuagio
cam pectinentiifl^ jna vel AUmium in perpetuum yindicare poaaimna; in cujna
rei teatimoninm pnaenti scripto sigiUum memn appoaoL Hxia teatibna
Domino Abbate de Alnewyke, Willehno de Oosewick, Benedieto CkmatabnTario
de Alnewyks^ Jchaoae del Oxen, Willelmo Batmasi et aliia.
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APPENDIX, lU
in.
Obabxie 07 Edwabb L to Bishop Bsk of ▲ 'ULABXxr iin> Fair at ALErwicac,
OBAKTBD IN 1297. Gharfer Boll, 25, Edward I. Bee page 149.
Fro Epuoopo I)imehDU9.
BflK ArohiepiBcopiB, Episoopifl, &c. ScktiB qnod nos conceeBiflBe et hao
carta nostra oonfinnasae venerabili jMttri Antonio Bek, Epucopo Dnnelmensi,
qiiod ipse ei heredea sui imperpetanm habeant unmn mercatum smgulifi septi-
maniB per diem Sabbati apud manexinm sumn de AJnewyk in comitata
NorthiimbriiB, et nnam feriam ibidem aing^alis annis per septem dies dura-
tnxam, videlicet in TigQia et in die Sancti Patricii et per qninque dies
aeqaentes^ nisi mercatum illud et feria ilia sint ad nocumentimi ricinonmi
maroatorom et Ticinarom f exiarom : et qnod habeat liberam warennam in
omnibiis dominicis snis de Alnewyk, Alneham et Tughale, in comitata prai-
dicto ; dnm tamen teirsd ill» non sint in£ra metas f orestas nostro ; xta qnod
HhUqb intret tenras illas ad fiigandum in eis, yel ad aliqnid capendmn quod
ad warenmun perttneat, one licentia et volimtate ejusdem Ajetonii yel berednm
floorum, Ba]>er forisfBictaxam nostram deoem librarum. Quare yolumns et
fizmiter procipimiis, pro nobis et heredibns nostris, quod pnedictns Antoniiis
et heredes sui imperpetaum habeant prssdicta mercatom et feriam apud man-
erimn suum pnedictum, cum omnibus libertatibus et liberie oonsuetudinibus
ad hujusmodi mercatum et feriam pertinentibus ; nisi mercatum illud et feria
Ala sint ad nocumentum yidnorum mercatorum et yicinamm fariarum: et
quod babeant Hberam waxennam in omnibus teiris suis prasdictis ; dum tamen
fterr» ills non sint infra metas forested nostras ; ita quod nullus intret terraa
iUas ad fiigandum in eis, yel ad aliquid capiendum quod ad warennam perti-
neat, sine licentia et yoluntate ipsius Antonii yel heredum suormn, super
foris£Eu:turam nostram decem librarum, eicut prsedictum est Hiis testibus^
Tenerabilibus patribus, W. Elyensi et B. Londinensi Episoopis, Hugone le
Despenser, Galfrido de GeyneyiU, Thoma de Berkleye, Waltero de Bello
Gampo, senescallo hospicii nostri, Johanne Buteturte, Johanna de Merk, et
aliis. Datum per manum nostrum apud Wynohalse^ yioeomo die Angustit
anno regni nostri yicesimo quintow
IV.
GsAMT 07 PoxnTAOB TO THX Mkzt 07 Alnwigk bt Edwabd IIL, dt 1877. Bot
Pat. 61, Edw. nr, m. 19. See page 160.
De pontagio.
Bex balliyis et probis hominibus yillss de Alnewyk in comitata Northum-
brie, salutem. Sdatis quod in auzilium tarn pontis yiUes pr8Bdict» qui
dirutus est et oonfractus ad graye dampnum hominum per pontem ilium
transeuntium, quam yilliB yestrs prsBdictaa payiands, oonoessimus yobis quod
a die oonfectionis prsDsentium, usque ad finem tiium annorum prozime sequen-
tium plenarie oompletorum, capiatis per manus illorom de quibus oonfiditis,
et pro quibus respondere yolueritis, de rebus yenalibus ad dictam yillam
yenientibus et per pontem ilium transeuntibus oonsaetadines subscriptas, fto.,
ut supra.* Testi Bege apud Westmonasterium, xyiii die Aprilis.
* Videlicet^ de qooUbet lammagio bladi yenalis, unum quadzaatem, de
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IV APPENDIX.
qnalibet carecta bladi Tenalis mnim obolnm ; de qnolibei eqao, eqna, boTO^
vel vacca venale unum quadrantem ; de quolibet corio equi et eqasa yeinale
unmn quadrantem ; de qaalibei centena pe^mn capramm, cervomm, bxsBa-
rum damorum venalium unum obolum ; de qualibet centena pellium agnoram,
capriolorum, lepomm, cuniculorum, Yulpium, catonun, et squireUomm TenaH-
mn unum quadrantem; de quolibet snmmagio pannorum yenalium unum
obolum ; de quolibet panno integro Tenale unum quadrantem ; de qualibet
centena linee, teUe, canevacii, pannorum Hibemise, Galawech, et Worstade
Yonalium unum obolum; de quolibet dolio vini vel cervioii yenalis unum
denarrom ; de qualibet carecta mellia venalia unum obolum ; de quolibet
* truflsello pannorum Tenalium ducto per carectam duos denarios ; de qualibet
carecta plumbi venalia unum denarium ; de averio de pondere, adlicet de
centena, unum denarium ; de qualibet peiaa oepi et uncti venalia unam quad-
rantem; de quolibet quarterio waidie venalia, unum obolum; de qualibet
centena de alum, ooporo8», argail, et vertegreaase venalia unum denarium ; de
duobua miliaribua oeparum venalium unum quadrantem ; de deoem ahavia alM
venalia unum quadrantem ; de quolibet miliaii alleda venalia unum quadran-
tem ; de qualibet carectata piacia manni venalia unum quadrantem ; de quali-
bet centena bordi venalia unum quadrantem ; de qualibet mola venale unmn
quadrantem; de quolibet miliari &gettorum venalium unum denarium; de
quolibet quarterio aalia venalia unum quadrantem ; de qualibet peiaa caaei val
butiri venalia unum quadrantem ; de qualibet carectata bnac» et carbonum
venalium per ebdomadam unum obolum ; de quolibet quarterio tanni venalia
unum quadrantem ; de qualibet centena atanni* SBria, et cupri venalia unum
obolimi; de quolibet truaaello merc^onii cujuacumque generia venalia; et
qiialibet alia re venale valoria quinque solidorum bio non apeoificata venienti-
bus ad dietam villam et per villam illam tranaeuntibua, lana, pellibua lamitti^
coriia bovinia et vacoarum, ac ferro exceptia, unum quadrantem.
V.
L1GBN8B TO Wall and Embattlb thb Town of AximricK. Patent BoDa.
Henry YI., p. 1, n. 6. (1434). Bee page 237.
Fro includendo murando et battellando villam de Alne-wyk.
Bex omnibua ad quoa, &c., salutem. Sdatia quod noa oonaideracione^ quod
villa de Alnewyk in comitatu Northumbrisa auper marchiaa et {ronteraa
Bcotie aperta jacet et ita periculose, quod magna pars ejuadem ville per Scotoa
inimicos nostros nnperime oombuata extitit, de aviaamentp et aaaenau oonailii
noatri, conceaaimus licentiam caiiaaimo conaanguineo noatro Henrico Gomxti
Kortbumbrisd, domino dicte ville et Caatri ibidem, ac Burgenaibua ejuadem
ville heredibua et aucceasoribua suia, quod prsddicti dictam villam de Alnewyk
legitime includere murare ciroa totam villam prffidictam, ao mnroa ejuadem
ville battollare et maccheculare, necnon aliaa rea defenaabilea quaacumque
circa et auper eoadem muroa faoere et ordinare valeant, abeque impeticioDe
quacunque erga praafatum comitem aeu Burgenaeaheredes vel exeoutorea auoa^
per noa heredes noatroa aut aliquoa miniatrorum aeu officiariorum nostromm
impoaterum facienda : In cujua, &o. H. B. apud Weatmonaterium, primo
die Junii.
Per breve de privato Sigillo.
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